Man Versus Society in Medieval Islam

Man versus Society in Medieval Islam
Brill Classics in Islam

volume 7
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bcii
(Above) Yusuf in prison and (below) Zuleikha as an old woman before Yusuf. Mid-17th century
Safavid period. Ink on paper H: 19.8 W: 10.4 cm. Iran.
(freer gallery of art, smithsonian institution, washington, d.c.:
purchase, fi953.37)
Man versus Society

in Medieval Islam
By
Franz Rosenthal
Edited by
Dimitri Gutas
leiden | boston
Cover illustration: Dioscurides, Materia medica. Codex medicus Graecus 1, f. 167v, dating from 532ad.
Vienna, sterreichische Nationalbibliothek.
Image of (cannabis sativa), transliterated in Arabic in upper right and, in Hebrew, in lower
left corner, and translated into Arabic as qinnab bustn, garden cannabis, in the left margin, for the benefit
of the illustrator of the Arabic translation. See below, p. 155.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Rosenthal, Franz, 1914-2003, author.
[Works. Selections]
Man versus society in medieval Islam / by Franz Rosenthal ; edited by Dimitri Gutas.
volumes cm.
Includes index.
ISBN 978-90-04-27088-6 (hardback : alk. paper) ISBN 978-90-04-27089-3 (e-book) 1. Islamic civilization.
2. Islamic EmpireSocial life and customs. I. Gutas, Dimitri, editor. II. Title.
DS36.85.R668 2014
305.6'970902dc23
2014002472
This publication has been typeset in the multilingual Brill typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering
Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more
information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface.
issn 1872-5481
isbn 978-90-04-27088-6 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-27089-3 (e-book)
Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Global Oriental and Hotei Publishing.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise,
without prior written permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided
that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite
910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change.
Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted material used in this work.
In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from
copyrights holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle
other permission matters.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Contents
Foreword ix
Dimitri Gutas
Major Reviews of the Reprinted Works xv
Note on the Layout of the Volume xviii
List of Original Publications and Acknowledgments
xix
I.
Introduction: The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History:

Approaches and Methods 1
II.
The Muslim Concept of Freedom Prior to the Nineteenth Century 21
III. The Herb: Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society
131
IV.
Gambling in Islam
335
V.
Sweeter than Hope: Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam
517
VI. The Individual and Society

1
I am youIndividual Piety and Society in Islam 697
2
Gifts and Bribes: The Muslim View 729
3
Cannabis and Alcohol: The Green and the Red 746
4
The Stranger in Medieval Islam 754
5
On Suicide in Islam 797
VII. Sexuality, Gender, and the Family
6
Fiction and Reality: Sources for the Role of Sex in Medieval Muslim
Society 839
7
Male and Female: Described and Compared 862
8
Reflections on Love in Paradise 892
9
Muslim Social Values and Literary Criticism: Reflections on the
adth of Umm Zar 909
10 Child Psychology in Islam 941
viii
contents
VIII. Science and Learning in Society

11 Materials for an Appraisal of Knowledge as a Societal Force 967
12 Al-Asurlb and as-Samawal on Scientific Progress 1001
13 The Defense of Medicine in the Medieval Muslim World 1011
14 The Physician in Medieval Muslim Society 1026
15 Significant Uses of Arabic Writing 1043
16 Of Making Many Books There Is No End: The Classical Muslim
View 1066
Index of Selected Arabic, Persian, and Turkish Words
Index of Some Terms in Other Languages 1106
Indx of Proper Names and Places 1108
Index of Subjects 1133
Index of Qurn Citations 1157
1089
Foreword
The remarkable scholarly career of the most brilliant representative of the
heroic and final stage of classical Orientalism, Franz Rosenthal (19142003),1
was crowned by a series of studies on the historical sociology of pre-modern
Islamic civilization.2 In book after book and article after article for over fifty
years, he studied what he called the tensions and conflicts that existed between individuals and society in medieval Islam, a subject to which he gave
the title Man versus Society in Islam. Rosenthal had initially intended to treat
the subject in a single large work, but the great variety of topics that were
to be treated as well as the vastness and complexity of the available material
made him realize that it would not be possible for [him] to bring to a satisfactory conclusion a comprehensive work such as [he] had envisaged, and he
decided to publish his various studies independently, though he cautioned the
reader that the outlook and emphasis of each study may become clearer if
viewed against the background from which it originated.3 Though each one
of his studies on these topics is itself a highly original, thorough, and authoritative treatment, the full force and significance of the unitary project he originally conceived, the background he speaks about which gives meaning to
the wholethe panorama of pre-modern Muslim social historycannot be
properly perceived and appreciated unless it is read in juxtaposition with the
others. To that end, but also to provide easy access to these scattered studies
and to stimulate further research, they are here reprinted collectively in a single publication, thereby realizing Rosenthals original comprehensive work and
fulfilling a desideratum expressed by others.4
The studies that form part of this projected work and are reprinted in this
collection are, first, four monographs, presented in chronological order: The
1 As I called him in my introductory essay to the reprint of his Knowledge Triumphant, Leiden:
Brill, 2007, p. xiii. Franz Rosenthal was Sterling Professor of Arabic and Semitic Studies at
Yale University (19561985). For his biographical memoir see my obituary in Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society 149.3 (2005) 441446, and, in greater detail, David C. Reismans
In Memoriam: Franz Rosenthal. August 31, 1914April 8, 2003, Aleph 3 (2003) 329342. A
bibliography of his works can be found in Oriens 36 (2001) xiiixxxiv.
2 The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History p. 1; below, p. 3.
3 Foreword to The Muslim Concept of Freedom, p. viii; below, p. 24.
4 E.g., by Ernest Gellner in his review of The Muslim Concept of Freedom in Philosophy, 39.147
(1964) 86.
foreword
Muslim Concept of Freedom Prior to the Nineteenth Century (1960), originally

intended to be the first chapter of the comprehensive work, followed by The
Herb. Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society (1971), Gambling in Islam (1975),
and Sweeter than Hope. Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam (1983). These
are followed by fifteen articles written at different times, clustered under three
headings of my own, The Individual and Society, Sexuality, Gender, and the
Family, and Science and Learning in Society. Exceptionally included under
this last heading, because of its direct relevance, is the final section in Rosenthals Knowledge Triumphant (Chapter VIII,4), Materials for an Appraisal of
Knowledge as a Societal Force, which discusses, along with the other articles
there, societys management of the production and dissemination of knowledge by individual scientists, philosophers, and scholars. They are all introduced, as orientation, by the single article Rosenthal wrote on the method of
his project, The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History: Approaches
and Methods.
Rosenthals core conception and starting point for his enterprise was the
age-old notiontruism, really, perhaps best expressed by Aristotle, that
man is a social animal ( ), according to which man and society
constitute a whole with two correlative entities, one necessitating the other,
one existing only through, and being incomprehensible without, the other. But
man is also an individual with the self-consciousness of an individual, with all
that that implies, making the symbiotic relationship adversarial, one of struggle: it is the struggle between the manifestations of the human constant and
the religious norms devised to tame them somehow for the good of society,5
and hence Rosenthals title, Man versus Society.
The essence of the adversarial relationship hinges on, or is identical with, the
correlative concept of freedom: man is free from something or free to do something, this something being at each instant determined through the relationship. Rosenthal accordingly starts on his project with a discussion of freedom,
being well aware of the relative character of the concept6 and its centrality
in his research. Indeed the concept of freedom was a pivotal concept in Existentialist philosophy which dominated mid-twentieth century intellectual life
in Europe and its extension, or transfer, in the United States. The Existentialist
quest for a freedom that would be beyond its correlative definition, an absolute freedom, leads to the concept of the absurd, and is, in the end, absolutely
5 The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History p. 6; below, p. 10; emphasis added.
6 The Muslim Concept of Freedom, p. 2; below, p. 26.
foreword
xi
incomprehensible, as Karl Jaspers, whom Rosenthal cites, declared.7 These discussions percolated into the popular press also in the United States; in a brief
article introducing French Existentialism in the weekly magazine The Nation,
Jaspers former student and subsequent lifelong friend, Hannah Arendt, stated
succinctly the issue that is at the heart of Rosenthals project:
The French Existentialists are united on two main lines of rebellion:
first, the rigorous repudiation of what they call the esprit srieux;8 and
second, the angry refusal to accept the world as it is as the natural,
predestined milieu of man.9 Lesprit srieux, which is the original sin
according to the new philosophy, may be equated with respectability. The
serious man is one who thinks of himself as president of his business, as
a member of the Legion of Honor, as a member of the faculty, but also as
father, as husband, or as any other half-natural, half social function. For
by so doing he agrees to the identification of himself with an arbitrary
function which society has bestowed. Lesprit srieux is the very negation
of freedom, because it leads man to agree to and accept the necessary
deformation which every human being must undergo when he is fitted into
society.10
This concept of freedom, where the individual struggles against being defined
only in terms of the correlative relationship with society, against the society
which is his creature, his savior, and his oppressor (as Rosenthal eloquently
put it11), crops up in the writings of many peoples and is certainly not restricted
to the Existentialists,12 but it is they who discussed it most vehemently and
brought out its various shades in mid-twentieth century. Rosenthals project
and the problmatique in which it is conceived falls within this broader intellectual context (even if it is irrelevant whether he read the French existentialists or
7
8
9
10
11
12
Ibid. p. 3; below, p. 27.

I.e., spirit of seriousness, a notion elaborated upon mostly by Simone de Beauvoir, though
the views presented here were common to the major French Existentialists.
I.e., in the context of our discussion, the fact that man is a social animal and has meaning
only in this correlative relationship.
The Nation, February 23, 1946, p. 226. All italics are Arendts except for the last sentence
which I emphasize.
The Herb, p. 2; below, p. 135.
As in Herman Melvilles Bartleby the Scrivener (1853), to take an example from nineteenth
century American literature, who would prefer not to be a scrivener. Both Camus and
Sartre admired the American author, on whom they both wrote essays.
xii
foreword
not13), and he sought to analyze and understand the manifold manifestations

of this perennial and universal struggle in medieval Islamic societies.14
The human constant which is pitted against society Rosenthal took from
natural drives and psychological urges and attitudes. To the former belong certainly the sexual drive and, if one is to follow the almost universally acknowledged, by now, thesis of Johan Huizinga in Homo ludens (1938), the instinct
for play. Next to the control of sex as the most pressing issue confronting
human society, Rosenthal begins The Herb, the control of the instinct and
need for play among men has been a matter of constant concern and considerable experimentation. Man is homo ludens, the playing animal . Gambling
is the outstanding example of a playful flight away from harsh reality . The
consumption of stimulants or depressants in solid, liquid, or gaseous form is
another. To each of these two forms of play Rosenthal devoted a monograph,
and to sexuality a number of articles (Part VII).
The psychological urges, desires, and attitudes consist of those intricate
processes of the human mind by which man has tried to gain an understanding
of and thereby at least some degree of control over his inner environment,
including, for example, the specifically human ability to remember and reflect
upon the past and to look ahead toward the future and speculate on it,15 the
theme of the complaint about the times which he investigated at length in
his monograph on Complaint and Hope; or, one of mankinds strongest urges,
mobility, the need or desire to move over short or long distances, which he
studied in the article on The Stranger (Part VI, no. 4); or the individuals
yearning for other-identification [which] reflects the search for an alternative
to social organization as mans best hope for increased personal power, the
theme he presented in the highly original article I am you (Part VI, no. 1);
or mans natural desire to know (to borrow Aristotles opening line in the
13
14
15
Though he did read Jaspers, as already noted. And one may wonder whether it is completely accidental that Rosenthals very first article in this project, On Suicide in Islam
(1946; below, pp. 797836), and his very last, The Stranger in Medieval Islam (1997; below,
pp. 754796), happen to be, respectively, the subject of Albert Camus classic essay, Le
Mythe de Sisyphe (1942), and the title and subject of his equally classic novel, Ltranger.
It is thus quite clear that it is not en raison de la valeur assume par la notion de libert
dans les socits modernes qu il [Rosenthal] cherche analyser cette dernire dans le
monde de l Islam, as D. Sourdel suggested in the review of The Muslim Concept of Freedom,
Arabica 9 (1962) 91. Rosenthal was well aware of the perils of importing modern value
systems in the study of historical societies, against which he guarded himself meticulously,
as will be discussed next.
The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History p. 7; below, p. 11.
foreword
xiii
Metaphysics), the social context and management of which he investigated in

the studies in Part VIII.
The method Rosenthal followed in the execution of his project was basic as
it was arduous. Given the novelty of the subject in Arabic and Islamic studies
and the almost complete lack of previous scholarship, the most immediate
and needed task, he decided, was to provide information on what medieval
Muslims knew about, and how they looked at all these themes that were part
of the project.16 This involved combing and examining the entire written record
in pre-modern Arabic sources. As he described his method,
The only possible approach open to us is the collection of whatever information the sources can be made to yield, combined with the cautious
evaluation of that information on the basis of quantitative and qualitative indications. The main weight of the investigation has to be carried by
the sheer accumulation of evidence. It may be contended that the following discussion is too much oriented toward verbal usage, words plain
and simple, and that too little attention is paid to implicit evidence
where the thought processes underlying them can be presumed to be
present. [I]t is hardly true that it makes no difference which words
are used once the intended meaning is understood. Meanings become
clear to us only after we have painstakingly connected them with certain
words. It is the words, each one of them with multiple shades of meaning,
that, slogan-like, have a life of their own and exercise a powerful influence
upon emotions and attitudes. Therefore, our preference for words serves
the valuable purpose of bringing us as close as possible to developing a
feeling for seeing things as the people of the past themselves did. It helps
us to avoid as much as possible speculation about what existed and was
active only subconsciously and is perceived by us as existing only as the
result of our substituting our own ways of thinking.17
The result is the presentation in this volume of a vast amount of material,
expertly collected and judiciously translated to reflect the meaning it had at
its time, thereby enabling a historically accurate understanding of medieval
Islamic societies and deflecting the importation in our interpretations of
modern views, tendencies, and ideological agenda. As Rosenthal noted, the
developing of interpretational generalities was not his aim for [i]t is not the
16
17
The Herb, p. 3; below, p. 136.

Sweeter than Hope, pp. viiiix; below, pp. 521522; emphasis added.
xiv
foreword
generalities but the details that count . It is more important to explain and
preserve the information provided by the indigenous sources on their own
terms, in the hope that the mosaic thus put together will form a meaningful
picture.18 In particular, he warned, a dogmatic hankering for general conclusions may merely compromise any true gains.19
This mosaic of a work is to be studied as much for the meaningful picture
of medieval Islamic societies which the arrangement of the pieces in this collection depicts as for the brilliance of each individual piece, and as much for
its contents as for its method. Especially significant are the many discussions
of terminology, the via regia to a historical understanding of events and concepts, but also of feelings and emotions; they make this reprint a standard
work of reference, to be consulted on technical terms for the various subjects
treated.20 The indices of terms and of names and selected topics in the original monographs have accordingly been unified, and entries from the articles,
not indexed before, have been incorporated. This new whole, which reflects,
I trust, the comprehensive work originally envisaged by Rosenthal and commemorates the centennial of his birth, is more than the sum of its parts and
will provide new impetus and an abundant wealth of material to the study of
the social history of the medieval Islamic world.
Dimitri Gutas
Yale University
December 2013
18
19
20
The Herb, pp. 34; below, p. 136.

The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History p. 11; below, p. 20. This lecture,
which was delivered in 1980, is Rosenthals only essay on methodology, brief discussions
in the introductions to some of his monographs apart, and it constitutes, it would seem,
his direct response both to charges that the Orientalist approach essentializes or reifies Islam (Edward Saids Orientalism appeared in 1978) and to its misapplication by
OrientalistsSaids targetwho actually did that. He restated this understanding of the
golden mean in method in the concluding paragraph of Sweeter than Hope, p. 150; below,
pp. 693694. But Rosenthal had already delivered, thirty years before Said, a scathing
critique of culturally biased, unreflective, and, in the end, ignorant Orientalists in the
Introduction to his The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1947, pp. 25), where he decried, among other failures, their
misconceptions which viewed the political history of Islam as a monotonous succession of despots, its cultural history as an even more monotonous repetition of the identical
forms and ideas, and its religious history as a petrified fossil carefully handed down from
generation to generation.
As astutely noted by R.B. Serjeant in his review of Gambling in Islam in Bulletin of the School
of Oriental and African Studies, 40.3 (1977) 617.
Major Reviews of the Reprinted Works

II
The Muslim Concept of Freedom Prior to the Nineteenth Century.

Reviewed by:
Elmer H. Douglas, Middle East Journal, 15.4 (1961) 470472.

Ernest Gellner, Philosophy, 39.147 (1964) 8586.
Ann K.S. Lambton, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 25.1/3 (1962)
170171.
D. Sourdel, Arabica, 9 (1962) 9193.
III
The Herb. Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society. Reviewed by:
Lenn Evan Goodman, Middle East Journal, 28.1 (1974) 8687.

Sami Hamarneh, Pharmacy in History, 15.2 (1973) 98.
Fritz Meier, Oriens, 25/26 (1976) 368370.
R.B. Serjeant, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 35.3 (1972) 633636.
Jerry Stannard, Isis, 63.4 (1972) 580581.
IV
Gambling in Islam. Reviewed by:
R.B. Serjeant, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 40.3 (1977) 617.
Reinhard Wieber, Die Welt des Islams, 18.1/2 (1977) 145148.
Sweeter than Hope. Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam.

Reviewed by:
M. Arkoun, Arabica, 34.3 (1987) 387388.

J. Janssens, Tijdschrift voor Filosofie, 47.4 (1985) 663.
xvi
VI.1
major reviews of the reprinted works
I am youIndividual Piety and Society in Islam, in:

Individualism and Conformity in Classical Islam, ed. by A. Banani
and S. Vryonis Jr. Reviewed by:
Josef van Ess, Die Welt des Islams, 19.1/4 (1979) 227228.
J. Wansbrough, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 41.3 (1978) 595.
VII.6
Fiction and Reality: Sources for the Role of Sex in Medieval

Muslim Society, in: Society and the Sexes in Medieval Islam, ed. by
A. Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot. Reviewed by:
C.E. Bosworth, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1 (1981)
7778.
Valerie J. Hoffman, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 41.4 (1982) 315316.
G.H.A. Juynboll, Journal of Arabic Literature, 12 (1981) 161163.
Albert Perdue, Journal of Asian History, 14.2 (1980) 149150.
VII.8
Male and Female: Described and Compared, in: Homoeroticism in

Classical Arabic Literature, ed. by J.J. Wright and E.K. Rowson.
Reviewed by:
Amila Buturovic, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 31.2 (1999) 291293.
Miriam Cooke, Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 34.1 (2000) 9596.
Sabine Schmidtke, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 62.2 (1999)
260266.
Seth Ward, South Atlantic Review, 64.1 (1999) 173176.
VIII.15 Significant Uses of Arabic Writing, Ars Orientalis 4 (1961) 1523,

repr. in his Four Essays on Art and Literature in Islam. Reviewed by:
Yolande Crowe, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2 (1973)
164165.
Richard Ettinghausen, Artibus Asiae, 34.4 (1972) 353354.
Gza Fehrvri, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 35.3 (1972) 687.
M.J. Zwettler, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 95.3 (1975) 488490.
major reviews of the reprinted works
xvii
VIII.16 Of Making Many Books There Is no End: The Classical Muslim

View, in: The Book in the Islamic World. The Written Word and
Communication in the Middle East, ed. by G.N. Atiyeh. Reviewed by:
James M. Dening, Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 30.1 (1996) 7879.
Tammy Lynn Johnson, The Library Quarterly, 66.4 (1996) 476478.
James E. Montgomery, Journal of Arabic Literature, 27.3 (1996) 272273.
William Smyth, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 117.3 (1997) 588589.
Paul Starkey, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 25.2 (1998) 329330.
Roberto Tottoli, Oriente Moderno, 16 (77), No. 1 (1997) 133134.
Note on the Layout of the Volume

All works reprinted in this volume have been typeset anew from the original
publications whose text they reproduce exactly. Minor misprints have been
tacitly corrected. The occasional references and remarks whose addition in the
notes was indispensable are placed in square brackets and signed as Ed[itor].
The numbering of footnotes, wherever it was continuous within a chapter or article in the original publication, was also reproduced exactly. In the
three cases where the numbering of the footnotes in the original publication
resumed anew on each page (in works III, VIII.11 and VIII.15), the numbering
in this reprint was changed to continuous, but the original number of the note
was also included in small superscript numbers just before the note. In the case
of VIII.11, the original numbers given in superscript are those of the first edition
of the work (1970); in the 2007 reprint, however, the numbers were changed to
continuous, but these were necessarily omitted.
Each reprinted monograph bears a Roman numeral, and each reprinted
article a Roman numeral followed by an Arabic numeral, as listed in the Table
of Contents. The page numbers of the original publications are entered in the
margins of this reprint to help identify earlier references.
The original indexes to each separate monograph have been combined in
this reprint, together with new entries from the articles which had not been
indexed. They have been edited for accuracy in this combined format, to help
identify individuals with similar names and locate the significant terms discussed, but also for concision, to avoid expansion beyond measure in an already
bulky volume: all material in the body of the text has been included in the
appropriate index, but references in the footnotes to reference works (Brockelmann, Sezgin, EI, etc.,) have not been included, while mere citations in the
footnotes, without discussion, to secondary literature and to primary source
books (historical and biographical works, poetic collections, etc.) have been
included only selectively. In the Index of Proper Names personalities are listed
according to the most commonly used part of their name and cross references
to the other parts have been kept to a minimum. The transliteration system of
the Encyclopaedia of Islam Three was used in the indexes, given the variation
in the original transliteration of Arabic names, inevitable in works published
over half a century in publications with varying transliteration conventions and
guidelines; it is hoped that this will present no problems to the reader.
DG
List of Original Publications and Acknowledgments

The publishers and I gratefully acknowledge permission to reprint the works
which originally appeared in the following publications:
I
II
III
IV
V
VI.
1
2
3
4
5
VII.
6
[Introduction]. The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History: Approaches and Methods (The Third Annual United Arab Emirates Lecture
in Islamic Studies, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, October 9,
1980), Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, 1981. 14pp.
The Muslim Concept of Freedom Prior to the Nineteenth Century, Leiden:
Brill, 1960. 133pp.
The Herb. Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society, Leiden: Brill, 1971.
218pp.
Gambling in Islam, Leiden: Brill, 1975. 192pp.
Sweeter than Hope. Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam, Leiden: Brill,
1983. 160pp.
The Individual and Society

I am youIndividual Piety and Society in Islam, in: Individualism
and Conformity in Classical Islam, ed. by A. Banani and S. Vryonis Jr.
(Fifth Giorgio Levi della Vida Biennial Conference), Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz, 1977, 3360.
Gifts and Bribes: The Muslim View, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Sociery 108 (1964) 135144.
Cannabis and Alcohol: The Green and the Red, in: Marihuana biological
effects, ed. by G.G. Nahas and Sir W.D.M. Patton, Oxford; New York: Pergamon Press, 1979, 739745.
The Stranger in Medieval Islam, Arabica 44 (1997) 3575.
On Suicide in Islam, Journal of the American Oriental Society 66 (1946)
239259.
Sexuality, Gender, and the Family

Fiction and Reality: Sources for the Role of Sex in Medieval Muslim
Society, in: Society and the Sexes in Medieval Islam, ed. A. Lutfi al-Sayyid
xx
9
10
VIII.
11
12
13
14
15
16
list of original publications and acknowledgments
Marsot (Sixth Giorgio Levi della Vida Biennial Conference), Malibu, California: Undena Publications, 1979, 322.
Male and Female: Described and Compared, in: Homoeroticism in Classical Arabic Literature, ed. J.W. Wright Jr. and Everett K. Rowson, N.Y.:
Columbia University Press, 1997, 2454.
Reflections on Love in Paradise, in: Love and Death in the Ancient Near
East: Essays in Honor of M.H. Pope, ed. by John H. Marks and Robert
M. Good, Guilford, Connecticut, and Los Angeles: Four Quarters Pub. Co.,
1987, 247254.
Muslim Social Values and Literary Criticism: Reflections on the adth
of Umm Zar, Oriens 34 (1994) 3156.
Child Psychology in Islam, Islamic Culture 26 (1952) 122.
Science and Learning in Society

Materials for an Appraisal of Knowledge as a Societal Force, from Knowledge Triumphant, Leiden: Brill, 1970, Chapter VII.4, pp. 298333.
Al-Asurlb and as-Samawal on Scientific Progress, Osiris 9 (1950) 555
564.
The Defense of Medicine in the Medieval Muslim World, Bulletin of the
History of Medicine 43 (1969) 519532.
The Physician in Medieval Muslim Society, Bulletin of the History of
Medicine 52 (1978) 475491.
Significant Uses of Arabic Writing, Ars Orientalis 4 (1961) 1523, repr. in
his Four Essays on Art and Literature in Islam (The L.A. Mayer Memorial Studies in Islamic Art and Archeology, vol. II), Leiden: Brill, 1971, 50
62.
Of Making Many Books There Is no End: The Classical Muslim View,
in: The Book in the Islamic World: the Written Word and Communication in
the Middle East, ed. G.N. Atiyeh (Papers presented at a conference held
Nov. 89, 1989, at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.), Albany, N.Y.:
State University of New York Press, 1995, 3355.
We would also like to acknowledge our gratitude to the sterreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna and to the Freer Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C., for
permission to reproduce the cover image and the frontispiece, respectively.
A personal and warm word of thanks is due to Koninklijke Brill NV for the
realization of this project. I am particularly indebted to Joed Elich and Kathy
van Vliet, who eagerly embraced my idea to bring Rosenthals envisaged work
list of original publications and acknowledgments
xxi
on Man versus Society to actuality by reprinting all the related works in one
volume and supported it throughout, and to Renee Otto, Ellen Girmscheid and
their team of type-setters and indexer who saw it through the process and
brought it to fruition with expertise and professionalism.
Dimitri Gutas
i
Introduction
koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/9789004270893_003
The Study of Muslim Intellectual and

Social History: Approaches and Methods
I want to speak here about a complex of subjects that has reached the status of a
science only in this century. It was not defined and studied before as a widely
cultivated coherent body of knowledge set apart from other sciences. Although
it may lay claim roughly to the name of historical sociology, it remains rather
amorphous. With respect to the past history of Islam, its principal concern
is with the interaction and effect of intellectual, psychological, and societal
phenomena. My topic here, which I approach with due hesitation, deals with
some of the directions which Islamicists have shown themselves familiar with
in their work but might do well to follow with increased seriousness in years to
come.
The modern history of this research had, of course, no sudden beginning
at any one given moment. Like any other intellectual endeavor, it developed
slowly over several centuries. Even in Islamic studies, a relative newcomer
in Western scholarly activity, occasional research along what can be called
sociological lines was done already in the seventeenth century. It continued
to find attention when Islamic studies started their forward march around the
second half of the nineteenth century. While their development since then has
been tremendous, it has, on the whole, been quite haphazard. This is nothing
to be astonished, chagrined, or indignant about. Islam as an object of research
is after all an enormously vast expanse for scholarship to roam in, one much
larger than most, and certainly not smaller than any other, fields of research.
Thinking of Islam as the common denominator for scholarship is in itself a
sort of hubris or, perhaps more accurately, an admission of ignorance. Thus,
whatever research has been done could not help being partial and incomplete.
It need hardly be said that many undiscovered or underutilized areas of study
exist and are still to be staked out.
For a long time now, the key word that governs any worthwhile scholarly
activity has been progress. Intellectual work of any description might just as
well be left undone if it cannot be viewed as somehow constituting progress.
The meaning of what we call progress was not left entirely undebated in Islam.
Understandably it was submerged there under the more obvious phenomenon
of change. Temporal change was commonly seen as cyclical, but thinkers such
as Ibn Khaldnand he was not alonefelt that there was a slow accumulation of material and intellectual growth in the historical process, constituting a
sort of, as we might put it, intermittent progress. The nature of progress has
i. [introduction]
recently become again a subject of much forceful discussion. In the natural

sciences, it is basically understood as the process of accumulating more and
more knowledge unavailable before. This appears also to be the easiest way
to define progress in the humanities. Here, however, the newness of any work
done is much harder to assess, since research in the history of the past is in
the first place a process of recovery. It is always a legitimate question whether
the recovered material constitutes progress in that it not merely adds useful
information to existing knowledge but influences, if ever so little, its total complexion. A scientist may very well complain about the unrelievedly deplorable
story of earlier medicine1 and contend that there was, practically speaking,
no medical knowledge before the later nineteenth century. If this were so, we
humanists might very well ask ourselves what could be the point in | publishing
long forgotten medical works. The simple answer must be that every recovered bit of the past has at least the potential of stimulating an expansion of
knowledge and insight and thereby contributing to progress. In a more profound and, indeed, fundamental sense, it has sometimes been contended in
recent years that the very idea of progress is, at best, an illusion and, at worst,
mankinds shorcut to extinction and that there are limits and verities discovered long ago but distorted and abandoned that determine how far mankind
can prudently go in its quest for intellectual and material betterment. If there
is anything to these contentions, which I find hard to believe, it might perhaps
be assumed that the truth as always lies somewhere in the middle. Progress is
possible and necessary, but it is not straightforward and often leads into dark
and polluted blind alleys. As far as the mere accumulation of knowledge as a
means of progress is concerned, it can happen that quantity increases at times
too rapidly at the expense of quality and, even worse, may reach a stage where
it becomes overpowering. There is little doubt in my mind that the enormous
growth of knowledge during the early centuries of Islam played an important
role in producing the much discussed relative stagnation of intellectual life in
later centuries, which impresses us as failure, even if it possessed all the outward appearances of increasing subtlety and sophistication. There simply was
so much knowledge to be preserved with very restricted means of preservation that scholars were kept busy with devising ways of preserving it. They
could justly be proud of and satisfied with the skilful mastery of their great
heritage and be deceived, they themselves as well as their audience, into forgetting the need for going beyond formality and accumulationthe need for
progress.
1 Cf. Lewis Thomas, in Daedalus, 106, 3 (summer 1977), 163.
the study of muslim intellectual and social history
One of the most successful approaches to producing not only an illusion

of progress but, with skill and luck, some reality of it was the classification
of knowledge. Its starting point, the specialization of human activity, is coextensive with human development and observable in the earliest times. As a
conscious means of influencing intellectual development, the classification of
knowledge made its appearance in Greek civilization. Aristotles name and
work were the outstanding symbol for its power and steady growth. It was
naturally taken over but then refined to an unprecedented degree by Muslim
scholars, secular and religious thinkers alike. Through it all, the unity of all
knowledge remained a concept that was defended in epistemology as well as
metaphysics. It held a strong attraction in a world view that was fundamentally
unitarian. The philosophical and religious underpinning of the classification
of knowledge in Islam customarily was the unity of all knowledge, and the
interdependence of all sciences was always stressed. Knowledge is one and
desirable, even though its individual manifestations differ in value. The ubiquity and variety of classification schemes indicates that they were the ruling
force in Muslim scholarship. A noticeable tendency to come up with more and
more subdivisons can be discerned in the course of time. More and more sciences in their own right were built into the system until their number reached
into the hundreds. The more important a subject matter was in Muslim eyes,
the greater was the number of disciplines to which it gave rise. For instance,
scholars would outdo themselves in ascribing innumerable subdivisions to the
Qurnic sciences. Their effort also shows how deeply ingrained was the dangerous assumption that subdivision and classification constituted an avenue
toward understanding. If, the unspoken argument went, you devote specialized attention, a specialized, quasi-independent science, to each letter of the
Holy Book, you stood a better chance to fathom its mysteries and understand
it | bettera fallacy if ever there was one. The independence of most of these
disciplines was, of course, not absolute. They continued to be cultivated in
close dependence upon the major fields of knowledge to which they originally belonged. Yet, an impressive framework for expansion and progress was
created. Not unexpectedly, the fields of knowledge most relevant to Muslim
society continued to receive by far the greatest share of attention, as attested by
the mountains of books devoted to them. The natural sciences were unable to
keep up and compete with them. The humanities and societal sciences, always
strong, were the greatest beneficiaries.
The same process of subdivision with a view toward autonomy for newly
established fields of research has dominated the development of intellectual
activity in Europe. It has now taken on greater dimensions than ever before.
Our modern university organization is the most obvious beneficiary, and
i. [introduction]
victim, of the process. The idea of effecting progress through setting up special
kinds of knowledge as disciplines in their own right has taken hold and appears
to be here to stay. The unity of all knowledge is still viewed with awe by some as
the ultimate truth, one, however, that is infinitely remote from the normal life
and work of scholars whose vision of potential progress is necessarily restricted
to their respective disciplines.
Historians of the past must not, even if they could, disregard the concerns of
the present, if their efforts are to achieve their full measure of effectiveness.
This means trying to keep in touch with conceptual progress made. In our
particular case, it means becoming involved with methods and approaches
that become visible in new disciplines, provided they are arguably more than
passing fashions. In this endeavor, in which Islamic historians have become
involved in recent years, an indispensable precondition is concern for the
preservation of the integrity of the past. In studying, for instance, the economic
factors in society, we must not forget that the very fact that they commanded
limited attention in Muslim sources indicates that they were viewed as much
less central than we are inclined to view them and that, therefore, they are
indeed less central for an understanding of Muslim society. The vast majority of
Muslim thinkers stressed the obvious material basis of human life but beyond
that cared little for material factors as building blocks of society and history. For
them, these factors were less significant, and while we may regret the resulting
relative scarcity of available data, it is the decisive point. Still, there are those
areas of research, particularly of a sociological and psychological nature, which
in modern times tend to be considered as independent sciences, something
they were not in the past. Giving them their proper due in our research is a
task that to a large part lies still ahead of us.
The source situation must be our first and foremost consideration. Ultimately, any historical research is determined by the sources that are, or may
become, available. Straying all too far afield is counterproductive. Jurisprudence, theology, poetry, philology, philosophythese, in approximately descending order, are the most productive sources for the Islamicists labors. They
present us, moreover, with large, well-established and highly developed sets of
constantly discussed problems. Since the particular information we are looking for here does not belong into this mainstream, it cannot be expected to
be as plentiful and as easily accessible. It is, on the contrary, widely scattered
and requires a painstaking and often frustrating effort of collecting, piecing
together, and fighting, against great odds, for some acceptable synthesis. Given
the inevitable scarcity of information, if measured against the geographical and
historical | sweep of the Muslim world, we will always have to be satisfied with
suggestive fragmentary sketches rather than complete and coherent pictures.
The realization that full success will never be within our grasp should be no
deterrent. After all, this is more or less the fate of all historical research. Even if
we shall never be able to ascertain, for instance, the precise amount of money
spent anywhere in the past on drugs such as hashish, this does not mean that
we should not raise the question of the economic importance of hashish consumption for Muslim society or refrain from speculation about the existing possibilities, no matter how uncertain and in the end presumably inconclusive it
may be. The important thing is to find enough source material to justify raising
the problem, regardless of the likelihood or unlikelihood of finding a solution.
Where, we may ask, do we have the best chance of success when we look for
information on societal problems of obvious concern to us but not important
enough for medieval Muslims most of the time to have received their undivided
attention? Fortunately, their curiosity and powers of observation were varied
enough to have left many traces and clues. The search for universal traits
in the human psyche as well as in human social organization has produced,
among other things, the vast collection of miscellaneous but not unconnected
topics called adab literature. If these adab works are addressed with the right
questionsthat, of course, being the questions we wish to find answers for,
they will inevitably yield some information and, moreover, often indicate the
most promising directions for our search to take.
Adab essays and encyclopaedias nearly always place heavy reliance upon
poetical quotations. While this reflects literary style and tradition, it has its
intrinsic justification. Poetry, more than anything else, served to express basic
human feelings and attitudes, and these were also often feelings and attitudes
officially frowned upon by society and thus given short shrift as if they were
non-existing. It was the poets who were allowed to talk freely about drinking
wine or about sexual behavior in a manner that would have been unacceptable in serious discussion and was therefore included in scholarly literature
only under special circumstances and rather rarely. The correlation between
feelings and attitudes poetically expressed and societal reality and practice is
clearly a matter of speculation, but in Muslim creative writing, the world of
imagination has a truth of its own which is more revealing than the knowledge
whether or not a given poet did live up to his bacchantic ecstasies and frivolous
thoughts.
Linguistic conventions in all their variety, the working capital of Arabic
poetry and artistic prose, may also be illuminating. For example, in Islam where
play was banned from serious consideration by adults as it largely was, the
poets constant striving for recalling and modifying inherited metaphors that
made use of play, or even inventing new ones, is remarkable for those in
our time who suspect that a fundamental insight lies in the view of man as
i. [introduction]
homo ludens, the playful animal. Valuable indications from linguistic usage
are, of course, not restricted to poetry and artistic prose but may be found
everywhere in a civilization distinguished by its great reverence for language.
Specialized linguistic works are useful by the way they define words and by
the attempts to establish subtle distinctions in their meanings. And, although
it is a risky enterprise and the necessary qualifications for it are nowadays
no longer commonly found among Islamicists, the implications of etymology
derived principally from the comparative study of the Semitic languages are
not without heuristic value.
While adab literature, popular literature, and poetry are the main treasure
troves | of information, some, often a good deal, of it may be found nearly
everywhere one looks. Jurisprudence had much contact with the realities of
life, no matter how much weight it put upon traditional formulation. The
comparatively rare collections of actual, not just theoretical, fatws remain to
be explored. The law books can also teach us a lot by what they chose to discuss
seldom or disregarded entirely. The abundance of historical and biographical
works still awaits analysis of the data they more conceal than exhibit in the way
of evidence for economics, societal organization, social attitudes, and the like.
Needless to say, there is, in fact, no document of the past that might not yield
valuable bits of information for our quest. Material relics and, in particular,
works of art such as paintings can also be extremely useful for our purposes;
even the lack of them or their failure to provide an answer to a question
addressed to them may be meaningful.
Since the building blocks for our work are not found together but have to
be collected from many potential sources, which are almost overwhelming
in number and size, this is the kind of research for which technical assistance seems highly desirable and may even turn out to be indispensable. A
strong case can be made for computerization. Some obviously useful first steps
have been taken in this direction in other fields of Islamic studies, such as,
for instance, with respect to the indexing of proper names in the large and
important French-sponsored project, Onomasticon Arabicum. Lexicographical
studies are next in line as in the attempt just begun in Germany under the
leadership of G. Endress to work up comparative Graeco-Arabic word lists and
dictionaries. In our particular context, the first task would seem to be the indexing of a large number of adab works of all descriptions, in order to get at the
often incidental information they contain. As I once tried to demonstrate for
a couple of pages of one of them,2 nearly every page of this literature pro-
2 Cf. Oriens, 20 (1967), 240.
vides details on all sorts of topics of sometimes major, usually, of course, minor,
importance for social and intellectual historians. Only when all the relevant
details are collected as comprehensively as possible will it be possible to analyze them and assess their significance. This is a task which unaided human
power can accomplish at best only to a very limited extent. It will be necessary
to enlist the mechanical devices available for it. This will inevitably happen,
but the time to begin with it, perhaps first with one of the adab encyclopaedias or, say, one of the essays of al-Ji, appears to have come. Initially, and
most importantly, it will be necessary to define the topics for which evidence
should be identified and registered. The choice will naturally vary according
to the prevailing conditions of intellectual life in a given period. If a scholar
had approached the task a century ago, his choice of topics would no doubt
have been different from what it is likely to be today, and todays choice will no
doubt be criticized by future generations. But it is imperative to try to gain clarity at least in outline about the areas which can be expected to enrich future
treatment of Islamic intellectual and social history.
Economics would clearly seem to be one of them. Muslim biographical
information is extraordinarily rich, but an understanding of how, for instance,
scholars and civilian officials, to name only the best documented segment of
the population, provided for their livelihood and how much they earned is
still limited to general observations. In Mamlk times, a young student from a
merchant family (Ibn ajar) would travel with a caravan ostensibly on business
but, in fact, use the opportunity as a sort of travel and study grant. A scholar
with a large family to support (Ibn Qulbugh) would have to | rely on legal
work of some sort and occasional grants to make ends meet. Such stray items we
have, but details and figures are still missing. The biographical literature did pay
some but not much attention to such matters, as they were considered trivial
and, any way, self-evident. It remains for us to dig up all the evidence we can.3
Modern scholarly interest in economic matters has expectedly been great and
much important work has been done, helped by the fortunate circumstance
that at least some documentary material is also available. But much remains
to be learned from the scattered references, for instance, in histories about
administrative and military expenditures or about the effects of inflation and
taxation, and many other related subjects. All of it involves a still greater and
concerted effort.
3 For some studies of the biographical literature for quantitative purposes, cf. F.M. Douglas, in
Studia Islamica 51 (1980), 138, n. 2.
10
i. [introduction]
A part of economics, if you will, but something probably even more important for the general historian is quantitative population research. The sporadic
efforts made so far to establish the facts and effects of population density have
laid the groundwork but with uneven results. The relative numerical strength of
the urban and rural population and its changes over shorter and longer periods
of time, the question, for instance, of the ratio of physicians to population,4 the
vexing problem of numerical strength and distribution in the armed forces, the
old irritant of round and exaggerated figuresall these matters require much
further research. What answers will be forthcoming and how satisfactory they
will be, depends on the individual subject and is difficult to foresee, but the
attempt to exhaust the evidence hidden in the sources will have to be made.
Another aspect of population research of a qualitative nature must also be studied much more intensively. It largely concerns the organization of classes in
society. Continued efforts must be made to clarify our understanding of social
stratification in Muslim society and the conflict of Islamic ideals in this respect
with inherited non-Islamic theories and the given reality. The great variety of
crafts, professions, and groups at the fringes of society can, as has been shown,
be profiled much more sharply from the sources now available.
There is hope that contemporary documents, which are needed to flesh out
whatever can be gathered from literary sources, will become available in larger
numbers when an intensified search is made for them. Every medievalist is
by now aware of the documents from the Jewish Geniza in Egypt masterfully
exploited by S.D. Goitein with great benefit for Islamic studies. We must admit,
though, that documentary evidence gives the students of the European Middle
Ages their one great advantage over their Islamicist colleagues. It is safe to say
that no matter how much more documentary material will be discovered in the
Near East, it will not come close in quantity, and often also in quality, to what
has been preserved from medieval Europe.
By contrast, we are fully competitive, if not actually at an advantage, with
respect to the study of the changing, or unchanging, attitudes that existed
toward society and religion, toward beliefs and institutions. The struggle between the manifestations of the human constant and the religious norms
devised to tame them somehow for the good of society has left many clear
traces in the sources. One has only to follow them in order to discover situations not only of significance for the study of Muslim society but also of general
applicability to the human condition. The problems of man and society were
often clearly revealed in official attitudes and not infrequently discussed widely
4 Cf. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 52 (1978), 479 f. [See article VIII.14, p. 1026 below. Ed.]
11
and in depth. It remains for us to study the relationship of action and fact
to these attitudes. The difficulties and potential rewards are quite similar to
those well-known | to the students of Muslim jurisprudence. As has already
been mentioned, the legal norms are expounded in a massive literature, but
how they were applied, or not applied, in life is a matter of debate. For this,
there exists no extensive source literature, but it has to be ascertained by the
slow and devious collection and study of widely scattered clues. Hardly more
than a beginning has been made with the careful investigation of the many
areas in which the known or presumed official attitudes and rules remained in
painful conflict with reality, or of the rarer areas in which they did not conflict
but on the contrary succeeded in shaping reality in their image, at least to some
degree. As an example each for the two situations, we might refer to the socially
important attitudes toward suicide and the use of certain drugs. In the former
case, it appears that official Muslim attitudes largely asserted themselves. In
the second, they were by and large ineffective.
A subdivision within this large field is the study of themes that we know, or at
least believe we know, determine in a most decisive manner the way in which
society functions in the long run. Their universal human character makes it
unlikely that they would have remained unnoticed in Islam where intellectuals have always been highly sensitive and observant in probing psychological
phenomena. Those intricate processes of the human mind by which man has
tried to gain an understanding of and thereby at least some degree of control
over his inner environment have naturally always been operative, even when
limitations of a technical nature curtailed systematic expression. It admits of
little doubt that the general mood created by them has the power, commensurate in each case to its intensity, to influence the workings of society and
thus indirectly the course of history. The kind of attitude, for instance, that is
taken toward change and progress, clearly determines action to a large extent.
The political climate created by views on the respective rights of government
and individual is beyond a doubt the most powerful agent of history and with
respect to Islam deserves more study than has been devoted to it so far. A fundamental determinant of individual and societal behavior and of the proper
utilization of the opportunities of the present derives from the specifically
human ability to remember and reflect upon the past and to look ahead toward
the future and speculate on it. The manner in which this ability was viewed in
Muslim civilization and analyzed by Muslim thinkers has many aspects also
found elsewhere, but also some of its own. It has seemed to me worthwhile in
recent years to see how much can be found about this subject.
Thus, the theme of the complaint about the times winds its path through
Muslim literature. It includes views on the good old days, on the enjoyment
12
i. [introduction]
of the present, on the problems of an independently active or manmade fate.

On the whole, it leaves us with the impression of the predominance of a rather
pessimistic mood. How pervasive this mood really was and in which way and
to what extent it determined actionthese are the real questions. They are
more easily raised than answered. Indeed, they call forth generalizations and
apodictic conclusions which are to be approached with the greatest caution.
The view of the future is possibly determinative of human behavior, individual and collective, to an even greater degree than the view of the past. With
regard to the future, the word hopewhich happens to have sharply defined
Arabic equivalentsis the operative concept. In Islam, hope was rightly seen
as intimately connected with many other concepts such as wishing, desiring,
expecting, and so on, and with its opposites | such as fearing and despairing. The aspects of hope attested in the sources are manifold. Among other
things they show a clash between the religious and secular points of view and
a marked tension between Islam and the pre-lslamic Arabian heritage. Here,
for once, our sources are comparatively plentiful as well as explicit, and I feel
confident that the available material will eventually enable us to learn about
and clarify attitudes that had a definite measure of historical import.5
Another relevant theme is that of the role of competitiveness in Muslim
society on which I would like to make a few suggestions here. Clearly, the
strength of the competitive drive and the forms it takes in a given society shape
the lives of individuals in relation to their fellow human beings and to their
society.
Little as we know about pre-lslamic Arabian society, it seems rather certain
that it was imbued with a highly competitive spirit. The famous boasting
and love of contests, indicated by the term mufkharah and tafkhur, was
apparently much more than the literary topic as which it is so prominently
attested. It is the expression of a competitive spirit so deeply rooted in society
that it came to be enshrined in intellectual activity. The very existence of the
qtala/taqtala formation may be seen as having significance in this context.
From a social point of view, it seems to be indicative of a strong tendency to
stress the competitive nexus between an individuals feelings and actions and
his position in society. This impression is in a way strengthened and, perhaps,
confirmed by the unprecedented expansion this verbal formation enjoyed in
Muslim times, which went far beyond the requirements of simple linguistic
communication.
5 More on the subject of complaint and hope will be said in an essay soon to be completed.
[Work V, pp. 517694 below. Ed.]
13
The predilection shown for comparisons to establish the most poetic of

poets or the most admirably poetic verse of poetry has the same psychological
background. Such comparisons are very much in the nature of literary life, or, at
least, so it seems to us who are conditioned by long tradition to consider it natural to ask whether Homer or Hesiod was the greater poet.6 What is remarkable,
is their long preservation and constant repetition all through Muslim literature
as if these comparisons touched upon something more basic than mere poetic
rivalry.
The popularity of afal proverbs shows the same desire to establish a competitive rank order. A tenth-century littrateur tells us that some people had
succeeded in being acknowledged as most outstanding in some respect. The
connection in which this statement is made is amusing but perhaps also in a
way significant. It should be considered noteworthy, our author says, that such
afal proverbs existed for everything except reason. No aqal-min more intelligent than proverb was supposedly coined by the Arabs. He confesses to be puzzled. Perhaps, he says, they did not consider anyones reason and intelligence
to be perfect. A Bedouin who was asked to define reason replied: How could I
define it when I have never seen it perfect in anybody?7 In fact, though, it may
be argued that these proverbs were neither coined nor used as exemplars for
the discussion of superlative perfection but they embodied a wide awareness of
the competitive component in human activity. By the time of our author reason
was well established in its pivotal position in Muslim intellectual speculation
and was felt to be a gift outside of the competitive struggle of human beings.
The competition of poets in the ashar-min spirit continued in Islamic times.
The new class of writers and littrateurs saw it personified in the figure of the
hostile and malicious critic. Fault can be found in every bit of poetry,8 and
critics are mostly untalented competitors whose motives are often in no way
connected with literature but | conditioned by the never-ending competition
for a patrons favor. Al-Ji comes first to mind in this connection as the
author of the most memorable statements expressing such sentiments. Al-Ji
can also be cited as witness to the fact that the idea of competitiveness was
intimately bound up with the concept called asad envy. In the Jiian
spirit, Ab ayyn at-Tawd asked for protection of his work from the eyes
of censorious enviers and competitive spoilers (al-mufsidn al-munfisn),9 and
6
7
8
9
Cf. Gnomologium Vaticanum, ed. L. Sternbach, no. 514 (reprint Berlin 1963).
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, I, 142 (Cairo 1352).
Cf. Ab l-Faraj al-lfahn, Kitb al-Aghn, II, 46, 48 (Blq 1285), Aghn3, II, 165, 169.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Kitb al-Imt wa-l-munasah, ed. Amad Amn and Amad
az-Zayn, II, 1 (Cairo 19391944).
14
i. [introduction]
a later saying would speak of a person as moulded from the clay of envy
(asad) and competition (munfasah).10 Envy had a long pre-lslamic history
as a quality with a strongly negative connotation. In the Muslim political
struggle, it was seen as the root of evil competition.11 In the ethics of Islam,
later on reinforced by the Hellenistic tradition, it continued its deserved pariah
existence in the realm of ethical values. It was the primeval sin practiced at
least since man was created; in accordance with the Qurn, Ibls is always
referred to as the first individual to be affected by it.12 An exception to the
understanding of envy as always bad appears already in the old and often
quoted adth that exempts tasud from opprobrium if it takes the form
of competition with respect to virtue. The two basic examples are envy with
respect to property that could be spent for good purposes and envy with respect
to the assiduous recitation of the Qurnthat is, envy of anothers charity and
piety. The ancient Greeks, it may be noted, had also conceived of praiseworthy
aspects of envy. In fact, most of the Muslim views of envy have their parallels
in Greek literature.13
Tasud was associated with tanfus already in the ancient adth.14 Tanfus appears to be the Arabic term closest to our competition. The idea is also
expressed by other terms such as tasbaqa, tabh, tabr, etc.,15 which in a
10
11
12
13
14
15
Cf. al-usr, Zahr al-db, ed. Al M. al-Bijw, I, 203 (Cairo 1389/1969). Since both competition and envy are not material but psychological qualities, someone like Ab ayyn
at-Tawd might easily have been dissatisfied with the saying. For him, mans laziness
comes from his clay (n), while his active energy comes from his soul. Now, clay is more
forceful than soul. Cf. lmt, II, 194.
A particularly good and probably quite old, if fictitious, example is the brief letter of
Muwiyah to Al, beginning with Give up envy and ending with a reference to Qurn
113:5, cf. Nar b. Muzim al-Minqar, Waqat iffn, ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, 123 (Cairo
1365).
Envy is rarely found ascribed to Satan in medieval Europe, where it was one of the seven
cardinal sins, cf. Morton W. Bloomfield, The Seven Deadly Sins, 419, n. 239 (reprint Michigan
State University 1967).
Cf. the large selection of passages in the chapter on envy (phthonos) in the florilegium of
Stobaeus, ed. C. Wachsmuth and O. Hense, III, 708721 (reprint Berlin 1958). Hippias (5th
century bc) distinguished between just and unjust envy, the one directed against bad men,
the other against good men.
Cf. A.J. Wensinck, et al., Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane, VI, 506b35
(Leiden 19361969).
These terms were already mentioned together by al-Musib, Riyah, ed. Margaret
Smith, 305 f. (London 1940, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, N. S. 1 5), ed. Abd-al-Qdir Amad
A, 570 f. (Cairo 1390/1970).
15
sense were more specialized originally as they referred to particular areas of

competition but were then employed quite generally. Munfasah was eventually defined as the greatest possible desire for something by way of competition with others (ghyat ar-raghbah f ash-shay al wajh al-mubrh lighayrika).16 It so happens that tanfasa occurs in the Holy Qurn, and this
occurrence set much of the tone for the future discussion. Srah 83:26 says:
wa-f dhlika fal-yatanfas-i-l-mutanfisna To this (just described Paradisiacal bliss) let everybody aspire. English aspire, incidentally, fits the possible
if debated etymology of tanfasa,17 but it leaves unexpressed the connotation of competition inherent in the verbal formation. Here, as in other uses of
the taqtala conjugation, this connotation might have been weakened. It was,
however, certainly seen as present by the later commentators on the passage.
The intended competition is one for bliss in Paradise, but the commentators,
and well-attested general usage, do not leave us in doubt that competition as
commonly practiced by human beings was to gain material advantages and a
greater share in the worlds alleged goods.18 The divine commandment is meant
to counteract this common human failure and to channel competition, which
is ingrained in human nature, into the proper direction. It is to be a competition for values approved as true and lastingthe good which, the Qurn using
the root s-b-q reminds us, should be the goal of mans every effort.
16
17
18
Cf. a-afad, Tamm al-mutn f shar Rislat Ibn Zaydn, ed. Muammad Ab l-Fal
Ibrhim, 281 (Cairo 1389/1969).
Although no proof is possible, it seems that the meanings of valuable and envious in the
root n-f-s may go back to the emotional and physical effort expanded that leads to attach
value to something and to be envious of it. Cf. the relationship of roots denoting zeal,
effort to envy, as in Syriac -n-n, and below, n. 28.
When the Qurn was translated in the West, this implication of 83:26 escaped L. Marracci,
who translated: et ad hoc aspirent aspirantes ad felicitatem (Marraccis italics). The
italicized addition was preserved by C. Sale and M. Pickthall (and no doubt others). The
bliss aspired to is expressly stated in f dhlika ad hoc, and Marracci was probably misled
by commentators who went into some detail as to the meritorious work the tanfus should
consist of. Aspiration/competition was held to be, clearly already in the Qurn, normally
the common human concern with worldly matters.
Most of the translations I have checked unidiomatically reproduce the Arabic way of
expressing an indefinite subject, as, for instance, A.J. Arberrys let the strivers strive. An
accurate if inelegant translation is the one by N.J. Dawood (Penguin Classics, London 1956,
p. 49): For this let all men emulously strive.
It may be noticed that among the designations for the Last Day we find yawm almusbaqah, yawm al-munqashah, and yawm al-munfasah, cf. al-Ghazzl, Ihy, IV, 439,
I. 2 (Cairo 1352/1933).
16
10
i. [introduction]
The identification of asad and munfasah was discussed in a significant

manner already in the ninth century by al-Musib.19 On the basis of the
Qurnic passage, he distinguished between the forbidden categories of envy
(asad) and the permissible categories of competition (munfasah). In order
to be permissible, competition should take place with respect to what is
goodthat is, ethically goodin this world and | the other world.20 It is
permissible to be envious of the niam, the benefits bestowed by God upon
ones fellow men, and to try to become equally worthy of them and use them
properly. There can also be competition for high moral aims as when brothers compete for the love of their parents.21 It is not permissible to compete for
supposed niam that are sinful and used for forbidden purposes, and it is abominable asad plain and simple to wish that someone be deprived of the niam
he enjoys and suffer misfortune.22 Most important, however, is al-Musibs
firm acknowledgement of the necessity of competition. It always exists and is
strongest where individuals of similar concerns and stations in life are in contact with one another. Thus, scholars are interested in competing with scholars,
merchants with merchants, heroes with heroes23as Hesiod (Erga 26) had
already observed, beggars with beggars, bards with bardsand there can be
no envy of strangers. In general, human beings innately possess a dislike of
being unable to attain someone elses station and a liking for equality and keeping up with others.24 Their competitive aspirations should be tempered by the
absence of wishing ill to those others with whom they compete, but the spirit
and practice of competition are ineradicable.
It seems that for more than two centuries al-Musibs discussion did not
have much of an echo, but it was resumed in its entirety by al-Ghazzl in the
Iy.25 Al-Ghazzls own contribution was merely formal. His presentation is,
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Riyah, ed. Smith, 305323, ed. A, 570605.

Riyah, ed. Smith, 314 f., ed. A, 590. Cf. the verse of Manr al-Faqh, in Ibn Ab l-add,
Shar Nahj al-balghah, I, 256 (Beirut 1963): The munfasah of a young man with respect
to what is passing indicates deficiency in his ambition (himmah).
Riyah, ed. Smith, 312 f., ed. A, 585.
Riyah, ed. Smith, 310, ed. A, 579.
Riyah, ed. Smith, 311, 313f., ed. A, 581 f., 587f. In order to forestall a misunderstanding,
let me make it clear that the reference to Hesiod is an addition of mine. It is not found in
al-Musib or the other authors who make the same point that asad is strongest where
there is personal contact, as, for instance, Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn al-akhbr, III, 10, 11. 16f.
(reprint Cairo 19631964).
Riyah, ed. Smith, 307, ed. A, 574: Karhat at-taqr an manzilat ghayrih wa-maabbat
al-muswh wa-l-luq bih.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 162 ff.
17
as usual, better organized and, one might say, more precise in its prolixness. He
would thus refer to the legal categories of necessary, recommendable, and permissible in his discussion of permitted competition. It was, however, through
al-Ghazzl that these views on competition found no doubt a wide distribution giving them a sort of official status.
The moralizing approach toward competition also found acceptance in the
popular philosophical segment of Muslim civilization. Thus, a saying ascribed
to Socrates in Graeco-Arabic wisdom literature warns against envy but recommends munfasah, provided it aims at things lasting and enduring.26 Since
competition was so strongly at work in society, it was felt necessary to put religious restraints on it. However, awareness and acceptance of the Arabian competitive spirit continued. The literary concern with the ancient mufkharah
and poetical competition continued unabated, despite religions objections to
it. Verses that praised being the object of envy as a sure measure of success and
a clear indication of excellence remained popular.
I am envied. May God increase the envy of me!
May nobody live one day without being envied!
A man is envied for his virtues:
Knowledge and wit, courage and generosity.27
And, it was said, being pitied is much worse than being envied; indeed, it shows
the extent of a mans misfortune that those who once envied him now pity
him.28
26
27
28
Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, 116, 11. 9f. (Madrid
1958).
Cf. al-ur, Zahr al-db, I, 203. The poet is said to have been the eighth-century Man b.
Zidah. Later poets provided their own numerous variations on the subject.
There were many may you not cease (l zilta) being envied verses, cf. ar-Rghib
al-Ifahn, Muart al-udab, I, 162 (Blq 12861287), and even al-Ghazzl includes
one in his discussion in Iy, III, 171, which states that only he who is envied is perfect.
The relevant verses are also cited, for instance, by Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjat al-majlis, ed.
M. Murs al-Khl and Abd-al-Qdir Qu, I, 406 ff., in the chapter on envy (Cairo, n. y.).
One might even speak of the pleasure of the envied man (ladhdhat al-masd), as did
Umrah al-Yaman, ed. H. Derenbourg, I, 214 (Paris 18971904, Publ. de Lcole des Langues
Or. Vivantes, IV, 1011).
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 9, III, 60; al-Marzubn, Mujam ash-shuar, ed. Abd-asSattr Amad Farrj, 357 (Cairo 1379/1960); al-Qushayr, Rislah, 73 (Cairo, n. y.) ed. Cairo
1385/1966, I, 357 (note that this and the other verses loosely attached to al-Qushayrs chapter on asad also occur in that of Ibn Qutaybah); ar-Rghib al-lfahn, Muart, I, 161;
18
i. [introduction]
Today, we are pitied by those who envied us.

Today, we follow those who were our followers.29
And if one wishes for a telling characterization of radically worsened circumstances, it would be expressed in Arabic in four words: We spent the night
being envied and, in the morning, came to be pitied (bitn nusadu waaban nuramu).30
29
30
a-afad, Tamm al-mutn, 24, 121, 279f. The verse is from one of the elegies of Muammad b. Ubaydallh al-Utb (d. 228/842843, cf. Fuat Sezgin, GAS, I, 371f.) on his sons. They
are said to have been six so handsome that they made the eyes of enviers pop out. According to al-Marzubn, op. cit., they died during the pest in al-Barah in 229 or before, but
al-Marzubn himself (unless it is a later addition) stated in another of his works that
al-Utb died in the year 228, cf. Nr al-Qabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Die Gelehrtenbiographien
des Ab Ubaidallh al-Marzubn, 195 (Wiesbaden 1964, Bibliotheca Islamica 23a). The
common jeu d esprit of turning an idea around was also practiced here. Thus, a-afad,
Tamm, 280, concludes praise of a benefactor with this verse: Mankind were pitying me
before, but you made them later my enviers.
The contrasting in the above verse of the roots -s-d and r--m calls to mind the frequent pairing of esed and raamm in the Hebrew Bible. The posibility of an etymological connection of Hebrew esed and Arabic asad has been much discussed, cf., most
recently, Katharine D. Sakenfeld, The Meaning of Hesed in the Hebrew Bible, 1619 (Missoula, Montana, 1978, Harvard Semitic Monographs 17), who comes out in favor of it. It is
very well possible that some emotional process originally indicated by the root -s-d took
a strongly positive connotation (and occasional negative connotation) in one place and
a strongly and exclusively negative connotation in another. In the same vein, it should be
observed that the comparatively close agreement in meaning between Arabic asad and
our envy is not something to be taken for granted but is, on the contrary, rather exceptional as internal psychological processes rarely are defined linguistically in identical ways
in different languages. It is not impossible that Greek phthonos influenced pre-lslamic
Oriental thought no less than it influenced Latin invidia and our envy and that this had
something to do with the situation we encounter with respect to Arabic asad. For the
situation in the Near East before it became part of Hellenistic civilization, it is significant
that the Greek word phthonos does not occur in the Greek translation of the preserved
Hebrew Bible (cf. Hatchs concordance of the LXX). The Hebrew terms, which under certain circumstances suggest envy to us, were rightly considered as not truly corresponding
to phthonos. The usual translation chosen for them was zlos zeal. Even the Theological
Dictionary of the New Testament, edited by G. Kittel (trans. G.W. Bromiley [Grand Rapids,
Michigan, 1964]), disregards phthonos and discusses envy in the entry zlos.
Cf. al-Ji, Rislat fal m bayn al-adwah wa-l-asad, ed. P. Kraus and M. h al-jir,
Majm Rasil al-Ji, 123 (Cairo 1943).
Cf. al-Ji, loc. cit.
19
With the growth of scholarly and scientific activity, competition found an

even wider scope. The production of something that others had not done or
thought of before was its most important aim. It was quite generally contended
that competition was the custom among men of excellence ( munfasah
jarat al-dah bi-mithlih bayn al-fual),31 and it was taken for granted that
competition in scholarship was a good thing.32
The alleged pagan unrestraint and furor of competition were put on the
defensive by the religion of Islam, but even the new religious norms had to
recognize the fact of competition. Moreover, no matter how ethical and highminded these norms were, they contained in their own way a strong incentive
to competition as useful social behavior.
This brief and incomplete digression into a specific topic illustrates some of
the problems of our approach. We must somehow try to transcend the limitations imposed by our sources but never so much as to substitute untrammeled
imagination for missing information. This may mean not infrequently that we
have to admit ignorancenot a bad thing for any historian to do. It may also
mean that we have to take the risk of disappointing certain justified but possibly unfulfillable expectations not only of specialists but even more so of generalists in intellectual history. It will, however, be a gain for Islamic studies, if
these efforts make it clear to the generalists that topics deemed important by
them were not disregarded in Muslim civilization and that their Islamic aspects
deserve attention, and not the customary neglect.
The problem of historical sequence and development within Islam is another difficulty we have to cope with as best as we can. As in the case of competition, pre-Islamic conditions can rather easily be compared with later Muslim
attitudes to show changes that took place within a large time frame and to
allow us to gauge the influence of Islam, although even here, there are pitfalls to
be avoided. Within Islam, the situation is very clouded. Much of the principal
source material belongs to a stock that was preserved by constant repetition.
It seems that wherever we are able to check its history, we find ourselves back
in rather early periods of Islam. But the very frequency of repetition, especially
31
32
Cf. a-afad, Wf, Vol. XII, ed. Raman Abd-al-Tawwb, 75 (Wiesbaden 1979, Bibliotheca
Islamica 61), with reference to Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn and as-Srf. Ibn Khallikn, Wafayt,
ed. Isn Abbs, II, 79 (Beirut 1972), also has the reference to custom. Others, such as
Yqt, Irshd al-arb, ed. A.F. Rif, VIII, 148 (Cairo 1357/1938), and as-Suy, Bughyah,
222 (Cairo 1326), do not. (The cited text of the Bughyah has the homograph tanqush
for tanfus). It is possible but uncertain that Ibn Khallikn was the one to formulate the
statement in the form quoted above.
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, i, 112, I. 4 (Cairo 1358/1939). See also p. 114, II. 11f.
11
20
12
i. [introduction]
if someday it can be more accurately computed, gives at least a valid indication of the extent to which the repeated ideas were adopted. Thus, if we cannot
trace a direct and convincing line of development, we can measure to some
degree the width and depth occupied by such ideas in society. With refined
techniques allowing scholars to recover and quantify the available evidence,
the slow emergence of a better sense of historical development of a large variety of intellectual currents can be expected to result eventually.
The most delicate problem is how to develop generalizations from the insights gained. It will, I am afraid, always be with us and require the most judicious handling. Theories based mainly on defective information, such as the
once famous uncompromising fatalism of Islam, have fortunately become
curious relics of a scholarly past that by now is rather remote, but the very
fact that they once were possible and popular should warn us that the most
cautious approach to generalization is necessary. For instance, it will not do
to maintain, on the basis of the information discussed here, that Islam was an
unusually competitive society always and everywhere and that its history could
and should be explained largely from this angle. The possibility seems to be
there, but a dogmatic hankering for general conclusions may merely compromise any true gains.
When I spoke in the beginning of future directions for Islamic research, I
did not mean to detract from the importance of a steady continuation and,
indeed, acceleration of work in the traditional fields where so much remains to
be done. Perhaps I also should not have presumed to speak of the future when I
have done hardly anything more here than retraced some of the lines of work I
have attempted to follow for many years. Be this as it mayAb lAthiyah was
neither the first nor the only Muslim poet to define man as dh amal the owner
of hope,33 the hopeful animal being distinguished by the capacity to hope
from all other animals, one who could always gain strength from an optimistic
anticipation of the future. There is hope and, more than that, the well-founded
expectation that additional windows will open up into a great past that needs
to be viewed in much greater detail and much more comprehensively than it
has been so far.
33
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Ashruh wa-akhbruh, ed. Shukr Fayal, 319 (Damascus 1384/1964),
and my forthcoming essay (above, n. 5).
ii
The Muslim Concept of Freedom
Prior to the Nineteenth Century
Contents
Foreword 24 [vii]
I.
The Problem 26 [1]
II.
The Linguistic Terminology 31 [7]
III. Definitions of Freedom 37 [14]

IV.
Legal and Sociological Aspects of the Concept of Freedom

a. Slavery 51 [29]
b. Deprivations of Freedom 55 [34]
Imprisonment 55 [35]
Forced Labor 90 [77]
V.
Philosophical Views on Freedom 94 [81]

a. Freedom as an Ethical Concept 94 [81]
b. Freedom in Political Theory 110 [98]
c. Freedom in Metaphysical Speculation 117 [105]
VI. Concluding Remark
129 [120]
51 [29]
VII
VIII
Foreword
Most authors who have something of importance to say are involved in the
problem of freedom. Even if they are not expressly concerned with it, their attitude toward freedom can be reconstructed from their works. This applies also
to authors writing within the boundaries of Muslim civilization. In particular,
philosophers, theologians, historians, jurists, poets, and littrateurs have ample
occasion to refer to situations and attitudes concerned with freedom. Works in
these fields constitute the bulk of Muslim literature. The task of disentangling
the thought of major Muslim authors on the subject of freedom from the mass
of their preserved works is an important and formidable one. It has not been
attempted in the following discussion.
The questions of free will and of the attitude toward freedom from or dependence upon tradition (ijtihd/taqld) call for a study of Muslim theology in its
entirety and, with it, of the basis of all Muslim intellectual life. On a smaller
scale, a detailed discussion of free will, for instance, might also necessitate a
complete investigation of the running battle between the defenders and the
opponents of astrology. This little book does not aim at anything remotely as
ambitious.
Instead, the much more modest course of collecting explicit statements on
the concept of freedom, found scattered here and there in Muslim literature,
has been followed. No completeness, of course, has been achieved. Of necessity,
much important material, and very many minor illustrations of individual
topics, must have escaped me. However, I hope that a useful beginning for the
study of the subject has been made.
Some of the material discussed may not seem to belong under | the heading
of explicit statements on freedom. The presence of such material has, in part,
its reason in the fact that the discussion of freedom was originally intended to
be the first chapter of a large work dealing with Man versus Society in Islam,
that is, with the tensions and conflicts that existed between individuals and
society in medieval Islam (as they do, in some form or other, in any society).
The various topics that were to be treated in that work are not difficult to guess.
Some material has been collected by me, and the one or other of the relevant
topics will, perhaps, be treated by me in the course of time. It is certainly hoped
that other scholars will work on them. But I do not think that it will be possible
for me to bring to a satisfactory conclusion a comprehensive work such as I
had envisaged. I have, therefore, decided to publish this introductory chapter,
which I feel can stand on its own feet. Its outlook and emphasis may become
clearer if viewed against the background from which it originated.
foreword
25
The jacket design of this volume1 is taken from a pencil drawing attributed to
Riza Abbasi, first published in F. Sarre and E. Mittwoch, Zeichnungen von Riza
Abbasi (Munich, 1914), pl. 26, and now in the Freer Gallery of Art (Photograph:
Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington,
D.C.). R. Ettinghausen, who called my attention to the drawing, describes it as
(above) Ysuf in prison and (below) Zulaykhah as an old woman before Ysuf.
1 [The drawing on the jacket of the original publication of The Muslim Concept of Freedom
(1960) is now reproduced as the frontispiece in this reprint volume. Ed.]
i
1
The Problem
auto de touto ho ti esti to eleutheron einai ho ti to douleuein, ouk isasin.
dio chrysostomus, Orat., XIV, 1
It is in prehistoric times and in the legal sphere that we must seek the origin
of the concept of freedom. The free man was legally different from the slave
who belonged to him. Wherever the institution of slavery existed, the definition
of freedom presented no difficulties. It was the legal status of free men as
opposed to that of slaves. In fact, this definition of freedom was so clear-cut
and commonly accepted that it required a considerable intellectual effort to get
away from it and to give a new and vastly enlarged meaning to the old concept.
The Greeks, as far as we know, were the first to succeed in doing just that, and
so launched freedom on its way to becoming one of the ideas that determined
the course of world history. Looking back from the particular point in history
at which we are halting at the present moment, we may even go as far as to say
that the concept of freedom has been the most important agent of history the
world has ever known.
Along its course through history, freedom freed itself from the fetters of definition. It developed into one of those powerful abstract terms that have no
concrete, definable existence unless it be given to them by the human mind.
While it could no longer be objectively defined, it became the object of numerous definitions. Needless to say, it also became the subject of a vast and wonderful literature. The efforts to define this freedom of ours have been technically
unsuccessful, and they will always be so. They tell more about the men and
the times that produce them, than they do about freedom itself. Nevertheless,
like undefinable | freedom, they have been tremendously significant and their
influence has been, and will remain, immense.
There are a few things about freedom which despite the absence of general
agreement can be confidently assumed to be incontestable. One is the relative
character of the concept, or, as it has been put by a modern philosopher, it
is only because there is restraint in one respect that there can be freedom in
another.1 Another positive statement that can be made about freedom concerns the need for a distinction between different kinds of freedom. Freedom
1 P. Weiss, Mans Freedom (New Haven, 1950), 29.
the problem
27
has different levels, as they might be called, which can be kept separate. However, it must be understood that the distinction is not an absolute one. On the
contrary, wherever the concept was effective as an historical force, there was,
of necessity, an interaction between the various levels of freedom.
Basically, two levels can be distinguished.2 One of them is the philosophical/ontological, to which Islam and other religious societies add the theological/metaphysical speculation concerning freedom; the other is the sociological
level. Muslims, in general, were disposed toward maintaining a strict separation between the two levels. In Islam, the concept of free will and freedom of
choice is expressed by a word different from that used for social freedom, as
will be discussed later on. This difference in linguistic terminology is significant.
The two basic levels can be subdivided again and again if it is a question
of determining the relevance of freedom to particular practical situations and
theoretical problems. The German writer, K. Jaspers, thus admits on the sociological level, a distinction of personal, civil, and political freedom; the personal freedom of handling ones own affairs which, given sufficient economic
means, may exist side by side with a lack of civil and political | freedom (as,
for instance, in czarist Russia); the civil freedom which can develop in the
guise of security under law side by side with a lack of political freedom (as,
for instance, in imperial Germany); and the political freedom where every citizen has a voice in deciding who is to lead him (as, for instance, in the United
States).3
Attempts to define freedom in absolute terms have met with the expected
disaster, beginning with the definition ascribed to Archytas who gave to the
eleutheron separate existence as the mean between the relative terms of master and slave.4 They may admittedly leave the problem where they find it, and
appropriate the term freedom arbitrarily to designate something to which any
other term, even including slavery, could be applied as well. Thus, for Jaspers,
the final fulfillment of the concept of freedom, existential freedom, is something absolutely incomprehensible (schlechthin unbegreiflich). Freedom cannot be recognized and can in no way be understood by objective thought processes. I am certain of it for myself, not in my thinking but in my existence; not
in my speculating about and searching for an understanding of freedom but in
2 Cf. D. Fosdicks introduction to her edition of J.S. Mill, On Social Freedom (New York, 1941), 23.
3 K. Jaspers, Philosophie, 2nd ed. (Berlin-Gttingen-Heidelberg, 1948), 437.
4 Cf. Simplicius, In Categorias, ed. K. Kalbfleisch (Berlin, 1907. Comm. in Aristotelem Graeca,
VIII), 384, l. 9.
28
ii. the muslim concept of freedom
living (it); all statements about freedom are, in fact, a means of communication
that is always subject to misunderstanding and always provides only indirect
hints.5
It has also been possible for some thinkers to remove the concept of freedom
from the realm of the individual where it properly belongs, and to proclaim as
freedom the subjection of the individual human being to some higher order
that is considered more truly human than the individual. For instance, H. von |
Treitschke, dreaming the fantastic dream of a state conceived as the true repository of individual liberty, came out for the freedom of man in a free state.6
In a brilliant study, a modern anthropologist substituted the somewhat more
concrete notion of cultural system to Treitschkes nebulous state. He said that
freedom can be defined as the conditions necessary and sufficient for the formation of a purpose, its translation into effective action through organized
cultural instrumentalities, and the full enjoyment of the results of such activity. The concept of freedom therefore can only be defined with reference to
human beings organized and endowed with cultural motives, implements and
values, which ipso facto implies the existence of law, an economic system and
political organizationin short, a cultural system.7 And again: Metaphorically, freedom in its essence is the acceptance of the chains which suit you and
for which you are suited, and of the harness in which you pull towards an end
chosen and valued by yourself, and not imposed.8 Clearly, this is Treitschkes
idea transferred to a society whose existence means unfreedom for the individual.
Then, there is the concept of freedom as the submission of the individual
to a divine law and order. This idea is of immediate concern to us since it
can obviously be applied to the situation prevailing in Islam. In fact, this has
been done. According to L. Gardet, for all their differences, the Christian and
Muslim ideas of freedom have one thing in common: they are | equally opposed
to an unconditional quest for a false and merely nominal freedom. The
Christian, like the Mohammedan, has no sense of freedom unless he is in
5 Op. cit., 453 f.

6 Treitschkes Die Freiheit was first published in 1861 and is cited here after an undated edition
of the Insel-Verlag (Leipzig), 57.
7 B. Malinowski, Freedom and Civilization (London, 1947), 25.
8 Op. cit., 242.
In the instructive collection of articles on Freedom, Its Meaning, ed. R.N. Anshen (New
York, 1940), 21, J.T. Shotwell says: Freedom is clearly not what it seems to be, the attribute
of the individual. It is a social, economic, and political fact and is another name for the
equilibrium we call justice.
the problem
29
harmony with himself and with a higher order.9 Agreeing with Gardet, another
author, writing in the same volume, states that in Islam freedom is linked with
submission, and he asks himself whether this strange antithesis (freedom by
way of acquiescence) does not actually describe the paradox of freedom for
Islam, as for any other spiritual tradition.10
It may be remarked in passing that the idea of freedom as submission to and
dependence on the divine is not of recent origin. It could not fail to develop
in the monotheistic environment at an early date.10a Thus, the Babylonian
Rabbi, A bar Yaaq, who lived around 300ad, suggested that the tables of
the Law were beyond the power of foreign nations and tongues because the
word graven (r), in Ex. 32.16, was to be understood as freedom (r).11
Consequently, the Law is freedom, and submission to the Law is freedom. The
Jewish mirsh takes the same verse of the Bible to mean that the only free
man in the world is he who fulfills the words of the tables of the Law.12 In Islam,
the mystics and the pious often express the same idea in a variety of forms.13
It has found its most striking expression in the story about the f, Luqmn
as-Sarakhs, who asked for freedom from the service of God, from his status of
slave with respect to God. The freedom granted was insanity.14
These few remarks on the modern discussion of the problem of freedom14a
will have served their purpose if they have made it clear beyond a doubt that
the concept of freedom is, in the first place, immeasurably complex and, in the
second place, has become so as an expression of the sum total of the aspirations
of the modern Western world, as a justification for its very existence. A similar
extension of the role of freedom cannot a priori be expected to have existed
elsewhere. Conversely, if it had existed in any other civilization, that civilization
would have developed along lines that would have made it indistinguishable
from our own.
9
10
10a
11
12
13
14
14a
In Christianity and Freedom, ed. G. Thibon (London, 1955), 60.

Op. cit., 35 (N. Bammate).
It may, however, be noted that in Greek thinking, we also encounter the idea of a freedom
conceived as the result of mans agreement with the gods.
Talmd Bl, rn, 54a.
Mirsh Rabb to Exodus 32.16, ed. M. Margulies (Jerusalem, 1956), 688.
Cf. below, p. 108ff.
H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele (Leiden, 1955), 167.
A recent, very voluminous collection of views and opinions on freedom is the work of
M.J. Adler, The Idea of Freedom (New York, 1958). More recent works on freedom, which
could not be consulted, include H.J. Muller, Issues of Freedom, and J.T. Shotwell, The Long
Way to Freedom.
30
Nevertheless, medieval Muslims were aware, if dimly, of the challenge of

freedom. It makes itself felt here and there in the literature as well as in the
social fabric. The task at hand is to collect and evaluate references to the idea
of freedom. This will eventually give us the means to attempt an assessment of
its impact or lack of impact, without incurring the danger of merely expressing
subjective generalizations.
ii
The Linguistic Terminology

Terminology and definition were favored subjects of discussion among Muslim scholars brought up in the strict disciplines of Arabic linguistics and Aristotelian philosophy. As applied to freedom, they played a role of paramount
significance for the history of freedom in the West. They were also important
in Islam, if in a different and minor way.
The Arabic word for free, urr, has its exact correspondence in Hebrew
*r14b and Syriac r. The form of the latter resulted from a slight transformation under the influence of analogy.15 Jewish Aramaic used the same formation as is found in Hebrew. Palmyrenian and Nabataean inscriptions frequently
show the composite formation *bar -rn, *ba -rn (always fol|lowed by a
depending genitive), meaning freedman and freedwoman, respectively. The
vocalization of the first syllable of *-rn remains doubtful; at least, the use of
long is not expressly indicated.
The evidence here cited justifies the assumption that the word existed in
Northwest Semitic.15a Its occurrence in other Semitic languages has not yet
14b
15
15a
Other biblical words for freedom (op sh, derr) and Akkadian durru, andurru are
strictly legal terms, cf., for instance, J. Lewy, The biblical institution of derr in the light of
Akkadian documents, in Eretz-Israel, V (1958), 21*31*.
C. Brockelmann explained r a resulting from analogy with rsh, since the free (the
nobles) and the heads (the chiefs) are often mentioned together, cf. Zeitschrift der
Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, LXVII (1913), 108. The vocalization of the Palmyrenian and Nabataean forms is not directly attested, and we cannot, therefore, be sure
whether the Syriac form already existed in earlier Aramaic. The fact that Jewish Aramaic
uses the form r may be an indication of the existence of an older general Aramaic
form with . Note, however, that the vocalization of the word on the Jewish coins referred
to below, n. 20, is again uncertain. The existence of a pre-Syriac Aramaic r would not
invalidate Brockelmanns explanation. Two other possibilities may be considered. There
may have been a process of dissimilation starting with the abstract formation (*hr >
r), or, less likely, the word may have been influenced by some other root such as, for
instance, the root kh-y-r represented in Arabic and meaning choice, good.
In the Elephantine papyri, r is used in the same way as in Hebrew (ry Yhwd[ y]).
The Aqar papyrus has br rn, and it is possible that the word also occurs in the Behistun
inscription. Cf. A. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford, 1923), index,
s.v. r.
However, it may be noted that E. Kautzsch, Die Aramaismen im Alten Testament (Halle,
32
been confirmed. Ethiopic arr, with the adjective arrw, is sometimes cited,
but its connection with the word meaning freedom is highly uncertain.
As to the word formation apparent in urr, it has been noted that adjectival
formations of the type urr are rare.16 This would favor the assumption that
urr is not derived from a primary root -r-r. The fact that there exists a common primary root -r-r meaning to be hot also points in the same direction.
Some medieval scholars,17 and even some of their modern colleagues,18 have
attempted to combine urr free with the root meaning to be hot. However,
these attempts carry little conviction. The etymology of urr free remains in
the dark.19
The abstract urryah freedom is not a primary noun formation but is
derived from the adjective by means of the abstract ending. The same applies
to the Syriac word for freedom, r. This Syriac-Aramaic formation seems
to be quite old. The occurrence of the word on Jewish coins of the second
revolt, | furthermore, shows that use of the abstract noun as a political term was
fully accepted.20 In this case, influence from the Graeco-Roman world, where
libertas had its particular history as a coin legend, is not excluded and, in fact,
is quite probable.
In Arabic, the history of the term is not altogether clear. It is very possible,
and indeed likely, that urryah, in the abstract meaning of freedom, was current among pre-Islamic Arabs, but express and genuine proof for this would
be welcome. In a verse by Dh r-Rummah (around 700), urryah was used in
the meaning of nobles,21 and the use of urr in the metaphoric meaning of
noble, good was common in early Arabic speech.22 urryah freedom may
have existed in Arabic at an early date, especially for expressing the opposite
of the legal term slavery, but it does not seem improbable that it started to be
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
1902), 32 ff., argued that Hebrew *r was an Aramaic loan word. This seems unlikely, but
the word may, in fact, have originated as a localized term. Only future finds of texts in
which the word occurs, or the elucidation of its etymology can decide the problem.
Cf. T. Nldeke, in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, LVII (1903), 416,
n. 3.
Cf. below, n. 53.
Cf. the Hebrew-Aramaic dictionary of Gesenius-Buhl, 16th ed. (Leipzig, 1915), s.v. -r-r II.
No truly satisfactory etymology has as yet been discovered for Greek eleutheros either,
according to M. Pohlenz, Griechische Freiheit (Heidelberg, 1955), 189.
Cf. A. Reifenberg, Ancient Jewish Coins, 2nd ed. (Jerusalem, 1947), 58 (dating from the first
revolt), 60 ff.
Dwn, ed. C.H.H. Macartney (Cambridge, 1919), 449. The verse is also cited in Lisn
al-Arab (Blq, 13001308), V, 255, s.v. -r-r.
Cf. the Arabic dictionaries, among them the Lisn al-Arab, loc. cit.
the linguistic terminology
33
used more widely when Islam came into contact with the philosophical thinking of the Mediterranean world that had known speculation about freedom for
many centuries. Like other abstract formations ending in -yah, the word was
decidedly unpoetic and shunned by true poets.22a
The metaphoric usage of urr just referred to raises another problem. The
Hebrew equivalent of the word already had the meaning of nobles, nobility,
referring to the leading members of a certain group or society.23 In Arabic
literature, the most | frequent use of urr is as a qualitative term implying
outstanding value. urr al-kalm, for instance, does not refer to free speech
but to speech of a high literary quality,24 and so on. The feminine urrah
may simply mean lady, and, occasionally, urr has all the connotations of
gentleman. In order to stress the moral meaning of urr, it is frequently paired
with karm noble, generous and similar terms. Al-urr al-karm is the true
gentleman.
This usage of urr had its origin in the general human inclination to ascribe
all bad qualities to the slave and his miserable lot, and all good qualities to those
who were legally free men. Thus, the phenomenon occurs not only among the
Arabs but also elsewhere. It appears to have developed independently under
the impact of the institution of slavery, and it certainly played an important
role in the general history of freedom. However, as a consequence, we are faced
with the problem of determining in each case where urr or urryah is used,
whether the information in question is relevant to the discussion of freedom,
or whether it belongs to a hazy, ill-defined region within the realm of ethics. To
Muslim writers themselves, the distinction was not always fully clear.25
Wherever urr freeman appears in opposition to abd slave, we can rest
assured of its meaning; in such cases, if any other connotations of urr were
intended, they were additional and remained beneath the surface. In all other
22a
23
24
25
Ubdyah slavery was used in a tenth-century verse complaining about the slavery of
love (haw), cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmat ad-dahr (Damascus, 1304), I, 396. urryah occurs
in the Dwn of Tamm b. al-Muizz (Cairo, 1377/1957), 155, l. 3, and in a poem by Sib
Ibn at-Tawdh (d. 583/1187, or 584), cited by a-afad, Wf, ed. S. Dedering (DamascusWiesbaden, 1959. Bibliotheca Islamica, VId), IV, 13.
The Greek translation of the Old Testament uses eleutheros to translate *r in 1Kings 21.8,
11, and in Nehemiah 13.17. In six other passages of the Book of Nehemiah, the Greek word
entimos is used. For the Hebrew usage of the term in the Elephantine papyri (nos. 30.19
and 31.18 of Cowleys publication), cf. above, n. 15.
For instance, Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah (Cairo 1358/1939), I, 1, 182, l. 4, and 315, l. 18, or
ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 248 f., as well as the idioms cited by the lexicographers.
Cf., for instance, below, n. 361.
10
34
11
cases, a certain element of doubt cannot be completely eliminated. Some

stirring statements seemingly in praise of freedom must, therefore, be | treated
with reserve, such as the verse of Muslim b. Aql b. Ab lib who did not want
to surrender without a fight:
I swear, I shall not be killed except as a free man,
Even though I consider dying difficult.
12
The alternative here is not between liberty and death, but rather between dying
as befits a noble man and an ignoble death.25a
The very fact that urr, in its semantic history, went beyond the sphere of
freedom is meaningful. Outside legal usage, free became a vague term of
approval, one among many in the language. It may thus be said that Arabic
did not possess a truly workable term to express the full force of the concept
of freedom until, in modern times, Western influence gave a new meaning to
old urryah.26
There are, of course, many other words in Arabic that can express the idea
of being free, such as being set loose, being unfettered, being cut off, or being
pure in the sense of being free from something.26a The last mentioned idea is
contained in the root kh-l- that is commonly used to paraphrase the meaning
of urr.27 A technical term of particular significance is ikhtiyr choice, free
will. In the discussion of the problem of free will, irdah will is also frequently
used, but ikhtiyr, defined as irdah preceded by reflection and discretion,28 is
on a distinctly | higher level.29 Here, the tremendous relevance of language to
the subject of freedom shows itself in full force. In Western languages, and, for
instance, also in Syriac, free will is expressed, at least in part, by the same word
25a
26
26a
27
28
29
A-abar, Annales, ed. M.J. de Goeje and others (Leiden, 18791901), II, 262, anno 60; Ab
l-Faraj al-Ifahn, Maqtil a-libyn, ed. A. aqr (Cairo, 1368/1949), 104.
It would be interesting to find out whether anywhere in nineteenth-century literature
there exist passages marking a state of transition from the traditional to the modern usage
of urryah. Cf. also B. Lewis, in Cahiers d Histoire Mondiale, I (19531954), 107.
For the relationship between terms and concepts, cf. also below, p. 98.
Cf. also below, n. 315a.
Cf. below, nn. 51 and 65.
Al-Kindi, F udd al-ashy wa-rusmih, in Rasil al-Kind al-falsafyah, ed. M. Abdal-Hd Ab Rdah (Cairo, 13691372/19501953), I, 167, and id., F -inah al-um, Ms.
Istanbul, Aya Sofya 4830, fol. 55a. Cf. also below, n. 49.
Cf., for instance, al-Ashar, Maqlt al-Islmyn, ed. H. Ritter (Istanbul-Leipzig, 19291933.
Bibliotheca Islamica, I), 419f.; al-Frb (putative author), Masil mutafarriqah (Hyderabad, 1344), 18.
the linguistic terminology
35
that denotes freedom in general.30 As a result, the specific theological problem

to which the discussion of free will has been largely confined in monotheistic
speculation could be linked easily with other problems involving the idea of
freedom. In Islam, ikhtiyr was never seen together with urryah, nor was it
felt as one aspect of the complex structure of freedom. It remained a limited
term. In addition, it was deprived of its potential vigor by the direction Muslim
theological speculation eventually took concerning free will. Human freedom
of will was largely restricted to the ability of making a choice with regard to
individual situations.31
This development, it may be added, had its roots in pre-Islamic times and
began before the theological discussions of Muslim scholars attempted to
shape Near Eastern intellectual history. Fatalism, the supreme negation of
human free will, was the most noticeable metaphysical concept embraced by
pre-Islamic Arabs. For this reason, pre-Islamic fatalism has been the subject of
a comparatively large modern scholarly literature. Never once does this literature refer to the concept of freedom.32
In addition to the Arabic term or terms for freedom, there exist different
words in Muslim languages other than Arabic. The Persian zd, for instance,
has remained in common use in Persian. It can tell us something about the
pre-Islamic Persian concept of freedom. It means that a free man was born
into one of the proper social strata. A rigidly fixed stratification of society was
considered by Muslims the hallmark of pre-Islamic Persian social organization
and constrasted by them with the situation prevailing in Islam where everybody regardless of his birth could attain whatever social position was within
the reach of his ability. However, the usage of zd also shows a certain influence exercised by the connotations of Arabic urr upon the Persian concept.32a
30
31
32
32a
Aristotle did not yet use eleutheros for the concept of free will, according to R. Hirzel,
Themis (Leipzig, 1907), 261, n. 4.
Cf. Miskawayhs discussion of ikhtiyr as quoted below.
The most recent works on the subject, which also include the Muslim period, are by
H. Ringgren, Fatalism in Persian Epics (Uppsala Universitets rsskrift, 1952, XIII), and
Studies in Arabian Fatalism (ibid., 1955, II). Older studies are T. Nldeke, Vorstellungen
der Araber vom Schicksal, in Zeitschrift fr Vlkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, III
(1865), 130134; W.L. Schrameier, ber den Fatalismus der vorislamischen Araber (Bonn,
1881); O. Rescher, ber fatalistische Tendenzen in den Anschauungen der Araber, in Der
Islam, II (1911), 337344; W. Caskel, Das Schicksal in der altarabischen Poesie (Leipzig, 1926).
If it is correct that zt (zt) meaning free already occurs in an Aramaic papyrus of
the fifth century bc from Egypt with reference to the manumission of a slave woman
(I. Gershevitch, in Journal of the R. Asiatic Society, 1954, 126; . Benveniste, in Journal Asi-
13
36
Moreover, the Arabic terminology not only influenced non-Arabic terms for
freedom, but became preponderant everywhere and the Arabic words were
used. We may assume that whatever concepts of freedom may have existed
in non-Arab nations before their conversion to Islam, they were largely submerged, or completely obliterated, by the Muslim attitude toward freedom,
relying for its expression mainly upon Arabic terminology.
atique, CCXLII, 1954, 297 ff.), the semantic development of the Persian term must go back
to very early times. This would disprove the opinion expressed by E. Herzfeld, Altpersische Inschriften (Berlin, 1938), 56, who, commenting upon an alleged but non-existent
occurrence of the word in an Old Persian inscription, ascribed that development to the
influence of Arabic urr. It remains, however, true that in the Muslim period, the use of
zd agrees with that of urr so closely that the former must be under the influence of the
latter.
Addendum: A Christian translation from the Syriac uses urryat al-mashah for free
will, cf. G. Levi Della Vida, La dottrina di Stomathalassa, in Mem. Acc. Naz. Lincei, 1951,
490.
iii
Definitions of Freedom
14
Definitions of freedom appear in a variety of places and reflect different currents of Muslim thought. They are, perhaps, not as frequent as one might wish,
and one looks for them in vain in certain places where one would expect to find
them. For instance, al-Kind, in his collection of definitions,33 has nothing on
urryah, nor is the word found in other lists of definitions compiled by Muslim
philosophers. Jurists, in their works on the principles of jurisprudence, include
lists of definitions,34 but it is hardly surprising that urryah does not occur in
them, as it was not a fundamental technical term.
The oldest definition of freedom from the Islamic Near East does not come
from Muslim circles and is not expressed in Arabic. It is to be found in a
Syriac work on definitions, ascribed to a certain Michael or Bz, which was
composed around 800ad. Following upon a definition of will, it reads:
Freedom is the unconstrained power of the rational natures, both those
concerned with the senses and those concerned with intellectual perception.35
This definition represents the result, rather poorly expressed, of the discussion
of the problem of free will by theologians of the Eastern church. For many
centuries, Eastern religious thinkers | had wrestled with this problem which
they rightly considered as one of central importance for moral man. The great
Aphrem ecstatically described freedom as a gift of God,36 presented to Adam as
33
34
35
36
Op. cit. (above, n. 28).

M. Pohlenz, in comparing a work by al-Kind with Epictetus, found that the Arabic
philosopher was not interested in the idea of freedom that was central to Epictetus
thinking, cf. Gttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1938, 415.
Cf., for instance, the list of definitions in Ibn azm, Ikm (Cairo, 13451348), I, 35ff.
r h mshall l qryt ayn mll, hnaw meragshn wmeyan. Cf.
G. Furlani, Il libro delle definizioni e divisioni di Michele lInterprete, in Memorie della
R. Accad. Naz. dei Lincei, Cl. di scienze mor., stor. e filol., VI, 2 (1926), text, 71; trans., 121; notes,
178.
J.J. Overbeck, S. Ephraemi Syri Opera Selecta (Oxford, 1865), 45, l. 5; trans. C.W. Mitchell,
S. Ephraims Prose Refutations of Mani, Marcion, and Bardaisan (London-Oxford, 1912
1921), I, xviii.
15
38
16
his most promising endowment,37 and praised it as the image of God without
which the universe would collapse.38 Its antithesis is nature,39 which means
slavery, while freedom finds its expression in man in the form of habit.40
Freedom exists in order to be used and to be restrained by mans will, and it
may be subjected to constraint by God41 and the divine law.42 Satan would like
to keep it impounded but cannot do it.43 Its very name indicates that it is a
freeman and not a slave, that it | has power and is not enslaved, that it is loose
and is not bound, that it is will and not nature.44
37
E. Beck, Ephraems Reden ber den Glauben (Rome, 1953), 65:

Behold Adam, if he had persevered
In the Law, he would have become king
For God had made him, when He created him,
A created God
By giving him freedom
To behave according to his own will.
38
39
40
41
Cf. T.J. Lamy, S. Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones (Mechlin, 18821902), II, 783f.; Beck, op.
cit., 66. Cf. the statement of Gregory of Nyssa that freedom makes man godlike, referred
to by J. Gath, La conception de la libert chez Grgoire de Nysse (Paris, 1953), 70.
Overbeck, 46, l. 16; Mitchell, xix.
For the incompatibility of ikhtiyr and nature, cf. Pseudo-Plato, Kitb ar-Rawb, ed.
A. Badaw, Neoplatonici apud Arabes (Cairo, 1955. Islamica, XIX), 123.
Lamy, III, 670f.
Beck, op. cit., 64:
There are the reins of the will,
And there are the reins of constraint.
The reins of your will are in your hand,
To restrain the impetuosity of your freedom.
Those of constraint are in the hands of your Lord.
42
43
44
Overbeck, 43, l. 21 f.; Mitchell, xvii.

Overbeck, 95, l. 10.
Overbeck, 44, ll. 1720; Mitchell, xviii. Cf. also Overbeck, 46, l. 17f.; Mitchell, xix.
From the Syriac Sayings of Theano, ed. E. Sachau, Inedita Syriaca (Vienna, 1870), 72f.,
we may add here the following statement:
It is one of the good things that man has power over his freedom (free will, reh),
so that he can live as he wishes. By living intelligently, human beings are all right
and do not need a law, finding their law in their own good habits.
definitions of freedom
39
About two centuries after Aphrem, another Eastern bishop, Aemmeh,

discussed the problem of free will, providing the basis for the afore-mentioned
definition of Michael (Bz). Freedom is no longer depicted in the glowing
colors used by Aphrem. Freedom is a servant of the will. Control of the souls
intellectual faculties by the will and the consequent control of the actions
demanded by human desires and passions are what is meant by freedom.45 In
the centuries between Aphrem and Michael (Bz), the term freedom had
thus lost a good deal of its forcefulness and general applicability. Theological
discussion had finally led to the restriction of its meaning to some sort of
abstract technicality.
Considering the close relationship between Christian and Muslim theology,
we are not surprised to meet again the same bloodless image in the Muslim
concept of ikhtiyr, where it became further weakened by linguistic dichotomy.
The Christian discussion had started out by stressing the all-embracing power
and | glory of freedom. The Muslim debate of the problem of free will was never
more than a half-hearted attempt to secure a very small niche in the scheme of
things for a freedom that was always felt to constitute an infringement upon the
omnipotence of a God whose own possession of free will could be doubted.46
Even during the heyday of the Mutazilah, the ikhtiyr of the Muslims was more
limited in its application than the r of the Syrians ever was.47
In order to illustrate the similarities and differences that exist between the
Muslim discussion of ikhtiyr and the Syriac speculations on freedom, one of
the numerous Muslim statements on ikhtiyr may find a place here. It reflects
the thinking of the famous circle of philosophers and writers which in the late
tenth and early eleventh centuries attempted brilliant and eloquent solutions
for central intellectual problems. The statement is quoted in full in spite of its
45
46
47
Cf. F. Naus edition of Aemmehs work on the composition of man, in Patrologia Orientalis, III (Paris, 1909), 106 f. A manuscript said to contain a different recension of the work
is preserved in the Near East, cf. J. Vost, Catalogue de la Bibliothque Syro-Chaldenne du
Couvent de Notre-Dame des Semences (Rome-Paris, 1929), 27f., reprinted from Angelicum,
V (1928). It is not known whether our passage is affected by the differences in the recensions.
Michaels and Theodore bar Knays discussions of freedom were cited by G. Furlani, La
psicologia di Ahudhemmeh, in Atti della R. Accad. delle Scienze di Torino, LXI (19251926),
817, 841 f.
Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Muqbast (Cairo, 1348/1929), 149ff., no. 10.
The process of giving choice (prohairesis) predominance over freedom (eleutheria) was
accomplished in the philosophy of Epictetus who declared that both freedom and slavery
were the works of prohairesis, and nobody possessing freedom of prohairesis was a slave.
Cf. Stobaeus, Florilegium, III, 1, 155 (ed. Wachsmuth-Hense, III, 106).
17
40
considerable length and at the risk of interrupting the argument. Even though
it may be called an expression of liberal opinion, it will show, I think, that the
discussion of free will in Islam was not conducted in a way that could either
promote or stifle the general growth of the concept of freedom.
Ab ayyn at-Tawd (d. after 1009) had directed an inquiry concerning
the meaning of compulsion ( jabr) and choice (free will, ikhtiyr) to his younger
contemporary, Miskawayh (d. 1030). This is the answer he received:48
From man proceed many motions and actions that are not alike. He may
produce actions inasmuch as he is a natural body, in which case he is
related to minerals. Or he may produce actions inasmuch as he is vegetative in addition to being a natural body, and through these actions he
is related to plants. Or he may produce actions inasmuch as he possesses
a sentient soul, and through these actions he is related to animals. And
again, he may produce actions inasmuch as he is rational and discerning, and through these actions he is related to the angels. Each one of
these actions and motions that proceed from man may occur in various
forms and have its special motives and causes. They also may be viewed
from different angles. They are affected by many hindrances and various
obstacles, some natural, some accidental, and some coercive. As long as
the person who studies the problem of (compulsion and choice) does not
make a distinction between these types of action and does not look at
them from all the possible angles, he will be confused about the (different) aspects (to be considered) and miss the proper method of studying
them. As a result, he will be beset and bewildered by many misconceptions and doubts.
We are now going to explain these motions and establish (the necessary) distinctions between them. Then, we shall discuss the real meaning
of compulsion and choice. For, God willing, the matter will then be very
simple and easy to understand and will no longer be complicated. I say:
Notwithstanding their different types and distinct aspects, actions need
four things in order to materialize: (1) The agent who produces them.
(2) The matter in which they come about. (3) The purpose toward which
they are directed. And (4) the form which is known beforehand to the
18
48
Miskawayh and Ab ayyn at-Tawd, al-Hawmil wa-sh-shawmil, ed. A. Amn and A.

aqr (Cairo, 1370/1951), 220226.
For another authoritative discussion of ikhtiyr, which also documents the complete
separation of the term from urryah, cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy (Cairo, 1352/1933), IV, 219f. Cf., in
general, W. Montgomery Watt, Free Will and Predestination in Early Islam (London, 1948).
41
agent who by his action intends to superimpose the form upon the matter; frequently, the form is identical with the action. These four things are
necessary in order that an action may exist and materialize. Instruments,
time, and a healthy body are also wanted, but they are not necessary for
every action. But since your question is about human actions that are connected with choice, these things, too, had to be mentioned.
Now, each one of the things that are necessary for the existence of
actions falls into two parts. It may be proximate or remote. The proximate
agent is, for instance, the hired hand who carries the instruments needed
for building a mansion. The remote agent in this case is the man who
designs the mansion, orders its construction, and is aware beforehand of
all instruments needed in connection with | it. The proximate matter is
the brick for the wall and the timber for the door. The remote matter is
to be sought in the primary elements. The proximate perfection is the
readiness of the mansion for occupancy. The remote perfection is (the
ability of the mansion) to protect furniture and to ward off any damage
that may arise from the heat and the cold, and so on.
The afore-mentioned various types of action differ in accordance with
the various types of active powers in man. Each one of the concupiscent,
irascible, and rational powers has its special action that can proceed only
from it. Causes and motives are partly desire and appetite, and partly
thinking and reflection, or they may be composite. The afore-mentioned
hindrances are partly accidental, partly coercive, and partly natural. An
accidental hindrance, for instance, is found in the case of someone who
leaves to visit a friend and meets an enemy whom he did not mean
to meet, and the enemy prevents him from completing his action. Or,
someone gets up to do something, and stumbles and falls into a well.
Coercive hindrances may be exemplified by the case of someone whose
hands are tied by thieves and who is thus prevented from using them, or
by the case of someone who is put in fetters by the ruler in order to prevent
him from doing something or from escaping. Natural hindrances are, for
instance, paralysis and apoplexy, and so on.
There is one other aspect of action that requires study and must be
mentioned here. We often look at actions, not as they are essentially but
as they are with reference to something else. For instance, we may look at
Zayds actions inasmuch as they are acts of obedience or disobedience to
someone else, or inasmuch as Amr likes them and Khlid dislikes them,
or from the point of view of their being detrimental to Bakr and useful for
Abdallh. Such way of looking at actions is not concerned with what they
are essentially but with what they are with reference to something else.
19
42
Having investigated what actions are, as well as their various types

and the angles from which they must be viewed, and having stated that
they must fulfill certain conditions enumerated by us so that they can
materialize and exist, we are in a position to investigate what choice is.
We say: Ikhtiyr choice is derived etymologically from khayr good, best.
It is the infinitive of the eighth conjugation of this root. Saying, Someone
chose something, is about the same as saying, He did what was good for
him, that is, good either in reality or in his opinion even if it was not
good for him in reality.49 This is the | point of contact that marks the
connection between human actions and human beings. Actions are what
proceeds from a human being as the result of thinking and the application
of reasoning to something, in the expectation that it may turn out to be
useful for him. Now, it is well known that a human being does not think
or apply his reasoning to something that is necessary or impossible. He
thinks and applies his reasoning only to something that is possible. By
possible we mean something that is not impossible and that does not lead
to an absurdity if its existence is posited.
This angle among all those from which actions must be viewed is
the one connected with choice, which is something that is restricted to
human actions. But in order to bring about complete existence of a given
action, fulfillment of the afore-mentioned conditions is also required.
Consequently, the study of the particular aspect connected with choice
may entail errors and lead to confusion with those other aspects of actions
that are not connected with man and do not have their origin in him. It
20
49
Cf. the confrontation of irdah and ikhtiyr in Ab Hill al-Askar, al-Furq al-lughawyah
(Cairo, 1353), 101:
Ikhtiyr is wanting (irdah) a thing in place of something else. It cannot happen
when the thing chosen (mukhtr) as well as something else is in ones mind; it
means wanting (irdah) to do something when there is nothing else in the mind.
Ikhtiyr is derived from khayr good, best. The one who makes a choice (mukhtr)
is the one who wants (murd) the best (khayr) of two things, that is, the best either
in reality or what in his opinion is the best of two things, without being in any way
forced to make a choice. If someone were forced to want something, he would not
be called one who chooses that particular thing, because making a choice is the
opposite of being forced.
The many references in al-Askars work to irdah can also serve as an excellent illustration of the fact that the term had practically no relation to freedom and free will. Cf. also
above, p. 11.
43
may happen that one studies an action from some aspect and omits to
study it from all the others. Then, one draws conclusions as to human
actions in accordance with (the observations made from) that particular
aspect. This would be the same as studying an action from the point
of view of the particular matter which it must have in order to be able
to materialize, while disregarding all the other aspects that are likewise
necessary for its existence. For instance, the person who studies the action
of a scribe from the point of view of the paper he uses, may notice that he
has difficulties with the paper. This may lead the observer to the highly
conjectural conclusion that from this point of view, the scribe is unable
to write and, on account of it, finds it impossible to act. In fact, however,
this is an aspect that has no connection with the man inasmuch as he
is a scribe and may choose (mukhtr) to write. The same applies to cases
where he lacks a pen or a healthy limb or any other of the things that may |
be a condition for the existence of a given human action. A person who
looks at actions from one particular angle may come to the conclusion
that man is subjected to compulsion and prevented from exercizing free
choice. The same would be the case with someone who studies human
actions inasmuch as man is able to choose. If he studies this particular
aspect and disregards all the other aspects that are also necessary for
actions to materialize, he may come to the conclusion that man is an
agent possessing power (to act), and not subjected to any compulsion.
The same is generally the case with every composite thing. He who studies
something composite from the point of view of one of its components
and neglects the other component parts will be beset by many doubts
originating with the remaining component parts which he neglected to
study. Human actions may be designated by one word, but their existence
is connected with many things without which they cannot materialize.
The student of human actions who considers only one of these things and
neglects to consider the others will be beset by many doubts stemming
from the things he neglected.
The correct method is to study each one of them, to consider action as
being related to all, to see in every aspect part of a given action, and not to
assume that human actions are entirely the result of choice and entirely
the result of delegation.50 It has been said in this sense, The way (dn)
50
Delegation (tafw) means delegation of the divine will to a person, giving him the right
to choose and thus making him responsible for his actions, cf. as-Sarakhs, Ul (Cairo,
1372), I, 122. Delegation is more or less a synonym of choice, and not its opposite which
21
44
22
of God lies between too much and too little. For he who assumes that for
human actions to come into existence it suffices that the person who does
them takes charge of the power that acts by choice, assumes too much in
that he neglects material things, coercive causes, and the hindrances as
enumerated above. This then causes him to assume delegation. Likewise,
he who assumes that for human actions to come into existence it suffices
that those hindrances are removed and the material things available,
assumes too little in that he neglects the power that acts by choice. This
then causes him to assume compulsion.
If things are as we have briefly explained, the true theory will have
become apparent. This then answers your question about compulsion
and choice.
It is to be understood that a man who finds it impossible to act because
he lacks one of the things that are necessary if his action is to materialize, or which are accidental, coercive, or incidental to it, | is referred to
(as being unable to act) from this particular point of view. For instance,
if he finds it impossible to act because he lacks the necessary matter or
any other of the four necessary things, he is incapable (to act). If he finds
it impossible to act because of a coercive or accidental hindrance, (his
failure to act) is considered excusable from this point of view and in accordance with it and corresponding to the size (of the obstacle). But let us
assume the case of a person who has at his disposal the power that acts
by choice. No hindrances exist; thus, any disability, which might otherwise result from the existence of hindrances, is eliminated. Furthermore,
the action in question is considered as one undertaken with respect to
others, as an act of obedience to someone who must be obeyed, as an act
of support for someone who must be supported, or as any other kind of
obligatory action undertaken with respect to someone else. In this case, if
he finds it impossible to act, he is considered blameworthy and (his failure to act) is not considered excusable, because he is able to act and has
the power to act. Therefore, his own conscience may cause him to regret
(his failure to act), or he may be punished by others, or he may be blamed
and reproached.
This particular aspectthe one aspect connected with thinking and
with the application of reasoning by choice that is restricted to human
beingsis the fruit and product of the intellect. Without it, the existence
one would expect here. A few lines below, the word is used correctly for choice. Possibly,
choice is a mistake for compulsion. Cf. also Watt, op. cit., in particular, 52, 96, 118, 159.
45
of the intellect would be useless. In fact, its existence would be a frivolous

joke. Now, we are certain that the intellect is the most majestic of the
existentia and the most noble of Gods gifts to man. We are furthermore
certain that the lowest possible of the existentia is the one the existence
of which is useless and meaningless, comparable to a frivolous joke. It
would follow that the most majestic of the existentia is at the same time
the lowest of them. This is a contradiction that cannot be. Therefore, such
a conclusion is not true. Its opposite must be true (namely, that there is
action by choice, as the noblest action possible and as the reason for the
existence of the intellect).
Thus, at the end of the long discussion, it turns out, somewhat to our surprise,
that ikhtiyr holds a very high rank indeed in the scale of values of the philosophers. It remains, however, a term that must be treated gingerly as soon as one
approaches reality, and it is far removed from an all-embracing freedom. On the
other hand, no theory of ikhtiyr which would have denied a certain human
freedom of action except on the metaphysical level ever found wide acceptance.
Turning now to definitions by Muslim authors of urr and | urryah, we
may in the first place refer to the lexicographers. Most of them, it seems,
were satisfied with defining urr as the opposite of abd slave.51 An etymological explanation was offered by al-Widapparently, the grammarian
and Qurn scholar, Al b. Amad al-Wid, who died in 468/10751076.52 AlWids statement was quoted by Ibn al-Mulaqqin (723804/13231401) in his
notes to an-Nawaws Minhj:
The etymologists say that urr is derived from arr which is the opposite
of cold, because the free man possesses a pride and warm zeal that causes
him to seek noble character qualities, in contrast to the slave.53
51
52
53
Cf., for instance, Ibn Durayd, Jamharah (Hyderabad, 13441352/19251933), I. 58, or Lisn
al-Arab, V, 253. Cf. also a-l, Adab al-kuttb (Cairo, 1341), 156f., where urr is explained
as a negative quality (kh-l-, free from something); thus, to become free means to
become free from slavery, a free man means a man free from blemishes, and free clay
means clay free from sand. Cf. below, n. 65.
GAL, I, 411 f., GAL2, I, 524, and GAL, Suppl., I, 730f. From a quotation in Yqts Irshd, ed.
D.S. Margoliouth (Leiden-London, 19071927. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, VI), V, 99f.; ed.
A.F. Rif (Cairo, n.y. [13551357]), XII, 263ff., we learn that al-Wid reported about his
lexicographic and grammatical studies in one of his works.
Ibn al-Mulaqqin, al-Ishrt il m waqaa f l-Minhj min al-asm wa-l-amkin wa-l-
23
46
24
Thus, freedom was conceived here as an ethical quality, in agreement with

the connotations that had belonged to urr since pre-Islamic days.
Another definition, also by a lexicographer, attempted a clear-cut distinction
between the legal and the ethical meanings of ur|ryah. In his Qurn dictionary, ar-Rghib al-Ifahn (ca. 1100) first defined urr as the opposite of abd,
and then he distinguished
two kinds of urryah, the one referring to the person who is not subject to
any authority, and the other to the person who is not dominated by such
ugly qualities as greed and the desire for worldly possessions.54
For the first meaning, the author referred to Qurn 2.178/173 (al-urr bi-l-urr)
and to the Qurnic use of tarr, as, for instance, in 4.92/94. For the second
meaning, he ventured to propose an interpretation of muarrar in Qurn
3.35/31 (where the mother of Moses is said to have dedicated the child in her
womb to God muarraran) as free from worldly desires.
A philosophical definition of freedom appears in one of the numerous and
important works of Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz (d. 606/1209). It is concerned with
freedom of the soul, and it is connected with the ethical tradition linking
urryah with sphrosyn and eleutheriots.55 According to ar-Rz, freedom of
the soul means that
the soul either does not hanker by nature after bodily matters, or it
does. The condition of the soul that does not hanker after bodily matters
has been called by us freedom, because, linguistically, freedom is used
to indicate something that is opposed to slavery. It is well known that
54
55
lught, Ms. ar. Yale University L-560 (Catalogue Nemoy, no. 1007), fol. 59ab. Ibn al-Mulaqqin drafted this work while he was very young, in 743/13421343. It was published a number
of years later, in 758/1357. Cf. GAL, II, 92 f., GAL2, II, 113 (where the date of Ibn al-Mulaqqins
birth is wrong), and GAL, Suppl., II, 109 f.
The first to draw attention to this passage was young I. Goldziher in his Beitrge zur
Geschichte der Sprachgelehrsamkeit bei den Arabern, in Sitzungsberichte d. Akad. d. Wiss.
in Wien, phil.-hist. Kl., LXVII (1871), 229. Goldziher used a manuscript that erroneously
ascribed the work to al-Frzbd.
Ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, al-Mufradt f gharb al-Qurn (Cairo, 1324), I, 109f.
For the opposite of urr in the second meaning, ar-Rghib al-Ifahn refers to the
Prophetic tradition: Let the slave of the dirham perish. Let the slave of the dnr perish.
In this connection, he also quotes the verse mentioned below, n. 265.
Cf. below, pp. 88 and 96 f.
47
desires enslave. The person who hankers after bodily matters, whether
he leaves them alone or not, cannot be free. In fact, the person who
hankers after bodily matters and leaves them alone is worse off than the
one who satisfies his desires of the moment; for hankering coupled with
frustration distracts the soul and prevents it from acquiring the virtues. In
the long run, however, he may be better off, because the fact that he does
not satisfy his desires of the | moment and occupies himself with other
things may cause his hankering to disappear. Our remarks indicate that
freedom is a kind of natural modesty (iffah, sphrosyn) of the soul, not
one that comes through habit and instruction, although the latter kind of
modesty is also a virtue. This is meant by Aristotles statement, Freedom
is a habit of the soul that guards the soul essentially, not artificially.56 In
general, whenever the bodily connection of the soul is the weaker, and
the intellectual one the stronger, the soul possesses more freedom, and
vice versa. Plato hinted at this fact in his statement, The wicked souls are
in the orbit of nature, and the virtuous souls in the orbit and light of the
intellect.57
f definitions of freedom appear in the section devoted to urryah in the
Rislah of al-Qushayr (376465/9861072). This section is not confined to
mere definitions but aims at giving a coherent exposition of the f attitude
toward the concept of freedom. It will be dealt with in extenso later on.58
At the final stages of medieval Muslim civilization, the f interpretation
of urryah became decidedly popular and was widely adopted. It seemed
to thoughtful persons of that age that this interpretation brought out the
most significant meaning of freedom. In his Book of Definitions, al-Jurjn
(d. 816/1413) admittedly restricted himself to the f usage when defining
urryah. He did the same in his brief definition of ubdyah slavery, a term
that was most often used to denote the relationship of man to God. The legal
aspect of the problem breaks through in his definition of riqq, the technical
legal term for slavery.59 His f definition of urryah reads:
56
57
58
59
Cf. below, n. 247. Cf. also below, n. 242.

Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz, al-Mabith al-mashriqyah (Hyderabad, 1343), II, 413ff.
Cf. below, pp. 108113.
Al-Jurjn, Tarft, ed. G. Flgel (Leipzig, 1845), 112. Starting from the meaning weakness
ascribed to the root r-q-q, al-Jurjn explained that slavery (riqq) meant
a debility theoretically produced by law (ajz ukm), which originally was a penalty
for unbelief. Debility, because a slave does not possess the right to give testimony,
25
48
In the technical terminology of the people of true reality (i.e., the fs),
freedom means leaving the slavery of the essentia and abandoning all ties
and changes. It has several degrees. There is the freedom of the common
mass from the slavery of animal desires; the freedom of the elite from the
slavery of anything willed because of annihilation of the will in the will
of the Truth; and, finally, the freedom of the special elite from the slavery
of marks and traces,60 because they are absorbed in the revelation of the
Light of Lights.61
26
27
The very high level of meaning that the term freedom has attained in f
usage is indeed remarkable, but it should not be forgotten that urryah is only
one of the many terms that fism has filled with deep meaning, and not an
especially prominent one at that.
In compiling his vast dictionary of technical terms, the eighteenth-century
Indian scholar, at-Tahnaw, relied on two earlier works for his long definition
of urryah. The brief and formal legal definition was borrowed from the Jmi
ar-rumz of Shams-ad-dn al-Khistn,62 and the long Arabic-Persian f definition from a work entitled Majma as-sulk.63 The | latter provides an interesting contrast to the definition offered by al-Jurjn. This is what at-Tahnaw,
at the end of many centuries of sporadic study of the problems presented by
the term urryah, had to say:64
to be a judge, and so on. Theoretically produced by law, because a slave is usually

stronger and better able to do hard work than a free man, according to observation.
60
61
62
63
64
Cf. also at-Tahnaw, Kashshf iilt al-funn (Calcutta, 18541862. Bibliotheca Indica),
582, s.v. riqq; Zayn-ad-dn al-Marghnn (GAL, I, 382), Fatw ful al-ikm f ul alakm (Calcutta, 1827), 1336. Cf. also below, n. 82, and the discussion of Bryson, below,
n. 285.
That is, the religious and social obligations.
Al-Jurjn, op. cit., 90 f.
He lived in the first half of the sixteenth century, cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 648. His work is a
frequently printed supercommentary on the Hidyah of Burhn-ad-dn al-Marghnn
(d. 593/1197). The definition of freedom appears in the chapter on manumission (kitb
al-atq), ed. Constantinople, 12991300, I, 360.
This work seems to be identical with the Majma as-sulk f t-taawwuf by Sad-ad-dn alKhayrbd, who is said to have died in 882/1477, cf. the continuation of jj Khalfah by
Isml Pasha al-Baghdd (Istanbul, 19451947), II, 434. Whether the Majma as-sulkayn
by a certain Khayr-ad-dn b. Muammad az-Zhid an-Naqshband, mentioned in GAL,
Suppl., II, 1004, is the same work, remains to be investigated.
At-Tahnaw, op. cit., 291 f.
49
arr, linguistically, means being pure, unmixed, unsoiled (khul).65

Legally, it means a kind of judicial purity that appears in a human being
as the result of the fact that he has been relieved66 of any claims that
others might make on him. urryah is the same. urr is derived from
arr; its opposite is raqq slave. The opposite of arr and urryah is riqq
slavery. This has been stated in the Jmi ar-rumz.
According to the Majma as-sulk, urryah, in f usage, means complete relief of the mind from attachment to anything but God. Man arrives
at the station of freedom when he no longer has any worldly purpose to
follow and does not care for either this world or the hereafter because as
you are in the captivity (band) of the one, so you are the slave (bandah) of
the other. The perfect man called free is the one who has developed eight
things to perfection: Words, actions, knowledge, good character qualities,
renunciation (tark), isolation (uzlet), contentment (qanet), and leisure
( farghet). Someone possessing only the first four must be called excellent (mature, bligh), but he cannot be called free.66a
The free fall into two categories. Some choose obscurity and avoid mixing with the people of this world and accepting their gifts; they know that
keeping company with the people of this world increases separatedness
(from the divine). Others observe acquiescence (in) and | acceptance (of
the world); they know that at times things happen to human beings that
turn out to be useful although they (at first) appeared to be harmful. You
may perhaps dislike something which is good for you (Qurn 2.216/213).
In their opinion, mixing and not mixing with the people of this world are
the same thing, as are accepting or rejecting a gift.
Since some heretics say that he who arrives at the station of freedom
ceases to be a slaveand this is heresy because no one ever ceases to be a
slave of the Prophet, who else (but a heretic) would want to occupy that
65
66
66a
The common Semitic root kh-l- has the basic meaning of to be free from attachments,
such as some different matter, impurities, clothes, possessions, unsatisfactory circumstances. In its transitive form, it can best be rendered to extricate. In Arabic, it lacks all
the positive connotations of urryah, although in the form ikhl, it became a widely used
positive religious term (cf. C. van Arendonk, in EI, s.v. ikhl). Cf. also above, n. 51.
Lit, cut off.
The thirteenth-century Persian mystic an-Nasaf included a chapter on bulgh u urryet
in his Kitb al-Insn al-kmil, according to F. Meier, Die Schriften des Azz-i Nasaf, in
Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes, LII (19531955), 151. Cf. also the verse
quoted there on p. 167, where an-Nasaf speaks of the necessary freedom ( frigh) from
both worlds.
28
50
place? No! When a human being arrives at the station (of freedom), he is
no longer a slave of himself, that is, he does not follow the commands of
his own soul. Rather, he becomes the owner of his soul. The soul becomes
subservient and obedient to him. He no longer feels that divine worship
is a troublesome obligation. He sees in it his joy and relaxation, and he
joyfully performs it.
Freedom is the end of slavery (ubdyah),67 which68 is the proper
guidance given to man (al-abd) when he is first created. Thus the Majma
as-sulk f bayn a-arq.
The foregoing citations of Muslim definitions of freedom constitute a good
cross-section of the varied thought on the problem from different fields of cultural endeavor. They include some material which does not properly fall under
the heading of definition, and they are comparatively few in number. Much
of what they intimate will be found repeated and expanded in the following
pages which deal with the concept of freedom on the legal/sociological and
philosophical/metaphysical levels.
67
68
This statement was repeated by at-Tahnaw, op. cit., 948, s.v. ubdyah.
The pronoun refers to slavery, and not to freedom.
iv
Legal and Sociological Aspects

of the Concept of Freedom
a
Slavery
The outlook of jurists, and of all those who dealt with the legal aspects of slavery,
was determined by the fact that slavery was an accepted institution in Islam.
There was the presumption of a divinely ordained distinction between the
unfree and the free. Freedom was a precious gift, and those to whom it was
given by birth were admonished to guard it jealously.69 However, there were
those whose lot it was to be unfree, and, of course, human beings could never
be sure of the vicissitudes of fate; thus, a simple Bedouin woman may be heard
to reflect in a poem about having seen today a free man who was not free
yesterday.70
The furthest jurists could go toward criticizing slavery was for them to look
at the status quo with the uncomfortable feeling that its moral basis was shaky.
In fact, this is what happened occasionally.
The disqualifications of slaves were numerous, in particular, as far as their
eligibility for high office and the exercise of civic duties were concerned.71
69
70
71
God made you a free man; so, do not become someone elses slave (by accepting benefactions from any source except God). This statement is included among the exhortations
which Al is alleged to have addressed to his son, al-asan, according to al-Mward,
Adab ad-duny wa-d-dn (Cairo, 1315), 220. Cf. in this connection the statement cited by
al-Mward, op. cit., 118, that generosity may make a slave out of a free man. Cf. also Ab
ayyn at-Tawd, F -adqah wa--adq (Constantinople, 1301), 175, and below n. 301.
Al-Mward, op. cit., 197.
The status of freeman was, for instance, a condition for becoming caliph in orthodox
Islam; for being appointed to the delegated wazirate, though not for the executive
wazirate; for holding the office of administrator of the charity tax, etc. Cf. al-Mward,
al-Akm as-sulnyah (Cairo, 1298), 62, 26, 109. From this, it would follow, for example,
that officials employed by judges and sulns had to be freemen. Cf. al-Qalqashand,
ub al-ash (Cairo, 13311338/19131919), I, 65. Or it could be argued that a slave who
was appointed judge by the ruler became automatically free. Cf. al-Kfiyaj, ad-Durrah
al-ghliyah, Ms. Cairo, majm 395, fols. 46a ff. Cf. also Ab Yal, al-Akm as-sulnyah
(Cairo, 13561357/1938), 4, 44 f., 225.
The grave handicap of slaves of not being admitted as witnesses has already been
29
52
30
31
Their inequality in the eyes of the law | was burdensome. In criminal cases it
occasionally worked to their advantage, and they were exempted from such a
demanding duty as the performance of the pilgrimage. The handicaps encountered by slaves were somewhat counteracted by the firm belief that all Muslims were brothers and that, according to the Prophetic tradition, all men and
women were slaves of God only. Nobody had the right to address a man or a
woman as his slave, but he was to say, my boy, my maid, or my young man,
my young woman.72 In contrast to medieval Christianity, Islam, surprisingly
enough, was not bothered by the awesome authority of Aristotle and his views
on slavery. Aristotles tortuous defense of the proposition that there are people who are slaves by nature, had to be refuted constantly by Christians on the
basis of | Christian principles.73 It remained unnoticed, and, indeed, unknown
72
73
mentioned, above, n. 59. For their different treatment with regard to add penalties, cf.
also, for instance, Ab Ysuf, Kitb al-Kharj (Cairo, 1352), 159.
During certain periods of Muslim history, slaves could attain the highest positions
in the government. On this basis, it has been contended by Western scholars that slavery carried with it scarcely any social inferiority (H.A.R. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic
Society and the West [Oxford University Press, 1950], I, 43), or, at least, that it was nicht
unbedingt und immer ein stand von unterdrckten parias (H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele,
362 f.). However, regardless of their actual position and the social advantages derived
from it, the unfree status of individuals as such was always considered a personal disgrace. And it should be noted that it is often the point of stories showing slaves in a
good light that good things or noble deeds could be found even in the persons of lowly
slaves.
Cf., for instance, Muslim, a (Calcutta, 1265), II, 397f.; A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et Indices de la tradition musulmane (Leiden, 1933), I, 121b, l. 32f.
Aristotle, Politics, I, 3 ff., and, in particular, 1253b 21f. versus 1255a 1f. In the Greek environment, the principle that God let everybody be free, nature made nobody a slave, was
first pronounced, as far as we know, by Alcidamas near the middle of the fourth century bc, cf. R. Hirzel, op. cit. (above, n. 30), 261, n. 1; M. Pohlenz, op. cit. (above, n. 19),
51.
For the ancient and medieval Christian attitude, cf., for instance, F. Schaub, Studien
zur Geschichte der Sklaverei im Frhmittelalter (Leipzig, 1913. Abhandlungen zur mittleren
und neueren Geschichte, XLIV); M. Grabmann, Die mittelalterlichen Kommentare zur Politik
des Aristoteles, in Sitzungsberichte d. Bayerischen Akad. d. Wiss., philos.-hist. Abt., 1941,
2, no. X, 22, 35, 38, 70; C. Verlinden, L esclavage dans lEurope mdivale, I: Pninsule
Ibrique-France (Bruges, 1955. Rijksuniversiteit te Gent, Werken uitgegeven door de Fac. van
de Letteren en Wijsbegeerte, CXIX), 34, 793; S.J.T. Miller, The Position of the King in Bracton
and Beaumanoir, in Speculum, XXXI (1956), 288 f.; L. Hanke, Aristotle and the American
Indians (Chicago, 1959).
legal and sociological aspects of the concept of freedom
53
in Islam, at least, in its original form.74 Thus, there was no opposition to the
general principle that it was not the natural destiny of man to be a slave,
even if slavery had come into being as the result of historical developments
and human | sinfulness and then continued to exist.75 For Muslim jurists, the
basic principle for all children of Adamor, as is occasionally added: as far as
Muslims are concernedis freedom.76
74
75
76
References to slaves by nature and the natural role of the free man as the master occur
in the tenth-century, Kitb as-Sadah wa-l-isd by Ab l-asan b. Ab Dharr (Wiesbaden,
19571958), 188, 363. The editor of the work, M. Minovi, equates the author with Ab
l-asan al-mir (below, n. 240). For the work, cf. also A.J. Arberry, in The Islamic Quarterly,
II (1955), 922. For further echoes of the theory of the born slave, cf. below, n. 285.
For the Politics of Aristotle among the Muslims, cf. R. Walzer, Arisls, in EI2, I, 631a.
Only the very detailed list of Aristotles works by Ptolemy mentions the Politics among
the writings of the philosopher, cf. al-Qif, ed. A. Mller-J. Lippert (Leipzig, 1903), 44,
l. 15. The other bibliographies do not refer to it, nor is the Politics included in al-Frbs
presentation of the canon of Aristotelian writings, from a still unpublished section of the
Tal as-sadah. A dubious reference to the Politics may be found in al-Frbs I
al-ulm, according to the edition by A. Gonzalez Palencia (Madrid, 1932), text 55; trans.
70, and Ibn Sn has a vague reference to the book of Plato and Aristotle on politics in
his F aqsm al-ulm, in Tis Rasil (Cairo, 1326/1908), 108.
There have always been attempts to find traces of the Politics among the Muslims.
Silvestre de Sacy was a bit rash in attributing to the genuine Politics a reference to Aristotle
on politics ( f s-siysah) by Abd-al-Laf, cf. his Relation de lEgypte (Paris, 1810), 204, 291.
However, as S. Pines has pointed out, al-Kind mentioned the Politics in his treatise F
kammyat kutub Arisls, in Rasil al-Kind al-falsafyah (above, n. 28), I, 384, cf. S. Pines,
in Archives dhistoire doctrinale et littraire du Moyen ge, 1956, 36, n. 2. Traces of Muslim
knowledge of the Politics may show up in the future, cf. Pines, in Iyyn, VIII (5717/1957), 65.
D. Santillana, Istituzioni di diritto musulmano malichita (Rome, n. y. [1938]), I, 13, corresponding to p. 10 of the first edition of vol. I (Rome, 1926). (The second ed. was, in fact,
not published in 1938 but in 1943, cf. G. Levi Della Vida, Aneddoti e svaghi [Milan-Naples,
1959], 227, n. 7).
This corresponds almost exactly to the theory of the thirteenth-century Christian
jurist, Beaumanoir, cf. Miller, loc. cit. Beaumanoir, like most Muslims, considered the
manumission of slaves a highly meritorious act.
As-Sarakhs, Shar as-siyar al-kabr (Hyderabad, 1336), IV, 71, and idem, Ul (Cairo, 1372
1373), II, 222; Zayn-ad-dn al-Marghnn, Fatw (above, n. 59), 1338ff. Cf. R. Brunschvig,
Abd, in EI2, I, 26a.
In interpreting Qurn 43.32/31 (below, p. 77), an early authority had to remind himself
that the idea that all men were children of Adam could exist side by side with the
institution of slavery (a-abar, Tafsr [Cairo, 1321], XXV, 37).
An article entitled al-urryah wa-s-salm wa-l-ukm f l-Islm was published by M.
al-Q in Majallat al-Majma al-Ilm al-Irq of 1954, pp. 115 (cf. Revue des tudes
Islamiques, 1956 [1957], 108). I have not been able to obtain a copy of it.
32
54
33
There was much discussion of the question whether in cases where a mans
status was not clearly established, preference should be given to the presumption of freedom or to that of an unfree status. Opinion varies but, in agreement
with the maxim cited, there seems to have been a general tendency toward the
presumption of freedom.77 Difficulties could arise in criminal cases where the
victim of a crime whose personal status was not established might claim to be
a free man, while the defendant maintained that this was not so. Since the disposition of the case was affected by the conflicting claims, it was not enough,
even | for liberal legal opinion, to refer to the basic assumption of freedom for
all children of Adam but proof for the individuals status as a free man had to
be brought.78
Another related problem is connected with passages in the Qurn in which
Muammad addressed his contemporaries in general terms such as man or
the like. The question was whether or not slaves were to be included here so
that any law derived from these passages would or would not be applicable
to them. Also, was a distinction between freemen and slaves to be made in
these cases or only where this was expressly indicated? Ibn azm, in keeping
with his general principles, was definitely against making such a distinction
where the Qurn used non-specific terms, and he condemned it strongly.79
On the other hand, a tenth-century Mlikite, Ibn Khuwzmandd, contradicted general legal opinion by arguing that slaves were not included in these
cases.80 Again, it may be assumed that most jurists preferred the more liberal attitude, as an expression of their doubts about the institution of slavery.81
However, it must be admitted that the problem of freedom found little positive attention in legal works. The Muslim juridical literature is immense and as
yet imperfectly known, and further study may reveal the one or other author
who showed a more articulate and sustained interest in that problem and its
many ramifications, but, to all appearances, this is rather unlikely. We cannot discern any tendency among jurists to go beyond technicalities and to see
77
78
79
80
81
Santillana, loc. cit., says that when in doubt, one must always presume freedom.
For Shfiite vacillation with regard to the problem, cf. as-Subk, abaqt ash-Shfiyah
(Cairo, 1324), III, 21.
As-Sarakhs, Ul, II, 221 f.
Op. cit. (above, n. 34), III, 8688.
A-afad, Wf, ed. S. Dedering (Istanbul, 1949. Bibliotheca Islamica, VIb), II, 52.
The Muslim aversion for slave merchants is well known, cf., for instance, A. Mez, Die
Renaissance des Islms (Heidelberg, 1922), 156. However, it can hardly be interpreted as
an expression of sentiment against slavery as such.
55
freedom and slavery as something more than | legal facts. Muslim jurists may
occasionally suggest a wider meaning for freedom and even equate freedom
with life itself. For the Qurn characterizes unbelief as death (6.122/122). Unbelief is the cause of the existence of slavery.82 Slavery, therefore, is death and
perdition. It follows that the opposite of slavery, freedom, must be life.83 It is
doubtful, however, whether the consequences were ever drawn and freedom
acknowledged as the most basic human attribute.
Deprivations of Freedom
The attitude that prevailed toward individual freedom among jurists and all
other classes of the population is not spelled out for us with sufficient clarity
in legal works. Something more may be learned about it from the approach
taken toward the various ways in which individuals could be deprived of their
liberty by legal or political authorities. These included, in the first place, imprisonment, and, to a lesser degree, forced labor. Both subjects again lead us into a
very intricate and endlessly varied portion of the social fabric. Neither imprisonment nor forced labor was, in many respects, governed by hard and fast rules,
and even where the law took a hand in the matter, it often was as arbitrary and
depending on men and circumstances as is its nature to be. A reasonably clear
picture of the situation in Islam in all its variable aspects could be obtained only
from a collection of the relevant references from all possible sources. The following remarks are, of necessity, selective. It should also be kept in mind that
whatever seeming generalizations suggest themselves, they always had their
exceptions somewhere in Muslim history. No attempt has been made to proceed systematically and | to discover historical developments, regional trends,
and legal school characteristics. Thus, much remains to be done beyond these
timid steps into territory not yet explored in detail.
Imprisonment
The Qurn shows itself familiar with the institution of prisons. This is obvious
from the story of Joseph in the twelfth srah. The word for prison used in
that srah is sijn. A verbal derivation of it appears again in 26.29/28 where
Pharaoh threatens Moses with imprisonment. Since sijn occurs in the Qurn
82
83
34
Cf. above, n. 59.

As-Sarakhs, Ul, I, 173 f.
For ethical judgments on slaves and slavery, cf. below, p. 90ff.
35
56
36
only in connection with Egypt, it has been suggested, but without convincing
evidence, that the origin of the word be sought in Egypt.84
The root -b-s, used to express detention in prison in various Semitic languages (cf., in particular, Syriac), is used in the Qurn only in the sense of
to detain without the implication of imprisonment (cf. srah 5.106/105). In
later literature, the specific meaning of -b-s in a certain context occasionally
re|quired comment. Thus, it was important for a jurist to argue that abs, in
the usage of the time of the Prophet, did not refer to a real prison but merely
to detention, which justified the use of the word asr one bound in fetters for
prisoner.85 And, to descend from legal speculation to medical facts, a verse on
the death of Ibn Sn, saying that he had died bi-l-abs, required the comment
that abs here did not refer to imprisonment but to the obstruction caused
by Ibn Sns fatal colic.86
Detention (m-s-k) in their houses for women convicted of fornication is
prescribed in Qurn 4.15f./19f., a punishment which, jurists point out,87 was
later abrogated and replaced by flogging (24.2/2). However, such detention at
home, while it constitutes a deprivation of liberty, can hardly be considered
comparable to imprisonment.
At any rate, prisons were known in the Arabia of the Prophet. They had been
in existence in pre-Islamic times everywhere,88 and we may safely assume that
84
85
86
87
88
A.A. Bevan, in A Volume of Oriental Studies presented to Edward G. Browne (Cambridge,

1922), 71, referred to the occurrence of sgnon in a late Byzantine Graeco-Coptic papyrus
(Greek Papyri in the British Museum, ed. H.I. Bell, [London, 1917], V, no. 1708, l. 88) and in
some Coptic ostraca in the alleged meaning of prison. No mention of all this was made by
W.E. Crum in his Coptic Dictionary (Oxford, 1939). The assumption of an Egyptian origin
for the word is also complicated by the fact that it does occur in pre-Islamic poetry (Ad b.
Zayd, cf. Kitb al-Aghn [Blq, 1285], II, 25 f.; [Cairo, 1345], II, 111, 114). It may, however,
be argued that either the verses are not genuine or the use of s-j-n in them is not original.
For the time being, it would seem preferable to combine sijn with the common Semitic
root s-g-r to lock up, and possibly with Akkadian shigaru. The final n of sijn, for the r of
s-g-r, may be due to conflation with the root sh-k-n, sakana, Syriac shen residence.
Later Islam, as we would expect, knew quite a few additional words for prison, cf., for
instance, below, n. 331. The ar of Qurn 17.8/8, something prepared for unbelievers in
Hell, is usually interpreted as prison.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, a-uruq al-ukmyah f s-siysah ash-sharyah (Cairo, 1372/1953),
102. Cf. also below, n. 89.
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, Uyn al-anb, ed. A. Mller (Cairo-Knigsberg, 18821884), II, 9, l. 14.
Ash-Shfi, Rislah (Cairo, 1312), 37 f.
For some examples that were within the ken of the Arabs of the Peninsula, cf. the story,
known to Muslim historians, that the Persians used an army of prisoners, released for that
57
the larger settlements in Arabia, such as the cities of Mecca and Medina, had
their jails. However, in the Bedouin environment, imprisonment was a highly
impractical and almost impossible procedure. As a punishment at least (in
contrast to its use as a precautionary measure), it was, and still is, an extremely
dubious device that could be more | burdensome to those who applied it than
to those subjected to it. It can be considered as certain that among Bedouins,
imprisonment was not widely practiced, and the same can probably be said
about the smaller settlements of central Arabia.
This attitude is reflected in the attitude of Muammad and, as a consequence, in the theory of later Muslim law. The adth mentions that the Prophet
detained someone upon suspicion.89 This tradition became a source of considerable concern for those jurists who had to find equitable laws to regulate the
commitment to prison of debtors and accused or potential criminals, as will be
discussed soon. In order to forestall excesses, which human beings are only too
prone to commit, it was argued that the Prophet did not have a prison in which
he could have held contesting parties, but only when the number of Muslims
increased greatly in the time of Umar, this caliph bought a house in Mecca
and converted it into a prison; this, then, constituted the legal justification for
the maintenance of prisons by the established authorities (called imm in Arabic).90 A seemingly reliable picture of the situation with regard to prisons in
Umars time is painted in a story reported by the historian, al-Baldhur. | A
certain Kfan, Man b. Zidah, was accused of forging the caliphal seal and
89
90
purpose, to conquer the Yemen, cf. al-Masd, Murj (Cairo, 1346), I, 282. Or the famous
story of Ad b. Zayd and an-Numn of al-rah, as reported, for instance, by al-Bayhaq,
Masin (below, n. 204), or Nashwn al-imyar (below, n. 192).
The first to imprison people was believed to have been the legendary a-ak,
who was equated with Nimrod, cf. al-Askar, Awil, Ms. Paris ar. 5986, fol. 216a; as-Suy,
Awil (Baghdd, 1369), 54.
Cf. Wensinck and others, Concordance, I, 411b, 412a; al-kim an-Nsbr, Mustadrak
(Hyderabad, 13341342/19151923), I, 125. Cf. also below, n. 92.
For adth references, cf. Concordance, II, 431b, and I, 411b412a. Most of the examples
indicated in the latter place deal with the root -b-s and have no connection with the
concept of prison. One of them, reading, Your brother is constrained by his debt, does
not refer to the debtors prison; constrained is to be understood in the sense of being
prevented from entering Paradise! Cf. also above, nn. 85 and 86.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, uruq, 102f., and al-Bukhr, a, ed. L. Krehl (Leiden, 1862
1908), II, 92 (khumt 8). The legal-historical survey given by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah can
also be found in al-Maqrz, Khia (Blq, 1270), II, 187. But cf. as-Suy, Awil, 55.
For the meaning of imm, cf. I. Guidi and D. Santillana, Il Mutaar o Sommario del
diritto Malechita di all Ibn Isq (Milan, 1919), II, 742, n. 430.
37
38
58
39
embezzling tax money. The prison in al-Kfah, to which he was committed,

was a reed hut (qaab), from which he escaped without great difficulty. He gave
himself up to Umar who, upon Als advice, had him flogged and imprisoned
(-b-s) indefinitely.91
The Arabian heritage of Islam, it seems, is primarily responsible for the
fact that imprisonment continued to be looked upon as a rather doubtful
procedure. In its defense, it had to be recalled that imprisonment constituted
the add penalty for fornication (zin) in early Islam, that the Prophet sent
someone to prison on suspicion, that Al made use of two prisons, and so
on, with the most effective (but certainly, to us, least convincing) argument
of all being an interpretation of the term banishment ( yunfaw) in Qurn
5.33/37, as imprisonment.92 Altogether, this is slim evidence. In the basic add
punishments, the main class of criminal punishments fixed by the religious
law, imprisonment is not represented. It is also very little in evidence in the
modifications and extensions that of necessity had to be applied to the basic
add penalties in the course of time.
The famous Rislah, a brief handbook of Mlik jurisprudence composed
by Ibn Ab Zayd al-Qayrawn in the tenth century, may serve as an example.
Ibn Ab Zayd admitted the following cases of imprisonment: (1) In the case of
murder, without intention of robbery, after forgiveness has been obtained, the |
murderer is given one hundred lashes and sentenced to one year in prison. (2)
In cases of highway robbery, punishment may be left to the discretion of the
established authorities (imm) who may, if they see fit, impose banishment
to some place where the culprit will be kept in prison until he repents. (3)
The thief, once his hands and feet were amputated after four thefts, will, upon
commission of a fifth theft, be punished by flogging and imprisonment. (4) A
debtor, suspected of having the means to repay his debts or part thereof, may
be imprisoned so that his financial condition can be ascertained. But (5) the
wine-bibber must be flogged, and must not be sent to prison.93
91
92
93
Al-Baldhur, Fut, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden, 18631866), 462f.; trans. F.C. Murgotten
(New York, 1924. Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, LXVIII),
257 f. It seems less likely that Umar filled his prison with unauthorized reporters of traditions, as suggested by Ibn al-Arab al-Ishbl, riat al-awadh [Comm. on at-Tirmidhs
a] (Cairo, 1353/1934), X, 137.
As-Sarakhs, Mabs (Cairo, 13241331), XX, 8991, in connection with the imprisonment
of debtors. For the reference to the Qurn, cf., further, op. cit., IX, 45, and XX, 88; for the
reference to the Prophet, cf. op. cit., XXIV, 36, also above, n. 89, and below, n. 119.
Cf. L. Berchers edition and translation of the Rislah, 3rd ed. (Algiers, 1949), 242f., 252f.,
258 f., 270 f., and 256 f.
59
More will soon be said about the imprisonment of debtors. The problem
of how wine drinkers are to be punished is an old one; imprisonment seems
to antedate the generally upheld add punishment of flogging.94 The other
cases mentioned by Ibn Ab Zayd do not deal with imprisonment as a primary
penalty but as a solution for more complicated situations than were envisaged originally. Repeated backsliding was doubtlessly common among thieves
despite the painful punishment prescribed for theft. Obviously, the penalty of
amputation had to stop at some point. The Mlikite solution, indicated by Ibn
Ab Zayd, was shared by the Shfiites.95 A more humane solution ascribed | to
Al has amputation of the hand for the first theft, amputation of the foot for the
first repetition of the crime, and thereafter imprisonment.96 In Twelver-Shah
law, we consequently find that for the first theft, four fingers of the thiefs right
hand are amputated, for the second, his left foot, and for the third, the thief
was given a life term in prison, with the proviso that if he continued to steal
while in prison, he be killed.97 The more lenient attitude was also adopted by
the anafites,98 while anbalite theory was wavering between the two possibilities.99
There were, of course, cases in which the punishment of amputation was
not applicable because of recognized exceptions or because of the insignificant value of the stolen object. There could then develop cases like this one
discussed by ash-Shfi. Someone was suspected of having stolen an object
not valuable enough to make amputation mandatory. The man was held in
prison to await establishment of his guilt. Meanwhile, the stolen object rose in
value so much so that its new value would have made amputation mandatory.
94
95
96
97
98
99
Cf. the story of Ab Mijan, as reported, for instance, by al-Masd, Murj, I, 432f.,
or the alleged imprisonment of Ab Nuws, for which one may compare ash-Sharsh,
Shar al-Maqmt al-arryah (Cairo, 1306), II, 125, or Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, trans.
F. Rosenthal (New York, 1958), I, 36.
Shah law required flogging of the wine-bibber, and death for the four-time repeater,
cf. al-Allmah al-ill, Tabirah (Teheran, 1329/1951), II, 588.
A Muslim wine-seller is to be punished by flogging and imprisonment until it becomes
obvious that he has mended his ways, according to the Fatw of the anafite, Qkhn
(Calcutta, 1835), IV, 120, 487.
Ash-Shfi, Kitb al-Umm (Cairo, 13211325), VI, 117 f., 138.
Ab Ysuf, Kharj, 174. The same handling of repeaters was imputed to the caliph Umar
by Wak, Akhbr al-quh (Cairo, 13661369/19471950), III, 210f.
Al-Allmah al-ill, Tabirah, II, 592.
As-Sarakhs, Mabs, IX, 140 f., 166 ff.
Ash-Sharn, Kitb al-Mzn (Cairo, 1275), II, 188.
40
60
41
42
According to ash-Shfi, the value of the object on the day it was stolen is to
be the decisive factor.100 We also hear of a case where a rulers servant was
imprisoned for theft, apparently at the whim and discretion of the ruler.101
All the information we have shows clearly that imprisonment was not a primary punishment according to Islamic legal theory.101a | On the contrary, it was
a decidedly unpopular procedure, and it may be said that Muslim law was basically disinclined to deprive individuals of their liberty. However, prisons of all
kinds and descriptions were indispensable fixtures of every Muslim community large enough to maintain them. The references in literature are numerous.
It would not be difficult to duplicate, from Muslim sources, most of the stories
we know about prisons and their inmates from other parts of the world.
The principal legal basis for sending people to prison is to be found in the
word tazr.102 As a technical term, it came to indicate the power of the judge
and, occasionally, of closely related offices such as that of the mutasib, the
market supervisor103to mete out punishment in cases where add penalties
did not apply. The types of punishment which could be administered under the
heading of tazr were classified in various ways. According to Shfiite theory,
the tazr punishment could be verbal, that is, a verbal lashing or exhortation.
Then, it could be imprisonment. The next step was banishment, and, finally,
there was flogging.104 The various kinds of tazr were occasionallyas, | for
instance, by the twelfth-century anafite author, al-Kshnconceived as
100
101
Ash-Shfi, Umm, VI, 116.

Ibn al-Fuwa, al-awdith al-jmiah (Baghdd, 1351), 26. Ibn al-Fuwas authorship of
the work has recently been denied by Irq historians, cf. Abbs al-Azzw, At-Tarf
bi-l-muarrikhn, I (Baghdd, 1376/1957), 161; K. Awwd, in Sumer, XIII (1957), 53f.
101a Cf. G. Bergstrsser-J. Schacht, Grundzge des islamischen Rechts (Leipzig-Berlin, 1935),
96: Imprisonment (abs) is not a punishment but rather a means to bring about active
repentance (tawbah).
102 The root -z-r does not seem to be represented in other Semitic languages. It appears to be
a variant form of the common root -dh-r. Its original meaning may have been something
like to fend off. On tazr, cf. also N.J. Coulson, in International and Comparative Law
Quarterly, VI (1957), 53 f.
103 Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, uruq, 240, where the choice of either imprisonment or
flogging is left to the mutasib in cases of neglect to pray, and uruq, 270, where refusal
of business permits for persons who falsify weights is considered a more severe and
appropriate punishment than either flogging or imprisonment. For other cases where the
mutasib may send offenders to prison, cf. M. A. Makk, Akm as-sq li-Yay b. Umar
al-Andalus, in Revista del Instituto Egpcio de Estudios Islmicos, IV (1956), 128, 133f., 135,
142.
104 As-Subk, abaqt, IV, 300 f. As-Subk was quoting, indirectly, the ilyah of ash-Shsh
61
applicable to the various strata of society, with imprisonment being reserved

for the commercial middle class, and imprisonment combined with flogging
for the lowest class, the general mass of people.105
There can be no doubt that the tazr is a continuation of the pre-Islamic
judicial power of the government vested in the judge. Wherever it existed, this
power came to be restricted by the Muslim religious law but, in view of the
large areas left uncovered by the latter, had to reassert itself in those areas. The
Muslim judges power of tazr largely overlapped with punitive measures taken
by the political authorities directly. A judge could wield the power of tazr
arbitrarily. He could, for instance, commit someone to prison for an alleged
affront to his dignity, for contempt of court, we might call it.106 He could also jail
people for no valid reason whatever but his own whim or personal interest.107
On the other hand, he could refuse to send a debtor to jail upon demand by
the creditor, merely on the strength of a hunch, derived from physiognomy,
that something was wrong in the case.108 There was no orderly process of
appeal that might have restrained a judge bent upon abusing his powers.
However, social and moral pressures made such abuses, generally speaking,
most uncommon. Their occurrence was certainly no more frequent in Islam
than in other comparable societies. The model judge would conscientiously
do his duty as he saw it and send a man to prison only when the circumstances
seemed to demand it. But then, he | could not be swayed by anyone or anything
from the decision he had made. When Shuray committed a man because of
debts, and this man, having personal connections with Shuray, would hardly
believe it, Shuray said: It was not I who sent you to prison; the law (the facts
of the situation, aqq) did it.109
The choice of the particular tazr penalty to be applied in a given case was
largely left to the discretion of the judge, and so was the length of the prison
term if imprisonment was considered suitable. Such imprisonment could be for
105
106
107
108
109
(d. 507/1114, cf. GAL, I, 390 f., GAL, Suppl., I, 674). For Mlikite theory, cf. Guidi and Santillana, op. cit., II, 742.
The three choices, in a slightly different order, were, for instance, left to the decision of
the anafite judge in the case of persons who behaved immorally in their own houses, cf.
Qkhn, Fatw, IV, 380.
W. Heffening, Tazr, in EI, IV, 710.
Wak, Akhbr al-quh, I, 190 f., 210; III, 308.
Cf., for instance, Wak, op. cit., Ill, 36, 38, 187.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, uruq, 27; at-Tankh, The Table-Talk of a Mesopotamian Judge,
trans. D.S. Margoliouth, Part II, no. 3 (Hyderabad, n.y., 182f.).
Wak, op. cit., II, 296. Cf. below, n. 166.
43
62
44
one day, or it could be for an indefinite period.110 The decision was made by the
judge. Presumably, judges were as a rule guided by precedent and local custom.
However, the appropriate length of prison terms was occasionally discussed in
legal literature. We have already seen that the length of the prison term could be
a fixed one in certain add cases. Life sentences were, for instance, mandatory
in murder cases for the accomplice who had been holding the victim while the
murder was being committed,111 or for a Muslim slave who killed his Christian
master.112 The length of time a bankrupt debtor was supposed to spend in
prison was often discussed.113
Working against fixed prison terms was the custom, based upon passages of
the Qurn, of sentencing people to prison to be held there until they would give
proof of repentance, that is, of having reformed their ways.114 But even when
someone was | sent to prison not by a judge but by the ruler, he often knew
in advance the length of his prospective stay in prison. Ash-Shfi discussed
the case of a man who had taken it upon himself to perform the pilgrimage
but was jailed by the government. In this case, the situation differs according
to whether he knows the presumable length of his stay in prison, and thus,
whether he will be able to undertake the pilgrimage in time; or he does not
know the length of his sentence, or he knows that he will have to stay in prison
beyond the season of the pilgrimage.115 In cases with political overtones, the
matter was, of course, very different. A political prisoner was rarely sure how
long he would have to remain in prison. In criminal cases, too, it could happen
that bureaucratic confusion caused a poor fellow to be forgotten and held in
prison well beyond his time. Thus, during the reign of al-Mamn, a man stole a
garment worth two dirhams and was kept in jail for two years until he hit upon
some desperate measure designed to call attention to himself and his plight.116
There was so much paper work in the prison administration of a large city that
it could happen that the documents concerning a man indicted for murder
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
As-Subk, loc. cit. (above, n. 104), apparently continuing his quotation from ash-Shsh.
Ash-Shfi, Umm, VII, 300 f.; al-Allmah al-ill, Tabirah, II, 610. In Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, uruq, 51, this decision is ascribed to Al, speaking about a murderer, someone who
held the victim, and an onlooker who did not do anything to prevent the crime.
Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 73, in connection with the case he reported, referred to this as
anbalite and Shfiite practice.
Cf. below, p. 51 f.
Cf. above, n. 101a, and below, n. 131, or, for instance, as-Sarakhs, Mabs, XXIV, 36.
Ash-Shfi, Umm, II, 138 f.
Amad b. Ab hir ayfr, Kitb Baghdd, ed. H. Keller (Leipzig, 1908), text 24, trans. 11;
(Cairo, 1368/1949), 20.
63
were lost in the files and the accused himself was forgotten in prison.117 How
frequent such cases | were, we are not in a position to say, but it would seem
that prison affairs were entirely orderly and well regulated even with regard to
the length of the terms which the inmates had to serve.118 The very occurrence
of administrative errors such as those cited here presupposes the existence of
a normally smoothly running administrative setup.
Another generally practiced type of imprisonment was the commitment of
someone suspected of a crime until his innocence or guilt was established.
Commitment to prison for this purpose was the right and duty of the judge and,
wherever their particular fields of jurisdiction were concerned, of the mutasib
and the police. The example of Muammad, who had held people on suspicion,
was invoked to justify the practice.119 Criminals might also be held in prison as
a precautionary measure in order to keep them from escaping and avoiding the
deserved punishment. These things were recognized to be matters that had to
be handled with much circumspection so as to avoid infringing upon the rights
of the accused.120
117
118
119
120
This is the background of an anecdote placed in the time when Isq b. Ibrm b. Muab
(d. 235/850) was governor of Baghdd. It occurs in the twenty-first chapter, dealing with
prisons, of the frstenspiegel, ash-Shuhub al-lmiah f s-siysah an-nfiah. The author of
the work, Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn, lived under the Merinids and was a contemporary and
friend of Ibn Khaldn, cf. the Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, I, xl; III, 395. Ibn Riwn
was briefly characterized as the author of the Kitb as-Siysah by the nineteenth-century
historian, as-Salw, Istiq (Cairo, 1312), II, 123. The introduction of the Shuhub speaks
of al-Khilfah al-alyah and al-immah al-Ibrhmyah; the latter is certainly meant as
an allusion to the rule of Ab Slim Ibrhm (760762/13591361). Ibn Riwn was out
of office during that time and may have written the Shuhub in order to gain Ab Slims
favor. Cf. GAL, I, 463, GAL, Suppl., I, 837, where the wrong information of earlier scholars
is reproduced.
I have consulted the manuscripts Bodleian ar. 296 (Laud 306), fols. 77b79b, and
Cambridge Suppl. 821, fols. 126b129b.
Cf. a-abars reference to prison registers (below, n. 197), cited by R. Levy, The Social
Structure of Islam (Cambridge, 1957), 354.
Cf. above, nn. 89 and 92. Ab Ysuf, Kharj, 176, referred in passing to all those under
suspicion who were held in prison as something entirely routine. Cf. also, for instance,
al-Allmah al-ill, Tabirah, II, 505, or the case reported by Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 488.
A defaulting debtor was held on suspicion, as it was put in O. Houdas and F. Martel, Trait
de droit musulman, La Tohfat dEbn Acem (Algiers, 1882), 766f. Cf. also the case reported
by Wak, Akhbr al-quh, II, 43, and below, n. 120.
Cf. the discussion by as-Sarakhs, Mabs, IX, 38 f., as to whether detention in a given case
was to be considered itiy, a precautionary measure, or tazr, a penalty. As-Sarakhs,
45
64
46
47
Legal theory, as expounded by the anafite Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah (691

751/12921350), showed itself hesitant to permit the jailing of debtors who were
suspected of trying to procrastinate repayment of their debts although able
to pay. With regard to crimes such as murder, robbery, theft, and so on, suspects are classified in three categories. A suspect may be innocent and a man
of known reputation, which makes him an unlikely suspect. Or he may be a
man with a criminal record, and thus a prime suspect. Or his standing may
not be known to the political (wl) and judicial (q) authorities. A suspect
with a criminal record can be committed without further ado. A suspect whose
reputation is not known may be jailed until his situation is clarified. This is
the opinion of Muslim religious scholars in general. Most legal authorities,
including the Mlikites, the anafites, and a number of competent anbalites,
state expressly that such a person is to be jailed by the political and judicial
authorities. Ibn anbal referred in this connection to the famous report that
the Prophet detained someone on suspicion, which he understood as implying
that a suspect should be held until his situation becomes clear to the authorities.121
In cases where there was no doubt as to the guilt of the suspected criminal, if no confession could be obtained nor the evidence legally established,
his stay in prison could be very prolonged.122 Jailing a suspected criminal in
order to force a confession out of him was frowned upon. The practice may
have been resorted to by the political authorities rather than the legal ones.
However, the temptation to use force to make a person suspected of a crime
confess must often have been very great and may not always have been resisted
by Muslim law enforcement agencies on the various levels. A tradition ascribed
to | Umar, declaring invalid forced confessions obtained, among other means,
through imprisonment, said that a man who is exposed to starvation, or frightened, or imprisoned, cannot be trusted not to confess that he is guilty.123
Other abuses could result from the right of the established authorities to hold
someone on the suspicion of alleged wrongdoing. The case of the wealthy
heir whom the government wanted to deprive of his inheritance apparently
falls under this heading. His fate was poetically described by Ibn al-Mutazz.
121
122
123
loc. cit., also states that defaulting debtors cannot be imprisoned on suspicion as a precautionary measure, because imprisonment is the most severe form of punishment to which
they can be sentenced if they are found guilty.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, uruq, 101 ff.
Cf. the case of a juvenile murderer, reported by Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 290.
Ab Ysuf, Kharj, 175.
65
He was kept in prison and asked to bring proof that he was the son of the
deceased, and it did not help him to declare that his neighbors and all his
acquaintances knew it. Only through bribery was he finally enabled to get out
of prison.124
Potential criminals could be jailed as a precautionary measure in order to
prevent them from committing crimes or from continuing the wrongdoing they
had engaged in previously. Such action was, it seems, outside the duties of the
judge and was the task of the police or the government.125 Thus, when a blind
man and a lame man took a walk together by night, it could happen that the
strange couple was picked up by the night watchman and put behind bars, in
order to prevent any possible mischief.126 This, of course, is a scurrilous tale
based upon an ageless motif, but like others of the same kind, it reflects reality.
A more serious case from thirteenth-century Baghdd engaging the attention of
the authorities was that of a f, al-arr by name, who continued to associate
with young men and boys | despite official disapproval; he was imprisoned
several times in order to restrain him, but to no avail.127
Criminals might also be committed to prison after sentencing but before
execution of the sentence. Thus, flogging as a punishment for drunkenness was
to be postponed if the culprit happened to be ill, and he was to be held in jail
until he recovered from his illness.128 It could, of course, happen that an old bon
vivant died in debtors prison,129 and special problems arose when someone
died in prison as the result of actual or alleged maltreatment.130 Imprisonment
could also be tried for a limited time in order to give a convicted criminal a
chance to reform or to recant, which would change the legal situation upon
which his conviction was based. This applied to apostates from Islam. AshShfi discussed a tradition ascribed to Umar who recommended a three-day
stay in jail for the culprit, during which attempts were made to make him
recant.131
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn (Cairo, 1891), I, 131. Cf. also below, p. 54.
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, II, 36.
Kitb al-Aghn (Blq, 1285), II, 149 f.; (Cairo, 1345), II, 405f.; al-Kutub, Fawt al-Wafayt
(Cairo, 1951), I, 286. The story is placed in the seventh century. Picking up drunks and jailing
them was the customary duty of the night watch, cf., for instance, Kitb al-Aghn, I, 165;
VII, 19; IX, 129; (Cairo, 1345), I, 414; VII, 267; X, 251.
Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 235. Cf. the biography of al-arr in al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 88ff.
Qkhn, Fatw, IV, 119.
Al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 40.
Ash-Shfi, Umm, VI, 76 f.
Ibid., I, 228.
48
66
49
The most widely discussed type of imprisonment is the debtors prison. The
hardiness of this institution is already attested in early Islamic times. When
the police prefect of al-ajjj started to hand out unusually harsh sentences
and did not commit anyone to prison because he considered this too lenient
a punishment, the debtors prison was left untouched.132 It was the general
practice for the creditor to apply to the courts to have the debtor sent to
debtors prison. The institution is, of course, mentioned not only in legal literature.133
Once the debtor had established his inability to pay his debts to the satisfaction of the creditor and had been declared bankrupt by the judge, he could be
released from prison, or if he was able to establish bankruptcy before he was
imprisoned, he was to be left free or to be released after a short while.134 The
principle of keeping out of jail debtors whose indigence was established beyond
a doubt was sanctioned by a story ascribed to the companion of the Prophet,
Ab Hurayrah. Ab Hurayah refused to yield to a creditor who insisted upon
having his poor debtor jailed. Instead, he permitted the debtor to go free and
he justified his procedure by saying that in this way the debtor might be able to
earn money for the benefit of the creditor, of himself, and of his family.135
The complications, however, were many. They involved the classification
of debts and the resulting differences in the legal situation,136 and included
such matters as determining how bankruptcy was to be proved and what were
the rights of the creditor and the obligations of the debtor in case the debtor
subsequently came into money. It is instructive to observe how Muslim legal
authorities approached a situation that involved depriving of their liberty individuals who as a rule were not criminally guilty. A few characteristic passages
from the legal literature may, therefore, find a place here.
132
133
134
135
136
Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn al-akhbr (Cairo, 13431349/19251930), I, 16; ed. C. Brockelmann

(Leipzig, 19001908. Leipziger Semitistische Studien, XVIII), 33, quoted by R. Levy, op. cit.
(above, n. 118), 333 f. Cf. Kitb al-Aghn, XVI, 41.
Cf., for instance, the reported imprisonment for debt of the early Muslim scholar, Ibn
Srn, mentioned by his biographers, among them Ibn Sad, abaqt, ed. E. Sachau and
others (Leiden, 19051940), VII, 1, 144; adh-Dhahab, Tarkh al-Islm (Cairo, 1367), IV, 195;
ad-Damr, ayawn (Blq, 1292), I, 293, quoting Ibn Khallikn.
For references from popular literature, cf., for instance, H. Wangelin, Das arabische
Volksbuch vom Knig ahir Baibars (Stuttgart, 1936. Bonner Orientalistische Studien,
XVII), 119 f.
Cf. below, p. 51 [p. 6869. Ed.], and ash-Shf, Umm, III, 189.
Wak, Akhbr al-quh, I, 112. Cf. below, p. 63.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, uruq, 63 f.
67
Ash-Shfi, on the problem of the bankrupt debtor who subsequently comes

into money:137
Regarding the case of a man who is imprisoned because of a debt and who
has been declared bankrupt by the judge and who trades in prison138 and
manumits slaves or makes some charity contributions or gifts, Ab anfah used to say, All this is permitted; none of his property is to be sold to
satisfy the old debt, as the declaration of bankruptcy has wiped the slate
clean.139 One knows that a man may be bankrupt today, and obtain property tomorrow. However, Ibn Ab Layl140 used to say, He is not permitted to trade, to manumit slaves, or to make gifts or charity contributions
after he was declared bankrupt; he has to sell his property and satisfy his
creditors. Ab Ysuf141 held the same opinion as Ibn Ab Layl, with the
exception of manumitting slaves under guardianship, this matter having
nothing to do with the fact that he had been declared bankrupt. Except
for manumitting slaves, he cannot ever consider any of those things permissible until he has paid off his debt.
Ash-Shfi said: The man is permitted to dispose of his new property
(as he wishes), whether he owes a debt or not, whether he has paid off
his debt or not, until the matter of the debt is brought up against him.
If this is done, and it has been established, or acknowledged by him
that he owns some property, the judge must place him at once under
guardianship and say, I have placed him under guardianship until I am
able to pay off his debt, since I had declared him bankrupt. He then makes
an inventory of his property and orders him to set his own valuation (on
the property) and (also) orders someone else to estimate (the value of
the property). The judge then has it sold for the highest estimate and
pays off the debt. If, now, the man is free from all debts, he has him
brought in and revokes the guardianship. The man is again permitted
to do with his property all he had done (and to dispose freely of it),
until the matter of another debt is brought up against him. If any of his
property is lost while he was under guardianship, either through sale, or
137
138
139
140
141
Umm, VII, 94; cf. also III, 189.

Probably, during the period in which he could still be held after his bankruptcy had been
established.
Lit., and there is nothing after the declaration of bankruptcy.
Muammad b. Abd-ar-Ramn. Cf., for instance, Wak, Akhbr al-quh, III, 129ff.;
J. Schacht, The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford, 1950), index (p. 345).
The great anafite jurist (d. 798) and author of the Kitb al-Kharj.
50
68
through | being given away, or through a contribution to charity, or in any

other way, it must be returned.
51
The twelfth-century anafite, Qkhn, on the problem of establishing bankruptcy:142

When the debtor is faced with imprisonment, the judge does not ask
him whether he owns property, nor does the plaintiff ask whether the
debtor owns property, according to express school tradition. But if the
debtor asks the judge to ask the creditor whether he (the debtor, in the
opinion of the creditor) owns property, the judge asks him, according to
general consensus. If the claimant says that he (the debtor) is indigent, he
(the judge) does not commit him to prison, for if he had acknowledged
his indigence after imprisonment, he would have let him go free. (If his
indigence is established) before imprisonment, he does not imprison
him. If, however, the claimant says that he (the debtor) is wealthy and
able to pay but the debtor himself says that he is indigent, one discusses
the situation.
The same Qkhn, on the procedure to be followed once bankruptcy has
been established:143
In case the debtor establishes proof of bankruptcy before being committed to prison, there are two school traditions (that are applicable). The
Shaykh and Imm, Ab Bakr Muammad b. al-Fal,144 said that the correct opinion is that the proof of bankruptcy be accepted. Whereas the
author (Qkhn) said: The decision must be left to the judge. If the judge
knows that the debtor is a person of bad character, he does not accept his
proof but first commits him to prison. If he knows that the debtor is a
well-behaved man, he accepts his proof. Assuming the debtor establishes
proof of his indigence, and the creditor proof of (the debtors) affluence,
with the latter being the more acceptable one, if there is testimony to the
142
143
144
Fatw, III, 150 f.

Fatw, III, 151 f.
He died on Raman 24, 381/December 4, 991, according to Abd-al-Qdir al-Qurash,
al-Jawhir al-muyah (Hyderabad, 1332), II, 108, where he is described as having had
personal contact with Qkhn. The editors of the Jawhir point out the chronological
impossibility.
69
effect that the debtor is affluent and able to pay off his debt, this, then,
is permissible and sufficient (evidence), and no specification of the property (said to be in the possession of the debtor) is required.
If the debtor establishes proof of his indigence after being committed
to prison, the express school tradition favors acceptance of the proof only
after the lapse of a certain period of time. Traditions | differ with regard
to the length of this period. Muammad145 stated on the authority of Ab
anfah that it was estimated to be between two and three months. Alasan146 stated on the authority of Ab anfah that it was from four to
six months. It is stated on the authority of Ab Jafar a-aw147 that it is
estimated to be one month. Shams-al-aimmah al-alwn148 considered
this to be the most charitable view. Some authorities said that if the prisoner is a well-behaved man with a family and if the family complains to
the judge about (their inability to defray their) living expenses, the judge
must follow the opinion of a-aw, but if he is a man of bad character
and the judge feels that he is uncooperative, he keeps him in prison for
six months.149 The conclusion is that the decision is left to the judge.150
If the judge has the impression, after six months, that the prisoner is still
uncooperative, he keeps him in prison longer. And if he has the impression, before the expiration of (but) one month, that he is unable to pay, he
lets him go free. This applies to cases where the affairs of the debtor are
complicated, but if his poverty is obvious, the judge makes speedy inquiry
about him, accepts the proof of bankruptcy, and sets him free in the pres145
146
147
148
149
150
That is, ash-Shaybn, cf. GAL, I, 171 ff., GAL, Suppl., I, 288 ff.
That is, al-asan b. Ziyd al-Lulu al-Kf, who died in 204/819820, cf., for instance,
al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd (Cairo, 1349/1931), VII, 314317.
Died 321/933, cf. GAL, I, 173 f., GAL, Suppl., I, 293 f.
Abd-al-Azz b. Amad, who died in 448/10561057 or 449/10571058, cf. Abd-al-Qdir
al-Qurash, Jawhir, I, 318. GAL, Suppl., I, 638, indicates his nisbah as alw, and the
same form appears in the text of Qkhn, but Abd-al-Qdir al-Qurash says that it was
alwn. Both forms, meaning seller of sweetmeats, are possible.
The moral character of defendants was often considered by the judge in determining the
sentence. Cf., for instance, Qkhn, Fatw, IV, 486, where it is said that a person of good
character who makes slanderous accusations against someone elses social behavior is to
be admonished and not to be imprisoned. A person of a somewhat less good character is
to be flogged ( yuaddab), unless he be known as an habitual slanderer, in which case he
must be flogged and imprisoned. Cf. also above, p. 46.
Cf. also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, uruq, 63, who concludes that it constitutes the correct
opinion not to speak about any fixed term, but the decision is to be left to the authorities
(kim).
52
70
ence of his opponent (the creditor). He inquires about his situation with
his neighbors, friends, and fellow merchants (ahl sqih) who are reliable,
not those of bad character. If they say that they have no information about
any property he may own, it is sufficient.
53
Again, Qkhn, on who can be committed to prison for a debt, and who
cannot be committed:151
No difference is made, with regard to imprisonment, between freeman and slave, adults and children, slaves authorized to do business
(madhn), or relatives and strangers. An exception is made for parents
and male and female direct ancestors. They are not sent to prison for debts
they owe their descendants, except (when it affects the ability of the latter
to provide for) living expenses. All others can be imprisoned for the debts
they owe each other.
54
There are many such statements and discussions in legal literature. The institution of the debtors prison implied a contradiction in that imprisonment was,
in fact, a punishment and the jailing of debtors was not meant primarily as a
punishment. It was recognized that the only justification for its existence was
that it secured restitution of the property owed if this was at all possible. It was
felt to be the unsatisfactory institution that it actually was, and throughout the
legal discussion a commonsense approach is clearly visible, as well as a considerable reluctance to deprive individuals, especially those of acknowledged
good character, of their liberty if this could be avoided.
The greatest threat to individual freedom resulted from the fact that the
governmentthat is, the ruler in actual possession of the powerhad the
right to exercise judicial power in most cases concerning public order and
safety. The ruler also had the right to imprison people at will whenever he
decided that it was necessary to do so. That this was his right cannot be
denied. It followed from the fact that in Islam, the ruler had jurisdiction over
the whole vast area not covered by the religious law, at least in so far as this
jurisdiction was not ceded to the judiciary.152 His right to imprison people
was never explicitly contested by the legal authorities. The government would
send to prison actual | or alleged heretics,153 religious fanatics who took the
151
152
153
Fatw, III, 153. Cf. also as-Sarakhs, Mabs, XX, 88f.

Cf. above, p. 41 f.
Cf., for instance, al-Bayhaq, Masin (below, p. 69). The cases are numerous.
71
law into their own hands,154 charlatans,155 and, in general, all those guilty of
violating public order in any one of countless ways. But it could also punish
with imprisonment officials who, without a criminal motive, failed to do its
bidding.155a And it could use imprisonment as a means to force people to pay
taxes or other monies, whether it was entitled to such payments or not; this
was a common procedure.156 Protests would come forth usually in general
complaints about an unjust and tyrannical rule. Specific comments, such as
saying that a scientist who was not successful in raising a sunken ship with its
cargo did not deserve to be jailed because of his failure, are rare.157
In the early days, judges who were not willing to serve could be put in
jail.158 The reason obviously was that those who were not willing to serve a
given ruler in high positions were hostile to him. There wasin theoryno
obstacle to throwing into prison political enemies of all sorts and descriptions
and holding | them as long as was deemed expedient. The literature, especially
historical works, are so crowded with cases of political imprisonment, which
are taken as a matter of course, that no examples need be cited here. Conversely,
historians and political theorists had no use for the word urryah which, it
seems, practically never occurs in their works.
No effective law safeguarded the individual against such attacks upon his
liberty. The ruler possessed the presumed right to deprive of their freedom even
completely innocent persons for no cause whatever. He also could threaten
persons with imprisonment unless they committed crimes he wanted them to
154
Such a case was that of the f, Ibrhm b. Shaybn, who went into a wine shop and broke
all the vessels there; the owner thought that he was a government official acting upon
official orders, cf. al-Qushayr, Rislah (Cairo, 1367/1948), 72. Cases of this sort repeated
each other at frequent intervals, or they occurred in connection with attacks against
minority groups, cf., for instance, GAL, II, 117.
155 For instance, al-Jawbar, Kashf al-asrr (Cairo, 1316), 15.
155a Cf. Ab Dulmahs humorous complaint in Kitb al-Aghn (Blq 1285), IX, 129; (Cairo
1345), X, 252:
I have to go to prison without having committed a crime,
As if I were one of the tax officials.
156
157
158
Cf. also above, n. 124.

Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 53. The scientist and scholar in question was Ab -alt Umayyah Ibn
Ab -alt (d. 529/1134).
In one case, the same man was sent to prison both for sharah (which may be translated
disorderly conduct) and for the refusal to accept a proffered judgeship; this was considered remarkable. Cf. Wak, Akhbr al-quh, I, 27 f.; further, ibid., I, 226.
55
72
56
commit. Since such persons, when they were accused of a crime, often pleaded
lack of responsibility for their actions, the subject of crimes committed under
duress was threshed out at some length by the legal authorities.159 If innocent
persons were | held in prison, the reason could also be that the ruler himself was
ignorant of their fate. This may be the background for such f stories as the
one reported by al-Qushayr. It tells how Sahl b. Abdallh at-Tustar was asked
to pray for Yaqb a-affr who was suffering from a disease that baffled his
physicians. He replied, How could I expect my prayers to be answered, seeing
that innocent persons are held in your prison?, whereupon Yaqb released all
prison inmates.160 However, the theory, and often the practice, favored such
abuses.
It is here that we find the least respect for individual liberty in Islam, coupled
with the absence of any idea of the meaning of civic liberty. The legal authorities, as we have seen, showed the proper circumspection and hesitation when
faced with problems involving the deprivation of individuals of their physical
freedom. But the political authorities were restrained from disregarding individual liberty only by common sense, ethical considerations, and the interplay
of social forces. This points up the great practical limitations that curtailed the
potential effectiveness of the idea of freedom in Islam.
159
160
Qkhn, Fatw, IV, 490: According to Ab anfah, force is recognized as a mitigating

circumstance only if exercised by the government (suln), but according to Ab anfahs
two principal pupils, it is so recognized if exercised by anyone having the power to make
good his threats.
Ibid., IV, 492: Being flogged once, or being imprisoned or chained for one day does not
constitute (a mitigating circumstance resulting from the use of) force.
Ibid., IV, 500: Being forced to kill someone by the government under the threat of
imprisonment cannot be considered a mitigating circumstance.
Ibid., IV, 501: A woman forced to commit fornication by being threatened with imprisonment is given the benefit of the doubt and is not punished for fornication.
Ibid., IV, 131: A trustee is held responsible for deposits surrendered by him because he
was threatened by a tyrannical ruler with beatings or a month of imprisonment; he is not
held responsible if he was threatened with mutilation.
If someone was forced to adopt Islam and then became an apostate, he was not to be
killed, but he was to be imprisoned according to anafite practise stated, for instance, by
al-Bazzz (d. 817/1424, cf. GAL, II, 225, GAL, Suppl., II, 316), al-Fatw al-Bazzzyah, Ms. ar.
Yale University A-166 (Catalogue Nemoy, no. 888), fol. 381a.
Al-Qushayr, Rislah, 121. Cf. also the two anecdotes reported by Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn,
the one referred to above, n. 117, and another about a man from Hamadhn who was held
in prison though he was completely innocent.
73
The detailed circumstances of prison life also bear investigation as they may
serve as an indication of how highly freedom was valued. Again, the material
is widely scattered and comes to us in small, incidental bits that could be
fitted into a coherent whole only by supplying missing links through conjecture
and imagination. It is worth noting that authors other than legal scholars
who had occasion to refer to imprisonment were usually extremely vague in
their stories. The majority of their cases concerns imprisonment for political
reasons, and what these reasons were is | as a rule apparent from the historical
circumstances. But unless the details of a particular case were themselves the
subject of historical notice, detailed reports were rarely given. For all the author
cared, his characters just happened to be in prison,161 or they were held because
of a simple crime,162 or a crime committed by them.163
Imprisonment could take the most varied forms, from the most comfortable
and luxurious detention in a palace to cruel confinement in filthy dungeons.
This, however, applied mainly to political prisoners, and rarely if ever to ordinary criminals. A good example for the treatment of political prisoners and the
problems they faced is the eyewitness report of the treatment meted out by
the lnid Jaysh b. Khumrawayh to three of his uncles. Their confinement
started out in a most genteel manner, until one of them was locked up in a separate room and the other two were forced to let him slowly starve to death.
Then, their confinement turned into a nightmare of fear and despair.164 Stories about the genteel or rough treatment of prominent political prisoners are
numerous. It seems, however, that common people who were held on sedition
charges, or for causing disturbances of the peace and similar political crimes,
were often not treated differently from ordinary criminals.
Prisons were the concern of the ruler, so much so that a fourteenth-century
frstenspiegel could include a special chapter | on the duties of the ruler with
respect to them.165 They were the property of the government. This is well
161
162
163
164
165
Cf., for instance, the repeated references to imprisonment in al-Jis Kitb al-Bayn
wa-t-tabyn. It causes no comment if a pious man such as Dh n-Nn al-Mir just happens
to be in prison (al-Ghazzl, Iy, II, 18).
Cf. Amad b. Ab hir ayfr, Kitb Baghdd, ed. Keller, text 118, trans. 53; ed. Cairo, 67.
Id., Balght an-nis (Cairo, 1326/1908), 68.
Ibn ad-Dyah, Kitb al-Mukfaah (Cairo, 1332/1914), 102f. The faraj-bad-ash-shiddah
works are, of course, a copious source for prison stories. Very often, the fear of what may
happen to them worries prisoners most. It must be stated, though, that they are usually
prominent political prisoners.
Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn, Shuhub (see above, n. 117). Already the ninth-century Ibn Qutaybah included a brief chapter on imprisonment in the book treating of statecraft in his
57
58
74
59
illustrated by a story, told in slightly different versions, of the model judge,

Shuray. Shuray had committed someone to prison, and the ruler of the time
wanted that man released. Shuray refused to release him in these words: The
prison is your prison, and the janitor is your janitor. I found the man guilty. That
is why I sent him to prison.166 If high officials maintained their own prisons,167
this would merely be an extension of the governments power to set up prisons.
Ordinary houses, especially buildings belonging to a judges residence, could
be used as prisons, as was the house of Bill in al-Kfah.168 Prisons were known
under various names.169 If one spoke familiarly about our prison (meaning
the prison of al-Barah),170 it probably indicated the | main prison in town. For
larger cities, such as al-Barah, the existence of more than one prison can be
assumed. Prison buildings were not an attractive or outstanding part of a citys
scenery and did not rate prominent mention in topographical works, but the
latter occasionally refer to them.171
166
167
168
169
170
171
Uyn, ed. Brockelmann, 102105; ed. Cairo, I, 7982. For a prison budget from ca. 900, cf.
a-bi, Wuzar (Cairo, 1958), 26.
Wak, Akhbr al-quh, II, 279, 308. The second version reads: and the official is your
official. You give orders, and you are obeyed. Cf. also above, n. 109.
This, probably, is the origin of the prison of the wazr in Baghdd, mentioned by Ibn
al-Fuwa, awdith, 126 f.
Wak, Akhbr al-quh, III, 165. The jurists reconstruction of prison history in Islam
(above, n. 90) includes the statement that Umar converted a private house into a jail.
As were Als prisons, referred to by as-Sarakhs, Mabs, XX, 88ff. Cf. also the prison of
rim, located, presumably, in a-if and mentioned in connection with the history of Ibn
az-Zubayr, cf. al-Baldhur, Ansb, ed. M. Schloessinger (Jerusalem, 19381940), IVB, 27;
a-abar, Annales, II, 226f.; al-Masd, Murj (Cairo, 1346), II, 100; ed. Paris, V, 176; Yqt,
Mujam, ed. Wstenfeld, III, 585 f.; Kitb al-Aghn (Blq, 1285), II, 151; VIII, 32f.; (Cairo,
1345), II, 408; IX, 15 f. Further, al-Maqrz (below, n. 171).
Wak, op. cit., I, 27f. The most common way of referring to prisons is to have the word
prison followed by the name of the city or locality where it was situated, such as the prison
of Damascus, the prison of arrn, etc. (a-abar, Annales, II, 1877; III, 43).
Al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, I, 87, thus refers to the new prison in Baghdd.
His source was Wak who as a judge was well informed about the prisons of the city. The
New Prison was, it seems, a popular designation; there was one also in Damascus, cf. Ibn
Shaddd, al-Alq al-kharah, ed. S. ad-Dahhn (Damascus, 1375/1956), 272.
Al-Maqrz, Khia, II, 187ff., has a brief chapter on the prisons of Cairo. Cf. also Khia,
I, 424, 463; II, 213.
Topographical descriptions in geographical works also happen occasionally to refer
to prisons, cf., for instance, al-Yaqb, Buldn, ed. M.J. de Goeje, 2nd ed. (Leiden, 1892.
Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, VII), 240, l. 15f., and 260, l. 15f.
75
There were different kinds of prisons for the various types of criminals.
According to Ibn azm, as quoted by Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn in the Shuhub
al-lmiah,172
the authorities (imm) should charge every appointee with maintaining
a maximum security (thaqf ) prison for incorrigible (dhur) and potentially dangerous criminals, and another one for respectable (mastr) persons who are being held for debts incurred or for the purpose of corrective
punishment (db), or similar reasons. He should supervise the conditions of all of them in all these matters. He should also maintain a separate
prison for women. It would be good if there could be a special prison for
respectable women who are being held for debts incurred or for the purpose of corrective punishment, which would be separate from the prison
for women held on the suspicion of infamous (qab) crimes.
The sexes were, of course, always supposed to be kept separate in prison.173
That this was allegedly not done by al-ajjj when he was governor of the Irq
scandalized authors who wrote many centuries later.174 However, we hear of a
prison in al-Kfah, not long before the time of al-ajjj, where both men and
women were held imprisoned together for political reasons.174a
The type of prison meant in a given story was occasionally clarified. For
instance, in a story about the poet, Ab l-Athiyah, whose experiences in
prison were discussed frequently, the prison he was sent to is expressly indicated to have been an institution for criminals (sijn al-jarim); it appears to
172
Cf. above, n. 117. Al-Maqrz, loc. cit., also speaks about strict and less strict prisons, prisons
for officers and civilian dignitaries and prisons for criminals. One of the prisons listed
by him (cf. also Khia, II, 67, l. 20), that of the Daylam Quarter, was referred to in the
seventeenth century as an institution for criminals (mujrimn), highway robbers (qu),
and lawless elements (uh), in al-Mlaw, Bughyat al-musmir, Ms. ar. Cambridge 136 (Qq
194), fol. 43a.
Whether there actually existed a special prison building for heretics (zindqs) at the
time of Ab Nuws, as suggested by Kitb al-Aghn, XIII, 74, may be doubted.
173 Cf. Ibn Abdn, trans. . Lvi-Provenal, Sville musulmane au dbut du Xlle sicle (Paris
1947), 40. Ibn Shhn, Book of Comfort, ed. J. Obermann (New Haven-Paris, 1933. Yale
Oriental Series, Researches, XVII), 3, describes pre-Islamic Jewish conditions.
We hear that Muwiyah kept a woman in the prison of Damascus for two years; in this
connection no mention of separate facilities for women is made, cf. Amad b. Ab ayfr,
Balght an-nis, 64.
174 Ad-Damr, ayawn, I, 192 f.
174a A-abar, Annales, II, 767.
60
76
61
have been unusual for a man who had committed no crime but was detained
at the whim of the ruler to be held in this type of prison.175
A debtors prison was much more leniently guarded than other prisons.
If it was feared that one of its inmates might escape, the judge could have
him transferred to the thieves prison, provided that there existed no hostility
between him and the thieves so that he might suffer no harm from them.176
The evil custom of keeping people imprisoned in madhouses is attested from
thirteenth-century Baghdd.176a
The supervision of prisons was generally recognized to be one of the duties
of the judge.177 Appointments to the position of prison warden could be made
by the judge or the chief of police.178
If prisoners had money, they could provide all kinds of comfort for themselves. Thus, when Judge Shuray jailed his own son who had stood surety for
someone elses defaulted debt, he ordered his servants to carry blankets and
pillows to the prison for his sons comfort.179 If prisoners had no money, they
were dependent on the public treasury or on charity.180 Actually, the ruler was
supposed to see to it that the prisoners needs of food and clothing were taken
care of, that they were protected against the inclemencies of the weather, and
that the prisons were kept clean.181 Medical services were probably obtained
only with considerable difficulty. In the early tenth century, during a year of
much illness, the wazr, Al b. s, ordered the head of Baghdds hospitals,
Sinn b. Thbit, to take care of the numerous inmates of prisons who were prevented from looking after themselves and from visiting and consulting physi-
175
At-Tankh, al-Faraj bad ash-shiddah (Cairo, 1357/1938), I, 102, ch. 5. The kind of prison is
not indicated in Ibn Qutaybah, loc. cit. (above, n. 165). Cf. also above, n. 172.
176 Qkhn, Fatw, III, 154.
176a Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 2, 14, 24.
177 Cf., for instance, D. Santillana, op. cit. (above, n. 75), II, 566; al-Allmah al-ill, Tabirah,
II, 497.
178 Wak, Akhbr al-quh, I, 253 f. The office was not always a safe one, cf., for instance,
the story from early Medina reported by Ibn abb, Muabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstdter
(Hyderabad, 1361/1942), 227 f.
A Christian prison warden was considered a possibility for early al-Kfah, cf. Kitb
al-Aghn (Blq, 1285), IV, 186; (Cairo, 1345), V, 143.
179 Wak, op. cit., II, 308, 317. Cf. also as-Sarakhs, Mabs, XX, 88ff.
180 Cf. R. Levy, op. cit. (above, n. 118), 354. For pious men, there was the additional problem
whether food that had come in contact with prison officials was legally permitted for
consumption, cf. the story of Dh n-Nn cited above, n. 161.
181 Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn, op. cit.
77
cians about their ills.182 It follows from this report that general arrangements
for regular medical care for prison inmates did not exist even in a very large
and prosperous city. Impecunious prisoners did not | have it easier than other
poor people to find competent physicians.
Prison inmates occasionally did work from which the government reaped
the profit, such as weaving belts, and the like.183 Of course, they often continued
to follow the same evil ways that had brought them into jail.184 Prison conditions in twelfth-century Sevilla were described by Ibn Abdn:185 Prisons were
inspected two or three times each month. Attention was paid to not holding
anyone in prison unnecessarily or for too long a time. Inmates were not to have
much money on them. The warden and the guards were not permitted to shake
them down for money.186 There should not be too many guards as they would
want to live on the charity contributions intended for the upkeep of the prisoners. Prisoners were to be chained only when this was absolutely necessary. The
prison had a prayer leaderthat is, a prison chaplainwho was to be present
at all prayers and was to be paid from waqf foundations.187 Old and worn carpets from the mosque were used as floor coverings in prisons.
Ibn Abdns description was meant to correspond to reality, and prisons
may occasionally have been administrated in such a progressive manner. Variations in prison conditions can be assumed to have been as numerous as there
were prisons, but | general considerations make it appear likely that prison
conditions tended to be bad, despite the best intentions. For fifteenth-century
prosperous Egypt, for instance, a gloomy picture was drawn by al-Maqrz, who
appears to have been well informed on the subject.187a
182
183
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 221.

Cf. below, p. 69. Al-Maqrz, Khia, II, 187 (cf. also II, 68, l. 20), referred to the fact that
prisoners were mercilessly exploited for hard and menial labor. In the modern Yemen,
they are said to be used for most of the government chores, cf. J. Heyworth Dunne, in
Middle Eastern Affairs, IX (1958), 56.
184 Cf. above, n. 97, about thieves stealing in prison. For problems resulting from manslaughter in prison, cf. Qkhn, Fatw, IV, 448.
185 Op. cit. (above, n. 173), 39 ff., 48.
186 Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn, op. cit., said that it was the duty of the ruler to protect prisoners
against such extortions, and he hinted darkly that terrible things were done in this respect
at various times. Al-Maqrz, Khia, II, 187, considered the embezzlement of money
destined for the upkeep of prisoners a widespread custom.
187 According to Ibn azm, apud Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn, the prison chaplain was to be paid
by the public treasury (bayt ml al-Muslimn).
187a Khia, II, 187.
62
63
78
It was always stressed that prisoners should be allowed to pray in order to

fulfill the requirements of the religious law.188 A joke about prison chaplains
leads us back into the eighth century.189 A moving anecdote is told about
ash-Shfis pupil, al-Buway (d. 845846). Every Friday while he was in prison,
al-Buway washed and perfumed himself and cleaned his clothes. Then, when
he heard the call to prayer, he went to the gate of the prison. There, the guard
told him every time to go back, and he then exclaimed, O Lord, I responded
to your call, but they prevented me from going.190 Apparently, there was no
prison chaplain connected with this prison. His inability to worship as the Law
required him to do was considered by al-Buway as the saddest aspect of his
loss of liberty.
The treatment of imprisoned debtors was lenient, probably much more so
than was that of criminals even under favorable circumstances:
There is a difference of opinion as to whether an imprisoned debtor can
work for a living. Shams-al-aimmah as-Sarakhsi191 said, The correct opinion is that he should be prevented from doing so. Other authorities said
that he should not be prevented from working, because in this way, he
might be able to provide for his own living expenses and those of his family. He should not be permitted to visit the bath but should remove his
body hair in prison. He should not be prevented from having visitors, nor
from dressing (as he likes). | Nor should he be prevented from using perfume, or from eating and trading. There is nothing wrong with him having
his wife or slave girl visit him when he needs to have intercourse. He must
be together with her in a spot where nobody can watch him. However, it is
the opinion of Ab Ysuf, on the authority of Ab anfah, that he should
be prevented from having sexual intercourse with either free women or
slave girls, because preventing someone from having sexual intercourse
cannot cause his death, but it may give him added annoyance, and this
then might cause him to pay off his debt.192
64
188
189
190
191
192
Cf. R. Levy, loc. cit. (above, n. 180).

F. Rosenthal, Humor in Early Islam (Leiden, 1956), 50, 63.
As-Subk, abaqt, I, 276. However, an almost identical story was also told by as-Subk
about the unorthodox Ibn Karrm, op. cit., II, 53 f.
That is, the author of the Mabs, who lived in the eleventh century, cf. GAL, I, 373, GAL,
Suppl., I, 638.
Qkhn, Fatw, III, 153 f. From pre-Islamic times we hear that the wife of Ad b. Zayd
(above, n. 88) was permitted to visit him in prison, cf. Nashwn al-imyar, al-r al-n
(Cairo, 1948), 78 f.
79
However, no matter how lenient the treatment in prison might have been at
times, the thought of prison was as repulsive to most Muslims as it was and is
to men living in other civilizations. The extreme case of someone committing
suicide on his way to prison was mentioned by Ab ayyn at-Tawd, who
was deeply interested in the problem of suicide.193 It is especially regrettable in
this instance that the author gives no further details about the circumstances
of the case.
A prolonged stay in prison could produce a strong desire for freedom and
lead people to all sorts of desperate measures.194 Prison breaks appear to have
been common and often dramatic. For example, in 645/12471248, three individuals who were held in the prison (mamrah) of Wsi, bored a tunnel, leading to the house of a Jew, and escaped through it. But one of the three went to a
high official and told him that his two fellow prisoners had threatened him with
death and forced him to escape with them. He also told him about the crime for
which he had been jailed. This man was sent back to prison as a formality and
soon | discharged. His two companions were captured and again imprisoned.195
Amnesties occurred not infrequently. More often than not, they affected
political prisoners, but criminals whose crimes were light and who did not
face a add penalty, as well as those languishing in the debtors prison, were
not forgotten. Unfortunately, our sources usually do not tell us what kind
of prisoners were released.196 In times of serious disturbances, prisons were
among the targets picked by the mob to express their disgust with prevailing
conditions. They were symbols of political oppression, and when the mob
stormed them and released the prisoners, they probably intended in the first
place to liberate political captives, but it then happened that all the inmates
were set free without discrimination.197
193
194
195
196
197
Cf. Miskawayh and Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Hawmil, 152f. For at-Tawds discussion of
suicide in his Muqbast, cf. JAOS, LXVI (1946), 249 f. A similar situation, where it was
feared that a prisoner might commit suicide by jumping from a bridge, is mentioned in
a-abar, Annales, II, 1263, anno 94; there, it is a political prisoner who was afraid of what
might happen to him.
Cf. above, n. 116, and Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 269 f.
Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 217f., also 142 f., 372. Cf., further, Ibn abb, Muabbar, 191.
Cf., for instance, a-abar, Annales, II, 1337; al-Jahshiyr, Wuzar, ed. H. von Mik
(Leipzig, 1926. Bibliothek arabischer Historiker und Geographen, I), 180; Wak, Akhbr alquh, III, 300 (al-Wthiq released some of the persons jailed by Ibn Ab Dud after he
had broken with the latter); Ibn al-Fuwa, awdith, 47, 164, 177, 194; al-Kutub, Fawt, I,
162 (Baybars).
A-abar, Annales, III, 1510 f., anno 249863, cf. above, p. 45, n. 118. Cf. also Miskawayh,
in Amedroz and Margoliouth, Eclipse, I, 74; trans., IV, 81, anno 307/919920; the same
65
80
66
Of particular interest for the understanding of the Muslim attitude toward

the concept of freedom are reflections on prison life coming from the intellectual elite. For political and financial reasons, and sometimes also because of
youthful mistakes later outgrown, a good number of distinguished men had a
taste of prison life in their lives. Princes and statesmen were able to reminisce
about their experiences in prison,198 or, if they did not speak for themselves,
the historians, on innumerable oc|casions, spoke for them. Reports on scholars
who wrote scholarly works, sometimes voluminous and important ones, while
in jail, are frequent.199 Poets started their poetic careers in the enforced leisure
of imprisonment,200 or continued with their chosen profession while deprived
of their liberty.201 If they were in a lighter mood, they were not easily shocked
by minor crimes and could treat imprisonment as a joke. This was done, for
instance, by a certain Ibn Kharf (d. 12071208) in that witty combination of
high and low sentiments which was so highly appreciated by Muslim poets and
their audiences. The occasion for the verses was the action of a judge who had
jailed a young friend of the poet for a minor theft:
Judge of the Muslims, you have pronounced a sentence
That made time frown when it came out:
You have sent to prison a handsome boy for a few dirhams.
Yet, you did not jail him for ravishing human souls.202
198
199
200
201
202
incident seems to be meant in al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, I, 75f.; G. Le

Strange, Baghdad (Oxford, 1900), 44. Cf. also at-Tankh, Faraj, II, 80.
Cf., for instance, above, n. 164.
For instance, as-Sarakhs, the author of the Mabs, cf. Abd-al-Qdir al-Qurash, Jawhir,
II, 28 f.; GAL, Suppl., I, 638; O. Spies, in Oriens, IX (1956), 357.
Ibn Taymyah, cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 71. He also instructed his fellow prisoners in
religious matters.
This, for instance, seems to have been the case with the ninth-century poet, Ibn a-abb
(al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 17), or the famous Mutanabb (GAL, I, 86f.).
Thus, Ab Firs wrote poetry while in a Byzantine prison (GAL, I, 89). Poets in jail often
had an opportunity to use their talents in attempts to influence the man who had sent
them there. Members of the nobility wrote poetry in prison, such as the ninth-century
Alid, Muammad b. li, or the great-grandson of Ibn Abbs, Abd-al-Malik b. li, who
missed his friends in jail but was proud to have learned through his stay in prison that
he was able to get along without them (al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 439, 30f.). Cf. Ab ayyn
at-Tawd, F -adqah, 142: Three have no friends, the dead, the poor, and prisoners.
Ibn Sad (putative author), al-Ghun al-yniah, ed. I. al-Ibyr (Cairo, n. y. [the date of the
preface, 1945, should presumably read 1954 or 1955]. Dhakhir al-Arab, XIV), 141; al-Kutub,
Fawt, II, 160.
81
In view of the commonness of the experience, it is not surprising to find

literary works devoting some pages to imprison|ment and to the reaction of
those affected. Ibn al-Buturs twelfth-century collection of entertaining stories, compiled as it was by a prisoner for future fellow sufferers, quite naturally
featured a chapter on prison life with many poetical quotations on the subject.203 An older source is the Kitb al-Masin wa-l-masw by a certain Bayhaq, who wrote in the early decades of the tenth century. The work contains a
long section on the bad experiences of those who aroused the ire (of the men
in power) and were sent to prison. A much shorter chapter deals with the
virtues of imprisonment, but let it be said at once that only a small part of this
short chapter is devoted to extolling any alleged virtues of prison life.204
Al-Bayhaqs chapter on the evil aspects of prison life starts with a reference
to Joseph, the Ysuf of the Qurn. Ysuf complained about his long imprisonment and was informed by a divine revelation that he had brought his misery upon himself when he said: I prefer prison to what they want from me
(12.33/33). He should have said, I prefer safety (fiyah), and it would have
been granted to him.205 Ysuf is also credited here with initiating, or, at least,
representing at an early date in history, the practice of scribbling messages on
prison walls. He wrote, This is the habitation of sorrow, the grave of the living,
something that makes ones enemies rejoice, something that tests (the affection of) ones friends.206
203
204
205
206
Uns al-masjn wa-rat al-mazn, Ms. ar. Brit. Mus. 1097 (add. 19,534), fols. 29b44b. Cf.
GAL, I, 352.
Al-Bayhaq, al-Masin wa-l-masw, ed. F. Schwally (Giessen, 1902), 556578 and 578581.
A good deal of the material, in particular, the two long poems cited below, also appears
in the Kitb al-Masin wa-l-add, wrongly ascribed to al-Ji (Beirut, n. y. [1955], 44ff.).
The chapter on the virtues of imprisonment is described there more fittingly as the chapter
on the virtues of patience in the face of imprisonment.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, loc. cit. (above, n. 165); al-Mward, Adab ad-duny wa-d-dn, 210.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, loc. cit. (above, n. 165), and Ibn al-Butur, Uns al-masjn, fol. 29b. The
fact that Ysuf had been imprisoned could serve as a consolation for noble prisoners, as
in the verses of the famous poet, al-Butur, addressed to the future caliph, al-Mutazz, cf.
al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 375. Cf., further, Amad b. Amad b. Abd-al-Laf ash-Sharj, Tufat
al-ab, Ms. ar. Yale University L-443 (Catalogue Nemoy, no. 471), fol. 17b. [Ash-Sharj died
in 893/1488, cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 254. His work is mentioned by as-Sakhw, aw (Cairo,
13531355), I, 214, under the title of Nuzhat al-abb, cf. also GAL2, II, 243. The entry GAL,
II, 399, no. 3, Suppl., II, 543, is to be deleted, as is the listing of the work under an-Nahrawl,
GAL, Suppl., II, 515.]
Another inscription, cited by Ibn al-Butur, fol. 30a, and said to have been found in
the prison of al-Barah, read:
67
82
68
69
Ysuf also composed prayers suitable for prison inmates, which are known
among them to this very day: O Lord, make the hearts of all good men inclined
toward them, and do not conceal from them anything that is going on in the
world.207 For everybody has compassion for them, and they know everything
that goes on in the world. In this connection, we may mention another prayer
spoken in prison. It was quoted by al-Ji, in his Kitb al-Bayn wa-t-tabyn.
It can serve as a good indication of what went through the mind of a prisoner
who was faced with the dangers and discomforts of prison life: I am asking You
for protection against imprisonment and debts, against abuse and beatings,
against collaring and chaining, and against being tortured and spied upon. I am
asking You for protection against reverses after abundance208 and against the
evil that enemies may cause to my life, my family, and my property. I am asking
You for protection against worry and | sleeplessness, against being a fugitive
and being hunted, against having to submit and going into hiding, against
banishment and exile in a foreign country, against (becoming the victim of) lies
and calumny, against being accused and slandered behind my back, and against
the meanness of power and finding myself disgraced in both this world and the
other world. For You have power over everything (Qurn 3.26/25, etc.).209
Al-Bayhaq continued with a story concerning the caliph, al-Mahd, and an
upstanding heretic who had been imprisoned for his heresy and the political
implications it held. This is followed by the pre-Islamic story of the sad fate
suffered by the poet, Ad b. Zayd, in his relations with the ruler of al-rah.210
Then, there are many other stories involving important personalities from the
heyday of the Abbsid caliphate, all of whom had some trouble that sent them
to prison. However, the fact that they spent time in prison is only incidental to
those stories. Nor can the moral breakdown suffered by many of the individuals involved be attributed to their stay in prison as such; rather it resulted from
the strain imposed upon them by the major uncertainties threatening them.
Interspersed among these stories are a few verses and official replies to peti-
Dont despair of relief!

Those who were here before you left.
207
208
209
210
Verses by Ab l-Athiyah written on the prison wall were quoted by al-Mward, Adab
ad-duny wa-d-dn, 86.
This was quoted by Ab l-Qsim b. Riwn as proof of the rulers duty to take care of people
in prison (above, n. 117). Cf. also Ibn Qutaybah, loc. cit. (above, n. 165).
This is a quotation from a Prophetic tradition, cf. Lisn al-Arab, V, 269.
Al-Ji, Bayn (Cairo, 1332), III, 143.
Cf. above, nn. 88 and 192.
83
tions (tawq), exhorting prisoners to face their predicament with patience. The
great poet and prince, Ibn al-Mutazz, is cited as having described his fate in
these words:210a
I learned to weave belts in prison,
I who had been a powerful man before I was imprisoned.
I, who formerly rode noble horses, have been put in chains.
The revolution of the firmament caused my predicament, nothing else.
Surely, you have seen a bird in his element, the air,
Almost touch starry heaven.211
When the vicissitudes of time took note of it,
They caused it to fall into the meshes of the hunters net.
The bird, from the high mountain, falls prey to hunters,
And from the depth of the ocean, fish are captured.
Freedom, thus, was a gift of fate, like everything else in this world. Man likes it
and wishes to possess it, but it is not different from any other good or bad thing.
Whatever is decreed for one, he must accept patiently.
The poet Al b. al-Jahm (d. 863) displayed an attitude that was not quite as
simple. He was convinced of the intrinsic superiority of the free and noble man
(urr) who, he said, would find it hard to humiliate himself and beg and make
apologies.212 In the spirit of the little known poet, Shamardal al-Bajal, who had
once said,
If you find yourself in a prison that permits no escape
How many free, generous men of parts are in it!213
210a The first two verses (with a different first hemistich of the second verse) were ascribed
to (Ibn?) Bbak by ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 72 (the same man as the one mentioned
in H. Ritter, Die Geheimnisse der Wortkunst [Asrr al-bala] des Abdalqhir al-Curcn
[Wiesbaden, 1959. Bibliotheca Islamica, XIX], 154 f.?).
211 The words translated starry heaven are derived from Qurn 51.7/7.
212 Dwn, ed. Khall Mardam Bey (Damascus, 1369/1949), 149; al-Masd, Murj, II, 388.
213 Al-mid, al-Mutalif wa-l-mukhtalif (Cairo, 1350), 139.
The idea that imprisonment is no disgrace for a good man and that it may reveal the
true worth of a person, is the main theme of Ibn al-Jahms long poem quoted below and
also occurs repeatedly in Ibn al-Buturs Uns al-masjn, cf., for instance,
Imprisonment is the touchstone of the intellect and the test of hope. It tests a free
mans patience and reveals concealed qualities of intellect and character.
Or, the verses ascribed to Umar b. ash-Shinah al-Mawil:
70
84
71
Ibn al-Jahm considered imprisonment as something that could not touch a

man who was sure of his own worth. But he also considered it as one of the
vicissitudes of fate that might become the lot of human beings as a matter
of course. The long poem he composed on his stay in prison is supposed to
have been the first of its kind on the subject.214 It also provided the only
legitimate material for al-Bayhaq to use in his chapter on the virtues of prison
life. However, it must be said that the purpose of the poem was the same as
that of many other poems composed in prison, namely, to obtain the poets
release; therefore, prison may after all not have seemed to Ibn al-Jahm such a
desirable place to be in. A translation of the poem, following the recent edition
of Ibn al-Jahms Dwn215 which differs from al-Bayhaqs quotation mainly in
the sequence of the verses, runs as follows:
She said, You are in prison, and I replied: Being in prison
Does me no harm. Where is the good sharp sword that is not put (at times
back) into the scabbard?
Surely, you know that the lion likes to stay in his lair
Proudly, while the low beasts go back and forth.215a
If the sun were not concealed
From your eyes, the star al-Farqad would not seem to be bright.
It is no disgrace for free men to be in prison if they are there

Not because of the commission of a crime. In fact, their imprisonment is an honor
for them.
They may be compared to swords and brilliant pearls imprisoned,
In order to guard them, within scabbards and shells.
The same idea was also used by al-Mutanabb, cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, I, 80, and
ash-Sharj, loc. cit. (n. 206). Cf. also below, n. 215a.
214 According to al-Masd, Murj, II, 387. It is well known that such statements are not
always as exact as one might wish.
215 Pp. 4147, where references to citations in other works are given. Cf. O. Rescher, Abriss der
arabischen Litteraturgeschichte (Istambul-Stuttgart, 19251933), II, 35.
215a Cf. the imitation of these verses by Usmah b. Munqidh (al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah
[Syrian poets] [Damascus, 1375/1955], 505; Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, II, 177; ed. Rif,
V, 198):
They respect and fear you while you are
In their prison. Thus, swords are respected and feared.
For high-minded men prison is not a disrespectable place.
It is what the lair is for the lion.
85
The moon reaches the last days of the month, then the days
Go by, and she looks again like new.
Rain is held back in the clouds and is not seen,
But then it starts to fall, with the wind blowing and the rumbling of
thunder.
Fire is hidden in the stone
And is not kindled unless it216 is stirred by steel.
The sections of Zib spears217 can be straightened
Only with the help of the proper instrument and a hot fire.
The vicissitudes of time come once, come again.
Property is but a loan. It is obtained and exhausted.
Each situation is followed by another one, and occasionally
You find that something praised highly turns out to be unpleasant.
Never despair of seeing the end of (your) sorrow
Because of some matter an unhappy moment throws at you.
How many sick persons were close to death
But recovered while their physicians and the visitors who came to see
them died.
Patience! For patience brings relief eventually.218
No power can match that of the caliph.
Prison, unless one goes there because of a low,
Despicable deed, is a good residence to settle in,
A house that gives new nobility to the noble person,
Where he may receive visitors but does not have to go out and pay visits,
and where he has service.219
If the only advantage of being in prison were that
The slaves (of the ruler) do not humiliate you by not giving you access (to
him, it would be sufficient).
O Amad b. Ab Dud,220 you
Are called upon in connection with every important matter, O Amad.
216
217
218
219
220
That is, the fire, and not the stone. The latter would be possible grammatically.
Zib supposedly refers to the name of a man or a locality, or is derived from the root zb
to run smoothly, according to Lisn al-Arab, I, 432.
Al-Bayhaq has: for today is always followed by a tomorrow.
The reading yamadu would yield the meaning, to show his gratefulness (for visits paid
him), instead of where he has service. However, the poet used the root -m-d as a rhyme
word before, and he would hardly use it again.
Born in 776, he died in 854, cf. K.V. Zettersten and C. Pellat, in EI2, s.v., I, 271. Cf. also above,
n. 196.
72
86
Inform the caliph, whom (I cannot reach because) the way to him is
barred
By hostile territory and an inexhaustible number of dangers, as follows:
You, the cousins of the Prophet Muammad,
Possess the best knowledge of his law and religion.
You represent whatever is good.
You are a goodly race nourished in goodly soil.
Is it fair, O cousin of Muammad,
To give access to one party only and keep the other party away?
Those who came to you and accused me falsely
Are opposed to the undeniable favors you showed me.
They were present while we were absent, and they passed judgment
Upon us. There is a great difference between being present and being
absent!
If the two parties could be together in your presence
At some time, you would recognize the right path.
If I could live eternally but could have but
One day to sit in the presence of the ruler, the caliph,
While my opponent argues his case, and I argue mine,
I would succeed with my arguments, and he, with his strange arguments,
would fail.
God does whatever He means to do with His creation.
Tomorrow all our ways will lead to Him.
When I go, he who tried to detain me
Cannot be expected to last, but we shall meet at the same place.
For what sin was our honor221 allowed to become
A prey for the mean and the lowly to expose?
73
The impression given by Al b. al-Jahms verses that prison life had its favorable
aspects, was challenged by a certain im b. Muammad al-Ktib,222 who had
221
Honor was the free Muslims most cherished possession, cf., for instance, the words
directed by Abd-al-Malik b. Marwn to the tutor of his sons, as quoted by Usmah b.
Munqidh, Lubb al-db (Cairo, 1354/1935), 230:
Prevent them from making aspersions upon the honor of others, for free men have
no substitute for their honor.
222
Cf. also Bichr Fars, L Honneur chez les Arabes avant lIslam (Paris 1932).
He is no doubt identical with the poet listed in al-Marzubn, Mujam ash-shuar (Cairo,
87
been imprisoned by one Amad b. Abd-al-Azz. His reply is also found in

al-Bayhaq:
She said, You are in prison, and I replied: A nasty business,
Visited upon me by fate lying in wait for me.
If I were free, I would be able to do whatever I want.
I would not be held forcibly and put in chains.
Or I would be like the good sharp sword and would not be
Put into the scabbard at a time when painful and disagreeable things
happen.
Or I would be like the savage lion when wolves invade
My pasture, and my fire would burn hot.
Whoever says that a prison is a noble house
Must be a hardy person who smiles when he says it.
Prison is a habitation that is vile through and through
And mean and full of an inexhaustible amount of disagreeable things.
If an enemy visits me in prison, he rejoices at my misfortune,
Making a show of grief at times, and (then again) making fun (of me).
If a friend visits me, he feels true grief,
Shedding tears with recurring sighs.
It should be enough for you to know that a prison is a habitation where
you never see
Anyone ever envied for being in it.
1354), 273. According to al-Marzubn, he was connected with Ibn Ab l-Baghl. There
were two brothers called Ibn Ab l-Baghl, Ab l-asan and Ab l-usayn. They were
politicians who achieved prominence during the caliphate of al-Muqtadir. One of them
was Amad b. Muammad b. Yay (cf. Arb, abar continuatus, ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden,
1897, 40). Since the names Amad b. Muammad are mentioned near the end of the
poem quoted here, he qualifies as the addressee of the poem. It may, however, be noted
that the names of the two Ibn Ab l-Baghl, (and their relationship) are not quite certain.
Miskawayh (cf. H.F. Amedroz and D.S. Margoliouth, The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate,
Oxford, 19201921, I, 21) has Ab l-asan Amad b. Yay and Ibn an-Nadm, Fihrist (ed.
Flgel, 137; ed. Cairo, 1348, 197), lists Ab l-usayn Muammad b. Yay, but at-Tankh,
Table-Talk (above, n. 108), has Al b. Amad b. Yay and Muammad b. Amad. [Cf. now
also H. Ritter, Die Geheimnisse der Wortkunst (above, n. 210a), 153f.]
Abd-al-Azz appears to be a mistake, although the occurrence of such a mistake
is hard to explain. Schwally, following Pseudo-Ji (n. 204), suggested that Amad b.
Abd-al-Azz be identified with Ibn Ab Dulaf (d. 280/893894); however, there is no basis
for this suggestion.
74
88
For a while, we lived well. Then, the vicissitudes of time

And its constant changes made us stumble.
My steps have became short, not because I have grown old,
But because I lie fettered in iron,
In a dungeon in which day is similar
To night, and in which darkness is constant.
Night after night I feel no desire
For sleep, and what is life if one cannot sleep?
My eye asks me how long it will be kept awake.
My heart asks me how long it will feel grief.
I have only water to break my fast.
What kind of a life does he lead whose only food is water?
When I rise to pray during the night,223
The chains drag down my knees, making me prostrate myself.
How long will this trouble go on growing?
How long will this misfortune go on renewing itself constantly?
O Lord, have compassion with my homelessness, and restore me!
I am homeless, isolated, confused.
I have no protector except my master who
Always took care of me. A good master is he!
My life was nourished by gifts
Of his giving and by undeniable benefits (received from him).
For twenty years, I lived under his wing
Like a king, and my situation improved steadily.
When I deviated from the right path, he said to me,
Go slow! This is the right way.
And he turned me back gently to where
Lay my well-being, and to the proper path.
To my dismay, I was forced to leave him.
God knows and is my witness for what I say!
My enemy has come to occupy my place in his heart
And has filled it with fiery coals that are never extinguished.
Let us assume that I did wrong, but why were you angry at my wrongdoing?
Since I started keeping company with you, I have never once observed you
getting angry.
In fact, you always felt it to be the noble thing to forgive all sins,
75
223
Leg. tahajjudan.
89
And you always forgave and disregarded the mistakes of others.

Thus, consider it a good deed to forgive the sin of your slave.
Anger is a quality that has no place with you.
Remember my special dignity224 and positions
In the days when you considered praiseworthy whatever I did!
O Amad b. Muammad,225 generous man,
Be to me as you were before, O Amad!
Do not give my enemies reason for rejoicing at my misfortunes, and let
me go free,
For the whiteness of your face, as my face is black.
Al-Bayhaq, finally, quoted a few lines of poetry, ascribed to either Jafar b.
Khlid al-Barmak or Abdallh b. Muwiyah b. Abdallh b. Jafar b. Ab lib.226
Far from praising prison life, these verses are another bitter denunciation of the
frustrations suffered by those who were forcibly deprived of their freedom. A
later jurist in fact quoted them to this effect.227
We prefer to complain to God about the misfortune that has befallen us.
It is in His hand to lift distress and tribulation.
We have left the world but still belong to it.
We are neither alive nor dead in this world.
When the prison guard comes in at times for some business,
We are surprised and say, This one has come from the world.
We rejoice at our dreams. Most of our talk
In the morning is about our dreams.
224
225
226
227
The variant reading khidmat my services is equally well possible. Both words are used
together in Miskawayhs historical work, cf. Amedroz and Margoliouth, Eclipse, I, 91; trans.,
IV, 100; Kitb al-Aghn (Blq 1285), XVIII, 94, l. 7.
Cf. above, n. 222.
He was a Shah nobleman and famous poet who attempted to foment a rebellion in the
East against the last Umayyad caliph and ran afoul of similar plans of Ab Muslim and
the Abbsids; Ab Muslim imprisoned and killed him, cf. K.V. Zettersten, Abd Allh
b. Muwiya, in EI2, I, 48 f.; Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn, Maqtil a-libyn, 161169. Popular
verses were occasionally ascribed to him, cf. F. Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of
Muslim Scholarship (Rome, 1947. Analecta Orientalia, XIV), 32, n. 6; Kitb al-Aghn (Blq,
1285), XI, 66.
As-Sarakhs, Mabs, IX, 135f., quoting the second and third verses. The first three verses
were cited anonymously by Ibn al-Butur, Uns al-masjn, fol. 31b. All five appear in Ibn
Qutaybah, loc. cit. (above, n. 165), with some variant readings; al-Qif, Inbh ar-ruwh
(Cairo, 1369/1950), I, 61 f.; Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, I, 184f.; ed. Rif, III, 154f.
76
90
Good ones are slow in coming.

Bad ones are not looked forward to, but they come quickly.
For sensitive persons, the term prison, understandably enough, came to assume, in Islam as elsewhere, the connotation of overpowering unpleasantness.
It could all by itself express the corruption and viciousness of the world.228 The
word prison served to suggest the discomfort of an overcrowded room, as in
these verses by Ibn al-Mutazz:
Many a house did I visit where I felt
Crowded as if I were in prison.
Only a pomegranate knows to jam seeds into its skin
As tightly as we (human beings) do.229
77
It could be used as a metaphor for the greatest possible state of misery.230 Only
when the alternative was between keeping bad company and being isolated in
prison, a philosopher (but hardly the common man) might come out in favor
of imprisonment.231 Individuals never valued freedom as highly as when they
had lost it.
Forced Labor
Forced labor, sukhr or taskhr in Arabic, is another form of curtailment of
human liberty and an ever-present threat to the well-being of human society.
It existed in Islam to some as yet ill-defined extent,231a but was generally
abhorred. There existed no legal basis for, or discussion about it. It is not
entirely superfluous to stress the absence of legal concern with the subject,
for the Qurn knows and uses the word that came to denote forced labor. It
228
229
Cf. below, p. 106 f.

Dwn, II, 117. For the simile employed, cf. also, for instance, al-Juwayn, Tarkh-i-Jahngushy, trans. J.A. Boyle (Manchester, 1958), 225.
230 Al-Ghazzl, Iy, II, 217; III, 309; IV, 369, 422.
231 Al-Mubashshir b. Ftik, Mukhtr al-ikam, in the chapter of anonymous sayings no. 39
(according to the edition prepared by the writer); p. 327 of the edition recently published
by A. Badaw (Madrid, 1377/1958).
231a In general, it is extremely difficult to determine the occurrence of forced labor from the
terse indications of the sources. It also remains doubtful to what extent conscription for
military service must, in the medieval environment, be considered an infringement upon
individual freedom. Conditions with regard to the corve as observed in Muslim countries
in modern times give no reliable indication as to the situation in earlier periods.
91
usually describes the subjection of the world to man for his use. However, srah
43.32/31 refers to the fact that some individuals contribute their labor for the
benefit of others, as part of the divinely ordained social order and as common
practice in Muammads environment:
We (God) have distributed among them their livelihood in the life of this
world, and We have placed some over others in various grades, so that one
may take another as a serf (sukhryan).232
This verse could have been used easily to justify the practice of forced labor.
That it was never used in this manner may be taken as an additional indication
of the abhorrence with which forced labor was viewed by all thinking persons.
Forced labor was depicted as one of the perverted practices of pre-Islamic
tyranny. Thus, Pharaoh exacted forced labor from the Israelites. They had to
produce all the materials he needed, and every day, a certain number of them
were hanged, and all of them were constantly beaten, maltreated, and humiliated.233 And the Abyssinian, Abraha, humiliated the people of the Yemen by
making them contribute all kinds of forced labor to the construction of a church
in an. Those who did not come to work before sunrise had their hands cut
off.234
In Islam, the introduction of forced labor as an institution was ascribed to
the caliph Muwiyah who supposedly was the first to build imposing edifices
and to use for it forced labor, something that had never been done before.235
This statement involving Muawiyah appears in the work of a Shah author
and | serves there the purpose of emphasizing Muwiyahs alleged viciousness. At the same time, it belongs to a long list of supposed firsts attributed
to Muwiyah as the ruler who made an end to the apostolic reign of the first
232
233
234
235
The translation of the last clause follows R. Bell, The Qurn (Edinburgh, 19371939), II,
493. The technical connotation of forced labor, which the word sukhr acquired, was not
yet applicable. Ibn Khaldn (Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, II, 329) quoted the verse as
evidence for the need of human society for stratification and cooperation. In this respect,
he followed the usual interpretation of the passage by Qurn commentators. Cf. also
above, n. 76.
It may be noted that taskhr, musakhkhar could be used as one of the opposites
of ikhtiyr, thus giving a more distinctly Islamic flavor to the subject of free will, cf.
al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 214 ff.
Ibn Kathr, Bidyah (Cairo, 13511358/19321939), I, 263.
Ibn Kathr, op. cit., II, 170.
Al-Yaqb, Tarkh, ed. M.T. Houtsma (Leiden, 1883), II, 276; ed. Najaf, 1358/1939, II, 207.
78
79
92
80
four caliphs and introduced Islam to the realities of power politics. It is tantamount to saying that since the days of Muwiyah, forced labor had become an
ineradicable institution, in spite of its generally acknowledged objectionable
character.
From near the end of medieval Muslim civilization comes a rationalistic explanation of the destructive results brought about by the use of forced
labor. Forced labor slows down and eventually ruins the economy and with
it the body politic. This is the argument suggested by Ibn Khaldn writing in
fourteenth-century Northwest Africa.236 Evidently, this opinion resulted from
his personal observation that the rulers he served were greatly inclined toward
resorting to the employment of forced labor. In Mameluke Egypt where Ibn
Khaldn went soon after, he had ample opportunity, it seems, to observe the
same situation. The Mamelukes always attempted to find forced labor, and it
was considered noteworthy if a major building, such as a mosque, was constructedsupposedlywithout resorting to it.237 However, despite such statements of the historians and Ibn Khaldns revealing concern with the problem,
the use of forced labor does not appear to have been an established institution
that functioned all the time or could be activated whenever a ruler felt the need
for it. A public works project under al-Muayyad, as Ibn Taghrbird described it
on the basis of reliable information, required more labor than was readily available, and it was only with great difficulty, and the eventual use of threats, that
enough people | could be lined up to undertake a task that had to be done for
their own benefit.238
It is possible that the absence of much information on the use of forced
labor throughout Muslim history means that forced labor was commonly practiced and did not deserve any particular attention except under extraordinary
circumstances. However, forced labor properly speaking was, it seems, not
only abhorred in Islam but also comparatively rarely resorted to. In a civilization built around urban life and commerce, any tampering with the economic
equilibrium would almost immediately bring about disturbing consequences.
When any large-scale projects were undertaken in the cities, the lower strata of
the population constituted a pool of manpower that could be readily utilized
for any type of labor required. They were available cheaply, and there was, as a
236
237
238
Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, II, 108 f.

E. Tyan, Institutions du droit public musulman (Paris, 1956), II, 193f.
Ibn Taghrbird, ed. W. Popper, VI, 344 ff.; trans. by the same (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1056),
III, 30 ff. A similar situation appears to be behind the brief report from ninth/tenth-century
Bukhr in an-Narshakhs History of Bukhr, trans. R.N. Frye (Cambridge, Mass., 1954),
34.
93
rule, no need to use undue force.239 Muslim rural economy was nearly everywhere geared to small-scale enterprise and required no unusual manpower
resources. Whatever may have been the practice at certain periods and in certain parts of the Muslim world, the theory recognized and respected as the basic
right of the free Muslim the freedom to work and earn his own living as he
pleased.
239
It was probably a much more frequent occurrence that skilled artisans, as individuals
or in groups, were forced against their will to work in the rulers service. But a Karaite
weaver who complained that he had to work for the government for two years and could
not get out (cf. S.D. Goitein, Petitions to Fatimid Caliphs from the Cairo Geniza, in Jewish
Quarterly Review, XLV [1954], 32 f.) presumably consideredand, from his point of view,
correctlyas forced labor what for others was a highly desirable job.
v
81
Philosophical Views on Freedom

Leaving the legal and societal level of the discussion of freedom for that of
philosophicalethical, political, metaphysicaltheory, we find, as we would
expect, an unmistakable predominance of Greek ideas. To a considerable extent these ideas entered Muslim civilization in the form of brief and pithy sayings. They were sayings easy to keep in mind, and they were constantly repeated
and quoted by all educated Muslims. The ideas they proclaimed became integrated in the general pattern of Muslim thought. With regard to their interpretation of freedom, they agreed in certain respects with the old Arab concept of
the free man, the urr. The message they were meant to convey was, therefore,
all the more readily accepted.
Freedom as an Ethical Concept
Ethics is the subdivision of philosophy to which the discussion of freedom was

most commonly assigned. Freedom is a quality and attitude of the individual.
It is not dependent on social or political conditions. Freedom is indivisible; a
man cannot be half free and half slave in his moral personality.240
Positively defined, ethical freedom means the desire, on the part of man, to
be good:
Freedom means that man serves the good and cultivates it constantly. The
degree of his service determines the extent of his freedom. For he who
does not take hold of the good is not free.241
socrates
Pythagoras was asked: Who is a free man? He replied, He who serves the
good.242
82
240
241
242
This was the opinion of the tenth-century philosopher, Ab l-asan al-mir, cf. F. Rosenthal, in The Islamic Quarterly, III (1956), 46. For al-mir and his works, cf. also the important notes by M. Minovi, Az khazin-i Turkiye, II, published as an appendix to Majalle-i
Dnish-kade-i Adabyt, IV, 3 (undated offprint), and above, n. 74.
Al-Mubashshir, Socrates no. 245; ed. Badaw, 113.
Al-Mubashshir, Pythagoras no. 71; ed. Badaw, 67. Cf. Plotinus, Enneads, VI, viii, 7, which is
philosophical views on freedom
95
It means control of oneself:

He is not counted free who is unable to control himself.243
pythagoras
For self-control is the necessary prerequisite for controlling others.244 Freedom

gives the sage the ability to free himself from the fetters of his natural environment, from custom and habit. It makes him truly a sage:
The sage who possesses a free soul is the master of the law of nature, while
the sage who does not possess a free soul is a slave to the law of nature.245
plato
Real freedom is possessed only by him who possesses intelligence and truthfulness:
Let the intellect be on your right, and truth on your left, and you will be
safe always, and you will always be free.246
plato
243
244
245
246
remotely comparable. Ibn Ab r-Rab, Sulk al-mlik (Cairo, 1329), 111, speaks about those
who do what is good by nature, which is the characteristic quality of the free.
Al-Mubashshir, Pythagoras no. 46; ed. Badaw, 66. This saying is constantly quoted in
Greek florilegia: Oudeis eleutheros heautou m kratn. Cf., for instance, Stobaeus, Florilegium, III, 6, 56 (ed. Wachsmuth-Hense, III, 300 [Pythagoras?]); Antonius Melissa, in
Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CXXXVI, 1200B; Maximus Confessor, ibid., XCI, 744A; C. Wachsmuth, Studien zu den griechischen Florilegien (Berlin, 1882), 185f.; H. Schenkl, PythagorasSprche in einer Wiener Handschrift, in Wiener Studien, VIII (1886), 275, cf. the Syriac
translation: l thaw bar r ayn nelbo nap sheh l meshka, in P. de Lagarde, Analecta
Syriaca (Leipzig, 1858), 198, and J. Gildemeister, in Hermes, IV (1870), 93, where further references are given.
Cf., for instance, al-Mubashshir, Hermes no. 126; Solon no. 10, quoted by Usmah b.
Munqidh, Lubb, 237; Aesop (Ainesios?) no. 23 (ed. Badaw, 26, 37, 279); Ibn ad-Dyah
(supposed author), al-Uhd al-Ynnyah, ed. A. Badaw, Fontes Graecae doctrinarum
politicarum Islamicarum (Cairo, 1954. Islamica, XV), 46; Ibn Hind, al-Kalim ar-rnyah
(Cairo, 1318/1900), 9, where Plato is the alleged authority, but since the Plato sayings of
some other florilegium were incorporated in the poor edition of Ibn Hinds work, the
source is not quite clear. Cf. also Schenkl, op. cit., 277, a passage which was not taken over
by the Syriac translator.
Al-Mubashshir, Plato no. 39; ed. Badaw, 134 (incomplete). Cf. also E. Zeller, Die Philosophie
der Griechen, 4th ed. (Leipzig, 1909), III, I, 255 f.
Ibid., no. 65; ed. Badaw, 138. Cf. as-Sadah wa-l-isd (above, n. 74), 119; Ibn Hind, 18.
83
96
Complete devotion to the truth is what makes a man free and distinguishes
him from the unfree:
The distinction between the free man and the slave is that the free man
always guards the truth essentially, that is, out of love, while the slave
always guards the truth accidentally, that is, out of fear.247
socrates
In consequence, it was a condition for the true scholar and scientist to have
been born free. Hippocrates, in his Testament transmitted in Arabic, made
it the first condition for the student of medicine that he be free by birth
( f jinsih).248 It is interesting to note that this condition was disregarded
by the great Muslim physician, Ibn Riwn, when, following Hippocrates, he
enumerated the necessary qualifications of physicians.249
Putting it negatively, freedom is freedom from obligations, from the encumbrances of daily life:
Possessions are a master, and he who serves anyone or anything but his
own self is not free.250
socrates
Those who love money have no freedom.251

homer
Acquire few worldly possessions, and you will live a free man.252
84
muammad
247
248
249
250
251
252
Al-Mubashshir, Socrates no. 208; ed. Badaw, 110. Cf. also above, n. 56.
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 26, l. 15.
Ibid., II, 102f.; transl. by J. Schacht and M. Meyerhof, The Medico-Philosophical Controversy
between Ibn Butlan of Baghdad and Ibn Ridwan of Cairo (Cairo, 1937. Publications of the
Faculty of Arts of the Egyptian University, XIII), 40.
Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, ed. A. Badaw (Cairo, 1952. Islamica, XIII), 212; Ibn Hind,
81.
Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, iwn al-ikmah, according to the later recension
preserved in Ms. Istanbul, Murad Molla 1408, fol. 35b. The sayings of Homer cited here
were recognized by J. Kraemer as belonging to a translation of the Sentences ascribed to
Menander, cf. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, CVI (1956), 305.
Al-Mward, Adab ad-duny wa-d-dn, 73. Faithfulness (waf) should be welcomed as a
lifelong slavery, according to ammd Ajrad in Ab ayyn at-Tawd, F -adqah, 181.
97
He who is being asked for a favor is free until he makes a promise.253

al
Such independence from human beings and material needs came to be considered the good life, as stated, for instance, in a couplet by the poet, Ibn Mawhib
al-ar (d. 12061207):
If you want the good life, do not ever be a servant
Of anybody, and do not ever be anybodys master.
Try to obtain a modest livelihood, and you will escape from the troublesome obligations of wealth,
And you will be free from the subservience attendant upon poverty.254
More succinctly, a contemporary of the poet, the scientist Rashd-ad-dn Ibn
Khalfah (11831219), said, Freedom is the good life.255
Negatively defined, freedom also is freedom from what is evil, from that
which prevents man from achieving the true purpose of his humanity. Avoidance of evil actions, habitually committed by human beings, means freedom:
It is difficult for man to be free while being obedient to evil actions that
come habitually.256
pythagoras
Freedom from stupidity prepares the soul for true freedom:

Thus, the soul gets to be free, freed from the servitude of stupidity and
the slavery of inexperience (adthah).257
hermes
253
254
255
256
257
Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, 112. A versification of the idea by Nir-ad-dn al-asan b.

Shwar Ibn an-Naqb (d. 687/1288), in a-afad, al-Ghayth al-musajjam (Cairo, 1305), II,
205.
Ibn Sad, op. cit. (above, n. 202), 76.
As quoted by his nephew, Ibn Ab Uaybiah, II, 254, l. 11. For the different legal concept
that freedom is life, cf. above, n. 83.
Al-Mubashshir, Pythagoras no. 31; ed. Badaw, 64. The idea was repeated by Ab mid
al-Isfizr, cf. al-Bayhaq, Tatimmat iwn al-ikmah, ed. M. Shaf (Lahore, 1935), 76. One
may compare Stobaeus, III, 6, 55, and III, 18, 22 (ed. Wachsmuth-Hense, III, 300 and 518);
Wachsmuth, op. cit. (above, n. 243), 185; Antonius Melissa, loc. cit.: Eleutheron adynaton
einai ton pathesi douleuonta kai hypo pathn kratoumenon. However, Pythagoras there
refers to the animal desires in particular.
Al-Mubashshir, Hermes no. 11; ed. Badaw, 12. Conversely, knowledge saves man from being
85
98
Freedom means that a person is not ruled by ignorance and that he does
not do what is not required by the intellect.258
socrates
Above all, however, freedom is freedom from desires.259 This may mean that
man should not wish to obtain things that it may be difficult for him to obtain,
since this would force him to search after those things and leave him deprived
of his liberty:
Wealth means being at home, poverty means being in a strange country.
Desire is servitude, despair260 is freedom.261
hermes
He who likes to be free must not wish to have what cannot be | his.
Rather, he should flee from it. Otherwise, he will become its slave.262
86
hippocrates
unfree. The early twelfth-century physician, philosopher, and poet, al-Anar, said (Ibn
Ab Uaybiah, I, 290, l. 19 f.):
Son, study and acquire knowledge, even if the only advantage you may obtain from
it is that you do not have to depend on those who rightly or wrongly might want to
use you as a slave.
258
259
260
261
Usmah b. Munqidh, Lubb, 434. The ascription to Socrates is not quite clear.
A modern philosopher takes the opposite view: Freedom in general may be defined as
the absence of obstacles to the realization of desires (B. Russell, in Freedom, Its Meaning
[above, n. 8], 251). However, Russell realizes that under this definition no human being
can be completely free. For freedom from desires being the only freedom, cf. Clement of
Alexandria, Stromata, ed. Sthlin, II, 192, ll. 2022; 216, ll. 2527.
That is, resigning oneself to the impossibility of obtaining what one desires.
Al-Mubashshir, Hermes no. 125; ed. Badaw, 25. A wazr of the caliph al-Mahd, Ab
Ubaydallh Muwiyah b. Ubaydallh b. Yasr, used to say (al-Jahshiyr, Wuzar, ed. von
Mik, 162):
Despair ( yas) is a free man, hope a slave.
262
This remark was quoted anonymously by Ibn al-Butur, Uns al-masjn, fols. 51a and 58ab.
According to al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 173, yas means independence (izz). Cf. also the volume
of sermons ascribed to Ab ayyn at-Tawd and entitled al-Ishrt al-ilhyah, ed.
A. Badaw (Cairo, 1950. Islamica, XII), 249, l. 12.
Al-Mubashshir, Hippocrates no. 13; ed. Badaw, 50.
99
He who wants to be free must not desire to obtain what can be obtained
only through someone elses willingness.262a
pythagoras
Free and rich is he who withdraws from desires, who is satisfied with the
amount of food necessary to keep alive, and who avoids amusements and
pleasures.262b
a greek sage
Or, as al-Kind is said to have phrased the idea:

Slaves are free as long as they are satisfied, and free men are slaves as long
as they desire things.263
Again, Rashd-ad-dn Ibn Khalfah put it more succinctly:
Contentment is the door leading to freedom.264
While an Arab poet said:
The slavery of those who desire things is eternal slavery.265
262a As-Sadah wa-l-isd (above, n. 74), 171 f.
262b Op. cit., 86.
263 iwn, fol. 60b. Cf. also Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, 204; Ibn al-Butur, Uns al-masjn,
fol. 58a; al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, ch. X, 2 (Blq, 1268), I, 84, l. 26. The same remark was
attributed to an obscure f, Bunn al-amml, who died in Egypt in 316/928 (al-Qushayr, Rislah, 24), by as-Suhraward, Awrif al-marif (Cairo, 1352/1933, in the margin
of al-Ghazzl, Iy), III, 63. Cf. also Iy, III, 210, to the effect that being satisfied means
freedom and independence (izz); the quotation seems to be part of the adth cited immediately before, which is not to be found in the canonical collections. Cf. also H. Ritter, Das
Meer der Seele, 221.
A saying attributed to Plato (Ibn Hind, 46), reads:
A free man must guard his virtue (murwah) against his imagination and greed
(desire, ir).
264
265
In his Adab a-aghr, Ibn al-Muqaffa said that a free man cannot be greedy (Rasil albulagh, ed. M. Kurd Al, 2nd ed. [Cairo. 1331/1913], 47). Cf., further, Miskawayh, Jwdhn
Khiradh, 77; al-Ql, Aml (Cairo, 1373), II, 28.
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, II, 254, l. 11.
Ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, op. cit. (above, n. 54), I, 110. Cf. al-mil, Mikhlh (Cairo, 1317), 208:
100
87
88
Even the Torah is said to have defined freedom as consisting in the renunciation of desires.265a The f, Ab Bakr Muammad b. Umar al-Warrq, wondered why a slave might contract and work for his manumission while a free
man would not always strive to throw off the yoke of desires.265b And the Persian poet, Sad, at the end of his famous Gulistn, extolled the freedom of the
cypress which does not pass through cycles of bearing fruit and being barren
but is always without fruit and always green, like the free who do not desire the
transitory goods of this world.265c
For the Muslim theologian, desire stands for all worldly ambition. Only the
stupid person loves the world; the free man recoils from it.266 Human beings,
in general, are prisoners of their worldly ambitions.267 Prisoners in the jail of
your worldly ambitions, when will you free yourselves? is the anguished cry of
the moral preacher.268
More than any other desire, it is the desires of the animal nature in man
that make him unfree. His animal desires subject him to a slavery that is more
humiliating than physical and legal | slavery.269 The struggle with those desires
and the final victory over them makes man free. Diogenesor, as is sometimes
said, Socrateswas entitled to show contempt for the world conqueror, the
A sage said: The owner of a thing has control over it. He who loves to be free must
not desire what does not belong to him, or he will become a slave, as indicated by
Al b. al-Jahm in the verse:
Souls are free but we are slaves.
The slavery of desire is hard slavery.
The verse appears in the edition of the poets Dwn (above, n. 212), 124, but is taken from
al-mil and no other source is indicated.
Cf. also the verse quoted by Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Ishrt, 30, 42:
I obeyed my desires, and they enslaved me.
Had I been satisfied, I would be free.
265a
265b
265c
266
267
268
269
Or Ibn an-Naqb (above, n. 253), in a-afad, Ghayth, II, 229.

As-Sadah wa-l-isd, 166.
Op. cit., 167.
The passage is quoted at the end of the first chapter of H.D. Thoreaus Walden.
Ibn al-Jawz, Mudhish (Baghdd, 1348), 225.
Ibid., 412, cf. also 257, 501.
Ibid., 538f.
Ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, loc. cit.
101
great Alexander, who was the slave of his slave, for Diogenes had subdued his
animal desires while Alexander was subservient to them.270 It was the ancient
Near Eastern wisdom of Luqmn,271 or of the old Persian sage shahanj,272
which recognized that among the things that go into the making of the religious
individual is the elimination of animal desires so that he can become free.
Socrates seems to have been considered the author of the saying:
Freedom means that an individual gives up being a slave to his animal
desires which are considered blameworthy by the intellect.273
Freedom, understood as freedom from low desires, is a subdivision of the virtue
of sphrosyn,274 as stated by Miskawayh:
Modesty (iffah, sphrosyn) is the virtue of the sense that is connected
with the animal desires (al-iss ash-shahwn). This virtue appears in
man when he uses his animal desires in accordance with his reasoning ability (ray). That is, by working in harmony with sound discernment, until he is no longer subservient to the animal desires, thus becoming a free man, a man who is no longer a slave to any of his animal
desires.275
The freedom from desires, finally, is one of the facets of human perfection,
something that raises man to the level of human perfection, something that
raises man to the level of the angels and | that outlasts his physical life.276 The
ultimate goal of philosophy, happiness, is achieved when the soul becomes
free in its totality (kaml).276a For the ordinary man, this aspect, or complex of
270
Al-Mubashshir, in the life of Diogenes; Socrates, nos. 116, 312 (ed. Badaw, 73, 102, 120). The
story was, of course, cited whenever Alexander was discussed in Muslim literature; it could
also be quoted anonymously, cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 68.
271 Al-Mubashshir, in the chapter dealing with Luqmn; ed. Badaw, 263.
272 Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, 7.
273 Usmah, Lubb, 434.
274 Cf. below, p. 97.
275 Miskawayh, Tahdhb al-akhlq (Cairo, 1322), 7.
276 Al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 245.
276a As-Sadah wa-l-isd, 355, where we also find the chapter heading: Educated men (adb)
are free men, and those who are not educated are slaves. This reminds us of Gorgias 485C
and related passages, among them, in particular, Philo, Quod omnis probus liber sit, 1: pas
ho asteios eleutheros.
89
102
aspects, of freedom was well summarized in the verses of Ab l-Fat al-Bust,

a contemporary of Miskawayh and representative of the same intellectual
climate:
Free in reality is he who liberates himself
From the slavery of his animal desires and from his defects,
Who acquires what cannot be taken away
From him, and eagerly tries to multiply his good (deeds and qualities).277
90
By an extension of meaning, freedom stands for all the qualities that characterize moral man. The free man represents all noble qualities,278 while the slave
represents all that is vile and | despicable in human nature.279 This extension
of meaning fits in with the ancient Arabic usage of urr and gives urr the
connotations it usually carries outside the legal sphere. According to the tenthcentury philosopher of Baghdd, Ab l-Khayr asan b. Suwr Khamr, freedom
understood in this sense, combined with freedom from desires and with generosity,280 constitutes part of true humanity and is indispensable for those who
claim to be philosophers:
277
278
Dwn (Cairo, 1294), 15. For the prison of desire, cf. also al-Qushayr, Rislah, 23; alGhazzl, Iy, III, 57.
Such as honor, cf. above, n. 221; contempt of death if ones honor is involved, cf. alBaldhur, Ansb, ed. S.D. Goitein (Jerusalem, 1936), V, 312, 350; modesty (ay, aff ),
pride (anaf ), cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, ed. Brockelmann, 347; ed. Cairo, I, 297; Usmah,
Lubb, 286; faithfulness to promises made, according to Aristotle-Alexander, in Ms. Istanbul, Fatih 5323 (the pagination of the ms. does not show on my microfilm); willingness to
forgive ones friends, cf. Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, I, 379; ed. Rif, II, 231; patience,
cf. al-Ql, Aml, I, 168, and a-afad, Ghayth, II, 172, l. 13; patriotism that shows itself in
ones often frustrated desire to find recognition in his own country, cf. ash-Sharsh, Shar
al-Maqmt, II, 188; and so on. In fact free men may stand in poetry for true human
beings in general (cf. above, p. 10), as in this verse (Ibn al-Jawz, Mudhish, 186):
Death destined drives the free away from
Their homes, and the birds from their nests,
279
as well as many other verses by a great many poets. In particular, the idea that invidious
fate most persistently dogs the footsteps of the arr occurs again and again.
The Arabic translation of a Greek verse reads (Ibn Hind 135):
There is nothing worse than a slave, though he be the best of slaves.
280
urryah here has a wider meaning than mere generosity. A similar ambiguity in the
103
He must be modest (aff, sphrn) and not love money , and he

must be generous because meanness is identical with preferring money
to humanity (insnyah) and freedom (urryah). The philosopher must
not prefer anything to humanity and freedom, because those who lack
freedom and are ready for corrupting animal desires cannot possibly be
philosophers.281
According to Plato,
Magnanimous is he who does not enslave his freedom nor humble his
independence (izz).281a
A mans character marks him as either a free man or a slave; there is no middle
ground.282 A free man is ready to accept | all kinds of onerous tasks and consider
it an honor, but when he is asked to relinquish part of his freedom, he would
not hear of it and would not do it.283 When Homer was to be sold into slavery,
he was asked for what he was suited best. He replied, Freedom.284 A free man
may have the character of a slave,284a and an actual slave could excel so-called
meaning of urryah, as the result of the restriction of the term to generosity (cf. below,
p. 95), shows itself in a remark by Ab l-asan al-mir, who called the light of freedom
(urryah) a vehicle for those who are generous (dhaw l-jd), cf. Miskawayh, Jwdhn
Khiradh, 351. Cf., in particular, below, n. 307.
281 Ibn Suwr, F ifat ar-rajul al-faylasf, Ms. Istanbul, Ragib Pasha 1463, fol. 64a.
281a As-Sadah wa-l-isd, 164.
282 Cf. above, n. 240. According to al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, ch. LVIII, 2 (Blq, 1268, II, 94),
Aktham (b. ayf?) said:
A free man is a free man, even if he is touched by need.
A slave is a slave, even if he is covered with pearls.
Cf. also the Syriac Apollonius who mentions as one of the most pitiful and unnatural sights
that of the freeman who serves as a slave, cf. R. Gottheil, in Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, XLVI (1892), 467, 469.
283 Ibn Hind, 45, in the name of Plato. Further Platonic sayings that use urr in the sense
of good appear in Ibn Hind, 47, 56, 58. Platos Exhortation concerning the Education of
Young Men contains the statement that teachers should be guides for their freedom so
that they become educated through freedom, cf. Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, 271.
284 Al-Mubashshir, in the life of Homer and in the chapter of sayings of miscellaneous sages
no. 8, in the name of Archigenes (ed. Badaw, 30, 297). Cf. the remark of the Spartan
woman, in Stobaeus, III, 13, 58 (ed. Wachsmuth-Hense, III, 466).
284a Kitb al-Aghn (Blq, 1285), XVIII, 11.
91
104
free men in noble qualities and then be a slave in name only.285 The black poet,
Suaym, a slave of the Ban l-ass, who died about 660661, had already
sung:
If I am a slave, my soul is free because it is noble,
And if I am black in color, my character is white.286
92
Slavery meant total moral degeneration, and it was for this reason that slaves
were despised or pitied. Al-Ji, musing on the subject that a man should not
divulge his secrets lest he become unfree, lamented the lot of the voluntary
slave in these words:
Who is in a worse spot, in a more hopeless situation, in a more impotent
condition than he who was free, in full control of himself, and made
himself a slave, the property of someone else, choosing slavery without
having been captured or being subjected by force; slaves do not suffer
slavery except when they are captured.287
Even animals show the effects of slavery. Their physical appearance is more
splendid, and their sense faculties are more highly developed, in the state of
freedom than after they have been subdued by man.288
It is thus only natural that the idea of slavery, in metaphorical usage, stood
for the most loathsome condition of mankind, to be avoided at all costs. On
285
286
287
288
Miskawayh, Tahdhb al-akhlq, 64. Cf. also stories such as that about the highly educated slave whom his master was forced to sell and who so greatly impressed the buyer
with his love for his master that he set him free: My companion asked me, Would anyone manumit a slave who is so good? I retorted, Could anyone own one like him?
(ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, II, 137f.). Cf. also the Sayings of Theano (above, n. 44),
74.
The distinction of three kinds of slaves, slaves by law (abd ar-riqq), slaves of desires
(abd ash-shahwah), and slaves by nature (abd a-ab), was introduced into Muslim ethics
through the Oikonomikos of Bryson, and came to be a commonplace; as there were slaves
by nature, there also existed slaves who were by nature free men, cf. M. Plessner, Der
Oikonomikos des Neupythagoreers Bryson (Heidelberg, 1928), 164ff., 228f., and passim
(references to citations of Bryson in other works).
Cf. Kitb al-Aghn, XX, 3; al-Ql, Aml, II, 86; al-Bakr, Sim al-lal (Cairo, 1354/1936),
721; al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 238.
Kitmn as-sirr, ed. P. Kraus and M.. al-jir, Majm Rasil al-Ji (Cairo, 1943), 44.
Al-Ji, F l-jidd wa-l-hazl, ed. Kraus and al-jir, op. cit., 96; Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah,
trans. F. Rosenthal, I, 178 f., 282 f.
105
the other hand, it is fine flattery for a man to call himself not only someone
elses slavewhich was commonly donebut to insist that such slavery meant
freedom:
When I am a slave of noble men,
I am free, and fate is my slave.289
But there is a bittersweet undertone to such metaphorical usage | when it is
applied to the slavery in which the beloved holds the lover.290
289
290
Ab l-Fat al-Bust, Dwn, 72. Az-zamn time could be translated fate, as above;
however, the poet may have had in mind the particular time he was living in.
Zayd b. rithah, we are told, said that he preferred the humiliation of slavery while
enjoying the company of the Messenger of God to the independence (izz) of freedom
when it meant separation from him (al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, ch. LVIII, 1 [Blq, 1268, II,
93]); and a scholar could boast of being a slave for life of the man with whom he had
studied traditions (Ibn Jamah, Tadhkirat as-smi [Hyderabad, 1353], 90).
A few examples must suffice, as, for instance, the verse quoted by Ab ayyn at-Tawd,
Bair (Cairo, 1373/1953), 153, in the name of a certain Muammad b. Yqt (hardly the
well-known political figure who died in 323/935), and by al-Azd, ed. A. Mez, Abulsim
ein bagdder Sittenbild (Heidelberg, 1902), 69, anonymously:
Do not censure me, for I am not the first free man
To become through love a slave of those whom he loves.
Or, the verse of the poet, Ab Ayyb Sulaymn b. Sulaymn b. ajjj (d. 338/949950),
quoted by az-Zubayd, abaqt an-nawyn (Cairo, 1373/1954), 325:
I was free but have become a slave and the property
Of a tyrant from whom I cannot hope to escape.
Or, the verses by Ibn al-Mutazz, cited by ash-Shbusht, Diyrt, ed. G. Awwd (Baghdd,
1951), 51:
Love has captured a prince
Who never was a captive before.
Pity the humiliation of a proud man
Who has become a dependent slave.
Cf. also the verses of the caliph al-Muktaf, cited by al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 87. As could be
expected, the simile soon became a mere clich. The lover is thus called slave of the
beloved, who does not want to be released (af-ad-dn al-ill, Dwn [Damascus, 1297],
298).
93
106
Since a wide gulf in moral endowment separates free men from slaves, a
different treatment is indicated for the two groups. Secrets, for instance, should
not be entrusted to anyone, but when entrusted to free men, they are safe,
for
the hearts of free men are strongholds for secrets.291
ptolemy
Free men were more tolerant of those lower on the social scale than of those
who outranked them:
It is one of the character qualities found in a free man that he has more
patience for trying to please those below him than those above him, and
that he can tolerate those below him better than those above him.292
94
plato
And when others dealt with free men, the high moral standards of the latter
required that they be treated in a much more refined manner than the low mob
of slaves:
A free man likes an additional (kind) word when one talks to him, better
than a large increase in his wages.293
plato
Devoted friendship may likewise be called slavery, as in the verse by Ibrhm b. al-Abbs
a-l (d. 243/857), quoted by a-l, Adab al-kuttb, 237; Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth,
I, 265; ed. Rif, I, 174:
If you know me as a free man who is obeyed,
You will find me the slave of the friend.
291
292
293
Al-Mubashshir, Ptolemy no. 19; ed. Badaw, 253. Here, and in some of the following quotations from al-Mubashshirs work, the old Spanish translation rendered urr by bueno. In
this particular case, one manuscript of al-Mubashshir actually has akhyr for arr. However, the latter is the correct reading. Al-urryah wa-l-khayryah could easily be used next
to each other as almost synonymous expressions, as was done by the wazr, Ibn al-Furt
(Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 256; Rif, XIX, 296). Cf. also above, n. 283.
For the above saying, cf. also al-Qushayr, Rislah, 45; al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 214.
Al-Mubashshir, Plato no. 333; ed. Badaw, 168.
Al-Mubashshir, Plato no. 71 (ed. Badaw, 138); Ibn Hind, 22.
107
If you treat a free man well, he will feel obliged to do you a good deed in
return, but if you treat a vile man well, he will feel tempted to ask you for
more favors.294
plato
Low people think that previous good deeds done to them are a debt owed
them, while free men think that they are a debt they owe 295
plato
Free men are ashamed to beg and to ask for favors:

The worst thing a person can do is to be stingy toward those who because
of their freedom are unable to ask for favors.296
plato
They are good friends, won and kept by sincerity:

Free men lift up everybody who knows them, while ignoble men lift up
only themselves.297
plato
The allegiance of ignoble men is gained by promises, while the | friendship

of free men is gained through strong respect (takd al-urmah).298
plato
Ignoble men can be gotten rid of by keeping them off, free men by showing
them excessive honor.299
plato
All this is best expressed by the presumably ancient Arabic verse attributed to
various authors, which with many slight variations was quoted over and over
again:
294
295
296
297
298
299

Al-Mubashshir, Plato no. 118; ed. Badaw, 145. Cf. also the subsequent Platonic sayings in
al-Mubashshirs work.
Al-Mubashshir, Plato no. 91; ed. Badaw, 140. Cf. also Usmah b. Munqidh, Lubb, 307,
citing an unidentified poet.
Ibn Hind, 11.
Al-Mubashshir, Plato no. 297; ed. Badaw, 165.
95
108
Slaves are beaten with a stick.

A hint suffices for free men.300
96
While the meaning of urr on the one hand was extended to include all good
qualities a human being could possess, it was on the other hand restricted to the
quality of generosity. For the ancient Arabs, one of the outstanding characteristics of the noble man was generosity, and it was obvious that a man claiming
to be | free (urr) also had to be generous with his material possessions.301
300
For instance, al-Ji, Bayn, III, 17, quoted by al-mid, Mutalif, 145. The verse was also
ascribed to Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual and occurs in his Dwn, ed. M.. l Ysn, Nafis
al-makht (Najaf, 1372/1953), II, 31; G.E. von Grunebaum, in Wiener Zeitschrift fr die
Kunde des Morgenlandes, LI (1952), 273. Many references have been listed by C. Pellat in
his collection of the fragments of the seventh-century poet, Ibn Mufarrigh al-imyar, in
Mlanges L. Massignon (Damascus, 1957), III, 200, 227 [see also H. Ritter, Die Geheimnisse
der Wortkunst (above, n. 210a), 4, n. 1]. Some variations may be listed here, as, for instance,
this verse:
Free men can be censured while the stick belongs to the slave,
301
cf. al-Ji, Bayn, I, 29; III, 17; idem, Kitmn as-sirr, 48. Cf., further, Amad b. a-ayyib
as-Sarakhs, Mar ar-r, quoted in Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Bair, Ms. phot. Cairo,
adab 9104, IV, 142 f.; Ibn Durayd, Maqrah (Constantinople, 1300), 117, quoted by alQalqashand, ub, I, 304. A similar thought in a poem by al-Mutanabb, cf. ath-Thalib,
Yatmah, I, 156.
According to Ibn ad-Dyah, al-Uhd al-Ynnyah, 61, the free fear being put to shame
as slaves fear a beating. A verse of Greek poetry translated into Arabic (Ibn Hind, 135)
says that for free men it suffices to hear something evil once.
For the common expression abd al-a, cf., for instance, al-Ji, Bayn, III, 19.
A nice interplay of freedom and generosity may be found in the verses of an anonymous
author addressed to Khlid b. Yazd b. Muwiyah (Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, IV, 166;
ed. Rif, XI, 37):
I asked munificence and generosity whether they were free.
They replied, No, we are slaves like others.
I said, Who is your master?, and they, in a condescending tone,
Said to me, Khlid b. Yazd.
Cf. also the verse by Muammad b. al-Abbs al-Khuwrizm (ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV,
138):
Every free man is a slave of your generosity,
And every slave is a free man in the enjoyment of your justice.
109
However, the Islamic equation of urryah freedom with generosity also

owes a good deal to the fact that the Greek words for generous and generosity (eleutherios, eleutheriots) were derived from, and almost identical with
the words for free and freedom (eleutheros, eleutheria, cf. Latin libertas freedom, liberalitas generosity).302 As a matter of fact, already in the early years
of Graeco-Muslim translation activity, eleutheriots generosity, in the Aristotelian catalogue of the virtues, was translated urryah.303 The Arabic translation of the Golden Verses ascribed to Pythagoras, exhorting the faithful neither
to | spend too much nor to be stingy (md aneleutheros isthi), reads:
Do not be stingy so that you would divest yourself of freedom.304
The same Miskawayh who had defined the free man as the one who was free
from the domination of powerful animal desires305 knew freedom as the
virtue of generosity and a subdivision of sphrosyn. In this connection, he
defined freedom (urryah) as
302
303
304
Similarly, Amad b. Muammad al-Khlid, in ath-Thalib, Tatimmat al-Yatmah, ed.

Abbas Eghbal (Tehran, 1934), II, 87; al-Bkharz, Dumyah (Aleppo, 1349/1930), 65; alImd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Syrian poets) (Damascus, 1375/1955), 60, 326. Cf. also above,
n. 69.
For the opposite of both free and generous, Greek uses the same word, aneleutheros.
It may be added here that one of the definitions of eleutheria to be found in the Platonic
Definitions (412D) explains eleutheria as generosity.
The translation of the Nicomachean Ethics is not yet available. Meanwhile, one may
compare al-Kind, F -inah al-um (above, n. 28), fol. 54b, translating a passage to
be found in Theon of Alexandria, Commentary on the Almagest, ed. A. Rome (Citt del
Vaticano, 1936. Studi e Testi, LXXIII), 320, l. 21; or the Kitb as-Sadah wa-l-isd (above,
n. 74), 87 f., 93, 411, also p. 17, where the extended meaning of the term comes through.
Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, 227; al-Mubashshir, Pythagoras no. 18; ed. Badaw, 63. Cf.
also below, n. 315a.
For urr corresponding to Greek eleutherios, cf., further, Ibn Durayd, Mujtan, in
Orientalia, N. S., XXVII (1958), 40, n. 1, and 169 f. Often, there can be doubt whether urryah
in this type of literature is used in its restricted meaning or has wider implications. Cf., for
instance, this saying ascribed to Plato (Ibn Hind, 46):
The adornments of man are three: Wisdom (ilm), friendship (maabbah), and
freedom (urryah).
305
Only the Greek original, if found, could answer the question.

Cf. above, n. 275.
97
110
a virtue of the soul through which property is acquired and given away
as it should, and which prevents the acquisition of property in a way it
should not be acquired.306
A saying attributed to Aristotle probably reflects a distinction between eleutheros and eleutherios made in the Greek original. In Arabic translation, this
distinction has become blurred, and the impression prevails that the author of
the saying speaks about two kinds of generosity:
Every free man (urr) is generous ( jawd), but not every generous man is
free. A free man is generous by nature. The generous man who is devoid
of freedom is generous only by custom and artifice.307
98
An informant of al-Ji even went so far as to assume that the Rm did

not have a proper word for generosity ( jd) in their language. Al-Ji felt
justified to conclude that they were the stingiest people in the world.308 Such an
abuse of misunderstood or incomplete linguistic information for the purpose
of casting aspersions upon the alleged national character of foreign peoples is
not unique and has its numerous parallels elsewhere. In fact, it would be easy
to reverse al-Jis accusation and say that the Arabs did not know freedom
because they had no word for it but only one for generosity. This, as we have
seen, would be absurd and a wholly unfair simplification of the actual situation
(but cf. also above, p. 11 [p. 34. Ed.]). However, the fact remains that in Arabic,
the word meaning freedom could be restricted in its application to a single
virtue, and a minor one at that. In this way, it became closely identified with
certain less important material aspects of life.
Freedom in Political Theory
Greek political thought on freedom reached the Muslims in about the same
manner as the ethical ideas just mentioned. Strangely enough, Aristotles Politics failed to find an Arabic translator.309 However, Platos Republic was known
306
307
308
309
Miskawayh, Tahdhb al-akhlq, 8. Cf. Ibn Ab r-Rab, op. cit. (above, n. 242), 29, where
urryah is defined as the acquisition (of property) in the way it should be acquired and
the inclination by means of it toward what is good in things.
Al-Mubashshir, Aristotle no. 101; ed. Badaw, 198. Cf. also above, n. 280.
Al-Ji, Bukhal, trans. C. Pellat, Le Livre des avares (Beirut-Paris, 1951), 282.
Cf. above, n. 74.
111
at least in a shortened form, and Aristotles Nicomachean Ethics as well as other

Aristotelian works translated into Arabic contained seminal political ideas.
For Alexander of Aphrodisias, the actions of free men, in politics as well as in
the administration of their own affairs at home, were orderly and purposeful,
whereas slaves acted blindly most of the time. Their only salvation was a small
number of purposeful actions that happened to bind them to their masters. The
latter alone were able to guarantee the well-being and integrity | of their homes
and their commonwealth.310 Preserved only in Arabic, Alexanders statement
found also the approval of Ibn Sn.311
In the paraphrase of Platos Laws 693A694A, it is said that it is most useful
for the lawgiver to adhere to the path of freedom and for a leader be free from
envy, since envy is a character quality of slaves and no slave can achieve a
position of leadership. If the government (al-amr) uses the way of freedom, the
subjects follow and obey eagerly and cheerfully, and it is more likely to be a
stable government.311a
According to Plato in Ibn Rushds Commentary on Platos Republic, at the
beginning everybody is convinced that he should be a free man.312 The form
of the state that represents freedom is democracy. There is, however, the possibility of an excess of freedom which inevitably proves ruinous. A decadent
human being may claim an absolute freedom313 that would entitle him to reject
all moral restraints and to give himself over entirely to indulgence of his desires.
Likewise, the freedom state, through an excess of freedom, can be expected to
lose its identity and change into a different form of government.314 Aristotles
enumeration of the various forms of government, to be found in his Rhetoric,
also included democracy as the freedom state, the state whose purpose it is to
provide freedom for all. Improper | use of its freedom transforms the democratic state and causes its citizens to become subservient to a leader, whereby
they exchange their freedom for slavery.315
310
311
311a
312
313
314
315
F mabdi al-kull, ed. A. Badaw, Aris inda l-Arab (Cairo, 1947. Islamica, IV), 274.
Kitb al-Inf, ed. A. Badaw, op. cit., 33.
Al-Frb, Compendium Legum Platonis, ed. F. Gabrieli (London, 1952), text, 20; trans., 16.
Cf. the Hebrew translation of Ibn Rushds work which was edited and translated by
E.I.J. Rosenthal (Cambridge, 1956), 84, l. 9, and 214, referring to Republic 557B. For the
Arabic paraphrase of this passage of the Republic, cf. as-Sadah wa-l-isd (above, n. 74),
257.
Op. cit., 94, l. 10 f., and 231, referring to Republic 558D, where, however, the word freedom
does not occur.
Op. cit., 95 and 232, referring to Republic 563E564A.
Cf. the Rhetoric from the section on Logic in Ibn Sns Kitb ash-Shif (Cairo, 1373/1954),
63 f., 82f. Cf. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1360a, 1365b 29 f., 1364a 4ff.; Nicomachean Ethics, 1131a 27ff.
99
100
112
101
The idea of democracy as the freedom state was adapted by al-Frb (d.
339/950) to his own political thinking in one of his political writings, the Kitb
as-Siysah (siyst) al-madanyah, presumably a genuine work of the famous
philosopher. According to al-Frb, the forms of government found in this
world are imperfect. They are the result of mans need for social organization in
order to assure his survival. Among them is the community state (al-madnah
al-jamyah) whose inhabitants enjoy complete freedom (mulaq, mukhall binafsih).315a It is an egalitarian organization where people are free (arr) to
do whatever they want. They do not recognize the right of anyone to be their
leader. They are willing to recognize the leadership of those who promise to
give them more freedom (urryah) and a greater opportunity to follow their
particular inclinations. Their subordination to political leadership is entirely
voluntary, and the government depends on the will of the people, although a
steady and self-denying leadership would seem best suited to keeping matters
under control. Among all the imperfect states, this state seems to everyone to
possess the most admirable and happy constitution. People from outside flock
to it. This leads to a most desirable kind of racial mixture and cultural diversity,
with a definite promise of the speedy appearance in the state of outstanding
personalities (afil), such as philosophers (ukam), rhetors (khuab), and
poets (shuar). This state is in some respects close to the perfect state and
may serve as a preparation | for it. Of all the existing forms of government it
contains the greatest possibilities for good, but also the greatest possibilities
for evil. Thus al-Frb.315b The modern reader can hardly fail to notice that the
Muslim philosopher succeeded in giving a true description of the essentials of
democracy. He also captured the full meaning and significance of the concept
of political freedom for the happiness and development of the individual.
However, interesting as these ideas of changing forms of government and of
freedoms greatness and vulnerability were to Muslim thinkers, they remained
theoretical speculations and were hardly ever tested on the realities of Muslim
political life. Certain philosophers, such as Ibn Rushd, may have dreamed of,
or even worked at, convincing their rulers of the desirability of a practical test,
but they never got very far.
On a less technical level, Greek political wisdom, as known to Muslims, also
extolled the greatness of freedom. It was clearly stated that it behooved leading
315a In the Golden Verses of Pythagoras, mukhall renders eleutheros. Cf. Orientalia, N.S. X
(1941), 115.
315b Ed. Hyderabad, 1346, 58, 69; trans. F. Dieterici and P. Brnnle, Die Staatsleitung von Alfrb
(Leiden, 1904), 71, 83. In the same work (ed. Hyd., 62; trans. 76), urryah appears in the
meaning of nobility, generosity.
113
thinkers and scientists to set a glorious example for others by their love of freedom and their willingness to fight tyrannical rulers. Outstanding in this respect
were Zeno of Elea and Hippocrates, who suffered, or were prepared to suffer,
the greatest personal harm in order to regain or to preserve their own political
freedom and that of their countrymen.316 Alexander was counseled by Aristotle
that he would find it difficult to conquer a people like the Khursnians, who
among other sturdy qualities could boast of a great love of freedom.317
Even where the form of government is a monarchy, the civil liberties of the
subjects must be respected, for the good of the ruler as well as the people, since
it is better for the ruler to rule over free men than to dominate a low mob of
slaves. A saying ascribed to Plato runs:
He is no ruler who rules slaves and the common people, but a ruler is he
who rules free men.318
Aristotle had this valuable bit of advice for Alexander:
People, under a tyrannical form of government (suln al-ghab), are like
slaves, and not like free men. Governing free men is nobler than governing
slaves. A ruler who prefers governing slaves to governing free men is like
a man who prefers guarding animals to ruling human beings.319
Alexander heeded his teachers advice when he refused to enslave captive
enemies:
316
317
318
Cf. the life of Zeno in al-Mubashshir, published in Orientalia, N. S., VI (1937), 31f. and 34,
and the Commentary on the Hippocratic Oath ascribed to Galen, published in Bulletin of
the History of Medicine, XXX (1956), 77 ff.
Ibn Hind, 22; Usmah b. Munqidh, Lubb, 456, who adds free and virtuous men.
The great wazr, Al b. s, modified the same idea as follows (Ab ayyn at-Tawd,
Muqbast, 265, no. 66):
The ruler in truth is he who rules over free men with love.
319
Op. cit. (above, n. 278), apparently from as-Siysah al-mmyah, ascribed to Aristotle;
unayn (supposed author), Nawdir al-falsifah, Ms. ar. Munich, Aumer 651, fol. 69b;
al-Mubashshir, Aristotle no. 153 (ed. Badaw, 205); Usmah b. Munqidh, Lubb 49.
Guarding (r--y) ruling (m-l-k) is the reading of Ms. Fatih 5323. unayn, Usmah,
and one manuscript as well as the Spanish translation of al-Mubashshir have guarding
(r--y) in both places. The other manuscripts of al-Mubashshirs work have twice the
opinion of (r--y).
102
114
Asked why he did not enslave them, he replied, I dont like to become a
ruler of slaves, being a ruler of free men.320
103
It is said that one of the things a ruler must always keep in mind | is the fact that
those over whom he is enabled by his position to exercise power are not slaves
but free men.320a
An important element of political liberty and, in fact, of any viable form of
human social organization is freedom of thought. It is the task of the ruler to
see to it that this freedom be not infringed upon:
Thales from Miletus was asked why those who punish human beings punish them, not for their evil thoughts but only for their actions. He replied,
Because the intention is to prevent men from doing the evil that may be
in their thoughts. The intention is not to prevent them from thinking.321
I am critical of people who say that human beings should all have the
same ideas. It could not and should not be this way. It raises the obvious
question: If all people had the same ideas and there were no one left who
would not want to be a ruler who gives orders and is obeyed, who, then,
would be there to take orders and to obey the ruler, now that all have
become rulers? And if there were no one left who would be satisfied with
anything but being a ruler, who, then, would take care of the rulers orders
and execute them? He who has the philosophical view knows that the
preferable arrangement is for the leader to give orders and for the subjects
to obey, as it is the preferable arrangement for the student to study and
for the teacher to teach. Nature (as-ss) attests to the truth of this.322
While the ruler is supposed to respect the liberty of his subjects, the latter, in turn, must be constantly concerned with guarding it jealously against
encroachments by the authorities. This is a task requiring a firm character and
320
unayn, op. cit., fol. 76b; al-Mubashshir, Alexander no. 19 (ed. Badaw, 245).
The existence of free men in it makes a city worthy of being called a city. Like a
shell without a pearl, or like a large city without a freeman, is the description used for
someone failing in his destination by Bad-az-zamn al-Hamadhn (Maqmt [Beirut,
n. y.], 244 f.).
320a iwn, fol. 38a, in the name of mnwus (Timaeus, Timotheos?); Ms. Istanbul, Fatih 5323,
near the end, among the sayings of Aristotle.
321 Al-Mubashshir, in the chapter of sayings of miscellaneous sages no. 46; ed. Badaw, 302.
322 Al-Mubashshir, in the same chapter no. 99, in the name of a person who might be Pyrrho;
ed. Badaw, 311 (incomplete).
115
eternal vigilance. Here again, the example must be set by the intellectual leaders. Aristotle, therefore, resisted Alexanders offer when he wanted him to participate in his grandiose schemes for world conquest. He reasoned that such
an involvement in Alexanders schemes would entail the loss of his personal
liberty:
Alexander asked Aristotle to accompany him to Asia, but Aristotle replied,
Being free, I do not like to subject myself to slavery.323
104
Diogenes, as we would expect, preferred poverty to royal servitude:

One of Alexanders physicians saw Diogenes wash some vegetables he
intended to eat. He said to him, If you went to the king, you would not
be so poor as to be forced to eat those vegetables. Diogenes replied, But
you, if you restricted yourself to eating them, you would still be a free man
and you would not have become the kings slave.324
Pythagoras is supposed to have suggested that
Human beings must obey their ruler and his army. However, there should
not be absolute obedience. Obedience should go only so far as countenanced by the conditions governing freedom.325
He also remarked that
He who is able to protect his own freedom and the freedom of others so
that he is not subservient to anyone and makes nobody subservient to
himself is the noble man (karm), the true guardian of freedom.326
Among the Muslims, who had always placed a high value upon independence,327 the political thought expressed in the remarks | just cited found its
323
324
325
326
327
iwn, fol. 21a.

Ibn Hind, 109 f. Cf. also al-Qushayr, Rislah, 75.
Al-Mubashshir, Pythagoras no. 51; ed. Badaw, 66.
Ibn Hind, 98.
The famous love of independence of the Bedouin, being entirely unreflective, contributes
little to the understanding of the problem under review here and, therefore, has not been
dealt with.
For related attitudes, cf. the verses by the pre-Islamic poet, al-Muthaqqib al-Abd,
105
116
echo in the following story involving a high-ranking statesman of Islams most

glorious period:
Al-Mamn asked Abdallh b. hir to tell him whose residence was
better, his own or that of Abdallh. The latter replied that he would not
consider himself the equal of the caliph in any respect. Al-Mamn said
that he had not meant it that way. He had meant to find out how his own
palace and that of Abdallh compared with each other as far as living
and enjoying life in them were concerned. Whereupon Abdallh said,
My own house, O Commander of the Faithful. Asked by al-Mamn to
explain, he said, Because in my own house I am the master, while I am a
slave here (in your palace).328
A potent warning against the danger of political power encroaching upon individual liberty was sounded by al-Ghazzl, who followed the classical tradition
in expressing his ideas about the relationship of political power and freedom
in an ethical context. In al-Ghazzls opinion, political power constituted a
much greater potential threat to freedom than actual slavery. Slavery means
mere physical possession of the slave by those who are stronger economically.
Political power, called rank ( jh) by al-Ghazzl, seeks the voluntary submission of free men to those who possess power. It means enslavement not only of
their bodies but of their hearts and minds.329 Al-Ghazzl did not go into the
which have been transmitted with a number of minor variants and may be found in M..
l Ysn, op. cit. (above, n. 300), VI, 55:
Death is preferable to life for the young man
Who needs someone to guide him in everything he does.
Attempt important undertakings! Do not be
A fainthearted man who only cares to stay at home!
Or, the famous verse by the early Abbsid poet, Salm al-Khsir, which was constantly
quoted by Muslim authors, as, for instance, al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, IX,
139 f., or Ab lib al-Makk, Qt al-qulb (Cairo, 1351/1932), IV, 143:
He who watches others dies of grief.
The daring man gets away with all the pleasures.
328
329
Al-Khab al-Baghdd, op. cit., IX, 483. The principle of the inviolability of a mans home
finds expression in a verse of Sads Gulistn (beg. of ch. II on akhlq-i-darvshn) stating
that a mutasib has no business inside the house.
Iy, III, 241.
117
political implications of his ideas, but there can be no doubt that he felt strongly
about the need of the individual to maintain and protect his political freedom.
Freedom in Metaphysical Speculation
In its metaphysical and ontological aspects, freedom in Islam is concerned with

terms such as ikhtiyr choice, free will, qudrah power, the ability to act on
ones own, and their opposites. It has already been stated that the large amount
of specu|lation done on the subject of free will by Muslim theologians failed to
lift that speculation out of the realm of narrow theological theory. Thus, little
can be learned from it about the larger problem of freedom.330
It is an age-old idea, particularly cherished by Gnosticism in all its various
forms, that the human body is a prison for the soul, and the world a prison
for man, that death means liberation from that prison and a consummation
devoutly to be desired by true believers. This idea greatly appealed to religious
Muslims, and it was expressed by them in many places and in a variety of
ways. Its connection with Greek philosophy is evident in the remark ascribed
to Pythagoras when he saw a fat man, Why are you so greatly concerned with
raising the walls of your prison?331 A sage, runs a quotation in Miskawayhs
Jwdhn Khiradh, is not a sage unless he knows that life enslaves him and
death liberates him.332 When the Ikhwn a-af speak about the human body
as a prison, it is mostly as one for evil souls;333 in general, they avoid the prison
metaphor as unsuited to their system of thought. An Isml author, who died
in 1317, Shams-ad-dn a-ayyib (or rather, a-b), said:
In the hand of nature, man (al-fat) is a slave.
When his bond is removed, he is free.333a
330
Cf. above, p. 17ff. It may be added here that the view of metaphysics/theology as the
science (that) is free as it does not serve any other (science) in any way, and everything else
serves it, is found in the Islamic world in shkprzdeh, Mift as-sadah (Hyderabad,
13281356), I, 28.
331 Ibn Hind, 97.
332 Jwdhn Khiradh, 192. Cf. shkprzdeh, op. cit., I, 17.
333 Rasil Ikhwn a-af (Cairo, 1347/1928), III, 95, 216; IV, 91, 295. Cf. ar-Rislah al-jmiah, ed.
J. alb (Damascus, 13681371/19481951), I, 85 f., 317, 544. Four different words for prison
(abs, sijn, mamrah, mubaq) are used in ar-Rislah al-jmiah, I, 197, in order to describe
the significance of the cities and dwellings on earth for particular souls.
333a Cf. Arba Rasil Ismlyah, ed. rif Tmir (Beirut, 1372/1953), 24.
106
118
107
The sma-sma idea of the body being a prison if not a grave came to be
incorporated in the collections of traditions ascribed to the Prophet. He is
believed to have said:
This world is a prison for the believer, but Paradise for the unbeliever.334
fs, of course, embraced it eagerly. On the day Dwd a- died, a man
dreamed of hearing him say, Now I am released from prison.335 Moral preachers harp on the idea in moving tones. The world is a prison in which the lovers
of God are kept so that they cannot be united with Him, and their plaint is
like that of prisoners in the morning.336 Life is made up of a whole series of
prisons: The first prison is the fathers spine, the second, the mothers womb,
the third, the infants swaddling clothes, the fourth, school, the fifth, the troublesome care for ones family, the sixth, death, and the seventh, the grave.337
Poets, too, may sing about the prison of the world, as, for instance, Ibn al-Mutazz:
Censuring you, O life of mine in this world, is praising myself.
You have given me few provisions and have kept me long imprisoned.338
108
It must be said, however, that though life was considered a prison, and death,
liberation, such liberation did not lead to somet|hing that could ordinarily be
associated with the term urryah and all its worldly connotations.
The metaphysical meaning of freedom was bound to become a matter of
concern to mystical theory. In fact, al-Qushayr (9861072) devoted a special
chapter of his Rislah to urryah. This chapter deserves to be quoted in full:339
334
335
336
337
338
339
Cf. Wensinck and others, Concordance, II, 431b; R. Mach, Der Zaddik in Talmud und
Midrasch (Leiden, 1957), 150, n. 8.
Al-Qushayr, Rislah, 13. Further examples may be found, for instance, in al-Musib,
Riyah, ed. M. Smith (London, 1940. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, N. S., XV), 250f.; alGhazzl, Iy, III, 175; IV, 113, 145, 271.
Ibn al-Jawz, Mudhish, 378.
Op. cit., 501.
Dwn, II, 138. The verse may contain an allusion to the poets term in prison in the form
of the general concept of the world as a prison.
According to the thirteenth-century poet, Abd-al-Wahhb Khab an-Nayrab, a long
life was merely a prolonged imprisonment of the spirit in the prison of the body (al-Kutub,
Fawt, II, 43).
Rislah, 100 f. A collation of the printed text with four manuscripts in the British Museum
119
God says: And they (the Medinese) prefer (the Meccan emigrants) to
themselves, even though they are indigent (Qurn 59.9/9), meaning that
they preferred (them) to themselves because they had divested themselves of (the worldly affairs) they had left behind and, by this action, had
preferred others.340
We were informed by Al b. Amad al-Ahwz341 < Amad b. | Ubayd
al-Bar342 < Ibn Ab Qumsh343 < Muammad b. an-Na344 < Nuaym
340
(Or. 8703, dated 504/1110; Or. 8258, dated 582/1186; Or. 3502, dated 718/1318; and Or. 5673,
dated 788/1386) yielded hardly any substantial variant readings. Where the printed text
reads: The Professor said, the mss. either add to the phrase or omit it altogether. In Brit.
Mus. Or. 8703, the folio containing the beginning of the chapter on urryah is misplaced
so as to appear between the chapters on ubdyah and irdah. This would seem a most
suitable place for a chapter on urryah. However, the misplacement of the leaf is entirely
accidental.
Cf. the excerpts from the commentary on the Rislah ascribed to Zakary al-Anr
(around 1500) which are printed in the margin of the edition cited. These excerpts also
include some f definitions of urryah, among them:
As will be mentioned later (in the Rislah), freedom means for a human being not
to be under the yoke of created things. It has also been defined as turning ones back
to everything and going to Him to Whom everything belongs. It has also been said
that it implies that nobody enter your heart except God.
Cf., further, Natij al-afkr al-qudsyah f bayn man shar ar-Rislah al-Qushayryah
(Blq, 1290), III, 150154:
It should be known that the greatest cause of freedom is impatience to reach God
and disinterest in all created beings. The belief that the voluntary agent is none but
God besides Whom there is no agent, establishes a human beings freedom from all
except God, and at the same time he becomes the true slave of God.
341
342
343
344
He came to Baghdd in 396/10051006, and died in Nsbr in 415/1024. Cf. al-Khab

al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, XI, 329, and A.J. Arberry, Al-Qushayr as Traditionalist, in
Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen (Copenhagen, 1953), 13.
Known as a-affr, cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, op. cit., IV, 261; XI, 329; Arberry, loc. cit. He
died in 352/963.
In the Kitb al-Aghn, XVIII, 168 (cf. the index by I. Guidi and others), the same name
occurs as that of a man who had contact with the poet al-Butur. He could be identical
with the one above.
He may be the historian, Muammad b. li b. Mihrn b. an-Na (d. 252/866867), cf.
GAL, Suppl., I, 216, and F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden, 1952), 79,
109
120
110
b. Muwarri b. Tawbah344a < Isml al-Makk345 < Amr b. Dnr346 <

ws347 < (the Prophets cousin) Ibn Abbs, as follows: The Messenger of
God said, Anyone of you can be satisfied with what his own soul considers
as enough. He is going to the four cubits and one span (that is, his grave),
and it all reverts to the question what his (position in the) other world
will be.348
The Professor (al-Qushayr) said: Freedom means for a human being
(abd) not to be under the yoke (riqq) of created things and not to be
ruled by things that have come into being. His soundness349 is indicated
by the fact that his heart no longer makes distinctions between things,
with the result that he considers all accidental things and happenings as
having the same value. rithah350 thus said to the | Messenger of God,
My soul has turned away from this world, with the result that I consider
the stones of this world and the gold of this world as having the same
value.
I heard Professor Ab Al ad-Daqqq351 say: He who enters this world,
and is free from it, will travel to the next world, and be free from it.
337. Another Muammad b. an-Na, a brother of the famous poet Bakr b. an-Na, is
hardly meant here; he is mentioned in Kitb al-Aghn, XIII, 85f.
344a He lived around the second half of the eighth century, cf. Ibn Ab tim, Jar (Hyderabad,
13711373/19511953), IV, 1, 464; Ibn ajar, Lisn (Hyderabad, 13291331), VI, 170f.
345 Apparently, Isml b. Abd-al-Malik, who lived in the first half of the eighth century,
cf. al-Bukhr, Tarkh (Hyderabad, 13601378), I, 1, 367; Ibn ajar, Tahdhb (Hyderabad,
13251327), I, 316 f.
346 Al-Makk, who died ca. 125/742743, or 126/743744, cf. Ibn ajar, Tahdhb, VIII, 28ff.
347 Died in or after 106/724725, cf. Ibn ajar, Tahdhb, V, 8ff.
348 This tradition apparently does not occur in the canonical collections.
349 That is, the fact that a person possesses freedom to the degree that is good for him.
However, if iatih of the mss. and the edition could be corrected to iatih, it would
mean: its (freedoms) soundness, that is, The right kind of freedom shows itself in the
fact
350 Of the many rithahs who are listed as companions of the Prophet, the one cited here,
and frequently elsewhere in f literature, is no doubt rithah b. an-Numn. He is
mentioned as one of the pious Ahl a-uffah by Ab Nuaym al-Ifahn, ilyat al-awliy
(Cairo, 13511357/19321938), I, 356.
The first clause only of rithahs remark was quoted by al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh
Baghdd, VII, 246; as-Sulam, abaqt a-fyah (Cairo, 1953), 158.
351 Al-asan b. Al, who died in 406/1016, cf. Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart (Cairo, 13501351), III,
180 f.; al-Khab al-Baghdd, op. cit., VII, 245, l. 5 f.
121
I heard Muammad b. al-usayn352 < Ab Muammad al-Maghr353 <

ad-Duqq354 < az-Zaqqq355 say that he (az-Zaqqq) used to say: He who
is in this world and free from it, will be in the other world and be free from
it.
The Professor (al-Qushayr) said: Let it be known to you that the real
meaning of freedom lies in the perfection of slavery (ubdyah). If the
slavery of a human being in relation to God is a true one, his freedom
is relieved from the yoke of changes. Anyone who imagines that it may
be granted to a human being to give up his slavery for a moment and
disregard the commands and prohibitions of the religious law while possessing discretion and responsibility, has divested himself of Islam. God
said to His Prophet: Worship356 until certainty comes to you (Qurn
15.99/99). As agreed upon by the commentators, certainty here means
the end (of life). What the fs want to express by freedom is that a
human being should not place his heart under the yoke of any of the created things, either | the accidents of this world or those357 of the other
world. He should be completely by himself and should not be enslaved
by any urgent mundane matter, accidental desire, and future wishes, or
by any demand, aspiration, want, and fortune. Ash-Shibl358 was asked,
Do you not know that He is compassionate?, and he replied, Yes, but
ever since I have known about His compassion, I have never asked Him
352
353
354
355
356
357
358
This is the famous f author, Ab Abd-ar-Ramn as-Sulam (330412/9411021), cf. GAL,

I, 200 f., GAL, Suppl., I, 361 f.
Unidentified.
Ab Bakr Muammad b. Dwd ad-Dnawar, known as ad-Duqq, who died, according
to the Rislah, 28, after 350/961, and, according to al-Khab al-Baghdd, op. cit., V, 266f.,
in either 359/969970 or 360/971. For the vocalization ad-Duqq, cf. as-Samn, Ansb
(Leiden-London, 1912. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, XX), fol. 227b.
Muammad b. Abdallh, Ab Bakr az-Zaqqq, cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, op. cit., V, 442f.
He died in 290/902903, cf. Ibn al-Jawz, Muntaam (Hyderabad, 1357), VI, 42; L. Massignon, Recueil de textes indits concernant l histoire de la mystique en pays dIslam (Paris,
1929), 44 f. The form of his name was at times distorted to ad-Daqqq, as the preceding
Duqq was misread ar-Raqq. The mss. have the correct forms of the names.
Wabud at the same time means, serve as a slave.
It seems that the edition, Blq, 1284, of the Rislah as well as two of the manuscripts
consulted by me, read aw, instead of repeating ar. Aw compensations may be
the preferable reading.
The famous f, Ab Bakr ash-Shibl, who died in 334/945946, or 335/946947, cf. GAL,
I, 199 f., GAL, Suppl., I, 357.
111
122
to show me compassion. The station of freedom is one hard to achieve

and rarely achieved (azz).359
I heard Shaykh Ab Al (ad-Daqqq) say that Ab l-Abbs as-Sayyr360 used to say: If a prayer could be performed at all properly without
recitation of the Qurn, it would be with the recitation of this verse:
I wish something to happen that is completely impossible for (this)
time,
Namely, for my eyes to behold the face of a free man.361
Statements of f Shaykhs on freedom:
Al-usayn b. Manr362 said, He who wants freedom should accept
slavery (ubdyah).
When al-Junayd363 was asked about (the status of a person) who has no
worldly goods left to him except as little as a date pit to suck, he replied,
The slave who is under contract to purchase his manumission remains a
slave as long as he keeps owing a single dirham.
I heard Shaykh Ab Abd-ar-Ramn as-Sulam < Ab Bakr ar-Rz364
< Ab Umar al-Anm365 < al-Junayd say: As long as | you have not
achieved completely true slavery (ubdyah), you will not be able to reach
pure freedom.
Bishr al-f366 said: He who wants to enjoy the taste of freedom and
rest from slavery (ubdyah) should cleanse his conscience as between
God and himself.
Al-usayn b. Manr said: When a human being has achieved all the
stations of slavery (ubdyah), he will be free from the drudgery of slavery
and therefore accept slavery without pain or trouble. This is the station of
prophets and righteous men. He means that he will be carried along and
112
359
360
361
362
363
364
365
366
Cf. Natij, 152: (Azz here means) rare because it is a difficult station to achieve since it
is contrary to the natural disposition of the human soul.
Al-Qsim b. al-Qsim, who died in 342/953954, cf. Rislah, 28; as-Sulam, abaqt, 440ff.,
where the above story and verse are quoted (p. 446).
Here, as well as in the verse quoted later on, urr obviously has the general meaning of
noble man.
The famous al-allj, who died in 309/922, cf. GAL, I, 199, GAL, Suppl., I, 355.
Another celebrated mystic, who died in 298/910, cf. GAL, I, 199, GAL, Suppl., I, 354f.
He was Muammad b. Abdallh b. Abd-al-Azz b. Shdhn al-Muqri, a frequent authority
of as-Sulam. He died in 376/986. Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 18f. and index.
Al b. Muammad, cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, XII, 73; as-Sulam, abaqt,
50 and index.
Died in 227/841, cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 351.
123
feel no distress in his heart, even if he wears (and displays such distress
outwardly) as an ornament in (fulfilling the obligations of) the religious
law.367
The following verses were recited to us by Shaykh Ab Abd-ar-Ramn
(as-Sulam), who said that he heard them from Ab Bakr ar-Rz, who
said that Manr al-Faqh368 had recited them to him as verses of his own
composition:
No free man remains among human beings.
No free man remains among the jinn either.
The free of both groups are gone.
The sweetness of life has turned into bitterness.
It should be known that the most important aspect of freedom is rendering service to the poor (the ascetics and fs, as attested by the following
three quotations).
I heard Shaykh Ab Al ad-Daqqq say: God revealed to David this
statement: If you see someone who is seeking Me, be his servant!
The Prophet said: The lord of the people is their servant.369
I heard Muammad b. al-usayn (as-Sulam) < Muammad b. | Ibrhm b. al-Fal370 < Muammad b. ar-Rm371 < Yay b. Mudh372 say:
The children of this world are served by male and female slaves. The children of the other world are served by the free and the blessed.
367
368
369
370
371
372
The last clause is difficult. Mutaalliyan is the correct reading. The suffix in bi-h can
refer only to mashaqqah. Natij, 153, paraphrases the clause as follows: The appearance
of actions through his limbs and their being ascribed to him by virtue of (bi-ukm) the
religious law does not contradict his being carried along and helped by virtue of the inner
verity.
Manr b. Ibrhm al-Mir (d. 306/918), a famous poet of moralizing tendency. Cf., for
instance, as-Subk, abaqt, II, 317319.
This tradition is apparently not to be found in the canonical collections. It is, however,
commonly quoted. Cf., for instance, Ibn Durayd, Mujtan (Hyderabad, 1362), 26f.; asSarakhs, Shar as-siyar al-kabr, I, 25.
Unidentified. He may have been a son of the judge of Smarr, who died in 321/933
(al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, VI, 40), but there is no proof for this assumption.
Unidentified. If he was the (twin?) brother of the famous poet (221283/836896, or
284/897), who survived him, the following member in the chain of transmitters (n. 370)
must have reached a very advanced age. Cf. R. Guest, Life and Works of Ibn er Rm
(London, 1944), 46.
He died in 258/872, cf. al-Qushayr, Rislah, 16; as-Sulam, abaqt, 107ff.
113
124
I also heard him say: I heard Abdallh b. Uthmn b. Yay373 < Al b.

Muammad al-Mir374 < Ysuf b. Ms375 < Ibn Khubayq376 < Muammad b. Abdallh377 < Ibrhm b. Adham378 say: The free and noble person
leaves this world before he leaves it.
Ibrhm b. Adham also said: Keep company only with a free and noble
man who listens and does not talk.
114
Al-Qushayrs influence was far-reaching.379 It seems likely that the introduction of a special chapter on urryah was his own idea.379a Al-Kalbdh, who
died around the time al-Qushayr was born, wrote a manual of fism very sim-
373
374
375
376
377
378
Unidentified. Ms. Brit. Mus. Or. 3502 has: Muammad b. Abdallh , which appears to
be a mistake.
He appears to be identical with the person mentioned by al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh
Baghdd, XII, 75 f., who lived from 251/865866 to 338/950.
He is mentioned repeatedly in as-Sulam, abaqt, as a transmitter on Ibn Khubayqs
authority. The editor of the abaqt (p. 36) equated him with the person mentioned by
al-Khab al-Baghdd, op. cit., XIV, 308 f., who died in 296/909.
He was Ab Muammad Abdallh b. Khubayq, cf. Rislah, 17f.; as-Sulam, abaqt, 141ff.
Unidentified.
The famous eighth-century ascetic who supposedly was of princely origin. Because of this,
he was especially qualified to speak on the meaning of urr. Cf. also the remark ascribed
to him in al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 4:
In my sleep, I saw someone who was saying: Is it fitting for a free man (urr) who is
a mystic disciple, to humble himself before slaves, while he can find in God all he
wants?
A variant of the statement in the Rislah was attributed to Yay b. Mudh by Ibn al-Jawz,
ifat a-afwah (Hyderabad, 13551356), IV, 77:
The intelligent, infallible person is he who does three things: He leaves the world
before he leaves it
379
For instance, a short article entitled a-afwah f ilm at-taawwuf which appears in a
collection of treatises mostly by Izz-ad-dn Muammad b. Jamah (d. 819/1416, cf. GAL,
II, 94, GAL, Suppl., II, 111 f.) and was probably written by him, is based upon al-Qushayr
in the section on urryah (Ms. Brit. Mus. Or. 12106, fol. 76b). In general, no later writer on
fism was unaware of al-Qushayr and the ideas he represented.
379a Such a statement is, however, always liable to revision pending the discovery of new material. For instance, the works of al-akm at-Tirmidh must be studied in this connection,
cf. below, n. 398a.
125
ilar in structure and contents to the Rislah, but he did not give any space to
urryah. Thus, we cannot expect to find much information about the term
in authors who preceded al-Qushayr, but it is worth noting that many of the
later f writers also did by no means pay as much attention to urryah as he
did.
The closest al-Musib (d. 857), in his Riyah, got to paying any attention
to freedom was in the story of the proud rich heir who believed that he was
freeborn. He was disillusioned by a man who came and proved that the proud
heirs late parents had been his slaves. Thus, the heirs property in fact belonged
to him. Al-Musib used this story as a parable warning against the sin of pride,
pride being branded as an absurdity since no man is free in relation to God.380
In his Iy, al-Ghazzl (d. 1111) was obviously reluctant to make much of
urryah and urr.381 He did refer to the term in its ethical382 and political383
senses. It is evident that in these connections he valued it highly.
The monistic outlook of Ibn Arab (d. 1240) caused the distinction between
master and slave to disappear completely.384 With regard to the idea of freedom, this presented considerable difficulties. In a work as large as the Futt
al-Makkyah, Ibn Arab could not entirely overlook the difficult problem. He
therefore devoted a few pages to it, a very small portion of the immense work.
The principal discussion of urryah, in chapters 140 and 141 of the Futt,
comes between the chapters on ay and on dhikr, as it does in al-Qushayrs
Rislah. Ibn Arab was evidently influenced by al-Qushayrs work. Nevertheless, he was fully justified in claimingat the end of ch. 140originality for his
searching penetration into the vexing problem. Ch. 70 of the Futt includes
an evaluation of urryah as compared to ubdyah, leading to a detailed investigation of two more terms, which, in Ibn Arabs eyes, are closely related
to the problem of freedom, that is, ghin self-sufficiency (lit. wealth) and
fuqr need (lit. poverty). Chapters 140 and 141 are devoted to the stations
(maqm) of freedom and of the renunciation of it (tark al-urryah), while
ch. 214 deals with the significance of the state (l) of freedom.385
380
381
382
383
384
385
Riyah, 252.
He occasionally referred to the word in its legal meaning, cf. Iy, I, 198, 220; II, 196, etc. He
also happened to use it in verses, proverbs, and stereotyped expressions, cf. Iy, I, 198; II,
208; III, 227, 229; IV, 214, 288.
Cf. above, n. 329.
Cf., for instance, his Fu al-ikam, ed. Ab l-Al Aff (Cairo, 1365/1946), passim.
Futt (Blq, 1293), I, 724; II, 299 f., 300302, 660662.
115
126
116
117
Free, according to Ibn Arab, is he who controls all created things, and is
controlled by neither property nor rank.386 There is no absolute freedom for
human beings. As the term is commonly understood by fs and other people, freedom means that man is a slave only of God, so that he is free from
everything except God, and freedom is true slavery (ubdyah) with God as
the master.387 Freedom from God is not only impossible but it also is not
sound.388 Yet, | absolute freedom is also impossible for God qua God. The terms
mastership and divinity imply a relationship with those to whom one is master and God, and there is no freedom where there is relationship.389 However,
lack of freedom, which would be identical with dependence, is unthinkable
in connection with God, as is stated in Qurn 3.97/92 and 29.6/5: He is independent (ghan) of the worlds. This means that God cannot be reached by
arguments and reasoning, as this would mean usurpation and deprive Him of
freedom and independence.390 In reality, freedom has no characteristic existence of its own (wujd ayn)391 Freedom, in reality, is essential independence
(ghin adh-dht, on the part of God) of the worlds, while at the same time the
world derives from Him on account of His essence alone. Thus, He is independent of the worlds. He is free. The world needs Him. The (people of the) world
are slaves. They are never free.392
There is, however, a certain type of freedom even for them. They cannot
possess the station of freedom as a characteristic of theirs, but they can possess
it as an intellectual achievement (maqm taaqquq l maqm takhalluq). They
must realize that existence is impossible for human beings. They must get rid
of the wish to supply the needs (iftiqr) inseparable from human potentiality
and recognize that non-existence is their inherent attribute. If they do so, their
dependence (iftiqr) ceases to be, and they remain free while (their) essence
is unfree in its existence. Their potentiality prepares them to give names to
the phenomena of existence and to attempt to understand them, but if the
potential stops at its particular beingif a mans state is his particular being
(ayn)393, it is free and admits of no | slavery, whereas if it stops at the
numerous things it is prepared to be, it is a dependent slave. But again, it must
386
387
388
389
390
391
392
393
Op. cit., II, 299, l. 18. Cf. also II, 661, l. 26.
Op. cit., II, 300, l. 18 f.
Op. cit., I, 724, l. 24.
Op. cit., II, 299, l. 24. Cf. II, 661, ll. 2730.
Op. cit., II, 300, ll. 1315.
Ayn is particularly difficult to translate, cf. S. van den Bergh, Ayn, in EI2, I, 784f.
Futt, II, 661, ll. 3033.
Op. cit., II, 660, l. 28.
127
be stressed that there is no absolute freedom for us.394 How could he who
cannot ever escape from his needs free himself, while his needs pursue him?395
The obligations resting upon him are numerous, and they are inescapable both
in this world and the next. This makes him realize that freedom is a transitory
accident, and the renunciation of freedom a divine qualification. The degrees
of freedom that may be reached by the various classes of fs are numerous but
all of them together, and even more, belong to those who renounce freedom,396
and choose slavery (ubdyah) which is preferable to freedom.397
After it had been introducedit seems, by al-Qushayrinto mystic literature, urryah, we have seen, could no longer be disregarded, and it continued
to be discussed. However, the connotation of worldly nobility originally inherent in the term did little to recommend its use to fs. Al-Qushayr already
quoted quite a few examples of the use of ubdyah as the opposite of urryah,397a and it is true that in the discussion of the true meaning of ubdyah
the highest rank is accorded to voluntary slavery (ubdyah ikhtiyryah).397b
However, ubdyah | slavery is usually not paired with urryah but with
rubbyah, the status of master. The many f terms that imply abstention,
keeping away from worldly affairs, shunning the company of human beings,
preferring isolation and self-sufficiency, also do not aim at extolling individual freedom. The freedom from things mundane, according to mysticism, is
the freedom to be ready for complete acceptance of servitude to God. Metaphysical contact is not meant to bring full liberation to the individual. The
Greek Hermetic philosopher said that everything on earth is unfree, everything
394
395
396
397
397a
Op. cit., II, 300, l. 10 f.

Op. cit., II, 300, l. 29.
Op. cit., ch. 141, and, in particular, II, 301, l. 31 f., and 302, l. 4ff.
Op. cit., I, 724, l. 23f.
It could also be contrasted with ikhtiyr choice, free will, cf. al-Qushayr, Rislah, 91:
Slavery is giving up freedom of choice with regard to any manifestation of predestination.
397b Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Mift dr as-sadah (Cairo, n.y.), I, 5. Cf. also the distinction,
supposedly made by Al, between three kinds of worship (ibdah) of God, with the
highest being worship by the free, in Nahj al-balghah (Cairo, n.y. [1934?]), II, 189. An
older contemporary of Ibn Arab from the East, Najm-ad-dn al-Kubr, played around
with classifications in an ascending order of merit such as ibdah, ubdyah, ubdah,
or taabbud, ubdyah, urryah, cf. F. Meier, Die Fawi al-aml (Wiesbaden, 1957), text,
86.
118
128
119
in heaven free.398 The same thesis was, it seems, defended by the important
ninth-century mystic, al-akm at-Tirmidh; this world, as he put is, is based
upon slavery for its people, and the other world upon freedom.398a However,
this was an idea that was not accepted by the majority of fs. As they saw
it, there can be no freedom from the divine presence, either in this life or in
the hereafter, unless that presence is rejected. Such rejection, however, would
mean the most terrible slavery and lead to the most painful prison of all, Hell
and damnation. Certain fs conceived of the possibility that man, in his passionate quest for the right path, might think of freedom as freeing himself from
the religious obligations, even of freeing himself from the divine, and might
wish to destroy the ladder with its rungs of duties and obligations, of states and
stations, which served for an upward climb that seemed all too slow. They were
at times inclined to concede that there existed a special freedom for the elect
that entitled them to reject the outward forms of religion and to drink the wine
of the free.399 As a | rule, the more moderate attitude prevailed. It was assumed
that the search for absolute freedom would lead to absolute disaster, to insanity
for man as an individual, and to heresy and damnation for him as a member of
society.400
398
Cf. Stobaeus, ed. Wachsmuth-Hense, I, 276; Corpus Hermeticum, ed. A.-J. Festugire (Paris,
19451954), III, 55.
398a Cf. H. Ritter, in Oriens, III (1950), 32; O. Yahya, in Mlanges Louis Massignon (Damascus,
1957), III, 447.
399 Jall-ad-dn Rm, Mathnav, ed. and trans. R.A. Nicholson (London, 19251940. E.J.W. Gibb
Memorial Series, N. S., IV), V, 498; VI, 474 (book VI, verse 3922).
400 Cf. above, pp. 5 and 28.
vi
Concluding Remark
The preceding discussion has been rather lengthy, and the quotations have
been numerous and detailed. Thus, the impression might be gained that a good
deal of thought was given by medieval Muslims to the problem of freedom in
their civilization. A word of caution would seem in order. Measured against
the vast expanse of Muslim literature, the amount of material here collected
is infinitesimal. The occasions are numerous where freedom might have been
discussed but was not. Moreover, the quality and significance of the references
to freedom must be considered decidedly uneven.
It is clear that Muslims always felt great horror at being deprived of their
individual liberty. There existed a proud insistence upon ones individual independence. Ibn azm once wondered why there were people proud and conceited who did not have the slightest claim to distinction. He tactfully asked
one of those people to tell him the reason for his conceitedness, but all he was
able to get out of him by way of a reply was the simple statement, I am a free
man, I am nobodys slave. Ibn azm pointed out to him that most of the people
around him were free men and there were only a few slaves there, who, in fact,
were more powerful than the free men and exercised control over them.400a In
his context, Ibn azm was right to consider the mans attitude extremely foolish. However, the statement as such shows the tremendous emotional impact
exercised by the concept of freedom, by the feeling of independence, upon the
average Muslim.
Freedom also happened to be equated with all that was noble | and good in
the human character. This contributed greatly to the preservation of the dignity
of the term. The result was that the idea of freedom loomed as an important one
in the Muslim mind, be it consciously or unconsciously. The desire for freedom,
consequently, was respected, within certain limits, by those who exercised
political power and controlled the development of legal thought and practice.
However, despite some warning notes sounded in Graeco-Arabic translation
literature, medieval Muslims failed to understand what a tender growth freedom is and how zealously it must be protected against any encroachment lest
it cease to function effectively. And there was the failure to connect the meta-
400a Ibn azm, Rislah f mudwt an-nufs, in Rasil Ibn azm al-Andalus, ed. Isn R.
Abbs (Cairo, n. y. [ca. 1954]), 159.
120
121
130
122
physical level with the societal level of freedom. It remained at best highly
uncertain whether transitory social freedom was of any real value for the individual if the individual was properly adjusted to the permanent metaphysical
establishment. This uncertainty always opened up a convenient loophole for
the conscience of anyone who had to compromise on his freedom in this world.
In a recent discussion of legal liberty and the safeguards that existed for it
in the political and social organization of Muslim civilization, L. Gardet took
the metaphysical point of view. He came to the conclusion that freedom, in the
ideal Muslim state, was, perhaps, not the freedom for which one dies, which
gives life its true value, and which involves the dignity of man as a being created
in the image of God. Its true meaning for Islam had to be found in the relation
of man to the divine.401 More concisely, J.H. Kramers expressed a similar idea.
The position of the individual in Muslim social organization could not be called
civic liberty, but it could be called human liberty. Man faces man, but nothing
is more natural than the most powerful at a given | moment being in command
and even disposing of life and death.402
As we have seen, there is much more to it. To medieval Muslims, the problem
of freedom did appear in the many-colored light which is natural to it. However,
the stifling acceptance of the division of society into free men and unfree men
made itself always felt. Consciousness of the basic human need for freedom
was not general and not strongly developed. It was not sufficiently strong, for
instance, to produce rebels against societal restraint who might have fought
such restraint openly in the name of individual liberty. Muslim society, as
a completely integrated structure, could have hardly tolerated attempts to
change it in the name of so powerful an idea as that of freedom, which once
unleashed might have endangered the whole structure. Freedom, as an ideal,
was not unknown. As a political force it lacked the support which only a central
position within the political organism and system of thought could give it.
401
402
L. Gardet, La cit musulmane (Paris, 1954), 69 ff. Cf. also above, p. 4f.
J.H. Kramers, Analecta Orientalia (Leiden, 19541956), II, 209.
iii
The Herb:
Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society
Contents
I
Introduction 134 [1]
II
Monographs on Hashish and Some of the More Important

Sources 138 [5]
III
The Use of Hashish 152 [19]

1
The Names of the Drug 152 [19]
2
The History of the Use of Hashish 174 [41]
3
The Preparation of Hashish and the Manner of its Use
4
The Reported Effects of Hashish 205 [71]
5
Habituation to Hashish and its Cure 231 [96]
189 [56]
IV
The Legal Discussion 236 [101]

1
The General Attitude 236 [101]
2
Hashish Considered as Intoxicating and as Corruptive 241
[105]
3
The Ritual Cleanliness or Uncleanliness of Hashish 251 [117]
4
Prayer and Divorce 254 [120]
5
The Feeding of Hashish to Animals 257 [123]
6
The Punishment for Drug Use 258 [123]
Hashish and its Users in Society 265 [131]

1
Economic Aspects 265 [131]
2
The Asocial Character of Drug Use 270 [137]
3
The Addicts Social Standing 274 [140]
4
Hashish, the Individual, and Society 295 [159]
Appendix A: Some Hashish Poems Translated 298 [163]
1
Al-Isirds Rangstreit of Hashish and Wine 298 [163]
2
Poems against Hashish by Ibn Ghnim and an Anonymous
Poet 303 [167]
3
Poems on Hashish from the Dwn of af-ad-dn al-ill 307 [171]
Appendix B: The Arabic Text of az-Zarkashs Zahr al-arsh 311 [175]
chapter one
1
Introduction
Next to the control of sex as the most pressing issue confronting human society, the control of the instinct and need for play among men has been a matter
of constant concern and considerable experimentation. Man is homo ludens,
the playing animal, and the means by which he has sought to fulfill this side
of his nature have not always been consistent with the best interests of the
group organization necessary for human existence. Gambling is the outstanding example of a playful flight away from harsh reality which at times may lead
rather too far away from it. The consumption of stimulants or depressants in
solid, liquid, or gaseous form, beyond the requirements of nourishment and
without any thought of normal physical need, is another. As it may affect not
only mans mental state but at times also his physical functioning on a temporary or permanent basis, it is the kind of play that bears careful watching by
society.
Islam is well known for the strictness of its attitude with respect to what
it considers permissible means of amusement and relaxation for the individual. The Prophets personal experience of the environment he lived in and the
views he formed as a result set the course. Wine and gambling are expressly
interdicted in the Qurn. It was easy for the guardians of the Muslim community to make the most of these prohibitions and, by and large, to enforce them.
Expectedly, individual rebellions have been numerous in the course of history.
It depended on circumstances of time and locale how strong such rebellions
would become and what forms they would take. The problems of the consumption of alcoholic beverages, in particular, and their use and abuse have been in
the center not only of social life but also of literature. As a result, an almost
uncontrollably large mass of material attesting to the struggle of the individual
against societal restrictions imposed upon him in this connection is available
to us. A detailed and exhaustive treatment of this material would be a tremendously vast undertaking that could not be held within moderate limits. Much
less formidable is the amount of information on gambling and its function in
Muslim society, although it, too, is | plentiful and full of unsolved and, perhaps,
unsolvable questions for the historian.
The escape from the drudgery of life by means of various drugs other than
alcohol expected to produce temporary physical euphoria or fleeting sensations of mental change was not barred by the authority of express statements
creditable to the very highest religious sources. For this reason, attempts to
introduction
135
counteract their consumption, even where it was suspected to be a danger to

the fabric of society, were intermittent and, in the end, halfhearted. Because of
its peculiar nature, the escapist use of drugs was as a rule looked upon with a
certain disdain and a good deal of reticence, even where it surfaced and became
so prominent as to call out for scrutiny. As will become clear in the course of this
investigation, we have no way of knowing accurately how general a problem the
use of drugs may have been in the past, and even for more recent times, we have,
to my limited knowledge, no real hard facts to go by. It would seem very risky to
generalize from the number and pitch of literary utterances or from the impressions gained by outsiders whose preparedness to receive and evaluate them it
is impossible to assess. However, it is clear that Muslim authorities often considered it necessary to try to curb the use of drugs. As clearly, these attempts did
not pass without arousing individual resistance. They thus produced another
phase of the unceasing struggle of the individual against the society which is
his creature, his savior, and his oppressor. The material presented on the following pages is meant to throw some limited light on this particular phase. If
hashish has been chosen as the basis for discussion, it is because it is the most
representative and, probably, the most widely used of the hallucinatory drugs
employed by medieval Muslims.
Recent years have witnessed a vast outpouring of books and studies on
cannabis intoxication. I have looked at some of them but have come to the
conclusion that it would not be a good investment of my time to read too
intensively in this literature. The knowledge of the history of hashish, especially
in the Islamic period, displayed in it is pitiful and, on occasion, comical. This
does not really come as a surprise, but it raises the somewhat disquieting
spectre of a lack of historical understanding in the formation of views on
a problem intimately concerned with mans past and future. Since so much
has been written on the subject, it is possible that someone somewhere has
gathered up something more than the few stock | items repeated over and over
again. I do not consider this likely, nor do I believe that historians and Near
East experts have written on hashish and used fuller information than usual. If
anything of the sort has escaped me, I have to apologize to the authors of such
works and to the readers of these lines.
The modern literature on the subject stresses the need for a good deal of
refinement in terminology. Thus, it is considered necessary (as was done on
occasion also in the past) to make terminological distinctions between various
hemp products, restricting such terms as hashish and marijuana to particular
preparations made from the plant. Or terms such as addiction and habituation
are broken down according to more closely defined aspects. All this, I feel, is
useful to a certain degree, but it has comparatively little applicability to the
136
iii. the herb: hashish versus medieval muslim society
medieval period and has been disregarded here. Hashish serves as the general
term for which nowadays cannabis appears to enjoy preference. Terms are
thus used here in the rather vague manner of common speech. To my mind,
this can neither blur the picture nor make things appear more clear-cut than
they are.
It has seemed to me to be the most immediate and needed task to provide
information on what medieval Muslims knew about, and how they looked at,
the use of drugs. To my knowledge, such information is not easily, or not at all,
available elsewhere in the scholarly literature and accessible to those who are
not familiar with Near Eastern languages. This has made my treatment as long
as it has turned out to be, instead of the few pages I had originally meant to
devote to it. While information is primary, interpretation continues to retain
its proper place. In fact, interpretation of some sort or other can never be completely avoided, as it is inherent in everything we say or write. However, apart
from the general theme explained above that motivates my writing on the subject and dominates it, the developing of interpretational generalities has not
been my aim. In studying basic drives of human nature, presumed differences
between large civilizational complexes become increasingly more elusive upon
closer acquaintance with the historical situation and upon wider and deeper
probing of the preserved evidence. In the case of hashish, it might be said that
persistent reading of the daily newspapers and some rather superficial knowledge of Islam would suffice for anyone who might wish to do so, to guess at
and describe quite accurately the general situation, the general attitudes, and
the general procedures that could be assumed to have prevailed | in medieval
Islam with respect to the drug. This would hardly be a useful exercise. It is not
the generalities but the details that count, and they have been presented here
as clearly and as fully as possible. Observations encountered in the modern literature, unless they are derived from such properly scientific work as chemical
analysis or controlled experimentation, can often be duplicated from Muslim
sources. It might have been useful to footnote the medieval cases with parallel passages from modern writings. However, anyone interested in this aspect
can do this very easily on his own. It is more important to explain and preserve
the information provided by the indigenous sources on their own terms, in the
hope that the mosaic thus put together will form a meaningful picture.
Much of this study had perforce to be based upon manuscript material. It
should, however, be understood that numerous other works still unpublished
might profitably have been consulted for basic or, mainly, illustrative material.
And much further combing needs to be done of the vast literature available
in print. The manuscripts used are not of the highest quality. This is to some
degree due to the special character of the subject matter, but it is also possible,
introduction
137
and very much to be hoped, that better manuscripts are hidden somewhere
in Eastern and Western libraries. The manuscripts consulted here, directly
or, mostly, in microfilm, are preserved in the great collections of libraries in
Ankara, Berlin, Cambridge, Gotha, Istanbul, Leiden, New Haven (Connecticut),
Paris, Princeton (New Jersey), and Rabat. For the courtesy and generosity with
which they were made available to me, I am deeply grateful.
chapter two
5
Monographs on Hashish and

Some of the More Important Sources
The extent and character of the Muslim occupation with hashish problems
and hashish lore are indicated by the source material at our disposal which
largely determines what the present study can, and cannot, accomplish. It
may thus be advisable to present here, at the outset of our discussion, instead
of waiting for its end, an outline of the literature, in chronological order as
far as possible. Some of the monographs listed are not preserved and known
only through quotations and bibliographical reference. Much may have been
written which never became known beyond the circle of the author and his
friends.
We may well suspect that nearly every poet and productive amateur writer of
verse, from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries, wrote at least some playful
poems on hashish, although these poems might at times have been excluded
from published collections of his work.1 With the exception of al-Isirds representative and early specimen of the genre, no separate listing of this material has been made here. All major, and many minor, legal works can also be
assumed to have rarely been entirely without some references to hashish, but
even though much of a larger size and importance has surely eluded me, most
of such occasional material would not justify special listing in the following
list. The same applies to other lesser and incidental references. They will be
restricted to mention later on in the footnotes.
The information provided by outsiders, that is, European travelers and residents in Islamic countries, is in part as old as, and on occasion older than, some
of the Oriental sources used here, but it has been left aside. Whatever use of it
has been made later on is so discrete as in no way being able to becloud the
Muslim outlook.
1. Ibn al-Bayr, Abdallh b. Amad al-Mlaq (d. 646/1248),2 al-Jmi li-mufradt al-adwiyah, IV, 39 (Blq 1291); French trans. L. Leclerc, in Notices et extraits
des manuscrits de la Bibliothque | Nationale, XXVI (1883), 118120; German
1 1 On hashish poetry, see below, pp. 72, 141 f., and 163ff.
2 2 Cf. J. Vernet, in EI2, s.v. Ibn al-Bayr.
monographs on hashish and some of the more important sources 139
trans. J. von Sontheimer, II, 327329 (Stuttgart 18401842). Much quoted in later
times, for instance, by az-Zarkash and al-Maqrz.
2. Al-Isird, Nr-ad-dn Muammad b. Muammad Ibn Rustum (619656/
12221258),3 wrote a Rangstreit poem of hashish and wine, preserved by alKutub (d. 764/1363) and translated below, pp. 163166. It was possibly taken
over by al-Kutub from al-Isirds Sulfat az-zarajn f l-khalah wa-l-mujn.
3. Muammad b. Sulaymn (b. Muammad b. Sulaymn) b. Abd-al-Malik ashShib (585672/11891274),4 Zahr al-arsh f tarm al-ashsh, is the oldest
monograph on the subject of hashish of which we have knowledge, although it
appears not to have been preserved. The title is mentioned by as-Sakhw (831
902/14271497) in his biography of Ibn ajar.5 Another reference is contained
in a biography from a book allegedly entitled az-Zahr al-mu (?) f man-qib
ash-Shib, cited by Abd-al-Wahhb Azzm,6 about which nothing further is
known to me. It was presumably also the source of the third reference, by Badatl smail Pasha (d. 1339/1920).7 In these two cases, the author is described as
Ibn Ab r-Rab al-Mafir. However, a-afad distinguishes, and, it seems, correctly, between Ibn Ab r-Rab al-Hawwr8 and our Shib (al-Mafir) (both
of whom, he says, died in 673). Since az-Zarkash (No. 9) uses an almost identical title (although he may have had originally akm for tarm), it would seem
a fair assumption that he had no knowledge of ash-Shibs earlier work, which
he does not mention.
4. Ibn Ghnim, Izz-ad-dn Abd-as-Salm b. Amad al-Maqdis | (d. 678/1279
1280),9 Majlis f dhamm al-ashshah, preserved in Ms. Princeton 2136 (= 1056
3 1 Cf. as-afad, Wf, ed. H. Ritter, I, 188192 (Wiesbaden, reprint, 1962, Bibliotheca Islamica 6a);
al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 329334 (Cairo 19511953); GAL, I, 257.
4 2 Cf. al-Ynn, Dhayl Mirt az-zamn, III, 72 (Hyderabad 13741380/19541961); adh-Dhahab,
Ibar, V, 300 (Kuwait 19601966); a-afad, Wf, ed. S. Dedering, III, 127f. (Damascus 1953,
Bibliotheca Islamica 6c); Ibn al-Jazar, Ghyat an-nihyah, II, 149 (Istanbul 19321935, reprint).
5 3 Cf. F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, 2nd ed., 609 (Leiden 1968).
6 4 F mazrt al-Iskandaryah, in ar-Rislah, VII (1358/1939), No. 338, p. 2332, cited in Sad
al-Afghns edition of az-Zarkash, Ijbah, 2nd ed., 12, n. 1 (Beirut 1390/1970).
7 5 Cf. Dhayl Kashf a-unn, I, 618 (Istanbul 19451947).
8 6 Ibn Ab r-Rab al-Hawwrs notice from a-afad appears in substantially the same form in
al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 421 f., indicating al-Ynn as his source, cf. al-Ynn, Dhayl, III, 71f., anno
672.
9 1 This is the date indicated in GAL, Suppl, I, 808, cf. also H. Ritter, in Oriens, III (1950), 58ff.; Ibn
Kathr, XIII, 289.
140
H). The ms. was written by a certain alah b. Muammad b. Ibrhm b. Ab

l-Al al-anbal, who is presumably not the person mentioned by as-Sakhw,
aw, IV, 9 (Cairo 13531355). It is dated on Tuesday, 10 Rab II 802/Wednesday, 10 December 1399.10 The Majlis takes up only the last three pages (not
folios) of the Princeton Ms. The name of the author appears in it as Izz-ad-dn
Abd-al-Azz b. Abd-as-Salm b. Ghnim. The last name is written somewhat
indistinctly, but the reading Ghnim corresponds better to the reading of the
ms. than the mir of the Princeton Catalogue. GAL, Suppl., I, 768, lists the
work under Abd-al-Azz b. Abd-as-Salm (ca. 577660/11811262). However,
the name of the grandfather is almost certain evidence for the correct attribution. The confusion is easily understandable.
Another, anonymous ms. of the work is preserved in the Berlin Ms. Wetzstein II, 1774 (= Ahlwardt, No. 5488), fols. 102a103b, with the title Fal f lashshah wa-tarmih. The Berlin Ms. presents a dating problem. The text
immediately preceding the Fal in the ms. is stated to have been copied in
783/1381. Ahlwardt, who lists that text under No. 1675 of his Catalogue, takes this
to be the actual date when the ms. was written. However, strangely enough, he
also assumes that the scribe may have misspelled his own name, the name by
which, he says, he was known and which in the ms. looks somewhat like Khab
. Unless this should turn out to be the correct form of his name, it may very
well be that the date of 783 belongs to the ms. from which the Berlin Ms. was
copied.11
The Princeton Ms. does not contain the verses from the Berlin Ms., referred
to below, p. 156, n. 2, or the story following upon them that identifies hashish
with the zaqqm tree (below, p. 46).
For the poem at the end of Ibn Ghnims treatise, see below, pp. 167ff. For
other verses possibly attributable to Ibn Ghnim, see below, p. 150.
5. Al-Ukbar, Imd-ad-dn Ab l-Fal al-asan b. Muammad b. Abd-ar-Ramn Ibn Ab l-Baq (seventh/thirteenth cent.), Kitb as-Sawni al-adabyah
10
11
2 The tenth of Rab II was a Tuesday in 805, but I do not think that the reading five is
possible.
3 Ahlwardt lists another work from the same ms., written by the same hand, under No. 635
of his Catalogue. He dates its author, a certain Abd-al-Azz b. Munajj b. Amad al-alab,
in the seventh or eighth century of the hijrah, apparently on the strength of the 783
date just mentioned. It would be helpful if it were possible to identify this author, but I
have not yet succeeded in doing so. The other available references to him are all based
upon Ahlwardt, cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 133; K. Vollers, Katalog Leipzig, 276f., No. 847, II
(Leipzig 1906); Izzat asan, Fihris makht Dr al-Kutub a-hiryah, ulm al-Qurn,
20 (Damascus 1381/1962).
f l-madi12 al-qinnabyah. The work is first mentioned by Ibn al-Fuwa (642

723/12441323),13 who merely says that it deals with the eating of hashish. Since
it is so far known only from quotations in al-Maqrz and al-Badr,14 it is hard to
say whether it was in fact so uncompromisingly pro-hashish as its title and the
reaction of al-Qasalln (No. 6) would seem to suggest.
Al-Ukbars death is placed in the year 690/1291 in the summary entry
No. 5489 of the Berlin Catalogue where Ahlwardt has brought together the titles
of works on hashish known to him. No source is indicated, but the date is plausible and is not contradicted by the statement in al-Maqrz allegedly showing
that al-Ukbar was alive in and after 658/1260; al-Maqrzs statement does, in
fact, not refer to al-Ukbar himself as being involved in the interview said to
have taken place in that year (below, p. 51).
Another work by al-Ukbar, entitled rid al-humm, is quoted by al-Badr,
fol. 14a (below, p. 146).
6. Al-Qasalln, Qub-ad-dn Ab Bakr Muammad b. Amad b. Al b. Muammad (Shfiite, 614686/12181287),15 Takrm al-mashah f (bi-)tarm al-ashshah. This title is cited by al-Aqfahs (No. 10) and al-Qalqashand (756821/
13551418),16 who has f dhamm. jj Khalfah (10171067/16091657), 1009,17
states that al-Ukbars work gives the impression of having been provoked by
that of al-Qasalln. Al-Qasalln, in turn, upon the appearance of al-Ukbars
work, wrote a point by point rejoinder which he entitled Tatmm at-Takrm lim f l-ashsh min at-tarm. For a commentary on al-Qasalln, see below,
No. 14. Not unexpectedly, the biographical sources omit these titles on hashish
in their entries on al-Qasalln.
7. Ibn Taymyah, Amad b. Abd-al-alm (anbalite, 661728/12631328),18
may have written a monograph on the subject. At least, the Istanbul Ms. Reis
el-kttap 1154, containing a collection of treatises by Ibn Taymyah, lists one
on hashish in its table of contents. It was to be found on fols. 218221 of
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
1 Al-Maqrz and, in two instances, al-Badr (fols. 3a and 50a) omit the definite article.
2 Talkh Majma al-db, IV, ii, 708 (Damascus 1963).
3 Cf. below, pp. 50 ff. The quotations in al-Badr are to be found on fols. 3a (below, pp. 50ff.),
24b (below, p. 78), 30a (below, p. 83, n. 3), and 50b (below, p. 101).
4 Cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 809 f.
5 ub, II, 146 (Cairo 1331/1913).
6 jj Khalfahs Kashf a-unn is cited here according to the edition by . Yaltkaya
(Istanbul 19411943), unless indicated otherwise.
1 Cf. GAL, II, 100 ff., Suppl., II, 119 ff.
142
the ms., but, unfortunately, there is a gap extending from fol. 210 to fol. 222.
In the list of his works in al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 81, we find a legal treatise on
declaring hashish forbidden and unclean and necessitating the add penalty
(Tarm al-ashshah al-mughayyibah wa-l-add alayh wa-tanjsuh). Further
evidence for a separate legal decision on hashish appears in al-Badr, fol. 53a,
where Ibn Taymyah in his Treatise known as declaration of the illegality of
hashish (ar-Rislah al-marfah bi-tarmih) is quoted. It is possible, however, that these texts were nothing else but one or more of the fatws on
hashish that appear in the collected Fatw al-kubr of Ibn Taymyah, used
here in the recent (1966?) Cairo edition, IV, 301303, 310 f., 312 f., 322324, and
324326. The last two fatws may also be read in the same collection, I, 128
130, and II, 252254. The parallel texts show some slight variants. The last
one, dealing with ghubayr, is somewhat expanded at the end of the text in
Vol. IV.
Another work by Ibn Taymyah dealing with hashish is as-Siysah ashsharyah, ed. M. al-Mubrak, 9496 (Beirut, n. y. [1966?]); French trans.
H. Laoust, IIIf. (Beirut 1948).
8. Adh-Dhahab, Muammad b. Amad (Shfiite, 673748/12741348),19 has
a section on hashish in the Kitb al-Kabir, 84f. (Cairo 1385/1965, the fourth
printing of an edition apparently first published in 1355). It turns out to be
an almost literal reproduction of the passage in Ibn Taymyahs Siysah. There
are some additional verses at the end (below, p. 156). Ibn Taymyah is not
mentioned as the source. The textual history of the Kitb al-Kabir in general
would seem to bear investigation. In the introduction of az-Zawjir an iqtirf
al-kabir, Ibn ajar al-Haytam (909974/15041567) calls adh-Dhahabs work
attributed (mansb) to him. Ibn ajar al-Haytam resumes the passage on
hashish in Vol. II, 150f. of the edition, Cairo 1370/1951, Nos. 371382, with a few
inconsequential comments of his own.
10
9. Az-Zarkash, Muammad (b. Abdallh) b. Bahdur (Shfiite, | 745794/1344

1392),20 Zahr al-arsh f akm (or tarm) al-ashsh There are several mss.,
also listed by M. Ab l-Fal Ibrhm in the introduction of his edition of azZarkashs Burhn f ulm al-Qurn, 9 (Cairo 13761377/19571958). None of
the mss. used here for the edition of the text (below, pp. 175ff.) is particularly
good, but since the work was well known and much considered, it would seem
19
20
2 Cf. GAL, 2nd ed., II, 57 ff., Suppl., II, 45 ff.

1 Cf. GAL, 2nd ed., II, 112, Suppl., II, 108.
likely that older and better ms. material is still in existence somewhere. The
mss. available and the sigla adopted for the apparatus criticus are these:
A Berlin Ms. Wetzstein II, 1809 (= Ahlwardt, No. 5487), fols. 108a115a, with the
title ill akm The text preceding az-Zarkash in the ms. is dated in
Rab I 1122/May 1710.
B Berlin Ms. Wetzstein II, 1801 (= Ahlwardt, No. 5486), fols. 37a46b, with the
title Zahr tarm
C Gotha 1451 (= Pertsch, No. 2096), fols. 1a6a. Fol. 6a is written in a hand different from the preceding pages, and the title is mentioned only at the end,
written by still another hand (Zahr akm ). The text of this ms. omits all
verses together with the context in which they are embedded. This, it would
seem, was not merely the result of the linguistic incompetence of some earlier copyist but was done intentionally by someone who considered all such
material irrelevant. The omission of the passages referring to Al al-arr
(below, pp. 99f. and 124) would also seem to have been done on purpose.
The contrary assumption, namely, that these reputed omissions were, in fact,
additions to az-Zarkashs original text can be safely ruled out. Among the
omitted verses are those contained in the quotation from al-Qarf (below,
pp. 108ff.) which are to be found in al-Qarfs text. Nobody would have gone
back to al-Qarfs text in order to supply them, if az-Zarkash had not had
them in the first place.
D Berlin Ms. Petermann II, 407 (= Ahlwardt, No. 5487), fols. 216a221b, with the
title Zahr akm , corresponds to Ms. Gotha but has an extremely poor
text.
The section on hashish in the Tarkh al-Khams by ad-Diyrbakr, which was
apparently composed in the first half of the tenth/sixteenth century,21 is based
entirely upon az-Zarkash, cf. also al-Fanr (No. 20). Both Qam (No. 16) and
Ibn al-anbal (No. 18) refer to az-Zarkash, who was, of course, also used
by al-Badr | (No. 13), in particular for the comparatively brief discussion of
the legal situation where other authorities are also cited indirectly through
az-Zarkash.
The catalogue of the hiryah in Damascus lists az-Zarkashs work as contained in Ms. No. 5896.22 The Catalogues very brief description of the contents
21
22
2 Tarkh al-Khams, II, 30 f. (Cairo 1302). For ad-Diyrbakr, cf. EI2, s.v.
1 Cf. Abd-al-Ghan ad-Daqar, Fihris makht Dr al-Kutub a-hiryah, al-fiqh ash-Shfi,
126 (Damascus 1383/1963).
11
144
indicates substantial agreement with az-Zarkash. However, the hiryah text

is stated to be an urjzah poem, and not a prose text. It may have been a versification of az-Zarkashs work (by himself?), but this assumption remains to be
verified.
12
10. Al-Aqfahs, Shihb-ad-dn Amad Ibn al-Imd (Shfiite, d. 808/1405

1406),23 Ikrm man yash bi-tarm al-khamr wa-l-ashsh. The Princeton Ms.
of the work has bi-jtinbih (clearly written, however, bi-jtinbat), for bi-tarm.
According to the old Cairo Catalogue, VII, 157, the Cairo Ms. of the work
(majm 114,2, fols. 71102) is dated on Friday, 10 Rajab 792/24 June 1390, and
thus was written during the lifetime of the author. As this ms. was not available, I was able only to make use of the Princeton Ms. 1822 (= 890 H), fols. 122b.
The integrity and completeness of its text are dubious and can be ascertained
only with the help of the Cairo Ms. The portion dealing specifically with hashish
extends from fol. 19b to the end, fol. 22b. It is possible that it in particular was
considerably abridged.
Al-Aqfahss work contains only very little beyond the information found in
az-Zarkash. Az-Zarkash, however, is not mentioned by name. Ibn Taymyahs
Siysah is quoted, and so is the Takrm al-mashah of al-Qasalln. Al-Qasalln may have been a common source for az-Zarkash and al-Aqfahs in some
instances, but it would seem rather more likely that az-Zarkash was widely
used by al-Aqfahs without acknowledgement. Al-Aqfahs may have looked
upon the sources quoted by az-Zarkash so to speak as common property and
therefore have neglected to mention az-Zarkashs name, but even this seems
hard to prove.
Ibn ajar al-Haytam (above, p. 9), Tadhr ath-thiqt min akl al-kaftah wal-qt, which he finished on 17 afar 960/2 February 1553, states that all the
blameworthy qualities mentioned in connection with hashish are also to be
found in qt,24 with additional | harm (Yale Ms. L-753 [= Catalogue Nemoy,
No. 1579], fol. 5a). Thus, it is hardly surprising that from fol. 9b of the Yale Ms.
to the end of the treatise, the author reproduces much of the treatise of Ibn alImd (al-Aqfahs). He also makes twice reference to az-Zarkash and appears
to have used his work directly.
Al-Aqfahs, fol. 21a, quotes six verses in refutation of the wicked men who
have declared it permissible to eat hashish. The first and last of these verses
read:
23
24
2 Cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 110 f.

3 Cf., for instance, C. Brooke, Khat (Catha Edulis): Its Production and Trade in the Middle East,
in Geographical Journal, CXXVI (1960), 5259.
Do not listen to one who praises drinking hashish,

For he is not right in what he says.
Doing something right and good could hardly be expected

From someone who slips from the glorious right path.
(l tughiyanna li-mdiin shurba l-ashshi fa-innah f l-qawli ghayru musaddadi
hayhta an yat (sic) bi-filin liin

man zalla an sanani r-rashd l-amjadi).
Ibn ajar al-Haytam starts out with five other verses, beginning:
O you whose mark has become the eating of hashish
And whose viciousness and hangover have thus become fully obvious.
( y man ghad akla l-ashshi shiruh
wa-ad [ghad?] fa-la uwruh wa-khumruh).
Then, the six verses of al-Aqfahs are quoted. They are, however, followed by six
more verses, of which the first and the last read:
Those who have expressed a legal opinion stating it is permissible to drink
it have erred.
It is considered disgraceful (?) by ash-Shfi and Amad
From a ruler or a scholar or an inspector

Or a good counselor, restrained in what he does.
(qad alla man aft bi-illi sharbih
fh -z-y (leg. khazan?) li-sh-Shfiyi wa-Amadi
min kimin aw limin aw nirin

aw niin f filih mutazahhidi).
It is possible that all this additional material belonged to al-Aqfahss original
text, as someone familiar with the Cairo Ms. of it may be able to verify or
disprove.
146
13
11. Al-Maqrz, Amad b. Al (principally a Shfiite, 766845/ 13641442),25

Khia, II, 126129 (Blq 1270), has a highly informa|tive section on the hashish
of the poor (the fs). It has long been the main text on hashish known in the
West because it was edited and translated with copious notes by A.I. Silvestre de
Sacy in his Chrestomathie arabe, I, 112132 (text), II, 115155 (trans.) (Paris 1806);
2nd ed., I, 7488 (text), 210283 (trans.) (Paris 1826). Cf. also Jawad al-Muscati,
Hasan bin Sabbah, for an English translation by Abbas H. Hamdani, 113ff.
(Karachi 1958).
When al-Maqrz is cited here without any further indication, the reference
is to this passage. In other cases, as, for instance, the poems on hashish in Khia,
II, 25f., volume and page are indicated.
12. Shams-ad-dn Muammad b. an-Najjr (Shfiite), Kitb Zawjir ar-Ramn
f tarm ashshat ash-Shayn, is repeatedly quoted by al-Badr.26 Ibn anNajjrs lifetime falls into the fifteenth century, as indicated by al-Badrs references to him as his shaykh and his late shaykh. If al-Badr, fol. 54b, refers
to the same man as seems likely, his fathers name was Abd-al-Wahhb. This
would exclude any possibility of identifying him with the muqri, Muammad
b. Amad b. Dwd (788/1386 to ca. 870/14651466).27 The work is mentioned
by jj Khalfah, 1120, as one of the sources of Ibn al-anbal (No. 18), without
an indication of the name of its author.
13. Al-Badr, Ab t-Tuq Taq-ad-dn Ab Bakr b. Abdallh b. Muammad (847
894/14431489),28 Rat al-arw f l-ashsh wa-r-r, preserved in Paris Ms.
ar. 3544. The part devoted to hashish extends from the beginning to fol. 57b;
fols. 58a142b deal with wine. A brief excerpt exists in the Berlin Ms. Wetzstein II, 422,2 (= Ahlwardt 5488), fols. 70b71a. Reference to the work is made
by jj Khalfah, 829. The apparently very close relationship of al-Bakr (below,
p. 34, n. 5) to al-Badrs work remains to be investigated.
On fol. 57a, al-Badr states that he was asked to compose his work in 867/
14621463 (when he was just twenty years old). According to the Paris Ms.
25
26
27
28
1 Cf. GAL, 2nd ed., II, 47 ff., Suppl., II, 36 ff.

1 Cf. fols. 8b (below, p. 58), 17ab (below, p. 97, n. 7), and 48a (below, p. 46, n. 2).
2 Cf. as-Sakhw, aw, VI, 308.
3 Cf. GAL, II, 132, 2nd ed., II, 164, and Suppl., II, 163. For the correct form Ab t-Tuq, cf.
as-Sakhw, aw, XI, 41 f., and the cross reference in aw, XI, 101. The correct form is also
indicated in the Paris Ms., for instance, fol. 17b. According to as-Sakhw, the author was
known as Ibn al-Badr, but in his work he refers to himself as al-Badr, and this style of
reference has been adopted here.
(dated itself on Saturday, 22 Jumd I 1207/5 January 1793), the original ms.
(nuskhat al-al) from which it was copied was | written in 869/1464. This is
stated in the colophon. However, a story taking place in the years 869870 is
told on fols. 29a30a (below, pp. 133f.). On fol. 22a, Nr-ad-dn Al b. Sdn
al-Bashbughaw, who died in 875/1470, is called the late. On fol. 83b, we
find a communication made to the author by Amad b. Khall as-Sakhw (b.
839/1436)29 after my composition of this book. Thus, 869/1464 could presumably be the date of the first completion and publication of the work, but if the
Paris Ms. was indeed copied from a manuscript written in that year, that ms.
must have contained later additions and notes by the author which were taken
over into the text. Their incorporation into the text was more likely done by an
intermediate copyist, and not by the one of the Paris Ms. himself. On fol. 47a,
we find a note on the root s--l (below, p. 75) introduced by the words, in his
handwriting, a marginal note. It is, however, not clear whether this refers to
al-Badr since we cannot be sure that he himself was the author of the verses
quoted in this connection.30
The work of al-Badr, by far the most comprehensive exposition of hashish
lore known at present, is surprisingly well arranged. Particular topics are
treated together, although it is only natural, since there is much overlapping,
that information on some topic may also be found in the treatment of another.
The method is loosely associative. Talking about a given topic often leads to
what we would call footnote material. The section on wine contains similar
excursuses on subjects such as fruits, flowers, rivers, the influence of music
on animals and human beings, musical instruments, etc. Speaking about the
predilection of hashish users for sweets, al-Badr digresses with a large
29
30
1 Cf. as-Sakhw, aw, I, 294 f.

2 According to C. Rieus catalogue, Ms. Brit. Mus. 1422 of al-Badrs Ghurrat a-ab was
written in 875/1471 and contains a number of favorable notices for the work dating from
871/14661467. According to as-Sakhw, aw, XI, 41, al-Badr claimed later in his life
that the work was already written in 865/ 14601461, which would make it the work of a
boy of eighteen. The Bodleian Ms. 522,8 of al-Badrs Mali al-Badryah is supposedly an
autograph copy written in 880/1475 (cf. A. Nicolls Catalogue, 298300, Oxford 1835, where
al-Badr is correctly called Ab t-Tuq). The Paris ms. of the Rah has quotations from
both the Ghurrah (fol. 52b) and the Mali (fols. 70a and 88a). Altogether al-Badr cites in
it no less than nine of his own works (fols. 55b, 86b, 110b, 115b, 122a, and 133a, in addition to
the references just given). This seems too much for a man just twenty years old, and the
general tone of the Rah is that of a mature and accomplished littrateur. Since there is
no reason to doubt the correctness of his birth date, we must be dealing here with a later
recension.
14
148
15
collection of material on the subject of sweets (fols. 25a28a) | whose only

tenuous relation to hashish are very occasional and incidental references to
hashish users and hashish intoxication. The discussion of the relationship of
hashish use and homosexuality (fols. 30a ff.) is greatly expanded by material,
often obscene, which has no immediate bearing upon hashish. On fols. 51b52b,
we find a discussion of the illegality of homosexuality (below, p. 85). This
is al-Badrs way of atoning for the lack of moral scruples exhibited in his
long digression into the subject. The same purpose is to be served by the
strenuous denunciation of hashish at the end of the discussion, which was
mostly favorable to hashish use. It would appear that thereby, the young author
not only saved his soul but also forestalled any attempt by the authorities of
taking a close look into his own affairs. His personal attitude remains entirely
unclear as we would expect (cf. below, p. 151, n. 1).
14. Abd-al-Bsi b. Khall al-anaf (anafite, d. 920/1514),31 ad-Durr al-wasm
f tawsh Tatmm at-Takrm f tarm al-ashsh wa-wafih adh-dhamm, said
to be a commentary on al-Qasalln (No. 6). jj Khalfah, 470, specifies that
it is a commentary on al-Qasallns Takrm, but the title indicated by jj
Khalfah, 737, suggests rather a commentary on the Tatmm at-Takrm.
15. Fuzl (Ful) (d. 963/1556),32 Benk u bde, used in the German translation
by Necati H. Lugal and O. Reer, Des trkischen Dichters Fuzl Poem LaylMenn und die gereimte Erzhlung Benk u Bde (Hai und Wein) nach dem
Druck Istbl. 1326 bersetzt (Istanbul 1943).
16
16. The strange treatise entitled, Qam al-wshn f dhamm al-barrshn, is preserved only in the Leiden Ms. or. 814,12. The Leiden Ms. gives the name of its
author as Nr-ad-dn Al b. al-Jazzr. The ms. has no dots for Jazzr, thus making the reading somewhat uncertain. In fact, as-Sakhw, aw, V, 171, lists a
Meccan with almost the same chain of names but not identical with the author
of Qam, who is expressly stated to have been al-Kharrz. The author of Qam
is described as a Shfiite and the chief shaykh in Egypt, Cairo, and the two
Qarfahs. His kunyah is said to be Ab l-asan.33 | Qam is quoted by al-Fanr
31
32
33
1 Cf. GAL, 2nd ed., II, 66, Suppl., II, 52 f. For an owners note in the handwriting of Abd-alBsi in the Istanbul Ms. Kprl I, 366, cf. M. Weisweiler, Der islamische Bucheinband des
Mittelalters, 151 (Wiesbaden 1962).
2 Cf. A. Karahan, in EI2, s.v. Ful.
3 Cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 429, 5b; jj Khalfah, IV, 570f., in the edition of G. Flgel (Leipzig and
London 18351858), a passage that is not included in Yaltkayas edition.
(No. 20) as the work of Ibn al-asan al-Bakr. Ibn al-asan should possibly
be corrected to Ab l-asan. It is, of course, quite possible that the authors
father was also called al-asan, but jj Khalfah, 360, seems to indicate that
his fathers name was Muammad. According to jj Khalfah, 360, another
work by the same author, entitled Tan al-manzil min hawl az-zalzil, was
written in 984/15761577. In any event, the date of the Fanr ms. places the
composition of Qam before 991/1583.
In the spirit of the times, the author of Qam concludes his work with a
couple of pages devoted to his views on coffee. He praises it and considers its
use legally permissible wherever it agrees with an individual. Rather cryptically,
however, he mentions additives which make the use of coffee fall into the
forbidden category, citing the verse:
I was asked about coffee whether
It is permitted and safe.
I replied: Yes, it is safe.
The only difficulty are those additions to it.34
The allusion is no doubt to drugs put into coffee. jj Khalfah mentions
the fondness of drug addicts for coffee.35 In the following eighteenth century,
al-Idkw speaks of spiking coffee with opium and other drugs.36
17. Ibrhm b. Bakhsh, known as Dede Khalfah (d. 973/15651566), is credited
with a Rislah on hashish, cf. No. 18.
18. Ibn al-anbal, Ra-ad-dn Muammad b. Ibrhm al-alab (anafite,
877971/14721563),37 ill al-arsh f man ill al-banj wa-l-ashsh. jj Khalifah, 1120, is our only reference so far. He describes the work as a commentary or
abridgment of the Rislah of Dede Khalfah (No. 17). He also informs us that Ibn
al-anbal used among his sources the Zahr al-arsh, presumably the | work of
34
1 la-qad qla l qahwatu l-bunni hal

taillu wa-tumanu ftuh
fa-qultu naam hiya mamnatun
wa-m -abu ill muftuh.
35
36
2 Cf. jj Khalfah (Ktib Chelebi), The Balance of Truth, trans. G.L. Lewis, 60 (London 1957).
3 Cf. his usn ad-dawah, in Yale Ms. L-55 (= Catalogue Nemoy, No. 1575), fol. 2a, as mentioned by L. Nemoy, in Papers in Honor of Andrew Keogh, 46f. (New Haven 1938).
4 Cf. GAL, 2nd ed., II, 483 f., Suppl., II, 495 f.
37
17
150
az-Zarkash (No. 9), and the Zawjir ar-Ramn f tarm ashsh ash-Shayn
(No. 12).
19. The Berlin Ms. or. 40, 49 (= Ahlwardt, No. 5488), fols. 8a9a, has a subscription naming a certain Mamd al-Muammad al-anaf as the man who has
collected there the legal arguments for the forbidden character of the use of
hashish. This subscription refers no doubt to the author of what is written
on fol. 8a. This ends with the words, thus, I say with the help of God, and
the text on fols. 8b9a appears to constitute the main body of Mamds treatise but is written in a clearly different hand. According to the text on fol. 8a,
the author, being in Egypt and not liking it there, attended the classes of alBarhamatsh38 and heard it said that his late teacher, Shihb-ad-dn (sic)39
Amad b. Kamlbshh considered ghubayr (below, pp. 24 f.) legal and permitted it for consumption. The author contends that he himself had never
heard Ibn Kaml Psh (see No. 21) say such a thing and that it was falsely and
maliciously ascribed to him. From these statements it results that this Mamd
lived in the sixteenth century and, apparently, well into the second half of it.
18
20. Al-Fanr, Mamd b. Pr Muammad, Rislah f bayn urmat al-ashsh

wa-l-afyn, is preserved in the Istanbul Ms. Laleli 3675, fols. 38b39a. The ms. is
dated in Shabn 991/AugustSeptember 1583. The name of the author appears
on top of the page, clearly written in the same hand as the rest. It would be
possible for this Mamd to have been a son of Pr Muammad al-Fanr
who died in 954/1547 or the following year.40 This, however, is an entirely
unsubstantiated guess.
The short treatise is a pastiche of numerous quotations, many of them
written in the margins. In the text, we find two excerpts from Qam (No. 16), of
which only one is marked as such. Some passages agree with az-Zarkash whose
name is not mentioned, and al-Fanr does indeed not quote him directly. In
one case, what seems to be a literal quotation from az-Zarkash is introduced
by a reference to al-Mawhib al-ladunyah and al-Khams, biographies of the
Prophet | by, respectively, al-Qasalln (d. 923/1517) and ad-Diyrbakr (above,
No. 9).
38
39
40
1 Shams-ad-dn al-Barhamatsh is mentioned three times in al-Ghazz, al-Kawkib assirah, but I know of no obituary notice devoted to him. Barhamatsh is the vocalization
indicated by A.S. Atiya in his edition of Ibn Mammt, Qawnn, 110 (Cairo 1943).
2 Ibn Kaml Psh (Kemlpashazdeh) was Shams-ad-dn.
3 Cf. shkprzdeh, ash-Shaqiq an-numnyah, II, 15 (Cairo 1310, in the margin of Ibn
Khallikn, Wafayt).
The marginal notes appear to be in the same hand. Since it is hardly likely
that we have here the original ms. of al-Fanrhis notes, so to speak, jotted
down for later elaboration, the material in the margins may have been
taken over from the original work. There is, however, a reference, to a work
entitled Tanwr al-abr. If this means the work by at-Timirtsh,41 we would
have a serious problem, not because at-Timirtsh died in 1004/1595, only a
short while after the date of the ms., but because jj Khalfah, 501, states that
at-Timirtshs Tanwr al-abr was composed in al-Muarram 995/December
1586, that is, after the date of the Fanr ms. Thus, either the marginal notes are
later additions, or, possibly, the Tanwr cited is another work, and not that of
at-Timirtsh.
21. An anonymous brief treatise entitled Rislah f urmat al-banj is preserved
in Ankara, General Library, Eski Eserler 678, fol. 147a. In the ms., the treatise
follows upon another anonymous treatise F bayn abat al-afyn, which is no
doubt the widely distributed work by Ibn Kaml Psh (873940/14681534).42
I did, however, not make sure of this while I was Ankara, and, much to my regret,
I have been unable later on to consult Ibn Kaml Pshs essay. It may contain
points of interest in connection with hashish.
22. The Gotha Ms. of az-Zarkash (No. 9) further contains, on fol. 6ab, a survey
of the history of hashish in Islam and some poems on the drug. Since a commentary by at-Timirtsh appears to be indicated as the direct source of the
former, we would have to date these notes in the tenth/sixteenth century, but
the material quoted can safely be assumed to go back to the much earlier indirect authorities mentioned.43
41
42
43
1 Cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 427.

2 Cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 668 ff., and arkiyat Mecmuas, VI (1966), 71112, where mss. of the brief
treatise on opium are listed on p. 108.
3 Cf. below, pp. 48 f., p. 78, n. 1, and p. 150, n. 4.
chapter three
19
The Use of Hashish

1
20
The Names of the Drug
Hashish has been singled out for discussion because of its prominence among
the drugs used in medieval Islam. However, it must be realized that as a rule
no distinction was made between the numerous different narcotics known,
and it is often not easy for us to be sure whether cannabis or some other drug
is intended in a given report. Some jurists seem to have been dimly aware of
the problems concealed in the differences of properties and effects of different
drugs, but many of those who tell stories about the use of drugs were unable
to distinguish between them, nor were they particularly interested in doing so.
Moreover, whenever we hear about hashish, some caution is indicated in view
of the ever present possibility that the preparations used were mixtures of a
number of different substances of which hashish may have been merely one
and, perhaps, not the most potent one in its effect.
ashsh, banj, and afyn (opium)1 are the terms most frequently used, and
they are also most commonly lumped together without, it seems, any clear idea
of the distinctions that might exist, or should be made, between them. Banj in
particular is a term with a long history, which, in the Muslim world, tended to be
dishonorable. Al-mubannijah substances having the effect of banj was used as
a comprehensive term for narcotic drugs.2 The mubannij, who practices tabnj,
was a sinister figure who made use of his dark art to seduce innocent people or,
even more nefariously, to have it serve as a prelude to murder and robbery.3 As is
well known, banj, in its pre-|Islamic history, represented, in fact, hemp. But in
the usage of Muslim times, it was commonly the scientific word for henbane,4
1 1 In his edition and translation of Maimonides, Shar asm al-uqqr, 19f. (Cairo 1940, Mm.
de l Institut dgypte 41), M. Meyerhof states that Maimonides vocalizes ufiyn and that the
usual vocalization is afiyn. The reprint of the work, dating from ca. 1966, omits Meyerhofs
translation and notes, the most valuable part of the publication.
2 2 Cf., for instance, Jbir b. ayyn, Kitb as-Summ, in the edition and translation of A. Siggel,
Das Buch der Gifte des bir Ibn ayyn, fol. 131b, p. 139 (Wiesbaden 1958), cf. also p. 154, n. 2.
Siggel wrongly read die Erlaubten.
3 3 Cf., for example, the dramatic story told in Ibn ad-Dyah, Mukfaah, 158160 (Cairo 1941), 88f.
(Cairo 1332/1914).
4 1 Cf. M. Meyerhof, in EI2, s.v. bandj.
the use of hashish
153
although we are admittedly at a great disadvantage in any attempts we might

make to clarify the exact meaning of the scholarly references. Physicians and
scientists appear to have been by and large consistent in their use of banj for
henbane. Al b. Rabban a-abar, in the middle of the ninth century, speaks
of three kinds of banj, of which the white one was in use, apparently referring
to henbane.5 The three kinds seem to be characteristic of banj in the meaning
of henbane. It should be noted, however, that one also distinguished, as did,
for instance, Ibn al-Bayr, three kinds of hemp; on the other hand, Ibn Jazlah
and Maimonides (11351204) list only two kinds of banj.6 When the great Rz
(251313/865925) discusses deadly poisons in his w, he properly includes
banj henbane but makes no mention of hemp.7 Ar-Rzs authorities for the
effects of and remedies for banj are Greek works such as Rufus Il l-Awwm,8
and comparison of ar-Rz with Paul of Aegina whom he quotes shows that banj
is indeed to be understood as henbane (hyoskyamos).9 But it is characteristic
of the general confusion that the author of the Book of Poisons ascribed to Jbir
b. ayyn can speak of opium as the juice of black banj before he mentions
the connection of opium with poppy, and it always remains quite unclear what
substance he has in mind when speaking about banj.10 In sum, as the author
of the Rislah f urmat al-banj11 put it, banj is a general term, and ashsh
a specific term. Any mention of banj in the general literature may actually
refer to hashish. On the other hand, there is no guarantee that a mention of
hashish does not involve something else besides hemp and hemp preparations.
Considering the original meaning of ashsh to be mentioned immediately, it
would certainly not be improper to employ it for any drug derived from plants,
as all these narcotics were.
When the use of hashish became established, and the drug took | on, and
in a way retained, the role of plaything for a select and quasi-secret fraternity, it acquired very many names and nicknames. Hashish could very well have
told the camel and the lion (or whatever else enjoyed the reputation of being
distinguished by an enormous Arabic nomenclature) to hang their heads in
shame, so rich was the choice of words to designate it. The hashish nomencla-
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
2 Cf. a-abar, Firdaws al-ikmah, ed. M.Z. Siddiqi, 402 (Berlin 1928).
3 Cf. al-Maqrz and Meyerhofs ed. and trans., 10 (text), 32f. (trans.).
4 Cf. ar-Rz, w, XIX, 355 f. (Hyderabad 1374/1955).
5 Cf. w, XIX, 376.
6 Cf. w, XIX, 361, 366, and Paul of Aegina, ed. I.L. Heiberg, II, 31 (Leipzig and Berlin
19211924).
7 Op. cit. (p. 19, n. 2), fol. 47a, p. 57.
8 See above, p. 18.
21
154
22
ture was also of a similar character, consisting largely of descriptive adjectives,

metaphoric usages, kennings, and the like. It did not, of course, find the loving attention of philologians, and it possessed extremely little staying power,
changing rapidly over the years and differing from locality to locality. It also
included the trade names for certain confections, and it rarely allows for clear
distinctions to be drawn. But its size itself is significant, and it is impressive for
the psychological dimensions it conceals rather than reveals.
In the first place, we must realize that ashsh or ashshah12 is itself a
nickname. The word as such has no specific connection whatever with the
hemp plant. It may mean grass used as fodder,13 herbs used for medicinal or
other purposes, weeds that infest, for instance, a flower garden and must be
weeded out with dispatch by the careful gardener,14 and the like. We cannot be
absolutely sure which of the meanings of ashsh led to its use for the cannabis
drug. It would be possible to see in it a sort of abbreviation of the expression
al-ashsh al-muskir the intoxicating ashsh. Most likely, it may be simply
the herb as distinguished from all other (medicinal) herbs.15 Again, we cannot
be sure but it seems most likely that the nickname was intended to be of the
endearing, rather than the vituperative, | kind.16 At any rate, its use clearly
implies that the drug had become popular and was widely used by the time of
the adoption of this nickname. Conversely, if we were able to determine when
it came into use, we would learn something about the obscure early history
of hashish in the Muslim world.17 Furthermore, since hashish was a nickname
12
13
14
15
16
17
1 ashshah is the nomen unitatis of the collective noun ashsh, but no distinction in
the use of the two forms can be discerned. Grammatically the word may be used as a
masculine if the masculine form of the noun is used, but preferably the feminine is used,
regardless of the grammatical form of the word employed.
2 All these meanings are extremely common, and no occurrences need be cited, but for the
meaning of fodder, one may, for instance, refer to Ibn al-Mufarrigh al-imyar, a poet of
the seventh century, in the edition of his collected poems by Dwd Sallm, 159 (Baghdd
1968).
ashsh may be legally classified together with firewood as indifferent things in
enemy territory, as in the work by Ibn Jamah (639733/12411333) translated into German
by H. Kofler, Handbuch des islamischen Staats- und Verwaltungsrechtes, 95 (Abh. f. d. Kunde
d. Morgenlandes, XXIII, 6, 1938). Kofler, strangely enough, translates Haschisch.
3 Cf., for instance, the story in al-Ghazzl, at-Tibr al-masbk, 75f. (Cairo 1378/1968).
4 Cf. already P. Alpin, Medicina Aegyptiorum, 258 (Leiden 1745): quasi cannabem hinc
herbam per excellentiam vocant.
1 In American usage, weed may be a vituperative term for tobacco. Grass is presently a
term of endearment for marijuana. Weed as used for marijuana may be, I suppose, either.
2 Cf. below, pp. 41 ff.
the use of hashish
155
popularized no doubt at a particular time under particular circumstances, it is

obvious that we cannot expect it to have been employed before that time, and
if cannabis was known and used for hallucinogenic purposes, it must have been
designated differently.
The scientific names for the plant and its products were qinnab (qunnab)
cannabis and (waraq, sg. waraqat) ash-shahdnaj (leaves of) hemp (seed).
They occur frequently in connection with qualifying adjectives such as hind
Indian and bustn garden , or cultivated, as against barr wild.
A form with retention of the final s of the original Greek, qunbus (this
being the most likely vocalization), is disregarded by the dictionaries but amply
attested.18 Thus, the poem of Ibn ar-Rassm uses ashsha l-qunbusi.19 The same
combination occurs in the first line of a long poem attached to Ibn Ghnims
treatise on hashish,20 while Ibn al-Ward (d. 749/1349) uses al-qunbus by itself.21
In the West, hashish was supposedly nicknamed daughter of al-qunbus.22
Dwd al-Ank (d. 1008/1599) defines qunbus as the shrub and the seeds of
qinnab, whereas ashshah designated the leaves.23 The Arabic translation of
Dioscurides transliterates qnbs.24
The foreign word shahdnaj had a number of slightly different forms. It presumably meant in Persian something like royal grain, but detractors would say
that it meant queen of insanity (sulnat | al-junn),25 apparently connecting
dnaj with dwaneh crazy. The divergent forms do not merely reflect clerical
uncertainty but they attest to the fact that the word was quite generally known
and used. We find shhdnaj with a long vowel in the first syllable.26 Final q for
j is not uncommon. The form shdnaq is fancifully credited to an alleged Kitb
Sq al-ar f nabt al-ar of the philosopher Muammad b. Zakary ar-Rz,27
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
3 For Syriac forms, cf. R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, 3459, 3671 (Oxford 18791901).
Jewish Hebrew or Aramaic forms also retain the final s. I. Lw, Die Flora der Juden, I,
256 (Vienna and Leipzig 19241934, reprint Hildesheim 1967), cites innab, umbus as the
modern Syrian-Palestinian forms, also (I, 262) unbuz.
4 Cf. below, p. 157.
5 Cf. below, p. 168. The Princeton Ms. vocalizes al-qanbas.
6 Cf. below, p. 75.
7 Cf. below, p. 36, and also p. 166, n. 4.
8 Cf. Dwd al-Ank, Tadhkirah, I, 200 (Cairo 1324).
9 Cf. the edition of C.E. Dubler and E. Ters, II, 304 (Barcelona and Tetun 19521959).
1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 57a.
2 Cf. E.W. Lane, An Arabic-English Dictionary, I, iv, 1611c1612a, who also lists slightly different vocalizations.
3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 5b. Cf. also shdnak in F. Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, 721b.
23
156
24
no doubt one of the apocryphal works ascribed to the famous Rz. Dwd alAnk says that the Egyptians call it sharnaq,28 a corruption adopted into the
spoken language rather than a clerical mistake.29
The scientific names have had an uninterrupted history from the earliest
times of Muslim scholarship and literature on to the present. The time of origin
of a nickname cannot be accurately determined, and literary preservation
effectively masks the true time of its falling out of use. In some cases, we may
guess at the particular region where a given nickname was in use, but we cannot
be certain whether it did not in fact spread from there to other places. The
two substantial lists of nicknames which have come down to us (see below,
pp. 34ff.) contain interesting specifications in these respects but again how true
they are to reality is anybodys guess. The urge to invent picturesque terms can
be assumed to have been well nigh irrestible to addicts and littrateurs alike.
It added some minor intellectual fillip to a game fondly believed to engage the
mind.
One of the most common designations of hashish was al-khar (or, much
less frequently, the masculine al-akhar) the green one, alluding to its derivation from a highly ornamental green plant. | It has nothing to do with a possible
green sheen of the finished product which may be no more than a figment of
the imagination but which is not infrequently alluded to, as in a poem (by Al b.
Sdn al-Bashbughaw?) referring to a pill greenish in color.30 Poets were particularly taken by the expression green one, which they might naturally also
use for other narcotic plants such as the poppy.31 The color imagery to which it
lent itself was endlessly exploited by them with long practiced skill. It may often
have been considered just a poetic metaphor, but it quite clearly was current
as a proper nickname.32
28
29
30
31
32
4 Loc. cit. (above, p. 22, n. 8).

5 Speaking of conditions in Persia, E. Kaempfer, Amoenitatum exoticarum politico-physicomedicarum fasciculi V, 645647 (Lemgo 1712), refers to semen quod Sjadonh, Pollen
flosculorum quod TSjers, & Folia quae Baeng vocant, a passage already cited by Silvestre
de Sacy, Mmoire sur la dynastie des Assassins, in Mmoires de lInstitut Royal de France,
Classe dhistoire et de littrature ancienne, IV (1818), 49. TSjers corresponds to Persian chars,
listed by Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, 391a, as meaning condensed Indian hempjuice. Charas as well as bangh are well-known terms in India for hemp products. A picture
of charas, also known as hashish and the chief profiteer from the drug trade, dubbed,
inevitably, the Charas King, appeared under the by-line of S.H. Schanberg in the New
York Times of 6 October 1969, p. 14.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 22b: bunduqah f lawnih khurah. Cf. also pp. 77, 83, and 137.
2 Cf. an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, XI, 25 (Cairo 1342, reprint ca. 1965).
3 Cf. also below, pp. 35 and 40.
the use of hashish
157
Another term connected with the vegetable origin of hashish, and, possibly,
also felt to imply a color scheme, was ghubayr, in its etymological meaning,
probably, the little dust-colored one. It is claimed as the slang term for hashish
used in Diyr Bakr.33 Az-Zarkash mentions it expressly as a nickname for
hashish,34 although he also cites Al-ad-dn Ibn al-Ar (d. 724/1324)35 as
speaking of the ashshah called ghubayr, which may, or may not, suggest
that he thought of ghubayr as something different from cannabis. When a
compound whose admixture to food would infallibly put to sleep anyone eating
it is described as consisting in equal parts of blue banj, opium, ghubayr, and
castoreum, the meaning of ghubayr, as well as banj, here is uncertain, but
the entire concoction is anyhow fictitious.36 Ghubayr occurs in Prophetical
traditions37 and supposedly refers to an alcoholic beverage, but nobody seems
to have known anything concrete about it. Botanists claim it for the service tree
or sorb.38 Ibn Taymyah refers to it as a ashshah,39 but for him, | as well as for
his older contemporary Ibn al-Ar, it might have been something different
from plain hashish. Perhaps, it was a confection made with hashish as its main
ingredient. Or rather, it was transferred from some proper use to serve at times
as a nickname for hashish.
Its vegetable origin was indicated by ibnat al-qunbus (al-qinnab) daughter of cannabis,40 which also rarely appears in the masculine form of ibn alqinnab son of cannabis.41 The way in which hashish was prepared gave it the
nickname of muamma(ah) the toasted one, of not infrequent occurrence.
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
4 Cf. below, p. 35.

6 Cf. below, p. 119, n. 3, and p. 187.
7 Cf. al-Jawbar, Kashf al-asrr, 60 (Cairo 1316).
8 Cf. A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane, IV, 458
(Leiden 19361969).
9 Cf. M. Meyerhofs ed. and trans, of Maimonides, No. 405, and, for a reference from al-Kind,
M. Levey, The Medical Formulary, 86, 310 (Madison, Wisc., and London 1966). Al-Aqfahs,
Ihrm man yash, Princeton Ms. 1822 (= 890 H), fols. 2b3a, quotes authorities such as Ab
Ubayd al-Qsim b. Sallm and Mlik for the identification of ghubayr with sukurkah (see
below, p. 109, n. 1) and for claiming Abyssinian origin for it. Ash-Shfi Umm, VI, 175 (also
228 margin) (Cairo 13211325), cited the identification from Mlik on the authority of Zayd
b. Aslam (d. 136/754).
10 Fatw, II, 252 f., IV, 324 f.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 45a, and below, pp. 26 and 36. Wine is the daughter of the vines (bint
al-kurm), cf. al-Badr, fol. 64b, and the verses cited later on.
2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 6a, below, p. 59.
25
158
26
Muanbar(ah) amber-scented was, on the other hand, descriptive rather than

a full-fledged nickname and as such probably quite restricted.42 Kfr, however, does not refer to an admixture of camphor,43 but we may trust the authorities who bring it into connection with the Park of Kfr in Cairo.44 Various
words for pill or pellet, such as bunduqah, were also familiarly used for hashish,
as it was taken in pill form.45 Its often lauded easy storage and transportability gave rise to the nickname bint al-jirb daughter of the bag, believed to
have been at home in Baghdd.46 The alleged historical origins of hashish use
were honored by the terms aydaryah and Qalandaryah.47 Al-mufarri (that
which gladdens) al-aydar was a suitable description of hashish.48
The supposed effects of hashish furnished kennings such as him al-aqwt
digester of food and bithat al-fikr rouser of thought,49 the latter being
echoed also in a nickname such as luqaymat al-fikr morsel of thought.50 As
much was made by addicts of the ability of hashish to show them secret meanings, or, as we might say, to open up for them new levels of mental perception,
it is not surprising | to find secrets (esrr) as a commonly employed nickname
for hashish among the Turks.51 Medical euphemisms such as majn paste,
electuary or tiryq theriac52 were suitable cover names for all kinds of hallucinogenic drugs, including hashish. Although majn at least was widely used
this way at a comparatively early date,53 the use of both terms appears to have
been expanded in Ottoman times.
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 56a (below, p. 137), and below, p. 154.

4 As suggested in Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache (letter K), 527b (Wiesbaden 1970), with reference to an-Nuwayr (see below, p. 106, n. 3).
5 See below, pp. 63 and 135.
6 Cf. below, pp. 61 f.
7 Cf. below, pp. 26 and 35. The prototype is daughter of the cask (bint ad-dann or ad-dinn)
for wine, cf. al-Badr, fols. 65a, 66a.
8 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, pp. 50 and 176. Forms such as Qalandarw (below, p. 40) or
Qarandalyah (cf. al-Bakr [below, p. 34, n. 5]) also occur.
9 As in the superscription of verses on hashish in the Dwn of af-ad-dn al-ill, see below,
p. 171, n. 6.
10 Cf. af-ad-dn al-ill, see below, p. 172.
11 Cf. below, pp. 37 and 92.
1 So already in the list, below, p. 35. Modern Turkish dictionaries separate the drug esrar
from esrr secrets.
2 Also diryq, see below, p. 38. The tiryaki of the Karagz theatre may be an opium smoker.
For the common equation diryq = wine, see, for instance, al-Badr, fol. 61a.
3 When Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 315, reports on a majn taken customarily by some people
every afternoon before the afternoon prayer, he adds that its effect is to change the mind
the use of hashish
159
Particular popularity was enjoyed by kaff, malm, zh, and a. Kaff had
the advantage of permitting easy and varied punning. The word ordinarily
meant palm (of the hand), and its verbal homophone meant to stay. Thus
a poet, Taq-ad-dn al-Mawil, would rhyme:
Stay the hand (kuffa kaffa) of worries with kaff, for kaff
Is a cure for the worried lover
With the noble daughter of hemp, not with the daughter
Of a vine. Away with the daughter of the vines!54
Kaff could also refer to the constellation of Cassiopeia, inspiring these verses:
When the satan of worries flies away with my thoughts,
Intent upon stealing gaiety away from me, being himself full of emotion,
I promptly proceed to the daughter of the bag,
As from the stars of al-kaff a star has come to it.55
The verbal root kaf in the meaning of being satisfied or enough could be
pressed into service:
Give up wine, and you will be safe
From legal punishment and crime.
Be satisfied with kaff instead of wine.
Indeed, kaff is enough.56
54
55
(remove the intellect). It could very well have involved hashish. Al-Badr has repeated
references to majn.
4 Cf. al-Maqrz, who also cites other verses containing the same play on words, cf. below,
p. 155. I have no further information on Taq-ad-dn al-Mawil.
5 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 10ab and 12a:
idh ra shaynu l-humm bi-fikrat
yarmu stirqa l-lahwi minn wa-yarabu
adaltu il binti l-jirbi mubdiran
fa-qad jah min anjumi l-kaffi kawkabu.
56
The concluding it refers to the bag (for daughter of the bag, see above, p. 25); since
jah is attested twice, a correction to jan come to me would be hard to defend. For
the context of these verses, cf. below, p. 146.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 46b:
27
160
28
When Silvestre de Sacy first encountered the term kaff in the verses cited
by al-Maqrz, he suggested that kaff was another form of kayf (kf ), well
known in Persian and Arabic as a word for narcotic. This is unlikely, although
the existence of the term kayf might possibly have helped kaff on its way to
becoming rather widely used as a nickname for hashish. In the realm of botany,
kaff is usually defined as purslane, and, qualified by a depending genitive, it
was used to designate quite a variety of plants, all on the basis of a presumed
similarity with the human or animal palm or hand. The hemp plant is described
by az-Zarkash57 as having the size of the fingers of the hand, and Dwd
al-Ank58 expressly employs the word kaff and fingers of the hand to describe
the size as well as the shape of hemp leaves. A poet could very well speak of the
palms (akuff ) of hashish.59 There can be little doubt that kaff as a nickname
for hashish represents palm (of the hand), as suggested by the leaves of the
hemp plant.
Malm appears to have been rather widely used.60 Its original meaning is
not quite clear. It appears qualified by the poor (the fs), yet it is possible
that it is just an euphemism hinting at hashish as the known (thing). Perhaps,
however, it should be understood as payment, salary, hashish constituting the
pay-off for the rigors of f life and the only real compensation for all of lifes
miseries.
Zh is no doubt correctly identified as a nickname at home in Egypt,61 and it is
of frequent occurrence as such in the work of al-Badr.62 Its correct vocalization
is indicated by the fact that it | rhymes with tanzh (al-Badr, fol. 10a). It may be
more than a phonetic coincidence that the Coptic dictionary lists sihe (nht)
utruk-i-l-khamrata taslam
min uddin wa-l-jinyah
wa-ktaf bi-l-kaffi anh
inna f l-kaffi kifyah.
57
58
59
60
61
62
The meter (ramal) requires a long in wa-ktaf, for wa-ktafi.

2 Cf. below, p. 176. Shape may be meant as well as size.
3 Tadhkirah, I, 200.
4 Cf. below, p. 60.
5 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 45ab (below, p. 166, n. 4), 47ab, 56ab (below, p. 99), and below, p. 36.
6 Cf. below, p. 36.
7 It was known already to Silvestre de Sacy from al-Bakrs Kawkib. Cf. Biberstein Kazimirski, Dictionnaire arabe-franais, II, 470 (Cairo 1875): Espce de plante connue en
gypte, dont on prparait une boisson enivrante. In a story told by al-Badr, fol. 17b (cf.
below, p. 98), zh seems to alternate with ba which would thus qualify as a further nickname (?).
the use of hashish
161
with the meaning of derangement (of mind).63 We may have here a plausible
etymology of zh. In analogy to ashshsh, its user could be called zayyh; this
form appears once in a verse of a long poem by the littrateur, Ab l-Khayr
al-Aqqd:
You can observe the zayyh using everything sweet,
While the slave of beer is humble and despised.64
In his Tadhkirah, Dwd al-Ank mentions an Anatolian (rm) kind of hemp,
called az-zkzh, which recalls zh but is hardly to be connected with it.
a is claimed as the Syrian nickname for hashish.65 It probably goes back
to the meaning of sound or healthy. Like kaff, it was eminently suitable for
punning by the initiated. The use of the word in the science of adth and as the
title of al-Bukhrs famous collection brought out the punster in adth and
legal scholars, as illustrated by the story of Jaml-ad-dn al-Mala mentioned
below,66 or by these verses:
The jurist says to me, when he was noting in my eyes
Allusions more obvious than the clearest evidence:
To what special cases do you apply the most remarkable of
The principles of relaxation? I replied: To the a.67
63
64
1 Cf. W.E. Crum, A Coptic Dictionary, 379b (Oxford 1939).

2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 17a:
tar z-zayyha yahw kulla ulwin
wa-abdu l-mizri f dhullin wa-shayni.
65
66
67
I have no further information on the poet.

3 Cf. below, p. 36.
4 Below, p. 104. Al-Badr, fol. 4b, mystifyingly mentions al-Bunduq in his a, entitled
a al-uff, which may possibly be intended as a purely fictitious work. On fol. 13b,
we hear about a lecturer under the influence of hashish who is said to have given us a
lecture on hashish from the evidence in his a.
yaqlu liya l-faqhu wa-f uyn
kinytun adallu min-a--ari
ulu l-basi awjahah al m
tufarriuh fa-qultu al -ai.
For the allusions in the eyes, see below, p. 77.
162
29
Relaxation (bas) in these verses may also serve the purpose of a | cover
name for hashish. We thus hear about someone receiving a gift to be used for
all his bas,68 and a destitute addict, scrounging for some little money, revived
his bas (ay basah).69 Whether or not bas in these cases directly signifies
hashish, it was so used, according to E.W. Lane,70 in nineteenth-century Egypt.
a made for easy punning also as a medical term:
I said to one dying of hashish
And going from it to the grave:
Did you really die of hectic fever?
He replied: I died of a (= being healthy).71
And again:
They said: We observe the green one, weak as it is,
Try to overcome us temperamentally, but natural temper is the stronger.72
In breaking it, there is relaxation for the intelligent.
I said to them: This is a well tested.73
68
69
70
71
1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 13b (see below, p. 80, for the context).
2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 22b (see below, p. 159, for the context).
3 An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, 3rd ed., II, 40 (London
1842), mentions sheera (sheereh) and bas as used for different hemp preparations. On
shreh (of Persian origin) and bas, cf. K. Vollers, in ZDMG, L (1896), 623, 644, and E. Graefe,
Einiges ber das a-Rauchen, in Der Islam, V (1914), 234f.
qultu li-man mta min ashshin
wa-ra minhu il -ari
bi-illati d-diqqi mitta aqqan
fa-qla l mittu min ai.
72
73
5 This is an imitation of the beginning of a poem by al-Mutanabb (Diwn, ed. Abd-alWahhb Azzm, 464, Cairo 1363/1944): I try to overcome desire with respect to you, but
desire is the stronger.
wa-ql nar l-khara ma afi shanih
tughlibun bi--abi wa--abu aghlabu
wa-f kasrih basun yaladhdhu li-dh n-nuh
fa-qultu lahum hdh aun mujarrabu.
the use of hashish
163
All the preceding terms may be assumed to have served principally as nicknames for hashish pure and simple. There are other terms where this is by no
means that clear, as well as some which were certainly compound confections.
The role of hashish in them, in preference to other narcotics, is difficult to determine, and, in general, we have presently not enough material for proper identification. We thus find kabsh (kabshah, kibsh),74 which is no doubt | related to
shaqfah kabshyah in a poem by af-ad-dn al-ill75 and in the verse referring
to the daughter of al-kabsh having made wine superfluous.76 It would be futile
to speculate whether this term had anything to do with the common meaning of the word (ram), some botanical application,77 a locality in Cairo,77a or
whatnot.
Even more doubt and uncertainty attach to kirshah, kursh. It may rather
refer to some kind of cheap food, such as tripe, in which case al-Badrs quotations of verses were merely an aside:
I saw a person eat kirshah,
A man of taste and intelligence.
He said: I always love it.
I said: Love of ones country is part of the faith.78
These verses are attributed to an-Nar al-ammm, while Shihb-ad-dn
Amad b. Ghnim rhymed:
You who censure me for eating kursh
Prepared with the greatest of care,
Do not censure me because of the kursh, for my loving
My country belongs to the signs of faith.
74
75
76
7 All these forms occur in al-Badr, fol. 23a, although l is written instead of k in kibsh.
1 Cf. below, p. 151, n. 1.
2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 46b: wa-bintu l-kabshi aghnat an khumri. The ms. has s, and not sh, in
kabshi.
77 3 Cf., for instance, Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache (letter K), 541a
77a 3a Or in Baghdd.
78 4 For these and the following verses, cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 117, and al-Badr, fol. 24a.
Regrettably, neither furnishes any clear information on kirshah, kursh. For Ibn Ghnim,
cf. Ibn ajar, Durar, I, 265267. He was born in 651 or, more likely, 650/1252, and he died in
737/13361337. Al-ammm died in 712/13121313, cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 604607. Ibn
ajar, Durar, IV, 393395, gives 669/12701271 as his date of birth but seems to have a
somewhat earlier year for his death.
30
164
31
The intended relationship of the famous adth on patriotism might help

to clarify the meaning of the word, but it is not clear to me.79 Al-Badr cites
these verses propos a story about a certain Al al-Qayrawn who used hashish
constantly and was satisfied with making a meager living as a watchman of
sugar cane (fields or | factories) (arsat al-qaab). From his earnings he bought
his daily ration of hashish and the rest he spent on kirshah together with bread.
This would indeed seem to indicate that kirshah is some kind of food unrelated
to hashish, but this is not absolutely necessary, and the problem, if it is one,
must remain unsolved for the time being.
Another word of uncertain significance is lubbah (li/abbah?). A lubbah
was given to the unsuspecting bridegroom and caused him to fall asleep.80
Hashish users are so stingy that they would not even give a lubbah to their
friends.81 Here, it could be some kind of food, but in the first case, it must be a
narcotic (which, it is added, the person in question then continued to use but in
the proper doses). A correction to kabbah cubeb seems out of the question.
We might think of connecting lubbah with the kind of honey cake, described
by E.W. Lane82 as follows: libbeh is composed of broken or crumbled bread,
honey, clarified butter, and a little rosewater: the butter is first put into a
saucepan over the fire, then, the broken bread; and next, the honey. Perhaps,
lubbah was a sweetmeat to which some narcotic, perhaps hashish, was added.
Again, we hear about a narcotic called k-n/tbbat, once spelled k-bbat.
Metrical use shows that there was a long syllable in the beginning, and it supports the reading -bbat, although the letters are vouched for only by the
authority of the ms. One of the stories connected with the word speaks of the
experience of Al b. Sdn al-Bashbughaw, who met an amr just returned
from the ijz with a number of glass jars (marabn, pl. marabn) displayed in front of him. The amr asked al-Bashbughaw to taste their contents,
79
80
81
82
5 Whether it might be love of ones stomach? But kirsh may also mean associates, family,
and so on, which could be the meaning applicable in this connection. It is interesting
to note that the Lisn al-Arab, VIII, 232, l. 3, refers to alternate forms (thawb) akrsh or
akbsh meaning the same thing (a kind of Yemeni garment). In a poem by ar ad-dil
(d. 412/10211022), a verse clearly referring to ram (kabsh) is followed by one saying
that one who eats al-kirsh unwashed will have that medicine (? ad-daw) drip on his
moustache (al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 469). In this scurrilous poem, which also speaks of eating
coal, possibly kirs dung is meant (?). For the medical view on the value of kirsh as food,
cf. ar-Rz, w, XXI, i, 363.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 16a, and, for the story, again, below, p. 82.
3 Op. cit. (p. 29, n. 3), II, 307, quoted by Dozy, Supplment aux dictionnaires arabes, s. v.
the use of hashish
165
and he unthinkingly did so. The result was that he got high, his eyes reddened, and he became very hungry.83 Again, a combination of k-n/tbbat with
kabbah cubeb would be completely gratuitous, and its supposed composition remains uncertain.
There can be no doubt that barsh was a compound drug. It is stated, in the
monograph devoted to it,84 to be an evil paste (al-majn al-khabth). Its user
was called barrsh. Its locale is indicated to be Egypt, and it could be assumed to
be a comparatively recent invention since it is not mentioned at all by al-Badr,
were it not for | the fact that its connection with hashish is somewhat doubtful
and hashish might have been only an occasional ingredient. Bers is the form
under which it is mentioned in Western literature by P. Alpin, who wrote at
about the same time as the author of Qam.85 The etymology of the term is by
no means clear.86 The indications of modern dictionaries vary considerably
and may not possess much authority as far as the actual meaning of barsh
and its relation, or lack of relation, to hashish is concerned.87 A passage of the
83
84
85
86
87
4 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 22a, and, for the verses, fol. 47a.
5 Cf. Qam, fol. 274a.
1 Cf. his Medicina Aegyptiorum (above, p. 21, n. 4), 258, quoted by Silvestre de Sacy, Mmoire
sur la dynastie des Assassins, 47, 61. Alpin contrasts bers and other confections with
simple assis, but this would not automatically exclude the possibility that hashish was
an ingredient in those confections.
2 It is rather tempting to think of a native Egyptian word. Coptic presents quite a few
possibilities, whether one thinks of the first consonant as part of the word or as the Coptic
definite article. Particularly intriguing is the entry erbisi hemp from W.E. Crums Coptic
Dictionary, 58a (Oxford 1939), with Crums accompanying suggestion that the Coptic form
may be the result of metathesis in view of ebra (53ab) seed (of cereals and other plants).
The Arabic term b-r-sh in the meaning of -r-th to plow attested by al-Maqrz (Khia,
I, 101 f., cf. the ed. of G. Wiet, in Mm. de l Institut Franais dArchol. Or. du Caire, XXXIII,
1913, 76) could hardly be brought into connection with barsh. If the drug originated in
other parts of the Muslim world, for instance, in Persia, one could think of connecting
it with parsh agitation. The form ber listed in J.T. Zenker, Trkisch-arabisch-persisches
Handwrterbuch, 189b (Leipzig 18671876), would, as a secondary form of barsh, suggest
Persian origin, but this is probably not so; ber may not be barch but merely a conflation
of barsh and banj.
3 Zenker, loc. cit., speaks of Prparat aus Hanfblttern, deren Genuss Heiterkeit erweckt. A
modern Turkish-English Dictionary (by A. Vahid Moran, Istanbul 1945), s.v. ber, has electuary (of hemp leaves, laudanum or opium with syrup). Havas Arabic-English Dictionary
indicates opium-paste for smoking. Hava also gives the meaning of Datura stramonium,
thorn-apple or jimsonweed, for barsh, and it should be remembered that daturas include
datura Metel L., the much used narcotic jawz mthil (see below, p. 114). Abrash speckled
32
166
33
Arabian Nights speaking of a ashshsh refers to his addiction to opium and

barsh and his use of the green hashish;88 the phrasing could be understood to
indicate that barsh had nothing to do with hashish, but this would by no means
be a necessary conclusion. Qam refers, strangely enough, to a leaf of barsh,
adding or ashsh, and a few lines earlier speaks of the forbidden character of
ashsh and that of | barsh, as if he meant to distinguish two different drugs.89
However, he also alludes to the famous story of the introduction of hashish in
the Arab world,90 which would suggest that cannabis played a role in barsh.
Much depends on the interpretation of banj in the Qam s description of the
composition of barsh, according to which it consists of pepper ( fulful), opium
(afyn), saffron (zafarn), pellitory (qirqar), banj, euphorbia (afarbiyn),91
and spikenard (sunbul). The initials of the components arranged in order yield
the phrase fz Abbs, meaning something like Abbs has achieved bliss, and
this phrase, we may safely assume, was also a current nickname for the drug.92
In describing the potencies of the ingredients, the author of Qam compares
banj with opium in its effect and indicates that there are two kinds, a poisonous
black species and a desiccative, burning, and destructive species. Banj might
very well be henbane here, and the barsh of fz Abbs would thus contain no
hemp preparation. However, Qam further speaks of the accursed shshah
and its derivations (tawbi),93 evidently having in mind preparations of a
similar type; thus, there might have been other recipes for the preparation of
barsh which made use of hashish.
A trade name for a hashish confection widely used for a number of years
in Cairo was uqdah, as al-Maqrz informs us. The word has many meanings.
88
89
90
91
92
93
may refer to plants of various colors, but it could be suspected that Havas plant name is
secondary to barsh as the designation of a drug. Cf. also the following note.
4 Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. W.H. Macnaghten, II, 66 (Calcutta and London 18391842), German
trans. E. Littmann, II, 571, cited by Dozy, Supplment I, 71b. Dozy here also defines barsh as
gomme odorante of Indian origin also derived from the drug?
1 Cf. Qam, fol. 276a.
2 Cf. Qam, fol. 274b, and below, p. 53.
3 Meyerhof, in his ed. and trans, of Maimonides, 15, vocalizes afarbiyn and furbiyn (as in
SteingassPersian-English Dictionary). I do not know why it might not have been afurbiyn.
4 The author of Qam, fol. 280ab, jokes that a better combination of the letters would have
been fas zib a celibate (or widowed) person has farted or z nfs, which I do not quite
understand.
Lane, op. cit. (above, p. 29, n. 3), II, 41 f., speaks of hellebore, hemp, and opium and
several aromatic drugs, but it is not quite clear whether barsh is supposed to contain all
or some of these.
5 Cf. Qam, fol. 274b.
the use of hashish
167
It would seem to mean here node, knob, lump, thus being another of the
numerous words referring to the form in which the drug was consumed. A verse
of Ab l-Khayr al-Aqqd runs:
Present the one you love with a pill of zh
And with two uqdahs from the lawful plant.94
We also have a reference to a man who sitting in a corner over the gate of
the Manr Hospital in Cairo, would use a pint of sweets min al-uqdah almarshshah al-mubakhkharah al-mumassakah min ind Ibn Qayar bi-sittah
wa-thalthin nuqrah l yuim minh li-aad uqdah wa-law jah ib al-all
wa-l-aqd, which, I think, means: an uqdah wetted95 and perfumed with incense and musk from the shop of Ibn Qayar for thirty-six nuqrah (dirham);
and he would not give anyone an uqdah of it to eat, even if the ruler himself were to come to him.96 The uqdah mentioned by al-Maqrz was introduced by a Persian Isml (min malidat al-ajam). It consisted of hashish
mixed with honey and a number of desiccating ingredients such as mandrake
root (irq al-luff)97 and the like. It had to be sold, so we are told, clandestinely. A story strangely similar but not using the term uqdah occurs in alBadr.98
Of the two lists of nicknames for hashish known so far, the longer one
is presented to us as the devils own. Al-Badr, who is our authority for it,
says that it contains about eighty terms, but they are not quite as many. The
seventeenth-century Bakr also gives the number of eighty or more, no doubt
relying on al-Badr.99 If he actually quoted them, his text will probably prove
94

wa-hd man tuibbu bi-quri zhin
wa-min illi n-nabti bi-uqdatayni.
95
96
97
98
99
The meter (wfir) requires a long in ma-hd, for wa-hdi. It could hardly be something
like haddi quiet.
1 Cf. below, p. 59.
2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 28b.
3 Luff is also mentioned by al-Badr, fol. 48b, among the pernicious offspring of the
zaqqm tree.
4 Cf. below, pp. 133f.
5 The list appears in al-Badr, fol. 9ab, and may possibly have been derived by al-Badr
from Ibn an-Najjrs Zawjir. My knowledge of the Kawkib as-sirah f akhbr Mir
34
168
35
extremely helpful for the reconstruction of many of the names. As it is, the ms.
of al-Badr poses quite a few problems of reading and interpretation. The list
breaks down into two parts of unequal length. The first one gives the nicknames
as used in various countries and cities and nations, the second longer one those
used by the various professions, mainly, as we would expect, of the lower and
lowest strata of society. The | schematic arrangement does not inspire great
confidence in the lists truthfulness. The first four items, in particular, strike
us as pure fancy. However, asrr, for instance, is no doubt correctly associated
with the Turks, and there may, in fact, be a goodly number of such correct
associations. We are in no position to pass judgment on this. It would also be a
waste of effort to indulge in too much speculation on the possible vocalization
and interpretation of some of the words. The data are, in fact, devilishly
difficult at times, and only further comparative manuscript material and a
wider knowledge of the social conditions reflected in the list can be expected
to be of help.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.10.
The people of India: as-s-k-y-n-h

The people of Sind: as-s-y-w-s-h
The people of China: as-s-n-d-s-h
The people of Ethiopia: ad-d-r-h (?)100
The people of Persia: al-bank banj
The people of the Yemen: al-khar the green one
The people of Baghdd: bint al-jirb daughter of the bag
The Turk people: asrr esrr
The people of the Irq: al-kaff and jaml az-zayn101
wa-l-Qhirah of Ibn Ab s-Surr al-Bakr goes back to Silvestre de Sacys Chrestomathie

arabe, 2nd ed., I, 281 f. For al-Bakr, cf. GAL, 2nd ed., II, 383f., Suppl., II, 408f.; the introduction of the ed. of his, or his fathers, al-Qawl al-muqtaab, ed. I. al-Ibyr and as-Sayyid
I. Slim (Cairo, n. y. [1962]); M.A. Enan, Muarrikh Mir, 169176 (Cairo 1388/1969).
No attention has been paid here to modern nicknames not attested in the older
literature. I do not know whether any substantial lists of them have been compiled. An
article by F. Kerim, in L Hygine Mentale, XXV (1930), 95, lists a very few Turkish nicknames
such as nefes whiff, breath, minare glgesi shade, shadow of the minaret, and davul tozu
drum dust. Note, however, that modern Arabic nafas also means (a draw on the) water
pipe.
100 1 This might be durrah, but the ms. itself indicates an uncertain reading by the addition of
a dot underneath the first letter.
101 2 Hardly to be corrected to Jaml-ad-dn Beauty of the Religion. Az-zayn may, however,
refer to an individual known as Zayn-ad-dn.
the use of hashish
169
11.
The people of Mosul: ibnat al--k-r-m-y102
12.
The people of Diyr Bakr: al-ghubayr
13.14. The people of Anatolia: al--z-k-y (?)103 and a--f-r104
15.
The Kurds: kh-w-y-n-h105
16.
The people of Aleppo: al-k-r-m-w-m106
17.
The people of Antioch: ras al-qi cats head
18.
The people of Hama: al-muammaah the toasted one107
19.
The people of Syria: a-a108
20.
The people of Egypt: az-zh
21.
The people of the West (al-gharb): ibnat al-qunbus daughter of cannabis
22.
The people of Homs: al-mubahhijah the one that cheers109
23.
The people of the Coastal Plains (as-Sawil): madin az-zumurrud
emerald mine110
24.
shadow players:111 al-b-t-n
25.
hermits:112 al-malm
26.
mendicants:113 al-luqaymah little morsel
102 3 The reading is uncertain. Whether we might read al-askar daughter of the soldier??
103 4 Perhaps, what is meant, is al-frky, to be connected somehow with the rubbing or husking
( f-r-k) done in preparing hashish (see below, p. 60).
104 5 A-ufr fingernail (cf. below, p. 173), rather than a-afar victory, but cf. also the spelling
a--f-r-y in al-Badr, fol. 8b (below, p. 58).
105 6 I. e., khuwaynah or uwaynah little tavern??
106 7 The first m might possibly be a hook, but the meaning indicated for kurtm (small stones,
stony tract) in the Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache (letter K), 118b, is hardly
applicable. Whether it could be kurkum saffron, turmeric?
107 8 The ms. indicates for . The indicated reading seems preferable.
108 1 Again, the ms. indicates for , but see above, pp. 28 f.
109 2 The reading is not fully clear. Perhaps, rather, al-muhayyijah.
110 3 Al-Badr, fol. 11b, speaks of madin az-zumurrud wa-l-yqt, apparently with reference to
hashish and pomegranates. The use of emerald, for simple green, is common in the poetry
on hashish. Cf. also below, p. 77.
111 4 For mukhyilyah, cf. Dozy, Supplment, I, 418b. In fact, a low-class and fraudulent mendicant fraternity may be meant, like those following here. Perhaps, we should read at-tibn
straw. Turkish ttn smoke seems excluded, in view of the lack of evidence for the smoking of hemp (cf. below, p. 65).
112 5 This is the likely meaning of mutajarrid in this context. For the meaning of malm, see
above, p. 27.
113 6 For al-jawlaqyah, cf. Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, 379a: jlakh. For the little
morsel, cf. no. 46 and below, p. 92. Ibn Taghrbird (below, p. 142, n. 3) speaks of the little
morsel of the poor, the green one.
36
170
27.
28.
29.
37
ullah wearers (?):114 shajarat a-arab shrub of emotion

caftan wearers (?):115 shajarat al-fahm shrub of understanding
bums ( juaydyah):116 malm al-fuqar malm of the poor (the fs)
30.31. merchants (tujjr): al-wul arrival or receipt (?) and rat al-bl
peace of mind
32.
lantern bearers:117 ashrah family or girl friend
33.
spongers (ufaylyah): al-muhaimah the one that facilitates digestion
34.
crossbowmen (bunduqnyn): t-r-z-y-d as-s-f--q-y
35.
Gypsies (zu): r--w-y the pleasing one (?)
36.
(f) shaykhs (mashikh): ziyrat al-Khir al-akhar visit of the
green Khir
37.
fs: milat al-qalb the one that connects the heart
38.
veterinarians (bayirah): -n-h118
39.
travelers:119 zuwwdah provisions
40.
barber-surgeons ( jariyah): lazqah adhesive bandage
41.
dancers (? rqiah):120 al-uknah belly wrinkle (?)
114 7 The interpretation of al-ltyyh is a mere guess, suggested by the possible meanings of the
next two professions. It might be sweetmeat makers, ordinarily alwtyah, or again a
type of beggars.
115 8 Al-muaylasah, rather than al-muaylisah caftan makers. The assumption is that a group
of beggars and frauds distinguished by the type of garment they wore is meant, but this
remains uncertain.
116 9 Cf. Dozy, Supplment, I, 197b; W.M. Brinner, in EI2, s.v. arfsh. For juayds as hashish
eaters, cf. the two anecdotes in al-Badr, fol. 11ab: (1) A juayd, noticing a lighted candle
in a house, calls fire, people come and pour water over the wall of the house until he
finds himself swimming in a puddle of water, shouting, help, I am drowning. (2) One of
two juayds who had eaten hashish and become thirsty leaves the house to fetch water.
Meanwhile, a seller of pizzas (manqshah) passes by and sells the other juayd a pizza,
which sticks to his face. His companion upon returning thinks that he has turned into
an ifr. Bum would seem hardly a very satisfactory translation of juayd in view of the
situations presupposed in these stories, but nothing very specific was presumably meant
by it.
117 1 Or lantern makers (al-mashilyah).
118 2 annah wife (??), or, perhaps, to be corrected to henna with which hashish was
compared (below, p. 63)? Presumably, however, a technical term of veterinary medicine
is to be looked for here.
119 3 As-sfrh, to be equated with safarah or suffr.
120 4 If belly wrinkle is the right interpretation, dancers seem to be meant. Rqi and rqiah
the use of hashish
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
171
leather workers:121 tashm al-khay the waxing of the thread

water carriers:122 mishal lantern
cooks (abbkhn): immaah chick-pea
songstresses (maghn): aghn as-sadah branches of bliss
philosophers (?):123 luqaymat al-fikr thought morsel
astrologers (munajjimn): sad b-l-124
rope-makers and porters ( fattln and ammln): al-mukhaffifah
the one that lightens (the load)
builders (bannn): daw medicine (?)
architects (mimryah): q-r-b-t-h125
misers (bukhal): al-m-y-l-y-s-h126
washers of corpses:127 al-quds Holy Jerusalem
grave diggers (affrn): as-sukkar sugary (?)
beggars (arfishah): bunduqah pill128
brokers (dallln): al-malah the pretty one
druggists (arn): saff medicinal powder129
makers of electuaries (majnyah): diryq theriac
al-kh-m-y--t-y-h:130 khur wild duck (with a play on green)
are used by al-Badr (fol. 86a) for male and female dancers, but rqiah is a strange form
for the plural required here. Even Qarmatians (no. 60) does not quite permit us to
assume that extremist sectarians (rfiah) could be meant. Mason (raqq) is also
unlikely.
5 Al-dmy(n), from adam leather as usual, rather than from udm, idm condiment,
dessert. The nickname for hashish would seem to be a technical term used by leather
workers, tanners, or leather merchants.
6 This is the likely precise meaning here of suh runners.
7 The ms. has al-mtgh/flsh, hardly to be connected with the root f-l-s bankrupt. The
following astrologers invites the correction suggested here to al-mutafalsifah. Cf. no. 26.
8 Possibly, sad balagh fortune has arrived, but there may very well be some other astrological allusion concealed here.
9 Qarbah near one could have been an architectural term. Or is qarnah wife or the like
meant?
1 Hardly, al-mulays the little one easy to swallow.
2 Mughassil (ms. mf/ghlsyn) al-amwt. My inference that the nickname refers to Jerusalem
is somewhat gratuitous. Again, it is possible that some technical use of quds in the
profession is meant.
3 Cf. below, pp. 61 f.
4 The root s-f-f to eat dry, is commonly used in connection with hashish, see below, p. 57,
etc.
5 Hardly, al-ummaytyah specialists in the treatment of fevers. This, and the following
38
172
59.
60.
61.
at-t-q/f--y-s-h: dhanab a-s peacocks tail

Qarmatians:131 qurrat al-ayn consolation
homosexuals (m---n-t-h, read makhnithah, makhnth): ash-shumayah little wax candle
al--d--y-th-y-h: al-muhanniah the one that causes good appetite
procurers (qawwdn): mulayyinat a-ib the one that softens the
temperaments
al-m--r-(n):132 jmiat ash-shaml the one that brings the party together
narcotizers (?):133 malf moist
falconers (bazdirah): laynah (?)134
importers ( jallbah): al-uwaymilah the little agent
manufacturers (unna) of hashish: al-bishbshah (?)
sellers (bin) of hashish: kul antimony
Satan and his cohorts: al-mutaayyidah the huntress
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
39
The other list appears in connection with an amusing anecdote on the fly-leaf
of an Istanbul ms. of an undetermined date.135 One of the local hashish users
(ashshshyah, later on also referred to as an ashish) imported and sold
hashish, thus spreading ruin in the city and corrupting the young Muslims
living there. He was often caught and punished, but no punishment had any
deterrent effect on him. He always returned to his evil ways of pushing dope.
Eventually, however, he was brought before the judge and forced to accept an
agreement under oath (qasmah) that he would no longer import either wine
or hashish or, if he did, he would be liable to a fine of 500 dnrs. Now, in
131
132
133
134
135
profession (where the reading is even more uncertain), may have something to do with
the snaring of fowl.
6 Al-qarmiah may be here a nickname for some low-class group held in contempt. See
above, no. 41.
7 Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, 1271a, lists muarri as circumciser of boys, which
would make good sense here. A correction to muris one who gives wedding parties
cannot be rejected out of hand.
8 Al-marqid may be the plural of murqid. For moist, see below, p. 59.
9 The ms. is smudged and the reading is completely uncertain. One should not think of
lubbah (above, p. 31). The soft one is not impossible.
1 The main texts contained in the Istanbul Ms. Feyzullah 1587 are dated, respectively, in
Rab I 556/March 1161 (scribe: Muaffar b. Asad al-Imd) and in 582/11861187. The note
is found on fol. 191a. The adab work from which it was no doubt derived remains to be
traced.
the use of hashish
173
administering this oath, the judge tried to be very specific and to avoid leaving
any conceivable loopholes. He therefore enumerated by name some twenty
different kinds of hashish. The pusher, quickwitted as he was, immediately
pointed out that he had not the least bit (qir) of knowledge about any of these
kinds, and he suggested that the judge would do better to administer the oath
to himselfimplying, of course, that if the judge knew that much about the
different kinds of hashish and the popular names for them, he must have plenty
of experience and probably be a user himself. The clever comeback pleased all
those present very much. The pusher was given the opportunity to repent of his
evil ways, which he did,136 and he led afterwards a blameless life. The motif of
the defendant turning tables in this manner on the judge is not uncommon.137
In fact, in an almost identical story, the judge shows himself conversant with
all the low-class places in and around Cairo where wine was consumed.138 But
the list of supposed nicknames for hashish is interesting, even if both reading
and interpretation in most cases remain highly doubtful:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
s-b-y (?)
afad from afad
ibahn from Ifahn
ihyawn from Zion (ahyn in Northern Syria)
qurn pill (?)139
muanbar amber-scented140
bizr seed
akhar green
b-s-m-w-q-y (?)141
b-s-m-w-t-y (?)
kibsh (of doubtful meaning, see above, pp. 29 f.)
q-l-y-/f-t-y
jabal (probably referring to some mountain or locality)
m-h- (perhaps, mir Egyptian?)
136 2 For repenting in connection with the use of drugs, cf. below, p. 97.
137 3 Cf. F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, 2nd ed., 367 (Leiden 1968), in the
translation of as-Sakhw, Iln. The story involves the abblah estate, known as a drug
center in Mamlk Cairo (cf. below, p. 137).
138 4 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 132a.
139 1 Cf. below, p. 62. Perhaps, quran, pl. of qurnah, is meant (?).
140 2 Cf. above, p. 25.
141 3 Nos. 9, 10, and 12 look like names derived from localities, in the first two cases, Syrian
localities beginning with b- (the shortened form of Aramaic house).
40
174
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
41
gh-y-r -(?) -l-w-n(?)-y142

dubb al-hsh143
tuff apple-colored (scented, flavored)
amt-bayrt from Hama and Beirut144
s-r--b--w-y (?)
qalandarw (see above, p. 25, n. 8)
-w--l-f/q-y (?)
The preponderance to place names mentioned would suggest a Syrian locale

for the list, uncertain though this must be. The genuineness of the nicknames
should be rated much lower than that of the other list, though, again, this is
merely an impression that cannot be substantiated. It is remarkable that both
lists are totally different, another testimony to the great variety of nicknames
and the constantly changing pattern of their use, or to the inventiveness that
went into thinking them up.
All these nicknames served as shibboleths by which the members of an
exclusive club recognized each other. But it should not be forgotten that the
employment of more or less private words is also the common custom of
social outcasts who thereby express their solidarity among themselves and
their feeling of rebellion against restrictions imposed upon them by society.
The nicknames are thus not only of lexical interest. The more we can learn
about them, the better will be our understanding of the attitude of Muslims
toward the use of drugs.
The History of the Use of Hashish
Whatever the name under which it was known, certain presumed pharmacological properties of hemp were known to physicians in the Muslim orbit as
142 4 A combination with ghubayr seems hardly possible. A checking of the ms. may yield
some better reading.
143 5 The vocalization of hsh is confirmed by the occurrence of this combination in a zajal,
where it rhymes with ashsh. The author of the poem quoted by al-Badr, fol. 56b, was
Burhn-ad-dn al-Mimr (cf. below, p. 66, n. 2). It begins: I repent my use of hashish
as long as I live (tyib an an al-ashshl m ash), but much in the poem remains
doubtful, including, in particular, the line referring to dubb hsh.
144 6 The ms. seems to have an n, for t, in amt, but Hama is clearly meant. Possibly, wa-l
should be supplied between the two words so that we would have here two brands of
hashish.
the use of hashish
175
early as there was a scientific medicine in Islam. However, then and later, little was made of this knowledge by medical writers.145 The quotations brought,
for instance, by Ibn al-Bayr and al-Maqrz can be considered as quite representative. Hashish might also have been used here and there for pleasure and
enjoyment, but we have no evidence to this effect from the first four or five
centuries of Islam. Any speculation that the use of the drug for this purpose
might have occurred only in the eastern portions of the Muslim world close to
India could also not be verified at present.
Later jurists never failed to remark on the fact that hashish is not mentioned
in the Qurn or the old Prophetic traditions, nor were they able to find any
express reference to it in the name of the founders of the four legal schools.
When such ancient authorities as the Shfiite al-Muzan (d. 264/878) or the
anafite a-aw (d. 321/933) are cited as having pronounced themselves
against the use of narcotics,146 we can be quite certain that the term ashsh was
not used by them; it is also most probable that they did not employ any other
term specifically denoting hemp preparations, unless it was banj understood
to mean hemp. In connection with a late commentary on the famous legal
compendium of the anafite al-Qudr (d. 428/1037), we hear about ashsh,
but the basic text does | not contain the word.147 In his Mabs, Khwharzdeh
(d. 483/1090) evidently employed only the ambiguous banj.148 It is tempting
to assume that az-Zarkash, in his brief reference to a work by Ab Isq
ash-Shrz (d. 476/1083) entitled at-Tadhkirah f l-khilf, meant to imply that it
contained an express mention of the word ashsh.149 In this case, ash-Shrz,
who spent his life in Shrz and Baghdd, would be our oldest source for the
actual use of the term. Since law books are not known for ready acceptance of
newly coined slang, it could be assumed to have been around for some time and
145 1 Cf. Meyerhof, in his ed. and trans, of Maimonides, 174; M. Levey, in EI2, s.v. shsh.
146 2 Cf. Rislah f urmat al-banj (above, p. 18). In the statement reported to go back to
an-Nasaf (below, p. 48), these references were taken seriously as evidence for the history
of the use of hashish.
147 1 Cf. al-Fanr and al-Qudr, Mukhtaar, 73f. (Delhi 1267). The commentator is al-addd() (d. 800/1397), apparently in his Sirj al-wahhj (GAL, Suppl., I, 296).
148 2 Cf. al-Fanr. See also jj Khalfah, 1580.
149 3 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 181. Az-Zarkash (below, p. 187) has a reference to the Bar
al-madhhab, apparently the work of ar-Ryn (d. 502/1108, cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 673), possibly
through ar-Rfi. The term employed in this connection is not indicated. Ar-Ryns work
is preserved in Cairo, but without consulting it, we can merely guess that the plant may
have been named qinnab or shahdnaj. In a later quotation from ar-Ryn (below, p. 196),
banj occurs.
42
176
43
hashish was already even at that time considered a social and legal problem.
Unfortunately, it is unlikely that ash-Shrz employed this or any other specific
term denoting hemp. We still lack the unambiguous referencejust one would
sufficethat could be decisive.
From around 1123 comes the first attestation of the designation ashshyah
in connection with the Neo-Ismlyah. In the q awiq al-irghm, which
is a reply to Nizr critics of the Mustalian al-Hidyah al-miryah, we find
this term used twice with reference to the Nizrs.150 Hashish has been much
discussed in Western literature in connection with the Assassins, beginning
with the great discovery by Silvestre de Sacy of the true derivation of their
name. However, very little that might be helpful for the history of the use
of hashish has come of it. It has been pointed out that hashish does not
have the properties that would ordinarily make it a serviceable stimulant for
anyone being sent on a dangerous mission of assassi|nation.151 The famous and
widespread story of the paradisiacal garden at Alamut can be brought into
connection with hashish only most vaguely and indirectly;152 nothing in the
story points to hashish in preference to other drugs. The few instances where
use of narcotic drugs is implied for the sectarians may have been the result of
hostile speculation spun out of their name rather than factual occurrences. It
is worthy of note that attacks on the Neo-Ismlyah accusing them of being
hashish eaters were apparently not made very often, although this would have
been an effective verbal slur.153
As has been suggested recently, the reason for the choice of the term ashshyah might have been in the first place the low and disreputable character
attributed to hashish eaters, rather than the sectarians devotion to the drug.154
150 4 Cf. the edition by A.A.A. Fyzee, al-Hidayatul-Amiriya, 27, 32 (Oxford University Press 1938,
Islamic Research Association 7), and, for the date, S.M. Stern, in JRAS, 1950, 2031.
Ash-Shahrastn, Milal, ed. W. Cureton, 202 (London 18421846), trans. T. Haarbrcker,
II, 3 (Halle 18501851), mentions ashshyah as misguided ancient religious thinkers,
among eternalists (materialists), physicists, and metaphysicians. Since ash-Shahrastn
died in 548/1153, this could be another quite early attestation of the use of the word to
designate hashish eaters, meaning, possibly, confused thinkers. However, the reading may
be incorrect, and iss sense perception may be involved.
151 1 Cf. M.G.S. Hodgson, The Order of Assassins, 134 (The Hague 1955).
152 2 See below, p. 93.
153 3 No importance in this respect, I believe, should be attached to the fact that later fifteenthcentury hashish confections were said to have been introduced by Ismls, cf. above, p. 34,
and below, pp. 133 f.
154 4 Cf. B. Lewis, in EI2, s.v. ashshiyya, and idem, The Assassins, 11f. (New York 1968).
the use of hashish
177
Now, if the term was in common use around 1123 so that it could appear in a
kind of official document and required no explanation whatever, this would
indicate that it was by then familiar and had been known for some time. And
if it indeed refers to the use of hashish, it can serve as concrete evidence for
the existence of the drugs nickname in the early twelfth century. If, moreover,
it was already used at that time metaphorically for low-class rabble, it must
have been well established in general use for some time at least; no modern
means of rapid communication are necessary to give quick currency to a slang
expression, but it may be assumed that in medieval times it took a little while
for such an expression to be widely accepted. There are many ifs here, of which
the most crucial is the one implying doubt as to whether the name of the
Assassins is really to be connected with the meaning hashish among the many
possible connotations of the Arabic word. It remains plausible, however, that
this was indeed the case. Thus, the nickname, and with it, the drugs extended
use, appear to have surfaced during the late eleventh century, and both may
have been promoted by the real or alleged use of cannabis by sectarians who
were engaged in spreading a vast network of open and secret influence over the
Muslim world, extending to the area from Egypt to Iran, and beyond. Assuming
that this is so, the question of the | place of origin, whether it was Syria or Egypt
or some more eastern region, is still left unanswered.
Once hashish consumption had become a widespread and debated custom,
there was much discussion among Muslim scholars and other interested parties about its history. This discussion contains nothing to contradict the statements just made. The theories put forward range from the fanciful to the strong
semblance of historical fact. They all add up to the impression that here was
an urgent situation that needed understanding and historical perspective so
that it could be handled intelligently. The samples preserved in literature make
us suspect that there once was much more which went unrecorded and that
the legal and political struggle over the drug was accompanied by arguments
derived from history favoring one side or the other.
It was quite sensibly argued that the properties of hemp had been known
continuously since the most ancient times, indeed, it is said, since God brought
the world into being. It existed in the time of the Greeks. Proof of that is what
the physicians in their books have to say about the temper of the drug and
its useful as well as harmful properties on the authority of Hippocrates and
Galen. This statement of al-Maqrz begs, however, the question of the use of
hashish for play and pleasure, nor does it say anything about the time it started
to become a social problem in Islam.
The Indian connection of the plant, attested by the descriptive adjective
attached to its name, was utilized in a legend about an Indian shaykh who lived
44
178
45
in the time of the Sassanian kings and saw the coming of Islam.155 His name
appears in al-Maqrz as something like Br Raan, but in al-Badr, the second r
is replaced by the connected hook (b\t\th\n\y).156 I have no explanation for the
name, unless perhaps, Br-, if this is the reading intended, is meant to be Persian
pr = shaykh. Al-Maqrz indicates as his informant a certain Qalandar shaykh,
Muammad ash-Shrz. Al-Badr is more detailed in his report. It would seem
that the source he claims to follow was a Kitb Riy al-rif by a certain
Narallh a-s, whose | identity remains to be established. Al-Badr, fol. 5a,
also refers in this connection to a Shaykh an-Nar (= Nar-ad-dn), who may be
the same person. Moreover, he also cites a History by a certain Manbij, as well
as the author of the Khardah, as further authorities,157 and he interrupts his
report by giving details of the phenomenal success of hashish in Egypt.
The avowed purpose of this story is to contradict another story, soon to
be discussed, that attributes the introduction of hashish to a certain Shaykh
Qalandar or to the founder of the aydar fraternity, Shaykh aydar, for it is
prefaced by remarks praising the piety of both these figures who, it is claimed,
never ate hashish in their lives. The use of the drug became common among
aydars followers only years after his death. Therefore, the Khursnians
ascribed the introduction of the drug to him who was completely innocent of
it.
According to al-Badr, the Indian shaykh was from Bengal, and with the
dropping of the final -lah of Banglah, the drug was called bang.158 Before
his time, the Indians were not acquainted with hashish. Once when he was
worshiping his idol, Satan spoke to him from the interior of the idol and
introduced him to hashish and taught him how to prepare it.159 The use of
hashish spread through India, China, and Ethiopia, and then to the West. In
155 1 The text in al-Maqrz adds rather incongruously, and became a Muslim. It may not be
a mere coincidence that the (fictitious?) Indian about whom we hear in the thirteenth
century, who claimed to have met the Prophet, was called Shaykh Ratan (with t, not ), cf.
adh-Dhahab, Mzn, II, 45 (Cairo 1382/1963); al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 324327; Ibn ajar, Lisn,
II, 450455 (Hyderabad 13291331).
156 2 In addition to the occurrences on fols. 4a and 5a, al-Badr refers back to the story on fols. 8b
and 48b.
157 1 Al-Manbij is quite clearly written, but I do not know who this Manbij might be. One
might think that the Khardah could be the Khardat al-ajib of Ibn al-Ward from the
first half of the fifteenth century (GAL, Suppl., II, 162f.), but the text as printed does not
contain any reference to the history of hashish.
158 2 Banglah and Bang were names of Bengal, cf. A.H. Dani, in EI2, s.v. Bangla.
159 3 Cf. below, p. 59.
the use of hashish
179
what seems to be another version, conflated by al-Badr with that of Narallh

a-s, it is more sensibly claimed that it spread from Iran to the land of the
Turks and the land of the Khi (China). In Iraq, it became known only in
628/12301231, and from there spread westward, as is also stated in the report
of al-Maqrz.160 Somewhat naively, it is suggested that verses playing with the
term Indian (maiden) (hindyah) for hashish161 could serve as a confirmation
for the historicity of the story, while, in fact, the poets merely drew upon the
known botanical fact of the Indian provenience of the plant.
Turning now to the Muslim views of the history of the drug within | Islam
proper, we would consider it almost inconceivable that at some point of the
discussion, Muslim scholars would have foregone the temptation to ascribe
traditions condemning hashish to the Prophet himself. There were quite a few,
and expectedly, they were modeled after certain stereotypes common in adth
literature:
The greatest destruction at the end of time will result from eating the green
hashish.
As-Samarqand on the authority of Mamar: The Prophet said, May God
curse one who seeks intoxication by means of a liquid or a dry (substance).
Al: The Prophet said, Beware of the wine of the non-Arabs (= the Persians),
for it will make you forget the confession of faith. (The Prophets statement
attributed it to the Persians, because coming from their country, it then spread
further. It is nothing else but hashish. He called it wine because all wine is
intoxicating, and everything intoxicating is forbidden. This tradition makes it
obvious that hashish is intoxicating and forbidden.)
Ab Hurayrah: The Prophet said, Beware of the green one, for it is the
greatest wine.
udhayfah b. al-Yamn: I went together with the Prophet into the countryside. He saw a tree and shook his head. I asked him why he was shaking his
head, and he replied: A time will come upon my nation when they will eat from
the leaves of this tree and get intoxicated, and they will pray while intoxicated.
They are the worst of the worst. They are the bir of my nation, as God has
nothing to do with them (minhum bari).162
We also find references to the zaqqm tree from the Qurn (37: 62/60, 44:
43/43, 56: 52/52) and the ghubayr in contexts suggesting that they are a kind
160 4 Cf. below, pp. 52 f.
161 5 Cf. below, p. 153. Al-Badr adds another poem (see below, p. 57, n. 2) in which hindyah is
used for hashish, but without any allusion to Indian girls.
162 1 All the foregoing quotations from al-Badr, fols. 55b and 54b. Which Mamar may be meant
is not certain, nor is the identity of the Samarqand mentioned.
46
180
47
of cover names for hashish. The Berlin Ms. of Ibn Ghnim, in a passage missing
in the Princeton Ms., treats the reader to a adith reported by Surqah about a
Bedouin who appeared before the Prophet in rather poor physical condition.
He explained that he had been searching for some camels for five days and
was greatly suffering from hunger when he came across a ashshah consisting
of five and six fingers,163 notched (?) at the top, | smelling clean and having
red-colored wood. I ate some of it, and I swooned, as you can see, staggering
(but) not as the result of some inner commotion (?).164 The Prophet had the
explanation. It was the zaqqm tree which does not sate those eating from it,
who can expect to be condemned on the Day of Judgment.165 The ghubayr
adth, cited by Mamd al-Muammad,166 has the Prophet state solemnly in
phrases occurring in numerous traditions that there is a tree called ghubayr,
an accursed tree. It will appear at the end of time. Those who eat from it do
not belong to us. The author continues that this tradition can be used as an
argument for the prohibition (of hashish) in three ways, namely, on the strength
of the phrases accursed tree, appearing at the end of time, and not being one
of us if one eats from it, as he is aware of the forbidden character of ghubayr,
this being documented in a Qurn commentary entitled Ayn al-man.167
Scrawled between lines of this passage in the Berlin Ms., we meet with an
expression of strong disapproval: This is a adth which is not recognized and
absolutely does not exist in the books. This man made a useless effort trying
to use it as an argument. Whether the person who wrote these words had a
personal stake in the matter when he got so incensed about the citation of a
dubious anti-hashish tradition?
Serious scholars would, of course, not be taken in by fabrications of this sort.
Even less so would they have been ready to give credence to frauds committed
for the benefit of hashish. In fact, it was hardly more than a mere joke to
163 2 Al-Badr, fol. 48ab, who has the same story, has seven. Al-Badr, following the Zawjir of
Ibn an-Najjr, describes the zaqqm in some fanciful detail and quotes from al-Ghazzl
and others the statement that it is the origin of forty-nine different plants such as
shahdnaj barr, dthrah, and many others, all narcotics and intoxicants.
164 1 The text is somewhat corrupt: fa-laqtu ashshatan wa-hiya bikhamsati abia wa-sittati
abia marrata (leg. mazzata?) r-rasi dhakyata r-riati amra l-di fa-akaltu
minh fa-m (leg. fa-ghumiya) alayya kam tar amlu min ghayri hawan. Swaying without
wind would be entirely out of place here, unless an allusion to the plant is intended.
165 2 For hashish being described as overpowering the zaqqm, cf. the poem from the Gotha
Ms., below, p. 171, but see also note 5 to that page.
166 3 See above, p. 17.
167 4 Possibly, the work of as-Sajwand (GAL, Suppl., I, 724)?
the use of hashish
181
pretend that the Qurn itself indicated that hashish was constantly consumed
by the blessed in Paradise, for what else could the reference to green in
Qurn 18: 31/30 (green garments of sundus) signify? Needless to say, making
such a remark foreshadowed a bad end for the addict who soon found his
brain dried up and who was reduced to beggary (taarfasha wa-tasarana
wa-tafarwasha).168 It could even happen that a student, | deranged from too
much hashish and having exchanged the garment of fs with that of beggars
(arfishah), would be inspired by Satan to transmit the following statement
as a tradition ascribed to the Almighty Himself: When God created this plant
and called for it to appear before Him, it went to Him, and He said to it: By my
might, majesty, splendor, and perfection! I have not created a plant nobler and
finer than you are. Nowhere else have I let you dwell but in clean minds and
the clean stomachs of my servants.
It was also highly unsatisfactory for any Muslim to have to admit that the
primary legal authorities did not furnish sufficient evidence to determine the
proper attitude toward the use of hashish. We have already seen that it was
believed that some general remarks concerning the prohibition of unspecified narcotics could be credited to al-Muzan and a-aw.169 The Shfiite,
al-Muzan, was much the older of the two, and this was certainly not very agreeable to those anafites who were fighting the use of hashish in their time. It is
in this light that we have to view the sketch of the history of hashish, in the
framework of the legal effort to suppress its use, which appears in the Gotha
Ms.170 A Commentary of at-Timirtsh is said to be its source. The authority
quoted by that author is fi-ad-dn an-Nasaf (d. 710/1310).171 An-Nasaf, in
turn, reports a reply to a query addressed to Shams-ad-dn al-Kurd.172 Now,
this query is unequivocally stated to have concerned the ashsh, that is, the
leaves of hemp. The text may be corrupt in the Gotha Ms., but after making
due allowance for textual corruption, it remains principally noteworthy for the
168 5 The quotations in this paragraph are from al-Badr, fols. 50a and 49a.
The addict in the first case is said to have been al-Khafff, apparently identical with
Shihb-ad-dn Ahmad al-Khafff ad-Dimashq mentioned by al-Badr, fol. 12b, below, p. 80.
Cf. also below, p. 59. The reading of the words tasarana and tafarwasha is clear. The meanings applicable here escape me. Tasarana could hardly be intended as being affected by
cancer. Dozy, Supplment, I, 648b, indicates meanings such as being stupefied.
169 1 Cf. above, p. 41.
170 2 Cf. above, p. 18.
171 3 Cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 263.
172 4 I have no identification for him unless he is not al-Kurd but al-Kardar (d. 624/1244) (GAL,
Suppl., I, 653 f.).
48
182
49
unbelievable confusion it exhibits: No text on hashish being either permitted or forbidden has been reported on the authority of Ab anfah and his
colleagues, since it was not yet used in their time. It remained under cover
(mastr). Thus, it retained its state of being basically permitted like all other
plants.173 | Also, no statement of its being either permitted or forbidden has
been transmitted from any of the ancients after their time, till the time of the
Imm al-Muzan, the disciple of ash-Shfi. The harmfulness (of the use of
hashish) became first apparent in the Arab and the non-Arab Iraq. The Imm
al-Muzan was living in Baghdd.174 When the fatw of the Imm175 declaring
hashish forbidden reached Asad b. Amr, the disciple of Ab anfah, who was
living in the non-Arab Iraq, he said that it was permitted. But when the use of
hashish became general and widespread everywhere with all its terrible harmful consequences 176 the Imms of Transoxania all agreed upon the legal view
expressed by al-Muzan that eating hashish was illegal and the consumption of
hashish to be declared forbidden. They issued a fatw calling for the burning of
hashish despite its great value (?) (ma khaar qmatih).177 They demanded that
the sellers of hashish be chastised (tadb) and the eaters be severely punished
(tazr) The historical view expressed here is that hashish was commonly
used in the Muslim east since the ninth century and already about this time was
dealt with as a great danger to society by both Shfiites and anafites. Obviously, all this is pure fancy and dictated by professional self-interest, although
for all we really know it just might have been true in substance.
We come much closer to historical fact with the famous story of the discovery and propagation of the use of hashish by Persian fs. According to
az-Zarkash, it was widely believed that aydar, elsewhere with the nisbah azZwaj, from Zwah in the province of Nsbr, the founder of the f fraternity named after him, discovered hashish around the year 550/1155.178 Others,
173 5 Cf. below, p. 112.

174 1 This is quite untrue.
175 2 The context requires that this should be al-Muzan, but Asad b. Amr lived long before his
time. He died in 188/804, or in 190.
176 3 There is an omission in the ms.
177 4 Or could this mean, with the loss of its price, that is, without re-compensation? Cf.
below, p. 135.
178 5 Cf. below, p. 176. One ms. has the date 505, but even in 550, aydar must have still been
very young if he was indeed already born by then. According to al-Ukbar (al-Maqrz),
the discovery of hashish took place in 608, ten years prior to aydars death (below, p. 52).
Al-Badr, fol. 2a, quotes a profusion of further dates from various authorities, but unless
they can be traced back to the original sources, they are quite suspect. He states that
the use of hashish
183
however, az-|Zarkash adds, connected the introduction of hashish with a certain Amad as-Swaj,179 a Qalandar f apparently originating from a town
called Swah.180 We hear about a rather prominent Qalandar, Jaml-ad-dn
as-Swaj, who is said to have been in Damascus around 1210 to 1225 and who
thereafter settled in Damiette.181 It is possible that he was supposed to be identical with the Qalandar who is credited with the introduction of hashish. With
respect to his relationship to aydar, the Qalandar may represent a second
stage of the story, or he may have been put up as a rival to aydar to satisfy
some particular faction interested in hashish aetiology.
Az-Zarkashs version of the aydar story is brief and thereby invests it with
some kind of quite beautiful and poetic sensitivity: aydar went out in a state
of depression because he felt like withdrawing from his companions. He came
across this ashshah and noticed that its branches were swaying although
there was no breeze. He reflected that this must be so because of a secret
contained in it. He picked some of it and ate it. When he returned to his
companions, he told them that (the plant) contained a secret, and he ordered
them to eat it.182
Az-Zarkash was not the first to report this story. It was already told at length
by al-Ukbar about a century earlier. Az-Zarkash may, in fact, have derived
179
180
181
182
hashish made its appearance around 600 or, according to another source, in 505. He cites
an unnamed author of an Awil work as giving the date as the turn of the sixth century to
the seventh century, when the Tatar rule made its appearance. The dates 620, 650, before
700 (read before the seventh century?), and the beginning of the 700s (al ras as-sab
miah) (!) are attributed to, respectively, the fi al-Yaghmr, Ibn Askir, Ibn Kathr, and
Ibn al-Athr. On fol. 56a, al-Badr attributes to Ibn Kathr the statement that he had said
before derived from an Awil work. Strange as it is, Ibn Askir could hardly be anyone but
the historian of Damascus who lived before the date indicated, and although there were
other Ibn al-Athrs and the seven hundreds must be corrected to the six hundreds, the
famous historian appears to be meant and he lived too close to that date to be seriously
considered. The information of al-Bakr, Kawkib, certainly goes back to al-Badr. It has
the addition that a Shaykh Qarandal at the beginning of the 600s introduced the drug.
[The 700s (500s, below, p. 53) can hardly mean seventh (fifth) century.]
1 Note, however, that all the Zarkash mss. (except B), as well as the quotation from azZarkash in al-Badr, fol. 3a, have r for w (al-Badr: al-Masrij).
2 Yqt places the town midway between ar-Rayy and Hamadhn, whereas the first edition
of EI, s.v., locates it at a distance of twenty-two farsakhs from Qazwn and nine farsakhs
from Qumm.
3 Cf. the first edition of EI, s.v. Kalenderiyya, and Ibn Baah, I, 61ff. The date is given in
H.A.R. Gibbs translation, I, 37, n. 108, without an indication of its source.
50
184
51
52
his information from al-Ukbar, although in his time the story was no doubt
circulating in many versions. | Al-Ukbar is cited by al-Maqrz and al-Badr.183
The latter knew al-Maqrzs Khia and quoted them elsewhere in his work
(fol. 4b), but he does not depend on al-Maqrz since he inserts, quite plausibly,
a certain Ab Khlid, described as a steward (naqb) of Shaykh aydar, between
the latter and the informant of al-Ukbar; no mention is made of this Ab
Khlid by al-Maqrz, at least not in the text available in print, which reads in
translation:
In as-Sawni al-adabyah f (l-)madi al-qinnabyah, al-asan b. Muammad (al-Ukbar) said: I asked Shaykh Jafar b. Muammad ash-Shrz in the
city (baldah) of Tustar184 in the year 658/1260 why this drug was discovered and
why it reached the poor (the fs) in particular and then spread to the common people in general. He (in fact, not Shaykh Jafar but the just mentioned
Ab Khlid) told me that his shaykh, the Master aydar, practiced much mystical exercise and exertion and used little food, excelling in asceticism and pious
worship. He was born in Nishwur in Khursn, and he lived on a mountain
between Nishwur and Zwh where he had acquired a small monastery.185 A
number of fs were in his company. He withdrew to a certain spot within
(the monastery) and remained there for over ten years, never leaving it nor
having anyone come in except me to serve him. He continued: The Shaykh
then one day went up into the countryside alone by himself. During midday,
the heat became oppressive, but when he returned, his face radiated energy
and joy, quite a contrast to his usual appearance as we knew it from before.
He let his companions come in and talked to them. When we saw the Shaykh
so sociable after having been withdrawn and alone for such a long time, we
asked him about it, and he said: In my isolation, I suddenly got an urge to go
out into the countryside all by myself. When I came out, I noticed that every |
183 1 Although al-Badr elsewhere in his work correctly identifies the author of the Sawni
as al-Ukbar, here, apparently through homoioteleuton omission, he makes al-asan b.
Muammad ash-Shrz the author of the work. This, however, does not invalidate the
genuineness of the insertion of Ab Khlid.
184 2 Al-Badr seems to have a similar but different name.
185 3 Silvestre de Sacy identified the place with Nsbr, but the use of the unusual form of the
name here is puzzling. Cf., however, Yqt, Mujam, s.v. Naysbr, who gives Na/ishwr
as the vulgar form, and the fourteenth-century Meccan scholar, Aff-ad-dn an-Nishwur
(d. 790/1388, cf. Ibn ajar, Durar, II, 300302), whose original connection with Nsbr is
remembered in Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart, VI, 313 (Cairo 13501351).
The edition of al-Maqrz has Mrmh, and Silvestre de Sacy, Rmh, but al-Badrs
Zwh (no diacritical dots) = Zwah would seem to be correct.
the use of hashish
185
plant was completely quiet and showed not the slightest motion because there
was no wind and the summer (heat) was oppressive. But then, I passed by a
plant with leaves and noticed that in this weather it was gently swaying and
moving without any force (being exercised upon it from outside), like someone who is inebriated. I started to pick a few of the leaves and eat them. Thus
it happened that I was filled with this restful joy you have observed in me.
Now, let us go, and I shall show you the plant, so that you can recognize its
shape. He continued: We went out into the countryside, and he showed us the
plant. When we saw it, we said that it was the plant known as hemp (qinnab).
He told us to take a leaf and eat it, which we did. Then, we returned to the
monastery, finding in our hearts an irrepressible joy and gladness. When the
Shaykh saw us in this condition, he told us to guard this drug, and he made
us take an oath not to tell anyone of the common people about it. On the
other hand, he exhorted us not to conceal it from the fs. His words were:
God has granted you the privilege of knowing the secret of these leaves. Thus,
when you eat it, your dense worries may disappear and your exalted minds may
become polished. Therefore, keep their trust and guard their secret! Shaykh
Jafar (read: Ab Khlid) continued: After we had become acquainted with this
secret, I grew hemp in the monastery of Shaykh aydar while he was alive,
and he told us to plant it around his tomb after his death. Shaykh aydar lived
for ten years after that. I was in his service all the time, and I never saw him
stop eating it day in and day out. He told us to take little food and (instead)
eat this ashshah. He died in (6)18/1221 in the monastery on the mountain. A
big cupola was built over his tomb. Many votive gifts were offered to it by the
Khursnians. They venerated his power, visited his grave, and showed great
respect to his companions. At the time of his death, he exhorted them to show
this drug and its secret to the refined and the great among the Khursnians,
and they used it.He continued: Hashish continued to spread in Khursn
and Frs. The people of Iraq were not acquainted with its use until there came
to them the ruler of Hurmuz and Muammad b. Muammad, the ruler of alBarayn,186 | kings of the shore adjacent to Frs during the reign of al-Mustanir,
in 628/12301231. Their entourage carried hashish along with them and showed
the people how to eat it. The result was that hashish became known in Iraq.
186 1 According to the Paris Ms. of al-Badr, Muammad was the name of the ruler of Hurmuz.
In fact, the ruler of Hurmuz at the time was Sayf-ad-dn Ab Naar, but no precise
information is readily known to me about these minor rulers in connection with the
incident mentioned here. For the political situation in general, cf. J. Aubin, Les Princes
d Ormuz, in J A, CCXLI (1953), 80 ff.
53
186
54
Knowledge of it reached the Syrians, Egyptians, and Anatolians, and they used
it.187
Verses quoted by al-Maqrz and other authors that refer to hashish as the
wine of aydar and bring it otherwise into connection with him do of course
not confirm the story of aydars discovery of hashish, as medieval authors
were inclined to believe, but they show that it had rapidly become accepted
and was considered to be true. The fine aetiological tale telling how the plant
itself reveals its incredible and beautiful power to the inspired seeker after
spiritual release reflects a highly favorable attitude toward hashish, and it is
therefore somewhat strange to find it repeated with seeming approval by later
scholars such as az-Zarkash and al-Maqrz who had been taught to hold quite
different views concerning the effects of hashish. The character of the aydar
story as a literary motif underlines its legendary character. However, the use
of hashish by f fraternities and their presumably large role in the spread of
hashish use can be accepted as a fact in view of all the later evidence pointing in
this direction. Ibn Taymyahs great concern with the problems of hashish was
certainly connected with its use by fs and largely fostered by his animosity
against them. The author of Qam also probably had in mind the story of the
mystical discovery of hashish and thought of the fs when he remarked
that the accursed ashshah was originated by some group around the five
hundreds (adathah ba fiah f naw qarn al-khams miah).188 The word fiah
group is used here for the sake of the rhyme and | thus may very well mean
fs, rather than sectarians or soldiers. However, it is not the inclination of
f organizations toward the use of hashish that is at issue but the precise
data suggested by the aydar-Qalandar report. They can be neither proved
nor disproved. The discovery of hashish was certainly not due to these people,
187 1 The quotation, it seems, from al-Ukbar continues: This was the year in which the (silver)
dirhams appeared in Baghdd (to replace) the qurah (snippets of gold pieces) people
used to spend. The year meant would seem to be 628, but in fact, as Silvestre de Sacy has
shown, it was 632, cf. also the awdith al-jmiah (wrongly attributed to Ibn al-Fuwa),
70 f. (Baghdd 1351). There is no apparent connection of this remark with the hashish story.
It seems to have been added as an aside, but why this was done is not stated.
Whether some or much of the following material in al-Maqrz was also derived from
al-Ukbar is hard to say. It may be noted that the verses quoted are favorable to hashish
and therefore could easily have been used by al-Ukbar. Furthermore, they also occur in
al-Badr, whose source quite definitely was not al-Maqrz. If Ibn al-Am (d. 692/1292) was
in fact the poet of some of them (cf. below, p. 154), we would have to assume that al-Ukbar
used material of a contemporary, which, however, is not excluded.
188 2 Cf. Qam, fol. 274b. [For five hundreds, see p. 49, n. 5.]
the use of hashish
187
but in addition to propagating its use, they might have also found some special
way of preparing it for use that was little known before. By and large, the story
leaves us with the impression that at any rate the general circumstances and
the approximate time are correctly reflected in it.
The fs were not the only group blamed for the destruction caused by
hashish. The fabled aydar was an older contemporary of Chingiz Khn, and
about the time of aydars death, the Mongols were poised to invade the lands
of Islam. Blaming moral and material ills of any kind upon the machinations
of foreigners and enemies is a common human trait. Thus, the Mongols were
a natural target for those searching for an explanation of what brought about
a social evil assumed to have reached dangerous proportions in their time. It
may be tempting to assume that it was Ibn Taymyah himself who invented the
Mongols guilt concerning the spread of hashish, but it is much more likely that
he merely reiterated something that was a current rumor during the thirteenth
century before his own time. Ibn Taymyah is rather vague on occasion, saying
that the eating of hashish originated in the last years of the twelfth century
or about that time, without any reference to the Mongols.189 Or he would
state that it made its appearance among the people no earlier than roughly
about the time of (qarban min naw) the appearance of the Tatars (Mongols);
hashish went forth, and with it, there went forth the sword of the Tatars.190
But he also states flatly that it was with the Tatars that it originated among the
people,191 and it is obvious that he meant to make a causal connection between
the appearance of hashish and the Mongol invasion, somehow implying that
hashish was used by the enemy as an additional weapon to bring the Muslims
to their knees. Later authors, such as adh-Dhahab (?) and az-Zarkash,192
leave the same impression in a more distinct manner. | Az-Zarkash cites Ibn
Taymyah as having stated with great precision that hashish appeared at the
end of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth century when
the Tatars came into power, and he cites another, unidentified source as having
said that it was an evil restricted to193 Persia, until the Tatars gained control
over its inhabitants. Then, it moved on to Baghdd when the evil effect it had
upon its people was already known.194
189 1 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Siysah. Adh-Dhahab (if he really is the author of the Kabir, see above,
p. 9) omits the date and the reference to the Tatars.
190 2 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 312.
192 4 Cf. below, p. 177.
193 1 This seems to be the intended meaning.
194 2 Below, p. 177: wa-qad ulima m jar al ahlih min qabi l-athar (var. fat at-Tatar what
55
188
56
The apparent sudden increase in the use of hashish at the period indicated
might have been quite unconnected with the coming of the Mongols. In reality
it would seem to antedate that event. However, it could also be that the Mongol
invaders were driving in front of them refugees who took the drug habit along
and spread it westward. Nor can we discount the possibility that in the wake of
the disastrous happenings at the time, the resulting climate of fear and unrest
caused an upsurge in the use of narcotics. All these factors might have existed
and combined to produce the result whose precise cause or causes even an
impartial sociologist living then might have found difficult to trace. The paucity
of our information makes it still more so for us.
An attempt to pinpoint the further westward movement of hashish has been
made by M. al-Abbd with reference to a statement of Ibn Sad, the wellknown Spanish historian of the thirteenth century.195 Ibn Sad criticized the
prevalence of the use of hashish in Egypt, which aroused his curiosity since, he
says, hashish was not known at the time in his own country. Al-Abbd combines this statement with the seemingly first occurrence of verses on hashish in
Spain early in the fourteenth century. In particular, he also adduces a passage
from Lisn-ad-dn Ibn al-Khab dating to about the year 1360 which described
the widespread use of hashish by the low classes as well as the leading families in Granada in many special hideouts all over the city at the time of the
usurper Ab Sad Bermejo. According to al-Abbd, all this leads to the necessary | conclusion that hashish established itself in the Muslim West only during
the (later) thirteenth century. This may very well have been the case. As an
additional argument in favor of this theory, it may be recalled that about a generation before Ibn Sad, Ibn al-Bayr had this to say: There is a third kind of
qinnab, called Indian hemp, which I have seen only in Egypt where it grows in
gardens and is also known to Egyptians as ashshah. It is very intoxicating if
someone takes as little of it as a dirham196 or two. Taken in too large doses,
it may lead to lightmindedness (runah). Some users were affected by mental disorder and driven into insanity; it may also kill Ibn al-Bayr again
happened to its people as the result of the Tatar conquest). I do not think that this
means that it is known what an evil fate befell the people of Baghdad. Rather, by the time
hashish reached Baghdd, it was known how greatly the Persians had suffered from it. In
this passage, its people hardly refers to users of hashish, although this would not be
impossible.
195 3 Cf. al-Abbd, in his edition of Lisn-ad-dn Ibn al-Khab, Nufat al-jirb, intro., 20f.,
text, 183 (Cairo, n. y. [1968?]), Spanish trans, by al-Abbd, in Revista del Instituto de
Estudios Islmicos en Madrid, XIII (19651966 [rather, 1968]), 79.
196 1 For the weight of this unit, cf. below, p. 73, n. 2.
the use of hashish
189
stresses that he himself was personally able to observe the effect of this kind
of hashish and that it was unknown to him from his own country, Spain. It is
true that Ibn al-Bayr was probably not older than about twenty years when
he left Spain, and therefore may not have had sufficient information about the
situation there, but it is a likely assumption that when he made a statement
like that he had never seen the particular kind of hemp cultivated in Egypt anywhere else and had not been aware of the use of hemp as a hallucinogenic drug,
he relied upon research as solid as he was able to make it. On the other hand,
the reported occurrence from mid-fourteenth-century Granada is more dubious evidence. It implies that Bermejos chief of police had no knowledge of the
extensive use of hashish in the area under his jurisdiction and had to be made
aware of it by his ruler who thus taught him what as a policeman he should
have known by himself but did not. It might be argued that if the use of hashish
went on without the police knowing of it, scholars such as Ibn Sad and even
Ibn al-Bayr might very well have had no information as to the situation in
their native country, but being abroad, they learned about things about which
they had no experience at home. The use of hashish was clearly very open in
Egypt at that time, no doubt much more so than farther west. But it remains
indeed possible that it took some time for it to reach Spain on its westward
march.
The Preparation of Hashish and the Manner of its Use
It is quite likely that there once existed short treatises describing in accurate
detail how hashish was prepared and consumed, but such | treatises would
have had only a very small chance to survive and to become available to us.
Thus we must be satisfied with the comparatively little and often rather blurred
descriptions that turn up in various sources and contexts.
Ibn al-Bayr has some valuable and quite precise information based upon
his own observations in Egypt. He tells us that he saw himself fs ( fuqar)
use hemp in various ways. Some thoroughly baked (-b-kh) the leaves, then
rubbed (d--k) them carefully by hand until they formed a paste (-j-n V), and
rolled them into pills (aqr). Others dried the leaves slightly, toasted (-m-
II) them, husked ( f-r-k)197 them by hand, and mixed them with a little husked
(maqshr) sesame and sugar, put that dry into the mouth (s-f-f VIII) and
chewed (m--gh) it for a long time.
197 1 Cf. below, p. 60, for the applicable meaning of f-r-k.
57
190
58
Less clear, in particular with respect to the use intended, is al-Maqrzs

quotation of some physician(s) prescribing that the eater of hemp (seed) or
hemp leaves must eat it together with almonds or pistachios or sugar or honey
or poppy (seeds) and drink afterwards oxymel to ward off the harm that may
be caused by it. Roasted (q-l-w) it is less harmful. Therefore it is customary
to roast it before eating it. When it is eaten unroasted, it is very harmful.
Human tempers differ with regard to (the preferable manner of) eating it.
Some cannot eat it mixed with something else. Others add to it sugar, honey,
and other sweets. Mixing hashish with honey, in particular, was considered, it
seems, as ordinary as mixing wine with water.198 Already the great unayn is
creditedunhistorically, no doubtwith the remark that it was best to have
hemp leaves ground with sugar and almonds and to swallow the mixture dry
(s-f-f ).199
Al-Badr (fols. 8a9a) gives a good number of additional details, but he
somewhat impairs his credibility by including a scatological recipe, which
was presumably a malicious invention. However, the methods described as
employed in Egypt and Syria may very well be authentic. The method he
considers as close to the one in use in Egypt consists of taking seven parts
of mature leaves of cultivated hemp (waraq ash-shahdnaj al-bustn) to one
part of leaves of uncultivated (barr) hemp, (the latter) to serve as a kind of
ferment; roasting | (-l-q) them in water until they boil over the fire; placing
them in large closed clay jars and depositing these in a humid place for about
six weeks until the leaves start to decompose (tafn); leaving them in place for
another week soaked (in water?) (maghmr); pulverizing them and blending
them thoroughly; then forming the mixture into some kind of pills (k-b-b II)
and leaving them in the shade for the air to dry them and for them to gain
potency.
The best method, according to al-Badr, is that of the Syrians. They let the
hemp leaves dry and toast (-m- II) them over the fire in a copper kettle for
about three hours. Then, when they want to form pills, they mix the mass with
honey (or date syrup, dibs).
Some Indians substitute for the uncultivated hemp some other very potent
substance.200 Or they (apparently, still the Indians) use the same combination
198 2 As in a very corrupt verse from a poem cited in al-Badr, fol. 5a, which, he says, was recited
by the preacher of Baghdd to his son, Jaml-ad-dn al-Ahwz, and he appears to have
derived it from the Khardah (above, p. 45, n. 1).
200 1 Waraq al-bizr al-hind adh-dhakar, lit. the leaves of the male Indian seed (?).
the use of hashish
191
of leaves of cultivated and uncultivated hemp (as the Egyptians); place them
in stone mortars; pulverize them finely; soak (gh-m-r) them in salted water for
seven days of fermentation; leave the mortars exposed to the sun so that the sun
will cause the humidity to evaporate (-y-r II) and the mass becomes pungent
and salty; and, when the mass is close to being dry, form pills and pellets from
it ( yukabbibnah bt).
Al-Badr may have derived the preceding information from Ibn an-Najjars
Zawjir. This is not certain but he states so expressly with respect to a method
described as producing the hashish of the Anatolians (Rm) called -f-r-y (?):201
When at the end of autumn and in the winter, one can find only dry leaves
of uncultivated hemp whose properties have weakened because of the evaporation of humidity, they add to each nine parts of leaves of cultivated hemp,
which has been kept fermenting (?) (mukhammar) for a while, one part or more
of cow dung to serve as ferment in place of the leaves of uncultivated hemp.
They say: If we put the cow dung in the mass for fermentation, it comes out
light, hot, and very potent (shaddat as-salah). If it does not contain any dung,
it comes out heavy, crude, and uneven. They then ferment it with urine and
soak it in it until it starts to decompose and worms are generated in it. If the
worms are slow in coming, they squeeze out rags202 with menstrual blood, and
if they do not find any, they take spilled blood (dam abb) and | leave it there
for a week until it swarms203 with worms. They then pulverize it for a complete blending of the parts. Then they sift the mass. Others do not sift it but
form it into pills and leave it in the shade until it dries. Al-Badr is happy to
report that this was also the method recommended by Satan to the Indian Br
Raan.204 As an additional Satanic trick, he ordered his son and his cohorts to
put their urine on all intoxicating plants without people seeing them do it so
that hashish was defiled by Satanic human urine openly and by Satanic jinn
urine secretly.
In addition to terms such as ammaa and alaqa already mentioned, quite
a few others had their place in the production of hashish and its immediate
preparation for use. --n to grind is one of them.205 There is the amusing
story of two hashish eaters, one of them thin and the other thick, and both having protuberances in front and in back. Fortified with zh and pomegranates,
201
202
203
204
205
2 Cf. above, p. 35, n. 5.

3 Apparently, khiraq. The following khrwq may be a mistake for khiraq.
1 The reading of the ms. seems to be yabqul.
2 See above, p. 44.
3 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 11b and 57a. See also below, p. 100.
59
192
the thin one leaves for the bath. There a jinn in the form of an elephant appears,
removes both of his protuberances, and affixes them to the wall. The other
ashshsh wants to rid himself of his protuberances in the same manner, but
upon leaving the bath, he ends up with four instead of his former two. At the
time the first ashshsh entered the bath, we are told, he retired to some lonely
spot and began grinding (--n) it (apparently, the hashish) upon the marble
(floor). He left aside the stubble (qashsh) and tended (the hashish) with wetting
(tahadah bi-r-rashsh).206
Commonly we hear about the killing (q-t-l) of hashish, an expression marvelously suited for the exercise of poetic ingenuity. Thus, a poet of mawly
(mawwl), Amad al-Khafff, sang:
They said: The medicine?207 I replied: The transplanted son of cannabis.
My rope he has untwisted. As long as I turn away from him, I am twisted.
How many a person killed by him has returned home dragged by force.
It is remarkable how he kills us, being himself killed.208
60
The killing of hashish is interpreted as a cruel action resented by the maltreated hashish, as in these rhymes by Al-ad-dn Al b. Aybak ad-Dimashq
(728801/1327(8)1398):
They have toasted it in the fire till they burned it.
They have killed it by chewing till they made it good.
206 4 For the wetting, cf. also above, p. 34.

207 5 The daw medicine is suggested but then rejected as the cause of the poor condition of
the person addressed. It is not the disease (daw) that is inquired about.
208 6 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 6a:
ql d-daw qult ibn al-qinnab al-mashtl
abl naqa n ann m (a)nthan maftl
kam l qatl il bayt raja matl
wa-d ajab kayf yaqtuln wa-h maqtl.
Perhaps, in the first line, mastl = masl hashish intoxicated is meant instead of mashtl
transplanted whose precise significance is not quite clear to me. In the second line, the
ms. has n wnw. Possible, n = an is to be deleted.
The meaning of untwisted and twisted here is weak and strong. I have no
information on the poet, unless he is identical with the aforementioned Khafff (above,
p. 47, n. 5), which is doubtful.
the use of hashish
193
They have broken it into pieces, enabling it to cause drunkenness to settle

in them.
It strangled them for their having strangled it.209
Thus, hashish takes its revenge. It kills the user as the user before killed it,
according to verses by Al b. Sdn al-Bashbughaw and others.210 And it
was certainly considered very witty to have hashish complaining about being
killed with reference to Qurn 81: 9/9:
Hashish imploredIts Lord and asked humbly,
Stretching out its palmsFor which sin it was killed.211
The breaking (k-s-r) of hashish appears to be another of the customary procedures, and the just mentioned removal of the stubble seems also to be meant
by f-r-k to husk, mentioned by Ibn al-Bayr212 and in this mawly poem by
a certain Al al-Qayrawn:
They said: Hashish tires your liver. Give it up!
Why do you always toast and husk it?
I replied: It contains meanings which your minds (ordinarily)
Cannot perceive, (but) were imagination to push them, it would move
them.213
ammah bi-n-nri att (a)raqh
qatalh bi--arsi att (a)namh
shaqqafh (?) tumakkinu s-sukra fhim
khanaqathum bidla m khanaqh.
For shaqqafh, the ms. seems to suggest shaffafh, and it is possible that to thin out
is the intended meaning. A combination with s-f-f is out of the question. Cf. shaqfah
kabshyah, above, p. 30.
For Ibn Aybak, whose date of death is also given as 803, cf. as-Sakhw, aw, V, 194f.
210 2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 18a, and below, p. 91.
inna l-ashsha araatli-Rabbih wa-btahalat
bsiatan akuffahbi-ayyi dhanbin qutilat.
212 4 Cf. above, p. 57.
213 1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 24b (in connection with his discussion of kirshah):
61
194
Popular forms of poetry use a verb la in connection with hashish, which

may merely refer to the eating of it. However, since to plaster is one of the
many meanings associated with this root, it may not be entirely excluded
that it means the preparation of hashish for use by an admixture of some
sort of clay as attested elsewhere (below, p. 83). One of the two available
occurrences is cited below, p. 69, n. 1. The other is to be found in the following
mawly:
Always enjoy yourself and eat hashish.
Plaster (?) it and drink of banj the full bowl.
If someone importunes you for eating your kaff dry, say:
Sir, why do you annoy me so much when I am high?214
62
The form in which hashish was usually consumed is designated by a variety

of terms, all meaning pill or pellet, such as qur, bah, and, in particular, bunduqah (originally, hazelnut).215 There are such | phrases as bandaqa bunduqah
ql l-ashshah tutib kabdak utrukh
fa-m ant dim tammih wa-tafrukh
fa-qult fh muayn (?) laysa tudrikh
uqlkum law lakazh l-wahmu arrakh.
The reading of muayn as a diminutive of man is uncertain. Since the word seems to be
used in the context as a feminine noun, a correction to man may be considered, but
there may be other explanations. The antedecent of them could be the minds but quite
possibly, and perhaps preferably, the meaning(s).
I have no information on Al al-Qayrawn.
dwim masarrtak dayman wa-l-ashshah kl
luh wa-shrab min al-bank mal l-kajkl
wa-in la lk f saffak li-kaffak ql
ay sd kam tufajjin wa-(a)n masl.
Kajkl, also kashkl, from Persian kachkl, is the beggars bowl.
215 3 Cf. above, p. 38. Bunduqah is of very frequent occurrence in al-Badr. Among the verses on
it he quotes on fol. 16a, we have, for instance, those by Badr-ad-dn Fulayfil (b. Abdallh
al-Muhtad) about whom I have no further information, if, indeed, the form of his name
is correctly given here:
Hashish, good youth,
Rises on my eyes horizon.
the use of hashish
195
to make a pill216 or kabbaba bt.217 The noun kubbah lump appears as a

pun in verses by Burhn-ad-dn al-Mimr, addressed to a neighbor who was an
addict and ate hashish even while the plague (kubbah) was raging:
I said to the man occupied with hashish:
Woe unto you! Do you not fear this grain?
People are dying of a plague that has appeared.
He replied: Let me live eating the lump.218
Flah bean is also clearly used for hashish pills slipped to an unsuspecting
young boy by someone wishing to seduce him,219 and it seems to be used
this way, perhaps as a double entendre, in connection with the stinginess
ascribed to addicts.220 Qurn (read quran ?) az-zh, with the singular qurnah
(vocalization?), may also refer to the pill form of hashish, rather than a kind of
Thus leave wine alone as an ill omen

And cast off worries with a bunduqah.
inna l-ashshata y fat
f ufqi ayn mushriqah
fa-dai -il mutaayyiran
wa-rmi l-humma bi-bunduqah.
The third line may have to be corrected to fa-dai -ila taayyuran. I doubt whether
any allusion to shooting with a crossbow (qaws bunduq) was intended as an additional
poetical finesse.
216 1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. IIb, in the story just cited (above, p. 59).
217 2 Above, p. 56.
qultu li-man bi-l-ashshi mushtaghilun
wayka a-lam takhsha hdhih l-abbah
fa-n-nsu mt bi-kubbatin aharat
fa-qla dan ashu bi-l-kubbah.
The rhyme would seem to indicate the vocalization kabbah, for the kubbah of our dictionaries. A play on the word abbah seems to be intended in verses by al-Mimr when
his children want grains (= food) from him, and he replies, referring to his destitution,
that he does not own a grain (ql nurdu ubbanwa-lastu amliku abbah) (al-Badr,
fol. 23b).
219 4 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 30b.
220 5 Cf. below, p. 79, n. 9.
196
container for it.221 The same word possibly occurs in the first verse of the long
poem of Ab l-Khayr al-Aqqd:
Substitute two pills (?) for wine
And bring down the rain cloud with less than the two bottles.222
63
However, the reading of the Paris Ms. of al-Badr: qirbatayn two skins also
makes sense, indicating that the proper beverage should no longer be wine
but water (from water skins) drunk after the consumption of hashish; the
parallelism with two bottles would favor this reading but would not make it
absolutely necessary.
The finished product looked deceptively like henna to the inexperienced
eye, as Ibn Baah tells us.223 And this is also exactly how al-Bakr, in the
Kawkib, described it: They beat the leaves until they are like a salve, then
they soak them in water until they are like henna. Hashish possessed a distinctive smell which was poetically described as exciting and stimulating224
or as superior to musk and any other perfume, as in these verses of divers attribution:
My friend asked me when there emanated from it
A smell that put to shame the smell of perfume:
Is it musk? I replied: It does not come from
Musk but from Kfr hashish.225
221 6 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 28ab, in the story of Muslim al-anaf, below, p. 144. Cf. also above, p. 40.
222 7 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 16b, above, p. 33, n. 6:
taawwa an mudmika qurnatayni
fa-danni l-muzna dna l-qullatayni.
The two bottles constitute the legal separation between purity and impurity in liquids.
If the translation of the second line is right, it would seem to mean that a much smaller
quantity of hashish is needed than that required of beneficial rain producing grapes and
wine (?).
223 1 Cf. Ibn Baah, II, 351 f., trans. Gibb, II, 467. For the way henna was prepared as a cosmetic,
cf. G.S. Colin, in EI2, s.v. inn.
224 2 Cf. al-Maqrz, II, 25, in a verse by a certain Zayn-ad-dn Ab Abdallh Muammad b. Ab
Bakr b. Abd-al-Qdir al-anaf, quoted by al-Maqrz from the fi al-Yaghmr. As in
the following example, the hashish here is Kfr hashish.
225 3 Cf. al-Maqrz, II, 25, and al-Badr, fol. 5a, as well as already an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, XI, 30,
the use of hashish
197
For the containers in which hashish was carried by the user a variety of words
were used, such as uqqah small box. There was the purse (ks) for carrying it
around, and this was most important for poets because it enabled them to play
constant minor variations | on the theme that wine required a cup (kas, ks)
whereas the ks made it so much easier to transport hashish. It could be kept
in the pockets ( jayb(ah), pl. jiyab) of ones dress, in the wide sleeve, or, quite
generally, in garments (thiyb).226 There always was the handkerchief (mandl)
to keep it in,227 and it might also be wrapped in paper.228
From all that has been said here, it is apparent that hashish was consumed in
a solid state form. It is almost always described as being eaten. In comparison
to wine, it was, for Ibn Taymyah, like faeces as compared to urine.229 Where the
use of hashish was favored over wine, a poet could wittily remark that the ritual
ablution with sand (tayammum) was obligatory for a person who was unable
to find the necessary water for it.230 When hashish was poetically described as
if it were wine and called, for instance, the wine of aydar or the wine of the
bankrupt (the fis), it does not mean that it was a liquid like wine, but the
tertium comparationis was its quality as an intoxicant. However, Ibn Taymyah
226
227
228
229
230
who, like al-Maqrz, has two additional verses. An-Nuwayrs quotation is anonymous. AlMaqrz attributes the verses to Nr-ad-dn Ab l-asan Al b. Abdallh b. Al al-Yanbu,
who appears to have lived in the first half of the thirteenth century, since al-Maqrz refers
in this context to the historian, Ibn Abd-a-hir (d. 692/1293). Although al-Badr had just
referred to al-Maqrz and might be therefore assumed to have derived these verses from
him, he nevertheless attributes them to a certain Shihb-ad-dn Amad b. al-usayn alMir as-f.
At the beginning of the second half-verse, al-Badr has a different wording (arajun
yazdar), a further indication that he probably did not quote the verses from al-Maqrz. At
the end of the first half-verse, he has me for it. But this apparently merely suggests that
the smell of hashish emanated from the poet who carried it; it does not indicate mouth
odor after the consumption of hashish or the like.
Al-Bustn al-Kfr was a park in Cairo named after Kfr al-Ikhshd and famous or
infamous for the hashish grown there, cf. further below, p. 135.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 49a, in verses by the chief naqb of the Iraq, usayn Ibn al-Aqss (d. 645/
1247) (cf. L. Massignon, Cadis et Naqibs Baghdadiens, in WZKM, LI, 19481952, 106115 =
Opera Minora, I, 264 [Beirut 1963]), cf. also below, p. 92, n. 5.
Thiyb could, however, mean pieces of cloth, corresponding to mandl.
2 Cf. al-Isird, verse 13, below, p. 164, cited by F. Rosenthal, Four Essays on Art and Literature
in Islam, 87 (Leiden 1971, The L.A. Mayer Memorial 2).
3 Cf. af-ad-dn al-ill, below, p. 173.
4 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatwi, IV, 303.
64
198
65
also states expressly that hashish may be dissolved in water and drunk.231
Legally, he considers it important to note that hashish could be consumed in
a solid state as food ( jmid, mam). Yet, he acknowledges that people also
make a distinction between its solid or dry ( jmid, ybis) form and its liquid
(mi) form.232 The process that gives hashish its potency, called toasting
(tam) and roasting (alq), may be compared | to the fermentation of wine
(ghalayn),233 still, it refers to stages in the preparation of hashish for use as a
solid paste.
In our souces, hashish is never described as having been smoked. The procedure of smoking is nowhere explicitly mentioned. The verb to drink, which in
more modern times often doubles for to smoke, is never applied to hashish in
a way that would suggest smoking.234 The smell of hashish can, of course, not
be understood to be the smell of its smoke. It has been stated that the smoking
of hashish was practiced in the east before the use of tobacco.235 If so, any concrete evidence for it seems to be still lacking, and it would seem to remain true
that the smoking of hashish was a custom that developed after the introduction of tobacco and continued side by side with the consumption of hashish
in various solid preparations. In the story from the seventeenth century related
by al-Mlaw,236 the eating of hashish and the drinking of tobacco were done
simultaneously by two men. The point of the story requires smoking, but the
231 6 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Siysah, and adh-Dhahab, Kabir.

232 7 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Siysah, and adh-Dhahab, Kabir. In Fatw, II, 304, while Ibn Taymyah
speaks expressly of the dry and liquid forms of hashish, it is not quite clear whether he
might not have thought rather of intoxicants in general.
I do not know precisely what kind of drink was sold by the erbetciyan-i beng-i bde,
mentioned by Ewliy eleb in the seventeenth century. Sellers of henbane drink, as
translated by G. Baer, may be somewhat too narrow, but anyway it appears to have been a
liquid containing the one or other narcotic, cf. Baer, Egyptian Guilds in Modern Times, 36,
174 (Jerusalem 1964, Oriental Notes and Studies 8).
233 1 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 191.
234 2 This no doubt also applies to the verses in al-Aqfahs which refer to the drinking of
hashish without any allusion to wine, cf. above, p. 12.
235 3 Cf. M. Meyerhof, in EI, Supplement, 85a, s.v. ashsh. I wonder whether the negation not
might not have been omitted by accident from Meyerhofs article. B. Laufer, Tobacco and
its Use in Asia, 27 (Chicago 1924, Field Museum of Natural History, Anthropology Leaflet
18), knew of no evidence for the theory that the intricate water pipe pre-existed in Persia
(for smoking hashish) because it made its appearance so soon after the introduction of
tobacco. Cf. also B. Laufer, W.D. Hambly, and R. Linton, Tobacco and its Use in Africa, 13
(Chicago 1930, Leaflet 29), for the eating of hemp by sixteenth-century Kafirs.
236 4 Cf. below, p. 129.
the use of hashish
199
hashish is eaten, and its consumption is distinguished from the smoking that
was going on at the same time.
The eating of hashish could be accompanied by eating particular foods.
Sweets and fruits were especially favored.237 Pomegranates seem to have had
some specific function in the ritual of hashish consumption.238 The combination of wine and hashish was quite often attempted, although it must have been
a luxury not accessible to the ordinary addict of the lower classes who chose
hashish because it was cheap.239 A respectable scholar found nothing wrong in
using both wine and hashish on the same occasion.240 The combination was |
praised as engendering at the same time the laziness of hashish and the energy
of wine.241 Similarly, Ibrhm al-Mimr (d. 749/1348),242 called in this connection master of the craft (shaykh a-inah) (not of architecture, with which he
does not seem to have had anything to do, but of poetry), might wonder about
the extraordinary effect of wine plus hashish:
He mixed hashish with wine
And died of intoxication and became confused.
He became quarrelsome on the spot,
And I asked: What is this unexpected occurrence?
When he was sober (again), he answered me, saying:
Be kind to your brother when he mixes.243
237
238
239
240
241
242

6 Cf. al-Badr, fols, 11b12a and 15b16a, cf. above, p. 59, and below, pp. 77 and 95.
8 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 14ab, below, p. 146.
1 Cf. Saf-ad-dn al-Hill, below, p. 174.
2 Cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 3. Al-Badr very frequently quotes al-Mimr or Burhn-ad-dn alMimr. Whether or not he is identical with Ibrhm al-Mimr could be decided, perhaps,
on the basis of Ibrhms preserved Dwn. O. Rescher, in describing the Istanbul Ms. Fatih
3793, calls him Jaml-ad-dn. The epithet master of the craft is also applied to Ab Nuws
(cf. al-Badr, fol. 119a).
243 3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 45b:
khalaa l-ashshata bi-n-nabdhi fa-mta sukran fa-khtala
wa-ghad yuarbidu f l-makni fa-qultu m hdh l-fala
fa-ajban idh a
smi akhka idh khala.
66
200
67
However, the combination was considered as particularly sinful and therefore is often described as being characteristic of the revels of homosexuals.244
It may be a contest between the boy who prefers wine, and his lover who
prefers hashish and finally succeeds in persuading the boy to try hashish. Usually, though, bad boys try to attract men by tempting them with the combined
use of wine and hashish as the resulting stronger intoxication would help to
overcome any moral scruples.
The locale of hashish use was no doubt often dingy, and the act furtive,
whether it was done in company or by oneself.245 Pro-hashish sentiment loves
to conjure up an idyllic setting at murmuring brooks or in gardens where greyish pigeons coo.246 But after all, one of the supposed advantages of hashish was
that it could be taken anywhere, in the open streets247 and even in mosques.
Scurrilous stories happening when one of the worshipers in the mosque was
under the | influence of hashish can be suspected to reflect the not uncommon
reality of the presence in the mosque of men in a state of hashish intoxication,
which as a rule might not have been noticeable to the inexperienced, and therefore it did not cause any real offence when a hashish eater mingled among the
crowd assembled in prayer.248
The public bath appears to have been a particularly convenient place for
taking hashish.249 In fact, the public bath, one of the most enduring material
legacies of Graeco-Roman Antiquity, offered both privacy and companionship
within its ample facilities. It was nothing unusual for those who had the time
to spend the better part of the day in it. Going there in the morning, a person
might still be found there in the evening.250 It was a place of relaxation where
members of many different social strata could meet and enjoy a certain freedom from their daily chores and worriessomething to which hashish was
believed by many to be able to make a further contribution. The description
of things that allegedly happened to hashish eaters in public baths furnishes
lively vignettes of this aspect of life in medieval Islam. At times, it reads like the
scenario for a burlesque play, and it may, in fact, have served this very purpose.
Thus we hear of an addict who in the company of his friends entered a bath
244
245
246
247
248
249
250
4 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 45a46a, and below, p. 158 (n. 5).

5 Cf. below, pp. 137ff.
6 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 5b: bayna r-riyi wa-naghmati l-warqi.
7 Cf. af-ad-dn al-ill, below, p. 173.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 11b, 14b15a, and 49b, cf. below, pp. 80 and 143.
2 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 11a12a, 15a16a, 29a30a, 32a, and 33b, above, p. 59, and below, p. 134.
3 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 15b16a, in the story of Amad b. Barakah, below, p. 95.
the use of hashish
201
and killed and used hashish in front of them. His friends apparently were
non-users. Upon leaving they met a handsome boy about to go into the bath.
The hashish eater turned around and, claiming that he was following the
dictates of hashish which he was unable to control,251 re-entered the bath
and seated himself opposite the boy. His sexual excitement made itself felt
and started a chain reaction of mischief. One after the other in succession,
the head bath attendant (balln), a customer, the watchman (ris),252 and,
finally, the bath owner (ammm) with his cash box (undq), all came to grief.
The wild disturbance that ensued caused considerable amusement among
those observing what was going on.253 The role of hashish in this farce is
rather limited and could very well have been dispensed | with entirely, but it
occupies the center of the stage in another most vivid and entertaining story.
A certain al-Jaysh al-akw (?) took hashish and went to the al-Fil Bath at
Bb Zuwaylah. Sitting in the bath under the influence of the drug, he was told
by someone that he should come out and listen to al-Mzn at the wedding
of ash-Sharb (?).254 Wearing only a bath towel ( fah),255 he left and walked
along. When he reached al-Khurunfish,256 he overheard someone telling his
friend that he should accompany him to the al-Baysar Bath.257 He followed
251 4 Cf. also below, p. 75, n. 3.

252 5 Some minor functionary, possibly in charge of guarding the bathers belongings and
similar tasks, cf. the following story and A. Louis, in EI2, III, 145a, s.v. ammm. For the
cash box, cf. Arabian Nights, IV, 482, trans. Littmann, VI, 168. [For the medieval bath, cf.
now H. Grotzfeld (Wiesbaden 1970).]
253 6 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 32ab.
254 1 I would guess that al-Mzn was a singer performing here at a (wedding) procession
(zaffat ash-Sharb).
255 2 According to EI2, loc. cit., fah, in modern Tunis, is the loin-cloth, which, as shown here,
accurately describes its use. It was furnished by the bath.
A story of the Hoja Nasreddin leaving the bath naked under the influence of hashish is
one of the few Near Eastern items included in G. Andrews and S. Vinkenoog, The Book of
Grass (New York 1967).
256 3 This is no doubt the nearby street and quarter mentioned by W. Popper, Egypt and Syria
under the Circassian Sultans, 31 and map 9 (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1955, University
of California Publications in Semitic Philology 15). Al-Maqrz refers to the al-Khurunfish
Arcade (qabw al-Kh.) in Khia, I, 458, stating that it was formerly known as Bb at-Tabbn.
Elsewhere, the printed text of al-Maqrz (II, 27 f., 49, 54, 69, 96, 109, 197) has the form
al-Khrshtf, once also al-Khrnshf. It may be The Arcade mentioned by as-Sakhw, aw,
I, 163, as the haunt of juayds.
257 4 Cf. al-Maqrz, Khia, II, 69. Baysar, without the definite article, is the usual form of
the name of the amr, but al-Baysar is found, for instance, in adh-Dhahab, Ibar, V, 387
68
202
those people in, continued his bathing as if he had never interrupted it, had his
head shaved, and then went to the locker room (maslakh) to look for his clothes.
When he could not find them there (as they were still in the other bath), he
looked for them all over the place. He asked the watchman what might have
happened to them, but then, the bath attendant (balln) noticed the markings
(alm) of the al-Fil Bath on the towel and wondered about it. People started
shouting, Bravo, hashish!, and they all moved in procession to the al-Fil
Bath with al-Jaysh naked, dancing with lascivious gestures (tamakhlaa), and
singing:
By God, bravo hashish! It258 stirs deep meanings.
Don't pay attention to those who blame it.
Refrain from the daughter of the vines
And do not be stingy with it.
Eat it dry always and live! By God, bravo, hashish!
It is above pure wine.
When noble men use it,259
Eat it and agree, young man.
Eating it revives the dead. By God, bravo, hashish!
It gives the stupid, inexperienced, dull person
The cleverness of the straightforward sage.
I don't think I can escape from it.
260
By God, bravo, hashish!261
69
258
259
260
261
(Kuwait 19601966), anno 698/1299, the year of Baysars death. Neither bath is mentioned
in al-Maqrzs discussion of public baths in Cairo. Al-Fil may be the Q al-Fil
al-Baysn who left a considerable mark on Cairine topography.
5 It could hardly be the second person, addressing hashish, as hashish is used here as a
grammatical feminine.
1 On la, see above, p. 61.
2 My load is a feather (?), but rsh has many possible meanings. If the reading is
al-ghazzl spinner of cloth, it may refer to the fact that he is naked, his load of clothing
being light as a feather (?).
3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 15ab:
wallhi ayyib y ashshghawmia-l-man tujsh
da qawla man fih yalm
wa-usmu (?) an bint al-kurm
wa-l takun anh lam
wa-staffih dim wa-ishwallhi ayyib y ashsh
tasm al afw al-mudm
the use of hashish
203
The places where hashish could be eaten were many, and so were no doubt
the ways in which users tried to obtain the desired results. For some, it was a
sort of religious ritual, making the place where it was consumed equivalent to
a mosque. The f poet al-Yanbu said of his enjoyment, in pleasant company,
of hashish that my salon is a mosque, and my drink is the green one, meaning
apparently not that he was eating his hashish in a mosque but that he felt
that the sacred act of eating hashish turned his living room into a place of
worship.262
A highly idealized description of an elaborate hashish eating ritual is presented to us in al-Badr (fol. 2ab) as a fictitious exhortation of an equally fictitious Shaykh Qalandar: You must know that it behooves the intelligent,
educated, virtuous, and sophisticated | individual, who wishes to use this drug
which has the advantage over wine of being lawful, to cleanse his body of impurity and his garments of stains and to adorn himself with the acquisition of the
virtues and to discard the commission of the vices. He must ask for it someone
who knows its secret and disapproves of keeping it concealed (?),263 and eat it
in his place and not partake of it in the company of non-users. He must hold it
in his right, not in his left, and say:
In the name of God, the Lord of the last world and the first, who brought
forth the pasturage (Qurn 87: 4/4), created and then formed (87: 2/2), provided and gave, destined and guided (87: 3/3), and taught the secret and disclosed (it). May God pray for Muammad, the prophet of right guidance, and
his companions, the leaders in piety! (I know) that You have deposited wisdom in Your creatures and created usefulness in the things You have made. You
waqtan yalh l-kirm

kulh wa-wfiq y ghulm
fa-l-mayt idh (a)kalh yashwallhi ayyib y ashsh
tu l-ghab l-ghirra l-bald
nabhata-l-abri s-sadd
m (a)unnu l anh mad
-m-l-y m-n -l-gh-z--l rshwallhi ayyib y ashsh.
Wa-usmu (ms. w--s-m) seems doubtful. An eighth conjugation of s-m-m or sh-m-m yields
no suitable sense here. A correction to wa-shtamir appears excluded by the meter. For
wa-staffih, the ms. shows different diacritical dots. Ghulm lacks the dot over the gh, but
allm expert is unlikely and does not fit the meter. For al-ghzl, the dots in the ms. admit
also the reading al-qrl.
262 4 Cf. al-Maqrz, above, p. 63, n. 3, and also below, p. 148.
263 1 The text is doubtful, possibly wa-yunkir (ms. wa-yskr?) sutratah??
70
204
71
have shown their specific properties to those with whom You are pleased, and
revealed their secrets to those whom You have chosen. You have managed
this plant with Your wisdom, brought it forth with Your power, and made it a
nourishment for many of Your creatures by Your decision, volition, power, and
will. Thus I am asking You by Your generosity that encompasses264 the elite and
the common people, to let me succeed in using it in obedience to You and with
avoidance of any disobedience to You, that You remove from me the desires
with their hindrances, the doubts with their consequences, and the troubles
with their disturbances, that You let me see the existent things as they really
are, and that You provide me with its benefits and ward off from me its harmful
results, You who has the power over everything and sees every situation!
He then puts it into his mouth, grinds (s--q) it very strongly (with his teeth),
drinks (something to go) with it,265 moves his jaws, and sends it down into
his guts. Then he praises God for His kindness. He cleanses his mouth of its
remnants, washes his face, and raises his voice in song (nagham) for the Creator
of beauty, for (beauty) provokes hashish intoxication (salah) and rest. He rubs
antimony on his teeth so that coarser souls (al-akhshn) will not | notice what
the matter is with him, and he braids the hair of his beard. Cheerfulness(?)
does not leave his mind, and he is restful (?)266 in the way he walks and in his
commands and prohibitions. He uses the most delicate food and the noblest
of sweet speech. He gazes at beautiful faces and sits in the most pleasant267
of places. He stays near where water is murmuring, and keeps company with
experienced friends. He turns to reflecting about cause and the thing caused,
about doer and the thing done, about event and result, about speaker and the
thing spoken, and about agent in sweetness (?) and the thing caused by action.
In this condition, (enough) of the eternal knowledge of God and His universal
grace emanates upon him to let him perceive the views and their meanings
and to show him the things with their contents. He notices the hearts with
264 2 The ms. seems to have al-mm li-l-kh wa-l-mm, but possibly at-tmm Your perfect
generosity for is meant.
265 3 This would seem to be the intended meaning, provided the reading of the ms. (wa-yashrab
alayh) is correct.
266 1 The word, seemingly ending in -f may possibly be qaf (wa-l yazl [ yuzawwil?] al-qaf
min [read an?] dhihnih). This is followed by wa-yataranna and he is unsteady, which
to my mind would make sense only if the earlier negation were also to apply to it. Perhaps
we should read yatarayya and translate as suggested above.
267 2 Anzah is to be understood in this sense, and does not mean most isolated (or the like),
connecting it with munazzah. Cf. also the passage from al-Ukbars Sawni, below, p. 78,
n. 3.
the use of hashish
205
the eyes and controls the eyes with the hearts. He separates from his idea of
humanity and joins his idea of divinity. The name by which the poor are known
(nisbat al-fuqar) becomes lawful for him in reality, and he reaches the degree
of divine success (tawfq).
The Shaykh Qalandar concludes with a warning against the improper use
of hashish and against divulging its benefits to the common people, instead
of sharing it with fellow fs. Remote from reality as it is, the ritual is a good
reflection of the dream world constructed by faithful cultists. Even in this
dream world, dissimulation was considered necessary in order to throw the
uninitiated off the users scent, and even in the company recommended as
proper, the user is depicted as withdrawing into himself and into his supposed
lonely communion with the divine.268
The Reported Effects of Hashish
It is to be expected that Muslim authors cannot shed very much light on the
origin of hashish use. Perhaps, we should also not be greatly disappointed if
we have little concrete data about the technical side of hashish preparation.
We might think, however, that our | sources would be able to give us a good
deal of solid information on the effects of the drug. We do indeed hear rather
much about the manifold ways in which hashish affects the user, but truth
and fiction are hard to disentangle. We have no first-hand report of bonafide
hashish eaters setting down their experiences in writing with clinical detachment. Many reports give the impression that their narrators might possibly
have been addicts themselves. It is even possible that some of the authorities
who denounce the use of drugs in the strongest terms were secret addicts or at
least had some actual drug experience that informed their judgment. It is, however, much more likely that they relied upon second-hand knowledge. They
may have derived their information from the actual observation of users and
from what those men told them. Often, they seem to have based themselves
upon a kind of generalities compounded by fact, rumor, and fantasy in about
equal proportions. The jurists were principally concerned with two aspects, the
temporary effect of intoxication and the alleged mind-changing aspects of drug
use, considered as more or less permanent. Any other detail found attention by
them only if it was giving support to their general outlook on the use of drugs;
fact and experience were of minor interest to them. The poets, whether they
268 3 Cf. also below, pp. 139f.
72
206
73
were praising or attacking the use of hashish, were not necessarily informed
by experience, as their first loyalty clearly was to literary convention.269 Storytellers naturally chose and exaggerated the elements they thought of as most
interesting to their audience. Moreover, they also depended a good deal on conventional motifs which they transformed to apply to hashish. It often makes
no real difference whether the effects sustaining a given anecdote were those
of hashish, or wine, or personal eccentricity, or any similar agent. We merely
learn what was believed to be likely effects of hashish.
Brief but highly interesting remarks on the difficulty encountered in the past
in any attempt to obtain real knowledge about a drugs effects can be found
at the beginning of Ibn ajar al-Haytams treatise against the use of qt:270
Information from experience requires a long time to accumulate. Information
gathered from users is unreliable and indecisive. There are, for instance, contradicting statements from users with regard to the simple question of whether |
the use of qt is harmful or not. Traditional information seems to be the best
guide as to how to handle the problem. From our point of view, we would
heartily disagreeat least, in principlewith Ibn ajar al-Haytamis attitude.
However, for a Muslim scholar, especially one writing in the waning centuries
of medieval Islam, it was only natural to distrust empiricism and to rely upon
authority and tradition.
There was no real possibility of any sort of controlled experimentation,
even if the idea of using this thoroughly modern technique had ever occurred
to medieval scholars.271 In times past, it would have been completely out of
the question to attempt to measure the relationship between amount and
effectiveness of drugs such as hashish. It was realized that hallucinogenic drugs
could be used in larger or smaller doses and thereby exercised more or less
intensive effects. Some extraordinary feat of consumption might occasionally
be mentioned. Thus it could be stated that someone was able to consume
thirty dirhams weight of nutmeg ( jawzat a-b), or someone else was described
269 1 Cf. below, p. 151, n. 1. Hashish poetry imitated all the topics of wine poetry, including such
things as poems in which the poet asks for hashish, cf. al-Badr, fols. 18b19a, who also
includes a prose letter on the subject.
270 2 See above, p. 11.
271 1 As an example of what was possible in medieval times in this respect, we may refer to
the unhappy story of the scholars at the Nimyah who wanted to improve their mental
faculties by the use of bald(h)ur (anacardia) and asked a physician how to take it and how
large a dose a human being could stand, cf. Ibn Khallikn, Wafayt, VI, 91 (Cairo 1948), in
the biography of Ibn Shaddd. Among physicians and in medical literature, the general
problem of proper dosage was, of course, realized and much discussed.
the use of hashish
207
as using a daily dose of one ounce (Egyptian) of k-n/tbbat.272 But hashish

in its various forms and, in particular, when it was taken mixed with other
ingredients, could have had any degree of potency. It would have served no
valid purpose for a medieval author to indicate quantities normally consumed
by addicts.
The effects of cannabis were also described in medical terms273 according
to the rules of humoral pathology. They were assumed to be due to the actions
of natural heat and the reduction of bodily humidity, leading to hot diseases
and fevers. But obviously, there was no agreement whether hemp was hot and
dry, or cold and dry, | and to what degree.274 If we can trust az-Zarkash, the
great Rz gave this description of the effects of eating cultivated hemp leaves,
in an unnamed work of his: It causes headache,275 cuts off and dries up the
semen, and generates pensiveness ( fikrah).276 The reason is that the humidity
of bodies being in equilibrium goes hand in hand with the preservation of
272 2 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 39a and 47a, see also above, p. 31. The dose indicated corresponds to
twelve dirhams or 37.5 grams, somewhat more than an ounce, according to W. Hinz,
Islamische Masse und Gewichte, 35 (Leiden 1955, Handbuch der Orientalistik, ed. B. Spuler,
Ergnzungsband 1). The standard weight of the dirham was 3.125 grams.
273 3 Cf. above, p. 41, and below, pp. 114 f. Cf. also the Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission 18931894, 174 f., 197 f. (reprinted Silver Spring, Maryland, 1969).
274 1 Cf. Ibn Jazlah, as quoted by al-Maqrz. Since the Yale Ms. L-740 (Catalogue Nemoy,
No. 1509), stated to contain Ibn Jazlahs Minhj, contains nothing on hemp proper, I have
so far been unable to check Silvestre de Sacys references to the work and al-Maqrzs
quotations from it.
275 2 Cf. Galen, De alimentorum facultatibus, I, 34 (= VI, 550 Khn): kephalalgs. According to
Ibn al-Bayr, this was mentioned by Isq b. Imrn and by ar-Rz, in his Daf marr
al-aghdhiyah. In the Daf, ar-Rz further refers to dimming of the eye, cf. the Yale Ms.
L-473 (Catalogue Nemoy, No. 1519), fol. 31b.
The medical authorities quoted by Ibn al-Bayr hold views quite similar to those cited
here in the name of ar-Rz. As they can be easily consulted in the translations of Ibn
al-Bayr, no further attention has been paid to them here (but see below, p. 114, n. 7).
Al-Badr, fols. 5b ff., quotes many ancient and Islamic medical authorities, beyond the
references in al-Maqrz, but when they resist identification in the sources or cannot be
traced to the earlier literature, the attributions must be treated with some suspicion.
Ar-Rz himself, in the section on simples in the w, XXI, i, 124, refers to shahdnaj
as a medicament for the ear. When consumed in too large quantities, it causes headache
and impotence (q-- al-bh). Its leaves are good against dandruff (azz) of the head and
the beard. It is not certain whether all this is meant to go back to Ibn Msawayh, who is
cited for classifying hemp as hot in the second degree (whereas al-Badr, fol. 6a, says that
Ibn Msawayh classifies it as hot in the first degree).
276 3 The term here is no doubt meant to have a negative connotation in the direction of
74
208
75
living beings. Thus, whatever dries up the bodys humidity is harmful and helps
to ruin it. It (apparently, the hemp leaves) generates sudden death, mental
confusion, hectic fever, consumption, dropsy, and effeminacy.277 The mixture
of medicine and popular beliefs is quite characteristic of the views ascribed
to physicians. Experience and experiment would seem to have played a small
role in it, even in respect to the information inherited from Graeco-Roman
Antiquity. A dubious anecdote knows of evidence for the curative power of
hemp leaves in cases of epilepsy (ar).278
The principal purpose in using hemp for pleasure was what in present-day
language is described as getting high. Arabic has a special term for hashish
intoxication in the root s--l (also --l), listed in the dictionaries, often with
the express addition that the meaning intoxicate refers to hashish intoxication.279 Masl, masl high on hashish and the verbal nouns insil (and
istil) are common in al-Badr, in al-Bakr (according to Silvestre de Sacy), and
elsewhere. Musail(ah) is the intoxicating action of hashish as mentioned in
al-Badr and Qam. A note in al-Badr, fol. 47a, explains that the root means feeling the effects of hashish, and this in connection with a verse in which the
portmanteau salnaj is coined to provide a rhyme word for shahdnaj. The
noun salah (the vowel of the first syllable is, it seems, not assured by express
attestation) is common; in a verse by Ibn Sayyid-an-ns (671734/12731334),
it appears next to sukr among the six alleged bad qualities of fs, obviously
making a distinction between intoxication from wine (sukr) and intoxication
from hashish (salah).280 With no further qualification, masl signifies being
high on hashish, for instance, in a verse by Ibn al-Ward, which is followed by
another verse saying that qunbus does with me whatever it wants.281 Mal
277
278
279
280
281
worrisome thought. Elsewhere in connection with the effects of hashish, it is something

positive.
4 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 178.
5 Al-Badr, fol. 7b, claims that this effect of the drug is mentioned by ar-Rz in the Manr,
in the chapter on ar. This remains to be checked. The anecdote (see also below, p. 152,
n. 2) is subsequently reported in the first person, giving the impression that it is also
derived from the Manr. However, it deals with a situation from the first half of the
thirteenth century.
1 The peculiarity of the meaning once again justifies our asking ourselves what its origin
might have been. No answer is as yet readily available. It would be intriguing to note that
tenth-century Syriac lexicography knows of sl as an Indian drug, were it not for the fact
that Arabic medical literature speaks of shl, cf. ar-Rz, w, XXI, i, 126.
2 Quoted by al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 348; al-Maqrz, II, 414.
3 Cf. Ibn al-Ward, Dwn, 283 (Constantinople 1300), quoted anonymously by al-Badr,
fol. 32ab. For Ibn al-Wards occupation with hashish, cf., further, below, p. 151, n. 1.
the use of hashish
209
is listed separately from s--l with the meaning of fool in H. Wehrs Arabisches Wrterbuch. A modern Turkish-English dictionary has the entry mastor
(mastur) a drunkard (with hashish), drowsy-headed man. Disciples of a f,
Imd-ad-dn Amad b. Ibrhm al-Maqdis a-li, are described as akalah
saalah baalah, which supposedly means eaters, hashish eaters (?), and goodfor-nothings. However, the form saalah in this meaning seems to be most
dubious and unusual, and may not be correct.282 While the proper word for |
hashish intoxication existed and was widely known and used, a more precise
and detailed definition of what the hashish high was and how it manifested
itself was, regrettably, not given in connection with the root and must be gathered from dispersed indications in the literature.
The effects of hashish are classified as physical, mental, and religious, with
the former two as a rule not sharply distinguished from each other. The antihashish forces were understandably very expansive in cataloguing the manifold ways in which the drug was believed to cause havoc among users. Occasionally they came up with summary condemnations in the form of aphorisms
such as: There are as many harmful qualities in hashish as there are beneficial
qualities in the toothbrush (siwk).283 Or, The only use of hashish is for drying out sores of horses (n-sh-f aqr ad-dbbah).284 But as a rule, they indicate a
variety of details, even if their lists are built around a number of basic data.
The addicts themselves, or rather, those who speak for them and in favor
of their habit, are long on emotional lyricism but quite short on concrete
facts. For them, hashish is a thing of true beauty. It gives them irrepressible
282 4 Cf. adh-Dhahab, Ibar, V, 357. Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart, V, 403, in quoting adh-Dhahab,
omits the crucial word, probably because he did not understand it or considered it
a mere repetition by the scribe of baalah. Cf., however, A. von Kremer, Beitrge, in
Sitzungsberichte, Akad. d. Wiss, Wien, phil.-hist. Cl., CIII (1883), 253, where s--l is listed in
the meaning of beggar pretending to be blind.
283 1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 55b, quoting az-Zarkash (not, apparently, the Zahr); Qam, fol. 276b. On
the authority of al-Anaf b. Qays, it was known even popularly that the siwk possessed
seventy-two good qualities, cf. Arabian Nights, I, 433 (= trans. Littmann, I, 607).
284 2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 55b. Until the source of the statement is discovered somewhere in the
hippiatric literature, it can hardly be determined precisely which disease may be meant
by -q-r. It could be saddle sores or sores in various parts of the horse, but we also find,
for instance, a chapter heading f l-aqr al-ri f l-aynayn in the collection translated
into Arabic under the name of Theomnestus and preserved in the Istanbul Ms. Kprl I,
959, fol. 26a. This corresponds to Greek peri diakops ophthalmn, presumably, rupture
(of blood vessels?) in the eyes, cf. Corpus Hippiatricorum Graecorum, ed. E. Oder and
C. Hoppe, I, 74 (Leipzig 19241927). Incidentally, in the same context we hear about the
juice of banj (fol. 26b), translating hyoskyamou chylos (CHG, I, 75, 1. 27).
76
210
77
joy and repose and provides them with relief from worries and anxiety. It
reveals to them secrets and opens up to them new meanings. It increases
their understanding and enlarges their imaginative perceptions. It makes them
witty and entertaining company: By its sublety, it clothes the dull person with
frivolous wit so that he becomes smart and a good companion, in contrast
to wine which is nasty in its effects and causes fear of being unexpectedly
caught by the authorities.285 It is indeed con|stantly stressed that wine causes
quarrelsomeness, and hashish a kind of languid placidity. It is noteworthy
(although the sources themselves rarely comment upon the fact)286 that no
truly violent actions directed against other persons under the influence of
hashish are mentioned in any of our stories. The pro-hashish faction has much
to say along the general lines indicated here, but it never really comes to grips
with the points raised by the attackers. There was no real dialogue, and none
was possible, since either side was as a rule committed to its own position and
the arguments for it.
An outward effect of hashish on the user was changes in his coloring and
complexion. His skin took on a greyish-green complexion, and he looked
pale.287 The most immediate telltale sign of hashish use is the reddening of
the eyes.288 It is an indication that hashish has started to exercise its effect. The
phrase qadaat f ayn- it has hit the eye is commonly used in al-Badr, who
also once (fol. 31a) uses the verb alaat went up to the eye The reddening of the eyes was another boon for poets, as it enabled them to play around
with the concept of emerald (green) hashish turning into a red carnelian (aqq)
285 3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 5b (see above, p. 45, n. 5):

taks l-balda khalatan min lufih
fa-yaru(a) dh kaysin wa-usni ikhi
idda sh-sharbi fa-innah dh shunatin
wa-yukhfu fh (!) kabsatu n-nuqabi.
For the topic of danger from the authorities, cf., for instance, below, p. 164, and for the
quarrelsomeness caused by wine, cf. below, p. 110, etc.
286 1 Cf. al-Qarf, below, p. 110.
287 2 Cf. al-Isird, verse 30, below, p. 165.
288 3 Cf. also, in particular, below, p. 128. In addition to the numerous references from al-Badr,
cf. also Ibn Abd-a-hir, as cited by al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 129, and Ibn ijjah, Thamart,
I, 363 (Blq 12861287, in the margin of ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart). Wine is
constantly described as making the cheeks red, but Ab Nuws once also adds the eye,
cf. his Dwn, 180 (Beirut 1382/1962): ajdathu umratah f l-ayni wa-l-khaddi.
the use of hashish
211
in the eyes.289 The same precious stones, incidentally, also served to picture
the contrast between green hashish and red wine. With a little greater effort at
originality, it was possible for a man like Ibn al-Kharr (ca. 777840/1375(6)1436)290 to rhyme:
We have a companion carrying in his hand half a pill
Resembling a pomegranate tree shining green.
We bore with him for a while after he swallowed it.
Then we noticed in his eye its blossom.291
The color changes provoked by the use of hashish also gave rise to a hostile ditty
by the elegant youth, Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn (660688/12621289), quoted
occasionally in slightly different forms:
Hashish holds no advantage for its eater.
But he is not turned in the right direction.
Yellow in his face, green in his mouth,
Red in his eye, black in his liver.292
It was noted that hashish stimulated the appetite. An idealized picture of the
situation in this respect was painted by al-Ukbar in the Sawni, as quoted,
with disapproval, by al-Badr (fol. 24b): Only intelligent and well-to-do293 peo-
289 4 Cf., for instance, al-Badr, fols. 17a, 18b, 19a.

290 5 For Zayn-ad-dn Abd-ar-Ramn b. Muammad b. Salmn b. al-Kharr, the head ktib
al-insh in Egypt, cf. as-Sakhw, aw, IV, 130 f.
lan ibun f kaffih nifu batin
akat shajara r-rummni la khirruh
abarn alayhi satan bada balih
fa-bna lan f aynih jullanruh.
An-Nuwayr, Nihyah, XI, 101, describes pomegranate blossoms as white, red, or rosecolored. They are usually orange red.
292 1 Cf. Ibn al-Aff, Dwn, 29 (Beirut 1885); Ibn Kathr, XIII, 315; Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII,
381; al-Badr, fol. 7b. In the margin of the Princeton Ms. of al-Aqfahs, fol. 21a, the verse
reads: green in his hand, yellow (pale) in his stomach ( jawfih). The Gotha Ms. (above,
p. 18) makes the yellow face and the red eye exchange places, not unreasonably since the
reddening of the eye is an early sign.
293 2 Min al-akys wa-dhaw al-akys, playing on the double meaning of the root.
78
212
79
ple use hashish. When taking it, a person should consume only the lightest
of foods and the noblest of sweets. He should sit in the most pleasant of
places294 and bring around the most distinguished (?) of friends.295 In the end,
he will talk about something that was and something that was not.296 Then
he will go on (?) and be concerned with thinking about297 sweets and food
and assume that all this is reality whereas in fact, he is asleep. The reality, alBadr notes, was not always as pleasant, and the stories he tells prove it. We
hear about individuals always eating hashish alternately with chicken298 or
lamb(?).299 A user, picked up by Zayn-ad-dn Ibn al-Kharr and his friends
in Damascus, eats large | quantities of apricots and then a very substantial
meal.300 When Al b. Sdn al-Bashbughaw ate inadvertently a quantity of
k-n/tbbat, he got very hungry, described a full-course meal in verse, and was
served it.301
In particular, it is sweets and fruits and the like that addicts crave.302 Those
high on hashish (al-masl) pounce upon sweets as greedily as does a lover
upon the mouth of the beloved he wishes to kiss, according to a verse by
Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn.303 The messengers of the isbah office in Cairo (rusul
bayt al-isbah) who went to the bank of the Nile, sat there eating hashish
and dates, and finally entered into a lying contest for the last remaining date
(thus bringing down upon them the double condemnation of Qurn 5: 42/46:
hearing lies, eating what is prohibited [sut]), satisfied their hashish-induced
craving for sweet fruit.304 A scurrilous tale of two users who went down to a
sugar cane press (mairat al-qaab) in Damiette and sat opposite each other,
chewing sugar cane and spitting it out with such abandon that finally they
294 3 Cf. above, p. 71, n. 2.

295 4 Wa-yastajlib al (?) al-ikhwn (?).
296 5 Yataaddath bi-shay kn wa-bi-shay l (!) kn, a phrase repeated by al-Badr, fol. 57a, and
apparently referring to the hashish eaters spinning of tales while being high.
297 6 Thumma yasrud wa-yahdus f dhikr. However, the root s-r-d seems to have some particular
meaning in the hashish ritual.
299 8 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 21b (kharf ).
300 1 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 21b22a.
301 2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 22ab, see above, p. 31.
302 3 This gave al-Badr an excuse for a long excursus (see above, p. 14). Cf. also, for instance,
above, p. 65.
303 4 Dwn, 72 (Beirut 1885); a-afad, Wf, ed. S. Dedering, III, 132 (Damascus 1953, Bibliotheca
Islamica 6c).
the use of hashish
213
could no longer see each other because of the mountain of sugar cane refuse
between them also illustrates the sweet tooth stimulated by hashish.305 The
gluttony and uncontrollable desire for sweets and fruits could be expensive and
contribute to reducing a user to penuriousness.306 The stinginess attributed
to addicts307 was also thought to have its roots in their craving for expensive
food. Both hunger and stinginess are combined in verses composed by al-Badr
himself:
Once I visited my friends under the influence of zh
In the morning, and hunger made itself felt in the evening.
One gave me a bean, generously.
And another some dessert, meanly.308
An anecdote told about an originally well-to-do Egyptian addict, no doubt a figment of the imagination of the narrator, combines the supposed characteristics
of stinginess, fondness for sweets, and self-illusion: In a hashish dream, he saw
and heard a voice telling him that his end was near and that he should give some
of his money to his friends among the hashish eaters. He swooned, was carried
home, and when he woke up, ordered the sweetmeats bakers to prepare a lot of
sweets. He had them carried to al-Junaynah309 and had them distributed there
among his friends, reality becoming like a dream. Then he took hashish again.
Now he saw a castle built entirely of various kinds of sweets and other delicacies. He was told by the same voice that such a castle was the reward for one
who regaled his friends as he had done. But then he woke up and found that
305
306
307
308

7 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 22b, and below, p. 158.
9 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 24ab:
abbatu f z-zhi yawman
khulln wa-l-ju mass
bi-flatin jda l dh
wa-dh bi-nuqlin wa-khassa.
The ms. has khln, perhaps to be corrected to khullnan, but my friends seems preferable.
Since flah bean may mean a hashish pellet (cf. above, p. 62), the intended meaning
could be that the stingy friends provided the author just with some more hashish and
fruit, the latter in small quantity. It would seem, however, that beans are literally meant as
a cheap and unattractive kind of food.
309 1 See below, p. 95.
80
214
81
there was nothing there and that his money was all gone. Originally he was a
stingy man. However, his hashish habit impoverished him and finally caused
him to lose his mind together with his money.310
An affinity of the hashish eater to music was occasionally detected. It was
not considered to be as normal and expected as the relationship between wine
and song of which it could be said, for instance: Between wine and song
there is a relationship under most conditions and a similarity with respect to
praiseworthy qualities common to both.311 But hashish was beautiful music
to the sense of hearing,312 and listening to music increased the pleasure of it.
Thus al-Khafff was under the influence of hashish when he joined a musical
soire where women on a balcony (manarah) were looking down, and hashish
and music combined to loosen his inhibitions.313 A user under the influence of
the drug is deeply moved by a flutist playing at an amrs party. He leaves, and
not knowing what he is doing, he enters a mosque, mixes with the assembled
worshipers without first performing the required ablutions, remains prostrated
in prayer when the others have finished and are leaving, is awakened | and does
not know where he is but thinks that he is still listening to the flutist.314 We have,
however, only a single statement to the effect that the use of hashish improved
and was indeed necessary for a musicians performance. The singer in question
was a certain Thaqlyah (?).315
Hashish is stated consistently by its adversaries to be something that saps the
users energy and ability and willingness to work. Implicitly, this was considered
its greatest danger to the social fabric. With the help of a general Prophetical
tradition, this aspect is usually verbalized by the root f-t-r ( futr and mufat-
310
311
312
313
314
315

3 Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 230.
4 Cf. below, p. 152, n. 5.
5 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 12b13b, and, for the story, also above, p. 29, n. 1, and below, p. 146, n. 5.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 14b15a.
2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 21ab. The information is said to be derived from al-Ghuzls Mali,
which, however, does not seem to contain it. A subsequent quotation from al-Ghuzl
by al-Badr, fol. 25b, can be traced to Mali, II, 82. The continuation of the story appears
also in Ibn ijjah, Thamart, I, 40, in a shortened version which makes no reference to
hashish and, as printed, calls the man Ibn Naqlah (Nuqaylah). During a serious illness
brought on by excessive eating, he was asked by Badr-ad-dn (Amad b.) Muammad b.
a-ib (d. 788/1386): How are you, Thaqlyah (Ibn ijjah: How is the Naqlyah)? He
replied: I am very much afraid that it will get buried with a tooth in it (m akhwafan an
takn madfnah wa-fh nb). If the reading and translation are correct, the name may
refer to some dish.
the use of hashish
215
tir)316 as well as the common words for laziness and sluggishness such as kasal
and fashal. Hashish has a numbing effect which causes the excessive sleeping done by addicts and the heaviness in their heads when the drug takes
possession of their brains.317 Addicts stagger about and nod and are drowsy.
The word futr is in fact also paraphrased as something that causes numbness (khadar)318 in the extremities, and the root expressing numbness is
employed generally to refer to narcotics (mukhaddir).319 Futr is not among
the harmful effects of wine; it is an additional evil trait of hashish.320
It is largely in this sense that we must understand the described sexual
effects of hashish. We encounter the statement that use of the drug entails
the opening of the gate of desire.321 This, however, | is not meant to refer
to increased sexual urges but rather to the presumed addictive character of
the drug.322 On the contrary, it is stated by physicians that it cuts off the
desire for sexual intercourse, and was therefore esteemed by ascetic fs.323
Addicts, we are told, may think that it strengthens (the ability for) sexual
intercourse. This may perhaps be so in the beginning, but then it loosens the
sinews because of its cold temper.324 A theoretical foundation was believed to
exist for the assumption that hashish had a debilitating effect with respect to
sex, for already Galen, as the Muslims knew, attributed to hemp the medicinal
quality of cutting off or drying up the semen.325 On the other hand, according
to al-Ukbars Sawni, hashish enables the user to have splendid sexual experiences (mubsharat al-manki al-bahyah),326 and among the inhibitions it
removes we also find that of sex, as in the story of Ab Jurthm.327 Constant
316 3 The second conjugation is, I believe, more likely than the fourth, used in Concordance, s.v.
317 4 Cf. al-Fanr (above, p. 17).
318 5 On the medical use of the term khadar, one may compare the monograph by Qus b.
Lq, as quoted by ar-Rz, w, I, 42, 51 (Hyderabad 1374ff./ 1955ff.).
319 6 According to as-Sakhw, aw, II, in, Amad b. Muammad b. Sulaymn az-Zhid
(d. 819/1416, cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 112) wrote on Intoxicants, both numbing and intoxicating
(al-Kalm al l-muskirt mukhaddirih wa-muskirih). He probably included also hashish
in the former category.
320 7 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 310, and az-Zarkash, below, p. 186.
321 8 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 310, also IV, 326 (infit shahwatih, speaking of ghubayr).
322 1 Cf. below, pp. 96 f.
323 2 Cf. al-Maqrz who seems to continue here his quotation from Ibn Jazlah.
324 3 Cf. Dwd al-Ank, Tadhkirah, I, 200, also quoted in Leclercs translation of Ibn al-Bayr.
325 4 Cf. Galen, De simpl. med. VII (= XII, 8 Khn); Dioscurides, loc. cit. (above, p. 22, n. 9); Paul
of Aegina, ed. Heiberg, II, 220. Galen is cited by al-Maqrz.
327 6 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 10ab and 12ab, in the story of Ab Jurthm, cf. below, p. 146.
82
216
83
drug use is said to have been accompanied by extraordinary sexual activity in

Ibn al-Bard,328 but in another story, we hear about a certain Ab l-Khayr alAqqd who, on his wedding night, was given a lubbah by a friend to help him
to relax with his bride, but the drug merely put him to sleep.329
What was believed to be the most pernicious effect of hashish as far as
the individual was concerned was that it led to effeminacy (takhannuth) or
passive homosexuality (ubnah, mabn).330 As we read in az-Zarkash,331 it
makes the best of fine young men effeminate. Inevitably, hashish is mentioned
in connection with homosexuality. It is described as breaking down resistance
to sexual advances by its power to intoxicate and to weaken the will.332 Much
was made by | al-Badr (fols. 30a ff.) of the combination of the use of hashish
and homosexuality.333 Under the drugs influence, addicts go out hunting
for young boys. There were special localities, such as Bb Zuwaylah in Cairo
or suburban Blq, where they hung out to make contacts. However, when
drugging is needed for the scabrous custom, called dabb, of attacking youths
while they are asleep in public places such as caravanserais, the verb used is
bannaja to drug with banj.334
Verses on homosexuality and hashish are plentiful,335 from lines of alMimr such as
328 7 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 47a, in connection with k-n/tbbat.

329 8 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 16b17a, see also above, p. 31.
330 9 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Siysah; adh-Dhahab, Kabir; al-Fanr, from al-addd(). Also Ibn
Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 326 (= II, 254, speaking of ghubayr), and the passage ascribed to
ar-Rz, quoted above, p. 74 (n. 4), and below, p. 86, n. 5.
331 10 Cf. below, p. 187.
332 11 Cf., for instance, below, pp. 156f., and Fuzl, 157.
333 1 Cf. also above, p. 66, etc. In al-Maqrz, I, 368, as well as in the verse cited II, 414 (above,
p. 75, n. 2), drug intoxication is a vice immediately followed by keeping company with
beardless boys.
334 2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 43a, quoting Ibn Maknis (745794/13451392) (cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 7). For
tabnij, see above, p. 19.
335 3 The subject of homosexuality is introduced by al-Badr with a quotation from al-Ukbars
Sawni, but how much, if any, of the following material is borrowed from the Sawni is
hard to say.
Strangely enough, al-Badr, fol. 42ab, quotes verses containing a reference to hashish
which seem to be ascribed to Ab Nuws. If God were to grant him his true wish, he would
ask to have each day
A hand full of hashish, a pound of meat,
A kilo of bread, and the company of a willing boy.
the use of hashish
217
Mix your hashish with the appropriate amount of clay.

Chew (it) upon the bed and kill it leisurely.
Eat heavily, for eating is an ornament for you,
And if you get excited sexually, do not have any but anal intercourse,336
and other frankly obscene material to the more sensitive if hardly any more
appealing verses comparing hashish, with its darkish green color, to the first
down (idhr) on a youths face. Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn, comparing the locks
(udgh) with hashish and the mouth (mabsim) with wine, furnished the model
for a comparison by Muibbad-dn Ibn al-Athr al-alab of green hashish with
the down and red wine with the mouth.337 There are verses such as those of Ibn
al-Ward:
There is a pretty one who says openly:
Souls of the people, live338
On my down and my spittle
My wine and my hashish.339
kaffa ashshin wa-rila lamin

wa-manna khubzin wa-wala ilqin.
This could have been invented in imitation of some topic introduced by Ab Nuws, but
as it stands, it is apocryphal.
karbil ashshak wfiqh min a-nah
wa-mugh al l-farsh wa-qtulh al nah
wa-bla thaql fa-inna-l-bala lak znah
wa-(i)n qm alayk fa-l tanki siw t-tnah.
For sh, the ms. has s in al-farsh. The third line refers to the gluttony associated with hashish.
337 5 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 46a. Information on Ibn al-Athr al-alab is not available. Cf. Ibn al-Aff,
Dwn, 38 (Beirut 1885).
338 1 Live in the sense of obtain sustenance.
wa-malin qla jahran
y nufsa n-nsi sh
min idhri wa-rub
bayna khamr wa-ashsh.
84
218
Or those by Nr-ad-dn Al b. Bardbak al-Fakhr (838872/14341468):340

The essential composition of the one I love contains the pleasures of love.
Thus, lovers, take your pleasures and live!
A paste of musk is his mole, his spittle provides
Wine, and his cheeks are hashish.341
85
Of a different character, and just possibly of some historicity, is a long story concerning Alam-ad-dn, the son, al-Badr says (fol. 51ab), of af-ad-dn Abdallh b. Shukr, a well-known personality generally referred to as a-ib (548
622/11531225). There can, however, be little doubt that Alam-ad-dn was in fact
Ibn Shukrs grandson, Amad b. Ysuf b. a-af (d. 688/1289).342 Anyway, the
story goes that Alam-ad-dn was appointed by his father as a lecturer (mudarris) in the Mlikite College founded by him.343 His lectures were very well
attended by legal scholars and much appreciated for their high quality. Yet,
Alam-ad-dn affected a hippie-type style of dress and grooming,344 and he
constantly used hashish, in utter disregard of all the conventional and official
disap|proval that provoked. When af-ad-dn died, the incumbent chief judge
got the idea of depriving Alam-ad-dn of the administration and control of the
waqf endowment of the College. To this end, he had an assembly arranged at
which he was ostentatiously to ask Alam-ad-dn for his legal opinion on the use
340 3 For Ibn Bardbak, cf. as-Sakhw, aw, V, 196 f.

f dhti man ahwhu ladhdhtu l-haw
fa-taladhdhadh y shiqna wa-sh
majnu miskin khluh wa-rubuh
minhu s-sulfu wa-rihu ashshu
Cf., further, below, p. 154.
342 5 Cf., in particular, Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII, 378380. The mix-up between son and
grandson would seem to exclude al-Ukbar as al-Badrs source, although he is quoted
immediately before for declaring hashish to be legal. As a contemporary, al-Ukbar is not
likely to have made this mistake.
343 6 For the Madrasah a-ibyah, cf. al-Maqrz, II, 371.
344 7 Resentment of such external features is indicated by Ibn Taymyahs action, with respect
to a shaykh who appeared before him accused of hashish use and impiety, of ordering his
f garment (dalaq) cut up, the thick growth of the hair on his head shaved, and his nails
and moustache clipped, cf. Ibn Kathr, XIV, 33, anno 704/1305, referred to by H. Laoust, in
EI2, III, 951b, s.v. Ibn Taymiyya.
the use of hashish
219
of hashish, thereby trapping him into an open admission of his addiction and
of his sentiments in favor of hashish. Now, the judge on his part was suspected
of homosexuality, and it was observed that he was constantly surrounded by
a large retinue of beardless slaves. So it came about that when he addressed
Alam-ad-dn in the assembly, asking him for his opinion on eating hashish
which is waraq ash-shahdnaj, Alam-ad-dn stared in dramatic silence at the
slaves standing behind the judge long enough for everybody in the audience
to become aware of what he had in mind. Finally he broke his silence and said
that there was no text forbidding the eating of hashish, whereas homosexuality was forbidden by general consensus, and if the judge was out to pick a fight
with him, he in turn was willing to pick a fight with the judge. Thus, the discussion turned to the judge and his slaves, and the judge did not accomplish his
iniquitous purpose, quite to the contrary.
Al-Badr has this story followed by his catharsis for the large amount of space
given over by him to lewd verses and anecdotes.345 He discusses the forbidden character of homosexuality, citing, among other authorities, Ibn Qayyim
al-Jawzyah (d. 751/1350) and the Tarm al-liw by al-jurr (d. 360/970).346 A
good deal of the obscene material had been added by al-Badr for its own sake.
It is without any direct relation to the use of hashish.
The assumption that hashish may cause effeminacy is coupled with remarks
that it may lead to something called diythah. Strangely enough, the scribe
of the Fanr Ms.347 glossed the term in the margin as indicating, generally,
humbleness, lowliness, with reference to the lexicographer, al-Jawhar. In
one way or other, humbleness and lowliness are often stated to be one of the
social consequences of the use of hashish, and they are also associated with
the lack of energy considered characteristic of the drug user.348 It is, however,
obvious | that in the hashish context, diythah has its ordinary meaning of
being a dayyth cuckold.349 We also hear it said that hashish may generate
a loss of jealousy (ghayrah) such as would be intolerable in a real man. It might
easily be suspected that what is really meant here is the fact that an addict
345 1 Cf. above, p. 15.

346 2 For al-jurr, cf. F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 194f. This identification, I believe, is correct, but I have
no reference to a work by him on this subject.
347 3 Above, pp. 17f. However, al-Jawhar, i, I, 133 (Blq 1292), adds the explanation of
dayyth as lacking jealousy.
349 1 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Siysah; Fatw, IV, 326 (= II, 254, speaking of ghubayr); adh-Dhahab,
Kabir; al-Fanr.
86
220
87
might not care whether his wife has other men to support her and thus make
it possible for himself to devote all his time to his habit.350 However, those who
spoke of diythah might have thought primarily of the drugs debilitating effect
on will power and sexual desire. It would also seem that cuckoldry here was
understood by and large not so much as a sexual phenomenon but as a general
lack of energy and a mans normal physical desires.
A complete summary of the ravages ascribed to hashish may be found in
az-Zarkash who followed some unnamed authority.351 In the part of it that
deals specifically with physical harm, which incorporates certain traditional
medical views on cannabis but naturally goes far beyond that, certain personality changes ascribed to the drug are not forgotten. Az-Zarkash, or his source,
spares no pain to bring together in this one place everything he can think of as
detrimental to human beings: It destroys the mind (aql), cuts short the reproductive capacity, produces elephantiasis ( judhm), passes on leprosy (bara),
attracts diseases, produces tremulousness (rishah),352 makes the mouth smell
foul, dries up the semen, causes the hair of the eyebrows to fall out, burns the
blood, causes cavities in the teeth, brings forth the hidden disease,353 harms the
intestines, makes the limbs inactive, causes a shortage of breath,354 generates
strong illusions (hawas), diminishes the powers (of the soul), reduces | modesty (ay),355 makes the complexion (al-alwn) yellow, blackens the teeth,
350 2 According to the lexical sources used by Lane, diythah may in fact signify pimping for
ones wife. Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 150, speaks of the hashish eaters diythah
against (al) ones wife and womenfolk, let alone strange women. This may have to be
understood to refer to pandering. Cf., further, K. Vollers, in ZDMG, L (1896), 625, and Ibn
azm, The Doves Neck-Ring, trans. A.R. Nykl, 188 (Paris 1931).
351 3 Cf. the Arabic text, below, pp. 178f.
352 4 For the medical understanding of rishah, cf. the first volume of the edition of ar-Rzs
w. There ar-Rz also quotes a-abar, Firdaws, 194f.
353 5 In a brief treatise wrongly ascribed to ar-Rz on The Hidden Disease, which is preserved
in the General Library in Rabat, the expression is used as a euphemism for ubnah (above,
p. 82, n. 9). For kryphia diseases, cf. K. Deichgrber, Medicus gratiosus, 101f. (Mainz 1970).
354 6 Tuayyiq an-nafs could mean causes anxiety, but nafas is required by the rhyme word
hawas. Cf., for instance, as-Sakhw, aw, I, 77, 1. 9: la-qat al-anfs (I) would run out of
breath.
355 1 A marginal note in the Gotha Ms. of az-Zarkash calls attention to the fact that the effect
of hashish upon ay was mentioned before as one of the effects that hashish shares with
wine. The scribe tentatively suggests a correction to al-lah resourcefulness, or the like.
This emendation shares with many others in history the fate of being ingenious but hardly
correct.
the use of hashish
221
riddles the liver with holes,356 inflames the stomach,357 and leaves in its wake
a bad odor in the mouth as well as a film and diminished vision in the eye and
increased pensiveness in the imagination.358 It359 belongs to the blameworthy
characteristics of hashish that it generates in those who eat it laziness and sluggishness. It turns a lion into a beetle360 and makes a proud man humble and a
healthy man sick. If he eats, he cannot get enough. If he is spoken to, he does not
listen.361 It makes the well-spoken person dumb, and the sound person stupid.
It takes away every manly virtue and puts an end to youthful prowess. Furthermore, it destroys the mind ( fikrah), stunts all natural talent, and blunts the
sharpness of the mental endowment. It produces gluttony, making eating (the
addicts) preoccupation ( fannah) and sleep for him a characteristic situation
(maannah). But he is remote from slumber,362 driven out | from Paradise, and
threatened with Gods curse unless he gnashes his teeth in repentance and puts
his confidence in God. It has well been said:
The smallest physical harm it causes, and there is plenty of it,
Is immorality, insanity, and mental exhaustion.363
356 2 N-q-b seems to refer to ulceration (cirrhosis?) of the liver. Ms. A of az-Zarkash and the
Princeton Ms. of al-Aqfahs suggest the synonymous th-q-b. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 326
(= II, 254), speaking of the effects of ghubayr, says that it makes the liver like a sponge
(sifanj). According to al-Badr, fol. 55a, an experiment by one of the sages tested the
pernicious action of hashish by putting some of it on an animal liver and letting it lie there
for a while. It made the liver full of holes (mankhrah [?] mubakhkhashah) like a sponge.
357 3 Drying out the moisture of the stomach, says Ibn al-Bayr, citing Galen, De alimentorum
facultatibus, I, 34 (= VI, 550 Khn). The original Greek is kakostomachos.
358 4 Cf. above, p. 74, n. 3. In his Takrm al-mashah, al-Qasalln mentioned as the ill effects
of the use of hashish that it causes headache, darkens the sight, causes constipation, and
dries up the semen; it is useful against flatulence and dandruff, cf. al-Aqfahs, fol. 20a.
359 5 The text, from here to the end of the quotation but with the exclusion of the verses, appears
in Ibn Ghnim (above, pp. 6 f.). Ibn Ghnim and az-Zarkash presumably used the same
source. On the other hand, al-Aqfahs, fols. 21b22a, would seem to have used az-Zarkash.
360 6 The scribe of the Gotha Ms. has a marginal note referring to the Prophetical tradition
branding jual as the creature most contemptible in the eyes of God.
361 7 The last three sentences appear in Qam in a different sequence. Qam, fols. 275b276a,
adds rather dramatically: If you say in front of him: q, he is frightened right away. It is as
if he has been burdened with something that is too much for him to carry (idh qult bayn
yadayh q inzaaj li-waqtih wa-kaannah taammal m l yuq).
362 8 The rhyming words apparently are sinah, jannah, and lanah. However, the Princeton Ms.
of al-Aqfahs seems to vocalize sunnah.
363 1 For nishf, no doubt the correct reading, cf. also below, p. 90. Dryness leads, as also
88
222
89
This long and somewhat disorganized catalogue mainly of the physical evils
of hashish use is preceded by a briefer but no less awesome enumeration of
the effects it has on the users religion, that is, his morality and his attitude
toward the religious duties of Islam. These hashish shares with wine, whereas
the physical effects are all its own. Nevertheless, they were particularly objectionable according to the standards of Muslim society. Not infrequently we hear
about the hashish user becoming lax in the fulfillment of his religious duties
such as prayer and fasting and also forgetting the confession of faith in extremis
when it becomes necessary for him to pronounce it.364 The often repeated standard formula of the legal adversaries of hashish says that habituation to the
drug bars a person from the remembrance of God and from prayer (yaudd
an dhikr Allh wa-an a-alh). Qam alludes to the dire fate that awaits the
drug user in the other world, for he will be unable to remember, when he is on
the point of death, the two sentences of the confession of faith and forget the
common formula about taking refuge in God.365 | Az-Zarkash speaks of intoxication, destruction of the mind ( fikr), forgetfulness (nisyn adh-dhikr) (in this
case, apparently not meaning forgetting to think of God, but forgetfulness in
general), the vulgarization of secrets, the commission of evil actions, the loss
indicated in Steingass Persian-English Dictionary, to the further meanings of dryness in

the mouth from extreme hunger; folly, thoughtlessness, resulting from the drying out of
the brain.
In al-Badr, fols. 55b56a, the verse is ascribed to a certain Shihb-ad-dn Amad
ath-Thaqaf (?). It is preceded by two additional verses:
May God curse hashish and those who eat it.
It is as bad as wine is good.
As it (wine) gladdens, it (hashish) saddens, and it (hashish) pains
As it (wine) sustains. Its end is foolishness (?).
la llhu l-ashsha wa-kilh
la-qad khabuthat kam ba s-sulfu
kam tub ka-dh tun ma-tushq
kam tashfi wa-ghyatuh l-khirfu.
The last line, as in az-Zarkash, was certainly borrowed by the author from a common
source, even if he lived before the time of az-Zarkash. The same would seem to apply also
in case the ascription of the three verses in al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 9, to Jaml-ad-dn Ibrhm
b. Sulaymn Ibn an-Najjr (590651/11941253) should happen to be correct.
364 2 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 55b and 57a. For disrespect toward the month of Raman, cf. below, p. 128.
365 3 Cf. Qam, fol. 276b.
the use of hashish
223
of modesty (ay), great stubbornness, the lack of manly virtue, the suppression of jealousy, wastefulness, keeping company with the devil, the omission
of prayer, and the falling into unlawful activities. Nor is this all. Someone else
is quoted as having totaled up the religious and worldly harm done by hashish
and to have come up with no less than 120 items.366 Fortunately, they are not
enumerated.
Other, concise descriptions of the frightful consequences of the use of hashish tend to be eclectic, mentioning the one or other presumed effect of hashish
on the addicts body, mind, character, and social status. In his large handbook
for government officials, al-Qalqashand (d. 821/1418) thus informs the reader
that hashish ruins the temper by producing the effect of desiccation in it and
generating a preponderance of black bile. It ruins the mind (dhihn), forms bad
character qualities, and lowers the users standing in the eyes of the people, in
addition to many other blameworthy qualities.367 Still later, Dwd al-Ank,
in his Tadhkirah,368 cuts down the list to reporting that after initially causing
joy, hashish produces narcosis, laziness, stupor, the weakening of sense perception, foul breath, the debilitation of liver and stomach, dropsy, and the ruination of color and complexion.
After all these sorry tales of dire calamities connected with the use of hashish, it comes as somewhat of a letdown to find that the comparatively early
poem of al-Isird points merely to the greenish-gray complexion of the face
as a physical sign of hashish addiction.369 The long poem by the author of
Qam is somewhat more specific but also rather restrained. The physical effects
produced by barsh are the desiccation of the flesh of the face370 and the withdrawal (?) of the locks (kh-s-f al-adgh), to which the author adds dryness of
the mouth:
Their heads have dried up. Thus, there is no good in them.
The dry elements follow each other all the time in their bodies.
There is no spittle in their mouths and no freshness (?) in it.
Their condition has become a fright.
366
367
368
369
370
1 Cf. the statement on the siwk, above, p. 76, n. 1.

2 Cf. al-Qalqashand, ub, II, 146 (Cairo 1331/1913).
3 Tadhkirah, I, 200.
4 Cf. above, p. 77.
5 But note what Dozy, Supplment, II, 673a, has to say about the metaphorical usage of nshif
(ar-ras). Still, I do not believe that in this particular instance, something mental rather
than physical is meant.
90
224
Their locks are withdrawn (?), turned down,

Laid bare, eclipsed, sliding (?).371
But he also states that hashish has an emaciating effect, and he remarks upon
the users constant drowsiness and apathy:
They stagger but without the emotion derived from drunkenness.
They shrink in size and do not appear tall.
Great God! It is a disease that whenever
It enters the body, you see (it turning into) a dreadful place.
They doze. Thus, step upon their necks
And make their breasts sandals for you.372
They chew on the smelling breath in their mouths.
Thus, get on top of them, if you wish to be well-off.373
371 1 Cf. Qam, fol. 282b:

nashifat rusuhum fa-l khayran bih
wa-n-nshiftu bi-jismihim tatawl
l rqa f fhim wa-l ryan (?) bih
awluhum qad abaat ahwl
adghuhum makhsfatun manksatun
makshfatun maksfatun tatazll (?).
For ryan, the ms. has something like db, but adaban proper behavior seems unlikely
in the context. For makhsfatun, the ms. has masfatun, and the reading of tatazll is
uncertain. I do not know what the idiom about the locks means, hardly the thinning of
hair, as this would not go well with the rest of the descriptive terms used. Possibly, it refers
to holding the head low in shame (?).
372 2 Cf. the verse quoted in Ibn ajar al-Haytam (above, p. 11):
It (the drug) involves contempt by means of sandals and stick
For the stupid and stubborn immoral person.
fh l-ihnatu bi-n-nili wa-bi-l-as
li-d-diri l-mahbli wa-l-mutaabbidi.
373 3
For mutaabbid stubborn, cf. Steingass Persian-English Dictionary.

Yatamyalna bi-ghayri sukrin muribin
yataqarna wa-l yurawna iwl
Allhu akbaru innah dun mat
m alla f jismin tarhu mahl
the use of hashish
225
If the last lines are understood here correctly, the attitude recommended
toward addicts would not just be to show contempt for them but to exploit
their self-induced incapacity for ones own advantage. After all, users under
the influence of hashish are believed to be amenable to the most bizarre
suggestions since the drug has the | power to break the will. Thus, as Ibn
an-Najjr states in his Zawjir,374 if one were to say to one of them, Piss!, he
would do so at once.
We have already seen that the great potency of hashish stands comparison with killing in its effects, in puns on the term to kill used in connection
with the preparation and use of hashish.375 The murderous hashish eater (alashshyu lladh yaqtulu) was considered a suitable metaphor for the dangerous attraction exercised by the beloveds locks.376 This would not seem to refer
directly to the murderous propensities of the sectarian assassins but rather to
the powerful effects of hashish. It may also embody a play upon the killing
of hashish, as is apparently the case in a verse stating that the green one is
a ashshah that makes every man a ashsh (assassin) unbeknown to himself.377 However this may be, there are other verses by Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn,
describing the state of the poor f under the influence of hashish as remote
from the land of the living:
This poor one whom you see
Like as a chick thrown to the ground featherless
Has been killed by hashish intoxication,
Killing being the custom of hashish.378
yatanwamna fa-dus al anqihim
wa-jal udrahum ladayka nil
yatamaghna r-ra f afwhihim
fa-qid ulhum in aradta nawl.
For wa-l yurawna, the ms. has wlyrwn.
374 1 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 17b, and al-Bakr, Kawkib. Uninhibited urination under the influence of
hashish is mentioned in the story of Ab Jurthm, cf. al-Badr, fol. 10b, and below, p. 146.
On the other hand, al-Badr, fol. 49b, quotes a poem by Ibrhm b. Asad al-Irbil al-Laqn
which speaks of hashish as eliminating the constant need for urination that comes from
drinking wine.
375 2 Cf. above, pp. 59 f.
376 3 Cf. Ibn al-Affat-Tilimsn, as quoted by a-afad, Wf, ed. S. Dedering, III, 133.
377 4 Cf. an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, XI, 29.
378 5 Cf. a-afad, Wf, III, 133. In al-Badr, the verses seem to be ascribed to the amr Sayfad-dn Al b. Umar al-Mushidd (602655/1205(6)-1257, cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 50; Ibn
91
226
92
The influence of hashish on the mind, its mind-changing and personalitychanging quality, is never quite overlooked even in the discussion of its physical
and religious effects. It was the most famous and most frightening and tantalizing aspect of hashish use. The drug was often believed to cause insanity in
the habitual user. Such in|sanity might be assumed to be temporary but by and
large was considered to be a permanent personality change. In the most commonly used Arabic words, hashish changes the mind (tughayyir al-aql), or it
makes it absent or remote (tughayyib), removing it from reality. Since the
aql is what distinguishes man from irrational animals, the effect of hashish
could in this sense be conceived as turning its users into dumb animals. There
can be no doubt, we are told, that taking hashish has the effect of producing
transgression (taadd) with respect to normal mental processes (intim) of
word and deed that draw their perfection from the legal and customary activity of the light of the intellect.379 By dissolving the moist elements in the body
and thereby causing vapors to ascend to the brain, the ghubayr produces pernicious fancies (khaylt), and by weakening the mind, it opens up the gate of
fantasy (khayl).380 This was the way in which physicians and those hostile to
hashish put it. The self-styled elite (al-khah) who defended the use of it,
called it the morsel of thought and remembrance.381 They extolled the pleasure hashish exerted upon the imagination (al-ladhdhah al-wahmyah) as one
Kathr, XIII, 197; al-Badr, above, p. 14, n. 2, wrote a Mukhtaar entitled Narat Dwn
al-Mushidd) in this form:
I am the killed one whom you see
Like as a chick thrown to the ground featherless.
They killed the hashish unjustly,
Killing being the custom of hashish.
Here it may be better to translate being killed, instead of killing. This, however, is hardly
intended in the version of Ibn al-Aff.
379 1 The text of az-Zarkash, below, p. 185, shows some variant readings.
380 2 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 325 (= II, 253). Az-Zarkashs tabkhr-h (tabakhkhur-h) ( f)
ad-dimgh has become taayyuz-h f d-dimgh in the indirect quotation in al-Fanr.
Galen, De alimentorum facultatibus, I, 34 (VI, 550 Khn), mentions the warm and at the
same time pharmakds vapor hemp sends up to the head. Before, he speaks of crushed
hemp seeds eaten together with other confections. Thus, the vapor may possibly allude
to narcotic effects.
381 3 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 312 and 310. In the latter passage, it is little morsel, presumably the more correct reading. Cf. above, pp. 36 f.
the use of hashish
227
of its chief attractions,382 and the fancies (khayl) it engendered were poetically described as most soothing and idyllic: At times, I see the world as castles.
At other times, I see it as lands and gardens around me.383 The mind-distorting
effect of hashish was elegantly hinted at in the phrase: It moves unmoving
resolution to the noblest of places,384 which a poet addicted to k-n/tbbat
paraphrased in these verses:
In India my heart has developed
A longing for those places.
K-n/tbbat, light of my eye,
You have stirred unmoving (feelings) in me.385
As suggested by Ibn Taymyah, the phrase was meant to call attention to the
help hashish offered to the pious in their religious devotions, but it no doubt
aimed at the drugs supposed ability to allow the human mind to go beyond
the limitations of reality. The distortion of the mind was, it seems, a kind of
religious experience for the addicts. At least, they claimed it to be such as in the
verses of al-Isird speaking of the secret of the drug that permits the spirit to
ascend to the highest points in a heavenly ascension (mirj) of disembodied
understanding.386 The constant harping upon the increase in understanding
associated with hashish at times naturally provoked a strong reaction, as in
these bitingly humorous verses by Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn when his friends
wanted him to participate in their hashish party:
382 4 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 30a, from al-Ukbars Sawni.
383 5 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 49b, in verses by Ibn al-Aqss (above, p. 64, n. 1). These verses are supposed
to be critical of hashish but, except for the concluding line, go all out to list its supposed
good qualities.
384 6 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 312 and 310. In IV, 310, he adds that hashish is considered
useful for the road. This could mean that it serves to mitigate the hardships fs have to
suffer in their peregrinations, but it may rather refer to the fact mentioned also elsewhere
that hashish can be consumed in the streets without any further ado, in contrast to wine.
f l-Hindi adh fud
yab li-tilka l-amkin
k-n/tbbat nra ayn
arrakti ind sawkin.
The poet may be Fulayfil.
386 2 Cf. below, p. 163, verse 8.
93
228
If hashish were able to give an increase in understanding,

Donkeys would achieve high rank in their understanding.387
94
The mental changes observable in the addict made him a fool in the eyes of
the common people, someone not to be trusted to react rationally in any way.
The vast majority of the stories told about hashish harp upon this aspect and
the variety of consequences connected with it. The famous report of the Assassins conditioning to fanatic devotion through the agency of drugs providing a
foretaste of Paradise probably found so much attention because being the first
circumstantial description of hashish(?)-induced hallucinations, it exalted the
alleged mind-changing powers of the drug.388 The popular appeal of the conceit of almost miraculous mental change is proved, if proof is needed, by the
Arabian Nights and the | way the very late stages of the work view hashish. The
question, Are you a hashish eater (ant takul al-ashsh), is addressed to someone who makes a seemingly incredible statement, suggesting that he is a mere
fool.389 And when the fisherman, Khalfah, hedges a foolish plan in the middle of the night, it is said that it must be the hashish he has consumed that is
speaking to him, even though there is otherwise no indication whatever in the
story that he had used the drug.390 The Arabian Nights also speak about the
old rou who had spent all his possessions on beautiful boys and girls. Hashish
was the only real consolation left to him. So one day he went to the public
bath, withdrew to a lonely spot where he could be alone with himself and swallowed a piece of hashish. This provoked in him exciting dreams of glory and sex,
depicted in detail in the continuation of the story and illustrating loss of contact with reality.391 Another very elaborate description of the dreams of hashish
(banj) eaters no longer entered the mainstream tradition of the Arabian Nights,
but is found only among some late manuscript material. This is the story of a
fisherman who is under the influence of the drug and thinks that a street in
387 3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 56a, and below, p. 137.

wa-law anna l-ashsha tazdu fahman
la-nla bi-fahmih r-rutaba l-imru.
388 4 Cf. above, p. 43.
389 1 Cf. Arabian Nights, I, 173, trans. Littmann, I, 257.
390 2 Cf. Arabian Nights, IV, 161, trans. Littmann, V, 516. However, O. Rescher, in his discussion
of hashish in the Arabian Nights, in Der Islam, IX (1919), 85f. points out that the reference
to hashish is not to be found in M. Habichts edition, IV, 330.
391 3 Cf. Arabian Nights, I, 692694, trans. Littmann, II, 193195.
the use of hashish
229
the moonlight is in reality a river, and a dog on the street a big fish, which he
then attempts to catch. His further adventures involve the towns judge as a suspected participant in drug revelries, once again an illustration of the popular
tendency to ascribe to the most visible representatives of the law the vices that
they more than anybody else were charged with avoiding and suppressing.392
Al b. Sdn al-Bashbughaw tells about hashish eaters who imagine the ocean
to be sweet syrup, the fish in it peeled bananas, and the nets to catch them in
to be made of pancakes.393 Az-Zarkash had also already reported that he had
been told that a person befuddled by | hashish thought that the moon was a
deep pool of water, and he did not dare to go toward it.394
The loss of contact with reality, the ordinary world of the senses, existence
(wujd), as a result of the action of hashish expressed by the root gh-y-b, may
be partial, with the addict under the influence of the drug merely forgetting
to do what he was supposed to do or doing it wrongly. Thus, we hear about a
singer, Ab -ayyib Karawyah (?),395 sent by the littrateur Amad b. Barakah
to buy pomegranates and bring them to the bath. He forgets about his task,
wanders aimlessly from place to place, and returns to the bath only late in the
evening. Or someone, the story goes, went out to buy barley for his mount and
grapes for his wife, then gives the grapes to the animal and the barley to his
wife.396 Complete temporary loss of contact with reality is described in a story
about people noticing a man on a horse who was riding in the countryside not
knowing what he was doing, opening his knapsack, eating, being thrown by
the horse, continuing in his sleep, then waking up, bleeding profusely and not
knowing where he was.397
The user might at times have aspired to this state of unawareness of everything around him and considered it among the most desirable effects of hashish. However, when it became something permanent, it produced an individual
392 4 From Ms. Wortley Montague, according to R. Burtons translation. It was used by M. Henning, in his German translation, XXIII, 135160, and was referred to by O. Rescher, loc.
cit.
Under the influence of wine, a drinker may think that a moonlit area is a river, cf. Ibn
ar-Raqq al-Qayrawn, Qub as-surr, ed. A. al-Jund, 391 (Damascus 1389/1969).
393 5 From F. Kern, Neuere gyptische Humoristen und Satiriker, in Mitt. des Seminars fr Or.
Sprachen, Westas. Studien, IX (1906), 34, cited by O. Rescher, loc. cit.
394 1 Cf. below, p. 181, and also, p. 145.
395 2 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 15b16a, mentioned above, p. 67, n. 3, and elsewhere. For Ibn Barakah, cf.
as-Sakhw, aw, I, 248; al-Badr, fols. 25a and 121b.
95
230
useless to society and to himself, graphically described in verses by al-Him

(d. 887/1482):
How many a person killed by hashish is to be found in al-Junaynah
Who would not wake up, not even at the blast of the trumpet.398
Among its effects the green one has given him
The ears of a deaf man and the eye of a blind man.399
96
At al-Junaynah (The Little Garden), near Bb ash-Sharyah,400 | one could

see derelicts lying around like hospital patients (ka-uaf al-bmristn),401
crazed like the inmates of an asylum and quite oblivious to the world around
them.
Devoted to wine as he was, Ab Nuws was able to sing:
Give me to drink till you see me
Think that a rooster is a donkey.402
A hashish eater might expect to see a camel as similar to a gnat.403 The same
idea was phrased much better and more succinctly by the author of Qam:
Those under the influence of harsh have the illusion that a gnat is a cow
(an-nmsah gmsah).404
398 5 That is, the trumpet of the Day of Judgment.

kam bi-l-Junaynati min qatli ashshatin
l yastafqu wa-l bi-nafkhi -ri
wahabat lah l-kharu min aflih
dhna urshin wa-ayna arri.
400
401
402
403
404
On al-Him, who is often cited by al-Badr, cf. GAL, 2nd ed., II, 22, Suppl., II, 12. Cf. also the
verses quoted below, p. 98.
7 Cf. al-Maqrz, I, 383. Al-Junaynah is also described by al-Maqrz as being located in the
abblah estate (below, p. 137). For the Sharyah Gate, cf. W. Popper, Egypt and Syria under
the Circassian Sultans, 24, 32 ff. Cf. also above, p. 80.
2 Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn, 269.
4 Cf. Qam, fol. 275b.
the use of hashish
231
Habituation to Hashish and its Cure
It was apparently believed quite generally that the user of hashish acquired a
constant craving for it and was rarely able to break the habit. Addiction was
assumed to grow always more compulsive and eventually lead to complete
physical and mental ruin. In addition to eating and the like, a number of words
were employed for the taking of the drug, among them akhadha, tanwala, or,
most consistently, istamala. Very commonly, however, we also find the term
ta associated with it. In a way, it is merely a synonym of the other verbs in the
sense of to take, but it also has the approximate meaning of being concerned
with (something constantly, also, in a professional manner). In philosophical
usage, it may correspond, for instance, to Greek melein as in ta (also munt
which likewise occurs in connection with hashish) al-mawt for melet thanatou
the concern or preoccupation with death. Ta appears to be something like
a technical term suggesting constant concern with some habit. It is used in this
sense also in connection with wine and many other matters as it is with hashish.
A more concrete hint at the tendency toward addictiveness among hashish
users can be seen in the concept of desire (shahwah, ishtah). These unfortunate people get drunk on (hashish) and desire it as wine drinkers desire
wine.405 A little wine or a small | quantity of hashish (but not of banj) calls
for more,406 thus requiring constantly increased and more frequent doses and,
in any case, a continuation of the habit. The desire for hashish is greater than
that for wine so that hashish eaters become unable to do without it.407 A legal
distinction is made between things forbidden by the religious law but desired
by the souls, and things which the souls do not desire. Among the latter,
there are, for instance, blood and the meat of animals not ritually slaughtered.
Among the former, we must count drugs that cause pleasure such as hashish,
as do wine and fornication, but, again, not banj the effect of which is of a different sort.408 The souls desire was usually something that man had a hard time
to fight and get rid of, and success, even if he made an honest effort, was rare.
With respect to hashish, the souls desire was easily equivalent to addiction, to
a habit hard or impossible to kick.
405 5 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Siysah; adh-Dhahab, Kabir.

406 1 Cf. ar-Rfi, apud az-Zarkash, below, p. 189. In connection with wine, cf., e. g., as-Sarakhs,
Mabs, XXIV, 3, 9 (Cairo 13241331).
407 2 Cf. adh-Dhahab, Kabir: att l yabir anh. This phrase does not appear in the text
of Ibn Taymyah, Siysah.
408 3 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 304, 312.
97
232
98
When the early literature on hashish tells us that Shaykh aydar ate hashish
daily409 or that, according to al-Jawbar in the early thirteenth century, there
were those who could not stay away from it,410 this no doubt referred to some
kind of addiction. But we also find it stated expressly that the physical and
mental changes caused by the drug were believed to provoke a habitual need
for it: Among the greatest physical harm (d) caused by it is the fact that
habitual users (muta) of it are hardly ever able to repent of it because of
the effect it has upon their temper.411 The user cannot separate from it and
leave it alone (l yufriq-h). One of the properties of hashish is that its user
cannot give it up.412 The technical secular term used in this connection is
qaaa to cut. In the religious language of Muslim scholars, it is to repent
(tba) as indicative of every act involving the renunciation of sin. And istatba
is used in connection with asking someone to give up the habit of eating
mind-changing hashish.413
A very vivid description of the situation is given in Qam: The user (mustamil, of barsh) finds no escape from it and no way whatever to repent and give
it up (at-tawbah minhu), nor is he able to obtain any freedom (infikk). For
were his spirit to get to the maw and his soul to the throat, he would think that
repentance is what is difficult for him. So he would wish to repair his soul and
his breath by saying to those around him: Bring me the leaf, or, Bring me the
box(es) (al-uqq).414 This, if I understand the text correctly, means that when
the addict feels miserable because of his craving for the drug, he has no thought
of trying to resist the craving and get off the drug. His only thought is of having
some of it given to him to pacify his compulsive urge.
There were those who used hashish around the clock, at all the prayer
times,415 with the result that they were completely lost to reality:
A visitor of zh for whom its people have unceasingly
Shown humility, prayerful worship, and activity.
409 4 Cf. above, pp. 45 and 52.

410 5 Cf. below, p. 158, further p. 152, n. 2.
411 6 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 179. The statement follows upon the one quoted above, pp. 86f.
Two mss. have muniyah, for mutaiyah.
412 7 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 17b, perhaps continuing the quotation from Ibn an-Najjars Zawjir. Cf.
also al-Bakr, Kawkib.
413 8 Cf., for instance, Ibn Kathr, XIV, 33 (above, p. 84, n. 7).
414 1 Cf. Qam, fol. 276b.
415 2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 18a, elaborating on this subject.
the use of hashish
233
There is nobody among them but forgetful of existence,

Submerged in the world beyond reality, unceasingly.416
An anecdote tells about an addict who under the influence of hashish boarded
a boat on the shore of the Nile in Cairo and fell asleep. The sailors, ready to
leave, were unable to rouse him. When he eventually woke up, the boat was
well on its way to Upper Egypt. The addict began to miss his zh and asked the
sailors to set him ashore. He threatened to commit suicide by throwing himself
into the river if they would not do it. Thus, they put him ashore, and once there
he walked back to Cairo in one day and one night.417
For occasional and, presumably, accidental overdoses of cannabis, the medical authorities recommended certain procedures. One of al-Maqrzs sources
(Ibn Jazlah?)418 mentioned his observation that a person who has eaten hashish and notices that its effect is taking | place and he wants to get rid of it pours
into his nostrils some drops of olive oil and eats some sour milk. He adds that
swimming in running water breaks and weakens the strength of the drugs
effect, and sleep stops it. It is doubtful whether this reported observation was
more accurate and true than another observation immediately preceding it and
ascribed to the same person that many poisonous animals such as snakes flee
when they smell the smell of hemp. Ibn al-Bayr recommended pumping the
stomach through vomiting induced by butter and hot water as well as sorrel
juice,419 and Dwd al-Ank, in his Tadhkirah, also recommended vomiting
and purgation by means of laxatives and fruit juices.
However, the cure of addiction was not to be achieved by such simple means
which, moreover, presupposed willingness on the part of the user. It could
happen at times that lack of means forced the addict to repent and give up
his habit, but such repentance of bankruptcy (tawbat al-ifls) was no real

wa-wridi zhin lam yazal fhi ahluh
khushan rukan sujjadan dim l-amal
wa-m minhum ill an-i-l-kawni dhhilun
wa-mustaghriqun f lami l-ghaybi lam yazal.
Cf. also above, pp. 95 f.
418 5 It is pure fancy to speak of the great Rz, as is done by al-Badr, fol. 7b, who would thereby
be credited with the use of the word ashshah.
419 1 On sorrel (umm) as a tonic, cf. Meyerhof, in his ed. and trans, of Maimonides, 74.
99
234
cure and as a rule did not last long. There was many a poor f, we are told,
who repented of his hashish habit (ta malmih) but said that if he only
had money, he would not let his friends (and, apparently, himself) go without
food and the opportunity to get high (insil). The true addict, however, would
not show himself perturbed by the vagaries of fate and would not consider it
enough of an excuse to pretend giving up the habit:
I am satisfied with a morsel of porridge
And a round pill of hashish.
Why should I reproach time from which individual
Destiny proceeds, by complaining about (lack of) means?420
100
Since hashish was financially within the reach of most, breaking the habit
required some miracle or the intervention of some especially holy man. AzZarkash421 tells us about Shaykh Al al-arir in | Damascus who considered
the habitual use (ta) of hashish a greater crime than drinking wine, and he
held the eater of hashish deserving of the add penalty more than alcoholics.
This Shaykh al-arr was the founder of the fraternity named after him, who
died on 26 Raman 645/22 January 1248. Religious scholars took the dimmest
view of his orthodoxy in matters of belief and practice. His son, Muammad
(d. 651/1253), was praised for repudiating the practices of his fathers followers.422 All the more so does az-Zarkashs testimony to al-arrs aversion for a
drug much used by fs in his time and environment ring true. This arr, azZarkash further tells us, was very hard on habitual users of hashish. One of his
followers sent a messenger to him to upbraid him for (his attitude). The Shaykh
said to the messenger: If the man mentioned is one of my followers so that I
420 2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 56ab:

ana rin bi-luqmatin min dashshah
wa-bi-qurin mudawwarin min ashshah
wa-li-m-dh utibu d-dahra wa-l-aqdru tajr minh bi-dhammi l-maishah.
The meter (khaff ) requires a short second syllable for an. The poet of the verses is said
to have been a certain al-Jabar, reacting to those f complaints.
421 3 Cf. below, p. 180. The arr passage was omitted from two of the mss. available, see above,
p. 10.
422 1 Cf. a-afad, Wf, ed. S. Dedering, IV, 183f. (Wiesbaden 1959, Bibliotheca Islamica 6d). Ibn
Kathr has much information on al-arr and his family.
the use of hashish
235
have to oblige him, let him give up hashish for forty days until his body is free
from it, and forty more days, until he is rested from it after having become free.
Then, let him come to me so that I shall inform him about it.423 The Shaykh
who exercised a powerful influence over his followers probably thought that his
command would provide the user with the necessary will power to stay away
from the drug for a prolonged period. Thereafter, he would be willing to listen
to the Shaykh enlightening him about the dangers of hashish, and the Shaykhs
personal influence would succeed in keeping him off the drug for good. Unfortunately, we are not told how effective this procedure proved in this or other
cases.
A plain miracle was ascribed to the ecstatic saint, Abdallh al-Mir almajdhb, who died in 937/15301531. He used to grind (--n) hashish amidst
the ruins of the Ezbekyah district of Cairo. It was a miracle bestowed upon him
by divine grace (karmah) that whoever took some of the hashish prepared by
him and ate it repented immediately and never went back to it.424
423 2 For ukhbirah, read, perhaps, ujrah deliver him from it.
424 3 Cf. Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart, VIII, 221, anno 937, quoting ash-Sharn.
chapter four
101
The Legal Discussion

1
The General Attitude
There existed no authoritative text on the use of hashish.1 How the prohashish faction exploited this acknowledged fact to its advantage was stated
by al-Ukbar in these words: Know that the pure sharah has not indicated
that the use of drugs that cause joy (al-aqqr al-mufarriah) such as saffron,
bugloss, and others whose action is similar to that of this drug (hashish) is forbidden. No indication has come down from the Prophet to the effect that it is
forbidden as such (tarm aynih) and that a add punishment has been established for eating it. Because there has been no tradition (inqi al-khabar) on
this matter, people have permitted it and have used it.2 The argument was constantly repeated. Particular favor seems to have been enjoyed by a verse which
even found the attention of stern Ibn Taymyah, who accepted the claim that it
went back to some unnamed jurist.3 It appears under the name of Alam-ad-dn
Ibn Shukr, but he may not have been its originator:
Hashish intoxication contains the meaning of my desire,
You dear people of intelligence and understanding.
They have declared it forbidden without any justification on the basis of
reason and tradition.
Declaring forbidden what is not forbidden is forbidden.4
1 1 Cf., for instance, above, pp. 46 ff.

2 2 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 50b51a.
4 4 Cf. Ibn Kathr, XIII, 314; Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII, 380; Ibn al-lmd, Shadhart, V, 404, all
anno 688.
According to al-Badr, fol. 50a, lmd-ad-dn Ibn ash-Shamm composed four verses, of
which the first two run:
Hashish intoxication contains a hidden secret
Too subtle for minds to explain.
They have declared it forbidden without any justification on the basis of reason and
tradition.
Declaring forbidden what is not forbidden is forbidden.
the legal discussion
237
Alam-ad-dn was, in fact, a legal scholar, but his way of life led to his being
rejected by the established authorities.5 The argument, however, had considerable force in Muslim society.
This situation naturally was a grave embarrassment for professional jurists.
They had no occasion to talk about hashish unless and until it became a social
problem that required legal attention regardless of the lacking sanction of the
religious law as transmitted. In the brief introductory words of his treatise,
az-Zarkash hit the nail squarely on the head: These are points dealing with
hashish that require comment at this time because so many low-class people
are affected by it and because many people hesitate to pronounce themselves
on the legal situation concerning it, having been unable to find a discussion of
it by the ancients.
f khumri l-ashshi sirrun khafyun

daqqa tabruh an-i-l-afhmi.
Obviously, the second verse is here a quotation, as it also probably is in the verses of Alam-addn. For Muammad b. Abd-al-Karm b. ash-Shamm (629676/1231(2)-1277), no doubt the
person meant here, cf. al-Ynn, Dhayl, III, 282 (Hyderabad 13741380/19541961); a-afad,
Wf, ed. S. Dedering, III, 281 (Damascus 1953); Abd-al-Qdir, al-Jawhir al-mudyah, II, 85
(Hyderabad 1332); G. Wiet, Les Biographies du Manhal Safi, 328 (Cairo 1932, Mm. de lInstitut
d gypte 19). Al-Badr maliciously remarks that he should not be named Imd-ad-dn but
with inversion of the letters, rather adm-ad-dn lacking religion. And he approves of the
rejoinder by Isml b. al-Maarr, described as the muft of the Yemen:
Those lie who say it is permitted
Wherever the action is like that of wine.
It has been declared forbidden on the basis of reason, tradition, and religious law.
Declaring permitted what is forbidden is forbidden.
kadhaba l-qilna inna allan
kullam filuh ka-fili l-mudmi
arramh (!) aqlan wa-naqlan wa-sharan
wa-armun tallu shayin armi.
Both verses appear in the form ascribed by al-Badr to Ibn ash-Shamm on the title-page of
the Istanbul Ms. Murad Molla 1408 of the iwn by Ab Sulaymn as-Sijistn. Their author is
indicated as Alam-ad-dn, with the remainder not clearly legible on my photostat (b. Br?)
but Ibn Shukr is probably meant. The scribe of the ms. adds another rejoinder, for which see
below, p. 150, n. 4.
5 1 Cf. above, pp. 84f.
102
238
103
We can consequently assume that the argumentation of the jurists was

greatly influenced by their own personal feelings about the social and moral
problems involved. Circumstances must often have determined their attitudes.
Political pressures and self-seeking considerations cannot be ruled out as
sometimes having had their share in shaping the legal reasoning.
It comes hardly as a surprise to find that modern scholars have reached the
conclusion that the attitude of the Ulem towards the use of narcotics was
less definite (than that on wine); they disagreed | upon its legality, though most
condemned it.6 This statement was made for the seventeenth century, and it
is possible that by then there were scholars who did come out for the legality
of hashish in their own legal writings. However, for earlier centuries, it would
be quite difficult to prove that when it came to putting his scholarly reputation
on the line and expressing himself in writing, any jurist would have dared to be
unequivocally in favor of hashish. If this was done, we have no hard evidence
for it in the material at our disposal. It is true that the general climate would not
have been favorable to the preservation of such documents, but it is more likely
that they were never produced, at least not in written form to be preserved
for posterity. Stories told by littrateurs must remain suspect in every single
instance. At most, they prove that unofficially, and as men of general culture,
legal scholars, too, ventured to view a topic of general interest from several
sides. Nevertheless, we may safely assume that some, if not many, seriously
considered the idea that there was no firm legal basis for forbidding the use
of hashish.
Among the known titles of monographs on hashish, only al-Ukbars comparatively early Literary Thoughts in Praise of the Qualities of Cannabis can
be assumed to have been written for the purpose of stressing the advantages of
hashish use, but the Sawni no doubt was a belletristic work and not a legal
essay. It is also by no means certain whether it was all that one-sided or also
contained much that was unfavorable to hashish, nor do we have any information on Al-Ukbar to show that he possessed any standing in the legal circles
of his time. The reply he is said to have provoked from his contemporary alQasalln7 was that of a jurist and presumably informed by religious and social
fervor, but since it is also not preserved, we are still at a loss to gauge the possible extent and quality of the legal arguments presented by Al-Ukbar; as in the
case of al-Badr, little space might have been devoted to them.
6 1 Cf. H.A.R. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic Society and the West, I, ii, 204 (Oxford University Press
1957).
7 2 Cf. above, p. 8.
239
The writing of treatises against the use of hashish, such as those preserved for
us, is at times described as something made necessary by the claims advanced
by those who declared the drug permissible, among them, quite frequently,
certain fs. Declaring (hashish) permissible or lawful is not quite the same
as using it. As we shall | see,8 it was also considered as a grave sin. The decision
as to what should be declared lawful and what not was the prerogative of
the legal authorities who alone had the knowledge to make it. Those fs
might at times have had legal training, but it would seem that when they
were involved in the hashish controversy, they did not act as representatives
of the legal establishment but as users and sympathizers who, whatever their
position in society, were presumably hard pressed to attempt justifying the
use of hashish in legal terms as they were the only ones likely to be heard
and to be effective. No strictly legal writing was in all likelihood done by
them.
At one time we hear that a certain highly respected anafite judge, Jamlad-dn Ysuf b. Ms al-Mala, who died, about eighty years old, in 803/1400,
issued a fatw permitting the use of hashish. He was teased about it by Muibbad-dn b. ash-Shinah (d. 815/1412). Ibn ash-Shinah told al-Mala that he had
composed a couple of verses on some unnamed jurist:
I am surprised to find a shaykh who commands people to be pious
But himself never heeds the Merciful One or shows piety toward Him.
He considers it permissible to eat hashish as well as usury
And (says that) he who studies truly the a is a heretic.
We are asked to believe that al-Mala did not recognize that he was being
teased, although it was he himself who had adopted what must have been a
rather peculiar attitude toward hashish, usury, and, supposedly, al-Bukhrs
a and thus could hardly have failed to get the point of the poem.9 It is not
explained to us why al-Mala should have declared persistent students of the
a to be heretics. In fact, we may have here a joke based on a being a
nickname for hashish.10 The verse apparently expresses al-Malas disapproval
8
9
10
1 See below, p. 126.

2 Cf. as-Sakhw, aw, X, 4 f., 336; idem, Dhayl al Raf al-ir, ed. G. Hill and M.M. ub, 409
(Cairo 1966); briefly also in Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart, VII, 40. The last half-verse is corrupt.
The transmitted readings samia or yasma-i (l-wuya) have been corrected by the editors
of as-Sakhws Dhayl to read yastami li-l-wayi. A more likely reading would be: wa-man
yasma-i--aa aqqan tazandaqa.
3 Cf. above, p. 28.
104
240
105
of over-indulgence (true study) in hashish whereas he permitted it in small

quantities. Correspondingly, in a way, we are expressly given to understand
that he did not, of course, permit usury, which would be unthinkable, but only
certain kinds of transactions generally assumed to fall under the heading of
usury. | However this might have been, we have no information as to whether
the objectionable legal decision of al-Mala was ever put into writing and
achieved publication in one form or other. This was probably not the case in
this, and all or most instances when hashish was declared permissible with
legal arguments.
At about al-Malas time, al-Aqfahs seems to have harbored some incidental doubt about the legal situation regarding hashish, to which he is otherwise
strongly opposed. He refers to a comment by Sulaym ar-Rz (d. 447/1055),11
from his Taqrb al-Gharbayn, on the tradition transmitted by Ab Dwd that
the Prophet forbade everything muskir and mufattir,12 to the effect that this
means that what is muskir is forbidden, and what is mufattir is (merely) disapproved of (makrh). In the view of al-Aqfahs, this could mean that the analogy
to wine is not applicable and that there should be no punishment (tazr) for
hashish and banj under these circumstances. The difference between wine and
hashish would be that contrary to wine, (hashish) is used as medicine, it is definitely clean, the person eating it is not subject to a add punishment, it is not
necessary to throw it away, its purchase is not forbidden, and eating a small
quantity of it is not forbidden.13
In general, however, we can say that the scholarly legal view laid down in
published and preserved writings was against the use of hashish, if in somewhat
different degrees. Between the different legal schools, the condemnation of
it was, it seems, also unanimous, if, again, as is to be expected, with varying
emphasis.
11
12
13
1 Cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 730, where the name is vocalized Salm. The reading Sulaym is indicated by Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart, III, 275. Cf. also McG. de Slanes translation of Ibn Khallikn, I, 584 (Paris 18431871), and Fud Sayyids edition of adh-Dhahab, Ibar, III, 213. Ibn
Khallikn mentions the authors Taqrb, without the qualifying genitive. Regrettably, adhDhahabs Tarkh al-Islm which may contain decisive information could not be consulted
as the Yale Ms. L-612 (Catalogue Nemoy, No. 1176) omits a few years, including the year 447.
2 Cf. above, p. 81.
3 Cf. al-Aqfahs, fol. 21ab. For add and tazr, see below, pp. 123ff.
241
Hashish Considered as Intoxicating and as Corruptive
One argument appealed most to jurists in their fight against hashish and was
universally cited. That was the argument based upon analogy to khamr wine,
whose unlawful character was divinely established. Those licentious persons
who at the time of the | early spread of hashish through the Muslim world did
not hesitate to recommend its use occasionally used it together with wine.14
They also praised hashish as a substitute for wine. Thus, Alam-ad-dn Ibn Shukr
exhorted himself:
O soul, turn to amusement,
For by play does a young man live.
Do not get fed up with daily drunkenness.
If it cannot be wine, let it be hashish.15
A dirham of hashish is more effective than pints of wine, ran the praise of
hashish by another littrateur, a certain Jall-ad-dn Ab l-Muizz b. Ab l-asan
b. Amad b. a-igh al-Maghrib who lived in the first half of the fourteenth
century,16 and indeed, the numerous confrontations of hashish and wine17 are
rather unabashedly based upon a convenient disregard for the unlawfulness of
wine. But the jurists were fully convinced that if hashish could be equated with
wine, its unlawfulness was clearly proved.
It was recognized of course that hashish differed from wine in the raw
material from which it was prepared, in the form or forms of its preparation,
and, above all, by virtue of the fact that wine was exclusively a liquid while
hashish was predominantly used as a solid. These differences played a certain
role in the discussion. It was, however, a very minor role, and it was all but
eliminated by the overriding assumption that hashish and wine were equal in
the effect of either as being intoxicating (muskir). In this respect, scholars
had at their disposal the generally attested Prophetical tradition that every
14
15
16
17
1 Cf. above, pp. 65 f.

2 Cf. Ibn Kathr, XIII, 314; Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII, 380.
3 Cf. al-Maqrz, II, 26, as well as II, 25 (citing the same poet). Al-Maqrzs immediate
source seems to have been the fi al-Yaghmr. This Ibn a-igh is not identical with
Shams-ad-dn Ibn a-igh who is repeatedly cited by al-Badr and who appears to be
the author mentioned in GAL, Suppl., II, 2. Before al-Maqrz, an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, XI, 29,
quoted these verses anonymously.
4 Cf., for instance, below, pp. 163ff.
106
242
107
intoxicant is wine, and every intoxicant is forbidden.18 Clear-cut as this would

seem to make the matter, there remained certain problems. In the first place,
there is the problem of how intoxicant is to be defined and whether the
effects of hashish could be described as intoxicating in the same way as those
of wine. Then it must be asked whether intoxicating is to be understood as |
potentially intoxicating or refers only to the actual condition of intoxication;
in other words, it is a problem whether or not a small quantity of a potentially
intoxicating substance not leading to actual intoxication would be permissible,
together with the problem of the possible immunity of certain individuals
to intoxicating effects, which is of less significance in practice. And there is
a further, related problem, which is also discussed in connection with wine,
namely, whether or not under certain special circumstances, such as medical
necessity, moderate use should be adjudged permissible.
Jurists as a rule do not waste time and paper upon discussing why and how
hashish is to be branded as intoxicating. It is merely asserted that it is and
that many legal authorities assume it to be. As is often remarked, this is in
contrast to banj which is definitely not intoxicating,19 although it possesses the
qualities affecting the mind that make its use unlawful. Some attempts were,
however, made to define and clarify what intoxication meant. Thus we read in
az-Zarkash20 that the effects of hashish agree with the commonly accepted
definition of intoxicated as referring to someone whose orderly speech is
confused and who spills his hidden secret, or someone who does not know
heaven from earth or length from width. The first alternative, which is in
rhymed form, is claimed already for ash-Shfi, as an-Nawaw tells us.21 The
18
19
20
21
5 Cf. Concordance, II, 491b4349, and, for instance, Wak, Akhbr al-quh, III, 4245 (Cairo
13661369/19471950).
1 It may, however, be noted that the supposed Semitic term for henbane was etymologized
by I. Lw, Die Flora der Juden, III, 359 ff. (reprint Hildesheim 1967), as belonging to the
general root signifying intoxication. For Paul of Aegina, ed. Heiberg, II, 31, the mental effect
(parakop) of henbane eaten or drunk was similar to that known of the inebriated.
3 Cf. an-Nawaws commentary on the Muhadhdhab of Ab Isq ash-Shrz (al-Majm,
Shar al-Muhadhdhab), III, 8 (Cairo, n. y. [1966?]). For the confusion of speech, cf. asSarakhs, Mabs, XXIV, 30. These definitions of intoxication are also quoted by al-Aqfahs,
fol. 13b. The second part appears in al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 63. A definition focusing on the
disappearance of worries and spilling of hidden secrets was current in literary circles
according to Ibn ar-Raqq al-Qayrawn, Qub as-surr, 388 (ar-Riysh), 396 (ar-Raqsh).
In al-Badr, fol. 70a, Hrn ar-Rashd is credited with it. The famous Muammad b. Dwd
a-hir (d. 297/310) is described as the inventor of a quite similar formulation, cf. alKhab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, V, 256 (Cairo 1349/1931). Cf. also Wak, III, 125.
243
Qurn based description of intoxication as a covering of the mind (taghiyat

al-aql)22 is not an exclusive definition of intoxication since it is also applicable
to comparable states resulting from other causes.
All the statements of jurists with respect to intoxication share the | description of it as something leading to n-sh-w. This commonly used root is hardly
anything but a synonym of the other term for intoxication, s-k-r. It is indeed
difficult to see how n-sh-w could be translated differently. But n-sh-w was also
distinguished as indicating the beginning and preliminaries of intoxication
(sukr).23 In this way, it was probably understood to denote in particular the
exhilaration that was the initial emotional effect of wine. The root n-sh-w is
commonly associated with the description of wine as something desired (shh-w), meaning the addictive compulsion of wanting more once one has tasted
it.24 Both n-sh-w and sh-h-w are also attributed to hashish and claimed to be
characteristic of it, thus marking it as something intoxicating and therefore forbidden.
However, there were some scholars who denied that hashish could be classified as intoxicating. They probably were few in number, but it was certainly not
only the Mlikite al-Qarf (d. 684/1285) who was the sole exception to the rule,
as az-Zarkash maintains. Even if he knew of al-Qarfs views, Ibn Taymyah
had no doubt also others in mind when he argued against the idea of denying to hashish the effect of intoxication.25 Al-Qarfs argument is found in his
Qawid, as az-Zarkash calls the work which has been published under the title
of Furq (Anwr al-burq).26 While the botanists have stated in their books that
hashish is intoxicating,27 al-Qarf on his part had doubts and preferred to think
of it rather as mufsid corruptive. He defines still another term, murqid, narcotic, as something that stops the functioning of the five senses. If there is no
arrest of sense perception, and the effect is primarily nashwah, joy, and a certain feeling of strength and confidence in oneself (qwat an-nafs), then we can
speak of muskir intoxicating. If the effect is not of this type, then we are dealing with something that must be described as mufsid corruptive. Thus the
22
23
24
25
26
27
4 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, pp. 115 and 184.

1 Cf. Lisn al-Arab, XX, 198 (Blq 13001308).
3 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 304.
4 I, 261 f., in the edition Tunis 1302, with the chapter heading: al-farq al-arban bayn qidat
al-muskirt wa-qidat al-murqidt wa-qidat al-mufsidt. For al-Qarf, cf. GAL, Suppl., I,
665 f., and for the text of az-Zarkashs quotation, cf. below, pp. 182f.
5 This dubious statement appears in az-Zarkashs quotation but is not found in al-Qarfs
text.
108
244
109
classification of intoxicating applies to substances that, like wine and other

alcoholic beverages made from various substances and commonly | discussed
by the jurists,28 remove the mind while at the same time generating nashwah
and joy. Corruptive is what befuddles the intellect, without primarily generating joy, which is the effect of substances such as banj and saykarn.29 The
effect of wine is properly described in the following verse of assan b. Thbit,
the famous poet of the Prophets time:
When we drink it, it leaves us kings
And lions. Battle action does not repel us.30
Intoxicants generate increased bravery and cheerfulness, confidence in oneself,
an inclination toward violent action and taking revenge on ones enemies, and a
heightened effort to outdo others in generosity and nobility of character. This is
the implication of the verse just cited that describes wine and the winedrinker.
Because this is the well-known effect (man) of intoxicants, the Mlikite judge,
Abd-al-Wahhb b. Al b. Nar (362422/9731031), said:
Winedrinkers think that wine
Banishes worry and turns away sorrow.
They are right: It has fun with their minds, and they imagine
That it makes their joy complete.
It deprives them of their religion and their minds.
Do you (not rather) think that anyone lacking these two would be sad?
This was Judge Abd-al-Wahhbs reply to those who defended the general
assumption that wine generates joy and happiness.
Now, using this distinction between narcotic, intoxicating, and corruptive,
al-Qarf suggests that hashish is to be classified as corruptive, and not as
intoxicating, for two reasons. First, hashish is found to stir the juice hidden
in the body, whichever it is. Thereby it creates, for each temper according to
the individuals particular condition, acuteness in people dominated by the
28
29
30
1 Such as mizr made from wheat, bit (or bita) made from honey, and sukurkah made from
millet. Az-Zarkash omits mentioning them.
2 Al-Qarf later adds opium. Az-Zarkash mentions only banj. Saykarn, also in slightly
different forms, is henbane. Possibly, banj here is meant to refer to hemp (?).
3 Cf. assns Dwn, ed. H. Hirschfeld, 1, No. 1, line 10 (Leiden and London 1910, E.J.W. Gibb
Memorial Series 13), trans. (O. Rescher), Beitraege zur Arabischen Posie, V, 2 (Stuttgart
19531954). Cf. also al-Aqfahs, fol. 5a.
245
yellow bile, somnolence and silence for the phlegmatic, weeping and restlessness for the melancholy, and cheerfulness for the sanguine. Some are therefore
found to weep very much, and others to be silent. In contrast, almost | everybody devoted to wine and other intoxicating drinks is found to be exhilarated
(nashwn) and joyous and remote from the painful sensations31 of weeping and
silence. In the second place, wine is known to cause a strong tendency toward
quarreling among drinkers.32 They go at each other with weapons and are ready
to do frightful things they would not do when they are sober. This is meant by
assn b. Thbits reference to lions and readiness to do battle. Nothing of the
sort occurs when hashish eaters are together. In no way do they behave like
winedrinkers. On the contrary, they are quiet and somnolent as in a trance. If
one were to take away their things, he would not encounter in them the strong
violent reaction to be expected from winedrinkers in such a case. (Hashish
eaters) are the closest thing to dumb beasts. Therefore, corpses of people who
have died a violent death are frequently discovered among winedrinkers but
not among hashish eaters. For these two reasons, al-Qarf concludes, I believe
that hashish is corruptive, and not intoxicating. I do not consider the add
punishment necessary in connection with it, nor do I consider prayer invalid
(for someone who has hashish in his possession); it requires tazr as a deterrent so that people do not get mixed up with it. In brief, al-Qarfs argument
is that the differentand, it would seem to us, by and large more positive
effects of wine vitiate the classification of hashish as an intoxicant, without,
however, making it any the less forbidden in principle, although the legal consequences are somewhat less severe. This, however, was not the preponderant
attitude which, as has been stated, tended toward the view of ascribing intoxicating properties to hashish.
A question more open to debate was that of the use of small versus large
quantities. This point also had considerable impact on the discussion of wine
for its potential of driving a wedge into the strict attitude toward alcoholic beverages. For someone as strict as the anbalite Ibn Taymyah, the quantity made
no difference. The prohibition holds, although, he says, large quantities causing intoxication are forbidden by general agreement (ittifq) among | Muslims
and must for this reason be viewed more seriously.33 Not only the last cup
31
32
33
1 The colorless udr occurrence of al-Qarfs text may be a mistake for taawwur, as in
az-Zarkashs quotation, which could hardly be (with most mss.) taawwur perception.
2 The arbadah of drinkers is illustrated by stories in a special chapter of Ibn ar-Raqq
al-Qayrawns Qub as-surr, 431443. The pro-hashish forces often denounce it as one
of the disadvantages of alcohol, cf., for instance, below, p. 164, verse 14.
1 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 311 f.
110
111
246
112
of intoxicating beverages such as nabdh, beer, or kumiss, is forbidden but any

quantity of them,34 and this no doubt also applies to hashish. Ibn Taymyah
inveighs against the claim made for the anafites that they considered a nonintoxicating amount of wine or hashish permissible. With respect to wine and
other intoxicating beverages, save some possible doubts with regard to beer, it
is simply a lie, Ibn Taymyah contends, to accuse Ab anfah of having made
any exceptions (nor would he have made any, had he had occasion to deal with
hashish). There is the much cited traditionwhich, however, is not to be found
in al-Bukhr and Muslim35that the decisive factor is the potential intoxicating quality: Where a large quantity causes intoxication, a small quantity is
forbidden. This, Ibn Taymyah concludes, decides the question for intoxicating
hashish as it does for intoxicating wine.36
The Shfiite adh-Dhahab, if it was indeed he, followed Ibn Taymyah in prohibiting anything potentially intoxicating on the strength of the tradition just
cited.37 However, the famous Nawaw, commenting on Ab Isq ash-Shrzs
Muhadhdhab,38 relied on the assumption that in contrast to wine, hashish,
being a plant, was not ritually unclean,39 and in this case, a little of it not causing
intoxication could be lawfully consumed. In reporting this view of an-Nawaw,
az-Zarkash objects to it as being inconsistent with his view that hashish is to
be classified as intoxicating, as this rules out any use of it whatever. However,
az-Zarkash also quotes the Tanbh of Ab Isq ash-Shrz to the effect that
everything clean the consumption of which does not cause any harm may be
eaten,40 and concludes from it that a small quantity of (hashish) is clean, and
there is no harm in eating it. He further discusses the special case of the hypothetical individual immune to hashish intoxication; | here the ritual cleanliness
of hashish would make its use permissible, in contrast to wine whose ritual
uncleanliness makes it forbidden even for the individual immune to its intoxicating effect. In his discussion of the cleanliness or uncleanliness of hashish,
az-Zarkash also shows himself inclined to assume lawfulness for the consumption of small quantities, and in discussing whether vomiting after swallowing
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
2 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 326 ff.

3 Cf. Concordance, II, 491a2931, and Ibn Taymyah, Siysah, in making the case for the
soundness of the tradition.
5 For ash-Shfis own view in connection with wine, cf. Umm, VI, 130f., 175ff.
6 The first three volumes of the edition available to me do not yet extend to this passage.
7 Cf. below, pp. 117ff.
8 Cf. the edition of the Tanbh by A.W.T. Juynboll, 90 (Leiden 1879). For az-Zarkashs text,
see below, p. 192, and cf. also al-Aqfahs, fol. 20a.
247
hashish is obligatory as in the case of wine, he adopts a distinction between

intoxicating quantities, which require vomiting, and non-intoxicating quantities which do not.41
The Mlikite al-Qarf considered a small quantity of hashish permissible,
this, as az-Zarkash explains, on the basis of his belief that it cannot be classified
as intoxicating but must be considered corruptive. Al-Qarf specified that
opium, banj, and saykarn are permissible as long as the amount used is not
of such a quantity as to exercise an influence upon the mind and the senses.
Less than that is indeed permissible.
The anafite approach was mostly in the direction toward greater tolerance,
providing the excuses that addicts were able to use in their own defense.42 This
at least was the way it turned out in practice while the theory was ambivalent.
A brief and somewhat one-sided summary of the attitudes of the four legal
schools toward the consumption of hashish, in analogy to their attitudes toward wine, appears in the Rislah f urmat al-banj43 in the following form:
According to Ab anfah and Ab Ysuf, the drinking of wine, if it does
not cause intoxication, is permissible because these two anafite authorities
formulated their legal view with regard to the potential final result, which is
drunkenness. On the other hand, the third great anafite authority, Muammad ash-Shaybn, as well as Mlik, ash-Shfi, and Ibn anbal, held the view
that the forbidden character applied not only to the final result but was generally applicable to the entire process. For the author of the Rislah, the situation
with respect to hashish is fully analogous. Not having been mentioned by the
ancient authorities, banj and hashish have remained basically lawful (al-ibah
al-alyah) as all other plants.44 This, for the author, is the crucial flaw in the
legal reasoning about hashish, which needs to be corrected. He | stresses the
fact that the view of the Shfiite al-Muzan and the anafite a-aw45 outlawing banj must be considered legally binding as if it had been expressed by
the founders of the legal schools themselves. Consequently, the eating of banj
and hashish, whether in small or large quantities, is forbidden. Nobody after
their time has ever said that the eating of banj and hashish is permissible, especially if they are taken pure for the purpose of becoming intoxicated, amused,
or emotionally excited, or because of having eaten too much food (aw li-kathrat
akl a-am). Woe unto him who eats them, whether it be little or much. Again,
41
42
43
44
45
1 For the question of inducing vomiting, cf. also al-Aqfahs, fol. 19ab.
2 Cf. also the story of al-Mala, above, p. 104.
3 Cf. above, p. 18.
4 Cf. above, p. 48.
1 Cf. above, p. 48.
113
248
114
woe unto him who eats them for amusement or emotional excitement or anything of the sort. Notwithstanding the strong stand taken by the author of the
Rislah, it seems obvious that the problem of quantity could be argued either
way and was so argued by adherents of all the schools without much distinction.
The question of the possible medical use of hashish was answered in a similar manner since it involved quantities smaller than those that might ordinarily cause intoxication or some other harm. In the view of jurists, the medical
authorities apparently did not have too much use for hemp products in the cure
of illnesses (see below). Anyhow, the legal authorities spoke mainly of banj in
this connection, but the assumption is that whatever they said of banj applied
equally to hashish. Thus al-Fanr collected some opinions of his older anafite
colleagues such as Khwharzdeh who, according to the Shar al-Mabs (?),
considered the medical use of banj lawful unless it led to mental disturbance,46
in which case it was forbidden. The same opinion was expressed in the Mabs (that of Khwharzdeh or, rather, that of as-Sarakhs?).47 According to the
anafite Fatw al-Khulah, there was nothing wrong with using banj for medication, even if it brought about some mental disorder, but some authorities
limited this to exclude possible intoxication in the process.48 In his collection of Fatw, the anafite al-Bazzz | (d. 827/1424) adjudged the situation
similarly.49 Again, his contemporary, al-Qalqashand, a Shfiite, citing Judge
usayn al-Marwarrdh (d. 462/1069), expressed the same view with respect
to banj, jawz mthil (datura Metel L),50 and opium, if the drug was taken by
mistake or for medical purposes.51 The Shfiite author of Qam argued against
those who claimed for barsh the status of a highly effective medicament (bur
sah) and, it seems, demanded on this basis that it be cleared for general use.
46
47
48
49
50
51
2 Dhahab, or zl, al-aql. In the context, some temporary state such as unconsciousness may
be meant, and no lasting deep-seated mental disturbance. However, such a distinction is
not inherent in the phraseology used. A person whose mind is gone is insane.
3 At least, the statement appears in the Kitb al-ashribah of as-Sarakhss Mabs, XXIV, 9.
For ash-Shfi himself, cf. Umm, V, 235, in connection with the divorce of the drunkard.
4 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 190. I have so far been unable to identify the work (identical with
the famous Khulat al-fatw?).
1 In al-Bazzzs chapter on ashribah, cf. Ms. Yale A-166 (Catalogue Nemoy, No. 888),
fol. 380b. Cf. also below, p. 122.
2 Cf. Meyerhofs edition and translation of Maimonides, 43f. For the use in Arabic of
dt(h)rah, cf. above, p. 46, n. 2, and below, p. 134.
3 Cf. al-Qalqashand, ub, II, 146. For Judge Husayn, as the author of the Talq(ah) (cf.
below, p. 121) a much cited authority, cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 669.
249
This was, however, he said, a special case, permissible only upon medical prescription for certain diseases under quite restricted conditions. After vigorously
stating that the use of barsh was ruled out by the religious law and by reason,
he had some further thoughts about its medical properties. He contended that
southern people such as the Egyptians must never use it, but it might be good
for the constitution of people living in the northern, snow-bound regions of the
world, not for all of them but probably for some.52 For the author of the Rislah
f urmat al-banj, it was, or should have been, the general consensus that the
drug must not be used even as a medicine. He realized, however, that others
considered this permissible, and it is not quite clear whether he himself would
not have been willing to make an exception, notwithstanding his strong convictions. When he warned against using banj or hashish in the case of having
eaten too much,53 this would seem, however, to aim at the lawfulness of their
use as medicines.
The fullest information on this subject is again to be found in az-Zarkash.
In his chapter on particular legal problems connected with hashish, he speaks
of the permissibility of its use for medical purposes if it is established that it is
beneficial (as an ingredient) in some medicines. Thus, it has been stated that it
dissolves flatulence and cleans up54 dandruff (ibriyah).55 The reason for its
effective|ness in this respect is the heat and dryness it contains. It is necessary
to decide upon permissibility.56 For saffron, scammony, and other drugs which
in large quantities are deadly can by general agreement be taken, if needed,
in small quantities. I have seen (the Shfiite) ar-Ryn (d. 502/1108), in the
Bar, state this openly.57 He said: It is permissible to use it for medical purposes,
52
53
54
55
56
57
4 Cf. Qam, fols. 276b277a and 279b280a.

5 Cf. above, p. 113.
6 Rather than tanf removes.
7 Flatulence goes back to Galen, De simpl. med. VII (XII, 8 Khn): aphysos. Dandruff was
mentioned by Isq al-Isrl. Both he and Galen were quoted by Ibn al-Bayr. Other
beneficial medical uses mentioned by Ibn al-Bayr and al-Maqrz on the authority of
Galen and others are those of a diuretic, of cleaning the brain, of soothing pain of the ears,
and of being good for digestion (although it also said to be difficult to digest and bad for
the stomach, cf. below, p. 164, n. 5). See above, pp. 73 f.
1 Ms. A, in contrast to the other mss., adds a reference to the use of small quantities, which
according to an-Nawaw are forbidden, if there is an absence of need. From this, it follows
that in the case of need, the use of small quantities is permissible. The situation is different
with regard to wine. See above, pp. 110 f.
2 For the Bar, cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 673. Again Ms. A has a fuller text, referring to ar-Ryns
view that the use of small non-intoxicating quantities of wine is permissible for medical
purposes and that the use of plants for medication is absolutely permitted.
115
250
116
even if it leads to intoxication, whenever it cannot be avoided. He continued:

Something which is not intoxicating by itself but is so in combination with
something else, if it is of no use in another medicine, must not be eaten. If it is
of use, its use as medicine is permissible. Ash-Shfi has expressly stated that
the theriac made of various snake meats may be eaten only in the case of a
necessity of a kind that would make the consumption of carrion permissible.
Az-Zarkash also pays attention to the question of whether hashish may be
eaten in order to still ones hunger. He decides that this may be done, for in
contrast to wine which does not quench a persons thirst but rather increases it,
the consumption of hashish does not cause more hunger. This, it may be noted,
contradicts the frequently observed fact that the use of hashish stimulates the
appetite.58 However, az-Zarkash may be right inasmuch as he starts out with a
situation in which hunger is present, in which case the effect of hashish would
be to alleviate the pangs of hunger. As he puts it, the most hashish does is to
cover the mind. In the context, the phrase must clearly be understood in the
sense of hashish being credited with a narcotic effect producing a kind of anaesthesia. Anaesthesia produced by drugs is permissible for medical purposes such
as the amputation of a gangrenous hand, az-Zarkash remarks. Consequent|ly
it is lawful to eat hashish in the case of hunger or of medical necessity for the
purpose of preserving life.
Az-Zarkash sums up his findings with respect to the circumstances under
which the use of hashish could be considered lawful and permissible, stating
that they are five: (1) If it is the question of a small quantity, but this is so only
according to an-Nawaw; (2) if the user is immune to the intoxicating effect
of hashish; (3) if it is consumed for medical purposes; (4) if it is consumed
to produce anaesthesia in connection with an amputation; and (5) if it is
consumed to still great hunger.59 The overriding concern of all legal scholars
was the abuse of hashish for enjoyment and pleasure. To this they were
unanimously and irrevocably opposed, as far as our knowledge goes.
It is not only the intoxicating effect of hashish but also, as we have already
seen, its effect upon mental and physical health and upon religious and moral
attitudes that provides the jurists with a strong argument. The law does not
permit self-destruction or causing harm to ones body in any way,60 and that is
just what hashish is supposed to do. The physical and mental incapacitation,
58
59
60
3 Cf. above, p. 78. The view on wine is that of ash-Shfi, cf. as-Sarakhs, Mabs, XXIV, 28.
1 Cf. the text, below, p. 195. The concluding words: wa-tajibu in lam nujawwiz al-istislm,
mean: and they are necessary (and not merely permissible) if we do not consider submission (to self-destruction) permissible.
2 Cf. M. Rodinson, in EI2, II, 1068b, s.v. ghidh, with reference to drugs.
251
rather than the transgression of the law, of the addict is mainly held responsible
for the harm that may come to his religion, adding another, even more frightening aspect to the devastation the addict brings upon himself.61 As stated by
az-Zarkash,62 there is general agreement among all the religious groups in the
world that the preservation of mental health is imperative, and, as stated by
Ibn Taymyah63 and others, it is recognized by all Muslim scholars that anything
leading to the destruction of the mind is forbidden. The assumption adopted by
all those who were against the use of drugs was that they corrupt the mind and
the physical constitution, thereby placing them beyond the pale of accepted
custom. If this served only as a second-line argument against hashish, to be
used principally by those who were not clear in their minds about its intoxicating effect, the reason was that Muslim religious tradition furnished the more
clear-cut legal situation with respect to intoxication, but | the argument from
self-destruction existed and was compelling.
The jurists who attempted to stem the use of hashish had powerful weapons
in these two arguments. However, it ought to be realized that theirs was not a
completely impregnable position. It depended neither upon firm authority and
upon precedent of the kind generally admitted nor upon the intrinsic character
of hashish which was a plant and therefore basically permitted for use, but it
had to rely exclusively upon the drugs presumed effects, and they were hard to
prove objectively.
The Ritual Cleanliness or Uncleanliness of Hashish
Muslim law makes much of the distinction between ritual cleanliness and
uncleanliness (hir-najis), and there is more practical significance to this than
would seem to be the case at first glance. Contact with an object classified
as unclean necessitates ritual washing and failing that would, for instance,
invalidate prayer. Internal use, such as the consumption of hashish, complicated matters. As Ibn Taymyah saw it, the proper ritual ablution would not
be enough since hashish is like wine which invalidates prayer for a certain
period.64
61
62
63
64

5 Fatw, IV, 310.
1 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 323. In the parallel passage, I, 129, Ibn Taymyah speaks of
cleansing the mouth.
117
252
118
Quite divergent views were expressed on the status of hashish in this respect.
As a plant, we have seen, hashish clearly falls outside the established categories
of unclean objects. According to Ibn Taymyah, its uncleanliness in its quality as
an intoxicant most definitely derives from the fact that it acquires its intoxicating effect already during the process of turning from its non-intoxicating state
into its intoxicating state (bi-l-istilah), as does raw wine, i.e., must. Banj,
on the other hand, is, as repeatedly stated, not intoxicating in the proper sense,
and other drugs such as nutmeg become intoxicating only after the completion
of the process.65 In this way, hashish is distinguished from other plant-derived
narcotics and closer to wine with its firmly established unclean character. However, | even Ibn Taymyah, convinced as he was of the need for considering
hashish as unclean and of the correctness of doing so, had to admit that even
among the anbalites themselves as well as among the representatives of the
other legal schools there was no unanimity in this respect. There were those
who thought that it could not be regarded as unclean. Others thought of it as
clean in its solid state but as unclean if it was in a liquid state. Others fortunately professed what Ibn Taymyah considered the right opinion, namely, that
hashish is unclean just as wine is.66
The Shfiite az-Zarkash graphically shows the vacillation that prevailed on
this point. In the brief fifth chapter of his treatise, he begins by stressing the
uncleanliness of hashish, only to end up, after citing his authorities, by being
not at all sure about the situation. His chapter offers a good illustration of
the difficulties facing the legal authorities in their battle against the drug and
therefore deserves translation here in full:
The problem of the cleanliness or uncleanliness of hashish must be discussed on the basis of the earlier discussion of its intoxicating character. Analogical reasoning requires that those who pronounce it intoxicating must also
pronounce it unclean. A-s67 has expressed himself in this sense in his
65
66
67
2 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 304. In connection with nutmeg, Meyerhof states in his edition and translation of Maimonides, 38f., that it was used as a stimulant in modern Egypt
after the suppression of the traffic in hashish and other narcotics. Ibn ajar al-Haytam,
Tadhr ath-thiqt, fols. 8b10a, goes into some detail concerning the legal situation with
respect to it, quoting Ibn Daqq-al-d.
1 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 311, also IV, 304, and Siysah; adh-Dhahab, Kabir. It may be
noted that in the systematic discussion of uncleanliness in the first volume of his Fatw,
Ibn Taymyah makes no mention of hashish. This is probably due to the fact that in the
traditional treatment of the topic, hashish naturally did not have a place. Addicts are also
unlikely to have consulted a muft on this problem.
2 Abd-al-Azz b. Muammad a-s, whose Mib is a commentary on the w of
253
Mib when he says: Hashish is unclean if it is established that it is intoxicating. However, Shaykh Muy-ad-dn (an-Nawaw) said that it was intoxicating
but not unclean, and he did not refer to a contradicting view in this respect. He
is supported by the definite statement that it is clean, made by Taq-ad-dn Ibn
Daqq-al-d in what he has written on the Fur of Ibn al-jib.68 He referred
to the general consensus in this respect, saying: Opium, the milk of poppy, is
stronger in its effect than | hashish because a small quantity of it produces
strong intoxication, and the same applies to henbane (saykarn) and nutmeg.
Nevertheless, the general consensus considers them as clean. With respect to
the general consensus in this connection to which he lays claim, there is some
discussion, as will be reported on the authority of al-Qarf in connection with
the question of prayer.69
In an old commentary on the Wajz, we find that its author70 said that he had
heard two views reported orally on the uncleanliness of hashish.
Ibn al-Ar71 says: Hesitation has been shown with respect to declaring it
unclean if it is (in its solid state).72 If it is mixed with water and drunk, it is more
properly called unclean in the view of those who pronounce wine unclean.
68
69
70
71
72
al-Qazwn, died in 706/1306, or 707 as indicated in GAL, Suppl., I, 679. Since I was unable to
consult the work, I am not sure as to how far the quotation extends. It possibly included
the quotation from an-Nawaw but hardly that from his contemporary Ibn Daqq-al-d,
although this is not entirely excluded.
3 For the legal work of the famous grammarian Ibn al-jib (d. 646/1249), cf. GAL, Suppl., I,
538. Ibn Daqq-al-d (d. 702/1303) is listed in Suppl., II, 66.
1 See below, pp. 120 f.
2 Al-Badr, fol. 53a, has the following statement: If not literally in these words, then at any
rate according to the sense, it was said by al-Adhra (708783/13081381, cf. GAL, Suppl.,
II, 108) in his book, at-Tawassu wa-l-fat bayn ar-Rawah wa-sh-Shar: I have seen in
a fragment of Shar al-Wajz qadm that hashish is intoxicating, unclean, and its eater
subject to add. It would seem that the Wajz was the famous work by al-Ghazzl. Its
author is obviously the author of the commentary, and not al-Ghazzl. Al-Ghazzl
himself states in chapter 1, section 1, of the book on al-all wa-l-arm of the Iy, II, 83f.
(Cairo 1352/1933) that plants that cause mental disorder (muzl al-aql, above, p. 113, n. 2)
such as banj are for this reason unlawful, but only intoxicating plants are also unclean.
This excludes, for instance, banj which causes mental disorder but is not intoxicating. The
inherent uncleanliness of intoxicants is an additional deterrent against using them.
3 Al b. Ibrhm (d. 724/1324), cf. GAL, II, 85, Suppl., II, 100. According to GAL, Suppl., I, 686,
he was the editor of an-Nawaws fatws. The paragraph referring to Ibn al-Ar is to be
found only in Ms. B of az-Zarkash.
4 This renders the drift of the discussion, but the text is not quite clear.
119
254
120
In his Fawid ar-rilah, Ibn a-al mentions as transmitted by the author

of the Taqrb73 an opinion to the effect that a plant is unclean if it is a deadly
poison and that this was objected to on the basis of the text of ash-Shfi.74 But
analogical reasoning requires cleanliness for hashish. We have no plant whatever that is unclean per se, except plants that are watered with uncleanliness.
They are unclean per se according to a-aydaln.75 They went so far as to say |
about poison that is a plant, that it is clean although it is more harmful than
hashish. The statement that hashish is to be declared unclean is not to be considered acceptable, even if (hashish) were intoxicating, for proof comes only in
connection with wine, and something other than wine does not correspond to
it in all aspects. It is agreed that it is permissible to consume a small quantity
of hashish. If it were unclean, this would not be permissible.
Thus, doubts existed, and while those who felt that hashish ought to be
outlawed thought it useful to brand it as unclean with all that this involved, it
seems that the legal situation was not easily reconcilable to such an approach.
The obvious result was another small loophole for the drug.76
Prayer and Divorce
At the beginning of az-Zarkashs seventh and last chapter, the question is

raised whether carrying hashish on ones person and having it in possession
during prayer renders his prayer invalid. This is felt to depend on whether
hashish is clean or unclean. Al-Qarf reports the answer of an unnamed Egyptian jurist77 that before the hemp is toasted and roasted, it has no effect upon
73
74
75
76
77
5 The famous adth scholar Ibn a-al died in 643/1245, cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 610ff., and
J. Robson, in EI2, s.v. Ibn al-al. His Travel Notes are listed in jj Khalfah, 1297. The
Taqrb appears to be the work of the Shfiite Ab Shuj al-Ifahn (d. 593/1196), cf. GAL,
Suppl., I, 676 f.
7 As-Subk, abaqt ash-Shfiyah, IV, 31 (Cairo 1324), mentions Ab Bakr a-aydaln,
apparently the person meant here, a pupil of al-Qaffl, who thus lived around 1100. He
wrote a commentary on the Mukhtaar of al-Muzan (see jj Khalfah, 1636), cited by
al-Aqfahs, fol. 14a.
1 For the comparison of dirty wine with clean hashish, cf. below, p. 155. This has nothing
to do with the question of ritual cleanliness and uncleanliness, although it was at times
combined with it.
2 Al-Badr, fols. 53b54a, says that it is an-Nawaw, and the inquirer is ash-shaykh, probably
still an-Nawaw. However, al-Badr may merely be quoting from az-Zarkash, in spite of
small textual variants, and his additional data need therefore not be considered.
255
the validity of prayer because in that state it is nothing but green leaves. Only
after it has gone through that process does it acquire its mind-destroying qualities, and its possession then invalidates prayer. Al-Qarfwho still seems to
be meant rather than az-Zarkash himselfinquired with a group of people
involved with hashish (mim-man yunh)78 whether this distinction made
sense to them. He found them divided in their opinion. Some accepted it
as justified. Others, however, claimed that the efficacy of hashish was absolute and that the toasting process merely served the purpose of improving its
taste and producing a better balanced quality. Al-Qarf himself, | it will be
recalled, considered hashish as corruptive and therefore as clean and having no effect upon the validity of prayer, as opposed to intoxicating substances.
Another question that was raised concerned the functioning of addicts
as prayer leaders. Ibn Taymyah was convinced that an addict must not be
appointed to the leadership of public prayer if a better person is available.
A prayer performed behind a prayer leader who is wicked ( fsiq) is legally
classified as disliked (makrh). There is general agreement on this point. On
the other hand, it is more debatable whether a prayer performed under such
circumstances is valid or not, with Ab anfah and ash-Shfi lining up in
favor of validity, and Mlik and Ibn anbal being according to one tradition
for it, and according to another against it. Appointment of a known addict to
lead the prayer is, at any rate, quite out of the question.79 We do not know how
great the practical need was for dealing with this problem, but it certainly was
something to worry about, even if tales such as the one about a hashish eater
dressed like a legal scholar who was pressed into service as prayer leader and
spoiled the prayer by his irrational behavior throw no real light upon the actual
situation.80
According to the chapter on the prayer of travelers from the Talq(ah) of
Judge usayn al-Marwarrdh, a person who missed prayer or fasting while his
mind was affected by banj or other drugs is required to make up for what he
missed after recovery, as is also required of drunkards.81
78
79
80
81
3 Cf. above, p. 96, but here the word may also be meant to include experts on the subject
in addition to addicts.
1 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 322324 (= I, 128130).
2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 11b, and above, pp. 66 f.
3 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 197. For the general problems of missed prayers for reasons
of temporary insanity and intoxication, cf., for instance, an-Nawaw, Majm (Shar alMuhadhdhab), III, 7 f.
121
256
122
Next to the problems of prayer, those of divorce were closest to the hearts
of medieval Muslim jurists and found the most attention in the law books. As
in the case of wine,82 it was a matter of debate whether a divorce pronounced
under the influence of hashish was binding or not. A basic question here is
whether or not a sin (maiyah) is involved. According to the w, possibly
that of the Shfiite al-Mward (d. 450/1058),83 the law is the same for the
drug | user as it is for the winedrinker, according to one view, but according to
another view followed by Ab anfah, the divorce is not binding, even though
(the addict) is a sinner. According to the Shf of al-Jurjn,84 drinking wine
voluntarily or drinking banj intentionally for emotional excitement,85 so as to
cause mental disorder, is a sin; consequently, the divorce is binding. According
to the anafite Fatw of al-Marghnn (d. 593/1197),86 the actions of a person
intoxicated by banj would not be binding (and this then would include the
declaration of divorce).
Among anafites expressing their opinion on the problem was az-Zayla
(d. 743/1342).87 Citing ash-Shaybn as his authority, he maintains that the
divorce pronounced by a person under the influence of banj is not? binding
like that of the winedrinker. Al-Bazzz (d. 827/1424)88 quotes Abd-al-Azz
b. Khlid at-Tirmidh on the authority of Ab anfah and ath-Thawr to the
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
4 Cf., for instance, D. Santillana, Istituzioni di diritto musulmano malichita, I, 258 (Rome, n.
y.). For ash-Shfi, see Umm, V, 235.
5 Al-Mwards name is not mentioned, but since the quotation is preceded by another
from the Bar of ar-Ryn (d. 502/1108), which is a commentary on al-Mwards w,
it seems likely that his w, rather than that of al-Qazwn (d. 665/1266), is meant here. A
perusal of these widely preserved works will bring the decision. For al-Mward, ar-Ryn,
and al-Qazwn, see GAL, Suppl., I, 668, 673, and 679, respectively. The Yale volumes of
al-Mwards w (see below, p. 124, n. 6) do not include this section.
1 jj Khalfah, 1023, lists ash-Shf f fur ash-Shfiyah by Ab l-Abbs Amad b.
Muammad al-Jurjn who died in 482/10891090. A brief obituary notice of this man
which, however, makes no reference to any scholarly activity of his appears in Ibn al-Jawz,
Muntaam, IX, 50 (Hyderabad 13571359).
2 The reading of the text (below, p. 196) is correct and to be translated as above. Two mss.
have something like thzy wa-araban, seemingly two parallel adverbial accusatives.
3 These Fatw appear to be the work listed in GAL, Suppl., I; 649, No. III: at-Tajns wa-l-mazd
f l-fatw.
4 For Uthmn b. Al az-Zayla, cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 265. His statement is cited in the margin of
al-Fanr. The negation seems to have been omitted by mistake, for in his Tabyn al-aqiq,
VI, 47 (Blq 13131315), az-Zayla refers to the ineffectiveness of a divorce declared by a
person asleep and by a person whose mind is affected by banj and kumiss.
5 Cf. Ms. Yale A-166 (Catalogue Nemoy, No. 888), fol. 62a.
257
effect that a divorce pronounced under the influence of banj is binding if the
user when he drank it knew what it was he was taking, but it is not binding
if he did not know. However, al-Bazzz himself and Qkhn (d. 592/1196),
whom he quotes, think that it is not binding under any circumstances.89 Ibn
al-Humm (d. 861/1457),90 however, finds that no sin exists in the case of banj
or opium, as they are | principally used for medical purposes; consequently,
the divorce is not binding. But the use of narcotics for pleasure and with the
intent to cause harm changes the situation. In such a case, the divorce is
binding (apparently, because this involves a sin). The author of the Rislah f
urmat al-banj decides that a divorce declared under the influence of drugs is
binding, as it is in connection with wine, as a deterrent against their use, and
the same view is credited to our (anafite) scholars in a discussion apparently
by at-Timirtsh.91
The question was presumably one of considerable practical importance. It
may not have been the result intended, but the preference expressed in favor of
the assumption that a divorce declared under the influence of drugs is binding,
while it might have worked hardship on the wife in certain cases, could also
have been for her a means to obtain a divorce from a husband who was an
addict. This would otherwise have been quite difficult for her. Our hashish
stories happen not to talk about divorce, and no reports on actual cases are,
as we must expect, available. Thus, once again, the jurists concern serves us as
a reflection of reality. Even if it cannot be corroborated, it appears to be a true
reflection.
The Feeding of Hashish to Animals
Animals must not be made drunk. Likewise they must not be fed hashish.
Az-Zarkash adds, without indicating his authority, that animals would not
eat hashish.92 Al-Aqfahs (fol. 20a) adds that if the purpose in feeding hashish
to animals is to increase their appetite and fatten them, it can be considered
permissible.
89
90
91
92
6 Qkhn, Fatw, II, 33 (Calcutta 1835), makes the same statement as az-Zayla, cited in
n. 4.
7 For Ibn al-Humm, cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 91. His statement is quoted by al-Fanr.
1 According to the Gotha Ms., quoted in part above, p. 48.
123
258
6
124
The Punishment for Drug Use
Since the use of hashish was generally adjudged a crime, the proper form
and extent of punishment had to be discussed, even if this discussion had
to be held in the rather vague terms customary in Muslim jurisprudence. As
usual, it revolves around add, the punishment fixed by the Religious Law,
and tazr, the punishment left to the discretion of the judicial authorities.
Clearly, if it was possible to equate hashish with wine, the add penalty for
wine would apply. Otherwise it would have to be tazr. However, there | were
slight variations. Again it would seem that general considerations concerning
the danger inherent in the use of drugs, to a greater degree than strict reasoning
according to school tradition, determined the individual scholars attitude.
The strong feelings of the f Shaykh al-arr against hashish naturally led
to the conviction that the add punishment was applicable to hashish with
even greater force than to wine.93 Expectedly, Ibn Taymyah showed himself
adamant in his insistence upon the add of either eighty or forty stripes for
those who believe that hashish is unlawful, yet take it.94 However, he was faced
with the fact that other jurists did not think the way he did and included
hashish in the category of drugs that were non-intoxicating such as banj, in
which case tazr was indicated.95 We have already seen96 that the Mlikite
al-Qarf ranged himself among those. He considers hashish as corruptive
but non-intoxicating and draws the conclusion that in such a case, tazr is
indicated, and only in the case of intoxication (not applicable to hashish) the
add punishment. In the course of time, a strong tendency seems to have come
to the fore in the direction of moving away from the theory that the add
punishment should go with hashish.
In the view of the Shfiite colleagues of an-Nawaw, the use of non-liquid
substances and medicines such as banj and this known ashshah were forbidden like wine but entailed tazr, and not add, for punishment.97 The
Shfiite az-Zarkash considered the application of add obligatory on the basis
of his assumption of an intoxicating character for hashish. What is really decisive for him is the property of giving pleasure and an emotional uplift. Thus
there is no contradiction in the statement of al-Mward who required add for
93
94
95
96
97
1 Cf. also Ibn Taymyah, below, pp. 161 f.

3 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Siysah, and Fatw, IV, 310, 312.
5 Cf. an-Nawaw, Majm (Shar al-Muhadhdhab), III, 9.
259
the use of plants causing strong emotion,98 and that of ar-|Rfi who rejected
add in connection with non-intoxicating plants, because the crucial consideration is the effect of emotion. Thus, according to ar-Rfi, banj does not
require add because it does not cause pleasure and emotion and, in addition, is not strictly addictive.99 In az-Zarkashs view, since this is different with
hashish, the add penalty for hashish is also implied in the position taken by
ar-Rfi.100 Another Shfiite, Izz-ad-dn, rejected in his Qawid the applicability of add to the use of non-intoxicating drugs such as banj whose destructive effect he considered to be of an extremely rare occurrence. He declared it
appropriate in connection with alcoholic beverages such as wine and nabdh,
for they, he argued, were so very harmful just because of their ability to generate
joy and emotion. Az-Zarkash made no comment as to whether this included
hashish.101 He might have wanted to leave it to the readers judgment as to
how the emotional aspect of the inebriating qualities of alcoholic beverages
could be reconciled with the effects of hashish. The Shfiite judge usayn alMarwarrdh would certainly not have used the word hashish in the eleventh
century, but according to al-Qalqashands discussion of hashish,102 he held the
view that intentional drug use was a major sin marking the user as wicked
( fsiq) (as are winedrinkers). Unintentional or medical use did not have this
consequence. This then suggested the conclusion that hashish users are to be
classified as wicked; yet, they are not subject to the add penalty. To conclude
our survey of the Shfiite position, we may quote, again from az-Zarkash, the
colleagues, presumably Shfiites, of a certain ahr-ad-dn at-Tizmant103 who
98
99
100
101
102
103
6 The passage from al-Mwards w appears on fol. 182a of Vol. 23 of the Yale Ms. L-267
(Catalogue Nemoy, No. 1030). Al-Mward discusses two other possibilities: Plants like banj
that cause intoxication but do not cause strong emotion, which are forbidden to eat but
do not require the add penalty and, if necessary, may be used for medical purposes, and
plants like dd(h) Judas tree which do not cause intoxication by themselves but only in
connection with something else. For dd(h), cf., for instance, M. Meyerhof and G.P. Sobhy,
The Abridged Version of The Book of Simple Drugs of al-Ghfiq by Gregorius Abul-Fara
(Barhebraeus), I, 488490 (Cairo 1938), and for the possibility of intoxication caused only
in connection with other substances, cf. above, p. 115.
1 Cf. above, p. 97, n. 1.
2 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 189. Ar-Rfi is better known as the historian of Qazwn, who
died in 623/1226, cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 678.
3 Cf. pp. 190f.; Ibn Abd-as-Salm, Qawid, I, 164 (Cairo, n.y.).
4 Cf. al-Qalqashand, ub, II, 146, and above, p. 114, n. 3.
5 This seems to be the correct reading, after Tizmant, a town in Egypt. Ibn ajar, Durar,
II, 61 (Hyderabad 13481350), mentions a certain Jafar at-Tizmant as a law teacher of
al-usayn b. Al b. Sayyid-al-kull (646739/1248(9)-1338). I do not know whether he was
125
260
126
acknowledged that they were confronted with three different views. Hashish,
as a plant, may be equated with wine and nabdh because it involves intoxication, as this is the crucial point. It may be equated with wine only if it is in
liquid form, so as to have complete | correspondence. And it may be equated
with wine only if it can be shown that it produces the same effects as wine, such
as generating energy, bravery, daring, and exhilaration104 in the head. We may
well assume that only in the first case could there be add punishment, since
hashish was rarely used in liquid form and was not really believed to have the
qualities associated with wine.105
For the anafites whom az-Zarkash quotes from the Fatw al-Khulah,
medical use, even if it leads to mental derangement, remains exempt from the
add punishment. However, if the use of a drug (banj was presumably the word
originally used) is intended to produce intoxication, ash-Shaybn favors add,
while Ab anfah himself and Ab Ysuf opt for tazr.106 With express reference to banj, this view is also reported in the marginal notes of al-Fanr as
having been stated by al-Ayn (?).107 add punishment is also demanded, for
the use of banj leading to intoxication, by the Tanwr al-abr, az-Zayla and
the Ttarkhnyah.108 The authoritative anafite view with regard to the use
of hashish was evidently the one quoted by al-Fanr from al-addd()s commentary on al-Qudr: (Hashish) is less strictly forbidden than wine. Eating
a small amount of it does not require the add penalty, even if intoxication
results. It is like drinking urine and eating faeces. It is forbidden but does not
require the add penalty but a tazr less severe than add.
The user was thus criminally culpable, but he was not condemned as harshly
as was the person who declared the use of hashish lawful and permissible
(who, of course, mostly was, but need not always have been, a user himself). At
104
105
106
107
108
this ahr-ad-dn. The entire passage concerning him occurs only in one-half of the
Zarkash manuscript tradition.
1 This appears to be the meaning of nashh, apparently from the root n-sh-w. No doubt the
same word occurs in Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 324 (= II, 252) (below, p. 148, n. 4), where
the printed text offers nashatuh or shiytuh, neither easily explainable in the context
by its ordinary meaning. Nashh also appears repeatedly in Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Tadhr
ath-thiqt.
2 Nash energy is mentioned as an effect of hashish in the aydar story (above, p. 51), but
cf., in particular, al-Qarf, above, pp. 109 f.
3 Cf. az-Zarkash, below, p. 190.
4 I am not sure whether this is the correct reading and, if so, whether he is the well-known
historian who died in 855/1451.
5 For the Fatw at-Ttarkhnyah of Ibn Al (d. ca. 750/1349), cf. GAL, Suppl., II, 643.
261
least for Ibn Taymyah, an individual who thus distorted the intent of the divine
law was an apostate (murtadd) and was to be treated as such. He must be asked
to repent, and failing to do so, he must be killed. His corpse must not be washed,
the funeral prayers must not be performed for him, and he must not | be buried
among Muslims.109 We do not have further evidence on this point, but a late
jurist, probably at-Timirtsh (quoting an-Nasaf?),110 ascribes to our scholars,
meaning the anafites, the view that those who say that eating hashish is lawful
(man ql bi-ill aklih) are not only innovators and wicked but also heretics
(zindq). This may mean that they considered the severe fate awaiting heretics
as reserved also for those people. In the same discussion, users are thought
deserving of severe tazr.
In this connection, we also find an express statement as to what is to be done
legally with those who traffic in hashish. Their punishment is tadb chastisement, which is one, or rather some, of the forms the tazir punishment could
take.111 Both the growers of hashish and hashish sellers suffered destruction of
their product. This obviously entailed considerable financial loss for them,112
but it was a practical matter which appears to have found little repercussion in
legal theorizing.
What the actual legal practice was as distinct from the theory would be of
particular importance for us to know in our quest to understand hashish as a
social problem, but if we wish to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that
our knowledge in this respect is almost non-existent. Documented information
can be expected to come forth from Ottoman archives and literary sources.
For earlier times, there is little hope that even the most careful sifting of the
preserved material will present us with something like a documented and
coherent picture.
The add punishment put a severe stigma upon those convicted to it, and
it was generally considered as more stringent than tazir. It was in fact held
by the majority of schools that the tazr should not go beyond the extent of
the prescribed add, but this could be measured unambiguously in the case
of hashish only when the applicable add consisted of stripes like that for
drinking wine (according to the prevailing theory, even though the practice
109 1 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 302, 310, 312.
110 2 Cf. above, p. 48.
111 3 Cf. above, p. 49, and the anecdote, above, p. 39. Ibn Abd-a-hir singled out the grower
of hashish as deserving of chastisement whereas the user should be denounced publicly
(sh-h-r VIII) (which would also qualify as chastisement), cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 129;
Ibn ijjah, Thamart, I, 364.
112 4 Cf. below, pp. 133ff.
127
262
128
129
often substituted jail for it). Tazr could therefore result in practice in penalties
that hit the culprit harder than add.
Before either add or tazr could be administered, the difficult hurdle of
providing evidence had to be cleared. Under many, if not most, circumstances
this might not have been possible. The establishment of guilt when a suspected
user was brought before the authorities probably depended as a rule upon
witnesses or the finding of hashish in the suspects possession. Some glimpse
at the procedures that might at times have been followed is granted us by
a passage in al-Badr (fol. 55a). Signs of hashish intoxication are redness and
dullness ( futr) of the eyes, a sallow pale (dirty yellow) complexion of the
face, and difficulties in moving about combined with physical and mental
apathy (kasal, khabl). These signs are used by the authorities (kim) to prove
the case against a defendant. If the accused denies his guilt, he may be given
sour milk to drink and be ordered to throw up, as the greenness of hashish
would go down (rather, come up?)113 with it. If the accused refuses, he should
be beaten until he complies.
For a judge, regardless of school affiliation, a decision was certainly never
easily arrived at. Defenders of the use of hashish could not only claim that there
was no law against it. Under ordinary circumstances, they could be also fairly
certain that the law would not attempt to reach out for them.114
A special situation existed in the case described by al-Badr (fol. 57a). On
25 Raman 867/13 June 1463, shortly before the maghrib prayer, an individual
was apprehended in Damascus with hashish in his hand and ready to eat it.
He confessed that he had obtained it from someone who had ground (--n)
it and that he had meant to eat it at the time of the call to prayer. Both he and
his source were beaten and publicly denounced and then banished. In this case,
the crime of using hashish was combined with an intended desecration, at least
on the part of one of the culprits, of the fast of Raman. How the punishment
would have turned out under less incriminating circumstances is hard to say.
When the government decided to proceed energetically against the use of
drugs, severe penalties were demanded and apparently also imposed. This
included the death penalty. In the thirteenth century, Baybars prohibited the
consumption of wine and hashish and invoked the sword as the punishment
(expressed by the word add) for it.115 | In the latter part of the fourteenth
century, Sdn ash-Shaykhn punished people accused of making hashish
113 1 Tanzil, cf. nizl, below, p. 164, n. 1?

114 2 Cf., for instance, above, p. 76, or below, p. 164, verse 16.
115 3 Cf. below, pp. 135f.
263
with the extraction of their molars, and many suffered this fate, as al-Maqrz
tells us. The seventeenth-century anecdote reported by Ibn al-Wakl al-Mlaw
has two old men go to a park in Qar al-Ayn, then outside Cairo, in order to
eat hashish and smoke tobacco undisturbed. They were afraid of being found
out by the governor, usayn Pasha,116 and decided that one of them should
always watch the road. They alternately ate hashish and smoked tobacco, but
the effect of hashish caused the watcher to fall asleep. He woke up only upon
hearing the clatter of the horses of the men of usayn Pasha. Quickly he
hid the smoking apparatus (dawh) under the garment on the back of the
other man. When usayn Pasha came and asked them what they were doing
there, he told him that he was a barber getting ready to shave his companions
head. The companion felt the heat of the smoking utensil and squirmed, and
when usayn Pasha who was aware all the time that they had been smoking,
asked him why the man was squirming, the barber blamed the heat of the
razor. usayn Pasha called his attention to the fact that he had no razor. So
he said that he was squirming because he was afraid of his clumsiness and
inexperience in barbering. usayn Pasha broke out laughing. All the while,
however, the man suffering from the burning heat accused his companion
in Arabic of having burned his back, only to be told to be quiet and patient
since the burning of fire was milder than decapitation. Both naturally thought
that usayn Pasha did not know Arabic and did not understand them, but he
did. Yet he did not have the men arrested but gave them some gold and silver
coins as a payment, he said, for the barbering, and then left them alone.117 The
prime offence here was not hashish but smoking, which was hotly debated at
the time.118 The death penalty was at stake, but enforcement was evidently
lax.
It would seem that the occasions when the government was determined to
take drastic steps against hashish (for reasons never stated in satisfactory detail
but at best in generalities such as counteracting moral laxity) were infrequent,
and the action not very successful. One might also suspect that at other times,
116 1 He was Deli usayn Pasha, who died in 1069/1659 and was governor of Egypt from
1045/1635 to 1047/1637, cf. I. Parmaksizolu, in EI2, s.v. usayn Pasha. The date of his
governorship in Egypt provides the exact chronological setting for the story.
117 2 Cf. Ibn al-Wakl al-Mlaw, Bughyat al-musmir, in the Cambridge Ms. ar. 136 (Qq 194),
fols. 113b114a. For the author and the work, cf. F. Rosenthal, in J AOS, LXXXIII (1963), 454.
118 3 The unsuccessful repressive actions against the use of tobacco in the Ottoman Empire are
described, for instance, in jj Khalfah, The Balance of Truth, trans. G.L. Lewis, 50ff. The
little treatise (cf. also above, p. 16, n. 2) presents a good picture of the theoretical and legal
arguments then in vogue.
130
264
the number of individual cases that reached the courts was limited and stood
certainly in no proportion to the number of addicts. The legal theory left some
loopholes, although by and large it was agreed upon the criminal character
of drug use. But it was fighting a losing battle with the reality of the societal
environment and seems to have given up and failed when a strong stand was
sorely needed. At the end, the prevailing attitude in society appears to have
been one of complete resignation.119
119 1 This, at least, is the impression one gains from the just cited work by jj Khalfah for the
first half of the seventeenth century.
chapter five
Hashish and Its Users in Society

1
131
Economic Aspects
With its continued growth, the hashish habit quite naturally came to play a
certain role in economic and commercial life. The extent and character of this
role can be assumed to have varied a good deal from country to country and
from locality to locality, but we do not have the details that would be necessary
to make any precise statements about this situation.
One of the outstanding features about hashish was its comparative inexpensiveness. It might have been only under rare conditions that it was beyond the
reach of anybody.1 Hashish was so cheap that it could be said by the historian
Ibn Abd-a-hir in the thirteenth century that one dirham of hashish readily
bought as much intoxication as did one dnr of wine.2 This, of course, is not to
be taken literally, but it gives a good idea of the economics involved. Wine, in
contrast to hashish, was a luxury item that the poorer sections of the population were unable to afford, a fact repeatedly commented upon. The production
of hashish also was much less refined and complicated than the cultivation
and the processing of grapes, nor should it be forgotten that hashish was a
much less bulky and more easily handled merchandise than wine. Moreover,
the trade in it did not require the capital and organization that can be assumed
to have been required in the merchandising of wine. Thus, even if hashish had
not been a subject to be treated gingerly and to be bypassed wherever possible,
we could not expect to find for it even a small part of the information that exists
on viticulture and the wine trade. Understandably, the jurists, too, paid much
less attention to it.
Hemp was grown for purposes that were entirely legitimate such | as the
production of rope.3 For use as a drug, the wild variety could be used and
was, in fact, recommended for use.4 But primarily, it was cultivated in gar1 1 Cf. above, p. 99.
2 2 Gf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 129; Ibn ijjah, Thamart, I, 364. For a similar comparison with
respect to weight, cf. above, p. 106.
European observers in the past always stressed the cheapness of hashish as compared to
other narcotics, cf. Silvestre de Sacy, Mmoire sur la dynastie des Assassins, 48, 50.
3 1 Cf. S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, I, 86, 105 f. (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1967).
4 2 Cf. above, pp. 57f.
132
266
dens, as already Ibn al-Bayr tells us. Quite apart from the possibility that it
often was home-grown in small patches of land, the acreage used for planting
it even commercially was no doubt as a rule small. However, we also hear that
in certain parts of the Delta of the Nile, the major crop sown was hashish, and
the daily consumption of hashish in Cairo amounted to ten thousand nuqrahs
(= dirhams), presumably referring to the monetary value of the hashish consumed.5 There may be considerable exaggeration here, especially with respect
to the statement of hemp being the principal crop in some of Egypts most
fertile land, but there is little reason to doubt that hemp as the source of hallucinatory cannabis was not negligible as a factor in agriculture. The cultivation
of hashish was largely forbidden no less than its use. An additional verse to be
found in adh-Dhahabs Kabir stresses this point (although it should be noted
that the second line also occurs in connection with wine):6
To eat it and to grow it as something lawful
These are two calamities for the unfortunate individual.
133
According to az-Zarkash,7 growing hashish for use as an intoxicant is forbidden, while growing it for medical purposes is permitted. Ibn Taymyah might
not have made an express pronouncement on the subject since all az-Zarkash
quotes in this connection as Ibn Taymyahs view is a fatw of his that forbade
the cultivation of a kind of grapes to be found in certain places in Syria which
could not be used as raisins but were good only for wine.
Between the grower and the seller, we find the maker or producer
( f--l, -n-) of hashish, evidently the entrepreneur who turned the plant into
the product ready for sale and use. At times, | he might of course have been
identical with either the grower or, more likely, the seller, if not both. This
probably depended upon the volume of local demand and the resulting profitableness of any of these activities. When severe punishment was meted out in
connection with the making of hashish,8 it probably affected those involved in
all the stages, from growing to preparation to consumption. And the curse pro-
5 3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 4b, where, in spite of the use of I say, the statement seems to go back
to the alleged source, al-Bunduqs a (see above, p. 28, n. 4). The Damiette region in
particular seems to be meant for hashish being the major crop there. Although the phrasing is
somewhat strange ( yustamal fh kull yawm bi-asharat lf nuqrah ashsh), the preposition
bi- suggests that nuqrah cannot be understood as referring to lumps of hashish.
6 4 Cf. the Berlin Ms. (but not the Princeton Ms.) of Ibn Ghnim.
7 5 Below, p. 196.
8 1 Cf. above, pp. 128 f.
hashish and its users in society
267
nounced in Qam upon the maker and consumer of hashish9 was no doubt
also intended to be all-inclusive. However, the producer of hashish from the
harvested hemp crop was a further link in the economic chain of drug use.
That tax farming (amn) was undertaken in connection with hashish (see
below), in whatever form it might have been, clearly shows that it was a
commercial item of some importance. We do not know anything about the
profits of the sellers marked for chastisement in Transoxania,10 but a local
addict who maintained himself by importing and selling hashish was certainly
not just compelled by his habit to continue in business, but he also found it
lucrative and was not greatly bothered by occasional monetary fines imposed
upon him.11 The hashish seller (bayy al-ashsh) of the Arabian Nights is
described as selling also preparations with, it seems, no hashish in it.12 However,
his appears to have been an established business, and presumably a profitable
one. The confection called uqdah13 provided its inventor with a flourishing
business, even if it had to be a clandestine operation. A success story paralleling
that of uqdah is reported by al-Badr (fols. 29a30a) as having taken place in
his own lifetime, in the years 869870/14641466. A Persian called ash-Sharf
(but not a descendant of the Prophet, min ghayr shafah khar) came to
Damascus and set up two tents in which he sold herbs and confections. He had
a good business and soon received a missive from Egypt expressing the desire
of Egyptians for his product and beginning with the verse: Anyone going to
Damascus underneath its fortressPlease greet the seller of the paste (majn)
in the tent(s). He accepted the invitation and set up a candy shop in Cairo
where his employees produced pears, apples, red and green dates, and other
(candied fruits). He was so successful that it was rare to find a | Cairine, man,
woman, or child, without candies from ash-Sharf in the pocket. But then it
happened that the wife of an amr al-ashart went to the public bath and
her companion (khushdshah) gave her one of the dates (bal[a]ah) from the
Sharf establishment to eat. It was her first experience with them, and she
had hardly entered the bath when she lost contact with reality (ghbat an
wujdih). Applying a shampoo (nrah)14 to her head, she felt its pleasant
9
10
11
12
13
14
2 Cf. Qam, fol. 275b: al-shshah qtal Allh filah wa-mubtaliah.

3 Cf. above, p. 49.
4 Cf. above, p. 39.
5 Cf. the story referred to above, p. 32, n. 4.
6 Cf. above, p. 33.
1 Lit., depilatory, cf. A. Louis, in EI2, III, 145a, s.v. ammm, on modern Tunisian fal fullers
clay, dry mud.
134
268
135
itch and started to scratch but then was unable to stop until her tresses fell
out. Her husband was shocked when he saw her. He got together with the
mutasib, and they accused ash-Sharf of putting hashish in his confections.
Ash-Sharf denied it and gave them his recipe. They had it checked out with
a druggist, and it was found that the candies did not contain hashish. There
was disagreement among people as to what could have been the intoxicating
ingredient. Some suggested that it might have been fir al-imr,15 others
thought of dt(h)rah, and others still of other plants.16 Anyway, when the
amr al-mushidd17 heard about the matter, he gave ash-Sharf a large salary
which enabled him to set up a chain of candy stores all over Cairo. If hashish
had been involved or, if it was, could have been proven to be involved, he
probably would have been put out of business, but the story suggests that a
skilful retailer could have done very well with hashish confections, at least for
some time.
The need to keep the hashish trade under cover was no doubt the result of
the legal attitude toward activities of this sort. Az-Zarkash declared it permissible for the drug to be sold if it was intended to serve useful pharmacological
purposes the same way as was done by scammony and opium, but even in
this case only on condition that | it be traded in small quantities only. Selling hashish to those who were definitely known as addicts was forbidden.18 On
15
16
17
18
2 There is a plant called fir al-muhr colchicum (cf. M. Meyerhof, ed. and trans. of
Maimonides, 134 f.), but there also is a ilf al-imr (ilf being a synonym of fir), cf.
H.P. Renaud and G.S. Colin, Tufat al-abb, 184 (Paris 1934, Publ. de lInstitut des Hautes
tudes Marocaines 24). Dioscurides reference to awfr al-amr and alf al-maz (II, 42,
44; ed. Wellmann, I, 134; Dubler and Ters, II, 141) is, however, of no help as no plant names
are involved.
3 With reference to the zaqqm legend, above, p. 46, n. 2.
4 As in the case of the poet so named (above, p. 91, n. 5), who was a superintendent of
government bureaus, this refers to some high rank in the Mamlk administration. For the
various possibilities, cf. W. Popper, Egypt and Syria under the Circassian Sultans, 94f. For
the amr of ten(s), cf., for instance, D. Ayalon, Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army,
in BSOAS, XVI (1954), 470.
1 Az-Zarkash (below, p. 195) continues: as it is forbidden to sell grapes to winemakers. The
statement that hashish is intoxicating leads through analogical reasoning to the conclusion that the sale (of it) is invalid, even if it is clean, like musical instruments. Al-Aqfahs,
fol. 22b, adds to this the view expressed by Shaykh Ab mid that selling grapes to winemakers is not forbidden since they might repent. He concludes that this could also be
considered applicable to hashish. Ab mid would be the famous Shfiite, Amad b.
Muammad al-Isfarin (344406/955(6)-1016), cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, IV, 368370 (Cairo 1349/1931); as-Subk, abaqt ash-Shfiyah, III, 24ff.
269
the other hand, if we can take al-Aqfahs literally, the purchase of hashish was
not unlawful, in contrast to that of wine.19
In order to curb the use of hashish, it was necessary to hit it at the source, that
is, primarily, either the growers or the sellers. Sometimes, urban development
eliminated a popular source of hashish. This happened when the Kfr Park in
Cairo was built up in 651/1253. It put an end to the use of the park for cultivating
hashish there.20 The word employed in connection with the destruction of
hashish is burning. What was burned is somewhat ambiguous, but we may
assume, with good reason, that it predominantly referred to burning down
the hemp fields (or rather, the cut plants), and only rarely if at all to the
burning of the finished product, the stock of hashish in the hands of dealers.
We have already heard that the anafites and Shfiites of Transoxania agreed,
presumably at a comparatively early date in the history of hashish, that it was
to be burned with considerable loss to the owners.21 If this loss was due to its
great value, it would seem to mean the destruction of the finished product
held by merchants, but if it resulted from lack of recompensation, it would
also be possible to think of the burning down of the plants in the fields.
When the governor of Cairo, Ms b. Yaghmr (599663/1202(3)1265), was
ordered by al-Malik a-li Najm-ad-dn Ayyb in 643/1245 to prevent the
growing of hashish in the Kfr Park, he had a large amount of it collected
and burned, quite obviously, the harvested plants,22 but a slight ambiguity in
this respect attaches to the famous report of the attempt, undertaken in Egypt
under al-Malik a-hir Baybars in 665/12661267, to proceed against moral
laxity in the population. It involved revocation of the | amn for hashish and
the destruction of it by fire as well as the destruction by fire of houses where
intoxicating beverages were available, breaking the wine vessels found there
and pouring out the wine.23 Since the wine was the finished product stored in
taverns ready for consumption, we might think that also the hashish was the
finished drug available from dealers; this, however, is quite obviously uncertain,
19
20
21
22
23

3 Cf. al-Maqrz, II, 25, and I, 457.
4 Cf. above, p. 49.
5 Cf. al-Maqrz, II, 26.
1 Cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 170 (in the life of Baybars), and II, 387 (in the life of Muammad
b. Dniyl); Ibn Dniyl, ayf al-khayl, cf. G. Jacob, Das Schattentheater, 7 (Berlin 1901);
al-Maqrz, I, 106, ed. G. Wiet, in Mm. de l Institut Franais dArchol. Or. du Caire, XXXIII
(1913), 90, and II, 302; Ibn Iys, Badi, I, 104107 (Blq 1312), anno 665 (not available);
Al . usayn, Ibn Daqq-al-id, 40 f. (Cairo i960); S.Y. Labib, Handelsgeschichte gyptens
im Sptmittelalter, 249 (Wiesbaden 1965).
136
270
137
and the burning of hemp plants might rather be meant. Accordingly, the amn
would refer to tax revenues obtained from the growers, rather than from sales of
the finished product purchased by users. When Quddr (d. 730/1329) became
governor of Cairo in 724/1324, he confiscated much hashish in Bb al-Lq and
had it burned at Bb Zuwaylah where at the same time also large quantities
of confiscated wine were destroyed. Hardly a day went by for an entire month
when this was not done.24 It is difficult to say whether it was processed hashish
or the hemp plants that were uprooted and burned. Certainly, when Sdn
ash-Shaykhn (d. 798/1396) went after various places in and around Cairo,
such as al-Junaynah,25 akr Wil in Blq, and Bb al-Lq, in order to have
those accursed shrubs destroyed, there can be little doubt that the growing
plants were meant which were burned in the places where they were growing.26
Whatever it was that was destroyed when action was taken against hashish, it
is clear that people were hurt economically to some degree.
Altogether, hashish provided for or contributed to the livelihood of quite a
number of individuals and had some importance in the economy, at least in
Egypt, practically the only country for which we have some information. This
might have contributed to make the fight against hashish use more difficult, but
to all appearances, it cannot have been a very weighty factor. We may suspect
that the hashish trade made its contribution to the ever present danger of
bribery in the judiciary. Our sources, however, contain no examples | for the
use of money derived from the trade to protect its merchants and customers
against legal action.
The Asocial Character of Drug Use
As described by al-Maqrz, addicts tended to gather in certain sections of town.

In Cairo, Ar a-abblah and Bb al-Lq were known as notorious centers of
vice, certainly also because they were gathering places for hashish eaters. From
a later time, we hear about a bridge then known as Qanarat al-ashshshn
which had acquired this nickname because it was one of the places where
addicts met.27 There were special hideouts and taverns frequented by them.28
24
25
26
27
28
2 Cf. al-Maqrz, II, 149; Ibn Kathr, XIV, 113, where Quddrs closeness to Ibn Taymyah is
stressed.
3 Cf. above, p. 95, n. 7.
1 Cf. al-Bakr, Kawkib.
2 As in Granada, cf. above, p. 55.
271
We hear about a scholar in Baghdd leaving a hashish house.29 But, it seems,

there was nothing really comparable to the winehouses mentioned for the
Cairo of Baybars, let alone anything like the famous monasteries and taverns
we hear about mainly from Abbsid times.
Hashish parties of a private character were not unusual.30 Thus, at a party
gathered in some pleasant spot (muntazah), people passed hashish around
(adr), but one of those present, the young poet Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn,
refused to take any. He was goaded by verses of another participant, called
Jbn al-Qawws:
When opportunities show themselves for you, seize them,
For the times for enjoying them are brief.
Get them from something amber-scented, the color
Of myrtle, with a touch of green.
It circulates in the palms, no cup is needed
For it, and its jars are small pockets.
Leave aside anything else if you are afraid of being shamed
As sipping anything else means humiliation and shame.31
Ibn al-Aff, however, remained steadfast in his refusal. In this case, the hashish
eaters were in the company of one, or, presumably, more than one, person who
did not mind their activities but also felt free not to participate in them. We also
hear about individual hashish eaters in a group of people not using the drug.32
Sharing the hashish habit seems to be understood as a bond of friendship in
29
30
31
3 See below, p. 145.

4 Cf. also below, p. 172, n. 4.
idh furaun badat laka fa-ntahizh
fa-amru s-surri bih qiru
wa-khudhh min muanbaratin bi-lawnin
ka-lawni l-si yalaquh khirru
tafu al l-akuffi bi-ghayri kasin
lah wa-ibbuh l-jiyabu -ighru
wa-da an ghayrih in khifta ran
fa-aswatu ghayrih dhullun wa-ru.
32
For Ibn al-Affs reply, see above, p. 93. On Jbn, see al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 213219.
1 Cf. above, p. 67.
138
272
verses by a certain Muammad b. Makk b. Al b. al-usayn al-Mashhad. They

were the favorite poem of an impoverished addict:
The use of hashish is censured by all silly persons
Weak of mind, insensitive.
Really, do not listen, friend,
To the censure coming from stupid and envious individuals.
Share hashish with a goodly young man firm
In the preservation of friendship and appointments.
Is it not a relaxation for the mind? Thus enjoy
It, all you sensible men!
It is the subtle meaning. Which words could accomplish
A description of the centerpiece of the necklace of pearls?
Use itit is no sin
To obtain joy and happiness.
Its excellence has emotion and pleasure as witnesses.
Such witnesses are among the best of witnesses.
That this is the right view of it is indicated
By the souls joy freed from worry.33
Reveal what it harbors: a secret concealed,
And bring about removal from existence in existence!34
33
34
2 ard could be feminine and refer to an-nafs, but in this case it should have the definite
article.
3 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 22b23a (in connection with the story of Ayah al-akaf, below, p. 159):
yalmu al l-ashishati kullu fadmin
sakhfi r-rayi dh issin baldi
fa-l tasma bi-aqqika y abb
malma min ghabyin aw asdi
wa-wfiq f l-ashishi fatn muqman
al ifi l-mawaddati wa-l-uhdi
a-m hiya ratu l-arwi fa-nam
bih y iba l-aqli r-rashdi
hiya l-man l-lafu wa-ayyu lafin
yaqmu bi-wafi wsiati l-uqdi
alayka bih fa-m fh junun
li-tafara bi-s-surri wa-bi-s-sudi
shawhidu falih arabun wa-lahwun
wa-shhidu dhka min khayri sh-shuhdi
yukhabbiru an awbi r-rayi fh
273
While common need and wishful dreaming thus tended to draw users together, the enjoyment of hashish was by and large considered a lonely, asocial
activity. Because of legal and social objections, it was the better part of wisdom
to keep ones habit concealed as much as possible. The defiant declaration that
hashish must be eaten openly, no matter how much ones friends are against
it,35 was more easily made in an anonymous poem than in reality. Likewise,
the supreme contempt for the opinions of others expressed in the verses:
Many a hashish user
Gets to be hated by mankind.
When they give him an earful of vilification,
He swallows it and keeps silent,36
constituted an expression of hope as to how things should be, rather than the
ordinary reaction to the demands of the societal environment. The eater was
afraid of being found out, and he would not even mind to seclude himself in a
toilet so as to be able to indulge in his habit unobserved.37
surru n-nafsi an hammin ardi
wa-ahir m lah sirrun khafyun
fa-ghayyib f l-wujdi min-a-l-wujdi.
35
Min in the last line should probably be corrected to an.

The poet, al-Mashhad, is repeatedly quoted by al-Badr, but I have no further information on him. I doubt that he is identical with the man, whose grandfather was named
Uthmn, mentioned by Ibn ajar, Durar, IV, 264; J. Sublet, in Bulletin dtudes Or. de lInst.
Franais de Damas, XX (1967 [1969]), 51, no. 121.
fa-l budda min akli l-ashshati jahratan
wa-in asraf l-ikhwnu minh wa-akthar.
36
Minh probably should be corrected to fh. The crucial understanding of the second line
is, however, doubtful.
2 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 10b and 17b, where the verses are ascribed to al-Him:
wa-rubba ashshshin ghadatlah l-bary tamqutu
in asmahu shatmahyablauh wa-yaskutu.
37
Shatmatan, not shatmah, is the reading indicated in the ms. However this may be, the
suffix -h in the following line refers to hashish (and not to a possible shatmah).
3 Cf. the poem by Ibn Ghnim, verse 6, below, p. 169.
139
274
140
Primarily, however, it was the very character of hashish intoxication itself

that made the addict seek privacy even in public places and in the company
of others. He tries to withdraw from the world around him and to be left alone
with his dreams. He does not react to what is going on around him. If he is
spoken to, he does not listen.38 Under the influence of the drug, he is as quiet
and somnolent as in a trance.39 He would not want to have anything to do with
that | quarrelsome lot of winebibbers whose companionableness often ends
in violent altercations when they are drunk. This is considered an advantage
of sorts for the hashish user,40 but it points up the lonesome character of his
vice. Fuzl depicts hashish personified as someone who is convinced of his
uniqueness and who claims that he is everything in the world and nothing else
counts. His attitude, Fuzli states, represents the most pronounced egoism.41
The clear implication is that hashish, and its user, wants to live in a world of his
own, apart from reality and unconcerned with society.
There is no contradiction between the addicts need for privacy and his need
for congregating with his fellows. Urban society in Islam tended to segregate
those who by their personal habits did not live up to the expected norm, at
least outwardly. This included the majority of the economically less favorably
placed hashish users. They had to band together in poor and undesirable
neighborhoods in order to pursue their essentially lonely activity.
The Addicts Social Standing
One thing stands out clearly in the entire discussion of hashish. While its use
cut through all layers of the population and, as al-Badr (fol. 1b) put it, was, like
wine, common to Zayd and Amr, meaning everybody, a certain class distinction
was made between confirmed addicts and the rest of the people. This distinction was no doubt largely fictitious, yet, it enjoyed the reputation of being true
and definite. Hashish eaters were believed to be low-class people either by
nature or by being reduced to that state through their habit which impaired all
38
39
40
41
4 Cf. above, p. 87.

1 Cf. above, p. 110, n. 2, or the poem of al-Isird, verse 14, below, p. 164. The hashish eater can
dispense with the company of the drunk (ubat al-makhmr), according to a poem by
a certain Sharaf-ad-dn Ab l-Abbs Amad b. Ysuf from the first half of the thirteenth
century, cf. al-Maqrz, II, 26.
2 According to Rescher and Lugal in their translation of Fuzl, 154.
275
their faculties but in particular those moral and character qualities that determine the individuals standing in society. It also threatened impoverishment
and reduction to beggary (arfashah). Briefly put, hashish generates low social
status (saflah) and a bad moral character (radhlah) and brings the addict
down to a level where almost nothing human remains in him.42 | As one of the
poems against hashish implies, he combines all the qualities that negate the
existence of a well-ordered society and is, in short, a criminal.43
A reaction against the accusation of social inferiority is to be found in the
stress addicts constantly placed on their elitist standing. They were distinguished from and elevated above the common herd of people by being privy
to the secrets resting in the drug. This theme, already developed in the aydar story, always served them, we may assume, to bolster their morale. They
claimed that on the contrary the use of hashish lifted a person above the lowly
state in which life had placed him:
Let me have some green Kfr
Which takes the place of the best of yellow wine.
The poor person who partakes of a dirhams weight
Of it feels superior to amrs.
You would think him to be the strongest of men, but when he has none,
We count him among the weak.44
This naturally describes merely a subjective state as seen by users and, perhaps,
by sympathetic observers. In reality, hashish did not improve anyones social
status, even in the eyes of those friendly disposed toward hashish use.
The contrast between hashish and wine in this respect is noteworthy. Wine
had had a long and mostly honorable history everywhere in the pre-Islamic
world, including the Arabian peninsula. It seems to have been forbidden by
the Prophet mainly because wine consumption was a luxury which the early
42
43
44
3 The concluding portion of this sentence is al-Maqrzs comment on the words in quotation marks, reported by him as a statement made by the brother of his maternal grandmother, Tj-ad-dn Isml b. Amad b. Abd-al-Wahhb, who died, about eighty years old,
in 803/1400 (cf. as-Sakhw, aw, II, 290), on the authority of Al-ad-dn Ibn Nafs. Unless
there is an omission in the text and Ibn Nafs was not the direct authority of Tj-addn, he could hardly be the famous physician who died in 687/1288. It is not excluded
that some other Ibn Nafs (whose honorific may or may not have been Al-ad-dn) is
meant.
141
276
142
adherents of the new religion could not afford and therefore should do without.
It remained in a sense a luxury and as such was cherished by the highest strata
of society and their entourage and followers. Most importantly, this involved
the world of belles lettres with its prime representatives, the innumerable
poets whose wine poetry expressed the longings for an unrestrained life for
themselves and for those who felt that their social position placed them above
the great mass and | entitled them to disregard for the societal restraints
supposed to apply to all alike. According to all we know, there seems to be
a good measure of truth to the claim advanced by the proponents of wine in
al-Isirds poem that no caliph or sultan ever used hashish while many rulers,
probably the vast majority of them, were devoted to wine.45 When al-Maqrz
speaks of the rulers of Hurmuz and al-Barayn in connection with the spread
of hashish, it is well to note that he does not say that they themselves were
users but it was their entourage (ab) that was reponsible for propagating
the evil habit,46 a point which, however, was not stressed in al-Badrs version.
Whatever the actual situation, hashish was believed to be incompatible with
the responsibility for ruling others, at least on the highest levels of power.47
Poets and singers also did not proclaim the glories of hashish as they did
those of wine. Though the frequent quotations of poems here would seem to
suggest that hashish poetry was well cultivated, it is little as compared with
the overabundance of verses on wine that continued to be composed all the
time. Repetitiveness is rampant, and much of the poetry, in addition to being
perfunctory, also was apologetic one way or other.48 There was none of the joy
and exuberance in it that continued to suffuse wine poetry even through its
centuries of decay.
Hashish was believed to be anathema to all members of society of the highest
social standing. We do not hear anything about the attitudes and practices
of the extremely important military component of society. Nor do we have
any information about drug use among the rural population. This, however,
does not mean much since little attention is paid in the literature to peasants,
notwithstanding their large numbers and their importance. Urban craftsmen
and merchants of good standing are not too often described as users but our
stories contain at least some precise statements as well as quite numerous
45
46
47
48
1 See below, p. 166, verse 37.

3 For a highly placed emir, Jnibak at-Tj (d. 868/1464), being suspected of the use of
hashish, cf. Ibn Taghrbird, trans. W. Popper, VII, 103 (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1960,
University of California Publications in Semitic Philology 23).
4 Cf. also above, pp. 5 and 72.
277
indications by implication that they were indeed open to the blandishments of

drug use and willingly exposed themselves to its dangers.49 However, hashish
was clearly assumed to have its true home among fs and scholars. Together
they represented | a kind of third estate, having connection with the rulers and
the military establishment above and the mass of subjects below. During the
time under consideration here, fism and religious scholarship in its various
manifestations were so closely intertwined in the same persons that a clear
distinction can rarely be made. And even where there was open hostility, there
was constant interaction.
Scholars were often quite poor, and fs even more so as a result of their
pretense to economic self-sufficiency. Hashish was cheap and easily accessible.
Its acquisition could be done clandestinely. Its use was more easily concealed
than that of wine and less affected by the inescapable religious odium attaching
to wine, quite apart from the fact that even very small quantities of hashish
were more powerful than wine.50 There was nothing to give away its being used:
The palm of my hand serves as cup for it, and my pocket is its cask; I never gave
away its secret by a jug.51 Hashish can claim to be the friend of dervishes and
to be available in the corner of every mosque and among all kinds of scholars.52
If anyone were to enter the largest class in al-Azhar and produce some hashish
or opium or barsh, so the author of Qam informs us,53 nobody would want
to let him do it because righteous scholars are convinced that it would be
unlawful. This may be so but the very idea that somebody could be imagined
to be doing such a thing raises the suspicion that it was not inconceivable in
reality. Indeed, in an earlier age, hashish could be praised for being suitable
for use in every monastery (rib) and mosque, in contrast to wine, as al-Isird
maintains.54 And when Ibn Abd-a-hir inveighed against hashish, he singled
out masjid and jawmi as the places that should be cleansed of it.55 More than
49
50
51
5 Cf. also below, p. 160.

2 Cf. also, for instance, above, pp. 63f., and below, pp. 172f. The verses referred to above are
from a poem, already mentioned above, p. 45, n. 5, and p. 57, n. 2, in al-Badr, fol. 5b:
kaff lah qadaun wa-jayb dannuh
lam ulqi anh sirrah bi-ini.
52
53
54
55
3 Cf. Fuzl, 167.

4 Cf. Qam, fol. 276a. The passage was quoted by al-Fanr.
5 Verse 3, below, p. 163.
6 Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 129; Ibn ijjah, Thamart, I, 364. Cf. above, pp. 66f. and 80.
143
278
144
ordinary people, fs and scholars might have been concerned as they had
particularly close ties with life in religious establishments.
Hashish can claim to be the shaykh of scholars, just as wine boasts | of
being the boon companion of rulers.56 Sometimes we are told that the action
of hashish had no influence upon a scholars ability to discharge his teaching
duties in an acceptable manner. Thus a shaykh credited with much wit, a certain Muslim al-anaf, who was a lecturer in the Barqqyah, was able to give
lectures on traditional and intellectual subjects in a state of hashish intoxication. One day, however, a mishap occurred. His turban fell off, and out came a
few pills (?) of zh.57 On the lower rungs of scholarship, we hear about a copyist
of Burhn-ad-dn al-Mimr whose poetry he copied and who introduced him
to hashish (muamma and kibsh). He spent all his money on the drug and on
the food, much of it sweets, that he consumed alternately with hashish while
doing his chores as a copyist. Yet, in spite of his drug consumption, he was able
to write a complete quire of paper of a certain size (qa kmil al-balad) with
thirty-one lines per page without making a mistake.58
56
57
58
1 Cf. Fuzl, 171.

2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 28ab, and above, p. 62, n. 6. The story is quite similar to that of a preacher
who had the same happening to him with banj. It was included in the eighteenth-century
work of J.F. de la Croix, Anecdotes arabes et musulmanes (Paris 1772), under the year 950,
and was quoted by Robert P. Walter, Marihuana, 11 (Philadelphia 1938). The source of
de la Croix was, expectedly, B. d Herbelot, Bibliothque Orientale, 200b, s.v. Benk (Paris
1697). The anticlerical sally at the end and, since it is not in dHerbelot, the date are
additions by de la Croix. D Herbelot states that his source was the Turkish Laif of Lmi
(d. 939/15321533, or in the preceding or the following year, cf. Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart,
VIII, 235; T. Menzel, in EI, s.v. Lmi).
The same Muslim al-anaf, al-Badr tells us, once bought a chicken at the Zuwaylah
Gate and ordered it sent home to his house (bayt Muslim) at the Barqqyah. The vendor
wondered whether not everybody in the Barqqyah was a Muslim, which gave our witty
and somewhat malicious scholar the opening for the reply that he was the only Muslim
there.
3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 23a, and above, p. 29, n. 7, and pp. 78f. Al-Badr adds the following verses
by al-Mimr on this copyist of his:
A copyist whose heart is attached to
The green one with seeds and leaves,
I noticed patches on his garment.
I knew he was really torn up.
wa-nsikhin qalbuh muallaq
bi-l-akhari l-mubazzari l-muwarraq
279
Mostly, however, scholars are depicted as having suffered the same fate
as others who fell under the spell of hashish, that is, they lost a good deal
of the dignity that was expected of them. The story of Ibrhm Ibn al-Am
al-Baghdd (who may have been more of a littrateur than a scholar) contains
many of the popular elements. He spent the evening in the hashish house,
reciting bawdy poetry such as the following verses:
This hashish has made my time pleasant.Its softness (?) is my share of
this world.59
Would you could see me running around inebriated
In the street, swaying like a drunk,
Being myself in his condition, man!
Up seems down to me.This hashish has made my time pleasant.Its
softness is my share of this world.
I am, as you know, a beggar and vagabond.
I do not stop being fed hashish,60
Some small tablet without capital provided (??).
On beggary an expert, a muft.This hashish has made my time pleasant.Its softness is my share of the world.61
raaytu f thawbih riqan

alimtu tamzqah muaqqaq.
59
60
61
Mubazzar is a likely correction of al-m-b-dh-r scattered (?) found in the ms. The allusions
of the second verse escape me. It seems to refer to the copyists neglect of his appearance
and poverty caused by his habit, but this is quite uncertain.
For another copyist who praised hashish, cf. below, p. 154.
1 Lynw (requiring two long syllables) may be ln, for lnuh, to be translated as indicated.
The meaning would seem to be that the user finds the world as soft and easygoing as
hashish. Like that of other passages of this poem, the translation is, however, by no means
certain.
2 Kaff may have here the double meaning of hand and hashish, with a probable double
meaning also in mashsh.
hdh l-ashsh ayyab waqtln mina-d-duny bakht
law raytan as nashwn
f s-sqi mil ka-s-sakrn
wa-(a)n bi-lih y insn
145
280
146
This no doubt was shockingly unbecoming, but at least it was not out in the
open. But then, Ibn al-Am remembered his college, the Mustaniryah, and
he left the hashish house to return to it. On the road, he thought that the light
of the moon was water from the Tigris which he believed had overflowed its
banks. He took his sandals in | his hand, girded up his clothes, and grabbed his
jard62 with his hand. The people he encountered shouted at him and made
him feel ashamed.
A similar story, from the rid al-humm of al-Ukbar, tells of the author
walking one night in Mosul (balad al-Mawil) when he met with a well-dressed
individual reciting these verses:
I have combined hashish with wine
And become so drunk that I cannot find my way.
You there whoever you are who will show me the way to my College
Will indeed be rewarded for it most generously.
The narrator, ready to help, inquired which College it was he wanted to go to,
and told that it was the Badryah, he took him there. It turned out that he was
the imm of the College and a very learned man.63 Strangely enough, the verses
quoted are also ascribed to Alam-ad-dn Ibn Shukr, who was a contemporary
of al-Ukbar but lived in Egypt.64 If the story does in fact go back to al-Ukbar,
one would have to assume, I believe, that the ascription to Alam-ad-dn is
not correct and that, perhaps, Alam-ad-dn recited the verses when he found
himself, in reality or in fiction, in a similar situation. He was, as we have seen,65
also a successful teacher for some time, in spite of his indulgence in hashish.
fawq takhayyal l tathdh l-ashsh ayyab waqtln min-a-d-duny bakht
wa-(a)n kam tadr arfsh
bi-l-kaffi m nabra mashsh
luway bi-l rasin manbsh (?)
f l-arfashah lim mufthdh l-ashsh ayyab waqtln min-a-d-duny
bakht
62
63
64
65
The doubtful reading luway (tablet in the sense of pill) is a correction of lw in the ms.
Reading ras as two syllables is another dubious feature, perhaps leg. ras ml.
1 Even if jard were to mean staff, this would hardly yield a suitable meaning in the context,
since a staff is naturally carried in the hand. Perhaps, jard is some part of the dress or, as
seems most likely, it is a slang variant of jurdn penis.
2 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 14ab.
3 Cf. Ibn Kathr, XIII, 315, with very slight variations.
4 Cf. above, p. 84.
281
We also hear about a certain Ab Jurthm al-im who taught grammar

to a certain al-Muizz Amn-ad-dn al-im, a high official (ktib al-insh ashsharf ). One day, his student found Ab Jurthm in a state of great emotional
upset under the influence of hashish, dancing around completely uninhibited,
urinating, holding his penis, shouting aloud, and reciting verses on flowers.66
Naturally, it was also assumed that scholars, like anybody else, could be
ruined by their uncontrollable addiction mentally, physically, and socially.67
No matter how much fiction all these stories contain, and they probably are
entirely fictitious or, at best, grossly exaggerated, they also would seem to be a
reflection of an actual situation and an illustration of what was possible and did
occur on occasion. There is one strange and noteworthy fact, though. Prominent scholars, and, for that matter, other successful members of society, are
only rarely accused of hashish use, although this would have been an easy and
effective kind of slander. Ibn Khallikn, the famous biographer, sounded out
a friend about his reputation among Damascenes, and he was told that his
competence as a scholar was generally accepted, but his claim to descent from
the Barmecides was doubted, and it was whispered that he loved boys and ate
hashish. Ibn Khallikns reply with respect to the last item is supposed to have
been that if it was inevitable for him to do something forbidden by the law,
he would rather drink wine than eat hashish because it was much more pleasurable.68 Ibn Khallikn was also a prominent judge and as such traditionally
subject to slanderous rumors. Why, as far as is known, there is no more of the
sort reported in our sources is puzzling. Perhaps the lack of a long established
tradition for hashish as a moral and religious sin is responsible for it.69
66
67
68
69
5 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 10ab, 12ab, and above, pp. 26, n. 5, 82, n. 5, and 91, n. 1. That the
personalities and the historical setting are not quite traceable is due to lack of information,
but it may also be noted that in one version, al-Badrs often quoted colleague al-Him
(d. 887/1482) plays a role in the anecdote, and in the other Ibn ijjah al-amaw, the
author of the Thamart (d. 837/1434). (It may, however, be noted that GAL, Suppl. II, 12,
refers to Ibn al-Him as Amad b. Muammad [b. Al], whereas al-Badr calls him Amad
b. Al, but I believe that the identification is correct. Amn-ad-dn al-im can, however,
not be identified with Muammad b. Muammad b. Al who died in 800/1397, cf. Ibn
al-Imd, Shadhart, VI, 367.) Some of the flower verses are by af-ad-dn al-ill, cf. his
Dwn, 381, 11. 810, 1213, quoted again by al-Badr, fol. 79a. There may be certain allusions
here. The story of Amad al-Khafff (al-Badr, fols. 12b13b, above, p. 29, n. 1, and p. 80, n. 5)
centers around flower symbolism, the rose representing wine, and basil (rayn) hashish.
1 Cf., for instance, above, pp. 47 f.
2 Cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 102; Ibn ijjah, Thamart, I, 29.
3 Just in passing, and in the only express reference to hashish in his section on wine,
al-Badr, fol. 138b, says of Imd-ad-dn al-Wsi al-wi, who was the second person
147
282
148
What mainly distinguished the fs from the scholars in their attitude

toward hashish was their quasi-religious devotion to it, the cult and ritual they
made of its use.70 It was this that made some among them fervent missionaries
of the drug while others like Al al-arr at times bitterly opposed it. But
there can be little doubt that hashish was rather widely employed by them
as a supposed aid for achieving enlargement of the individuals powers of
sense and, especially, spiritual perceptions. By tasting the secret and the
meanings of hashish, fs more than others hoped to gain additional mystic
experience. Those who were sympathizers with fism rather than avowed
mystics generally saw in hashish a way toward religious uplift. They made, as
attested also by their adversary Ibn Taymyah,71 the use of the drug an act
of worship (ibdah), corresponding to the drinking of wine and the gazing
at handsome boys, and they deserved for it the condemnation reserved for
those other practices that were so greatly abhorred by the orthodoxy. Ibn
Taymyah went into some valuable detail in formulating the query concerning
ghubayr, which precedes his fatw concerning it:72 A query as to young and
old men who are pilgrims, who painstakingly observe the religious obligations
to hold the appointment as preacher at the Tawbah Mosque in Damascus in the early
years after its founding in 632/12341235 (cf. Ibn Kathr, XIII, 143), that he was fond of
the use of wine and hashish. Al-Wsis name was Ahmad, according to an-Nuaym,
Dris, II, 426 f. (Damascus 13671370/19481951), who, incidentally, refers to the same
story and the same verses as al-Badr. I do not know whether he is to be identified with
the Wsi who is cited by al-Badr, fol. 18b, as the author of verses asking for a gift of
hashish:
Show your noble generosity to me by giving me a green morsel,
Most generous one of those who walk the earth
jud l karaman bi-farmatin (?) khadri
y akrama man mash al l-ghabri
70
71
72
For farmah in the meaning of small piece, cf. Dozy and Hava. However, the Paris Ms.
indicates two dots for the first letter, which, though written together, could also indicate one dot each for the first and second letters, but no suitable meaning suggests
itself for q-r-m-h. A correction to q-r-n-h (above, p. 62) would not seem entirely impossible.
1 Cf. also above, pp. 69 ff.
2 Cf. Fatw, I, 59, II, 268. For Ibn Taymyahs understanding of religious worship (ibdah),
cf. Fatw, II, 361 ff.
3 Cf. Fatw, II, 252, IV, 324, with variants translated in brackets.
283
incumbent upon them concerning fasting, prayer, and worship, some of whom
are highly regarded and known for their trustworthiness and integrity (in word
and action), who show no outward signs of evil and wickedness. Their minds
(uql, adhhn) and view are now determined to insist upon eating ghubayr.
Their stated belief with respect to ghubayr now is that it is (a sin and) evil.
Yet, they adduce with regard to their belief the evidence of the Qurn where
it is said that good (deeds) make evil ones disappear (11: 114/116). They say
that it is forbidden, but (they think that) they perform special prayers (wird)
at night and acts of worship. They think that when the exhilarating effect73 of
ghubayr goes to their heads, it commands them to do such acts of worship,
and does not command them to do anything evil or | sinful. They assert74 (that
it causes no harm to any human being in contrast to fornication, winedrinking,
and theft, and) that it(s eater) does not require any punishment (add). It is,
however, connected with opposition to a divine command, yet, God shows
forgiveness for whatever takes place between the servant (and His Master).
A truthful person, having been in touch with them, now reports this view of
theirs. He is now in agreement with them regarding the eating of ghubayr
through their positive assessment of it and the expression of their views and
has adopted all that for himself.
Needless to say, everything here is terribly erroneous in the view of Ibn
Taymyah. He considers it worse than certain Christian practices which Christians believe to be acts of divine worship but which no Muslim in his right mind
would acknowledge as such. What incenses him most is that those men were
ordinary, decent citizens who thought of themselves as good Muslims and outwardly were. They were no extremists in their mystic attitudes and beliefs, even
if they were allied to fism and were infected by f ideas.
Others, it seems, went considerably farther in their quasi-religious devotion
to hashish. The claims they made for it are described for us by the sixteenthcentury Fuzl. His statements are filtered through his poetical imagination,
but this was no doubt also the way in which the intellectual elite among fs
looked at things in actuality. They claimed for hashish to be the master of f
teaching, whereas wine can claim to be only an eager disciple setting the world
afire. The shaykh of love is the very refuge of hashish, whereas wine merely
shows the way to it. Both wine and hashish are considered almost equals as
far as love is concerned, but it is not worldly love, at least not primarily, that is
meant here but the mystic love that is the highest goal of the religious world
73
74
4 See above, p. 126, n. 1.

1 For wa-nasab or wa-yuthbith (!), read, possibly, wa-athbat.
149
284
150
with which hashish is thus connected.75 A mystic disciple in al-Barah became

addicted to hashish (esrr). His understanding shaykh recognized that this
meant that he had reached the ultimate degree of perfection. It was because
of this insight that he ceased giving him further instruction. This proves that
hashish is the perfect being, sought after by mankind with great eagerness. It
may not be the perfect being for everybody, but it most certainly is for the seeker
of mystic experience.76
No matter how eloquently vocal exponents of scholarship and | mysticism
defended the possibilities for individual improvement inherent in cannabis,
they were not able to make a convincing case for this being of benefit to
society. The adversaries of the drug also concentrated on the degradation
of the individual but it was very clearly implied and understood by them
that individual degradation was upsetting to the established social structure.
Hashish was generally branded as something inherently dirty and bestial. The
mental deterioration it is assumed to cause turns men into dumb, irrational
beasts.77 The fact that it comes from a plant is constantly stressed to make
it clear that only animals, and people as irrational and inferior as animals,
would care to consume it. Even worse, it was food for the devil, as wine was
the devils drink. When Baybars decided to curb the use of wine and hashish,
Judge Nir-ad-dn Ibn al-Munayyir (620683/12231284)78 rhymed:
Ibls has no desire to stay with us.
He prefers to make his home elsewhere, and not in the Amrs country.
You have prevented him from obtaining both wine and hashish.
You have thus deprived him of his water and his fodder.
Someone else phrased the same idea in similar words:
A-hir has outlawed hashish as well as wine.
In consequence, Ibls turned his back and left Egypt in a hurry.
He says: Why should I stay in a country
Where I do not have the enjoyment of water and fodder?79
75
76
77
78
79
2 Cf. Fuzl, 171.

3 Cf. Fuzl, 168 f.
1 Cf., for instance, above, pp. 110, 140, and below, p. 168, etc.
2 Mlikite of Alexandria, Amad b. Muammad b. Manr, cf. al-Ynn, Dhayl Mirat azzamn, IV, 206210 (Hyderabad 13741380/19541961); adh-Dhahab, Ibar, V, 342; Ibn Farn, Dbj, 7174 (Cairo 1351/1932).
3 Cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 170, and above, pp. 135 f.
285
It seems that Izz-ad-dn Abd-as-Salm (Ibn Ghnim) also branded hashish

as fit only for animals when he replied to those who claimed that it was wrongly
declared unlawful:
It destroys mind and temper alike
With various kinds of craziness and disease.
Those who say that it is permitted speak the truth.
It is indeed permitted but for cattle.80
Since there were animals such as the gazelle that were standard poetical metaphors for female grace and beauty, the idea could also be turned around, as was
done by Ibn al-Ward, who meant to be facetious and did not seriously intend
to come out in favor of hashish:
80
4 The text as it appears on the title-page of the Istanbul Ms. Murad Molla 1408 of Ab
Sulaymn as-Sijistn (cf. above, p. 101, n. 4) reads:
tudhhibu (?) l-aqla wa-l-mizja jaman
bi-funni l-junni wa-l-asqmi
adaqa l-qilna bi-l-illi fh
h allun lkin al l-anmi.
The crucial last word is unclear and seems rather to be al-anm, but it can hardly be
doubted that the correct reading is as indicated. For the stated author of the verse, see
above, pp. 6 f., and for the verses that provoked this rejoinder, above, p. 101. The first
verse appears also in the Gotha Ms. (above, p. 18) with the variant reading tufsidu, which,
however, could hardly be the word intended in the Ms. Murad Molla. The Gotha Ms.
indicates as the name of the author a certain imm Mamd b. Ab l-Qsim b. Nadmn
al-anbal, whose name remains uncertain pending identification. The Gotha Ms. has
altogether three verses:
The worst intoxication is hashish intoxication, and
Intoxication is forbidden by express statement of the best of men.
It corrupts mind
Which (read ayyu for f) view would permit what affects the
Mind and by (the power of) its intoxicating effect shows contempt for wine?
The fact that the first verse here ends in al-anm could be a further argument for eliminating the possibility of reading this word in the Murad Molla Ms.
For hashish grass being the proper feed only for cattle, cf. also Ibn Ghnim, below,
p. 168. Al-Badr, fol. 55b, has another couplet to the same effect, blaming the fs for eating
hashish, by Ibn al-Mushidd (apparently, Sayf-ad-dn al-Mushidd, above, p. 91, n. 5).
151
286
A pretty girl high on hashish,

When I blame her for what is going on,
Says: Every gazelle
Feeds on green grass.81
152
There were many other different interpretations of the green color of hashish.
It might suggest the unnatural paleness of the addicts complexion as against
the rosy hue that appears on the cheeks of winedrinkers.82 It also lent itself
to positive evaluation inasmuch as | its green color enabled hashish to claim
the famous al-Khir the green one as its patron saint.83 Its green dress and
general decorativeness as a plant bespeak the wholesomeness of hashish, as
indicated in the verses of, as usual, disputed ascription but probably, as stated
by al-Maqrz, by Al b. Makk, a gifted lute and tambourine player in early
thirteenth-century Baghdd:84
81
1 Cf. Ibn al-Ward, al-Kawkib as-sriyah al miat jriyah, in the Istanbul Ms. Topkapusaray,
Ahmet III 2373, fol. 181a:
malatun maslatunin lumtuh f-m jar
taqlu kullu abyatintar l-ashsha l-akhara.
82
83
84
Ibn al-Wards verses are quoted in al-Badr, fol. 33a. Ibn al-Ward, furnishing a good
example for the impossibility to rely upon a poets statements as indicative of his personal
views, also expresses himself seemingly against the use of hashish. His many terrible sins,
he says, at least do not include homosexuality, nabdh, and hashish (Dwn, 256). Again,
he lists hashish among the five sins with which Ibls tries in vain to tempt him during his
sleep in the night. However, here the devil has the last word: Go on sleeping, you are just a
wooden oaf (aabah) (Dwn, 232). The theme of the nocturnal Satanic temptation goes
back to Ab Nuws, Dwn, 554 f. There are other imitations, such as the one by af-ad-dn
al-ill, Dwn, 450, where Satan starts out by suggesting a shaqfah kabshyah (above, p. 30)
to drive off sleeplessness, or the one by al-Badr, fols. 33b34a. For pederastic verses using
the image of the grazing gazelle, cf. al-Badr, fol. 30b.
2 Cf. al-Isird, verse 34, below, p. 166.
1 Cf. Fuzl, 153, 167.
2 The identity of Al b. Makk appears to be clarified by an anecdote told by al-Badr,
fols. 7b8a, which, in spite of the confused source situation (see above, p. 74, n. 5), may
be credited with historicity as far as the persons mentioned in it are concerned. Makk
was a poet in the days of an-Nir (11801225). His son, Al b. Makk, visited the epileptic
ahr-ad-dn Muammad b. Isml b. al-Wakl whose father had been jib dwn al-majlis
Chamberlain of the Caliphal Council in Baghdd, and on this occasion introduced the
reluctant ahr-ad-dn to hashish for medication. It cured him completely, but he became
an addict who could not for a moment be without the drug. As appears from G. Gabrielis
287
Now drive sadness away from me as well as harm

With the help of a virgin(al being), wedded in its green dress.
It reveals itself to us adorned with brocade.85
No metaphor in verse or prose is strong enough for it.
It appears, filling the eyes with light through its beauty,
A beauty that puts to shame the light86 of meadow and flowers with a
bright sheen(?).
It is a bride whose hidden secret gladdens the soul.
Coming in the evening, it is found in all the senses in the morning.
In its clarity it gives to taste the taste of honey.
Through its odor it gives to smell the choicest scent of musk.
It makes touch dispense with bashful maidens.
Mention of it makes music superfluous for the ear.87
Its color presents sight with the most beautiful diversion.
Sight turns to looking at this color rather than that of any other flower.
It is composed of bright red color88 and white, and it bends
Proudly over the flowers, high of stature.
The light of the sun is eclipsed by its red color.
The face of the moon is put to shame by its whiteness.
It ranks high in beauty. It is as if it were
The emerald of a meadow drenched by copious rain.
It appearsand makes hidden feelings appear.
It comesand turns away the army of my worry and pensiveness.
85
86
87
index of the biographies in a-afads Wf, a certain Ab l-Muaffar Al b. Makk b.

Muammad b. Hubayrah ad-Dr has an entry in the Wf, but I am unable to check
whether he might be identical with our Al b. Makk.
Al-Badr, fol. 5a, mentions a certain Nr-ad-dn al-Ifahn as the author of the verses,
and he seems to suggest that his source was the History of al-Manbij (see above, p. 45).
3 This refers to the silvery and golden glow on the plant when it is covered with dew in the
morning sunlight.
4 Light seems more likely to be meant than blossoms.
5 The verse is missing from al-Maqrz and found in al-Badr:
wa-fh ghinan bi-l-massi an khurradi sitrin
wa-f dhikrih li-s-sami mughnin an-i-z-zamri.
88
It clearly belongs to the original poem.

6 For the old Arabian color spectrum, cf. W. Fischer, Farb- und Formbezeichnungen in der
Sprache der altarabischen Dichtung, 237 and passim (Wiesbaden 1965). For the red-colored
wood of the plant, cf. above, p. 47.
153
288
Beautiful of shape, mighty in rank,

It grows high, and high does my verse grow in praise of it.
Thus, rise and banish the army of worry89 and stay the hand of distress
With an Indian (maiden) more effective than white (swords) and brown
(spears),
With an Indian as to origin, showing people
How to eat it, not an Indian in color like the brown ones.90
Eating it removes the burning worry from us
And gives us enjoyment secretly and openly.
The green color, and possibly also the fact that hashish was cultivated in gardens (bastn), permitted its association with gardens, and the word garden
naturally evoked the idea of the garden, Paradise. Although hashish appears
fiery and hot like the fire of Hell, it still is Paradise, as expressed in verses by
al-Isird,91 or in the following lines of the Syro-Egyptian Muammad b. Sharf
Ibn al-Wad (647711/1249(50)1312):
Something green whose action red wine is unable to duplicate,
It rocks the guts and stays put.
It kindles a fire in the guts, although it is a garden.
It brings forth the bitter taste (of wine), although it is a plant.92
89
90
91
92
1 Al-Badr: and protect the army of fun. The army of worry is a very common metaphor
in hashish poetry.
2 Al-Badr: and greenness (?) (wa-l-khuri).
3 Verse 6, cf. below, p. 163.
4 Cf. a-afad, Wf, III, 151; al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 438; Ibn al-Q, Durrat al-ijl, as quoted
by al-Abbd (above, p. 55, n. 3); Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII, 360, anno 688, who does
not know the name of the poet; al-Badr, fol. 10a, who also omits the poets name. For the
aspersions on Ibn al-Wads orthodoxy, cf., in addition to the Wf, Ibn ajar, Durar, III,
452456. The translation bitter taste follows the reading of a-afad, al-Kutub, and Ibn
Taghrbird, as against pleasant life in Ibn al-Q. The second verse reads in al-Badr: It
kindles a fire, although in the heart it is a garden. It shows you the taste of wine (taajjaju
[read tuajjiju] nran wa-hya f l-qalbi jannatunwa-trka ama l-khamri ). Usually, it is
wine that is said to kindle a fire in the drinker, and the opposition of fire and gardens is a
topic of wine poetry, cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 166, 168. Fire even functions as a nickname
for wine, cf. al-Badr, fol. 64a, quoting a verse by Ibn abb al-alab (710779/13101377)
beginning: Kindle for us the fire which is a garden (awqid lan n-nra llat hiya jannatun).
The play is, of course, on the double meaning of fire = Hell and garden = Paradise.
According to verses cited by al-Maqrz (cf. above, p. 140, n. 1), hashish was like a bride
dressed in green silk:
289
No wonder that in spite of Ibn al-Wads talent as a scholar and calligrapher,

there were rumors casting doubt on his religious sentiments and suspecting
him of grave sins, such as putting wine or nabdh in the ink which he used for
copying the Qurn.
The defenders of hashish also found it easy to score a point in favor of
hashish as against wine with respect to natural dirtiness. The preparation of
hashish was a cleaner process than that of wine. Also, as we have seen, wine was
proved legally unclean much more easily than hashish, and hashish was never
used for cultic purposes among non-Muslims as was wine. All these aspects
are brought together in verses variously ascribed to the Spaniard Ibn Khams
(650708/12521308)93 and the Syro-Egyptian Ibn al-Am (d. 692/1292):94
Give up wine and drink from the wine of aydar,
Amber-scented,95 green the color of emerald.
It is presented to you by a Turkish gazelle, slender,
Swaying like a willow bough, delicate.
In his hand, you would think, as he turns it,
It is like the traces of down on a rosy cheek.
The slightest breeze makes it reel,
And it flutters toward the coolness of the continuing breeze.96
The greyish pigeons coo upon its branches in the morning,
And the cadences of the warbling of doves cause it emotion.
It has many meanings the like of which are unknown to wine.
Therefore do not listen with respect to it to the words of the old censor.97
They brought into our (read lan) bridal chamber a fire, and we thought
A garden had come to us coupled with light.
93
94
95
96
97
1 Cf. M. Hadj-Sadok, in EI2, s.v. Ibn Khams.

2 His name is usually given as Al b. Muammad, and not as Muammad b. Al as we find
in al-Maqrz and GAL, Suppl., I, 444 f. The Berlin fragment of al-Badr has Muammad b.
al-Mubrak but indicates in the margin that Al b. is to be inserted before Muammad.
Al b. Muammad appears in al-Badr, fol. 3b. Cf. above, p. 53, n. 1.
The text translated here is that of al-Maqrz. Ibn Khams, as quoted by al-Abbd from
Ibn al-Q, adds the last verse and omits the verse before last as well as verses two to five.
The order of the rest is different, to wit: 1, 2, 5, 4, 611. The Berlin fragment of al-Badr breaks
off after verse 5.
3 Ibn Khams: A fine draft.
4 Silvestre de Sacy translates: comme chancelle un homme tourdi par la vapeur du vin.
5 The statement recurs in al-Isird, verses 24 and 45 (below, pp. 165f.), and the editor of
154
290
155
It is virginal, not deflowered by rain,

Nor has it ever been squeezed by feet or hands.
No Christian priest has ever played around with the cup containing
it,
Nor have they ever given communion from its cask to any heretics
soul.98
Nothing has been said expressly by Mlik to declare it unlawful,
Nor is the add penalty for its use found prescribed in ash-Shfi and
Amad (Ibn anbal).
An-Numn (Ab anfah) has not established that it must be considered
unclean per se.
Thus take it with the sharp edge of steel.99
Stay the hands of worry with kaff and achieve joyful repose.100
Do not lightly postpone the day of joy till tomorrow.
The days will show you what you were ignorant of,
And someone for whom you did not provide (to serve as your messenger)
will bring you the news.101
al-Kutub notes that mufannid means declaring a liar. The root is common in poetry, and
the meaning to blame is more likely applicable here. Mufannid is meant to refer to those
who censure the use of hashish without having any traditional (or rational) arguments to
fall back on. In this poem, as in al-Isird and generally according to the rules of prosody, the
short vowel preceding the rhyme letter can be a, i, or u. Al-Isird uses mufannid to rhyme
with muqallid in the first verse. Thus, a reading mufannad a mentally and/or physically
weak old man is unlikely and, anyhow, excluded by the meaning required. But it suggested
to me the addition of the adjective old.
98 1 The classical love poetry, for instance, Ab Nuws, Dwn, 64, made qarrab qurbn familiar
to every Muslim poet as a Christian cultic term. However, it is not entirely excluded that
the intended sense here was rather: have brought near to its cask. Anyway, the heretics
soul would still seem to be that of a non-Muslim who indulged in wine for cultic purposes.
If, however, Muslims whose winebibbing made them heretics are meant, the line could
be a slur directed against Ismls, accusing them of drinking wine. I have no explanation
for al-Maqrzs reading muqad cripple, for heretic. Al-Badr has cask for cup, and
tavern for cask.
99 2 If this is the correct translation, it seems to refer to the harvesting of hemp with a sharp
knife, a process more easily accomplished than winemaking.
100 3 Cf. above, p. 26. For achieve joyful repose, al-Badr has wa-abi have a morning drink,
and goes on with wa-l tadu (?) ayyma, which seems quite doubtful.
101 4 Al-Maqrz does not have this famous quotation from arafahs Muallaqah. In the context,
its meaning appears to be that hashish should be tried and the experience will be found
rewarding and pleasurable.
291
The poet of these lines, whoever he was, was influenced by al-Isird, unless
more likely both used common material. Wine is dirty, banj and hashish are
clean, and not only in the ritual sense.102
Hashish may have been not as dirty as wine by nature, but the general opinion was that it made the addict physically dirty, and he was not only socially
dclass but also contemptible in character and mores. He is a vile (khass)
individual. The word ashshah easily combines with the adjective khassah
vile103 and should rather be written khassah. Adh-Dhahab (?) repeats this
graphic pun in an | addition in his text to what is found in Ibn Taymyahs
Siysah: By God, Ibls has never had any joy like the one he has from hashish,
because he made it appear nice to vile souls so that they considered it lawful
and permissible.104 He further adds the verses:
Say to those who eat hashish in ignorance:
You live the worst life imaginable when you eat it.
The worth of a man is a jewel. Why then,
You fools, do you sell it for a bit of grass (ashshah)?105
The idea that hashish or ghubayr is a bad bargain and offers little that is
valuable in exchange for the devastating harm it does to the users physical
condition and social position was also expressed by Ibn Taymyah, if in a slightly
different form.106 An anonymous rhymester cited by az-Zarkash and al-Aqfahs
repeats the verses just quoted with some minor variations (although Ms. A of
az-Zarkash has the same text as adh-Dhahab for the first half-verse of the
second verse):
Say to those who eat hashish in ignorance:
You vile fellows, you live the most contemptible life imaginable.
102 5 Cf. Fuzl, 171.

103 6 Cf. below, p. 170, and Ibn Kathr, XIII, 314.
104 1 The same phrase occurs also in Ibn Ghnim. His text continues: They (Ms. Princeton: he?)
took it as a qurbah, something to bring them near to God.
105 2 The quotation in Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, does not include these verses. The Berlin
Ms. (but not the Princeton Ms.) of Ibn Ghnim adds the verses at the very end, written
in a different hand. The second verse begins: The ornament of man is his mind (aql) .
Al-Badr, fol. 55a, has the verses with the variant reading in the first verse: intentionally:
You live, miserable friend, the worst life imaginable (amdanishta y i wayka aqbaa
shah). In the second verse, it is pearl, for jewel.
106 3 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 325 (= II, 253).
156
292
The blood money for the mind is a purse full of money. Why then,
You ignoramuses, do you sell it for a bit of grass?
157
When hashish is mentioned as something helpful in love affairs, it means

hitting at the low social standing of addicts due to their moral corruption. The
evil nature of the drug makes it a willing accessory to licentiousness.107 It has
the effect of facilitating seduction. In this respect, as al-Isird implies, wine and
hashish are equals. Both break down the resistance of the beloved and increase
the chances for success in amorous affairs. Already in the early thirteenth
century, al-Jawbar cited some verses to this effect which are also to be found
in the much later al-Maqrz and al-Badr. They ascribe them to a littrateur
named Amad b. Muammad al-alab and | known as Ibn ar-Rassm, who
according to al-Badr had the honorific Shihb-ad-dn. His identity has not yet
been established, nor is the form of his name quite certain. Al-Jawbar,108 on
the other hand, claims rather dramatically that the poet was a member of a
caste of advanced standing within the hierarchy of professional swindlers and
crooks. This group pretended to be composed of learned shaykhs. In fact, it
agreed upon the legality of eating hashish and considered as permissible the
commission of acts of immorality involving married women and boys from
good families:
Many a slender one, seemingly standoffish, have I observed
Whom I was never able to meet109 except him frowning.
One night I encountered him laughing,
Good tempered, docile, at a party,
His eyes seeking out a chaste lover.
Drunkenness is kind to lovers, not unkind.
I accomplished what I wanted from him and thanked110 him
As he had become, after mutual avoidance, my good friend.
He gave me this reply: Do not thank my natural disposition.
Rather, thank your intercessor, the wine of the bankrupt.
For the herb of good cheer111 intercedes with us
In behalf of lovers by gladdening the soul.
107 4 Cf., for instance, al-Badr (above, p. 66), or an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, XI, 29.
108 1 Kashf al-asrr, 14 (Cairo 1316). Al-Maqrz and al-Badr lack verse 3 and add the two
concluding verses.
109 2 The meter requires a long last syllable in altaqh.
110 3 Al-Jawbar: left.
111 4 Al-Jawbar: the spirits (al-arw, for al-afr).
293
When the capture of a standoffish gazelle is on your mind,

See to it that he grazes on cannabis hashish,
And thank aydars band for having shown
To those of lewd inclinations the method of the fivefold one.112
Leave the killjoys and let me be
Among those who hide from the good opinion of the people.113
Al-Jawbar also lengthily describes criminals who induce children of | wealthy
parents to leave their homes,114 but in this connection, the role of hashish,
if it was indeed hashish which seems unlikely, was probably merely that of
a narcotic to make the victims unconscious for the purpose of abduction.
However, he also purports to know of swindlers who shave their beards, wear
irons, and, in some cases, pierce the penis and put a ring through it in order
to gain the confidence of their intended victims. These people, he says, are
unable to remain for one day without eating hashish. When they eat it, their
minds become confused, and they do everything evil. For hashish is one of the
strongest intoxicants. Everything intoxicating is forbidden, and those who eat
what is forbidden do everything evil. Ibls gains control over their brains.115
The condemnation of hashish eaters as low-class rabble might conceivably
have already led to giving the sect of the Assassins their name.116 It was not only
moral degradation which contributed to the social downfall of addicts. Hashish
112 5 This could be the meaning of al-mutakhammis, as in the edition of al-Maqrz and, it
seems, in the ms. of al-Badr, and refer to the shape of hemp leaves (cf. above, p. 27).
Al-mutaammis seems less likely. It could mean strictly pious (cf. Lane) and indicate the
wish of the user to appear to the world as one of those pious fs who introduced hashish.
113 6 According to Silvestre de Sacy, we should understand this verse to mean that the poet
desires to have a hiding place (mutanammas, not mutanammis) and be protected by the
good opinion in which the fs who introduced hashish were generally held, see also the
preceding note. The last two verses would thus express the longing of hashish eaters for
respectability in the eyes of the world. This, however, hardly fits in with the contents of
the earlier verses. Therefore, the last two verses (provided they belong together with what
precedes) are better explained as showing callous indifference to the world and public
opinion.
114 1 Cf. al-Jawbar, 15 f.
115 2 Cf. al-Jawbar, 14 f. Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 45 (Edinburgh
1969), states: Another malm order was that of the aydars, whose bizarre practices
included adorning themselves with iron necklaces and bracelets and wearing a ring
attached to a lead bar piercing their sexual organs in order to eliminate any chance of
sexual intercourse.
116 3 See above, pp. 42 f.
158
294
159
prevented them from earning a decent living, and the expenses connected with
the habit directly or indirectly brought about serious financial difficulties. An
addict would try to raise money by borrowing to sustain his habit, but failing to
do that, he had to sell all he owned.117 During a long drawn-out bout of debauchery with wine and hashish lasting for ten days, the money might naturally run
out. The only thing left to sell was a carpet. A prospective buyer claimed that
it had been stolen from a murdered cousin, and this had dire results for the
unfortunate reveler.118 Despite of its cheapness, hashish was at times too much
of an expense for those poor people who craved it.119 Those who were in the
beginning quite well-off financially might find their undoing in a craving for
food and expensive luxuries such as large amounts of sweetmeats and fruits,
coming on top of the expenses caused by general dissipation. This could cause
a large inheritance to dwindle and disappear, reducing the addict to beggary
and vagabondage (arfsh, arfashah). The story goes that this happened to a
certain | Amad, the son of Burhn-ad-dn Ibrhm a-f ad-Dimashq,120 and
also to a certain Ayah al-akaf. The depth of degradation into which the latter fell is illustrated by the story that he lost everything and had to leave town.
He was encountered by someone who knew him. He was naked, and when he
was asked about it, he lied that he was having his garment (qumsh) washed
and had nothing else to wear. The acquaintance took off his woolen coat (?)121
and made him wear it. When the craving for hashish (mut [?] al-khar)
came again over him and he did not find anything else to spend or sell, he
tore off the sleeve of the garment and sold it to buy hashish for himself from
the proceeds.122 Because of the abject poverty that was their lot, some addicts
depended on charity, and in fifteenth-century Egypt, it was one of the good
deeds of a pious f to distribute food he himself had received as a gift from
the nobility, to hashish eaters who were passing by his door.123
117
118
119
120
121
4 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 22b. Cf. also above, p. 62, n. 3.

6 Cf. above, p. 99.
1 Cf. al-Badr, fols. 56b57a.
2 The word is twice clearly written in the ms. as jndh, whose precise meaning and derivation
are not known to me. For another occurrence, cf. as-Sakhw, aw, IV, 254, 1. 12. Al b.
Dwd al-Jawhar, Inb, ed. . abash, 264 (Cairo 1970), shows kh.
122 3 Cf. al-Badr, fol. 22ab, and, for other details of the story, above, p. 29, n. 2, and p. 138.
123 4 Cf. ash-Sharn, a-abaqt al-kubr, II, 76f. (Cairo, n. y.), in the biography of Umar
al-Kurd, cited by A. Schimmel, in Festschrift Werner Caskel, 281 (Leiden 1968).
Among further examples for impoverishment as the result of addiction are, for instance, the stories mentioned above, pp. 80 and 94.
295
Men of the Middle Ages did not clearly pose for themselves the problem
whether mans innate baseness led him at times to excessive use of drugs with
the consequence that his status in society slipped, or whether poverty and a
depressed social status created a fertile soil for turning to drugs in the first
place. The first alternative obviously held greater appeal for them in keeping
with their religious and political preconceptions. In any event, the association
of drug use with the status of social outcast appears to have had a firm grip on
majority opinion.
Hashish, the Individual, and Society
In conclusion we must state again that our knowledge is very limited. The
gaps are tremendous. The nature of the information we do have is not easily
assessed. Its applicability to the realities | prevailing over the immense extension in time and space of medieval Islam is often suspect. Partisanship pro or
con, coupled with a seemingly widespread ignorance of hard facts, obscures
everything. Statistics naturally are non-existent.
Our sources give the impression of a westward march of hashish that had
its serious beginnings in the twelfth century and gathered speed during the
thirteenth century. A certain confirmation of these dates may be found in the
further impression that voices seemingly in favor of hashish would appear to
belong largely to the earlier stages of literary attestation. This would indicate
that at first a restricted use of the drug presumably by fs made it possible
to view it as something affecting individuals rather than society and therefore limited in the harm that it was considered to be able to cause. Soon,
however, the alert went out. Hashish was branded as a danger to society. The
voices raised against it were at first strong and insistent. When Ibn Abda-hir wrote a sort of official paper against it, he implied that first it was
wine that had to be fought against, but now, he stated, hashish had become
a fashion and thereby a social danger.124 Human resistance began to assert
itself, and the broad assumptions that governed the edifice of Islam as a religious and legal structure were put to the test. It cannot be said that they
were found wanting, but they did not provide the aggressive and irresistible
strength that would have been necessary. Jurists clung to the lifeline thrown
to them by the prohibition of wine. In theory it seemed very strong but had
itself worn thin in stretches by custom and abuse. Thus they were unable to
124 1 Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 129; Ibn ijjah, Thamart, I, 364.
160
296
161
provide much support for the strict prohibition of hashish which most of them
seem to have thought necessary.
The addicts, on their part, felt that they could be at peace with their Muslim
conscience. Where pure hedonism was not a sufficient excuse for indulgence,
the drug could also be claimed to open up new spiritual and intellectual vistas
and thus to contribute to an otherwise unobtainable sharpening of the religious
experience, thereby bringing mankind closer to what was imagined to be its
essential goal. The spread of hashish was facilitated by its easy accessibility.
This recommended it to the urban masses. The by and large asocial character
of hashish use was a welcome help in fighting the frustrations of daily life,
again something particularly desirable in an urban | environment. The social
stigma and loss of respectability associated with hashish were, it seems, no real
deterrents, all the less so since the use of it was easily concealed.
Society did not have to fear the potential harm that hashish was able by
prolonged use to inflict upon individual users. Its most important problem,
which called for action, was the cumulative effect produced by large numbers
of addicts. The periods when secular authorities tried openly and energetically
to fight drug use were sporadic. They were certainly not the result of a revival of
religious fervor where doctrinal considerations as such determined the governments attitude. They reflected an acute fear that a potential social evil threatening the welfare of the state might eventually get out of hand. In general, the
use of hashish and other cannabis confections remained an underground affair,
and this was so most of the time and not only in periods of governmental campaigns of repression. There was, however, an attempt made to set restrictions
aside and to find out what the result would be. At least this, al-Maqrz tells us,
was what happened in the year 815/14121413. Hashish was at that time used in
public without any inhibition, and it was discussed openly without embarrassment. Al-Maqrz for one took a dim view of the resulting effect upon society:
Character and morals became overwhelmingly vile, the veil of bashfulness and
shame was lifted, people used foul language, boasted of faults, lost all nobility
and virtue, and adopted every possible ugly character quality and vice. Were it
not for their (human) shape, nobody would think them human. Were it not for
their sense perception, nobody would adjudge them living beings. Such transformation (maskh) of the human quality of life is a warning sign, foreboding
great danger for individuals and society. It is, as the author of Qam stresses
in the beginning of his work, a great potential danger to Islam. Islam here is a
synonym of our term society.
Whatever one may think of the uncompromising and harsh attitude of Ibn
Taymyah, he must be given credit for having recognized the societal aspect of
hashish addiction and to have stated it clearly and succinctly in so many words,
297
and not only by indirection. Given their outlook as determined by Islam and
their limited factual knowledge, thoughtful Muslims will have understood and
shared his view. Hashish, Ibn Taymyah says,125 requires the add penalty |
more than wine. The harm a hashish eater causes to his own person is greater
than that caused by wine. On the other hand, the harm a winedrinker causes to
the people is greater (in view of the quarrels and the like provoked by alcohol).
However, in these times, because the consumption of hashish is spreading, the
harm coming from it to the people is greater than that of wine. The people
here is another word for our society. Hashish had become a threat to it, and
the fight was on. Effective countermeasures were not readily available, once
mere repression proved futile, until, perhaps, as among the later Wahhbites,
it was accompanied by an entirely changed orientation. The conflict between
what was felt to be right and morally and socially good and what human nature
craved in its search for play and diversion went on.
125 1 Fatw, IV, 226, omitted in the parallel passage, II, 254.
162
appendix a
163
Some Hashish Poems Translated

1
Al-Isirds Rangstreit of Hashish and Wine
Verses by al-Isird1 expressing preference for the wine of the poor:
164
1) May all be well with you! Do not listen to the word of the old censor2
And do not let not following tradition shape your legal decisions.3
2) You have asked about the relationship between the green one and wine.
Thus listen to
What a person of correct and straightforward views4 has to say.
3) Surely wine does not possess some of the qualities of (hashish).
Can it be drunk openly in a (f) monastery or a mosque?
4) You ought to obtain it, a green one, not to be acquired at an excessive price
For the white of silver or the red of gold.
5) Rather, in contrast to wine, it comes as a gift
Removed from purchase without (the need for) abstemiousness.
6) It is something belonging to meadows5 whose greenness resembles the
gardens (of Paradise),
Whereas their wine is like a burning firebrand.
7) Their wine makes (you) forget all the meanings there are, while this one
Recalls the secrets of Beauty declared unique.
8) It is the secret. In it, the spirit ascends to the highest
Spots on a heavenly ascent (mirj) of disembodied understanding.
9) Rather it is, indeed, the spirit (itself). On its plain, worries do not
Alight, nor is anyone not enjoying right guidance able to take hold of it.
10) The squeezers of grapes have not trampled on it on purpose, nor have they
dirtied
The casks with a seal of black pitch.
1 1 From al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 331334, see above, p. 6.
2 2 See above, p. 154, n. 5.
3 3 If I understand the verse correctly, it refers to the view that there is no traditional basis for
the prohibition of hashish. As indicated in verse 25, the situation is different with respect to
wine, and it is stated that the traditional view prohibiting wine should not be accepted.
4 4 Hardly, an informed, correct, straightforward person.
5 5 Riyyah here is an adjective formed from the plural of rawah.
appendix a. some hashish poems translated
299
11) The bodies are not tired when it is evacuated6

And by vomiting as they have the appearance of an inflated wine-skin.
12) People do not disparage your intellect among themselves,
I swear, and you are not called by them a corrupter.
13) In the handkerchiefs edge may be the place to keep it,
Instead of having to carry a glass in the hand.
14) You escape from sin and punishment. You are not considered
Lowly, and you get away from quarrelsome boon companions.
15) You may drink it constantly, in good and bad circumstances.
The nights of pious devotions are not to be feared in connection with
it.7
16) You are safe from sudden and deceitful assaults by the militia,
And you escape from the injustice of the government, and you have to pay
no penalty.
17) You find yourself8 clean, virtuous, bright,
Witty, and unencumbered by excessive dullness.
18) You discover yourself not hated by the people,
And you are favored with (?)9 the best friendship all around.
19) When the beloved tastes it, he will sneak away from
The invidious backbiter and come to you without an appointment.
20) Among its excellent medical qualities is that it is good for digestion.10
How impossible it is to enumerate all its manifold virtues!
21) Especially, if my boon companion in (eating hashish) is
A gazelle, like the bent branch of a willow,
22) Who keeps (me) company with a pretty poem, and at times
Sings, thereby putting to shame the cooing pigeon.
7
8
9
10
1 Presumably, through vomiting, as this seems to be the meaning of nizl. The usual sexual
meaning of the word is not applicable here. The variant reading zawlih, rejected by the
editor of al-Kutub, could hardly mean: when it stops exercising its effect. Cf. above, p. 128,
n. 1.
2 Hashish, in contrast to wine, permits fs and other devout people to spend the night in
prayer. Cf. also above, p. 148.
3 The literal meaning, to be, become in the morning, suggests the idea that in contrast
to wine which leaves the drinker with a hangover after a night of quarrels, the effects of
hashish taken in the evening are gone by next morning.
4 Tumnau could hardly be followed by the preposition bi-. Read tumdau?
5 According to the medical authorities cited by al-Maqrz, hashish is good for digestion
( jayyidah li-l-ham) but also difficult to digest (asir al-inhim), cf. above, p. 114, n. 7.
Al-Isirds jdatu hamih is, however, hardly intended to mean easy digestibility.
165
300
23) He flirts with me in secret with the eyes of a female gazelle,

And when he smiles, he shows teeth arranged like pearls.
24) Do not listen to what critics may say with respect to it.
They want to keep you away from it. Disobey any old censor!
Other verses by al-Isird, expressing preference for wine over hashish:
166
25) I am devoted to you. The light of truth has shone forth. Thus be guided
aright,
My boon companion! And be you not one to follow tradition with respect
to amusement!
26) Do you like to be similar to a dumb beast
By eating dry grass, not juicy?
27) Do not pay any attention to the opinion of people who are like animals.
Do not pass around anything
Except a pearl comparable to a blazing star,
28) Wine! Whenever its light shines for a caravan that
Went astray some night, it is guided back to the right path by the light.
29) Their hashish covers the respectable person with ignominy
So that you meet him like a killer acting with premeditation.11
30) It produces12 upon his cheeks something like its own greenish color
So that he appears with a face darkish, dust-colored.
31) It ruins his appearance as the boon companions mind imagines it
So that the white of the morning appears like black (darkness).13
32) Our own wine covers the lowly person with respectability
And dignity so that you find every master beneath him.14
33) It shows upand clears up every boon companions worries.
When he drinks it, his thirsty heart is sated.
34) It appearsand his secret appears and gladdens him.
He resembles its color with a rosy cheek.
35) Contrary to hashish, it contains beneficial qualities.
Thus speak about all the meanings it has and describe and enumerate
them!
11
12
13
14
1 The hashish eater is furtive and afraid to be seen like a murderer?

2 Read wa-tubd, or wa-yabd there appears.
3 His nightly apparition (khayl) is so disturbing to his friend that the coming of morning
brings no relief.
4 Hardly, it subjects every master to him.
301
36) The other substance contains all sorts of harm for mankind.
Thus tell all the evil about its bad qualities!
37) Surely, no caliph ever tasted hashish,
Neither did a king who possessed mastery over people.
38) Nor did a poet ever make a serious effort to praise it
With artistic words like the tunes of Mabad.15
39) Nor have the strings been plucked in a gathering in its behalf.
This happens only with the roseate drink.
40) Is a palm ever tinged by anything other than wine?
When it appears in the cup, it shows up on the hand.
41) Under its influence, the beloved bends down, drunk, swaying
In a shape like a bent willow branch,
42) Giving you wine like it in his saliva
And his mouth like well-arranged bubbles (?).16
43) One reluctant to join his lover grants him the favor.
Then he forgets all that took place on the following day.
44) Friend, would any intelligent person refrain from something of this nature?
I was not well advised when I left it alone.
45) Were it not for those meddlers, I would not spend the night sober,
Nor would I listen concerning (wine) to what the old censor says.
46) Thus take it and do not listen to what censorious people say,
Even if it is some time forbidden according to the religion of Amad.17
Consider (al-Kutub comments) these two poems and the contrast and interconnection established by the poet between them. It shows his great skill. He
praises a thing and blames its opposite, then reverses the order, thereby causing sympathy for what he has praised, and aversion for what he has blamed,
without changing the reality of the one or the other.18
15
16
17
18
1 The famous Medinese singer who died in 743.

2 Well-arranged teeth would hardly fit in. Moreover, abb does not seem to have the
meaning of abab.
3 Al dni Amadi, referring to the Prophet Muammad.
4 One more poem making similar points may be cited. It is quoted in al-Badr, fol. 45ab, and
ascribed to a certain Ibn Ab Sad al-Warrq al-Bann:
People said about malm
As it was being compared to wine:
The daughter of cannabis cannot
302
Be compared to the daughter of the vine.

No comparison between them
Is possible for an intelligent man.
How could it be! Wine is pressed in
Shops with the foot.
It has a cask and a jug
And a strainer and a bowl.
The cask of the daughter of cannabis is
A purse, and the hand is the cup.
It has no hangover
Causing harm to the head.
Those (things) become dispensable for
One whose garment is poverty.a
Thus eat malm openly
There is nothing wrong with malm
In blooming gardens
Adorned by roses and myrtle,
From the hands of a Turkish
Gazelle that shows no refractoriness.
His glances wide awake but
His eyes full of sleep.
qla f l-malmi nsu
idh bih li-l-khamri qs
ibnatu l-qunbusi laysat
bi-bnati l-karmi tuqsu
laysa f-m bayna htayni li-dh lubbin qiysu
kayfa wa-l-khamratu f l-nti bi-r-rijli tudsu
wa-lah dannun wa-ibrqun wa-rwqun wa-su
wa-bnatu l-qunbusi ksun
dannuh wa-l-kaffu ksu
wa-hya m fh khumrun
yataadhdh minhu rsu
wa-bih an tilka yaghn
man lah l-faqru libsua
a This verse, it seems, has its proper position before the preceding two verses. fa-kul-i-lmalma jahran
303
Poems against Hashish by Ibn Ghnim and an Anonymous Poet
Ibn Ghnims authorship is assured not only by the fact that the verses appear in
his work19 but also by the reference, at the end, to | Maqdis wine, an apparent
allusion to Ibn Ghnims gentilic. The second half of the poem beginning with
verse 7 can be understood only as an invitation to accept the mystical teachings
of the author, to drink the lawful wine he, and he alone, has to offer, instead of
continuing the hashish habit.20
laysa bi-l-malmi bsu

f riyin ynitin
znah wardun wa-su
min yaday abyin min-a-l-atrki m fhi shimsu
yaqia (a)lzuhu lkin
mila aynayhi nusu.b
19
20
b The meaning of the last verse is clear, but the text as read shows too many metrical
and grammatical irregularities (in an otherwise very regular poem) and probably requires
correction.
1 Al-Badr, fol. 55b, quotes the first six verses with the omission of verse 4. The text of Ibn
Ghnims poem is as follows (the variant readings of the Princeton and Berlin Mss. are
listed in the footnotes to the translation):
y man tashabbaha bi-l-bahmi wa-qad ghad
ka-th-thawri yar f ashshi l-qunbusi
wa-la-anta ashbahu bi-l-bahmati innam
khlaftah fa-labista m lam talbasi
abadat bika l-bank fa-ruta bi-sukrih
tamsh ka-mashyi l-akmahi l-mutaassisi
wa-l-wajhu yak f afqati nasjih
athwba khazzin madinyin alasi
a-rata wayaka an tur bayna l-war
am aamma tushru mithlu l-akhrasi
wa-la-la-m ukilat bi-bayti siqyatin
khawfa r-raqbi wa-khissatan f l-anfusi
fa-idh aradta alla khamrin muskirin
fa-dkhul il n wa-dnaka majlis
tajid-i-z-zajjata bi-l-mudmati ashraqat
wa-afat li-shribih bi-afwi l-akusi
167
168
304
169
1) O you who are similar to dumb beasts, having become21

Like an ox grazing on cannabis hashish!
2) Indeed, you are more similar to a dumb beast. Only22
You have distanced yourself from it by wearing cloth it does not wear.
3) The drug has settled down in you,23 and through its intoxication you have
turned to
Walking as does someone born blind, feeling his way.24
4) The face25 resembles in its compact weave
Garments of smooth, madin silk.26
5) Does it please you, hapless man, to be seen among mankind
Blind and deaf, using sign language like a deaf person?
6) Quite often has it been eaten in a privy
Out of fear of an observer and vileness in the souls.27
wa-tarannamat alnuh f nih

bi-laifi l-man l-aliyi l-anfasi
khudhh bi-l thamanin fa-inna sharbah
l yustabu li-ghayri abdin muflisi
fa-shrab wa-ib wa-rab bi-ghayri taashshumin
wa-sha wa-qul hdh sh(?)-sharbu l-Maqdis.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
2 Ms. Princeton omits wa-qad ghad and vocalizes qanbas (above, p. 22, n. 5).
3 The seemingly correct innam has been corrected by the scribe of the Berlin Ms. at the
bottom of the page to read makalan with respect to food.
1 This is the reading suggested by al-Badr, who, however, continues with a metrically
impossible wjb. Ank bika l-balw the calamity has befallen you(?) seems to be the
reading in the Berlin and Princeton Mss., balw constituting a correction in the Berlin
Ms. whereas the Princeton Ms. has a clearly written . Perhaps, some other nickname
for hashish is concealed here.
2 Al-Badr clearly shows mutajassis with j. Ms. Princeton has something like bi-t-tajassusi
which does not fit the meter, but Ms. Berlin takes pains to indicate . Ms. Berlin has am
aamma (cf. verse 5) here at the beginning of this line. Since this makes the verse too long,
the scribe reconstructed it to read: Am aamma ka-akmahin mutaassisi.
3 Ms. Princeton: fa-l-wajhu.
4 The face is so bland and devoid of expression. Both madin and alas must be understood
as adjectives belonging to silk; they cannot be interpreted as madin satin. For madin,
cf. Dozy, Supplment, II, 104b, to which R.B. Serjeant, in Ars Islamica, IX (1952), 71, has little
to add.
5 Ms. Berlin corrects the last two words to wa-khashyata l-mutajassisi out of fear of a spy.
This is suspect if only because of its simplicity.
305
7) If you wish something lawful in the way of intoxicating wine,28

Enter my tavern and help yourself to my salon,29
8) And you will find the glass sparkling with wine30
And pure for the drinker in the purity of cups,
9) Its tunes resounding in its tavern
With the finesses of noble, most precious meaning.31
10) Take it gratis, for this wine
Is permitted only for a bankrupt32 human being.
11) Drink and be of good cheer and be uplifted emotionally, without inhibition!
Get ecstatic and say: This is the Maqdis wine.33
The author of the other poem, from the Gotha Ms.,34 is unknown. There is nothing to indicate that he might have been the same man who is mentioned in
connection with verses immediately preceding in the ms. (see above, p. 150,
n. 4). The poem paints quite a complete picture of the alleged general corruption of addicts, their unpleasantness as members of society, and their criminal
character. It plays with the idea that ashsh is a misspelling for khass vile35
because its outstanding trait is vileness, the vile moral character it generates in
its users.36
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
6 Ms. Princeton has khamra allin ladhdhatan. The first two words are metrically not
possible in this order, but ladhdhatan for pleasure may be correct.
7 Ms. Princeton: majlisi.
8 Ms. Princeton: al-mudmata bi-z-zajjati the wine sparkling in the glass.
9 Ms. Berlin has al-mly for al-man. Al-anfusi high of souls, high-minded seems less
likely.
10 In the sense of poor, f.
1 The article may have to be omitted. Ms. Princeton has s(h)rb al-mqds.
2 See above, p. 18.
3 Cf. also above, p. 155.
4 The text reads:
yaqlna sirru l-faqri aklu ashshatin
atn bi-hdh s-sirri bau l-ajimi
tabada ann l-ghammu wa-l-hammu wa-l-ay()
wa-hdh al t-taqqi ayshu l-bahimi
fa-qultu lahum aaftum sirra faqrikum
wa-li-sh-shayni maltum bi-khafi l-amimi
wa-law aafa l-qawmu l-ashshata wuffiq
li-taqqi wafin li-l-ashshati lzimi
170
306
171
1) They say: The secret of poverty (fism) is eating a herb.

This secret has been brought to us by some Persian(s).
2) Grief and worry and modesty are gone from us.
This is indeed the life of dumb beasts.37
3) I said to them: You have misspelled the secret of your poverty.
Your operation has resulted in disgrace by having your turbans seized
(?).38
4) If people were to misspell hashish, they would succeed
In realizing a correct and necessary description for it.
5) Considermay God watch youthe conditions of its people.
At once, they will provide a lesson for the Muslims.
6) Ugliness of face, discarding manly virtue,
Indifference to affronts to the womenfolk (?).39
7) A claim where the claimant has no proof.
An ecstasy free from the requirements of noble qualities.40
taammal raka llhu awla ahlih

fa-f l-li minhum ibratun li-l-maslimi
waqatu wajhin wa-iru murwatin
wa-tarku ktirthin bi-qtimi l-marimi
wa-daw wa-l burhna fhi li-muddain
wa-shaun aryun an shuri l-makrimi
riyatuhum shatmu l-anmi wa-lufuhum
zukmun (?) wa-m f l-qawmi ghayru mulimi
wa-shatuhum(?) f-m jar yajalnah
waslata ain li-jtilbi l-maimi
fa-m sakhkhara z-zaqqma ill ashshatun
yakhuu bih f n-nsi ahlu l-mathimi.
37
38
39
40
5 In the first line, the reading could possibly be tubidu l-ghamma, etc., it removes grief
. The second line is the gnomic comment of the poet. It is interesting that he considers
a life free from worries as something less than human.
6 Shayn, the opposite of zayn ornament, is the vocalization indicated in the ms., but there
may be here an allusion to the letter shn which distinguishes ashsh from khass. The
removal of turbans may be a punishment for hashish use. Or seizing turbans may imply
false claims to scholarship.
1 The translation reflects the idea that addicts lose their sense of honor with respect to their
women (cf. above, p. 85 f.). However, iqtim al-marim more immediately suggests the
translation: to rush into doing forbidden things.
2 Sha, and not as one might think shar requirement, condition, is the correct reading.
For aryun, instead of rin, cf., for instance, as-Sakhw, aw, VI, 58, 1. 16.
307
8) Their (mystic) exercise is vilifying people. Their grace is

A catarrh (?) and whatever is inappropriate among people.41
9) Whatever happens, they make their way of living42
A lucky means for obtaining food.
10) Nothing has ever subdued the zaqqm tree43 except an herb
Which among mankind is the special property of criminals.
Poems on Hashish from the Dwn of af-ad-dn al-ill44
(a)
1) Present it to me45 mixed with a plant
From the purses opening, not from cups,
2) A wine whose casks are ivory boxes
And whose cups are the palms of my hands.
3) It has not been dirtied by the admixture of water, but
Often it has been followed by sweet water.46
4) It has no hangover, except subtle thinking
That cheers the soul to the last breath.
5) An intoxication such as that of wine is unable to
Offer. How could an old woman have the grace of a young girl?47
6) The law stipulates no penalty for it, nor
Has the adth of reliable transmitters said anything about its being forbidden.
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
3 Some metaphoric meaning unknown to me may go with zukm catarrh. If not, a correction would seem necessary, perhaps, zim crowding others. The ms. has mulkim for
mulim.
4 The ms. has something like wa-ayshuhum. The verse appears to refer to the alleged
inordinate desire of hashish users for food.
5 See above, pp. 46 f. I doubt whether zaqqm is meant to be the subject, and hashish
the object, in which case hashish would be subservient to zaqqm which pressed it into
service as its most valuable servant.
6 Cf. his Dwn, 450452 (Damascus 12971300), reprinted Beirut 1382/ 1962, 628631. The
superscription reads: On al-mufarri al-aydar (see above, p. 25).
7 Read inh as required by the meter (khaff ).
1 Meaning that some water is drunk after eating hashish?
2 Wine is aged, hashish is new.
172
308
7) Ascetics have become acquainted with it. Then they used it

In pastes and electuaries.
8) They nicknamed it at times rouser of thought,
And at times digester of food.
9) I said when the scent of musk spread from it
And the bashful maidens revealed themselves in their garments:
10) It is the right of him who has spent the night wooing you
To give the daughter of the vines a document of privilege.48
(b)
1) In the purse, not in the cup, I have a wine
Whose taste or smell makes me drunk.
2) The text of the Holy Writ has not forbidden it, neither
Has there been consensus in the law on its censure.49
3) Obviously useful, it possesses a (power of) intoxication
That saves the souls from their worries.
4) The gratitude owed to it is greater than the drunkenness caused by it,
And its usefulness is greater than the sin of using it.
(c)50
173
1) For me the purse has a substitute for what the cup contains,
And pieces of paper for what the bowl holds.
2) My desire goes for the new one, not for something aged
That the devil inspires people to use,
48
3 Read:
aqqu man bta khiban laki an yuiya binta l-kurmi khaa barti.
49
The document of privilege would seem to be a divorce or a passport to leave.

4 Cf. also the invitation to a hashish party in Dwn, 375:
In our house there is a wine which neither the text
Has forbidden nor general consensus.
If wine is forbidden to us,
In our house we have hashish and beer ( fuq).
309
3) A wine which has neither devilish whisperings in the head

That cover51 the souls, nor Satanic inspiration in the breast.
4) It does not charge a soul with anything beyond its capabilities,
Neither is there fear of harm and bankruptcy from it.
5) How great is the difference between a wine whose drinker has to fear
punishment,
And a wine where there is nothing wrong with drinking it
6) And where when we want to drink it, we do not have to spend the night
With guardians and watchers waiting at the door!
7) The inkwell serves as its shop.52 Its bag (takes the place of)
A cask. Its cups are fingernail and paper.
(d)
1) Hashish makes you dispense53 with wine,
The new leaves with the old one,
2) And the green one with pure red wine.
How great is the difference between emerald and carnelian!
3) A wine that is honorably (?) preserved in pockets
And drunk in the open streets.
4) In crushed form held in the hand, it scoffs at
The good scent of crushed musk.
5) Thus drink it and divorce anything beside it,
And you will live among people with a cheerful face.
(e)
1) Take its story from those who know it,
And preserve54 those who revel in it from shame with respect to it!
2) A wine whose drinker does not have to fear punishment,
And it does not make the intelligent person stupid.
3) We have found in it lasting bliss.
It has become a paradise for those who choose it.
51
52
53
54
1 The covering belongs to the intoxicating effect, cf. above, p. 107.

2 Read nun. The editions have jn and jnin, respectively.
3 Taghn = tataghn, hardly taghn, for taghnya (infinitive with suffix) makes me
dispense. The taghna of the Beirut edition does not fit the meter (wfir).
4 Read, apparently, wa-(a)fi.
174
310
4) Eating it is permanent55 and a shady shelter.

You can see those deserving of it56 taking up residence in it.
(f)
On Combining Hashish and Wine
1) Intoxication with both the red one and the green one
Provides safety from the black and the yellow (biles).
2) The one boils without fire, and the other has had
Its curving parts swagger without (motion of the) air.
3) Break with the help of the lassitude of the one the vehemence57 of the
other
And wonder at the harmony of the parts.
4) For the intoxication between them combines
The laziness of hashish and the energy of wine.
55
56
57
1 As is Paradise?
2 Or, simply, its people.
3 The translation is not meant to suggest a correction of shirrah to shiddah.
appendix b
The Arabic Text of az-Zarkashs Zahr al-arsh

For a brief description of the mss., see above, p. 10:
A
B
C
D
Berlin Ms. Wetzstein II, 1809

Berlin Ms. Wetzstein II, 1801
Gotha Ms. 2096
Berlin Ms. Petermann II, 407
Mss. A and B are related as are C and D. Mss. B and D are much more carelessly
written than A and C. Beyond this, it is hardly possible to make any precise
statements regarding the affiliation of the mss. The text given here is therefore
highly eclectic. Additional material found in AB and not found in CD belongs
to the authors text, but additional material found only in either A or B is of
rather uncertain origin, as far as our present knowledge goes.
All variant readings have been listed, including even almost all of the numerous foolish oversights of the scribes of B and D. Differences in the use of diacritical dots have only rarely been noted. The indirect tradition has been checked,
but its variant readings have as a rule not been listed in the apparatus. Certain
modern spelling conventions have been adopted in the text with no further reference to what is actually found in the mss. However, seeming solecisms have
not been corrected; in fact, they have been preferred occasionally in cases of
differences between the mss. Some further corrections have been discussed in
the footnotes to passages translated above.
(It may be added here that Ibn al-Margh studied the Zahr with its author,
apparently in 788/1386, cf. as-Sakhw, aw, VII, 161.)
175
312
176
; C
D
D
AD
D
B
B
deest ; C in marg.

A deest
AC
B
D
A
A
B
CD
A
CD
B
313
177
appendix b. the arabic text of az-zarkashis zahr al-arsh

; B CD B D ; A
B+
B
C
D
C
D
CD deest C
)? B (D
BCD
D
; BC D deest D B+ D
A
CD
A
B
B
. . . C in marg.
D
AC
D deest
; B D
D deest
C
D
CD deest
B
;C
314

; B D deest ; C
B
D
B
D
CD
D
AD
D
; A CD
D
D
A
D
D
C deest
D
D
D
deest
+
C
)? A (B
D
D
D deest
D
B
B
AB
BD
D
D deest ; BC
178
315
179
D
; B D
A
D
B
; A D
D
D
D
C + marg. note
AD
D ?
D deest ; C
D deest
D deest
AC
B after the following ; CD deest
B
D
) ( AD
B
B
B
A ?
B deest
B deest
verse
; B deest ; A C + in marg.
A after the following verse (next page)
CD C ; ; AB D D
D
C + marg. note
316
180
CD deest C + ; BD deest
D deest
+ B D
A
A deest
A
A
A
A
D
B
; A D
B
B deest
B
+A

A
B
A
317
181

A ) AD (. . . C
D
A
A deest
D
+ D CD
B
D
D
B
D
; A C
A deest
B
D deest
CD deest ; B
CD
) (C in marg.
A
AB
D
AB
D deest
AB
D deest
318

D deest C CD deest D B
; D al-Qarf
B
; A BD
C
B
B deest
A
B
CD deest
D
A
D
CD
B
A
A
AB
; B C
D deest
D
B
A deest
182
319
183

)) (( +

ABD )( A CD deest D + B
CD
A
C
D
D
B
B
; A deest B
; A + D
A
B
D
B
A
B deest
CD deest
C
D
BC
BD
A
D
A
D
AB
D deest
B
B
D
B
AB
320

)) ((

CD deest B B
CD
D deest AB B
D deest
D deest ; A +
D
BC deest
; B D
B
; C + D +
BD
B
Qurn 15:15
B deest
A
; C D
C
; A CD
; CD deest
B +
C
D
A
; ; C D
; C D
D deest
A
B
184
321
185

))

((
))
((

+ D deest ; B C
; AD
Qurn 7:157
D
B
D ?
AB
D
CD +
; C D
B
B
D
D deest ; B
AB
B deest
B
D
; C D
; C D
C deest
D ?
D
D deest
322
D twice
D deest
A
D deest
AD deest
C
; B +
A
B
; B C
; C D
; A +
AB
; A B
; B
D B B B +
B
A
B +
BD deest
D
B
; A
D deest
+ D deest
186
323
187

BD deest A D CD deest D
B
ACD deest
D+
B
C
D
CD
; A CD
B D
B
CD
D
) ; A + (corr. in marg. ; B D
deest
; AD deest B
; B D
deest
324

)(

D CD deest A C + ; C
B
C
A B deest B A (e corr.) B
CD
CD
; C B
D deest
; D
ACD
D
A
D
A
D
CD
B
; A D
deest
D
D deest
D
AB deest
A
; al-Badr
D
188
325
189
+ A B D deest D (A ?) B
B
D
B deest
CD
; A in marg. CD
; D
A
B
B
CD
D
B
AB deest
B deest
B
D
D
D
A
B deest
D
B
A +
A
A
326
CD deest B
D
B deest
B
B
B
A
A
A
C deest
D deest
D
D
BD
CD
D
deest
B
B deest
B deest
190
327
191

+

+

D D deest D C AD
; ; C D
C
; C e corr. D
; D
B
D deest
; B C
C
; C D
; C
C
D
D
A
D
; C D
D
CD
+ D
A
B
A
+ D deest
D
C deest A ; C D
al-Badr, 54a
B
328
)) ((
D ; A D D
+
CD deest
D
B deest
A
D
; C
A
CD +
D
AB
A deest
D
B
B
D
CD
CD +
+ D
CD
B deest
B +
D
CD deest
CD
D deest
; C + D +
D
A
CD
192
329
193
; A )? ; B (C D A ; ABC
C
A
D deest
D deest
ABC
A
B ; B +
CD
; AC ; B D
D +
B
D
; B CD
A deest
AC abb.
D
B deest
D
B
D deest
A
A
B
D
) . .( CD
D
deest
B deest
BCD
; B D
D deest
C
D
D deest
330
B deest + B deest ; AB D deest D

D
D
D
; AB D
) (leg. A +
A
BCD deest
A deest
A
; A D
A A deest A ) (C
; A B
BCD
CD
194
331
195

AB deest
AB deest
D
C
D deest
D deest ; C
D
C from here to end written in another hand
D
C
B
D
AB deest
A
CD deest
CD
BCD
B deest
B
D
D deest
D
C +
C +
B
D
332

)(

BCD deest CD D B
D
A +
B deest
; C D
D
)( ; B C +
; AB C +
A deest D
A +
A +
AD deest D deest B ; AB
D AB D D
; ; BC
D
D +
CD
C
D
A
196
333
197
D deest A ; B D D
C B D
; A +
; B

) ( ; C +
D
)(del.
198
Additions
W. Leslau has called my attention to a book by R. Gelpke, Vom Rausch im Orient
und Okzident (Stuttgart 1966). Although it appears to have little in common
with the present work, it does contain some additional references. Informative
notes on Le kif et le hachich in the modern Maghrib are to be found in
R. Brunel, Le monachisme errant dans lIslam, 281323 (Paris 1955, Publications
de lInstitut des Hautes tudes Marocaines 48).
Sad bula (p. 37, n. 8) refers no doubt to the star of this name, cf. P. Kunitzsch,
Arabische Sternnamen in Europa, 56, 106f. (Wiesbaden 1959). It was, perhaps,
understood to mean bliss to eat.
Jaml-ad-dn as-Swaj (p. 50, n. 3) was named Muammad, cf. a-afadi,
Wf, V, 292f. The recently published volumes of the Wf also contain the Ibn
Khallikn story (p. 147, cf. Wf, VII, 313) and offer the reading al-qinnabyah,
for al-mughayyibah, in the title of Ibn Taymyahs monograph (p. 9, cf. Wf,
VII, 28).
For Kitb al-Khadar (p. 81, n. 5), see Ms. Aya Sofya 3724, fols. 222b236b.
The verses ascribed to Ab Nuws (p. 83, n. 3) may not have spoken of ashsh
but of something else, perhaps, jashsh gruel (?).
The often repeated standard formula (p. 88): Qurn 5:91/93.
Another Al b. Makk, mentioned by P.A. MacKay, Certificates of Transmission (of al-arr), index, no. 79 (Philadelphia 1971, Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society 61, 4), comes, it seems, from a different social stratum and,
at any rate, is too early to be identical with the one referred to on p. 152.
iv
Gambling in Islam
Contents
VI
I.
Introduction 338 [1]
II.
Play and Games and Gambling 345 [9]
III. Pre-Islamic Gambling, Maysir, and the Law

IV.
Gambling in Belles Lettres 447 [113]
V.
The Social Consequences of Gambling
475 [138]
VI. The Metaphysics of Gambling 495 [158]

VII. A Note on Hazard
510 [172]
402 [67]
chapter one
1
Introduction
The subject of gambling is all encompassing. It combines mans natural play
instinct with his desire to know about his fate and his future. It has its share in
all dealings of human beings with each other and in their attitude toward their
dealings with those forces which are incomprehensible to them and which
have been called religious, superstitious, and supernatural. It extends to all
the uncertainties of life, and, whether life is defined, with Greek and Muslim
philosophers, as motion or, with the theologians, as a passing stage on the way
to salvation, uncertainty is what it is all about. Fundamentally, it is nothing
but an extension of the love of play which is so strong a force in man and
which has never been fully tamed by sublimation through reasonreason,
in turn, being merely a transformation of the play instinct from something
dealing with concrete objects to an abstract endeavor. The universality of mans
playful approach to his entire environment did not remain unnoticed among
medieval Muslims. Already the Prophets cousin, Ibn Abbs, is supposed to
have remarked that everything may serve for gambling, down to the kujjah
game of children.1 And an unnamed poet, complaining about having to show
patience in the face of his being unable to win the favor of his beloved, uses
these words:
When men play with everything, I behold love playing with me.2
Gambling is a term which appears to be of rather recent coinage in the English

language. It seems to be a derivation from game.3 Its range of meaning is
wide, and its use is by no means unambiguous. It can be stretched to include
many other concepts such as betting and wagering, following hunches and
daring others to do so. By preference, gambling is assumed to be restricted
to contracts among two or more human beings which involve the exchange | of
money or other valuables depending upon the uncertain outcome of a staged
event. Staged is the crucial word in this definition. It limits it to games of
all kinds and sporting competitions of men and animals as well as all types
1 Cf. (Ibn Manr,) Lisn (al-Arab), III, 175 (Blq 13001308), to be quoted here as Lisn; (Ibn
Far) al-Qurub, Jmi (akm al-Qurn), VIII, 340 (Cairo 1387/1967). See below, p. 65.
2 Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Uddat a-birn, 34 (Cairo, n. y.).
3 Cf. Oxford English Dictionary, IV, 35a. See also Ch. VII, n. 5.
introduction
339
of lotteries. It seemingly excludes bets on such natural events, for instance, as

whether it will, or will not, rain tomorrow or whether an individual will, or will
not, do a certain thing. Here, we shall make an exception and consider gambling
everything of the sort potentially involving the exchange of property. It can,
however, be stated that the Muslim world appears to have known very little
betting on events and happenings.4
What was the Muslim understanding of gambling? The technical term used
for it, chosen from among many that designate specific aspects of gambling,
was formed from the root q-m-r and the verbal noun of the third conjugation, qimr. Its origin is completely unclear. The root consonants include such
meanings as qamar moon whose color and light effects were of tremendous
importance in Bedouin life, and qumr, a species of dove, as well as various geographical designations.5 Arabic lexicographers tried to establish a connection
between gambling and what they thought of as a special aspect of the moon
complex of meanings. Thus, taqammara is attested in the meaning of hunting and deceiving. More particularly, it refers to a way of hunting in which the
hunted animal, being confused by the moonlight, falls prey to the hunter. A
verse speaking of the lion as following in their tracks, attempting to deceive
them ( yataqammaru) is adduced as evidence for this meaning.6 From the
meaning of snaring by means of deception, the transition to gambling is easily made, especially where there is a firmly established aversion to it. Perhaps,
this etymology is correct, but we can neither prove nor disprove it. Wherever
we find an Arabic root that combines such widely divergent concepts as does
q-m-r, the existence of different linguistic backgrounds may be suspected, such
as influences upon an Arabic root from other Semitic lan|guages or from nonSemitic languages. Our knowledge of the other Semitic languages is of no help
in this case, since they have no obvious cognate of q-m-r in any meaning.7
And no even remotely likely comparison with a non-Semitic language suggests
itself.
The definition of qimr in al-Jurjn (740816/13401413) states that qimr
means taking one thing after the other from ones partner in a game or a game
4 See below, pp. 26 ff.

5 Cf., for instance, M. Meyerhof, Das Vorwort zur Drogenkunde des Brn, 33 (Berlin 1932,
Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin, III, 3).
6 Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb (al-lughah), ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, M. A. an-Najjr, and I. alIbyr, IX, 148 (Cairo 19641967). Al-Azhar indicates al-Ama as his authority. The Tahdhb
is quoted in Lisn, VI, 426 f.
7 Qmr moon is listed as attested as an (Aramaic) ideogram in Pahlavi by (C.-F. Jean and)
J. Hoftijzer, Dictionnaire des inscriptions smitiques de l Ouest, 259 (Leiden 1965).
340
iv. gambling in islam
with the condition that the winner (ghlib) of two contestants get some thing
from the loser (maghlb).8 More challenging is a definition occurring in the
commentary on the adth collection of at-Tirmidh by the Spanish scholar Ibn
al-Arab (468543/10761148): Each one of two (contestants) seeks to defeat
his partner in an action or statement in order to take over property set aside
for the winner.9 Usually, qimr is just considered a play or game, something
with no serious purpose (as, for instance, would attach to commerce), where
things of value change hands. In general, the Muslim view of gambling fully
agrees with our own definition, and it may be noted that Muslims also viewed
gambling as a contract.10 Islam, with its strong feelings and laws about how
property should be acquired and distributed, was naturally inclined toward
greater strictness in classifying as gambling everything where the acquisition
and distribution of property took place outside the generally accepted categories, but the specific character of gambling was well understood.
Gambling comes as close to being a universal trait as are mans physical
functions. If it has been pointed out that among a certain number of human
societies, often small ones, gambling is not practiced,11 this may be the result
of particular material and social circumstances rather than an indication of the
absence of the | gambling instinct as such. In all major civilizations, it was and is
present in some form or other. The means by which gambling is accomplished
had, and have, a way of traveling across borders and becoming thoroughly
assimilated to new environments, as is well documented by the manifold influences of Near Eastern gambling upon Western European civilization.12
There can be no doubt that although they were forbidden by law, gambling activities of various kinds had their devotees everywhere in the vast areas
inhabited and controlled politically by Muslims. Our concern here is with Islam
before modern times, arbitrarily assumed to begin with the sixteenth century.
9
10
11
12
Cf. al-Jurjn, Definitiones, ed. G. Flgel, 187 (Leipzig 1845). Gambling (taqmur) appears
to be more or less equated with exchange (tabdul), in the remark ascribed by a fifteenthcentury author to ash-Shab that neither must accompany chess, if it is to be unobjectionable, cf. al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, II, 295 (Blq 1268).
Cf. Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, VII, 18 (Cairo 1353/1934). On action or statement, see
below, p. 27.
See below, pp. 100 f.
Cf. A. Kroeber, Anthropology, 552 f. (New York 1948), cited by D.D. Allen, The Nature of
Gambling, 34 (New York 1952). Kroeber thinks that gambling is an acquired cultural trait, to
be found especially where the major religions hold sway, although no consistent relations
of gambling activities with economic conditions and religious systems are apparent.
See below, pp. 172ff.
introduction
341
There is a good deal of documentation from the preceding nine centuries of

Muslim existence. However, it is vastly scattered, often uninformative and lacking of concern with salient points of interest. If we take a close look and do
not permit ourselves to be blinded by the fact that the material available has
been large enough to fill a small book like the one presented here, it is not as
large as might conceivably be expected, but is in reality quite exiguous. Already
in the ninth century, when dealing with the maysir game, which we would
feel is exceptionally well documented, Ibn Qutaybah noticed that he had no
prose sources at his disposal and had to rely on evidence from poetry. Moreover, he said: I have not found any subject as important and useful to Arab
poets less well represented in their poetry; even the most productive poets
have maybe only two or three verses on it, and most of them do not mention it at all, in contrast to their method (of constantly) describing camels,
horses, donkeys, ostriches, gazelles, grouse, deserts, and reptiles.13 Ibn Qutaybah seems to have held the religious injunction against maysir responsible for
the seeming disinterest shown by poets (of the Islamic age). This, however, cannot be the whole story, since we know very well that other forbidden activities
such as wine drinking were very much in the center of attention by littrateurs.
In the West, we find that from the seventeenth century on, gambling has
been a favorite subject of the writers of fiction who catered to the individuals
latent dreams of success and excitement, of release from the humdrum of daily
life and the need of finding support for cherished notions of duty and morality.
Gambling had | become a favorite pastime and vice of the rich and the powerful, of the men and women possessing the aura of success in politics, at court,
and within the military establishment. In Islam, gambling never achieved this
false glory. It was never thought of as something that mirrored the glamor of
high society. It never provided a powerful stimulus to the creative imagination.
The reason was not simply the fact that it was an illegal and irreligious activity.
The decisive factor appears to have been its original and never forgotten role as
an amusement that originated in childishness and continued being cultivated
only by the immoral elements at the bottom of the social order. Certain games
such as pre-Islamic maysir and, in Muslim times, chess and backgammon and
many sports had a large role in society and were practiced intensively on its
upper layers. Among the guardians of the imagination, the poets and littrateurs, a certain amount of attention was thereby guaranteed to them. However,
13
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, al-Maysir (wa-l-qid), ed. Muibb-ad-dn al-Khab, 31 (Cairo 1342 [this
is the year as it appears on the title-page, not 1343]).
342
the gambling aspects connected with them were played down. Gambling was
too unpleasant a subject, intellectually and materially, to be used for conjuring
up visions of the extraordinary good or bad life among the literate public.
The view that gambling per se is a vice of rather minor personal significance
or social consequence14 may be hard to defend as a general proposition, but
in a way it seems applicable to Muslim civilization. References to tragedies
caused in the lives of individuals suffering from a gambling compulsion are very
rare. This cannot be due exclusively to the tendency of scholars and writers
to avoid dwelling upon repulsive human conditions. Very likely, it reflects
the assumption that on the scale on which human actions causing personal
unhappiness and disaster were to be weighed, gambling registered quite low.
The many lists of minor and major sins that were written in medieval times
devote very little space to gambling, if they do not disregard it completely. The
frequent invectives which consist of enumerating all sorts of vices as allegedly
possessed by an individual rarely include gambling.15 The same applies to
deathbed exhortations. They may stress the need to protect ones property,
but they do not warn against gambling as a danger for a young man suddenly
coming into wealth.16 We must conclude from | these and similar negative
indications that as a personal vice, gambling ranked low not only in theory but,
perhaps, also in actuality.
As a consequence, society was not greatly affected by gambling activities.
This had the further consequence that those activities had no discernible
history. There were no sudden spurts of increased gambling that might have
been reflected in the reports of historians or the accounts of littrateurs. The
impression prevails that there was no real development in the attitude toward
gambling held by Muslims in general and as expressed in the legal literature
from about the ninth century on. It is now clear that our efforts to penetrate
the preceding initial two centuries of Muslim history will always produce
conjectures rather than true pictures of existing conditions. Yet, it may not
be all wrong to suggest that a jurist of the first century of the hijrah viewed
gambling not much differently from his colleague in the tenth century of
the hijrah and found the same social problems connected with it. Economic
conditions and the economic ethos preached by Islam were highly unfavorable
14
15
16
Cf. Rufus King, Gambling and Organized Crime, 21 (Washington 1969).

Cf. Ibn ayyn, in Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, ii, 98ff. (Cairo 1358/1939). Contrast, for
instance, below, Ch. III, n. 171, Ch. IV, n. 60.
Cf., for instance, Arabian Nights, ed. (W.H.) Macnaghten, I, 159f. (Calcutta 18391842),
trans. (E.) Littmann, I, 238 f. (Wiesbaden 1953) (21st night). Similarly below, Ch. II, n. 91.
introduction
343
to the development of gambling on a large scale. The available money supply

was apparently always severely restricted, and the needs of subsistence had
first call on the scarce holdings of money in the hands of the overwhelming
majority of individuals. This handicap, to be sure, could have been overcome
in a society truly devoted to gambling, such as did not exist in the lands of Islam.
Theological views may ultimately have been the most decisive factor in limiting
the extent of gambling in Muslim society. However, they were more felt and
obeyed subconsciously than expressed in reasoned discourse.
Thus, for many important aspects of gambling, the evidence we have is
scarce or lacking altogether. This has had the inevitable consequence that conclusions had to be drawn here on the basis of the absence rather than the presence of information. It would serve no useful purpose for modern scholarship
to be presented with mere generalities about Muslim gambling activities and
their societal consequences. What is required is detailed documentation on the
specific situation in the medieval Muslim world. It is only such documentation
that may, or may not, reveal the existence of traits different from what is known
elsewhere in connection with gambling and can easily be observed today. Now,
if we have evidence, | which may often be just one imperfect piece of evidence,
from one region at one particular time, it is disputable whether or not it applies
to other regions and times as well; in many cases, it seems justified, if risky, to
generalize from such limited evidence as there is available. If, however, there is
no concrete evidence for a particular aspect of gambling activities, or if the evidence is so unexpectedly sparse as to amount to practically no evidence at all,
the conclusions presented or implied here remain uncertain, and this applies
to some rather important points.
In the case of gambling, we have the good fortune, rare in Islamic studies, to
be able to refer to a predecessor of as long as three hundred years ago. Moreover,
it is a predecessor who not only did a superb job for his times but also, by his
use of manuscript material and his approach to the subject, remains a valuable
model and source of information today. Thomas Hyde (16361703) published
his De ludis orientalibus in Oxford between 1689 and 1694. The first volume
deals with the Historia Shahiludii, and the second with the Historia Nerdiludii
and other games. He describes the scope of his second volume in his Praefatio ad Lectorem: Meus autem de Ludis scribendi Scopus, (quem me attigisse
spero,) est quos tractavi Ludorum & omnium rerum ad eos spectantium Nomina docere, artem circa ilia criticam exercere, veterum de eis loca explicare,
eque propriis suis Ludis applicare, & singulorum Ludorum Originem & Inventorem & Antiquitatem perscrutari. Hydes work is the earliest detailed study
of what might be called a sociological subject dealing with the Muslim world.
The sociological approach to the study of Islam was, of course, a rarity in his
344
day, and even in this age of ours, it is not all too common. It is worth noting
that Hyde chose the subject of games, in the first place chess but including also
games of chance. He was probably motivated by the intense interest in gambling as a social activity which began to spring up and grow among European
intellectuals in his time.
Another stupor mundi (as Hyde was once called17) was Adam Mez (1869
1917). The very few pages on games and gambling which he included in the
chapter on lifestyle in his posthumously published Die Renaissance des Islms
(Heidelberg 1922), contain material that is unusually instructive and illuminating. It is doubtful whether any better passages than those cited by Mez can be
found anywhere | in Muslim literature. Virtually all that can be said on the gambling phenomenon in Islam and is truly essential can be found in his concise
presentation. Much valuable work has been done by scholars East and West on
individual games and sports since Mezs time (and before in the early years of
the twentieth century). As this is a subject of cultural importance, brief references to it also appear in nearly all of the numerous works on various periods of
Muslim history. They are, however, of rather limited interest as far as the gambling concept investigated in the following pages is concerned.
17
Cf. Dictionary of National Biography, X, 402a, s.v. Hyde, Thomas.
chapter two
Play and Games and Gambling

The common Arabic root signifying play, l--b, with the noun lib, lab, laib,1
occurs in Hebrew in the sense of making fun of (2 Chron. 36:16) and in
Syriac in the sense of being greedy. Already at the dawn of modern Semitic
scholarship, it was suggested that the roots prehistoric biliteral connection was
with l- to lick, to swallow.2 If we accept this uncertain but not improbable
theory, it follows that it was a physical activity providing a special kind of
sensuous enjoyment that served as the basis for the linguistic fixation of the
play concept among the Arabs. Play was thus clearly felt to be something
instinctive in living beings.
Seriousness and play ( jiddlib) is a pair of opposites in frequent use in
Arabic literature. Another commonly used pair is seriousness and fun ( jidd
hazl). Neither pair was different from the other in that both were meant to
indicate a basic choice with respect to a fundamental concern of human life.
Human beings are inclined to play, in the literal sense, and to a playful approach
toward the exi|gencies and vicissitudes of existence; on the other hand, they
are, or should be, aware of the utter seriousness of their personal and soci-
1 The form lib will be used here for the sake of convenience, except in verses where the meter
indicates a two-syllable form.
2 Cf. W. Gesenius, Lehrgebude der hebrischen Sprache, 183f. (Leipzig 1817). The fact that the
direct cognate of l- in Arabic is w-l-gh with gh is no absolutely decisive argument against l- as
the pre-historic base of l--b, cf., for instance, such roots as Arabic l--q, Northwest Semitic l--k,
and certain other roots where, in contrast to l--q/l--k, there is no possibility of dissimilation
between an original gh and a velar in the root.
Akkadian has nothing that could safely be considered a cognate of l--b. For South Arabian,
cf. L. Khler and W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros, 483b (Leiden 1951), who
speak of old Sabaean l--b to play, and K.(C.) Conti Rossini, Chrestomathia arabica meridionalis, 173b (Rome 1931), who lists mlb solum ab aqua irrigatum. However, the root appears
to be represented in South Arabian principally by proper names of uncertain meaning, cf.
G. Lankaster Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian Names and Inscriptions, 135, 516, 682 (Toronto 1971). Arabic proper names such as Lab and Mulib also appear
to be of doubtful interpretation, but they are probably to be related to playing. The nickname Mulib al-asinnah of a poet in the time of the Prophet referred to his dexterity in the
use of spears in battle.
Lub spittle (Syriac Ib), though seemingly a very different concept, is easily connected with the root in view of its assumed original connection with licking, etc.
10
346
etal obligations and of the need to meet them with earnest determination. For
Islam, the decision was not difficult to make. Play was to be condemned as
unbefitting a mature Muslim who was conscious of the seriousness of life in
this world as a preparation for the other world. As ash-Shfi (150204/767
820) put it: Play is not what Muslims do, and it does not go with true manliness.3 Where the power of reason was undeveloped and an awareness of
human destiny was lacking, as was the case with women and children and the
mentally deficient, playing would be something natural and had to be tolerated
with much condescension. The view expressed by the fourteenth-century Ibn
Qayyim al-Jawzyah is, in import and manner of argumentation, typical of the
official attitude of Islam, even if, as a anbalite and disciple of Ibn Taymyah,
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah was inclined to sternness:
Weak souls such as those of women and children cannot be led toward
what causes the ultimate pleasure except by permitting them some of the
pleasure of amusement and play. Were they entirely weaned of that, they
would go after things that are worse for them. Therefore, (the Prophet)
permitted them amusement and play of a sort he did not permit others.
Umar b. al-Khab once came to the Prophet who was having slave
girls playing the tambourine. The Prophet bade them to be quiet with
these words; Umar is a man who does not like worthless frivolity (bil).
Thus, he indicated that playing the tambourine was worthless frivolity.
Yet, he did not prevent them from playing, because it constituted for
them a preponderant benefit (malaah) and caused them to give up
something harmful, the resulting harm of which would outweigh the
harm resulting from playing. Furthermore, if women and children were
to give up playing, the grief this would cause them would be of greater
harm than the harm resulting from it. Thus, enabling them to play falls
into the category of mercy, compassion, and kindness.
3 Lays min anat ahl ad-dn wa-l al-murwah, cf. ash-Shfi, Kitb al-Umm, VI, 213 (Blq
1324), see below, pp. 93f. We shall encounter repeated references to the murwah needed by
an individual in order to qualify as a witness (shhid). The legal understanding of murwah
has been described by jurists in some detail. For instance, the Shfiite an-Nawaw, Minhj,
ed. trans. L.W.C. van den Berg, III, 402f. (Batavia 18821884), and, following him, ar-Rfi,
Muarrar, Ms. Istanbul Fatih 2103, fol. 285a, mention as voiding an individuals murwah such
matters as eating in the bazaar, walking in public with the head uncovered, kissing ones wife
or slave girl in front of others, always telling facetious stories, constantly playing chess and
making music, and working in low-class occupations.
play and games and gambling
347
In the same way, the Prophet enabled Ab Umayr to play with a

sparrow (ufr) in his presence,4 and the two slave girls to sing in his |
presence,5 and ishah to watch Ethiopians play in the mosque,6 and that
woman to play the tambourine standing behind him,7 and the like. This is
all very different from the attitude of the mentioned exemplary shaykhs.
In the greatest detail, they consider it the proper religious view that this
is doubtlessly forbidden.
In a way comparable is the fact that the Prophet gave the Sympathizers
(al-muallafah qulbuhum) some of the zakh and the booty (cf. Qurn
9:60/60). Their hearts were less stout than those of the men around him
who were firm in their faith. Therefore, he gave something to the former,
and not to the latter, saying to them: I refer you to the sufficiency and the
good put by God into your heart.8 Again something comparable is the
joking the Prophet did with the Bedouins and the women and children
who were joking with him. He did it in order to make them feel good, to
attract them to the faith, and to give them joy. One of the traditions of the
second-generation ash-Shab, reported on the authority of the Prophet
without the intermediary of one of the men around him, states that the
Prophet passed by people playing dirkilahaccording to Abu Ubayd
4 Ab Umayr was a half-brother of Anas b. Mlik. The bird was called nughar, with the diminutive nughayr to rhyme with Umayr. It was also called afw. Cf., for instance, (A.J. Wensinck
and others,) Concordance (et indices de la tradition musulmane), VI, 497a71o (Leiden 1936
1969); (E.W.) Lane, (An Arabic-English Dictionary), 2817c (London 18631893, reprint Beirut
1968); Ibn Abd-al-Barr, al-Istb ( fi marifat al-ab), ed. A.M. al-Bijw, 1722f. (Cairo, n.
y. [1380/1960]); Ibn ajar, Fat (al-br bi-shar al-Bukhri), XIII, 142, 204208 (Cairo 1378
1383/19591963), on al-Bukhrs book an adab. The length of Ibn ajars commentary shows
that this was considered an interesting adth for a variety of reasons. It is also the prime
authority for the practice of giving kunyahs to immature children and childless individuals.
Ibn ajar based his remarks on Ibn al-Q (d. 335/946947) and other sources.
On birds in the hands of playful children, cf. F. Rosenthal, Child Psychology in Islam, in
Islamic Culture, XXVI (1952), 4. [See below, article VII, 10. Ed.]
5 Cf. Concordance, I, 340b2426; Ibn ajar, Fat, III, 9297.
6 Cf. the preceding note and Concordance, I, 444a3133, VI, 121a510. On ishahs playing with
dolls (luab, bant), cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XIII, 143, and the vast literature dealing with the
problem of the permissibility of dolls. Playing with dolls is usually considered permitted for
girls as constituting useful training for being a housewife and mother.
7 The reference appears to be to the slave girls mentioned in the beginning of the quotation.
8 Cf. Concordance, VII, 304a1718, and, e.g., Ibn ajar, Fat, III, 54, VII, 61.
11
348
a game of the non-Arabs (ajam)9and said on that occasion: Go on

(khudh), O Ban Arfidah (= Ethiopians),10 till the Jews and Christians
realize that our religion has much room.11
Thus, the Prophet expends property and benefits for people in order
to make them sympathetic to the ordained truth. What is expended is
something that causes pleasure to the recipient and is liked by him,
because this then will lead to other things. He does not do that with
those who do not need it, like the emigrants and the Anr. Upon them,
he bestows other kindnesses and religious and worldly benefits. Since
Umar b. al-Khab did not like worthless frivolity and did not want
to listen to it, and since there was no need to arouse his sympathy as
in the case of the others and he was also not commanded, as was the
Prophet, to arouse sympathy by any means available for faith in the
Prophet and for obedience to him, his aversion to such worthless frivolity
constituted perfection with respect to him, but the Prophets situation
is more perfect (and therefore, his actions are more correct and exemplary).12
12
The responsible Muslim must be serious but also cheerful and friendly. While
the unbeliever is full of guile, the believer is jolly and playful.13 A benign smile
is recommended, coarse laughter is banned. The Prophets example sanctions
occasional jokes, even practical jokes. Play and relaxation after hard work are
needed and therefore allowed; even men of religion and learning should set
some time aside for them.14 But in general, play is at best a temporary diversion
10
11
12
13
14
Cf. (Majd-ad-dn) Ibn al-Athr, an-Nihyah ( f gharb al-adth), II, 31 (Cairo 1322); Lisn,
XIII, 259: dirkilah, dirkalah, diraklah, diraqlah, also considered of Ethiopian origin, meaning a dance, but also explained merely as a childrens game. Ab Ubayd died in 224/838.
Cf. Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, II, 97; Lisn, IV, 164; Lane, 1119c. The adith runs parallel to, or
is identical with, the one of ishah watching the Ethiopians play with javelins in the
mosque, see above, n. 6, and Ibn ajar, Fat, III, 96f. Instead of khudh, the adith has
dnakum.
I.e., is broadminded.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Rawat al-muibbn, 163f. (Cairo 1375/1956).
Cf. at-Tawd, al-Imt (wa-l-munasah), ed. A. Amn and A. az-Zayn, II, 99 (Cairo 1939
1944). The two words are brought into connection with dad, explained also as lib and lahw,
which occurs in the tradition ascribed to the Prophet that he has nothing to do with dad,
and vice versa, cf., for instance, Lisn, XVIII, 277 f.
For all these points, cf. F. Rosenthal, Humor (in Early Islam), 5f. (Leiden 1956), which
requires much expansion.
349
and a preliminary stage on the way to something better. This seems to be

the meaning of the remark which the pious Umar b. Abd-al-Azz is said to
have made to his sons: Play, for manliness comes about only after play!15
And even a ten-year old boy, who has every right to play, would profess higher
ambitions behind the childish preoccupation with play, at least if he was of
noble birth and with a great future ahead of him, as was the Sharf ar-Ra
(359406/9701015) who at that age composed a poem beginning:
Glory knows that glory is my ambition,
Even if I am spending much time on play and the wrong things.16
Play stands for any aimless action with no useful result.17 It was eventually
defined as an activity without a sound purpose,18 as something entirely useless,19 as the activity of children resulting in tiredness without any profit,20 or,
philosophically, as an activity for the sake of pleasure in which the motive of
wisdom is disregarded, such as the activity of children, since they know neither
sage nor wisdom but act only for the sake of pleasure,21 and, more devastating, as the hearts occupation with something that has no reality.22 Playing
had its champions in some poets and in littrateurs considered somehow to
be of loose morals, and in who knows how many of those who rarely had an
opportunity to be heard, but officially, it deserved, and was accorded, disapproval, or even contempt. Sports, too, whether they were used for gambling or
not, had to be defended by arguing their usefulness and seriousness of pur15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
Cf. at-Tawd, al-Bair (wa-dh-dhakhir), ed. I. al-Kayln, II, i, 61 (Damascus, n. y.

[1966?]). For the same remark attributed to Urwah b. az-Zubayr, cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab
(al-abrr), Ms. Istanbul Fatih 3894, fol. 87b.
Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, 51 (Cairo 1306).
Cf. Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, and Lisn, in connection with the jasssah story, referred to
below, n. 36.
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Mufradt f gharb al-Qurn, in the margin of Ibn al-Athr,
Nihyah, IV, 80.
From al-Kashf, presumably the Kashf al-asrr of Abd-al-Azz b. Amad al-Bukhr
(d. 730/1329). Together with the preceding definition of ar-Rghib, the Kashf was quoted
by the sixteenth-century al-Khistn, Jmi ar-rumz, II, 242 (Constantinople 1300). AlKhistn mentions the two definitions in discussing pigeon fancying and the qualifications for being a witness. He was in turn quoted by at-Tahnaw, Kashshf (iilt
al-funn), 1288 (Calcutta 1862, Bibliotheca Indica).
Cf. al-Jurjn, Definitiones, 202.
Cf. (Ab Hill) al-Askar, al-Furq (al-lughawyah), 210 (Cairo 1353).
Cf. al-mil, Mikhlh, 119 (Cairo 1317).
13
350
14
pose. A man who supposedly played with dogs and falcons had to defend
his right to be a qualified witness,23 and many other sportsmen were in a
similar situation. Moralists warned against the first beginning of a liking for
things such as pigeon fancying and playing chess and nard; once a person gets
accustomed to them, he finds it hard to stop and avoid their destructive consequences.24
Yet, the pervasiveness of the play concept shows itself in the remarkably
wide usage of the root l--b for metaphoric expression throughout Muslim literature. Of the twenty occurrences of l--b in | the Qurn, only one (Qurn
12:12/12) expressly refers to childs play. Combined occasionally with lahw
amusement, the root is commonly used in the meaning of not taking someone
or something seriously and of making fun of him or it (5:5758/6263, 6:70/69,
91/91, 7:51/49, 43:83/83, 52:12/12, 70:42/42). Similarly, it indicates frivolous, unserious activity (7:98/96, 9:65/66, 21:2/2, 55/56, 44:9/8). Even Gods creation of
the world and of man has to be defended against being merely a meaningless
playful act (21:16/16, 44:38/38), for which also the roots -b-th (23:115/117)25 and
b--l (38:27/26) are employed. And the insignificance and instability of life in
this world are branded as play and amusement (6:32/32, 29:64/64, 47:36/38,
57:20/19). All these passages opened the door wide for the negative attitude
toward play which came to dominate Muslim thinking.
However, while it is true that instability and meaninglessness are the concepts commonly associated with l--b among intellectuals, play retained its
innate psychological attractiveness. It is not by chance that in popular usage
as attested in the Arabian Nights, playing (and equivalent vague terms) followed almost obligatorily upon eating and drinking as the suitable form of
relaxation whose particular character in each given situation was left to the listener or reader to imagine.26 The frequency of the roots use, in the I, III, V, and
23
24
25
26
Cf. D. Mller, Studien zur mittelalterlichen Falknereiliteratur, 136 (Berlin 1965).

Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy (ulm ad-dn), III, 86 (Cairo 1352/1933). Al-Ghazzls eighteenthcentury commentator, Murta az-Zabd, Itf as-sdah, VII, 431 (Cairo 1311, reprint
Beirut), spells out the destructive consequences. They are numerous in matters religious.
In worldly matters, they are neglect of ones business and family and the loss of ones property.
As against lib and lahw, bath is defined as an activity for its own sake. Lib and lahw
in addition seek out something else to make them lib and lahw or, possibly, prevent them
from being that, cf. al-Askar, Furq, 210. Consequently, abath is more frivolous than mere
play and amusement.
Gambling was done before and after meals, cf. (Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn,) Aghn, XVIII,
125 (Blq 1285), with reference to Rubah (first half of the eighth century), and a-afad,
351
VI conjugations, indicates its emotional viability. L--b is naturally used for playing games of all kinds and descriptions by children and adults, even animals,
such as a rat playing with a gold coin brought by it out of its hole.27 It may be
used for the aimless and careless handling of any small object such as an apple
(for clandestine carving)28 or excrements by drunks.29 Children may play in |
and with sand,30 an appropriate simile for acting childishly and without regard
for earnest and pious endeavor.31 Playing commonly goes with musical instruments and the making of music. The effect of music on the emotion and the
yearning it stirred up could be compared to
A nursing woman playing with her infant
Who starts to laugh when she tickles him.32
There was playing with prestidigitation (shabadhah)33 and with the figures of
the shadow theater.34 The root is often used for sexual activity, and technically
also for foreplay.
There are various more specific uses to which the play concept was applied.
We hear of fate playing with human beings.35 The waves of the ocean play
27
28
29
30
31
32
al-Wf (bi-l-wafayt), ed. H. Ritter, S. Dedering, Isn Abbs, M.Y. Najm, VI, 287 (IstanbulLeipzig-Wiesbaden 1935, Bibliotheca Islamica 6), with reference to Jaah (d., in his
nineties, in 324/936).
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali (al-budr), II, 306 (Cairo 12991300), quoting az-Zamakhshar,
Rab.
Cf. al-Badr (847894/14431489), Ghurrat (a-ab), Ms. Brit. Mus. add. 23, 445, fol. 123b,
and the biography of Ibn al-Amd in Ms. Istanbul Murad Molla 1408, fol. 73b, containing
the iwn al-ikmah of as-Sijistn (where abitha is used).
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, II, 57.
Cf. at-Tawd, Bair, II, i, 113.
Cf. at-Tawd, a-adqah (wa--adq), ed. I. al-Kayln, 65 (Damascus 1964).
Cf. Sayf-ad-dn al-Mushidd (602655/1205 or 12061257), Dwn, Ms. Escorial 343, fol. 129a:
wa-awwdatin naqarat dah
fa-anna l-fudu il dhlik
ka-muriatin labat iflah
idh daghdaghathu btad dik.
33
34
35
Cf. al-Jawbar, (al-Mukhtr f) Kashf (al-asrr), 61 (Cairo 1316); ash-Shibl, Masin alwasil il marifat al-awil, Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4649, fol. 90a. For lab meaning
juggler, see below, Ch. V, n. 22.
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 261.
Cf. below, pp. 159 ff.
15
352
16
with, that is, toss about, a ship for a month, as mentioned in the eschatological
adth of Tamm ad-Dr and Satans talking animal (al-jasssah); this passage
was apparently deemed remarkable enough to be taken note of by the lexicographers,36 though in some versions of the story, the phrase does not occur.37
Poetry and artistic prose speak of such matters as a gazelle playing in the moonlight.38 A persons generosity may be so great that it appears unbelievable: I
thought you were playing (i.e., joking).39 Those who entered the service of the
ib Ibn Abbd | were described as wretches who were played with (i.e., not
taken seriously).40 There were those who played with their religion41 or with
the Book of God42 or with Gods proofs.43 The execution for heresy of an
individual called Badah (??) gave rise to these verses in the fourteenth century:
Badahs wrongful playing with the religion
In this world grew, and the sword searched (for him) seriously.
Eventually, he suffered the add punishment by means of a ready sword
Whose edge marked the boundary between seriousness and play.44
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
Cf. Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, IV, 62; Lisn, II, 235; Muslim, a, II, 706f. (Calcutta 1265/1849),
book on fitan. For the waves playing with someone tossed about in the water, cf. Arabian
Nights, ed. Macnaghten, III, 352, 574, trans. Littmann, IV, 596, V, 133 (672nd and 751st
nights).
Cf. at-Tirmidh, in Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, VI, 528530; Concordance, I, 347a2730.
Cf. amzah al-Ifahn, ad-Durrah (al-fkhirah f l-amthl as-sirah), ed. Abd-al-Majd
Qamish, 398 (Cairo 19711972).
asibtuka talabu, cf. at-Tawd, Bair, II, i, 223 (a Bedouin addressing Khlid b. Abdallah, apparently the famous governor of the Irq, al-Qasr). Playing here does not mean
throwing money around like a gambler.
Malb bih, cf. at-Tawd, Akhlq al-wazrayn, ed. Ibn Twt a-anj, 192 (Damascus
1385/1965).
Cf. at-Tawd, Akhlq al-wazrayn, 214; shkprzdeh, Mift as-sadah, I, 50 (Hyderabad 13291356), cf. Qurn 6:70/69, 7:51/49. Cf. also below, Ch. VI, n. 18.
Cf. at-Tawd, Akhlq al-wazrayn, 252.
Cf. at-Tawd, Bair, I, 304.
Cf. al-Qr, Mala an-nayyirayn, Mss. Istanbul Fatih 3861, fol. 93b, and Topkaparay
Ahmet III 2627, fol. 116a:
Badatun (?) zda f d-duny talaubuh
bi-d-dni baghyan wa-jadda s-sayfu f -alabi
When he attacks, the hearts of the enemies get
f addih l-addu bayna l-jiddi wa-l-laibi.
353
When a time without law and order was playing with men, it was treating
them unfairly.45
Fighting was commonly styled playing with some kind of weapon. There
was also make-believe fighting with swords, javelins, and the like. The expression mikhrq lib was interpreted to mean either play swords or playing with
kerchiefs twisted for administering beatings.46 The fine performance of an
acrobatic swordplayer (muthqif ) inspired the ib Ibn Abbd to rhyme:
I compared him with the sword in his palm
To a full moon playing with lightning.47
More positively, it could be said of an accomplished poet that he was able to
play with a poetical conceit,48 or that he played with poetry and verse as the
wind plays with the sides of branches,49 while littrateurs were said to play
with the extremities of articulate speech as the darkness of night plays with
the sleepers eyelids.50 And a tailor might play with the thread, twisting it, as
if it were his lovers body.51 There was much play in nature. Grey hair plays with
the beard on the cheek.52 Hair plays with various parts of the body,53 and, as
45
46
Az-zamn al-wh an-nim al-lib bi-l-anm, cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, ii, 268, l. 17.
Cf. ath-Thalib, Thimr al-qulb, 500 (Cairo 1326/1908); Lane, 729c. Usmah b. Munqidh
said of al-ad-dn:
When he attacks, the hearts of the enemies get
Twisted like a mikhrq in the palms of a player.
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Syrian poets), ed. Shukr Fayal, I, 527 (Damascus
13751383/19551964).
Cf. Ibn Abbd, Dwn, 254 (Baghdd 1384/1965), taken by the Dwns editor, M.. l Ysn,
from ath-Thalib, Yatmat (ad-dahr), III, 182 (Damascus 1304); ath-Thalib, Asan m
samitu, 104 (Cairo, n. y.). For muthqafah as useful training and therefore permissible, cf.
Ibn ajar, Fat, III, 97.
Talab bi-hdh l-man, cf. al-Badr, al-Mali (al-badryah), Ms. Bodleian Hunt. 493,
fol. 181a.
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, IV, i, 133, II. 4 f., cf. also I, ii, 340, l. 8.
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, i, 1, ll. 8 f.
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, IV, i, 220, l. 16.
Cf. ath-Thalib, Tatimmat al-Yatmah, ed. Abbas Eghbal, II, 48 (Teheran 1934), quoting
Manr al-Haraw (d. 440/1048, Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 154 f.).
Cf. Shihb-ad-dn al-ijz, Raw al-db, Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 3843, fol. 120a, quoting Sayfad-dn al-Mushidd:
17
354
al-Ghuzl has it in an ode of his, composed in 803/14001401 and dealing with

the plight of Damascus under the onslaught of the Tatars:
The lashes on the eyelids played with my tears
As heroes in battle play with the heads of knights.54
The tongue plays with speech, this being the apparent meaning of verses by the
eighth/ninth-century poet Dibil, describing someone facing death:
He draws from his jaws, like a sword,
A blade that plays with speech.55
18
The pregnant wombs played for our sake with our hopes and | desires for
this world and in this manner implanted them in us before we were born.56
Sickness plays with the body.57
Bedouin experience would compare the winds action to playing; its playgrounds were where it was blowing, and when it played with an encampment,
it had the effect of erasing its traces.58 In a different environment, different
metaphors were created for the wind. With its unsteady effect on the flickering flame, it might be said to play with the wax candles flame59 or with the
talubu sh-shari al qaddih

awqaa qalb f -awli l-ari.
This is followed by a quotation from Ibn San-al-mulk (d. 608/1211):
talaubu sh-shari al ridfih
awqaa qalb f l-ari - awli.
54
55
56
57
58
59
Sayf-ad-dn al-Mushidds Dwn (Ms. Escorial 343, fol. 148b) has ridfih, for qaddih. Ibn
San-al-mulks Dwn, edited by M. Abd-al-aqq (Hyderabad 1377/1958) and by M.I. Nar
and .M. Nar (Cairo 1388/1969), does not contain the verse. It does occur, however, in
the Dwn of Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn, 55 (Beirut 1885). There, we find talubu, for talaubu.
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 300.
Cf. Dibil, Dwn, 194 (an-Najaf 1382/1962), taken by the Dwns editor, Abd-a-hib
ad-Dujayl, from at-Tawd, Bair, I, 264.
Cf. ash-Sharf al-Murta, Dwn, ed. R. a-affr, III, 39 (Cairo 19581959).
Cf. Ibn al-Habbryah, in al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (lrq poets), ed. M.B. al-Athar
and Jaml Sad, II, 132 (Baghdd 13751384/19531964).
Cf. Lisn, II, 237.
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 81 f.
355
lamp.60 As the wind plays with the candle and gives it(s flame) different
shapes, thus longing plays with the heart and transfers it from one condition to
another.61 And the hand of the wind plays with the flowers of (the braziers)
flames, as Ibn Nubtah (d. 374/984985) put it.62 With their spittle (lub),
vipers play (laibat) with lives.63 And wine plays with reason, as already Ab
Tammm (first half of ninth century) had said,64 as well as his contemporary
Muammad b. Abd-al-Malik al-Hshim,65 and probably others before them.
In this connection, Ab Tammm also speaks of verbs playing with nouns,
requiring them to take on the endings of nominative or accusative, in the same
way in which wine alters the drinkers mental condition:
Bubbly wine plays with the minds,
Just as verbs play with nouns.66
If it was not wine that played with reason, it could be love66a or money.67 But
also a graceful dancer plays, moving forward and backward, with the mind,
just as fate plays with its people in | whichever way it wants.68 Playing with a
persons mind then came to mean simply to deceive, to inveigle.69
Desires and erotic daydreams could be playfully manipulated. Thus, the girl
operating the figures of the shadow play, plays with individuals behind her curtain, just as her actions play with wishes.70 The daydreams and wishes, but in
this case those of the impecunious, were described by Ibn fir (567613/1171 or
11721216) in terms of the quick movement of waterwheels in a garden close to
the Nile and the optical illusion caused by it: We saw a well at which there were
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
66a
67
68
69
70

Cf. Ab Tammm as quoted by al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 159. See also I, 137. For an example
from later stylists, cf., for instance, Ibn San-al-mulk, Fu al-ful, Ms. Escorial 529,
fol. 5a: ash-sharb alladh yalab bi-l-albb. Cf. also Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, III,
651, trans. Littmann, V, 300 (775th night).
Cf. ash-Shbusht, Diyrt, ed. Krks Awwd, 10 (Baghdd 1951).
Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. M. Abduh Azzm, I, 29 (Cairo 1964).
Cf. E. Garcia Gmez, Todo Ben Quzman, I, 366 (Madrid 1972) (the beloved laab bi-aql).
Cf. al-Jawbar, Kashf, 38.
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 249, quoting Ibn Kharf al-Andalus (d. 609/12121213).
Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, III, 140, trans. Littmann, IV, 284 (585th night).
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 261, citing al-Wajh al-Munw.
19
356
20
two waterwheels running parallel to one another whose axles (aflk spheres)
moved around the stars of their troughs and played with the hearts of the
waterwheels beholders, as do wishes with the bankrupt.71
Evidence for such metaphoric usages of play is inexhaustible, and further
passages could be cited ad infinitum.72 All that has been attempted here has
been to show how deeply engrained the play concept was in Muslim hearts
and minds as confirmed by the powerful witness of linguistic usage, regardless
of what was considered to be the proper attitude of religious ethics. While
playing remained throughout a metaphor for unstable and frivolous behavior,
its continuous presence on the level of artistic literary expression assured it
of an important place in Muslim civilization, even if it was always officially
excluded from the hierarchy of cultural values. The clue provided by linguistic
usage reveals the persistence of a strong inclination and attraction to playful
activity, though not necessarily to the gambling aspect that might be part of
it.
Paired with lahw amusement (as repeatedly already in the Qurn), playing became a kind of standard terminology hinting at an improper lifestyle.
In its definition, amusement was contrasted with play in a way that stressed
its more objectionable character. There is no lahw without lib, while there
may be lib | without lahw, since lib may serve educational purposes, such as
is done by playing chess and the like. This would not be called lahw. Lahw
is lib that never results in anything useful. Literally, l-h-w implies distraction
from things that matter.73 Its main purpose, in contrast to play whose principal purpose is purposelessness, is the harmful release of pent-up emotions. It
provides the kinds of emotional excitement (arab) which distract an individual from the good.74 It means seeking enjoyment through something that has
no reality.75 For jurists, it came to be the rule to observe that every amusement is worthless frivolity (bil), if it distracts from obedience to God. In
connection with this statement, they were able to refer to a famous adth of the
Prophet in which he describes everything by which a Muslim amuses himself
71
72
73
74
75
Cf. Ibn fir, Badi al-badih, I, 232 (Cairo 1316, in the margin of al-Abbs, Shar
shawhid at-Talkh). Running parallel renders the reading found in the quotation of the
passage in al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 40.
The Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache can be expected soon to present much
more material of this kind under l--b.
Cf. al-Askar, Furq, 210.
Cf. ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt (al-arryah), I, 20 (Cairo 1306).
Cf. al-mil, Mikhlh, 119.
357
as worthless frivolity, except the shooting of arrows, the training of horses, and
sex play with his women folk.76
If the combination of lib and lahw was extended to include other and frequently more explicitly negative terms such as mujn indecency, obscenity,
its meaning was made fully obvious, as when, for instance, it was suggested during a discussion about fs that they were people of such a description.77 But
also by themselves, play and amusement sufficed to serve as a label, a shorthand notation for censuring and condemning men in active life described as
devoted to them, let alone scholars of whom a different conduct was naturally expected. Here, we are moving a little closer to the subject of gambling
proper, even though a jurist, probably thinking of amusement in terms of the
categories approved by the adth just mentioned, might expressly contrast
harmless lahw with forbidden qimr gambling.78
It would seem a rather obvious assumption that in many cases, such play and
amusement automatically included gambling, possibly intensive gambling.
However, this is by no means certain. Often, we find play and amusement
amplified by further remarks of | what they consisted of, and gambling is not
among it. Thus, additional express evidence is desirable. For example, the
Ayybid of amh al-Malik al-Muaffar (d. 683/1284) is described as a noble
and pleasant man, but he used to play and to be devoted to amusement
and other things,79 habits possibly strengthened by his becoming ruler at
a very young age. What does this mean in concrete terms? If the historians
do not furnish further indications, we can only guess. We also could not be
sure as to what was meant specifically when an historian described the Byid
Izz-ad-dawlah and his adviser, Ab l-Fat Ibn al-Amd, as having hastened
their fate by indulging in play and amusement,80 if we did not have some verses
by the poet Ibn Ghassn referring to Izz-ad-dawlahs passion for nard to the
detriment of good government:
76
77
78
79
80
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XIII, 334336; Concordance, VI, 150b3133.

Cf. at-Tawd, Imt, III, 97.
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, II, 52 f., referring to Mlik. Proof that gambling belongs to lahw is
seen by al-Qasalln in the way in which the gambling adth (below, p. 67) is mentioned
in the book on istidhn in al-Bukhr, cf. Irshd as-sr (li-shar a al-Bukhr), IX, 172
(Blq 1305, reprint Baghdd [1971]).
Cf. a-afad, Wf, V, 12. Adh-Dhahab, Ibar, ed. . al-Munajjid, V, 346 (Kuwait 19601966),
calls him lab. However, his passion for play and amusement is not mentioned in alYnn, Dhayl (Mirt az-zamn), IV, 202, 236 (Hyderabad 13741380/19541961); Ibn Kathr,
Bidyah; Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm.
Cf. Miskawayh, Tajrib al-umam, anno 364, ed. D.S. Margoliouth and H.F. Amedroz, The
Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate, II, 352, trans., V, 384 (Oxford 19201921).
21
358
A realm is governed by the rulers insight

And preserved by the experienced master.
O Aud-ad-dawlah, rise to its rescue!
For it is being lost between six-and-one (shash wa-yak).81
22
Thus, it is certain that Izz-ad-dawlahs play and amusement did include

gambling. Still, we do not know how important a role such gambling played
in his life and conduct.
Going back further in time, we may refer to the case of the unfortunate
caliph al-Amn. The circumstances of his life and reign were such as to make
him unavoidably the target of negative comment by subsequent historians.
Once, we are told, he played nard with the wazr al-Fal b. ar-Rab. The two
of them gave their seal rings as pledges (rahan) for something they agreed
upon the loser should produce. When al-Amn won, he took al-Fals ring and
went out with the ring still in his hand, ostensibly in order to go to the toilet.
Instead, he secretly called an engraver and had him change the inscription on
the ring to an obscenity. When al-Fal redeemed ( f-k-k) his ring, the caliph
gave it back to him, and al-|Fal, not knowing what had happened, used it for
ten days in all his public business. Then, the caliph invited him for another
game and called his attention to the altered inscription. Outraged, al-Fal
castigated the caliph for his foolish practical joke, implying that it proved
him unfit for his high office.82 There is also a chess gambling story involving
al-Amn and Isq al-Mawil. The latter described himself as a middling to
excellent chessplayer ( fawq al-munifn wa-dn al-blighn) who could win
against almost anybody. The caliph asked me to play with him. So I played
with him for a garment (khilah). He defeated me. I got up and took off my
clothes (thawb). He asked me what I was doing. I replied that I was taking off
my clothes, so that he could put them on. The caliph exclaimed: Would I put
on a garment full of lice! Whereupon I said: Nothing doing! Either you put it on
or you ransom yourself. When he asked with what he should ransom himself, I
replied, with your clothes. Exclaiming I have never seen a winner who was at
the same time a loser (qmir maqmr), he took off his clothes and gave them
to me.83
81
82
83
Cf. al-Qif, Tarkh al-ukam, ed. J. Lippert, 402 (Leipzig 1903), cited by J.C. Brgel, Die
Hofkorrespondenz Adud ad-Daulas, 27, n. 1 (Wiesbaden 1965). For Izz-ad-dawlahs horse
racing activities, see below, p. 50.
Cf. al-Jahshiyr, Wuzar, ed. H. von Mik, fol. 189b (Leipzig 1926, Bibliothek ar. Historiker
und Geographen 1); ed. M. as-Saqq, I. al-Ibyr, and A. Shalab, 298f. (Cairo 1357/1938).
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart (al-udab), II, 449 (Blq 12861287). The passage
359
Other particulars are given elsewhere concerning al-Amns childishness and

devotion to play and amusement. Their plausibility and historicity are not
at issue here. In the anecdotes just quoted, it is not gambling as such that
diminishes the caliphs stature, but the surrounding frivolity. There was a saying
reported by ath-Thalib that if four things are found together in a man, they
ruin him. They are the love of women, hunting, wine drinking, and gambling
(qimr).84 Certainly, each of those habits, if indulged in excessively, could by
itself lead to a persons downfall. On the higher rungs of society, they were
no doubt often found together in the same individual. However, the source
situation with which we are confronted does not allow us to allot its proper
share in the scheme to gambling which may often have been insignificant or
entirely absent.
The same point can be made for all levels of society. It contributes to our
uncertainty when we find intellectuals such as the authors of the Rasil Ikhwn
a-saf listing, after the pleasures of eating and drinking and sex, amusement
and play and song and playing nard and gambling.85 The sequence here would
appear to exclude gambling from what is called amusement and play. Such an
interpretation may, however, be a bit too literal, even if the Sincere Friends can
be trusted to have always weighed their language carefully. A very instructive
example of the uncertainty with which we have to contend is furnished by the
tenth-century ash-Shbusht in his work on monasteries. During the heyday
of the Abbsid dynasty, Christian monasteries often were the playgrounds of
the populace, Muslims and Christians alike. Ash-Shbusht takes great pains to
make this fact clear by introducing the description of each monastery with a
considerable variety of phrases to this effect. Notwithstanding his best efforts,
the result is pretty monotonous and on the whole uninformative. The constantly re-occurring lib and lahw are complemented on occasion by such words
as shurb wine drinking, arab/taarrub entertainment (music), tannazzuh
amusement (principally involving excursions into the countryside), khalah
profligacy, and, in particular, qaf, a very widely used term which is explained
by the lexicographers as being a combination of lahw and lib.86 But no matter what words are used, or how many of them are used in tandem, they all
mean the same thing. No specifics are indicated by them, and the author prob-
84
85
86
is cited by H.J.R. Murray, A History of Chess, 196 (Oxford 1913), and R. Wieber, (Das)
Schachspiel (in der arabischen Literatur), 224 (Walldorf-Hessen 1972, Beitrge zur Sprachund Kulturgeschichte des Orients 22).
Cf. ath-Thalib, Bard al-akbd, 153 (Constantinople 1301).
Cf. Rasil Ikhwn a-af, IV, 66 (Cairo 1347/1928).
Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, VIII, 376; Lisn, XI, 191.
23
360
24
ably did not intend them to do so. There is nothing here to tell us whether
the many amusements available in the monasteries included gambling, as was
assuredly the case in the mkhrs cabarets of the cities.87 The term khalah
is not meant to be a reference to gambling, although derivations from the root
kh-l-, such as khal, khawla, and mukhli denoted the gambling addict in the
old maysir language.88 From the root q--f, the word maqaf was formed which,
certainly in later times, had gambling casino as one of its many meanings.
In early sixteenth-|century Aleppo, there was a place called Junaynat Ubayd
where one could eat ashsh and amuse oneself and which was described as
the maqaf of Aleppo.89 Presumably, also some forms of gambling were practiced there. Ash-Shbusht quotes verses by Abdallah b. al-Abbs, a grandson
of the wazr al-Fal b. ar-Rab, praising Dayr Q where he enjoyed many a
night
Among noble youths who spent in revelry (qaf ) all they possessed
And expended on love and play (tab) money and property.
And the blissful life at Umr Kaskar was similarly sung by his older contemporary, Muammad b. zim al-Bhil. In Umr Kaskar, good company and
pleasant play and amusement could be found at all times, as well as noble
young men who gave wine its due
And expended by way of qaf whatever they got
And let themselves be robbed there of whatever they earned and possessed.90
87
88
89
90
See below, Ch. V, n. 34.

Lisn, IX, 430, combines these words with khulah, in the meaning of the best possessions
gambled away (cf. the verse quoted below, ch. IV, n. 56). An old hypocritical profligate
who played and amused himself (khal yalab wa-yarab) presumably also gambled, cf.
al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (lrq poets), II, 342.
Cf. Ibn al-anbal, Durr al-abab, ed. M. al-Fkhr and Y. Abbrah, I, i, 147 (Damascus
1972). Junaynah little garden is something like amusement park.
In his Maqmah al-jisryah, Al b. Sdn al-Bashbughaw tells us that on Friday, 22
Jumd II 852/23 August 1448, he learned that all the maqif and masarrt at al-Junaynah
in Cairo were closed down and removed (but they were eventually restored and reopened),
cf. his Nuzhat an-nufs, Ms. Istanbul Reislkttap 931, fols. 99b102b. For al-Bashbughaw,
those were mainly places for taking ashsh. He says nothing at all about gambling.
Cf. ash-Shbusht, Diyrt, 41 and 177, cited by Yqt, Mujam (al-buldn), ed. F. Wstenfeld, II, 689, and III, 725 (Gttingen 18661873).
361
Gambling may have helped the young men to get rid of their money, but
girls and wine were expensive enough to have the same result. It should be
noted in this connection that while the motif of the young heir going through
his inheritance is most common in Arabic stories, the possible role played by
gambling in this process is hardly ever mentioned.91 It should probably not be
considered as self-evident, even if it was likely.
There is another very uncertain link in any attempted connection between
play and gambling. All games could be used for gambling by the simple expedient of attaching stakes to them. However, by the same token, nearly all games
could be enjoyed for their own sake without any accompanying gambling activity. This was a matter of individual preference, even if societal conventions no
doubt exercised a certain pressure in this respect. The result is that | whatever references are made to games in the literature, we cannot assume that
gambling was present, unless it is expressly mentioned. The Muslims were
themselves fully aware of this situation, since it involved the legality or illegality of any game.92 In order to make the point that games were enjoyable
and permissiblewithout gambling, stories were circulated set in the earliest
times of Islam in which husband and wife indulged in a little game. It can be
assumed that in such cases, no gambling resulting in property changing hands
was involved. For good measure, such absence of gambling proper is expressly
stated in the report on Ibn Mughaffal playing dice (nard, kib) with his wife.93
Abdallh b. Ab Awf, who lived until about 705, was observed by a visitor as he
played with his wife with a couple of dice (bi-l-faayn). This is reported under
the rubric of gambling, yet, the point would seem to be that one could play
dice without the presence of the objectionable aspects of gambling. Nevertheless, official disapproval was also expressed under these circumstances. A man
playing the game of fourteen with his wife did what Muslims ought not to do.94
Whether used for gambling or not, the numerous games that were in frequent use could be viewed as being of three different types. In the words of
Jean Barbeyrac, one of the Western writers on gambling in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, a distinction should be made between les Jeux de pure
adresse, ceux de pur hazard, & ceux quon peut nommer mixtes, qui tiennent
91
92
93
94
For a possibly historical example, see below, Ch. V, n. 43.

See, for instance, below, pp. 106 ff.
Cf. Lisn, II, 214. For Ibn Mughaffal, cf., e.g., Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Istb, 996f.
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 449. The visitor, named Yazd b. Ab Khlid in the
Muart, was presumably Isml b. Ab Khlid, one of Ibn Ab Awfs transmitters. Cf.
Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Isb, 870 f.; Ibn ajar, Tahdhb, V, 151f. (Hyderabad 13251327), etc.
25
362
26
des deux prmiers.95 This distinction was alive, and its reality recognized by
Muslims when they considered various sports and compared nard with chess.96
Another distinction that might be drawn would be one separating gambling
done by the participants in an event (the players of games, the owners of race
horses) from gambling by spectators. In pre-modern times, the former kind
would seem to have been prevalent almost exclusively, while at present, the latter has greatly gained on it with respect to importance in the total | gambling
picture. Or one might distinguish between gambling activities according to the
principal vehicle employed for them, such as board games, human skill sports,
animal skill sports, etc. For the following survey of games used for gambling, it
has proved impossible to find a fully satisfactory scheme of arrangement. The
one adopted here can claim no absolute logical validity. Games and other activities of pure hazard are mentioned first, to be followed by chess as the prime
example of a game of pure adresse, by board games principally involving dicing, and then by the large number of activities where some skill, human or animal, plays a role. In addition to games which are mentioned somewhere in the
sources as potential or actual gambling games, some other games of possible
interest have been included; no completeness of any sort has been attempted in
connection with them. In particular, all that is known about games from more
recent times and from the travel literature and the numerous studies of presentdays childrens games has been disregarded.
The exact rules according to which the games were played, and frequently
even the types to which they belonged, are usually not known to us with
any exactness. This breaking of the thread of understanding with respect to
once well-known games97 has been remarked upon by Western historians
of the subject of Western games. Considering the few basic types and the
innumerable variations of them that are possible, it would seem natural that
without the most detailed description, sporadic references to the names and
general characteristics of games are of little use for their precise reconstruction.
No great effort has been made here to discuss and establish what we know
about the games as such. Special attention has been paid only to what we
are able to learn about potential or actual gambling activities connected with
them.
95
96
97
Cf. J. Barbeyrac, Trait du jeu, 2nd ed., I, 119 (Amsterdam 1737).

See below, p. 169.
Cf. A. Steiger, in his edition of Alfonso el Sabio, Libros de acedrex, dados e tablas, XXVI
(Geneva and Zrich 1941, Romanica Helvetica 10). Cf. also, for instance, O. Ore, Cardano,
the Gambling Scholar, 108 (Princeton 1953).
363
Betting
Probably the purest form of gambling, wagering on the outcome of singular

events in no material way capable of being influenced by the bettors need
not be accompanied by the exchange of property in order to appeal to the
imagination (witness, for instance, the com|mon English use of the words I
bet), but it ordinarily is. It is rarely mentioned in Arabic literature. A theoretical reference to it is perhaps implied in Ibn al-Arabs definition of gambling
as having something to do with either action or statement (qawl). Statement could refer to a situation in which an individual says that an arbitrary
event will have such-and-such an outcome, and bets on it. However, while
Ibn al-Arab may also have had in mind this sort of wagering, his distinction
between action and statement was more probably meant to envisage gambling done by participants and gambling by non-participants. Still, Ibn al-Arab
elsewhere explained murhanah further as an expression for agreement concerning the obligation (to pay) something upon the appearance of one of two
conflicting claims as to statement or as to existence ( f l-qawl aw f l-wujd)
98 Here, just the sort of betting we are speaking of could easily be meant and
give weight to the interpretation of statement as betting also in the first passage.
A famous example of betting before betting (rihn, qimr) was forbidden99
has its place in all commentaries on the Qurn in connection with srah
30:14/13: The Byzantines have been defeated in the nearest land, but after
their defeat, they will be victorious in a few years. The polytheists in the
Prophets own environment were, we are told in the fully developed versions
of the story, partisans of the Persians who, having no revealed scripture, were
98
99
Cf. Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, XII, 67, and above, Ch. I, n. 9.
Rihn in Ibn al-Jawz, Zd (al-musfir), VI, 287 (Damascus 13841388/19641968), qimr
in a-abar, Tafsr, XXI, 11, 13 (Cairo 1321). The commentator on a-aw in Ms. Istanbul
Jarullah (below, n. 213) refers to Ab Bakrs wager as a practice permitted in the beginning
(of Islam) that was abrogated later on. Cf. also al-Qurub, Jmi, XIV, 2f., and, especially,
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, ed. Izzat al-Ar al-usayn, 5 (Beirut, n. y. [1974]).
The Fursyah deals exhaustively with the sports that were within the purview of the
jurists, and presents the material with outstanding clarity. It often refers to Ab Bakrs
wager (pp. 4 f., 35 f., 65 f., 80) and analyzes its legal significance. In connection with it, Ibn
Qayyim al-Jawzyah reports the anafite opinion that betting (rihn) is forbidden only
when it is done in a context lacking religious merit, but where it serves the purpose of
presenting evidence for the truth of Islam, it is justified and clearly permitted, even more
so than are archery contests (p. 6).
27
364
28
not as close to the Muslims as were the Christian Byzantines. They made a
bet (naba, rhana, also byaa, qmara, khara)100 | with Ab Bakr that the
Prophets prediction of a Byzantine victory and Persian defeat would not come
true. However, it did, and Ab Bakr won the bet. The different versions of the
story differ as to the time limit (ajal) placed on the bet. The Prophet, asked for
advice by Ab Bakr, indicated the right time to him. Ab Bakr had thought of
three years but was advised by the Prophet to increase the term, because a
few years meant between three and nine. The bet was concluded for four, or
five, or seven years. When Ab Bakr chose too short a term, the Prophet told
him to double the bet (khaar) and extend the term, either beforehand or at
the expiration of the term. The polytheists agreed to that, and lost. There is
even a report that Ab Bakr set six years (?, lit. year six) as the term, because
the mean between three and nine is six, and lost.101 The amount of the bet is
indicated as ten young she-camels (qal) on either side, raised to a hundred;
or four or five raised to an unspecified number; or is just said to have been
so-and-so much without any figure.102
Nothing very precise can be done with this tradition. The spokesman for
the polytheists is most frequently stated to have been Ubayy b. Khalaf, who
died in 624 (the same year in which, according to the guess of some Muslim
scholars, the Byzantines won out over the Persians,103 which prompted the
remark that Ab Bakr collected the bet from the family of Ubayy).104 Much less
well attested is the role of Ab Sufyn b. arb as the instigator of the bet among
the polytheists.105 It smacks of anti-Umayyad invention.
The brief commentary ascribed to Ibn Abbs merely states that Ab Bakr aiddq made a bet (byaa) with Ubayy b. Khalaf for ten camels. This would be
an almost contemporary testimony, if the commentary were genuine. However,
it is a rather late concoction and cannot be used for historical conclusions.106
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
The different versions are of interest because of the betting terms used in them. In addition to those mentioned above, we find, for instance, mujalah = murhanah, tawa
ar-rihn, iqtamar in the eighth conjugation, etc. (a-abar, Tafsr, XXI, 13; cf. also below,
n. 236).
Cf. Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, XII, 71; Ibn al-Jawz, Zd; al-Qurub, Jmi, XIV, 2.
Cf., for instance, a-abar, Tafsr, XXI, 10 ff., and Annales, ed. M.J. de Goeje and others, I,
1006 (Leiden 18791901); az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, II, 402 (Blq 13181319); Ibn al-Jawz,
Zd, VI, 287 f.; adh-Dhahab, Tarkh al-Islm, I, 135 f. (Cairo 1367).
Cf. at-Tirmidh, in Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, XII, 69.
Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf ; al-Qurub, Jmi, XIV, 3, quoting an-Naqqsh (d. 351/962).
Cf. Ibn al-Jawz, Zd.
For the Tafsr of Ibn Abbs, I checked Mss. Istanbul Feyzullah 43, fols. 240b241a, and
365
Much more important | in this respect is the Tafsr of Muqtil b. Sulaymn, who
died in 150/767. It contains a brief statement to the effect that Ab Bakr bet
(khara) the unbelievers, and on the day of Badr, the Muslims defeated the
unbelievers and at the same time received the news that the Byzantines had
defeated the Persians. It further contains the longer version, with Ab Bakrs
original bet of ten qal for three years and the Prophets advice to him to
extend the term and raise the bet, which he does to seven years and a hundred
qal. This is further connected with a long story about the dynastic succession in Persia during that period.107 This would seem to take us back into the
first half of the eighth century. However, the preserved text of Muqtils comments on the Qurn is the work of a certain Abdallh b. Thbit at-Tawwaz
(223308/838921). Abdallh studied the work with his father, Thbit b. Yaqb,
who at the time of his death was eighty-five years old, in the year 240/854855,
and Thbit, in turn, received the text from the little known al-Hudhayl b. abb,
a transmitter of Muqtil, in the year 190/805806.108 Now, the brief version may
indeed go back to Muqtil, even if we have no real assurance that this is so. The
long version is stated expressly to be one of the many additions of al-Hudhayl,
not on the authority of Muqtil but on the authority of Ab Bakr al-Hudhal
(d. 166167/782783)109 who transmitted it on the authority of Ikrimah, who
supposedly had died between over sixty to eighty years earlier. All these details
leave no doubt as to the highly suspect character of the text of Muqtils Tafsr.
It cannot be dated safely before the lifetime of Abdallah b. Thbit, that is, the
ninth century.
Outstanding among the various supposed first reporters to whom the story
is ascribed in the traditions of a-abars Tafsr is the rather legendary Ikrimah.
The chains of transmitters in at-Tirmidh and a-abar suggest that the storys
written transmission began | with Ab Isq al-Fazr (d. 186/802)110 on the
authority of Sufyn ath-Thawr (d. about 161/778).111 The alleged role of Ibn Shi-
107
108
109
110
111
Veliuddin 94, fol. 156a; al-Frzbd, Tanwr al-miqbs, 41 (Cairo 1356, in the margin of
the Qurn). Cf. (F.) Sezgin, (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums,) I, 27 (Leiden 1967).
For Muqtils Tafsr, I checked Ms. Istanbul Feyzullah 79, fols. 49b50a. If my notes are
exact, Ms. Istanbul H. Hsn Pasha 17, fols. 230b231a, does not contain the longer version.
Cf. Sezgin, I, 36 f. For the long story, cf. a-abar, Annales, I, 1006 f.
For the history of the transmission of the text, cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd,
IX, 426 f., VII, 143, and XIV, 78f. (Cairo 1349/1931). The information of the Khab alBaghddi no doubt goes back to some copy of Abdallh b. Thbits text.
Cf. adh-Dhahab, Tarkh al-Islm, VI, 320; Ibn ajar, Tahdhb, XII, 45f.
Cf. Sezgin, I, 292.
Cf. Sezgin, I, 518.
29
30
366
31
hb az-Zuhr (d. about 123125/740743)112 in this connection appears highly

dubious, because information on his supposed transmitter (Abdallh b. Abdar-Ramn al-Juma) is lacking. Altogether then, it would seem the most plausible assumption that the story of Ab Bakrs wager was circulated orally in
some vague form and entered the literature in one version or another already
early in the eighth century. This, however, does not guarantee that the details
on betting to be gathered from it actually reflect the situation prevailing at that
time, although no great changes are likely to have taken place between the first
appearance of the story and its appearance in the written forms known to us.
Another early story of a bet comes to us from the eighth century. Two Arabs
contracted a wager (byaa) that it would not be possible to make the slave
of one of them tell a lie. At stake were their families and property. The slave,
asked to stay for one night with the challenger, gave his master upon his return
an accurate and truthful description of what had happened to him, but only as
far as this was possible for him.113
A-afad, who quoted this old story, also reports elsewhere a seemingly
historical anecdote concerning Judge Ibn ar (655723/12571323). The secretaries in charge of taking down decisions (tawq) bet among each other
(tarhana) that one of them would be able to beat Ibn ar to the greeting, but
none was able to do it.114 Nothing is said about what the bet consisted of and,
in fact, whether any money or thing of value was involved. In another fictional
bet | (tarhana), however, a condition with no further detail is mentioned.
That bet was made with a preacher (wi) who said he could eat, drink, and
play the unbr while holding a service.115 When two demons in the Arabian
Nights wagered on whether Budr or Qamar-az-zamn was more beautiful, the
112
113
114
115
Cf. Sezgin, I, 280.

Cf. al-Mufaal a-abb, Amthl (al-Arab), 76 (Constantinople 1300); a-afad,
al-Ghayh (al-musajjam f shar Lmyat al-Ajam), II, 210 (Cairo 1305). For al-Mufaal, cf.
R. Sellheim, Die klassisch-arabischen Sprichwrter-sammlungen, 4548 (The Hague 1954).
The proverb, for which this story is intended to provide an explanation (ind an-naw
yahdhibuka a-diq), became known in the West already through J. Scaliger and T. Erpenius, Proverbiorum arabicorum centuriae duae, 2nd ed., 92 (Leiden 1623). Cf. az-Zamakhshar, al-Mustaq ( f amthl al-Arab), II, 169 (Hyderabad 1381/1962); al-Maydn, Arabum
Proverbia, ed. G.W. Freytag, II, 106 f. (Bonn 18381843); (Anonymous,) Kitab al-Amthl, 74
(Hyderabad 1351).
Cf. a-afad, Wf, VIII, 17. What is meant here is probably not Ibn ars quick and
courteous way of greeting but the speed with which he reached the greeting at the end
of tawqs he wrote(?).
367
wording of the text suggests that they did so for something; demons could naturally be assumed to have recourse to all sorts of illegal actions.116
The paucity of references to betting has apparently to be taken as an indication that betting in this manner was not considered particularly interesting
and, possibly, was not widely and spectacularly practiced. In fact, the four passages cited, apart from the story connected with the Qurn, do not constitute
wagering on future events but wagering as a means to stress the correctness
of ones opinion concerning attitudes and qualities already in existence and
observable. This was hardly a gamble and involved no conflict with the idea of
the predetermination of things that are going to happen.
Guessing Games
The Shfiite ar-Rfi, among many others, mentions, as a potential gambling

activity, knowledge of what is in the others hand (marifat m f yad alkhar).117 Elsewhere, we find the clarifying addition, of odd or even.118 Otherwise, one might think that the guessing involved the hand in which an object
was concealed, or rather, what the concealed object was. This last possibility is in fact indicated in one of the lexicographical definitions of the game
called kharj. Usually, however, kharj, along with kharji,119 mukhrajah, or
munhadah, is described as a game that required guessing at the number of
fingers held up briefly by one of the players.120 In a commentary on a verse by
al-Muraqqish the Elder, it | was also suggested that mukhrajah (mushamah)
served as a sort of charity lottery.121 Presumably, a number of different games
are included under those terms, some of which may not have been guessing
games.
116
117
118
119
120
121
Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, I, 826f., trans. Littmann, II, 378 (180th night). Cf.,
further, the verse of a-anawbar, below, Ch. IV, n. 66.
Cf. ar-Rfi, Muarrar, Ms. Istanbul Fatih 2103, fol. 267b, and Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 4285, fol.
IIIa. See below, Ch. III, n. 160.
Cf. the glossator of Ms. Istanbul Fatih 2103 of ar-Rfi, Muarrar, fol. 267b; az-Zarkash (?),
Commentary on an-Nawaws Minhj, Ms. Yale L-54a (Cat. Nemoy 1054), fol. 161b. There
seems to be no relationship to the game named khas-wa-zak odd and even, see below,
n. 278.
See below, n. 277.
Cf. Lane, 718b, 710c720a; J. Hell, Der Diwan des Abu uaib, 29, n. 1 (Hannover 1926) (?).
Differently Hyde, II, 225 f.
Cf. al-Mufaalyt, ed. C.J. Lyall, I, 477, II, 178 (Oxford 19181921).
32
368
A Bedouin guessing game, called lizard game, consisted of drawing a lizard

in the sand and placing the hand upon one part of its body. The other party had
to guess without looking which part it was that was covered by the hand.122
Verses by arafah and Labd compare a ship cutting through the waves
and the forelegs of a wild bull in flight parting the desert sand, respectively,
to a mufyil dividing the sand with his hand and to a gambler (muqmir)
playing fiyl. Fiyl is explained as a game in which an object is buried in
one of two small plots of sand, with the winner being the one who guesses in
which one of the two it is.123 This is sometimes called a childrens game, but
it may not have been played exclusively by children. The suggestion of some
lexicographer that it is to be identified with suddar/uban124 is hardly possible,
if the very imperfect description given of the latter is even approximately
correct. A description very similar to that of fiyl is given to a game called
unbthah.125
33
Lotteries and the Casting of Lots (Qurah)
True lotteries depend on two things, the haphazard drawing, from a number
of alike and marked tokens, the one that designates the winner and the contribution by the participants of a share of the prizes. The famous maysir game of
pre-Islamic times fulfilled both conditions and thus was a true lottery. It will be
discussed in some detail in the following chapter. No other true lottery seems
to have been reported in Muslim sources.
The casting of lots is done to determine doubtful issues or to distribute property. It does not normally involve a contribution on the part of its beneficiaries
or victims, and cannot be characterized as gambling. In Islam, it occasionally
122
123
124
125
Cf. al-Ji, Hayawn, VI, 43 f. (Cairo 13231325), ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, VI, 146
(reprint Cairo 13841389/19651969).
Cf. arafah, Dwn, ed. M. Seligsohn, text 7, trans. 31 (Paris 1901), and Labd, in Shar Dwn
Labd, ed. Isn Abbs, 80 (Kuwait 1962). The verse does not appear in the edition and
translation of Labds poems by A. Huber and C. Brockelmann (Leiden 1891). arafahs
verse is quoted in Lisn, XIV, 51. For a description of the game, cf. also Lane, 2325c2326a,
2474c2475a.
See below, p. 63.
Cf. (Ab Hill) al-Askar, at-Talkh ( f marifat asm al-ashy), ed. Izzat asan, 722
(Damascus 13891390/19691970); Lisn, III, 15. Mufyalah is mentioned by al-Askar,
Talkhs, 719. Cf. already Hyde, II, 261 f., who refers to Golius, Lexicon Arabico-Latinum, 2289
(Amsterdam 1653).
369
was considered as gambling and therefore classified as illegal. When lots were
drawn to decide who was to undertake a dangerous or unpleasant task, this constituted a sort of risk taking that could easily appear objectionable on that basis
to certain Muslim jurists. This applies to the story of Jonah and, for instance,
to a situation such as the one in which two men cast lots as to who should
descend into a well to fetch honey from a beehive in it.126 The Qurn refers
to the casting of lots in connection with Maryam (Mary), supposedly participated in by Zakary (3:44/39). More explicit is the use of lots (shama)127
in the case of Ynus (Jonah) who lost (d--)128 and was thrown into the sea
(37:141/141). There were also some Prophetic traditions describing decisions
made on the basis of casting lots. Consequently, decision by lot came to be
permitted for a variety of legal cases concerning manumission, divorce, inheritance, and other situations in which claims of equal validity were to be resolved.
While in ancient pre-Islamic times arrows were supposed to have been used as
lots, as indicated also by the use of the verb shama, the later common practice was the use of pieces of paper (ruqah, pl. riq) or of seal rings put into and
then drawn from the wide sleeves of scholarly garments. A detailed description
of the legal role of lots was, for instance, given by the anbalite Ibn Qayyim alJawzyah.129 Repeatedly he mentions that Ibn anbal expressed himself | to
the effect that people who considered the use of lots as gambling were either
evil or ignorant. Indeed, one of them, we are told elsewhere, was the ill-famed
126
127
128
129
Cf. amzah al-Ifahn, Durrah, 280.

While the expression used in the Qurn is commonly equated with the casting of lots,
a fantastic elaboration of the story occurs in al-Kis, Qia al-anbiy, ed. I. Eisenberg,
299 (Leiden 19221923). It describes a preliminary casting of lots, followed by a procedure
designated by the verb tashama where everybody wrote his name on a small ball of lead.
All those balls were thrown into the sea, and the one with the name of Ynus on it surfaced.
The story presupposes a general interest of the reader in procedures of casting lots.
It may be noted that this verb is explained by maqr or maghlb. However, maqmr which
would indicate an association with gambling appears in ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart,
I, 447.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, a-uruq al-ukmyah, 287328 (Cairo 1372/1953). For the use
of the qurah to decide equal claims, cf. also the Shfiite Abd-al-Azz b. Abd-as-Salm,
Qawid, I, 74, 90 f. (Cairo 1388/1968). Ibn Abd-as-Salm, I, 96, makes it clear that lots
are not admissible for deciding who is to be thrown overboard if a ship is in danger of
sinking, in contrast to what was possible in pre-Islamic times, as evidenced by the story of
Ynus. For the adths on casting lots, see Concordance, V, 367b368a. Cf. also, for instance,
az-Zubayr b. Bakkr, Muwafaqyt, ed. S.M. al-n, 363 (Baghdd 1972); al-Kind, Wulh
(below, n. 205), 138.
34
370
(anafite) Bishr al-Mars.130 It seems understandable that in spite of all the

impeccable precedents in favor of casting lots, the making of a distinction in
cases of ambiguity131 by lot could be considered an inadmissible avoidance of
legal reasoning in favor of recourse to chance and therefore be rejected. Still,
gambling is hardly the proper description of it.
In the story of the fisherman Khalfah in the Arabian Nights, the caliph
appearing in it takes a piece of paper, cuts it into small pieces, and tells his wazr
Jafar to write on each piece a different prize, such as money in the amounts of
one dnr to one thousand dnrs, offices, punishments, etc. Then he orders
Khalfah to draw one of those pieces of paper. The first time, Khalfah draws a
hundred lashes, then a blank, and finally one dnr.132 This episode is similar
to modern give-away shows on television and has the same purpose, that is,
to translate wishful thinking into imagined reality. On a smaller scale, such
competitions for prizes may occasionally have been organized, even if we have
no concrete evidence for them. They do not qualify as lotteries, but in the
overall Muslim view of gambling, they could indeed be considered as gambling
activities. The same can be said about the occasions, no doubt quite common,
when military booty and the like was distributed by means of lots.
For an example of a divinatory practice called qurah, see below, p. 51.
35
Dicing
Although it may be right to say that dice games can be made dependent on
skill and judgment,133 the throwing of dice as such can | be considered a game
of pure chance. All through Islamic times, the dice ( fa, kab, kabah) used in
games were usually two in number. Each was marked with pips (nuqa) resulting in the numerical value of seven for each two parallel sides of the six sides
of the cube.134 The word qimr gambling is specifically applied to their use.
130
131
132
133
134
Cf. Ibn Ab tim ar-Rz, db ash-Shfi, ed. M.Z. al-Kawthar, 175 (Cairo 1372/1953).
At-tamyz ind al-ishtibh, cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, a-uruq al-ukmyah, 308.
Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, IV, 178180, trans. Littmann, V, 539543 (841st to 842nd
nights). The word qurah is expectedly not employed in the story.
Cf. O. Jacoby, in M. Ploscowe and E.J. Lukas (eds.), Gambling, in Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, CCLXIX (1950), 41. See also below, n. 157.
Cf. the description of dice in a-afad, Ghayth, II, 52; al-Qalqashand, ub (al-ash), II,
141 (Cairo 1331/1913). For fa, cf. Syriac pess, pess, and pe, pl. pe. C. Brockelmann,
Lexicon Syriacum, 580a, 438a (Halle 1928), seems to suggest a derivation from the roots
n-p-s and n-p-. However, a derivation from Greek pessos (hardly psphos), with, perhaps,
371
The question is to what an extent dice served for gambling by themselves or

were props for gambling games dependent on them. They normally appear in
connection with nard. Most likely, the majority of references to dice, whether
nard is mentioned at the same time or not, has to be considered as referring to
nard. Nard, in fact, was also simply called kib, referring not to the men (kilb,
lit. dogs) used in the game but to the dice. The designation of the numerical
values of the pips with Persian numerals also points to a connection with a
game of Persian origin such as nard.
In Graeco-Arabic translation literature, the addition of nard where the Greek
text has kybeuein thus came naturally. For the translation of the dream book of
Artemidorus, the usage can easily be checked with the help of the lexicographical study by E. Schmitt.135 Kybeuein (205 Pack/369370 Ar.) is rendered f l-lib
bi-n-nard. On the other hand, psphopaiktein (228 Pack/419 Ar.) appears as lib
bi-l-fu, which would refer to dice rather than the pieces used in the game.
And paizein psphois (13 Pack/27 Ar.) curiously enough is rendered playing
chess.
One of the sayings going back to the Monosticha of Pseudo-Menander reads:
Either you do not play nard, or you tolerate whatever fate may bring.136 The
Greek original has not yet been | traced. It is quite likely to have been something
like this: m kybeuis hypomeneis (?) tn tychn.
On a more scholarly level, it is true, kybeuts would be translated by muqmir. This is what we find in the translation of the Nicomachean Ethics 1122a7
8.137
135
136
137
some influence from a Semitic root, appears preferable, cf. S. Fraenkel, Die aramischen
Fremdwrter im Arabischen, 59 ff. (Leiden 1886). Kab, pl. kib, meant originally no doubt
astragals, and not six-sided dice with pips. This causes a certain problem with regard to
the oldest Arabic references and with regard to childrens games. In both cases, astragals
would often appear to be meant.
Cf. E. Schmitt, Lexikalische Untersuchungen zur arabischen bersetzung von Artemidors
Traumbuch (Wiesbaden 1970). Pack refers to the edition of the Greek text by R.A. Pack
(Leipzig 1963), while Ar. refers to the edition of the Arabic text by T. Fahd (Damascus
1964).
Cf. M. Ullmann, Die arabische berlieferung der sogenannten Menandersentenzen, 35,
no. 150 (Wiesbaden 1961, Abh. fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes 34, 1). For the idea expressed
here, cf. below, Ch. IV, n. 64.
Cf. Ibn Ab Dharr (al-mir?), as-Sadah (wa-l-isd), ed. M. Minovi, 75, 232 (Wiesbaden
19571958). The original translation of the Nicomachean Ethics remains to be checked.
In the edition of the Arabic translation of Polemos physiognomics (Scriptores physiognomonici, ed. R. Frster, I, 123, l. 5, Leipzig 1893), the editor, G. Hoffmann, read play
36
372
37
In astrological works, gaming and amusement of all sorts is associated with

the planet Venus. In the Arabic translation of Dorotheus, Mercury in the field
of Venus indicates people who are interested in playing nard.138 In this connection, Mercury apparently signifies the commercial gambling aspects of gaming. The Greek original is not preserved. It probably contained something like
kybeuein. However, when Ab Mashar refers to Venus and its influence on the
right time for playing chess and nard, we cannot be sure of the existence of a
Greek prototype for his statement.139 We also must admit that the pre-Islamic
original of the story about the sage Luqmn and his masters gambling escapes
us. When it is described as involving nard,140 this may reflect the common later
identification of dicing with nard.
Gambling (qimr), however, is occasionally coordinated with nard (and
other games) in a way which might be taken to indicate that a distinction was
made between dicing and nard. In the case of childrens games, kab (pl. kib)
is distinguished from nard and all kinds of qimr, but kab here probably does
not refer to ordinary dice.141 It is different in the case of a passage from the iyal
al-lu of al-Ji where thieves are praised for playing nard and | chess and
encouraging qimr.142 Here, qimr apparently referred to all kinds of gambling,
among which nard and chess were only the most prominent examples. A secretary of the caliph al-Mahd wrote to the governor of Mecca, reproaching the
Meccans with evil conduct such as wasting their time with nard, qimr, maysir,
chess, and all other diverting and distracting worthless pursuits (abl).143
Much later, the gambling poet, Ibn Qutulmish, was described as being devoted
138
139
140
141
142
143
(l--b) and suggested it was a translation of philokybos. This is pure fancy, depending on a
substitution for the transmitted talking (adth).
Cf. F. Rosenthal, Das Fortleben der Antike im Islam, 326 (Zrich and Stuttgart 1965), Engl.
trans., 241 (London 1975).
Cf. Ab Mashar, al-Madkhal ( f ilm akm an-nujm), Ms. Istanbul Jarullah 1508, fol. 208b,
and Ms. Brit. Mus. add. 7490, fols. 246b247a (where polo is also mentioned). Cf. also
al-Brn, at-Tafhm (li-awil inat at-tanjm), ed. R.R. Wright, 251, 254 (paras. 430, 435)
(London 1934).
Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, ed. A. Badaw, 260f. (Madrid 1958), see below, Ch. III,
n. 6.
Cf. Ibn al-Ukhwah, (Malim al-qurbah f akm al-isbah,) ed. trans. R. Levy, text 214,
trans. 86 (London 1938, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, N. S. 12).
Al-Ji was quoted by al-Isfarin, at-Tabr ( f d-dn), ed. M.Z. al-Kawthar, 50f. (Cairo
1359/1940). Encouraging is based upon the necessary reading wa-bi-aththihim.
Cf. the addition of al-Khuz to al-Azraqs History of Mecca, in F. Wstenfeld, Die
Chroniken der Stadt Mekka, IV, 163, 168 (Leipzig 18571861). See below, Ch. V, n. 89.
373
to qimr and nard.144 Unless qimr here is again used losely for all kinds of gambling, it would seem possible that a distinction was intended between the use
of dice by themselves and their use in connection with nard. But what would be
the distinction between qimr and dicing when at-Tawd speaks of gamblers
(muqmirn) and persistent dice players (al-lib bi-l-kabatayn)?145
Only as late as the sixteenth century, in the work on major sins by Ibn ajar
al-Haytam (909974/15041567), do we hear about gambling whether done
independently or in connection with a disapproved game such as chess or a
forbidden one such as nard.146 The author has no further explanation as to
what he meant by independent gambling. While other interpretations are
possible and independent gambling might refer to such things as betting on
unstaged events, it may be preferable to find in it a reference to dicing. The
assumption that simple dicing was a gambling pastime in Islam as elsewhere
is a natural one. However, whether it was widespread and how it was done in
detail are matters that await documentation not available at present.
Chess
Turning from games of pure chance to games of true skill, the | only gambling
game that would truly qualify for this designation practiced in the Muslim
world was chess. It was the most famous game in Medieval Islam, as it can
justly be proclaimed the worlds most famous game. Every educated person as
well as every person aspiring to belong to the educated elite can be assumed
to have been in some way familiar with it or at least to have known about
it. Books were written on it (and have been preserved), and the discussions
of it in Muslim literature are innumerable. The modern scholarly literature
dealing with the history of chess in Islam and in the world is large and informative.147 As did nard, chess also provided the subject for manuscript illustrations.
144
145
146
147
Cf. Yqt, Irshd (al-arb), ed. D.S. Margoliouth, VII, 14 (Leiden and London 19071927,
E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series 6), ed. A.F. Rif, 2nd ed., XVIII, 206 (Cairo, n. y. [1357/1938]);
al-Kutub, Fawt (al-Wafayt), ed. M. Muy-ad-dn Abd-al-amd, II, 420 (Cairo 1951); aafad, Wf, III, 127. See below, Ch. V, n. 43. The vocalization Qutulmish (also Qaarmish)
is uncertain.
Cf. at-Tawd, Akhlq al-wazrayn, 185. See below, Ch. IV, n. 1, Ch. V, n. 73.
Cf. Ibn ajar al-Haytam, az-Zawjir (an iqtirf al-kabir), II, 187ff. (Cairo 1370/1951).
A reference to the recent and most detailed publication by Wieber, Schachspiel (above,
n. 83), and its bibliography, pp. 489505, will suffice.
38
374
39
When chess is brought into connection with gambling (qimr), it does not
refer to certain varieties of the game for which dice were used, but rather
to playing it for stakes. As a rule, the players themselves put up the stakes
they played for. This would fall into the category of illegal gambling. It was
different when the prize was established by a non-participant, which happened
comparatively rarely. According to legend, Indian rulers in old times might
organize a game of chess as a means for the peaceful solution of territorial
claims,148 but the gambling aspect of chess was never considered by Muslims
as something beneficial. Even without gambling, however, chess was serious
business. It could well serve as a model for a youth beginning his career as a
merchant: Take away all your opponent has, and hold on to all you have,149
just as chess players do.
Chess was played by two persons, or in the form of tournaments where one
player would challenge many others, in order to prove his superior skill. There
was blindfold playing, and there were many blind players. On occasion, multiple games were going on simultaneously. As an illustration for this last situation, we may mention an anecdote about the famous ninth-century jokester,
Ab l-Ayn, as reported by ash-Shbusht. On a hot summer day, Ab l-Ayn |
went to the house of the hirid Ubaydallh b. Abdallh. There he found people playing chess. Ubaydallh explained that they were playing for a stake
(nadab), till there would be time for dinner. He asked Ab l-Ayn to choose
sides, and Ab l-Ayn naturally took the side of the amr. They lost, whereupon Ab l-Ayn was told that his share in the loss was twenty pounds of ice
(thalj), a valuable commodity used for purposes of refrigeration. Ab l-Ayn
went out and soon came back with Ibn Thawbah, whom he declared to be a
mountain of ice, suggesting to Ubaydallh that he pay their loss with him and
use what was left over for continued playing with his friends.150 Apparently, the
point of the anecdote was to ridicule the unsuspecting Ibn Thawbah for his
enormous frigidity, that is, his uncouth personality and boring and boorish
behavior or the unattractiveness of his literary efforts. We would have profited more from greater precision concerning the actual situation as envisaged
by the reporter of the anecdote, such as who was playing whom and for what
148
149
150
Cf. Murray, A History of Chess, 212; Wieber, Schachspiel, 92; al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 76f. For a
dice game with political consequences, cf. also al-Brn, India, 338 (Hyderabad 1377/1958),
trans. E. Sachau, I, 403 (London 1888, reprint 1964).
Cf. Bad-az-zamn al-Hamadhn, Maqmt, 214 f. (Beirut, n. y.), trans. W.J. Prendergast,
155 (London and Madras 1915, reprint London and Dublin 1973).
Cf. ash-Shbusht, Diyrt, 57f., quoted by Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 64, ed. Rif,
XVIII, 291, and a-afad, Nakt al-himyn, 267 (Cairo 1339/1911).
375
stakes. It would seem, however, that the anecdote furnishes us with an example of betting by non-participants on games played by others; this probably
mostly happened when champion players played others for a championship,
especially if the contest took place under the sponsorship of men important in
public life.
Chess playing had its fanatical devotees who became totally absorbed in the
games they happened to be engaged in. This then affected their performance of
the prescribed religious duties. As a humorous anecdote claims, it might even
go so far that a person on his deathbed, when asked to pronounce the confession of faith, would gasp out only the one word, check (mate) (shhak).151
The neglect of duty attributed to playing chess greatly agitated the religious |
authorities, but it also had consequences in a more mundane ambit of social
relations. For instance, when the subordinates of the notorious wazr of Zuhayr
of Almeria, Amad b. Abbd (d. 429/1038), came to him on business, he played
chess with them all day and well into the night, forgetting all the business at
hand and, even more distressing to his visitors, forgetting to offer them something to eat.152 This certainly contributed to his unpopularity, but it would seem
that nobody suffered any substantial gambling losses. On the contrary, the story
suggests once more that there were many occasions where the game was its
own reward so much so that no stakes were needed.
According to H.J.R. Murray, chess (in Europe) was usually played for a
stake. Probably there was no game in the Middle Ages in which it was not
the ordinary rule to increase the interest by the simple device of attaching a
prize to the victory and a penalty to the defeat. If the stake is a less prominent
feature of board-games in modern Europe, it is solely due to the fact that
in other games we enjoy more opportunities of wagering money than were
open to our ancestors.153 In medieval Islam, we may assume that economic
151
152
153
Cf. adh-Dhahab, Kabir, 89 (Cairo 1385/1965); Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 190.
Cf. also az-Zamakhshar, Rab, fol. 86b, who has shh mt. Tempting as it may be for
semantic reasons to assume that the European scacci chess men, chess goes back to
the exclamation shhak, and not to the unaugmented exclamation (ash-)shh, it is not
really required by the phonetic situation. For ash-shh used to designate the game itself,
cf. the stories reported by adh-Dhahab and Ibn ajar al-Haytam. The usage can be traced
already in Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm (al-malhi), ed. trans. J. Robson, Tracts on Listening
to Music, 34, 57 (London 1938), and, if adh-Dhahabs quotation is accurate, in the Jmi (=
Sunan?) of the early anbalite Ab Bakr al-Athram (d. 261/875 or later, cf. Sezgin, I, 509).
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, ii, 177. A person may be so engrossed in a game of chess that
he forgets to eat, cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 265.
Cf. Murray, A History of Chess, 474 f.
40
376
and religious considerations cut deeper into the practice of playing chess for
stakes than was the case in the West. The game was probably very widely
played without any gambling being involved. Ibn Taymyah can be believed
when he maintained that most nard players played for a compensation (iwa,
the much used legal term for stakes), whereas most chess player did not.154
However, the comparative frequency with which jurists make reference to
chess accompanied by qimr as contrasted with chess without it suggests that
the custom was certainly not an unusual one. The number of anecdotes of chess
played for stakes is quite large. It should, however, be kept in mind that chess
was the most prominent and most commonly mentioned of all games. Thus,
the number of anecdotes preserved in connection with it would naturally be
larger than in other gambling games.
6
41
Nard (Backgammon, Trictrac)
Nard was the gambling game par excellence in Islam. It meant | the movement
of round pieces155 according to the outcome of the throws of a pair of dice.156
However, it was occasionally acknowledged to leave some room for skill, as,
indeed, it does.157
The game was known under a variety of designations, such as nardashr,
the nw(vn)(?) Ardashr of the Pahlavi texts,158 kib dice, and rn (rz, rq), a
word, it seems, not yet explained.159 Kbah, whose alleged meanings include
154
155
156
157
158
159
Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, IV, 308 (Cairo, n. y. [13841386/19651966]). Elsewhere in the
Fatw, II, 14, speaking generally of games (malib), Ibn Taymyah says that they are
customarily played for stakes (iwad).
Kilb mudawwarat al-khar, cf. al-Brn, al-Jamhir ( f marifat al-jawhir), 186 (Hyderabad 1355). Mahrik, from Persian muhraq, muhrah, was also used for the nard pieces, cf.
a-afad, Ghayth, II, 52; al-Qalqashand, ub, II, 141; Hyde, II, 21.
For a description of the way nard was played in modern Persia, cf. H.J.R. Murray, (A History
of ) Board-Games (other than Chess), 113 f. (Oxford 1952).
See below, p. 169. The famous E. Hoyle who wrote on backgammon in the eighteenth
century (A Short Treatise on the Game of Back-gammon, London 1743) gives charts of odds
for the dice and devotes much of his little manual to rules showing what to do and what
not to do in order to have a better chance of winning. For the present-day game, cf. the
pleasantly illustrated book by O. Jacoby and J.R. Crawford (New York 1970), one of the many
books on backgammon being published at the present time.
Cf. Wieber, Schachspiel, 98 f.
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, VIII, 338, on srah 10:32/33; az-Zarqn, Commentary on Mliks
Muwaa, IV, 356 (Cairo 1355/1936).
377
that of abl drum, is also said to mean nard.160 In his work on the Qurn,
al-Qurub, remarkably enough, seems to have applied to nard the name of
a-abl (corresponding to tabula, tables).161 That its low-class devotees also gave
it a kunyah from time to time, something like Ab l-j-l-b,162 need not greatly
surprise us. Simple references to qimr in general and to dice may also aim at
nard.163
Nard could be played with chips, called nuts ( jawzt), which no doubt
represented some monetary value. This we learn from the story of a thieves
trick which obviously refers to nard.164 It seems that at some point of the game,
presumably at the end, the (winning) player would exclaim, I am finished
(tamm), according to a couplet of Sayf-ad-dn al-Mushidd:
I played with a slender, willowy
Youth with a supple figure.
He said, I am finished. I said: Sure!
How beautiful is the moon when it is finished/full!165
160
161
162
163
164
165
Cf. al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. M.F. Abd-al-Bq, 326 (Cairo 1375), where kbah =
nard is described as forbidden like eating pork or using the blood of pigs for ablutions
(see below, Ch. III, n. 89). See further Lisn, II, 225 (in Yemenite usage); Wrterbuch
der klassischen arabischen Sprache, letter K, 420 f. (Wiesbaden 1970); Concordance, VI,
71b5055, VII, 369b4043; Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm, 31, 53f.; Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, IV, 39;
Hyde, II, 12. Ibn Ab d-duny mentions that qinnn, used in the same tradition as kbah,
was, according to some authorities, also a gambling game.
The text of al-Qurub, Jmi, VIII, 338, has al-bil (worthless frivolity, used descriptively
for nard on the basis of Qurn and adth), but the reading of the manuscripts as indicated
in the notes is a-abl.
Cf. al-Azd, ikyat Ab l-Qsim, ed. A. Mez, 93 and LXI (Heidelberg 1902).
See above, p. 35. According to E.W. Lane, An Account of the Manners and Customs of the
Modern Egyptians, 3rd ed., 55 (London 1842), the game distinctively called leab el-umr
in nineteenth-century Egypt was cards.
See below, pp. 153 f.
Cf. Sayf-ad-dn al-Mushidd, Dwn, fol. 125a:
laibtu bi-n-nardi ma rashqin
muhafhafin layyini l-qawmi
qla tamm fa-qultu abran
m asana l-badra f t-tammi.
A more specific use of tamm in nard is mentioned by Hyde, II, 42; it probably is not
applicable here.
42
378
43
The origin of nard as it was played in the Muslim world was Persian. This
is shown by the Persian terms used in connection with it166 and by the fact
that it is always closely associated with (the Persian game of) chess, with
which it has no typological similarity whatever. In the literature, it appears as
a sort of appendix to chess and is practically always mentioned where chess is
mentioned. Since there is so much less to be said about it than there is about
chess, it gets short shrift, even where one might think that it would receive
some greater consideration. In the titles of books, nard is rarely mentioned
alone. The old theoretician of chess, al-Adl, is credited also with a special
title on nard.167 The great ar-Rz wrote On the Wisdom of Nard.168 The
poem rhyming in sn describing nard by a certain Ab Abdallh Muammad
b. Amad al-Khayy, who lived in the first half of the fourteenth century,
may, or may not, have been a work on the theory of the game.169 Later in the
fourteenth century, Ibn Zuqqah (745816/13441408) wrote The Rosebush
on the Knowledge of Nard (Dawat al-ward f marifat | an-nard).170 None of
these works appears to have been preserved. In the case of Ibn Zuqqah, it
might be suspected that perhaps chess was in fact mentioned in the title before
nard.
The game could, of course, also be enjoyed without accompanying gambling.
The jurists at least would consider this possibility, although the game still
remained illegal in their view.171 But clearly, in the numerous references to
people playing, or being devoted to, nard, it is understood that some kind of
gambling was involved, whether or not it is expressly mentioned. We have no
way of knowing whether there existed many, or how large a percentage of, nard
players who played without any stakes whatever.
Fourteen
No later than the early ninth century, we find this board-game mentioned as
shahrdah or arbaata ashara, both meaning fourteen respectively in Per-
166
167
168
169
170
171
See above, n. 81, and below, Ch. V, nn. 27, 49, as well as the anecdote reported in Aghn,
XVII, 103, from Ibn Ab hir ayfr and translated in F. Rosenthal, Humor, 98f. See further
below, p. 88.
Cf. Ibn an-Nadm, Fihrist, ed. G. Flgel, 155 (Leipzig 18711872).
Cf. al-Brun, Rislah, ed. P. Kraus, 21 (Paris 1936). See below, Ch. VI, n. 23.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 52, mentioned by Hyde.
Cf. as-Sakhw, a-aw (al-lmi li-ahl al-qarn at-tsi), I, 131, l. 2 (Cairo 13531355).
See below, Ch. III, n. 84.
379
sian and in Arabic.172 Ibn Sad already tells us that the pious Ibn Umar, the
son of the caliph Umar b. al-Khab, used to smash fourteen boards, as he
did nard boards, or hit the players over the head with them.173 Among the
seven anti-fourteen statements in Ibn Ab Shaybahs Muannaf, one speaks
of children who were fasting and diverting themselves with a game of fourteen, when Al came and bought them walnuts for a dirham, so that they
could amuse themselves with the walnuts and stop playing fourteen.174 Apparently, the walnut game was considered less harmful than fourteen, probably, because in the former, no other stake than the walnuts themselves was
involved.
Fourteen was identified with manqalah mancala, which is first attested
in the Kitb al-Aghn. The source of Aghn was a work | by az-Zubayr b.
Bakkr (d. 256/870), reporting an event that had taken place in Umayyad times
in a circle of poets. The report contained the statement that the qwq are
even, and this statement is glossed as referring to a game like manqalah.175
The unexplained qwq (which must be a feminine or plural, thus ruling out a
correction to qirq) may perhaps be read fuwaq notched arrows, which could
indeed correspond in their function to the boards with holes employed in the
game of fourteen.175a It is not clear whether the gloss referring to manqalah goes
back to the original report of az-Zubayr b. Bakkr or was an addition, perhaps,
by the author of Aghn.
Fourteen was further identified with izzah, mentioned in ash-Shfis Kitb
al-Umm, in the passage fundamental for the Shfiite attitude toward gambling.
izzah is explained there as a piece of wood in which there are holes for
playing.176
172
Cf. Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, Ms. Istanbul Nuru Osmaniye 1219, fol. 72a; F. Rosenthal,
Knowledge Triumphant, 75 (Leiden 1970). Al-Qurub, Jmi, VIII, 338, quotes Ab anfah
as referring to the game, but this must be understood as usual to mean the anafite
school.
173 Cf. Ibn Sad, abaqt, ed. E. Sachau and others, IV, i, 114, l. 16, and 120, l. 27 (Leiden
19051940). Al-alm, Minhj, Mss. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 930, fol. 151a, and
Ahmet III 500, Vol. III, fol. 39a, uses the spelling jahrdah in this context. For Ibn Umar
beating nard players and breaking the board, cf. also Mlik, Muwaa, IV, 356 (Cairo
1355/1936); al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 327. For Ab Hurayrah allegedly playing fourteen, cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab, fol. 87b.
174 Cf. Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fol. 72a.
175 Cf. Aghn, XI, 19 (Aghn3, XII, 116); Murray, Board-Games, 165ff. Manqalah occurs in the
Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, I, 109, trans. Littmann, I, 171 (15th night).
175a Or is quwaq to be connected with uwaq (below, n. 251)?
176 Cf. ash-Shfi, Kitb al-Umm, VI, 213, see above, n. 3, and below, Ch. III, n. 99.
44
380
Ibn ajar al-Haytam, referring to the Shfi passage, has this to say: izzah
is a piece of wood in which there are three rows of holes into which small
pebbles are put for playing.177 It may also be called fourteen. In Egypt, it is
called manqalah. In the Taqrb of Sulaym, it is explained as a board in which
there are twenty-eight holes, fourteen on one side, and fourteen on the other,
for playing.178 In fact, all such descriptions are likely to refer to games similar
in principle and played according to different rules.
The connection of fourteen with gambling is attested only perfunctorily in
the references of legal and religious scholars to it.
45
A-b wa-d-Dukk
Ibn ajar al-Haytam refers to a-b wa-d-dukk in these words: Forbidden is

the game called by the common people a-b wa-d-dukk, for it depends on
what is brought out by the four rods | (qaabt).179 There is some possible reservation (as to its being forbidden), if it is free from gambling and foolishness, but
it leads to them. Something like it has been mentioned in the Khdim. He said.
And comparable to it is the kanjifah.180
Apparently the oldest preserved reference to it is to be found in a long poem
by Ibn Dniyl (d. 710/1310):
And I fell in love with the boys, then reverted
To being young, till I went back to grade school.
177
178
179
180
Murray, Board-Games, 205, quotes this explanation from the work on chess and nard
by al-Qbn (784869/13821465, cf. [C.] Brockelmann, GAL [Geschichte der arabischen
Litteratur] II, 97, Suppl., II, 115, Weimar-Berlin and Leiden 18981949).
Cf. Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 191. The author of the Taqrb, the Shfiite Sulaym b.
Ayyb ar-Rz, died in 447/1055, cf. Ibn Khallikn, (Wafayt al-ayn,) ed. Isn Abbs, II,
397399 (Beirut, n. y. [1972]).
For a description of the game and the role of the rods in it, cf. Murray, Board-Games, 95f.,
who based himself upon Hyde, II, 217223, and Lane. Cf. also the references in R. Dozy,
Supplment (aux dictionnaires arabes), II, 65a (Leiden 1881, reprint Paris and Leiden 1927).
Dozy cites a passage referring to a-b from the Arabian Nights, XI, 390, of the Breslau
edition of M. Habicht (Breslau 18251843), which is not contained in Macnaghtens edition,
trans. Littmann, IV, 822. Littmann inexactly has trictrac. What, if any, connection the
references to d-k-k in Dozy, Supplment, I, 453b, may have with the game is not clear to me.
Cf. Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 191. The Khdim appears to be a work by az-Zarkash,
entitled Khdim ar-Rfi wa-r-Rawah (Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 753). The comparison
with kanjifah (see below, p. 63) was, it seems, added by Ibn ajar al-Haytam and refers to
the legal situation, and not to the four suits of playing cards.
381
Every fawn intoxicates and thus kills his lover,

When he gives him the wine of spittle to drink.
I studied cheating, till I
Became the imm of dice (kib) playing.181
Then I gambled among them with date pits182
And with ad-dukk at times and a-b.
I played pigeons among them. How (often)
Did I thereby hunt every swift183 bird!184
Qirq (Merels, Spanish Alquerque, French Marelles, German Mhle)
Qirq is mentioned in the cited passage from the Kitb al-Umm. Ibn ajar
al-Haytam explains that the word is to be vocalized qirq and then cites ar-Rfi
from an autograph copy of Judge ar-Ryn (d. 502/1108) for this vocalization
and for its being called chess of the Maghribites: A square is drawn on the
ground with two lines in the form of a cross in the midst of it. On top of the
lines, small pebbles are placed to play with.185
181
182
183
184
The meter is not in order (a long first syllable in imm is required), but the meaning is
clear. For cheating (irf ), see Dozy, Supplment, I, 272a.
Al-Badr, Ghurrah, between fols. 128b129b, quotes verses on playing with naw (not
available to me), which may refer to the same game. It is also mentioned in the verses
below, Ch. IV, n. 59.
For qallb, the precise meaning of which remains to be established, cf. Dozy, Supplment,
II, 390 f. Note also the unusual accusative after laiba. The successful hunting refers to the
lovers he captured.
Cf. Ibn Dniyl, Dwn, Ms. Istanbul Aya Sofya 4880, fol. 159a (meter khaff ):
wa-ashiqtu -ibyna thumma taghartu il an rajatu li-l-kuttbi
kullu abyin yumtu shiqah sukran idh m saqhu khamra r-rubi
wa-tafaqqahtu f l-irfi il an
irtu imma l- libi bi-l-kibi (?)
thumma qmartu baynahum bi-naw t-tamri wa-bi-d-dukki tratan wa-bi--bi
wa-laibtu l-amma fhim fa-kam idtu bih kulla irin qallbi.
185
Cf. Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 191. For an Aghn passage on qirq, see below, Ch. V,
n. 35. For a discussion of the game, cf. Murray, Board-Games, 37 ff.
46
382
The occasional identification by lexicographers of qirq with uban is probably not justified. However, it gave rise to a fuller description of one of the types
of board used for the game, accompanied by a drawing.186 Incidentally, the
name mill (if this is the applicable meaning of ra) is applied to uban in
Lisn, XVII, 133.
While qirq is probably more often mentioned in the sources than fourteen
(and has remained a favorite game to the present time), our knowledge of any
gambling activities connected with it is not better in the one case than in the
other.
10
47
Horse Racing
Camels were often raced, and it seems occasionally also other large animals,
since the legal authorities consider the attitude to be taken toward the racing
of elephants, mules, and donkeys.187 However, horse racing was by far the most
important and best organized activity of this kind. Contrary to the adth of the
Prophet which permitted competitions with camels, horses, and arrows (khuff,
fir, nal), some people even contended that racing for stakes was | permissible only for horses, as this was what the Arabs of old were accustomed to;188 this
no doubt was a most exceptional view, which was never followed in practice.
Rihn was the most common term for stake racing, and it preferably referred
to horse racing.189 While horses were often raced across country, special hippodromes were commonly found in the urban environment. The number of
horses competing in a race could vary from two to ten, and, probably rarely,
more than ten. The importance of the horse, in particular for military purposes
186
187
188
189
Cf. al-Frzbd, Qms, III, 271 (Blq 1303); Murta az-Zabd, Tj (al-ars), VII, 57
(Blq 1307); trans. Lane, 1829b. Murray, Board-Games, 47, following Hyde, II, 206ff., refers
to the identification of qirq with suddar/uban and mentions various local designations
such as drs (from Idrs), Turkish dokuzta.
Cf., for instance, al-Imrn (d. 558/1163, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 675), al-Bayn ( f
l-fur), Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 3739, fol. 78a, chapter on as-sabq wa-r-ramy; ar-Rfi, Muarrar,
Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 4285, fol. IIIa. The tenth-century Ab l-Layth as-Samarqand, Qurrat aluyn, 41 (Cairo 1358/1939, in the margin of ash-Sharn, Mukhtaar Tadhkirat al-Qurub),
chapter on liw, includes donkey racing among activities to be disapproved strongly. Cf.,
further, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 8 f., 65, 67, who also mentions bovines (baqar);
see also below, Ch. IV, n. 43.
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, Ms. Bodleian Marsh 389, fol. 77b.
For another word, ghlaqa, see Concordance, V, 100b2931, and the dictionaries.
383
and for hunting, required the most intensive occupation with all aspects of
horse breeding and training, of which the conditioning of horses for speed in
racing was not the least. The literature produced on the subject of horses was
correspondingly large. It was written by experts on the training and handling of
horses, by physicians specializing in veterinary medicine, but also by philologians and jurists.190
Modern writers on the history of horse racing in the West have come up
with statements such as: This is the only undoubted reference to betting
on horses (under Henry VIII of England), although the king paid streams
of gambling-debts on cards, tennis, dominoes, dice, shovilleborde, bowles,
prymero, pope Julius game, and Imperiall.191 And, it was in the seventeenth
century that the stakes race, a race in which the owners of the horses put
up monetary stakes, all of which go to the winner, was devised.192 No matter
how valid these statements may be, stake racing was practiced constantly and
much earlier in the Muslim world. The stakes were put up by one or more of
the participants, or were in the form of prizes donated by non-participants.193
Considering the large cost and labor that went into the training of race horses,
the likely assumption is that practically all racing involved stakes of some
sort. This required legal scrutiny as to possible violations of the prohibition
of gambling. However, we must not lose sight of the fact that racing was only
one aspect of horsemanship. In the books on horses by philologians published
G. Levi Della Vida, the concern | with racing is relatively minor; possibly a little
more is said explicitly on racing in the work of Ibn al-Arb than in that of Ibn
al-Kalb.194 A work such as La Chasse et les Sports chez les Arabes by L. Mercier195
has hardly anything to say on stake racing, and only a very few perfunctory
remarks are contained in F. Virs article on faras in the second edition of the
Encyclopaedia of Islam; however, the article on fursiyya by G. Douillet and
D. Ayalon has some information on racing, prizes, and betting. The manuals on
the breeding and training of horses often pay no attention to betting problems.
Horse racing was a favorite pastime in pre-Islamic Arabia. The Egyptian
religious scholar s b. Lahah (d. 145/December 762January 763) is already
190
191
192
193
194
195
Cf. F. Vir, in E(ncyclopaedia of ) I(slam)2, s.v. faras.

Cf. R. Longrigg, The History of Horse Racing, 29 (New York 1972). On p. 271, Longrigg states
that the Arabs did little racing!
Cf. J.I. Day, in Ploscowe and Lukas (eds.), Gambling, 55.
See below, p. 97.
Cf. G. Levi Delia Vida, Les Livres des chevaux de Him ibn al-Kalb et Muammad ibn
al-Arb (Leiden 1928, Publications de la Fondation de Goeje 8).
Published in Paris 1927, cf. pp. 198200.
48
384
credited with a book entitled al-Jalib wa-l-alib in which he mentioned

every race (course, albah) where horses were run in pre-Islamic and Islamic
times.196 For obvious reasons, the supposed precedents set by the Prophet and
the early Muslims were greatly cherished by all those concerned with horse racing. The distances over which the Prophet had the horses run were mentioned
in detail. His horses were either conditioned for racing, or they were not. The
term for such conditioning was imara or ammara, and the procedure was
carefully described.197 For the manner in which the Prophet was believed to
have handled the prizes, we may quote what ad-Dimyi (613705/12171306)
has to say in the fifth chapter of his Fal al-khayl:
Ibn Bann198 has mentioned in his book that the Messenger of God raced
horses with garments that had come to him from the Yemen as | stakes.
He gave the winner (sbiq)199 three, the second horse (muall) two, the
third horse one, the fourth horse one dnr, the fifth horse one dirham,
and the sixth horse a rod (qaabah).200 He said: May God bless you and
all of you, the winner (sbiq) and the loser ( fiskil).
49
196
197
198
199
200
Cf. al-Masd, Murj (adh-dhahab), ed. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille, IV,
24 f. (Paris 18611877).
In addition to the manuals on horses, cf. also, for instance, Ibn ajar, Fat, VI, 412.
If two men entered into an agreement that they would condition two horses for a
month or a longer or shorter period and then race them ( yatarhan rajuln al farasayn
al an yu(am)mirhum shahran aw akthar aw aqall), the problem came up what was
to be done, if at the end of the time stipulated one of them claimed that his horse was
not yet ready, cf. Abdallh b. Maymn, al-Ifdah (wa-t-tabr), Ms. Istanbul Kprl I, 1211,
fol. 163a (which here has a better text than Ms. Kprl I, 1213, fol. 171b).
Presumably, Abd-al-Ghan b. Sulaymn b. Bann (575661/1181 or 11821263), cf. adhDhahab, Ibar, V, 265 f.; G. Vajda, Le Dictionnaire des autorits (de Abd al-Mumin adDimy), 44 (Paris 1962).
Sbiq for the winner and fiskil or sukkayt for the last horse in a race were words in wide
use, but there were altogether ten names for horses in the order in which they came in
in a race. They were often discussed in the literature, as, for instance, by ad-Dimy, Fal
al-khayl; al-Askar, Talkh, 564; Lisn, XI, 158; ad-Damr, ayawn, I, 352 (Blq 1292);
EI2, II, 953a, s.v. fursiyya, etc.
Here, probably, the sign of the loser, as in the story of ash-Shab who was found playing
chess and had a qaabah (qaab) or rshah feather stuck in his beard, in order to indicate
that he had lost, cf. as-Sakhw, Shiranj, Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 9227, fol. 17b. Wak, Akhbr
al-quh, ed. A.M. al-Margh, II, 414 (Cairo 1366/1947), has only the version speaking of
feather. Cf. also Wieber, Schachspiel, 208210. For qaabah as the goal post and the rod
of victory, see below, pp. 115 f.
385
Ab l-asan Ahmad b. Yay b. Jbir al-Baldhur < Ibn Sad < alWqid < Abd-al-Muhaymin b. Abbs b. Sahl b. Sad < his father (Abbs)
< his grandfather (Sahl), who said: (Once) when the Messenger of God
raced horses, I was riding on his horse a-arib.201 He gave me a Yemenite
cloak. He (Abd-al-Muhaymin?) said: I have found a piece of it in our
house.
He (al-Baldhur) said: I have been told by Muammad b. Sad < alWqid < Sulaymn b. al-rith < az-Zubayr b. al-Mundhir b. Ab Usayd,
who said: Ab Usayd as-Sid raced on the Prophets horse Lizz, and he
gave him a Yemenite garment
Al-Khuttal202 reports in his book a tradition of Ibn Lahah < Bakr b.
Amr < Ibrhm b. Muslim < Ab Alqamah, the client of the Ban Hshim,
(stating) that the Messenger of God had ordered the horses to be raced,
and he put up as prizes for them (sabbaqah) three bunches of dates from
three palm trees. He gave one bunch to the winner, one to the second
horse, and one to the third horse. They were fresh dates.203
In these cases, the Prophet was apparently thought of as the only person to put
up prizes for jockeys riding his own horses. This avoided the legal difficulties
that surrounded contributory stake racing. Prizes could be imagined, or were in
reality, very high. Thus, two tribal groups raced their horses for a stake of thirty
camels and a slave girl.204 Often it may have been the losers very valuable horse
that was at stake, as in a race between the Murd and the | Yaub in the first
decade of the ninth century.205 The ideal horse was of course one whose owner,
when he entered it in a race, could be sure that it would win the stake for him;
no doubt, it existed only in a poets imagination.206
Stake racing could be arranged at the spur of the moment, as is shown by a
story reported in the great history of Rashd-ad-dn: One day they were riding
on easy-paced horses and Chaghatai, being drunk, said to getei: Let us race
201
202
203
204
205
206
On the horses of the Prophet, cf., for instance, Ibn al-Arb, ed. Levi Delia Vida, op. cit.
(above, n. 194), 51.
I. e., Ibn Akh izm, the author of a famous work on horsemanship, cf. Brockelmann,
GAL, Suppl., I, 432 f. On his name whose form is doubtful, cf. F. Vir, in EI2, IV, 215a, s.v.
iabl.
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fols. 84b85b.
Cf. Ibn al-Arb, ed. Levi Delia Vida, op. cit. (above, n. 194), 78f.
Cf. al-Kind, Wulh, ed. R. Guest, 402 (Leiden and London 1912, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series
19).
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Egyptian poets), ed. A. Amn, Sh. ayf, and I. Abbs, II,
51 (Cairo, n. y. [1951]) (Dwd b. Miqdm al-Maall asking for the gift of a horse).
50
386
51
our horses for a bet. And having made a bet, they ran a race, and Chaghatais
horse, being a little faster, won by a head.207 At night in his tent, Chaghatai was
reminded of this incident and he reflected: How was it possible for me to make
a bet with Qaan and let my horse beat his? Such conduct was a grave breach of
etiquette ,208 (and if the participants had been Muslims, such a race would
have been very much against the law). But horse racing was no doubt more
often an organized activity, and in certain places horse races were held on a
regular schedule. It could be stopped by government decree, as happened in
Egypt under the governor Yazd b. Abdallh. There was no horse racing there
for about two years from 245/859 to 247/861.209 But everybody connected with
military and aristocratic life was unable and unwilling to do without it. There
were rulers who spent one half of the day in the hippodrome (stadium, maydn), and the other half in the office (dwn).210 Many other sporting activities
took place in the maydn, but horse racing was no doubt a regular part of them.
Of spectators there was no shortage. Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn tells of the youth
who went to the race track every Tuesday and Friday and who was once late
coming to see him because of a race (rihn) between two horses belonging to
the Byid Izz-ad-dawlah.211 We do not know whether the youth did not at |
other times do some riding of his own in order to improve his horsemanship,
but on that occasion, he was evidently there as a spectator. The story also seems
to afford at least a hint at the existence of non-participatory betting on horse
races. Most probably, visits to the race track were enlivened by betting on the
outcome of a race among the spectators. At present, betting on horse races by
non-participants has greatly outstripped the importance of the stakes aspect of
them. In pre-modern times, the situation was the reverse, but betting by nonparticipants was certainly not absent in horse racing as well as other sports.
A rather curious testimony to the role played by betting on horses in Muslim
society comes to us from a divinatory practice called qurah lot. As an example
of the qurah literature, we may quote the Istanbul Ms. Aya Sofya 1999. It
contains two closely related works. One is entitled al-Qurah ad-duwzdahmarj
The Twelve-Field Lot. The title is explained by the fact that each chapter has
charts with twelve entries, each of which is broken down into another twelve.
207
208
209
210
211
For the rules determining the winner in a race, see below, p. 102.
The translation is that of J.A. Boyle, The Successors of Genghis Khan, 147f. (New York and
London 1971). For the danger inherent in defeating ones superior, cf. also below, p. 53.
Cf. al-Kind, Wulh, 203.
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, i, 190, l. 16.
Cf. Ab el-Faraj al-Ifahn, Adab al-ghurab, ed. . al-Munajjid, 83 (Beirut 1972); Yqt,
Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, V, 160 f., ed. Rif, XIII, 117 f.
387
The other, similarly arranged work is called al-Qurah al-mubrakah al-Mamnyah and ascribed to Jaml-ad dn (!) Ab Ysuf Yaqb b. Isq al-Kind.
Consultation of the charts furnished advice with respect to matters such as
commerce, travel, wealth, runaway slaves, rain, illness, death, etc. There are
no entries on gambling in general, although an interested gambler might have
drawn the appropriate conclusions from predictions concerning the easy acquisition of wealth and the like. However, one complete cycle of twelve entries
is devoted to indicating which horse, usually described only by color, would
winwith Gods permission, as the author of the work often adds in order
to be on the safe side. The Kind Qurah is slightly more detailed, making such
statements as the horse on which you have bet (turhin anhu, murhinuka
your entry in the race) will win, especially if it is of (such-and-such a color),
or your horse will come in before the horse of your companion, and you will
take his stake and put it at the disposal (bi-ukm) of the (spectators) present.212
All the betting envisaged in these qurahs was to be done by those who themselves had horses running | in the race. However, the tips given were useful for
the spectators, too, if they felt like doing some betting of their own.
11
Foot Racing
Al-musbaqah al l-aqdm, explained by one of the commentators on the

anafite a-aw (239321/853 or 854933) somewhat unnecessarily as aladw bi-l-arjul,213 was considered by jurists as a potential opportunity for gambling.214
212
213
214
Cf. Ms. Istanbul Aya Sofya 1999, fols. 52a55a and 125b131a. A qurah entitled al-Qurah
al-mubrakah al-maymnah is attributed to Ibn Arab, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 801;
O. Yahia, Histoire et classification de l uvre dIbn Arabi, 424 (Damascus 1964). Whether
or not it is identical with the similarly titled qurah in Ms. Aya Sofya 1999 could not be
ascertained in the absence of the text.
Cf. Ms. Istanbul Jarullah 718, fol. 35ab. To judge from the passage on racing and shooting competitions, this manuscript does not represent the commentary on a-aws
Mukhtaar by Ab Bakr al-Jas ar-Rz (305370/917 or 918980 or 981) to whom it is
assigned in Sezgin, I, 441. Of the commentaries on a-aw consulted by me, that of alJa ar-Rz is contained in Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 1076, fols. 203b204a,
and that of the hard-to-identify al-Isbjb in Mss. Istanbul Damat Ibrahim 562, fol. 180b,
Shehid Ali 816, fol. 146b, and Jarullah 683, fol. 272ab. The edition Cairo 1370 of the original
Mukhtaar was not available; manuscripts consulted were Jarullah 876 and Feyzullah 949.
Al-Isbjb speaks of al-mashy bi-l-aqdm.
See below, p. 106.
52
388
It is not impossible that jary as-suh the running of couriers, mentioned by

al-Maqrz and Ibn Taghrbird among other sporting and gambling activities,
involved, in fact, a foot race.215
The term musjalah, which survived into Islamic times merely as a dim
reminiscence of the past, referred to competitions between water drawers. It
could conceivably also have depended on running speed.216
12
53
Pigeon Racing
The general term bird (ayr) is frequently used for amm pigeon, and the
racing activity was technically called tayr.217 Reference to it is standard in law
books. It is mentioned often enough at all times to document the well-known
fact that pigeon fancying was very widely practiced and had its fanatical devotees. Playing with birds was quite naturally associated with chess and nard as
unbecoming pastimes,218 on the assumption that it was a mere hobby, as no
doubt it frequently was. Its practical justification | was the breeding and training of carrier pigeons, a most important means of quick communication in
peace and in war.219
Al-Bukhr reports a story going back to Ab Hurayrah. Someone consulted
him about racing pigeons, saying: We want to wager on two pigeons (natarhan bi-l-ammayn), but we do not want to use a muallil for fear that he might
take away (the prize). Ab Hurayrah said that this was what children did, and
they should be prepared not to do it. It is interesting to see the device of the
muallil, which played such an important role in horse racing, appear in connection with the racing of pigeons.220
Ibn Qillis, the wazr of the Fimid caliph al-Azz, happened to enter one of
his pigeons in a race in competition with the birds of the caliph, and he won.
This displeased the caliph greatly, and the enemies of Ibn Qillis used the event,
in order to insinuate to the caliph that it was not an isolated occurrence but
215
216
217
218
219
220
Cf. al-Maqrzi, as-Sulk (li-marifat duwal al-mulk), II, iii, 695, 697, anno 746/1346 (Cairo
1958); Ibn Taghrbird, an-Nujm (az-zhirah f mulk Mis wa-l-Qhirah), X, 168 (reprint
Cairo, n. y. [ca. 1967]).
Cf. Lane, 1311a; ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, I, 312.
On the subject in general, cf. F. Vir, in EI2, s.v. amm.
Cf., for instance, al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 86, 147.
See below, p. 107. The article on carrier pigeons by O. Spies, in the Festschrift for W. Eilers,
391399 (Wiesbaden 1967), has nothing on racing.
Cf. al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 325. For the muallil, see below, pp. 102ff.
389
that Ibn Qillis was always reserving what was best for himself and letting the
caliph have what was inferior. Ibn Qillis assuaged the caliphs wrath by verses
to the effect that the caliphs bird was really and naturally the winner; it was
just preceded by a chamberlain (Ibn Qilliss pigeon) in his service.221 There is
another, anonymous version of the story. It speaks of a governor (wl) of
Egypt, competing with a servant who wins. The governor inquires with the
wazr about the result of the race. The wazr does not want to be the bearer
of bad news. He does not know how to present the matter to the governor.
Eventually, a secretary suggests the clever verses.222 No doubt, an existing
story was looking for an attribution which at one time happened to fall on Ibn
Qillis and the Fimid caliph.223 Thus, no historicity of any sort attaches to it.
As usual, the story does not mention any gambling. It may have been unwise
for anyone in a dependent position to expect that he would be able to | take
away a prize from a man of great power, but it is hard to believe that such a race
did not have prizes attached to it.
Three centuries after al-Azz, a son of al-Malik an-Nir Muammad b.
Qaln, named al-Malik al-Muaffar jj, reigned briefly over Egypt.224 He
was fond of amusement (lahw), which in his case clearly meant all kinds of
sports. He played ball (presumably, polo) in one maydn on Sundays and Tuesdays, and went to another maydn on Saturdays. He played the stick game225
and went wrestling wearing only the leather trunks (tubbn) of wrestlers. He
encouraged gambling (qimr) and all kinds of gambling sports. He associated with pigeon racers (muayyir al-amm), betting ( yurhin) now on this
(male) bird, now on that (female) bird. He also distributed large sums in gold
and pearls among the pigeon players (lub al-amm). This, in particular,
angered his amrs. When they informed him about the danger to his regime
221
222
223
224
225
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 260, who quotes a Raw al-adhhn, possibly the work of the
grammarian Ibn Mlik al-Jayyn (d. 686/1287, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, I, 300, Suppl., I, 527),
of which a manuscript is preserved in Leiden. Incidentally, Ibn Mlik was known for his
devotion to play and for keeping (improper) company.
Cf. Ibn al-Jawz, Akhbr a-urrf, 38 f. (Damascus 1347).
It is conceivable but not very likely that Ibn al-Jawz was aware of the attribution of the
story to the Fimid caliph and suppressed it because of political considerations.
Al-Mlik an-Nir Muammad b. Qaln gave very large sums of prize money for horse
races. This is reported in a manuscript now in Princeton and once owned by al-Mlik anNir asan (d. 755/1354), a brother of al-Mlik al-Muaffar, cf. al-usayn b. Muammad
al-usayn (wrote in 729/1329, cf. Brockelmann, GAL2, II, 168), Idrk as-sl f musbaqat
al-khuyl, Ms. Princeton 12G (Cat. 1o66), fol. 5b.
See below, p. 59.
54
390
resulting from it, he flew into a rage and had all his pigeons slaughtered one
by one, as a warning example of what might happen to the amrs. Al-Malik
al-Muaffar was killed after only a little over thirteen months in power (747
748/September 1346December 1347). His contemporary, a-afad, was moved
to compose these verses:
You intelligent people, think about the strong al-Malik al-Muaffar!
How much wrong and injustice did he commit, till the pigeon (amm)
play became the seriousness of death (imm)!226
55
Again, we are not in a position to say how great a part the gambling aspect
played in pigeon racing. The sport was not quite as expensive as horse racing,
but it could also require a considerable investment, depending on the quality
of the pigeons bred. It was said that those who played with pigeons would die
poor,227 pre|sumably, because they would spend all they possessed on their
hobby and neglect their work. Thus, pigeon racing obviously had largely to
rely upon the availability of prize money. Al-Malik al-Muaffar does not seem
to have gambled only on his own pigeons. Thus, his brief history provides us
with some possible evidence of gambling by spectators. This may have been
considerable, even though it can be assumed that most of the gambling was
again done by people engaged in the sport with their own birds.
13
Boat Racing
Boat racing was viewed by jurists as a potential gambling activity.228 It has been
reported that in the year 668/1270, al-Malik as-Sad watched from his boat the
shawn playing in the Nile of Egypt.229 Those ships apparently participated in
naval maneuvers, which may have included some speed contest. However this
226
227
228
229
Cf. Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, X, 164, 168 ff., 173. On al-Mlik al-Muaffars wrestling and
the killing of the pigeons, cf. also al-Maqrz, Sulk, II, iii, 729, 740; differently Ibn ajar,
ad-Durar (al-kminah f ayn al-miah ath-thminah), II, 4 (Hyderabad 13481350).
For the legend of a slaughtered pigeon as the reason for the alleged betrayal of alMustaim by the wazr Ibn al-Alqam, cf. Srat Baybars, I, 4f. (Cairo 13261327/1908
1909).
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm, 37, 59; ad-Damr, ayawn, I, 293.
See below, p. 107.
Cf. al-Ynn, Dhayl, II, 432.
391
may have been, it would seem that a good deal of racing with boats took place
on large rivers. It must have exercised a great attraction on participants and
spectators alike. It may be recalled that in poetry, ships on the high sea were
compared to horses engaged in a race, as, for instance, in these verses by Ibn
San-al-mulk:
As if the sea were a hippodrome and the ships
Riding on it representing horses,
Pressing closely upon each other but never
Tiring or bathed in sweat.230
14
Polo
Polo (awlajn) was another opportunity for gambling according to the jurists.
However, polo was considered primarily as a healthful physical exercise. It
was described as such by Miskawayh and at-Tawd in their discussion of
independent legal judgment as applicable to all conventional law dealing with
matters that may change in accordance with time, custom, and public interest.
In all these cases, it is not surprising that the legal classifications differ among
the various authorities. The exercise in polo and in hitting the ball has health
as its sole purpose. After the training is accomplished and health obtained
through it, it does no harm nor does | it matter whether we hit or miss the ball,
something that, according to the authors, was a matter of legal concern.231 If
their attitude had carried the day, much of the legal discussion of games, which
will be the subject of the following chapter, would have been superfluous,
even though the jurists would not have excused any possible gambling aspects
connected with them, at least not officially.
Al-Jis Book on Polo Players (Kitb a-awlijah) is said to be preserved
in a Moroccan library.232 It might possibly tell us something about gambling
activities connected with polo.
230
231
232
Cf. Ibn San-al-mulk, Dwn, ed. Nar and Nar, II, 572, from an-Nawj.
Cf. Miskawayh and at-Tawd, al-Hawmil (wa-sh-shawmil), ed. A. Amn and as-Sayyid
A. aqr, 330332 (Cairo 1370/1951).
Cf. M. Murs al-Khls introduction to his edition of al-Ji, al-Burn (wa-l-urjn), p. d
(Cairo and Beirut 1392/1972) Cf. below, p. 160.
56
392
15
Wrestling and Weight Lifting
Wrestling (muraah) was no doubt greatly dependent on prize money and is

also quite likely to have given rise to much betting by spectators, although any
concrete evidence to this effect appears to be lacking.233
Weight lifting (shayl/rafal-athql/al-ajr) was occasionally mentioned by
the jurists.233a
A sport called ilj was considered analogous to wrestling and mentioned
next to it. It is listed with the meaning of fencing in Dozys Supplment. I do
not know whether Dozys doubts as to the correctness of this meaning have
since been dispelled.233b
16
57
Swimming
Swimming (sibah) competitions were listed as opportunities for gambling. It

is well known that Islamic culture took a favorable attitude toward swimming,
so much so that the famous tradition | about the three permissible kinds of play
(above, n. 76) was sometimes expanded to include swimming.234
17
Standing on One Foot
Al-wuqf al rijl widah is mentioned by the jurists but not explained any
further.
233
Various wrestling terms, such as wahm, musbaqah, munzalah, akhdh ar-rijlayn, a

al-fakhdh, irk, shibk, are mentioned in the Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, I, 365,
trans. Littmann, I, 519 (47th night). For shibk entangling, netting (?), see below, n. 244.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 67, mentions shibk next to wrestling, but elsewhere
(pp. 8, 65), he also discusses al-mushbakah bi-l-ayd, probably the familiar arm wrestling.
For another wrestling term, shaghzabyah, see Lane, 1566bc, 2113b.
An article by M. Canard, La Lutte chez les Arabes, published in Cinquantenaire de la
Facult des Lettres d Alger, was not available.
233a Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 8, 61, 65, and below, p. 107.
233b Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 8, 65 f.; Dozy, Supplment, II, 159b.
234 Cf. al-Qarrb, Fail ar-ramy f sabl Allh, ed. trans. Fazlu Rahman Baqi, in Islamic Culture,
XXXIV (1960), 201 (210), 203 (212); Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 93.
18
393
Animal Fighting Games
Cock fighting (munqarat ad-duyk, al-munqarah bayn ad-duyk)235 was

probably much more prevalent than the small number of references to it in
the sources would indicate. We are told that when the caliph Umar learned
about two men gambling at a cock fight (two cocks, iqtamar al dkayn), he
ordered the cocks (pl. dkah) to be killed but was dissuaded from doing so by
one of the Anr who asked him whether he would kill a slave girl praising the
Lord, apparently referring to the well-known praise and approval of the cocks
crowing.236 Cock fighting appears to have been passed over in the technical
legal literature. However, this does not mean that it was insignificant and that
gambling in connection with it was unusual. We may mention that cock fighting became extremely popular in Muslim Indonesia as an art (if this word can
be applied to such a fiendish perversion of the human mind) and as an outlet
for heavy gambling.237
In the intentionally negative or ironical picture of the activities of aristocratic young men ( fityn) drawn by al-Ji in his Kitb al-Bayn, we hear
about two cocks in competition (dkn f | khir).238 Khir clearly emphasizes the gambling aspect.
Ram fighting (munaah bayn al-kibsh, ni al-kibsh),239 while probably
less common than cock fighting, appears to have been next in importance
to it. It is occasionally mentioned in connection with it, as in Ab l-Layth
as-Samarqand and Ibn Taghrbird. A long poem on the subject of the various
sciences and crafts includes a couple of verses on al-lib bi-l-kabsh wa-d-dk.240
235
236
237
238
239
240
Cf. Ab l-Layth as-Samarqand, loc. cit. (above, n. 187), in a tradition ascribed to the
Prophet, and Ibn Ab hir ayfr, Kitb Baghdd, ed. trans. H. Keller, text 44, trans. 43
(Leipzig 1908), ed. M.Z. al-Kawthar and zzat al-Ar al-usayn, 55 (Cairo 1368/1949),
see below, Ch. V, n. 60. Both passages were utilized by Mez, Renaissance, 383. The Prophet
warned elsewhere against tarsh of animals, cf. Concordance, I, 446b6466; at-Tirmidh,
in Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, VII, 202 f. (with no comment by Ibn al-Arab); Ibn
al-Athr, Nihyah, I, 250; Lisn, VIII, 167 (where camels are also mentioned in this connection), etc. Cf. also G. Wiet, Ftes et jeux au Caire, in Annales Islamologiques, VIII (1969),
99128. Wiet refers to the passage from Ibn Taghrbird (above, n. 226).
Cf. al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 325. See also L. Kopf, in EI2, s.v. dk.
Cf. C. Geertz, Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight, in Daedalus, CI (1972), 137.
Cf. al-Ji, Bayn, ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, III, 220 (Cairo 13671369/19481950). See
also below, Ch. V, n. 82.
See also below, Ch. III, n. 160.
Cf. Ms. Brit. Mus. 1080 (add. 19, 535), fol. 38b:
58
394
Bull fighting is mentioned together with ram fighting for the year 917/1511 in
Egypt.241
Dog fighting (murashah bayn al-kilb) is also referred to by Ab l-Layth
as-Samarqand. Dogs are mentioned together with cocks and rams as the animals to which the Prophets prohibition of tarsh applied.242 A son of Judge
Shuray in the late seventh century missed school, and even omitted to pray,
for dog fights.242a
19
59
Human Fighting Games
Childrens games of fighting with imitation weapons were common, as they

had been since times immemorial. Playful competitions with real weapons also
occurred and were not left unmentioned by the jurists. Sword play (muthqafah) has already been mentioned.243
Another form of the same root, thiqf, appears among the sporting and
gambling activities listed by Ibn Taghrbird in between wrestling and shibk
(presumably some form of wrestling?).244 It may thus not be sword play, especially, if shibk had nothing to do with entangling. A gloss in Ms. Dublin
Chester Beatty 4759, fol. 24a, seems to explain thiqf, mentioned there in con-
wa-bi-l-kabshi wa-bi-l-adyki natu wa-nqartu

wa-kam qad juztu baynahum (read baynah)
wa-li-l-ghlibi aaltu.
The proverb, In a fight (ni), the hornless ram is defeated, is unlikely to envisage a
staged fight, cf. Kitb al-Amthl, 74 (Hyderabad 1351).
241 Cf. Ibn Iys, Badi az-zuhr, ed. P. Kahle and M. Mustafa, IV, 22 (Leipzig and Istanbul
1931, Bibliotheca Islamica 5d). G. Wiet (above, n. 235) has called attention to this passage.
242 Cf. Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4759, fol. 23b; al-alm, Minhj (below. Ch. III, n. 70).
A. Wykes, Gambling, 87, 90 (London 1964), refers, from modern times, to such matters
as scorpion fights in the desert and reproduces a picture on camel fighting in Turkey.
Among the general popular and undocumented books on gambling I have seen, that of
Wykes pays the most attention to the Near East.
242a Cf. Ab Nuaym al-Ifahn, ilyah, IV, 137 (reprint Beirut 1387/1967). For a reference to a
stadium for fights (hirsh) of wild animals from Hamzah al-Ifahn, cf. W.B. Henning, in
Handbuch der Orientalistik, I, iv: Iranistik, I, 88, n. 1 (Leiden and Kln 1958).
243 See above, n. 47.
244 See above, n. 233.
395
nection with javelin play (al-lib bi-l-irb)245 as something called diqf (diff
or diqq?), which is explained as a game with two sticks (a) in which one
contestant has a stick with which he beats the stick of the other (a common
game in the Near East and elsewhere for both children and adults). Qatdah
b. Dimah (d. 117/735) was credited with an aversion to games that extended
as far as playing with sticks.246 Al-Malik al-Muaffar is also said to have played
with sticks with the common people or to have played with sticks the lib -b
(the last word requiring explanation).247
20
Shooting Competitions
Flight and target shooting of arrows248 was equal to horse racing in popularity
and as a gambling possibility. Both had equal importance as fundamental
military pursuits. Both are most frequently mentioned together in the same
breath. Thus, someone who wished to explain the meaning of the word khal
would simply say that it was the prize (ghalab) in gambling, horse racing, and
arrow shooting.249 In the legal discussion, it was naturally associated with horse
racing and considered to share its legal problems and legal standing.250 Major
archery competitions without prizes must be assumed to have been rare, if not
all but non-existent. Again, we have no good explicit evidence on gambling
done by non-participants.
Slingshot shooting was listed by jurists among the possibilities for gambling
activities.
21
The Walnut Game and Marbles
The walnut ( jawz) game of children received constant notice in the Qurn
commentaries and the legal literature as an example of the absolute charac-
245
246
247
248
249
250
For the famous tradition of ishah watching Ethiopians engaged in playing with javelins,
see above, n. 6.
Cf. Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fol. 71b.
Cf. Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, X, 169; al-Maqrz, Sulk, II, iii, 729.
Cf. J.D. Latham and F.W. Paterson, Saracen Archery, chapter 19 (London 1970), and Latham,
The Meaning of Maydn as-Sibq, in Journal of Semitic Studies, XIII (1968), 241268. Cf.
also the references to pumpkin (qarah, qabaq) shooting in Latham and Paterson.
Cf. ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, II, 324, l. 2.
See, for instance, above, p. 46, and below, p. 105.
60
396
61
ter of the prohibition of gambling (maysir). According to many authorities, the

prohibition extends even to the jawz game of children. We hear about some of
the terminology used in connection with the game.251 Thus, khaar (pl. akhr)
is said to refer to the araz (pl. arz) of the nut game. Khaar and araz
designate the nut that is makk,252 apparently meaning nuts that are made
smooth (and round?) for playing. We are not told how the game was played.
The smoothing of the nuts may indicate that they were rolled, perhaps like our
marbles which, incidentally, ranks as a heavy gambling game. The winner no
doubt got the losers nuts, and he (and others) could eat them, if he felt like it. A
legal decision of the twelfth-century anafite Qkhn thus settled the hardly
earth-shaking problem of whether the nuts with which children play on the
holiday ( yawm al-d) can be eaten in this manner: It has been transmitted on
the authority of Ibn Umar that he used to buy nuts for his children on the d
to play with, and he used to eat some of them. This is so, when there is no gambling involved (al wajh al-muqmarah). If gambling is involved, this is forbidden.253 According to the anbalites, purchasing the nuts or eggs used by children for gambling is not permitted.254 The boy who played with nuts all by himself, because only then did he feel that he was in complete control of affairs,255
was certainly no exception to the principal purpose of the game, which was to
present an opportunity for children to act out their gambling instinct.
Apparently something similar to the walnut game was a game played with
objects called mad or masd. It was probably | identical with the daw bil-ijrah pushing rocks which, according to Ibn Ab Shaybah, was considered
unobjectionable (l bas bih) by Sad b. al-Musayyab, who figures frequently
in the context of games and sports.256 Al-Askar mentions midh and sadw in
his list of childrens games and describes sadw as digging a hole into which children pitch walnuts.257 The lexicographers, who also suggest a certain similarity
251
252
253
254
255
256
257
The philologians expectedly came up with reports on strange words used in connection
with the game. Thus, Dh r-Rummah supposedly used fijrim for the nuts and qah,
pl. uwaq, for the holes into which the nuts were to go, cf. al-Ql, Aml, II, 4f. (Cairo
1373/1953). For nut as a word for chips or play money, see above, n. 164, and below,
p. 154. For a Jewish reference to a nut (ez) game, cf. L. Landman, Jewish Attitudes toward
Gambling, in Jewish Quarterly Review, LVII (1966), 301.
Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, IV, 360, VII, 225; Lisn, VII, 199, V, 336.
Cf. Qkhn, Fatw, IV, 412 (Calcutta 1835). Ibn Srn is said to have disapproved of the
gambling by children with nuts on the d, cf. Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fol. 72b.
Cf. Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4759, fol. 23a.
Cf. H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele, 114 (Leiden 1955), from Fard-ad-dn Ar.
Cf. Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fol. 102a.
See below, p. 65.
397
to the nut game, allude to a story about Ab Rfi who played mad with the
Prophets grandsons. Az-Zamakhshar reports the story in some detail. It is an
interesting example of the gambling ways of children:
Ab Rfi, the client of the Messenger of God, said: I used to play mad
with young al-usayn. When my midh hit his, I told him to carry me on
his back, but he said: How could you ride on a back which the Messenger
of God forbade to ride on! So I let him go. Now, when his midh hit
mine, I told him that I refused to carry him, just as he had done, but he
said: Would you not be happy to carry on your back someone whom the
Messenger of God had carried on his? So I carried him on my back.
Mad, masd, and mar are rocks like qiraah (pl. of qurah
round pill, disk, and the like) which are rolled (d--r-j) into a hole. When
they fall into it, (the one who rolled them) is the winner.258
The description of the game corresponds to those given by the lexicographers,
although they use pushing and throwing rather than rolling. The significance of hitting in the story is not spelled out and thus not really clear. The
precise rules of the game were obviously no longer known to the authors who
mention it. It would seem clear, however, that the stake in the game was usually
not the mad themselves but some other small thing or activity enjoyed by
children.
22
The Egg Game
The egg (bay) game is perhaps cited not quite as often as the walnut game
as an example of a childrens game that is maysir, but it is also occasionally
referred to in this sense. It was played with (hard boiled) eggs. One player tried
to hit with his egg that of the other player and break it (diqq al-bay as it
is called).259 The | gambling done in this game presumably again consisted
258
259
Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab, fol. 86b, and, for the lexicographers, Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, II, 16;
Lisn, XVIII, 276; Lane, 857c.
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm, 36 f., 58 f.; Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4759, fol. 22b. In
describing the game in connection with a verse of Mahsat, F. Meier, Die schne Mahsat,
166 f. (Wiesbaden 1963, Verffentlichungen der Or. Kommission der Akad. der Wiss. u. der
Literatur 15), says that the eggs were (usually?) colored. I do not know whether this
statement is based on some old source or on modern custom, where, as in Turkey, they
are colored red.
62
398
of the winner taking possession of the egg of the loser and eating or selling
it. Al-asan al-Bar is said to have permitted the game, because children do
not have the status of responsible Muslims and, therefore, their actions have
nothing to do with the legal situation holding it to be forbidden, in contrast to
adults with whom gambling is a sin and whose gambling gains are something
forbidden.260 On the other hand, the anbalite Ibn Taymyah is firm in his view
as to its illegality: The legal situation with respect to gambling with eggs on
(Maundy) Thursday and selling them to those who will gamble with them, and
buying them from gamblers is obvious.261
23
The Ring Game
Lib al-khtam is mentioned by jurists as an opportunity for gambling. No

description of it seems to be available. It appears in connection with polo and
weight lifting in al-Imrn.262 Al-Jawbar speaks of the marvelous secrets of
prestidigitators with respect to the lib al-khtam.263
24
63
Playing Cards
Due to the discoveries by L.A. Mayer and R. Ettinghausen of playing cards from
Mamlk Egypt, it is now virtually certain that we have here the ancestors of the
type of Western European playing cards most familiar to us. While for most of
the cards a fifteenth-century date is assumed, R. Ettinghausen has tentatively
suggested that a card discovered by him is much earlier, possibly going back
to late Fimid times. We have no information how exactly those cards were
used, but, as Ettinghausen has shown on the basis of information furnished
by Laila Serageddin, we know that they were | called kanjifah and that already
in the early fifteenth century, they were used for heavy gambling involving
considerable sums of money.264
260
261
262
263
264
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm, and Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4759, loc. cit. (n. 259).
Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, II, 96. Maundy Thursday (al-khams) was sometimes also called
khams al-bay. The Christian association of the game did not determine the attitude of
Muslim jurists toward it, but it probably was an additional point against it.
See below, p. 108.
Cf. L.A. Mayer, Mamluk Playing Cards, ed. R. Ettinghausen and O. Kurz (Leiden 1971, The
L.A. Mayer Memorial Studies 1), and R. Ettinghausen, in Gatherings in Honor of D.E. Miner,
399
The sixteenth-century Ibn ajar al-Haytam mentions kanjifah in connection with a-b wa-d-dukk.265 The Arabian Nights refer to it in the story of
the learned slave girl Tawaddud between chess and nard, but while Tawaddud
then goes on to elaborate on the latter two games, nothing more is said about
kanjifah.266 The Persian dictionary lists ganjifah, ganjfah pack of cards, game
of cards, ganji/fah-bz card player, trickster, ganjifah-bz card trick, sleight
of hand, and ganjfah-sz manufacturer of cards.267 Long ago the suggestion
was made by K. Himly that the Persian word was of Chinese origin.268
A note signed by a certain Muammad Sad which appears in the chess
manuscript published by F.M. Pareja Casaas speaks of the well-known paper
game (lib al-kghid) as an example of a game of pure luck.269 This may refer
to playing cards. However, the writer of the note might possibly have lived as
late as the eighteenth century, and his testimony is thus of very little use to
us.
25
Suddar and uban
Slightly different vocalizations are reported for both words. It would seem
that the game is attested by poetry as already pre-Islamic. It is supposedly
mentioned in traditions, but not among | those accepted into the canonical
collections. It is alleged to have been played by men such as Ab Hurayrah.270
It is said to be a childrens game. No more detailed description than being
265
266
267
268
269
270
5178 (Baltimore 1974). The word kanjifah appears on fig. 23 of Mayers publication. The
gambling story is reported in Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, anno 820/14171418, cf. also W. Popper, (Ibn Taghr Birds) History of Egypt, Part III, 50 (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1957, University of California Publications in Semitic Philology 17).
See above, pp. 44 f. For a reference to card playing in 1527 from Bburs Memoirs, cf.
R. Caillois (ed.), Jeux et sports, 951 (Paris 1967).
Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, II, 354 f., trans. Littmann, III, 693f. (460th to 461st
nights).
Cf. F. Steingass, (Persian-English Dictionary,) 1098 f. (originally published in 1892). It would
be very important to know the date of the earliest occurrence of ganjifah in Persian
literature and to have references to passages clarifying its use. In the article cited (n. 264),
R. Ettinghausen refers to a Persian occurrence from the fifteenth century.
Cf. K. Himly, in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, XLIII (1889), 421ff.
Cf. F.M. Pareja Casaas, Libro del Ajedrez (de autor rabe desconocido), I, 11, trans. 11
(Madrid and Granada 1935).
Cf. Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, II, 166.
64
400
a round line (on the ground) is given.271 It supposedly was a game used
for gambling ( yuqmar bih).272 In a twelfth-century rhymed riddle by Ab
l-asan Ibn Riwn, the moon (qamar) is described as a gambler (muqmir)
that never suffers defeat (lam yuqmar), as if it were playing suddar. The poet
certainly had no idea what kind of a game suddar really was. Perhaps, he
thought of a game like fourteen, with twenty-eight holes representing the
period during which the moon always recovers.273 The identity of suddar with
uban was generally assumed. For suddar, Persian etyma were given, such as
si-darah.274 The identifications with fiyl and qirq mentioned before merely
show that nobody knew any longer what suddar-and-uban actually was.
26
In his Zawjir, II, 191, Ibn ajar al-Haytam enumerates a few more games
whose legal status he considered the same as that of nard or fourteen. This
might suggest that they were dicing games, but this is by no means certain. The
games were called, if the available text of the Zawjir can be trusted, -d-r (read
suddar?, see n. 273), s-l-f-h, thawql, kib, rabrb (zabzb?), and dh-rft. The
forms of the words and the kinds of games involved must be left for others to
determine.
27
65
Further Childrens Games
Childrens games have been a field of considerable interest and study for medieval as well as modern scholars. Often, their popularity, terminology, rules, etc.,
may have had a rather limited lifespan. Some persisted through the ages under
different names. Most of those games would be played for rewards and penalties, so that they would fall under the definition of gambling.
The words used in connection with these games were usually | rather peculiar. This, and the fact that they occurred occasionally, or were assumed to
occur, in ancient poetry, made Arabic philologians eager at least to list them,
if they were usually not able to explain them. A few of the names of the games
271
272
273
274
Cf. Lisn, VI, 20.

Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, and Lisn, loc. cit.
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (lrq poets), I, 136f. Suddar is an apparently correct
emendation of the editors, for --r, but see Ibn ajar al-Haytam (below).
Al-Askar, Talkh, 718, has s-d-r-k (?). Steingass, 715b, lists sdare. Cf. already Hyde, II, 12.
401
may be mentioned here. Among childrens games, we thus hear about qulah,
played with the miql; it occurs in the poem of Labd cited above in connection
with fiyl (n. 123). In the Talkh, 718724, al-Askar mentions qulah and miql
as well as such games as zulqah, urjah seesaw,275 uban, fiyl, mitam,
khudhrf and duwwmah, both meaning spinning top,276 awlajn, qalah
slingshot, kharji,277 khas-wa-zak,278 unbthah,279 midh, sadw,280 mikhrq,281 baw, jrah (a round circle in which one child stands, while the
others surround the circle and try to catch him), tajmu (throwing an astragal and trying to dislodge another one with it), ujayy, and mqi (throwing a
ball against a wall). In his Durrah, 172, 430, amzah al-Ifahn speaks of jumm (arrows with a bunduqah hazelnut, pellet or a softened date covering the
point), throwing an astragal and trying to dislodge another one with it (the tajmu of al-Askar), and something called diindi, which others, it seems, did
not consider a game but a little animal or nothing.282
A game with a clay ball called kujjah (jurrah, buksah, tnah)283 is always
described as being used for gambling. We do not know what it was, not did
those medieval scholars who referred to it. The eighth-century Ibn Wahb is
said to have reported that Ibn Umar passed by children who played with the
kujjah, that is, holes in | which there are pebbles to play with.284 This looks like
a description of fourteen, or perhaps, rather, of midh and sadw. It illustrates
the prevailing confusion between games and the names for games, a confusion
which at this late time can no longer be cleared up.
275
276
277
278
279
280
281
282
283
284
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm, 35 f., 58.

In Khuwrizm, the money changers sold dice (kib) and duwwmt, according to the
report of Ibn Faln, cf. Z.V. Togan, Ibn Falns Reisebericht, text 7, trans. 12 (Leipzig 1939,
Abh. fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes 24, 3). In all likelihood, they were used for gambling
games.
See above, n. 120. Among the Bedouin games mentioned by al-Ji, ayawn, loc. cit.
(above, n. 122), it is equated with a game called drah. I do not know whether the same
word is involved when A. Wykes, Gambling, 12, captions a picture as showing desert
Arabs using stones as pieces and depressions in the sand as a board, in a form of daraa
gambling game.
Odd and even, cf. Hyde, II, 261; Lane, 739c. See above, n. 118.
See above, n. 125.
See above, pp. 60 f.
See above, n. 46.
Cf. al-Maydn, Arabum Proverbia, II, 891; Lisn, III, 259.
Cf. Lisn, III, 175, VII, 327, XVI, 224; Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache, letter
K, 70 f. The word kujjah was already known to Hyde, II, 250. See also above, Ch. I, n. 1.
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, VIII, 340.
66
chapter three
67
Pre-Islamic Gambling, Maysir,

and the Law
They will ask you about wine and maysir. Say: In both is a great sin as well
as some uses for people. Their sin is greater than their usefulness.
2:219/216
O believers! Wine, maysir, sacrificial stones, and divining arrows are an

abomination wrought by Satan. Thus avoid it! Perhaps you may prosper.
Satan just wants to cause hostility and hatred to occur among you in wine
and maysir and to bar you from the remembrance of God and from prayer.
Thus, would you not want to stop it!
5:9091/9293
O believers! Do not consume your possessions among yourselves with

worthless frivolity! It is different when they are (used for) business mutually agreed upon by you.
4:29/33
The Messenger of God has said: He who swears and in doing so says, By
Allt and al-Uzz!, should say, There is no god but God. And he who says
to his companion, Let me gamble with you!, should make a contribution
to charity.
al-bukhr, to srah 53; Concordance, V, 466a812
Gambling in pre-Islamic times that took place outside of Arabia did not leave
much of a reflection in Muslim literature. It is probable that little of the Indian
propensity for gambling was widely known before al-Brn wrote his work
on India, although some inkling of it may have penetrated Muslim consciousness much earlier with the introduction of the legendary history of chess.1
References to gambling in Greek literature were not very frequent in the first
place, and only occasional remarks on the subject can be found in the translation literature. However, they involved such matters as dream interpretation
1 See above, Ch. II, n. 148, and below, p. 164.
pre-islamic gambling, maysir, and the law
403
dreaming of dice games means quarreling about money (cf. Qurn 5:91/93)2
and astrology,3 both of which were highly influential in later Muslim society.
From an Arabian setting, we hear about the pre-Islamic Luqmn that he was
famous for his maysir playing with his companions.4 It | is not clear whether or
not he was identical with the Qurnic sage of the same name.5 The story of the
inveterate gambler that was (another?) Luqmns master, with its two motifs of
the clever slave and the impossible task evaded by a ruse, certainly originated in
the region north of Arabia. As told by al-Mubashshir, Luqmns Israelite master,
who had bought him for thirty mithqls of gold, used to play nard and gamble
(khara) on it. One day, the bet was that the loser should drink all the water
in the river flowing by his house or redeem himself with something that the
winner would demand. Luqmns master lost, and the winner (qmir) insisted
that he drink the water or lose his eyes. Luqmn advised him to ask the winner
whether he meant that he should drink the water between the banks of the
river or the swell of water flowing through. When, as Luqmn knew, he would
choose the former alternative, he should tell him to hold up the current. This,
of course, he would have to admit he was unable to do. Thus, Luqmns master
avoided the obligation (-m-n) resulting from his gambling loss.6
For later Muslims, gambling was one of the many vices of pre-Islamic Arabs.
They were accustomed to gamble recklessly for their property and their family
(women folk, ahl). In the Jhilyah, we are told on the fictitious authority of Ibn
Abbs, a man would gamble (khara) with another for his women folk and his
property, and whoever defeated his partner would leave with the others property and women folk.7 There was, in fact, nothing those benighted people would
not gamble on.8 It was a compulsion that had a firm hold on those affected by
it.9 Gambling for an award (al-mukharah al jul) and betting for a stake (al
2
3
4
5
6
Cf. Artemidorus, 205 Pack/369 Ar. (above, n. 135); Murray, A History of Chess, 165.
See above, Ch. II, n. 139.
Cf. the constantly quoted verse by arafah, Dwn, ed. Seligsohn, 67, trans. 44, no. 2, verse 70.
Cf. J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen, 132 ff. (Berlin and Leipzig 1926).
Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, 260 f. (above, Ch. II, n. 140). Another version, probably
less original, appears in ath-Thalabs Qia al-anbiy, chapter on Luqmn.
7 Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, II, 52.
8 Cf. Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, VII, 189.
9 For a testimony from early Islamic times, cf. the verse ascribed to the seventh-century Jaml
al-Udhr in which he speaks of the beloved having taken a firm grip (-f-r bi-) on my mind,
just as the gambler takes a firm grip on the arrows, see al-Ql, Aml, I, 214. The idea here
does not seem to be that of arbitrarily playing with the mind as with arrows but that of holding
on to them so as to be always ready for gambling (cf. the story of Ash Nahshal, below, p. 70).
68
404
69
munabah al rahn) were practiced at the time of the coming of Islam, as was
the case with all other matters that were later on liable to legal classifi|cation
as permitted or forbidden and clearly designated as such by the divine revelation.10 What kind of gambling and, in particular, how much gambling was done
in pre-Islamic Arabia are questions which are unfortunately not answered by
such offhand remarks. If their authors had been more explicit in their statements, those statements would, presumably, not have provided historical facts;
still, being anachronistic, they would at least have contributed to our knowledge of their authors understanding of and information about later gambling
activities. Be this as it may, there can be no doubt that gambling games and
sports were favorite pastimes in ancient Arabia. Perhaps, the statement that
dicing and horse racing are the two amusements to which the Vedic Indians
were passionately devoted11 is also applicable to pre-Islamic Arabia, although
economic, if not social, conditions can be assumed to have necessitated restrictions which did not exist in ancient India.
The literature concerned with the firsts (awil) mentions as the worlds
first gambler a king from among Cains descendants who lived in the time
of Noah.12 This fantastic bit of information may owe its existence to someone greatly concerned about the prevalence of gambling in his own time.
However, no conceivable importance attaches to it. Of much greater potential interest is the statement reported in all the large awil works that the
first person ever to forbid gambling (qimr) was al-Aqra b. bis. It is attested
directly as early as the ninth century by Ibn Qutaybahs Kitb al-Man. According to Ibn Qutaybah and to the Awil of al-Askar,13 al-Aqra was the arbiter
(akam) of the Arabs at every fair held at Uk at the time when Muammad received the divine call, and he was one of the Prophets sympathizers
10
11
12
13
Cf. Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, XII, 68.

Cf. H. Lders, Das Wrfelspiel im alten Indien, 3 (Berlin 1907, Abh. der kgl. Gesellschaft
der Wiss., Gttingen, phil.-hist. Kl., N.F. 9, 2), cf. also P. Thieme, Chess and Backgammon
(Tric-trac) in Sanskrit Literature, in his Kleine Schriften, 413425 (Wiesbaden 1971), and
W.N. Brown, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, CXVI (1972), 256, on how
to escape a gambling compulsion. For the possibility of a very ancient interchange of dice
between India and the Near East, cf. G. Dales, Of Dice and Men, in Journal of the American
Oriental Society, LXXXVIII (1968), 1422.
Cf. al-Kfiyaj, in F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, 2nd ed., 570 (Leiden
1968). The independent awil works do not have this information.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, (Kitb) al-Man, 476 (Hyderabad 13681369/1949), and (Ab Hill)
al-Askar, al-Awil, ed. A. arbzn al-usayn and M. as-Sayyid al-Wakl, 69 (Medina
and Tangiers, n. y. [1385/1966, or 1970?]).
405
(al-muallafah qulbu|hum) won by diplomacy and gifts. As one of the sympathizers, as well as in other capacities, he is often mentioned in the historical
literature. We also hear it said that he was a Zoroastrian (majs).14 If al-Askars
source was indeed al-Madin as he says it was (regrettably adding, and others, thus leaving the matter a little vague), it is most plausible to assume that
he used a written work of al-Madin and that the existence in literature of
the statement concerning al-Aqra is assured for at least the second half of
the eighth century. What makes the statement so remarkable is the fact that,
if it is entirely unhistorical, it makes one wonder why it should have been
invented in early Islamic times. If, on the other hand, there is some historical truth to it, it would indicate that gambling was considered objectionable
by others in the environment of the Prophet, before the Qurn pronounced
an opinion on it; it would make no sense to assume that al-Aqras prohibition of gambling was merely the first enforcement of the Qurnic prohibition.
A pre-Islamic gambling story is one reported in Aghn as derived from a
written work of Ibn abb (d. 245/860), who received it through the intermediary of Ibn al-Arb from al-Mufaal a-abb. When the poet al-Aswad b.
Yafur, also known as Ash Nahshal,15 was living among the Murrah b. Abbd
in al-Qah, he used to gamble with them. They always won, till he owed them
nineteen camels. His mother, Ruhm, blamed his gambling companions for
depriving al-Aswad of his property. When they asked what they could do to stop
al-Aswads gambling, Ruhm told them to sequester his arrows. When he came
again to gamble, although he had been requested to stay away, they rejected his
arrows. Al-Aswad defiantly declared that he would not live among people who
did not allow him to throw arrows (araba bi-l-qid).16
Again, it is Ibn abb who tells us about pre-Islamic gambling in one of his
own works. The chieftain of the Abd-Mant of the Kinnah, Bal b. Qays, gambled with arrows with Qudmah b. Qays and won all his property. Qudmah
suggested to Bal that they gamble for his hand and fifty camels (apparently, Qudmahs hand against Bals camels). Bal agreed and won again.
When he wanted to cut off his hand, Qudmah asked him not to do it and |
offered him instead his loyal protection. His hand was to remain as a loan
which could be called by Bal whenever he so desired. On the battle day of
14
15
16
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, (Kitb) al-Marif, ed. Tharwat Ukshah, 62 (Cairo 1960). On al-Aqra,
see M.J. Kister, in EI2, I, 343.
Cf. R. Blachre, Histoire de la littrature arabe, 297 f. (Paris 19521966).
Cf. Aghn, XI, 136 (Aghn3, XIII, 19 f.).
70
71
406
72
al-Mushallal, Bal offered Qudmah the choice between having the loan of his
hand called or redeeming it by fighting. Qudmah chose the latter and fought
most valiantly.17
This story reads like the doublet of one much more famous in Muslim
literature, that of Ab Lahab, the Prophets hated uncle, and al- b. Hishm
b. al-Mughrah al-Makhzm. Probably each one of them is the independent
elaboration of the same motif. In the case of the Ab Lahab story, the ways of
elaboration and amplification are quite visible before our eyes.
Ab Lahab refused to serve in the Meccan army at Badr and sent alas
his substitute. Al- was killed in the battle by Umar (or by Althe sources
are not unanimous on this point; according to Al himself, the confusion arose
from his having killed another al-, namely, al- b. Sad). The oldest report
available to us so far would seem to be the one of Ibn Isq, as reported in
Ibn Hishm and echoed in a-abar. It says that al- owed Ab Lahab 4,000
dirhams, which he was unable to pay.18 Thus, Ab Lahab hired him for that
amount to take his place in the military expedition, and he went, while Ab
Lahab stayed behind.19 Nothing is said here about gambling. Al-Wqid just
mentions debt in general and no gambling,20 while Ibn Sad has nothing on
either debts or gambling but merely says that it was not only Ab Lahab who
chose a substitute on that occasion but others did so, too.21
However, gambling entered the story at some time, apparently at the bidding
of littrateurs rather than historians. Three verses by the early Islamic poet
assn b. Thbit in which he reviled some people because their father had been
a blacksmith, were placed in this context. Al- was called one of the fools
(amaq) of the Quraysh. He had gambled with Ab Lahab b. Abd-al-Mualib
who defeated him and eventually won his person and made him a black|smith
(qayn) and then sent him as his substitute to participate in the battle of Badr.22
We apparently have no way of knowing whether it was true that the verses
ascribed to assn concern al- and his prominent progeny. We hear that
there were two smiths (addd) among the noble Meccans who plied a variety
17
18
19
20
21
22
Cf. Ibn abb, Munammaq, ed. Kh.A. Friq, 132 f. (Hyderabad 1384/1964).
The general sense is clear, but the exact literal meaning is slightly doubtful, primarily
because of the use of the unusual l, laa.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Srah, ed. F. Wstenfeld, I, 430 (Gttingen 18581860), trans. A. Guillaume,
291 (Oxford 1955, reprint Karachi 1967); a-abar, Annales, I, 1295.
Cf. al-Wqid, Maghz, ed. Marsden Jones, I, 53 (London 1966).
Cf. Ibn Sad, abaqt, IV, i, 51.
Cf. assn b. Thbit, Dwn, ed. W.N. Arafat, I, 361f., no. 191 (London 1971, E.J.W. Gibb
Memorial Series, N. S. 25).
407
of crafts, namely, al- and (his uncle) al-Wald b. al-Mughrah.23 They were
thus suitable candidates for identification with the individuals addressed in the
verses; still this need not be correct. The assembly of assns poems passed
through the hands of Ibn abb, and he also reports the story in practically
the same words in his Munammaq.24 But regardless of whether or not the
connection of assns verses with al- and his family is true, the verses
themselves contain no reflection whatever of the gambling story, so that its
existence need not be dated to the very early times of assn. Its use for
the explanatory comments need not, though, of course, it may, antedate Ibn
abb.
About a generation after Ibn abb, we find a few more details. The historian
al-Baldhur speaks of Ab Lahabs being ill and sending al- in his place with
the understanding that he would forgive a debt he owed him. Al-Baldhur also
reports another version stating that Ab Lahab played with him for a stake to
be determined (al amrah muah). He defeated him and had him become a
blacksmith in Mecca. Then he played with him again. Again, he defeated him.
Then, he sent him to Badr in his place.25
The littrateur Ibn Qutaybah, in speaking about the fools of the Quraysh,
dramatizes the event still a little more: Ab Lahab gambled with him and
defeated him, winning his property, then his house, then whatever he possessed
as well as his family and his own person. When the day of Badr came, he
sent him on the military expedition instead of going himself.26 Finally, in the
23
24
25
26
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Marif, 575.

Cf. Ibn abb, Munammaq, 457, 490. In his Muabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, 175, 379
(Hyderabad 1361/1942), Ibn abb speaks of the two fools of the Quraysh, but does not
mention the story.
Cf. al-Baldhur, Ansb, ed. M. Hamidullah, I, 292 (Cairo 1959).
For amrah muah, lit. an order to be obeyed, cf. Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, ed. A. Amn,
I. al-Ibyr, and Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, VI, 405, and Al b. Nar al-Ktib, Jawmi alladhdhah, Ms. Istanbul Fatih 3729, fol. 214a (Hrn ar-Rashd, or an unidentified caliph,
playing nard with a slave girl; when he loses constantly and is no longer able to comply
with her demands, he agrees to write a promissory note); az-Zamakhshar, Rab, fol. 86b
(Sbr gambling at chess); Lane, 97a; T. Nldeke, Belegwrterbuch zur klassischen arabischen Sprache, ed. J. Kraemer, 39b (Berlin 19521954). For gambling with the winner
promised the fulfillment of a wish to be expressed after winning, cf. also the story of
Luqmn (above, p. 68) and possibly other of the gambling stories mentioned here. It can be
assumed to have especially appealed to friends and lovers and may not have been uncommon in actual practice, and not only in anecdotes. Had Muslim jurists paid attention to it,
they would have taken a particularly dim view of it.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn al-akhbr, II, 41 (Cairo 13431349, reprint Cairo 19631964).
73
408
following tenth century, we meet with the full-blown literary treatment of the
story in Aghn, in the chapter devoted to al-s famous grandson, the poet
al-rith b. Khlid al-Makhzm:27
As has been reported by Muab b. Abdallh, Ab Lahab gambled with
al- b. Hishm for ten camels and defeated him, then again for ten
camels, defeating him again, then again for ten camels, defeating him,
then again for ten camels, defeating him, then again for ten camels,
defeating him. Eventually, he stripped (khalaa) him of his property, and
he had nothing left. Al- said to Ab Lahab: I notice that the arrows
are your allies. But now, let me gamble with you, and the loser shall be
the others slave. Ab Lahab said, Do, and he did. Ab Lahab defeated
him but disliked the idea of enslaving him and thereby arousing the
wrath of the Makhzm. He went to them and asked them to redeem
al- for ten camels. They refused, saying that they would not even give
a pelt for him. Thus, he enslaved him, and he used to herd his camels, till
the (Meccan) polytheists went out to Badr. A source other than Muab
said: He enslaved him and established him as a blacksmith working iron.
When the polytheists went out to Badr, those who did not go along sent
substitutes. Ab Lahab was sick. He sent al- out and stayed at home,
with the understanding that when he returned to him, he would manumit
him. Al b. Ab lib killed al- on that occasion.28
74
The Aghn owed the story for the most part to Muab az-Zubayr. His Jamharat nasab Quraysh apparently does not contain it, although it devotes some
space to al-rith b. Khlid. Yet, even if the chain of transmitters suggests oral
transmission, we have no good reason to doubt that it was actually derived from
a written work of Muab. Muab lived ca. 156/773 to 233/848.29 Thus, we are
roughly back again in the time of Ibn abb. The gambling aspect of the story
cannot be traced back much beyond that time. To summarize, we might say, as
far as the available source material permits a conclusion, that there was some
dim recollection, possibly | historical, of al- serving as a substitute whom
Ab Lahab was able to send on the military expedition to Badr by promising
him to cancel an unwisely incurred debt. Gambling as the cause of the debt
27
28
29
Cf. Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 190; Blachre, Histoire de la littrature arabe, 624f. The
poems of al-rith b. Khlid have been collected by Y. al-Jabbr (Baghdd 1972). See also
below, Ch. IV, n. 56.
Cf. Aghn, III, 100 f. (Aghn3, III, 311).
Cf. Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 212; Sezgin, I, 271 f.
409
could, no doubt, reflect a historical fact. However, it is much more likely to have
been an added motif meant to contribute to Ab Lahabs disgrace, which was
slowly embellished, apparently during the eighth century.
Of one thing, though, we can be rather sure. If the descriptions we have of the
maysir game are approximately right, those gambling stories, with the possible
exception of the one about al-Aswad b. Yafur, are unlikely to have been maysir.
The individual maysir stake could supposedly be an entire camel instead of
the usual parts of one animal, thus requiring the large total expenditure of
ten camels for one game, but irresponsible gambling of the type mentioned
in the stories apparently did not go with the game which is supposed to have
been a formal occasion. And above all, maysir was a game normally played
by more than two participants. Obviously, there must have been many ways in
which arrows could be used for gambling. Their presence is indicated in some
versions. However, we have no indication, nor did the reporters of the stories
have any, as to how Bal and Qudmah and Ab Lahab and al- did their
gambling.30
The maysir game was no longer known and, of course, no longer practiced
in the time of al-Ama, according to a remark ascribed to him.31 On the basis
of verses referring to it, it was painstakingly and most brilliantly reconstructed
by Ibn Qutaybah in his monograph on the game.32 This is the gist of his view of
how maysir was once played:
There are seven players, each one with an arrow marked as belonging to him.
There may be less than seven, in that one individual may enter more than one
arrow. There are altogether ten arrows, three of them blanks (ghufl) added for
control purposes. The wealthier players, it seems, selected for themselves the
arrows with the larger | number of shares. (The baram, the wealthy individual
who refuses to participate in the game, the stingy spoilsport and philistine, is
much discussed. Maysir constituted a sort of social challenge to tribal members, and possibly strong pressure was exerted upon them to contribute, on the
order of present-day charity drives.)
The prize is a camel, divided into ten parts (or, perhaps, ten camels, etc.).
It is not paid for before the game. The losers will pay for it. All players have
30
31
32
The divination arrows (azlm) were described as three (positive, negative, blank), cf., for
instance, al-Ayn, Umdat (al-qri), VIII, 587 (Constantinople 13081311); T. Fahd, in EI2, s.v.
istism. The azlm were also identified as different objects such as pebbles or, fancifully,
dice (kib), cf. Ibn al-Jawz, Zd, II, 284.
Cf. ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, II, 255.
See above, Ch. I, n. 13. Maysir verses were discussed by Ibn Qutaybah also in Man,
11471174.
75
410
76
to deposit in advance the price of the shares of their respective arrows. The
animal is slaughtered, before the game begins, in order to allow its division into
ten parts.33 Al-Ama assumed that the prize was divided into twenty-eight
parts (the sum of the numbers from one to seven), but this assumption is to
be rejected as inconsistent with the gambling purpose of the game (at least,
according to the rules established by Ibn Qutaybah).
The arrows are placed into a ribbah (our drum), a container wide enough
to permit shaking ( j-w-l IV) the arrows in it. The ribbah has a small opening
the width of only one or two arrows. It is attached to the hands of a man
entrusted with the drawing. He is called urah. His honesty is checked by
an observer (raqb) who has to be present at the game. The urah wears a
cloth over his hand, so that he cannot feel the arrows and possibly cheat in
favor of one of the players (this makes sense only if the arrows are drawn, and
not shaken out of the drum). He shakes the ribbah thoroughly and shakes
out one arrow. If it is a blank, it is returned into the ribbah. If it is a winning
arrow, its owner gets the share to which the arrow entitles him, and withdraws
from the game. He may, however, put it back again, which would be proof of
his generosity. The urah then draws the second arrow, following the same
procedure, and the game goes on this way, until the total indicated by the
arrows, after a certain number of draws has been made, reaches ten or more.
Then the drawing stops. Those players whose arrows did not come out split the
price of the camel among themselves and pay for it. If the number of shares on
the arrows drawn to this point amounts to exactly ten, all the losers have to pay
is the price of the camel. But if it amounts to more than tenfor instance, if a
seven and a six are drawn, the first arrow drawn receives its full number of
shares, and the second only as many as to make up | ten (three in this case), but
the losers have to compensate him for the (three more) shares he should have
gotten.
After one or two arrows have been drawn, another person, in addition to
the seven original players, may enter his arrow in the game as an indication
of his generosity (presumably, because his chances at winning are then much
smaller).
The winners are expected to give their shares to the poor of the tribe.
This is a rather clear picture of the game. It may, or may not, be a true
picture. It depends on the interpretation of difficult verses, possibly augmented
33
A proverb speaks of the person who shakes the arrows, while the animal is still grazing,
cf. al-Maydn, Arabum Proverbia, II, 696; R. Blachre, in Arabica, I (1954), 73. See below,
Ch. IV, n. 42.
411
by some otherwise unknown traditions and observations. There are variations.

For instance, the number of blanks in the game is also given as four, instead of
three.34 The greatest uncertainty reigns with respect to the rules regarding the
distribution of winnings and losses. Naturally, the game may not always have
been played according to the same rules. The Arabic philologians concentrated
much of their interest on the names given to the arrows and on all the other
terminology connected with the game. Such knowledge, they felt, was needed
for the interpretation of the ancient verses. It stimulated the occasional use of
maysir terminology among later littrateurs.35
No matter how deeply philologians were interested in maysir as a source for
rare lexemes and antiquarian curiosities, it was the mention of maysir in the
Qurn which gave the principal impetus to all the references to and discussions
of maysir. Turning to the Qurnic passages quoted at the beginning of this
chapter, we must discuss here at least some of the many observations that were
made by the commentators in connection with them.
34
35
Cf. Ibn abb, Muabbar, 333; al-Qurub, Jmi, II, 58.

A thorough and informative doctoral dissertation on maysir was published long ago by
A. Huber, ber das Meisir genannte Spiel der heidnischen Araber (Leipzig 1883). The
available source material has grown immeasurably since Hubers time, but most of the
new material does not contribute very much new knowledge. Among the older descriptions of the game, we may mention Ibn abb, Muabbar, 333335; al-Yaqb, Tarkh, ed.
M.T. Houtsma, I, 300 ff. (Leiden 1883) (cf. Huber, 51 f.); al-Askar, Talkh, 731737. The succinct and mediocre description of az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 262, agrees quite widely
with that of al-Askar. It was much admired and used by later scholars such as Fakhr-addn ar-Rz, Maft (al-ghayb), VI, 48 (Cairo 13531381/19341962); ad-Diyrbakr, Tarkh
al-khams, II, 31 f. (Cairo 1302); Ibn Kamlpsh, Rasil, 364f. (Constantinople 1316). The
work by Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, al-Maysir wa-l-azlm (Cairo 1953), is not meant to be a
strictly historical study.
For the names of the arrows, cf. also az-Zajjj, Majlis al-ulam, ed. Abd-as-Salm
M. Hrn, 285287 (Kuwait 1962); S. Wild, apud A. Spitaler, a-abru ka-smih, in Der
Orient in der Forschung (Festschrift O. Spies), 656 (Wiesbaden 1967). The best discussion
of the names known to a-afad was, he says, one in the Sifr as-sadah, cf. a-afad,
Ghayth, I, 267. He possibly meant the commentary on az-Zamakhshars Mufaal by
Alam-ad-dn as-Sakhw (d. 643/1245, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 510, 727f.), which
requires checking. The Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Koular 1096 (Cat. Karatay 7667, based
on the misleading title-page), as described by F. Sezgin, in Islm Tetkikleri Enstits
Dergisi, II (196), 252255, supposedly contains another copy of the work but nothing, I
believe, on the names of the arrows.
The original meaning of the word maysir was the subject of much speculation among
lexicographers, which did not lead to any convincing results. It may, in fact, be lost in
remote antiquity.
77
412
The word maysir was taken to include all kinds of gambling. Maysir is qimr
was a statement ascribed to Ibn Umar.36 It became conventional wisdom to
the degree that even the slave girl Tawaddud in the Arabian Nights parroted
it and had nothing to add to it when the Qurnic verse was quoted.37 In fact,
however, the Qurnic references as such do not necessarily imply that maysir
is anything more than the name of one particular game. The possibility that
this was indeed so was occasionally raised, but when it was, the suggestion was
dropped immediately. Thus, Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz (d. 606/1209) had this to say
in his Qurn commentary:
Fourth problem: There is a difference of opinion as to whether maysir is
a designation for that specific kind of gambling (qimr, that is, the maysir
game) or whether it is a designation for all kinds of gambling.
It has been transmitted on the authority of the Prophet: Beware of
those two dice, for they are the maysir of the non-Arabs (Persians).
It has been transmitted on the authority of Ibn Srn, Mujhid, and A:
Everything involving a stake (khaar) belongs to maysir, even the walnut
game of children.
Concerning chess, it has been transmitted on the authority of Al: Nard
and chess belong to maysir. Ash-Shfi says: Whenever chess is free from
a stake (rihn), the tongue from iniquity, and prayer from forgetfulness,
none is forbidden. Now, (chess) has nothing to with maysir, since maysir
is something that necessitates paying out or obtaining property. This
(chess) is nothing of the sort. Thus, it is neither maysir nor qimr. And
God knows better.
Horse and camel racing is generally agreed upon not to belong to
maysir, as is explained in the law books in the chapters dealing with racing
and shooting.38
78
The problem whether maysir (in the Qurn) is just maysir or | gambling in
general is solved here as elsewhere through reference to certain authoritative
statements attributed to the Prophet and others linking various potential gambling activities with maysir and, vice versa, presupposing that maysir in the
Qurn is meant to include them. While this is no necessary logical conclusion,
it may have been closer to the mark than the commentators knew. It would
36
37
38
Cf. al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 325.

Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, II, 517 f., trans. Littmann, III, 669f. (452nd night).
Cf. Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz, Maft, VI, 48 f.
413
seem quite possible that the maysir game as described above was no longer
practiced in the Prophets environment and was not known to the Prophet
who understood the word to refer to any gambling activities depending on the
throw of arrows or other gambling devices. In view of the religious standing
given to maysir by the Qurn, it seems peculiar that the game should have
been so completely forgotten by the late eighth century, if it was well known
in the Mecca and Medina of the Prophet. It is true that a number of the evidential verses for the maysir game goes back to poets of the Umayyad age, but if
those poets really knew what it was, the religious scholars would certainly have
drawn upon their knowledge and tried to utilize their sources of information.
For those poets, maysir images may merely have been part of their traditional
repertoire, reflecting a vague recollection of past practices. Thus, it is in truth
quite uncertain how, when, and where maysir was played. For the Prophet, it
may indeed have been a generic term for gambling.
It was observed by the commentators that with respect to both wine and
maysir, the Qurnic references appear to indicate a gradual progression from
branding them as a sin toward final prohibition. As to wine, the assumption was
that there was an intermediate stage making for a three-stage development: the
occasional use of it because of its usefulness (2:219/216), the prohibition of wine
drinking during prayer times (4:43/46), and its association with the abominable
practices of maysir and the command to desist (5:9091/9293). Maysir had
only the two stages indicated.39 It was considered debatable whether sin in
2:219/216 by itself indicated prohibition. On the basis of 7:33/31 where -r-m
and ithm are juxtaposed, it was argued that this was indeed so. But this view
was rejected as no true analogy, and it was pointed out that the Qurn does
not say that maysir and wine are sin but merely that they contain (in both is)
sin.40 On the other hand, it could also be said that | the choice of the word sin
is evidence for their being prohibited, and that the uses mentioned refer to
what could have been considered usefulness, before they were prohibited. This
argument was rejected by a-abar as inconsistent with Qurnic chronology.41
The adjective great (kabr) in 2:219/216 easily admits of the reading much,
many (kathr). The latter was the reading of Ibn Masd, amzah, and alKis. Ibn Masd furthermore read aktharu more for akbaru greater, while
Ubayy had akbaru replaced by aqrabu closer.42 The reading much, many was
39
40
41
42
Cf. a-abar, Tafsr (new edition), IV, 330 ff. (Cairo, n. y. [1961?]).
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, II, 60 f.
Cf. a-abar, Tafsr (new edition), IV, 330.
Cf. A. Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Qurn, 30, 121 (Leiden 1937).
79
414
80
defended, with respect to wine, as referring to the ten different activities connected with its production, merchandising, and consumption; not unexpectedly, nothing comparable was mentioned with respect to maysir.43 Another
suggested explanation was that both wine drinkers and gamblers commit sins
in various respects,44 which seems by far the more plausible interpretation of
the variant reading much, many. The reading aktharu (aqrabu) was almost
generally rejected, and this would naturally also favor kabr over kathr.45 For
the jurists, kabr held the obvious implication that maysir as well as wine drinking was to be classified as a kabrah, a major sin.
Another vexing problem for the commentators was the reference to the
uses of wine and gambling. It had to be clarified. This was no difficult task with
respect to wine, and much more space was generally devoted to enumerating
the uses of wine than those of maysir. A procedure somewhat unusual for
Qurn commentators was that of az-Zamakhshar who treated the uses of both
together in one sentence. For him, these uses consisted in the pleasure gained
from drinking wine and gambling, the emotional element (arab) in them, the
opportunity they provide for people to become friends and companions of
noble youth ( fityn) and to share in their allowances of food and drink, and
the expropriation (salb) of property by means of gambling and the feeling of
pride (when the gambler compares himself) with those philistines too stingy
to engage in gambling (abrm).46
As a rule, two things are stressed as the uses of gambling. In the first place,
gambling provides an opportunity to get something without work and effort.
This was often stated with respect to the pre-Islamic maysir game,47 and in
this case, it was not really objectionable. As a general statement, it certainly
should have given pause to the religious scholars mentioning it. If it did not,
the reason probably was that they would have thought that any possible use
of gambling applied only to the time before it was forbidden by Islam. Still,
a thirteenth-century jurist, who wrote a long work on the comparative uses
43
44
45
46
47

Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 262.
Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 262. These uses are similar to those mentioned by Cardano, cf. O. Ore, Cardano, 122f., 186. Among other things, gambling is a remedy for melancholy and helps to gain friends and promotions; on the other hand, it also leads to
bankruptcy and quarrels. For gambling as an opportunity to be near ones beloved, see
below, p. 128.
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, II, 57. For Ibn Sn denying that there is any use to gambling, see
below, Ch. V, n. 76a.
415
(manfaah) and kinds of harm (mafsadah) caused by human actions, could

seriously contend that the use of gambling resulted from what the loser gets
from the winner.48 However, he gives the impression of not putting much store
in that sort of usefulness.
The jurists interest in the easy money aspect of gambling as a possible
explanation of its usefulness was better expressed by Ibn Taymyah. He has a
long and remarkable discussion of the problem of the usefulness of both wine
and maysir in its relationship to the general legal problem of benefit and harm.
The uses of maysir may originally have been the gain of property and the pleasure of play, but it was realized that the losses resulting from gambling and the
pain and harm caused by playing were greater. The primary purpose of maysir
may have been the uplift (inshir) that playing and successful competition
(mughlabah) give to human beings. The main reason for its prohibition is not
merely the frivolous exchange of property attendant upon gambling. It is the
effect it exercises upon the mind and heart. Property sustains the body, and
the body sustains the heart. Whatever affects the body has priority over what
affects property. There is a distinct rank order among benefits and harms. Those
affecting the heart and mind and thereby mans religion and morals are clearly
the more important ones. A comparison with usury bears out the difference.
Usury means injuring the poor and needy. In maysir, the injured party may be
either rich or poor, or maysir may be something that takes place between the
rich. | Now, injuring the needy is worse than injuring the rich. Consequently,
maysir as well as gambling as such is in a way considerably less harmful than
usury. Furthermore, while maysir inevitably affects the heart and mind, there
is no difference between types of commerce involving risk (which are allowed,
because there is a need for them) and ordinary business transactions with
respect to keeping, or not keeping, a person from his religious duties, as is the
case in maysir.49 What is remarkable in this discussion is the reference to the
effect of gambling and alcohol upon the body. For Ibn Taimyah, it is true, this
potential physical effect is merely preliminary to the spiritual harm done by
them, but it would seem that he had a least some inkling of the possibility that
gambling could affect the physical constitution of the compulsive gambler. He
also gives some passing thought to gambling as a crime that has no victims,
since it is entered into voluntarily and the harm it does may occur where it
does not matter. All of this is, of course, incidental to his fundamental concern
with the usefulness or harm of gambling as a financial transaction.
48
49
Cf. Ibn Abd-as-Salm, Qawid, I, 98.

Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, II, 1621.
81
416
In the second place, the maysir game was considered to have had a charitable purpose. It could not be denied that people in pre-Islamic times often
gambled on their own account,50 and the stories reported here earlier certainly had no charity as their objective. When the mukharam poet Abdallh
b. Anamah a-abb gambled with the Ban Hind of the Shaybn, he was not
in the least concerned with charity. He frankly states that I came to the Ban
Hind for some profitable gambling.51 However, it was usually pointed out that
maysir games were organized only in order to provide relief for the poor who
needed food. In the words of Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz:
The usefulness of maysir includes relief for the needy, because the winner himself does not benefit from the shares of the camel won by him
but distributes them among the needy. Al-Wqid has mentioned that a
player might win a hundred camels in one session, thus obtaining wealth
without work and effort. Then he would spend it all on the needy, thereby
gaining praise and glory.
On the other hand, naturally,
in maysir, relief for the needy is counterbalanced by ruin of the wealthy,
because the one-time loser in gambling is motivated to | persist by the
hope that he may win, but it may happen that this will not be the case
and he will end up having no property left and gambling for his beard,
his wives, and his children. Thereafter, he will no doubt remain poor and
indigent and become the most bitter enemy of those who defeated him.52
82
Often, it is also stated that maysir games were held only in winter and in times
of scarcity when the poor would have the greatest need.
The maysir verses of the poets would seem to support the charity theory.
They often mention winter as the season for playing. Al-Ash is credited with a
verse describing some people as those who give a guest to eat in the winter and
make it obligatory for a maysir player ( ysir) to provide food for the poor.53
This at least is the interpretation of the verse indicated by Ibn Qutaybah. Of
50
51
52
53

Li-tarbaa qamrat, cf. al-Ji, Burn, 265.
Cf. Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz, Maft, VI, 50, XII, 80.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Maysir, 44, cf. R. Geyers edition of al-Ashs Dwn, 107 (London 1928,
E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, N.S. 6). See also above, Ch. II, n. 121.
417
doubtful value as evidence for maysir as a charity appear to be verses such

as the one from the satirical poem in which Ghassn b. Dhuhayl attacks Jarr
by blaming the Kulayb for being so stingy that they slaughter a sheep only at
(bi)-maysir.54
While it would be natural to suspect that the charity aspect of maysir was
invented in order to explain the Qurnic reference to the uses of the game,
such suspicion is probably groundless. However, there can be no doubt that
the need for an explanation of the Qurnic passage was the reason why the
sources tend to give the impression that charity was almost the sole purpose of
maysir games. Be this as it may, we have here a forerunner of the widespread
modern phenomenon of giving gambling the veneer of respectability by linking it to charitable undertakings. If we can believe modern authors, the first
money lottery was held in Florence in 1530,55 and only as early as 1660 a Captain Thomas Gardiner recognized that he could smooth his path to fortune by
dressing his gambling business in charitable garb, namely, the use of its proceeds for ransoming English slaves in Northwest Africa.56 But it is also said that
the earliest recorded lottery was held in Bruges in 1466, | for the purpose of raising money for the poor.57 At any event, the Muslim references go back to much
older times.
Regardless of how serious and important a matter it was that the Qurn
spoke of the sin of wine and maysir as being greater than their usefulness, the
statement did not escape the disrespectful wit so often encountered among
those who chafed under the unrelenting exposure to the words of holy scripture to which they had to submit. The great humorist Ab l-Ayn, whom we
have already met as a bettor on chess games,58 is said to have compared two
prominent contemporaries to wine and maysir, since, he said, their sin was
greater than their usefulness.59 On the minds of serious scholars, however,
there was another problem that required consideration. They felt obliged to
ponder the historical circumstances that might have brought about the pro-
54
55
56
57
58
59
Cf. Jarr, Dwn, I, 135 (Cairo 1313); at-Tawd, Imt, III, 9.

Cf. E.E. Blanche, in Ploscowe and Lukas (eds.), Gambling, 71.
Cf. A. Rubner, The Economics of Gambling, 30 (New York 1966). Not surprisingly, the modern Muslim view on the legality of the use of lotteries to raise money for charitable
projects is negative, cf. Majallat al-Azhar, 1382/1962, 522 (I owe this reference to H. LazarusYafeh).
Cf. A. Wykes, Gambling, 230.
Cf. Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 65, ed. Rif, XVIII, 292, quoted by a-afad, Nakt
al-himyn, 267.
83
418
hibition of wine and maysir as expressed in 5:9091/9293. The reference to

hostility and hatred appeared to them to provide a clue. Again, much more
was said about the quarrels that allegedly led to the prohibition of wine. As
for maysir, a-abar offers only a vague statement about men in the jhilyah
who used to gamble for their women folk and property, and then sit there penniless and deprived, seeing their property in somebody elses hand, something
that used to engender hostility and hatred among them.60 Not even a legend,
naming names and giving details, was available to him for explaining the prohibition of maysir. But eventually he realized that he also had no more reliable
evidence in the case of wine. Thus, he very wisely concluded:
The Qurn interpreters hold different opinions as to why this verse was
revealed. It is possible that it was revealed because of Umars prayer (for
a clear divine decision) with respect to wine.61 It is also possible that it
was revealed because of what happened to Sad (b. Ab Waqq) at the
hands of that Anr, when both were intoxicated with wine.62 Again,
it is possible that it may have been because of the hostility and hatred
that someone felt toward the person who played maysir with him and
defeated him at gambling, so that he lost his property. We have no decisive
information as to what it was. However, whatever it was, the legal import
of the verse affects all responsible Muslims. If they do not know why
this verse was revealed, it does not | do them any harm. Wine, maysir,
sacrificial stones, and divining arrows are an abomination wrought by
Satan. It is the duty of every responsible Muslim familiar with the verse to
refrain from all those things, as God has said: Thus avoid it! Perhaps you
may prosper.63
84
The legal situation created by the Qurn with respect to maysir was indeed
unassailable. It showed the way which all subsequent discussion of gambling
had to take. Maysir is strictly forbidden, and all gambling is identical with
maysir. It is true that the legal-religious term for forbidden (arm) is not
employed in the Qurnic text. However, the reality and severity of the prohibition are indicated by context and phrasing, in the manner carefully spelled out
by az-Zamakhshar:
60
61
62
63
Cf. a-abar, Tafsr (new edition), X, 573.

Cf. a-abar, Tafsr (new edition), X, 569 f.
419
The prohibition of wine and maysir is expressed in various ways. Thus, the
verse (5:90/92) is introduced by innam (is indeed an abomination).64
Wine and maysir are tied to idol worship. They are indicated to be an
abomination, a word which in the Qurn 22:30/31 is used in relation to
idols. They are indicated to be the work of Satan from whom there comes
nothing but pure evil. There is the command to avoid. Also, avoidance is
indicated to belong to prosperity, and if avoidance means prosperity, then
commission means failure and absence of prosperity. The destructive
result of wine and gambling is mentioned, namely, the occurrence of
mutual hostility and hatred among wine drinkers and gamblers, as is
the fact that they lead to barring from the remembrance of God and the
observance of the prayer times. And thus, would you not want to stop it
is the most effective way to express desisting. It is as if it were said: Now
that all the different kinds of impediments and restrictions affecting wine
and maysir have been recited to you, would you not, in view of them, stop
it or would you stick to your old ways as if you were not exhorted and
warned?65
The word arm does also not occur in the adth quoted at the beginning of
this chapter, which expressly used the word gambling (qmara). The adth as
such raised important problems of a general nature. Did it imply that a resolution (azm) firmly rooted in the heartas against a fleeting ideato commit a
sin is itself a sin, or did it indicate that encouraging (du) someone to do something prohibited (arm) such as gambling, which could also be construed
as agreement (wfaqa) to his gambling, constituted itself something arm?
The stipulated contribution to charity required | explanation. Could it perhaps
consist of the property which one intended to risk in gambling, so that the
intended frivolous expenditure of property in gambling would turn out to be
a real and serious expenditure for charity? Or rather, could it be understood as
an atonement for a statement made (or for a false oath)?66 Whatever problems
of interpretation the adth raised, it did not leave any doubt that gambling was
a sin whose gravity was underlined again by mentioning gambling in the same
breath with idolatrous talk, which constituted a grave sin, even if it was done
only by inadvertently falling into ingrained speech patterns.
64
65
66
For innam only used for emphasis (indeed), cf. H. Reckendorf, Arabische Syntax, 129f.
(Heidelberg 1921); Lane, 110bc. In the translation given at the beginning of the chapter,
indeed has been omitted as unnecessary.
Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 433.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, X, 256, XIII, 131, 355, XIV, 343.
85
420
86
Both Qurn and adth were explicit enough to make the task of jurists who
had to deal with potential gambling activities a comparatively simple one. A
certain practical difficulty resulted from the fact that most gambling activities
could as well be undertaken without accompanying gambling. But basically, if
a given activity could be declared to be, or in some way be defined as, qimr,
it was clearly illegal. A further consideration was the potential interference of
games, with or without gambling, with the proper behavior of responsible Muslims and their proper performance of the religious duties. While this might not
make a game as such subject to legal sanction, it affected the murwah, character, and probity (adlah) of the player. If he was not found to be an adl, he
was not acceptable as a witness; in the recurring phrase, his testimony (shahdah) was not accepted (acceptable), or was rejected. Similarly, Judaism had
decided much earlier that dice players as well as pigeon fanciers were not qualified to be witnesses or judges.67 Closely connected with the danger inherent
in all games that they may lead to neglect of the religious duties is the danger
they present of leading to the occupation with something to be characterized
as worthless frivolity (bil). Especially if such worthless frivolity involves
property transactions of any sort, it clearly falls under the Qurnic prohibition stated in 4:29/33. In connection with this passage, the commentators quite
often mention gambling as an example, among others, of bil, but whether
they do or do not, gambling being bil hurts an individuals standing in the
eyes of the | law.68 It is under these basic aspects that the problem of qimr is
usually viewed by jurists. They shall find some further illustration in the following pages.
Exceptionally, we encounter other lines of reasoning in connection with
gambling activities. Thus, the argument against animal fights organized by
human beings rests upon the highly humane attitude of Islam toward cruelty
to animals. The Prophetic tradition against tarsh led the way.69 And it was
argued that since the animals would cause pain to and hurt each other, in a way
a man would not be allowed to hurt and cause pain to them with his hands, all
kinds of animal fights are forbidden.70
67
68
69
70
Cf. Mishn Sanhedrin, III, 3; Landman, in Jewish Quarterly Review, LVII (1966), 299f.;
al-Qirqisn, Anwr, ed. L. Nemoy, 26 (New York 19391943).
The attitudes prevalent in his Muslim environment are reflected in Maimonidess objection to gambling as something of no worldly use and detrimental to the study of the Torah,
cf. Landman, in Jewish Quarterly Review, LVII (1966), 304f.
Cf. the Shfiite al-alm (338403/949 or 9501012), Minhj, Mss. Istanbul Topkapsaray
421
Another argument surfaced in the discussion of pigeon racing. Since the

training of pigeons took place on the roofs of houses, it might afford the pigeon
fancier a free view over other houses and the women living there and was
therefore objectionable.71 An uncharacteristically generous position was taken
by al-alm:
Playing with pigeons is different, because the pigeons play by themselves;
it is not that their owner plays with them. It may be disapproved only
inasmuch as, since it takes place on the roofs of houses, the owner of the
pigeons cannot be trusted not to overlook the houses and women of his
neighbors. Therefore, it may be prohibited. But if that immorality ( fasd)
is not involved and the owner of the pigeons does not constantly engage
in (the sport) and is not distracted by it from the remembrance of God and
prayer and if thus the only thing that happens is that he lets the pigeons
fly and, when they do so and play in the air, watches them flying and likes
to observe them doing so, then there is nothing forbidden here. And God
knows better.72
There are also occasional references to special applications of the gambling
laws. They had their measure of importance, although they are of no great interest in our context. Thus, it might have been interesting to Taq-ad-dn as-Subk
to thrash out the question | as to whether it was lawful for a Shfiite, who
considered chess permissible, to play with a anafite, who considered it forbidden.73 It is understandable for Qkhn to express the view that there is
nothing wrong with a Muslim who gambles with polytheists in non-Muslim
territory (dr al-arb) and takes property away from them; it may, however,
seem to us a bit strange that he gave no passing thought to the unpleasant possibility that the Muslim might lose to the polytheist. Of much greater practical
importance was Qkhns view that the sale of implements needed in nard
and chess and other games belonged in the category of invalid types of sales.
Destroying such implements, if it was done on a judges orders, did not make
71
72
73
Ahmet III 930, fol. 152a, Ahmet III 500, Vol. III, fol. 40a, Beyazit Umm 1628, fol. 247a;
ad-Damr, ayawn, II, 296; Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4759, fol. 23b.
Cf., for instance, the anaftes as-Sarakhs, Mabs, XVI, 131f. (Cairo 13241331), and alMarghnn, Hidyah, ed. Abdool Mujeed, III, 376f. (Calcutta 18311834), trans. C. Hamilton, 2nd ed., 361 f. (London 1870).
Cf. al-alm, Minhj, Mss. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 930, fol. 152b, and Ahmet III
500, Vol. III, fol. 39a.
Cf. as-Subk, Fatw, II, 635 f. (Cairo 13551356).
87
422
the individual who did it liable to pay compensation. If it had not been ordered
by a judge, he was to be held liable.74 This provided a certain amount of protection against the excesses of fanatics, unless, of course, it happened that the
judge himself was a fanatic. Such excesses were not uncommon in connection
with wine, and occasionally, they may have extended to gambling.
88
Chess and nard enjoyed a special position in the jurists discussion of gambling.
Not only were they the games that would continue to be played throughout
Muslim history and on all levels of society. They had also been played already
in the earliest times of Islam. Thus, the early generations of Muslims, who were
always invoked as authorities for setting legal precedents, had had the opportunity to observe them. With all due skepticism as regards the genuineness of
those traditions and stories and in full awareness of the possibility that they
might have been invented in order to provide support for later attitudes toward
the games,75 they cannot be completely dismissed as historical evidence. All
forms of amusement tend to have a rapid spread, once the road to migration
becomes open to them. Chess and nard might easily have fascinated some distinguished early Muslims as soon as they learned about them. They might even
have been the fashionable thing among the aristocracy, before they reached
wider circles and thereby became a debatable pastime. In its formative stages,
Arabic literature would not have taken notice of their existence, as games and
similar everyday | matters were never readily noticed except incidentally and
in circumscribed situations. In sum, while prudence dictates that here as elsewhere we eschew facile credulity, it cannot be determined exactly how far our
skepticism should go. Nearly everything in Muslim history before the ninth century is surrounded by much uncertainty. Not surprisingly, the history of games
is no exception. All we can say is that it is not excluded that the traditions prove
the existence of chess and nard in seventh-century Arabia and other parts of
the newly conquered Muslim world. Whatever we may think of their genuineness, they definitely point to a time no later than the early eighth century. It is
significant that the word shiranj chess does not occur in the authoritative collections of traditions, while nard/nardashr does so repeatedly. This may reflect
the fact that it was known that chess was not played in the environment of the
Prophet to any noteworthy extent, if at all, while a game that either was the
Persian nard or could be considered without any great difficulty as equivalent
to it enjoyed a certain vogue already in the Prophets Arabia.
74
75
Cf. Qkhn, Fatw, IV, 587, and II, 329.

Cf. Wieber, Schachspiel, 48 ff.
423
The history of the struggle for and against chess is richly documented in
the sources and much discussed in the scholarly literature. It requires no
further detailed exposition here. Traditions were invented with a liberal use
of the imagination. Nard traditions were extended to include chess. Thus, both
games were branded by Al as the maysir of the non-Arabs, alluding to their
Persian connection. Another constantly reiterated saying attributed to Ibn
Umar declared chess to be worse than nard.76 Others took the opposite view. A
more subtle touch was to make Al inquire what those figures (tamthl) were
which he saw chess players use, thus connecting chess with the prohibition
against pictorial representation.77 And again it was Al who was credited with
what must have started out as a joke but then was taken seriously as an
indication of the moral turpitude of chess players, namely, that they were the
greatest liars on earth, because they spoke of killing and dying (mt) when
nothing of the sort was going on.78 While such attributions to men like Al
and Ibn Umar deserve no credence, the anec|dotes depicting ash-Shab (d.
ca. 103106/721725) and Sad b. Jubayr (d. 95/714) as dedicated chess players
can possibly claim some historicity as dimly recollected facts.
Both the legal and the general attitudes either pro or con sought justification
for themselves, on the one hand, in the games usefulness for improving the
mind and teaching military strategy and, on the other, in its being too engrossing and causing neglect of the remembrance of God and prayer and other
religious duties (as stated in the Qurn in connection with maysir). It was naturally easy for diehard chess haters to play down the mind improving qualities
of chess and to invent statements against its alleged military usefulness. The
Shfiite Isq b. Rhawayh (d. 237238/851853), when told that the defenders
of the Muslim frontier regions were playing chess because of (its usefulness for
learning about strategy in) war, replied that whatever it was, the game was anyhow immoral and all bad.79 About a century and a half later, another Shfiite,
al-alm, argued against chess in what seems to have been a rather unusual
manner. Umars alleged approval of chess as a war game, he says, means only
that Umar approved of war instruments in general, and if, as he was told, chess
was indeed an instrument of war, he would approve of it, but, in fact, it is just
an amusement. Furthermore, chess cannot be properly compared with horse
racing and archery as suitable means of training for war. If it were comparable
76
77
78
79
See below, pp. 167f.

Cf., for instance, Pareja Casaas, Libro del Ajedrez, text 9, trans. 4f.; adh-Dhahab, Kabir,
88; Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, II, 8, 15, IV, 308 f.; Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 190.
Cf. adh-Dhahab and Ibn ajar al-Haytam, loc. cit. (n. 77).
Cf. adh-Dhahab and Ibn ajar al-Haytam, loc. cit. (n. 77).
89
424
90
to them, it would be permissible to play it for stakes, which, by general agreement, it is not.80 The fifteenth-century as-Sakhw praised chess in one place,
but, in another, he decried its usefulness for war, because that was not its purpose, which was playing and gambling for luck (al sabl at-tabarruk).81 And
those who felt like making fun of the supposed usefulness of chess as a royal
game would say that its aim was not to increase military knowledge, so as to be
better able to serve the king in war, but to get the king out of the way, a statement that did not fail to have the desired effect of making the audience laugh.82
Even for Mlikites inclined to consider every game as worthless frivolity, a
mitigating circumstance was adduced in the case of | chess. It was not so bad,
if it was played in private and attracted no public notice. The attitudes of the
various legal schools were described by al-Qurub in these words:
If chess is not used for gambling, the Mlikites and most jurists have come
to hold the view that in such a case, if a man plays chess in the privacy
of his home with his family once a month or once a year and does it
unobserved and is not known (as a chess player), he may do it. He is not
forbidden to play, and it is not considered as disapproved for him. But if he
devotes himself (takhallaa) to it and becomes a chess player, he loses his
true manliness (murwah) and probity (adlah), and his testimony is not
acceptable. Shfiites hold that the testimony of a nard and chess player is
not void, if, in general, he is an adl and it is not apparent that he is stupid,
or suspect, or commits major sins, unless he uses the game for gambling.
If he does so and becomes known for it, he loses his probity and it is
apparent that he is stupid, because he consumes property with worthless
frivolity. Ab anfah says that playing chess, nard, and fourteen as well
as every kind of amusement is disapproved. If it is not apparent that
the player commits major sins and his good (qualities) outweigh his bad
(qualities), (anafites) consider his testimony acceptable.83
In contrast to chess, it was moot whether nard could ever be considered legal,
even if no gambling was connected with it.84 It found no stout defenders within
80
81
82
83
84
Cf. al-alm, Minhj, Mss. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 930, fols. 150b151a, and
Ahmet III 500, Vol. III, fols. 38b39a.
Cf. as-Sakhw, Shiranj, fols. 37b, 30b.
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, VIII, 339.
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, VIII, 337 f.
Ab Hurayrah equated gambling at nard with eating pork, playing nard without accompanying gambling with putting ones hand into the blood of pigs, and looking at it (kibitz-
425
the ranks of jurists and religious scholars. A collection of about sixteen of the
common anti-nard statements attributed to ancient Muslims can be found
already in the Muannaf of Ibn Ab Shaybah (who is much briefer with respect
to chess).85 The succinct expos contained in Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4759,
fols. 20b21b, tells nearly the entire story. Its author, unidentified so far,86 relied
for his adth material on Ibn | Ab d-duny more than his passing reference to
this famous ninth-century moralist would seem to indicate:
Sulaymn b. Buraydah (d. 105/723724) < his father < the Prophet: If one
plays nardashr, it is as if he had dipped his hand into the flesh and blood
of a pig. A tradition transmitted only by Sulaymn.87
Ab Ms al-Ashar (d. 4252/662672): He who plays nard is disobedient to God and His Messenger.88 Transmitted by d (Amad b. anbal),
d (Ab Dwd), q (Ibn Mjah al-Qazwn), and Mlik in the Muwaa.
Ab Ms heard the Messenger of God say: Nobody rolls (the games)
dice, waiting to see what they will bring, without (thereby) being disobedient to God and His Messenger. An unusual (gharb) tradition, transmitted by Ibn Ab d-duny, with a chain of transmitters whose soundness is
known only to God. It means that a person who plays nard with dice and
85
86
87
88
ing) with looking at pork, cf. al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 328, where another authority
is said to have made the first two points with respect to playing with the two dice. Sad
b. al-Musayyab is supposed to have declared nard without gambling unobjectionable (l
bas bih), cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab, fol. 87b. See also below, n. 93, for Ibn Umars statement
speaking of possibly playing nard without accompanying gambling, etc. The anafite alMarghnn, the author of the Hidyah, was quoted by Ibn Kamlpsh, Rasil, 86, as
considering the possibility of chess, nard, and fourteen being played without gambling,
but as far as I can see, al-Marghnn, loc. cit. (n. 71), speaks only of chess and nard and
condemns nard with and without gambling.
Cf. Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fols. 71b72a.
The title-page of the manuscript calls the work an excerpt from the Kitb ath-Thamar (Ms.
at-tamr) ar-riq al-mujtan min al-adiq, comprising the chapters on sins, udd, and
uqbt. I do not know which adiq are meant. For Ibn Ab d-duny, cf. his Dhamm, 32f.,
54 ff.
Cf. Concordance, VI, 405a1314; al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 327. For a remark on this
endlessly quoted tradition, cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Badi al-fawid, III, 198f. (Cairo,
n. y. [ca. 1925]).
Cf. Concordance, VI, 405a1314; al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 327 (twice). For the variant kib to designate nard, cf. Ibn anbal, Musnad, IV, 392 (Cairo 1313); Concordance, VI,
24b6263. The variant suggests the possibility that nard in all these traditions was substituted for an original, genuinely Arabic kib or the like.
91
426
throws the dice, waiting to see what victory and success will come for him
from them, is a gambler, and a gambler is wicked ( fsiq).
Ibn Masd (d. 3233/652654) said that he heard the Messenger of
God say: He who plays nard and then gets ready to pray is like one who
uses pus and the blood of pigs for his ablution and then gets ready to pray.
God does not accept his prayer.89
(Ibn Masd?) said that the Messenger of God said: Fear those two
tattooed90 dice (marginal note: meaning, chess and nard) that serve for
augury, for they are the maysir of the non-Arabs (Persians).91 The dice are
called tattooed because of their black pips, looking like a tattoo. Serve for
augury means that they bring out a share without rhyme or reason.92 It
happens by chance, as is the case with the augurer who takes bird sounds
as an omen and is right or wrong without rhyme or reason.
These traditions, even though their chains of transmitters show some
weakness, mutually strengthen and confirm each other.
Ibn Umar: A person who plays nard with accompanying gambling
is | like one who eats pork, and a person who plays it without accompanying gambling is like one who uses the grease of pigs to anoint himself.93
Ibn az-Zubayr (d. 73/692) said: I swear by God that nobody who played
it was ever brought before me but I punished him at his hair or skin
and gave his spoils to the one who brought him before me.94 The hair
business means things such as shaving off the hair (as a humiliating punishment) and the like. The skin business means things such as beating
and the like.
92
89
90
91
92
93
94
Cf. Ibn anbal, Musnad, V, 370; Concordance, VI, 405a15.

Ibn Ab d-dunys mashm inauspicious (if this is indeed what is found in the manuscript of Dhamm) is wrong, as is marsm marked found in the printed text of Ibn ajar alHaytam, Zawjir, II, 188, even though it yields the required meaning. Mawsm branded
appears in the printed text of al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 327.
Cf. Ibn anbal, Musnad, I, 446; Concordance, VII, 369b37. The following explanation
appears in the manuscript after the next paragraph.
Lit., without right and on the basis of no principle.
The second part of the statement occurs in Ibn Ab d-duny, who adds another statement
on the authority of Yay b. (Ab) Kathr to the effect that he (Ibn Umar?) passed by nard
players and exclaimed: Neglectful hearts, busy hands, and babbling tongues. Ibn ajar
al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 188, attributes this remark to the Prophet. On Ibn Umars aversion
to nard, see also above, Ch. II, n. 173.
Cf. al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 328, in a speech by Ibn az-Zubayr to the Meccans.
427
When ishah learned that people were playing nard in her domicile, she sent them the following message: They should either throw
it out, or the people in the house who had it should leave.95 In her
domicile means, in the section of town (maallah) where her house was
located.
When Masrq (d. 6263/681683) was told that we often had free time
and then played itnamely, nard, he said: This is not what a person
with free time has been commanded to do. Meaning, a person with free
time who is not occupied with the business of this world must use his free
time to proceed to worshiping God, and not to playing.
Playing nard is forbidden (arm) according to Ab anfah, Mlik,
Amad, and most Shfiites.
When Sad b. Jubayr (d. 95/714, known, as we have seen, as a chess
player) passed by some nard players, he did not greet them.96
He who plays it repeatedly is not an acceptable witness, whether or
not he plays for gambling purposes. This is what Ab anfah,97 Mlik,
95
96
97
Other versions of the story phrase the message more clearly. They are found, for instance,
in Mlik, Muwaa, IV, 356: If you do not throw it out, I shall throw you out. Cf. also alBukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 327; al-Baldhur, Ansb, ed. Hamidullah, I, 418; Ibn Taymyah,
Fatw, II, 11.
The severe sanction of refusing the salm to those playing with divination arrows, meaning chess and nard, is said to have been ordered by the Prophet, cf. adh-Dhahab, Kabir,
89; Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 189; Wieber, Schachspiel, 153, 170. According to alBukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, 326, Al confined those playing nard for money ( yumiln
bi-l-warq) for a full day and those who played for fun for half a day. He also forbade to
extend the salm to them. The two stories against extending the salm reported in Ibn
Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fol. 72b, do not go back to the Prophet either, as is only to be
expected.
Mlikism did not object to extending the salm to chess and nard players, while
disapproving of kibitzing as makrh, cf. Ibn Ab Zayd, Rislah, ed. trans. L. Bercher, 3rd
ed., 324 f. (Algiers 1949).
Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, II, 9, mentions as those disapproving of giving the salm Ab
anfah, Ibn anbal, and Muf b. Imrn, while those who had no objections were Mlik
and the anafites Ab Ysuf and Muammad ash-Shaybn. Ibn Taymyah (Fatwi, II,
22) also considers kibitzing as an illegal activity, as is, in his view, being present when
others are drinking wine; the same applies to buying or renting gambling paraphernalia
and acting as a mudhabdhib who helps one of the two parties in a game. The mudhabdhib
appears to be someone who tries to distract the opposing party on behalf of the side he
favors, rather than someone who advises a player what moves he should make.
According to the anafite Qkhn, Fatw, III, 321, a chess player who plays constantly so
as to become diverted from performing his prayers or who perjures himself with respect to
93
428
and Amad have stated. It is also the obvious implication of Shfiite

teaching (hir madhhab ash-Shfi).
94
The legal attitude as established in connection with chess and nard was extended to other board games such as fourteen or merels. For chess, and the
one or other of the board games, the classification as makrh disapproved
was occasionally upheld, as in Mliks Muwaa and ash-Shfis Umm. Mliks
attitude is clarified in Sanns Mudawwanah to the effect that Mlik considered chess as worse than nard and any chess playing, whether little or much, as
makrh. But he who plays it constantly is not an acceptable witness, whereas
the person who plays it once in a while, if he is otherwise an adl, may be acceptable as a witness.98 Ash-Shfis attitude toward games in general is more interesting, since it was interpreted as allowing of a slightly greater flexibility. As far
as the testimony of players and their functioning as witnesses are concerned,
he declares nard more makrh than any other form of amusement (malh),
while chess is not liked (-b-b) but less grave than nard (thereby taking a stand
against the tradition referring to chess as more detrimental than nard). izzah and all other games are makrh, since play is not what Muslims do, and
it is not true manliness.99 When a person considers a game allowed and not
forbidden and does a certain (small) amount of playing, his testimony is not
automatically rejected. From the legal point of view, the crucial element is the
punctual observance of the prayer times. If a person allows the time for prayer
to pass without praying, because he is engrossed in the game, and does this
twice, it indicates disrespect (istikhff ) for his duties with regard to prayer. He
is then to be rejected as a | witness, as would be anyone who does not pray
without being able to offer the excuse of forgetfulness or temporary mental
malfunction. The objection might be raised that a player could use this excuse
in his defense. It could be said that he does not miss the prayer on account
of the game but on account of forgetfulness. Ash-Shfi disposes of this argument by pointing out that forgetfulness is a psychological phenomenon that
rests entirely in the individual himself and cannot be prevented or forbidden
98
99
it is not an acceptable witness. And for the anafite al-Khistn, Jmi ar-rumz, II, 242, a
chess player may be an acceptable witness, if he fulfills three conditions: (1) No gambling
must be involved. (2) Prayers must not be missed. And (3) there must not be perjury in
connection with it (see below, Ch. V, n. 84). Professional chess playing definitely has an
adverse effect upon a persons standing as an adl.
Cf. Sann, Mudawwanah, XIII, 3 (Cairo 1323). Cf. also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah,
23.
See above, Ch. II, n. 3, and, for izzah, Ch. II, n. 176.
429
by outsiders; thus, even if it has something bad as its consequence, it is not a

sin. The player, on the other hand, learns from experience that it is the game
that may cause his forgetfulness. Having acquired this experience the first time
around, it is entirely within his power not to play again, and he must not do it.
Ash-Shfi adds a brief remark on the other three kinds of play, as defined in
the well-known adth.100 For him, they are no real play, and thus furnish no
analogy applicable to games. The observance of ritual prayer as a prescribed
duty, he concludes, has precedence over supererogatory prayer, the recital of
the Qurn, and study; none of that should distract an individual to such an
extent that he lets the time of prayer pass.101
This basic text of Shfiism was in the mind of Ibn ajar al-Haytam when
he referred to the Kitb al-Umm as proof that playing nard is arm, the
player a fsiq, and his testimony to be rejected. Ibn ajar al-Haytam quotes
many authorities and their works as having been of this opinion. According
to him, the majority opinion considers playing nard a major sin (kabrah).
However, the discussion by such men as ar-Rfi permits the contention that
it should be classified as a minor sin (aghrah), if only repeated playing makes
a person unfit to be a witness. As summed up by az-Zarkash, there were four
possible ways of looking at the matter: (1) Nard is disapproved and therefore
to be avoided (makrh karhat at-tanzh) but not forbidden (arm). Many
have held this opinion. While, at least for us, it seems indeed to conform to
ash-Shfis own statement, there are precedents for taking makrh to mean
arm.102 (2) It is a minor sin. (3) It is arm and a major sin. And (4) regional
differences have to be acknowledged. Where it is considered a | grave matter, a
person becomes unacceptable as a witness for playing just once. Where this is
not so, this is not the case.103
The acknowledgment of the existence of regional differences in the attitude
toward nard is the most interesting aspect of the discussion, and we would have
liked to hear more about it. But the discussion as a whole makes it fully obvious
that behind the brave assertion that the game was arm, and the apparent
conviction that it ought to be outlawed, there was the reality of its wide spread
and popularity that had to be reckoned with by the jurists.
Gambling, that is, playing for money, remained forbidden and was not subject to discussion, but clearly, there was no practical way to prevent it except by
100
101
102
103
See above, Ch. II, nn. 76, 234.

Cf. ash-Shfi, Umm, VI, 213.
Al-Qalqashand, ub, II, 141, prefers tarm but admits that there are Shfiites who
consider nard makrh.
Cf. Ibn ajar al-Haytam, Zawjir, II, 188 f.
95
430
eliminating playing as such. Shfiism was opposed to gambling. Yet, it could

not escape the libertine poets gibe that one of the imms, ash-Shfi, says,
Playing chess is not arm. Considering that the other three imms showed
similar chinks in their legal armor, the poet therefore pretended to have the
right to exhort everybody to
Drink, commit pederasty, whore, gamble, and use as
Argument in each case the statement of an imm.104
The verses inspired the littrateur as-Smarr, who died, in his eighties, in
696/12961297, to a satirical poem directed against Jaml-ad-dn Ibn al-Yazd.
The pretext for the poem was that Judge adr-ad-dn Ibn San-ad-dawlah105 had
declared Ibn al-Yazd an adl, bestowed a judicial robe (aylasn) upon him, and
admitted him to serve as an official witness (attorney):
It is all right to drink wine in Raman
And to play the lute at the time of the adhn
And to whore with women and boys in Gods sanctuary
And to omit prayer accompanied by reading the Qurn,
Now that al-Yazd, in the streets of Damascus,
Makes the rounds of the bars (nt) in his aylasn.
Now I am entitled to be a prophet
And to have as a friend of mine at-Tilimsn.106
O you adls of Damascus! The judge has generously
Bestowed safety from prosecution upon his friends.
Gamble, drink, pander, and commit
Pederasty, wickedness, and heresy in safety!
Do no longer try to keep wickedness under cover,
For there is no need any longer for secrecy.
96
104
105
106
Cf. Nashwn al-imyar, al-r al-n, 261 f. (Cairo 1948); shkprzdeh, Mift assadah, I, 49 f. shkprzdeh refers to related verses on wine attributed to Ab Nuws.
Amad b. Yay b. San-ad-dawlah (not San) (590658/11941260) was chief judge of
Damascus. The exact lifetime of Ibn al-Yazd is not known to me.
The reference may be to the Mahd expected to appear in Northwestern Africa, possibly to some contemporary pseudo-Mahd from Tlemcen. A reference to the poet Ibn
al-Aff at-Tilimsn (661688/12631289) would presuppose that the judge was not adrad-dn but his son Najm-ad-dn Muammad (616680/1219 or 12201281) and that there
was a story making the rounds of young Ibn al-Aff having mystical and messianic aspirations.
431
The verses, it should be reported, had the desired effect of making the
judge forbid Ibn al-Yazd to function as a witness, but Ibn al-Yazd succeeded
in getting back into the good graces of as-Smarr, who then wrote a poem
somewhat ironically retracting his accusations.107 The reference to gambling
here is casual, but it deserves notice, since gambling was often omitted from
such catalogues of immoral activities.
Even on a supposedly more scholarly level, Mlikite school bias could suggest that some Shfiites declared board games (chess?) permitted, and this led
to playing the game in madrasahs, and if a student was not able to recite the
Qurn, he even played in the mosque; they also falsely stated, the Mlikites
said, that the men around Muammad and the men of the second generation
were players.108
The situation with respect to sporting games was very different from that of
board and related games, in that they were expressly allowed and encouraged
by adth and sunnah, at least as far as horse racing, camel racing, and shooting were concerned.109 For the ancient Romans, sports were a virtus which
excepted them from any prohibition of gambling.110 They remained part of a
Muslims murwah. Their military usefulness was so obvious that shooting and
racing (an-nil wa-s-sibq) could stand for battle.111 Since war was understood to be an activity directed against | unbelievers, they served the cause of
Islam. In order to illustrate the proposition that whenever God forbade something, He replaced it with something better, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah states that
He forbade them to gamble and substituted for it the consumption of property
through competitions with horses, camels, and arrows useful for Islam.112 The
italicized words refer to Qurn 4:29/33 and make it clear that any money spent
on such activities does not fall under the prohibition of worthless frivolity.
Some jurists supposedly argued that racing was not permitted, on the
grounds that the Prophet had permitted it before gambling (qimr, mukharah) was done in connection with it. However, later it was forbidden. Their
107
108
109
110
111
112
Cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 123.

Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, VIII, 339, quoting Ibn al-Arabs Qabas (on the Muwaa of Mlik).
A manuscript of the Qabas is preserved in Fez, cf. J. Schacht, in tudes dOrientalisme
Lvi-Provenal, 282 (Paris 1962).
See above, p. 46; Concordance, I, 480a1618. For the traditional material, cf. Ibn Ab
Shaybah, Muannaf, fols. 98a101b.
Cf. Der kleine Pauly, s.v. alea (Stuttgart 1964).
Cf. Arabian Nights, ed Macnaghten, IV, 140, trans. Littmann, V, 490 (28th night).
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Rawat al-muibbn, 9.
97
432
argument was refuted by reference to the fact that some traditions show that it
was still considered permissible after the prohibition of gambling had been proclaimed.113 This probably was a fictitious problem. The only gambling problem
of major concern to jurists in connection with these sports was the provenience
of the prize money. When does the existence of prizes indicate forbidden gambling, and when, if at all, are stakes proper and permissible? Three possibilities were regularly considered: (1) The prize is put up by a non-participant.
(2) It comes from one participant. Or (3) it comes from both participants.
There were many different words for the prize in old times, such as sabaq,
khaar, nadab, qara, and wajab.114 Sometimes, khal and nadab appear to be
thought of as restricted to shooting competitions. Rahn is another term which
was of old used for racing stakes. Iwa compensation became the preferred
term in the legal discussion, possibly in order to indicate that the prize money
was meant to compensate the participants in a competition for the expenses
necessary for qualifying, or, more likely, as an ordinary term of commercial
law. As a lucid exposition of the stake problem, we may quote once more the
Shfiite al-Imrn (who, it should be noted, polemicizes against views held by
Mlikites):
It is permissible for the compensation to be paid by the suln from
public funds (bayt al-ml) or his own private funds. For Ibn Umar has
reported that the Prophet raced horses and put up a | prize for them. Also,
such competitions encourage the study of horsemanship and archery,
resulting in greater power for waging the jihd and well-being (al) for
the Muslims. Mlik says that it is not permitted without being sanctioned
by the imm (the authorities in power) (li-ghayr imm). The proof for
our view is that it is spending property in the public interest (malaah),
and thus is all right without being sanctioned by the imm, as is the
endowment of horses for the holy war ( f sabl Allh).
It is permissible for the prize to be put up by one of the two (participants). He would say: I put up a prize of ten115 for racing you (sabbaqtuka);
98
113
114
115
Cf. Fail ar-ramy, Ms. Istanbul Veliuddin 3175, fol. 106ab.

Cf. Lisn, II, 251, XI, 138, indicating Ibn al-Arb as his authority. The information does not
appear in Ibn al-Arbs treatise on the names of famous horses published by G. Levi Della
Vida. However, it could hardly be expected to be included in that treatise.
The use of ten appears to be somehow connected with the ten camels of the old maysir
stories (above, p. 73), but here, ten no doubt refers to money, and not to camels. In the
heroic chess game of Masrr and Zayn al-Mawif in the Arabian Nights (see below, Ch. V,
n. 30), the initial wager was ten dnrs.
433
if you defeat me, they are yours, and if I defeat you, I do not owe you
anything, and you do not owe me anything. Mlik says that this is not
allowed. The proof for our view is the report that the Prophet passed by
two groups of Anr engaged in a shooting competition where one group
had put up a prize for the other. The Prophet told them: Shoot! I am with
Ibn al-Adra.116 Whereupon the people there held back their hands and
bows and said: O Messenger of God, the group on whose side you are
will (always) win. But he said: Go on shooting! I am on the side of all of
you.
It is permissible for the prize to be put up by both (participants), on
condition that they enter in addition a muallil upon a horse comparable
to their horses. If (the muallil) defeats them, he gets the prize, and if
he is defeated, he gets nothing. If each of the two (participants) puts
up property (for a prize) and they do not enter a muallil, it is not all
right. Mlik says: It is not all right, if the property is put up by the two,
regardless whether or not there is a muallil with them. A-abar and
Ibn a-abbgh117 say that this view was held by Ibn Khayrn. The proof
for our view is the statement of the Prophet: When someone enters a
horse in addition to the two horses and is sure that it | will be defeated,
that is gambling, but if he is not sure that it will be defeated, that is not
gambling.118 Being sure that it will be defeated means that the horse
of the muallil is slow and cannot hope to win. This is not permitted,
because then there is no difference between its being there and not being
there.119 Being not sure that it will be defeated means that it is equivalent
to the other two, as one may hope that an equivalent horse may win.120
116
117
118
119
120
Cf. the version of the story as it appears in the adth collections (Concordance, II, 310a24
25) and Ibn ajar, Fat, VI, 431 f.; Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, I, 190. Cf. also Ibn Qayyim alJawzyah, Fursyah, 4, 9, 39, 58 f.
Ab Al al-asan (al-usayn) b. al-Qsim a-abar, the author of the Uddah, died in
350/961, cf. Ibn an-Nadm, Fihrist, 214; al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarikh Baghdd, VIII, 87;
Ibn Khallikn, II, 76; adh-Dhahab, Ibar, II, 286. Ibn a-abbgh died in 477/1083, cf.
Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 671. Ibn Khayrn died in 310/923, or rather in 320/932, if
the day of the month and the week is correctly given in al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh
Baghdd, VIII, 53 f.
Cf. Concordance, II, 402a1517, V, 103b5556, II, 313a2627.
According to ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fols. 88a, 90a, it would be meaningless (laghw l
man lah).
Cf. al-Imrn, Bayn, fol. 78b. anafism as represented by ash-Shaybn holds substantially the same view, cf. a-aw (above, Ch. II, n. 213).
99
434
100
Mlikites viewed the situation as follows: (1) It is generally permissible for

the prize to be put up by one of the participants. If he wins, the prize is to be
consumed (umah) by those present. If there are more than two participants,
the prize goes to the runner-up, if the participant who put up the prize wins.
The prize may also be established by non-participants, such as the authorities
in power (al-imm). (2) It is generally not permissible for both or all participants to put up prizes all of which would go to the winner. This is gharar, qimr,
maysir, khir, forbidden in the Qurn. (3) Opinions differ as to the permissibility for two or more participants to put up a prize to go to the winner. If
the person who put up the prize wins, he gets it. Mlik disagreed. Sad b. alMusayyab considered it permissible. (Abdallh b. Najm) Ibn Shs (d. 616/1219)
considered it not permitted, if he wins, and if he loses, it becomes umah and
does not belong to the winner. The muallil is definitely not permitted according to Mlik. Mliks reason, according to Ibn al-Mawwz (180269/796883, or
281/895) as quoted by Ibn Ynus (a-iqill, d. 451/1059), was that a prize had
to be paid out in every case (regardless as to who was the winner?, yajib ikhrj
as-sabaq bi-kull l). The Mlikite jurist Ibn Rushd considered the situation the
same whether there was one, or more than one, muallil entered in a race or
archery contest. However, if there are many muallils and few contestants, the
risk (gharar) is smaller, and the competition becomes more permissible in such
cases.121
Questions of detail that had to be considered were numerous. If two participants put up prizes for a larger field, it would seem to create a situation
analogous to the presence of a muallil, but this probably rarely if ever happened in practice, and it does not seem to have been discussed. If there are
three or more horses in a race, the prize for second place must not be the
same as that for the winner. If it is less, the preferred view is that it is permitted.122
The establishment of the prize by the ruling authorities (imm, suln, wl)
was a simple matter, if the ruler himself had no horse | of his own in the race.
It is much more debatable what the situation is, if he does have a horse of
his own running and that horse happens to be the winner. This may not have
been an uncommon occurrence. According to ad-Dimy, most ulam permit
participation of the donor in the race, on condition that he will donate the prize
to charity, if he wins (in sabaqa abasa sabaqah).123 A private individual (rajul
121
122
123
Cf. Abdallh b. Maymn, Ifdah, Ms. Istanbul Kprl I, 1213, fols. 172a174a.
Cf. ar-Rfi, Muarrar, fol. 111b.
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 89a.
435
min an-ns) who has no horse of his own in a race also qualifies as the donor of
a prize, if he does so voluntarily.124
If the prize is put up by one of two contestants, it remained for the jurists to
decide to whom the prize would go, if the donor was the winner. In this eventuality, if there are two participants, those present at the race (as spectators)
would get the prize. If there are more than two, the prize would go the horse
coming in in second place.125
The establishment of a prize by whoever did it was a contract (aqd). As such
it had to be considered under contract law. It was debated whether the contract
was binding (lzim) or not binding ( jiz). This affected its possible dissolution
after being in force, additions to it, the refusal to go through with it completely,
its dissolution upon the death of one of the contractors, and the obtaining of
security for it.126 According to Shfiism, which considered it a binding contract,
it was enforceable, and if the loser refused to pay up, he could be forced to
do so. Others thought that the contract was not binding but something like
an award ( julah). This was merely a theoretical distinction. For example,
someone who promises another person a reward, if he brings back a runaway
slave, continues having a choice; but when the other does return the slave, then
it becomes an enforceable debt. Analogously, once the race is in fact lost, the
loser faces an enforceable debt.127 A anafite argued that the loser might not
have to pay the stake he loses in a race run with a muallil, although use of
such a stake is perfectly legal, in contrast to gambling winnings which nobody
is allowed to use; if he refuses to make payment, nothing can be done about it
legally.128
Al-Imrn appears to have thought of a binding contract but one restricted
to dealing with a known compensation, either (available at the time the competition takes place) in its specific form or at some later date (imm muayyanan
aw f dhimmah wa-idh kn f dhimmah jz an yakn llan wa-muajjalan). He
also envisions the case of one of the contestants saying to the other: I have put
124
125
126
127
128
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 88b. Other expressions for private individual are wid
min ur an-ns (ar-Rfi, Muarrar, fol. 111a) or d ar-rayah (Ms. Yale L-774, see below,
n. 144; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 68).
Cf. Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh, VII, 192. Cf. above, p. 99.
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fols. 77b78a.
Cf. Fail ar-ramy, Ms. Istanbul Veliuddin 3175, fol. 116ab.
Cf. the commentator on a-ahw in Ms. Istanbul Jarullah 718 (above, Ch. II, n. 213): wa-in
imtana an taslm al-ml ilayh fa-l jabr (Ms. tajabbur?) alayh f l-ukm wa-in sallamah
ilayh b lah wa-l yadkhul tat qawlih tal (Qurn 4:29/33). For a discussion of the
problem from the anbalite point of view, cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 69f.
101
436
102
up a prize of ten for competing with you, and if you defeat me, they are yours,
though I shall never race or shoot. He dismisses it as invalid, since it contains
the stipulation not to do what is agreed upon (mandb ilayh). This appears to be
a purely theoretical case. Another case to which he refers may have had some
practical application. Assuming that someone puts up a prize of ten for the
winner, if he himself is the loser, while, if he is the winner, the other man would
give him a qafz of wheat, this, according to ash-Shfi, would not be a valid
contract, since a contract (in order to be valid) requires that the winner owes
nothing; only the loser owes something. For if it were otherwise, the contract
would sanction what is qualified as gambling and thus be naturally illegal and
invalid.
Mlikites, however, who considered the establishment of prizes a binding
contract like contracts drawn up in connection with things or services for hire
(ijrah), permitted unequal stakes, such as one dnr against two dnrs, or
a sheep against a cow, this, of course, on the assumption that the race was
legalized by the participation of a muallil, something usually disapproved by
Mlikites, at least by Mlik himself.129 A form for a written agreement to be used
in archery contests, specifying the sums involved, is mentioned in the Kitb
al-Hidyah f ilm as-sabq wa-r-rimyah.130
anbalites, as represented by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, considered what
kind of contract was involved and whether it could be compared to contracts
dealing with hire (ijrah), awards ( julah), partnership (mushrakah), vows
and obligations (nudhr, iltizmt), or promises and gifts (idt, tabarrut). Ibn
Qayyim al-Jawzyah reached the conclusion that is was none of these but rather
a special type of contract in its own right.130a
There were many details to be discussed in law books dealing with fur. It
was, for instance, necessary to discuss shooting rules with respect to distance
and targets. It had to be decided who was to be declared the winner in a
close race. Ar-Rfi, following an-Nawaw, for instance, mentions the shoulder
in camel races, the neck or forelegs in horse races. Ad-Dimy considers the
horses ears or its withers as decisive for determining the winner.131 Races
129 Cf. Abdallh b.Maymn, Ifdah, Ms. Istanbul KprlI, 1213, fol. 164ab.
130 Ms. Istanbul Veliuddin 3177, fol. 57b. See also Ms. Istanbul Veliuddin 3175. fol. 114b.
130a Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 7578, followed by a discussion. of whether the
contract is lzim or jiz (78 f., 98) and what stipulations might invalidate it (87f.).
131 Cf. ar-Rfi, Muarrar, fol. 268a, and ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 90b. Mlikism considered the neck (al-hdi aw bauh) or the buttocks (al-kafal aw bauh), cf. Abdallh b.
Maymn, Ifdah, Ms. Istanbul Kprl I, 1213, fol. 172a. Cf. also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah,
Fursyah, 102.
437
between different species of animals and between different kinds of horses

were frequently not considered permissible.132 Accidents in horse races and
shooting competitions require repetition of the contest, according to a Mlikite
view. This applies to such matters as a bow breaking or a jockey being thrown
from his horse. If the horse suffers a broken (leg) or the archer breaks his hand,
the contest may be declared void, but another opinion has it that nothing of the
sort would stop a competition, at least a horse race. Ibn al-Mawwz contended
that if the rider falls from the horse and the horse runs without a rider (uryan)
and someone else jumps on it and brings it in, it is considered the winner, but
there were divergent views.133
As far as gambling is concerned, the most important element was the muallil, the technical term for a person whose presence legalizes an activity that otherwise would be illegal. His presence distinguishes the shape (rah) of horse
racing and arrow shooting from the shape of gambling, as the requirement of
the wals presence in arranging a marriage distinguishes the shape of marriage from that of unlawful intercourse.134 In horse racing, we also encounter
the less technical dakhl, an entry by an outsider.135 The muallil would get
both prizes in case he wins. Or, if there is a dead heat between the muallil
and one of the other two entries, they would | share the prize.136 If the muallil
comes in second between the other two, the more convincing view (ahar
al-wajhayn) is that the winner gets the losers prize (and the muallil gets nothing).137
The presence of the muallil, we may assume, eliminates gambling, because
he does not lose anything and might gain only without having risked anything,
so that there are not only winners and losers in a race.138 Or, as is stated by
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
Some jurists considered races between horses and camels unobjectionable, cf. Abdallh
b. Maymn, Ifdah, Ms. Istanbul Kprl I, 1213, fols. 167b168a.
Op. cit. (n. 132), fols. 174b175a. For broken bows and arrows and the like, cf. Ibn Qayyim
al-Jawzyah, Fursiyah, 96 f.
Cf. Ibn Abd-as-Salm, Qawid, II, 184.
Cf. Lane, 622c. Cf. also the brief discussion of horse racing in Ibn Abd Rabbih, Iqd, I, 177f.
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 89a. We can only surmise that in case all three came in
at the same time, each would get one-third of the prizes.
Cf. ar-Rfi, Muarrar, fol. 111b, following an-Nawaws Minhj. Cf. also Ms. Yale L-774,
fol. 49a, from al-Bayhaq (d. 458/1066) (?).
As it was put by al-Ja ar-Rz, in commenting on a-aws Mukhtaar (above, Ch. II,
n. 213): If the winner takes and the loser gives, with no (participant) but the two, it is
qimr. Ms. Yale L-774, fol. 49a, stresses that gambling really means that everybody either
wins or loses something (aqqat al-qimr huwa an yakn kull wid imm ghnim aw
ghrim); this is not the case when a muallil is present. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah,
103
438
104
ad-Dimy, the entrance of the muallil in the race indicates that the purpose
is the race as such, whereas, if only the contestants who contribute the prize
money participate in it, the risking of property (mukharah) would be the
purpose of the race.139 Mlikism usually did not accept the muallil as a viable
solution of the gambling problem.140 More surprisingly, the strict anbalite Ibn
Taymyah also did not approve of the muallil and defended his theory very vigorously.141 The Shfiite as-Subk pointed out in rejecting Ibn Taymyahs view
that Ibn Taymyah considered first as sound, but then as weak, the muallil
adth as transmitted by Sufyn b. usayn < (Ibn Shihb) az-Zuhr < Sad b. alMusayyab < Ab Hurayrah (there is another, more defective chain of transmitters, which, however, also includes the well-known az-Zuhr). As-Subk argued
on the basis of the gambling involved which would make racing for stakes put
up by the two contestants illegal, if there is no muallil. Or, if the argument
from gambling were not admitted, such racing would | fall under the general
prohibition (expressed by the Prophet) concerning property (and blood and
honor), which puts the burden of proof of permissibility on those who want to
spend any property for any purpose.142 Ibn Taymyahs known disapproval of
the device of the muallil caused some trouble to the anbalite Ibn Qayyim
al-Jawzyah in the year 746/1345. He had written a treatise on the subject and
apparently found much sympathy for this view, especially among the powerful
Turks (because, we can be sure, it enabled them to race without those troublesome outsiders, while at the same time not worrying about the gambling
problem). He was forced by the Shfiite authorities to accede to the majority
opinion.143 A very lengthy discussion (Fursyah, 2061, 74) does indeed make
it quite clear that he shared Ibn Taymyahs view on the subject. Only about five
pages of it are devoted to what could perhaps create the impression of favoring
the muallil, and these few pages are placed right in the middle of many pages
139
140
141
142
143
39 (cf. also 59), quotes the same argument, adding that the presence of the muallil makes
the prize an award ( jul) for him, so that the contract law applying to julah would govern
the situation.
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 89a.
Cf. also the brief discussion of all sorts of racing and shooting competitions in the Mukhtaar of the fourteenth-century Khall, trans. G.-H. Bousquet, I, 219f. (Algiers 1956).
Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Hd, al-Uqd ad-durryah, 45, 323 (Cairo 1356/1938, reprint Beirut, n. y.
[1974?]). Ibn Taymyah himself incidentally discussed the muallil adth in his Fatw,
III, 121 f. It should be kept in mind that Ibn Taymyah was hostile to the use of legal ruses.
Cf. as-Subk, Fatw, II, 421 f.
Cf. Ibn Kathr, Bidyah, XIV, 216 (Cairo 13511358), cited by H. Laoust, in EI2, s.v. Ibn ayyim
al-Djawziyya.
439
of obviously negative comment. It would be impossible for anyone to misunderstand Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyahs intention, which was to make a convincing
case against the muallil in behalf of Ibn Taymyah and his followers.
Five folios in Ms. Yale L-774144 provide additional information in this connection. The title-page (fol. 45a) has the title Juz f muallil al-mus(baqah).
The treatise is incomplete at the end. The slightly damaged first lines at the
beginning inform us that the treatise was a response from Damascus to one
on the subject from Egypt. It contains a detailed discussion of the individuals concerned with the transmission of the muallil adth and stresses their
weakness. The main argument is that if the hope for gain and the fear of loss
characterize gambling, the presence of the muallil adds to both. Thus, instead
of eliminating the danger of gambling, it in fact makes it greater. The incidence
of loss is greater, because each one of the two contestants loses, if the muallil is
the winner, and for each of them the chance of being defeated is greater when
running against two, the other contestant and the muallil, than when running
against one. The chance of gain is smaller, since a contestant | would have to
defeat only one opponent in order to win, if there is no muallil, while he has
to defeat two opponents, if there is a muallil. This, together with the weakness
of the adth and the strange arrangement that there is someone who like the
muallil stands only to gain at the expense of others and has nothing to lose,
appears, in the view of the author, to do away with the muallil as a helpful
device for eliminating the gambling quandary.
Who was the author? He mentions the Shar at-Tanbh of Ibn ar-Rafah, who
died in 710/1310. More important, he quotes the Egyptian author, to whom he
responded, as directly reporting information (akhbaran min kitbih) from
Ibrhm b. Muammad al-Makk Ra-ad-dn a-abar, who died as an old
man in 722/1322.145 While he is unlikely to have been Ibn Taymyah himself,
he belonged clearly to his school and might very well have been none other but
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah. In this case, unless it was the Fursyah, it might have
been this treatise that triggered the trouble Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah faced in
746/1345.
The laws governing horse and camel racing were easily applicable to archery
competitions. Manuals on horses and on archery were often quite technical,
and their authors saw no point in dwelling upon legal problems. When those
144
145
Cat. Nemoy, no. 1616, fols. 45a50a. Folios 50b56 do not belong to the muallil treatise.
Cf. Ibn Kathr, Bidyah, XIV, 103; Ibn ajar, Durar, I, 54 f., with some confusion in the dates;
Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart (adh-dhahab f akhbr man dhahab), VI, 56 (Cairo 13501351).
105
440
106
writing on archery did, they had hardly any modifications to propose to the
general tenor of the discussion on racing.146 Mlik, we are told on the authority of Ibn | Abd-al-Barr, preferred horse racing to shooting contests, because
shooting could be done everywhere and at all times, whereas racing was confined to certain localities and was less frequent (and, consequently, constituted
much less of a distraction).147 The presence of the muallil is mentioned as a
necessity in archery contests for stakes, if they were put up by both contestants.148 However, the impression prevails that it was not an issue of the same
dimensions that it was made out to be in horse racing. Presumably, it was much
more common in archery than in racing for any worthwhile stakes to be put up
by non-participants, such as rulers eager to increase the effectiveness of their
bowmen.
Horse racing laws also provided the basis for the legal discussion of many
other kinds of sports contests. Ad-Dimy quotes the opinion of A (d. 114
115/732733) that racing with everything is permitted,149 but naturally adds
that this is an appropriate statement only if it is understood that such racing
would not be for stakes. The gambling proviso is also implied in the view that
holds that all such activities are basically permissible by law:
146
147
148
149
Modern discussions of archery based upon the sources say nothing on gambling, cf., for
instance, J. Hein, Bogenhandwerk und Bogensport bei den Osmanen, in Der Islam, XIV
(1925), 289360; N. Faris and R.P. Elmer, Arab Archery (Princeton 1945); or Latham and
Paterson (above, Ch. II, n. 248).
Rather detailed in his legal discussion is Abdallh b. Maymn, Ifdah, written approximately between 1250 and 1350. Of the three manuscripts preserved in Istanbul in the
Kprl Library, I, 12111213, the last one has usually been quoted here, because it often,
though not always, appears to have the better text.
Ms. Istanbul Veliuddin 3175 contains the Wi of a-abar on fols. 1b100b (cf. Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 906, and, for a brief description of the contents, Hein, 305). It is
followed on fols. 101a190b by a Kitb Fail ar-ramy wa-ilm ar-rimyah, which pays much
attention to the legal situation. The most prominent isnd occurring in it all the time is
Judge Ibn al-Ashyab on the authority of Ibn Ab d-duny. The same isnd (Ab Muammad Abdallah b. al-usayn ar-Raqq [?] Ibn al-Ashyab Ibn Ab d-duny) also appears in
the Kitb al-Hidyah f ilm as-sabq wa-r-rimyah, Ms. Istanbul Veliuddin 3177. As J.A. Bellamy kindly informs me, Ibn al-Ashyab is to be identified with Ms b. al-Qsim b. Ms b.
al-asan b. Ms, who died in 377/948949, or 379/950, cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh
Baghdd, XIII, 61. Judge is probably a title inherited from his great-grandfather.
Cf. Abdallh b. Maymn, Ifdah, Ms. Istanbul Kprl I, 1213, fol. 165a. Cf. Ibn Qayyim
al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 11 ff.
Cf. Fail ar-ramy, Ms. Istanbul Veliuddin 3175, fol. 107b.
Cf. ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 78b. Cf. also Ibn ajar, Fat, VI, 413.
441
Legal (mashr) racing of horses and other animals as well as footracing

is permitted. There is nothing degrading (danah) in it, nor does it make
a persons testimony unacceptable. The same applies to corresponding
activities such as javelin and sword play (irb, thiqf ) and other games,
if they do not involve causing harm or distracting from a religious duty.
The basic assumption (al) is permissibility (ibah). And God knows
better.150
Many jurists go into the question of sports competitions in some detail. As
a sufficiently clear and comprehensive exposition we may quote the one by
al-Imrn. After discussing the two different views as to the legality of elephant
racing and dismissing mule and donkey racing as not permitted, because it has
no military value (karr wa-farr), he continues:
Foot racing without compensation (iwa) is permitted, because it has
been reported that ishah said: I raced the Prophet twice. The | first
time I defeated him, but when I grew stout, he defeated me. There
are two views as to whether foot racing for a compensation is permitted.
According to one of them, held by the Irqians, it is permitted, because
the foot soldier needs it in battle, just as he needs it on the way to the
battle (?).151 According to the other, it is not permitted. This is based
on textual evidence, and it is the view held by Ibn anbal, because the
Prophet has said: There is no prize (sabaq) except for arrows (nal), or
camels (khuff ), or horses (fir).152
Pigeon (ayr) racing without compensation is permitted. There are
two views as to whether pigeon racing for a compensation is permitted.
150
151
152
Cf. Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 4759, fol. 24a.

The text (kam yatj ilayh f l-faras li-l-qitl) is not correct. The above translation substitutes another word for faras. Perhaps, it should be emended to read, as horses are needed
in battle.
Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fols. 101b102a, has two reports on ishahs foot race with
the Prophet, one report on a foot race between one Abd-ar-Ramn (b. Awf?) and his
father, and one statement attributed to az-Zuhr that they used to race on foot. According
to a-ahw (above, Ch. II, n. 213), Muammad ash-Shaybn declared foot racing (for
a stake) permissible; the commentary of al-Ja ar-Rz refers to ishah and a race
between Salamah b. al-Akwa and an unidentified man in the presence of the Prophet.
According to ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 78a, Mlik permitted foot racing and similar
activities, if undertaken without stakes. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, II, 12, 14, declared foot racing
and wrestling permissible as body building. Cf. also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 2f.,
6.
107
442
According to one of them, (it is permitted,) because pigeons are used as an

auxiliary in war for carrying messages (al-kutub bi-l-akhbr). According to
the other, it is not permitted (in view of the adth just cited).153
Boat (sufun) racing without compensation is permitted. There are two
views as to whether boat racing for a compensation is permitted. According to one of them, it is permitted, because boats are used for fighting
on the sea, just as horses are used for fighting on land. According to the
other, it is not permitted, because of the textual evidence mentioned and
because they are not an instrument for war, but war takes place within
them.
Wrestling (muraah) without compensation is permitted. There are
two views as to whether it is permitted for a compensation. According to
one of them, held by the Irqians, it is permitted, because it is reported
that the Prophet wrestled with Yazd b. Ruknah for a sheep. The Prophet
defeated him, although he was not used to wrestling. Then Yazd b. Ruknah wrestled the Prophet again, and the Prophet defeated him again. He
did it a third time, and again the Prophet won. Thereupon, he became
a Muslim, and the Prophet returned the sheep to him.154 According to
the other view, it is not per|mitted, because of the textual evidence mentioned and because wrestling is not an instrument of war. The Prophet
wrestled with Yazd b. Ruknah, because he wanted him to become a Muslim. Therefore, when he became a Muslim, he returned his sheep to him.
Competition with Arab bows and non-Arab bows is permitted with and
without compensation, because of the Prophets statement.
Competition with mazrq is permitted, because they have arrow
heads (nal) and are used for fighting. They are comparable to arrows
(sihm).
There are two views as to whether competitions with spears (rum),
swords (sayf ), and clubs (amd) are all right (aa). According to one
of them, held by Ibn anbal, it is not permitted, because of the Prophets
statement. According to the other, it is permitted, for ash-Shfi has said
108
153
154
In order to please Hrn ar-Rashd, Judge Ab l-Bakhtar (d. 199200/814816) inserted

pigeons into the adth. He thereby did no favor at all to ar-Rashds pigeon, for the caliph
had it slaughtered, because it caused someone to lie about the Prophet, cf. ad-Damr,
ayawn, I, 293; I. Goldziher, in Zeitschrift fr vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, VIII (1889),
422, reprinted in his Gesammelle Schriften, ed. J. Desomogyi (Somogyi), II, 369 (Hildesheim
1968).
Ad-Dimy, Fal al-khayl, fol. 78a, reports the story from Ab Amad al-Askar. Cf. also
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Fursyah, 3, 3335.
443
in the Kitb al-Umm that (competition is permitted) with everything by

which the enemy may be hurt, such as swords, spears, and mazrq, and
because they are weapons used in fighting. They are comparable to arrows
(nushshbah).
There are two views, reported by a-abar in the Uddah, as to whether
throwing stones from a slingshot (miql) for a compensation is permitted. According to one of themthe only one reported by Ibn aabbgh, it is not in the public interest (-l-), since it is not an instrument of war. According to the otherthe only one reported in the Muhadhdhab155, it is in the public interest, because it is an instrument of
war. It is comparable to arrows (nushshb).
The competition with anything that is not an instrument of war, such
as hitting polo balls, lifting (raf) stones, and playing the ring game, and
the like, is not permitted for a compensation, because there is no use in it
for war.156
Other Shfiites such as an-Nawaw and ar-Rfi also classified the games according to their usefulness, or the lack of it, for military preparedness. Horse
racing and shooting are classified as preferred (mustaabb), or even lzim
necessary. (Others consider the classification of necessary as a community
duty.157) The better view on racing elephants, mules, and donkeys for money is
that it is permitted, whereas pigeon flying and wrestling are not. Money may
be spent on competitions with mazrq, spears, stone throwing,158 mangonel
shooting, and other things, as being useful in war. It may not be spent on polo,
(clay) pellets (bandiq),159 swimming, chess, the ring game, standing upon one
foot, and the knowledge of what is in the others hand.160 Representatives of
Mlikism approved | of foot races, boat races, pigeon flying, stone throwing,
spear and sword play, and wrestling as activities promoting military prowess
(in the case of courier pigeons, improved communications). All of it meant discomfort for the enemy and therefore was useful for the Muslims. However, if it
155
156
157
158
159
160
By the Shfiite Ab Isq ash-Shrz (d. 476/1083). For the other two authorities, see
above, n. 117.
Cf. al-Imrn, Bayn, fols. 77b78b.
Cf. az-Zarkash (?) (above, Ch. II, n. 118), fol. 161a.
Cf. op. cit. (n. 157), fol. 161b, where throwing both by hand and by means of a slingshot are
mentioned.
Cf. Lane, 259c.
Cf. an-Nawaw, Minhj, III, 319f., and ar-Rfi, Muarrar, fol. 267ab, Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 4285,
fol. 110b.
109
444
110
was merely a competition for winning and glory, with no serious training purpose behind it, it was, with or without stakes ( jul), immoral gambling.161
The criterion of usefulness in war was an ingenious invention. It eliminated
once and for all the bane of bil. It could be extended to encompass practically every kind of sport, if this seemed to be desirable. Even beyond the effective sway of Shfiism, there was no real obstacle to holding competitions and
playing games for prizes, with some minor precautions in order to avoid the
appearance of gambling. Gambling by non-participants was, of course, completely illegal under any circumstances. It was a major sin, as was participatory
gambling.
We may ask what worldly punishment awaited the gambler who was caught
at it. According to the law, gambling made him unfit to function as a witness;
we might say, in a way, he lost his civil rights. The alleged precedent of Ibn
az-Zubayr162 suggests that he might receive a beating or be reproved and
humiliated by public exposure. These were normal kinds of tazr punishment,
left to the discretion of the judge. The secular authorities might administer a
severe beating to individuals involved in the gambling business, even if they did
not gamble themselves, as shown by the story of the muammi.163 Banishment
might be considered as an effective punishment and was attempted in the case
of the poet at-Tallafar. Rather interestingly, those who would gamble with him
were threatened with the loss of a hand.164 The legal reasoning behind it, if
there was any, probably equated gambling here with theft, since | at-Tallafar
was such an easy mark with his reckless losing that gambling with him was like
stealing.
For Shah jurisdiction, exercised by the leader of the community (naqb)
over other Alids, we are fortunate in having a little gem of an anecdote involving gambling. It is reported about the Sharf ar-Ra, himself a famous poet as
we have seen. Alids who committed crimes and were brought before him could
count on severe treatment. The poor lady in our story should have been aware
of that:
161
162
163
164
A gloss in Ms. Fatih 2103 of ar-Rfi quotes the Ujb (apparently, Abd-al-Ghaffr alQazwns own commentary on his al-Lubb f ul al-fiqh, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, I, 394)
for permitting pigeon flying, wrestling, and foot racing without compensation, while forbidding sheep and cock fighting (munaat ash-shh wa-muhrashat ad-dk) with and
without compensation, as well as the other games mentioned above.
Cf. Abdallh b. Maymn, Ifdah, Ms. Istanbul Kprl I, 1213, fol. 165a.
See above, p. 92.
See below, p. 144.
See below, p. 147.
445
An Alid woman complained to him that she had small children in the
house, and her husband gambled away whatever income he received from
whatever kind of work he was doing and thus was in constant financial
difficulties. Witnesses present confirmed the truth of her complaint. The
Sharf ar-Ra summoned the husband. He was placed on his belly and
given a beating. His wife expected that the Sharf ar-Ra would call a halt
to the beating, but he let it go on, until the man had received more than a
hundred lashes with a stick. The woman now started to wail, Woe upon
my poor orphaned children! What shape will we be in, if that man dies.
The Sharf ar-Ra turned to her and addressed her sternly in these words,
Did you think you were lodging a complaint (about a child) with a school
teacher?165
The punishable offense in this case was, in fact, not so much the mans gambling
as the neglect of his duty to provide and care for his family. The truth is
that we do not hear much about gamblers being punished by either the legal
authorities or the political authorities. Social conditions affecting gambling
appear to have prevented most gambling offenses from reaching the courts.
Much of the difficult task of watching out for gambling activities and trying
to suppress them by appropriate measures was apparently left to the office of
the mutasib, the market supervisor, which filled the void between the freewheeling government jurisdiction of malim and the sharply circumscribed
sharah courts of the qs. Yet, the isbah handbooks are quite uninformative with respect to gambling. It should not be forgotten that the mutasibs
hands were severely tied when it came to transgressions committed in the privacy of ones home. Spying was permitted to his office only under special
circumstances.166 Now, gambling was often done in private. It was an indoors
activity, as stated by a scholar who attempted to explain why the adth speaks
of gambling in connec|tion with the subject of requests for permission to enter
(istidhn); the word manzil is used in this case, without any further elaboration
as to whether it was meant to signify private homes or public places or, most
probably, both.167 At any rate, the mutasib was no doubt greatly handicapped
in any attempts he might have made to supervise gambling.
165
166
167
Cf. Ibn Inabah, Umdat a-lib, 210 (an-Najaf 1381/1961). This seems to be the story to
which Mez, Renaissance, 384, n. 5, refers as to be found in Dwn des Rid, S. 3.
Cf. al-Mward, al-Akm as-sulnyah, 238 f. (Cairo 1298).
Cf. al-Ayn, Umdah, X, 516. Cf. also Ibn ajar, Fat, XIII, 335; al-Qasalln, Irshd as-sr,
IX, 172.
111
446
112
Authors of isbah works from the West of the Muslim world such as Ibn
Abdn would include a paragraph to the effect that playing chess, nard, and
qirq as well as using divination arrows by way of gambling constituted forbidden activities, since all that distracted an individual from fulfilling his religious
duties.168 Another author, a certain Umar b. Uthmn al-Jarsf, counts among
the tasks of the mutasib the prevention of gamblers (qammrn), wine merchants, and drunkards from becoming a public nuisance. It was the mutasibs
job to punish them (tadb), while avoiding any interference with the qs
jurisdiction over cases where legal punishments (udd) were involved. He
also had to stop rough play with sticks occasionally practiced by children in
the streets.169
In the large isbah work of Ibn al-Ukhwah, it is in a highly theoretical
manner that nard, chess, and pigeon fancying are discussed in connection with
the qs concern for the obligatory qualifications of official witnesses. This,
perhaps, was meant to serve as a hint that, although the mutasib should be
aware of the gambling problem, it was not really a concern of his.170 Strangely
enough, gambling was referred to by ash-Shayzar and Ibn al-Ukhwah among
the duties of teachers. They are advised to beat children for bad behavior, the
use of foul language, and other actions deviating from the sharah norm, such
as playing with dice (astragals?, kab, kib), eggs, nard, and all kinds of gambling
(qimr).171
No concrete cases illustrating how the mutasib dealt with actual instances
of gambling were envisaged in this literature. As always, it is difficult to penetrate to the realities of daily life through Muslim legal scholarship. Since gambling did not belong to the subjects considered central by the legal tradition,
the difficulty is greater than usual.
168
169
170
171
Cf. Ibn Abdn, ed. . Lvi-Provenal, Documents arabes indits, 53 (Cairo 1955), trans, in
his Sville musulmane, 118 (Paris 1947) (where qirq is translated dames).
Cf. . Lvi-Provenal, Documents arabes indits, 123f. Ibn Abdn (Documents, 52, Sville,
117) also mentions the stick game, for which see above, p. 59.
Cf. Ibn al-Ukhwah, text 213f., trans. 85 f.
Cf. al-Shayzar, Nihyat ar-rutbah, ed. as-Sayyid al-Bz al-Arn, 103f. (Cairo 1365/1946),
and Ibn al-Ukhwah, text 171, trans. 60. The reference to al-Mward in Mez, Renaissance,
384, n. 6, could not be traced to the passage indicated. It mentions supervision of gambling
dens by the mutasib.
chapter four
Gambling in Belles Lettres

The law reveals the degree to which human activities have become institutionalized in a given society. Their reflection in its non-utilitarian literature and
their imprint upon language beyond the ordinary requirements of basic communication show that they have acquired another dimension and have undergone transformation from purely factual reality to intellectual and emotional
existence. They are then present in individual and collective consciousness or
subconsciousness not only when they happen to take place but as more or
less permanent and often essential factors determining the societys lifestyle.
Therein lies the importance of the information conveyed to us by belles lettres,
in addition to what we may learn from them in factual terms. The unreality of
the human imagination confirms, and as much as possible perpetualizes, the
meaning of reality.
For any proper evaluation of the linguistic and literary evidence, the quantitative element plays a certain role. Where the totality of documents available
to us is small and the linguistic situation imperfectly known, a single reference
carries great weight. Where all that is as enormously plentiful and varied as it
is among Muslim peoples, a single reference, or even a few, could owe their
existence to uncharacteristic special circumstances and require being viewed
in that light. Quantity is never easy to judge. It is determined not only by the
uncertainties of preservation but also by the limits placed upon the exhaustiveness of research. No doubt, the material presented in this chapter should
be multiplied many hundred times by anyone attempting to weigh its significance as indicated by its quantity. As has been stated before (above, pp. 6 f.
[pp. 342f. Ed]), the problem of quantitation in a way affects everything that
can be said about gambling in Islam. However, it becomes most crucial where
language and poetry, the greatest constants of Muslim civilization, are under
scrutiny.
Wherever there is gambling, a gambling slang is created, in order to forge a
linguistic bond among the true initiates. Like every slang, it constantly renews
itself, but also leaves some permanent traces in speech. Gamblers in Islam
can thus be assumed to have had such a | language of their own. Thanks
to a passage in one of the works of at-Tawd, this assumption becomes an
attested fact. In his heroic effort to demolish the reputation of the ib Ibn
Abbd, at-Tawd does not omit to blame him for the use of coarse and vulgar language. He tells us that Ibn Abbd learned from al-Aqa, who is char-
113
114
448
115
acterized as a robber and gambler (li muqmir) of bad reputation, the

speech (kalm) of a certain type of beggars (mukaddn), the low-key conversation (munghh) of another type (shadhn), and the ways of expression
(ibrah) used by gamblers and persistent dice players.1 At-Tawd does not
spell out what he meant by the different terms he employed for those argots.
The ibrah of the gamblers might possibly be a term indicating not a fully
developed slang but rather hinting at the occasional use of a special terminology, such as sixes and fives,2 words for cheating, and so on. No extensive
specimen of their way of talking seems to have been preserved in the literature (none, at any rate, has been identified as such so far), so that we have
to rely for our knowledge on whatever stray indications we may happen to
find. Owing to the highly conservative character of literary Arabic, later slang
coinages were hardly able to make inroads into it to the extent gambling terms
had succeeded in doing during earlier stages of the development of Arabic,
witness the numerous words for gambling competitions and prizes, and the
like.
Both poetry and artistic prose adopted some gambling imagery in their vast
vocabulary. Very little of it filtered down into more ordinary prose. Horse racing
had the most prominent share of all games and sports in enriching the language. The competing animals could originally have been camels, but it would
seem much more likely that they were horses from the start. The root s-b-q3
sometimes clearly states, and more often implies, the idea of being out in front
as the winning participant in competitive intellectual activities. | albah, maydn, mimr, all designating places where race horses were trained and competed with each other, were commonly used terms in this connection. Rather
bluntly and prosaically, it could be maintained that poetry is a hippodrome,
and the poets are horses.4 A successful poet could be praised as the winner on
the race track of poets (sabbq albat ash-shuar).5 Than al-Ji there was
1 Cf. at-Tawd, Akhlq al-wazrayn, 185. See above, Ch. II, n. 145, and below, Ch. V, n. 73.
2 See below, Ch. V, n. 49. Puzzling expressions can always be expected to show up. Thus, we
hear myah described as something of the tools of gamblers, cf. as-Sakhw, aw, IX, 271.
Myah is the rhyme word in a mawly, thus its pronunciation is assured. It may be a Persian
word.
3 S-b-q is etymologically related to Aramaic -b-q to leave, to leave behind. At an older stage
of Semitic, the root developed from a causative of *b-q, which further yielded Arabic b-q-y.
Cf. C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen, I, 522
(Berlin 19081913).
4 Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, i, 8, l. 4.
5 Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, i, 44.
gambling in belles lettres
449
no greater winner in the hippodrome of artistic style (m raaytu asbaq minhu

f maydn al-bayn). Immediately thereafter, in the same passage, it is said that
with respect to artistic style, God placed into his hand the rod (qaab) of victory, namely, the measuring rod that served as the goal post. It is described as
having been placed in the center of the finish line; it was seized (za, araza)
by the winner who was thereby entitled to claim the offered prize (khaar).
Simpler terms were further employed for additional praise of the great littrateur. He is extolled as not being surpassed ( yusbaq) or even reached ( yulaq),
whether he writes in a serious or humorous vein.6 The shabby triteness finally
achieved by the metaphor comes through clearly in these fourteenth-century
verses:
When he gets into the hippodrome of each virtue,
He grasps the rods of first place on a racing day,
Having run to seize the virtues and high accomplishments,
Not having been reined in and restrained from going to the limits of
them.7
An author may describe his father as reaching the goal before (asbaq il
l-ghyah) someone else with respect to using Qurnic verses in his poetry
(iqtibs), and thus afterwards having mourned a servant in verses guaranteeing
him that he would obtain the prize in the race (iyzat khal as-sibq).8 A great
scholar constantly | seizes the rod of victory on the race tracks of science,9 and
a littrateur could do the same on those of adab.10 A religious zealot who led
Cf. at-Tawd, Bair, I, 231f. For qaab, cf. the dictionaries, for instance, al-Azhar, Tahdhb, VIII, 382; Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, III, 287; Lisn, II, 171; Lane, 2529b. Cf. also at-Tawd,
Bair, I, 367, l. 2.
Cf. al-Qr, Mala an-nayyirayn, Mss. Istanbul Fatih 3861, fol. 46a, and Topkapsaray
Ahmet III 2627, fol. 52b:
idh ra f mimri kulli falatin
aw qaabti s-sabqi yawma rihni
jar nawa irzi l-faili wa-l-ul
fa-m kaffa an ghytih bi-inni.
8
9
10
Cf. al-Bkharz, Dumyat (al-qar), ed. Abd-al-Fatt M. al-il, I, 377f. (Damascus 1388
/1968).
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, IV, i, 141, ll. 10 f., cf. also I, ii, 258, l. 11, etc.
Cf. ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, I, 312. Cf. also, for instance, the common gather-
116
450
a compaign against wine shops may ironically be addressed as someone who,

in order to set the broken bones of Islam, broke those wine vessels and did it
so energetically that he seized the prize in the race of breaking and setting.11
Ability may be concealed in the beginning, and its presence be unknown, just
as the front runner in a race is not always the winner at the end. The winner is
known only when the race is over:
Not being out in front does me no harm.
Who the winner is (as-sabq) is known at the end of the course (mimr).
117
This verse, the first of two, was composed by Lisn-ad-dn Ibn al-Khab. The
couplet seems to have greatly pleased Ibn Khaldn. He had not learned it from
its author but had his permission to quote it. He quoted it to his student Ibn
ad-Dammn.12
Graeco-Arabic translation literature brought the simile of horse racing into
the context of ethical ideas ascribed to Socrates. Socrates said to his disciples:
He who does not train ( yu[am]mir) his soul in the mimr where (horses)
are exercised, is not the first to reach the goal of good (qualities and actions),
because he does not get to the limit of wisdom.13 Just as being the winner
is good, being the loser is bad, and fiskil the horse coming in last takes
on the meaning of mean, base.14 Running on (someone elses) race track
was in ordinary use as a deprecating metaphor for doing what others do, for
descending to the level of another person,15 or, with the negation, | for not
accomplishing as much as someone else, as we would say, deriving a metaphor
from another sport, not playing in his league.
11
12
13
14
15
ing the rods of victory, see Ibn al-Labbnah, in al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Western poets), ed. M. al-Marzq, M. al-Ars al-Maw (?), al-Jln Ibn al-jj Yay, and
dhartsh dharnsh, II, 122 (Tunis 1966, 1971) (not in the edition of U. ad-Dasq and A.
Abd-al-Am, Cairo, n. y. [1964]).
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, i, 364.
Cf. Ibn ad-Dammn, Nuzl al-Ghayth alladh insajam f shar Lmyat al-Ajam, Mss.
Escorial 560, fol. 6b, and 325, fol. 4b (Escorial 560 is the older and better manuscript). For
Ibn ad-Dammns contact with Ibn Khaldn, cf. as-Sakhw, aw, VII, 186. The verses
are quoted in Ibn ajar, Durar, III, 473.
Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, 121.
Cf. al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 6; Lane, 2398c. For fiskil, see above, p. 49, and, for the possible
origin of the word, S. Fraenkel, Die aramischen Fremdwrter im Arabischen, 106.
As in a saying attributed to Aristotle, cf. The Sayings of the Four Philosophers, which form
the subject of a Yale doctoral dissertation by D. Gutas (1974). [Published in D. Gutas, Greek
Wisdom Literature in Arabic Translation, New Haven 1975, p. 201, saying 75. Ed.]
451
Two horses engaged in a race ( faras rihn)16 was a figure of speech for
individuals engaged in a contest. The Prophet is said to have compared his
relationship in time to the Last Hour with two horses engaged in a race.17
A husband and wife involved in a complicated divorce situation may be so
described.18 In both cases, it is a very close contest, whether with respect to
reaching the goal or, as explained in the sources, with respect to the start of
the race.19 In any case, faras rihn came to signify being the same20 or being
co-equal.21 If the plural was used instead of the dual, it was possible in a rather
tortuous manner to speak of the three race horses of poetry, prose, and logic
which, when one of them was attacked, were all affected.22
The gambling aspect of racing is naturally much less in the foreground
of all these usages than is the sporting aspect of it. The latter would seem
to be completely dominant where the shooting of arrows, the arrow hitting
the target, was employed as a metaphor for correctness and success, which
was commonplace. Still, the widespread use of the arrow coming out, being
drawn ( fawz al-qid) to indicate high accomplishment and success represents
a gambling metaphor which could well be called the only lasting legacy of the
old maysir game. It was rarely used with a negation, to draw an arrow that is
not winning, for the opposite meaning.23 While the arrow is often specified
for good measure as being al-muall, the one to which the largest number
of shares was assigned in maysir, such an addition was not necessary and
probably was often felt to | be too much of a clich and therefore something
better be done without. Of an individual highly accomplished in both poetry
and prose, it might be said that he drew the two muall arrows in both
places, but the simple my arrow came out was good enough to convey the
intended meaning.24 Numerous minor variations were invented. Thus it could
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
Cf. ath-Thalib, Thimr al-qulb, 287; al-Maydn, Arabum Proverbia, II, 362. See also
ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, II, 325.
Cf. Concordance, II, 313a25; Ibn anbal, Musnad, V, 331.
This passage occurs in what is called a tradition of a-ak (b. Muzim?), cf. al-Azhar,
Tahdhb, XII, 406b; Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, III, 208; Lisn, VIII, 40; Lane, 2367c.
Cf. ad-Damr, ayawn, II, 239.
Referring to body and spirit, cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, IV, 397, trans. Littmann,
VI, 52 (910th night).
Cf. al-Brn, Tadd nihyt al-amkin, ed. P.G. Bulgakov, in Revue de lInstitut des Manuscrits Arabes, VIII (1962 [1964]), 28, trans. Jamil Ali, 6 (Beirut 1967).
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, ii, 36, l. 19.
Cf. at-Tawd, Imt, II, 137, 165. Cf. also al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 273, 503.
118
452
be said that he hit the highest arrow (sahm) and most successful (afwaz)
arrow (qid) in commerce,25 and matters of this sort. Friends could be told
that
The hands of separation played with us till it was
As if we were arrows, and they were maysir players.25a
Sometimes, if not very frequently, the gambling connection was recalled by the
addition of a word formed from the root q-m-r. At the end of a difficult peregrination, Ibn Bassm eventually came out like a (winning) arrow, when it is used
in gambling.26 Even in an elegy for al-usayn, the Sharf ar-Ra could mention
that my arrow is not defeated (qid ghayr maqmr).27 The high arrow in the
gamblers hand (sahm al-ul f yad al-qmir) suggests uncertainty,28 or unexpectedness. The search for a friend may turn out to be elusive, even when it
would seem that unexpectedly and by chance, one has found one:
Till when I say that my hand has come up
With one like him in the way of a gamblers hand,
I find what is in my palm of him to be as if
The hand of a piper were filled with it.29
119
The loser (maqmr) served occasionally to refer to a person utterly lost and
distressed.30 In a verse presumably by al-Awa, | the variant reading maghmr
obscure, abject occurs, and it is difficult to decide which reading deserves
25
25a
26
27
28
29
30
Cf. Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, ii, 102. Afwaz as-sihm appears, for instance, in at-Tawd,
Muqbast, ed. M.T. usayn, 241, no. 61 (Baghdd 1970).
Cf. Fityn ash-Shghr, Dwn, 192 (Damascus 1387/1967).
Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, 206.
Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, 178. The poet, Dwn, 225, also speaks of the feeling of
the arrow by a big gambler (kam ghamaza l-qida l-khalu l-muqmiru). This is clearly
a literary recollection of maysir practice, but if ghamaza is meant here to refer to the
handling of the arrow, this would be something for which, in the official game, the player
himself would have no opportunity, and it is, as we have seen, something to be strictly
avoided by the individual in charge of the drawing.
Cf. at-Tawd, adqah, 194. A pipers hand is filled with nothing but intangible and
disappearing air coming out of the flute. The phrase here is hardly to be connected with
az-Zmir b. Murrah, mentioned in al-Azd, ikyat Ab l-Qsim, 95, see Mezs remarks on
p. LI.
As in the proverb mentioned below, p. 120.
453
preference.31 However, a similar variant reading is also attested elsewhere, and

there the context definitely favors q-m-r: Far advanced in adab, never defeated
( yuqmar) with respect to this prize (nadab).32
There are some individual terms and roots of wide general use to which a
gambling connotation may have been attached at some early, even very early
and remote, date and in the course of time become their dominant semantic trait. All that can be said in this connection is highly conjectural, since
original meanings are usually quite beyond our grasp. For instance, it is not
entirely inconceivable that the general meaning of the root q-s-m to divide
was derived from divination practices based on casting lots. This is suggested
by the situation in Hebrew (q-s-m) and Syriac (q--m) as well as Arabic uses
of the root meaning to swear, to divine. It is a possibility that was much discussed by the philologians of the nineteenth century without, however, reaching anything approaching a consensus.33 One might also suggest that a
portion, luck is in fact to be related to the old Semitic word for arrow and
originally signified luck in gambling, even if the Semitic word survived in Arabic in a somewhat different form (awah little arrow). We are, it seems,
on less uncertain ground with other roots. Barraza in the meaning of being
outstanding was apparently a racing concept. The gambling connotation of
khaara may have been original or, at least, have been present already during the prehistory of Arabic, comparable to s-b-q. In the case of gharar risk,
the original meaning presumably was deception, but it could have been colored by its application to gambling. It would seem clear, though, that fza is
very likely to have started out from the coming out of the arrows in gambling games and then acquired the general meaning of being successful, down
to the metaphysical meaning of fawz as ultimate bliss. All these linguistic
features are ancient in the language and had largely become detached from
gambling in the speakers consciousness. For the evaluation of the role of gambling in Islamic | times, they must be written off as being of minor significance.
Material directly attested in Islamic literature must be viewed differently.
In Muslim belles lettres, prose composition takes second place to poetry; it
has also been much less studied by modern scholars. While prose literature
31
32
33
Cf. al-Ji, Bayn, II, 183f., III, 336; at-Tawd, adqah, 388. The collection of the poems
of al-Awa prepared by dil S. Jaml and Sh. ayf, 107 (Cairo 1390/1970), quotes the Bayn
as its only source for the verses.
Cf. al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 490.
Cf. E. Doutt, Magie et religion dans l Afrique du nord, 128 (Algiers 1909), who mentions
H.L. Fleischer as having assumed magic origin for the root meaning.
120
454
121
yields some references to gambling, they are fewer than those to be found
in poetry. An important prose form in the Near East was the proverb, by
right transmitted orally but also avidly pursued by medieval authors for use
in literary creations. Among Arabic proverbs, we find greedier than a losing
gambler (ama min al-maqmr). He is so greedy, because, as a somewhat
superfluous explanation spells it out for us, he always wants to get back
what he lost.34 This was the ultimate degree of self-defeating greed. It was
to be considered as something truly mean and dirty. Consequently, the phrase
greed of the losing gambler could be used as one of those fanciful epithets of
abuse which Arabic littrateurs were fond of making up.35 Putting ones hand
between one of two lost causes (maqmratn) meant chosing between two
evils.36 One of the proverbs known already to T. Erpenius in the seventeenth
century spoke of most people liking to be on the side of the winner (an-ns
aktharuhum shark al-qmir).37
We are unable to assess the extent of the spread and popularity of proverbs
such as greedier than the losing gambler or the related more ashamed than
a losing gambler.38 Individual proverbs are well known for having had a rather
short life and an uncertain geographical distribution in the Muslim world.
Proverbs such as these might possibly have enjoyed a comparatively wide
and lasting use. On the other hand, certain proverbs that entered the proverb
literature and continued being quoted in it were, in Islamic times, no | more
than literary reminiscences. All of them owed their existence to the pre-Islamic
fondness for maysir and horse racing. More of a maysir player than Luqmn
(aysar min Luqmn)39 and Meaner than a baram (alam min al-baram)40
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
Cf. amzah al-Ifahn, Durrah, 292; (Ab Hill) al-Askar, Jamharat (al-amthl), ed.
M. Ab l-Fal Ibrhm and Abd-al-Majd Qamish, II, 14 (Cairo 1384/1964); al-Maydn,
Arabum Proverbia, II, 51; az-Zamakhshar, Mustaq, I, 226; Lisn, XI, 158, s. rad. --f. Cf.
also the story of the muammi, below, p. 144.
Cf. al-Bad al-Hamadhn, Maqmt, 380 (Cairo 1381/1962), trans. Prendergast, 165.
Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, IX, 149. Perhaps, maqmrah here is the chess term meaning a game
that might be won or lost.
Cf. T. Erpenius, Grammatica Arabica, in the edition of J. Golius, II, 118 (Leiden 1656).
Al-Maydn, Arabum Proverbia, II, 798, has a slightly different version (an-ns atb man
ghalab). The Arabic original of Erpeniuss collection has not yet been identified.
Cf. al-Askar, Jamharah, I, 432, who says that it is a well-known proverb; al-Maydn,
Arabum Proverbia, I, 467.
Cf. al-Mufaal a-abb, Amthl, 76; amzah al-Ifahn, Durrah, 437; al-Askar, Jamharah, II, 436; az-Zamakhshar, Mustaq, I, 449; al-Maydn, Arabum Proverbia, II, 938.
Cf. amzah al-Ifahn, Durrah, 374; al-Askar, Jamharah, II, 220; al-Maydn, Arabum
Proverbia, II, 561. On baram, see above, p. 75.
455
probably had been popular in times long past. Quoting the second proverb,
amzah al-Ifahn rightly remarked that the institution of maysir no longer
existed and that, therefore, the proverb was no longer in use. So-and-so is a
baram who possesses no generosity (m fh karam) was mentioned as late as
the time of Ibn Kamlpsh.41 Shaking and drawing (mujl) the arrow, while
the camel offered as the prize is still grazing42 is picturesque enough, but
it was apparently not much quoted, not even in the proverb literature. Stake
racing as the foil for proverbs is attested by quite a few entries in al-Maydns
collection. Some were also known already to Erpenius. Only experience can
show an individuals true qualities: At the race do the winners become known
(ind ar-rihn turaf as-sawbiq). Wanting something unattainable is supposed
to be the meaning of Kilbs ox is the slowest in the race (thawr Kilb f r-rihn
aqad).43
In the vast literature that has preserved for us the artistic prose of epistles
or documents (rasil, insh) in all its amazing virtuosity, gambling forms the
subject of a note (ruqah) by the famous author of the Yamn, the history of
Mamd of Ghaznah, al-Utb (d. 413/1022). It was quoted in the Yatmah of
al-Utbs contemporary, the prolific ath-Thalib.44 It is a most interesting little
document that deserves to be translated here in full:
A note to a friend
who gambled for, and lost, valuable books
Tribulations, dear Sir, are suspended between two wings, the wing | of
determinism (taqdr) and the wing of bad management. A man need not
make apologies for whatever tribulations come from predetermination
(miqdr). But there is no one to help him deal with those which his own
hand has handed out and his own mouth has breathed forth. The (rolling)
axes ( fu) of the revolving spheres contain what makes superfluous the
41
42
43
44
Cf. Ibn Kamlpsh, Rasil, 365. Ibn Kamlpshs source apparently was al-Muarrizs
commentary on al-arrs Maqmt.
See above, Ch. III, n. 33.
Cf. T. Erpenius, Grammatica Arabica, II, 115, 112 f.; al-Maydn, Arabum Proverbia, II, 131, I,
168.
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 284, and Mss. Istanbul Veliuddin 2708, fols. 704a705a (apparently, the best among a number of excellent manuscripts), Laleli 1959, fols. 597b598a,
and Topkapsaray Revan Kk 716, fol. 546b. (For Istanbul mss. of the Yatmah, cf. C.E.
Bosworth, in Journal of Semitic Studies, XVI, 1971, 4149, and T.R. Topuzolu, in The Islamic
Quarterly, XV, 1971, 6265.)
122
456
(rolling) pieces ( fu dice) of decaying bone, unless, indeed, the searching eye is blinded and the reflective and impressionable ear deafened. (So
it is,) by God who is in charge of guidance to the right and straightforward
road!
I have heard about your risking what you had accounted45 to be the
choicest and most sparkling spoils of literature46 and the cream of the
ages, so that they were won by snatching hands and snatched up by
grasping greed, with the result that you were robbed with no robber
doing the robbing, and fatally stricken without the intervention of sudden
death. Oh, how great a swindle it is that makes it necessary to pay,47 sets
the teeth on edge, cuts the finger, and confuses eye and tongue!
Yes, Sir, the poor choice you made48 and the ugly effects you have
suffered touch and disturb me as much as they can be expected to touch
and disturb one who considers you part of his own flesh and blood and
who makes no distinction between you and himself, when he is away
(from you) and when he is together (with you).49 However, it is the nature
of rational souls to shun one who does not handle himself right, and to
leave him who fails50 to think about what is beneficial for himself in all
his affairs. He who neglects to do what is beneficial for himself will be
even more neglectful of doing what is beneficial for others, and he who
is incapable of managing his own special concerns will be even more
incapable of managing (the affairs of) others.
May God inspire you with the patience to bear what you have done and
arm you with consolation about the morass into which you have sunk by
your own fault. And may He make this one (tribulation?) something to
arouse you from the sleep of error and to keep you from the ways of fools.
It is not yet too late in life for you to wake up, and you still have enough
money to be concerned. Beware of letting yourself be seduced to repeat
that unbecoming business. It will take from you more than it might give
you, and annoy you more than it might please you. If God wants you to
have what is good for you, He will guide you and help you, now and always.
45
46
47
48
49
50
The mss., too, have itadadtah. It appears to have the above meaning, although it is not
attested for this root in the eighth conjugation.
Ms. Veliuddin seems to have al-arab skill or the like, possibly the more original reading.
Following the vocalization of Ms. Veliuddin ( yulzim al-maghram).
Ikhtiyr seems to be the reading attested, although ikhtibr the bad experience you have
had would make good sense.
Lit., in his loneliness and in his intimacy.
Read yughfil, for yamal. Ms. Veliuddin has tanfir am-man yughfil.
457
It is instructive to compare this half playful, half serious epistle with the
Greek letter of Singlefield (Monochros) to his friend Dicelover (Philokybos)
from the late Hellenistic collection of letters of a | certain Aristaenetus, which
was composed no earlier than the fifth centuryad.51 The Aristaenetus letter is,
of course, entirely fictional, as shown already by the names of the correspondents. However, al-Utb, too, is quite likely to have made up his text with no
concrete addressee in mind. Singlefield complains to Dicelover about the terrible twin calamities that have befallen him, one of them bad, and the other not
better. Both his girl and the rolling dice (pessoi) have turned out bad for him
and much more favorable to his rivals and opponents than to himself. When
he is gambling with them, he goes out of his mind thinking of his love, and
then he plays carelessly and makes mistakes.52 And with the money he loses
to them, his rivals can afford to be more generous to his paramour and in this
way administer another painful defeat to him. Thus, both misfortunes reinforce
each other.
The differences between the two texts are noteworthy. Aristaenetuss letter,
of about the same length as that of al-Utb, is consistently frivolous but retains
throughout an ingratiating charm. Amorous pursuits and gambling may both
be folly. However, neither provokes disapproval or censure. They are human
follies and as such understandable and forgivable. They are individual follies.
They call for no reflection whatever as to the possible consequences they
might have for the general welfare of society; in fact, nobody apart from those
immediately concerned cares about what is going on. To al-Utb, his friends
gambling appears in a totally different light. In spite of the rather lighthearted
tone struck by him, he is fully aware that he is dealing with a deadly serious
matter, touching the most essential problems of human life. Human life is
afflicted by the misfortunes brought about by fate as well as by those resulting
from the free decision of man. Gambling is something that human beings
do by choice. Thus, they have only themselves to blame for any losses they
may suffer. Their activity becomes even more objectionable, when the risk
taken involves | valuable objects, in particular objects of value for the life
51
52
Cf. Aristaenetus, Letters, I, 23, ed. R. Hercher, Epistolographi Graeci, 153 (Paris 1873). For
the interpretation of the name Monochros, cf. the translation of A. Lesky, Aristainetos:
Erotische Briefe, 92 f., 161 (Zrich 1951).
This is a topic encountered in Arabic chess literature, cf. Wieber, Schachspiel, 126. It
happens, for instance, to the lover in the Arabian Nights, while playing with his lady, cf.
ed. Macnaghten, I, 375, IV, 194ff., trans. Littmann, I, 531f., V, 561ff. (49th and 846th to 847th
nights). For the latter passage, see below, Ch. V, n. 30.
123
124
458
125
of the mind and the spirit. Furthermore, gambling is an affront to reason. Therefore, in addition to the individual misfortune he invites, the gambler also places
himself outside the company of human beings whose main claim to distinction in this world is their ability to reason. It is prudent for his friends, and
for society as a whole, to shun him. He is thus cut off from participation in
the normal functioning of the community. His only hope lies in mending his
ways and trusting in Gods support which will be forthcoming when his behavior has improved, and save him as an individual and as a member of society.
Where the littrateur in the Hellenistic tradition saw only an amusing foible,
his Muslim colleague, though he tries hard to see the humor in human failings, cannot help at the same time viewing them as a theologian and moralizer.
His friendly banter becomes a stern sermon. Looked at realistically, gambling
deserves to be condemned for the harm it does not only to the individual but
also to society. It is a matter of concern to man and to his God. It is not impossible that similar works were composed by Muslim writers of artistic prose who
took a more lenient and less serious attitude. And perhaps, the comparison of
al-Utb with Aristaenetus is not really a fair one, and Aristaenetuss imaginative little opus should rather be compared with those occasional verses of poets
who like him combined the subject of gambling with that of love and refrained
from moralizing.
Gambling verses are attested early in Muslim literature. However, the old
maysir verses so laboriously collected by the philologians may be said to be
restricted as a rule to using maysir imagery in order to characterize the ordinary
situations and concerns of the poet. They are not meant to bring out the
gambling aspect of the game as something of independent interest. They are
at best an indication of a continued literary tradition. Tradition, rather than
concern with gambling, may also have played a certain role in the references
of later poets to gambling. However, many of them wrote couplets or other
comparatively short compositions that relied on gambling as such for creating
a poetic entity.
Among old verses, not only those connected with maysir but also those
referring to dice, or rather astragals (kabatn, kib), were not keyed to making
statements about gambling as such. They did not go beyond incidental aspects
such as the clatter made by dice | and the fact of their constantly being moved
around.53 But already in the first century of Islam, we find verses ascribed
53
Cf. Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache, Letter K, 230a.
459
to Muslims reflecting in a way on the pernicious effects of gambling. Thus

the great-grandson of the caliph Ab Bakr, Ibn Ab Atq, was brought into
connection with these verses:
God has taken your livelihood away from you.
You have gambled away your substance,54 and how!
You have spent your property carelessly
On every whore you could find and on wine.55
Supposedly, these verses were spoken by a wife of Ibn Ab Atq with reference
to him. He wrote them down on a piece of papyrus and read them to Abdallh,
the son of the caliph Umar. Now, Ibn Ab Atq was one of the old Muslims who
had a reputation for jocularity and a loose and somewhat lascivious wit. This
story is cited as an example of these qualities, considered unworthy of a man
of his standing in society. Its genuineness, and thus its early date, are suspect.
Moreover, the verses as quoted by an-Nuwayr contain no reference to gambling
and presuppose the existence of another version which may have been more
original than the one involving gambling.
In verses describing a woman he loved who had married another man, Ibn
Qays-ar-Ruqayyt exclaimed:
I stood there like one who had lost the best of his possessions in gambling.
This is madness. It is not love.56
Early in the eighth century, Nuayb b. Rab described the desire for the
company of pretty young girls in terms of gambling:
Would that gambling were legal,
So that I might have gambled for them!
54
55
56
Lubbaka heart, sense, as found in the Iqd, is by far the best reading. Al-Ji has laylaka
you gambled all night long, and ash-Sharsh mlaka your property.
Cf. al-Ji, Tj, ed. A. Zak Pasha, 130f. (Cairo 1322/1914), trans. C. Pellat, 151 (Paris 1954); Ibn
Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 470f.; ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, II, 292f. See also an-Nuwayr,
Nihyat al-arab, IV, 5 (Cairo 1342, reprint ca. 1965). On Ibn Ab Atq, cf. F. Rosenthal,
Humor, 12, n. 1; C. Pellat, in IE2, s.v.
Cf. Ibn Qays-ar-Ruqayyt, Dwn, ed. N. Rhodokanakis, 103 (Vienna 1902, Sitzungsberichte
der k. Akad. d. Wiss., philos.-hist. Kl. 144); al-Madin, Murdift, ed. Abd-as-Salm
M. Hrn, Nawdir al-makht, I, 65 (Cairo 1370/1951); Aghn, III, 103f. (Aghn3, III,
319 f.), where al-rith b. Khlid (above, Ch. III, n. 27) is the poet.
460
Then they would have become mine, even at the risk of my losing all
my property in gambling for them.
That would, indeed, be profit, if only it were known what (profitable)
trading is (really) all about.57
126
It is, above all, in love poetry that the gambling imagery found its home. Occasionally, other aspects were touched upon. Thus, the prominent ninth-century
littrateur and boon-companion Ibn amdn would break into verse to complain about his gambling losses which threatened to impoverish him and his
family.58 Or a contemporary of Ab Nuws, the poet Amr b. Abd-al-Malik alWarrq, would describe people as mere asses, if they did not indulge in all
forbidden vices, among them:
If you do not gamble at chess
And do not pay off the stake at nard.
If you do not indulge in the game of date pits,
So that your money is taken away from you, or it is a draw (baw).59
Ab Nuws himself has a long poem in dialogue form, recommending the
transgression of all religious duties and indulgence in the pleasures of this
world. The poem concludes with the exhortation to adorn all these qualities
of yours with gambling (qimr).60 Similar in character are Ab Nuwss poem
on Satans nocturnal temptations61 and, to some degree, the cynical verses
ascribed to Ab l-Al al-Maarr that claim that there is legal support for all
vices.62 No doubt, much of this sort was afloat since early Abbsid times and
throughout the ninth century.
57
58
59
60
Cf. the edition of Nuaybs poems by D. Salloum, 88 (Baghdd 1968).

Cf. ash-Shbusht, Diyrt, 7 f. For Amad b. Ibrhm b. amdn, see J.-C. Vadet, in EI2, III,
783 f.
Cf. ash-Shbusht, Diyrt, 111. For the date pit game, see above, Ch. II, n. 182.
Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn, 268 (Beirut 1382/1962). No doubt in conscious imitation of Ab
Nuws, Fakhr-ad-dn Ibn Maknis playfully addressed a contemporary devoted to gambling:
And if you desire perfection, add your gambling to this description (wa-idh rumta
kamlanzid li-dh l-wafi qimrak).
61
62
Cf. Ibn Maknis, Dwn, Ms. Istanbul Aya Sofya 3954, fol. 13b.
Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn, 554 f. See F. Rosenthal, The Herb, 151, n. 1 (Leiden 1971). [Above,
p. 286, n. 81. Ed.]
461
The tenth century saw a good deal of gambling imagery used in poetry. We
have an example of what was possible at that time in the Dwn of a-anawbar
(d. 334/945), whose life spanned the first half of that century:
Fate, you have deprived me by gambling of my life whose
Lost stake is the best of stakes.63
If the chess board is brought in,
Woe unto everyone present!
Those who play cannot avoid
Either winning or losing.64
We asked for the hand of the wine skin
With the dowry coming from gambling winnings.65
He who wagered (byaa) that I would not get anything
That I was promised, has won the gamble.66
Now you know, gambler, who of the two opponents is the greater gambler.
And you played suddar upon

The pulpit crowded with the appurtenances of the mass.67
For the combination of gambling and wine drinking, there is also a verse by a
twelfth-century poet, Ibn Rbl al-Abbr (d. 532/11371138):
My wife was led astray to drinking wine.
She made me dwell next to the gambling house.68
For elements from nature poetry combined with gambling, we have an example
in a poem on nard. Like chess, nard was very often the subject of poetry,
but most of the chess and nard verses have only a marginal connection with
gambling as such, and they will as a rule not be considered here, unless they
63
64
65
66
67
68
Cf. a-anawbar, Dwn, ed. Isn Abbs, 105 (Beirut 1970).

Here, maqmr loser may be lost stake. The person mourned in the poem was the
stake that made the poets life a winning proposition. Now, fate has won because of the
death of the person who was the poets life (?).
Cf. a-anawbar, Dwn, 125.
Cf. a-anawbar, Dwn, 120 f.
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Syrian poets), I, 262.
127
462
expressly mention gambling. Manr al-Haraw tried to get a friend away from
his constant nard playing at the time the roses were in bloom. To this end, he
concluded his description of the pleasures of an outing to enjoy flowers, wine,
and song, with the verses:
Thus, choose the rose (ward) over
Nard, and come, let us go on a walk!69
128
An especially important kind of gambling poetry is that dealing with the comparison of gambling with blind fate. It will be discussed | in Chapter VI. Here
only an example transmitted by a-afad as the work of Ibn Dniyl:
With the dice (pieces, gems, fu), our game
Is sent hither and yon, like upright (astragals?).70
They flash in our palms
Like jewels in a necklace.
They deal with our common possessions
As destiny does with dynasties.71
Although gambling images may be used in various connections, as we have just
seen, still, their proper place is love poetry. Gambling for erotic stakes appealed
to poets. Thus Ibn Dniyl played chess for the stake of a kiss as a cure for (his)
heart from the burning passion, and he went on to describe his lovemaking in
terms of a game of chess.72 There was the pretty player with whom the poet fell
in love. If he were not so fond of gambling, the poet would have no opportunity
to be together with him:
I played dice with one
Whose beauty is shared by no one.
69
70
71
72
Cf. ath-Thalib, Tatimmat al-Yatmah, II, 52. On Manr al-Haraw, see above, Ch. II, n. 52.
Ka-l-muththali. Probably, the standing kib, which, during the game, fall all over the
place. They appear already in Shanfars celebrated Lmyat al-Arab, 54 (Constantinople
1300), cf. also E. Littmann, Abessinische Parallelen zu einigen altarabischen Gebruchen
und Vorstellungen, in Beitrge zur Kenntnis des Orients, VI (1908), 5254.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 52.
Cf. Ibn Dniyl, Dwn, fol. 147a:
rhantuh min (?) qublatin yashtaf
bih fud min jaw l-waqdi.
463
But for (the dice), I would not be near him.

Not all dice are (thus) blessed.73
The same idea appears in a slightly different form in the verses of another poet
of the same time, Ibn abb al-alab (710779/13101377):
In my lovers hands to overcome me
Are dice for a game not shared (by anybody else).
It gives me alone the privilege of being near him.
These are indeed blessed dice.74
Love is a gamble was the blunt statement of the author of a zajal.75 Boasting of the many flocks of frisky girls often encountered by him in the city
of ar-Raqqah, a-anawbar described the ensuing amorous banter as a gamble:
They gambled with me for my heart (lubb) with all kinds of games.
They defeated me and took it away.76
The outcome of the gambling match between lover and beloved is never in
doubt. The twelfth-century Wuaysh al-Asad expressed this thought in these
verses, which constitute the beginning of a long qadah addressed to Nr-addn:
73
Cf. a-afad, as quoted by al-Badr, Ghurrah, fol. 128a:

laibtu bi-l-kabi ma man
f usnih l yushrak
lawlhu lam adnu minhu
m kullu kabin mubrak.
74
Cf. al-Badr, Ghurrah, fol. 128a:

f yaday ibb li-ghulb
kabu libin l yushrak
khaan bi-l-qurbi minhu
inna dh kabun mubrak.
75
76
See below, n. 110.

129
464
Look! The gazelle here with the luminous eyes (awar),

Which is feared by the strong lion,
Gambles with the heart aided by its eyelids.
It is no secret who of us will win.77
Love as well as gambling involves money. With his playfulness, a pretty boy
may enslave his lover, and gambling with him will take away all the money he
owns:
A dice player who has enslaved me with his playing
He took away all the gold I had earned with his dice.78
Apparently, the same theme is the subject of the following verses by a certain
Muammad al-Azhar:
A nard player whom I had tried everything to join,
But who was not satisfied with getting what he got
When he saw that I had money with me,
I noticed he was generous and pleased to play with me.79
130
If translated correctly, these verses may mean that the poet had tried to win his
beloved with money and gifts. He had rejected his | advances, but he was so
77
78
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Syrian poets), I, 244.

Cf. al-Badr, Ghurrah, fol. 128a. The poet is a certain Ibn Labbaykum about whose life and
name I have no information, although he is often quoted:
wa-libin bi-l-kabi qad
tayyaman bi-libih
adhhaba m aaltuh
min dhahabin bi-kabih.
79

wa-libin bi-n-nardi qad sumtuh
walan fa-lam yara bi-nayli thawb
wa-mudh ra anna ma dirhaman
abartuh jda bi-nardin wa-b.
Perhaps, the second line of the first verse is intended to mean, was not gracious enough
(letting me) obtain a reward.
465
much devoted to nard that he was willing to play with the poet for money and
thus give him the opportunity to enjoy his company.
The most frequent use made of the gambling imagery resulted from the fortunate circumstance that one of the words for moon, qamar, had the same
root consonants as gambling. And moon was the ordinary metaphor for a
beautiful face and its owner. Where there is no explicit and unambiguous reference to gambling in verses of this kind and only the simple qamara, followed
by the object in the accusative, is used, the gambling idea may often have been
secondary in the poets mind to the idea of capturing by deception, which
was considered the root meaning from which that of gambling developed.80
However, the direct connection with gambling is present so often that we can
assume it to have never been absent, even in the less obvious cases.
We would be hard pressed for an answer to the question when this seemingly
rather natural play on words made its first appearance in Arabic poetry. It is first
attested in the tenth century. Kushjim, in the first half of that century, speaks
of gambling merrily (qmara bi-l-lahwi, var. with life bi-n-nafsi) for the love of
a moon (qamar) and achieving intimacy with full moons by means of sums of
money (al-budri bi-l-bidari).80a The ib Ibn Abbd is credited with three
verses which playfully use a well-known adth stating that a thief who steals
the pith or fruit of date palms should not have his hand cut off:
A slender one who makes the moon superfluous81
Has won my heart (gambling) with his languid looks.
I tried to snatch his rosy cheek,82
With no mercy and without warning.83
Some people frightened me, but I said to them,
There is no amputation in connection with fruit or pith.84
The same verses were also ascribed to id b. al-asan ar-Raba | (d. 417/1026,
or 419), who lived a generation after the ib Ibn Abbd. This attribution is
80
80a
81
82
83
84
See above, p. 2, and below, p. 134.

Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, ed. Kh.M. Maf, 237 (Baghdd 1390/1970).
As-Silaf has, is more brilliant than the moon.
Lit., the apple of his cheek. The poet stole kisses from his beloved and left none to others.
He thereby exposed himself to the punishment prescribed for thieves.
As-Silaf has here a gambling term, and succeeded in taking it from him at great risk (al
gharar).
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, III, 89. The Yatmah is the only source for the verses in M.. l
Ysns edition of Ibn Abbds Dwn, 231.
131
466
found in the Mujam of as-Silaf.85 We may, perhaps, assume that id ar-Raba

merely quoted Ibn Abbd, and the reporter of the story told by as-Silaf mistook
him for the author of the verses. However this may be, the use of the gamblingmoon combination is definitely established for at least the tenth century.
In the generation succeeding that of id ar-Raba, truly exuberant verses
in this vein were composed by Manr al-Haraw. They turn around the idea
that a lover would try, as a matter of course, to let his beloved win, so that he
would be all the more handsome when he was flushed with victory:
A gazelle whose languid eyelids bring languidness to mankind
The rose of beauty on his cheek spreads among the rose of bashfulness.86
I played dice with him, gently, till he won.
His face became more beautiful, when he (it?) saw the face87 of victory.
Thereupon, I raised a lovers cry,
The moon has won, the moon has won (qamara l-qamar qamara lqamar).88
Apparently, from about the same time come the verses of al-Ghaww anNsbr:
Would that I knew someone willing to take my side and defend me against
the harsh critic of my love for a moon,89
The desire for whom gambled with my heart and won the game,
A moon whom I love so very much that I am left
With hardly more than moon (qamar) read backwards (ramaq, a last
breath of life).90
85
86
Cf. as-Silaf, Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 3880, fol. 234b. On id ar-Raba, cf. Brockelmann,
GAL, Suppl., I, 254.
In the place of the first two lines, al-ar has:
One with curly locks on whose cheeks a rose is spread
(wa-muaqrabi l-adghi f khaddayhi wardun muntashar).
87
88
89
90
Al-ar offers the inferior reading the beauty.

Cf. ath-Thalib, Tatimmat al-Yatmah, II, 50; al-ar, Luma al-mula, Ms. Bodleian
Hunt. 274, fol. 86a. A reading qamira shines must be ruled out.
Al-Ibshh has for a gazelle.
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 319; al-ar, Luma al-mula, fol. 70a (Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 2344, fol. 63ab); al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, II, 221.
For qamar-ramaq, cf. also a verse by a certain Ab Al al-asan b. Farr al-Muaddib,
467
Al-Ghaww tells us in these verses that the traditional obstacle on the way
to the fulfillment of true love is the cold and unfeeling outside world with its
inclination to gossiping about lovers and finding fault with their infatuation.
The beauty of the beloved deserves comparison with the moon. The word for
moon read backwards yields the Arabic word for last breath of life.
An anonymous poet quoted by al-ar may also have lived in the eleventh
century:
O moon that has (gambled with and) defeated mankind!
O party in which you have become the talk!91
And so did Amad b. Muammad al-Mr al-Adb:
91
cited by as-Silaf, Ms. Dublin Chester Beatty 3880, fol. 91b, and, in particular, the many
examples in al-Badr, Mali, fols. 24b29a. Al-Badr also quotes examples for the visual
play on words between qamar and fa-mur.
Cf. al-ar, Luma al-mula, fol. 86a:
a-y qamaran li-l-war qad qamar
wa-y samaran irta fhi samar.
Li-l-war is the accusative object, see also below, nn. 98, 101, 111. The preposition is likely
to have been used here, because the object precedes the verb. However, li-for introducing
the direct object became quite common in Arabic in the course of time, cf., for instance,
J. Blau, A Grammar of Christian Arabic, 414 f. (Louvain 19661967). Blau refers to A. Fischer,
in Sitzungsberichte der k. Schsischen Ges. d. Wiss., phil.-hist. Kl. LXII (1910), 161188, and
H. Reckendorf, Arabische Syntax, 247 f. On the range of meaning of qamar-samar, see Lane,
1425b.
I do not think that the poet here intended qamir (= aqmara), O moon that has risen
to shine for mankind. This possibility, however, exists in a d bayt of Ibn Arab quoted
in an-Nawj, Khal al-idhr, Ms. Escorial 340, fol. 17a; I give my life for a moon that
has risen to shine for his lovers (afd qamaran li-shiqhi qamir), although qamir
rhymes with hajar. Both meanings, that of dazzling with light and that of defeating
in gambling were probably fused in the poets mind, as in the verse of Ayn Baal, below,
p. 133.
Cf. also af-ad-dn al-ill (d. 749/1349), il, ed. W. Hoenerbach, Die vulgrarabische Poetik, 21, text, 100. Hoenerbach translates: I love a moon my mind is restless
(in the moonlight, aql qamar). He refers to further occurrences in the poetry of alAmsh. Apparently, he thinks of the meaning indicated for qamira in Lane, 2562b, to
be(come) sleepless in the night. Where there is no gambling context and the verb can
be understood as intransitive, this could conceivably have been the idea in the poets
mind.
132
468
His face caused the moon to rise for men.

With his glance he (gambled for and) won the pious mans heart.92
A minor poet of the twelfth century nicknamed Shalala spoke of
A moon, in passionate love for whom my heart gambled
For serenity but received instead the fire of deep fatigue.93
133
There was, however, no love involved when a littrateur of those days, who
was also an outstanding chess and nard player, was | praised as a moon who
was always winning the hearts by his wit, for his name was Qamar-ad-dawlah
Moon of the Dynasty.94 Among his many labored attempts at originality,
the littrateur al-akaf (d. 551/1156) produced four verses in praise of wine,
whose rhyme words were, respectively, al-qamr doves (a favorite with poets,
especially as a play on words with qamar), al-q-mr, presumably an adjective derived from a place name, the one that was forbidden to you together
with maysir, allow it to be drunk by gamblers (ahl al-qimri)!, and al-aqmri
moons.95 From the late twelfth century, we have the verse of Ibn San-al-mulk
from one of his long poems:
He has (gambled and) won the heart in serious play.
How true speaks he who says, The pretty one is a moon.96
A century later, Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn asked in his third maqmah: Who is
this moon that has turned out to have won my heart?97 And possibly about
the same time, the unidentified author of a d bayt wrote of the beloved whose
languid glances were distracting the pilgrims from the proper performance of
the pilgrimage:
O heart! You have fallen in love on earth with a moon
Who, were it to gamble in heaven, would defeat the full moon.98
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
Cf. al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 249.

Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Egyptian poets), II, 126.
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Egyptian poets), II, 218.
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Syrian poets), II, 498.
Cf. Ibn San-al-mulk, Dwn, ed. Nar and Nar, II, 386.
Cf. Ibn al-Aff at-Tilimsn (see above, Ch. III, n. 106), Ms. Istanbul Aya Sofya 3843, fol. 175b:
man hdh l-qamaru lladh ghad li-qalb qmiran.
Cf. the collection of d bayt contained in Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 2497 (Cat.
Karatay 8185), fol. 105b:
469
Still belonging to the late thirteenth century, Ayn Baal al-ik (d. 709/December 1309) made this apparent contribution to the subject:
A moon (beautiful face) rising upon a willow branch (a slender figure)
There is my mind lost (through gambling) (dazzled) by its light.99
It would seem that al-ik used maqmr here in a double sense as indicated
in the translation. Maqmr, in fact, means defeated in | gambling, whereas
dazzled, from qamira, could not appear in the form maqmr, but such a
meaning was apparently in the poets mind. Losing his mind and reason is
a common consequence of the lovers gamble, just as the moon by its light
dazzles the beholder.
In the fourteenth century, attempts to weave moon and gambling into
often complicated figures of speech enjoyed a considerable vogue. A couplet by
Zayn-ad-dn Ibn al-Ward (d. 749/1349) uses the play on words with qumr(yah)
dove and moon, but that makes sense here only if the root meaning of to
win in gambling is understood to be further intended by both words:
Two slender ones, a girl and a boy.
Were playing nard.
She said, I am a dove (qumryatun).
I said, Keep quiet! He is a moon (qamar).100
It is tempting to read qamartuh for qumryatun, to yield the sense, It is I who
have defeated him, and the poet answers, He is a moon, meaning, It is he who
has won. However, the word used by Ibn al-Ward no doubt was qumryah. Yet,
nobody could miss the implication that she claimed to have won, and the poet
claimed victory for the boy.
y qalb la-qad hawt f l-ari qamar

law qmar f s-sam li-l-badri qamar
min ayn lah futr ali amar
kam min ijaj qad afsadath (read qad-afsadat) wa-umar.
99
100
The Ms. appears to have been written in the thirteenth century. The only poets mentioned
in it by name are Fityn (ash-Shghr, d. 615/1218) and Abd-ar-Razzq an-Naqqsh.
Cf. a-afad, Wf, VI, 72.
Cf. Ibn al-Ward, al-Kalm al miat ghulm, Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 2373,
fol. 170a. The verses were quoted by al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 80f.; al-Badr, Ghurrah, fol. 128b,
and Mali, fol. 24a.
134
470
A muwashsha poem of the immensely productive a-afad (d. 764/1363)

contained the lines:
I am deeply concerned with a full moon who has (defeated and) won the
mind
And surpassed the sun by day and the moon
And whose glance has bewitched mankind.101
135
And in his Wf, a-afad quotes a certain Amad b. al-usayn al-Masl, who
appears to have been a contemporary of his, for the verse: Beautiful moons
have defeated and taken away (qamarat) my patience in passion.102
Ibn a-igh (710776/1310 or 13111375) is represented by a couplet of which
the punch line m aqmarak can be understood to mean either | what a lucky
gambler you are! or how shining like the moon you are!:
When the dark nights full moon turned to playing
Nard, throwing the dice like a net,103
And was outstanding in both his beauty and his game,
I exclaimed: By God, what a handsome gambler you are!104
There is nothing strange in the same poet using the motif more than once in
his work. In fact, this can be assumed to have been the ordinary state of affairs,
if it was a prolific poet. We have an example in Ibn abb al-alab:
My companions asked, when my master played
Nard with some young men, entertaining the party:105
101
Cf. Shihb-ad-dn al-ijz, Raw al-db, fol. 101a:

b badru timmin li-l-aqli qad qamar
wa-fqa sh-shamsa n-nahra wa-l-qamar
wa-arfuh li-l-anmi qad saar.
102
103
104
105
According to my copy, the first line reads al-aqla, which is against the meter (munsari).
It is hardly wa-l-aqla.
Cf. a-afad, Wf, VI, 335. Cf. also af-ad-dn al-ill (above, n. 91).
So as to catch the lover.
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 80 f.; al-Badr, Ghurrah, fol. 127b.
This translation, considering samar as the object, is a mere guess. Samar may be the
subject, and the meaning could be, as the party reached its climax, or, according to Dozy,
Supplment, I, 571 f., as the party calmed down. The master is the beloved.
471
Who has defeated whom? I replied: Wake up!

Do you not know that my beloved is a moon?!106
And:
When I played the nard of beauty with one
For whom my love has left an imprint on the heart,
He took away my mind. Thus, wonder ye
At a moon who has won my heart and my eye!107
Al-Qr (726781/13261379) speaks of the lover with whom he cannot get
together and for whom he is willing to cast away his life:
My heart migrates toward you
Always, while you are moving away.
O moon for whom
I gamble with (my) life!108
106
Cf. al-Badr, Ghurrah, fol. 127b, and Mali, fol. 24a:

yaqlu ab inda libi mlik
ma fityatin bi-n-nardi idh rqa s-samar
man qamara l-khara qultu ntabih
a-m alimtum anna mabb qamar.
107
Cf. al-Badr, Ghurrah, fol. 127b:

lamm bi-nardi l-usni labtu man
f ubbih li-l-qalbi minn athar (?)
adhhaba ann dhahan fa-jab
min qamarin qalbi wa-ayni qamar.
108
Nard of beauty appears to be correct, and ought not to be read nard of love (al-ubbi).
In the second line, the ms. appears to have asar, and not athar. This seems possible only
if asar is to be understood as asr, has put the heart in fetters. Instead of the final y in
dhahan, the ms. seems to have w (and no diacritical dots).
Cf. al-Qr, Mala an-nayyirayn, Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 2627, fol. 224a, and
Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 2913, fol. 126a:
qalb ilayka muhjirun
abadan wa-anta muhjiru
472
136
Following upon verses on thieves, Shihb-ad-dn al-ijz (790875/1388

1471) entered a couplet on a pretty gambler in the selection of his poetry published by him:
A gambler I have fallen in love with
Whose beauty captivates mankind.
Yes, and I have never gambled with him
But that I saw him win (a moon).109
Finally, there are moon-gambling verses which cannot be dated precisely but
which probably are also products of the fourteenth century. Thus, the zajal of a
certain al-Ghubr (?), which is dominated by the imagery of love poetry, sums
matters up by this line:
They have defeated me in the love of this moon
Love is a gamble.110
And an anonymous verse says:
I love him, a gambler who, when he walks about, gives the impression
Of being a bough on a hillock, with his face having (gambled for and) won
the mind.111
y ayyuh l-qamaru lladh

bi-r-ri fhi uqmiru.
109
Cf. Shihb-ad-dn al-ijz, Dwn, Ms. Escorial 475, fol. 172a:

muqmirun hawtuhwa-usnuh yasb l-bashar
naam wa-m qmartuhill raaytuh qamar.
110
111
Cf. al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, II, 265, trans. G. Rat, II, 564 (Paris and Toulon 18991902.)
hawtuh muqmiran
takhluh idh khaar
ka-annah ghunu naq
wa-l-wajhu li-l-aqli qamar.
The last line is a double entendre, suggesting that the face gives the impression of being a
moon and by its moon-like beauty has captivated the poet.
473
The moon-gambling homonymy thus inspired quite a few verses. However,

it did not enter the mainstream of the repertory of poetical figures. For many
centuries, it appears to have never been entirely absent, but quantitatively,
it was not strongly represented, especially if one thinks of the myriad verses
describing the beloved as a moon. It remained on the sideline of occasional
poetry, a witticism produced seemingly on the spur of the moment. Tradition
and, possibly, aesthetic considerations that felt the image to be essentially
barren of poetic appeal may have caused this state of affairs, but it could also
be indicative of the fact that gambling, in contrast to certain other vices, was
socially not acceptable enough to be included on its own terms in the ranks
of high literature. Conse|quently, verses that have gambling pure and simple
as their main subject are even rarer than incidental references to it. The only
examples that might qualify as gambling poetry come from the gambling poet
at-Tallafar. Even he has only a very few gambling verses, and he combines
low-class gambling with the high-class activity of wine drinking.112
The social consequences of gambling were at times more on a poets mind
than his professed erotic theme. This is the case in anonymous verses which
censure the reckless abandon of the compulsive dice player, although they are
addressed to the beloved and contend that his gambling could make it easy to
conquer him:
All lovers declare113 it lawful to conquer the sanctuary of a gazelle
Who has become a most tricky gambler.
If he held in his palm the garden of Eden,
And went broke, he would sell it for two throws.
And if he held in his palm the visitors for a day
He , he would go after the dice among them (?).114
112
113
114
See below, p. 149.

Or, May all lovers declare
aba l-shiqna im ghazlin
takhallaqa f l-qimri bi-kulli mayni
law-anna bi-kaffih janntu adnin
wa-aflasa bah f arbatayni
wa-law f kaffih z-zuwwru yawman
aqma la-rma fh l-kabatayni.
The translation of the last verse is doubtful, in particular since the reading and the
meaning of az-zwr remain uncertain. In view of the second verse, one might think of
137
474
Still, gambling was so prevalent in society that it was considered opportune

to suggest verses for a player who felt that he was wrongly defeated and wished
to express his feelings in an elegant manner:
You have won, but you did not defeat us fairly.
If it were fair, I do not think it would have been so easy.
You won while we were not (really) defeated,115 rather you wronged us.
He who uses to do wrong turns out to be victorious.116
115
116
the pilgrims (visitors) who come to Mecca to visit the Kabah, and the gambler would
try to fleece them with his dice (kabatayn). Aqma, in this case, may refer to something
connected with prayer (??). However, it is possible that a sexual meaning is intended. The
gambler loses interest in the visitors and would rather have his dice in his hand ( fh).
Hardly the active, and we did not win.
Cf. Ibn Sukaykir, (Nafat kamim al-ward f tafl lib ash-shiranj al n-nard,) Ms. Bodleian Pocock 16, fol. 34b:
afirta wa-lkin l bi-aqqin ghalabtan
wa-law kna aqqan m arhu tayassar
qamarta wa-lam nuqmar wa-lkin alamtan
wa-man kna yat a-ulma ams muaffar.
chapter five
The Social Consequences of Gambling
138
The attitude toward taking risks most commonly expressed in Muslim literature was one of strong disapproval. In particular risking ones life (mukharah
bi-nafs-, bi-r-) was frowned upon, unless it served for the glorification of
Islam in the jihd. Then it became a duty that Muslims were commanded
to fulfill.1 Dont ever risk your life, is an early warning in the Arabian Nights,
and they state categorically that a person who takes risks deserves no praise,
even if he escapes unharmed.2 Already Graeco-Arabic wisdom literature, in
the name of young Aristotle, had come out against taking undue risks. A person who exposes himself to tribulation risks his life and he who takes risks
will be unsuccessful.3 The futility of taking foolish risks appears to be the
intended meaning of a verse of ash-Sharf ar-Ra to the effect that he who
always loses his possessions through gambling should be serious enough to
reject gambling.4
A physician should be most careful not to take any chances with the life
of his patient, since there is no substitute for human life.5 However, the highrisk career of politics retained its attraction throughout medieval Islam, even
if the numerous tragedies caused in the pursuit of it were readily observable
and might elicit the comment, appropriately ascribed to Ab Muslim or to the
wazr of the family of Muammad, Ab Salamah, that it is risky to sail on | the
139
1 Cf. Ibn Abd-as-Salm, Qawid, I, 14, 111, II, 99 f.; Concordance, II, 48a30; Ibn ajar, Fat, III,
112 f. The Qurn does not use the root kh--r in connection with this subject.
2 Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, I, 7, trans. Littmann, I, 27, also ed. Macnaghten, I, 103,
trans. Littmann, I, 162 (14th night). Cf., further, ed. Macnaghten, III, 175, IV, 87, trans. Littmann,
IV, 343, V, 424.
3 Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, 200, ll. 11 f.
4 Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, 182:
wa-man qumira d-dahra amwlah
qa jidduh an yarudda l-qimra.
I am not sure whether I have understood the verse correctly. Its translation depends largely
on the vocalization.
5 Cf. Ibn Ab Uaybiah, Uyn al-anb, ed. A. Mller, I, 209, ll. 2f. (Cairo and Knigsberg
18821884), quoting al-Kind.
476
140
high seas, but riskier still to be in contact with kings.6 Above all, the lifeblood
of the Islamic economy, trade and, especially, long-distance commerce by land
and sea, was full of the gravest risks. Merchants may often have adopted the
conventional wisdom that preserving some is better than losing all,7 and
moralists felt always free to excoriate the greed of those who suffered untold
hardships and even risked their very lives for the sake of transitory material
gain. However, business of all kinds was attended by risks that were unavoidable. In addition, Islam also accepted, if reluctantly, the legality of commercial
transactions which were speculative by their very nature in that the size of the
expected profit depended upon the uncertainties necessarily accompanying
them, such as sales for future delivery (salam) and investments in partnership arrangements.8 The old and famous ruse for circumventing the prohibition against usury was, in fact, simply designated as risk (mukharah).9
A transaction involving the barter of live animals for meat was called preIslamic maysir and equated with similar transactions where the value of the
object bought or sold was uncertain (muzbanah or, again, risk,gharar).10 The
adth used mukharah in this sense to suggest possible pitfalls in renting land
for monetary payment.11 Necessity, and the highly favorable attitude toward
commerce expressed in the Qurn, helped the jurists to take the stigma of
gambling out of such transactions. This required considerable effort and ingenuity.
Under the category of bil which made business ventures so described
hopelessly illegal on the basis of Qurn 4:29/33, the authorities cited by aabar lumped gambling together with usury and such general matters as faulty
pricing (bakhs) and wrongdoing (ulm, probably equivalent to ghab acquisition by force) as well as deals seemingly as specific as buying something
on approval and returning it, if displeased, with a monetary consideration
(equivalent to the later mukharah?).12 Or bil was similarly charac|terized as
gambling, usury, the wrongful appropriation of the property of others (ghab),
cheating (khid), the denial of just claims ( jad al-uqq), and profits resulting from illegal activities.13 As examples of improper business transactions
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
Cf. Ibn Shams-al-khilfah, Kitb al-db, 28 (Cairo 1349/1931); al-Ghuzl, Mali, II, 112.
Cf. Ibn Abd-as-Salm, Qawid, I, 86.
Cf. A. Udovitch, Partnership and Profit in Medieval Islam (Princeton 1970).
Cf. J. Schacht, in EI2, s.v. iyal.
Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, II, 54; Mlik, Muwaa, see Concordance, VII, 369b3839.
Cf. Concordance, II, 48a31; Ibn ajar, Fat, V, 423.
Cf. a-abar, Tafsr (new edition), VIII, 216 f.
the social consequences of gambling
477
involving a risk and therefore to be classified as gambling, Ibn Taymyah mentioned the purchase of a runaway slave, a strayed animal, a foetus, and the like.14
Yet, while certain unlawful business activities could be classified as gambling,
commerce as such, no matter how risky and speculative, was not thought of
as something comparable to gambling, certainly not by those engaged in it. To
be sure, pious theoreticians will not always have escaped from this unpleasant
thought. Not many, however, may have been so determined and pessimistic as
was al-Qushayr in his mystic explanation of Qurn 5:3/4. He took divining by
means of arrows to refer to gambling and to include all transactions and associations meant to yield material gain. In his time, he said, activities to which this
description did not apply were indeed rare.15 For al-Qushayr, every expenditure not made for the sake of God was bil.16 Thus, we might say that in his
view, all the world was a gamble, and all worldly business illegal and forbidden, except the preparation for and the concern with the world to come. In
some way or other, mystic thinking often moved along the same and similar
lines, although it may rarely have made the connection with gambling as an
inevitable aspect of all commerce.
By way of argument, gaming was compared to commerce and sleep, in that
commerce and sleep, too, might divert a person from performing his prayers,
and still, they were not forbidden, as games were for that reason. The argument
was immediately rejected as based upon incomplete analogy. Commerce and
sleep were no amusements. In particular, they did not cause hostility and
hatred, the crucial reason for the prohibition of games.17 Thus, viewed in this
manner, too, commerce could not be called gambling.
Even the most moderate attitude toward legal and illegal ways of making
a living, of which the religious authorities could in good | conscience have
been capable, left little room for the professional gambler. In fact, we have not
much evidence to show that there were people whose sole trade and means of
subsistence were honest or dishonest gambling activities. If the isbah works
were not concerned with them, the reason probably is that they paid attention mainly to irregularities and fraud in the legal trades and professions and
gave only passing consideration to the illegal ones.18 It is true that we find
14
15
16
17
18
Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, I, 490, II, 10. See also above, Ch. III, n. 49.
Cf. al-Qushayr, Laif al-ishrt, ed. I. Basyn, II, 95 (Cairo 1388/1968).
Cf. Laif al-ishrt, II, 22, to Qurn 4:29/33.
Cf. al-alm, Minhj, Mss. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 930, fol. 149b, and Ahmet III
500, Vol. III, fol. 38a.
See above, pp. 110 f. Al-Mward, al-Akm as-sulnyah, 245, mentions soothsaying and
141
478
142
gambling occasionally enumerated among low-class occupations, but this is

not to be understood in a strictly professional sense. The intriguing name of
Ibn al-Muqmir born by a thirteenth-century poet, Abdallh b. Muammad
b. Thbit, is certainly no clear indication that there had been a professional
gambler in his family.19
Some of the champion chess players may have been able to live on the prize
money they earned. For explaining only one chess problem, they were at times
paid substantial sums.20 The one or other sponger (ufayl) may have had
his most lucrative moments when he tried his luck in gambling. As is only
natural, there were experts in the various gambling sports who can be assumed
to have devoted themselves to them full-time.21 They probably also had a hand
in any gambling that went on around them, but gambling as such was not
what constituted their livelihood. It may be noted here that player (lab)
by itself meant juggler,22 an occupation held in low esteem socially and
listed on occasion together with those of mukhannath and singer.23 While the
silence of the isbah works may not be strong evidence for the non-existence
of the professional gambler, the absence of crooked gamblers from among the
many types of rogues and swindlers mentioned by al-Jawbar suggests that
gamblers did indeed not have their separate niche as professionals in the
underworld. When littrateurs such as the fourteenth-century Ibn al-Ward,
in his al-Kalm al miat ghulm and al-Kawkib as-sriyah al miat jriyah,
and the fifteenth-|century al-Badr, in his Ghurrah, quoted verses on people
exercising many different crafts and activities, even if there were occasional
verses on individuals that gambled, these gamblers were in no way thought of
as professionals.
On the other, losing end of the gambling spectrum, there were those compulsive gamblers who gambled away everything they owned and caused misery to
their families. What is supposed to have happened, and probably did happen,
in pre-Islamic Arabia,24 was no doubt repeated uncounted times in the Islamic
period. We hear about it in general terms, as when al-Ghazzl, following alKind, speaks about the broke gambler who gets much joy and pleasure out of
19
20
21
22
23
24
amusement (kahnah, lahw) as forbidden ways of making a living. In the authors mind,
this might possibly have included gambling.
Cf. G. Vajda, Dictionnaire des Autorits, 38. See below, pp. 152f.
Cf. the example quoted by Wieber, Schachspiel, 83.
See above, p. 54.
Cf. al-Brn, India, 77, trans. Sachau, I, 101.
Cf. Miskawayh and at-Tawd, Hawmil, 193.
See above, p. 68.
479
his gambling, although gambling may deprive him of his property, destroy
his house, and leave him bankrupt,25 or when fs praise the gambler who
is cleaned out and left penniless.26 A rich man could easily get poor when he
played nard with someone skilled in the game and favored by luck:
When his palm gets hold of the dice,
The rich man is (no better than) a pauper in his company.
The sixes are at his service and the fives.
The ones never show up with him.27
While this is poetic exaggeration, it shows what did in fact happen at times. A
concrete case we hear about in the form of an anecdote was that of the Alid
gambler whose wife and children were destitute, because he gambled away
everything he was able to earn.28 Naturally, the gambling compulsion which
reduced an individual to penury could have been merely a passing phase in
his life, as is believed to have been (but probably was not) the case of the poet
at-Tallafar.
The heavy gambler faced the additional danger of not only losing what he
had but also incurring debts in order to go on with his gambling. Gambling
establishments were accommodating | enough to help a gambler out with a
loan, when he was least able to resist the temptation.29 The confused lover
in the Arabian Nights gambled at chess with the woman he loved. It was a
marathon session extending over several days. He was encouraged by her to
gamble for higher and higher stakes, until he had lost everything he owned.
Then he pretended confidently that he was going to borrow more, although he
had nobody from whom he could borrow something.30 The fourteenth-century
Ibrhm b. Al al-Mimr, who sang of chess and nard and, above all, ashsh,
tells about
25
26
27
28
29
30
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 51, and al-Kind, F l-lah li-daf al-azn, ed. trans. H. Ritter and
R. Walzer, Uno scritto morale inedito di al-Kind, 33. para. 3 (Rome 1938, Memorie, Accad.
Naz. dei Lincei, VI, viii, 1). Al-Kind speaks of loss of property and waste of time.
See below, p. 170.
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Western poets), I, 294. ed. ad-Dasq and Abd-al-Am,
I, 374. The poet is Ab l-akam Ubaydallh b. al-Muaffar al-Marn al-Maghrib (486
549/10931154), cf. Brockelmann, GAL, 2nd ed., I, 321, Suppl., I, 481.
See above. Ch. III, n. 165. Cf. also Ch. IV, n. 58.
See below, p. 144.
See above, Ch. IV, n. 52.
143
480
A gambler, going to a friend

Who was closer to him than any other human being,
Asked him for the money to pay off an unfair
Gambling loss, and he just gave him the dice.31
144
Unless the second verse is to be understood to mean that his friend was his
gambling partner who now attempted to welsh on his gambling debt, we have
here a case of borrowing money to pay off losses, and the person approached
for a loan, wary of loaning money to a gambler, even if he was his best friend,
just gave him a couple of worthless dice, so that he could try his luck again.
A person whose credit is good might postpone paying his gambling debts by
means of a promissory note, as we learn from a fictitious and lewd anecdote.32
If pre-Islamic gamblers, as we have heard, were able to go into debt for gambling
losses, in Islamic times, borrowing money may have been particularly difficult
for a known gambler in view of the prevailing conditions governing financial
activities. We have no evidence for relatives silently taking care of the gambling
debts incurred by a black sheep in the family. It probably happened quite
often.
Wherever the compulsive gamblers activities sought their outlet in public
places, there must have been people who profited from it. They could be
classified as gambling professionals, although they themselves may have never
done any gambling of their own. The dicing den was a familiar establishment,
at least in towns of some | size. It need not always have been designated by its
proper name, such as dr al-qimr or, in Persian, qimrkhne. Taverns (nah,
Persian also qalandarkhne)33 often had games going on in them. A description
of the gambling casino as good as we can hope to find is preserved in the Kitb
al-Mughrib of Ibn Sad (d. 675/1276). It transports us back into the prosperous
Egypt of the first half of the tenth century, but it would appear to have rather
timeless validity for medieval Islam:
31
Cf. al-Mimr, Dwn, Ms. Istanbul Fatih 3793, fol. 47ab:

muqmirun ja il ibin
kna bih dna l-war dh khu
gharramah l-mla al qamrih
ulman wa-m ( fa-m?) ahu ill l-fu.
32
33

Cf. H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele, 381, where the scenario of the story is based upon the
fiction that such dens of iniquity were not known in Arabia. See also above, pp. 23f. (qaf ).
481
At one time, the Ikhshd (Muammad b. ughsh) ordered the destruction of cabarets (mawkhr) and dicing dens (dr al-muqmirn) and the
arrest of the gamblers. They were seized, and many of the gamblers were
brought before him for inspection. Among them was a dignified shaykh.
When he asked whether that shaykh was really a gambler, he was told
that he was called the muammi (making greedy) of the establishment.
It was explained to him that he was the reason why that dicing den was so
very flourishing. He was the man who encouraged someone who had lost
all he carried on him to play for his coat; maybe, he told him, he would
win. When the coat was gone, he told him to play for his shirt, so that
he would win back everything, and so on down to his shoes. The gambler might even go into debt with him. For his work, the man received a
daily salary from the concessionaire (mutaqabbil) of the dicing den. The
Ikhshd found this amusing. He told the man to foreswear those activities.
He did, and the Ikhshd ordered a garment, coat, and a thousand dirhams
to be given to him, as well as a monthly salary of ten dnrs. The man left
gratefully. But then the Ikhshd had him brought back. All he had given
him was taken away from him. He was spread out on his belly and given a
hundred lashes with a stick. This done, the Ikhshd said: Let him go now!
How was this for making greedy as compared to the way you used to do
it!34
A place for gambling that for all we know was much more civilized than
the public establishments was the recreation or play rooms to be found in
palaces and large mansions. A well-known example is that of the club from
Umayyad times which was frequented by the poet al-Awa. It was equipped
with coathangers, books, and boards for playing chess, nard, and merels (shiranjt, nardt, qirqt). Members dropped in, hung up their coats, and either
read or played, whatever they felt like doing.35 We can be certain | that a good
deal of gambling accompanied the games. As it seemingly took place in the
privacy of a home, the club was a rather safe place for gambling activities.
At the court of al-Mamn, the servants had rooms in the palace where
they devoted themselves to heavy gambling, whenever they had time off from
their duties or at least thought that they were not needed. They not only
34
35
Cf. Ibn Sad, Mughrib, ed. trans. K.L. Tallqvist, text 30, trans. 63 (Leiden 1899), trans. A. Mez,
Renaissance, 324.
Cf. Aghn, IV, 52 (Aghn3, IV, 253 f.). The passage is often cited in the scholarly literature,
cf. Murray, A History of Chess, 194; Wieber, Schachspiel, 231. Club is the word used in
I. Guidi and others, Tables alphabtiques du Kitb al-An, 448b (Leiden 1900).
145
482
146
played chess and dice but also organized cockfights.36 The noble young pages
at the court of al-Mutaid also had their recreation rooms to which they
repaired when they were off duty. They took off their boots and hats and relaxed
playing chess and nard. When al-Mutaid learned about it from his spies, he
expressed disapproval. The chamberlain in charge had all the boys who were
on duty on that day be given several lashes. Thereafter, nobody dared to devote
himself to such dissipation, and everybody concentrated on his duties.37 It is
left to our imagination to estimate how much gambling was involved in the
games the boys played, but their age was certainly no obstacle to playing for
stakes.
Gambling went on in the upper classes of society and in those at the bottom,
and among all the layers of society in between. An excessive devotion to games
such as nard was considered detrimental to rulers to an even greater degree
than to ordinary men, as the frstenspiegel literature likes to point out.38 However, many of them did play, and no doubt for stakes. We even have reports such
as the one concerning al-Malik al-Amjad Bahrmshh of Balabakk who was so
deeply immersed in a game of nard that he failed to notice the approach of the
escaped mamlk who had come to kill him.39 The military responsibilities of
the ruling establishment, with its powerful military sector that in time gained
quasi-independence, made sports a necessary and highly esteemed activity.
Regardless of the gambling accompanying them, they were viewed as potentially | objectionable only by representatives of the religious-legal civilian sector. The large and important class of religious scholars in general does not, as
far as I know, furnish any examples for gambling taking place in their ranks. It
deserves notice that there does not seem to exist a single instance of a member
of the class of religious scholars being seriously accused of gambling, although
they were occasionally accused of crimes such as sexual deviation, alcoholism,
drug addiction, and suicide. In Jewish circles from the medieval Muslim environment, a man probably of some scholarly standing might be found who
ran into trouble because of his propensity for gambling, one of the extremely
36
37
38
39
See below, n. 60.

Cf. Hill b. al-Muassin a-bi, Rusm dr al-khilfah, ed. M. Awwd, 71f. (Baghdd
1964).
Cf. also the saying from ath-Thalib, above, Ch. II, n. 84. See below, p. 150. For incompetent
and self-seeking physicians, the ability to play chess and nard served as an introduction to
persons of high rank, who should know better than letting themselves be deceived by such
vulgar trickery, cf. the ninth-century ar-Ruhw, Adab a-abb, ch. 19 (I owe my knowledge
of the passage to the kindness of C. Brgel).
Cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 150.
483
rare references to gambling from the Geniza documents.40 However, the man
was certainly no ranking functionary within the Jewish religio-legal establishment.
The large merchant class is also nowhere singled out for gambling activities.
It is true that we are quite uninformed about the private lives of people in
business and commerce. Gambling was certainly a vice that could not be
tolerated among members of the medieval business community, especially the
more successful and influential ones. Yet, it might have been rather prevalent
among them. It would seem characteristic that the Arabian Nights assume a
merchant background for the reckless gambling lover.41
Romances of love unfolding in a true milieu of knights and chivalry, such
as Gurgns Vis and Ramin, or the romances in the Arabian Nights trying to
reflect such a milieu, ignored gambling, as it implied substandard behavior of a
kind intolerable in the refined atmosphere imagined for them. However, among
poets and littrateurs, fashion and tradition required more open attitudes
toward activities disapproved by law and society. If these attitudes then found
expression in their lifestyles, this was often winked at as a natural consequence.
Among the legendary pre-Islamic gamblers mentioned earlier, there were poets
of high repute such as Bal b. Qays and Abdallh b. Anamah. The famous
singer of the time of Hrn ar-Rashd, Isml b. Jmi, is credited with the
remark that if it were not that gambling and dog fancying take much of my
time, I would have left no bread for the other singers to eat,42 | because by
his exclusive devotion to his art, he would have smothered the competition.
Centuries later, the poet and caliphal chamberlain, Muammad b. Sulaymn
b. Qutulmish (543620/11481223), wasted his large inheritance through dicing
(qimr) and nard and was reduced to wirqah, presumably, to working as a
copyist for booksellers. The only time he did not gamble was when he found
nobody to play with.43 In the year in which Ibn Qutulmish was fifty years
old, the poet at-Tallafar (593675/11971277)44 was born. His early compulsive
40
41
42
43
44
Cf. S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, II, 47, 531, n. 29, 532, n. 45 (Berkeley and Los
Angeles 1971).
Cf. Aghn, VI, 70 (Aghn3, VI, 294); Mez, Renaissance, 384; H.G. Farmer, A History of
Arabian Music, 115 f. (London 1929).
The year of his death is 1277, if he died in Shawwl, as indicated by adh-Dhahab, Tarkh
al-Islm, Ms. Istanbul Aya Sofya 3014, fol. 31a, and Ibar, V, 306, used in Ibn al-Imd,
Shadhart, V, 349; Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII, 255257. The Christian year would be 1276,
if he died in Jumd II, as in al-Ynn, Dhayl, III, 218228; however, the dates in al-Ynn
147
484
148
gambling is reported in more than usual detail, leaving, however, very many
gaps in our knowledge. At-Tallafar gambled away all the gifts he received
from his master, the Ayybid ruler of Damascus al-Malik al-Ashraf b. al-Malik
al-dil. Al-Malik al-Ashraf expelled (-r-d) him, and he went to Aleppo where
the Ayybid al-Malik al-Azz put him on a salary. But he was unable to stop
his gambling, so that it became necessary to make a public announcement
in Aleppo that anybody caught gambling with him would have his hand cut
off. This made life so uncomfortable for him in Aleppo that he went back to
Damascus. There he started again gambling away all the gifts he was able to
solicit. Eventually, he became so poor that he had to stay in the furnace of a
public bath (atn ammm); possibly, what is meant here is not that he had to
work as a stoker, but that he had to sleep in the boiler room of the bath, because
he could not afford to pay for lodgings in a decent place.45 His story, however,
had a happy ending, inasmuch as he finally found the respectable position in
amh to which he | was entitled by his talent and family background.
Presumably, he also gave up gambling in public, but we cannot be sure.
Verses by Shihb-ad-dn al-Azz accuse him of meanness and a bad character as well as pimping and gambling.46 Since al-Azz appears to have been
45
46
seem confused. No month is given by a-afad, Wf, V, 255263, and al-Kutub, Fawt,
II, 546555. Cf., further, Brockelmann, GAL, 2nd ed., I, 300, Suppl., I, 458; Z. al-Masin,
ash-Shbb a-arf, 4147 (Beirut 1972). Badly needed new editions of at-Tallafars Dwn
have been announced by Abd-al-Wahhb M. A. al-Adwn with M.Q. Muaf and by
H.Z. Sb, according to the monthly newsletter (Akhbr at-Turth al-Arab) of the Mahad
al-makht of the Arab League in Cairo, August 1972 and November 1973. [On at-Tallafar
and Sulaymn b. Bulaymn, cf. now also Ibn a-uq, Tl Kitb Wafayt al-ayn, ed.
J. Sublet, nos. 121 and 226 (Damascus 1974).]
The addition of ammm is found in al-Kutub. For atn as a place of ill repute, cf. also the
verses cited in al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah (Syrian poets), II, 300.
Cf. a-afad, Wf, V, 260. Al-Azzs Dwn attests to his close contact with at-Tallafar, cf.
Ms. Istanbul Fatih 3838, fols. 115a, 118b (anno 662), 128a, 132b, 148a, 159b. Al-Azz also refers
to Ibn Bulaymn, cf. his Dwn, fol. 135ab. The Fatih manuscript breaks off in the fourth
chapter and does not contain the fifth chapter dealing with muwashshat. The flyleaf has
an owners note of Abd-al-Qdir b. Ab Bakr ad-Dam, dated in 889/1484. The last folio,
which does not form a quire with the preceding leaves, provides the information that it
constitutes the end of the second and last part of an unnamed work written by its author
(nim) ad-Dam himself. This last folio has, of course, no connection with al-Azzs
Dwn, but it also seems unrelated to the preceding leaves containing poetry from the
early sixth century. The handwriting of ad-Dam in Ms. Fatih 3838 should be checked
with the autograph manuscript of selections from his poetry in Ms. Escorial 473, dated in
886/1482.
485
born forty years after at-Tallafar, this accusation of gambling would have come
in the latters old age, and it does not seem to hark back to a situation which
by then was ancient history. Furthermore, if the anecdote related about atTallafar and the poet and goldsmith Sulaymn b. Bulaymn, who died, about
seventy years old, in 686/1287,47 did in fact involve al-Malik an-Nir Ysuf
b. Muammad, who was born in 627/1230, at-Tallafar would have been in
his fifties when the event described took place. In a number of verses, Ibn
Bulaymn expressed astonishment at hearing about a shaykh, meaning atTallafar, who would gamble for (his) boots (khiff ). At-Tallafar responded
that he was not a soldier, so that he would own boots, nor could he gamble
for the boots of his wife, since he did not have a wife.48 Regardless of how accurately these wrangles among poets described at-Tallafars doings, his devotion
to gambling is confirmed by his own poetry. | He complained about his own
bad luck and the luckiness of his gambling partners:
Those who gamble with me feel happy,
While the earth closes up tight around me.
How greatly have its sixes confused my mind, and how
Much anxiety have its fives forced down my throat.49
47
48
49
Cf. al-Ynn, Dhayl, IV, 323f.; al-Kutub, Fawt, I, 350 f.; Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII, 372f.;
Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart, V, 395 (the edition of adh-Dhahab, Ibar, the likely source of
Ibn al-Imd, has no year 686). According to al-Ynn, Ibn Bulaymn was also listed in
al-Mustawfs History of Irbil. The reading Bulaymn seems to depend on adh-Dhahab,
Tarkh al-Islm; except for the missing dots under the y, it is clearly indicated in Ms.
Istanbul Aya Sofya 3014, fol. 150ab (where it is also stated that Ibn Bulaymn lived to be
over ninety years old). The doubts of the editor of al-Ynn, who refers to forms with n
instead of l (Dhayl, III, 224, even has Yalammn), seem unjustified.
Al-Kutub and Ibn Taghrbird conclude the story with the statement that at-Tallafar said
that he would have to gamble with either silver or gold (min bayn al-ajarayn) for either
the boots or the shoes (nil).
Cf. al-Ynn, Dhayl, III, 224, and Ibn Taghrbird, Nujm, VII, 257. The verses do not appear
in the old edition of at-Tallafars Dwn (Beirut 1326).
For sixes and fives, see Steingass, 745a: shash u panj Confusion, perplexity; dice;
shash-u-panj-zann Dice-players; perfect, pure; one who loses his all at play. It may be
noted that panj u shash means the five senses and the six directions (Steingass, 257a).
Thus, Jall-ad-dn Rm, Mystical Poems, trans. A.J. Arberry, no. 129, verse 10 (Chicago 1968),
speaks of some folk dissolute and drunk and gay, some folk slaves to the five and the
six. Since the two groups are contrasted with each other, gambling could not be meant
here. For an Arabic-Persian play on words using the Persian numbering of the dice, cf. also
Sayf-ad-dn al-Mushidd, Dwn, fols. 132b133a.
149
486
But no matter how miserable gambling made him, he was unable to give up
wine drinking and gambling:
I have denounced everything but wine.
I have foresworn everything but gambling.
Cup and dice are never
Out of my right hand and my left.50
150
This is about all the information we have at present concerning at-Tallafars

gambling obsession. If it has been found worthy to be reported here in toto,
it is because, among the thousands of medieval Arabic poets, we can find
nobody else whom the sources at our disposal have described so explicitly as a
gambler.
The view on gambling that is most generally conveyed to us in the literature
regards it as a contemptible low-class pastime to which only the economic and
spiritual dregs of society would devote themselves. Chess apologists therefore
always contended that their game, in contrast to gambling, was played by
persons of high standing in society. An intellectual of the caliber of an-Nam
could, perhaps, look down even on chess as an amusement for uneducated
parvenus. Two rich men incapable of adab was his characterization of chess
players.51 But in general, chess was extolled as a game for kings and wealthy
men, not one for the poor and stupid,52 and | it was always stressed that it was
reportedly played by noble persons and distinguished Muslims of the second
generation.53 Nard, on the other hand, was allegedly played, in the time of the
great ninth-century Egyptian scholar Muammad b. Abd-al-akam, only by
foolish people lacking true manliness (ahl as-safah wa-trik al-murwah).54
And it was quite natural to exclaim how unbecoming it was for an intelligent
being to be in bondage to a couple of dice and do their bidding.55
The philosophical view of all play was that man, endowed as he was with
reason, had no right to indulge in such a waste of time. Doing nothing (ulah)
is bad, and reason shuns it. Therefore, people who have free time (al-furrgh)
occupy themselves with playing chess and nard, notwithstanding the stupidity
50
51
52
53
54
55
Cf. at-Tallafar, Dwn, 18; al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 547. See, especially, below, Ch. VII, n. 15.
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 77, quoting al-Ji.
Cf. Wieber, Schachspiel, 253 f.
Cf. Ibn Sukaykir, in the beginning.
Cf. as-Sakhw, Shiranj, fol. 42a.
Cf. Pareja Casaas, Libro del Ajedrez, I, text 15, trans. 16.
487
of those games and the useless waste of ones life and time that goes with
them. Voluntarily sitting around unoccupied and motionless is detested by all
people,56 for life, by definition, is motion, and where there is no motion, there
is no life. Thus, gaming might seem to fulfill in a way a useful role in killing
time. However, the philosopher no doubt was of the opinion that, even if no
practical work is waiting to be done, time can always be employed usefully
with thinking. In the language of the men of religion, gaming annuls a mans
murwah.57 For young men living by the code of chivalry, it indicated imperfect
futwah, if one of them was given to playing frivolously with pigeons and, for
gambling purposes, with falcons (?), or with nardashr.58 Whether a mighty
ruler played gambling games himself or followed the frstenspiegel advice that
such indulgence was unbecoming for him, he would likely express the view
that they did not befit his exalted station. We have a story to this effect told
of al-Mamn. He once called his servants, but nobody responded. A courtier
went after them and found them playing dice and chess and watching cocks
fighting. In a furor, he told them that the caliph wanted them. | Still they stalled
and asked to be allowed to throw59 the dice once more and to make another
move. The caliph heard the courtier curse. He, however, laughed and told him
to be lenient with the men, as they were human beings with human frailties like
him. But when he was asked whether he would take the same attitude toward
everybody, he replied that if his sons behaved in that manner, he would kill
them. Such behavior belonged to the qualities of common people, whereas our
qualities are those of kings.60 Gaming and the resulting inattention to duty
were improper as well as dangerous to the ruling elite, no matter how natural
they were for ordinary men.
A high ninth-century official, Amad b. al-Mudabbir, had boon-companions
who, as was expected of them in their profession, were accomplished, among
other things, in chess and nard and various kinds of play. A sponger (ufayl)
was able to best them in all those things, much to the amusement of Ibn
al-Mudabbir who himself would disdain to participate in such a display of
56
57
58
59
60
Cf. Miskawayh and at-Tawd, Hawmil, 276.

See above, Ch. II, n. 3. For sqi al-murwah, cf. also al-mil, Mikhlh, 62.
Cf. Ibn al-Mimr, Kitb al-Futwah, ed. Muaf Jawd and others, 177 (Baghdd 1958
1960). The reference to falcon (shhn) in the context seems a little strange, since birds
of prey used in hunting sports are not mentioned normally in connection with gambling.
It is hardly possible to read shhayn two kings, as a most unusual term for chess.
The root q-y-s appears not to be attested elsewhere in this meaning. Possibly, it is a more
technical term such as to match the partners throw.
Cf. Ibn Ab hir ayfr (above, Ch. II, n. 235).
151
488
152
vulgarity.61 However, his brother Ibrhm regularly played nard for money with
Ibn amdn and once lost the considerable sum of twenty dnrs.62 Doing
things that are enjoyable, while at the same time expressing a low opinion
of them, is not uncommon among human beings, especially with regard to
amusements of all sorts.
The general attitude toward gambling as a low-class activity also seems to
be reflected in the story of ishah who did not want nard players to stay in
a house belonging to her.63 It could have been the illegal status of gambling
that made her decide to threaten those people with eviction. However, the
report, which is not likely to be historical, seems aimed at the social inferiority
associated with it. Its message is that persons of high standing in society should
consider gambling something that they would not care to have anything to do
with.
Gambling figures in some lists of despicable activities and occupations.
Astonishment was expressed that human beings could actually derive pleasure
from something that brought only | disaster to themselves and their families,
a remarkable phenomenon to be observed not only in connection with gambling but also other vulgar and harmful activities.64 The hero of a burlesque of
low life in a large city around the turn of the first millennium associated with
gamblers, nabdh sellers, effeminate persons, monkey men, and he mentioned
his gambling activities in connection with his homosexual inclinations.65 Nard
playing, together with many other gambling activities, is listed in a fictitious
adth of the Prophet as the work of the people of Lot.66 If a boys mother
was a whore, he quite naturally started out as a gambler at a tender age. AtTfsh (d. 651/1253) learned that, when he was writing his Nuzhat al-albb
in Damascus. As the tells the story, he saw a little boy sitting near the water
naked and weeping, while other, older boys were swimming; his clothes had
been stolen, he said, and his mother would kill him, if he came home naked.
Passers-by were touched by his plight and gave him money, so that he would
be able to buy himself clothes. At-Tfsh was about to take out his handkerchief from his sleeve (al-mandl min kumm) and give him something, when
61
62
63
64
65
66
Cf. al-Masd, Murj, VIII, 15 f.; ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, I, 211; Wieber, Schachspiel,
235.
Cf. al-Kind and al-Ghazzl (above, n. 25); Miskawayh, Tahdhb al-akhlq, ed. C.K. Zurayq,
217 (Beirut 1967).
Cf. al-Azd, ikyat Ab l-Qsim, 3 f.
Cf. Ab l-Layth as-Samarqand (above, Ch. II, n. 187).
489
a young man warned him not to do it, since there was nothing to the boys
story. It was the custom of that gambling bastard, the son of a whore and procuress (ilq muqmir ibn qabah qawwdah), to play that trick on strangers all
the time. He would use the money he collected for gambling with the other
boys.67
Among the numerous faults of servants (eunuchs) enumerated in a list going
back to al-Ji appears their infatuation with gambling.68 A work on how to
manage ones affairs (siysah), falsely ascribed to al-Frb, includes gambling
among occupations held in low regard, such as dyeing, sweeping, and sordid
trades.69 It also appears together with buffoonery and musical entertainment
as an | occupation of fools.70 Scavengers (mashilyah) were allegedly once told
by an angry judge that their twelve profitable activities included wala, which
was explained as gambling.71 Prisoners in an Egyptian jail who played chess
and nard and tried to forget their plight by amusing themselves with these and
similar pastimes probably also gambled for whatever possessions they could
lay their hands on. In any case, when Ibn Taymyah was jailed in 707/1308
and observed their evil habits which caused them to miss prayer, he started at
once to reform them and got them to pray regularly; the prison thus became
a better place for knowledge and religion than many a pious and scholarly
institution.71a
One demeaning association recurs all the time, the pairing of gamblers
with robbers and thieves. It goes back to Aristotle who mentions gamblers
and thieves together in his Nicomachean Ethics.72 Li muqmir robber and
gambler was a term of opprobrium expressive enough to be used by both
67
68
69
70
71
71a
72
Cf. at-Tfsh, Nuzhat al-albb, Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Hazine 1317 (Cat. Karatay 8293),
fols. 45b46a. I am grateful to J. Sadan, of the Hebrew University, for having called my
attention to this passage and having suggested other valuable references.
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 33, l. 3.
Cf. the edition of the treatise by L. Cheikho, in al-Machriq, IV (1901), 695. In the edition of
L. Malouf, C. Edd, and L. Cheikho, Traits indits, 2nd ed., 30 (Beirut 1911), the passage is
bracketed as being found in only one manuscript. According to M. Plessner, in I. Goldziher
Memorial Volume, II, 81 (Jerusalem 1958), the treatise ascribed to al-Frb is largely
identical with Ibn Ab r-Rab, Sulk al-mlik. However, the passage in question is not
contained in it (at least, not in the text available to me).
Cf. Nar-ad-dn s, Nasirean Ethics, trans. G.M. Wickens, 158 (London 1964); M. Plessner,
Der Oikonomikos des Neupythagoreers Bryson, 65 (Heidelberg 1928). On p. 264, Plessner
quotes the same statement from ash-Shahrazr, ash-Shajarah al-ilhyah.
Cf. al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, II, 300, trans. Rat, II, 651.
Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Hd, al-Uqd ad-durryah, 269.
Cf. Ibn Ab Dharr, Sadah (above, Ch. II, n. 137).
153
490
154
the master of literary Arabic, at-Tawd, with reference to the al-Aqa who
instructed the ib Ibn Abbd in underworld slang,73 and the users of a more
relaxed form of speech in the Arabian Nights.74 With tongue in cheek, al-Ji
would praise robbers for their addiction to gambling.75 In early tenth-century
Baghdd, criminals would spend the time they were not out committing crimes
at home eating and drinking and playing chess and nard together with a servant
boy who played with them.76 In the Aristotelian tradition, Ibn Sn speaks of
useless crafts involving the transfer of property | which are therefore forbidden,
such as those of thieves, robbers, procurers, and others. He singles out gambling
as an example of taking without providing any benefit in return and thus being
a worthless pursuit.76a
Not only did robbers and thieves gamble heavily themselves, but they also
made use of the prohibition of gambling for protecting themselves against
being apprehended when they burglarized a house. A special term was coined
for the trick they used, bhata bi-n-nard, which may be translated to dupe with
the help of nard. It is briefly alluded to in the Maqmt of Bad-az-zamn
al-Hamadhn.77 In vivid detail, we find the procedure reported by Ibn al-Jawz:
The thief enters the house, digs a small hole like a nard well (bir an-nard,
apparently, a contrivance designed to hold the counters and the chips), puts
into it nuts ( jawzt) such as people use for playing, and places next to it
a handkerchief (mandl) with about two hundred nuts. Then he scoops up
everything in sight and gets ready to leave with his loot. If the owner of the
house surprises him, he just leaves the cloth bag (qumsh, with the nuts) and
makes his getaway. However, if the owner happens to be a strong man and
tackles him, all the while shouting loudly, thieves!, and the neighbors gather
at the scene, the thief starts a glib speech. He says: What a nuisance you are
(m abradaka)! For months I have been gambling with you for nuts. You have
impoverished me and taken all I possess. I shall put you to shame in front of
73
74
75
76
76a
77

Cf. Arabian Nights, ed. Macnaghten, I, 308, trans. Littmann, I, 445 (37th night).
The Srat Baybars speaks of li mulib and of counterfeiters, gamesters, usurers, and
fences, according to the German summary of the work by H. Wangelin, Das arabische
Volksbuch vom Knig Ahir Baibars, 209, 35 (Stuttgart 1936, Bonner Orientalistische Studien 17).
Cf. al-Isfarin, Tabr (above, Ch. II, n. 142).
Cf. a-afad, Wf, VIII, 136.
Cf. Ibn Sn, Shif, Ilhyt, (II), 448 (Cairo 1380/1960).
Cf. Bad-az-zamn al-Hamadhn, Maqmt, 167 (Beirut, n. y.), 217 (Cairo 1381/1962), trans.
Prendergast, 123.
491
your neighbors (by telling them about your nefarious gambling). Now that I
have happened to win, you shout and call me names. Between us we have run a
gambling den. Now, say that I am in the clear (afawta), and I shall leave without
making any more fuss. This causes the neighbors to think that all the owner of
the house wants is not to be exposed as a gambler and he therefore pretends
that the other man is a burglar. Thus, they separate the two and make it possible
for the burglar to escape.78
The story also provides a hint of how much cheating and welshing on bets
was part of the gambling scene. The attention paid by Ibn Qutaybah to supposed precautions that were habitually taken in maysir games shows that the
thought of cheating was never absent | from gambling activities. Whether the
potential loophole that might have permitted the loser in a race to avoid payment of his obligation79 was ever used in practice, we do not know. But fouls
were apparently committed in horse racing. We hear about the possibility of
one of the jockeys slapping the face of (the others?) horse or snatching the
whip of the other. These were probably not accidental occurrences, although
our source seems to list them as such.80 Even chess was not safe from cheating,
and a boon-companion was advised not to try.81 Again speaking with tongue
in cheek, al-Ji complained of the disappearance of those knightly young
men ( fityn) among whom it was customary, when a friend gambled with
a friend, to cheat (in qamara agh).82 Incidentally, it had been a different
story with pre-Islamic tim a-, famed for his generosity, who was also
lucky, and whenever he gambled, he won (idh qmara sabaqa).83 The frequent commission of perjury mentioned among the vices of gamblers may also
refer to their propensity for cheating and trying to get out of their contrac-
78
79
80
81
82
83
Cf. Ibn al-Jawz, Akhbr a-urrf, 45 f. Ibn al-Jawz has Ubayd-allh b. Muammad alKhafff as the name of the narrator of the story.
Cf. Abdallh b. Maymn, Ifdah, Ms. Istanbul Kprl I, 1213, fols. 174b175b: lam aad
ar-rkibayn wajh faras and ikhtif aadihim saw al-khar.
Cf. Wieber, Schachspiel, 255.
Cf. al-Ji, Bayn, III, 220 (above, Ch. II, n. 238). agh is listed as to cheat in Lisn, XIX,
221.
Cf. ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, II, 286. Hardly putting up the prize (sabbaqa),
particularly in view of the version in al-Ql, Aml, III, 153, which speaks of throwing
arrows. In contrast, assn b. Thbit slandered the Ban l-ims as being inferior in every
respect by depicting them as constant losers, even were they to gamble with the Zanj for
nobility of pedigree, they would be defeated, cf. his Dwn, I, 357; az-Zubayr b. Bakkr,
Muwaffaqyt, 248.
155
492
156
tual obligation to pay gambling debts, but this is uncertain.84 Ibn Taymyah
mentioned, next to lying and committing perjury, the cheating (khiynah) practiced by gamblers and called by them mughh, a word which in this form
does not seem to exist in the | dictionaries.85 No spectacular cheating scandals
are mentioned in the sources consulted. If there were any, and they involved
rich and high-ranking individuals, they were no doubt always carefully hushed
up.
Another fault ascribed to gamblers which branded them as low-class riffraff
was their uncouth, loud, and quarrelsome behavior. That such behavior was
typical of gamblers was easily deduced from the Qurnic passage prohibiting
maysir. Ibn Srn allegedly went so far as to state that everything that involves
gambling, shouting (iy), or anything bad is maysir.86 The literary and linguistic sensibilities of the ib Ibn Abbd were supposedly described by his
rival, Ibn al-Amd, in these unflattering terms: His use of rhymed prose suggests wanton frivolity. His handwriting suggests that he is a chronically sick
man with a withered hand. And his shouting suggests that he had lost at gambling in the tavern.87 The use of foul language came naturally to gamblers, and
apparently not only when they belonged to the uneducated strata of society. It
made their gambling still more offensive.88
In Muslim society, gambling was by and large more of a private vice than
a public nuisance or danger. Therefore, summary government action against
it rarely took place. At least, it was not frequently reported in the sources.
Whether historical or not, the report by al-Khuz concerning the official
complaint sent to the governor of Mecca during the caliphate of al-Mahd
about gambling and other objectionable activities going on in the territory
84
85
86
87
88
See above, Ch. III, nn. 66, 97. Cf. Wieber, Schachspiel, 197, mentioning a remark that is
ascribed by al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 77, to a-l, Kitb Shuar Mir; Ibn Taymyah, Fatw,
IV, 308 (next to lying). Among medieval Jews, the perjury committed was the breaking of a
previous solemn oath to give up gambling, cf. L. Landman, in Jewish Quarterly Review,
LVII (1966), 302f. Such recidivism after repentance was certainly common also among
Muslims, cf. H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele, 182.
For lying and bragging at fourteen, cf. Ibn Ab Shaybah, Muannaf, fol. 72a. Nard as
an opportunity for bragging (al-mujib al-mufkhir bi-n-nard) is the subject of verses by
Kushjim, Dwn, 42 f.; al-Masd, Murj, VIII, 318f.
Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, II, 8. Mughh may require correction (mughh, from
agh?).
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm, 36, 58.
Cf. at-Tawd, Akhlq al-wazrayn, 126.
Cf. al-mil, Mikhlh, 62.
493
under his jurisdiction is a good example of the form government intervention could take in such cases; we are, however, not told what results the complaint produced.89 The raiding of gambling establishments under the Ikhshd
of Egypt is, perhaps, an even better example, but again, we have no concrete
information on the scale and consequences of the police action.90 It probably blew over quickly,91 and was repeated periodically. A governor of Egypt,
Yazd b. Abdallh at-Turk, had the thoroughbreds belonging to the government sold | and, for a couple of years around 860, did not permit any racing (rihn).92 The gambling that accompanied horse races may, however, not
have been the determining element in the governors action. Under the Mamlks, overindulgence in gambling sports occasionally provoked public reaction
against them.93
Whether or not gambling activities had a noticeable influence on the general
economy is something we can only speculate about. The gambling equipment
needed for board games gave no doubt employment to a modest number
of small manufacturers. Chess boards and men could be made of precious
materials and require fine workmanship. A traditional and much cultivated
poetical exercise, the request in verse for a gift of some sort or other, included
the request for chess sets in its regular repertoire.94 When we hear about chess
and nard sets found in the estate of a deceased individual, this may not only
indicate his devotion to the game but also mean that those sets possessed a
certain value. However, ordinarily, most such gambling equipment should have
been rather inexpensive. If it was confiscated or destroyed, the financial loss
cannot have been great. On the other hand, many of the sports were extremely
costly and a great luxury. The drain on the public treasury was defensible as
part of the military budget. It seems to have been a considerable part of it. For
private individuals, the expense, even on a comparatively small scale, might
easily have led to financial ruin.
All this, however, is not directly related to gambling as such. If gambling at
times wrought havoc with an individuals financial circumstances, such sporadic economic consequences of gambling probably never translated into societal terms. The sums lost and won in gambling in the aggregate are not likely to
89
90
91
92
93
94

See above, p. 144.
As happened, for instance, to the maqif in Cairo, see above, Ch. II, n. 89.
Cf. al-Kind, Wulh, 203; Mez, Renaissance, 383. See above, p. 50.
See above, p. 54.
Cf., for example, ath-Thalib, Tatimmat al-Yatmah, I, 58.
157
494
have had any economic or social significance in medieval Muslim society. Any
social and economic consequences may be said to have been dwarfed by the
problem that gambling posed as the expression of a fundamental spiritual and
metaphysical attitude.
chapter six
The Metaphysics of Gambling

Since gambling is mans tinkering with chance and his pretense, bold and
timid at the same time, to having a voice in shaping the as yet unformed and
unknown future, it is in obvious conflict with the claim of monotheism that
the world is governed by a divine plan which leaves nothing to chance and that
the future is known only to God and is to be left trustingly to the direction He,
and He alone, decides to give to it. Thus, Christianity would condemn gambling
as irreverence. This attitude was described by Jean Barbeyrac, who did not
subscribe to it, in these words: On dit donc, que Dieu prside sur le Sort, & qu il
le dirige dune faon particulire: quainsi, puis que le Sort entre dans tous les
Jeux de Hazard, cest une profanation manifeste que d obliger la Providence
Divine intervenir dans une chose si peu srieuse, & sujette d ordinaire tant
d inconvniens.1 The same thought was still echoed in modern times in the
sturdy Protestantism of the American Bible Belt. It was felt that gambling which
is fiddling around with the gods of chance implies lack of reverence for the
stern dictates of Providence. Another objection to gambling was expressed in
those circles. Gambling was lusting for bread without the attending sweat.2
This was, as we have seen, called by Muslims one of the uses of gambling,
although they also understood it to be something objectionable, because it was
a frivolous activity.
Muslim scholars occasionally included gambling among the activities that
constituted in their view insolent and illicit human attempts to arrogate to
man a knowledge beyond his reach. As explained by the Mlikite al-Qurub,
the Qurnic reference to divination arrows extends to all sorts of gambling,
whether its vehicle is pigeon flying, nard, chess, or similar games. Thus, they
are a kind of soothsaying (takahhun) and an attempt to claim knowledge
of the supernatural (at-taarru li-daw ilm al-ghayb).3 However, it is more
important for us to realize that Islam had a | much fresher memory than either
Judaism or Christianity of the basic tenet of monotheism that blind fate was not
the governing force of everything under the sun. The assertion of purposeful
divine control as against the belief of pre-Islamic Arabs in a capricious fate
was the main theme of the divine revelation received by the Prophet and the
1 Cf. J. Barbeyrac, Trait du jeu, I, 26.
2 Cf. Rufus King, Gambling and Organized Crime, 17 f.
3 Cf. al-Qurub, Jmi, VI, 59, to Qurn 5:3/4.
158
159
496
prime cause of Islams initial spiritual success. The Prophets inspired vision
proclaimed a world which had a definite purpose from beginning to end completely determined by God. That purpose did not permit anything to be left to
pure chance. Any gambler, prying into the inscrutable ways of the deity, thereby
showed disrespect and incomprehension. Gambling was in a sense a mockery of the divine purpose, in that it took advantage of the human inability to
understand it fully. Even more than to the contemporaries of a Barbeyrac, it
was shocking to Muslims to see this done in ways that were so little serious.
Awareness of the ancient concept of a blind fate was deeply embedded in
the minds of pre-Islamic poets and permeated their poetry. It persisted into
Islamic times and found frequent expression in verse. At times, it may have
been more a figure of speech than true metaphysical conviction. But many,
or most, of those who spoke of the worlds dependence on fate and of those
who listened to them are likely to have been convinced that they were dealing
with a profound and valid metaphysical statement. Since playing and gambling
celebrated the power of chance and luck, they were naturally linked to the old
inherited view of an all-powerful fate:
I have seen fate play with the noble youth.
Two different states turn him round and round:
What is passing is a sleepers dreams.
What is remaining is wishes.4
160
This is the way in which the poet expresses the old wisdom of the need of
enjoying the present moment, because the past is gone forever and the future
is uncertain.
A human being may be serious, while fate is playing.5 The play | of fate causes
much of mans life to depend on unpredictable luck and mocks his most serious
and determined efforts:
If luck ( jadd) does not help, the noble youths seriousness ( jidd) is (but)
play.
4 Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab, Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 6511, fol. 11b. The poet is Dk al-Jinn. In the
collection of his poems compiled by Abd-al-Mun al-Mall and Muy-ad-dn ad-Darwsh,
105 (im 1960), the verses are quoted from an-Nuwayr, Nihyat al-arab, where play in the
first line is replaced by hurry. The translation of the second line follows the reading of the
manuscript of the Rab, tuqallibuh lni.
5 Cf. Ibn al-Fakhkhr al-Mlaq (d. 539/11441145), quoted in al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardah
(Western poets), II, 336.
the metaphysics of gambling
497
The most futile efforts are made by those who exert themselves ( jadda)
in search of them.6
While knowledge and wisdom are under the complete control of the individual
who possesses them, wealth comes to its owner, and leaves him again, as a
matter of mere chance. Graeco-Arabic wisdom literature thus lets Solon say
to a man of great wealth:
My property (which is wisdom and knowledge) can never pass to anyone
against my will, and if I give it away, it remains with me undiminished.
Your wealth, on the other hand, may pass to someone else, and if you give
some of it away, it will be less. It is not different from the dice used for
playing. Their sides turn to each one of the players according to chance
(ittifq).7
The intelligent man knows that the shares are not proportionate to the stakes
risked. Thus, he does not worry when the men in power prefer a fool to him.8
Gambling pure and simple was not as commonly associated with fate as were
the games and sports most widely practiced. The tenth-century poet ar-Rashd
al-Lawkar, for instance, sang:
Fate plays with the noble youth,
Just as polo sticks (awlij) play with the ball,
Or as a raging gale plays
With a handful of millet.
Without a nose ring, it leads
Him to happiness and unhappiness.
Fate is a hunter, and man
Is nothing but a lark (qunburah).9
6 Cf. al-ar, Luma al-mula, fol. 23a (Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 2344, fol. 18b):
idh l-jaddu lam tusid fa-jaddu l-fat laib
wa-abalu sayin sayu man jadda f -alab.
The poet is bzwn al-Umn (?), on whom I have no further information.
7 Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, 38.
8 Cf. Miskawayh, Jwdhn khiradh, ed. A. Badaw, 270 (Cairo 1952).
9 Cf. ath-Thalib, Tatimmat al-Yatmah, II, 77.
498
Also in connection with polo, Ab Nuws said:

Till the winner gets the prize.
The one is grieved, the other glad
The same with fate and destinys disposing.9a
161
Fate and death are inextricably linked, since death is the ultimate | outcome of
fates play with mankind. The same word ajal may have either meaning and be
understood to refer to both at the same time. Horse racing and arrow shooting
with their uncertain results were appropriate similes for the gamble man has
to take with fate and death in this world, as the Spaniard Ibn Shuhayd knew
well:
Fate (dahr) has tripped the racers.10
The race horses swift gallop has never stopped death.
The arrows of destiny (many) will surely hit the noble youth.11
Nard and chess were particularly favored means of describing poetically the
world and death and fate:
Look, and you will see chess revolving like fate
Day and night, misfortune and blessings.
Its Mover remains, all the rest of it passes,
And after annihilation, it is revived and its bones resurrected.12
A Persian verse cited by Thomas Hyde made mankind the players and their
inescapable fate, meaning death, the croupier:
9a
10
11
12
Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn, ed. E. Wagner, II, 257 (Wiesbaden 1392/1972, Bibliotheca Islamica
20b).
Cf. al-Maydn, Arabum Proverbia, II, 184: He who races fate is tripped. Dahr in the verse
is replaced in some manuscripts by mawt.
Cf. Ibn Shuhayd, at-Tawbi wa-z-zawbi, in Ibn Bassm, Dhakhrah, I, i, 218, trans. J.T. Monroe, 60 (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1971, University of California Publications, Near Eastern
Studies 15).
Cf. al-Ghuzl, Mali, I, 78, quoting Badr-ad-dn Ibn a-ib (ar-Ras b. a-ib al-wazr
Tj-ad-dn), a contemporary of Fakhr-ad-dn Ibn Maknis. For similar verses by Ibn alLabbnah, cf. Murray, A History of Chess, 203; Wieber, Schachspiel, 132; al-Imd al-Ifahn,
Khardah (Western poets), II, 114.
499
This world is the dicing den of the devil. In it,

We are the players. Fate supervises the numbers thrown.13
Little value, said a poet, is to be attached to a world which is nothing but a game
of nard, depending as it does on the way the dice roll:
Fate is the player. We the counters are.
Heaven the dice, our earth the gaming board.14
The supposed author of the verse is none other than the towering genius of
medieval Islam, Ibn Sn. Whether or not he was indeed | the author, can
hardly be decided with any certainty. But he might very well have expressed
sentiments of this sort when relaxing from serious philosophical work. Such
sentiments can certainly be expected to have been expressed by the Umar
Khayym of the Quatrains. In fact, one of them runs, in E. Fitzgeralds first
translation:
Tis all a Chequer-board of Nights and Days
Where Destiny with Men for Pieces plays:
Hither and thither moves, and mates, and slays,
And one by one back in the Closet lays.
Or, according to a later version of Fitzgeralds:
But helpless Pieces of the Game He plays
Upon this Chequer-board of Nights and Days:
13
Cf. Hyde, II, 116, who calls them verses Sazeni Potae:
duny qimrkhne-ye dw ast wa-andar
m mangiygarn wa-ajal naqshbn-e mang.
14
Cf. H. Eth, Avicenna als persischer Lyriker, in Nachrichten von der K. Gesellschaft der Wiss.
und der Georg-Augusts-Universitt, 566 f. (Gttingen 1875):
ajal nardbz ast wa-m muhre m
falak kabatayn wa-jihn takht-e nard.
Cf. also G. Misch, Geschichte der Autobiographie, III, ii, siebter Abschnitt, 1005 (Frankfurt
a. M. 1962).
162
500
Hither and thither moves, and checks, and slays,

And one by one back in the Closet lays.15
The supposedly more literal translation by A.J. Arberry reads:
A stark and solemn truth I say,
Not as in parables to preach:
We are but counters, all and each,
That Heaven moveth at its play.
We stir awhile, as if at will,
About the chessboard of the days,
Till in the box of death Time lays
Our pawns, to be for ever still.16
In fact, more accurate is the translation of L.P. Elwell-Sutton:
We are the pawns, and Heaven is the player;
This is plain truth, and not a mode of speech.
We move about the chessboard of the world,
Then drop into the casket of the void.17
163
The quatrain speaks vaguely of playing, but the assumption that chess was
uppermost in the poets mind is highly likely. He speaks, not of nights and
days as Fitzgerald has it, but, much more philosophically meaningful, of the
gaming board of existence and the box | (in which the counters are kept) of
non-existence. Heaven is the player. Humans, the counters, have their little
game, till they revert to non-existence. All this is not metaphor; it is reality, as
15
Nos. 49 of Fitzgeralds first version, 74 of the second, and 69 of the third through fifth
versions. The Persian text reads in the edition of E. Heron-Allen (London 1899):
Az ry-e aqqat na az ry-e majz
m lubatgnm wa-falak lubatbz
bzche ham kunm bar na-e wujd
raftm bi-undq-e adam yak yak bz.
16
17
The text of R.M. Aliev and M.-N.O. Osmanov, no. 173 (Moscow 1959), shows the second line
preceding the first. It reads aqqat na ki and, for raftm, uftm.
Cf. A.J. Arberry, Omar Khayym, a new version, 106, no. 173 (New Haven 1952).
Cf. L.P. Elwell-Suttons translation of Ali Dashti, In Search of Omar Khayyam, 191 (London
1971).
501
things really are. There is no reference to gambling here, or to the caprice of

the dice. It is a game played, for all we know, according to certain fixed rules
of higher reason in which we of necessity are the constant losers. Nevertheless,
even here where gambling and chance are kept at a distance, they stay near
enough to make their presence, and the incompatibility of the verses with
genuine Islamic belief, clearly felt.
The strange mysticism of al-Jilyn (531602/11361205), whose lifetime coincided almost exactly with that of another Spaniard of a totally different approach to the world, the great Maimonides, compared the attitude of the common people who were unaware of inner meanings to the game played on the
checkered board:
They brought me a prayer carpet. On account of its inlay
I imagined it to be a board for gambling.
I said: Now, what would one assume to be its army?
They replied: Minds whose passion is (but) a hangover.
They play with Islam as with rooks,
And they throw the religious laws around like pebbles at Min.
Surely, the earth is a prayer carpet and pebbles
And a stone pavement and reed mats.
But they play with the shells,
Because they are far removed from the flesh of the fruit.
They carry something external (hir) imposed by blind belief in tradition,
Just as donkeys carry books (Qurn 62:5/5) on their backs (ahr).18
18
Cf. al-Jilyn, Dwn al-ikam, Ms. Brit. Mus add. 7560 Rich., fol. 101b. The verses are dated
in 599/12021203:
atawn bi-sajjdatin khiltuh
bi-tarih ruqatan li-l-qimri
fa-qultu fa-m dh tur jayshah
fa-ql uqlun hawh khumru
talabu bi-d-dni liba r-rikhkhi
wa-tarm sh-sharia ramya l-jimri
a-m l-aru sajjdatun wa-l-a
wa-safu l-bali wa-uru s-samri
wa-lkinnahum laib bi-l-qushri
li-ghaybatihim an lubbi th-thimri
wa-qad amal hiran qullid
ka-m amala l-kutba ahru l-imri.
502
164
The army of men on the chess board of the world consists of minds made sick
from having had too much heady wine of mundane diversions. They play with
Islam as if it were game. They make no | progress, because traditional beliefs
blind them to the reality and true meaning of religion. Their foolish play is
gambling, wrong and useless.
The old comparison of nard with the firmament and the course of the world
depending on its revolution naturally led to the frequent linking of the game to
astrological determinism, as, for instance, in this rhymed riddle:
What would a land be that is like a firmament
Moved by finger tips and palms,
Having stars in the number of the month(s of the year)
Propitious and unpropitious in turns,
As if hours were revolving
Its pole at the passing of time.19
Everybody is subject to the motions of the stars, whether they bring luck or
misfortune. In the same way, the gambler depends on the fall of the dice. His
microcosm imitates and confirms the ways in which the world at large and the
metaphysical establishment are supposed to operate.
At one moment in the early history of Islam, presumably in the beginning
ninth century, if not already in the preceding eighth century, Muslim theological thinking hit upon gambling as a suitable metaphor to illustrate its fundamental concern with free will against predetermination and chance. The serious discussion of the disturbing problem of free will in subsequent times seems
to have kept away from the comparison with gambling. However, the authors
who spoke of chess and nard always came back to it. Nard, the true game of
chance, shows the players complete trust in God. Chess which depends on the
players ingenuity and decision thereby proclaims mans freedom from divine
predestination. Originally, two variations seem to have been in separate circulation. One of them focused on the element of luck and astrological deter-
19
Cf. al-Azz, Dwn, fol. 116b:

m hiya arun ka-annah falakun
tudruh anmulun wa-rtu
lah nujmun ka-sh-shahri iddatuh
suduh wa-n-nusu trtu
ka-annam qubuh tadr bih
al mamarri z-zamni stu.
503
minism. It was ascribed to the time of a legendary Indian king of the remote
past. Nard was invented earlier than chess. It was invented in order to show
that no worldly goods are gained through cleverness and skill and that the
world bounces human affairs around capriciously. Chess was then invented in
order to counter the ideas suggested by | nard. It shows that success goes to
the prudent individual, while misfortune befalls the ignorant person. The oldest available source here is the late ninth-century al-Yaqb,20 followed closely
in time by al-Masd.21 The other version did away with those pre-Islamic
Indian trappings and came right out with the application to the Muslim situation. It declared chess to be representative of the Mutazilah view, while
nard expressed the jabr belief in predetermination. In al-Masds words, one
of the speculative theologians considered the inventor of chess a Mutazilite
(adl) and as having control over his own actions, and the inventor of nard as
acting under constraint (mujbar) and showing by his game that he cannot do
anything on his own but is active according to the dictates of predestination
(qadar).22
The two strains had already grown together in the Rislat ikmat wa
an-nard wa-sh-shiranj by Ab Zayd al-Balkh (ca. 236322/850934),23
al-Masds considerably older contemporary:
The sages have always followed the custom of expressing obscure intellectual matters through similes and forms (pictures) amenable to observa-
20
21
22
23
Cf. al-Yaqb, Tarkh, I, 99 ff.

Cf. al-Masd, Murj, I, 157f., also VIII, 320. Al-Masd was used by authors such as
an-Nuwayr, Nihyat al-arab, XIV, 321.
Cf. al-Masd, Murj, VIII, 320.
Cf. Ab Zayd al-Balkh, in Ms. Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 1541, fol. 724ab. The
manuscript is an enormous collection of dozens of works written on the text pages and
in the margins, cf. the description in Cat. Karatay 8683. For al-Balkhs work, cf. Wieber,
Schachspiel, 27, 38, 151, 491. The text is reproduced in the Libro del Ajedrez, published by
Pareja Casaas, I, text 1012, trans. 1012. The remainder of al-Balkhs discussion, covering one more folio in the Istanbul manuscript, is also resumed in the Libro del Ajedrez, I, text 1215, trans. 1216. The quotation in the Libro del Ajedrez is quite accurate.
Some of the changes made in it reflect a changed religious climate. Al-Balkh was also
quoted by Ibn Bbah, Ras ml an-nadm, Ms. Istanbul Turhan Velide Sultan 234, fols. 127a
131a.
The book on the wisdom of nard, with which Ab Bakr ar-Rz, a contemporary of
al-Balkh and al-Masd, is credited (above, Ch. II, n. 168), most probably dealt with the
same subject and, if it were preserved, could be expected to shed much light on the origin
of the dogmatic debate.
165
504
tion by the senses, in order to make them easier to understand, since the
clearest and soundest proof is always such direct observation. Often they
contrived24 to invent things which outwardly were an amusement for the
common people, while their inner meaning served to train the minds and
senses of the elite. The purpose was to utilize the eagerness of the ignorant
mass as a means to achieve wider and more general usefulness. For the
sense of hearing, they thus invented | the musical instruments, for vision,
artistic clocks, and for speech, the insertion into the narrative of stories
based on various kinds of proverbs and facetious anecdotes.25 The games
of nard and chess belong into this category, because they were so arranged
that outwardly they were an amusement for the common people. Substitutes for them of the same excellent order and suitability for gambling
are not to be found in ancient and modern times.26 They were therefore enthusiastically welcomed by all nations and spread among them.
The Greek, Persian, and Indian races ( jl) boasted of having invented
them.
Their inner meaning is intended to turn around the clarification of
mankinds most important moot problem, the problem of qadar27 versus
jabr, free choice versus compulsion. Since ancient times, the official representatives28 of all religious groups and persuasions have differed with
respect to this most difficult and vexing problem. One group says that
human movements, actions, and efforts and mans happiness and unhappiness, his success and failure consequent upon them, take place under
compulsion (ijtibr wa-irr) for a reason, external to them and their
power, which gives and withholds. (A subdivision composed of)29 the
166
24
25
26
27
28
29
The Ms. has yatjn il need, which is perhaps more correct than yatln li- found in
the Libro del Ajedrez.
Wa-dhlik f iss (Ms. s) al-masm ka-lt at-talf wa-f iss al-manr ka-l-lt albadah f marifat as-st wa-f iss al-maniq ka-tamnihim urban min al-kalm adth muallafah f urb al-amthl wa-l-khurft.
Fa-innah lam yjad min qadm az-zamn wa-adthih lubatn badala-hum min usn
at-tabiyah wa-wujb al-qamr bihim. The Libro del Ajedrez has, Nothing can be found in
ancient and modern times that compares to chess and nard as to beautiful arrangement
(nabah, referring to the combination of plays available in the game) and suitability (read
wa-wujb?) for play. However, one is forbidden, and the other is permitted. Perhaps,
wa-wujb (wa-wujd) was originally wa-jdat excellent gambling (play) in both cases (?).
Here, free will, referring to the Mutalizah designated as Qadaryah.
Read al-mutadayyinn.
The words in brackets are a useful addition in the Libro del Ajedrez.
505
religionists holds that the external reason is the destiny determined by

God which cannot be repelled, while (that composed of) the naturalists
holds that that reason is depending on the propitious and unpropitious
lots of the spheres (as-sihm al-falakyah).
The other group says that all the unhappiness and happiness, the success and failure coming to human beings through their movements and
actions, result from their good or bad choice and their successful30 and
futile activities. This brought about the appearance of the religion of the
Zoroastrians (majs) and dualists. They posited two agents for unhappiness and happiness, failure and success. The Zoroastrians assumed two
primeval principles, Yazdn and Ahriman, the dualists, light and darkness.
The inventor of nard imitated the first school by means of the rules of
his game, putting the two dice in the place of the external reason that
allows no efforts to be made except in accordance with what it gives and
grants.31 He thus made it patently clear how the more | ignorant and
less likely individual may win out over the more deserving and potent
one, and how the incapable individual, if favored by the external cause,
may succeed, while the prudent individual, if abandoned by it, may be
frustrated. The one succeeds in obtaining and concentrating his position
(khu?), whereas the other is frustrated and confused in his activities
and left behind.32
The inventor of chess, in turn, imitated the second school by means of
the rules of his game, not positing an external reason for actions but giving
the players equivalent tools as substitutes for the powers established in
man and having everything depend on choice in their use. It is clear
how difficult things become for (the person making a bad choice) and
how his opponent (gharm) gains control over his position (khu?),
although the tools are the same, and eventually defeats (q-m-r) him.33
It is comparable to warfare, the most important business in the world,
where good management and bad choice lead, respectively, to salvation
and perdition. The fact that in this most important business, success
30
31
32
33
Read arfihim?, irafihim?

One would expect takes.
Khu, here and below, may possibly refer to the rows of squares on the chess board,
unless it has to be read u portions.
Libro del Ajedrez: Thus he showed clearly how the individual making a good choice may
defeat the one making a bad choice and how he may make things (or, things may become?)
difficult for him.
167
506
obviously depends on good management, and lack of success on faulty

management, indicates that all other activities and ways of making a
living must be similar to it.
168
It is striking that the reports on the philosophical-dogmatic significance of

chess and nard refrain from passing any sort of value judgment. Al-Balkhs
reference to Zoroastrianism and dualism in connection with free choice (chess)
is not counterbalanced by any stress on Islam in connection with determinism
(nard). The Muslim case against nard has always been stronger than the one
against chess. Here, too, chess probably was the more acceptable game. Its
Mutazil character may, therefore, have been meant to be an argument in favor
of Mutazilism, as against the orthodox Muslim nard view of the world, and it
could have been the brilliant invention of one of the proponents of Mutazilah
views.
It is quite possible that doctrinal considerations with respect to free will were
behind the often quoted statement attributed to Ibn Umar that chess is worse
than nard. It was usually explained along lines already indicated by Ibn Ab
d-duny. In the first place, nard is not as mentally absorbing as is chess, which
thus is more likely to lead to the non-observance of the prayer times. And in
the second place, it does not give rise to as many disputes and quarrels. Ibn Ab
d-duny maintains that Ibn Umar naturally knew that the strict prohibition
of nard was something generally agreed upon, while chess was viewed much
more leniently. Thus, his paradoxical | contention that chess is worse than
nard was meant to caution against chess playing in view of those two serious
drawbacks.34 However, we may suggest that the remark was in fact prompted
by some forerunner of the debate we find in al-Balkh in elaborated form, and
was a protest against chess as the alleged reification of the dogma of free will.
Much later, as-Sakhw may have felt something of the sort when he brought
the Mlikite statement that chess is more fun (alh) than nard into relation
with the old debate.35
That debate did not spill over into the oldest literature on chess, if we can
rely on the excerpts that are preserved in manuscript. Although the origin
of that literature can be dated back to the eighth century, it probably did
not antedate it, so that the reason why it is not mentioned there appears to
34
35
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm, 35, 57 f.

Cf. as-Sakhw, Shiranj, fol. 30a. As-Sakhw has reference to the end of Ibn Ab Zayds
Rislah f fur al-Mlikyah. This is not the passage in the famous Rislah, 324f. For certain
Mlikites considering chess worse than nard, cf. Wieber, Schachspiel, 182. Cf. also above,
p. 93.
507
be not chronology but its highly dubious value as a recommendation for the
game. It appears in the later chess literature and is also reflected elsewhere.
According to a-afad, Ibn Taymyah is supposed to have said that playing
nard was better than playing chess, because the nard player acknowledges
predetermination (al-qa wa-l-qadar), while the chess player denies it and is
thus closer to Mutazilism.36 A-afad finished his report of the statement on
a note of doubt (or so he said). In fact, it occurs in the much later as-Sakhw
without attribution. As-Sakhw may have omitted the name of Ibn Taymyah
on purpose, but it would seem more likely that the statement had long been
in anonymous circulation. Ibn Taymyah in fact quoted an existing dictum, in
order to show that not only nard but also chess was highly objectionable. He
expressed himself in favor of the view that chess was worse than nard with
or without compensation (iwa), because it has all the corruptive features
of nard and more, such as barring the heart from the remembrance of God
and from prayer and the like: therefore, it has been said that chess follows the
doctrine of qadar, while nard follows the doctrine | of jabr, seeing that the
heart is more occupied with thinking in chess.37 As-Sakhw spoke of the more
detrimental influence of chess on the mind, in the sense that chess requires
weighing (taqdr) and counting the moves before making them, in contrast to
nard where the player does the counting afterwards.38 And he adds: It has
therefore been stated that chess is built upon Mutazilah doctrine (madhhab
al-qadar), while nard is built upon determinist doctrine.39
A further step in the development of the doctrinal view of chess and nard
is also attested by a-afad. He says that with respect to the nard player, the
dice act like predestination and work at times for him and at other times
against him, while he moves the counters as the pips require. But if the nard
player possesses good judgment, he knows how to manage and how, through
cleverness, to win and to defeat his opponent, while abiding all the time by the
decision of the dice. This agrees with Asharite doctrine. Quoting this remark
of a-afad, al-Qalqashand cautiously added that nard was forbidden by the
religious law, lest he left the reader with the impression that in theory at least,
36
37
38
39
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 52; Wieber, Schachspiel, 192f. The afad passage was already
known to Hyde, II, 5254. From another source much used by him, the Bodleian manuscript of Ibn Sukaykir (above, Ch. IV, n. 116), Hyde, II, 5456, quotes a brief reference to free
choice and predestination.
Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Fatw, II, 9.
This statement also appears in az-Zarqns Commentary on Mliks Muwaa, IV, 357.
Cf. as-Sakhw, Shiranj, fol. 30a.
169
508
170
he approved of it.40 A-afad was certainly not the first to make the tripartite
division between skill, luck, and a mixture of both in playing games. In the
Libros de acedrex, dados, e tablas of Alfonso el Sabio (12211284), it is stated
that chess depends on reason, dicing on luck, and board games played with dice
(such as backgammon) on a combination of reason and luck.41 It is a reasonable
assumption that in the Muslim world, the comparison of the third type with
Asharism was also made long before the time of a-afad.
As far as the official Muslim attitude toward gambling was concerned, the
debate about the metaphysical meaning of chess and nard remained what it
had been from the start, a jeu desprit, a witticism, albeit one with a sharp
dogmatic edge. Not many people, if anybody, would have dared to argue on
the basis of it that gambling as such was a good thing indicative of moral and
religious rectitude. However, in one vast segment of Muslim religious life, | we
do indeed encounter occasionally a wholehearted approval of the symbolic
gambler who recklessly gambles away all he possesses. This was in fism. Only
the daring imagination of the mystic would have ventured to turn convention
around to such an extent. And apparently, only the mystics who were at home
in the Iranian orbit did that. A pious orthodox theologian would no doubt
approve of the sentiment that the sinner is closer to Gods mercy than anybody
else, and if he was mystically inclined, he might express the deathbed wish
to be buried on the hill where winedrinkers, thieves, and, among still more
types of sinners, also gamblers lay buried. But it took a convinced mystic to
claim that the true prince of gamblers, the gambler who does not stop gambling
before he has lost everything he owns (pkbz) down to the shroud intended
for his burial, is symbolic of the mystics greatest virtue and most essential
accomplishment, his freeing of himself from all the material impediments on
his way toward union with the divine.42
Al-Qushayr had already argued that the prohibition of maysir in the Qurn
was an indication of the total defeat of the mystic, as far as this world is
concerned:
40
41
42
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 52; al-Qalqashand, ub, II, 141. Cf. also the note in the Libro del
Ajedrez, mentioned above, Ch. II, n. 269.
Cf. A. Steigers edition (above, Ch. II, n. 97), 610.
Cf. H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele, 304, 202. In conservative works on the lives of the pious
such as Ab Nuaym al-Ifahns ilyah, gambling has no place whatever. Qimr is mentioned once with reference to horse racing, in connection with Sufyn ath-Thawrs transmission of the Prophetical tradition on jalab and janab (ilyah, VII, 118, cf. Concordance,
I, 353b; Lane, 464c). Another incidental reference to race horses: ilyah, VI, 161.
509
Maysir is forbidden in the religious law. In the law of love, the people
(i.e., the fs) are subjected (maqhr, i.e., they are losers when lots are
cast and gambling for material gain is done). This is hinted at in Qurn
5:9091/9293. Their bodies are cast away on the streets of predestination,
trampled upon by anyone returning from the source of the things predestined who happens to pass by. Their spirits can be disposed of freely
according to the legal rule of subjection. The lot of legal ruling has come
out against them (cf. the story of Ynus, Qurn 37:141/141).43
Such total defeat was the precondition for the mystics success in his quest
of the divine and his liberation from the ordinary conventions of religion and
society. In the gamble of the world, only the loser was the true winner.
The one thing that nobody has the right to gamble away is his religion. There
was a Jew who lost everything in the dicing den, his money, his house, his garden, and even one of his eyes, but he did | not gamble away his religion and did
not become a Muslim.44 Again, the lesson for Muslims is clear. All the material goods of this world are of no account and may be squandered. Indeed, they
should be squandered with the carefree abandon of the compulsive gambler.
However, no man should risk his relationship to God and the loss of his spiritual
well-being.
Whether gambling was seen as good or bad from the metaphysical point of
view, the important fact is that its relationship to the realm beyond material
concerns was at times clearly perceived and, more often, felt instinctively.
This, it would seem, exercised a greater influence upon the actual practice of
gambling in Muslim civilization than all the pronouncements of the guardians
of law and tradition. If gambling was a kind of question addressed to destiny,45
it had no place in a view of the world that knew that no such question must
ever be asked. If it was, it was at the peril of ones salvation, and it showed
complete disregard for what human life was meant to be. A Muslim could not
have avoided being at least dimly aware of this implication of gambling. He
would never have been comfortable in defying social organization and beliefs
to such an extent, if he could help it. Gambling aroused a deep-seated feeling of
metaphysical guilt which tended to inhibit the natural instinct for it, although
it was unable to suppress it.
43
44
45
Cf. al-Qushayr, Laif al-ishrt, II, 140 f.

Cf. H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele, 294.
Cf. T. Reik, in Ploscowe and Lukas (eds.), Gambling, 94.
171
chapter seven
172
173
A Note on Hazard
The basic features of most types of games are identical or very similar. Moreover, they are extremely ancient in the history of mankind. This makes it very
difficult to trace borrowings. A game that is introduced into a new environment
may be conflated with one having existed there for ages. Thus, later generations
are all too easily confused as to where its origin has to be sought.
Linguistic indications are important by themselves. They become especially
revealing when they are not isolated but are supported by evidence from
characteristic features belonging to a given game. Chess is the most striking
example. Even if we were poorly informed about the non-Western history of
the game, we would have no doubt that its appearance in the West was the
result of borrowing.
The four-suit card game familiar in the West has now been safely recognized
as having been borrowed from Near Eastern civilization. Playing cards that
are clearly the prototype of the Western cards have been discovered, and the
process of borrowing can be located in an area where it was geographically and
culturally possible. In addition, some linguistic evidence at least is provided by
Italian naibi, Spanish naipes, for playing cards.1
Qirq made the transition into Spanish in the form alquerque. This would
seem to suggest that the game of merels in a number of variations entered the
West from the Near Eastern cultural orbit. However, it may have met in the West
with similar games already existing there.
If there is no corroborative evidence, linguistic data are to be treated with
great caution. Italian (Tuscan) minchiate was once thought to be derived from
Persian mang, mangiy.2 The words are indeed very similar in sound, but
there is nothing to show the existence of any typological relationship, and the
question remains how a Persian word could get to Tuscany and be adopted
there for a specific kind of game. Linguistic coincidences are expectedly not |
uncommon. Indian pra(ka), pa(ka), psa(ka) dice sounds like Ar. fa,
Spanish dado like Ar. dad (above, Ch. II, n. 13).3 Someone who wishes to lose
1 See above, Ch. II, n. 264.

2 Cf. K. Himly (above. Ch. II, n. 268).
3 Cf. H. Lders, op. cit. (above, Ch. III, n. 11), 16, and, for fa, above, Ch. II, n. 134. The
great Golius may be forgiven for having suggested the derivation of dado from dad (Lexicon
a note on hazard
511
himself still further in the realm of fancy might point to the fact that Ar. qamara
is close in sound to old English gaman, and also to gammon, supposedly a
variant of gaman, attested from the seventeenth century on. Nor would it be
difficult to find an Arabic dialect in which qimr sounded like *mr and thus
was quite similar to (southern) Italian mor(r)a, a game apparently similar to
the guessing game called kharj in Arabic.
Not only the history of games but also the origins and etymological connections of the names under which they are known are usually obscure, and this
adds to the general uncertainty. Clearly, games wandered around the world losing their original names and, in general, any tangible indication that would
assure us of the fact of borrowing. This was undoubtedly the case with Near
Eastern games (and the particular rules according to which they were played)
in relation to games in the West. However, two extremely important Western
words associated with the idea of gambling stand a good chance of being of
Near Eastern origin. One of them is risk. The identity in form and the discernible history of the word in the West speak strongly for its derivation from
Ar. rizq sustenance.4 The borrowing, if indeed there was one, took place within
the commercial sphere. The extension of meaning which turned it into an
appropriate term to be employed in connection with gambling was, it seems, a
strictly Western development.
The other term is hazard. Its possible Arabic origin has been discussed
extensively for over a century and is now often presented as a fact. If it can
be proved, it may very well be said that Western gambling got its name from
the Muslim worldwhich does not mean, though, that anything more than
just a word is involved. But can it be proved? The English word hazard goes
back to a | French form. The earliest attestation of the word is found in French
where it occurs already in the twelfth century; in English, it first appears around
1300.5 The forms without final d in the Southern Romance languages, such as
Spanish azaro, are generally considered to be related. This assumption is no
doubt correct, as is the assumption that those forms are the more original ones,
the initial h and final d being later modifications.
Arabico-Latinum, 808). Cf. G.B. Pellegrini, Gli arabismi nelle lingue neolatine, 97 (Brescia 1972).
Pellegrini also discusses another very doubtful Arabic etymology in the field of games (pari
e caffo) and agrees to the derivation of zara (hazard) from zahr (zahr), as does F. Nasser,
Emprunts lexicologiques du franais l arabe, 202 f. (Beirut 1966).
4 Cf. H. and R. Kahane, in Verba et vocabula, E. Gamillschegg zum 80. Geburtstag, 276283
(Munich 1968), and B.Z. Kedar, in Studi Medievali, X/3 (1969), 255259.
5 Cf. Oxford English Dictionary, V, 136a.
174
512
The scholarly discussion of the etymology of hazard began in earnest in 1853

when F. Diez had this to say in his Etymologisches Wrterbuch der romanischen
Sprachen, p. 33 (s.v. azzardo):
Weder dem buchstaben noch dem begriff gengt arab. darr [i. e., arr]
schade Freytag III, 10b. Besser in beiden beziehungen passt hebr. zarah
bedenkliche sache: ihm aber wrde eher ein roman. feminin entsprechen,
das sich nur in dem erwhnten neuital. zara findet. Man erwge daher
noch arab. jasara wrfeln, jasar wrfelgesellschaft, wrfelpartie, dem
man den vorzug vor allen zuerkennen drfte (denn arab. s [sin] kann
roman. z werden), wre der wegfall des anlautes so leicht hinzunehmen;
in jasmin findet er nicht statt.
In the second edition of his work (Bonn 1861), Diez referred with justified disapproval to J. von Hammer-Purgstall who had meanwhile suggested that Spanish
azar (sors inopinata) might go back to assr difficulty (he wrote al-ar but
presumably meant usr).6 It could hardly be claimed that the discussion of
hazard went off to a good start, considering the suggestions just mentioned
which in hindsight seem plain foolish. The combination of hazard with yasara7
yields hardly more than agreement with respect to one letter, the r. Even worse,
yasara and its derivations (including maysir) were known only as faded literary
reminiscences in the environment in which the borrowing might have taken
place. Strangely enough, it seems still to have been considered a possibility as
late as 1927.8 However, it can be safely ruled out.
K.A.F. Mahn, writing in the mid-fifties of the nineteenth century, quoted
Diez in extenso but preferred another etymology:
175
Vom arab. ehr [i.e., zihr] der Wrfel. (Das Wort findet sich in der
Form ar auch im Trkischen, und wird in den Wbb. von Kieffer und |
Handscheri fr ursprnglich trkisch gehalten. allein mit Unrecht; es ist
aus dem arab. ehr zusammengezogen). Arabisch heisst zwar jetzt der
Wrfel kb, entlehnt von kybos, cubus, denn es heisst auch kube, corps
cubique, allein in den vulgrarab. Wbb. findet sich nur ehr fr Wrfel,
6 Cf. J. von Hammer-Purgstall, ber die arabischen Wrter im Spanischen, 112 (Vienna 1854
[1855], Sitzungsberichte der k. Akad. d. Wiss., philosoph.-hist. Classe 14).
7 It is also mentioned as a possibility in the Vocabulario degli Accademici della Crusca, I, 908a
(Florence 1863).
8 Cf. K. Lokotsch, Etymologisches Wrterbuch der europischen Wrter orientalischen Ursprungs, 170 f. (Heidelberg 1927).
a note on hazard
513
z.B. bei Hlot, Humbert p. 90 (dort ehar mit kurzem a), Canjes: ehr
und r; offenbar von der Wurzel ahara (Freytag, 2, 261) glnzen, weiss,
schn sein. Mit dem Artikel al entsteht aahar und ar, so dass das
Provenz., Span. und Portug. das arab. Wort mit dem Artikel, und ital. zaro,
zara dasselbe ohne Artikel am treusten darstellen.9
This equation of hazard with a supposed colloquial Arabic zahr dice was
taken up by W.H. Engelmann in his Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais
drivs de larabe and promoted by R. Dozys recasting of Engelmanns work.10
It is widely accepted today, as shown, for instance, by its adoption in standard
English dictionaries and encyclopaedias in current use (although some prefer
the Persian-Turkish word). Vol. XIX (Orientalia), 203b205b, of Franzsisches
etymologisches Wrterbuch, begun by W. von Wartburg, which appeared in
Basel in 1967, presupposes the correctness of the derivation in its entry zahr.
However, some excellent scholars have preferred not to say anything about
hazard as a possible loan from Arabic.11
Turkish zar means dice, and so does Persian zr. No study appears as yet to
have been made of the history of either word and its earliest attestation. While
the older view, as represented by Steingass, 606a, was that the Persian word
was a loan from the Turkish, it has been pointed out that there are no genuine
Turkish words beginning with z; therefore, the likelihood is that Turkish zar is
a loanword from Persian.12 In connection with the Persian-Turkish word, Greek
zari (azari) must be considered as a potential clue for the determination of the
date for the possible westward march of | the term. According to Rene Kahane,
a traditional etymology deriving zari from ozarion, supposedly a diminutive of
ozos knot (in wood), is now being abandoned by Greek scholars in favor of an
oriental derivation.13 As far as can be established from the data at hand, zari
9
10
11
12
13
Cf. K.A.F. Mahn, Etymologische Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der romanischen Sprachen, 7 (Berlin 1863 [18541882]). Needless to say, repeated borrowing, as implied in Mahns
concluding sentence, is out of the question in this case.
Leiden 1861, 70, and Leiden 1869, 224.
Cf. E. Littmann, Morgenlndische Wrter im Deutschen, 2nd ed. (Tbingen 1924); A. Steiger,
in his edition of Alfonso el Sabio, Libros de acedrex, dados e tablas (1941), and idem,
Origin and Spread of Oriental Words in European Languages (New York 1963), although he
appears to have favored the Arabic derivation in his earlier Contribucin a la fontica del
hispano-rabe, 271 (Madrid 1932); E.K. Neuvonen, Los arabismos del espanol en el siglo XIII
(Helsinki 1941).
Cf. G. Doerfer, Trkische und mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen, III, 215 (Wiesbaden
1967, Verffentlichungen der Orientalischen Kommission 20).
Cf. N.P. Andriotis, who in the second edition of his Etymologiko lexiko ts koins neoel-
176
514
177
is attested in Greek not before the fourteenth century. Thus, a Greek loan from
Turkish zar would seem the most likely assumption. The prothetic a in azari,
in her view, can be explained as an inner Greek development (pl. tazaria: sg.
azari), so that it would be unnecessary to fall back upon the Arabic definite
article.
While the Persian-Turkish word no doubt was in use early enough for it to
have been around when hazard made its appearance in the West, the presence
of the word in Western Europe could not be explained without the assumption
of an Arabic intermediary. A direct loan from Persian, let alone Turkish, in the
twelfth century is not a serious possibility.
The meaning of dice for zahr (or zihr?, presumably a plural), the ordinary
Arabic word for flower, is, as is usually pointed out, not well established. If
it did indeed exist, its phonetic correspondence, if provided with the definite
article, to Spanish azaro is unassailable. According to R. Dozys Supplment, I,
608, zahr in the meaning of dice is listed in the dictionary of E. Bocthor (3rd
ed., Paris 1864), zihr in the Algerian pocket dictionary of Hlot (Algiers, n. y.,
first edition Paris 1847), and zahr an-nard nard counters in the Mo (Beirut
1870).14 Even assuming that the compilers of these dictionaries reproduced
an actual usage correctly and independently of one another, we would need
further evidence to show that such a usage was common already in the Arabic
spoken in the West in the early Middle Ages. We have to admit that our
knowledge of that Arabic is very limited in general, and much more so as far as
vulgar speech and gambling slang are concerned. Yet, the meaning of dice for
zahr cannot be considered proven, unless we have at least some evidence for
it from earlier times. Some such evidence may possibly be found in the Dwn
of at-Tallafar (who, | however, lived in Syria). The old printed text shows zahr
used in a verse where the meaning of dice is rather clearly indicated. However,
in his quotation of the verse, al-Kutub has qamr instead of zahr.15 Since I failed
to locate the verse in the Escorial manuscripts of the Dwn, the actual text must
remain in doubt for the time being. Zahr looks very similar to rahn, but since
rahn could only mean stake, the word does not fit well into the context where
14
15
lniks of 1967 assumes Arabic origin. I wish to thank my old friends, Henry and Rene
Kahane, for the valuable information they kindly gave me.
The first edition of Bocthors Dictionnaire franais-arabe, which dealt with Egyptian Arabic, appeared in Paris 18281829. I assume (but was unable to check) that it already contained the information on zahr dice. Our earliest reference is Caess Diccionario, I, 467b
(Madrid 1787): zhr a-wlh, zr, zyq (!). His sources remain to be discovered.
Fa-l-kasu wa-z-zahru laysa yakhlminh yamn wa-l yasr. Al-Kutub has wa-l-qamru
and minhum (?). See above, Ch. V, n. 50.
a note on hazard
515
the poet apparently had in mind some sort of gambling equipment he wishes
to hold in his hand. This objection also applies to qamr which would refer to
the activity of gambling (or, perhaps, to the gambling winnings), and at any
rate, qamr may owe its existence to the rather natural substitution of a better
known word for a less common one.
If Arabic zahr in fact acquired the meaning of dice, it probably came about
through an adaptation of the Persian word zr16 to an Arabic word which
sounded similar and lent itself to pleasant associations. Flowers and gardens, in
conjunction with wine and games, commonly expressed the idea of joyous and
restful relaxation in the imagery of poets. It would have been most appropriate
for the gamblers slang to designate their dice as flowers and thereby evoke all
the poetical connotations of the word. It is all but impossible to assume, as was
done by Mahn, that things went the other way and Arabic zahr flower was
transformed into Persian-Turkish zr dice. However, it should be understood
that the relationship between zr and zahr remains totally conjectural. There
could have been other reasons why flower took on the meaning of dice, if in
fact it did.
It could also be doubted for semantic reasons that azaro was derived from
zahr dice. The word was used in Spanish for certain plays involving particular
throws of the dice. We also find reazar, apparently an inner Spanish extension
of the word.17 Although the general usage of hazard is attested earlier, the
restricted meaning was presumably the one in which the word was originally
employed and which developed in common speech in the direction of risky
gambling, that is, hazard. In this case, it may legitimately be | asked why zahr
dice should have been adopted into Spanish in a very narrow and specific
technical meaning.
Everything considered, the Arabic etymology of hazard cannot be claimed
to be an established fact. After all, azaro could also be a still unexplained (and,
probably, unexplainable) gambling word of native Romance origin, and it was
only by chance that it sounded similar to a possible Arabic prototype. However,
Muslims, in Spain as elsewhere, were greatly addicted to nard as the principal
dice game. Thus, it would have been quite natural for the one or other Arabic
gambling term to enter popular speech. For many scholars, this probably is
as good a reason as any for clinging to the hope that the Arabic derivation of
hazard will eventually be confirmed. Whether or not this will ever happen,
16
17
Cf. A. Barthlemy (and H. Fleisch), Dictionnaire arabe-franais, 505 (Paris 19341954). It is

obvious that the references of the Dictionnaire to zahr dice were taken from the older
lexicons.
Cf. Alfonso el Sabio (above, Ch. II, n. 97), 300303, 362ff.
178
516
there is enough evidence to show that the flow of gaming knowledge from
the Muslim world to Western Europe was a noticeable ingredient in the vast
cultural interchange that characterized the Middle Ages and left a lasting mark
upon world civilization.
v
Sweeter Than Hope:
Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam
Contents
Foreword 520 [VII]
I.
II.
The Complaint about the Times 525 [1]

1
Time and The Times 528 [4]
2
The Golden Age Complex 545 [18]
3
Time or Man? 560 [31]
4
Secular Complaints and Religious Complaints
573 [43]
Hope and Wishes 591 [59]

1
Terminology and Definitions 597 [65]
A Synonymous Uses 598 [65]
a
raj/ amal 598 [65]
b
ama-ir/ raj/ amal 603 [69]
c
munyah-umnyah/ raj/ amal 609 [74]
B
Distinctions and Definitions 612 [77]
2
The Perceived Effects of Hoping and Wishing 626 [89]
a
Deceptiveness and Unreality 627 [90]
b
The Death Connection (umnyah-manyah/
amal-ajal) 646 [107]
c
Hope and Activity (amal/amal) 652 [112]
d
Sweet Hope, Enjoyable Wishes 660 [119]
e
Hopes and Wishes AchievedDirected toward Man
and God 672 [129]
f
Long AmalRaj and Fear 682 [139]
Concluding Remark 691 [148]
VII
Foreword
Abd-al-Malik b. Marwn asked Salm b. Yazd al-Fahm: Which was the
best of the times you have lived in and which rulers were the most
perfect? He replied: I have seen no ruler who did not have both critics
and eulogists. And time has always raised up some people and put down
others. All men criticize their time because it wears out the new and makes
the young old and decrepit, and everything in it comes to an end except
hope.1
Like the casual poetical references to sweeter than hope, more tender than
complaint,2 this statement combines hope with complaint as the two opposite
poles of mans approach to life. In the verse, it is true, the complaint which
the poet has in mind is that special complaint of lovers which is a low-key
expression of disappointment with love gone wrong. The proverbial sweetness
of hope, as we shall see, is but one of hopes many aspects. In contrast, the
1 Cf. Kitb al-Masin wa-l-add, ascribed to al-Ji, 136 (Beirut, n.y.). I have been unable so
far to establish the identity of Salm b. Yazd, although I have included in my search the many
permutations possible if the forms of the names were not exactly reproduced. He appears to
have been one of the longevous men (muammarn), the fictional bearers of the wisdom of
the ages. He cannot be identified with Salm b. Ziyd, below, n. 205.
2 As in the description of a songstress voice by the caliph ar-R:
Araqqu min-a-sh-shakw wa-al min-a-l-mun
Wa-arwau min amnin wa-alafu min issi
cf. a-l, Akhbr ar-Ri bi-llh wa-l-Muttaq li-llh, ed. J. Heyworth Dunne, 175 (London
1935). The French translation by M. Canard (Algiers 19461950) omits the poetry.
Ab ayyn at-Tawd, al-Bair wa-dh-dhakhir, ed. I. al-Kayln, II, 275 (Damascus
1964), cites two verses, which he says are reportedly by ar-Ra, on the appearance of wine
when it is being mixed with water. The second verse reads:
Araqqu min-a-sh-shakw wa-al min-a-l-mun
Wa-adhabu min ubbin yazdu haw ubbi
Possibly, the line that interests us was not of the invention of ar-R (or of the poet whoever
he was quoted by at-Tawd). More source material is needed to decide the question of origin.
Cf. also below, n. 655.
Araqqu min ash-shakw, with a different continuation, also occurs in a poem by Ab Bakr
al-Khuwrizm, cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmat ad-dahr, IV, 123 (Damascus 1304).
foreword
521
wisdom of a long lifetime about which the caliph Abd-al-Malik b. Marwn

inquires categorically denies the existence of perfection in this world. There
may be good as well as bad in political life, but people in general are more
inclined to see, and to complain about, the bad. The one constant that makes
life bearable is the eternal hope for a better future. It constitutes the antidote
against regret about the past and against despair in the present. In complaining
about what was and is, and in wishing and hoping for what might be, Muslim |
civilization as reflected in the preserved literature appears to have seen the
essence of human life.
In the following pages, an attempt has been made to collect and analyze
a variety of attitudes and reflections which may give us some inkling of the
mood of Muslim society. As the exchange between caliph and sage shows,
society was interpreted in terms of individual experience. Like the life of the
individual, society appeared to be affected by natural deterioration and the
quality of the hope it nourished. Personal feeling and the mood created by it
were seen as the true model for the aggregation of individuals that make up
society. Thus it would seem that the sum of individual expressions which can
be gathered from the sources provides a guide that is adequate and not just the
only one available to an understanding of the forces that determined societal
behavior. The opinions that were expressed came from intellectuals, even if
they masqueraded, as they occasionally did, as the voice of ordinary people.
This raises the problem how representative they are of the totality of society. In
default of a simple solution to this problem, the assumption must suffice that
in the realm of intellectual speculation, existence equals expression and vice
versa. Unless the idiosyncratic character of a given view can be proved, it has
to be considered as representative of society as a whole.
The only possible approach open to us is the collection of whatever information the sources can be made to yield, combined with the cautious evaluation
of that information on the basis of quantitative and qualitative indications. The
main weight of the investigation has to be carried by the sheer accumulation
of evidence. The enormous extent, in time and in space, of Muslim civilization
guarantees unevenness of coverage, thus adding another element of uncertainty. Like any other human organization, Muslim society underwent constant
change. Yet, it must be admitted that the historical development of the attitudes and ideas investigated here largely eludes us. For the time being, it would
seem the better part of wisdom to refrain from letting ourselves be forced into
seeing lines of historical development where we would like to find them without being sure that they are indeed there.
The following pages contain many quotations, usually brief ones of a verse or
two or short prose passages. The question of the original context is important.
VIII
522
IX
v. sweeter than hope
It has always been kept in mind but could not always be discussed. Sometimes,
the context was not readily available. Also, general reflections on human feelings often appear in the sources as asides that stand by themselves and do not
really need their context in order to acquire the status of acceptable evidence.
The authorship of verses and, for that matter, of prose sayings cannot always
be established | with sufficient certainty, nor is it always certain that alleged
authors were indeed the real ones. Again, this is not crucial for our purposes.
In most cases, the nature of our subject makes it more important for us to know
that a certain sentiment existed and was expressed than to be able to name the
individual who gave expression to its existence.
It may be contended that the following discussion is too much oriented
toward verbal usage, words plain and simple, and that too little attention is
paid to implicit evidence, to cases where words such as complaint or hope
are not used but the thought processes underlying them can be presumed to
be present. Such criticism is not entirely unjustified inasfar as it shows how
much more remains to be done by future scholars. As regards our investigation,
it is hardly true that, according to an epigrammatical statement known to
al-Ghazzl, it makes no difference which words are used once the intended
meaning is understood.3 Meanings become clear to us only after we have
painstakingly connected them with certain words. It is the words, each one
of them with multiple shades of meaning, that, slogan-like, have a life of their
own and exercise a powerful influence upon emotions and attitudes. Therefore,
our preference for words serves the valuable purpose of bringing us as close
as possible to developing a feeling for seeing things as the people of the past
themselves did. It helps us to avoid as much as possible speculation about
what existed and was active only subconsciously and is perceived by us as
existing only as the result of our substituting our own ways of thinking. Even
with respect to words, it was necessary to choose a narrow focus, since the
number of words that have potential bearing on our all-encompassing subject
is vast. Selectivity had also to be practiced with respect to individual topics;
thus, millenarianism, which plays a large role in the Western discussion of
hope, has been left undiscussed here as not being central to the subject of hope
in Islam.
The proper handling of all the available sources is a precondition for the kind
of research undertaken here. Religious sources and secular sourcesif such
a distinction makes any sense at all in dealing with Islammust be given an
equal hearing. Not surprisingly, the religious sources contain more abundant
3 Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 164 (Cairo 1352/1933): l ijra f l-asm bada fahmi l-man.
foreword
523
information on the aspects of our subject with which they are concerned, and
they are also in their way more systematical. f hope and fear exemplify
this statement. Potentially valuable information is concealed everywhere, and
the danger of overlooking some of it or of attaching disproportionate attention
to some evidence over the other is ever present. From past experience I know
that | even familiar sources may slip through the net. Reading hundreds of pages
may yield only one small piece of information, while a few pages unread could
have been a veritable mine of it. At the present stage of Islamic studies when so
much material remains still unpublished, and in view of the lack of large-scale
subject indexes, the sin of oversight is hardly avoidable. It should, however, be
stressed that only a very small portion of the available literature has been used
here.
The subject treated in this essay was previously presented by me in two
lectures. The Complaint about the Times was discussed in a lecture at the
University of Ohio, in Columbus, Ohio, on October 19, 1978; against my usual
practice of not giving the same lecture twice, I repeated this lecture for the Yale
Medieval Consortium. The Uses of Hope in Muslim Civilization was the topic
of the Annual Distinguished Lecture in Arab Studies at Georgetown University,
Washington, D.C., on December 5, 1979. Certain general ideas and the related
topic of the role of competition in Muslim society were briefly discussed in a
lecture on The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History: Approaches
and Methods, presented at the University of Michigan on October 9, 1980 and
published in 1981.
The difficult undertaking of trying, even on the most modest scale, to recapture something of the mood that shaped the past of Islam requires a good deal
of hope and trust in the progressive nature of scholarly endeavors. Ibn al-Jawz
was reported to have said: Hope is not good for anyone except scholars. If they
did not have hope, they would not write books.4 Presumably, Ibn al-Jawz, who
wrote many books himself, considered this a praiseworthy aspect of hope, and
not one of the manifestations of its vain and deceitful nature. This essay at least
is an expression of such good hope. With respect to its technical execution, a
4 Cf. al-Ayn, Umdat al-qr, X, 584 (Constantinople 13091310); Ibn ajar, Fat al-br, XIV,
11 (Cairo 13781383/19591963); al-Qasalln, Irshd as-sr, XI, 74 (Cairo 1326) (who omits
mention of Ibn al-Jawz). I have not yet been able to trace the statement to one of Ibn al-Jawzs
many works. GAL, Suppl., I, 919, no. 75f., lists a Kitb ar-Raj wa-sat (?) ar-ramah, but,
as Istanbul Ms. Laleli 3767, fols. 62a67b, shows, this refers to chapter 53 of Ibn al-Jawzs
Tabirat al-muhtad dealing with ar-raj wa-saat ar-ramah and does not contain the above
remark.
524
variant of the famous saying used in the foreword of my History of Muslim

Historiography seems to be applicable: Wa-laalla f kathrin mim-m taraktu
m huwa ajwadu min qallin mim-m adraktu.5
5 Cf. al-ur, Zahr al-db, ed. Al M. al-Bijw, I, 4 (Cairo 1389/1969).
chapter one
The Complaint about the Times

It was so that friend visited friend to drink wine and to listen to the music
of girl musicians.
It became so that friend visited friend to confide worries and to complain
about the times
(Wa-kna -adqu yazru -adqali-shurbi l-mudmi wa-azfi l-qiyni
Fa-ra -adqu yazru -adqali-baththi l-hummi wa-shakw z-zamni)6
It (once) wasit has (now) become7 was a formula used not infrequently to
express dissatisfaction with changes that were occurring during an individuals
lifetime.8 Specific disappointment with the course events had taken was thus
stated by al-Butur:
6 Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, a-adqah wa--adq, ed. I. al-Kayln, 164 (Damascus 1964);
ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 241. According to the Yatmah, the poet was Ab Sad Amad b.
Muammad b. Mallah al-Haraw, a contemporary or near-contemporary of at-Tawd. He
is listed under no. 393 in E.K. Rowson and S.A. Bonebakker, A computerized listing of biographical data from the Yatmat al-dahr by al-Thalib (Paris-Los Angeles 1980, Onomasticon
Arabicum, srie listing 3). I do not know whether the vocalization Mallah is securely attested.
Bathth, the confiding, or rather spreading, of worries is attested as a noun in the meaning
of worry in Qurn 12:86, where it appears next to uzn. The combination bathth-uzn
naturally remained in use, cf., for instance, Kitb al-Aghn, VIII, 163 (Blq 1285), Agh.3,
IX, 277, 278 (Cairo 1345ff. and various reprints). Al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 252, l. 4, has the verb
baththa by itself in the sense of bathth ash-shakw: He who complains (baththa) is not
patient. See also below, nn. 222, 254.
Shurb al-mudm wa-azf al-qaynah occurs in a verse by ar-al-ghawn Muslim b. al-Wald
and is followed in the next verse by a lovers complaint, cf. his Dwn, ed. Sm ad-Dahhn, 5,
no. 1, verses 12 f. (Cairo 1958, 1970).
7 The verbs most commonly used to express this contrast are kna and ra (or abaa).
8 Rarely, the change is considered one for the better, as in the verse by a-afad from his Tamm
al-mutn f shar Rislat Ibn Zaydn, ed. M. Ab l-Fal Ibrhm, 280 (Cairo 1389/1969), on the
advantages he derived from his patron that made him the object of envy:
People before used to pity melater thanks to you they became ( fa-ayyartahum) my
enviers.
526
It was my hope to return rich (mumallakan).

It became my hope to return safe (musallaman)?9
Usually it was total disgust with the changes that had taken place. The decay
of morality might be boldly described in terms of the change from | what
things once were to what they had now become.10 Lost youth and strength were
complained about in these verses:
I was like a branch for the wind to rest in.
I have become wood without water and leaves.11
The loss of political control supposedly caused Al to exclaim: Yesterday, I
was a leader (amr). Today, I have become powerless (mamr),11a The f
al-asan b. Bundr complained about the use of written works on gnosis which
he said was unnecessary in the past: Was it not that gnosis was in the hearts,
whereas now it has become something to be learned from books?12 Above all
else, the greatest disenchantment and a cause of complaint were the result of
the change in people who were once trusted unreservedly. Thus, Ibn al-Mutazz
complained that you were for me a hope and have now become a misfortune.13
Another tenth-century poet, Abd-al-Majd b. Afla al-Ghaznaw regretted his
former trust in people:
9
10
11
11a
12
13
Cf. al-Butur, Dwn, ed. asan Kmil a-ayraf, (III), 1985 (Cairo 1963ff.).
Cf. the anecdote of Muzabbid, below, n. 154. Cf. also ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart,
II, 15 (Blq 12871288): Ab d-Dard said: People were leaves without thorns; they
have become thorns without leaves. Earlier attestations of the remark have what may
be the more original form: Today they are (wa-hum al-yawm), cf. al-Ji, Bayn, ed.
Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, III, 127 (Cairo 13671369/19481950); Ab Sulaymn al-Khab,
Uzlah, 68 (Cairo 1385). See R. Gramlich (below, n. 86), 115.
The topic of the changed objective of mourning was easily cast in the kna-ra form,
see below, no. 206.
Cf. Baryah (?) b. Ab l-Yusr ar-Riy, Talq al-uql, Leiden Ms. Or. 442 (1), fol. 43a. The
manuscript provides a tashdd for the name Barryah (?) but vacillates in putting it on top
of r and y. The name could also be Burayyah and the like. Cf. GAL, I, 132; R. Sellheim, Die
klassisch-arabischen Sprichwrtersammlungen, 127 (The Hague 1954).
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, Shar Nahj al-balgahah, ed. asan Tamm, III, 585 (Beirut 1963).
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt a-fyah, ed. Nr-ad-dn Sharbah, 503 (Cairo 1372/1953).
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, ed. B. Lewin, IV, 169, no. 261, verse 4 (Istanbul 1945, Bibliotheca
Islamica 17d), in a marthiyah.
the complaint about the times
527
I was for a while approaching people with praise because

I did not know them but have now become ( fa-l-na abatu) repentant.14
In the preceding century, Ibrhm b. al-Abbs a-l movingly reproached
Ibn az-Zayyt for letting him down and going back on the promise of true
friendship:
You were my friend when the time (az-zamn) was friendly,
But when it was no longer interested,15 you became a source of constant
hostility.
I used (qad kuntu) to complain to you about the time,
But it became so that I ( fa-abatu) criticized the time on your account.
I used to count on you for support against misfortune.
Now here I am, seeking protection against you.16
Death, in particular, brings out the fundamental change between the situation
in the past and the situation now. Thus, eulogies such as the one of ammd
Ajrad on Muammad b. b l-Abbs, a son of as-Saff, would contain the
line:
I have become humbly submissive to time (ad-dahr),
After I had been the master of ad-duhr.17
The sudden contrast caused by death was made vivid in the famous sayings of
the philosophers at the funeral of Alexander: He who was strong and mighty
yesterday has become today (abaa al-yawma) weak and humble.Even
14
15
16
17
Cf. ath-Thalib, Tatimmat al-Yatmah, ed. Abbas Eghbal, II, 80 (Teheran 1353/1934).
This seems to be a close and adequate translation of the root n-b-w commonly used in this
connection. Cf., for instance, nabat an-nafs with the approximate meaning of attention
slackens or unhappiness (boredom) sets in in Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, ed. A. Amn
and A. az-Zayn, II, 194, l. 7 (Cairo 19391944), or, again in connection with at-Tawd,
Yqt, Irshd, ed. D.S. Margoliouth, V, 406 (Leiden-London 19071927, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial
Series 6), ed. A.F. Rif, XV, 51 (Cairo, n.y. [13551357]): Disinterest of ad-dahr in me (nubw
ad-dahr b). See also below, n. 82.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn al-akhbr, III, 74 (reprint Cairo 19631964); Agh., IX, 28, 34, Agh.3,
X, 57, 67; ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt, I, 252 (Cairo 1306); an-Nuwayr, Nihyat al-arab,
III, 92 (reprint Cairo, n.y. [ca. 1965]). Also a-abar, Annales, III, 1376.
Cf. Agh., XIII, 99, Agh.3, XIV, 376. On ammd Ajrads relation to the son of as-Saff, see
C. Pellat, in EI2, s.v. Cf. the verses in Ibn Hishm. Tijn, 81 (Hyderabad 1347).
528
those who were not looking at Alexander were afraid of him; (now) those who
look at him have become unafraid of him, and so on.18
In these sayings, temporal adverbs (yesterday-today, now) appear frequently. Elsewhere, statements on the change from what once was to what the
situation is now usually dispense with such adverbs. They do occur occasionally, and they are always implicit whether or not they are mentioned expressly.19
A more important and much more difficult problem is the concept, or bundle
of concepts, hidden in the use of words for time in connection with the complaint about it. Is the dissatisfaction one with some abstract ever-present force
or with the con|ditions prevailing in the particular circumstances in which the
complainer finds himself? Or, perhaps, is it a combination of both never fully
separable in the mind of the complainer? Obviously, an attitude that evolved
from the view that time as such served as a reason for complaint would lead
to human behavior different from one that was the result of considering the
present times a source of unhappiness for the individual in his particular circumstances or in his society and moment in history.
Time and The Times
The concept of time poses a fundamental problem for physics, and it has been
one of the fundamental problems of philosophy in the Hellenistic world and
its successor civilizations in East and West. Here, we need not go at all into
this vast subject. We can restrict ourselves to a consideration of certain, in a
way superficial, manifestations of it in linguistic usage. Of the Arabic words
for time, two require attention in our context: zamn (zaman) and dahr.
Others, such as waqt or n play no significant role. Disregarding the constant
attempts to establish distinctions between the terms made by philologists
and philosophers, a rough distinction can be made as follows. Dahr might be
used to indicate the never-ending circular flow of time, zamn the linear time
18
19
Cf., for instance, al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, 240f.
(Madrid 1958); Isn Abbs, Malmi Ynnyah f l-adab al-Arab, 116 (Beirut 1977).
I. Loew made his discussion of the Aramaic word for now (this time) the occasion for
referring to Jewish complaints about changing times, cf. Hebrew Union College Annual,
11 (1936), 193ff., reprinted in I. Loew, Zur jdischen Folklore, 137ff. (Hildesheim-New York
1975). For the implied opposition of einst and jetzt in pre-Islamic views on fate, cf.
W. Caskel, Das Schicksal in der altarabischen Poesie, 42ff. (Leipzig 1926, Morgenlndische
Texte und Forschungen 1).
529
segment, and waqt a given point in time. In actual usage, a large amount of
interchange can be observed in the use of all these words. If, in Qurn 76:1,
dahr appears to assume the meaning of a linear time segment, this would seem
to be conditioned by the preceding n; however, nun min-a-d-dahri may be
understood as a time segment carved out of the circular flow of time.19a Zamn
as a linear time segment was often replaced by ayym days in connection
with complaints. Waqt also occurred in the sense of zamn as in this verse of
al-Mutanabb:
A noble young man (i.e., Sayf-ad-dawlah) who desires his territory and
time (waqt) to be wide,
Finding the times in which he lives (awqtah) and the ambitions he can
pursue too narrow for him.20
Already in pre-Islamic times, the partial identity of dahr and zamn in linguistic usage was well established. In Islam, the two words came to be used without
sharp distinction. The range of meanings inherent in them became fully interchangeable. This was the case primarily in poetry and in artistic prose. For
poets, it always was the meter that determined the choice of one word over
the other and allowed, if so indicated, also the use of waqt or other terms. Parallelism favored the use of both words in close proximity. In such cases, the
author may have had semantic distinctions in his mind. When, for instance, a
great littrateur such as Ab l-Fal Ibn al-Amd spoke of treacherous time as
dahr khan ghadr wa-zamn khad gharr,21 he most likely felt some subtle
distinction in the words and even consciously intended to convey it. What it
was, we cannot be sure and can at best speculate about. In connection with the
complaint about the times, this constitutes a fundamental difficulty for us. It is
19a
20
21
Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn, 292 (Beirut 1382/1962): zamnan min-a-d-dahri.

Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Abd-al-Wahhb Azzm, 313 (Cairo 1363/1944), ed. Abd-arRamn al-Barqq, Shar Dwn al-Mutanabb, III, 407 (reprint Beirut, n.y.); quoted by
ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 275.
A verse by a certain Ab l-Wafa ad-Dimy starts: O owner/ruler (mlik) of al-waqt
and az-zamn, cf. ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, I, 72. This probably suggests not so much
identity as a differentiation between the present moment and a somewhat longer period
of time. Similarly, a distinction is apparent in the verse of al-Mughrah b. Habn (ca. 700):
In ad-dahr and al-ayym, there is a lesson for man, cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjat al-majlis,
ed. M. Murs al-Khl and Abd-al-Qdir al-Qu, I, 240 (Cairo, n.y.). Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn,
341: min zamnin wa-dahri.
Cf. al-ur, Zahr, I, 561.
530
often hard to decide whether the complaint was directed against the temporal
circumstances of the complainer, his times, or against abstract time. Practically,
the specific meaning is assured only in those cases in which the complaint was
directed expressly against our time (for which both zamnun and, probably
less frequently in ordinary prose, dahrun were used).22 Ambiguity attaches to
many other occurrences.
It may be noted that some conceptual and syntactical distinctions between
dahr and zamn remained in force. Thus, the adverbial ad-dahra always,
dahraka, etc. you always was a usage for which zamn was not really
suitable. While it was possible to combine the adjective long with dahr, and
there are occurrences of it,23 it was not very common; the definition of dahr
after all required long duration in time. Zamn was freely employed with a
depending genitive; this was much less usual in connection with dahr.24 The
combination of dahr with the demonstrative | pronoun did occur,25 but again,
it seems to be less frequent than it was with zamn. In the presence of the
demonstrative pronoun, the object of the complaint is likely to be the specific
times of the complainer, but this is not necessarily so. In those cases in which
the complainer used a possessive pronoun in the singular, whether with dahr
or with zamn, the intended nuance of meaning can often not be grasped
clearly. It is perhaps characteristic of the situation in this respect that the
tenth-century poet Tamm b. al-Muizz addressed y dahru in one line and,
22
23
24
25
With the suffix in the singular, ahl dahr clearly means contemporaries, as in al-ur,
Zahr, I, 4.
In connection with the lexicographers efforts to establish more or less precise lengths for
zamn in contrast to dahr, we find ad-dahr a-awl in al-Azhar, Tahdhb al-lughah, ed.
Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, M. Al an-Najjr, and Ibrhm al-Ibyr, VI, 193 (Cairo 19641967).
Cf. also Abd (Ubayd?) b. Sharyah, Akhbr, 436 (printed together with Ibn Hishm, Tjn):
He stayed dahran awlan. See, further, Shar Dwn Labd, ed. Isn Abbs, 36 (Kuwait
1962), where al-Butur, amsah, 139 (Leiden 1909), ed. L. Cheikho, 93 (reprint Beirut
1387/1967), moreover, has az-zamnu for al-azu in the first half-verse; Qays b. al-Kham,
Dwn, ed. T. Kowalski, no. 13, verse 7 (Leipzig 1914); Ab Ubayd, Gharb al-adth, II, 158,
l. 13 (Hyderabad 1384/1964 ff.); Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 81, 141.
Except for the lexicographical passage, below, n. 42, dahr with a following genitive seems
to require special syntactic circumstances, as in the poem of Ibn Dst in ath-Thalib,
Yatmah, IV, 306: Ad-dahr is the dahr of the ignorant, or Abd b. Sharyah, 424: The time
of the one who (dahru man ).
Cf., for instance, Ibn Hishm, Tijn, 81; Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, II, 202 (Cairo
1352); Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, I, 16; ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, I, 98 (Miskawayh);
al-ur, Zahr, (II), 669 (dhka d-dahra).
531
in the next line, took it up again with y zaman, although y dahr, with the
possessive pronoun, would have been metrically possible in the first place.26
In Graeco-Arabic translation literature, which influenced Arabic linguistic usage, a distinction between dahr and zamn, as, respectively, ain and
chronos, was observed in philosophical works.27 In Aristotles Physics 251a1,
dahr renders ain in a poetical passage.28 In Metaphysics 1072b29 f., the description of theos as z kai ain synechs kai aidios appears in the Arabic translation
as fa-idhan huwa ayh wa-huwa muttail azal;29 ain was not rendered by a
special word. This was no doubt intentional. Dahr would have made a particularly dubious rendering in the context for monotheists, Christian and Muslim.30 The dreambook of Artemidorus provides interesting information for the
non-philosophical literature, although he did not use the word ain. According to the comparison of the Greek and Arabic usage in Artemidorus made by
E. Schmitt,31 chronos was rendered by zamn, waqt, and ayh (Schmitt, 18),
hra by zamn and waqt (Schmitt, 19), and kairos usually by waqt but also by
zamn (Schmitt, 13). Zamnun occurs for nyn (Schmitt, 372a), but ahl dahrin
was also used for contemporaries (Schmitt, 269a: andrn sophtate, 346a: hoi
kathhmas, cf. also Schmitt, 199: f zamnin, kathhmas).
In poetic literature, our dahr appears to refer unambiguously to contemporary circumstances in a verse by al-Mutanabb:
The people of our dahr are small people,
Even if they have stout bodies.32
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
Cf. Tamm b. al-Muizz, Dwn, ed. M.H. al-Aam and others, 427 (Cairo 1377/1957).
Cf., for instance, H.A. Wolfson, Repercussions of the Kalam in Jewish Philosophy, 158f. (Cambridge, Mass.-London, England, 1979); G. Endress, Proclus Arabus, 124f., and elsewhere
(Beirut 1973, Beiruter Texte und Studien 10); H.-J. Ruland, Die arabischen Fassungen von
zwei Schriften des Alexander von Aphrodisias, 93, 112, 114f. (diss. Saarbrcken 1976). I owe
the reference to Rulands work to Dimitri Gutas.
Ar. trans., ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, (II), 803, l. 9 (Cairo 13841385/19641965).
Ar. trans., ed. M. Bouyges, III, 1613 (Beirut 19381952, Bibliotheca Arabica Scholasticorum
57).
Cf. the discussion of the adth l tasubb ad-dahr, below, pp. 10ff.
Cf. E. Schmitt, Lexikalische Untersuchungen zur arabischen bersetzung von Artemidors
Traumbuch (Wiesbaden 1970, Verffentlichungen der Orientalischen Kommission, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, 23).
Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Azzm, 92, ed. al-Barqq, IV, 190, quoted by ath-Thalib,
Yatmah, I, 153. Note that dahrun here is in a way contrasted with an individuals lifetime,
as al-Mutanabb, in the preceding verse, speaks of a heart not to be consoled by wine and
an umr as short and miserable as are the paltry gifts of shabby people.
532
In verses of Ab Tammms Washyt, we encounter for once not a complaint but an expression of satisfaction with our dahr:
All his days resulted for us
In luck that let us fulfill our aspirations.
Our dahr was not, as is (proverbially) said about the dahrs: One day for
us, another against us.33
Apparently, the circumstances at a given period of time are meant. In the innumerable examples of dahr with a possessive prefix, the primary connotation
is not that of present circumstances but rather of the complainers personal
daimn or tych (if the use of these Greek terms is permissible), for instance:
I see God giving to me, while my dahr takes away.34
My dahr has tried to trick me 35
I criticize my dahr, but ad-dahr is
Deaf to an educated persons criticism.36
My complaint is directed against my dahr. So, whom do I blame?
My criticism is directed against myself. So, whom do I blame?37
Every animal, Ab l-Fat al-Bust said, that is food for another animal is on
guard against it, as rats are on guard against cats, but
No doubt, man is eaten by his dahr. Why, then, does
This unfortunate being not seek safety against ad-dahr?38
33
34
35
36
37
38
Cf. Ab Tammm, Washyt, ed. Abd-al-Azz al-Mayman ar-Rjkt, 84 (2nd printing,

Cairo 1970). See, further, al-ur, Zahr, (II), 669, and below, n. 155.
Cf. Abd-al-Munim b. Abd-al-Musin a-r, in ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, I, 67.
In connection with al-Mutanabb, H. Ringgren (below, n. 48), 178, refers to a number
of passages in which my time or his time denotes the individual destiny of the person in
question.
Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, ed. Khayryah M. Maf, 200 (Baghdd 1390/1070).
Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, 481.
Cf. Muammad b. al-usayn b. Muammad b. alah, in ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, II, 18.
Quoted in an-Nuwayr, Nihayh, III, 115, ll. 16 f.
533
The arrows of his dahr refers to a persons individual situation which is

his destiny.39 The prose statement: He who does not accept his dahr as it
comes will be long on blame for ad-dahr,40 shows the dependence of personal
circumstances on the general power of fate. It also involves the meaning of life
or the individuals lifetime that often underlies dahr, and, much more rarely,
by extension also zamn. For commentators of poetry and lexicographers it
was at times convenient to paraphrase dahr as evil event/death.41 But it was
more natural and common to find an approximate understanding of it in life
or lifetime.42 Life yields a straightforward translation in a verse like this:
You have wasted your dahr fearing
Events and misfortunes in respect to it.43
Of course, mostly there is ambiguity. When Ab Tammm said:
39
40
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 118, quoting Ab Bakr al-Khuwrizm.

Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 151, l. 8. At-Tawd clearly echoes the verse:
If I do not accept from ad-dahr all that
I dislike, I shall have to criticize ad-dahr a long time,
41
42
43
which may be of proverbial inspiration. See below, n. 197. Cf. also al-Mufaal b. Salamah,
Fkhir, ed. C.A. Storey, 201, l. 9 (Leiden 1915), for the proverb: He who criticizes ad-dahr
will criticize a long time. See I. Goldziher, Die hiriten, 154 (Leipzig 1884).
The meaning of min dahrih in a verse of the pre-Islamic poet Urwah b. al-Ward
depends on the understanding of its syntax; counting himself wealthy in his dahr is more
likely than of his lifetime, particularly in view of the variant min nafsih appearing in
Urwahs Dwn, ed. Abd-al-Mun al-Mulawwi, 71 ([Damascus?] 1966); Ibn Qutaybah,
Shir, 566 (Beirut 1964).
Dahr is glossed as mawt death in connection with the much quoted verse of Ab Dhuayb
that ad-dahr is not pleased with the impatient, cf. as-Sukkar, Shar ashr al-Hudhalyn,
ed. Abd-as-Sattr A. Farrj and Mamd M. Shkir, I, 4 (Cairo 1384/1965), cf. below, n. 219.
Since the culminating event resulting from the activity of dahr is death, the relationship
of the two concepts expressed by the same word is not surprising, cf., e. g., H. Ringgren,
op. cit. (below, n. 48), 8, 30 ff.
For dahr paraphrased as dat, my custom, cf. Lisn al-Arab, V, 380 (Blq 1300
1308).
Ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Mufradt f gharb al-Qurn, II, 21 (Cairo 1322, in the margin of Ibn
al-Athr, Nihyah), defines dahru fulnin as the period of his life.
Cf. Tamm b. al-Muizz, Dwn, 65. For the possibility that a contrast is intended when dahr
appears next to amr/umr, cf. above, n. 32, and Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 228: In my past dahr,
there is a life (amr) with which a man can be pleased.
534
The effects of your palms (generosity) remain in my dahr,44
he could have meant my life, or my times, or my fate. Dahr in the meaning of

always with a possessive pronoun could signify my lifetime (dahr), as in
a poem by Ab Bakr al-Khuwrizm.45 A medieval | translator of the verse of
al-Mutanabb: li-kulli mriin min dahrih m taawwad used tota vita sua, while
a modern translator suggested his time.46
In connection with the discussion of the complaint about the times, such
always present problems of specific interpretation constitute an unavoidable
difficulty. If it cannot be removed, it should at least always be kept in mind.
In more general terms, the linguistic situation was most decisively determined
by the fact that in pre-Islamic times, the revolving flow of time (ad-dahr) was
conceived, in keeping with old pagan tradition, as an agent power, personalized or not, which produced events affecting nature and, in particular, human
beings. The translation Fate has often been used. If not fully acceptable, it is
not altogether inappropriate.47 The idea of seeing in time, whatever its definition, a force determining human fate continued to affect Muslim complaints
about time or the present times. As a supposed ingredient in Arabian/Muslim fatalism, it has found much attention in modern scholarly literature.48
This literature has, therefore, particular relevance to the present investigation,
which, however, is more concerned with bringing out the anti-fatalism inherent in expressions of complaint against personal and societal conditions. It
remains a fact that the general connotation of time as fate and time as the passing circumstances in which a person may temporarily find himself was never
fully separated in the minds of poets and littrateurs, and presumably, among
the masses. Artists and intellectuals, at least, were never quite able to free
44
45
46
47
48
Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, Shar a-Tibrz, ed. M. Abduh Azzm, II, 67 (Cairo 19641965).
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 124.
Cf. W.F. Boggess, Hermannus Alemannus Latin anthology of Arabic poetry, in Journal of the
American Oriental Society, 88 (1968), 660 f.
Cf., for instance, W.M. Watt, in Studia Islamica, 50 (1979), 9: dahr or time. The translation fate is not altogether appropriate, since dahr is often replaced by the normal word for
time, zamn, and even by ayym the days. Probably this means no more than we might
mean by such a phrase as the course of events. While Watt is basically correct, the situation, as we have seen, is considerably more complicated. For dahr-zamn, cf. also, for
instance, H. Ringgren, op. cit. (n. 48), 30 ff.
A good example of the literature on the subject is H. Ringgren, Studies in Arabian Fatalism
(Uppsala Universitets rsskrift 1955:2). This literature is principally interested in what is
perceived as pre-Islamic views, although the Islamic situation is not entirely neglected.
535
themselves from the inherited conventions associating the words for time
with the treachery and fickleness of ancient fate. While individuals in Islam
felt strongly about their personal situation and times, long tradition conditioned them to look at and think about their particular circumstances in time
as being part of a general phenomenon applicable to all human beings. Hence,
individual zamn and abstract dahr became largely in|distinguishable in their
minds. We should never forget that no matter how careful we may be in the
interpretation of the sources, we can rarely be sure whether an author was
reflecting on his own particular times or was simultaneously also thinking in
general terms.
It goes without saying that an agent time was totally incompatible with the
fundamental religious views of Islam. As will be shown, much tension and division resulted from this fact in the attitudes taken toward complaining. A good
example of the problem of dahr and its relationship to zamn is the discussion
of the famous adth: Dont slander ad-dahr, for God is (= is identical with) addahr (l tasubb d-dahra fa-inna llha huwa d-dahru). This discussion went on
for many centuries. As always, the original date and early history of the adth
in its various recensions are difficult to determine. It is, however, clear that it
is a very old adth and has as good a chance as any other adth to go back to
the time of the Prophet or, at least, to have originated close to his time. Qurn
45:24 speaks of those misguided people who say that there is only our life in
this world. We live and die, and only ad-dahr causes us to perish. The verse
requires the explanation that God is the one who causes life and perdition. This,
then, could be succinctly expressed in the form that there is no such dahr, but
it is identical with Allh.49 Traditions beginning with l tasubb in other connections were common.50 This formulation may, therefore, be a recasting of the
original statement. But it is the equation of God with ad-dahr51 that is important and has all the signs of being a very ancient statement. On the surface, it
appears to be extremely daring and likely to give rise to misunderstandings. It
49
50
51
A-abar, Tafsr, XXV, 84 (Cairo 1321), who quotes the tradition, cites the following suggestions made for translating ad-dahr in Qurn 45:24: az-zamn; al-umr; ad-dahr wa-zzamn; al-layl wa-n-nahr.
Some of the l tasubb traditions are listed in A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et
indices de la tradition musulmane, II, 378b5 ff. (Leiden 19361969).
In his commentary on a verse in one of the Hudhalite poems, as-Sukkar, Shar ashr
al-Hudhalyn, II, 150 (no. 2, verse 17), indicates the existence of a variant reading li-d-dahri,
for li-llhi that appears in the text. There is not much significance to that, but it has found
a good deal of attention ever since J. Wellhausen referred to it in his Reste des arabischen
Heidentums, 222, n. 2 (Berlin 1897).
10
536
11
would probably not have been invented after the early years of Islam.52 The
contention that it was | circulated by believers in ad-dahr who were called
Dahryah and might have wanted to find in it a Prophetic validation of their
beliefs seems unlikely; there is no indication for the existence of an organized
movement of this type at the early date when the hadth was already in circulation. Its origin in some inner-Islamic sectarian polemic appears a farfetched
assumption when it is quite natural to find the occasion for the statement in
Qurn 45:24 and, perhaps, in the need to counteract the pre-Islamic view of addahr. This need was all the stronger since the tradition was deeply embedded
in cultural life and, in particular, poetry. It should, however, be noted that the
connection of the adth with an organized group called Dahryah is attested
as early as the time of Ab Ubayds Gharb al-adth (around 800),53 and it is
evident that the heat generated by the adth that caused its later prominence
was due to the fact that it could provide ammunition to rebels against accepted
beliefs.
On occasion, the verb sabba was taken to indicate, a majore ad minus, that
one must not slander anything, except where the religious law has permitted slandering 54 It was, however, generally assumed that its use included
the idea of criticism and the expression of dissatisfaction with misfortunes
which constituted the reason for so much human complaining.55 Thus, al-Utb
52
53
54
55
The other forms of the adth are the ones that occur in the older collections of al-Bukhr
and Muslim, as well as Mliks Muwa, cf. Concordance, I, 50a, and II, 92b. Cf. also
al-Bukhr, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. M. Fud Abd-al-Bq, 200f. (Cairo 1375). The l tasubb
recensions, among others, appear in the Musnad of Ibn anbal. For the significance of
the statement in the context of fatalism, see H. Ringgren, 46ff., with further references.
For early attestations of the traditions, cf. W.A. Graham, Divine Word and Prophetic Word
in Early Islam, 212 f. (The Hague and Paris 1977).
Supposedly the formulation, for ad-dahr is God, also existed, cf. Ibn ajar, Fat,
XIII, 185: (The tradition, Do not say, (Oh) the frustration caused by ad-dahr, for God is
ad-dahr,) occurs in the transmission of Yay b. Yay al-Layth on the authority of Mlik
in a form that has at the end, for ad-dahr is God. Ibn Abd-al-Barr says: (Yay) contradicts
all the transmitters on Mliks authority and all the transmitters of the adth in general,
all of whom have, for God is ad-dahr. The editions of Ibn Abd-al-Barrs Istidhkr and
Tamhd, which may have been the source of the quotation, have not been accessible to
me. Al-Ayn, Umdah, X, 445 f., whose commentary on the adth is much briefer than
that of Ibn ajar, took no notice of Ibn Abd-al-Barrs statement. Cf. also Lane, 923c, s.v.
dahr.
Cf. Ab Ubayd, below, n. 70.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XIII, 186.
The tradition was thus included in the chapter on criticism of the times by ar-Rghib
537
(d. 413/1022) built up to the adth in the following manner in one of his eloquent brief essays on Disapproval of those who criticize ad-dahr:
Your censure of ad-dahr calls for censure of yourself, and your considering
it slow turns the rein of blame unto yourself.56 For ad-dahr is one of Gods
arrows detached from the handholds of His laws57 and rising from the
direction of the clearly written notations of His pens. Falling into it takes
place by the decision of the Creator, the course of things taking place
in accordance with their natures and corresponding to their powers and
situations. Who is the one who would blame the snakes for biting with
their fangs or the scorpions for stinging with their tails? How could they
be criticized when they | were created pervaded by poison! Gods decision
is to be obeyed in every situation, and His command is to be accepted
contentedly. Thus excuse az-zamn from your stinging (qawri) remarks,
and cover it with the veil of gnawing (on it) with your teeth.58 And
remember the statement of the Prophet: Dont slander ad-dahr, for God
is ad-dahr. Your duty is to submit to the decision of the One Exalted and
Great. Such a person achieves the most praiseworthy end and is guided
best in religious and worldly matters.59
The most passionate debate of the meaning of the adth was naturally reserved
for the exegetes of adth, and they never got tired of it. They approached the
task either from a philological point of view or as theologians. Usually they
combined both approaches. The beginnings of the debate can be traced to the
second half of the eighth century, though it may have begun earlier. The name
of Abd-ar-Ramn b. Mahd (d., presumably in his sixties, in 198/213) appears
in this connection in the Kitb al-Hayawn of al-Ji.60 He was followed by
56
57
58
59
60
al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 223. The same author also referred to it briefly in his Mufradt,
II, 21.
That is, instead of blaming your horse for running too slowly, you should blame yourself.
For ad-dahr shooting arrows, see below, n. 129.
If I understand the text correctly, it means that the veil is to serve as protection against
biting criticism.
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 284. It may be noted that dahr and ar in the full title of the
Yatmah appear to indicate lasting time and present times: The eternal unique pearl, The
best achievements of the contemporaries.
Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, I, 340 (Cairo, n.y., variously reprinted),
I, 166 (Cairo 13231327/19051907).
12
538
13
ash-Shfi (150204/767820)61 and by Ab Ubayd al-Qsim b. Sallm (ca. 154

224/770838).62 His Gharb al-adth is likely to have been the first full-scale
discussion, since later on he was always referred to as the oldest source. At any
rate, he is the oldest preserved authority on the subject. His remarks formed
the basis for later lexicographers.63 The arguments and conclusions remained
largely the same throughout. Usually it was the phrasing that was different,
and there were always many examples from supposedly pre-Islamic poetry to
choose from. In later times, scholars had to pay some attention to intellectual
currents that had meanwhile assumed importance, and to the ever growing
number of authorities who had expressed themselves on the subject and whose
views had to be reported.64
The main points of the discussion can be gathered from the following translation of two significant examples, one being Ab Ubayds early treatment, and
the other Ibn Taymyahs fatw dating from about five centuries later.
Ab Ubayd on the adth of the Prophet: Dont slander ad-dahr, for God
is ad-dahr.
No Muslim must be ignorant of the true explanation (wajh) of for God
is ad-dahr. This is because the atheists (ahl at-tail) use it as an argument
against the Muslims. I have seen one of those suspect of Manichaeism
(zandaqah) and Dahryah views do that. He said: Dont you see he says, for
God is ad-dahr! I replied: Would anyone slander God ever in all eternity
(bd ad-dahr)? Al-Ash already said in the ignorance of pre-Islamic
times:
God has claimed for Himself good faith and
Praise, and has entrusted man with (being subject to) blame.65
61
62
63
64
65
Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, VI, 192.

See below. Also, the numerous authors concerned with the interpretation of adth, for
instance, Ibn Qutaybah, Tawl mukhtalif al-adth, ed. M. Zuhr an-Najjr, 222224 (Cairo
1386/1966), or Ibn Frak, Bayn mushkil al-adth, 9496 (Hyderabad 1362). Ibn Frak
almost totally depends on Ibn Qutaybah, although at the end, he adds a discussion of one
of the related traditions.
Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, VI, 191f., or Majd-ad-dn Ibn al-Athr, an-Nihyah f gharb al-adth,
who was the principal source on adth for the Lisn al-Arab, s.v. dahr.
The extent the discussion had assumed by the fifteenth century can be seen in Ibn ajar,
Fat, X, 195 f., XIII, 184186, and XVII, 242.
Cf. al-Ash, Dwn, ed. R. Geyer, 155, no. 35, verse 2 (London 1928, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial
Series, N.S. 6).
539
In my opinion, the (proper) explanation (tawl) of the statement is

this: The Arabs were concerned with criticizing and slandering ad-dahr
when they suffered misfortunes such as death, old-age decrepitude, loss
of property, and other things. They used to say: The knocks of ad-dahr
have hit them. Ad-dahr has caused them to perish. Ad-dahr has come
upon them. Making ad-dahr the agent, they criticized it for all that. They
mentioned it in their poems. Thus a poet said with reference to people
who had perished:
Ad-dahr claimed them for itself in the morning.
Ad-dahr is the one that shoots at me, while I do not shoot.
O Dahr, you have caused us great loss
Of the best of us and fissured the bone66
And deprived us of what you will not replace for us.
O Dahr, you have been unfair in your judgment.67
Amr b. Qamah said:
The daughters of ad-dahr have shot at me, from where I cannot
see.
How about one who is shot at, while he himself cannot shoot!
If it were arrows, I could have guarded against them.
But arrows were not used for shooting at me.
Upon two hands once and upon a staff I raise myself up
With difficulty and, after a threefold effort, am finally able to stand.68
66
67
68
Cf. Lisn al-Arab, VII, 154, s.v. w-q-r.

While Lisn al-Arab, VII, 154, ascribes the verses to al-Ash, they appear elsewhere under
the name of al-rith b. Khlid or al-rith b. Wlah, see Geyers notes to his edition of
Ashs Dwn, 238, no. 204. For the other two poets, cf. F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen
Schrifttums, II, 417 and 147 (Leiden 1975), referred to further on as GAS.
Cf. C. Lyall, The Poems of Amr Son of Qamah, text, 23, trans., 26, no. 3, verses 11, 12, and 10
(Cambridge 1919). The last verse is better placed before the other two. The sequence of the
verses is the same here as in Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 293 (Beirut 1964), although two different
verses intervene there between the first two verses. The same sequence as in Lyalls edition
of the Dwn is attested in Agh., XVI, 165, Agh.3, XVIII, 142. Quotations in al-Marzubn
show the sequence 9, 11, 12, omitting verse 10, cf. his Mujam ash-shuar, ed. Abd-as-Sattr
Farrj, 3 f. (Cairo 1379/1960), and the abridgment of his Muqtabas, entitled Nr al-qabas (by
al-Yaghmr), ed. R. Sellheim, Die Gelehrtenbiographien des Ab Ubaidallh al-Marzubn,
251 (Wiesbaden 1964, Bibliotheca Islamica 23a).
540
He indicated that ad-dahr did that to him through old-age weakness

(?).69
God has indicated in His Book that they held this view and branded
them liars (Qurn 45:24). The Prophet said: Dont slander ad-dahr, which
is to be explained: Dont slander the one who does those things to you and
causes those misfortunes to you, for if you slander their agent, the slanders
falls upon God, because He is their agent, and not ad-dahr.
This is the true explanation of this adth, if God wills. I do not have
any other for it.70
14
Someone like the great Shah poet and community leader, ash-Sharf ar-Ra
(d. 406/1015), might use other quotations from pre-Islamic poetry and expand
a little his description of Gods power as an agent, but he did not add anything
of real substance.71 A much more developed stage of the discussion appears
in the fatw of Ibn Taymyah (661728/12631328) concerning the meaning
of the adth. The philological evidence was omitted. Instead, the heaviest
artillery that theology and philosophy could muster was brought to bear upon
it. The crucial element in Ibn Taymyahs argumentation is the full acceptance
of the identification of ad-dahr with az-zamn, understood as physical time.
Ibn Taymyah was thus assured a priori that the adth dealt with a creature
of God which cannot be God. It seems that he overlooked giving any sort
of positive explanation for the adth. While he was clearly skeptical of a
metaphorical understanding of the use of ad-dahr in it, he also did not consider
the suggestion made elsewhere that ad-dahr might stand for ib ad-dahr
Master of ad-dahr.72 He apparently felt satisfied with attributing a negative
character to the adth as having had its origin in a polemic against pre-Islamic
believers in an agent dahr, as had others before him. This is what he had to
say:
Question: Does the Prophets statement, Dont slander ad-dahr, for God
is ad-dahr, agree with the views of the Unionists (Ittidyah)?73 Please
explain!
69
70
71
72
73
Read bi-uf ?? Made this half of old age seems an unlikely translation of the printed text.
Cf. Ab Ubayd, Gharb al-adth, II, 145148.
Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, al-Majzt an-nabawyah, ed. h M. az-Zayn, 235f. (Cairo 1387/
1967).
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XIII, 184.
See the later reference to them. For Ibn Taymyah, the most prominent representative of
pantheismor whatever term may be usedwas Ibn Arab.
541
AnswerGod be praised: The statement is transmitted also in other

recensions, such as: God says, Man injures me by slandering ad-dahr
when I am ad-dahr.74 I am in control (bi-yad al-amr). I cause night and
day to revolve. Or: Dont slander ad-dahr, for God is ad-dahr. He causes
night and day to revolve. Or: Man may say, Oh the frustration caused by
ad-dahr ( y khaybata d-dahri)!, when I am ad-dahr.
His statement in the adth, I am in control. I cause night and day to
revolve, makes it clear that it is not meant here that He is az-zamn. For
He just indicated that He causes night and day to revolve. Now, night and
day is az-zamn. Thus, the adth itself shows that He is the one who
causes az-zamn to revolve and enables it to be active ( yuarrifuh), as
is also indicated in Qurn 24:43f. (which is taken to refer to rain and,
in verse 44, contains the phrase He causes night and day to revolve)
Causing night and day to revolve means transforming the conditions of
the world by causing rain to descend which is the cause of the creation
of plants, animals, and minerals. This is the cause of transferring human
beings from one condition to another, which implies raising up some
people and putting down others.
God has indicated in more than one passage of the Qurn that He has
created az-zamn (6:1, 21:33, 25:62, 3:190, and other verses).
A rational person will not imagine that God is az-zamn, for az-zamn
is the measure of motion, and the measure of motion belongs to the
category of accidents and attributes that subsist in something else, such as
motion and motionlessness, blackness and whiteness. A rational person
will not say that the Creator of the world belongs to the category of
accidents and attributes that need material substances ( jawhir) and
specific things (ayn), for accidents do not subsist by themselves but
need a substratum (maall) to subsist in. Now, whatever needs something
other than and separate from itself does not exist by itself but through that
other. It thus requires that by which it exists and is not self-sufficient. How,
then, could it be the creator of everything outside of it?
It is known that the rank orders are three 75 He (It) is self-sufficient
and does not need anything outside of Himself (itself). This is the de-
74
75
The hopeless attempt was made to read here the accusative ad-dahra always and to
understand it as indicating Gods permanent control of time, cf., for instance, Ibn Frak,
Bayn, 96.
The printed text indicates a lacuna in the manuscript used for publication. Possibly, the
argument runs that the three rank order (animals, plants, and minerals, rather than high,
15
542
scription of the Creator, Praised be He. How could one imagine that he
belongs to the first kind?
The heretics who hold the view of oneness (wadah), indwelling
(ull), and union (ittid) do not say that He is az-zamn, nor do they
say that He belongs to the genus of accidents and attributes. Rather, they
say that He is the totality of the world or indwelling the totality of the
world. There is thus no problem for them in the adth, even if he had not
explained in it that He | causes night and day to revolve. How could it be
(reconciled with view of the Unionists? or assumed that He is az-zamn?)
when it says in the adth itself that He is in control. He causes night and
day to revolve?
Now that this has been clarified, two well-known views remain, held
by anbalites and others with respect to the adth. One is the statement
of Ab Ubayd and most scholars that this adth was given expression to
in order to refute things said by the people of the Jhilyah and the like.
When a misfortune struck them or they were prevented from achieving
their goals, they started to slander ad-dahr and az-zamn. One of them
thus might say: May God disgrace ad-dahr which has caused us trouble,
or: May God curse az-zamn in which such-and-such a thing has happened. Frequently, this (idea) occurs in poets and the like. For instance,
they said: O dahr, you did such-and-such, in the intention to slander the
one who did those things and attribute them to ad-dahr. However, since
God is the one who originated and did those things, the slander falls upon
Him. Ad-dahr is His creation. He is the one who causes it to revolve and
enables it to be active. The implication (of the adth) is: Man slanders the
one who does those things, but it is I (God) who did them. When he slanders ad-dahr, his intention is to slander the agent, even if he attributes the
action to ad-dahr, which has no (power to) act (on its own). The agent is
only God alone.
A suitable comparison76 is that with a man who has received a right
judgment from a judge or a right fatw from a muft and starts to say, May
16
76
low, and intermediate) can be shown not to be self-sufficient and to be subject to time
(??).
Ibn Qutaybah, Tawl, 224, and Ibn Frak, Bayn, 95, used the case of the instigator of a
murder and the murderer as an illustration. If Zayd orders his slave Fat (Ibn Frak: Bakr)
to kill someone, people might curse Fat and say: Dont slander Fat, for Zayd is Fat.
Ibn Taymyah, or one of his predecessors, might have been aware of this comparison and
concluded that while dahr could well be compared to a murderer, it would be improper
543
God curse him who rendered this judgment or this fatw. The judgment
or the fatw goes back to the Prophet. The slander thus falls upon him,
even if the slanderer in his ignorance attributed the matter to the actual
transmitter 77
The other view is that of Nuaym b. ammd78 and a group of adth
people and fs in addition to him: Ad-dahr is one of the names of God
and means The Eternal (a parte ante and a parte post: qadm/ azal). In
some of their prayers, they transmitted (the phrase): O dahr, O dayhr,
O dihr!79 This meaning is correct since God is the first and there is
nothing prior to Him, and He is the last and there is nothing after Him.
This meaning is correct. | However, opinions differ concerning His being
given the name of dahr.80
At any rate, all Muslims agree, and it is known through pure reason, that
God is not ad-dahr which is az-zamn or what corresponds to az-zamn.
For people are agreed that az-zamn is night and day as well as that which
corresponds to it in Paradise (Qurn 19:62) There is no sun and moon
in Paradise, but the times (al-awqt) are known there through other lights
which it has been transmitted appear from underneath the divine throne.
Thus, az-zamn there is the measure of the motion that causes those
lights to appear in Paradise.
Beyond that, is there a self-subsistent, fluctuating (sayyl) substance
( jawhar) that is ad-dahr? In this respect views differ. A group of Platonic
philosophers have assumed as certain (athbat) it(s existence), as they
have assumed as certain (the existence of) independent universals outside, called Platonic ideas and absolute ideas. They have also assumed
as certain (the existence of) hyle that is matter independent of form,
and they have assumed as certain (the existence of) the void as a selfsubsistent matter.
77
78
79
80
to compare God with the instigator of murder. But Ibn Taymyahs choice of an example
also shows how much more dominant the role of the judiciary had become for scholars
over the years.
The intended meaning of the omitted, seemingly corrupt words was probably something
like this: The transmitter, however, does act in some manner, whereas az-zamn cannot
be considered a true agent, because it is God who causes it to revolve and enables it to be
active.
Apparently, the adth transmitter who died ca. 228/843, cf. GAS, I, 104f. (Leiden 1967).
Subforms of dahr which do not appear to be listed in the dictionaries but no doubt were
used by mystics, although a precise reference remains to be found.
On this question, see Goldziher, hiriten, 153 f.
17
544
However, the mass of rational philosophers and other rational persons

know that all this has no reality in the outside world. They are just matters
assumed and posited by the mind. The Sophists (read al-mughlin)
assume that something assumed as certain in the minds exists as such
outside the minds. They have also assumed that with respect to absolute
existence, although the absolute by definition has existence (only) in the
minds, and the only thing that exists outside is something specific, that is,
the specific things (ayn) and the attributes subsisting in them. There is
no space except a corporeal substance ( jism) or that in which it subsists,
no time except the measure of motion, and no matter separate from form.
Indeed, there is no matter combined with forms other than the corporeal
substance in which the accidents subsist, and no form except that which
is an accident subsisting in a corporeal substance or that which is a
corporeal substance in which an accident subsists.
This matter and similar matters have been treated in greater detail
elsewhere. The intention here has been to call attention briefly to their
implications. And God knows best.81
18
The exorcism of an agent time, accomplished by equating it with some sort

of physical time, was thus still needed long after Islam was firmly established.
The complaint about the present times always contained an undercurrent of
rebellion against the world order, which may not always have been merely
subconscious. While we are often left in doubt as to whether a complainer
was more interested in calling attention to his own temporary plight than in
criticizing, as it were, Gods work, or whether he had the opposite purpose in
mind, the Muslim reflections on | time always retained a certain element of
religious, and not only social, tension.
O you who blame ad-dahr when it is no longer interested,82
Do not blame ad-dahr for its treachery!
Ad-dahr is subject to orders and has one to give it orders
To whose orders ad-dahr turns.83
81
82
83
Cf. Ibn Taymyah, al-Fatw al-kubr, I, 343345 (Cairo, n.y. [13841386/19651966]).

For nab, see above, n. 15.
Cf. ar-Riy, Talq al-uql, fol. 43a.
545
The Golden Age Complex
There exists in human nature a strong propensity to depreciate the advantages

and to magnify the evils of the present times.84 This is how Edward Gibbon
with his customary eloquence expressed the common human misconception
of the good old days. It makes memory pleasurable. As an Arabic commentator
on Aristotles Metaphysics remarked, memory goes together with hope, and
both are pleasurable as they are concerned with things that have no actual
existence and human beings who hope as well as those who remember imagine
them as actually realized in existence.85
Beyond the common individual experience and the belief in a better, if
non-existent, past, the history of various societies was reconstructed as having enjoyed at the start a period of greatness and goodness and then having
gone through a process of steady deterioration. As T. Nldeke once remarked,
Islam raised the golden-age view of the past to almost the status of a religious
dogma.86 It did so, however, with the difference that its golden age was not projected back into a mythical past. On the contrary, the historical and mythical
past, the times before Islam appeared on the scene, was seen as unrelievedly
evil. Those evil conditions were | brought to an end by the divine revelation
which came to Muammad and was to set things right once and for all. History did not fully cooperate in this grand scheme, as history has a way of doing.
The process of transforming the time of Muammads prophecy into a golden
age thus appears to have had its origin already in the very early days of Islam.
84
85
86
Cf. E. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. XXXI, ad 410 (Vol. IV, 108, in
the edition London 1925).
Cf. the Arabic translation, ed. M. Bouyges, III, 1613, 1616.
Cf. T. Nldeke as quoted by R.A. Nicholson, Studies in Islamic Mysticism, IX (Cambridge
1921): Wie verstndig ist M(aarr) auch darin, das(s) er nicht an dem fast zum Dogma
der islamischen berlieferung gewordenen Satze festhielt, dass die Menschen in frheren
Zeiten besser gewesen wren als die Zeitgenossen (nr. 162, 4 als zweifelhaft, 146, 3 als bestimmt ausgesprochen), vermutlich wollte er damit besonders den Vorzug der Genossen
des Propheten treffen.
I owe this reference to R. Gramlich, Vom islamischen Glauben an die gute alte Zeit,
in R. Gramlich (ed.), Islamwissenschaftliche Abhandlungen Fritz Meier zum sechzigsten
Geburtstag, 110117 (Wiesbaden 1974). Gramlichs article deals exceedingly well with, primarily, Muslim religious attitudes. It makes a more detailed exposition of this topic unnecessary here. Cf. also F. Meiers contribution to R. Brunschvig and G.E. von Grunebaum
(eds.), Classicisme et dclin culturel dans l histoire de lIslam, 217245 (Paris 1957), a work
that in a way anticipates some of the concerns of this chapter.
19
546
20
Famous early traditions of the Prophet state explicitly that a decline from the
glorious days of Prophecy was to take place rapidly and inexorably within
the next few generations. When century followed upon century and Islam
continued to exist with all the ups and downs of its temporary fortunes, the
idea of rapidity and continuity in decline clearly conflicted with observable
reality. In the long view of religion and theology, this did not matter. The
world had peaked in the time of the Prophet and his generation and had gone
downhill ever since. The obvious material growth of Islam as a civilization was
discounted in this connection. It was discovered that the world in pre-Islamic
times possessed a certain unique greatness. Yet, this realization did nothing
to shake the firmly established predominance of the conviction that the world
had seen its golden age in the time of Muammad and would never be the same
again till its expected end. Some individuals, and in a way certain Shah groups,
attempted to correct this view by pointing out pre-Islamic achievements and
by arguing that there was continuity in the circular form of history and that
there existed a discontinuous process of progress. The majority view, constantly
repeated, was not really called into question.
The inevitable consequence of this golden-age concept was that little good
could be expected from the present if it was measured against that only true
and permanent standard of goodness. The present times thus were a priori
corrupt. Their corruption ( fasd az-zamn) was more obvious in certain individual and historical situations than in others. At least, it was felt more heavily
by some observers and expressed with greater fervor. But the conviction that
such corruption existed was always there and likely to find expression at any
time. From the religious point of view, the objectionable connotations of dahr
did not help. Whether they implied time or the present times, dahr and zamn
were always open to criticism by everybody. Negative criticism of them (dhamm
az-zamn) was not always accompanied by open complaint; in fact, as we shall
see, unrestricted complaining was at times considered as behavior unbecoming
for a pious Muslim and not the proper response to the prevailing corruption.87
The ascetic outlook, moreover, centered upon the intrinsic worthlessness and
evil of this world (ad-duny) which for the individual | was of brief duration and
good only inasmuch as it enabled him to prepare for eternal life in the other
world. The negative criticism of this world (dhamm ad-duny) had in a way
precedence in the literature over the dhamm ( fasd) az-zamn, but it merged
with it at an early date88 and no distinction was maintained between the two.
87
88
See below, pp. 53 ff.

The process of merger is still apparent in Ibn Ab d-dunys important Dhamm ad-duny,
547
Complaint was always implicit, and so was, to some degree, the feeling that
times had been better before, if only because the corruption of the world was
so much more clearly realized in the early years of Islam.
Just a very few examples of the innumerable critical statements about the
times and the world will suffice here. Thus, ash-Shab, who died, probably in his
early eighties, between 721 and 725, saw the consequences of the theory of constant deterioration from a golden age in political, rather than exclusively moral,
terms: For a while, people lived together in religion and piety. This stopped,
and they lived together in modesty and mutual respect. This stopped, and people were able to live together only by means of promises and intimidation.89
Thus free democratic association came to be replaced by tyrannical government. People can be governed only by the carrot and the stick, unless there is
anunlikelyreligious revival and a return to the good old days. The present
times offer much ground for dissatisfaction, although it is the people themselves that are basically responsible for it, because their behavior has made
iniquitous government inevitable. Ash-Shab concluded his quoted statement
on an even more pessimistic note: I guess, worse is to come.
Another statement saw moral decay as leading to complete apathy: People
used to act and not to talk. They then got to talk and not to act. Now, they
neither talk nor act.90 Individual morality, rather than political corruption, is
the target here. There is again complete disillusionment with the present times.
They are bad, and the deterioration that had taken place is irreversible and
permanent.
A typical statement on the prevailing dismal state of affairs may be quoted
here for its general validity as an indication of a state of mind considered
exemplary and proper throughout medieval Islam. It comes from the chapter
on the corruption of the time and its people in a work by the tenth-century
al-Khab. However, its author, Manr b. Ammr, | lived around the year 800.
He was counted among the fs, and he certainly thought and spoke in the
long established tradition of pious preachers. His statement seems to have been
derived from a written work of his. It is called a description of the times (ifat
az-zamn), and this associates it with the criticism of ad-duny which paints
89
90
edited by E. Appelrot-Almagor (unpublished doctoral dissertation UCLA 1973, now in

press in Jerusalem).
The dhamm ad-duny also loomed large in the minds of littrateurs, in fact so much
so that they tried to establish its first occurrence in poetry, cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 302, in
connection with the sixth-century poet Yazd b. adhdhq.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 279.
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 350.
21
548
a totally negative picture of this material world of ours. This is how Manr b.
Ammr described it:
Time has changed so much that the tongue has become weary of describing it. It was young, and has now entered its dotage. It was smooth, and
has now become rough. It was fertile, and has now dried out. Its taste was
sweet, and has now become bitter.
Almost every brave man one sees is full of worries, nor does one find
a good person trusting anyone. Only fools are now (the times) allies, and
only scatterbrains have ended up being comfortable with it. Thus, goodness has become just a word, religion an empty shell, humility deception,
abstemiousness a pretense, manliness deceitful talk, and the command to
do good and the prohibition to do evil have become wilfulness, wrath, and
conceitedness of soul. Expressions of taking refuge in God91 have become
(self-)praise and glorification.
The man who permits himself to be deceived by his (optimistic) views
of human beings, who does not replace hope with despair, and who
does not keep firm control of his heart and his feelings is foolish and
deceived, deserving to be censured by everybody, regretful of the outcome
(of actions and events), and put down at the bottom of the scales.
Beware, beware of people! Men, true men (ns), have become few;
what remains is strange beasts (nasns),92 wolves wearing clothes. If you
seek them out, they frustrate you. If you ask them for help, they abandon
you. If you seek their advice, they cheat you. If you are noble, they envy
you. If you are of a humble station, they despise you. If you are a scholar,
they declare you a cheat and innovator. If you are ignorant, they upbraid
you and give you no guidance. If you talk, they call you an empty windbag.
If you keep silent, they proclaim you a slow-witted, tongue-tied fool. If you
are thorough, they say you are just pretentious. If you are superficial, they
declare you to be dumb and stupid.93 Keeping company with them is a
painful disease. Keeping away from them is the effective medicine for it.
91
92
93
Read al-istidhah (?), for al-istidhah of the printed text.

The play on the words ns and nasns was commonly used in this context. According to
al-Khab, Uzlah, 63, Ab Hurayrah explained nasns as those who resemble, but are
not, human beings. Cf. M.J. Viguera, El Nasns, in Orientalia Hispanica F.M. Pareja, I, 651ff.
(Leiden 1974); F. Vir, in EI2, s.v. ird.
This rhetorical technique to describe perversity was employed quite commonly. In a
saying ascribed to Luqmn, it serves to characterize good men in contrast to bad men,
cf. al-Mubashshir, 266268.
549
Medicines are inevitably bitter and taste bad. But choose the medicine
with its bitter taste over the disease with the evil and harm it does!94
Manr b. Ammr proceeded on the assumption that there once was, or should
have been, a time when everything was alright with man and society, and
that it was in his times that everything has completely turned around and
changed to the contrary. His recommendation to the despairing individual who
sought to escape from the iniquity of the situation was withdrawalwhich
was the subject central to the work of the author who quoted him, but which,
while recommended by many, was rejected by the majority of Muslim religious
thinkers conscious of the need for human cooperation.95 His catalogue of the
sins of this world represents the standard view common among the men of
religion and those reflecting their attitudes and repeated endlessly in many
variations. The impression, however, is strong that Manr b. Ammr would
have insisted that the harsh description of conditions applied with particular
force to his own times.
Muslims who were more secular in their outlook, or rather, whose views
were not completely determined by pietism, shared this pessimistic view of
the world in their times. Al-Ji wrote an epistle on the subject of dhamm
az-zamn, supposedly for one of his friends. His attitude is strictly personal.
His own times and circumstances were clearly responsible for his vehement, if
highly polished, criticism. The culprit was the complete change of our times,
the corruption of our days, and the coming out on top (dawlah) of our mean and
ignoble (contemporaries). As Shakespeare put it in different circumstances:
the world is grown so bad,
That wrens may prey where eagles dare not perch:
Since every Jack became a gentleman,
Theres many a gentle person made a Jack.
Richard III, Act I, Scene III
While it was believed in the past, al-Ji argued, that modesty and truthfulness
in conduct were enough to assure well-being for the individual, all these once
desirable qualities have become a distinct disadvantage under the changed
circumstances for the person who possesses them. It can indeed be proved
94
95
Cf. al-Khab, Uzlah, 67 f. For Manr b. Ammr, see GAS, I, 637f.

Cf. F. Rosenthal, in A. Banani and S. Vryonis (eds.), Individualism and Conformity in
Classical Islam, 55 (Wiesbaden 1977, Fifth Giorgio Levi Della Vida Biennial Conference).
[Below, article VI, 1. Ed.]
22
550
23
that all evil behavior is nowadays the key to success. The undeserving are
praised even for their shortcomings and mistakes. The times treat the honest,
competent, decent, deserving individual shabbily. The whole situation as it
exists now makes life hardly worth living any more.96 This indictment of the
times clearly was the bit|ter complaint of a particularly situated individual who
felt aggrieved by their supposedly changed character. Behind it, however, is the
vision of a former ideal situation, which, of course, never existed. It also exhibits
all the elements which, by the time of al-Ji, had long dominated the general
view of time and which were to continue to do so.
A positive evaluation rarely resulted from thinking about time in general
terms. It is, for instance, not possible to match the pages and pages of verse
in the poetry of Ab Tammm and al-Butur criticizing time and the times97
with a similar body of material in their praise. The common staple for authors
who felt compelled to make room for the expression of views that opposed the
predominant negative opinion was a statement attributed to Al. In reply to a
person who criticized the world in his presence, Al is supposed to have said:
This world is a proper residence for those who treat it frankly and properly, a healthy residence for those who understand its meaning, a wealthy
residence for those who use it to provide for themselves from it.98 It is
the place where Gods prophets worshiped, the place that has received
the divine revelation, the place of prayer for Gods angels, and the place
of commerce for His saints. They have acquired in this world (divine)
mercy and gained it in Paradise. Who could criticize it when it has given
permission to leave it, heralded the occasion for separating from it, and
announced its own death. Its joys have thus kindled the desire for (eternal) joys, and its tribulations (the fear of eternal) tribulation, causing fear,
giving warning, arousing desire, deterring by fright.
96
97
98
Al-Jis epistle was translated by C. Pellat, Arabische Geisteswelt, German trans.

W.W. Mller, 198201 (Zrich and Stuttgart 1967, Bibliothek des Morgenlandes), English
translation under the title The Life and Works of Ji by D.M. Hawke, 122124 (LondonBerkeley-Los Angeles 1969). Pellat took the text he translated from asan as-Sandb (ed.),
Rasil al-Ji, 310 f. (Cairo 1352/1933). As-Sandb did not indicate his source. It is likely
that it was Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, cf. the edition by A. Amn, A. az-Zayn, and Ibrhm alIbyr, II, 342345 (reprint Cairo 1357/1956).
Cf. al-mid, al-Muwzanah bayn shir Ab Tammm wa-l-Butur, ed. as-Sayyid A. aqr, II,
230 ff. (Cairo 1965).
The provisions, of course, are understood to be the good deeds which pave the way for
admission into Paradise.
551
O you who criticize this world and use the excuse of being deceived
by it!99 When did it deceive you! Through the misfortunes suffered by
your forefathers, or through the resting places in the soil of your female
ancestors? How many have you made sick with your own hands and
ill with your own efforts! You desire to find a cure for them,100 you ask
physicians | for prescriptions to give to them, and you look for a medicine
for them. This search of yours has been of no use for them. Your medicine
has not cured them. This world has set up for you the place where you will
come to fall, and your resting place there where your crying will not be of
use to you and your loved ones will not help you.101
In commenting upon Als statement, Ibn Ab l-add quite correctly remarked
that it is in fact criticism of the world turned into praise. It has found a place
here only in order to show that if it is indeed the best praise of this world with
which religious scholars have been able to come up, they have done very little to
disprove the justification for constant criticism. In generally accepted fashion,
the statement praised the world for the opportunity it offered to prepare for the
other world. It also argued, however, for the assumption that the world as such
was not responsible for its blameworthy aspects, but these were due to actions
taken by human beings. This touches on a crucial issue in connection with the
complaint about the times, to be discussed later on.
There exists an important and unique text, dating to the second half of the
tenth century, which forcefully disputes the view that the past was better, even
if it does nothing to contradict the notion that this world tends to be bad. In
99
100
101
This second part of Als statement presents textual difficulties and shows major variants,
if it is not simply omitted. Thus, al-ur and Ibn Kathr read here: and divert yourself
with wishes (al-muallil nafsah bi-l-amn, see below, n. 676). When did the world deceive
you or when did it weigh down heavily (read ishtaddat?) upon you?
The antecedent of them is clearer in the other versions. Worldly trouble is not inherited
but caused by the harm done (to others) by the individual himself. Ibn Kathr reads: How
many of those for whom you seek a cure and ask a physician for prescriptions have you
made sick with your own hands and ill with your own efforts. Your medicine does not help
them, and your crying is of no use to them. Al-ur and Ibn Kathr end their shortened
quotation at this point.
The above translation renders the text of al-Bayhaq, al-Masin wa-l-masw, ed.
F. Schwally, 386 (Giessen 1902). Cf., further, al-ur, Zahr, I, 42; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn,
Muart, II, 222; Ibn Kathr, Bidyah, VIII, 7 (Cairo 19321938); Ibn Ab l-add, V, 241f.
(with a number of variants and reversal of the position of the two parts); an-Nuwayr
al-Iskandarn, Kitb al-Ilmm, ed. E. Combe and A.S. Atiyya, II, 301 (Hyderabad 1388
1396/19681976).
24
552
their search for a striking illustration of the religious contention that there
was a continuous decline and the present was the worst of times, scholars had
recourse to a dramatic story centering around the sacred person of ishah. We
are told that she was often heard to recite verses of the great Labd, the younger
contemporary of the Prophet:
Gone are those in whose jurisdiction it was possible to live.
I have remained among posterity like the skin of persons affected by skin
disease.
Now, they all cheat and are insincere in whatever they say.
Even if someone does no wrong intentionally, he is censured for whatever
he says.102
25
When she was finished with reciting these verses, ishah would exclaim;
What would Labd have said, if he had lived to see these times (of ours)! In
later quotations of this story, it was always brought up to date;103 the longer the
time that had elapsed between its earlier attestation and the later quotation,
the longer did the chain of important transmitters become. Each one of these
102
103
Cf. Shar Dwn Labd, 153, 157. The reading of the second verse differs considerably in the
sources. It is translated here from Abdallh b. al-Mubrak and al-Khab.
For the frequent imitations of the first verse and its early use, in its entirety or in part,
as a cento, cf. Ibn al-Marzubn, Fal al-kilb al kathr man labisa ath-thiyb, who used
it as a starting point for his complaint about the human condition, ed. Ibrhm Ysuf
(Cairo 1341), ed. trans. G.R. Smith and M.A.S. Abdel Haleem (Warminster, England, 1978);
amzah al-Ifahn, History of Ifahn, as quoted by Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, III, 83,
ed. Rif, VIII, 142 f. In Yqt, the poet is stated to be Lughdah/Lukdhah; this is probably
more likely than the authorship of Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual, claimed in Yqt, Irshd, ed.
Margoliouth, IV, 282, ed. Rif, XII, 38, whence it was taken over in the edition of Ab
l-Aswad ad-Duals Dwn, by M. asan l Ysn, Nafis al-makhtt, II, 47 (Baghdd
1373/1954, edited again by the same, Baghdd 1384/1964). Cf. also Ibn al-Marzubn, op. cit.;
ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 15; a-afad, Wf, ed. Ramadn Abd-at-Tawwb, XII,
87 (Wiesbaden 1979, Bibliotheca Islamica 61). Further, al-Khab al-Baghdd, Bukhal, ed.
Amad Malb, Khadjah al-adth, and Amad Nj al-Qays, 100 (Baghdd 1384/1964),
quoting Jaah al-Barmak; Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, I, 31, II, 198 (Jaah
al-Barmak); idem, Kitb a-inatayn, 27 (Cairo 1320), ed. Al M. al-Bijw and M. Ab
l-Fal Ibrhm, 37 (Cairo 1371/1952); al-Abbs, Mahid at-tan, II, 111 (Cairo 1316).
When it suited their purpose, scholars could, of course, restrict themselves to the Labdishah relationship, cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Istb, ed. Al M. al-Bijw, 1337 (Cairo, n.y.
[1380/1960]), and al-Ghazzl, Iy (below, n. 106). Al-Ghazzl was satisfied with merely
referring to ishah quoting Labd as an indication of her approval of poetry.
553
famous individuals was made to echo ishahs sentiment as applicable to his

own times: And how about ishah had she lived to the present !
In the oldest available source, the work on zuhd by Abdallh b. al-Mubrak
(ca. 118181/736797), the chain of transmitters comprises the historians
Mamar (b. Rshid, d. 153/770) < az-Zuhr (d. ca. 123125/740743) < Urwah b.
az-Zubayr (d. ca. 9395/711714).104 In the other sources, the chains of transmitters (which, in the case of the Kitb al-Aghn, includes the famous name of
a-abar) start to diverge with Hishm b. Urwah b. az-Zubayr (d. 146/763).105
It is thus obvious that the story originated, or, at any rate, picked up speed and
celebrity, at the latest in the early eighth century. Its enormous lasting popularity, with its constantly growing chain of transmitters, is confirmed by the
fact that even in the eighteenth century, Murta az-Zabd was still so much
interested in it that he devoted considerable space to it in his commentary on
al-Ghazzl, Iy, II, 241 (Kitb as-sam).106 The storys original con|nection
with ishah is quite possibly historical. The occasion for ishah to quote
Labds verses reportedly was the killing of ujr b. Ad by Muwiyah.107 Since
Labds poem was a eulogy, such a setting for the story is most appropriate, and
it was hardly a general complaint about deteriorated times. But whether or not
the occasion for ishahs remark was rightly stated, the recollection that she
made it may very well be accurate.
There can be no doubt that, as soon as the story was put in circulation by the
early historians, it was taken to be an illustration of the corruption of the times
and the constant deterioration that had allegedly taken place in history. But it
was easily possible to turn the moral of the story around and use it to make
the point that, if people in every age had valid complaints about the times they
104
105
106
107
Cf. Abdallh b. al-Mubrak, Az-Zuhd wa-r-rqiq, ed. abb-ar-Ramn al-Aam, 60f.

(Nasik, India, n.y. [ca. 1971]).
Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, II, 339; Agh., XV, 141, Agh.3, XVII, 65, quoted by a-afad, al-Ghayth
al-musajjam f shar Lmyat al-Ajam, II, 129 f. (Cairo 1305); al-Khab, Uzlah, 65; alKhab al-Baghdd, Bukhal, 100 f., cf. F. Malti-Douglas, in Bulletin dtudes Orientales, 31
(1979) (Damascus 1980), 36; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 12, 223, cited by R. Gramlich, op. cit. (above, n. 86), 115, n. 39.
Cf. Murta az-Zabd, Itf as-sdah al-muttaqn bi-shar asrr Iy ulm ad-dn, VI,
477479 (Cairo 1311, reprint Beirut). Murta quoted the Nafat al-akhyr f musalsalt
al-akhbr by Ibn Nir-ad-dn ad-Dimashq (777842/13751438). For Ibn Nir-ad-dn, cf.
GAL, Suppl., II, 83; as-Sakhw, a-Daw al-lm, VIII, 104 (Cairo 13531355). According to
aw, he also wrote a biography of ujr b. Ad (below, n. 114). It can be assumed to have
made reference to the passage of the Bad al-Hamadhn.
Cf. al-Baldhur, Ansb, IV A, ed. M. Schlssinger and M.J. Kister, 229 (Jerusalem 1971).
26
554
lived in as being the worst ever, temporal conditions must always have been
bad or appeared to be bad, so that there was nothing special to the present
situation. In the second half of the tenth century, the Bad al-Hamadhn did
just that. The occasion was his reply to an essay criticizing the times which
his teacher, the celebrated philologian Ibn Fris, had sent to him. Ibn Fris
was moved to complaining by his impression that al-Hamadhn had forgotten
what he owed him for the instruction he had received from him.108 Regrettably,
Ibn Fris original work does not seem to have been preserved. Al-Hamadhn
structured his argument in the form of going back from later to earlier periods
to the beginning of human history; he seems to suggest that even without the
activities of man and, perhaps, prior to his existence, conditions were bad for
the angels in the world. The somewhat precious literary system of periodization
for Islamic times was used by him also elsewhere:109
He wrote to the Shaykh Ab l-asan Amad b. Fris in reply to a letter he
had received from him in which he criticized the times.
Indeedmay God grant a long life to the Shaykh and Imm, he is
wet | mud,110 even if one may have suspicions,111 and people belong to
Adam, even if it is a long time112 and the contraries have become overlaid
(?) and the genetic strains have become mixed.
The Shaykh and Imm (Ibn Fris) says: The times have become corrupt. Now, would he not please tell me when they have ever been good?
Perhaps during the Abbsid dynasty? Well, we have seen its end and
heard about its beginning.
Or in the Marwnid era? Considering its history
27
108
109
110
111
112
Cf. an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, VII, 262: When al-Hamadhn was mentioned in the majlis of
Ab l-usayn b. Fris, the latter expressed himself in about the following manner: The
Bad has forgotten what he owes us for having been his teacher. He has been disobedient
to us and shown disrespect for us. God be praised! The times have suffered corruption,
and the human species has changed.
Cf. al-Bad al-Hamadhn, Rasil, 15 (Cairo 1304, in the margin of Ibn ijjah, Khiznat
al-adab).
Cf. Qurn 15:26, 28, 33.
Zanna bi- a-unn in this meaning occurs, for instance, in Agh., IX, 162, XII, 111, Agh.3, XI, 4,
XIII, 338. The meaning here seems to be that in spite of doubts one may harbor concerning
the continuity of the human condition and inspite of the differences in human beings,
men have always been the same and have always reacted in the same manner.
Cf. al-Imd al-Ifahn, al-Fat al-Quss, ed. C. Landberg, 4 (Leiden 1888), see F. Rosenthal,
A History of Muslim Historiography, 2nd ed., 296 (Leiden 1968).
555
Dont drive away (camels) that are in their seventh month after
parturition with the remainder of their milk.113
Or in the arbite years (of the first three Umayyad rulers)?
When the spear was buried in the kidneys,
And the sword was sheathed in the necks,
And there was ujrs stay at night in the desert,
And the two arrahs and Karbal.114
Or at the Hshimite oath of allegiance (of Al)? Now, Al says: Would that
the ten from among you (?) had a chief from the Ban Firs!115
Or in the Umayyad days (of Uthmn), when (the rebels) marched
against the ijz and the eyes/spies (were directed) toward the rear
ends?116
113
114
115
116
This is the first half of a verse by the sixth-century poet al-rith b. illizah, cf. his
Dwn, ed. F. Krenkow, 27 (Beirut 1922). In keeping with the rest of the poem, the meaning
intended here seems to be that there ought to be a good deal of uncertainty as to whether
things were really as great under the Marwnids as one might assume them to have
been. The verse, and its occurrence in the passage of al-Hamadhn, are indicated in the
Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache, ed. M. Ullmann, Vol. K, 189a, under k-s-
(Wiesbaden 1970).
Meter kmil, rhyming in -l. A specific historical reference may be concealed in the first
two lines. ujr b. Ad mentioned in line 3 was the early Alid martyr killed by Muwiyah
(above, n. 107). The nightly stay could refer to the night spent by him and his companions
in constant flight before he was killed on the following day, cf., for instance, al-Baldhur,
Ansb, IV A, 224; a-abar, Annales, ed. M.J. de Goeje and others, II, 140 (Leiden 18791901).
Desert could refer to Marj Adhr near Damascus where the killing took place in 51/671.
The reference to the battle of the arrah and to Karbal needs no comment, cf. the
recent study of the arrah event by M.J. Kister, in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, 3349
(Jerusalem 1977). The dual here appears to have been used for metrical reasons. The arrat
Wqim where the battle took place was one of the arrahs of Medina, cf. Yqt, Mujam
al-buldn, ed. F. Wstenfeld, II, 252 (Gttingen 18661873).
From an address by Al, complaining about lack of support, on the occasion of Busr b.
(Ab) Arhs attack against Alid partisans in the Yemen on behalf of Muwiyah, cf. Ibn
Ab l-add, I, 268. Al expressed there the wish for a thousand knights of the Ban Firs (b.
Ghanm b. Thalabah b. Mlik b. Kinnah, cf. also Ibn azm, Jamharat ansb al-Arab, ed.
E. Lvi-Provenal, 178 [Cairo 1948]). They were renowned for their bravery. The reference
to the ten among you is not clear to me. It could hardly be ishrah in the sense of Would
that you were familiar with .
The rebels marched translates an-nafr. The men who moved against Uthmn and
28
556
Or during the Adaw commandership (of Umar)? Now, its leader says:
After the camels tush breaks through in its eighth month, does there
remain anything but going downhill?117
Or during the Taym caliphate (of Ab Bakr)? Now, its leader says:
Blessed be the one who died in the years when Islam was weak!118
Or in the time of the Message (of Muammad)? Now, it was said on the
day of the conquest of Mecca: Be quiet, girl! Integrity has become a thing
of the past.119
Or during the Jhilyah when Labd said:
Gone are those in whose jurisdiction it was possible to live.
I have remained among posterity like the skin of persons affected by
skin disease.
Or earlier than that when the brother of the d said:
The land where we were and which we used to love,
Men then being men, and the time a time.120
117
118
119
120
eventually caused his death were called nuffr in the sources. I have no certain explanation
for al-uyn (no doubt the original reading) il al-ajz. Possibly, the rear ends of the camels
of the departing Egyptians followed by spies are meant (?).
Umars pedigree went back to Ad b. Kab b. Luayy. Nuzl, here translated going downhill, replaces an original nuqn defect, decrease, in order to rhyme with buzl. When
the Prophet compared the growth of Islam to the successive stages of the growth of camels,
stopping with bzil, Umar made the quoted remark, cf. Concordance, I, 178a28.
Ab Bakrs remark to the effect that with the spread of Islam, the religious purity and
fervor of the Muslims had decreased is quoted in the dictionaries under nn.
The story in connection with which this remark was made may be found in Ibn Hishm,
Srah, ed. F. Wstenfeld, I, ii, 816 (Gttingen 18581860), trans. A. Guillaume, 548f. (Oxford
University Press 1955, reprinted 1967). At the time of the conquest of Mecca, someone
wrenched the silver necklace of a young sister of Ab Bakr from her neck. Ab Bakr
brought her before Muammad and asked for the return of the necklace, but nobody
responded. Note that the person who made the remark was Ab Bakr, and not the Prophet,
as is also intimated by al-Hamadhn.
A version written in gold upon a thousand-year old arrowhead, according to Ibn Hishm,
Tjn, 129, replaced time a time with country a country. This reading also appears in the
ishahLabd story as reported in ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 15. The second
half of the verse was also quoted by a-afad, Ghayth, II, 187. A-afads context required
that the verse, as here, be understood in the sense that the people and the times were
in the past as they ought to be. But people are people or man is a man also signifies
557
Or earlier than that, in the time of Adam on whose authority the following
verse has been transmitted:
The land and those upon it have changed.
The face of the earth is now dusty and ugly.121
Or earlier than that when the angels said: Are You going to place on it one
who will cause corruption on it and shed blood (Qurn 2:30)?
No! Human beings have not (now) become corrupt; it has always been
the same thing.122 The days have not (now) become dark; darkness has
just spread. How could anything become more corrupt, unless it was all
right before? How could anyone reach evening, unless he started out with
morning?123
Al-Hamadhns message is clear. There never was a time in history which did
not offer ample cause for complaint. There never was a morning of untainted
goodness and happiness. Consequently, one cannot speak of the deterioration
of the human condition as a new development. The only thing observable is
variations in a constant situation which produce a state of affairs that may be
either more or less bad. Many Muslim thinkers, as also many ordinary people,
no doubt felt the same way. Since they were, however, confronted here with a
concept of history that was not easily harmonized with the dominant view, it
121
122
123
that they are always the same and do not change. Another verse in the same mold states
that men are not the men I knew, and the mansion not the mansion I used to know, cf.
al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, II, 73, chapter 56 (Blq 1268).
Adams poem presumably had its origin in the highly imaginative early Islamic literature dealing with Arabian prehistory. It went on to enjoy considerable popularity, cf., for
instance, Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 17; a-abar, Annales, I, 146; al-Masd, Murj, ed. C.A.C. Barbier de Meynard and B.M.M. Pavet de Courteille, I, 65 (Paris 18611877), ed. C. Pellat, I, 39
(Beirut 1966); ath-Thalab, Qia al-anbiy, 45 f. (Cairo, n.y.). Sometimes, it was denied that
it was genuine Adamic poetry, as, according to Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 18, by Jubayr b. Muim
(d. ca. 59/678679).
Lit., there has just been constant analogy.
Cf. al-Hamadhn, Rasil, 260 f., quoted by ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 178f.; a-afad,
Ghayth, II, 198f., also by the excerptor of the Ghayth, Ibn ijjah, Burq al-Ghayth, Leiden
Ms. Or. 1036, fol. 156ab; al-Qazwn, Kosmographie, ed. F. Wstenfeld, II, 326f. (Gttingen
18481849); an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, VII, 262264; al-Qalqashand, ub al-ash, I, 458460
(Cairo 13311338/19131919); al-Abbs, Mahid, II, 37. The significance of the passage was
stressed by F. Meier and, following him, R. Gramlich (above, n. 86).
29
558
30
was much safer to rely on quotation than come forward with independent formulations. It is, indeed, quite noteworthy how often al-Hamadhns statement
was quoted in later times, even in contexts where, it might be argued, there was
no pressing need to quote it.
More roundabout ways toward the same goal of expressing doubt about the
myth of the perfect past were taken occasionally. When Ab Firs observed
that nobody could be found who did not complain about the times, he asked
dramatically whether every friend was really so very unfair, and every time
chary of producing noble men.124 The expected | answer to such a rhetorical
question was no doubt meant to be that things always tended to be bad, even
if the poets experiences in his own time were particularly unhappy ones.
Another way to deal with the idea of a golden past irrevocably lost was to
devise a utopia that in theory could be reestablished at any given time or could
be shown to exist but be inaccessible to mankind. It might be asked whether
the times could ever be good and what the conditions would have to be in order
to produce good times. This question, as so many other original and important
ones, was raised in the circle of Ab ayyn at-Tawd. What, it was asked,
would be the shape and appearance of times that are free from any harm?
Ab Sulaymn as-Sijistn, cast in the role of spokesman for what was considered then eternal wisdom, skilfully covered in one sentence all the necessary
requirements with respect to the decisive components of society such as religion, government, morality, scholarship, and economics: It would require that
religiosity is fresh, that the government is progressive, that prosperity is general, that knowledge is in demand, wisdom desired, morality pure, and that
the religious call (dawah) is all-encompassing, that the hearts are sound and
that mutual dealings among men take place upon a fair and equal basis, that
statesmanship is firmly grounded and that intellectual insights are converging
(and harmonious). This answer to the question of the form of the ideal society
that would guarantee good times was obviously intended to be recognized as
entirely unrealistic, so that the objection could be raised immediately that it
would mean the suspension of generation and decay which are the nature of
this place, that is, the world we know. The philosophers retort was forthright.
You are wrong, he said to the critic. There is no denying the immutability of
the process of generation and decay, but there are two aspects of it. It is obvious that the earth has periods of fertility alternating with periods of infertility.
124
Cf. Ab Firas, Dwn, ed. Sm ad-Dahhn, I, 315 (Beirut 1944), ed. R. Dvok, Ab Firs,
188, 297 (Leiden 1895). In ad-Dahhns edition, the text signals not a question but a
statement.
559
Likewise, religions and governments have times of prosperity alternating with

times of corruption, times of progress as well as times of regression, of increase
as well as decrease. If, he continued, the objection of his critic were absolutely
valid, we could never wish for a just king, an outstanding leader, an effective
organizer, a knowledgeable administrator. But this is not so, he contended, as
we can see in our own times And here, he referred to the recent experience
of his own country. Like his namesake of old, the Abbsid caliph Ab Jafar
al-Manr, the by then deceased ruler of Sijistn, Ab Jafar Amr Amad, had
been an outstanding example of all the virtues that are necessary to produce
ideal times along the lines just laid down.125
Amr Amads rule was, in fact, highly praised in his time, and correctly
so in the judgment of modern historians.126 In the context of the discussion,
however, we get the impression that the respect paid to the contemporary
ruler was quite marginal to it. In fact, the reference to a utopia realized may
have been made in the intention to make it clear that any such utopia was,
on the contrary, unrealizable. As Ab ayyn at-Tawd explained elsewhere,
imperfection affecting both time and place is needed in order to prevent man
from becoming overbearing toward God and his fellowmen.127 For him, and
others who were convinced of an essentially circular movement of history, the
possibility of a sustained existence of ideal times, in the past as well as in the
present and the future, in which there is nothing to complain about must be
ruled out. As al-Hamadhn had argued in his linear description of historical
progression, a golden age did not, and according to immutable human nature
could not, exist.
It does not seem to be due to chance that the formulations mentioned here
which more or less explicitly deny the possibility of an age of flawless perfection
date in general from the later fourth/tenth century. Once again, we see here the
effect of uniquely favorable political and economic circumstances allowing the
expression of less inhibited views about the world than were possible either
before or after. However, to judge from the sparse indications we have, there
always was a good deal of sympathy for these views.
125
126
127
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 48.

Cf. C.E. Bosworth, in The Cambridge History of Iran, IV, 131f. (Cambridge 1975).
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Rislah f l-ulm, ed. trans. M. Berg, in Bulletin dtudes
Orientales de l Institut Franais de Damas, 18 (19631964), 272, 287, para. 32.
31
560
3
Time or Man?
The pre-Islamic view of dahr as an agent time was never entirely uprooted. The
times could always be accused of being the active cause of an individuals misfortune and of being the justification for his complaints. Even when time was
narrowly conceived as ones own lifetime, it could be accused of being the agent
who caused the inevitable progression toward old age and death. It was routine
for a scholar of later times, such as Ibn ad-Dammn (763827/1361/21424), to
rhyme plaintively:
My time (zamn) has hit me with things that have hurt me.
Unlucky constellations have come, and lucky ones have disappeared.
It turned out that I was sick among men
With old age. Would that youth were to return!128
32
Like many other abstract terms, time (mostly dahr but also, following it,
zamn) was personified in poetical speech. Time not only shoots and hits.129
It builds and destroys130 and acts in many ways suitable for a powerful agent.
It causes change and separation;131 the days about which al-Mutanabb complained in an ode to Kfr were the army ( jund) that had caused his separation
from him.132 Time is a mount which often moves with faltering steps and stum-
128
129
130
131
Cf. as-Sakhw, aw, VII, 186.

Cf., for instance, Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, ed. Shukr Fayal, Ab l-Athiyah, ashruh waakhbruh, 132, 135 (Damascus 1384/1965); Ibn b d-duny, Dhamm az-zamn, 308, no. 256,
see Ab Nuaym, ilyat al-awliy, X, 150, ll. 15 f. (reprint Beirut 1387/1967); Kushjim,
Dwn, 480; al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. al-Barqq, III, 141; Ab -alt Umayyah, in Ibn Ab
Uaybiah, Uyn al-anb, ed. A. Mller, II, 54, l. 8 (Knigsberg and Cairo 18821884), speaking of the times as most troublesome (ankad). Cf. also Imruu-l-Qays, Dwn, ed. M. Ab
l-Fal Ibrhm, 295 (Beirut 1958). See also above, n. 57, below, nn. 177, 188, and Ringgren,
op. cit.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 96.
Cf., for instance, in a marthiyah by Ibn Unayn, Dwn, ed. Khall Mardam Bak, 97 (Damascus 1365/1946):
Time (az-zamn) is deceitful with its people.
Time (ad-dahr) that causes separation between us has been unfair.
132
Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Azzm, 450, ed. al-Barqq, II, 119.
561
bles.133 One speaks of the hands of time,134 of its slumbering eye,135 of its face
whose joyful countenance represents the poets benefactor,136 even of its life.137
If time is bad, it is so ugly that dreaming about it would be a nightmare.138 It acts
unfairly and treacherously.139 There were many other such metaphoric usages
which reinforced the idea of time as an agent force. Poets, of course, addressed
it innumerable times as if it were a person.
The idea of the circular flow of time inherent in dahr provided the complaint
about the times with its principal theme and form, that is, that things were
topsy-turvy,140 that something good has been replaced with its opposite evil. It
was also granted that the continuous flow of time could be expected to restore
good times in the long run:
Dont censure our time (zamnan),
If its harshness affects us.
Gods severity will end,
And then His mildness will come.
Turbidity of life is followed for
The young man by its purity.
Thus, pure water is preceded
By scum swept along in it.141
Pawns, after all, become queens when they succeed in crossing the chessboard
to the eighth rank.141a By and large, though, complaints about prevailing evil
133
134
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 57.

For instance, Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 50: The hand of ad-dahr showed the face of hope;
Umrah al-Yaman, ed. H. Derenbourg, Oumra du Ymen, sa vie et son uvre, I, 206
(Paris 1897, Publications de l cole des Langues Or. Vivantes, IV, 10); Ibn Ab l-add, III,
114, quoting an Andalusian poet: The hand of time has changed me , etc.
135 Cf. Muslim b. al-Wald, Dwn, 5, no. 1, verse 14.
136 As in a verse by Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, I, 42.
137 Cf. Umrah al-Yaman, I, 236: For my poetry will last until the life of ad-dahr comes to an
end.
138 Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, II, 118, quoting Ibn Lankak.
139 Ibn Lankak, ibid.
140 For the literary topos in the West, cf. the remarks in E.R. Curtius, Europische Literatur
und lateinisches Mittelalter, 102106 (Bern 1948), trans. W.R. Trask, 9498 (Princeton 1953,
Bollingen Series 36).
141 Cf. Manr b. Ab Manr al-Haraw, in ath-Thalib, Yatmah, IV, 243; a-afad, Tamm,
85.
141a Ibn Sharaf al-Qayrawn, as quoted by Ibn Bassm, adh-Dhakhrah f masin ahl alJazrah, IV, i, 176 (Cairo 1364/1945).
33
562
conditions appear to outnumber expressions of hope for the self-adjusting

revolution and the return of better days. The individual complaining about
the evil that had befallen him usually did not console himself with future
expectations. He was concerned with the complete turnabout of conditions he
was facing. In the religious tradition, the sudden reversal from good to evil was
expressed in traditions ascribed to the Prophet such as: A time will come when
a man is a believer in the evening and an unbeliever in the morning, when he
is a believer in the morning and an unbeliever in the evening. The Messenger
of God was asked where reason (al-uql) would be then, and he replied that
most people of that time will be deprived of reason.142 And there were, of
course, many traditions on the progressive deterioration of knowledge and
the eventual prevalence of ignorance,143 in keeping with the religious view of
the good old times mentioned earlier. In secular complaints about the present
times, it was said that the bottom has turned around to become the top, the
bellies have become the backs:
Thus, the bellies of this dahr have become
Backs, and the top of a thing has become like its bottom.144
The foxes have become lions, and the lambs have become wolves.145
The dregs of society have worked their way to the top:
I have seen time raise all the scum
And put down everyone of a noble station,
Just as a living person sinks in the sea,
While a corpse always floats upon it,
And just as a scale will bring down every full weight
And raise up every light weight.146
34
142
143
144
145
146
Cf. Ibn Ab Zayd al-Qayrawn, al-Jmi f s-sunan, Ms. Rab 1781d, fol. 31a.
Cf., for instance, al-Khab al-Baghdd, al-Fiqh wa-l-mutafaqqih, II, 152ff. (Beirut 1395/
1975).
Cf. as-Sijistn, Muammarn, ed. I. Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur arabischen Philologie, II,
56 (Leiden 1899), ed. Abd-al-Munim mir, 67 (Cairo 1961). For the metaphor, cf. also the
seventh-century poet Qays b. Dhar, in Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 524.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, I, 735.
Cf. Ibn ar-Rm, as quoted, together with similar expressions of dismay about the perversity of the times, by ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 316. The reference to weighing
scales implies honesty and dishonesty. Ch. 94 of al-Buturs amsah is entitled on addahr raising up some people and putting down others.
563
Those at the bottom of the social order have taken over the positions of
leadership. This, incidentally, was a particularly useful theme for personal
invective. It may have had its origin in it rather than in general reflections
about the corruption of the times; those to be guarded against have become
the guardians, and so on.147 Gentlemen have been reduced in social status;
prowess and virtue have turned into meanness. Among Ibn Lankaks many
verses complaining about and criticizing the time and the contemporaries,
some also expressed this idea. The second verse was particularly admired
because of a clever play on words, which cannot be reproduced in translation:
O what a time this is that has clothed
Free and noble men in lowliness and meanness!
In my opinion, you are not a time (zamn).
You are nothing but a chronic disease (zamnah).
How can we hope that anything good will come from you,
When in you virtue is meanness?
Is it insanity ( junn) what we see
Coming forth from you, or obscenity (majnah)?148
Things may be so bad that for most people not doing evil means doing good.149
The inexpert are entrusted with the examination of skilled crafts|men.150 The
ignorant lord it over the learned. Ignorance is knowledge, chastity immodesty,
and this is the least blemish in your time.151 As an Abbsid prince, Ab sa b.
al-Mutawakkil, said:
I complain to God about what I see happening in our times
All the injustice and wrong done in them.
147
148
149
150
151
Cf. the verses about the problematic al-flf/qs, quoted in the name of a rather dubious
poet al-Bardakht in al-Khab, Uzlah, 66, and, together with other relevant verses, in
Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 601. They were, however, also attributed to Abdallh b. Hammm
as-Sall (cf. GAS, II, 324) in Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 545 f., Uyn, I, 57, and elsewhere. They
appear as a tamn (from Ibn Hammm) in verses of Ab Bakr al-Khuwrizm, cf. athThalib, Yatmah, IV, 135. Whether al-flf/qs might be an unrecognized foreign word?
Since Latin plebs is unlikely and flattery is involved, could it be Greek kolax?
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, II, 117; Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, II, 201, etc.
Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Azzm, 505, ed. al-Barqq, III, 407, quoted by al-Khab,
Uzlah, 67, and, together with much poetry relevant to our subject, by Ibn b l-add, I,
739.
Cf. Ibn Nubtah, quoted in ath-Thalib, Yatmah, II, 147; Ibn Ab l-add, I, 740.
35
564
Slaves have risen above their masters,

And ignorance is more exalted among them than is knowledge.151a
A person may have the highest potential, but the times frustrate him and
thwart his ambitions.152 The market for scholarship vacillates between the two
extremes of being highly active and very sluggish. In these times, which belong
to the ignorant, the most bearish market is that for notebooks and inkwells.153
As a rather earthy anecdote of the jokester Muzabbid put it, morality has gone
from one extreme to the other. In the good old days, a man in love with a girl
would correspond with her for a year. Then he would be satisfied with chewing
the same gum she was, and, when they eventually met, they would talk and
recite poetry to each other. But now, when a man falls in love with a girl, he
thinks of nothing but lifting her leg, as if Ab Hurayrah had been his witness
for the marriage ceremony.154
The view of time as the theomorphic agent of corruption and cause for all
complaints thus survived in Islam which by its very nature should have offered
it fierce resistance unless it could be seen as a figure of speech employed,
in a way, unthinkingly. For Muslims, however, a more fundamental dilemma
presented itself. Where was the blame to be placed, upon the force of time
or upon the nature of man? The observer not swayed by religious speculation
about the goodness of the world as determined by the wise plan of the deity was
inclined to see the world with its infinity of events affecting man as an innate
mixture of pleasant and unpleasant features.155 Man was considered a creature
151a
152
153
154
155
Cf. a-l, Ashr awld al-khulaf, ed. J. Heyworth Dunne, 105 (London 1936).
Cf. Ibn Dst (above, n. 24).
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 55. Related material appears on the page following in
the Imt. Unless the reference to Ab Hurayrah conceals some intricate allusion which
escapes me, it means that the man acts as if he were legally married with the blessing of
the great religious and legal authority.
Cf. al-mir, al-Ilm bi-manqib al-Islm, ed. Amad Abd-al-amd Ghurb, 118, 140
(Cairo 1387/1967).
In this spirit, it was said proverbially that time is two days, one for you and the
other against you. This statement, supposedly made by the mukharam poet an-Namir
b. Tawlab, was much repeated, cf. al-Ql, Aml, I, 102, ll. 3f. (Cairo 1373/1953); Ibn Ab
l-add, V, 698. It was also turned around, half-seriously and half-jokingly, in verses by
a certain Ab Awnah al-Mihrajn as quoted in ath-Thalab, Qia al-anbiy, 27: The
statement is not correct; it is one day of pleasantness, and many days of unpleasantness.
Conversely, an anonymous poet contended that in the days of his hero, all days were happy
ones, cf. Ab Tammm, Washyt, 84 (above, n. 33).
565
in whom | good and evil were inextricably mixed.156 It was widely felt, at least
by those who had reason for complaining, that neither time nor man could
be restrained from letting evil predominate as a rule. Since, however, man was
seen by Islam as the center of action in this world, it was natural for him to be
held responsible for the discomfort with the times which he experienced. The
problem might well have been put in the words of a modern novelist: It doesnt
do any good to blame the people or the timeone is oneself all of those people.
We are the time.157 This modern statement implies a complete interiorization
of the world, which was probably alien to the author of the often quoted verse:
They say: There is corruption in the times.
No! They are corrupt. The times are not corrupt.158
The rejection of time, or the times, as a responsible agent that comes to the
fore in this verse was occasionally ascribed to al-Ash, presumably the most
famous bearer of the name who was a contemporary of the Prophet. Although
not totally excluded, it is unlikely that this ascription is correct. If so, it would
indicate the existence of a pre-Islamic rebellion against the inevitability of
fateful time. Be this as it may, the thought that the principal responsibility for
the deterioration in the circumstances of the complainer was his own fault, or
that of his contemporaries, appealed to Muslims. Poetic variations of the idea
attest to its popularity. A ninth-century poet proclaimed:
Night and day (al-jaddn) in their long alternation
Are not corrupt, but people have been corrupted.159
And, in the following century, a minor poet mused that it was not right to put
the blame on the times:
156
157
158
159
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 3.

Cf. James Baldwin, Another Country, 342 (Dell Paperback, 7th printing, Sept. 1974).
This single verse was included in R. Geyers edition of al-Ash, Dwn, 260, no. 214. It
was quoted anonymously, for instance, in Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, II, 341, quoted, in turn, by
ash-Sharsh, I, 90; Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, II, 201; an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, III,
269; al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, I, 76. In some of the quotations, it is preceded by another verse.
Even on the assumption that those quotations used a verse originally by al-Ash as a cento,
the ascription to him remains highly doubtful.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-maan, II, 200. With slight changes, the verse is made to
state that the times are not defective but people are in al-Bayhaq, Masin, 487, cf. also
ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 223.
36
566
I dont complain about these times of mine. I would do them wrong, were
I to do that.
Rather I complain about the people of these times.160
37
Already Ab l-Athiyah had versified the common complaint about the times
that focused on friendship turned sour. In complaining that friends were no
longer as true and faithful as they once were, he said:
O my two friends! I do not criticize my time.
I criticize the people of my time.
God be praised! How corrupt people have become

And how little faithfulness exists among friends!161
It is significant that the powerful name of ash-Shfi was invoked to give weight
to the idea that man is responsible for his times. It does not matter whether
the verses to this effect quoted in his name were really by him. His authorship,
whether true or fictitious, carried the same authority:
Had they been fair, they would have been dealt with fairly, but they were
unjust. Thus, time (dahr)
Dealt with them unfairly and afflicted them with worries and tribulations.
They came to hear the voice of the present recite to them:
Tit for tat. The times themselves (zamn) are blameless.
The idea occurs even more explicitly in these verses attributed to him:
We blame our times, but the blame lies in us.
Our times are blameless except for us.
We slander the times, although they have committed no crime.
If the times could talk about us, they would slander us.162
160
161
162
Ibn ammd al-Bar as quoted in ath-Thalib, Yatmah, III, 229, and Tatimmah, I, 14.
Usually, it is time that is the wrongdoer (lim), cf. Yatmah, III, 246.
Cf. the collection of verses ascribed to ash-Shfi and published as his Dwn by M. rif
az-Zub, 82 f. (Beirut 1391/1971).
In a very different sense, time is said to be hurt by the assault of an unbreakable
determination, so that there is no justification for complaining about any hurt caused by
it, cf. a-afad, Tamm, 64.
567
After completing his onerous task, a scribe once wrote down these verses at
the end of the manuscript copied by him163a good indication of their wide
appeal. The dilemma of where to place the blame was playfully utilized by
ash-Sharf ar-Ra, when a friend did not fulfill a given promise:
Shall I complain about you, or shall I complain about
The time that your breaking of your promise is one of its sins?
No! I shall complain about it, for how often (before)
Have I considered the doings of time to be strange events.164
It appears that the discussion of whether time or man was to blame was
popular.
It is human nature to seek an alibi for ones own failings in unpleasant and
difficult situations. A mountebank, entertaining the crowd with his monkey,
explained his demeaning situation, ironically, in verses that put the responsibility for his lucky success on time (al-ayym), and not on himself.165 A politician
would blame the times for his downfall and make them the scapegoat for his
shortcomings. For the hostile poet speaking about him, the obvious implication was that it was not the times but the man himself who should shoulder
the blame:
Al-Muayyad complains that he has been dismissed
And criticizes the time, showing that he is stupid.
I said to him: Dont criticize the time!
You are thereby wronging its fair days.
And dont be angry when you are dismissed!
For you possess no fairness and no knowledge.166
The idea could be turned around for purposes of flattery: If a mans being in the
present time is a blemish for him, his being in these times is an adornment for
them.167 Variations on this subject were not unknown, as, for instance:
163
164
165
166
167
Cf. the edition of Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 260.

Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 187 (Beirut, n.y. [1961?]). For the last line, cf. Dwn, I, 258,
l. 5. It was not the time that did wrong but the faithless people who had turned into dogs,
cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Bukhal, 120.
Cf. the Monkey Maqmah of al-Bad al-Hamadhn, Maqmt, trans. W.J. Prendergast, 85
(reprint, ed. C.E. Bosworth, London and Dublin 1973), quoted by al-ur, Zahr, (II), 1084.
Cf. Ibn Unayn, Dwn, 229, quoted by a-afad, Ghayth, I, 218; al-Abbs, Mahid, II, 44.
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 188; Nashwn, al-r al-in, beg. (Cairo 1367/1948).
38
568
Were I to blame time (dahr) after I met him

And received his gifts, I would deserve punishment for slander.168
39
Or, a generous man is an excuse for the sin of the times (az-zamn).169
Scholarship and craftsmanship certainly depended upon the individual
himself, and he should take the blame for lack of success instead of com|plaining about the times, as scholars were wont to do.170 This idea was rarely
stated expressly in these terms. The sixteenth-century shkprzdeh, however, was one of those who saw through the alibiing and courageously expressed disapproval. He considered it a great and widespread misfortune in
our time that there existed a teaching system which allowed the teacher to
teach his students a few lines a day without paying attention to the larger context. This system enabled unqualified individuals to teach. Such people are the
reason for the disappearance of scholarship, and, in spite of it, they blame the
times.171
Assessing responsibility ceased more or less to be a problem wherever time
and individual were largely or completely identified. People were viewed as
closely conforming to their times,172 and it was contended that they are more
like their times than their fathers.173 They were so closely identified with the
times that they were well advised to march in lockstep with them174 and roll
with their punches. Turn with time however it turns.175 As Bashshr b. Burd
put it:
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
Abd-al-Musin b. Muammad a-r, in ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, I, 36.

Al-Khushnm, in ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, II, 17.
Cf. shkprzdeh, Mift as-sadah, I, 47 (Hyderabad 13291356).
This is the title of a brief historical monograph by al-Yaqb, Mushkalat an-ns lizamnihim, ed. W.G. Millward (Beirut 1962), trans. by the same, in JAOS, 84 (1964), 329
344. If the work were not preserved, it might be expected to contain a disquisition on the
subject under consideration here, but this is not the case.
For this often quoted remark, cf., for instance, Ibn Sad, Unwn al-murqit, ed. M. Abdelkader, 4 (Algiers 1949).
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, III, 217:
Step with ad-dahr whenever it steps.
Run with ad-dahr as it runs.
175
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, IV, 748.
569
I am just like the times. When they are sober,

I am, and when the times are silly, I am.176
Inevitably, a false friend would be seen as acting in concert with ad-dahr and
be called as false as it:
How many a friend did I have who, when
He saw that time had got me, got me,
Prepared for me with an arrow, and when
He saw that time had shot me, shot me.177
A witty singing girl, however, playfully told the poet Dibil who delicately
expressed to her his burning desire by saying that time (az-zamn) should give
both of them the joy of meeting each other and join lover to lover:
Why leave it to time when you are the time?
Thus give us the joy of meeting!178
It was still flattery but of a more serious nature when a ruler or someone of,
at least in the eyes of the observer, equally important status was completely
identified with time. A wisdom saying in the Ethiopic translation of the sayings
of the ancient philosophers has a king ask:
How is the time? He received the answer: The time is you yourself. If you
do it well, the time is good. If you do it badly, the time is bad.179
176
177
178
179
Cf. Agh., III, 61, 68, Agh.3, III, 225, 240. We are told that Sufyn b. Uyaynah recited the
verses when he realized that the ab al-adth, once the best behaved of people, had
now become the worst and that in tolerating them, he and others had become similar
to them. Cf. the remarks of M. a-hir Ibn shr in his edition of Bashshrs Dwn,
IV, 113f. (Cairo 13691386/19501966), where the verse is included upon the authority of
Agh.
Ibrhm b. al-Abbs a-l, as quoted in Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-mani, II, 199f.
Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, VI, 398; al-Abbs, Mahid, II, 14 (with slight variants). Dibils
verse was taken over into the editions of his Dwn by L. Zolondek, 83 (University of
Kentucky Press 1961), M. Ysuf Najm, 116 (Beirut 1962), and Abd-al-Karm al-Ashtar, 216
(Damascus, n.y. [ca. 1965]), but not in that of Abd-a-ib ad-Dujayl (an-Najaf 1382/
1962).
Cf. A. Dillmann, Chrestomathia aethiopica, 40 (Leipzig 1866, reprint Darmstadt 1967), cf.
the translation by S. Euringer, in Orientalia, N.S., 10 (1941), 363.
40
570
The caliph Muwiyah was credited with the statement:

We are the time. Those whom we raise up rise, and those whom we put
down sink low.180
41
Even if self-confidence was his outstanding characteristic, Muwiyah would

hardly have made such a remark. He was elsewhere said to have held perfectly
orthodox views on the times as showing continuing deterioration.181 It remains
to be seen whether the quoted statement was connected with the name of the
caliph already in early times; if so, the attribution to him must have come from
hostile quarters. In the course of time, the equation of the mighty with time
and the times came to be a proper, and commonplace, expression of the view
that conditions were determined by an individual or an all-powerful government. A poet such ash-Sharf ar-Ra relied upon established custom when he
concluded a poem flattering a wazr with the thought that the wazrs support
guaranteed to anyone the attainment of his wishes, for you are the time (azzamn), and how could anyone seeking its intercession be frustrated?182 The
rather poor reputation of time as a benefactor of human beings was, of course,
conveniently disregarded in this connec|tion. What does not sound right for
the age of Muwiyah was perfectly acceptable in that of Umrah al-Yaman
(d. 569/1174). Addressing Ruzzayq b. ali, he rhymed:
You are the time. The people you raise up are exalted,
And those whom you put down have no banner raised for them.
Those whom you neglect are rejected,
And those whom you look at are overawed.183
In fact, the fervent claim that the addressee of a laudatory poem was the time
had become a suitable climax for it. Failing that, a poet might have recourse
to addressing his benefactor as the master of the time which was his obedient
servant and did his bidding.184
180
181
182
183
184
Cf. an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, VI, 7, l. 18.

Cf. al-Baldhur, Ansb, IV A, 24, ll. 17 f., and p. 30 f. Al-Baldhurs source was al-Madin.
Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, II, 495.
Cf. Umrah al-Yaman, I, 347, quoted by a-afad, Tamm, 356.
Cf., for instance, Ibn San-al-mulk, Dwn, ed. M. Ibrhm Nar and usayn M. Naar, II,
97 (where the addressee is equated with ad-dahr), 19, 74, 84, 88, 124, 171, 246, 268 (where he
is called its master), 129 (where he is described as more powerful), 302 (the spirit governing
the body of ad-dahr) (Cairo 1388/1969).
571
In a number of variations, the idea can be shown to have been around since
early Abbsid times. Ab l-Athiyah claimed that what was good for Hrn
ar-Rashd, was good for everybody:
O you who are eager for good times!
The well-being of Hrn is the well-being of the times.185
Al-Akawwak (d. 213/823) addressed the powerful general and politician umayd b. Abd-al-amd a-s (d. 210/825) in the words:
You are the time whose activities treat
Mankind with both severity and leniency,
and he spoke of a king whose plans (azm) are the times, and whose actions are
the vicissitudes of time (duwal).186 A generation or two later, Sad b. umayd
combined the identification of ruler and time with a disavowal of the need for
complaining about prevailing conditions when such a great individual could
be held responsible for them:
I see that the tongues of complaint addressed to you are blunted.
They are listless to express anything but praise.
They stop at (tuqmu al) useless censure
And have nowhere to go except to you.
You are just like the time (az-zamn) with the manifold
Happenings and things it produces.
If the times fairness and generosity are minimal,
Who could give protection against its injustice?187
Rather differently, the sad times faced by a bereaved person were considered
determined by the deceased and the loss of him. This was a proper thought for
a womans marthiyah:
185
186
187
Cf. Agh., III, 146 f., Agh.3, IV, 42, taken over into Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 664.
Cf. Agh., XVIII, 108, 110, Agh.3, XX, 30,34. Severity and leniency here means that the
totality of mankinds experience in his time depends on his actions.
Al-Akawwak also composed the famous verses equating Ab Dulaf with the world,
cf. Agh., XVIII, 111 f., Agh.3, XX, 39; F. Rosenthal, Amad b. a-ayyib as-Saras, 102f. (New
Haven 1943, American Oriental Series 26). Cf. the collection of al-Akawwaks poems by
A. Naf al-Janb, 189 and 134 f. (an-Najaf 1391/1971).
Cf. al-ur, Zahr, (II), 1030.
42
572
A particular fate (dahrun!) has hit me with the loss of my dear companion.
I complain about my times (zamn) by complaining about him.188
Honestly and touchingly, ash-Sharf ar-Ra mourned his distinguished (and
much maligned) contemporary, the Shah poet Ibn al-ajjj (d. 391/1001), by
describing him as the bright light side of the spirit of the times (qad kunta
khiffata ri z-zamni).189
Where time and individual were seen as identical, it was not necessary to
make the difficult choice of where to put the blame. Another and simpler way
to avoid making a decision was for authors to play it safe and opt for both time
and man as the culprits that gave them cause for complaining. The times and
the people living in them (contemporaries, az-zamn wa-ahluh) was after all
a set phrase in common use. The sages, we are told, held the view that it is
the nature of human beings to criticize their times and to be dissatisfied with
the people of their age.190 Ash-Shfi was said to have recommended in a verse
ascribed to him that a person should wash his hands of the times and the people
in them.191 Again in connection with the theme of failed friendship, Ibrhm b.
al-Abbs a-l announced:
I have tested the times and the people of the times.
Both deserve criticism and censure.
The times have estranged me from my friend,
And my friend has caused me to become intimate with my enemy.192
188
189
190
191
192
Cf. al-Ql, Aml, II, 324, l. 6.

Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, II, 442. Sometimes, the meaning of khiffat ar-r tended
toward frivolity.
Al-Mutanabb had said: (As long as one does not see you, people are all alike). Time is a
word, and you are its meaning. The verse was greatly admired by Ab l-Fal Ibn al-Amd,
cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. al-Barqq, IV, 398; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 188.
For a person addressed as heart to the body of az-zamn, cf. al-Qalqashand, ub, IX,
67, l. 5.
Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, II, 342.
Cf. ash-Shfi, Dwn, 48.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, II, 200. The times, in turn, were described as doing
the testing with the help of the noxious people who were active in them, as in a verse by
al-Mkl, quoted in ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, II, 7: I wonder about the times when they
test me with people that have weak brains.
573
Another poet would speak of testing his dahr and trying out human beings
only to find out that nobody deserved praise in jest or in earnest.193 And a poet
might leave open the question whether time (ad-dahr) and individual were two
separate entities, inspite of their identity as far as the effect upon the individual
was concerned. In the sense of the modern novelist cited above (n. 157), he
could argue:
I see that you are complaining about time, wronging it.
Each person that you have kept company with is a time.194
In general, it can be said that in poetical speech at least, time, or the times,
appears much more commonly as the responsible agent than does man himself. The pristine tradition of a metaphysical agent time was strong. Most people nurtured in the medieval atmosphere were inclined to accept a metaphysical cause for worldly developments. Many thoughtful individuals, however,
challenged this attitude and tried to replace it with the theory of innate human
behavior as the true agent. Any conflict with Muslim religious beliefs was
hidden under the cloak of metaphoric usage, so that it could easily be overlooked and disregarded. Yet, those complaining about the times had to contend
with different approaches prescribed by either secular attitudes or formal religion.
Secular Complaints and Religious Complaints
Man as an individual might be said to be never satisfied. In the summer, he

wishes it were winter, and when winter comes, he dislikes it.195 The early
Abbsid poet Ab sh-Sh expressed this commonplace idea in the words:
The person who has little is never satisfied with the times.196 For the reli-
193
194
195
196
Cf. Ab -alt Umayyah, in Ibn Ab Uaybiah, II, 60, l. 9.

Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 422.
Cf. Jall-ad-dn Rm, Mathnav, ed. trans. R.A. Nicholson, III, 23, IV, 24, Book III, verse 371,
quoting the statement in Arabic (London 19251940, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, N.S. 4).
Nicholson quotes a commentator as ascribing the verse to Imruu-l-Qays, an unlikely
and unverifiable attribution. For the general contrariness of human beings, which, in
particular, interested moral philosophers, cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 2. If they were
commanded to be impatient, they would be patient, and when they are forbidden to do
something, they are particularly eager to do it.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 723.
43
574
44
giously motivated individual, Ab l-Athiyah said, endless complaining about

ad-dahr was the inevitable consequence of human unwillingness to accept all
its unpleasantness.197 The general | conclusion was that it is customary for man
to complain about time ( shakw l-mari li-d-dahr datun). It must, however,
be noted that, when Ibn San-al-mulk made this statement, he considered the
glorious days of al-Q al-Fil and the conquest of Ascalon in 583/1187 an
exception to the rule.198
The psychological makeup of human beings is characterized by unchangeability. A mystic such as Ibn Arab might be expected to advocate mans ability
to change, but even he felt compelled to admit that a man blames the situation he is in today and praises the one that existed yesterday; yet, the man is the
same, and not somebody else, having blamed yesterday the situation in which
he then found himself and praised the one before it.199 In this spirit, those
who complained about the times or complained about man were reminded
occasionally that there was no real change at all in the world. Equanimity was
called for in dealing with this world and its good and bad aspects alike.200 This
thought found expressions such as:
Time (ad-dahr) has the same beginning and end.
Men are like men, and days (ayym) are like days.201
Variations of the theme read:
The end of ad-dahr is similar to its beginning
One day to another, days to days.202
Or:
197
198
199
200
201
202
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 175; Agh., III, 172, Agh.3, IV, 93; at-Tankh, al-Faraj bad ashshiddah, I, 103, II, 215 (Cairo 1357/1938); al-ur, Zahr, I, 89, and above, n. 40. According to
al-ur, the poet was Msb. Abdallh b. asan b. al-asan b. Al b. Ab lib (cf. GAS,
II, 599). He was said to have composed the verses in prison. Al-Marzubn, Mujam, 288,
merely said that there was a mixup here with the verses of Ab l-Athiyah. The fact that
Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn did not know them as verses of the Alid speaks strongly against the
possibility that he was the author.
Cf. Ibn San-al-mulk, Dwn, II, 17.
Cf. Ibn Arab, al-Futt al-Makkyah, IV, 134, ch. 498 (Cairo and Mecca 1329/1911).
Cf. also above, pp. 32 f.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, III, 150. Cf. above, n. 120.
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 221.
575
Ad-dahr is just like the times (az-zamn) that are past,

And we are just like the first generations.203
Mans constant dissatisfaction with the present was also often expressed in
variations upon the theme that the days which make you weep are many, but
right after they are gone, you weep for them204 and | wish they were back. For
both people and the times are always alike in that they always give reason for
complaint. After the death of Salm b. Ziyd, who was governor of Khursn in
the 680s, one of his associates, analah b. Ardah mourned:
I was angry with Salm, but when I lost him
And found out about other people, I wept for Salm.205
Al-Fal b. ar-Rab, we are told, applied this verse to the Barmecides and said:
We used to (kunn) be angry at them but then got to (irn) wish to have them
back and to weep for them. But the verse was also attributed to a contemporary
poet, Nahr b. Tawsiah.206 Ab Tammms reflection, if it was his, concerned
the times, and not an individual:
No sooner had I stopped weeping about a time whose faults I disliked,
When it was over and I wept for it.207
203
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, III, 281. The seventh-century rithah b. Badr (cf. GAS, II, 326) was
credited with the verse:
Ad-dahr is just like the yesterday that is past
And like the tomorrow that is comingand everything will disappear,
204
205
206
207
cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 221.

Bak min-bak al. The common form is m bakaytu min zamnin ill bakaytu alayhi.
It was ascribed to ash-Shab (d. ca. 721725) by al-Khab, Uzlah, 64. This attribution
was, of course, unhistorical, but it testified to the wide currency enjoyed by the statement.
Attributions of verses using the theme to specific poets are often doubtful. Minor modifications of the basic stock of related verses are common.
Ar-Riy, Talq al-uql, fol. 62b, also used the kna-ra formula: We used to weep
because of someone. Now we have come to weep for him.
Cf. al-Jahshiyr, Wuzar, ed. Muaf as-Saqq, Ibrhm al-Ibyr, and Abd-al-af
Shalab, 262 (Cairo 1357/1938).
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 4. For Nahr b. Tawsiah, cf. GAS, II, 379.
Ab Tammms verse (in which f is used instead of min) apparently does not appear in
his Dwn (?). It was quoted by Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, II, 341; al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, II, 75.
45
576
And his contemporary, Ab af ash-Shiranj, complained in this connection about the similarity of yesterday and today with respect to the misery they
were causing:
No sooner had a day passed where I hoped for relief
And I was remembering it, when I wept for yesterday.208
Verses of this kind constituted the theme song of a tenth-century philosophical
discussion on mans natural and unconscious desire for his earlier days:
What is the reason (Ab ayyn at-Tawd inquired) for mans longing
for what is past of his life, so that he yearns with nostalgia, cries restlessly,
and spends much time reliving the past in his imagination? Poets have
cried out in this sense:
No sooner had I finished weeping about a time whose vicissitudes I
was criticizing
And it was gone, when I began to weep for it.209
Or:
46
Many a day I have wept about and, when

I entered another, I wept for it.210
Or:
I hope for tomorrow, but when it comes,
I weep for the yesterday that is gone.
This happens even if the past times were very bad and full of worries.
This is so only because of a psychological disposition211 which man is
208
209
210
211
Cf. Agh., V, 12, Agh.3, V, 177; al-ur, Zahr, I, 98.

This verse, which is similar to the verse ascribed to Ab Tammm, was quoted also by
ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 223.
The verse in this form was apparently ascribed to Ibn Bassm al-Bassm by an-Nuwayr,
Nihyah, III, 102, l. 14. For related verses by Ab l-Athiyah, cf. his Dwn, 412, 385; Ibn
Qutaybah, Shir, 679; al-ur, Zahr, I, 98 (see n-Nuwayr, loc. cit.); ash-Sharsh, I, 90; Ibn
Ab l-add, V, 447; al-Ibshh, Mustarf, II, 73. According to al-Masd, Murj, VIII, 251,
ed. Pellat, V, 194, the quoted verse was supposedly by Ibn al-Mutazz.
Lit., a secret belonging to the soul.
577
not conscious of and is not able to discover except after long and careful
study and investigation and philosophical efforts where the right words
and meaning are more important than sex and money and where one is
concerned mainly with what is good and noble in this world and the other
world.212
The response of Miskawayh made it clear that the sole issue here was, in
fact, lost youth, rather than general conditions. However, the verses quoted
belonged originally to the complaint about the times and their constant calamities.
The unchangeable continuity of man and the times served as a sort of
counterweight to the age-old theme of ayna ubi sunt?, the plaintive cry for
the good old days when there were truly great men who are gone and leave
us wondering where their likes might be found now.213 On the other hand, it
also produced a carpe diem attitude which advocated that enjoyment of the
present take the place of constant useless complaining about the times. In the
secular spirit, it was indeed enjoyment that was often recommended. For the
religious thinker, it rather meant the proper use of the present for preparing for
future salvation. Thus Ab l-Athiyah would warn against looking backward
and against wishing that the present moment would never pass:
Dont ever say to a thing just past:
Would that it had not gone yesterday.
Strive for today and dont worry about yesterday!
Every day holds its own troubles for you.214
When speaking of the unsurpassed giants of the past, Ab l-Athiyah made
it quite clear that it was really irrelevant whether or not they were actually
better than later generations.215 In a sense, he was constantly looking forward,
but what he was looking forward to, was not temporal improvement but death
212
213
214
215
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd and Miskawayh, al-Hawmil wa-sh-shawmil, ed. Amad Amn
and as-Sayyid Amad aqr, 37 (Cairo 1370/1951).
The theme of ayna? was investigated in some detail first by C.H. Becker, in an article
republished in his Islamstudien, I, 501519 (Leipzig 1924), which found much attention
at the time.
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 30. Cf., in this connection, the remarks on him by H. Ringgren
(above, n. 48), 158 ff.
Cf., for instance, Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 154.
47
578
and what was expected to come after it. Occasionally he mourned the loss of
youth. He stressed, however, the need for being satisfied with ones present
situation as the only appropriate course of action.216 He gave the impression
of recommending equanimity in the face of an unchangingly hostile world and
acceptance of the present, rather than striving for a better future on earth and
ineffective complaining.
The brevity of life was another consideration. Life is too short to be wasted
on blaming time for its vicissitudes:
Seize what is pure in your time (zamn)
And leave alone what is murky in it!217
An anonymous philosopher was credited with the good advice to be satisfied
with prevailing conditions voluntarily, because otherwise one would be forced
to be satisfied with it. He concluded that this was an irrefutable argument
against the desire to complain about the times, for nobody was ever treated
fairly by time in accordance with his just deserts, whether it be good or bad
fortune.218
The uselessness and ineffectiveness of complaining was considered a strong
argument against it. It is in this sense that a couplet attributed to an bscure
Abdallh b. Hrn al-Ar must be understood:
O you whose speech is adorned with eloquence (bayn)!
Dont censure time (az-zamn), for time will not give you satisfaction.219
There is no purpose in complaining and criticizing, since time, personalized
dahr, does not listen:
216
217
218
219
Cf., for instance, Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 157.

Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, 270. Pure (fw) and dirty (kdr) were common descriptions for good
and bad times. Kushjim imitated here the thought variously expressed in verse that time
is too short to be wasted on mutual recrimination.
Cf. al-Mubashshir, 331, in the chapter of sayings attributed to anonymous sages.
Cf. Agh., VI, 6, Agh.3, VI, 159. Note the play on ataba and taba. Fa-laysa yutibuka
z-zamnu probably hearkens back to an often quoted verse by the Hudhalite poet Ab
Dhuayb which states that ad-dahr is not kind to someone who is impatient: wa-d-dahru
laysa bi-mutibin man yajza-u, cf. J. Hells edition and translation of Ab Dhuaybs poems,
in Neue Huailiten-Diwane 1 (Hannover 1926); as-Sukkar, Shar ashr al-Hudhalyn, I, 4.
For ataba as the opposite of asa, see Agh., VIII, 19, Agh.3, VIII, 360.
579
I censure my time when time has a deaf ear

For censure by cultivated men of letters (adb).220
The pitiful complaint of the stranger (shakw al-gharb) was an obligatory
topic of literature. More importantly, complaining was de rigueur in two large
realms of intellectual life. One of them was the poetry, and occasionally the
prose, concerned with love and friendship. In affairs of the heart, complaining
was felt the natural thing to do. Disappointment and frustration were so much
more frequent than fulfillment, and they seemed to conform much more naturally to the tender emotions of love. A man might tell his wife not to complain
too much as such nagging would put an end to the love he felt for her. This was
no doubt meant to be a humorous remark.221 But in all seriousness and in innumerable variations, poets contended that complaining was necessary in love. It
contributed to the joys of love by means of the sweet sorrow of parting and the
pangs caused by having the beloved so near and yet so unapproachable. Not
complaining made a lovers misery still greater.222 The lovers only wish was to
complain to the beloved and be listened to.223
In the relationship among friends, which was felt to be emotionally identical
with that of love, complaining was always present but served a somewhat
different function. True friendship, the only friendship worth the name, meant
that friends were able to discuss their worries freely with each other and
that they always listened willingly to their mutual complaints, as Ibrhm b.
al-Mudabbir (d. 278/892893), for instance, put it:
He complains to me and I complain to him
With chaste words and disturbing words.224
Listening to a friends complaints was indeed the least a friend could do for
his friend, because it was by itself a welcome relief from worry.225 Sufyn
220
221
222
223
224
225
Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, 481.

Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, II, 54.
Cf. al-Ql, Aml, I, 32, quoting Ibn Ab Murrah al-Makk.
This idea was transferred from profane love to sacred love in the statement of Ibn
Khaff (d. 371/981982) that the chronically ill person is the one who is consumed by
worries and is prevented from complaining (bathth ash-shakw), cf. as-Sulam, abaqt,
466.
Cf. al-Abbs b. al-Anaf, Dwn, 195 (Beirut 1385/1965); Agh., VIII, 20, Agh.3, VIII, 361. Cf.
also below, n. 225.
Cf. Agh., XIX, 118, Agh.3, XXII, 166.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, I, 94.
48
580
49
ath-Thawr reported in the name of Sulaymn (b. Arqam?) a variant of the

proverbial cheir cheira niptei/ manus manum lavat: complaining to ones friend
is like washing one hand with the other.226 The lack of sympathetic listening
to complaints among friends showed the depth of corruption of the times.227
The faithless and unreliable friend dominated the complaint about the times
to such a degree that an essay, unfor|tunately not preserved, could be written
on Criticism of the times and the censure of friends.228
The other source of almost obligatory complaining belonged to scholars and
writers. They felt compelled to express the view that something had gone fundamentally wrong with their particular concerns. They felt, or pretended to
feel, dissatisfied with the caliber of the men engaged in intellectual activities in
their time. They might even argue that nobody worthy of the name of scholar or
littrateur could be found. Things were no longer what they used to be. In particular, they bemoaned the fact that the general interest in intellectual matters
as well as the support given to them had diminished in their times almost to the
vanishing point. Occasionally, the prefaces of works included a captatio benevolentiae in order to create a favorable climate for their reception,229 and this was
achieved by progressing from a positive concern with the author and his work
to a gloomy assessment of the prevailing intellectual climate. The tone was set
by Ibn Qutaybah in the introduction of his Adab al-ktib: I have noticed that
our contemporaries stray from the path of adab, consider it bad to be known
as adbs, and shun its people. At every stage of life, people pay no attention,
or not enough attention, to study. Scholars are condemned to obscurity and
defeated by the constant assaults of ignorance, while the star of quality has set
and the market of piety has become inactive and bringing low prices for the
merchandise of those working in it.230 Scholarship has become a blemish for
scholars, and excellence and virtue have become defects. The property of kings
has become something to be spent on pleasures. Rank and dignity, which are
the charity tax of nobility, are sold like worn-out clothes, and so on in a spirit of
high moral indignation. Characteristically, though, the addressee of the work,
the wazr Ab l-asan Ubaydallh b. Yay b. Khqn, is an exception. He is
unaffected by the intellectual and moral decay around him.231
226
227
228
229
230
231
Cf. Abdallh b. al-Mubrak, Zuhd, 303.

Cf. above, n. 16.
Cf. Ibn al-Fuwa, Talkh Majma al-db, ed. Muaf Jawd, IV, i, 315 (Damascus 1962).
Cf. the instructive collection of materials and discussion of prefaces by P. Freimark, Das
Vorwort als literarische Form in der arabischen Literatur (Diss. Mnster 1967).
Cf. above, n. 153.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-ktib, ed. M. Grnert (Leiden 1900) and later editions, and
581
A later littrateur, the South Arabian Nashwn (d. 573/1178), summarized

the points made by Ibn Qutaybah briefly in a very simplified manner. Literature constitutes lost merchandise that is not in active demand because of
the corruption of his contemporaries. Scholarship is a blemish for scholars.
All-around excellence and virtue are considered a disgrace for those who
possess them. Today, no person of high moral character and deserving
consideration is left. Kings are businessmen called rulers, wine merchants
(?) exercising political control, all of them surrounded by their like-minded
flunkies and followers. However, the ruler addressed by Nashwn is a
bright spot on (the face of) his dark times.232 Therefore, he, Nashwn, has hopes
of finding at his court a market for the literary merchandise he is offering
him.233
In the struggle between the representatives of Greek and Arabic learning,
it could be argued that philosophical thought and literary skill had progressed
beyond anything the ancients could have hoped for, as was done, for instance,
by Ibn Qutaybah.234 On the other hand, those steeped in the Graeco-Arabic
tradition and impressed deeply with the unmatched importance and authority of the scientists and philosophers of Antiquity might extend the customary
scholarly complaints to mourning about a lost golden age never to be recovered
and to a total condemnation of irreversible decay. In ar-Rislah al-Miryah,
Ab -alt Umayyah (d. beg. 529/1134) thus reviewed the great scientists produced by Egypt in Classical times: They were the famous sages in those times,
while in this time of ours, science has been wiped out completely from Egypt
and its very name has become unknown. Only scum has remained, common
ignoramuses, blind boors. Most of them are fools, but they are well versed in
deception and trickery and naturally gifted for them because of the tendency
toward flattery and diplomacy in their character. In this respect, they outdo
232
233
234
the extensive commentaries on the work by such men as al-Jawlq and al-Baalyaws
as well as G. Lecomte, L Introduction du Kitb Adab al-Ktib dIbn Qutayba, in Mlanges
L. Massignon, III, 4564 (Damascus 1957). In another famous introduction, Ibn Qutaybah
argued along lines which, in fact, contradicted the assumption of the progressive decay of
the times; the thesis of Shir is that the ancient and modern poets should not be judged on
the basis of this difference, that what is now old was once new and what is now new will
be old.
The metaphor of a ghurrah bright spot in zamn bahm appeared earlier in the poetry
of al-Butur, Dwn, (III), 1744. Ingeniously, al-Butur combined its use for praise of his
addressee in the first half-verse with its appropriate use for a horse in the second.
Cf. Nashwn, al-r al-n, beg.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-ktib, ed. Grnert, 5 f.
50
582
51
all those earlier and later men and exceed all nations.235 The relationship
between scholarly achievement and moral standing that is assumed here as
given was not explained. As we have seen, it was basic to the intellectuals
discontent with their time.
Men whose personal disposition made them inclined toward pessimism and
self-pity included all classes and professions in their negative view. Ab ayyn
at-Tawd was the outstanding and quite tragic example. | As his biographer
put it, he used to complain about the vicissitudes of his time (life?) and to
weep in his works about its frustrations.236 On some occasion, he happened
to describe the corruption of contemporary merchants, only to be told by the
wazrwhose words no doubt were those of at-Tawdthat corruption in
reality was general. The times have become completely indescribable. The only
thing to be astonished about is the fact that they continue getting worse and
worse. If this process were to stop, there might perhaps be hope for something
for which one no longer has any hope at all. At this point, at-Tawdagain in
someone elses nameoffered the thought that since those conditions were
brought about by the weakening of religious conviction and a decrease in
political skill and this, in turn, was caused by heavenly/astrological influences,
a change might occur, even if human beings on their part can do nothing about
it.237
It stands to reason that the scholarly complaints, no matter how sincerely
intended, implied a good deal of self-promotion. Complaints about the state of
intellectual life at a given time and in a given region were often justified. Physicians, for instance, were frequently not as numerous, learned, and dedicated,
as they were considered to have been at other times. Yet, this line of complaint
also had a long and hallowed tradition. This makes it doubtful how much reality
attached to individual cases of complaining. Much of it was certainly conventional. What applied to physicians, also applied to the innumerable complaints
about the deterioration of the moral fiber of the scholarly/religious establishment. The fact that the complainers themselves, such as authors when they
published their books, or the group to which they belonged,238 thought of
themselves as exceptions to the rule unaffected by the corruption around them
undermines the objectivity and validity of their complaints. It might even be
235
236
237
238
Cf. Ab -alt Umayyah, ar-Rislah al-Miryah, ed. Abd-as-Salm Hrn, Nawdir almakht, I, 30 f. (Cairo 1370/1951).
Cf. Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, V, 381, ed. Rif, XV, 6. Its referring to time/life seems
more likely here than his.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, III, 62 f.
Cf., for instance, Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 194.
583
argued that on the contrary, complaints of this sort should be interpreted as

hiding the view that improvement had actually taken place or was on its way.
To the extent that the complainer stated or hinted, as he often did, that his
own work was better than what had heretofore been available, his complaint
implied in a way a belief in a progressive development of science and scholarship, expressed as a proud boast in the often quoted verse that those of former
times had left much to do for those of a later age.239
It is obvious that a wide variety of complaints about many things can easily be found. Statements that express satisfaction with ones times are much
harder to come by. Nostalgic recollections of past joys and pleasures, often in
connection with the fond memory of lost youth, were commonly expressed.
There was no end to literary celebrations of the revelers bliss in his enjoyment of wine and love. The contemplation of the beauty of nature and special
occasions such as festivals gave rise to frequent expressions of happiness. An
individual would express pride in his unusual achievements and admit to a
feeling of satisfaction with his circumstances. The generosity of benefactors
produced smug satisfaction in the beneficiary, and many were the praises sung
of the wonderful times that were the result of the actions of benefactors or
potential benefactors. A poet might wax ecstatic in saluting the beautiful times
(usn az-zamn) having arrived with the appointment of a new wazr.240 All
this, however, was strictly momentary, if it was not mercenary. It did not involve
the considered judgment of an author on the character of his times or even
his own personal situation in them. Statements of joy and satisfaction often
hinted at the exceptional character of the good experiences that made their
authors pleased with their times. They might conceal a negative view of them
in the overall scheme of things. Worldly happiness was also presented as a
memento mori. A fictitious inscription left by a mythical figure of the remote
past reported that he had enjoyed life to the full and had obtained more than
he had ever wished. His glory had almost reached to the most remote stars, but,
and this is the sad conclusion, there is no way to achieve eternal life.241 As far as
this world and the opportunities offered by it are concerned, this is deep and
239
240
241
Cf. Ab l-Al al-Maarr, Siq az-zand, cf. Shur Siq az-zand, (II), 525 (reprint of ed. Cairo
1365/1946); F. Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, 63 b (Rome
1947, Analecta Orientalia 24). For a discussion of the problem of progress according to
al-Masd, cf. T. Khalidi, Islamic Historiography, 110113 (Albany, N.Y., 1975).
Cf. ath-Thalib, Tatimmah, II, 49, quoting Judge Manr b. Muammad al-Azd al-Haraw,
who, as suggested by the editor of Tatimmah, must be identical with Manr b. (al-kim)
Ab Manr al-Haraw.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 201; ash-Sharsh, II, 75. See below, n. 724.
52
584
total pessimism. It indicates a hopeless disenchantment with times destined

to end soon, whether they were good or bad. We shall consider later how such
sentiments fitted into Muslim views of the functions of hope.
When the authors of anthologies devoted sections of their works to the
negative criticism of time, literary and ideological conventions required that
they also gave a hearing to the material in praise of it available in their sources.
They had precious little to offer. They usually fell back upon what was described
as a nice poem in praise of time:
Time has shown compassion for my poverty
And pity on my long troubles.
It has fulfilled my every hope/desire
And put to rest all my fears.
Verily, I shall forgive it for
Many/old ones of its former sins,
Even down to the crime it has committed
Those things that grey hair has done to my head.242
53
Another version shows one of those small changes in phrasing which are
extremely frequent in the transmission of Arabic poetry and which may make
big changes in meaning, as is the case here. The one sin the author of these
verses did not forgive az-zamn was the fact that the passing of time had turned
his hair grey. The more one looks at the verses, the more obvious it becomes
that they were just another expression of the ordinary complaint about time
as viewed in the context of the personal life of the individual; they were not,
as claimed, praise for times benevolence. For the majority of Muslim writers,
grey hair and old age were indeed the final indignity which time perpetrated
242
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, II, 198; al-ur, Zahr, I, 140, Jam al-jawhir
(Dhayl Zahr al-db), ed. M. Amn al-Khnj, 275 (Cairo 1353), ed. Al M. al-Bijw, 332
(Cairo 1372/1953); Ibn Khallikn, Wafayt al-ayn, ed. Isn Abbs, II, 125 (Cairo? 1972). In
the second verse, ashtahi appears in al-Askar and al-ur, artaj in the other sources. For
put to rest, al-ur and Ibn Khallikn have protected me against. The alleged context
of the verses confirms the impression that they had very little to do with the subject of
the praise or blame of the times: A certain Ab Al a-f, or Ab l-usayn al-Asqaln,
paid a visit to the wazr al-asan b. M. b. rn al-Muhallab whom he had known and
befriended long ago when al-Muhallab was a poor vagrant in such desparate straits that
he was wishing for death (Is there no death for sale that I might buy it?). When he was
about to leave, al-Muhallab improvised the verses to indicate how far he had come since
those days.
585
upon human beings; they made present conditions always a proper subject for
complaining.
All such attitudes toward time and life were hardly objectionable to Muslims,
even those of firm religious convictions. However, religious thinkers tended to
stress the idea that complaints should be directed only to God (cf. Qurn 12:86).
More importantly, they felt that quite in general, complaining was not the
proper attitude for a human being to take in the face of adversity. Expectedly,
their view was often shared by those who were not concerned with expressing
theological convictions. It was common to begin a verse with il llhi ashk or
ashk il llhi I am complaining to God. The poet in this way affirmed the
seriousness of a justified complaint. The formula found its clearest expression
in a marthiyah by an obscure, probably early Islamic poet, al-Ghaammash
a-abb;
I am complaining to God, and not to man, that I
See the earth remains while friends disappear.
My friends! Were it not death that has hit you,
I would utter censure, but one cannot censure death.243
Even Ibn Sn used the formula, provided that the following verses were correctly attributed to him, when he complained about time, by which he meant
his personal misfortunes:
I am complaining to God about the times which with their
Always new ( jadd) vicissitudes have worn out my sharp (add) faculties
Tribulations that have turned to me, as if I
Had become a magnet for their iron.244
Eventually, the formula could be used, it seems in a facetious vein, even by a
great religious scholar, Ibn ajar, when he introduced an epistle on an itch from
which he was suffering:
243
Cf. at-Tibrz, Shar Dwn al-amsah, ed. Muy-ad-dn Abd-al-Majd, II, 354 (Cairo,
n.y.). Cf. also Agh., XVIII, 187, Agh.3, XXI, 77:
I complain to God about the sorrows I have.
My Lord suffices me. I do not complain to anyone.
244
Cf. Ibn Ab Uaybiah, II, 16, ll. 6 f. add may be preferable to the jadd of the text.
54
586
I am complaining to God because of these times and because of

The illness that has entered my body.
Because of my suffering, existence tenderly mourns for me,
While neither my illness nor, indeed, my times mourn for me.245
Complaining as such was pronounced disadvantageous and improper also
in secular contexts. Thus, al-Butur considered its permissibility contingent
upon al-Fat b. Khqns attitude toward him:
If you were not angry, I would not
Criticize the time and complain about circumstances (al-khub).246
55
It was good advice for a courtier not to indulge in complaining, because his
ruler might easily get annoyed by it.247 It was also viewed as a sign of | stupidity
in that it revealed the complainers lack of comprehension of the true nature of
time.248 Worldly wisdom suggested that a person should not complain about
his misfortune to other human beings, since he would thereby call attention to
it and give them an advantage over him. Such complaining would be as useless
as it would be for the wounded prey to complain to the birds of prey. Having
said this, al-Mutanabb continued that time (dahr) itself was amazed at his
patience; he concluded that the times were young in former generations but
had now reached old age and suffered from decrepitude.249
245
Cf. Ibn ajar, Dwn, ed. as-Sayyid Ab l-Fal, 145 (Hyderabad 1381/1962). In ath-Thalib,
Tatimmah, II, 60, a poet expressed sadness about the loss of his youth in verses beginning:
I complain to God about the wrongdoing of my grey hair
246
247
248
249
When Ab Tammm complained to az-zamn about his loss of weight and was directed by
it to his prospective benefactor, he did not mean to equate time with God but attempted
a rather witty parody of the common complaining about it, cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed.
Azzm, II, 133 (for the poem, see again below, n. 335); al-mid, Muwzanah, II, 326.
Cf. al-Butur, Dwn, I, 152.
Cf. Hill b. al-Muassin a-bi, Rusm dr al-khilfah, ed. Mkhl Awwd, 88, ll. 14f.
(Baghdd 1964), trans. E.A. Salem, 71 (Beirut 1977).
Cf. ash-Sharsh, II, 321.
Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Azzm, 513, ed. al-Barqq, IV, 295, quoted by a-afad,
Ghayth, I, 97, II, 82, and (in connection with Ibn Zaydns shakw al-jar il l-iqbn
wa-r-rakham) Tamm, 349. A-afad, Ghayth, II, 82, also speaks of useless complaint as
that of a drowning man to the waves.
Als statement that he who reveals any harm suffered by him is satisfied with humil-
587
It is patience (abr) that is at issue here. It was said that strong resolve did
away with complaining, just as complaining was inevitable in the absence of
patience.250 In the face of the ferocious assault of the times, gentlemen showed
patience and did not complain, as they detested complaining and refused to
think of it.251
When the times make a mean person prosper,
Show patience with what they have done.
A (birds) tail may be higher than the head,
Just as smoke is higher than the fire.252
The conflict between complaining and patience, which appeared irreconcilable, posed a serious problem for the men of religion. True ascetics, such as
Ab Sulaymn ad-Drn, thought of this world as totally irrelevant, deserving of neither blame nor praise.253 Thus, for him and his likes, complaining
did not enter the picture at all. But, generally, it was assumed that it detracted
from the obligatory religious virtue of abr. Already the early al-Fuayl b. Iy
(d. 187/January 803) had explained | patience in misfortune as the absence
of complaining (an l tabuththa).254 The f Ruwaym (d. 303/915916) succinctly defined patience as not complaining.255 A contemporary of Ruwaym,
Abdallh b. Muammad al-Kharrz, praised not complaining together with the
concealment of any harm suffered as the hallmark of patience.256 For Amad
b. Kharawayh (d. 240/854855), the truly patient man was the one who was
250
251
252
253
254
255
256
iation had its explanation in other statements about the harm that comes to a person
who complains, cf. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 259. Cf. also I, 359, where a poet replies to a question about his condition that he is patient with respect to the vicissitudes of time, since
he does not want to be seen sad. It might make his enemies rejoice (sh-m-t) or aggrieve
his friends.
Cf. al-Butur, amsah, 193, ed. Cheikho, 131 and XLVIII. The poet was a certain Mlik b.
udhayfah an-Nakha. It would be helpful if he could be placed in an historical context.
It may be noted that patience could also be said to be the key for what one hopes for, cf.
at-Tankh, Faraj, II, 237.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 166, in the name of a certain Ammr al-Kf.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, IX, 266, ll. 10 f.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 91, l. 20. Al-Fuayl also rebuked a man who complained to
him for seeking a guide other than God, cf. ilyah, VIII, 93, ll. 23f.
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 183; al-Qushayr, Rislah, 85 (Cairo 1367/1948); Ab Nuaym, ilyah,
X, 301; Ibn Ab l-add, III, 700.
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 289, ll. 12 f.
56
588
57
patient with his patience, and not the one who was patient but did complain.257
The proper attitude to take with respect to God is not to complain.258
However, fs did not altogether reject the view that it was all right to
complain to God, even if it was completely wrong to complain to human beings.
They were totally irrelevant. Consequently, complete trust in God required,
among other things, not to think of complaining to them but to make God
the place of your complaint, as Marf al-Karkh (d. ca. 200/815816) put
it.259 Ab Turb an-Nakhshab said that, if the pious did not complain to
anybody but God, it was because of their fear of God;260 thus, apparently, they
could complain to God without any fear. Jacobs insistence upon the beauty of
patience according to the Qurn referred to a kind of patience, in the view
of Bishr al-f (d. ca. 226/840841), which admitted of no complaining to
people.261 It is, perhaps, not entirely due to happenstance that in repeating
Bishrs statement, al-Makk and al-Ghazzl extended its scope by omitting to
people.262 Conversely, fs, no less than the old poet,263 thought that where
there was no patience, complaining was inevitable. A mystic driven to insanity
by his asceticism, a certain Sadn, addressed a verse to this effect to Dh n-Nn
al-Mir.264
From the religious point of view, complaining about ones life and times and
contemporaries furthermore contained the implication of | rebellion against
Gods all pervasive wisdom. The prohibition against slandering ad-dahr might
be adduced as an old witness from the adth literature.265 Another old adth
might have been directed against complaining and blaming others when things
went wrong: A person who claims that the people have perishedby which
here, no doubt, having lost their chance for salvation is meantis the one
257
258
259
260
261
262
263
264
265

Cf. Ab l-usayn b. ind al-Fris, in as-Sulam, abaqt, 401, ll. 4f.
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 87, ll. 911; Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 360, l. 13. Since according
to worldly wisdom, complaining to people had a negative effect, Judge Shuray advised
against it and spoke of making God your place of complaint and refuge (mashkka
wa-mafzaaka), cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 204. Cf. also below, nn. 737 and 764.
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt al-qulb, II, 28 (reprint Beirut, ca. 1973); al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV,
252, l. 4.
See above, n. 250.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, IX, 371; a-afad, Wf, ed. B. Radtke, XV, 193 (Wiesbaden 1979,
Bibliotheca Islamica 60).
See above, pp. 10 ff.
589
most lost of all.266 While the bearing of these adths upon complaining and
rebellion against God is somewhat speculative, a statement attributed to Al
made the point clearly: He who gets to complain about a misfortune which has
befallen him complains about his Lord. A commentator offered the following
amplification: He complains about the agent who brought about the misfortune, and not about the misfortune itself, because it did not befall him on its
own accord. Now, its agent is God, and a person who complains about God sins
against Him.267 Al, however, left the door open for at least some complaining.
He acknowledged the possibility of complaining to God. For him, complaining
about something to a believer is like complaining to God, while complaining
to an unbeliever is like complaining about God. His commentator felt quite
uncomfortable with this statement, since it contradicted the general view of
the undesirability of complaining. He indicated that it was a religious attitude
(madhhab) and different from the customary view (urf).268
For moderate f theoreticians such as Ab lib al-Makk, it was at least
part of patience for a person to conceal his misfortunes and his pains and
to forego seeking relief from them by complaining.269 Al-Ghazzl decided in
favor of concealing ones poverty or illness or any kind of misfortune on the
assumption that it constituted one of the treasures of piety. Following Ab
lib al-Makk,270 he made an apparent concession with respect to his ban on
complaining. He quoted al-asan al-Bar as having said that, if a sick man
first praises God and gives thanks to Him and then makes reference to his
pains, this cannot be considered complaining (which al-asan al-Bar would
otherwise have found objectionable). Yet, al-Ghazzl seems to have felt that
any mention of ones | troubles meant complaining about God, and this, of
course, was strictly forbidden.271
While proper piety was averse to complaining, except, perhaps, in the sense of
addressing oneself to God in the hope of gaining His mercy, this was definitely
266
267
268
269
270
271
Cf. Concordance, VII, 104b5153; al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 300.

Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 507.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 786. Cf., further, the verses on the uselessness of complaining to
human beings and equating such complaining to complaining about God in ash-Sharsh,
I, 189.
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 198f. Cf. also al-Musibs brief warning against complaining about misfortunes in his Way, ed. Abd-al-Qdir Amad A, 66 (Cairo, n.y.).
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, II, 28.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 251 f. On the role of patience in fatalism, cf. H. Ringgren (above,
n. 48), 53 ff.
58
590
not because the Muslim religious view of man and the times was cheerful and
confidently optimistic. The contrary was clearly true. Islam officially acknowledged the presumed fact of constant deterioration and decline from a glorious
high point in its earliest history. Whatever attitudes can be labeled as secular, were certainly not uninfluenced by these religious views, even if at times
they protested against them. Even those secular attitudes were, however, conditioned overwhelmingly by the ever present miseries and disappointments of
human existence in both its individual and its collective aspects. Subjectively,
man was seen as possessing a natural predisposition toward dissatisfaction
with his status. We forget times benefits (ayd) among us and remember
of our time (min dahrin) only its misfortunes (nuwabah).272 Objectively, the
times were seen as always bad enough to give rise to justified complaints. The
intellectuals both secular and religious who were the spokesmen for individuals as well as society preferred, it seems, on the whole to deal with the more
somber sides of human life. It cannot really be proved or disproved that their
outlook was shared by all or many. It is tempting to assume and not unlikely
that it was.
If shared widely, mans urge to complain about evil conditions in his time
and circumstances as a member of society could arguably act as a self-fulfilling
prophecy. The depressing feeling that the times are bad, if constantly expressed,
is likely to work toward making them bad, not worth living in them or trying
to improve them. Confidence and optimistic buoyancy, on the other hand, are
likely to have the effect of creating a better, more progressive social environment to live and work in. The attitude toward hope, which circumscribes all
human expectations of the future, is conjoined with that toward the past and
present. It may either reinforce it or offer a corrective to it.
272
An anonymous verse quoted in ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 223.
chapter two
Hope and Wishes

Wish that I knewman is the possessor of hope
(Y layta shiriya wa-l-insnu dh amalin)273
Wishinghere expressed by the particle of wishing, layta274and hoping
are the terms most characteristic of a human ability, which is hardly at all
present in any conscious way in animals, to look into the future and make it
part of the individuals aspirations. Since every individual participates in the
processes of wishing and hoping, we can expect them to produce a cumulative
result affecting society. And since they may take on distinctive quantitative
and qualitative appearances and, moreover, since their expression, once it has
found its desired literary forms, can be expected to create emotional attitudes
that are to some degree standardized, a given civilizational complex is likely
to develop its own mood determining the way it faces the future, and this
mood may possess some traits that distinguish it from corresponding moods
prevailing in other societies. Furthermore, since mood cannot help influencing
action, history is no doubt shaped by the power of psychological imaginings
whose common denominator is verbalized in terms such as hope and wishes as
well as their contraries such as despair. Many other concepts, of course, share in
273
274
Cf. the eighth-century Ibn ad-Dumaynah, Dwn, ed. Amad Rtib an-Naffkh, 97 (Cairo
1379). The poem was known as the laytyah because of its many layta verses. The half-verse
appears in this form also in Agh., XX, 150, Agh.3, XXIV, 138, in a poem doubtfully attributed
to a certain Yay b. (Ab) lib al-anaf, who lived around 800. Its author was, however,
identified a-immah b. Abdallh al-Qushayr in Yqt, Mujam, III, 297, s.v. Shaabab.
A-immah apparently lived around 700, see GAS, II, 342 f.
Interestingly, and rather disconcertingly, the version attributed to a-immah replaces
man is the possessor of hope with wa-l-aqdru ghlibatun, expressing resignation in the
face of an overpowering fate which defeats wishes not in accordance with its dictates.
The substitution in Agh. of a reference to hope as central to mans make-up was possibly
secondary. Unless it was due to the influence of Ibn ad-Dumaynah, it is hard to say what
might have caused it. It may have been intended to sound a more cheerful note. Or it was
meant to reinforce the notion that all of mans natural hoping and wishing is ineffective
when it goes against predetermination.
arf, or kalimat, at-tamann was the term used for ( y) layta, cf. Lisn al-Arab, II, 392f.;
az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 225 (Blq 13181319), see below, n. 430; Ibn ajar, Fat, XVI,
346, see below, pp. 105 f.
59
592
60
the formation of the totality of mans attitude toward the future, but hoping and
wishing quintessentially represent the good and bad aspects of human ways of
anticipation of the future and the resulting mood of individual and society.
In Islam, hoping and wishing were generally seen as psychological necessities innate in man. Muslims might not have subscribed to the view that hope,
like love, is one of simplest elementary expressions of life.275 They certainly did
not go so far as does a modern scholar who argues that hope might have been
biologically programmed into human beings, so that they might survive in the
struggle for existence, because an evolutionary advantage was gained by people who thought well of the future or of their immediate prospects.276 But we
find it clearly stated in Muslim sources that hope is in the nature of (mab f)
every and all human beings.277 And it was contended that by the way man is
constituted, he is pervaded through and through with greed (ir),278 and his
thoughts (khawir) are dominated by wishes (amn).279
If hope is innate in human beings or even, as in the view of pre-Islamic poets,
a part of everything that life consists of,280 it can be expected to last all through
the lifespan of the individual. Kab b. Zuhayr put it thus:
Mans hope stretches out as long as he lives.
The eye does not come to rest till the footstep does.281
275
276
277
278
279
280
Cf. J. Pieper, ber die Hoffnung, 27 (Munich 1949): eine der ganz einfachen Urgebrden
des Lebendigen.
Cf. Lionel Tiger, Optimism, The Biology of Hope (New York 1979), in particular, pp. 20f.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XIV, 11.
For the meaning of ir in this connection, see below, p. 74.
Cf. Ibn al-Marzubn, Muntah, 9, at the beginning (see below, n. 295).
Cf. the verse by the aged Amr b. Qamah, Dwn, text, 23, trans. 26:
I have been ruined by the hoping I have been doing (taml) day and night
And the hoping I have been doing year after year.
281
C. Lyall translated taml looking forward to. Cf. also the verse apparently by Abdah b.
a-abb quoted by al-Mubarrad, Rislah f ajz abyt tughni f t-tamthl an udrih, II,
169 (Cairo 1371/1951), but ascribed to Alqamah in ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 283,
cf. also Gottfried Mller, Ich bin Labd, 126 (Wiesbaden 1981).
Lit., come to an end, cf. Kab b. Zuhayr, Dwn, ed. T. Kowalski, 133 (Cracow 1950, Polska
Akademia Umiejtnoci, Mm. de la Commission Orientaliste 38), as-Sukkar, Shar Dwn
Kab b. Zuhayr, 229 (Cairo 1369/1950), trans. O. Rescher, Beitrge zur arabischen Posie, VI,
3, 158 (n.p. [Istanbul], 19591960).
A verse by Labd reads: When a man spends a night working, he thinks that he has
hope and wishes
593
More prosaic utterances as to the lifelong duration of hope are, for instance,
to be found in the famous adth about the persistent growth of | greed (ir)
and hope (amal),282 or sayings such as the one transmitted by Ibn al-Mutazz
to the effect that the soul does not give up hope till it enters death (ajal).283
Verses of Ab l-Athiyah spoke of life being spent before wishes are and of
hopes associating with man as long as he remains alive.284
The question arose whether there was a difference in the degree of strength
of hoping and wishing at different ages of the individual. The mentioned tradition indicated that ir and amalor, according to another version, the desire
for continued life and more propertycontinued to last undiminished into old
age and retained their youthful vigor.285 As the adth came to be understood,
this meant in a way that greed and hope were growing with aging or, at least,
gained in relative strength in comparison to most other vital functions.286 Less
than two centuries later, the Muslims learned that Aristotle had taken a different position. According to Rhetoric 13891390 (quoted here following the Arabic
translation), the young live by hope, because they live for the future which
stretches out before them while their past is brief. Therefore they have much
hope. The old, on the other hand, find it difficult to hope because of their long
finished working, but man is acting/hoping as long as he lives. Shar Dwn Labd, 254,
has mil acting. The various editors of Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 199, read mil hoping.
M.J. de Goeje, in his edition of Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 152, l. 13 (Leiden 1904), indicated the
occurrence of the variant reading mil. A definite decision as to Labds original reading
is impossible. mil, it seems, deserves preference. It may have been replaced under the
influence of the growing acceptance of the amal/amal confrontation (see below, n. 624).
The verse of Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 299:
I see predestination (al-maqdir) working constantly,
While man, as long as he lives, hopes constantly (milun amalan),
282
283
284
285
286
was hardly influenced by Labd.

See below, n. 285.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, ed. I. Krachkovsky, Izbrannie sochineniya, VI, 84 (Moscow and
Leningrad 1960); G.W. Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, III, i, 130 (Bonn 18381843). A half-verse
by the same Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, IV, 227, no. 384, said that as long as man is alive, he is
a servant of hope.
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 7 (cf. below, n. 499) and 432 (below, n. 452).
Cf. Concordance, I, 105b and 447a. See also below, nn. 406f. and 768.
A comparable statement is that about the waning pleasures of life which leave to the old
only the pleasure of listening to interesting tales. It was attributed to Ab Amr b. al-Al,
cf. F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography2, 210, 295f.
61
594
experience. Thus they live both by remembering and by hopewith remembrance of the past no doubt more prominentbecause much of their life lies
in the past and only little remains of it.287 The Aristotelian view was reflected
by Ab ayyn at-Tawd and Miskawayh in their discussion of the reasons
why the old yearned for their youth. These included the argument that
Hope for lasting life is strong in youth. Man in a way expects to have a long
life in front of him. Whenever some time of his life is gone, he realizes
that a portion of his allotted span has been taken away, and he yearns to
start all over again with it because of his desire (ama) for eternal life,
something that is inaccessible to the perishable body.288
62
This shows how the difference between the Prophetic view and that of the
Greek philosopher was bridged by Aristotles Muslim followers. Hope was taken
to be a special desire, a desire for life as strong in old age as it is in youth, but
what Aristotle correctly recognized as a fact that was physiologically justified,
was for the Muslim religious moralist a clear misapprehension of the true
meaning and purpose of life on earth. No real conflict appears to have arisen
between the two views, and both indeed assumed that hoping and wishing
were inborn in human beings and ineradicable.289
Language is indispensable for defining abstract matters. In choosing words to
express them, it gives them existence. Thus the terms employed for such indeterminate concepts as hoping and wishing as well as the substantive range of
meaning attributed to them are absolutely fundamental. Trying to understand
them is the first, and in a way also the last, step in understanding the role they
287
288
289
Cf. Aristotle, Khabah, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, 122f., 125 (Cairo 1959); Ibn Sn, Shif,
Khabah, ed. M. Salm Slim, 157, 160 (Cairo 1373/1954); Ibn Rushd, Talkh al-Khabah,
ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, 196, 200 (Cairo 1960).
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd and Miskawayh, Hawmil, 38. It was their famous contemporary Firdaws, ed. J. Mohl, I, 142 f. (Paris 18381878), who said: Youth may hope for old age,
but white hair never gets black again. For the significance of ama here, cf. below, pp. 69ff.
Wishing is pronounced characteristic of youth in the saying: Youth is the meadow of
wishes (ash-shabb riy al-mn), cf. ar-Riy, Talq al-uql, fol. 43a. It does not seem
to be a commonly expressed idea.
A couple of verses ascribed to Mamd al-Warrq are probably to be understood in
approximately this sense: A man of eighty is not closer (to fulfillment and happiness)
than a newborn child, but a young man may have hopes which may, or may not, come
true, cf. his Dwn, coll. Adnn Rghib al-Ubayd, 111 (Baghdd 1969).
hope and wishes
595
may have had in determining the life of individuals and society.290 Hope happens to be represented by two words in Arabic which were used as commonly
as our hope and can usually be rendered by it. This is a situation that is by no
means to be taken for granted. If we look into what is known to us about the
Semitic languages in pre-Islamic and pre-Christian times, we do not easily find
terms that qualify for consistent translation by hope and could be unhesitatingly be identified with it or assumed to cover a similar range of meaning. This
applies to the Hebrew of the Bible as well as Akkadian, and even to the later
Syriac, to name only the languages best known to us.290a
In Islam, hope and wishes were prominent themes for reflection. They had
their special niche in religious literature, and they enjoyed wide use in ordinary
speech. They are thus likely to have found attention beyond casual references
and chapters in adab encyclopaedias and to have monographs composed on
them. A few titles of such monographs have been transmitted. Regrettably,
none of them seems to be preserved, if we except Ibn Ab d-dunys Qiar
al-amal. There is also a distinct possibility | that the titles, on which we have
to rely, are misleading and have no direct relationship to the contents.291
Al-Madin (around 800) was credited with a Kitb at-Tamann.292 If his
work was concerned with wishing, it may have dealt with the relevant passages from the Qurn and the adth literature as well as with poetry and
folkloristic stories on the subject. A distinguished, if slightly less famous contemporary of al-Madin, Al b. Ubaydah ar-Rayn (d. 219/834),293 wrote
a Kitb al-Yas wa-r-raj Despair and Hope and a Kitb al-Muammal wa-lmahb The Hoped for and Stood in Awe of.294 The former looks as if it might
have been a forerunner of the faraj bad ash-shiddah literature and contained
stories of rescue from the depth of despair; but it might also have dealt rather
with statements in poetry and prose on the proper approach toward hoping
and not hoping under certain conditions. The latter appears likely to have been
a discussion of the correct behavior of persons who looked for promotions and
gifts from their benefactors. However, even the vocalization of the words is
uncertain; it might be al-muammil, referring not to the intended benefactor
but to the hopeful client. This interpretation could be supported by reference
290 Cf. also my remarks in the Foreword, above.
290a Cf. W. Zimmerli, Der Mensch und seine Hoffnung im Alten Testament (Gttingen 1968),
Engl. trans. (Naperville, Illinois, n.y.).
291 For another example, see above, n. 172.
292 Cf. Ibn an-Nadm, al-Fihrist, ed. G. Flgel, 104, l. 11 (Leipzig 18711872).
293 See GAS, II, 58, 63.
294 Cf. Fihrist, 119, ll. 25 f.
63
596
64
to the combination al-mil wa-l-maml often used later on. It appears as the
title of a treatise published as a possible work of al-Ji. In reality, it is a chapter of the large adab encyclopaedia al-Muntah f l-kaml by Muammad b.
Sahl b. al-Marzubn, who lived in the first half of the tenth century; in it, Ibn
al-Marzubn discussed the recommendable attitudes to be taken by officials
who hoped for advancement from their superiors.295 It can be assumed that
ar-Rayn was indeed concerned with wishing. He was quoted as the author
of a saying dealing with the subject. It stated that wishes are the imaginings
(makhil) of ignorance.296
A title which, as far as the present investigation is concerned, is misleading
is that of the Kitb al-Amal wa-r-raj by the Twelver-Shah Muammad b. sa
b. Ubayd b. Yaqn, who, according to the available indications, lived through
most of the ninth century. The Fihrist made | some remarks as to its contents
and stated that the work was of the bishrt good news type. Thus, it belonged
to the Twelver-Shah treatises on the virtues and rewards of the imms and
their followers and dealt with Shah political aspirations.297
In sum it would seem that these lost monographs on hoping and wishing might have contained some noteworthy incidental information, without,
295
296
297
For Ibn al-Marzubn and his work, cf. Fihrist, 137; GAS, II, 76. The edition of al-mil
wa-l-maml as a pseudo-Jiian treatise by Ramazan een was published in Beirut
1387/1968. It begins: qla al-Bith. This confirms the attribution to Ibn al-Marzubn, as
he was known as al-Bith an mut al-ilm.
Cf. ash-Sharsh, II, 253. A saying ascribed to Socrates in al-Mubashshir, 118, l. 5, says that
the wishes are the snares (abil) of ignorance. abil and makhil look suspiciously
alike. The sayings probably go back to the same original.
Cf. Fihrist, 223, l. 15; Muammad b. Umar al-Kashsh, (rifat akhbr ar-) Rijl, ed.
as-Sayyid Amad al-usayn, 450 f. (Karbal, n.y.); a-s, Fihrist, 167 (an-Najaf 1380/1961);
an-Najsh, Rijl, 235f. (Bombay 1317); S.M. Prozorov, Arabskaya istoricheskaya literatura v
Irake, Irane i Sredney Azii v VIIseredine X v. (Shiitskaya istoriographiya), 139143 (Moscow
1980). As stated in Ibn an-Nadms Fihrist, Ibn Yaqn included in his work information
received from Muammad (b. al-asan) b. Jumhr al-Amm, who lived in the time of the
imm ar-Ri, to whose circle Ibn Yaqn is also said to have belonged, probably when he
was very young, cf. a-s, Fihrist, 172f.; an-Najsh, Rijl, 238; Prozorov, op. cit., 7880. His
son, al-asan b. Muammad b. Jumhr, gave the same information to Ab Al Muammad
b. Hammm, whose dates are 258336/872early January 948, cf. a-s, Fihrist, 167; GAS,
I, 332. Ibn Hammm was the transmitter of Ibn Yaqns books and riwyt on Ibn Yaqns
authority. Now, assuming that Ibn Yaqn was in direct contact with Muammad b. Jumhr
and Ibn Hammm, his life spanned most of the ninth century, but uncertainties remain,
especially whether he really lived long enough for Ibn Hammm to be his transmitter.
hope and wishes
597
however, contributing much of substance to what we can learn from the preserved material.
As is to be expected, a considerable literature exists on the Western understanding of the concept of hope. Until a quarter of a century ago, scholarly
works on hope were, it seems, written under the impact of the devastating experience afforded by the catastrophe of the 1930s and 1940s. They were mostly
informed by the heritage of Christianity, or, more rarely, the modern opposition to it, and are theological and philosophical in character. The authors often
focussed on ideas such as millenarianism, utopianism, and Messianism, as well
as something vaguely identifiable as hope for society. Thomism was not infrequently their principal inspiration.298 The titles at times indicated that the
works were meant to establish a theology or metaphysics of hope.299 This literature was predominantly concerned with speculative thought and much less
so, if at all, with factual historical information. As far as medieval Christianity is concerned, a good deal of factual information may be found in P. Lain
Entralgo, La espera y la esperanza, Historia y teoria del esperar humano.300 A
model of philological research on the subject is the dissertation of J.J.A. Schrijen, which deals with all Greek references to | elpis and elpizein from Homer
to Plato.301 Islam was mentioned in passing in the work of H. Desroche.302 No
doubt, many worthwhile recent publications have escaped my attention.
Terminology and Definitions
The principal terms requiring investigation are the roots r-j-w and -m-l for
hoping and m-n-w for wishing. They are well known for their use as apparent
synonyms. However, distinctions were made between them (and other, related
298
299
300
301
302
Cf. C. Delia Penta, Hope and Society (Washington 1942); J. Pieper (above, n. 275).
J. Moltmann, Theology of Hope (English trans., New York and Evanston 1967); R. Azevedo
Alves, A Theology of Human Hope (St. Meinrad, Indiana, 1974); G. Marcel, Homo Viator, An
Introduction to a Metaphysics of Hope (English trans., London and Chicago 1951).
Third ed. (Madrid 1962).
J.J.A. Schrijen, Elpis, De voorstelling van de hoop in de Griekse literatuur tot Aristoteles
(Groningen 1965). Heinrich von Staden kindly called my attention to this work.
H. Desroche, Sociologie de l esprance (Paris 1973). An English translation was announced
for 1979 by Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Note, further, H. Kimmerle, Die Zukunftsbedeutung der Hoffnung, Auseinandersetzung
mit Ernst Blocks Prinzip der Hoffnung aus philosophischer und theologischer Sicht, 2nd
ed. (Bonn 1974). On the work by L. Tiger, see above, n. 276.
65
598
terms) under certain conditions. There are innumerable examples for their
seemingly indiscriminate use. Only a few of them can be presented in the
following pages. It should, however, always be kept in mind that the very fact
that different words were used might indicate that differences in meaning were
perceived. A few lines by al-Awa show most of the terms relevant to our
discussion in close parallelism but with a degree of semantic difference left to
the listener and reader to evaluate:
You will not obtain all you hope for (ammaltah),
Nor will you be spared all you try to avoid.
Not every greedy person (dh irin) will gain from his greed,
And not everything a man hopes for (rjin) will be useful for him.
How many a person asks a wish (umnyatan), which, were he to attain it,
Would leave him to have to be content with a bad reputation among
people.303
66
A
Synonymous Uses
a
raj/amal
R-j-w and -m-l304 were consistently paired or used in strict or free parallelism
both as nouns and as verbs. Dictionaries defined amal as | raj.305 Raj, in turn,
303
304
305
Cf. al-Awa, Shir, coll. dil Sulaymn Jaml and Shawq ayf, 136 (Cairo 1390/1970). From
a later time, cf. the verses by ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 70, which speak of wishes (amn)
unfulfilled, the former luck gone, and no hope (r-j-w) for a reversal, worries everywhere,
and persistent hopes (ml) disappointed.
While raj permits some plausible etymological speculation (see below, n. 330), amal,
I think, does not, inspite of many theoretical possibilities. Thus, no comparison can be
made between the two words from the etymological point of view.
No convincing relationship can be established between the meaning hope and the
meaning to consider of the fifth conjugation. Arab philologists have tried but with
no acceptable result. For Ab Hill al-Askar, al-Furq al-lughawyah, 58 (Cairo 1353),
taammul is intense looking with the hope of (al-muammal bih) learning about what one
is looking for.
Poets occasionally made use of the effect provided by combining the two meanings.
Thus, al-Butur, Dwn, (III), 1663, described uniqueness as moon of taammul, rain
cloud of taml. (For a different combination of ml, muznah, and amn, cf. Muslim b.
al-Wald, Dwn, 263, no. 45, verse 34.) Again, al-Butur, Dwn, (III), 1644, spoke of what
you have been looking or hoped for with respect to (the jriyah called) Amal (m dh
taammalta aw ammalta f Amal). Cf. also ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, II, 240, or, in prose,
al-Qalqashand, ub, IX, 114, l. 19: al-qulb al-mutaammilah al-milah.
Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, XV, 395. The definition was stated to go back to al-Layth. Cf. also
Lisn al-Arab, XIII, 28; ash-Sharsh, I, 56, II, 60; a-afad, Ghayth, I, 141.
hope and wishes
599
was, however, not normally defined in them by amal,306 but by its opposite yas
despair. The reason for it, it seems, was that raj was understood to possess
a wider range of meanings than were commonly expressed by amal; the latter
covered only one aspect of the former.307 A formal difference between the two
nouns, that is, the fact that raj did not allow of a plural formation while
amal did, can be observed to have been operative not infrequently in their
alternating use.
Amal could be the object of the verb r-j-w:
(O Lord!) You are benevolent and have not frustrated
The call of one who hopes for Your hope (rjin amalak).308
Or, as in a verse by al-Butur:
We have long hopes (mlun iwlun) with respect to ad-dahr,
Which we are hoping for (nurajjh), but short lives.309
Raj as the object of -m-l seems to be not quite as common. It appears, for
instance, in a verse by Jaml in the form ar-raju l-muammal.310 Jaml con306
307
308
309
But cf., for instance, Murta az-Zabd, Itf, IX, 164.

Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, XI, 181b; Lisn al-Arab, XIX, 23: Ar-raj, as a part of amal, is the
opposite of al-yas. Al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 141, l. 15, spoke simply of ar-raj as the opposite
of al-yas. Ar-raj, of course, also contrasted with fear.
Cf. al-Ql, Aml, II, 229, l. 18; Ab ayyn at-Tawd, al-Ishrt al-ilhyah, ed. Abd-arRamn Badaw, 121, l. 15 (Cairo 1950). Ad b. Zayd already spoke of rjin amalan, cf. his
Dwn, ed. M. Jabbr al-Muaybid, 99 (Baghd 1385/1965); al-Butur, amsah, 316, ed.
Cheikho, 217.
Cf. al-Butur, Dwn, (II), 960, quoted by al-ur, Zahr, I, 225. The likely influence of the
first aphorism of Hippocrates is even more visible in hope is long, life is short, cf. Ibn
Ab d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 309, no. 257; Ab Nuaym, ilyah, X, 151, l. 4. For a later
variation, see below, n. 345.
Cf., further, Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw, ed. Muaf Abd-al-Wid and M. al-Ghazzl, 639 (Cairo 1381/1962):
Then, despair ( yas) to be born patiently by the soul after
It had rajat amalan. Despair helps to be patient.
310
For occurrences in prose, cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 255, no. 52: wa-rajuhum
alladh yhu yamuln, or Ibn Hind, al-Kalim ar-rnyah, 62 (Cairo 1318/1900): m
tarjhu min al-amal.
Cf. Jaml, Dwn, ed. F. Gabrieli, in Rivista degli Studi Orientali, 17 (1938), 155, ed. usayn
67
600
versely also used al-amal al-marjw in verses describing his chaste approach to
Buthaynah. He was satisfied with No and I cant, and wishes, and bi-l-amali
al-marjwi when the one who hopes for it (miluh) has become frustrated.311
The somewhat artless juxtaposition of the two words is more natural in
prose than it is in poetry. In prose, one might, for instance, speak of the
children of ar-raj wa-l-mal312 or advise against mounting al-amal wa-r-raj
at all times in all circumstances because in most cases both drive man toward
unpleasantness.313 And they were used, as we have seen,314 both together in
the title of a book.
In poetry, combined use in verbal forms occurred in a prominent place
of Bnat Sud. Arj wa-mulu emphasized Kab b. Zuhayrs ardent hope for
something he felt could not be.315 About the middle of the eighth century, Ab
Dulmah rhymed:
May you miss what you are strongly hoping for (tarjhu wa-tamuluh).316
And another celebrated wit of the preceding generation, amzah b. B, said:
You have added to what I used strongly to hope for (kuntu arj wamul).317
311
312
313
314
315
316
317
Nar, 162 (2nd printing, Cairo 1967), quoted in Agh., VII, 98, Agh.3, VIII, 131. There is
nothing special to the construct combination hope of the hoper (uammilu amala
l-murtaj), cf. Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed. P. Schwarz, I, 107, no. 143, verse 9 (Leipzig
19011909), ed. M. Muy-ad-dn Abd-al-amd, 306 (2nd printing, Cairo 1380/1960).
Cf. Jaml, Dwn, ed. Gabrieli, 160, ed. Nar, 169. If the indicated variant al-makdhbi is
preferred, the verse would be irrelevant in this context.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, I, 2.
Cf. Ibn Hind, 24, among the sayings of Plato included in the edition quoted. More
excellent amal and more reliable raj appears in a saying ascribed to Plato in Ab
Sulaymn as-Sijistn, iwn al-ikmah, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, 132 (Teheran 1974).
Cf. also, for instance, a-abar, Annales, III, 721, 812.
See above, n. 297.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Srah, I, ii, 890. G.W. Freytag, Caabi Ben-Sohair carmen in laudem Muhammedis dictum, 2, n. 2 (Halle 1823), noted: Voces arj et mulu, quae idem significant, sed
conjunctae certitudinem spei designant . (see also below, n. 414). Guillaume, in his
translation, 599, idiomatically rendered I hope and expect, retaining the emphasis that
here and elsewhere is implied in the pairing of the two words.
Cf. Agh., IX, 131, Agh.3, X, 256.
Cf. Agh., XV, 25, Agh.3, XVI, 223. For Ibn B, see GAS, II, 333f. Cf., further, Agh., XVIII, 122,
Agh.3, XX, 59 (see below, n. 762); al-Butur, Dwn, (II), 1026: natarajjhu wa-namuluh.
hope and wishes
601
Both nouns were paired in a verse from the tenth century:

We are people whose bounty is lush, so that
Ar-raju wa-l-amalu graze among us.318
In both poetry and prose, the roots were as a rule more skilfully interwoven.
According to Plato, justice raises amal and strengthens raj.319 God was
invoked as the one for whose benefits one may hope and from whom reward
is hoped for (al-maml minhu az-zawid al-murtaj minhu ath-thawb),320
or, simply, as the goal of the hopes of those who harbor hope (muntah ml
ar-rjn),321 and the like. A poetic prayer of Kushjim used these words:
O Lord! Bless (me) with good speech,
If I am not blessed with good work.
And do not cut off my firm hope (amal wa-r-raja),
For You are ar-raj, and You are al-amal.322
A few more verses, all of them to be found in Agh., may serve as further
illustrations. It was thus said in reference to the Umayyad governor Khlid
al-Qasr:
A good noble young man to be hoped for, a good hope!
( fa-nima l-fat yurj wa-nima l-muammal)323
Ab sh-Shibl addressed al-Mutawakkil in words similar to those we have seen
were addressed to God:
318
319
320
321
322
323
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, I, 332.

Cf. Ab l-asan b. Ab Dharr (al-mir?), as-Sadah wa-l-isd, ed. Mojtaba Minovi, 234
(Wiesbaden 19571958); Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, Platon en pays dIslam, 151f. (Teheran
1974, Wisdom of Persia Series 13). The reference may be to Republic 351D, where, however,
the word hope does not occur.
Cf. Nar b. Muzim al-Minqar, Waqat iffn, ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, 34 (Cairo
1365).
Cf. as-Sarrj, Luma, ed. Abd-al-alm Mamd and h. Abd-al-Bq Surr, 95 (Cairo
1380/1960).
Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, 424. Cf., further, Agh., X, 141, Agh.3, XI, 377: Hope ( fa-rju) for delivery
coming from God and be of good hope (wa-asin-i-l-amal)!
Cf. Agh., XIX, 63, Agh.3, XXII, 25.
68
602
He is the end and the one hoped for, for whom a petitioner hopes.
( wa-l-mamlu yarjhu l-muammil).324
Jaml made seemingly synonymous use of the two roots in love poetry:
And how could you hope (turajj) for coming together with her, after she
has been remote
And the rope of coming together has been torn, severing the one you hope
for (tuammil).325
69
The caliph al-Wald b. Yazd expressed a common sentiment when he rhymed:

Not everyone who has hopes gets what he hopes for.
(wa-laysa bi-lqin m raj kullu mil).326
And the early Abbsid poet Ab Dahmn also stated the same idea in giving
vent to his disenchantment with his experiences in Egypt:
If Egypt disappointed my hopes (m kuntu artaj),
And he for whom I had hopes there (kuntu mulu) did not live up to his
promise
Well, not everything a noble young man fears turns out to be a misfortune,
And he does not get everything he hopes for.327
A verse by Ab Tammm proclaimed:
He spread hope (ar-raja) for us inspite of vicissitudes
By means of which many hopes have been wrestled to the ground (mariu l-ml).328
324
325
326
327
328
Cf. Agh., XIII, 22, Agh.3, XIV, 193. For muammil as petitioner, see below, n. 747.
Cf. Jaml, Dwn, ed. Gabrieli, 159, ed. Nar, 161, quoted in Agh., VII, 97, Agh.3, VIII, 130.
Cf. Agh., VI, 107, Agh.3, VII, 13.
Cf. Agh., XIII, 113, XIX, 151, Agh.3, XV, 24, XXII, 256. He for whom seems more likely than
that for which. The context, which alone could enable us to decide which is correct, is
not available.
Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. Azzm, III, 77, quoted in Agh., XV, 104, Agh.3, XVI, 392. As Ab
Tammm stated elsewhere (Dwn, ed. Azzm, III, 61), separation may gain a stranglehold
on hopes (mukhannaq al-ml) and thereby shackle hope (ar-raj).
hope and wishes
603
A later author quoting the verse commented that amal here was compensation for (iwa) ar-raj.329 He apparently meant to make a distinction
between the ordinary worldly hope expressed by amal and the much wider and
more exalted sweep of raj, a distinction to which Islam had become accustomed.
b
ama-ir/raj/amal
An extension of the range of meaning of hope was indicated by the quasisynonymous use with hope of words ordinarily implying a certain amount of
action-directed desire or greed. In particular, the root t-m-, which mostly
suggested something like actively desiring, tinged with the negative connotation of greed, was closely associated with raj and amal. Etymologically, the
root r-j-w is easily brought into connection with Syriac r-g-g to desire. This
constitutes a sort of historical link between raj and ama in their conceptual
range. It would seem possible that a biliteral Proto-Semitic *r-g expressed quite
generally a sense of commotion. Three-radical roots derived from it retained
this external | meaning in a variety of ways, but it was also internalized to
express a mental and psychological state and activity within the range of desiring and hoping.330
In Islam, two avenues led to the most direct identification of ama and
raj. First, and most importantly, Qurnic r-j-w was considered early on as
containing the meanings of fear as well as hope. Already in the first half
of the eighth century, Muqtil b. Sulaymn defined the two aspects (wajh) he
found in raj as ama and khashyah. Expectedly, the religious approach to
hope started from the passages of the Qurn which Muqtil quoted in this
connection.331 The ingenious interpretation of Qurn 13:12 found in khawfan
wa-amaan the pairing of fear and hope; conversely, in Qurn 39:9, yadharu
329
330
331
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, I, 350 f.

Syriac ragy soft, fresh seems very close in form but is too remote in meaning to be
related to hope, although this is not entirely excluded. It would lead too far here to
investigate the Semitic roots containing the combination r-g and try to establish their
possible starting points in external and internal commotion, but note Arabic rajja to
be in commotion and rajiya to be bewildered, as examples of physical and mental
commotion.
Since hoping is closely related to imagining, it may be pointed out that the root
w-h-m also appears to have had its starting point in agitation internalized. Many other
triliteralizations of *h-m in Arabic and other Semitic languages support this view.
Cf. Muqtil b. Sulaymn, al-Ashbh wa-n-nair, ed. Abdallh Mamd Shatah, 168
(Cairo 1395/1975). Cf. ubaysh b. Ibrhm Tifls, Wujh-e Qurn, ed. Mehd Mohaghghegh,
70
604
wa-yarj indicated for -dh-r the meaning of fear.332 In the second place,
just as the opposite of raj was defined by the concept of yas non-hope,
despair, the same word yas was also seized upon to serve as the opposite of
ama, even though there existed another root, q-n-, which filled the need for
an opposite.333
A verse by Ab Tammm, in which amal and ama appeared next to each
other:
(The hand of complaint) turns around among (the poems) new amal
That is clothed in two garments of new ama,
71
aroused the emphatic disapproval of al-mid. He felt that amal and ama,
even if they were originally different in meaning, had become so much alike
that they could not be used effectively in the way Ab Tammm did here:
The meaning of ama, amal, and raj is one and the same in intent and
usage. One may say: I hope (an mil) for relief from God, just as one
may use ama or arj (in the same connection). Their parallel usage is
possible (tunsaq bauh al ba) only because they are different words.
One may also say: ama, or amal, or raj is cut off from someone, or
332
333
109 f. (Teheran 1340). Ibn ad-Dahhn, al-Add f l-lughah, ed. M.. l Ysn, Nafis
al-makht, I, 4, 11 (an-Najaf 1372/1952), explains: ar-raj li--mi wa-l-khif. Cf., further,
below, pp. 78 f.
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 215, ll. 9 ff., similarly al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 144.
Cf. Ibn al-Athr, an-Nihyah f gharb al-adth wa-l-athar, IV, 279 (Cairo 1322); a-afad,
Tamm, 253. Cf. Lisn al-Arab, VIII, 146: Al-yas is al-qun. It is also said: Al-yas is the
opposite of ar-raj.
Qurn 39:53: Do not give up hope for the mercy of your Lord (l tqna mir-ramati
llhi), was designated the most hopeful (arj) verse of the Qurn in Ab lib al-Makk,
Qt, I, 213, ll. 15 f.; al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 128. (There were other verses so described, such
as Qurn 24:22, according to the adth transmitted by Muslim, ai, II, 632 [Calcutta
1265/1849], cf. Concordance, II 231a28, or Quran 93:5f., according to al-Makk and alGhazzl.)
An alleged distinction between yas and qun was drawn by Ab Hill al-Askar,
Furq, 203: The distinction between yas, qun, and khaybah (frustration, lack of success) is that qun is much more emphatic than yas. Khaybah comes only after amal,
because it is the impossibility of attaining what one hopes for. Yas, on the other hand,
may come both before and after amal. Raj and yas are opposites that alternate with one
another as do frustration (khaybah) and success (afar). Khib is the one who is cut off
from what he hopes.
hope and wishes
605
(using any of these words) has been frustrated. If there was a difference between these words in original linguistic usage but they are now
used identically,334 then there is no point in Ab Tammms (quoted
verse).335
A few examples for the manner in which the close association between ama
and raj (and, it seems more rarely, amal) operated will suffice here. In a prose
context, it was said: Do not -m-, for hope (raj) is gone.336 Or, we hear that
two brothers of the royal house of al-rah consoled one another on the death
of a third brother with these words: What (good) is ama where there is no
hope ( f-m l yurj)?337
A verse by a certain Umm a-ak al-Muribyah used the verb raj
followed by ama in the accusative. The construction admits of various syntactic interpretations, but a tautological accusative was possibly intended here.
Among the things, she said, that make love vanish there also is
Despair ( yas) eventually leaving the soul numb after
It had rajat amaanDespair helps to be patient.338
Ab l-Athiyah used parallelism:
How can we hope (narj) for eternal life or desire (namau)
To live when our predecessors dwell in graves.339
He also made use of the parallelism between wishes (mun) and mami:
One who is passionately involved with this world
Is taken captive by wishes and enslaved by mami.340
334
335
336
337
338
339
340
This translation is based upon textual emendation. It appears to be correct and to yield
the required sense.
Cf. al-mid, Muwzanah, II, 326 f.; Ab Tammm, loc. cit. (above, n. 245).
Cf. al-Minqar, Waqat iffn, 84.
Cf. al-Madin, Tazi, ed. Ibtism M. a-ifr (?) and Badr M. Fahd, 89 (an-Najaf 1971).
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 217. For -m-/ m-n-w, cf. also Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I,
160; Ab Hill al-Askar, Jamharat al-amthl, ed. M. Ab l-Fal Ibrhm and Abd-alMajd Qamish, I, 274 (Cairo 1384/1964); Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw, 36. Ab lAthiyah, Dwn, 391: I accept from my soul the wishes with which it deceives
606
72
Mama, pl. mami, was commonly used as place of hope, things hoped
for. L mama indicated that there is no hope.341 Thus, the verse of Ab
l-Athiyah serves to show the identity of wishing and hoping.
It is better to die, a verse tells us, than being a person for whose help
no hope is harbored when something happens and for whose kindness and
benefactions ( f l-marfi) one has no mama.342 At-taml wa--ama were
paired in a verse of al-Awa.343 A verse by Ibrhm b. al-Abbs a-l spoke of
the troops of despair ( yas) he would ordinarily muster in order to deal with the
onslaught of hope (amal). This is the reading of one of the sources quoting the
verse; in another, hope is replaced by a synonymous ama.344 Objectionable
hope for a long and good life was fittingly castigated by Umrah al-Yaman in
a marthiyah:
The ama of a man with respect to life is a deception.
Long hopes (awlu l-mli) with respect to it mean short ones.345
The opposition of ama and yas occurred commonly. The meaning of hope
for the former, and non-hope for the latter, is transparent. A chapter heading
reading Bb a-ama wa-l-yas is not unexpected.346 A Hudhalite poet rhymed:
Rest assured that despair without delay
Is better than false hope (ama),
And delay speeded up effectively
Is better than frustrated hope (amal).347
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
me, when it makes me wish them, amaan. Here, greedily may be a better translation
than hopefully.
Another word for desire, shahwah, belongs basically to a different conceptual realm
and has therefore been excluded from the present investigation, but cf. the heading, apparently by the author himself: ikhtilf al-himam wa-sh-shahawt wa-l-amn, in Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 258, or the phrase: the amn and shahawt of this world, in al-Ghazzl,
Iy IV, 332.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 131, ll. 11 f.
Cf. al-Bayhaq, Masin, 188.
Cf. al-Aw, Shir, 144; Agh., IV, 54, Agh.3, IV, 259.
Cf. Ab yyn at-Tawd, Bair, I, 113, and al-Bakr, Sim al-lal, ed. Abd-al-Azz
al-Mayman, I, 241 (Cairo 1354).
Cf. Umrah al-Yaman, I, 51.
Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, II, 159162.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 556; Ab ill al-Askar, Dwn al-mani, I, 161 (Ab Tammm).
hope and wishes
607
The soul perishes between despair and hope (al-yasi wa--amai) is a

statement that appeared in a verse by Hrn ar-Rashd.348 If love is not to be
stagnant, the stimuli of both yas and ama must be present.349
The contrasting of ama and yas often served to strengthen moralizing
pronouncements which extolled despair at the expense of hope (ama). Thus,
a verse by Mamd al-Warrq contrasted not hoping with active hope and
proclaimed the former more praiseworthy:
To hope for despair is more praiseworthy than to practice hope.
(wa-l-yasu amadu marjwin min-a--ama i).350
The attribution of moralizing verses to names such as Mamd al-Warrq must
always be subject to doubt. It is even more so in the case of the seventh-century
Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual and the verse that appears among his poetry:
Despair, indeed, brings modesty closer than does ama.351
On the other hand, little doubt attaches to the historicity of a verse by Sad b.
Abd-ar-Ramn, a grandson of assn b. Thbit, in which he warned against
ama and stated that mami are poverty while yas is wealth.352
A f could contend as a matter of course that fear is despair, and arraj is a-ama.353 The ama aspect of raj made hope undesirable, and
both raj and ama were less desirable than yas, giving up hope in favor of
fear.354 A saying ascribed to Aristotle opposed ama, unreasonable greed, to
yas, contentment: A-ama is poverty present, and al-yas is obviouswealth.355 The good and proper side of hope was set against its negative
348
349
350
351
352
353
354
355
Cf. Ibn al-Jarrh, Waraqah, ed. Abd-al-Wahhb Azzm and Abd-as-Sattr A. Farrj, 19
(Cairo, n.y. [1372/1953]).
Cf. Mamd al-Warrq, Dwn, 91.
Or, is closer to. Cf. Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual, Dwn, 30; Ab Hill al-Askar, Jamharah, I,
277.
Cf. al-Butur, amsah, 197, ed. Cheikho, 133, quoted by Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt,
II, 148.
Cf. Ab Bakr al-Wsi, in as-Sulam, abaqt, 303. For Ibn Arab, Iila a-fyah, 13
(Hyderabad 1367/1948), ar-raj was ama in the near term (while al-khawf warned against
unpleasantness in the future).
On f fear and hope, see below, pp. 141 ff.
Cf. al-Mubashshir, 200, ll. 6 f.
73
608
aspect expressed by misplaced mama, ama which is excessive and undesirable, in a verse by Ab Tammm:
My hope directed to you alone I consider a noble ambition.
With respect to all other people I consider it mama.
Al-Butur was supposed to have imitated this conceit when he praised al-Fat
b. Khqn as a noble friend who
Took over my hope after confiscating it from groups
Who are such (low-class people) that with respect to them ml are
maami.356
74
ir was excessive desire or greed and occasionally described as the worst kind
of ama.357 It, too, was sometimes associated with hope. This was the case in
a famous adth,358 which quite likely served as a precedent for later pairings
of the concepts. The Prophet, we are told, thus spoke of these skulls (which)
harbored the same desires (-r-) and the same hopes (-m-l) as you do.359
Again, a chapter heading could combine ir and amal, although the material
treated in the chapter itself left them largely separate.360 Mamd al-Warrq
would encompass both in his fervent complaint:
How long, Oh, how long will you be
A slave to ir and ml!361
Greed could also be seen not only as a bad consequence of exaggerated hoping362 but also as a more positive form of hope and desire. This was the case
when it was directed toward the acquisition of every conceivable knowledge in
356
357
358
359
360
361
362
Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. Azzm, II, 333, and al-Butur, Dwn, (II), 1303; Ab Hill
al-Askar, inatayn, 171, ed. al-Bijw and Ibrhm, 227. Cf. also Ab ayyn at-Tawd,
Bair, II, 181, l. 15: Hopes directed to anyone but you are mistakes and guesses (khawi
wa-unn).
Cf. ash-Sharsh, I, 278 (see below, n. 361).
Cf. above, n. 282, and below, n. 768.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 176, ll. 18 f.
Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 152158.
Cf. Mamd al-Warrq, Dwn, 59, quoting from Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 207; ash-Sharshi,
I, 278; Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 156.
Cf. the Platonic saying in Ibn Hind, 62, referred to above, n. 309.
hope and wishes
609
fulfillment of an individuals true and proper hope. A civilization which by then

had become fully conscious of its intellectual foundations was well prepared for
understanding this view which was expressed in a verse by shkprzdeh in
the sixteenth century.363
c
munyah-umnyah/ raj/amal
The verbs and nouns derived from the root m-n-w in the meaning of wishing
were without question often treated as almost, or even completely, identical
in meaning with r-j-w and -m-l.364 A variant reading in a verse of Umar b.
Ab Rabah replaced atarajj (or laki arj) by atamann.365 At-tamann wal-amal was paired by a mystic to pinpoint one of the causes of the corruption of nature.366 A person might wish that | someones al-mun wa-l-ml be
granted to him.367 It could be said that most of a persons wishes and hopes
(akthar amnh wa-mlih) were concentrated upon one thing.368 An adab
encyclopaedia treated al-amn wa-l-amal in the same chapter,369 and it was
almost routine for a scholar of the fourteenth-fifteenth century to give his work
a title such as al-Munyah wa-l-amal.370
In conjunction, wishes and hopes was employed to form phrases such
as the obtainment of wishes and hopes which became trite expressions for
greatest possible success. Slight variations occurred such as, for instance,
nayl al-mun wa-idrk al-amal371 or idrk (nayl) al-amn wa-bulgh al363
364
365
366
367
368
369
370
371
Cf. shkprzdeh, Mift, I, 5.

A likely etymon would seem to be the pael of the root in Biblical Aramaic, meaning
to apportion, to appoint. Wishing would be an internalized apportioning of something
for oneself. There are, however, too many possibilities for the root to permit plausible
speculation as to the derivation of Arabic m-n-w.
For the relationship to -m-, see above, n. 340.
Cf. Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed. Schwarz, II, 1, Arabic text, 246, no. 437, notes, 126, ed.
Abd-al-amd, 503.
Tamann was explained as tarajj in a-afad, Tamm, 49.
Cf. Ab l-asan Ibn a-igh, in as-Sulam, abaqt, 314.
Cf. al-Bkharz, Dumyat al-qar, ed. Abd-al-Fatt M. al-ulw (Helou), I, 60 (Cairo 1968
1971), citing Hudhdhb b. Dahtham ash-Shaybn.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim-al-Jawzyah, Mift dr as-sadah, I, 293 (Beirut, n.y.). Cf., further, Umrah al-Yaman, I, 330: yatamannhu wa-yamuluh.
f shar Kitb al-Milal wa-n-nial, by Amad b. Yay b. al-Murta, cf. the partial
reedition of the work by S. Diwald-Wilzer, Die Klassen der Mutaziliten (Wiesbaden 1961,
Bibliotheca Islamica 21).
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 282, in the proverb sweeter than (below,
n. 652).
75
610
76
ml.372 When descriptive adjectives were added, they were of the conventional variety. Thus, al-asan al-Bar is said to have spoken of this earthly
habitation as one whose wishes are false and whose hopes are futile.373 Love
at its most passionate was said to lead to losing ones mind and to hoping for
what cannot be and wishing for what cannot materialize.374 A person could
become disgusted with embracing hopes and sharing his bed with wishes.375
A littrateur was described as wishing for advancement and hoping for success ( yatamann ulw shanih wa-yuammil iqbl zamnih).376 Scholarly and
literary disciplines (db) were, most exceptionally, so good that they made
the plant of wishing bear fruit and the night of hoping become brightly moonlit.377
Alternate use of forms of these roots was an old literary tradition in poetry.
The legendary first marthiyah, one composed by imyar for his father Saba,
contained a verse which, in literal translation, says:
We hope with respect to ad-dahr the ultimate in wishes.
(nuammilu f d-dahri aq l-mun).378
Much of the common thought on hopes and wishes was expressed by the use
of alternation in a verse of Zuhayr b. Masd a-abb:
Wish that I knewbut wishes are misleading,
And man, when he hopes, is deceived.379
372
373
374
375
376
377
378
379
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, II, 101 (sweeter than cheap prices, safe roads,
.); Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Muqbast, ed. M. Tawfq usayn, 282, 67th muqbasah
(Baghdd 1970). Cf. also, with another word for desire, nayl al-bughyah wa-dark almaml as a metaphor for excellence in al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 110.
Cf. Ibn b d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 253, no. 50; Ab Nuaym, ilyah, II, 136.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Rawat al-muibbn, ed. Amad Ubayd, 137 (Cairo 1375/1956).
Cf. also the description of love in the name of Pythagoras which includes long lasting ama and wishful thinking (at-tamd f -ama wa-l-fikr f l-amn), quoted in anNuwayr, Nihyah, II, 126.
Cf. Ibn San al-mulk, (Excerpts from) Maid ash-shawrid, Ms. Princeton, Yahudah 3873
(Cat. R. Mach, no. 3466), fol. 5b; a-afad, Ghayth, II, 227. For sleeping with hope as a
bedfellow (mujian amal), cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 114, l. 9.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, I, 20.
Cf. shkprzdeh, Mift, I, 5.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 51. Aq, ghyah, muntah, and the like were the commonly used
words to express the final goal of hoping and wishing.
Cf. Ab Tammm, Washyt, 87. Ibn Maymn, Muntah a-alab, Ms. Yale S-54 (Catalogue
hope and wishes
611
Full of sorrow because of the departure of his beloved Lubn, Qays b. Dhar
said, referring to himself, that Lubn
Disappointed you in wishes you had hopes for.380
When one wishes something, one can only hope that it will come true, as stated
in a verse by Ziyd al-Ajam:
I used to make myself wish from you, Ibn Mamar,
Wishes which I hope will fully materialize.381
Az-Zabr, a son of a poet of Umayyad times, Abdallh b. az-Zabr, praised
Muammad b. Uyaynah b. Asm b. Khrijah, who, it was suggested, was
worried because he might not be able to emulate his father:
Do wishes bring you to what you
Have been hoping for with respect to Uyaynah?382
The great Jarr was justified to worry on account of the hopes and wishes he
harbored:
I am deceived, diverted by wishes.
At night, I always hope that your property be mine.383
While Muslim b. al-Wald spoke of wishes approaching a Barmecide with many
hopes,384 Ab l-Athiyah contrasted human hopes and wishes with the religious verities:
God is most truthful (adaqu). Hopes are false,
And those wishes in the breast are mostly delusions (waswisu).385
380
381
382
383
384
385
Nemoy 389), fol. 153b, has idh yamulu for m yamulu. For the poet, see GAS, II, 208. For
mun and ml in a verse by Ibn Qunbur, see below.
Cf. Agh., VIII, 122, Agh.3, IX, 199. On the poet, see GAS, II, 411f.
Cf. Agh., XIV, 105, Agh.3, XV, 386. On the poet, see GAS, II, 373f.
Cf. Agh., XIII, 48, Agh.3, XIV, 260. On the poets father, see GAS, II, 329f. I am not sure that
I have understood the verse correctly.
Cf. Jarr, Dwn, 501 (Beirut 1379/1960); Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 398.
Cf. Muslim b. al-Wald, Dwn, 266, no. 45, verse 59.
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 193; al-Ji, ayawn, V, 191. Al-Ji quoted the verse anony-
77
612
Later, al-Khal had the hopes do the wishing which he would like to see
frustrated:
And may their hopes not be granted what they wish for.386
For the desperate lover, non-hope ( yas) was really not very different from
hopeless wishing, although he had to admit that they were not the same as
far as the affected individual was concerned:
How surprisingly close are despair and wishes,
Even though for us they are not alike.387
In all the endless pairing of hopes and wishes, an important difference between
the two terms came to the fore on occasion. The poet amzah b. B, we are
told, cursed a flourishing village. When he returned to it, he found that his
curse had been fulfilled. He remarked that he had assumed that he would not
be granted his wish, and was told: Well, you were granted it. It would have
been better for you to wish for Paradise. He replied: I know myself. I would
not wish for something I am not qualified for, but I hope for the mercy of my
Lord.388 Wishing was seen here as something frivolous and arbitrary, while
hoping, expressed by r-j-w, was a genuine and purposeful religious act. This was
a view of great significance for the Muslim attitude toward wishing and hoping.
We shall hear more about it.
B
Distinctions and Definitions
Certain distinctions in meaning have already been pointed out, such as the
emphatic effect of the pairing of raj and amal, the trend toward negative
connotation in connection with ama, or the minor significance of wishes as
against the fundamental impact of religiously motivated hope. Like all attempts
at verbal expression of psychological states, the terms left much room for indi-
386
387
388
mously. It is not found in the old edition of ayawn. A related verse is that of Ibn ar-Rm
which concludes that al-amn waswisu, cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, inatayn, 171, ed. alBijw and Ibrhm, 227. Cf. also Freytag, Arabum proverbia, II, 563.
Cf. al-Khal, Ashr, coll. Abd-as-Sattr A. Farrj, 32 (Beirut 1960); Agh., VI, 181, Agh.3, VII,
166; at-Tankh, Faraj, I, 62; Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Ishrt, 233, l. 11, spoke of a hoper of
wishes (mil al-mun).
Cf. Ab Tammm, Washyt, 186.
Cf. Agh., XV, 16 f., Agh.3, XVI, 206. On Ibn B, see above, n. 317.
hope and wishes
613
vidual manipulation, even if their basic identity was sufficiently established by

convention. If pressed, the authors of the passages presented here as evidence
for identity in mean|ing would probably argue in each case that subtle distinctions determined their choice and served to enrich the impressions they meant
to convey. Authors also employed raj and amal in juxtaposition, even though
they discussed elsewhere possible distinctions between them;389 they, indeed,
would have been justified to contend that the distinctions, or at least a distinction of some sort, also applied in the case of paired use.
Even more so than dahr and zamn, raj and amal were used as complete
synonyms. They expressed the concept of hope with no readily discernible
difference. It would seem clear that this was so already in pre-Islamic times.
However, the Qurn and early religious usage led to a noteworthy distinction which in the course of time became more and more firmly embedded
in Muslim thinking. Amal occurs in the Qurn only twice. In Qurn 15:3,
it clearly refers to the pernicious hope for worldly well-being which occupies and distracts unbelievers.390 In the other passage, Qurn 18:46, it is as
clearly the good religious hope for being rewarded by God: Property and
children are the pride of this worldly life. The good things that last find a
better reward and better hope with your Lord.391 The commentators, nevertheless, managed for the most part to interpret the use of amal here in conjunction with the material goods of property and children and to see its
role of indicating Paradisiacal reward as related to its ordinary role as hope
for worldly benefits. The role of amal hope as a code word signifying the
futile concern with the perishing and, in fact, worthless goods of this world
was greatly reinforced by the concept of l al-amal long hope and its opposite, qiar al-amal. In religious thought and parlance, long hope stood for
all that was considered harmful and strictly to be avoided in mans attitude
on earth. Yarj at-tawbah bi-l al-amal hoping for forgiveness with long
hope, to give an example, marked the perverse behavior of someone who harbored the pious hope for divine forgiveness but foolishly thought that he could
obtain it not by acting properly but by constant selfish and shortsighted hoping.392
389
390
391
392
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd and Miskawayh, Hawmil, 132, l. 18, and the passage of the
Hawmil to be quoted below, pp. 82 ff.
The second sentence appears in Qurn 19:76 with maraddan instead of amalan. The
choice of the word there might have been influenced by the rhyme letter.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 441. Cf. also above, n. 388.
78
614
79
The root r-j-w, on the other hand, occurs in the Qurn some twenty-five
times. It is used there mainly in reference to God and life after death.393 It
is also commonly provided with a negation in speaking of those for whom
the result of hoping will, or more likely will not, be a | good thing. Hence,
commentators and translators have attributed to it the negative meaning of
(not) to fear or a neutral meaning such as, for instance, (not) to reckon with
(so R. Paret in his German translation). The lexicographers, of course, were not
at a loss to find evidence for the meaning of to fear also outside the Qurn.394
The theological intent is transparent, especially so in connection with Qurn
71:13. In a word-by-word rendering, the verse says something like Why do you
not hope ( yarjna) for Gods dignity? This sounds as if human beings could
hope for God to have, or have not, the one or other qualitya preposterous
hope that required interpretation, such as seeing/assuming, fearing, or, if it
indeed was hoping, hoping for the result of faith and belief in the oneness of
God.395 Hope and fear commonly converge in the idea of expecting,396
and there is no objection to finding this convergence also present in the root
r-j-w. As far as the Qurn is concerned, it would seem to be secondary to the
meaning of hoping. Be this as it may, for the history of hope and fear in Islam
the most important Qurnic passage was 17:57: They hope for His mercy and
fear His punishment (wa-yarjna ramatah wa-yakhfna adhabah). While
the opposite of hope was found in the words for non-hope, despair, as we
have seen, here khawf appears contrasted with hope (but, it may be noted,
not opposed to it). This contrast was eagerly seized upon by the men of religion,
that is, the preachers and then, in particular, those of the inward bent that
393
394
395
396
It may be noted, for whatever it may be worth, that the famous verse on the gharnq (in
connection with Qurn 53:19 f.) speaks of hope (turtaj) for their intercession.
See also above, n. 331.
Thus Ibn al-Jawz, Zd al-masr, VIII, 370 (Damascus 13841385/19641965).
Arabic tawaqqaa is commonly used for both to hope and to fear. Its meaning of to
expect derives from to assume with respect to oneself that something will happen. Like
related words, it has little to contribute to our quest. Its neutral meaning was, for instance,
signalled in the verse: Good and bad and what I fear and hope for and what I expect,
cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 32; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Rawah, 264, 292. In
contrast, it was clearly to fear, for instance, in a verse such as: In God is what we hope
and what we expect, cf. Ibn Ab l-add, I, 406, and so on. Another verb for to expect is
intaara, which has the same basic meaning as exspectare. It was used in defining hoping
and wishing, see below, p. 85. It was combined with -m-l, for instance, in a verse by Umar
b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed. Schwarz, I, 9, no. 6, verse 3, ed. Abd-al-amd, 114: What I was
hoping and expecting from her. In at-Tankh, Faraj, I, 77, the Prophet was addressed as
the man whom narjhu wa-nantairu.
hope and wishes
615
evolved into fism. The efforts of f theoreticians, such as as-Sarrj and

al-Qushayr, who organized mystic thought around contrasting pairs of terms,
eventually made hope and fear one of the standard topics of religious reflection,
as will be discussed later on.
Philologians in the first place but also philosophers and religious thinkers
attempted to establish meaningful distinctions between amal, raj, ama, and
tamann. Traditional and original thought often went | hand in hand, as appears
from the material presented here. It is not surprising that the most interesting
reflections on the subject were produced in the tenth century or that it was one
of the thinkers of that period who preserved for us a passage from al-Ji on
hopes and wishes.
The extent of quotations is usually difficult to establish, and it is somewhat
uncertain whether the passage from al-Ji extended to and included the
remarks on hopes and wishes, but it seems likely that it did. In his disquisition, al-Ji argued for the usefulness and necessity of the complementarity
of human feelings and attitudes. They had been established by God in complementary pairs for the welfare of mankind. Laughter and crying, death and life,
patience and gratitude, and so forth, all have their particular functions in this
general scheme, as does forgetting.397 Forgetfulness may seem to be something
unnecessary and harmful. It is, however, a good thing and a divine blessing, for
were a person to remember all his misdeeds and all the dangers awaiting him,
it would distract him from the acquisition of what he needs in order to keep his
worldly affairs in good repair and to improve his chances with respect to life
in the other world. Seriousness and playfulness with its enjoyment of wishes
and laughter also belong into this context. Even if wishes and laughter have no
known immediate beneficial effect, they produce a good feeling in the soul, and
they have useful consequences, because they mean rest and leisure, joy398 and
energy. The mention of wishes led to a consideration of the distinction between
wishes and hopes (al-amn wa-l-ml):
Hopes are tied to causes, while wishes go free with no restriction or need
for a cause.399 Improving the incidence of wishes through the expectance
397
398
399
On the blessings of memory and forgetfulness, cf., for instance, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah,
Mift dr as-sadah, I, 277.
Cf. below, nn. 668672.
The metaphors used here play on the double meaning of rope and cause in sabab.
Cf. also Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 152: Hope happens for a cause, while the gate of
wishes is open for everybody to enter.
80
616
of wishes (read: hopes400) is something common to all souls. (The souls)

cannot be kept from (wishes and hopes). They cannot go without them.
The living, sensing soul is not permitted to remain unoccupied and withdrawn from all activity; (if it were,) it would be identical with the dead.
Whenever the heart does not encounter plans for doing something good
or bad in connection with some established worldly or otherworldly need,
it must still turn toward some sort of activity. After withdrawal (from all
activity), there are only wishes. Thus, wishing has become one of the
most harmful and | most firmly rooted fundamental matters. The heart
cannot constantly support the loneliness of thought and the boredom
of reflection and speculation about the kingdom of heaven and earth
401
81
Regardless of any distinction between them, hopes and wishes were seen here
in the end as not much different in their negative effect upon mans desire and
power to act and thus upon his moral stance.
From about the end of the tenth century, Ab Hill al-Askar, a philologian,
Ab ayyan at-Tawd and Miskawayh, in their capacity as philosophers,
and the somewhat later Qushayr, a mystic moralist, have left us noteworthy
statements. In his treatise on distinctions between related concepts, Ab Hill
al-Askar also included a discussion of the difference between raj/ amal and
ama, as he saw it in accordance with the philological tradition in which he
stood:
Raj is the assumption that something good will happen,402 although the
person concerned is doubtful about it, yet tends rather toward assuming
400
401
402
It seems certain that one of the amn in this difficult sentence is a mistake for ml, but
whether it was the first or the second occurrence, is hard to establish.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Bair, II, 277 f.
Az-ann bi-wuq al-khayr. This looks almost like a translation of the Platonic definition
(Definitions 416A) of elpis as prosdokia agathou. Prosdokia was rendered by the root r-j-w
in Artemidorus, see E. Schmitt (above, n. 31), 407a. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1115a9,
defined fear as prosdokia kakou. The Arabic translation of the Nicomachean Ethics, ed.
Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, 122 f. (Kuwait 1979), has tawqqu sharr.
An approximate conceptual equivalence between ann and raj can be observed
in various ways, cf. al-Awa, Shir, 196, no. 147, verse 4, and 198, no. 148, verse 6; Ab
l-Athiyah, Dwn, 453; Ab Nuaym, ilyah, X, 58, ll. 6f., citing Yay b. Mudh; Ab
yyn at-Tawd, Akhlq al-wazrayn, ed. M. b. Twt a-anj, 102, ll. 9f. (Damascus, n.y.
[1385/1965]), for the sequence ray-ann-amal. See also above, n. 356, and below, nn. 428,
670, 728 (Ibn San-al-mulk), 821.
hope and wishes
617
that it will indeed happen, without any (real) knowledge being involved.
There is evidence for that in the fact that one does not say, I hope that the
Prophet will enter Paradise, because this is a certainty. It might be said,
I hope that he will enter Paradise, if this were not known. Raj is hope
(amal) with respect to something good, and dread and fear with respect
to something bad, for both involve doubt with respect to what is hoped
for or feared.403
Raj comes about only because of some cause calling for it, such as
the generosity of (the person) hoped for or (the effort to get) in contact
with him (?).403a It is (grammatically) transitive. One may say, I have
hoped (for) Zayd (accusative), meaning I have hoped for something good
coming from Zayd, because (it would make) no (sense for) raj to be used
with persons as direct objects.
ama, on the other hand, is what does not come about from a cause
calling for it. If one desires (-m-) something, it is in a way an internal
psychological process (addathta nafsaka bih),404 without there being
403
Ibn ad-Dahhn (above, n. 331) stated that ar-raj applies to doubt and certainty. It seems
that he means that hope may be entertained for something that is possible but doubtful as
well as for something that is possible and likely. This is different from Ab Hill al-Askars
argumentation but not fundamentally so. For the relation of hope and fear to doubt, cf.
al-Ghazzl, below, n. 821.
403a Aw m bih ilayh may need an added yail to yield the sense indicated, which is apparently
what is meant.
404 Cf. the famous verse by Labd, below, n. 432. The Kfan philologian Thalab (Ab l-Abbs
Amad b. Yay) defined wishing (tamann) as adth an-nafs concerned with what
will, and will not, be, cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, XV, 533b; Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, IV, 118;
Lisn al-Arab, XX, 163. Az-Zajjj, Aml, ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, 19 (Cairo 1382),
listed among the meanings of tamann in the first place that it indicated an internal
psychological process of man (tamann ar-rajul idh addatha nafsah).
Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed. Schwarz, 9, ed. Abd-al-amd, 112, appealed to his
beloved in these words:
You are the wishes and adth an-nafs, (when we are) alone
As well as in company. You are eye and ear.
For Ibn Arab, wishes were an internal psychological process concerned with what
is unattainable; they may give pleasure while they last but prevent the achievement
of familiarity with and annul the moments of spiritual inspiration (al-awqt), cf. his
Tajallyt, 50 (Hyderabad 1367/1948), see also below, n. 805.
82
618
any cause calling for it. Therefore, ama is considered blameworthy, while
raj is not 405
While Ab Hill al-Askar summarized traditional wisdom, a greater degree
of originality could be expected from tenth-century philosophers such as Ab
ayyn at-Tawd and Miskawayh. They included wishes in their study of
hope:
Question: Why does hope, whenever the body ages, show youthful
vigor?406 Ab Uthmn an-Nahd said: I have lived 180 years and have
come to dislike everything except hope, which is the sharpest ever.407
What is the cause of this situation and the implication of it? What is
amal in the first place, umnyah in the second, and raj in the third? Do
they comprise what is beneficial in the world? And if they do, why do
83
405
406
407
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Furq, 203, ed. dil Nuwayhi, 239f. (Beirut 1393/1973).
The next item in the Furq is not quite clear to me. It is supposed to deal with the
distinction between wajal fear and amal, but this distinction is not discussed at all.
Perhaps, al-wajal should read raj. More probably, there is a homoioteleuton omission
here, which caused the omission of the section on wajal and amal, while the one dealing
with raj and amal is preserved. (A distinction between wajal and khawf was discussed by
Ab Hill al-Askar on the preceding page.) His statement that amal is raj with staying
power ( yastamirru) may refer to the long-term character sometimes attributed to amal,
see below, p. 87.
Th play on the roots shba and shabba was incorporated in the Prophetic tradition on
ir and amal (see above, n. 285), cf. a-afad, Ghayth, I, 82 (where we find l al-amal).
In the other version of the adth which does not speak of ir and amal but of ir for
property and ir for life, h-r-m and sh-b-b were used, cf., e.g., Ibn anbal, Musnad, II,
256 (Cairo 1313); Ibn Mjah, Sunan, (II), 1415 (Cairo 13811382/1972). In still another version
(without ir), only shba occurs, cf. at-Tirmidh (with Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh),
IX, 205 (Cairo 1350/1931).
More commonly, Ab Uthmns age was given as 130 years. Also, the concluding words of
the widely quoted statement attributed to the longevous Ab Uthmn (Abd-ar-Raman
b. M-ll) were phrased differently in other sources. It could be that aadd m kn sharpest
ever should be read ajiduh kam kn I find it as it was, or the like. A version in Ibn
Ab d-duny has Ab Uthmn declare that he has noticed a diminishing of everything of
himself except of his hope, cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Qiar al-amal, Ms. Damascus, hiryah,
Majm 50, fol. (I am grateful to James A. Bellamy for kindly providing me with a
photostat copy of the text). Further quotations are al-Ji, Bayn, III, 177; Ibn Qutaybah,
Marif, ed. Tharwat Ukshah, 426 (Cairo 1960); al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd,
X, 204, ll. 21 f. (Cairo 1349/1931); Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Istb, (II), 854; Ibn Ab l-add, V. 292,
310; Ibn ajar, Tahdhb, VI, 278 (Hyderabad 13251327).
hope and wishes
619
people exhort each other to be short on hope, to cut out wishing, and
to deflect any hope except (hope) in God and directed toward God, as He
covers up weaknesses, pities tears, accepts repentance, and forgives sins,
and any hope (amal) for anyone other than Him is futile and any hope
(raj) for anyone except Him is transitory?
Answer, as stated by Ab Al Miskawayh:
In this question, one of the souls actions has been taken and combined
with one of natures actions which concern the bodys relationship to
nature and bodily temperament. Then, the two have been compared.
But they are different from one another and not similar. Therefore, (the
comparison) has caused astonishment. Amal and raj and mun belong
to the properties of the rational power. Old age and the deficiencies
that affect the body, as well as the weakness of the powers dependent
upon temperament are natural matters (residing) in organs that become
dulled through use and weak with the passing of time. The actions of
the soul, on the other hand, become stronger and more effective when
they are repeated and made to last. They are contrary to the condition
of the body. For instance, intellectual vision becomes strong and sharp
through use, so as to be able to perceive in a short time what took it
(before) a long time to perceive and to get quickly at something that was
(before) hidden from it. Physical vision, on the other hand, becomes dull
and weak through use; it becomes less effective and eventually dwindles
away.
The difference between amal and raj on the one hand and umnyah
on the other is obvious. Amal and raj are connected with matters of
choice and things of that sort, whereas wishes are connected with what
does not involve choice and reflection. There is nothing to prevent wishing the absurd (mul) and things which do not involve, or have, any
discernment.408
Amal is more exclusively concerned with matters of choice, while
raj is in a way concerned with both (matters of choice and matters
of chance).409 A man may hope for (r-j-w) rain and fertility, but only
a man who possesses power and reflection would hope (-m-l). As for
408
409
Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, III, 162f., tried to explain the difficulty of obtaining
ones wishes as caused by the fact that wishing is purely a product of the sensing soul,
while the thing wished is obtained on (material) occasions (?) subject to much interference.
The logical term mushtarak is used.
620
wishes, they are, as you know, all over the place in every direction. A
man may wish to be able to fly, or to become a star, or to ascend to
the sphere to observe its | condition.410 He does neither r-j-w nor -m-l
this. He may hope for (r-j-w) rain, but he would hope (-m-l) only for
one bringing down drops and producing abundant moisture.411 These are
clear distinctions.
As to your question why people exhort each other to be short on
hope, to cut out wishing, and to deflect any hope except (hope) in God,
my reply is that this is so because all other things we may hope for or
wish (al-mamlah wa-l-marjwah wa-l-mutamannh) are unsupported
and finite and, further, turn into nothingness such as they are, dwindle
away, disappear, and undergo decay, and not a thing of them stays put
for a single moment. If someone were to get at them and get of them
whatever he wanted, the thing (he has got) would be ready right away
to turn into nothingness and dwindle away as such, or his hope (raj)
and wishing would turn into nothingness and dwindle away. However,
all of it that is joined to God is eternal and never cut off, nor does it
dwindle away. Rather, God is constantly emanating and bestowing it
liberallyExalted and sanctified be His name! There is no power except
through Him. He suffices us and aids us and guides us to the straight
path.412
84
The distinction made here and elsewhere between arbitrary wishing and purposeful hoping was brought into play rather strangely by a commentator on
Kab b. Zuhayrs Bnat Sud in connection with the mentioned pairing of
arj wa-mulu413 in a verse of the poem. In the process, that commentator
also turned around the distinction made by Ab ayyn at-Tawd and Miskawayh between raj and amal. He maintained that raj was used only for
the possible, while amal was used for the possible and the impossible (mustal), as in the verse: Would that youth were to return for a day so that
I could tell what grey hair has wrought, although it is known that the old
410
411
412
413
Ibn Bjjah referred to man wishing the impossible, such as speaking to the dead; this does
no harm as long as he knows that such wishes are false, cf. Rasil Ibn Bjjah al-ilhyah,
ed. Majd Fakhr, 87 (Beirut 1968) (see below, n. 693).
The reference is probably not to God but to the kind of rain which could be the object of
-m-l.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd and Miskawayh, Hawmil, 233235.
Above, n. 315.
hope and wishes
621
never regain youth.414 In his commentary, the grammarian Ibn Hishm commented that the supposed | distinction made here between amal and raj
rightly applied only to tamann and raj.415 The other writer was obviously so
strongly convinced of the identity of hoping and wishing that he thoughtlessly
transferred the distinction properly made between the two words for hope to
hoping and wishing. It is, of course, not surprising to find that these fine
and largely arbitrarydistinctions could not always be correctly adhered to.
Another indication of their tenuousness may be found in a verse by at-Tihm
(d. 416/1025) where he spoke of hope for the impossible: If you hope for the
impossible (rajawta l-mustala), you build (your) hope upon the edge of an
abyss.416
At some undetermined time, a sociological distinction between amal and
raj cropped up in a saying ascribed to Plato. So far, it appears to be unique
and cannot be placed in a larger context. According to the saying, if a person
wants something (raghbah) from a person of a station higher than his own, it
is called raj. If he wants something from those around him (?) or from equals,
it is called amal. And if he inappropriately wants something from persons of
lower rank, it is called flattery (tamalluq).417
The moralizing religious tendency which came to dominate discussions
of hopes and wishes was not surprisingly present in al-Qushayrs brief but
influential statement on the difference between them:
Hope (raj) is the hearts concern with something liked that is to be
obtained in the future. Just as fear happens with respect to a future time,
414
415
416
417
Cf. Gerardus Joannes Lette, Caab. Ben. Zoheir, 10 f. (Leiden 1748), repeated by Freytag
(above, n. 315). For Lette and Reiske, cf. C.F. Schnurrer, Bibliotheca Arabica, 195f. (Halle
1811). Neither Lette nor Freytag indicated the authorship of the commentary they quoted.
According to I. Guidi, emleddni Ibn Himi Commentarius in Carmen Kabi ben Zoheir,
V, n. 1 (Leipzig 1871), the commentary consisted of excerpts from that of Ibn Hishm
which he was publishing. However, since the passage in question was known to and
remarked upon by Ibn Hishm (see n. 415), it must have had a longer history; in general,
it would seem that the commentary used by Lette was not based on Ibn Hishm alone.
The distinction between raj and amal was repeated in the commentary on Bnat Sud
contained in Ms. Yale L-416 (Catalogue Nemoy 302), fol. 29ab, but without reference to
the verse.
For layta as used mostly for mustal, see below, pp. 105f.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, ed. Guidi, 91.
Cf. at-Tihm, Dwn, ed. M. Zuhayr ash-Shwsh, 47 (2nd printing, Damascus 1964),
quoted by al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 115.
Cf. Multaqat Afln, in Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, Platon (above, n. 319), 288.
85
622
thus hope occurs for what is hoped for ( yuammal) in the future.418 Hope
gives life and self-control (istiqll) to the hearts. The distinction between
hope and wishing is that wishing produces laziness in the person who
does it, so that he does not proceed energetically and seriously. The
contrary is the case with the person who possesses hope. Thus, hope is
praiseworthy, while wishing is something sickly (mall).419
In trying to work out a distinction between hope (raj) and wishing (tamann),
al-Ghazzl expectedly fell back upon the religious connection:
(A person who expects rain where rain is neither frequent nor impossible has the kind of expectation that should be called wishing rather
than hope, for) the term raj is true only if it is applied to the expectation (intir) of something that is (pleasant and) liked, when all its
causes that fall under | human choice can be accounted for and there
remains that which does not fall under mans choice, which is Gods grace
(able) to turn away all that might interfere and prevent it from happening. 420
86
The commentators on al-Bukhars a addressed themselves to the problem of distinction in comments on a chapter in the kitb ar-riqq entitled
On long hope ( f l-amal wa-lih), although it may be noted, authoritative
adths employing the phrase l al-amal do not occur in the chapter and
are not known from the authoritative collections. Al-Ayn (762855/13611451)
restricted himself to two statements:
The distinction between amal and tamann is that amal is what is preceded by a cause, while wishing is (on) the contrary (what is not preceded
by a cause).
One of the sages said that a man can never extricate himself from hope
and, if what he hopes for eludes him, he relies upon wishing.421
418
419
420
421
Cf. Aristotle, De partibus animalium 669a21.

Cf. al-Qushayr, Rislah, 62. The editors of the edition Cairo 1385/1966, 318, note that mall
means madhmm but give no references.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 124; Murta az-Zabd, Itf, IX, 166.
Cf. al-Ayn, Umdah, X, 584. The statement of the sage occurs in Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah,
I, 152, and is quoted in the name of Bashshr in ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 283.
Al-Ayn went on to quote the verse above, n. 385, and a version of the saying attributed
elsewhere to Ibn al-Muqaffa, below, n. 525.
hope and wishes
623
Ibn ajar (773852/13721449) expended this slightly to read:

Amal is the hope for a long life and greater wealth liked by the soul. It
is similar to wishing (tamann). (Here follow the two statements as in
al-Ayn, although no mention is made of sages). It has also been said:
Hope means that a person wants (irdah) to obtain something that it is
possible to obtain. Then, if it eludes him, he wishes it.422
Al-Qasalln (851923/14481517), apparently quoting from Ibn ajar, omitted
al-Ayns second statement but continued Ibn ajars discussion with the last
two sentences on the distinction between raj and tamann from al-Qushayr.
Like his two predecessors, he then used the quotation mentioned above (n. 4),
and he copied from Ibn ajar the statement quoted below (n. 713).423
Ibn ajar had occasion to reiterate his view on the subject in connection
with the kitb at-tamann of the a:
Tamann is an irdah with regard to the future. If it is wishing for something good unconnected with envy, then it is desirable; otherwise, it is
blameworthy. It has been said that tamann and tarajj are differentiated
by generality and particularity (umm wa-khu). Tarajj is for what is
possible, while tamann is for what is more general than that.424
The philological discussion was, of course, always kept going. In the eighteenth
century, it was represented by Murta az-Zabd. In connection with the
chapter on l al-amal wa-falat qiar al-amal of the Iy, he referred to the
following distinctions, taken largely from the basic stock brought together by
the lexicographers:
Know that amal is the expectation of the occurrence of a thing (tawaqqu
ul ash-shay). It is employed mostly for what is unlikely (tabud) to
occur. A person who is planning to travel to a far (bad) country might
say, I hope (-m-l) that I shall arrive. He would not say, I hope (amitu),
unless he is near it, for (one has) ama only for what is near. Raj is in
422
423
424

Cf. al-Qasalln, Irshd, XI, 74.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XVI, 344, also al-Ayn, Umdah, XI, 436. Al-Qasalln, Irshd, XII, 194,
was more concise: Tamann is more general than tarajj, because it is for what is possible
and what is not, while tarajj is only for what is possible.
87
624
between amal and ama, for he who hopes (ar-rj) may fear that what
he is hoping for (mamluh) may not happen. The good for which (one
harbors hope) in the heart that it may be obtained is amal. The fear (one
harbors in the heart) is apprehension (js).425
88
In other words, amal here is long-term positive expectation. ama is a shortterm desire which it is hoped will be gratified immediately or soon. And raj
is an expectation uncertain of the outcome which may be positive or negative.
None of these distinctions had any reality except in the minds of those who
thought it interesting or useful to make them, and not even they would have
employed them with any consistency.
Kalm as such was not concerned with the concept of hope as something
of theological significance that required constant discussion. As much as anything else, this fact serves to demarcate the boundaries between Muslim speculative theology on the one hand and mysticism and religious traditionalism on
the other. As we have seen, someone like al-Ji might pay occasional attention to hope. In Mutazilah discourse, wishing was seen at times as having its
own particular character in the parade of human attitudes. Tamann was considered by Judge Abd-al-Jabbr in connection with the possible evil results
of intellectual processes (al-qabi al-aqlyah) such as guessing, speaking,
believing. Wishing was brought by him into relationship with guessing (ann)
or believing (itiqd). In the former case, it depends on its purpose whether
it is good or evil.426 Since it is not connected with somebody other (than the
wisher), but an individual wishes only for circumstances that revert upon the
wisher himself or someone considered equivalent to himself, it is free from the
second of three kinds of intellectual evil.427 If wishing is | assimilated to believing, it is equivalent to it with respect to good and evil but less susceptible to the
effects that may come from ones wish.428
425
426
427
428
Cf. Murta az-Zabd, Itf, X, 236. For js, the printed text has sh, something like
desolation/alienation/fear. It may have been the authors preferred choice. However, js
seems more likely.
The text of Abd-al-Jabbr should possibly read: ghara asan asun, or ghara asan
with the apodosis being understood.
They were enumerated by Abd-al-Jabbr, Mughn, XIV, 154.
Cf. Abd-al-Jabbr, Mughn, ed. Muaf as-Saqq, XIV, 259 (Cairo 1385/1965). For another
statement by Abd-al-Jabbr on tamann, see D. Gimaret, Thories de lacte humain en
thologie musulmane, 41 (Paris 1980). In view of Qurn 2:78/73 (see below, n. 487) where
amn and -n-n occurred together, Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz, Tafsr, III, 139 (Cairo 1354/1935),
briefly referred to their relationship. On -n-n and hope, see above, n. 402.
hope and wishes
625
Seemingly in contrast with Abd-al-Jabbr and probably with most thinkers,

Mutazilites and others,429 az-Zamakhshar appears to have viewed wishing not
as an internal process but as something realized only through being formally
expressed in speech. Qurn 2:94f. tells the Jews that if they consider it to be true
that Paradise will be theirs in particular, they should wish for death, but they
will not do this because of their awareness of the sins they have committed.
The Mutazilite commentator considered three possibilities in order to explain
how it can be known that this was so and they had not wished for death. First,
there was no tradition to the effect that they did. Then,
(if the objection were to run that) wishing is an internal process (min
aml al-qulb) and thus something secret not accessible to anybody else,
the answer would be: Wishing is not an internal process. It is only a
persons explicit statement, Wish I had (layta l ka-dh ). When he
says that, then it can be said that he has wished. Layta is the particle of
wishing (kalimat at-tamann).430 It is absurd to assume that there could
be awareness (taadd) of what is inside the human mind (a-amir
wa-l-qulb). If tamann were an internal process and they had indeed
wished, they would have said, We did wish for death in our hearts, but
there is no tradition to the effect that they did so.
The third objection, namely, that they did not say it because they knew that
they did not speak the truth when they maintained that Paradise was theirs,
was refuted by az-Zamakhshar with the argument that they made many obviously false statements without the slightest hesitation. Thus, why should they
not have claimed that wishing was an internal process and they had done it
when they could be sure that the secret character of internal processes would
prevent others from finding out whether their claim was true or false?431 It is
429
According to Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 370, God does not require wishes to be pronounced
in order for Him to hear them:
Praised be He who grants wishes when they are thoughts (bi-khawirin)
In the soul not spoken by a tongue.
430
431
See above, n. 274.

Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 225. Al-Bayw, Anwr at-tanzl, ed. H.L. (O.) Fleischer,
I, 74 (Leipzig 18461848), took only brief notice of az-Zamakhshars discussion. Fakhr-addn ar-Rz, Tafsr, III, 190, maintained that according to Arabic usage, tamann, like khabar
626
89
possible that the arguments of az-|Zamakhshar, and of the Mutazil tradition

he is likely to have followed, were created ad hoc, in order to solve the problem
assumed to be present in the Qurnic passage. Yet, they may indeed reflect a
special view of wishing as a verbal statement. This, it seems, would also have
distinguished it from hoping.
For the most part, however, wishing was clearly as little distinguished theoretically from hoping as were the terms of hoping from each other. The variety
of psychological and social consequences seen as inherent in all of them can
thus be dealt with together, and this will be done in the following pages.
The Perceived Effects of Hoping and Wishing
Disagreement as to the role of hoping and wishing in human life was rooted
mainly in the difference of judging their potential effect. It could be seen
as either good or bad. Correspondingly, a case could be made either for or
against them. No doubt this was so already in pre-Islamic times. It remained the
fundamental issue in Islam. No clear-cut difference developed in this respect
between the pre-Islamic heritage and the views held by Muslims in all their
variety. However, official Islam insisted upon the worthlessness of this world
and therefore took an extremely dim view of any hoping or wishing for material
gain. This then created a certain tension between the secular outlook and the
religious outlook. It is this tension that will be our primary concern.
The very moment at which the religious outlook began to assert its influence
comes dramatically alive in one of Labds famous poems. It contained these
three verses:
If you intend to leave and travel, do it
And disobey the commands of debilitating laziness!
Lie to your soul when you talk to it!
Telling the soul the truth shortchanges hope.
But do not lie to it with respect to the fear of God!
Force it to have piety toward God Almighty!432
432
information, indicated only what was expressly stated. It cannot be employed for what
is in the heart. Others were of the opinion that it was mushtarak and could be used to
express both the meaning (man) subsisting in the heart and the word (laf) indicating
that meaning.
Cf. Shar Dwn Labd, 179 f.
hope and wishes
627
Particular fame attached to the second verse, which was often quoted. It was
one of the select number of verses acclaimed at times as the most | poetic
verse in Arab poetry.433 In the internal psychological process434 which is hoping, it is important to keep illusions alive and to prevent reality (interpreted
later as intended by Labd to be the reality of death435) from intruding and stifling hope which banishes inactivity and laziness and provides an individual
with the energy to do what he wants or ought to do. There is, however, an exception to this reliance upon ones inner resources, as Labd, now thinking of the
new religion, was quick to add. Piety and the fear of God are not to be bargained
away in any attempt to have hoping and wishing govern mans worldly activities. They are true realities which must be constantly in the mind and heart of
man. He must be completely honest with himself about his religious duties and
the unchangeable truths of Islam. They leave no doubt about the insignificance
and potential harmfulness of human activities unless they are directed toward
metaphysical goals.
a
Deceptiveness and Unreality
The case of hopes and wishes with respect to their beneficent or harmful effects
always remained moot in Islam. If wishes can be praised, they can also be
blamed,436 and this applied equally to hope. However, their case was already
greatly prejudiced by the Qurn. In Qurn 57:14, it speaks of the deceptiveness
of wishes: And the wishes deceived you (wa-gharratkumu l-amnyu) until the
command (amr) of God came, and the deceiver (al-gharr) deceived you with
respect to God. The deceiver was commonly interpreted to be Satan who,
of course, inspired all vain wishes;437 less frequently, it was understood to be
433
434
435
436
437
According to Shar Dwn Labd, this was done by Bashshr.

Cf. above, n. 404.
In addition to Shar Dwn Labd, cf. also Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 120.
A-afad, Ghayth, II, 85100, is by far the best collection of material on the present
subject. At this time, it is not clear how much of this material was possibly available to aafad in some earlier source. He made no doubt his own contribution to whatever it was.
He was plagiarized by al-Abbs, Mahid, I, 183185. Al-Abbs omitted a-afads many
digressions and restricted himself more closely to the topic at hand. He quoted the verse
from a-ughr, which was a-afads starting point, rather early in his presentation,
and he closed with a-afads own verses. While this might have alerted a knowledgeable reader, it does not absolve al-Abbs from the accusation of plagiarism. Incidentally,
he was the copyist of a work by a-afad, Nurat ath-thir al l-mathal as-sir, cf. the
edition by M. Al Suln, 33 (Damascus, n.y. [ca. 1972]).
Cf., for instance, al-Minqar, Waqat iffn, 125, and below, nn. 438 and 446.
90
628
91
the world. The common interpretation of the mentioned command was that
it referred to death. Since the context speaks of events on the Last Day, the
command may, however, not have been meant to be quite as specific as that,
even though it is true that wishing, in the phrase | wishing for death, was put
by the Qurn into close connection with death. Medieval interpreters tended
to understand the wishes in Qurn 57:14 as referring to long hopes and the
desire (ama) for extended life,438 unless the context was deemed to call for
something more specific historically such as the wishes of the hypocrites that
the Muslims would suffer reverses.439 Interestingly, modern translators showed
much vacillation in the choice of words used by them to translate amn in
the Qurnic passage. We thus find wishes in Sale, Blachre (p. 916: souhaits),
and Paret (Wnsche); desires in Marracci (concupiscentiae), Pickthall (vain
desires), Dawood (p. 106), and Bar Shemesh (taawt); fancies in Arberry and
Krachkovsky (mechtanniya); dogmas in Bell;440 and even hopes in Henning
(Hoffnungen). Stylistic considerations may have influenced the choice, but we
have here a good illustration of the problems besetting the understanding and
verbalization of psychological phenomena.
The pre-Islamic view of hopes and wishes was thus reinforced by the Qurn.
It became routine to combine the words for them with roots such as gharra,
khna, khadaa for deceiving, khba for frustrating, or kadhaba for lying.
For Labd, wishes are misleading roads (wa-l-mun uruqu -alli).441 More
deceptive than wishes was taken to be a proverbial expression.442 Being as
deceptive as they are, wishes blind the eyes of insight.443 This recalls Ibn
438
439
440
441
442
443
Cf., for instance, az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, III, 163. Az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 387,
explained Satans la-umanniyannahum in Qurn 4:119 as futile wishes for a long life and
the attainment of hopes.
So, for instance, Ibn al-Jawz, Zd, VIII, 167; Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz, Tafsr, XXIX, 226 (Cairo,
n.y.).
Apparently, in analogy to the semantic development of haw, pl. ahw.
Cf. Shar Dwn Labd, 74. alla and mann occur juxtaposed in Qurn 4:119. Unrealistic
hope provoked the reflection that al-amnyu illatun in ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 264.
An alleged saying of Ibn azms cousin, the wazr Ab l-Mughrah (see C. Pellat, in EI2, III,
790b), took the form: Most hopes are misleading (akthar al-ml all), cf. Ibn Bassm,
Dhakhrah, I, i, 131, l. 7 (Cairo 1358/1939); an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, VII, 310, l. 11. Cf. also Kab b.
Zuhayr, Bnat Sud, below, n. 510.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Jamharah, II, 85; a-afad, Tamm, 317. In the verse quoted by
a-afad (inna l-amnya gharar), the meaning would rather seem to be that wishes
are risky and may have good or bad results. Cf. also the verse of the caliph ar-R:
O hopeful man who is lost in the turbulence of gharar., cf. a-l, Akhbr ar-R,
185.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, 70; Ibn Ab l-add, V, 308, 580.
hope and wishes
629
Arabs remark that hope without insight is not to be relied upon.444 GraecoArabic wisdom literature included a saying attributed to Plato to the effect
that hope is psychological self-deception (al-amal khid an-nafs).445 For the
Muslim | religious mind, both hopes and wishes were Satanic delusions (waswis).446
Al-asan al-Bar admonished Umar b. Abd-al-Azz to give up being
deceived by hope before death (al-ajal) intervenes.447 Al-Ashtar had supposedly told Al that living by hope (so as to postpone death) is something only a
deluded person would do.448 Beware of lying hopes, as they make you forget
predestination (al-aqdr) and destroy lives, was another such pious admonition; this one was projected back into fictional pre-Islamic history.449 Hopes
(ml) are like a mirage that deceives those who see it and does not fulfill the
hope (raj) one harbors.450 Ascetic poetry as represented by Ab l-Athiyah
made much of the theme, as could be expected. In the awareness of inescapable
death, an individual should not play with lying hope (al-amal al-kadhb).451
Man hopes, even though hopes are lying.
Hopes associate with man as long as he remains alive.452
He should not let himself be deceived by hope in his worldly affairs, and the
anguished question may be asked:
444
445
446
447
448
449
450
451
452
Cf. Ibn Arab, Rislat L yuawwal alayh, 17 (Hyderabad 1367/1945).

Cf. al-Mubashshir, 166, l. 14.
See above, n. 385.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, II, 138, see below, n. 620. Another of many related statements
was, for instance: If you were to see the coming of your death, you would hate the
deceptiveness of hope, cf. al-Ql, Aml, II, 54; Ibn Ab l-add, V, 630.
Cf. ad-Dnawar, al-Akhbr a-iwl, 155 (Cairo, n.y.).
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 258.
Reported as an alleged Bedouin statement by al-Ama, according to Ab ayyn atTawd, Bair, II, 109; al-ur, Zahr, I, 405; a-afad, Tamm, 314. The mirage image
was not infrequently invoked to characterize the unreality and deceptiveness of hopes
and wishes, cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 224: How many wishes standing in front of you
were only like a glistening mirage! An anonymous poet-sage quoted by Ibn Ab d-duny,
Dhamm ad-duny, 327, no. 329, compared the deceitfulness of this world to a mirage created by hopes, amusements, and wishes. See also below, n. 497.
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 432 (see above, n. 284).
92
630
Till when, O soul, will you let yourself be deceived by lying hope?453
In their deceptiveness, hopes and wishes are very much akin to time.454 It was
most fitting to begin a marthiyah with the plaintive words:
How little do we learn from time,
And how much are we deceived by wishes.454a
93
Like tricky time which overturns all hopes,455 hopes and wishes are totally
unreliable. They may, or may not, be fulfilled. They may turn out contrary to
expectations; man does not know nor could he do anything about it. These were
standard themes and constantly sounded refrains. Hiding his disappointed
hopes, a certain al-Mughrah b. Amr b. Uthmn, presumably the poet grandson of the caliph,456 generalized that man does not obtain his hope,457 and a
member of the Yazd family of littrateurs reflected that the greedy person (alar) is often prevented from obtaining his wishes.458 Ab l-Athiyah again
repeatedly stressed the exaggerated nature of mans wishing which dooms him
to frustration:
You have hoped for more than you can attain,
As life, even if it is a long one, inevitably comes to an end.459
How many long hopes there are
Not attained by the hoper!460
People seek hopes they do not attain.461
453
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 22, further, 204, 298 (see below, n. 625), 333, 419 (see below,
n. 475).
454 Cf., for instance, above, n. 21.
454a Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, II, 459.
455 Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 27.
456 Cf. al-Baldhur, Ansb, ed. S.D. Goitein, V, 121 (Jerusalem 1936), ed. Isn Abbs, IV, i, 619
(Beirut and Wiesbaden 1400/1979, Bibliotheca Islamica 28d).
457 Cf. Agh., IV, 67f., VII, 138, Agh.3, IV, 287, 290, VIII, 217. Cf. also al-Butur, amsah, 315, ed.
Cheikho, 217; Ibn Ab l-add, V, 635.
458 Cf. Agh., XVIII, 92, Agh.3, XX, 259. For the Yazds, see GAS, II, 610.
459 Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 303.
hope and wishes
631
Rather plainly, it was stated that a wisher is sometimes granted his wish, and
sometimes he is not.462 The most famous expression of the frustration behind
all wishing was a verse both pleasing and sophisticated by al-Mutanabb:
Man does not obtain all he wishes.
The winds take the ships where they do not desire to go.463
The nautical theme had already been sounded by Ab l-Athiyah:
You have wishes (even) when the wind blows violently against you
With waves above you and seas below you.464
Fate (dahr)465 and predestination (qadar, aqdr)466 or God may intervene |
between man and the fulfillment of his hopes and wishes. Strangely enough,
Qays b. al-Kham, who lived in the late fifth and early sixth centuries, used
Allh in this connection, if the transmission is to be trusted:
Man hopes to encounter his wishes,
But God rejects anything except what He wants.467
For Ab l-Athiyah, it is the vicissitudes of time that interfere with the realization of hopes believed to be about to come true.468 And a later poet would
462
463
464
465
466

Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Azzm, 469, ed. al-Barqq, IV, 366.
Ordinarily, dahr was used (cf., for instance, Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 405), but changing
zamn appeared in a verse by a certain Uwaymir b. Slim al-Abs, cf. al-Butur, amsah,
364, ed. Cheikho, 252. Cf. also amd b. Muammad at-Tawwaj: fa-l-na qad la bayn
wa-l-mun zaman, see al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 530.
Cf., for instance al-rith b. Khlid al-Makhzm (see GAS, II, 417):
Would that I knewhow many a wish is accommodated,
While others are interfered with by al-qadar.
467
468
See Agh., III, 107, Agh.3, 226.

Cf. Qays b. al-am, Dwn, ed. Kowalski, 28, trans. 56, no. 11, verse 8, ed. Ibrhm asSmarr and Amad Malb, 54 (Baghdd 1381/1962), ed. Nir-ad-dn al-Asad, 98 (Cairo
1381/1962). The verse also appears among the poems ascribed to ash-Shfi, Dwn, 41,
where the rhyme-word is ard, for Qays yashu.
94
632
invoke time when he had to cope with many obstacles in obtaining what he
wished to obtain from his beloved.469
The other commonplace knowledge concerned the fact that hopes and
wishes might lead to unexpected results. It found its classical expression in a
verse supposedly by an-Nbighah al-Jad, but more likely of proverbial origin:
Man hopes to live on,
But a long life may be harmful to him.470
An early Abbsid poet sang:
Whenever I hope for a good day,
Something unpleasant interferes with my hope.471
95
There may be many unhoped for meetings with the beloved, but again, there
may be separations not anticipated with fear.472 One may wish for a friend to be
near, but then again, having found out more about him, one may wish he were
far away.473 In general, hopes may bring what should have been feared, and
vice versa. The early eighth-century Shabb b. al-Bar thus described mans
psychological confusion in these words:
469
470
471
472
473
Cf. Ab l-asan al-Bar, in al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 333.

Cf. al-Butur, amsah, 143, ed. Cheikho, 95; Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 94; al-Baldhur, Ansb,
ed. Abd-al-Azz ad-Dr, III, 271 (Beirut and Wiesbaden 1398/1978, Bibliotheca Islamica
28c); Ab Tammm, Washyt, 155, where the verse is ascribed to Labd, see Shar Dwn
Labd, 356; (Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 184 n.); az-Zajjj, Aml, 111; al-Ql, Aml, II, 8;
adh-Dhahab, Tarkh al-Islm, III, 87 (Cairo 1367), etc. See also the references in Shir
an-Nbighah al-Jad, coll. Abd-al-Azz Rab, 191 (Damascus 1384/1964). In some sources,
hopes was replaced by desires ( yahw, yarghab).
A slight recasting appears in Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 162 (wa-lu l-ayti alayhi
arar). As an example of a paraphrase, cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, IV, 209, no. 337, verse 3.
In Agh., III, 139, XI, 31, Agh.3, IV, 87, XII, 144, the poet is said to have been Muammad b.
(Ab) Umayyah (see GAS, II, 607), whereas the verse is attributed to Ibn b Uyaynah (see
GAS, II, 137) in al-Yazd, Aml, 137 (Hyderabad 1948) (not in Ghedira, below, n. 725). The
poem continued: And I see the days not bringing near what I am hoping for (artaj) from
you but bringing near my death (ajal).
Cf. al-mid, Muwzanah, as quoted by ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf al-khayl, ed. asan
Kmil a-ayraf and Ibrhm al-Ibyri, 216 (Cairo 1381/1962). The verse was attributed
there to Muslim b. al-Wald, but it does not seem to be found in the editions of his
Dwn.
Cf. ath-Thalib, Yatmah, II, 145, quoting Ibn Nubtah.
hope and wishes
633
The souls hope for something that they cannot master,

While they fear things that will not injure them.474
It was, after all, not that unusual that a person wished for something and his
wish then would cause his death (rubba mutamann atfuh f umnyatih).475
The idea naturally appealed to the religious turn of mind. Owing to the trickiness of circumstanceskhub that are the work of ad-dahr, human wishes
do not turn out the way they were intended to.476 A man may obtain his sustenance from a direction which he had neither hoped nor expected that it
would come from.477 Combining in a way secular with religious thinking, Ibn
Ab l-add commented on a remark by the poet at-Tihm which said that
many a wish is sweeter than obtaining (it) (wa-rubba umnyatin al min-a-afari): A place far away may be described as a real utopia, still, a person
may be disappointed when he gets there. A scholar who is highly praised for
his learning may turn out to be much less learned than expected. All this, however, is different with respect to the other world which surpasses all wishes and
expectations.478
The perversity of human psychological processes as produced by hoping
and wishing inspired writers of poetry and prose to create fictional situations
having it as their theme. There was a wrong kind of wishes which were not
meant to be taken seriously but illustrated a kind of desperation engulfing the
wisher. The poet Ibn B wished something on | people which he regretted
to see fulfilled.479 A-afad quoted examples from love poetry that pretend
to prefer death to separation from the beloved. A frustrated lover expressed
the wish to be buried together with his beloved for a brief moment of close
contact; then the beloved should return to life while he himself would remain
dead contentedly, since that brief intimacy constituted the fulfillment of all he
474
475
476
477
478
479
Cf. Agh., XI, 95, Agh.3, XII, 275. For Ibn al-Bar, see GAS, II, 386f.
From a speech given by Muwiyahs half-brother Utbah (d. 44/665, see adh-Dhahab,
Tarkh al-Islm, II, 231f.) in the year 41/462, cf. Ibn b d-duny, Makrim al-akhlq, ed.
J.A. Bellamy, 139, l. 5 (Wiesbaden 1973, Bibliotheca Islamica 25); al-Ql, Aml, I, 233, ll. 19f.
(with further material on the subject); a-afad, Tamm, 55. Cf. also Ab l-Athiyah,
Dwn, 419, no. 437, verses 9 f.; al-Imd al-Ifahn, al-Fat al-Quss, 42. See, further, Ibn
Ab l-add, IV, 758, and below, n. 575.
Cf. at-Tihm, Dwn, 41 (see below, n. 653); Ibn Ab l-add, II, 760f.
See above, n. 388.
96
634
97
could wish for.480 A wish by Kuthayyir Azzah was considered a bad one and
roundly disapproved: I would like it, indeed, if you were a young female camel
and I were a noble male camel, and we would flee together 481 Another wish,
which probably would have been characterized as a bad one, was that of a lover
whose ardent love made him wish that he were tossed about on a raft in the
ocean together with his beloved.482
Stories about competitive wishing in a social setting where people asked
each other to have a wish were considered interesting enough to be noted frequently in the literature. It was a literary motif but at times reflected historical
data.483 The motif of unfortunate contradictory wishes formed part of the subject of the perversity of wishing. Its most famous representative was the story of
the three wishes which at the end left the person who made them right where
he started. An early Muslim version is that of the man who was granted three
prayers (daawt). Upon the urging of his wife and daughters, he ceded one to
his wife who wished to be the most beautiful human being on earth. When he
got angry at her, he wished that she be changed into a pig. Then his daughters
beseeched him to wish that she be changed back to her original state. He did,
and thus his three wishes came to naught.484
Hoping and wishing were unreal in that they were frequently directed
toward impossible goals. This fact evoked a good deal of comment and | found
various literary expressions. An often quoted statement of the philosophers
ran: Wishes deceive you and, when it comes to the realities, leave you aban-
480
481
482
483
484
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 92, quoting verses by his contemporary Athr-ad-dn Ab ayyn
al-Gharn.
Cf. Kuthayyir Azzah, Dwn, ed. Isn Abbs, 162 (Beirut 1391/1971). The quotation in
a-afad, Ghayth, II, 92, has slight variants. Cf. also Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 262, l. 6. Among
the poems quoted by a-afad in this connection, the verses attributed by him to a certain
al-Fazr occur elsewhere with the attribution to a certain Jundah, cf. Ab Hill al-Askar,
inatayn, 56, or Najdah b. Jundah, as indicated by al-Bijw and Ibrhm in their edition
of the Kitb a-inatayn, 76, n. 6.
Cf. al-Ql, Aml, I, 143, l. 21.
Cf., for instance, al-Ji, ayawn, V, 195f., and Bayn, III, 159, ll. 35, repeated in Ab
ayyn at-Tawd, Bair, II, 180; Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 258 (quoted in ar-Rghib
al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281), 263; Agh., III, 4 f., Agh.3, III, 94f. (the daughters of the
poet Dh l-Iba wishing for the ideal husband); F. Rosenthal, Humor in Early Islam,
112 (Leiden 1956). Cf. also a-afad, Ghayth, II, 90, and, for instance, the verse by Ab
Tammm: If beauty were asked to have a wish (or, considering the plural: to have as
many wishes as it might want), it would wish to be like him, cf. his Dwn, ed. Azzm,
IV, 310.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, IV, 117.
hope and wishes
635
doned (al-amn takhdauka wa-ind al-aqiq tadauka).485 No information

is at hand that might allow us to trace the history of this statement. The
aqiq here could refer to the religious verities, and the statement would just
be another expression of the thought that wishful thinking detracts from the
necessary concern with the metaphysical realities. Thus, it did not say anything about the irrational character of the wishing process. This, however, is
not certain; the matter is also not decided by a statement attributed to the
caliph Umar who in one of his sermons supposedly said that faith is not
through wishing but through realities.486 Be this as it may, wishes were castigated as unreal by lexicographers in connection with Qurn 2:78/73 (ummyn
l yalamna l-kitba ill amnya). The verse understandably caused much
puzzlement among the interpreters, and continues to do so.487 The last word
was often given the approximate meaning of expression of ignorance. This
was based upon the philological argument which, according to al-Azhar, ran
as follows: When someone says something that has no reality (l aqqah
lah), but he likes the thing, one says to him, This is mun, or this is an
umnyah.488 Later, Ab ayyn at-Tawd said that reality is not (or: is not
obtained through) wishing (laysa al-aqqah bi-t-tamann),489 and ar-Rghib
al-Ifahn maintained that most wishing is the mental perception (taawwur)
of what has no reality.490 The use of taawwur points toward a philosophical
origin.
Aristotelian philosophy (Rhetoric 1370a28f.) informed its Muslim followers that fantasy (phantasia, takhyl/takhayyul) was a certain sense perception
(aisthsis, iss) activated ( yatawahham) by remembering or hoping (taml)
and producing their pleasurable sensation. Hope draws pleasure for the future
from the remembered past, with the sense perception of fantasy being the catalyst in the present.491 Ibn Rushd eventually described the underlying process
in somewhat questionable simplification as follows:
Takhyl is a weak sense perception which constantly produces ( yaf al)
either remembering or hoping. If it lacks remembering, it also lacks hoping. This | is so because hope is a potential creation (tarkb) in the future
485
486
487
488
489
490
491
Cf. al-ur, Zahr, I, 359; ash-Sharsh, II, 253; a-afad, Tamm, 55.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, III, 759. See also below, n. 618.
Cf. R. Paret, Der Koran, Kommentar und Konkordanz, 22 (Stuttgart, etc., 1971).
Cf. al-Azhar, Tahdhb, XV, 534b. See also Fakhr-ad-dn ar-Rz, Tafsr, III, 139.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Ishrt, 254, ll. 16 f.
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Mufradt, IV, 133.
Cf. Aristotle, Khabah, 51, and Ibn Sn, Shif, Khabah, 100.
98
636
of things that were sensed in the past, which is remembering. Thus, when
remembering is removed, hoping, too, is necessarily removed.492
The role of the imagination, expressed by the root kh-y-l, as the mainspring
of hopes and wishes in recalling a lost past or reflecting on what might be
now or in the future was familiar to the Arabs already in pre-Islamic times. It
was visualized in the celebrated ayf al-khayl, the nightly apparition of the
beloved in the frustrated lovers imagination. The apparition as such represented imaginary wish fulfillment.493 Its close relationship with wishing was
implicitly assumed by the littrateurs who spoke of it. In its futility, the ayf
deserved all the negative attributes which, as we have seen, belonged to wishing.494 It was an unreal product of the imagination,495 an empty, meaningless
word.496 It was described as a mirage497 and considered a adth an-nafs.498
Hoping and wishing were expressly mentioned in connection with it occasionally, though, perhaps, not very frequently.499 Qays b. al-Kham spoke of wishes
as being instrumental in the desired apparition of the beloved. He conceded,
however, that such apparition was of little value and merely, as he put it, an
amusement for someone subject to deception.500 In verses ascribed to Umar
492
493
494
495
496
497
498
499
500
Cf. Ibn Rushd, Talkh al-Khabah, 91.

Cf. Agh., XI, 85, Agh.3, XII, 251, quoting Ab Wajzah (see GAS, II, 428f.); ash-Sharf alMurta, Dwn, as quoted in his ayf, 162: khuyyila l naylu l-mun.
The principal source is ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf (above, n. 472). His exhaustive work
was expanded by its editors into a veritable encyclopaedia of the ayf al-khayl.
Cf, for instance, as-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 134, l. 6, 136, l. 3, 143, l. 2, also the verse quoted
below, n. 658.
Cf. ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 144, 176.
Cf. ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 177, l. 3, cf. above, n. 450.
Cf., for instance, ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 168, l. 18, and his explanation, 169, l. 4, where
he equated the amn of his verse with adth an-nafs. See, further, the appendix of the
edition of the ayf, 206 (al-Abbs b. al-Anaf) and 210 (Jirn al-Awd). For adth an-nafs,
see above, n. 402.
Even without the use of the ordinary terms, the connection is obvious. Note that Kab
b. Zuhayr spoke of needs (jt), paraphrased as wishes by O. Rescher in his German
translation, cf. his Beitrge zur arabischen Posie (above, n. 281), 126. For jt as wishes,
cf., for instance, Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 7, last two verses; Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, IV, 136,
no. 221, verse 12; a-abar, Annales, Introductio, etc., ccvii.
Cf. Qays b. al-Kham, Dwn, ed. Kowalski, 5, trans. 6, no. 2, verse 3, ed. as-Smarr and
Malb, 25, ed. al-Asad, 16; ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 46f. The verse was often quoted,
as, for instance, by Ibn b Awn, Tashbht, ed. M. Abdul Mud Khn, 91 (London 1950,
E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, N.S. 17); al-Yazd, Aml, 79 (editors footnote).
hope and wishes
637
b. Ab Rabah (but not contained in the manuscripts of his Dwn), the lover
expressed the wish to be united with his beloved always, in life and after death.
He realized that this could be only in a dream world:
Would that ( y layta), when death (manyat) approaches, I
Were to smell what is between your eyes and mouth!
Would that my corpse were to be washed (ahr) entirely with your
spittle!
Would that it were to be embalmed (an) with your marrow and
blood!
Would that Sulaym were to share my bed in my sleep (al-manm)
Either at green Paradise or in Hell!501
Abd-a-amad b. al-Muadhdhal (d. ca. 240/854) said:
I did not obtain him. So I obtained him through wishes
In my sleep secretly and no longer shunned.
Dreaming joined us after separation.
We met, although we were apart.502
Love poetry generalized the ayf al-khayl concept and, with only incidental
reference to it, would describe the beloved as a wish brought near by hopes
and, maybe, realizable under changed circumstances.503
Imagination and wishes were considered to be so intimately entwined with
the concept of the nightly apparition that it could be said: Would that there
were a ayf stirred up for me by wishes in the imagination ( fa-y layta ayfan
khayyalathu liya l-mun).504 Al-Kumayts verse:
501
502
503
504
Cf. Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed. Schwarz, II, 244, ed. Abd-al-amd, 501. On the subject
of love after death, cf. F. Rosenthal, in the Festschrift for Marvin H. Pope to appear in
1982.
Cf. Ibn b Awn, Tashbht, 76; ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 112, and the references given in
the appendix, 199, 234, 270. For Ibn al-Muadhdhal, see GAS, II, 508, and for the ascription
of the verses to a certain (Isml b. Ibrhm b. amdawayh) al-amdaw or al-amdn,
see ayf.
Cf. the verses by Sad b. umayd on the poetess Fal in Agh., XVII, 5, Agh.3, XVIII, 160;
F. Rosenthal (above, n. 501).
Cf. an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, II, 238, without attribution. Cf. also ash-Sharf al-Murta, Dwn, as quoted in the edition of ayf, 159 n.: m altaq ill kam zaamat amnin.
99
638
When I woke up, I found the khayl to be

The wishes and thoughts of my soul,
100
is properly interpreted to mean that the nightly apparition (khayl) was the
result of wishes.505 It strongly suggests the idea that wishes and thoughts of all
kinds are behind a persons dreams.
Hopes and wishes were seen as related to sleep and dreams as physical and
psychological phenomena.506 A Greek saying, which became known | in Arabic translation, had already stated that hopes are the dreams of those awake.507
Wishes share with dreams the attributes of unreality and inconstancy. Both are
equally worthless. Wishes and dreams are equivalent.508 Wishes and dreams
are brothers.509 Wishes and dreams are what leads astray (inna l-amnya wal-alma tallu) was the formulation given to this idea by Kab b. Zuhayr in his
famous Bnat Sud.510 The sleeping eye was dreaming with wishes (bi-l-amn
limah).511 The possibility for a meeting might appear so remote that only
dreams and wishes ( f n-nawmi aw f l-amn) could provide an imaginary substitute for it.512 Lying wishes and dreams make false promises and are equally
505
506
507
508
509
510
511
512
Cf. al-Kumayt, Dwn, ed. Dwd Sallm, I, 222 (Baghdd 19691970); al-mid, Muwzanah, II, 169; ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 15. For al-Kumayt, cf. Kathrin Mller, Kritische
Untersuchungen zum Diwan des Kumait b. Zaid (Freiburg 1979). Cf. also the verse by ashSharf al-Murta, ayf, 123, l. 9, 124. Thought ( fikr [ah]) was often mentioned as the
origin of the ayf.
Cf. the phraseology employed by Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Ishrt, 188, l. 16, and 238, l. 2.
Cf. Gnomologium Vaticanum, ed. L. Sternbach, no. 375 (reprint Berlin 1963): hai elpides
egrgorotn enhypnia. Further references to the Greek sources are given in Sternbachs
edition. In Aelianus, VI, xiii, 29, the saying happens to be ascribed to Plato. In Arabic
translation, it is found ascribed to Plato in ash-Sharsh, II, 253, in the form: at-tamann
ulm al-mustayqi wa-salwat al-mazn. The addition referring to consolation gives a
positive connotation to wishes here (see below, nn. 674676).
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, IV, 745.
In al-Ji, ayawn, V, 191, the saying was ascribed to Abd-ar-Ramn b. Ab z-Zind,
a secretary of Umar b. Abd-al-Azz. No attribution is given in Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I,
261; al-ur, Jam al-jawhir, ed. al-Khnj, 150, ed. al-Bijw, 184; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn,
Muart, I, 281. Ibn Ab z-Zind died seventy-four years old in 174/790791, cf. al-Khab
al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, X, 228230, and Hrn in his edition of al-Ji, Bayn, II,
280.
Cf. as-Sukkar, Shar Dwn Kab b. Zuhayr, 9; Ibn Hishm, ed. Guidi, 8487.
Cf. Ibn b d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 337, no. 377.
Cf. Muslim b. al-Wald, Dwn, 342 (derived from Agh., VI, 14, XVIII, 84, Agh.3, VI, 168, XX,
242).
hope and wishes
639
to be avoided.513 Wishes are false dreams (al-mun aghthu almi).514 The

dreamlike unreality of wishes provided the basis for an anecdote ascribed to
the legendary dream interpreter Ibn Srn. A person reported a dream in which
he saw himself swimming where there was no water and flying without wings.
Ibn Srn explained that it showed that that person was given to wishing.515
However, for Sad b. umayd, it was the wishes that remained when the past
receded into an elusive dream world:
Events past are a sleepers dreams.
What stays with him is wishes.516
It was often said that all that remained of past good times, spent mainly in the
enjoyment of love, was wishes for them to return, which were unlikely to be
fulfilled.517
Wishes which were daydreams and did not have the slightest relation to
reality deserved to be characterized as childishness (at-tashghul bi-l-mun
min af al a-ib).518 They were a waste of time. The unhappy lover could say
of himself that
I am spending my entire day with talk and wishes,
While worry and I are brought closely together during the night.519
The pious ascetic considered it as only natural that beguiled by the world he
would waste his life on earth in wishing.520
You have wasted (afnayta) your life any way you proceeded,
Desiring children and desiring family and property.521
513
514
515
516
517
518
519
520
521
Cf. al-ur, Zahr, (II), 650.

Cf. al-Ql, Aml (an-Nawdir), III, 170. Elsewhere, the verse was ascribed to Dk al-Jinn,
cf. F. Rosenthal, Gambling in Islam, 159, n. 4 (Leiden 1975); Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn
al-man, I, 342.
Cf. the verses quoted in a-afad, Ghayth, II, 6.
A saying ascribed to al-Kind in Ab Sulaymn as-Sijistn, iwn al-ikmah, 294.
Cf. Ibn ad-Dumaynah, Dwn, 88, quoted in Agh., VIII, 133, XV, 154, Agh.3, IX, 217f., XVII,
100. With an additional verse not found in Ibn ad-Dumaynah, the verse was quoted in the
name of Majnn in Agh., I, 183, Agh.3, II, 45. Cf. also Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 262, l. 15.
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 376, cf. also 13.
101
640
102
For an opponent of Greek logic such Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, the occupation with logic meant frustration and defeat. It also meant wasting ones life on
wishes and being found deficient on the Last Day (by having missed the opportunity to do works counting toward salvation).522
In consequence of their disconnectedness from reality, wishes could easily
be harmful. Sages as different as Aristotle and Ardashr b. Bbak, among others, supposedly stated that wishes constituted a source of grief.523 They meant
sorrow and trouble for those who thought of them as diverting.524 Long hope
means long sadness.524a For rationalist thinkers, they had the even more sinister result of destroying reason. Al-Ji525 has a remark attributed to the caliph
Yazd b. Muwiyah that three things wear out reason and indicate (mental) weakness: Quick answering, long wishing, and immoderate laughter. And
he continued | with a statement by the Mutazilite Muammar b. Abbd that
wishes are for the soul what idle babbling (turraht) is for the tongue, something that indicates lack of rational intelligence. Only a stupid individual would
allow himself to be deceived by hope.526 Indulgence in wishing was stupidity
plain and simple. Al for one was credited with the remark that no reliance
should be placed upon wishes, as they are the merchandise of fools (bai
an-nawk).527
522
523
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Mift dr as-sadah, I, 158.

Cf. unayn, Nawdir, Ms. Munich ar. 651, fol. 15a, see Badaw, Platon en pays dIslam, 294,
ll. 14 f.; al-Mubashshir, 200, l. 11; an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, VII, 12, ll. 3f. Also Ab Hill al-Askar,
Dwn al-mani, II, 91, 96.
524 Cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, II, 188. Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, IV, 137, l. 11: Hope means
trouble (al-anmaqrn bi-r-raj).
524a Freytag, Ar. Prov., III, i, 307.
525 Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, V, 190f. Other authors feature only the remark attributed to the
caliph, cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 260 f.; al-ur, Jam al-jawhir, ed. al-Khnj, 150, ed. alBijw, 184; Ibn Ab l-add, IV, 745, also ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281, without
attribution. A somewhat different unattributed version occurs in al-Ji, Bayn, II, 336,
ll. 2 f. According to the paroemiographers (see below, n. 664), Ibn al-Muqaffa had already
stated that the large number of wishes wears out reason, drives away contentment, and
corrupts sensibility. Cf. also ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281, and above, n. 421
(where iss sensibility is supplanted by religion). Further, Freytag, Arabum Proverbia,
III, i, 19: Hope sickens the heart and does harm to thinking.
526 Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 190, l. 22, quoting verses ascribed to Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual (but
apparently not contained in the edition of his Dwn).
527 Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 157, ll. 11 f.; Ibn Ab l-add, IV, 745; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn,
Muart, I, 281; ash-Sharsh, II, 253. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 278, quoted a verse of his saying
that wishes are acquisitions of the ignorant. See also above, n. 296.
hope and wishes
641
Wishes consumed the entire life of mean and contemptible persons.528

Heretical thought supposedly seized upon mans unceasing and unthinking
occupation with wishing as a possible explanation of the success of religious
beliefs concerning life after death. Ab Nuws is alleged to have said:
You are kept busy with wishes while you are alive
And after death about milk and wine (cf. Qurn 47:15).
Life, then death, then resurrection
All fictitious talk, O Umm Amr.529
Frustrated hoping and wishing had the psychological effect of making a person feel unhappy and restless. On occasion, they might also afford some rest
and respite from worries and disappointments.530 It was, however, the opposite of hope, despair ( yas), that was more often praised for the relief it provided,531 and respite from hope was seen as restful.532 Despair followed upon
hope, which thus proved to be useless and deceptive. How close is despair to
hope! was Ibn al-Mutazzs comment on the hope that had been entertained
only yesterday for the recovery of a person dead today.533 The beginning of
despair is the end of hope534 was a formulation which no doubt originated
under the influence of the well-known statement of Aristotle on the relationship of thought and action.535 Already an Udhrite poet from the first half of the
seventh century, Hudbah b. Khashram, reflected that some hope might not be
prof | itable, while some despair was more wholesome and restful.536 Attainment gives pleasure, but a person frustrated in his quest finds rest that comes
from despair.537 The love-sick soul unable to attain its desire has to take refuge
528
529
530
531
532
533
534
535
536
537
Cf. the verse by Ibn Sharaf al-Qayrawn, quoted in a-afad, Ghayth, II, 100.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 691.
See below, pp. 123f.
Yas mur, cf. al-Ql, Aml, II, 68, l. 12; Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, II, 563.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 100, quoting Ab l-usayn al-Jazzr.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, IV, 158, no. 248, verse 4.
Cf. Usmah b. Munqidh, Kitb al-A, ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, Nawdir al-makht,
II, 192 (Cairo 1371/1951).
Cf. Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, II, 415, n. 10 (2nd printing, Princeton
1967, Bollingen Series 43).
Cf. al-Butur, amsah, 243, ed. Cheikho, 166, in chapter 104 on yas and rah. For
Hudbah, see GAS, II, 265 f. His long poem with the rhyme letter -u, quoted in Ibn Maymn,
Muntah a-alab, fol. 125a ff., does not include the verse.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, 84. Cf. also db, 63, on the weariness caused by ama and the
restfulness of yas.
103
642
104
in despair and the rest it provides.538 Especially, when hoping proved true to
its ordinary deceitfulness, only despair was able to bring the needed relief.539
This was even more so when hope, as it often did, leaned toward excessiveness
(ama).540
With their strong hold over mans feelings and emotions, hoping and wishing
could come close to paralyzing his control over himself. His psychological
addiction to them reduced him to a state of slavery where he had to do their
bidding and from which he could not escape. Wishes are a driving force,541
which, as the verb sqa suggests, leaves him as much under their control as
animals are under the control of the driver. The lover becomes subservient to
wishes when promises postponed deprive him of the ability to act like a free
man.542 Man is caught in the net (mushtabik) of hopes; as soon as one hope
is given up, new hopes constantly appear,543 so that he never gets out of it.
The ropes (abil) or bonds (ur) of hopes are a sort of lifeline people
hang on to544 in the mistaken opinion that this might help them; wearying
hopes, however, are also constraints (alaqt) from which they should free
themselves.545 Hope, Ibn as-Sammk said, is a rope in your heart and a fetter
on | your foot. If you remove the rope from your heart, the fetter on your foot
will also be removed.546 The soul belongs to its strong hopes (wa-n-nafsu
538
539
540
541
542
543
544
545
546
Cf. Qays b. Dhar, in usayn Nar, Qays wa-Lubn, 141 (Cairo, n.y. [ca. 1379/1960]); Agh.,
VIII, 124, Agh.3, IX, 201 f.
Cf. Ibn al-Marzubn, Muntah, 31 f.
Cf., in particular, the 104th chapter of al-Buturs amsah.
Cf. Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed. Schwarz, II, 190, no. 280, verse 4, and II, 207, no. 310,
verse 4, ed. Abd-al-amd, 447 and 469. It could, however, also be said that a person
drives wishes to his soul, cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Bair, I, 336, or that death drives
hopes, cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 90. Note also that the quotation of Umars first verse
in Agh., IV, 36, Agh.3, IV, 214, reads tashqu excites.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, ed. B. Lewin, III, 130, no. 238, verse 4 (Istanbul 1950, Bibliotheca
Islamica 17c).
For abil, cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 280, 627, for ur, cf. 377; Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn
al-man, I, 93. On the towing of the rope (abl) of hope/wishes as positive hoping and
wishing, see the verses quoted by a-l, Ashr awld al-khulaf, 213 (Ibn al-Mutazz) and
308 (Abdallh b. Al, uncle of as-Saff and al-Manr). The German mystic also spoke of
hope as a rope, but one capable of helping him to escape from damnation, cf. Angelus
Silesius, Cherubinischer Wandersmann, I, 222, in Smtliche poetische Werke, ed. H.L. Held,
III, 31 (Mnchen 1949), quoted by Desroche (above, n. 302), beg.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, III, 456.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 208, l. 4. For Ibn as-Sammk, see GAS, I, 185.
hope and wishes
643
mim-m tamulu amal)547 and thus loses its freedom of decision. A person
can indeed be free only when he does not permit himself to be made a slave of
his desires (mami).548 One of the conditions of freedom is not being enslaved
by long-term wishes.549 In short, just like reason, human willpower runs the
danger of being affected by hoping and irrational wishful thinking.550
It was recognized that illusory hope might be artificially induced by the
use of drugs such as wine. A pre-Islamic poet, al-Munakhkhal al-Yashkur, is
supposed to have been the author of a qadah where this is the theme of its
two most famous verses:
When I am drunk, I am the master of lofty castles (al-Khawarnaq and
as-Sadr).
When I am sober, I am the master of a few sheep and goats and camels.551
Ab Hill al-Askar thought that the theme was particularly well expressed in
verses by Ibn ar-Rm, in which he spoke of the widening hope of an inebriated
person who would eventually hope for something that is not allowed to exist:
Wine like a last breath
Too tender to perceive and sense
Its gentle breeze has in its drinkers heart
The spirit (r) of hope and respite (rah) for the soul.
It spreads in the hope of the person drunk with it,
Till he hopes for the return of yesterday.552
A verse by assn b. Thbit, quoted by Ab Hill al-Askar in this context,
appropriately reappeared in the literature on ashsh, which was naturally
547
548
549
550
551
552
Cf. Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed. Schwarz, II, 142, no. 196, verse 2, ed. Abd-al-amd,
367; Agh., IV, 71, VI, 18, Agh.3, IV, 294, VI, 177.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Ishrt, 30, l. 3, and 42, l. 13. Cf. also Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III,
205, l. 5 (Despair is a free man, hope is a slave), or as-Sulam, abaqt, 494, ll. 7f., quoting
Ab Abdallh at-Turghbadh.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, III, 708.
Cf. also above, nn. 283, 340, 361, and below, n. 703.
Cf. Qudmah, Naqd ash-shir, ed. S.A. Bonebakker, 13 (Leiden 1956), ed. Kaml Muaf,
36 f. (Cairo 1963). Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, I, 314, quoted the verses in the
name of al-Akhal, while a-afad, Ghayth, I, 265, ascribed them to an Arab (Bedouin).
For al-Munakhkhal, see GAS, II, 183.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, I, 314.
644
105
concerned with the drugs hallucinatory effects.553 The op|ponents of the use
of wine and other drugs pointed out that their alleged beneficent results were
merely in the imagination (expressed by the root w-h-m). They caused laziness
and destroyed the mind. It was merely imaginary when they caused joy and
banished worries. What enticed the common people to the use of ashsh was
the desire for pleasure in the imagination (al-ladhdhah al-wahmyah).554 On
the other hand, addicts considered the pleasurable effects of drugs as going
beyond mere hoping and wishing to a kind of instant wish fulfillment. In fact,
artificially induced hope also belonged to the supposedly desirable aspects of
hoping and wishing and not only to their useless and detrimental connection
with unreality.555
The negative impact of wishing was represented with particular force by the
particle of wishing556 layta, y layta, layta shir. It stood as a symbol for it in
linguistic usage. Layta was turned into a noun to indicate unfulfillable wishing.
Particular renown was attached to a verse ascribed to a Christian poet who lived
around 600, Ab Zubayd a-:
Would that I knewbut what use do I have of would-that!
Would-that is trouble and useless, as is wish-that.
(Layta shir wa-ayna minniya laytuninna laytan wa-inna lawwan
anu)557
Variations were numerous. A layt is rarely of any use. It is a miss (nabwah).
Neither regret nor a layt nor law-anna is any help.558 Neither would-that nor
553
554
555
556
557
558
Cf. F. Rosenthal, The Herb, 109 (Leiden 1971). [Above, p. 244, Ed.]
Cf. al-Ukbar, as-Sawni al-adabyah, as quoted by Ab t-Tuq al-Badr, Rat al-arw,
Ms. Paris ar. 3544, fol. 30a.
See above, n. 274.
Cf. L. Cheikho, Shuar an-Narnyah bad al-Islm, part I: ash-Shuar al-mukharamn,
77 (Beirut 1924); Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 222. The verse was mostly quoted anonymously,
cf., for instance, Ab Hill al-Askar, inatayn, 57, ed. al-Bijwand Ibrhm, 77; Ab
Sulaymn as-Sijistn, iwn, 358; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281; Ibn ajar, Fat,
XVI, 353. For Ab Zubayd a-, see GAS, II, 161 f.
The first half-verse appears in a poem by Ab Qafah, cf. Agh., I, 15, Agh.3, I, 28; Yqt,
Mujam, I, 538, IV, 1025. For Ab Qafah, see GAS, II, 424f.
For the adth on laww as the work of Satan, see Concordance, VI, 151a811.
The three preceding statements are in the form of verses as quoted by Ab Sulaymn
as-Sijistan, iwn, 358.
hope and wishes
645
perhaps can bring back anything, and certainly not ones lost youth.559 Man
perishes while his hope has not perished nor has the connection of will-be
with his would-that.560 A frustrated | lover might wish for death in order to
have a respite from his torment, but where, he exclaims, is would-that?561
And it speaks against people that they would always say Would that we when
Oh would that is of no use.562
Layta, it was stated correctly, was used mainly for what is impossible, and
only very rarely for what is possible.563 One might use it for wishing for something as obviously impossible as finding the water of the Euphrates give information564 or, more subtly, as seeing that all the souls wishes are granted it.565
Innumerable other such wishes were introduced by layta. Even when the word
was used for something possible, it was usually something that was possible
only in theory and was not actually expected to happen. An aura of hopelessness surrounded nearly all its poetic uses. The many verses beginning Would
that I knew whether I shall (or: would that I could) ever again spend the
night in ,566 obsessively expressed unfulfillable longing. Even if the possibility existed, being again in the old place would not be what it once was. In his
famous poem, Ibn ad-Dumaynah sadly came to the conclusion that wishing
was of no use:
559
560
561
562
563
564
565
566
Cf. al-Ql, Aml, II, 270, (Dhayl), III, 78, l. 19, and 79, l. 6.
Cf. Mamd al-Warrq, Dwn, 51, derived from Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 146. Cf. also
Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 460: Often perhaps (as) and will be have caused deception.
Ibn Ab d-duny devoted considerable space to the danger of postponing matters (sawfa,
taswf ), cf. his Qiar al-amal, fols. 40b41b, corresponding closely to fols. 19b20b. It is one of
the hosts of Ibls. Perdition lurks in as-sawf and al-layt. Al-asan (al-Bar) warned against
the preoccupation with tomorrow and neglect of today inherent in taswf, and so on.
The particles laalla and as perhaps were seen as indicative of hope. Their frequent
occurrence in the Qurn was claimed to constitute proof that hope was a divine station
on the mystic path, cf. Ibn Arab, Futt, II, 86.
Cf. Agh., III, 79, Agh.3, III, 362. For the poet Ukkshah b. Abd-a-amad, see GAS, II, 524.
Cf. al-Wald b. Yazd, in Agh., VI, 104, Agh.3, VII, 8.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XVI, 346: yataallaq bi-l-mustal wa-bi-l-mumkin qallan.
Cf. Muslim b. al-Wald, Dwn, 172, no. 21, verse 4.
Cf. Agh., V, 95, VIII, 166, Agh.3, V, 359, IX, 283.
Cf., for instance, the verse said to have been recited by Bill in al-Bukhrs a, see Ibn
ajar, Fat, XVI, 347; al-Bakr, Mujam m stajam, ed. Muaf as-Saqq, III, 1015 (Cairo
19451951); Yqt, Mujam, III, 854; Lisn al-Arab, IV, 10, XIII, 137, etc., or the even more
famous verse by Jaml, Dwn, ed. Gabrieli, 70, ed. Nar, 65; Agh., II, 144, VII, 83, Agh.3, II,
393, VIII, 103.
106
646
I would say laytan many times, if it were of any use for me.
My soul would express many wishes, if it could expect them to be
granted.567
107
Thinking of his beloved in his illness, Qays b. Dhar melancholically resigned

himself to unhappiness, because the wish that past times come back even for
one day was impossible of fulfillment.568 Many poets played with the thought
that old age had some advantages. However, the number of those who wished
for the impossible, namely, that they could be young again, was probably much
greater. The note of despair | sounded by Umrah al-Yaman in the face of old
age and approaching death was but one expression of a common mood:
Would that I knew who after my death
Will be seen inhabiting my house!
Also, would that I knew
Who will read these books
On which I spent
My life night and day!569
Giving up on wishes and promises was the recommended and necessary procedure in view of their predominant deceptiveness and likely harmfulness. Y
laytan wa-l-mun ka-smih was the way in which Abd-ar-Ramn, the poet
son of assn b. Thbit, put it.570 Wishes are just wishes. They are indeed as
bad as the word wishes and the general reputation of wishes suggestuseless
and harmful.
b
The Death Connection (umnyah-manyah/ amal-ajal)
Pre-Islamic Arabs were inclined to reflect on death as the inevitable termination of all human striving, and monotheism transmitted to Islam a strong
awareness of death as a definite end and a new beginning for the individual.
All the good as well as all the bad that existed for him in the world came to
an end with it. Those Muslims in whom the feeling of the unworthiness of this
567
568
569
570
Cf. Ibn ad-Dumaynah, Dwn, 98, 172. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 262, has laytan.
Cf. Nar, Qays wa-Lubn, 79; Agh., VIII, 129, Agh.3, IX, 210.
Cf. Umrah al-Yaman, 274.
Cf. al-Butur, amsah, 96, ed. Cheikho, 62.
For the idiom ka-smi-, cf. A. Spitaler, A-abru k-smih, as-safhatu ka-smih und
hnliches, in Der Orient in der Forschung, Festschrift fr Otto Spies, 634656 (Wiesbaden
1967).
hope and wishes
647
world was strongly developed accepted it as a foregone conclusion that death

was a welcome relief from improper and unrealistic hoping and wishing and
an opportunity, hazardous though it was, for true fulfillment. The voices that
claimed a certain goodness for the things of this world were never stilled, but
even a tough realist such as the great Umayyad governor al-ajjj could plausibly be credited with a degree of disdain for this world and a preference for
the hope held out by Muslim religious beliefs. When he was ill and the rumor
spread that he had died, he dismissed it by saying: So what? I surely do not
wish never to die. Only after death can I hope for all that is good.571 He admitted implicitly that some good did exist in this world. Only death, however, could
open the door to all of it in its purity and perfection.
Worldly hopes and wishes were felt to stand in an adversary relationship to
death. This insight did not fail to make the transition from religious conviction
into general consciousness. It was expressed in a | great variety of ways. A
marthiyah fittingly used it in connection with the motif of ayna where?:
Where is now the hope with which you used to associate, where are now your
wishes in this world?572 But an accidental circumstance helped the idea to
sink even more deeply into the Muslim mind. What was seen to be the same
root (m-n-w) was shared by wishing (umnyah, etc.) and death (manyah, pl.
many), and a jingling rhyme connected hope (amal) with a word for the final
term of human life (ajal). No reliable evidence seems to exist that the play on
these words was already used in pre-Islamic times. It may very well have been.
The combination of umnyah and manyah took many forms. It was said that
he who remembers death will forget wishing.573 The futility of indulging in
wishes was expressed in the gnomic verse: How many a wish has attracted
death!574 Or, phrased somewhat differently: The death of the wisher may be
in his wishes.575 Death (many) in this world laughs at mundane wishes.576
A wish incapable of fulfillment could be described as munyah dnah manyah
a wish precluded by death.577 Fluttering hearts torn between the fear of death
571
572
573
574
575
576
577
Cf. al-Madin, Taz, 51.

Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 61.
Cf. an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, III, 102, l. 7; a-afad, Ghayth, II, 100. The poet was said to be
Ibn Bassm al-Bassm. Quoted as a proverb in (Zayd b. Rifah?), Kitb al-Amthl, 64
(Hyderabad 1351).
Cf. Ibn Zaydn, Rislah, in a-afad, Tamm, 22, 49 f. See above, n. 475.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, 79. See also Ibn Khaldn, Rihlah, ed. M. Twt a-anj, 163, l. 5
(Cairo 1370/1951).
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Ishrt, 402, l. 17. See also below, n. 716.
108
648
and the hope for victory in an impending battle were, as expressed by the genius
of al-Mutanabb, in a state between death and wishes.578 The same great poet
also suggested that a situation so distressing that death appeared desirable was
characterized with sufficient clarity as one in which death was identical with
wishing (wa-asbu l-many an yakunna amniy).579 Once established as an
accepted figure of speech, there was no end to variations. Ash-Sharf ar-Ra,
for instance, would employ a non-rhyming combination:
Our gullibility extends the delays of wishes,
And we forget thereafter the swiftness of death.580
109
The grim opposition of umnyah and manyah was also employed facetiously,
and love poetry included verses such as: Kissing your mouth is my wish, even
if it means my death,581 or: My heart wishes to join my killer; he just is either
my wish or my death.582
While the alignment of munyah and manyah was common in the language,
it retained a definitely literary flavor. The reason is obvious. Manyah does not
occur in the Qurn, and it occurs only rarely in the adth. It is a word with
pagan connotations and was primarily preserved through Arab poetical tradition. The situation was totally different with respect to amal and ajal. Ajal
was much used in the Qurn in its meaning of term. It was also used to indicate the ultimate term of peoples and individuals.583 A curious and difficult
adth making use of the opposition amal-ajal was transmitted in different
versions. It tells about a line drawing made by the Prophet. In it he represented graphically the relationship of man with death (ajal) that had almost
enclosed him and amal that stands outside, as well as the ar (or ur).
578
579
580
581
582
583
Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Azzm, 140, ed. al-Barqq, IV, 336. Imitations attest to the
popularity of the verse, cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, ed. M. Muy-ad-dn Abd-al-amd, I, 248, l. 1
(Cairo 1951), ed. Isn Abbs, I, 344 (Beirut 1973) (as-Ssakn); a-afad, Wf, XII, 246,
l. 10, and 262, l. 17.
Cf. al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Azzm, 439, ed. al-Barqq, IV, 417; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn,
Muart, II, 293; n-Nuwayr, Nihyah, VII, 133; Ibn Ab l-add, III, 417, etc. In this
sense, the horrors awaiting the damned in Hell were described as so terrible that what
they wish for there is to perish (amnhim fh al-halk), cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 451,
l. 17.
Cf. amd b. Muammad b. Frajah, in al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 419; see further, I, 181.
Cf. Ibn San-al-mulk, Dwn, II, 371.
Cf. R. Paret, Der Koran, Kommentar und Konkordanz, 134.
hope and wishes
649
The meaning of the last word, which occurs only in one version, constitutes
the crux for the correct interpretation of the adth, which appears not yet
to have been achieved. It seems to say that when man is unsuccessful with
respect to the ar worldly goods, hope gets to him, and, if he is unsuccessful
with hope, then, certainly, death speedily gets to him. Whether or not this is
the correct understanding of the adth, it is clear, especially from al-Bukhrs
second version, that its purpose was to describe primarily the relationship
between amal and ajal, with death being always close and the ultimate winner.584
Not surprisingly, therefore, amal-ajal, or their plurals ml-jl, was much
more popular than the literary play on the words derived from the root m-n-w.
A verse ascribed to Mamd al-Warrq:
I have cried because of the closeness of death
And the remoteness of the passing of hope,585
effectively repeated the theme of persistent hoping cut short by death. Regardless of its true authorship, it no doubt reflected a thought current since the
earliest times of Islam.
The Khrijite poet Qaar b. Fujah supposedly exhorted himself to avoid
being inveigled by false hopes:
O soul! Do not let yourself be diverted by false hope!
Wishes have often been proved false by death.586
584
585
586
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XIV, 12 f. A collection of different versions is found in Ibn b dduny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 2ab, among them man concerns himself with hope, but death
(al-mawt) interferes and carries him off, cf. also al-Ayn, Umdah, X, 585, copied by alQasalln, Irshd, XI, 76. At-Tirmidh, IX, 204, quoted the version according to which
the Prophet did not draw lines but touched his head. Other simplified versions appear
in Abdallh b. al-Mubrak, Zuhd, 86; an-Nuwayr al-Iskandarn, Ilmm, VI, 217f. Cf. also
Qiar al-amal, fol. 4b, where the Prophet speaks of drawing lines representing hope and
death ending wishes.
Cf. Mamd al-Warrq, Dwn, 109. The editor cites there many of the sources containing
the verse. Passing ( fawt) = reaching its term (fulfillment)?
Cf. al-Butur, amsah, 315, ed. Cheikho, 217. The amsah was the only source for this
verse in F. Gabrielis collection of the poetry of Qaar, in Rivista degli Studi Orientali, 20
(19421943), 355, and Isn Abbs, Shir al-Khawrij, 47 (Beirut, n.y. [ca. 1963]).
Cf., further, the verses by a certain Muknaf b. Muwiyah at-Tamm on disappointed
hopes cut short by death, in al-Butur, amsah, 316, ed. Cheikho, 218.
110
650
His contemporary and fellow Khrijite, Imrn b. in, is said to have put
the same idea into slightly different words when he addressed his cousin and
wife Jamrah:
O Jamrah! O Jamrah! Do not allow yourself to be carried away by hope,
For the hopers guesswork may be proved false by death.587
Another, somewhat later poet, Ab n-Najm, expressed the role of death in
bringing all hopes to an end in the verse:
All of us hope for an extension of the term of death,
Though fate (al-many) hurts all hope.588
The speed with which death comes to interfere with human aspirations led
Muslim b. al-Wald to compare the swiftness and assuredness of blows administered to the heads of enemies on the day of battle with the swiftness and
assuredness of death hurrying toward hope (ka-annah ajalun yas il
amali),589 a deft image that was much admired. His contemporary Ab lAthiyah, in his ascetic view of the world, naturally exploited the theme for
all it was worth, for instance:
The death of young men is quicker than (it is for them to attain) what they
hope for.590
God be praised for our terms (jlun) being short.
We seek lasting life with our long hopes.591
How does death (jl) cut hopes short
111
587
588
589
590
591
Cf. Isn Abbs, Shir al-Khawrij, 28. Abbs referred as his source to as-Suy, Muzhir,
ed. M. Amad Jd-al-Mawl Bak, M. Ab l-Fal Ibrhm, and Al M. al-Bijw, I, 398 (Cairo,
n.y.). The disputed womans name there is Khawlah.
Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, VI, 509, Bayn, III, 194; Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 157. For Ab
n-Najm, see GAS, II, 371 f.
Cf. Muslim b. al-Wald, Dwn, 9, no. 1, verse 30, and a-l, Akhbr Ab Tammm, ed. Khall
Mamd Askir, M. Abduh Azzm, and Nar-al-Islm al-Hind, 102 (Beirut, n.y.); Ab
Hill al-Askar, inatayn, 152, 223, ed. al-Bijw and Ibrhm, 205, 288; Ibn Khallikn, I,
44 f.; a-afad, Ghayth, II, 7 f., etc. The poets own high regard for this verse and his bragging
about it vis--vis Ab l-Athiyah were reported by Hrn b. Al b. Yay b. al-Munajjim
(see Fihrist, 144, l. 8), cf. Agh., III, 138f., Agh.3, IV, 27f. (quoted in a footnote in the edition
of Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 615 f.).
hope and wishes
651
And how quickly do hopes end in death!592

You seek lasting life and you hope constantly.
(Events) announce the death of wishes and bring the end (jl) close.593
Human beings are so constituted that they constantly think of hope but not of
death.594
Prose sayings and proverbs were no less concerned with driving home the
lesson to be derived from the opposition of amal and ajal. Al was credited with
what originally was an anonymous pronouncement,595 namely, that he who
runs guided by the rein of hope will be caused by death to stumble (man jar
f inn amalih athara bi-ajalih).596 Al-asan al-Bar was credited with the
remark that man cannot win the race with death (ajalak) and cannot attain
his hope (amalak).597 The metaphor from horse racing was popular and could
be rephrased, for instance, in the form that running with the horses of wishes
might cause a fatal stumble.598
It became ordinary linguistic usage to say: Hope has faded, and the end
has drawn near,599 and the like. Maxims such as death (jl) interferes with
hope (ml) were easily incorporated into a verse warning against excessive
hopefulness.600 The saying hope oversteps death (al-amal yatakha al-ajal)
briefly described mans lifelong hoping which vainly tried to compete with the
certainty of death.601 The idea that death was the snare of hope was considered
a proverb,602 and Graeco-Arabic | wisdom literature did not let the opportunity
592
593
594
595
596
597
598
599
600
601
602

Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 323. Cf. also Ibn Ab l-add, V, 655: Dont let yourselves be
deceived by hope and by forgetting death.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-mani, I, 95, l. 19. The statement appears among the
sayings of Hermes in al-Mubashshir, 19, l. 13.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 292. Cf. also Ibn Ab l-add, IV, 739: Know for certain that you will
not attain your hope or go beyond your appointed term (ajalak), and above, n. 447.
Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 206, with a versification by Ibn Abdrabbih.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, IV, 196, no. 312, verse 6. Cf., further, below, n. 624.
Cf. R.A. Nicholson, The Tarjuman al-ashwaq by Ibn al-Arab, 10f. (London 1911, Oriental
Translation Series, N.S. 20).
Cf. Al b. al-Jahm, Dwn, ed. Khall Mardam Bak, 68 (Damascus 1369/1949).
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, 83. Cf. his Dwn, IV, 224, no. 376, verse 12: The truth of death
appears untrue when wishes overstep it (takhaathu). Cf. also above, n. 283.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Jamharah, I, 118, quoting a versification of Kallah wa-Dimnah.
Ab l-Hill al-Askar himself described the destructive influence of death upon all human
striving in a verse comparing the world to
112
652
of amal/ ajal pass unnoticed. A saying attributed to Socrates describes death as

the thing nearest (to man) and hope as the thing farthest.603 Chapter headings
such as can be found in al-Buturs amsah (ch. 131) or the Muart
of ar-Rghib al-Ifahn (II, 287) mention death as interfering with human
hopes.
Occasionally, both the combination of umnyah/ manyah and the combination of amal/ ajal were found jointly in the same passage, as in the saying:
Hope has often produced death, and a wish has brought it forth (rubbam athmara al-amal ajal wa-natajat al-umnyah manyah).604 A curious example is
the double transmission of a view critical of time and this world. In one version, it was attributed to an unnamed sage. He described time (ad-dahr) as
wearing out the body, constantly renewing hope (ml), and bringing death
(jl) close.605 The other version purported to be the dictum of a monk: Time
wears out the body, constantly renews hope, keeps wishes (umnyah) remote,
and brings death (manyah) close.606
No matter which pair of words was employed, the endless repetition, usually by means of ingratiating rhymes, of the thought that hoping and wishing were useless in the face of inevitable death can be assumed to have contributed its share to elevating pessimism to the status of a sort of normative
wisdom.
c
Hope and Activity (amal/amal)
Yet a further extension of amal/ajal included another rhyming word, amal
work. Ab l-Athiyah combined all three words in the verses:
Death (ajal) creeps up upon you from behind,
While hope (amal) is in front of you.
A housewhen hope comes to build it up (tamuruh),

The vanguard of death (jl) comes to tear it down.
603
604
605
606
Cf. his Dwn al-man, II, 181; al-Bkharz, Dumyah, I, 525; a-afad, Waf, XII, 81. On -m-r
in this connection, see below, n. 687.
Cf. al-Mubashshir, 105, l. 6; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 287. For an aphorism
ascribed to Hermes, see above, n. 595. Cf. also below, n. 624.
Cf. Ibn al-Marzubn, Muntah, 39. Cf. also the verses ascribed to Ab l-Aswad ad-Du-al
and referred to above, n. 526.
Cf. al-Ql, Aml, II, 55.
Cf. al-Ql, Aml (Nawdir), III, 42; Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 173, ll. 21f. This version was
quoted by al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 179 bottom; Murta az-Zabd, Itf, VIII, 91.
hope and wishes
653
Truly the only thing that will save

You is truthfulness and work (amal).607
This triad of terms had become so well established in early years that no hesitation was felt about dating it back into remote antiquity. No less a legendary
figure of the past than al-Khir warned Dh l-Qarnayn that hope might put
before him things which he could not achieve and which he would be prevented from accomplishing by death (amalakamalakajalak), and he told
him when he was dying, that hope is finished, the time of death has come, and
the work (accomplished for life after death) remains.608 A fictitious inscription supposedly deciphered by Wahb b. Munabbih put the same idea somewhat differently: Were you to see how little time remains for you till your
death, you would give up your long hope and you would desire to increase your
work.609
The person who would go to work right away, postpone hoping, and be
prepared for death was pronounced clever by the f Yay b. Mudh.610 And
Ab Dwd a- spoke of achieving ones hope at the cost of approaching
death and postponing ones work as if it were to profit somebody else.611 The
relationship between the three terms was also elaborated in this manner: He
who works in the time of his hope before the arrival of his death will benefit
from his work and not be harmed by his death. He who falls short (in his work)
in the time of his hope before the arrival of his death will be deprived of (the
benefit derived from) his work and be hurt by his death.612
This relationship between hoping and wishing and mans activity on earth
had the potential of significantly influencing social and spiritual attitudes.
607
608
609
610
611
612
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 286. The truthfulness (idq) meant here is the proper uprightness of human activity.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 94, l. 2, and 106, ll. 3 f.
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 6b; Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw, 668.
Cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, XIV, 203, ll. 3f.
Cf. Ibn b d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 344, no. 402.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, I, 339.
The three terms were used together in a quite different manner in a saying ascribed to
al-asan (al-Bar) in Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 354, no. 450 (cf. 355, no. 452),
and to Asclepius in al-Mubashshir, 29: Asked to describe this world, he said: Yesterday is
a term completed (ajal), today is work, and tomorrow is hope. In other words, this world
consists of a past that is gone, a present which is to be devoted to activity, and an unknown
future for which one can only harbor hope. This presumably mirrors the Muslim religious
view that the hopes for life in a better world can be fulfilled only by working daily toward
113
654
114
Amal work, activity, like its counterpart ilm knowledge, was claimed for
the religious sphere early in Muslim history. While knowledge was felt by
many to be, in particular, the theoretical understanding of religious concerns
necessary for salvation, work was | the activity of man which, if done properly,
would assure for him bliss in the other world. The religiously approved actions
were the ones meant in the statements just quoted. It is work for the other
world from which hope might divert human beings, according to one of the
explanations given for Qurn 15:3.613 Since mundane hoping and wishing were
directed basically toward the taudry goods of this world, they prevented man
from devoting himself to salvific activity. When death put an end to them, it
was too late for him to do anything further or undo what he had done wrong
when he was alive. Man should not wish for death, since it meant that he will
be cut off from any activity and could no longer do the good deeds a Muslim
was expected to do.614 It was an indication of weakness in a human being if he
did not work for his life after death but, instead, gives in to the soul and allows
it to follow its passion and does nothing but wish in every conceivable manner
that God will come to his rescue, as a celebrated adth stated ( man atbaa
nafsah hawh wa-tamann al Allh al-amn).615
that end. The sequence tomorrow today which appears in the edition of al-Mubashshir
is found only in one of the manuscripts. For a Muslim ascetic view in this sense, cf., for
instance, Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, IV, 215, no. 352, verse 2:
Tomorrow wishes, yesterday despairtoday funeral or wedding.
613
614
615
A clever and completely secular use of the triad of terms was made by Kushjim, see below,
n. 704.
Cf. al-Ayn, Umdah, X, 584.
Cf. Hammm b. Munabbih, afah, ed. M. Hamidullah, in Majallat Majma al-ilm alArab bi-Dimashq, 28 (19721973/1953), 443, no. 76; Concordance, V, 430a31f. The transmitter of the afah reported a difference of opinion as to whether the correct reading was
amalih or amalih. The published text has ajalih, which does not make sense.
The permissibility or prohibition of wishing for death was much discussed. This subject, as well as the subject of suicide, has great if rather indirect relevance for the attitude
toward hope and despair.
For the famous adth, cf. Concordance, I, 261b11 f., II, 163a11f., VI, 277a12f. In al-Ghazzl,
Iy, IV, 124, l. 16 (Murta az-Zabd, Itf, IX, 166), al-jiz, commonly found in the tradition, was replaced by al-amaq, probably on account of the contrast with the previously
mentioned kayyis. It reflects the view that excessive wishing was stupid. For a relationship between ajz and kasal, see Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Mift dr as-sadah, I, 113, and
below, n. 636. Cf. also below, n. 769.
hope and wishes
655
Al-asan al-Bar was considered the prime early authority for the view
that man must concern himself with the conflict between hope and activity.616
He said that hypocrites, in contrast to believers, postpone work and wish for
God (to come to their rescue).617 For al-asan al-Bar, we are told, faith had
nothing to do with wishes. They may prevent man from laying in a store of good
works and having a good opinion of Gods mercy. They represent the wrong
kind of having a good opinion of God; the right kind is doing good deeds in His
behalf.618 There is the danger for man to lose (the benefit of) his work through |
hoping.619 Al-asan al-Bar exhorted people to take hold of the assurance
lying in work and not to be deceived by hope before death intervenes.620 It
thus comes as no surprise that he was also creditedat least as early as the time
of Ibn Ab d-duny and, no doubt, much earlierwith the concise statement
on hope versus work: As soon as a human being has long hopes, he hurts
his, activity (ma ala abd al-amal ill asa l-ml).621 The maxim appears
in this, and slightly different, forms also as an anonymous proverb.622 It was
moreover ascribed to Al.623
616
617
618
619
620
621
622
623
Cf. B. Reinert, Die Lehre vom tawakkul in der klassischen Sufik, 192 (Berlin 1968, Studien zur
Sprache, Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients, N.F. 3).
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, II, 153, l. 9.
Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 387, to Qurn 4:119f.; Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, IV, 118. Cf. also
ash-Sharn, Mukhtaar Tadhkirat al-Qurub, 5 (Cairo 1395/1975), and above, n. 486.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, II, 139, l. 2.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, II, 138, l. 22, see above, n. 447. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 152,
ascribed to al-asan al-Bar the statement that as soon as hope is far (?), work is loathed
(m bauda amal ill mulla amal). This suggests a positive estimate of hope as a spur
to action, which seems strange in the mouth of al-asan al-Bar. Remote hoping for
the impossible as an impediment to every activity is a plausible understanding of the
statement, but again, he is unlikely to have expressed this thought. And having no hope for
salvation would not have been considered by him as a valid excuse for giving up religious
activity.
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 10b. Cf. also Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 99, l. 13, in the
biography of al-Fuayl b. Iyd, but the reference to al-asan al-Bars statement may not
go back the time of al-Fuayl. It may have been inserted by Ab Nuaym. Further, Ibn b
d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 373, no. 531: Work is adversely affected by long hope (innam
sa al-amal min l al-amal).
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 149; Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 152 (kills work);
Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, III, i, 307.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 310. Marf al-Karkh prayed for divine protection against long hope
as it prevented good work, cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 10ab; Ab Nuaym,
ilyah, VIII, 361, l. 15.
A very different view of the relationship between hope and activity may be mentioned
115
656
116
The association that developed between amal and amal became so close
that authors, or copyists, were sometimes confused as to which word constituted the correct text.624 There was little doubt, however, in the | religious mind
that a most serious consequence of hoping and wishing was neglect of doing
what was acceptable in the eyes of God. It often happened that an individual had to confess that he had done too little work, since he was deceived by
hope.625 Man should not be carried away by hope so that he would end up with
a shortage of works,626 and he should not let predetermination work all the
time while he stands by idly hoping.627 The most useful hope was said to be
one that made it easy for a person to work toward obtaining the divine reward
hoped for.628
Indulgence in hoping and wishing caused laziness (kasal, another rhyme
word). When religious and mystic authorities stressed this point, they meant
laziness with respect to doing deeds pleasing to God. This was no doubt the
view of al-Qushayr.629 In the opinion of Yay b. Mudh in the ninth century,
a human being does not cease to be tied to indolence (tawn) as long as he
624
625
626
627
628
629
here, although it belongs rather to the f discussion of hope and fear. It is found in the
famous first aphorism of Ibn Allh, ikam, 9 (Damascus, n.y.), translated by V. Danner,
22 (Leiden 1973): One of the signs of relying on ones own deeds (amal) is the loss of
hope (raj) when a downfall occurs. According to the commentators, ordinary religious
activity was contrasted here with the individuals mystic abandonment to the divine.
Under adverse circumstances, the individual who put too much stress upon ordinary
religious actions will find that he has less hope for gnosis and salvation. Vice versa, if he
feels his hope diminishing, he knows that he put too much stress on ordinary religious
actions.
Cf. above, nn. 281 (Labd) and 614. A different version of the saying cited above, nn. 595
and 596, found in the Chester Beatty manuscript of al-Mubashshir, replaced amal with
amal: He who gives free rein to his work will stumble in the hippodrome of death. This
appears to be wrong. (Cf. also the even less likely version in Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, II,
189: He who runs in the hippodrome of his hope will stumble in the rein of his death [?].)
In a saying attributed to Socrates: Of the two terms delimiting life, hope (amal) makes
life last, and death (ajal) annihilates it, work replaced hope in ash-Shahrastn, ed.
W. Cureton, II, 282 (London 18421846), cf. D. Gutas, Greek Wisdom Literature in Arabic
Translation, 112 f., 327 (New Haven 1975, American Oriental Series 60).
However, the edition by Abd-al-Azz M. al-Wakl, II, 145 (Cairo 1387/1968), II, 87 (Cairo
1395/1975), has the expected amal.
Cf. Abdallh b. Khubayq, in as-Sulam, abaqt, 145, ll. 10f. (using raj).
See above, n. 419.
hope and wishes
657
is concerned with the promise of wishes,630 and a tenth-century f, Ab

Uthmn al-Maghrib, maintained that a person who devotes himself to wishes
cuts himself off by procrastination (taswf ) and indolence.631 Again, it was
allegedly a f who found a seal ring with the inscription: He who is used
to nightly conversation with wishes will stay on the path of indolence.632 In
the theological view, long hope produced laziness with respect to acting in
conformity with the dictates of obedience to God as well as procrastination
with respect to repentance.633 The possibility was, however, considered that
non-hope ( yas), despair of obtaining forgiveness from God, might result in
excessive fear and cause people to refrain from activity (taksul) and to indulge
in sinful behavior.634
Just as knowledge continued to signify all human knowledge, work continued to include all worthwhile human activity on earth. The existence of a
possible negative effect of hoping and wishing upon it was not only taken for
granted by the men of religion, but it was also acknowledged by those of a
more secular outlook on human affairs. Among them, as we will see, hoping
and wishing were recognized as having their particular indispensable and useful aspects. Overindulgence | in them, however, was also chastised by them in
no uncertain terms. It was argued that the problem of divine predetermination
was not to be resolved in the sense that human activity was of no account. It still
remained important for human beings to be as active as they could be and not
to substitute wishes for actions. This insight was felt to be important enough to
make a seventh-century authority of legendary renown serve as its spokesman.
Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual thus censured his son Ab arb for not working and not
seeking to earn a livelihood:
The search for a livelihood is not accomplished by wishes.
Rather, cast your bucket into the well with all the others!
One day, it will come up full for you. Another day,
It will come up with muck and little water.
Do not harbor wishes and be inactive and lazy,
Transferring (your activity) to divine predetermination and predestination!
630
631
632
633
634
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 111.

Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 483.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Bair, II, 46. Cf. also Ishrt, 176, ll. 4f.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 144. See also below, n. 786.
117
658
For the predetermination of the Merciful One brings

Sustenance for human beings from heaven,
Determined to be either contracted or extended,635
While human weakness causes misfortune.636
118
There can be no doubt about Gods predetermination of everything, the poet

contended, but this is no reason for man to sit around and do nothing but
wishing; rather, he should contribute his share of activity in order to make, as
it were, Gods purpose come true. Since the first two verses were often quoted
by themselves, it could be argued that the remaining three verses with their
theological orientation were not originally connected with them and that the
poets advice to his son was purely secular in nature. This is very well possible
but cannot be proved.
The theme of the uselessness of constant hoping in the face of death was
combined, in verses ascribed to Mamd al-Warrq, with the human devotion
to pleasures and relaxation as well as their tendency toward letting laziness
rule their behavior.637 It was, however, purely secular thought that no great
achievement in this world can materialize for either individuals or society
when hoping takes the place of hard work and man fails to act decisively. The
multiplication of hopes and the resulting neglect of constructive activity might
be one of the causes of | political decline.638 Wishes bring no results (l mal
lah) for individuals,639 nor, in the words of Ab Tammm, does feeding in
their pastures make anybody fat.639a The meanness of envy shows itself in
the fact that the envious individual takes his revenge merely by wishing, and
not by acting and fighting as an enemy would.640 Just as youth is not brought
back by dyeing ones hair or knowledge acquired by claiming to possess it,
635
636
For this usage of qab and bas cf Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, III, 161, no. 262, verse 20.
Cf. Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual, Dwn, 36, 43. For the first two verses, cf. also Agh., XI, 122, Agh.3,
XII, 330. The source of the remaining three verses is Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, IV, 281,
ed. Rif, XII, 36. For weakness and laziness, see above, n. 615.
637 Cf. Mamd al-Warrq, Dwn, 113.
638 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 136f., among the sayings attributed to Plato. Taf multiplication
could also mean weakening, which would make the saying an expression of the constructive effects of hope. However, the so-called Western recension of al-Mubashshir reads
al-iikl al (Spanish se acomendar), instead of taf.
639 Cf. ash-Sharsh, II, 253.
639a Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. Azzm, III, 67; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281.
640 Cf. al-Ql, Aml (Nawdir), III, 214, ll. 14 ff., in the name of Yay b. Khlid (al-Barmak).
hope and wishes
659
wealth is not attained by wishes,641 nor, for that matter, is anything of real
importance in the world:
Say to the person who hopes (r-j-w) for great things (mal al-umr):
Without effort, you hope for the impossible.642
Or, as a later poet put it,
With the points of spears and the cutting edges of swords
Is eminence secured, and not by false wishes.643
The general insight that, apart from luck which was often given a decisive role,
only effort and hard work could bring success always remained alive. The verse
telling us that
High positions (mal) are acquired in accordance with the amount of
effort expended.
Those who seek eminence (ul) must spend sleepless nights,
was not without reason popular and quoted in the entertaining and educational literature.644 The detrimental effect upon ambition and success produced by hoping and wishing and the sloth resulting from them thus was occasionally stressed on the secular plane. It was also clear to the representatives of
pious devotion that the hope for profit was the in|centive for all worldly labor.
Al-Musib made this point in order to justify the need of human beings to
hope for reward in the other world.645 In general, the confrontation of amal and
amal, to the disadvantage of hope, was of religious inspiration and expectedly
spread far and wide.
641
642
643
644
645
Cf. al-Baldhur, Ansb, III, 83 f., in the name of Muammad b. Al b. Abdallh b. Abbs.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Mift dr as-sadah, I, 108. Cf. also ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn,
II, 375, l. 3.
Cf. Nr-ad-dn al-Isird, Dwn, Ms. Escurial or. 472, fol. 62a: Bi-sumri l-awl wa-d-diqqi
l-qawibitushdu l-ul l bi-l-amn l-kawdhibi. Cf., further, below, n. 677.
Cf. the introduction of the story of Sindbad the Sailor in the Arabian Nights and az-Zarnj,
Talim al-mutaallim, trans. G.E. von Grunebaum and T.M. Abel, 39, ch. 5 (New York 1947);
a-afad, Ghayth, II, 9. The verses were also quoted in a footnote of the edition of Ibn
Jamah, Tadhkirat as-smi wa-l-mutakallim, 78 (Hyderabad 1353).
Cf. J. van Ess, Die Gedankenwelt des ri al-Musib, 127f. (Bonn 1961, Bonner Orientalistische Studien, N.S. 12).
119
660
120
d
Sweet Hope, Enjoyable Wishes
While hoping and wishing might lead man away from reality and cause the
harm that easily befell him when he did not have his feet planted firmly on
the ground, they were also necessary to provide him with the psychological
fortitude required to face reality and its discouraging and depressing effects.
To be sure, hoping and wishing did not constitute a cure. They were illusions,
with the always present potential of turning into something very dangerous.
Yet, they were all a man had left when he was about to be crushed by worry and
misfortune. They provided at least temporary relief and comfort and enabled
him to go on living.
The distance between what is salutary and what is destructive in human
psychological reactions is often a short one. Thus, indecision as to the most
desirable attitude to take with respect to hoping and wishing came naturally.
No doubt, it was widespread also among Muslims. A good example for the
difficulty to take a stand in the matter comes from Graeco-Arabic translation
literature. A verse attributed to Menander proclaims that an unfortunate man
is saved by hope.646 It appears in the Arabic translation of the monosticha
ascribed to the Greek poet in a rather exact rendering. Hope, however, was
replaced in it by wishes: An unfortunate man lives by wishes.647 In the
gnomologium of Ibn Hind, this statement was transformed to read: The
unfortunate person is the one who lives by wishes.648 Ibn Hinds formulation
was no doubt intended to signify that living by wishes would have unhappy
results for the person who did itjust the opposite of what the Greek version
originally meant.
Another, more ambiguous example is furnished by two more monosticha
of Pseudo-Menander: Hai elpides boskousi tous kenous brotn and elpis gar
h boskousa tous pollous brotn. The preferred understanding of these verses
inclines toward attributing a negative sense to them. Manyor worthless |
and stupidpeople are led to pasture like dumb animals and, in a manner of
speaking, filled up with misleading hopes instead of nourishing food. However,
it does not seem entirely excluded that the empty (kenous) human beings here
are the ones bereft of worldly goods and having nothing to live on and to live
for. There are many of those, and they are fed, and sustained, by hope. The
Arabic translation employed ghalaba al in both cases. It appears to mean
646
647
648
Cf. Stobaeus, ed. C. Wachsmuth and O. Hense, IV, 997 (reprint Berlin 1958); Menandri
Sententiae, ed. S. Jaekel, 34, no. 30 (Leipzig 1964). Cf. also above, n. 624.
Cf. M. Ullmann, Die arabische berlieferung der sogenannten Menandersentenzen, 21,
no. 37 (Wiesbaden 1961, Abhandlungen fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 34, 1).
Cf. Ibn Hind, 135. For bi-t-tamann, read, with Ms. Aya Sofya 2452, bi-l-mun.
hope and wishes
661
that many, or unoccupied ( furrgh), human beings are overcome by hope and
suffer defeat at its hand, clearly a negative view of the effects of hope.649
In some remote way, the Greek tradition was partially responsible for the
designation of hope as sweet. When Bias was asked what it was that was sweet
for human beings, he replied in one word: Hope.650 No exact translation of
Bias remark seems to exist in Arabic, but another saying, commonly quoted in
Greek literature, was translated into Arabic in the name of Pythagoras: Asked
to mention the sweetest (al) thing, he replied, That which one desires.651
The Greek original stressed attainment of desires, and attainment is not mentioned in the Arabic sources, but no significance seems to attach to this omission. At any rate, Muslims knew of the sweetness of attaining ones wishes,652
but they also expressed the opinion that wishing by itself was sweeter (ayab)
than the attainment of ones wishes and hopes.653 That wishing had the power
of giving a person greater pleasure than wish fulfillment was an indication of
the tremendous force of illusion residing in it. In stark sexual language, it was
described as comparable to the greater sweetness (ayab) of emission during
sleep as compared to actual coitus.654
The sweetness of hopes and wishes continued to be a much employed
metaphor. The poet an-Njim thus praised the art of a songstress as being a
kind of
649
650
651
652
653
654
Cf. Ullmann, Menandersentenzen, 22 and 30, nos. 44 and 111; Menandri Sententiae, ed.
Jaekel, 38, no. 51, and 124, no. 12. Schrijen, Elpis, 76ff., devotes a special chapter to the
connection of boskein with hope.
Furrgh is reminiscent of the definition of love as the pastime of an empty soul, that
is, of a person who has nothing better to do.
Cf. Gnomologium Vaticanum, no. 155. Cf. Schrijen, Elpis, 63, in connection with Pindars
mention of sweet hope in verses quoted by Plato, Republic 331A (Schrijen, Elpis, 163).
Cf. F. Rosenthal, Sayings of the Ancients from Ibn Durayds Kitb al-Mujtan, in Orientalia,
N.S. 27 (1958), 41, 170, no. 32, and the references given there; Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn
al-mani, II, 93. Cf. also Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 261, ll. 3f., with the attribution to Ibn Ab
Bakrah (below, n. 661); al-Bayhaq, Masin, 295, l. 4, where wishes is the answer to the
question about the most enjoyable (amta) thing.
For hdiston in the Greek saying, Arabic would usually use the root l-dh-dh, see below,
n. 664.
See above, nn. 371 and 372.
Cf. at-Tihm (above, n. 478). Old love poetry championed the idea that for psychological
reasons, hope was more satisfactory than fulfillment, cf. Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed.
Schwarz, II, 224, no. 336, ed. Abd-al-amd, 484; Agh., I, 63, 68, Agh.3, I, 143, 165, and Ibn
Qays ar-Ruqayyt, below, n. 694.
Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, V, 192. Atyab may rather be more pleasurable.
121
662
Singing more pleasurable than the pleasure felt when falling asleep,
Sweeter and more desirable than a persons wishes for the hope contained
in them to become true.655
Or, in the words of his prominent contemporary Ibn al-Mutazz:
The cupbearers eye in moving was whispering constantly to me
Something sweeter (ayab) and subtler than wishes do.656
The same Ibn al-Mutazz quoted a verse by Ab Tammm in which the honey
sweetness of wishes (masl al-amn) was compared to sweet wine in a
cup.657
Considering the falseness and unreality of wishes, calling them sweet
required some rationalization. Thus, ash-Sharf al-Murta argued, in connection with the deceptiveness of the ayf al-khayl, that many false things are,
after all, sweet of taste.658 For the mystic thinker, a certain sweetness attached
to the process of wishing while it lasted, but it merely added to its deceptiveness.659 There was, of course, nothing false in the hope for God which was the
sweetest gift in the mystics heart.660
Another adjective descriptive of hopes and wishes was enjoyable (m-t-). In
the name of Abd-ar-Ramn b. b Bakrah, al-Ji noted that hope provided
the most enduring enjoyment (amta) in the world.661 It should, however,
655
656
657
658
659
660
661
Cf. Ibn Ab Awn, Tashbht, 124; an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, V, 118. For an-Njim, see GAS, II,
588 f. See also above, n. 2.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn, III, 82, no. 156, verse 6. Ab Nuws had already said of the
cupbearer that with his eyes he aroused in him a wish which was most pleasurable and
sweet for his heart, cf. his Dwn, 37.
Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. Azzm, IV, 519; Ibn al-Mutazz, Ful at-tabshr, 22 (Cairo
1344/1925).
Cf. ash-Sharf al-Murta, ayf, 177, l. 11.
Cf. Ibn Arab, Tajalliyt, 50 (above, n. 404).
Cf. al-Qushayr, Rislah, 63, in the name of Yay b. Mudh (below, n. 798).
Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, V, 190, Bayn, II, 107; Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 261; ar-Rghib alIfahn, Muart, I, 280, citing a sage; Ibn Ab l-add, V, 308. In a slightly different
form, the remark was quoted by the paroemiographers (below, n. 664) with an attribution
to a certain Umm al-Khuss.
According to Khalfah b. Khayyt, Tarkh, ed. Akram iy al-Umar, I, 98, 306 (anNajaf 1386/1967), Abd-ar-Ramn b. Ab Bakrah lived from 14/635636 to 89/706707. Cf.
also Khalfah, abaqt, ed. al-Umar, 203 (Baghdd 1387/1967). Other dates of death such
as 96/714715 or 101/719720 appear elsewhere. They are probably wrong, but there was
hope and wishes
663
not be overlooked that, like others who quoted the | remark in later times,
al-Ji, although he evidently saw in it an important truth, surrounded it
with statements highly critical of wishes. Among them, there was even one
attributed to the same Ibn Ab Bakrah which stated that wishing for a long life
would make a person unprepared for lifes misfortunes.662 On the other hand,
an Arab Bedouin replied to the question about the most enjoyable things in the
world by mentioning playful banter with the beloved, talking with a friend, and
wishes to while away ones days.663
Pleasure (ladhdhah) was among the great comforts that wishes were able
to provide. The greatest possible pleasure was described by the proverb: More
pleasurable than wishes (aladhdh min al-mun).664 Poets considered the idea
suitable for use in their work. Ab Nuws would happily remember kisses more
pleasurable than wishes.665 For Kushjim, nothing was more pleasurable than
a promise and the hope raised by it, even if it remained unfulfilled.666 Wishes
were paired with pleasurable things (and be said to have the same undesirable
effect of drawing attention away from the joys of Paradise).667
Joy (surr), pure joy, was another positive consequence of being gifted with
hope. Only hope, and not wealth, can give joy to the soul.668 In fact, one of the
attempted definitions of joy was the attainment of wishes,669 just as a definition of hope called hope an assumption (ann) requiring the attainment
662
663
664
665
666
667
668
669
so much confusion with respect to the identity and biography of Ibn Ab Bakrah that no
decision seems possible. Ibn Ab l-add spoke of Ubaydallh b. b Bakr, meaning probably Abd-ar-Ramns older brother Ubaydallh b. b Bakrah. Cf. also below, n. 669. For
Ab Bakrah, see M.T. Houtsma and C. Pellat, in EI2, s.v.
Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, V, 193.
Cf. al-Ql, Aml, I, 212; al-ur, Zahr, I, 352; ash-Sharsh, II, 253.
Cf. the paroemiographers such as amzah al-Ifahn, ad-Durrah al-fkhirah f l-amthl
as-sirah, ed. Abd-al-Majd Qamish, (ii), 376 (Cairo 19711972); Ab Hill al-Askar,
Jamharah, II, 221; Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, II, 562 f.
For the relevant material, cf. now l-dh-dh in Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen
Sprache, in particular, the reference to ar-raj wa-l-amal ladhdhn (Wrterbuch 504b30
32); cf. also Nicomachean Ethics 1168a 31 f., trans., ed. Badaw, 320.
Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn, 631. Cf. also above, n. 656.
Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, 146. The editors only source here was ar-Rghib al-Ifahns Muart. For another poetical application of the proverb, cf. ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 12.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, I, 323, l. 25.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 260, I. 20; al-Bayhaq, Masin, 295, l. 3; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn,
Muart, I, 280.
Cf. al-Bayhaq, Masin, 295, ll. 8 f., in the name of Abd-ar-Ramn b. Ab Bakr. Apparently
the above-mentioned Ibn b Bakrah (n. 661) was meant, and not the son of the Caliph.
122
664
123
of what means joy.670 Fondly remembered days of the past were described
as the letter heading of joy and wishes (unwna l-masarrati wa-l-amn).671
Even more pointedly, the uplifting emotional effect that wishes could provide
was compared to the joyous emotion felt | by the beholder of beauty.672 Hope,
fulfilled or not, was a source of enjoyable entertainment: Hope is a friendly
companion who, if he does not give you fulfillment (of your wishes), did entertain you (or, according to another reading: did give you enjoyment).673
Wishing is a consolation for the worried. Indeed, it is the only true kind of
consolation available to human beings.674 It is an outlet for worries:
When the worries I have crowd one upon the other in my heart,
I seek ways for them to get out through wishing.675
And again:
I divert my heart with wishes. Perhaps,
I can free myself from worry through wishes.
Although I know that there is no hope of being united with you,
My wishing is not diminished.676
670
671
672
673
674
675
676
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Mufradt, II, 59, here translated after the slightly different text
in the edition Cairo 1970, I, 278. See above, n. 402.
Cf. Ibn Khallikan, III, 364, quoting Ibn Bassm al-Bassm.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, V, 308.
Alhka, probably a simplified reading, appears in al-ur, Zahr, I, 352, Jam al-jawhir,
ed. al-Khnj, 150, ed. al-Bijw, 184; ash-Sharsh, II, 253. Istamtaa bih is found in unayn,
Nawdir, Hebrew trans., ed. A. Loewenthal, 37, German trans. by the same, 135 (Frankfurt
am Main 1896), among the sayings of Ptolemy; Ibn al-Mutazz, db, 51; al-Mubashshir, 254
(where the negation lam was omitted by the printer by mistake); ash-Shahrazr, Nuzhat
al-arw, ed. Syed Khurshd Ahmed, I, 314 (Hyderabad 1396/1976); a-afad, Ghayth, II,
90.
Cf. above, n. 507, and Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, III, 78. The text of the Imt has asslwyn, corrected by the editors to as-sukrayn. A correction to as-salwatayn seems preferable. A-afad, Ghayth, II, 100, refers to being inebriated through the cups of wishes. Cf.
also above, n. 552. However, some explicit equation of wishing with drunkenness is needed
if one is to accept the reading as-sukrayn.
Cf. the paroemiographers (above, n. 664) and ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 99. -l-l II and V was commonly used for diverting (entertaining,
occupying) soul, heart, worries with hope or wishes, cf., for instance, above, n. 99, and
below, n. 690, etc. See also at-Tankh, Faraj, II, 221, 223.
hope and wishes
665
But it could also be said that a person is unable to banish worry with wishes,
just as he cannot reach eminence without noble deeds.677 And a man might be
criticized for spending his days wishing and still have to use the arm of worry
as a pillow when he goes to bed at night.678
Hoping and wishing give rest and respite. Rest (rah) was widely thought
of as being more easily attained by giving up on worldly ambitions and desires
fueled by hopes and wishes,679 but the notion that | hopes give rest to the
souls680 was not entirely absent. Firdaws praised hope as being not only the
most gentle (hista) and agreeable (shyista) of the qualities giving happiness
but also as the most restful one (bar sda az ranj).680a Respite from worries
was provided by wishes for the disappointed lover:
Wishes mean rest, even if they divert us
From passion for her with something that will not be.681
Unhappy events need not be feared excessively, because they carry the potential of two kinds of rest. They lead to either wishes or death (bi-l-mun aw
bi-l-many).682 Naturally, where hope was directed toward the divine, it meant
rest for the hearts in beholding the generosity of the One (al-muaad).683
Such hope could be described as pleasure in the heart and rest (ladhdhah f
l-qalb wa-rtiy) in the expectation of what one likes.684
Most importantly, it was often thought that life itself could be sustained
only by taking refuge in hoping and wishing. Like the worst kind of incurable
disease which discourages hope, death holds the special terror that, when it
677
678
Cf. Bashshr, in Agh., III, 56, Agh.3, III, 214; Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, I, 137.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man, II, 103, inatayn, 215, ed. al-Bijw and Ibrhm,
279. On loosening the bonds of worry through wishes, cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, in a-l, Ashr
awld al-khulaf, 226.
679 See the discussion of yas, above, p. 102 [p. 641, Ed.].
680 Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 90. Irtiy of the heart might be used to define hope (raj), cf.
al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 124 and 141 (below, n. 821).
680a Cf. Firdaws, ed. Mohl, VI, 372.
681 Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281; a-afad, Ghayth, II, 96.
682 Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 177, apparently quoting al-Q al-Ashraf, the son of al-Q
al-Fil (whose father also was named al-Q al-Ashraf).
683 Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, X, 386, l. 21, in the name of the f Muammad b. Khaff; asSuhraward, Awrif al-marif, in the margin of al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 320, trans. R. Gramlich, 426 (Wiesbaden 1978, Freiburger Islamstudien 6). As-Suhrawards text has al-marjw
for the very similar al-muaad of Ab Nuaym.
684 Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 124.
124
666
125
comes, man forgets his wishes and is no longer able to wish.685 This implies
that life requires hoping and wishing to be livable. On the most positive level,
hope is a constructive force which helps man to overcome evil and destructive
influences. It works toward giving him confidence in the possibility of future
success in whatever he is doing; it must be proportionate to his actual efforts,
so that he can exercise the best possible activity and be successful in it.686
It is needed for building things (-m-r) in this world and make them flourish,
for the benefit of both the individual and his society. One of the arguments
raised against astrology stated that, assuming that astrologers were always
right with their predictions for themselves and for others, in particular with
respect to advance knowledge of the time of death, this would have a number
of disturbing | consequences, among them the narrowing of hopes which
give psychological comfort and make this world prosper (-m-r); such a person
would not accomplish the good hoped for because of the evil expected.687
As an expedient for making life more bearable, hope was contrasted with
the sad oppressiveness of reality. Man in general had a narrow (i.e., unhappy)
life and wide (i.e., comforting) hope (qa alayhi amrunwa-ttasaa rraju).688 The implication was that hope could have the effect of relieving the
drabness and terror of life. Ab Tammm proclaimed that the light provided
by hope was more broadening for eye and heart than any light observable in
the landscape.689 About three centuries after him, a-ughr gave the most
perfect expression to the theme of hope removing the anxiety and depression
inherent in human life by raising psychological expectations and thereby creating a sense of cheerfulness. It is contained in a verse of his celebrated Lmyat
al-Ajam:
I divert the soul with hopes and watch out for it (them?).
How narrow would life be without the wideness of hope!
685
686
687
688
689
Cf. the marthiyah containing this idea in ash-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, I, 217.
Cf. Bilawhar wa-Bdhsf, ed. D. Gimaret, 82f. (Beirut 1972), trans. by the same, 120 (Paris
1971). Cf. also the maxim on the correspondence of wishes to achievements (kull imri
amnh talq bi-malh) in a-afad, Ghayth, II, 90.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, 55. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Muqbast, 61, 2nd muqbasah, may
have thought along similar lines when he suggested that a person who does not know
astrology may be stronger in his tawakkul and his (metaphysical?) hope and fear than one
who does. For hope and -m-r, see also above, n. 602.
Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. Azzm, I, 360; a-l, Akhbr Ab Tammm, 149.
hope and wishes
667
(Uallilu n-nafsa bi-l-mli arqubuh

M ayaqa d-dahra lawl fusatu l-amali)690
Without such recourse to hoping and wishing, life would move constantly
within its cheerless and restricting confines toward its speedy end. This is the
message of the Imd al-Ktib al-Ifahn:
These days are just sheets of paper
On which we are recorded and which are then wiped clean.
I did not notice anything in my time like the circle of wishes
Widened by hope when life is narrow.691
Worries might drive a man mad unless he falls back upon this kind of comfort:
Would that I knew what excuse there could be except
Gods decision with respect to the sustenance He gives and the deprivation I am suffering.
I would have staggered madly (ahma) under the load of
Worry, were it not for the distraction provided for me by wishes.692
Whether or not these verses belong to love poetry, the attitude expressed in
them, and elsewhere in love poetry, toward hoping and wishing was felt to
be generally applicable to all life situations. Their effect was, understandably,
acknowledged to be not altogether constructive but rather a palliative of limited duration and effectiveness. Ibn Mayydah, who lived in the first half of the
eighth century, was deeply dissatisfied with being merely able to wish that he
could be with his beloved Layl. Wishes, he mused, were best when they came
true. If they did not, at least they allowed us to live with the happy illusion of
well-being:
Wishes from Layl are beautiful as if Layl were
Relieving my thirst with a cool drink by means of them.
Wishes, if they come true, are the best of wishes.
If not, we have lived with their help for a time in luxury.693
690
691
692
693
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 85100 (see above, n. 436).

Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 85, Wf, ed. H. Ritter, I, 139 (reprint Wiesbaden 1962, Bibliotheca
Islamica 6a). Cf., further, for instance, as-Sharf ar-Ra, Dwn, II, 130, 179.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 98 (Ab l-usayn al-Jazzr).
Cf. Ibn Mayydah, Shir, coll. M. Nyif ad-Dulaym, 39 (Mosul, n.y. [ca. 19681970]), with
126
668
127
In the early centuries of Islam, it was customary to think along these lines.
Verses by Ibn Qays ar-Ruqayyt stated that it made no difference to the lover
if his beloved fulfilled her promises or did not fulfill them, for if she did not,
we shall live for a while by means of the hopes you are giving us.694 Al-Abbs
b. al-Anaf thought that the pleasurable comforts of wishes would enable
him to live till separation would come to an end.695 His contemporary, Ab
Muammad al-Yazd, spoke of living by the hope that separation would end
as the only possible means of survival.696 Another contemporary, Ibn Qunbur
(Qanbar), proclaimed | himself satisfied if his beloved would just allow him to
wish and go on living:
Feed me wishes, so that I may live by means of them,
And withhold giving (yourself) fully as long as you give me my hopes.697
694
695
696
697
further references; al-ur, Zahr, I, 352; a-afad, Ghayth, II, 90. For Ibn Mayydah, see
GAS, II, 442 f.
Al-Ji, ayawn, V, 191f., quoted the verses as Arab Bedouin poetry and substituted
Salm for Layl, as did Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 261, and al-ur, Jam al-jawhir, ed. alKhnj, 150, ed. al-Bijw, 184. Al-Ql, Aml (Dhayl), III, 102, and ar-Rghib al-Ifahn,
Muart, I, 280, have Sud and ascribe the verses to one of the Ban rith. AshSharsh, II, 253, who has Layl, ascribed them to Ab Tammm (?).
The second verse only was quoted by the paroemiographers (n. 664), and Ab Hill
al-Askar, inatayn, 57, ed. al-Bijw and Ibrhm, 77. It indicated to Ibn Arab, Tajallyt,
50, that its author had no sense (aql). It also was quoted in Europe already by E. Pocock,
Lamiatol Ajam, Carmen Tograi, Poetae Arabis Doctissimi; un cum versione Latina, & notis
Accessit Tractatus de Prosodia Arabica (by Samuel Clericus), 162 (Oxford 1661). Pocock
knew the verse from Ibn Bjjahs al-Qawl f -uwar ar-rnyah which is preserved in the
manuscript of Ibn Bjjahs selected writings once owned by him, now Bodleian Pocock
206, cf. Rasil (above, n. 410), 87.
Cf. Ibn Qays ar-Ruqayyt, Dwn, ed. N. Rhodokanakis, Der Dwn des Ubaid-Allh Ibn
ais ar-Ruajjt, 236 (Vienna 1902, Sitzungsberichte, Akad. d. Wiss., Wien, philos.-hist. Cl.
144), ed. M. Ysuf Najm, 137 (Beirut 1378/1958); Agh., IV, 165, Agh.3, V, 96. Rhodokanakis
took nan as belonging in the relative clause and translated by means of what we hope
for from you one day. This seems less likely.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, inatayn, 56f., ed. al-Bijw and Ibrhm, 77. Apparently not in
his Dwn.
Cf. Agh., XVIII, 83, Agh.3, XX, 239.
Cf. Agh., XIII, 8, Agh.3, XIV, 161; Ab Hill al-Askar, inatayn, 57, ed. al-Bijw and
Ibrhm, 77; Ab yyn at-Tawd, Imt, II, 176. Variant readings occur in connection
with the difficult second half-verse. For the poet, see GAS, II, 443.
hope and wishes
669
The idea expectedly lived on. Thus a thirteenth-century poet, a certain Affad-dn Isq b. Khall (d. 672/12731274), would compose verses such as these:
Without the promises made by hopes for me to live by
I would, dear fellow tribesmen, have died long ago.
The noble steed of my hopes has a cheerfulness to it
Which makes it run at full speed by the promise of wishes.698
Again, whether or not these are verses of love poetry, it makes no difference.
The sentiment expressed had acquired a sort of general validity, just as the
ayf-al-khayl imagery was seen by medieval Muslims as expressive of a general
conviction about the power of the imagination as something at times beneficent and always human.
On a less positive level, this power was considered as necessary for the poor
and the shiftless. It enabled them to tolerate their fate and even to be satisfied
with their low position in society. One of the countless anecdotes told about
Muzabbid tells us that he was once exhorted by someone to abstain from all his
aspirations for wealth and comfort. He countered by saying: I have no control
over anything but wishes. Shall I abstain from them?699
Wishes were proverbially the capital of the bankrupt (ras ml, or rus
amwl, al-mafls). This was an old phrase, which may have been pre-Islamic
(?). At any rate, it appeared already in a verse of the early ninth century:
When I wish for money, I spend the night happily.
Wishes are the capital of the bankrupt.
Were it not for wishes, I would die of sadness and grief,
When I think of the near-emptiness of the purse.700
The easy, if spurious cheerfulness of the simile had great appeal for littrateurs. The Fimid prince Tamm b. al-Muizz compared the way in which the
flowers of a meadow irrigated by a waterwheel played with the eyes of the
beholder to that of wishes playing with the bankrupt.701 At about the same
698
699
700
701
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 95 f., Wf, ed. M. Ysuf Najm, VIII, 412 (Wiesbaden 1971, Bibliotheca Islamica 6h).
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Bair, II, 160 f.
Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, V, 191; Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 261; al-Bayhaq, Masin, 295; arRghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 281.
Cf. Tamm b. al-Muizz, Dwn, 246. Tamm clearly was the inspiration of Ibn fir, see
F. Rosenthal, Gambling, 19, n. 71. [Above, p. 356. Ed.]
128
670
time, Ab ayyn at-Tawd preached: I see only wishing in your possession, and wishing is the capital of the bankrupt.702 And for this reason, one
of the Khlid brothers, Muammad b. Hshim, warned against being a slave
to wishes.703 An individual in temporary financial straits might proclaim hope
to be the only currency in his possession, as did the hapless debtor, wittily
described by Kushjim, in the cat-and-mouse game his creditor was playing
with him:
As it has turned out, I have no money except hope.
I am working without any (profit from my) work.
I have a creditor who lies in wait for me.
His great chicanery has foiled my tricks.
Whenever a term was established between us (for repayment),
I imagined that it meant my end.704
Later wits harkened back to the verses about the capital of the bankrupt
and spoke of their money belts with all their earnings (ml) as empty of
dnrs, full of hope.705 Or they contended that if a person had hope among
his possessions, it was like money kept safe in sealed bags706like money in
the bank, as we would say.
The middle classes could take occasional financial setbacks lightly and joke
about them. The large low strata of society had indeed little but hope to
live on. The wishes and efforts of a beggar were concentrated on nothing
more than clothing and food.707 The Ban Ssn, traveling mountebanks of
various descriptions, might rightly complainor, for that matter, boastthat
their nourishment was hopes, and reflect ruefully that as far as reality was
concerned, this did not help. Hopes did not contribute to their worldly goods
and social standing.708
702
703
704
705
706
707
708
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Ishrt, 153, l. 6.

Cf. ash-Sharsh, II, 253; an-Nuwayr, Nihyah, III, 107; a-afad, Ghayth, II, 100.
Cf. Kushjim, Dwn, 412. In addition to using amal, amal, and ajal, Kushjim used ajal in
the last verse in two different meanings. In the first verse, l mala provides a visual pun on
amal. Amal next to mil indicates here the profit gained from working (see also the note
following), a semantic development known also from the older Semitic languages.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 97. The poet was Alam-ad-dn Aydemir al-Muyaw.
Cf. a-afad, Ghayth, II, 97, without attribution.
Cf. Agh., VI, 79, 83, Agh.3, VI, 315, 323.
Cf. C.E. Bosworth, The Mediaeval Islamic Underworld, I, 68 (Leiden 1976); ash-Sharsh, II,
340.
hope and wishes
671
However important and necessary all these palliative uses of hoping and
wishing were for human life, another, even more far-reaching benefit to humanity was claimed for hope in the form of a adth attributed to the Prophet: Hope
(amal) is a mercy for my nation. If it did not exist, no mother would suckle a
child, nor would anybody plant a tree.709 As the fear of death is ever present
and the end is certain, only hope allows human beings to assume that there
might be a future for them in this world and motivates them to keep it from
being destroyed.710 Without hope, procreation and any other activity necessary for the perpetuation of the human race would cease. It may be noted that
the hope approved here under the guise of religion is, in fact, directed toward
purely secular ends. The tradition is an affirmation of psychological reality and
the role of hope in it beyond the dictate of otherworldly beliefs. A story told
about al-Mufaal b. Falah seems on the surface to have a similar import.
He asked God to take hope (amal) away from him, and when his prayer was
answered, he was unable to eat and drink, until he asked God to restore hope
to him.711 However, what is meant here, it seems, is the loss of hope for salvation
which makes life unbearable.
Religious scholars were aware of the life-sustaining role of hope, notwithstanding the customary condemnation of hoping in and for this world as unbecoming to dedicated believers. They tried to achieve a compromise between
the two views. A remarkable formulation to this effect appeared in the late
commentaries on the a of al-Bukhr. It would seem likely that it existed
already in earlier times:
Hope has a subtle secret. Without hope, nobody would enjoy life (tahannaa bi-aysh),712 and no soul would be happy and eager (l bat nafsuh)
to start any kind of activity in this world. Hope deserves blame only when
a person indulges too much in it and does not prepare himself for the
other world. An individual that does not run this risk is not obliged to
dispense with hope (lam yukallaf izlatah).713
709
710
711
712
713
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 283; a-afad, Ghayth, II, 90. Regrettably, earlier
sources for this statement are not available to me at this time.
This explanation of the supposed adth was suggested by ar-Rghib al-Ifahn when he
quoted statements attributed to al-usayn and Muarrif (probably, b. arf) in connection
with it.
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 3b.
More exactly, grammatically undetermined aysh should be understood here in the sense
of livelihood: Nobody would work to make and enjoy a living.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat, XIV, 11; al-Qasalln, Irshd, XI, 74.
129
672
130
e
Hopes and Wishes AchievedDirected toward Man and God
Two related topics will be touched upon in this section, (1) the frequent claim,
uttered with considerable satisfaction in most cases, that a | persons hopes and
wishes had indeed found fulfillment, and (2) the direction in which a person
should look for support toward their fulfillment. The former clearly conflicted
with the view of the nefariousness of worldly ambitions, but it was a conflict
which was hardly noticed and easily tolerated. The latter opened up a gap
between the demands of religious piety and customs of long standing and
deeply rooted in linguistic usage.
Hopes and wishes were, of course, not infrequently fulfilled in real life. Poets
often remembered those wonderful and fleetings occasions, whether in love or
in other human endeavors, when their dearest hopes were fulfilled. The pursuit
of ones wishes with deliberate dignity (at-taann wa-l-ilm) could make them
become true.714 Their achievement was the final culmination of all efforts and
left no room for further activities:
When a man attains his hopes, he has
Thereafter nothing to aspire to (muqtara).715
Wish fulfillment could be followed only by death (laysa bad bulgh al-mun
ill nuzl al-manyah).716 A person who attained his wishes might be elated but
also pained when he discovered that his people blamed him for their inability
to share in his success.717 The promise of wish fulfillment was recognized to
be an important tool in commerce and politics. The ruler must fulfill the
merchants hopes concerning the price his merchandise might bring, that is,
pay enough for it.718 A Qarmaian leader would try to gain support by promising
those who would join him that he would fulfill their hopes.719
714
715
716
717
718
719
Cf. a-ib Ibn Abbd, Dwn, ed. M. asan l Ysn, 171 (Baghdd 1384/1965). Cf. also the
verses quoted in the name of Ibn Hind (Ibn Hind?) by al-Abbs, Mahid, I, 65. On the
role of patience in this connection, see above, n. 250.
In al-ur, Zahr, I, 269, the poets name is simply Ab l-Fat. On the strength of it, the
verse was included by the editor in Kushjim, Dwn, 130. However, a manuscript of Zahr,
as indicated in the edition, identified Ab l-Fat as the son of Ibn al-Amd. Ar-Rghib
al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 282, also credited him with it. According to al-Abbs, Mahid,
I, 178, he composed it in connection with an invitation to a banquet.
Cf. Ibn Hishm, Tjn, 182, l. 19.
Cf. a-abar, Annales, III, 2265. To make someone wish (mann) was commonly used in
hope and wishes
673
A fighter in the Alid cause, wishing to accomplish heroic deeds, concluded

a poem with the words:
Were I to die a thousand deaths by obtaining (my) wishes,
I would say, when I am dead: I dont care.720
The wish fulfillment counted upon and considered possible concerned as a rule
special wishes under special circumstances. In a more reflective mood, doubts
might arise as to whether complete wish fulfilment was really desirable. It could
cause an individual to want to relive the past and to have it last forever. It might
thus, perhaps, be as well that it was not possible. This is the import of verses by
the early ninth-century poet Ab l-liyah ash-Sham:
If the wishes I have for my life (min dahriya)721 were fulfilled for me,
Although not everybody who has wishes fulfilled is therefore on the right
path,
I would say to days past: Do come back! And I would say
To days that have come (and are here now): Do keep away!722
Wish fulfillment should not be the paramount goal, no matter how important
it might seem to the individual. Given the fact that man is pervaded through
and through by desire and wishes, it could happen that
A person who falls short in his search, turns away from pursuing what
is right, and is incompetent in his pursuit may attain his dearest wishes.
One who exerts himself strenuously and opts for a straight procedure (?)
is deserving above and beyond what he seeks in his hopes. However, even
if the attainment of wishes means success, opting for what is right is more
proper for an intelligent man. He who exerts himself in the search for
what is appropriate for him needs no excuse when he withdraws from
something which, if it escapes him, deprives him of the rank of excellent
and virtuous people.723
720
721
722
723
the sense of to encourage someone by promises, cf., for instance, a-abar, Annales, III,
1749.
Or: were fulfilled by my dahr.
Cf. R. Sellheim, Gelehrtenbiographien, 210; al-Kutub, Fawt, ed. Abd-al-amd, I, 254, ed.
Abbs, I, 350 f.
Cf. Ibn al-Marzubn, Muntah, beg. (above, n. 279).
131
674
The advice dispensed here by Ibn al-Marzubn to aspiring government

officials implies that a person can make his wishes come true, if he keeps them
modest and also if he disregards what is correct and proper. If he makes great
efforts, he deserves more than he may hope for, but while wish fulfillment might
be thought of as success, it is always better to do what is right, and if a person
does his best, it makes no difference whether or not he achieves the deserved
success.
End of hope, end of wishes, using words such as ghyah or muntah, was
the phrase generally employed to indicate the highest state of perfection or
the goal of the most fervent aspirations. It was not unusual to go a step farther
and boast of having accomplished things above and beyond ( fawq, jwaza) the
keenest expectations:
All my life have I experienced life to the full
And obtained more than I could ever have wished.724
132
However, the poet sadly continued, although his nobility almost reached the
stars, he had discovered no way to live eternally. Reflecting upon earlier successes in love, another poet exclaimed:
By my life! In al-Kfah, my wishes were fulfilled for me,
And more than I could have wished, with respect to lovely maidens.725
An individual might be described as more than anyone could wish.726 Beauty
and good character might be so extraordinary as to transcend the souls
wishes.727 Gifts received from a patron could exceed the happy recipients
wishes, guesses, and hopes.728 Gods grace and bounty would naturally surpass wishes and hopes.729 The ascetic, however, thought of going beyond
724
725
726
727
728
729
See above, n. 241.

Cf. Agh., XVIII, 21, Agh.3, XX, 103. The poet was Ab Uyaynah, see the collection of his
poems by A. Ghedira, in Bulletin dtudes Orientales (Damascus), 19 (1967), 94. Cf., further,
Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. Azzm, IV, 601, quoted by ash-Sharsh, II, 60; Ibn al-Mutazz,
Ful at-tabshr, 96.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, I, 30, l. 11.
Cf. Ibn ar-Rm, in Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-mani, I, 306; al-ur, Jam al-jawhir,
ed. al-Khnj, 139, ed. al-Bijw, 171.
Cf. Ziyd al-Ajam (see GAS, II, 373f.), in Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, III, 152, l. 7; Agh., XIV, 102,
Agh.3, XV, 379, or Ibn San-al-mulk, Dwn, II, 265.
Cf. al-Bayhaq, Masin, 479, l. 18, and Agh., VIII, 164, Agh.3, IX, 278.
hope and wishes
675
earlier hopes merely as an indication that man was never satisfied and came
up with ever new hopes.730
The beloved was seen as the object of the lovers wishes. In his eyes, she was
the end of all wishes and combined in her person everything that one might
wish.731 My wish (munyat, munya) and my hope (amal) were common
terms of endearment used in addressing her since old times.732 Abbsid poets
combined them with other, simular words of endearment in order to evoke the
ardor and impetuousness of their love. Ibrhm al-Mawil addressed his wife as
Dshr, my lady, my goal, my wish,
My joy of all people, give me back my sleep!733
Ulayyah, the daughter of the caliph al-Mahd, used a slightly different combination in addressing a lover:
He is my concern (hamm), the wishes of
My soul, my quest, my hope.734
Later in the same ninth century, Ibrhm b. al-Mudabbir crammed nearly
everything into one verse, so as to suggest complete physical and psychological
compatibility with the songstress he loved:
My hope (raj), my quest (sul), my hope (amal),
My life, my ear, my eye.735
A philosopher enamored with the great problems of philosophy considered
them the wish of the ancients and the moderns.736 In a more profound way,
730
731
732
733
734
735
736
Cf. Ab l-Athiyah, Dwn, 66, 70, 305.

Cf., for instance, Ab akhr al-Hudhal (see GAS, II, 405), in as-Sukkar, Shar ashr
al-Hudhalyn, (II), 916; Ibn Maymn, Muntah a-alab, fol. 216a, speaking of a group of
women, the end of wishes, or Ibn Mayydah, in Agh., II, 88, Agh.3, II, 260: Sud is
anybodys wish. She combines chastity with a beautiful face, or Ibn Zaydn, in a-afad,
Tamm, 15: You are all the wishes of my soul combined.
Cf., for instance, Muslim b. al-Wald, Dwn, 196, or Umar b. Ab Rabah, Dwn, ed.
Abd-al-amd, 487, etc. etc.
Cf. Agh., V, 3, Agh.3, V, 158.
Cf. a-l, Ashr awld al-khulaf, 70, see the edition of Ulayyahs poetry, in preparation
as a Yale dissertation by Sana Azmi. [The dissertation was never completed. Ed.]
Cf. Agh., XIX, 120 f., Agh.3, XX, 171.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, III, 108, l. 5.
133
676
fism applied wishes as a term of endearment to the deity in its erotic

imagery. Already Dh n-Nn al-Mir found this usage fully developed:
My wishes (munya)! Wishes extraordinary! You are for me all I can wish.
You are wealth extraordinary when there is indigence.
You are the extent of my quest, the end of my desire,
The place of my hopes, my innermost thought.737
134
Many different proper names, both male and female, were formed from the
roots for hoping and wishing. The intended significance of names of this type
was not spelled out in the sources. The most obvious explanation is that they
expressed wish fulfillment. Their bearers fulfilled the hopes and wishes of their
parents and relatives who were overjoyed by the birth of the child or who
thought that the baby was as good and beautiful as they might hope for.738
There is, however, a slightly different possibility of explanation. These names
might often have been meant not to express an established fact but the desire
or expectation of the parents that the child should grow up to become truly perfect in all the good qualities that were the common objects of hopes and wishes.
The mother | of a prominent seventh-century personality, Mlik b. Asm, was
called Asm al-mun. Her name, or rather surname, Wishes was said to have
been given to her because of her beauty.739
Intellectuals at all times were well aware of the emotional impact of the
idea of wish fulfillment which suggested the highest possible degree of perfection. When bipartite book titles became an accepted literary custom, their
first part often mentioned hopes and wishes to indicate the authors conviction that his work was all that could be desired and exhausted its subject. The
use of these terms served the purpose of whetting the prospective readers
appetite and promised him, as it were, full satisfaction with the works content.
737
738
739
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 21. Note, however, the variant reading shakwya my complaint, for
mli my hopes, in Ab Nuaym, ilyah, IX, 390, and the edition of as-Sulams abaqt
by J. Pedersen, 27 (Leiden 1960). See above, n. 259, and below, n. 764. For further examples,
see, for instance, al-allj, ed. L. Massignon, Le Dwn dAl-allj, 13, 30 (Paris 1955),
or F. Rosenthal (above, n. 95), 51, quoting Ibn Arab, cf. also Ibn Arab, Kitb al-Isr,31
(Hyderabad 1367/1948).
Cf. S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, III, 318 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London 1978).
Cf. al-Baldhur, Ansb, IV A, 73, l. 11, ed. Abbs, IV, 89, l. 11, trans. O. Pinto and G. Levi Della
Vida, Il Califfo Muwiya I, 95 (Rome 1938).
hope and wishes
677
The positive thrust which the concepts of hoping and wishing carried within
themselves in the Arabic language when Islam came to power found its principal outlet in their application to interpersonal relations. Hoping and wishing
were directed toward individuals who were, or were thought of as being, able to
fulfill a persons desire for some kind of material benefit or advancement. The
pre-Islamic poet al-Aswad b. Yafur, known as Ash Nahshal, asked:
What can I hope for after the departure
Of the family of Muarriq and after the Iyd?740
Al-Aswad here expressed a feeling of hopelessness caused by changes that had
taken place. He also implied that hopes of whatever description had to focus
for their fulfillment on other human beings.
Maml hoped for was, above all, an accepted term of praise for individuals.
A person hoped for someone else in the sense that the latter would be
able and willing to satisfy his hopes and wishes. Zuhayr spoke of someone as
faithful in treaties and maml.741 A lesser, somewhat later poet, Falah b.
Shark, said that he used to hope for (arj) Ab af.742 For Ab l-Aswad
ad-Dual, it was a consolation of sorts to realize that he was not the first to hope
for something from someone and be disappointed.743 In laudatory poetry, this
conceit remained standard. | The ever growing volume of this genre produced
a most amazing variety of modifications, too numerous and too familiar to
require documentation here.
As verbs and nouns, the two words for hope were, it seems, employed in this
particular connection without any distinction.744 In participial form, especially
in the passive, maml was the accepted term in secular use; marjw, while
used, appears to have been of less frequent occurrence.744a In fact, mil and
740
Cf. al-Ash, Dwn, 296, no. 17, verse 8, and the notes in the German section, 291, for the
numerous quotations of the verse. Cf. also Boggess (above, n. 46), 663f. For Ash Nahshal,
see GAS, II, 182 f.
741 Cf. Thalab, Shar Dwn Zuhayr b. Ab Sulm, 308 (Cairo 1363/1944); Agh., IX, 156, Agh.3,
X, 309. The crucial maml vanishes, however, if one adopts the variant reading that has
not unknown (ghayri majhli), God was, of course, also addressed as al-maml, cf., for
instance, at-Tankh, Faraj, I, 38, see also above, n. 320.
742 Cf. Agh., X, 172, Agh.3, XII, 76. For Falah, see GAS, II, 144.
743 Cf. Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual, Dwn, 27, where we find rajjaytu, while it is ammaltu in Agh.,
XI, 124, Agh.3, XII, 333.
744 See also above, nn. 322324.
744a Cf. al-Qalqashand, ubh, IX, 178, l. 11: He is al-marjw al-muammal. It is a striking
135
678
maml became quasi-technical terms to indicate a relationship between client

and master: You are the first, and I am the last; you are the mml, and I am the
mil.745 It was understood that someone in the position of master expected to
be approached with hope by his client. It probably was rather daring for the
poet Muammad b. zim al-Bhil to claim, in addressing his superior, that
It is not hopes that incline me toward you.
The fact is the noble man is the brother of any other noble man.746
136
In Abbsid court life, petitioners, people who came to court wanting something (and that included practically everybody), were referred to as the hopeful ones (al-muammiln). Khlid b. Barmak, we are told, wished to replace
the term sul petitioners, which had the strongly negative connotation of
beggars, with a more polite zuwwr visitors, because those hopeful ones
included persons of rank and merit who did not deserve to be all lumped
together under a demeaning designation.747 Poets whose living as a rule
depended upon a caliphs generosity naturally praised him as al-maml.748
As is the case in English and other languages, abstract hope was personified
also in Arabic. Upon his appointment as heir apparent in 56/676, Yazd b.
Muwiyah was acclaimed as a hope for you to have and a safe term (amal
tamulnah wa-ajal tamannah).749 In another | political context but again at
an early date, Yazd b. al-Muhallab, in 91/715716, considered himself the hope
(raj) of the Iraqians.750
Conversely, someone who was not the object of hope was a person of no
account. Verses ascribed to li b. Abd-al-Qudds, who lived in the second
half of the eighth century, made this clear once and for all:
745
746
747
748
749
750
indication of the preference for -m-l in mundane matters that -m-l, in all its stock phrases,
occurs constantly in the model letters in this volume of the ub, as against the very few
and insignificant occurrences of r-j-w.
Cf. Ab ayyn at-Tawd, Imt, I, 8, l. 4. See above, n. 295.
Rj was, of course, also used, but in a less technical manner. Addressing a patron or
a caliph, a poet might say that the person who puts his hope in him is not frustrated
(wa-r-rjka laysa yakhbu), cf. Muslim b. al-Wald, Dwn, 120, no. 13, verse 32, or Ab
Muammad al-Yazd, in Agh., XVIII, 82, Agh.3, XX, 238.
Cf. Agh., XII, 163, Agh.3, XIV, 103. For Ibn zim, see GAS, II, 517.
Cf. Agh., III, 36, Agh.3, III, 173.
For instance, al-Mutawakkil, cf. Al b. al-Jahm, Dwn, 176; Agh., IX, 119, Agh.3, X, 232, and
Ab sh-Shibl, above, n. 324, or ar-R, cf. a-l, Akhbr ar-R, 27.
Cf. a-abar, Annales, II, 1306, l. 14.
hope and wishes
679
If you cannot be approached with the hope that you will be found capable
of fending off misfortunes,
And your home is not a place where one receives kindness and gifts,
And you have no position of influence, so that you can provide others
with a livelihood,
And you cannot intercede for people on the Day of Resurrection,
Then it makes no difference whether you are alive or dead.
A wooden toothpick (khill) is more useful than your life.751
The person in the position to fulfill the hopes and wishes of others was under
an obligation which it was frequently not easy for him to discharge: The
heaviest burden for a man to bear is reserved for the one who bears other
mens hopes (ml al-muammiln).752 It could happen that a man normally
possessing power and wealth was asked for a favor at an inopportune time
when he had nothing to give away. In such cases, he would console himself
and his client with the thought of better days to come.753 Considering the
social conventions of his time and civilization, it would probably not have
been possible for him to say, as did Benjamin Franklin of the Governor of
Pennsylvania, that having little to give, he gave expectations.754 The one
thing that was always there and needed not to be given was expectations and
hope.
When the person approached for favors did not want to be generous as he
was expected to be, he had to make use of subterfuges. This, however, was not
always sufficient to deter persistent petitioners. For instance, when a chamberlain went into action and denied access to a poet, the latter shrugged it
off and maintained that the veil (ijb) set up by the chamberlain (jib) was
no deterrent to hope (amal), since experience shows that the sky holds out
hope (r-j-w) for rain when it is veiled by clouds.755 Hopes and wishes were, of
course, often disappointed, and this provoked resignation or bitterness. A poet,
however, might also blame | himself for the lack of success of his efforts and ruefully remark that he should not have attempted to ask a certain individual for
favors:
751
752
753
754
755
Cf. al-Butur, amsah, 310, ed. Cheikho, 213 f. See also above, n. 342.
Cf. Ab Hill-Askar, Dwn al-mani, II, 104.
Cf. Benjamin Franklin, Autobiography, 46 (Modern Library edition, New York 1932).
Cf. Ab Tammm, Dwn, ed. Azzm, IV, 446; Agh., XV, 106, Agh.3, XVI, 396.
137
680
You are not the one to blame. I am, because

I placed my hopes in someone other than the Creator.756
This verse blends the traditional expression of secular hope with the religious
view that human beings should not put their hopes in other human beings
but only in God. Just as complaints were, if at all, permissible only if they
were addressed to God,757 hopes, too, had their proper place in mans relations
to his God. Al was credited with remarks such as: Fear only your sin, hope
(r-j-w) only for your Lord!, or: Direct your hopes (ml) to the One whom your
hearts love.758 Another variation of the theme ascribed to Al singled out four
particularly urgent matters: Everybody should (1) harbor hope (r-j-w) only for
his Lord, (2) fear only his sin, (3) not be ashamed, when he does not know, to
say, I dont know, and (4) if he does not know, not be too proud to learn.759 A
verse by the Alid partisan Ad b. tim said:
I hope for (arj) my God and fear my sin.
I hope only for the forgiveness of my Lord.760
In a remarkable reversal, the theme of sin or crime and hope was again secularized. Isq al-Mawil wrote to al-Mamn who, for some reason, had reproached him:
The only thing that is greater than my crime is my hope
For your gracious forgiveness of my sin and my error.
If both the one and the other are of great extent,
You are still greater than my crime and my hope.761
756
757
758
759
760
761
A verse supposedly by Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn, directed against the wazr al-Muhallab, cf.
a-afad, Wf, XII, 224.
See above, pp. 53 f.
Cf. al-usr, Zahr, I, 43.
Cf. al-Yazd, Aml, 141; Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 147.
Cf. al-Minqar, Waqat iffn, 489; Ibn Ab l-add, II, 841. For Ad b. tim, see A. Schaade,
in EI2, s.v.
Ibn Lankak rhymed: I have put my hope in God and nobody elsePerhaps, God will
show mercy to the evildoer, cf. ash-Sharsh, II, 79.
Cf. Agh., V, 111, Agh.3, V, 393.
When Ab Nuws was about to indulge in wine, the commission of another sin, that
of putting his hope in his beloved drinking companion, was just additional proof of his
godlessness:
hope and wishes
681
The practical piety of the fs was cognizant of the traditional attitude

toward hope but insisted on God being everyones only permissible hope (amal
al-muammiln).762 The theme was worked out in full detail in an exemplary
story to be found in Ab Nuayms ilyah:
(A man who had run out of money was asked who he hoped would help
him to get out of his predicament. He mentioned the host of the gathering
he was attending. He was told that this would not do, since God had said:)
I shall cut off the hope of anybody who hopes for anyone but Me (and
replace it) with despair . Could he hope for anyone but Me in difficult
situations when these are in My hands, or hope for anyone but Me and
knock at someone elses door in poverty when the keys to all doors are
in My hands? Who is the man who ever hoped for (help from) Me
against his misfortunes, and I did not help him? Who is the man who ever
hoped for (forgiveness from) Me for his crimes, and I cut off his hope?
I concentrated the hopes of My servants in Me, so that they were cut
off from anyone else. I stored763 their hope with Me, but they were not
satisfied with My custody . Why do I see man turning away from Me
with his hopes? Am I not the home (maall) of all hopes,764 and who
would cut them off from Me? Those who hope, dont they do right to hope
for Me? If I gave each one of the inhabitants of My heavens and My earth
as much thinking power as I have given to them as a whole, and then
said to them, Hope for Me, and they did, and if I gave each one of them
whatever he asks for, still, what I possess would not be diminished the
least bit .765
Amad, who is my hope (al-murtaj), whenever something happens,

Come, my master, let us disobey the tyrant of the heavens!
762
763
764
765
Cf. Ab Nuws, Dwn, 117; Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, 691; al-ur, Jamal-jawhir, ed. al-Khnj,
137, ed. al-Bijw, 168.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, X, 183, l. 16, also X, 179, ll. 9f., 18. On a more practical level, it
was seen as useless to put ones hope in human beings, cf. Agh., XVIII, 122, Agh.3, XX,
59.
Hope directed toward a human being was called a treasure store, cf. Agh., IX, 31, Agh.3, X,
62. Ibn Khaldn, Rilah, 123, l. 3, addressed someone as being a unique hoped-for treasure
(dhukhr marjw).
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, X, 187.
138
682
139
This passage uses -m-l and r-j-w about evenly, although -m-l occupies a more
prominent position. Most of the hoping envisioned in it is, indeed, amal and
concerned with worldly matters. Raj in connection with God tended to be
associated with the hope for metaphysical bliss, particularly in the combination with fear as discussed in the following section. However, as far as the
obvious conflict between secular and religious hoping is concerned, it could
hardly be maintained that hoping for the support of a human benefactor as
well as addressing ones wishes to him was allowed in Islam to find continued
expression in literature (and in daily life), because it involved amal directed
toward those very insignificant and impermanent worldly benefits and therefore did not conflict with the view of God as the only permissible depository
of true raj. | Rather, the explanation seems to lie in the fact that religious
pressure on society, strong as it was, was not powerful enough in this case to
eradicate an ancient tradition.
f
Long AmalRaj and Fear
The religious attitude of official Islam toward hope crystallized early in the form
of two concepts, (1) long hope (l al-amal)766 and (2) hope as contrasted with
fear (rajkhawf ). Broadly speaking, the former concerned human attitudes
toward the affairs of this world. The latter dealt with human attitudes required
by virtue of mans position vis--vis the metaphysical establishment dominated
by the presence of an all-powerful deity as well as his expectation of reward in
Paradise and damnation in Hell.
We have encountered long hope repeatedly before. It was seen primarily as
an irrational concern with the extension of the individuals life span, but it also
included all other conceivable hopes for worldly well-being and advantage. All
such hopes were condemned as futile and, in fact, dangerous. The basic stock
of evidence, which changed little in the course of time, was brought together
by Ibn Ab d-duny in his treatise on the highly praised opposite of long hope,
short hope (qiar al-amal).767 The Prophets disapproval of mans constant
preoccupation all through his life with ir and amal was part of it;768 if it did
not originally specify long hope, it was clearly meant, and the watchword of
long hope was always understood as implied in the tradition. Another tradition,
transmitted with some variants, had the Prophet express his greatest fear for
766
767
768
The combination of the root -w-l with raj was uncommon, see, for instance, Freytag,
Arabum Proverbia, III, i, 307.
See, in general, above, p. 78, and, for Ibn Ab d-duny, above, n. 407.
See above, nn. 282, 285, 406, and, for instance, Abdallh b. al-Mubrak, Zuhd, 87; Ibn Ab
d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 3a; al-Bukhr, in Ibn ajar, Fat, XIV, 1016.
hope and wishes
683
you all, which he said was caused by two qualities, the pursuit of passion
(ittib al-haw) and long hope, for the former keeps (you) from the truth and
the latter causes (you) to forget the other world.769 The tradition was also
ascribed to Al, and this ascription probably was in a sense more original.770
At any rate, it was accepted by the entire Muslim community and never ceased
to be quoted. The destructive effect of long hope was understood to extend
beyond the individual to society as a whole. In one of the versions reported by
Ibn Ab | d-duny, the Prophet spoke of my nation (ummat), and, according to
some unnamed sage, it was stated that the ruin of the nations was precipitated
by it.771
Short hope, on the other hand, embodied the proper manner of dealing
with mans uncontrollable desire for material improvement in matters of this
world. Asceticism (zuhd), that is, the eschewing of all material goods in the
realization that an extremely low value attaches to them, was defined as short
hope.772 Short hope made living easy for the individual as it permitted him to
be little concerned with food and clothing.773 While worldly desires and long
hope precluded mans untutored reception of Gods gifts, zuhd and short hope
favored it.774 If short hope was not identical with zahdah,775 it was certainly
the mark (almah) of zuhd.776 It was the key to preparedness for the other
world.777
769
770
771
772
773
774
775
776
777
Cf. Ibn b d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 1b. For haw as the bias and prejudice conducive
to religious innovation and sectarianism, see above, nn. 440 and 615.
Cf. al-Yaqb, Tarkh, ed. M.T. Houtsma, I, 247 (Leiden 1883), II, 184 (an-Najaf 1358/1939);
Abdallh b. al-Mubrak, Zuhd, 86; Ibn Ab d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 4b; Ibn Ab l-add,
I, 496; Ibn ajar, Fat, XIV, 10.
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 3b, with the attribution to Sufyn (ath-Thawr); Ibn
Kathr, Bidyah, VIII, 10. See also below, n. 776.
Cf. Ibn b d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 4a, Dhamm ad-duny, 266, no. 99, and p. 130 where
further references are given.
Cf. Ibn Ab d-duny, Dhamm ad-duny, 265, no. 95, and p. 128; Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VI, 312,
ll. 12 ff., VIII, 135, ll. 18 ff., in a Prophetical tradition transmitted through al-Fuayl b. Iy;
al-Ghazzl, Iy, III, 177.
Al supposedly made this claim, cf. Ibn Ab l-add, II, 419.
Cf. Shh al-Kirmn, in as-Sulam, abaqt, 193, ll. 15 f., see also 264, l. 1 (Ab Muammad
al-Jarr). Al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 209, credited Amad b. anbal and Sufyn with the
remark. Cf., further, Ab Sulaymn ad-Drn, in Ab Nuaym, ilyah, IX, 266, l. 13, and
270, l. 11. The identical remark was made by tim al-Aamm with respect to fear, cf.
al-Qushayr, Rislah, 60.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, d al-arw, 68 (Cairo 1381/1962).
140
684
141
It was contended that the most effective activity of man in this world was
trust in God (tawakkul) combined with short hope.778 Indeed, tawakkul, which
also included abr, was the overarching concept determining hope. Hope was
part of the much larger theological problem of trust in God, which was seen
as having profound consequences for the way human beings felt and behaved.
Trust in God set the course for mundane hope, but it was also an important
factor in the human approach toward metaphysical hope and fear. This was
clearly expressed in a statement attributed to the eighth-century f al-Fuayl
b. Iy: I am ashamed in the face of God to say that I trust in God. If I did trust
in Him properly, I would not fear anyone or hope for anyone but Him.779 The
problem of long and short hope in this world was in a way inseparable from
that of hope and fear with respect to the other world.
The discussion of hope and fear, with its Qurnic base,780 was institutionalized in conservative fism,781 as evidenced by the special chapters devoted
to the topic in the works of as-Sarrj, al-Qushayr, Ab lib al-Makk, and alGhazzl, to name only the most prominent and influential theoreticians. For
the more extreme forms of mysticism, it was basically irrelevant. It had, however, become so much part of the religious landscape that it could never be
entirely overlooked.782 Expectedly, fs often tended toward individual interpretation of hope and fear in the light of their personal thought and their
desire for originality and deeper understanding. Therefore, their views should
be investigated individually; in many cases, the sources provide sufficient information. Some fs, notably al-Musib,783 Ab Sad-i Ab l-Khayr,784 and
Abdallh al-Anr,785 have already been studied in considerable depth with
778
779
780
781
782
783
784
785

Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 178.
See above, p. 79.
It must have sounded strange to later Muslims to hear the poet Muslim b. al-Wald say
about Jafar b. Barmak that fear and hope are directed toward him, even if amal, and not
raj, was used for hope, cf. his Dwn, 251, no. 40, verse 31.
A good example is Ibn Arabs discussion of fear and non-fear and hope and non-hope
in his Futt, II, 184186. He doubted that they could fully function as true stations on
the mystic path and, although he referred to fear and hope as the two equal components
of faith, viewed them as subordinate to the major quest and, in effect, as quite risky
impediments for the mystics search for divine reality.
Cf. J. van Ess (above, n. 645), 120130.
Cf. F. Meier, Ab Sad-i Ab l-ayr, 148184 (Teheran, Leiden, and Lige 1976, Acta Iranica,
III, iv). Nothing can be added here to Meiers masterly exposition of the meaning of fear
and hope in fism.
Cf. S. de Laugier de Beaurecueil, Autour dun texte dAnr: la problmatique musulmane
hope and wishes
685
a view to their specific attitudes toward hope (and fear). These studies have
also paid due attention to relevant views of other fs on the subject. More
work along the same lines remains to be done.
One aspect of the discussion of hope and fear has always been considered, in
the past and by modern scholars, as being of particular significance. It concerns
the problem whether hope or fear belongs in the center of religious consciousness. It has much bearing upon human behavior. Fear, especially excessive fear,
may cause withdrawal from worldly affairs,786 while hope may stimulate participation in them, at least as long as they can be used to promote spiritual welfare.
On the other hand, fear may be a spur to activity beneficial not only for the individuals soul but also for the community, while hope may produce inac|tivity787
through excessive trust in God, if not through self-deception about mans real
destiny, and therefore also inhibit socially helpful enterprise.
A model for the religious individual preempted, in all his thoughts and
actions, by the fear of death and concern with the hereafter was created in the
person of the just mentioned al-Fuayl b. Iy (d. 187/January 803). Like many
others, he saw the fear of God as the mainspring of all that is good.788 His friend
Sufyn b. Uyaynah stated that he had never seen anyone more fearful than
al-Fuayl and his (own?) father.789 But while al-Fuayl was more fearful of God
than any other human being, he was also very hopeful, more so than anyone
else, for people in general (arj li-n-ns).790 Apparently, he was solicitous for
their welfare and convinced that, if they followed his counsel, they stood a
good chance of achieving salvation. This understanding is suggested by another
version which indicates that he was not only the most fearful of men but also
the best advisor (ana) for the Muslims.791 He was, of course, convinced of
the futility of all worldly hope (l al-amal),792 and he equated long hope with
unhappiness, and short hope with bliss.793 Yet, he was not unaware of the
786
787
788
789
790
791
792
793
de l esprance, in Revue Thomiste, 59 (1959), 339366, a profound study of a brief passage

from al-Anrs Manzil as-sirn with its many commentaries.
See above, n. 634.
For Ab Uthmn al-Maghrib, surrender to hope meant inactivity (taaala), while surrender to fear meant despair (qania), cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 482, ll. 15f.; al-Qushayr,
Rislah, 63; Ibn Ab l-add, III, 694.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 140. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, IX, 259, l. 11, has Ab Sulaymn adDrn.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 85, ll. 1 f.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 86, l. 18; Ibn ajar, Tahdhb, VIII, 296.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 90, ll. 5 f.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 99, l. 12. See also above, n. 774.
Cf. Ibn b d-duny, Qiar al-amal, fol. 9a.
142
686
142
great value of metaphysical hope. Even if God were to cast him into the fire
of Hell, he would not despair of Him (ayistu/yaistuh),794 that is, his hope for
Gods ultimate mercy would never and under no circumstances come to an
end. Al-Fuayls view of the proper relationship between fear and hope found
expression in the statement: Fear is preferable (afal) to hope as long as a
person is in good health. When death comes upon him, hope is preferable to
fear. It was apparently the reporter of this statement on al-Fuayls authority,
a certain Isq b. Ibrhm a-abar, who explained this statement as follows:
If he does good when he is in good health, his hope is great when death
comes, and he is confident (asuna annuh). If he does not do good when he
is in good health, he is not confident (sa annuh) when death comes, but
his hope is great.795 Fear in life produces justified hopes for salvation, while
hope is the only thing that remains when nothing more can be done. Fear thus
constitutes the | safe course to follow for all the living, and it should govern
human behavior.
A model for the pious belief in the preferability of hope presented itself in
the person of Yay b. Mudh (d. 258/872). He was acclaimed as the personification of the science of hope (ilm ar-raj) who gave excellent expression to
its aims.796 He was particularly eloquent with respect to hope.797 The sweetest of Gods gift in his heart was hope.798 In discussing the cheerful outlook on
the world (as against the ascetic and fearful negation of it), which can be found
sometimes in fism and which was notably represented by Ab Sad-i Ab
l-Khayr, F. Meier rightly pointed to Yay b. Mudh as Ab Sads most important forerunner in this respect. It is noteworthy, however, that the long entry
on Yay in Ab Nuayms ilyah, X, 5170, appears to slight his reputation as
the outstanding advocate of hope. Ab Nuaym started out with a perfunctory
description of Yay as hoper (rj),799 and the sayings and verses he quotes
have a few references to hope, which, however, are quite inconspicuous and
in no way distinguished from the ordinary run of f pronouncements on
the subject. Elsewhere, moreover, Yay appears as a champion of the equivalence of hope and fear. He is supposed to have said that fear of punishment
794
795
796
797
798
799
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 88, l. 22, and 95, l. 13.

Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, VIII, 89, ll. 14. Cf. Meier, Ab Sad-i Ab l-ayr, 154.
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 107. Abn b. Ab Ayysh was said to have made much mention of
the chapters of hope, cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 125; Meier, Ab Sad-i Ab l-ayr, 165; Ibn
al-Jawz, Tabirah (above, n. 4) (Abn b. Uthmn!).
Cf. al-Qushayr, Rislah, 16, quoted by Ibn Khallikn, VI, 165.
Cf. above, n. 660; de Laugier de Beaurecueil (above, n. 785), 347.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyah, X, 51, l. 8.
hope and wishes
687
and hope for forgiveness are the two good things that accrue to a sinner, who
thus stands like a fox between two lions, for his evil deeds.800 The most telling
remark attributed to him is the following: He who worships God in fear drowns
in the ocean of (his) pious meditations (adhkr). He who worships Him in hope
without fear goes astray in the deserts of deception. But he who worships Him
in fear and hope together moves straight onward on the high road of (his) pious
meditations.801
Hope in general took second place to fear. This primacy of fear was sanctioned by a long and famous theological history going back into the most
remote past. As far as Islam was concerned, it was not fortuitous that Yay,
the chosen representative of hope, was later than al-Fuayl, the model of fear,
by the better part of a century. It does not seem at all unlikely that the material and intellectual flourishing of the golden age of | the Abbsids had something to do with convincing some fs that the world was not all bad, and
greater optimism was justified also in metaphysical matters. But fear was not
easily deprived of its firm hold on the religious mind. Its primacy was in fact
constantly stressed. Fear ought to be stronger (gh-l-b) than hope, for if hope
dominates fear, awareness and sensitivity (both expressed by the single word
al-qalb) become corrupted. This view, it seems, was already expressed by alasan al-Bar, whose authority carried particular weight.802 But with the slight
variant confused for corrupted, Dh n-Nn was also credited with it.803 Ab
Sulaymn ad-Drn reportedly saw corruption of the present moment (alwaqt, taking the place here of al-qalb of the other versions) as the result of the
prevalence of hope over fear.804 It may be noted that Ibn Arab maintained that
hope, if it was not in proper harmony with al-waqt, might spoil it, and thus was
seemingly more dangerous than fear; it must added, though, that in Ibn Arabs
view, the situation (ukm) with respect to hope was for the most part the same
as the one with respect to fear.805
Unambiguous statements stressing hope over fear do not seem to be easily
available. Hope could perhaps claim a closer relationship to the love of God
800
801
802
803
804
805
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 140. Al-Ghazzl, IV, 141, went so far as to attribute to him a remark
in favor of fear: The safest people tomorrow will be those most fearful today.
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 242, ll. 2 f.; al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 144.
Cf. Ibn Abdrabbih, Iqd, III, 178, ll. 13f.; H. Ritter, Studien zur Geschichte der islamischen
Frmmigkeit I, in Der Islam, 21 (1933), 14.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 141; Meier, Ab Sad-i Ab l-ayr, 153.
Cf. as-Sulam, abaqt, 76, l. 7. However, in the version in al-Qushayr, Rislah, 61, it is again
al-qalb, cf. Meier, Ab Sad-i Ab l-ayr, 152, at least in the printed text.
Cf. Ibn Arab, Futt, II, 184186, see also above, n. 404.
144
688
145
than fear, as contended already by as-Sarrj, and it had a greater affinity to the
vast and complex realm of divine mercy. In general, however, the impression
prevails that it came after fear in the scale of religious values. No undue importance should be attached to the fact that in as-Sarrj and al-Qushayr, as well
as in an occasional adab work like the Iqd, fear was treated before hope, and
this order was reversed later on in Ab lib al-Makk and al-Ghazzl. There
was some hesitant speculation about the relative position of hope and fear in
the rank order of mystic stations, which seemingly favored the former over the
latter on some occasions. But for Ab lib al-Makk, it was fear that signaled
real faith (aqqat al-mn) and perfect knowledge (kaml al-ilm),806 and he
had much to say about the numerous kinds of fear (makhwif ),807 which did
not have their counterpart in the treatment of hope. His discussion of hope
was padded by statements which upon closer inspection inclined toward confirming the superiority of fear: He | who does not know fear does not know
hope,808 or Only people of hope can fear properly, which indicates, he added,
that fear is superior to hope just as men are superior to women.809 The situation is not much different in al-Ghazzl. Characteristically, the chapter on fear
in the Iy is noticeably longer than that on hope.
Al-Ghazzl, the great compromiser, was naturally inclined to champion the
equivalence of hope and fear, and he did so emphatically. It was an old idea
in f theory. The two bridles (zimmn),810 the two wings ( jann) needed
both for flying,811 the two mounts (mayatn)812 were no doubt old metaphors
in f usage for hope and fear, and they retained lasting appeal. Ab l-Athiyah
maintained that the gnosis of God required both hope and fear,813 and he made
it clear that
Only the man who fears can hope for God.
He who hopes fears, and he who fears hopes.814
806
807
808
809
810
811
812
813
814
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 225.

Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 231.
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 215, l. 29.
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 219, l. 26, and 236, l. 3.
Cf. Meier, Ab Sad-i Ab l-ayr, 148 f.
Cf. Meier, Ab Sad-i Ab l-ayr, 156; Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 239f.; Ibn b l-add, III,
503.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 123; H. Ritter (above, n. 802), 14.
hope and wishes
689
Ab lib al-Makk clearly tilted toward the view of equivalence. The true
believer is one who keeps the balance between fear and hope,815 he said among
other similar statements.
Equivalence appeared in the Qurn dictionary of ar-Rghib al-Ifahn in
the formulation fear and hope are equivalent ( yatalzamn).816 As a philologist, he employed it to explain the assumption that r-j-w meant both to hope
and to fear, no doubt continuing an earlier tradition. Since he is now thought
to have lived in the early years of the fifth/eleventh century,817 he antedated alGhazzl who also used the formulation in his discussion of fear and hope, no
doubt also relying upon earlier sources. Al-Ghazzl was much more detailed
and outspoken than any of his mystic predecessors among those mentioned
here. As he saw it, a person overcome by despair or fear must be provided
with the remedy of hope in order to have his proper balance | restored.818 He
combined this statement with a complaint about his own times where people are too far gone for such a cure; neither the encouragement of hope nor
the threat of excessive fear could bring them back to the road of the truth.
Al-Ghazzl considered it the wrong question to ask whether fear or hope is
preferable. It depends on whatever is needed under given circumstances. Hope
and fear are both medicines to be used according to the sickness they are supposed to cure. The right question is, which of the two is more suitable (ala),
and not, which is preferable. If they are weighed, hope and fear should balance each other. Al-Ghazzl cited Ab lib al-Makk to the effect that it is the
ultimate goal of the believer to achieve equilibrium with respect to them.819
It appears to be a fact that people in general tend toward hope; this results
from delusion (ightirr) and lack of religious understanding and gnosis (qillat
al-marifah).820
Al-Ghazzl explained the theoretical foundation for the equivalence of
hope and fear by the kind of logical reasoning which was his stock in trade:
815
816
817
818
819
820
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt, I, 239, l. 6.

Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Mufradt, II, 59, s.v. r-j-w. The text continues that this is so
because he who hopes for something also fears the contrary (that it might not be), and
vice versa. This addition, however, does not appear in Mufradt, ed. Cairo 1970, I, 278. It
is, in fact, inappropriate in the philological context.
Cf. W. Madelung, ar-Rib al-Ifahn und die Ethik al-Ghazls, in R. Gramlich (ed.),
Islamwissenschaftliche Abhandlungen (above, n. 86), 152163.
Cf. already as-Sarrj, Luma, 91. See also above, n. 815.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 143 f.
146
690
Everything that attests to the superiority of hope is at the same time an

indication of the superiority of fear, for the two are equivalent (mutalzimn). Everybody who hopes for something he likes (mabb) also fears
that it might escape him. If he has no such fear, he also does not like it,
nor does he hope for and expect it. Thus hope and fear are equivalent and
cannot be disassociated from one another. It is indeed permissible for one
to be stronger (gh-l-b) than the other while they are both present, and the
heart may be preoccupied with one of them and pay no attention to the
other at the moment and neglect it. This is so because it is a condition of
hope and fear that they are attached to what is doubtful, since whatever
is known is neither hoped for nor feared. Thus, if something that is liked
can exist, it also can certainly not exist. The tentative estimate (taqdr)
that it exists gives rest to the heartit is hope. The tentative estimate
that it does not exist gives pain to the heartit is fear. The two tentative
estimates are surely there balancing one another ( yataqbaln) when the
thing that is expected is in doubt. For some reasons which may be present,
one side of the doubt may outweigh the other. This then is called assumption (ann). It may be the reason for the one being stronger than the other.
If the assumption that what is liked exists is the stronger, hope is strong,
and fear, in relation to it, is latent (?), and vice versa. In any event, they
are equivalent.821
147
In sum, it would seem that the pessimism of fear, strong from the beginning,
gained steadily in strength over the centuries. It is, however, | noteworthy that
al-Ghazzl admitted a widespread hold of hope upon most people. He disapproved of it and considered it unworthy of good Muslims, but it is an indication
that human nature had not changed much since pre-Islamic times. Officially,
however, the religious mind became more and more convinced that hope had
a necessary partnership with fear but played the lesser role in this partnership.
It also completely denied hopes legitimacy as long as it was directed toward
worldly matters in the form of long hope.
821
Concluding Remark
The tripartition of the flow of life into periods known as past, present, and
future was fully accepted in Muslim thought as a true datum of physics, notwithstanding the often realized difficulties inherent in the concept of a present.
It was again al-Ghazzl who gave clear expression to the idea that human
activity was conditioned by the different significance of these stages for the
psychological behavior of the individual. His focus was on the particular f
concern with mystic states and stations, in this case, the role of the momentary state (l) in its connection with hope, but his remarks encompass the
entirety of human existence:
Everything you like or dislike that comes to you is divided into something
existent in the (present) state (l), something existent in the past, and
something expected (muntaar) in the future. If you consider in your
mind something existent in the past, it is called memory or remembrance
(dhikr, tadhakkur). If you consider in your mind something existent in
the (momentary) state, it is called ecstasy (wajd), taste (dhawq), and
perception (idrk)it is called wajd just because you find (w-j-d) it in
yourself. If you consider in your mind something existent in the future
and it dominates your thinking and feeling (qalb), it is called expectation
(intir or tawaqqu). If it is something you dislike which causes (you)
pain in the heart, it is called fear (khawf, ishfq). If it is something you like
which gives (you) pleasure in the heart as well as rest in the anticipation
of it and through the emotional and mental (qalb, bl) concern with it,
such restfulness is called hope 1
Memory generally operates in human beings in the form of a sentimental
remembrance of the past which recalls only the good that happened in it. It
may serve to make the present more tolerable. More commonly, it may make
it seem even worse than it is by comparison. On the large canvas of history, it
may produce the false image of a past that was objectively better than anything
coming after it. Little exception was taken in Islam to the belief in the existence
of an incomparably better past; it is remarkable that, as we have seen, exception
was taken to it at all.
1 Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, IV, 123 f. See also above, nn. 396, 420, 680, 684, and 821.
148
692
149
The mystic saw the present as the exalted moment2 in his search at which a
certain degree of illumination might be achieved, if all the signs were right, but
which, if at all possible, had to be converted into something more permanent.
Outside the f path, the present was an | undetermined extent of time, the
present times in which the individual spent certain parts of his life. It was
debated whether conditions in the present times were the result of human
activity. Under the influence of pre-Islamic tradition, the times were often seen
as having a life of their own. They confronted the individual and the society
in which he lived and influenced action or inaction. According to Islam, they
were largely dependent on mans relation to the divine. It is likely that most
individuals coped quietly and uncomplainingly with the problems they were
facing in their daily lives. They may even have been more or less pleased and
satisfied with their own circumstances. Upon reflection, however, attention
was usually paid to negative features which then appeared to loom larger than
anything else. The voicing of complaints tends to be more common under
all circumstances than expressions of approval, since the intellectual effort
required to think about and express ones feelings is more readily made when
it might be seen as correcting inequities and excusing failure. Expression of
dissatisfaction with the times was the rule. The thoughtful individual felt that
the utmost wariness and skepticism were the preferred approach to his times,
no matter how pleasant they might seem. A necessary corollary was the call
to enjoyment of the good times while they lasted. Many, no doubt, followed it
and approved of it, even if religious belief was clearly not in favor of it and at
the very least considered it shortsighted.
The human attitude toward the future is determined by hope in all its
manifestations. The futures uncertainty has always been frightening to man.
The question whether human existence has meaning has often been asked,
and the answer to it has been sought in mans future rather than his past.
The asking of the question is by itself an indication of conscious and true
humanity. The existence of a satisfactory answer remains highly doubtful.
Muslim monotheism started with the search for an answer and found it in the
belief that the future is not uncertain. The course of history, of the individual
as well as the community, is known, and all hopes and wishes have to be
adjusted to its certain metaphysical end. The innate psychological necessity for
man to attempt to do something about the future was thus given its clear and
definite direction. However, enough latitude was allowed to the human mind
for playing with mundane hopes, while letting metaphysical hopes alone for
2 On the concept of waqt, see above, n. 804.
concluding remark
693
a while, and for acknowledging the usefulness of mundane hoping for human
existence, while being aware of the danger of illusion and deceptiveness.
Many usages of the famous formula in shllh if God wills3 must be translated in idiomatic English by forms of the verb to hope. We | always have
to be cautious about reading too much into the use of the word God in a
monotheistic society; it tends to become part of linguistic convention and may
be employed unthinkingly, and even by atheists. Muslim theoretical discussions of the formula would naturally heed its religious connotation and insist
upon the reality of it. Thus we are justified in interpreting it as an indication of
the view that dependency upon external guidance governed all expectations
for the future. This is in contrast to our hoping which is an exclusively internal process with the individual. Our sources show that Muslims were aware of
both aspects of mans preoccupation with what was going to happen to him.
According to the more secular view, he could make hoping and wishing work
for or against him and use his natural inclination toward them for either positive or negative ends. On the other hand, the primary religious concern was
with establishing harmony between mans desires and the largely immutable
reactions to be expected from metaphysical reality. Society, it would appear,
always included individuals who were willing to choose an optimistic stance
toward life and let themselves be guided by it. The majority, however, can be
assumed to have been convinced that the barriers confronting human ambitions were divinely established and, in fact, existed for a fundamental purpose,
the purpose of making man inclined toward pessimism with regard to his life
on earth and prudently hesitant with his regard to his chances for future salvation.
In the present struggle between those who contend that it is possible to
establish general Muslim attitudes toward certain matters and those who argue
that all such generalizations are meaningless abstractions with no reality
except in the minds of their inventors, the study of complaint and hope is a
sort of textbook case seemingly supporting both views. It is characteristically
human to reflect on the past and the future along the lines of individual experience and needs. Habits of thought and feeling are developed and become
traditional, but no matter how strong they are and how forcefully they are inculcated by society and religious systems, no uniformity with respect to views on
elementary human concerns and practices based on them can be achieved in
intellectually alive civilizations, certainly not in one as far-flung as Islam. Some
preferences can be detected. There is nothing wrong with generalizing from
3 Cf. L. Gardet, in EI2, s.v.
150
694
them, unless, of course, contradictory evidence can be found to invalidate an

attempted generalization. Our first task, however, must be to make sure that we
know, within the narrow limits that are set for any historical knowledge whatever, what can be known on the basis of reasonably well attested dataapart
from what we might just hope and wish to know and what we might complain
about that we do not know.
vi
The Individual and Society
vi.1
I Am YouIndividual Piety and Society in Islam

One of mans earliest dreams and hopes no doubt revolved around finding
ways to overcome the obvious and severe limitations placed by nature upon
the power of the individual. Two such ways clearly suggested themselves. One
of them was the banding together in small or large groups acting in concert
for the benefit of the individual in control. The other was the improvement,
in some manner, of the personal strength of the individual. The first was the
realistic and ultimately successful approach. It led to the formation of what
we call societies. The second was, for all practical purposes, merely wishful
thinking. It has remained so through the ages. But the dream lived on and has
never ceased to exist and to exert a strong fascination upon many imaginative
human beings.
A concrete attempt to increase individual power, through the invention of
tools and weapons, had the obvious drawback of doing for one individual
exactly what it was able to do for another. Thus, in reality, whatever gain in
power it brought canceled itself out in the long run. As folklore and literature
and, alas, history tell us, hope was always alive in power-starved individuals
that they might find the unique all-powerful weapon or the unique means
of transportation of unbeatable speed and use them for their own exclusive
benefit. It has proved to be a thoroughly irrational hope.
In nature, mixture, increase, and growth were easily observable and universal phenomena. These three natural processes were indeed vehicles for potential gains in individual power, although, again, in a very limited way and one
equally accessible to everybody. Anything approaching a true understanding of
how these physical phenomena came about and operated was totally beyond
the intellectual grasp of past generations of scholars and scientists. Only in
most recent years have we begun to unravel these great mysteries of life. Nevertheless, many attempts were made by earlier thinkers to come to grips with
the multifarious problems involved. Medieval Muslim philosophers expectedly
participated in this task. A few examples of how this was done in the name of
union are given later on.
Another hope for greater individual power lay in what may be called selfidentification or, rather, other-identification. In essence, this is something |
very different from mixture, increase, and growth, although, understandably,
it was not always kept distinguished from them. By assuming the identity of
some other, and presumably greater, power while retaining ones own, a per-
33
34
698
35
the individual and society
son, it was thought, might be able to increase his limited human capacities
many times over. Needless to say, such assumption of another additional identity was a physical impossibility. It was sheer magic, something that would have
seemed possible only to those who believed in the efficacy of supernatural powers on the physical level. The exultant cry of I am you had its origin in the
murky world of magical longings and beliefs. To us, it makes sense only if we
recognize that that was precisely where it originated. Its earliest attestations
in history and its survivals in primitive civilizations make this fact abundantly
clear.
Magic identification was a kind of standard procedure for solving the mysteries of both the natural and the supernatural worlds. It was stated that this
god is that god, a is b, and immediately, power was gained and difficulties were
removed. The Sanskrit Brahmanas are replete with statements of this sort: All
the deities are Agni; all the deities are Vinu 1 The newcomer who is examined by the Brahman with the question Who are you? is supposed to answer I
am yourself. Upon further questioning as to who the Brahman is, the appropriate reply to be given is You are soul. What you are, that am I.2 At a much later
stage of religious development, Sikhs supposedly addressed the deity in these
words: You are I, and I am You, there is no difference, as there is none between
gold and bracelet, water and wave.3 Man and God are indistinguishable as are
matter and form, form and matter.
Assyrian incantations made use of the same device to give comfort and
reassurance: I am heaven, you cannot touch me. I am the earth, you cannot
bewitch me Enlil is my head, my face the day; Urash, the perfect god, is
my face; my neck is Ninlils necklace; my arms are the crescent of the western
Sin; Lugaledinna [and] Lataraq are my breast; my knees are Mukhra; my feet
that walk You are mine and I am yours.4 The last phrase establishes |
1 Cf. A.B. Keith, Rigveda Brahmanas, Harvard Oriental Series, XXV (Cambridge, Mass., 1920),
p. 107. The references to Indian material are found in an instructive review article by O. Weinreich, in the course of which he studied briefly the complex of questions considered here, cf.
Archiv fr Religionswissenschaft, XIX (19161919), 165169.
2 Cf. E.B. Cowell, The Kaushitaki-Brhmaa-Upanishad, Bibliotheca Indica, Vol. XXXIX (Calcutta, 1861), pp. 146, 149.
3 Quoted from M. Horten, Die Philosophie des Islam (Munich, 1924), p. 153. On matter and form
in this connection, see below, n. 27.
4 Cf. G. Meier, Die assyrische Beschwrungssammlung Maql, Archiv fr Orient-forschung,
Beiheft II (Berlin, 1937), pp. 27, 41, 57. For the middle passage, cf. P. Garelli, in Daedalus, CIV,
2 (1975), 51. In ancient Mesopotamia, a deity would increase its power by making boastful
first-person claims to almost universal identification, cf., in particular, the text published by
i am youindividual piety and society in islam
699
identity through mutual possession. This is a common variation of the I-am-you

concept. Thus, Darius says in one of his inscriptions: Mine is Ahura Mazda,
Ahura Mazdas am I.5 Zoroastrianism is further credited with the use of the
identification formula. In view of the sources through which this information
has reached us, however, the suspicion of Christian influence arises. Gushtsp
asked Zoroaster whether the predicted future divine being would be greater or
less great than Zoroaster himself and received this reply: I am he, and he is I. He
is in me, and I am in him.6 Modern scholarly literature most commonly refers
to the idea of other-identification as it found expression in a Greek magical
papyrus dating from the ad fourth or fifth century: I know you, Hermes, and
you know me. I am you, and you are I.7 In pagan magic in modern Ethiopia, we
hear, the magician receives the incarnation of the deity and identifies himself
M.E. Cohen, in Journal of the American Oriental Society, XCV (1975), 606f. And for the dead
to claim, and thereby be assured of, identification with the divine was common in Egypt, as
M. Lichtheim reminds me with reference to P. Barguet, Le Livre des morts (Paris, 1967), pp. 43,
85 f. For the formula expressing mutual possession in Canticles and Judaism, cf. J. Goldin, in
Journal of the American Oriental Society, XCVT (1976), 40.
5 Cf. R.G. Kent, Old Persian, American Oriental Series, XXXIII (2d ed., New Haven, 1953), p. 145.
Cf. I. Gershevitch, Old Iranian Literature, Handbuch der Orientalistik, I, iv: Iranistik, II, i
(Leiden, 1968), p. 9.
6 Cf. Theodore Bar Knay, Liber scholiorum, ed. A. Scher, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum
Orientalium, Scriptores Syri, Series II, LXVLXVI (Paris and Leipzig, 19101912), II, 74, cited
by G. Messina, I Magi a Betlemme (Paris, 1933), p. 60; J. Bidez and F. Cumont, Les Mages hellniss (Paris, 1938), II, 128; U. Monneret de Villard, Le leggende orientali sui Magi Evangelici,
Studi e Testi, CLXIII (Citt del Vaticano, 1952), p. 129; J. Doresse, Les livres secrets des gnostiques
d gypte (Paris, 1958), p. 204. Cf. also Monneret de Villard, op. cit., pp. 41, 131f. The Christianization of Zoroaster is obvious in an apparently late work quoted in A. Mingana, Catalogue of
the Mingana Collection of Manuscripts, Vol. I, Syriac and Garshn Manuscripts (Cambridge,
1933), col. 323: On fol. 59 a, it is said that Zoroaster (Zrdh) said to his disciples: Anyone who
does not eat my body and drink my blood, and mix with me and I with him, will have no
salvation.
7 Cf. K. Preisendanz, Papyri graecae magicae (Leipzig and Berlin, 1931), II, 47, no. 8, line 50. Cf.,
further, for instance, R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres (Leipzig, 1904), pp. 21, 28, 365; A.J. Wensinck,
in the introduction to his translation of Bar Hebraeus, Book of the Dove (London, 1919), pp.
cixf.; C.A. Nallino, Raccolta di Scritti, Vol. II (Rome, 1940), p. 301 n. 1.; M. Pulver, in The Mysteries:
Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks, Vol. II, Bollingen Series, XXX (New York, 1955), p. 177;
F.-N. Klein, Die Lichtterminologie bei Philon von Alexandrien (Leiden, 1962), p. 140 n. 1.
The many magic I am identifications caused C.G. Jung to remark that they might
as well have been taken from an alchemical treatise, cf. Mysterium coniunctionis, trans.
R.F.C. Hull, Bollingen Series, XX (Princeton, 1963; 2d ed., 1970), p. 237. In fact, alchemy, as
shown by Jung, was a great beneficiary of the ancient belief in increased power through the
transfer and addition of identities.
700
36
with it.8 And the Zui Indians address their gods in prayer in these words: We
shall be one person.9
Magic here is close to religion, and it comes as no surprise that the basic
idea of union between man and godfor the benefit, to be sure, of manwas
effortlessly taken over into the various mainstreams of spiritualized religion.
Famous passages such as I and the Father are one (John 10:3) immediately
come to mind. Gnostic religions, in particular, are characterized by the fact that
they reconstruct the power system that holds the world together or may tear
it apart by means of an intricate series of mutual identifications of all known
physical and historical data and metaphysical abstractions. The understanding
of the system is the first and decisive step toward salvation.
A further, if extremely limited, way to increase individual power through the
addition or assumption of another identity was felt to exist in sexual union.
The myth of Aristophanes in Platos Symposium stresses not by chance the
great power, menacing even to the gods, which human beings possessed in the
original state when the sexes were permanently united in one being. That the
sex act made one out of two would seem to be an idea that is quite unlikely to
have suggested itself to man at as early a stage of his intellectual development
as did magic identification. Yet, it spread early and widely, if by no means
generally.10 A long and all-pervasive tradition, for which we may mention only
the Bible and Greek philosophy as the most important channels, has resulted
in its appearing to us as a most natural and self-evident expression of I-am-you
as part of the power play of individuals.
8
9
10
Cf. E. Cerulli, La festa del Battesimo e lEucarestia in Etiopia nel secolo XV, Analecta
Bollandiana, LXVIII (1950), 449.
Cf. R.L. Bunzel, Zui Ritual Poetry, 47th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1932), p. 784, quoted in R. Benedicts Pattern of Culture. The index of
J.G. Frazers Golden Bough (3d ed.), s.v. identification, lists such items as identification
with an animal as a homoeopathic charm, of persons with corn, of a girl with the Maize
Goddess.
A Chinese example appears in the Shih Ching, according to the translation of A. Waley,
The Book of Songs (Boston and New York, 1939), p. 26:
That a mere glance of plain leggings
Could tie my heart in tangles!
Enough! Let us two be one.
My colleague, Hugh Stimson, informs me that such an expression of love union (which
may be translated more precisely as to be one with you) is exceptional in Chinese.
701
Still more recent in its chronological origin is the alter ego (Greek allos eg11)
concept of friendship. No doubt man attempted even during the early stages
of history to increase his individual power through identification with other
individuals as allies and friends and used for this purpose magic rituals such
as the mingling of blood and the like. At some later date in human history,
the idea was spiritualized and conceived of as the mingling of kindred spirits
becoming one in two separate bodies. For the Greeks and Romans, it was
already commonplace. Men like Cicero12 would retain a cautious almost to
characterize the union achieved, but Saint Augustine for one did not hesitate
to speak plainly of one soul in two bodies.13 The original purpose of enlarging
the | individuals power through identification with the friend was soon no
longer fully realized by those who called their friend their alter ego. In the
course of time it became an entirely conventional definition of friendship with
no understanding of the true meaning behind it.
The three concepts, that of religiomagic other-identification, that of union
in love, and that of union through friendship, were all alive in the Muslim orbit.
Considering their previous history in the ancient world, it certainly should
not surprise us that we encounter them in Islam. There is, however, one thing
that should indeed surprise us. That is the unusual vigor they displayed in
medieval Muslim thought. The interest they found and the concern they were
able to arouse are confirmed not only by the frequency with which the I-am-you
expression can be traced in the preserved literature but also by the many
variations that were played on it in the course of time. Frequent attestation of a
given topic always signals the fact that great cultural importance was attached
to it. Constant efforts to find and express new variations indicate the existence
of a reservoir of undiminished vitality.
It is necessary and appropriate to give here a few illustrations for the manner in which all three ideas were treated in Muslim thought, even if Islamic
scholars are familiar with the subject and no exhaustive study of all the available material is possible here. The friendship topic, it may be mentioned, was
most recently broached by Professor Goitein in his remarkable brief paper on
Formal Friendship in the Near East.14
11
12
13
14
For allos eg as going back to the Stoic Zeno, cf. Diogenes Laertius, VII, 23; Gnomologium
Valicanum, ed. L. Sternbach (reprint Berlin, 1963), pp. 113f. Sternbach cites many more
references.
De amicitia, XXI, 81. Cf. N.J. Perella, The Kiss Sacred and Profane (Berkeley and Los Angeles,
1969), pp. 61 f.
Confessions, IV, 6. Cf. Perella, op. cit., p. 62.
In Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, CXV (1971), 484489.
37
702
38
Muslim references to the alter-ego type of definition of the friend are numerous. Nothing that could be considered a strictly literal and direct translation of
Greek allos eg has, to my knowledge, shown up so far; it would seem likely
that the expression did not occur in the Greek literature that was translated
into Arabic. Its Aristotelian prototype (Nicomachean Ethics 1166a31: allos autos)
was translated accurately khar huwa huwa, an identical other, as L.V. Berman
kindly informs me. The similar definition of the friend as someone else who
is you except that he is not you (in person) is the paraphrase that found general acceptance. Incidentally, the definition of one soul (in two bodies) which
appears in the classical passage of the Nicomachean Ethics 1168 b 8 was also
not transmitted in its exact form among the formal definitions of friendship,
although it is not absent from erotic contexts. Close friendship could be compared to the union of body and spirit,15 and close friends could be described
as being like one soul.16 A rather strange inversion, if the text is correct, is the
description of two handsome boys of the merchant class who | dressed alike
and behaved always in a completely identical manner as two spirits in one
body.17
Another aspect of other-identification, which is related to the alter-ego idea
of friendship and may therefore be briefly alluded to here,18 is the belief in the
attraction of like to like19 and in the possibility of evaluating a person by the
company he keeps20guilt by association is the slogan by which the negative
15
16
17
18
19
20
Cf. Yqt, Irshd, ed. D.S. Margoliouth, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, VI (Leiden and
London, 19071927), VI, 119; ibid., ed. A.F. Rif (2d ed., Cairo, n.d. [1357/1938]), XVI, 178,
with reference to al-Fat b. Khqn and al-Mutawakkil. Cf. also ibid., ed. Margoliouth, I,
367; ibid., ed. Rif, II, 208.
Cf. al-Masd, Murj, ed. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille (Paris, 18611877),
VII, 73; ibid. (Cairo, 1346/1927), II, 336.
Cf. ibid. (Paris, 18611877), VIII, 185; ibid. (Cairo, 1346/1927), II, 482.
Cf. also F. Meier, Die Fawi al-aml wa-fawti al-all des Nam ad-din al-Kubr
(Wiesbaden, 1957), pp. 7275 (Gleiches zu Gleichem), pp. 7687 (Unio mystica). Meier
establishes a historical nexus of spiritual and mystical union with microcosm-macrocosm
speculation rather than, as has been attempted here, with psychological and ethical
attitudes.
For instance, hs aiei ton homoion agei theos hs ton homoion (Homer, Odyssey, XVII,
219), to gar homoion pros to homoion (Hermes Trismegistus, ed. trans. A.D. Nock and
A.-J. Festugire [Paris 19451954], III, 57). Or koloion poti koloion (Aristotle: Nicomachean
Ethics 1155 a 34 f.; Eudemian Ethics 1235a; Magna Moralia 1208b).
For instance, Euripides, Phoenix (frag. 812 Nauck), speaking of someone enjoying the company of evil persons: toioutos estin hoisper hdetai xynn; Antonius Melissa, in Migne,
Patrologia Graeca, CXXXVI, col. 937A; Ecclesiasticus 13:15f.; A. Schneider, Der Gedanke
703
side of it has become so unhappily known in recent years. The Islamic aspect
of this subject in all its ramifications deserves a monograph. The basic theme
is well expressed in a verse which is constantly quoted and ascribed to either
Ad b. Zaid or arafa:
Dont inquire about a man but inquire about his companion,
For every companion imitates whomever he associates with.21
According to the early speculative theologian an-Nam, natures attract what
is similar to them (shkalah) on account of being of the same kind, and
they are inclined toward what is close to them on account of agreeing [with
them].22 And the great littrateur al-Ji has a brief survey on the subject: |
You are marked by the sign of those with whom you keep company, and the
actions of those who are your friends are attributed to you. Therefore, beware
of evildoers and of any association with dubious characters. There are current
proverbs and written sayings to this effect, such as Man is wherever he puts
himself, or One thinks of a man what one thinks of his companion, or A man
[is characterized] by his like (shikl), a man [is characterized] by his friend.23
21
22
23
der Erkenntnis des Gleichen durch Gleiches in antiker und patristischer Zeit, Beitrge zur
Geschichte der Philosophic des Mittelalters, Supplementband II (Mnster, 1923), pp. 65
76.
See, for instance, the following passages, most of which provide additional information
relevant to the subject: al-Butur, Hamsa, ed. R. Geyer and D.S. Margoliouth (Leiden,
1909), pp. 307 f.; Miskawaih and at-Taud, Hawmil, ed. A. Amn and as-Saiyid A. aqr
(Cairo, 1370/1951), p. 178; Ibn Bassm, Dhakhra, Vol. IV, i (Cairo, 1364/1945), p. 227; asSulam, db a-uba, ed. M. Kister (Jerusalem, 1954); pp. 25ff.; ash-Sharsh, Shar alMaqmt (Cairo, 1306/1888), I, 216.
Cf. Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn, Aghni (Blq, 1285/1868), VII, 154; (3d ed.; Cairo 1345/1926),
VIII, 249. Cf. also the chapter heading: Friendship Comes through Similarity (al-mawad
da bi-l-mushkala) in Ibn Qutaiba, Uyn al-akhbr (Cairo, 13431349/19261930), III, 7f., or
the anonymous saying in al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw
(Madrid, 1377/1958), p. 325, to the effect that the basic support of friendship is similarity
(imd al-mawadda al-mushkala). Further references were collected by H. Knust in his
edition of the Spanish translation of al-Mubashshir, in Mittheilungen aus dem Eskurial,
Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, CXLI (Tbingen, 1879), pp. 84 n. b and
631; al-Mward, Adab ad-duny wa-d-din (Cairo, 1315/1897), p. 102.
The remark attributed to the Prophet in Miskawaih, Jwidhn khiradh, ed. Abd ar-Ramn Badaw (Cairo, 1952), p. 103: al-mar bi-akhh may thus have to be understood as a
man [is characterized] by his friend.
39
704
40
You will not be able to beware of all people. Be intimate only with those who
are free from all blemishes.24
To return to the definitions of friendship, the one of the friend as someone
else who is you except that he is not you was naturally ascribed to Aristotle, our sage and philosopher. In the presence of Isq b. Ibrhm al-Mauil,
the celebrated musician and littrateur who was born in ar-Rayy and was of
Persian extraction, someone praised the beautiful conciseness of this Aristotelian definition. Isq al-Mauil had a ready retort. The Persians outdid
the ancient Greeks in this respect. They said it all in one word. Dst, Persian for friend, indicates d ast, that is, is two. Thus, the one word dst
by itself defines the friend as one in essence, two in reality and by designation.25
It is not without significance that the brilliant littrateur and philosopher
at-Taud, giving the word to an-Nshajn but apparently speaking for himself as well as for his entire circle, denied the possibility that one human being
could assume the identity of another. According to at-Taud, the Aristotelian
definition has only ideal validity (min niyat al-aql). It has none for the real
world, which, on the contrary, is based fundamentally upon the existence of
differences between individuals and upon constant changes within individuals. The purpose of the definition of the friend as the alter ego is to encourage
friends to aspire to the greatest possible agreement in likes and dislikes. Here
we have what is clearly a rationalist rebellion against pristine magic assumptions conflicting with what was conceived as reality.26 At-Taud as a | man
of great learning was aware of the scientific and theological efforts made to
24
25
26
Cf. al-Ji, Rislat al-Mad wa-l-mash, ed. P. Kraus and M.T. al-jiri, Majm rasil
al-Ji (Cairo, 1943), p. 30; ed. Abd as-Salm M. Hrn, Rasil al-Ji (Cairo, 1384/1964),
I, 126 f. One may contrast with that the famous verse by an-Nbigha adh-Dhubyn which
says that he who does not overlook a friends blemishes on occasion will have no friends
left.
Cf. Ab Sulaimn as-Sijistn, iwn al-ikma, in the recension preserved in the Istanbul
MS Murad Molla 1408, fol. 48ab, in the article dealing with King rwn and Secundus the
Silent.
Cf. at-Taud, Muqbast, no. 106, ed. M. Taufq usain (Baghdad, 1970), pp. 449f. An
anecdote emphasizing the total difference of individuals appears in the corpus of letters of Aristotle and Alexander (Istanbul MS Fatih 5323): When Lwwnyfs, so the story
goes, advised Sydhrws, saying, If I were you, I would kill that man, S. replied, Since I
am not you, I shall not kill him. The same remark is ascribed to Alexander himself in
Miskawaih, Tahdhb (Cairo, 1322/1904), p. 66; ed. C.K. Zurayq (Beirut, 1967), p. 204; trans.
Zurayq (Beirut, 1968), p. 181; trans. M. Arkoun (Damascus, 1969), p. 306. I have no certain
705
explain the process of union. They made hardly any allowance for the facile
assumption that I could become you merely by wishing this to happen or by
vague psychological processes. A few specimens of this continuing discussion
may serve here to show how the problem was handled on the physical and
theological levels.
According to a Syriac work on definitions, probably by Michael the Interpreter, which appears to have received the form in which it is preserved around
800, thus well in Muslim times,
Union (y) is that which from two or many is one, or it is the rational
process (? mell) which contracts, and unites into one, things that were
separate. It is divided into seven kinds:
(1) Natural, such as body and soul, or elements united with one another
naturally, or food which unites with the body and becomes one with
it.
(2) Voluntary, such as the statement that the assembly of people were
one soul and one mind.
(3) Personal (representative), such as the prophet who carries the persona of God or the messenger who carries the persona of the king.
(4) That of mixing, such as flour and chalk.
(5) That of mingling, such as wine and water.27
(6) That of composing, such as house and gate. And
(7) That of companionship, such as husband and wife.28
Being in a similar tradition, Ibn Sns definition of union (ittid) agrees in
many respects:
27
28
identification to offer for the Greek names. Autolykos and (Hege)sandros would be particularly close to the written forms, but the known bearers of these names do not seem to
fit the situation.
Cf. the alchemical-mystical image of the mixture of sulphur and fire, according to Jall
ad-Dn Rmi, Mystical Poems of Rm, trans. A.J. Arberry (Chicago, 1968), p. 30: Sulphur
came to a fire; it said, Come out to me, beloved! My form is not your form, but I am all you,
my form is a veil. I become you in form and reality when you arrive, my form is blotted out
in the encounter. The union envisaged here is that of matter and form.
Cf. G. Furlani, Il libro delle definizioni e divisioni di Michele lInterprete, Memorie della
R. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Cl. di sc. mor., stor. e filol., Series VI, Vol. II (1926),
pp. 85 f., 126.
706
Union is a noun of many meanings. It is used for

(1) The sharing (ishtirk) of things in one attribute, be it essential or
accidental, such as the union of swan and snow in whiteness and of
ox and man in animal.
(2) The sharing of attributes in one object, such as the union of taste
and smell in the apple.
(3) The combination (ijtim) of object and attribute in one essence,
such as man resulting from body and soul.
(4) The combination of many substances (ajsm), as through contiguity
in the case of cities, or through contact as in chairs and beds, or
through juncture as in the limbs of animals.
41
Most deserving to be called union is the resulting of a numerically

single substance ( jism) from the combination of many substances, in
consequence of the nullification of their individual properties because of
the abolition of their shared limitations (udd) and the nullification of
their ends through being joined.29
On the theological level, we have, for instance, the discussion provoked by
Christian views of the Trinity, which, on the Muslim side, was, of course, polemical and strictly negative. In our larger context, it is mainly interesting because it
makes no connection whatever with Muslim mystic theories of union between
the human and the divine and stays entirely within the categories established
by the Christian theologians. The nature of this particular dimension of the idea
of union may be illustrated by the following excerpt from the Mughn of the
Mutazila theologian Judge Abd al-Jabbr:
There are several aspects to the statement of the Christians about union
(ittid). Thus, they may say that the Son, belonging to the hypostases,
united with Jesus, or they may say that what he is united with is the
Substance which is the three hypostases. Now, if they say that the Son is
united with the latter, they have to say that the Son is a creator, maker,
doer, a god, or they would make the creator and god to be the Father
whose logos, the Son, is less than the Father.30
29
30
Cf. Ibn Sn, udd, in Tis Rasil (Cairo 1908/1326), p. 99, ed. trans. A.-M. Goichon,
Avicenne: Livre des Dfinitions (Cairo, 1963), text, pp. 39f., trans., pp. 56f.
No correction of the text seems to be required.
707
Furthermore, their statement united with Him has several aspects.

Thus, they may say that he is in the situation in which he was, but the
will of the Father is the will of Christ, and the will of Christ is His will.
Or the will of both of them is separate, but what the one wills, the other
must [also] will. This is what we mean by union, even if the essence of
the god and the essence of the human being, or their substance, remains
in the situation they were. Or they may say that union requires leaving
the situation in which both their essences were. In this case, they must
say that he united with Him by being close to Him, Jesus thus becoming
in a way a marginal extension of Him. One of them is thus reported to
have said that he mixed and mingled with Him. Or they must say that
he dwelled (alla) in Him, not that he was close to Him. Those who say
that must admit one of two things. Either they may say that He dwelled
in all parts of Jesus, or they may say that He dwelled in one part of him.
This | is so if they say that, even if He unites with him, He does not give
up being Himself and Jesus being two substances and essences. If they say,
however, that they have become truly one, as we have been told about the
majority of the Jacobites that according to them the two substances have
become one substance, then it is their opinion that union has made the
essences and substances give up being such till they have become one.
Furthermore, those who make such statements must say that He, if he
unites with him, becomes united with him always, or they may say that He
is united with him in one situation and not in the other. Likewise, at the
death and crucifixion of Jesus, they must say, according to their dogmatic
beliefs, that He is united with him as He was or that He has given up being
united with him.
This is what rational analysis allows to state about union. We shall
explain the wrongness of it all. Then we shall refute the Christian statement concerning the worship of Jesus and related matters.
It should be known that the Christian discussion shows that it is their
opinion that the one united with the body of Jesus is a god, powerful so as
to make happen what can rightly happen only from God. For they insist
in this case that he appeared from Him and is obliged to produce divine
activity. It is thus necessary that there were united with Him a Son of
God and His logos. If it were their opinion that it is not possible for the
Son to do what it is within the special power of the Eternal One to do,
the statement would not be right. They can thus not escape from that,
or from the statement that the one united with the body of Jesus is the
Father Himself, and it is therefore correct that he appears from Him, and
through him the divine activity is done.
42
708
Their statement about the worship of Christ requires what we have

mentioned in two senses:
(1) God is united with him. He therefore deserves to be worshiped on
account of his divinity, not on account of his humanity.
(2) The Son is the one united, but he deserves to be worshiped like the
Father.
Their statement that Christ is two substances, divine and human, makes
it necessary to state that the one united with is a god. They have said that
he is the Son or the Substance comprising the three hypostases.
That which invalidates their statement on union likewise invalidates
these two aspects 31
43
Philosophical and theological speculations of this sort did not have much influence upon ordinary men and did not prevent them from enjoying stories about
the identification of individuals. A man complained to Ab Bakr about something Umar had done. He asked Ab Bakr the rhetorical question whether |
he, Ab Bakr, or Umar was in fact caliph. Ab Bakr replied: He is, but he is
I.32 Of course, Ab Bakr, and not Umar, was the caliph. He meant to say that
complete identification with a true friend entails the total elimination of any
differences in the roles played by them in society. When, according to a presumably apocryphal tradition, Al expressed the wish to appoint Abdallh b.
Abbs as his representative in the arbitration proceedings after iffn, he was
told not to do it, since he is you, and you are him.33 The ideal of true friendship and brotherhood was believed to have been realized among the exemplary
leaders of ancient Islam. It was known to be unattainable in reality. The friend
as the alter ego always remained a wishful thought deeply felt at times but also
an opportunity for exhibiting wit and literary polish. We cannot always safely
decide which it was in the many references to it from literature, as, for instance,
in the case of verses addressed by ath-Thalib to the religious scholar Ab
Sulaimn al-Khab, who was his senior by about thirty years:
Whether you travel around, Ab Sulaimn, or stay in one place,
Whether you happen to live nearby or far awayyou are right with me.
31
32
33
Cf. Abd al-Jabbr, Mughn, Vol. V, ed. Mamd M. al-Khuairi (Cairo, n.d. [1958]), pp. 114
116.
Cf. at-Taud, adqa, ed. I. al-Kailn (Damascus, 1964), p. 129.
Cf. Ibn a-iqaq, Fakhr, ed. W. Ahlwardt (Gotha, 1860), p. 112; ed. Beirut, 1386/1966, p. 91.
709
You are none but myself. I am therefore afraid that you might leave me.
I am willing to give my life for youno, for myself, for you are I.34
The formulaic use of I-am-you to designate the friend finds an amusing expression in a letter of recommendation which Bishr al-Mars wrote to a wellconnected high official. It begins: I have sent to you so-and-so who is I as I
am you. Thus be I-am-you to him!35 Bishr al-Mars is known for the highly
unfavorable reputation he gained because of his alleged theological views, but
the statement just quoted is easy to understand, even if it sounds a little like
a parody of those complicated arguments bandied about by the speculative
theologians.
The I-am-you identification was indeed used for low comedy. There is the
famous anecdote ascribed to one of the proverbial fools of the Arabs, Habannaqa al-Qais. He had a long beard but wore a necklace of shells and bones.
He wore it, he said, so that he could recognize himself by it, since he was
always afraid that he might lose himself. One night when he was asleep, his
brother took that necklace and put it on. Seeing his brother wear the necklace the next morning, Habannaqa said to him: Brother, you are me; now, who
am I?36 Meant, it | seems, as a mere joke, this anecdote touches important
problems of identity and recognition. For fs, other-identification made selfidentification impossible or superfluous. When Ibrhm b. Adham, one of the
early models of fsm, was sought by his townsmen and they were told that
he was in a certain garden, they went around shouting: Where is Ibrhm b.
Adham? Soon, he himself joined them and went around with them, shouting:
Where is Ibrhm b. Adham?37 In contrast, a Ju story is just frivolous, which
is what we would expect from Ju stories: When Ju once came home, he
found a slave girl of his fathers asleep. He lay down with her. She awoke and
cried: Who is that? Ju said: Keep quiet. I am my father.38 When a poet
34
35
36
37
38
Cf. Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, II, 84; ed. Rif, IV, 254. For al-Khab, see below,
n. 62.
Cf. at-Taud, Bair, ed. I. al-Kailn (Damascus, 1964), II, i, 196.
The references to the Habannaqa story are numerous, e.g., amza al-Ifahn, ad-Durra
al-fkhira fi l-amthl as-sira, ed. Abd al-Majd Qamish (Cairo, 19711972), I, 125; Ibn
al-Jauz, Akhbr al-amq (Cairo, 1347/1928), p. 24; I. Goldziher, Beitrge zur Sprachgelehrsamkeit bei den Arabern (Vienna, 1872), II, 28 (p. 612 of Sitzungsberichte d. Akad. d.
Wiss., phil.-hist. Kl. [Vienna, 1872]); H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele (Leiden, 1955),
pp. 143 f.
Cf. Ibn al-Jauz, Mudhish (Baghdad, 1348/1929), p. 415; Ritter, Meer, pp. 579f.
Cf. at-Taud, Bair, II, i, 205.
44
710
accused another poet of plagiarism, the latter claimed facetiously that he was
entitled to plagiarize his poetry because both their fathers had the same name.
The former replied:
Let us assume, when you steal it, my poetry is your poetry.
But how am I you, and your father my father?39
This makes the point that property can change hands without changing identity, but individuals, in spite of the alleged force of I-am-you thinking, are, in
the poets opinion, not given this gift.
The dividing line between friendship and love was always thought in medieval Islam to be thin, so thin as to be hardly noticeable or, indeed, noteworthy.
Poetry and prose vie with each other in describing true love as a mingling of the
spirit of the lovers so perfect that it may ultimately create the illusion of even
their bodies being one and identical. The Mingling of the Spirits, or of the
Souls, was the appropriate title for a book on the theory of love.40 Two lovers,
a poet would rhyme prosaically,
Are one spirit but put together in two bodies.41
On the other hand, a poet might sing with deep and genuine feeling:
We cling to one another. Our breaths mingle.
I feel that spirit commingles with spirit.42
Were you to see us covered by the cloak of darkness,
You would think of us as being in one body.43
45
39
40
41
42
43
Cf. Ibn al-Abbr (and al-Ballafq), al-Muqtaab min Kitb Tujat al-qdim, ed. I. al-Ibyr
(Cairo, 1957), p. 154. Ab Bar afwn b. Idrs at-Tujb (d. 598/1202) is addressing here
Muammad b. Idrs b. Marj al-Kul (d. 634/12361237).
For the author at-Tamm, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, S., I, 422. The work is quoted by Ibn
Qaiyim al-Jauziya, Rauat al-muibbn, ed. A. Ubaid (Cairo, 1375/1956), pp. 143, 379, and
Mughuly, Biographical Dictionary of the Martyrs of Love, ed. O. Spies, Bonner Orientalistische Studien, XVIII (Stuttgart, 1936), p. 16.
The poet, az-Zh, died after 360/970, cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarikh Baghdd (Cairo,
1349/1931), XI, 350.
Ibrhm a-bi, in Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, I, 347; ibid., ed. Rif, II, 70f.; athThalib, Yatimat ad-dahr (Damascus, 1304/1886), II, 37.
Poet after poet would describe physical love as giving the illusion of merging the
physical identities of the lovers.
Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn (Cairo, 1891), I, 77.
711
This was the way in which Ibn al-Mutazz expressed what was a common
topic in love poetry and theory. Ibn San al-Mulk elaborated on it:
In tight embrace I thought that I
Was alone in bed with none to share it,
Thinking that pressing him had caused
The curved shape of his ribs and my ribs.44
Using the figure of the slanderer, the conventional spoilsport of true romance
in Arabic love poetry, another modification of the theme says:
Our slanderer became suspicious.
Tonight he would go and visit us.
He meant to interfere with us
And force us not to see each other.
I foiled him. I embraced my love
So tightly that it made us one.
Thus, when he came to us, he saw
A single person, nothing else.45
The complete identity of person as well as property was proclaimed by a poet
using the vulgar form of speech in these simple words: I am him. My thing
is his thing (ana h wa-shaiy shaiy).46 Yet, the great Ibn ar-Rm had stated
movingly in immortal verses that physical union was not enough and that it
would always seem to lovers that the thirst of their minds and feelings for each
other would not be quenched unless their two spirits are seen mingled.47
44
45
46
47
Cf. Ibn San al-Mulk, Dwn, ed. M.I. Nar and usain M. Nar (Cairo, 1388/19681969),
II, 416.
The poet was a-arr al-Irbil who died in 660/12611262, according to al-Ynn, Dhail
Mirt az-zamn (Hyderabad, 13741380/19541961), II, 166f.; al-Kutub, Fawt al-Wafayt
(Cairo, 1951), I, 264; a-afad, Nakt al-himyn (Cairo, 1329/1911), p. 143. However, according
to Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, IV, 30, and ed. Rif, IX, 268, the poet was al-usain b.
Sad al-mid who died in 444/1052. Since a-arir al-Irbil was about twelve years younger
than Yqt, the latters quotation of the verses under another name all but excludes
a-arrs authorship. Al-Kutub, loc. cit., goes on to quote similar verses on the subject
by other poets.
Cf. af ad-Din al-ill, al-il al-l, ed. W. Hoenerbach, Die vulgrarabische Poetik
(Wiesbaden, 1956), p. 120, line 13.
Cf. Ibn ar-Rm, Dwn: Ikhtiyr, ed. Kmil al-Kailni (Cairo, n.d. [1924]), p. 27. For one
of the descriptions explaining how the mingling of the spirits could be achieved, cf.
712
46
Theoreticians would explain, as did the tenth-century mir, that the

approach of love is the cause of lovers being together, and when love has
reached sincerity, it is the cause of their becoming one. Thus, the beginning
of mutual love is a cause of togetherness, and the end (entelechy) of mutual
love is a cause of union.48 More generally, love, according to the philosophers,
is the attraction a person feels for a beautiful form and the desire to become
one with it: When the soul sees a beautiful form, it desires to be one with it.
Therefore, it abstracts it from matter and establishes it in its own essence and
becomes it, as happens also in the case of the intelligibilia.49 Epistemology in
the realm of the sensibilia, if we may use the term epistemology in this way, is
here considered analogous to that in the realm of the intelligibilia. As knowledge is the identification of the knower with the things to be known, aesthetic
appreciation and emotional response are the identification of the individual
with the objects of beauty. Knowledge of the supernatural becomes possible
only through identification with it, as the Greek magical papyrus and Muslim
mystics tell us.50 Complete oneness is the only way to achieve true knowledge
in love as well as in religion.
The mutual relationship in form and kind (tansub, mushkala, mujnasa),
which, as we have already seen above in another connection, was considered
the prime bond between individuals, also explains the existence of love. Love
is the mingling of one spirit with the other on account of the mutual relationship in form existing between the two. This is one of the numerous efforts
made to define love. Another, for instance, runs: Love is the agreement of character, the mutual affinity in form and kind of what one loves, the desire of every
soul for what is related with it in form and kind when it was originally created and before it entered the body.51 The result may be that lovers become
sick simultaneously, even though they are far away from each other. When one
lover falls into the ocean, the other throws himself into it,52 not because of any
48
49
50
51
52
J.T. Monroe, in G.E. von Grunebaum, ed., Arabic Poetry: Theory and Development, Third
Giorgio Levi Della Vida Biennial Conference (Wiesbaden, 1973), p. 150. The passage from
the Rasil Ikhwn a-af (Cairo, 1347/1928), III, 264f., quoted by Monroe also includes
Ibn ar-Rmis verses.
Quoted in Miskawaih, Jwidhn khiradh, p. 360. The editor states that his Arabic text is
based on emendation since the mss. used by him are ambiguous here.
Cf. Miskawaih and at-Taud, Hawmil, p. 142.
The knowledge of God is impossible for anybody but the mystic who can say, Since you
are I, I know you, cf. Mystical Poems of Rm, trans. Arberry, p. 36.
Cf. Ibn Qaiyim al-Jauzya, Rauat al-muibbn, p. 140.
For this most famous story which was quoted over and over again, cf., for instance, Ritter,
Meer, p. 411.
713
suicidal impulse but as an unconscious reflex. Complete identification as the

result of spiritual affinity characterizes the love of one soul for the other,
since the soul of the lover knows apperceptively that it is identical with the
essence of the beloved and that its perception of the beloved is identical with
its perception of itself, which is the meaning of oneness.53 A verse expresses
the idea simply and forcefully:
Whenever something touches you, it touches me.
Thus, you are I in every circumstance.54
We have been slowly approaching the mystic ambience. Here, we have entered
it. All three aspects of I-am-you merge and become most effective in fism.
The late true giants of modern Islamology, Louis Massignon and, above all,
Hellmut Ritter, have discussed the rich material and illuminated its significance with an enormous knowledge and, more important, deep and unique
empathy.55
The idea of a possible union between humanity and divinity or, more precisely, of divinity identifying itself with humanity is foreshadowed in a curious
old tradition of the Prophet in which God Himself says as part of a longer statement: And my slave has never ceased to approach me with supererogatory
works without my eventually loving him. Then, I was his ear (lit., hearing) [by
means of] which [he] hears, his sight by means of which he sees, his hand by
means of which he grasps, and his foot by means of which he walks 56 fs
would take this tradition in stride and be happy with it, but they, too, had their
doubts (see n. 66). Religious scholars were expectedly deeply worried by it and
tried to explain it in one way or other. An instructive summary of the principal
53
54
55
56
Cf. al-Anr, Mashriq anwr al-qulb, ed. H. Ritter (Beirut, 1379/1959), pp. 8f., in one of
the numerous passages of the work concerned with I-am-you.
Cf. al-allj, Dwn, ed. L. Massignon, Journal Asiatique, CCXVIII (1931), 82, quoted by
al-Anr, loc. cit. For other I-am-you verses in the Dwn, cf. 30 f., 45f., 52, 75f., 93.
Cf. L. Massignon, Ana al-Haqq, Der Islam, III (1912), 248257, reprinted in his Opera
Minora, ed. Y. Moubarac (Beirut, 1963), II, 3139; cf. also Actes du Seizime Congrs International des Orientalistes (Athens, 1912), p. 118, and Ritters Meer, pp. 5, 143, 377, 408413,
556 f., 575595, 601, 608, 629; Massignon, La Passion de Husayn Ibn Mansr Hallj, new ed.
(Paris, 1975), I, 168 ff., III, 47 ff., 54 ff.
Cf. A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane (Leiden,
19361969), VI, 529a 13f.; Ritter, Meer, pp. 559, 588. For a discussion of the tradition by
al-Junaid, cf. A.H. Abdel-Kader, The Life, Personality and Writings of al-Junayd, E.J.W. Gibb
Memorial Series, n.s. XXII (London, 1962), text, p. 33, trans., pp. 154f.
47
714
interpretations which were proposed in the course of time, including brief side
glances at fism, was given by Ibn ajar in his Commentary on al-Bukhrs
a:
Consideration has been given [to the problem of] how the Creator could
be the ear, eye, etc., of man. Different answers have been proposed.
(1) The statement involves comparison and means that I was his ear and
eye with respect to his giving preference to My command, so that he
loves to be obedient to Me and gives preference to serving Me, just
as he loves those limbs.
(2) It means that he is totally occupied with Me, so that he does not
listen with his ear to anything but what pleases Me, and does not
see with his eye anything but what I have commanded him.
(3) It means that I shall make his goals for him [as clear] as if he were
obtaining them with his ear, eye, etc.
(4) I was as helpful to him as his ear, eye, hand, and foot, in supporting
[him] against his enemies.
(5) Al-Fkihn57 says, and he was preceded in this idea by Ibn Hubayra:58 It appears to me to be a case of elision of a governing noun,
in the sense of I was the guardian of his ear by means of which he
hears, so that he hears only what is permissible for him to hear, and
the guardian of his eye, in the same way, etc.
(6) Al-Fkihn says: It is possible that it means something else more
subtle than what has been mentioned, namely, his hearing means
what is heard by him. The verbal noun can occur in the meaning of
the passive participle, for instance, so-and-so is my hope, meaning,
he is hoped for by me. In this case, the statement means that he
hears only the remembrance of Me, enjoys only the recitation of
My Book, feels comfortable only in discourse with Me, looks only
at the wonders of My divine realm, and stretches out his hand as
48
57
58
Apparently, the grammarian and adth scholar, Umar b. Al b. Slim (Ibn) al-Fkihn.
According to Ibn ajar, Durar (Hyderabad, 13481350/19291931), III, 178 (cf. Brockelmann,
GAL, S., II, 15), he died in 731/1331, but, according to a seemingly more reliable tradition, he
died in the night from Thursday to Friday, (6)7 Jumd I, 734/1314 January 1334, cf. Ibn
Kathr, Bidya (Cairo, 13511358/19321939), XIV, 168; Ibn Farn, Dbj (Cairo, 1351/1932),
pp. 186 f.; as-Suy, Bughya (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 262.
D. 560/1165, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, S., I, 687 f.; G. Makdisi, in EI, 2d ed., III, 802f.; H. Mason,
Two Statesmen of Mediaeval Islam (The Hague and Paris, 1972).
715
well as his foot only in connection with whatever pleases Me. Ibn
Hubayra also expressed this idea.
A-f59 says: Scholars of consequence agree that the statement is
meant to be understood metaphorically and that it refers to [Gods]
help, support, and strengthening of man to such a degree that it is as
if God were Himself in the position of the organs of man which man
employs for support. Therefore, another recension reads, Thus, by
means of Me he hears, and by means of Me he sees, and by means of
Me he grasps, and by means of Me he walks. [A-f] continued:60
The unionists (ittidya) think that it is [not metaphorical but]
real and that the Truth is the eye of man, using as evidence the
appearance of Gabriel in the form of Diya.61 It was a spiritual being
that took off his form and appeared as a human being. They said
that [if an angel can do it,] God is all the more able to appear in the
form of total or particular [material] existence. God is far above the
statements of wrongdoers!
Al-Khab62 says: The statement involves comparison and refers
to the success God gives to His slave in the works he undertakes
with the help of those limbs and to the ready creation of love [by
God] for him in them, in that He guards his limbs and protects him
from doing things disliked by God, such as listening with his ear
to entertainment, looking with his eye at what God has forbidden,
grasping with his hand what is not permitted, and walking with
his feet toward things wrong and futile. Ad-Dwd63 as well as
al-Kalbdh64 inclined toward this view. The idea intended is (?),
I shall guard him so that he will be busy only with things that make
59
60
61
62
63
64
He was Najm ad-Dn Sulaimn b. Abd al-Qaw (d. 716/1316), cf. Ibn ajar, Durar, II, 154157;
as-Suy, Bughya, p. 262; Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart (Cairo, 13501351/19311932), VI, 39f.;
Brockelmann, GAL, S., II, 133 f.
It is not clear whether what follows is indeed a continuation of the quotation or a
comment by Ibn ajar. It is, however, rather unlikely that the unionists would be referred
to in this place if it were not a quotation in context.
Cf. EI, 2d ed., II, 363 b.
For this well-known tenth-century authority on adth, cf. Brockelmann, GAL, S., I, 275,
and F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 117 f., 210 f.
The Dwd possibly meant here had the name Ab Jafar Amad b. Sad, according to
jj Khalfa, Kashf a-unn, ed. Sherefettin Yaltkaya (Istanbul, 19411943), I, 545.
The tenth-century adth scholar listed in Brockelmann, GAL, S., I, 280, and Sezgin, GAS,
I, 216 f.
49
716
Me love [him] (mabb). For when He loves him, He does not

like him to be busy with things that would cause Him to dislike
him.
(7) Al-Khab also says: He may have expressed by this statement the
speed with which his prayer is answered and the search becomes
a success, since all human efforts are undertaken by means of the
limbs mentioned. Some say in this sense that no limb of man will
move except in God and for God, as all of them work through the
Truth for the Truth. In the Zuhd, al-Baihaq65 transmits the remark
of Ab Uthmn al-r,66 one of the leaders of the mystic path, to
the effect that the statement means I was quicker to fulfil mans
needs than his ear is to hear, his eye to see, his hand to touch, and
his foot to walk.
Some later fs see in the statement a reference to their station of annihilation and obliteration. They say that it refers to the ultimate goal, meaning that man stands by virtue of God making him stand, loves by His loving
him, and sees by His looking at him, without any remaining trace of a
designation or definition, will (amr) or description. The statement means
that man observes God making him stand till he stands, loving him till he
loves Him, and looking at him till he goes looking at Him with his heart.
Some misguided people take the statement to refer to their claim that
when man adheres to outward and inner worship till he is cleansed of all
impurities, he becomes equivalent to the Truth ( f man al-aqq)God
is above that!and that he is totally annihilated from his self till he gives
witness that God is the one who remembers Himself and declares Himself
one and loves Himself and that all those things and definitions | become
pure nonexistence in his witnessing, even if they are not nonexistent
outside. The unionists and those who speak of absolute oneness have
nothing to go on in any way [with respect to the statement of the adth]
67
50
It is, indeed, quite unlikely that the divine tradition of the Prophet anticipated mystic speculations and was anything more than an anthropomorphic
65
66
67
Cf. Brockelmann, GAL, S., I, 618 f.

The printed text has al-Jz, but the ninth-century mystic Ab Uthmn al-r an-Nsbr
is meant here, cf. as-Sulam, abaqt a-fya, ed. Nr ad-Dn Sharba (Shuraiba) (Cairo,
1372/1953), pp. 170175.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat al-br bi-shar al-Bukhr (Cairo, 13781383/19591963), XIV, 128130.
717
metaphor. Yet, it seems clear that f ideas about the identification of man
and God appeared very early in the history of Islam. We cannot state with any
precision by how many years their spread antedated the ninth century.
Ab Yazd al-Bism is particularly famous for his concern with the identification formula and the problems it raises.68 He is presented as its archetypal
representative. For all we know, he may have some historical claim to such a
designation. I have sought God for sixty years. Then I noticed that I was He
( fa-idh an huwa).69 I was absent from God for thirty years, my absence from
Him being my remembering Him. When I kept away from Him, I found Him
in each state until it was as if He was I (ka-annah an).70 I am the divine
throne, I am the tablet and the pen, Praise be to meAb Yazd is said to
have exclaimed. In short, he felt that the mystics task was the ultimate recognition of the identity of spiritual man with the universe.71
Al-allj earned even greater fame for his fervent I am the Truth directed
to the deity. Generations of religious thinkers accepted or modified it. They
considered it the proper starting point for reflecting on human identity in
relation to the divine. I am you, addressed to the deity as well as to the
beloved, was chosen by al-alljs contemporary, Ab Bakr ash-Shibl, as his
means of expressing the idea of giving up individual identity and merging it
with the all-in-one.72 Such identification with God was explained later on as
humble self-effacement, hardly in the spirit of the early generations of ecstatic
mystics. Jall-ad-Dn Rm felt impelled to view it in that light: Take the famous
utterance, he said, that I am God. Some men reckon it as a great pretension,
but I am God is in fact a great humility. The man who says I am the servant
of God asserts that two exist, one himself and the other God. But he who says
I am God has naughted himself and cast himself to the winds. He says, I am
God: that is, I am not, He is all, nothing has existence but God, | I am pure
nonentity, I am nothing. In this the humility is greater 73 In the same spirit,
68
69
70
71
72
73
Cf., in particular, as-Sahlajs biography of Ab Yazd, ed. Abd ar-Ramn Badaw, Shaat
a-fya (Cairo, 1949), pp. 37148.
Cf. al-Muahhar b. hir al-Maqdis, al-Bad wa-t-tarikh, ed. C. Huart, Vol. II, Publications
de l cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes, IV, xvii (Paris, 1901), text, p. 91, trans., p. 81.
Cf. Ab Nuaim al-Ifahn, ilyat al-auliy (Cairo, 13511357/19321938; reprint, Beirut,
1387/1967), X, 35; Ritter, Meer, pp. 630 f.
Cf. Ritter, Meer, pp. 628 f.
Cf. as-Sarrj, Luma, ed. Abd al-alm Mamd and h, Abd al-Bq Surr (Baghdad,
1380/1960), p. 437; Ritter, Meer, p. 412.
Cf. Rm, Fh m fh, trans. A.J. Arberry (London, 1961), pp. 55f. Cf. also P. Nwyia, in Studia
Islamica, XL (1974), 98.
51
718
Rm also maintained that To know the science of I am God is the science of

bodies; to become I am God is the science of religions.74
Ibn Arab, two generations before Rm, was the most important and influential representative of an uncompromising mystic monism, of the total elimination of any distinction between the I and the rest of the physical and metaphysical world. The characterization of Ibn Arabs doctrine as monism pure
and simple is an oversimplification, but it retains validity in the face of recent
legitimate attempts to stress other aspects of his multifaceted thought and to
rearrange its basic patterns in different ways. It is his attitude toward oneness
that makes an indelible impression upon the modern student as it did upon his
contemporaries. Echoing earlier mystic thinkers, Ibn Arab proclaimed in one
of his muwashsha poems:
I am my lover and my love and the beloved.
I am my seeker and the search and the one sought.75
The idea can be traced back without hesitation to Plotinus (Enneads, VI, 8, 15)
who spoke of the One as uniting in itself the object of love (erasmion) and love
and love of itself. The enormous share of Neo-Platonism in the formation of
views on union and metaphysical other-identification in Islam is a well-known
historical fact that needs no further elaboration at this point. I-am-you as the
most succinct expression of complete oneness greatly stimulated Ibn Arabs
poetic sensibility as well as his mystic fervor. He played with it on various
occasions. Thus, he said, for instance:
If you are you, you are it,
And if you wish, I am you.
O my wish, O my beloved!
It is you (pl.) and I wherever you are.
I know that I am
In your (pl.) care since you have taken care (been taken care of?).
74
75
Cf. Rm, Fh m fh, trans. Arberry, p. 235.

Cf. Ibn Arab, Diwn (Blq, 1271/1854), p. 211; S.M. Stern, Hispano-Arabic Strophic Poetry
(Oxford, 1974), p. 175. See also Ritter, Meer, pp. 556f. Ibn Arab, Futt (Cairo and Mecca,
1329/1911), II, 390, ch. 197, refers to this passage from one of his poems:
I am my lover, I am my beloved.
I am my boy, I am my girl.
719
If I were to restrain myself and keep myself

From you (pl.), you would have been restrained.
My own self, and I am no other,
Is yours (pl.). Thus be you, too, mine!76
Elsewhere, he rhymes:
I am not I, and I am not he,
For whoever I am and whoever he is are identical.
O he! Say: You are I.
O I! He and you are identical.
No! I am not I.
No! He is not he.
If he were he, our eyes
Would not look through him to him.
There is none but us in existence.
I and he, and he and he.
Thus, whom do we have through us for us
As he has through him for him?77
Dim recollections of the pristine magic origin of the I-am-you identification
worked their way again to the surface in fsm. They found expression in the
identification of the self with inanimate objects. In his beautiful Language of
76
Cf. H.S. Nyberg, Kleinere Schriften des Ibn al-Arab (Leiden, 1919), text, p. 99, trans., p. 185.
Nybergs translation reads:
Wenn du du bist, so bist du, willst du aber, so werde ich du.
Mein Liebling, welch eine Sehnsucht empfinde ich nicht nach euch und mir
(zusammen: da wir vereinigt werden) da, wo du bist!
Ich wei ja, da ihr mich behaltet, weil du behalten worden bist.
Htte ich mich selbst von euch zurckgezogen, so wrest du frwahr (vom Auergttlichen) in Besitz genommen worden.
Mein eigenes Selbstund ich bin kein anderesgehort ja euch an: so sei denn
auch du mein!
77
Cf. Ibn Arab, Futt, I, 496 f. In Futt, II, 401, we read:

If you had seen whom we have seen,
You would say nothing but that I am identical with you (an huwa an).
52
720
the Ants, as-Suhraward al-Maqtl, ten years older than Ibn Arab but cut down
in the prime of life long before the latters death, claimed identity with the
magic cup of Jamshd in which everything that happens in the world can be
observed and which is thus a metaphor for the entire world:
When I heard from my master the description of the cup of Jam,
I was myself the world-displaying cup of Jam.78
53
The moon receives its light from the sun; it is as if a mirror sees the sun reflected
in it and exclaims, I am the sun. Likewise, the mystic has the right to say,
I am the Truth, Praise be to me.79 Najm ad-Dn al-Kubr, himself about ten
years older than as-Suhraward, was even more explicit. In his mystical absence
from the material world, he becomes the sun. At that moment, his shaikh has
a vision. He sees himself walking with Najm ad-Dn in Mecca and being asked
by him whether he knows who he, Najm ad-Dn, is. The shaikh does not know
what to say. He asks him to tell him who he is, and Najm ad-Dn replies: I am
that sun in the sky.80 Rms master, Shams-i Tabrz, who stands for Rms
own I and the divine You, is not only named Sun but also constantly identified
with the sun in Rms poetry.81 The poetical figures of speech comparing Rm
himself and others with inanimate objects, while they do have their origin as
metaphors in secular poetry, come vividly alive as symbols of the mystic poets
magic assimilation of the world to himself. It is as if we have come full circle
and hear again the voice of the old Mesopotamian magician. The consciousness
behind the words, however, is now a very different one.
We have reached the point in our discussion where we are prepared to ask ourselves the question what it was that produced this intensive interest in I-am-you
in Muslim civilization. No doubt, the force of tradition was a potent factor. It
derived from the world view of the ancient Near East and from the popular philosophy and the sophisticated metaphysics of the Hellenistic world. Here, as in
all other facets of Muslim intellectual life, historical continuity made itself felt.
78
79
80
81
Cf. O. Spies and S.K. Khatak, Three Treatises on Mysticism, Bonner Orientalistische Studien,
XII (Suttgart, 1935), text, p. 5, trans., p. 17. The recent edition of the work by S.H. Nasr, in
Bibliothque Iranienne, XVII (Paris, 1970), was not available. On Jamshds cup, cf. Ritter,
Meer, pp. 6 f., 584 f.
Cf. Spies and Khatak, op. cit., text, p. 11, trans., p. 26.
Cf. Meier, op. cit. (above, n. 18), p. 27.
Cf., for instance, Arberry, Mystical Poems of Rm, pp. 19, 51, 69, 75, 79, 94, 107, 116. The sun,
however, is also called his slave (p. 121).
721
But apart from cultural continuity, the question, I believe, can be answered on
the basis of what has been said in the beginning, namely, that the individuals
yearning for other-identification reflects the search for an alternative to social
organization as mans best hope for increased personal power. Islam in principle stresses the unique worth of the individual, provided that all his actions
are directed toward the maintenance of the societal structure of which he is
part. This attitude may reflect the way human life had to be lived in Arabia
in order to safeguard human survival in a difficult environment where each
individual counted but none could last without group support. Be this as it
may, as Islam developed, religious ethics in its totality was conceived as aiming at service to society. Although the term umma, nation, has been overused
in the scholarly literature of recent times, there can be no doubt that it was
the umma, or rather, the jama, the community, that was the intended beneficiary of whatever an individual was supposed to do or not do. Individual
salvation depended in the first place on acting in concert with the rest of society
and in acting for the good of ones fellow men. Writers on | individual piety in
the early centuries of Islam make it perfectly clear that individual piety meant
being convinced that he who desires a central place in Paradise must adhere to
the jama82 and he who deviates an inch (lit., span) from the jama deviates
from Islam.83
The withdrawal from society, expressed by terms such as uzla, washa, or
khalwa, was a topic of constant discussion among the pious. A good deal was
said in favor of it, but the sum total of opinions unfavorable to it seems to
exceed by far those extolling its spiritual merits. fs had no illusions about
the essential loneliness of the pursuit of the mystic path. For them, however,
that was but another hardship to be suffered. Walk the paths of the truth
and do not feel lonely because you will meet so few people there, was the
quotation used by Sufyn b. Uyaina to express this sentiment.84 Dwd a-
recommended to the pious that they cut down as much as possible on their
contacts with people,85 and he quoted a adth to the effect that the person who
mingles with people and suffers the harm they inflict (upon him and others)
is a better Muslim than the one who does not do that.86 Ibrhm b. Adham,
82
83
84
85
86
Cf. Concordance, I, 144a2 f., quoted by Ab Nuaim, ilya, IV, 184, in connection with the
ab Zirr b. Hubaish.
Cf. Ab Nuaim, ilya, I, 280, for the ab udhaifa b. al-Yamn.
Ibid., VII, 306.
Ibid., p. 343.
Cf. Concordance, II, 61 a 32 f.; Ab Nuaim, VII, 365. Cf. also the long elaboration in alGhazzl, Iy (Cairo, 1352/1933), II, 213f.: An Israelite sage was unable to please God by
54
722
55
we are told, made much of the verse: Take God as a companion and leave
people aside.87 He also declared that love for human beings indicates love of
the material fleeting and worthless world, while not caring for them means
not caring for this world.88 He is further credited with an interesting variation
of the famous saying on self-knowledge. Instead of merely repeating that he
who knows himself knows his Lord, he explains that he who knows himself
concerns himself with his self, and he who knows his Lord concerns himself
with his Lord and nobody else.89 Wuhaib b. al-Ward approved of a remark
ascribed to an unnamed sage that wisdom, or piety, consists of ten parts, nine of
them silence, and one withdrawal from human company; when the sage found
silence beyond his powers, he withdrew from human company, and lo and
behold, he obtained all the nine parts of wisdom or piety that were silence.90
According to Bishr al-f, the person who deals with God truthfully shuns the
company of people,91 and according to Dh n-Nn al-Mir, true withdrawal
from human company is achieved by the mystic only when he is | able to
withdraw from himself.92 In the view of al-Musib, the fact of a mystics
intimacy with God is indicated by his avoiding the company of human beings.93
The statements just quoted on the virtues of withdrawal from society have
been mentioned because they are about all the express statements on the subject that Ab Nuaim al-Ifahn saw fit to include in his vast work on the saints
of Islam. Among the many curious definitions of fsm which Ab Nuaim
places at the beginning of his biographies, only one, it seems, speaks about
the avoidance of human company, and then only in a rather vague manner:
fism is being adorned for the ascent [along the mystic path] and being
alone for the encounter [with the divine] (at-taall li-t-tarq wa-t-takhall
li-t-talq).94 Ab Nuaim was concerned with piety rather than ecstatic mysticism. His apparent reluctance to endorse withdrawal from society was fully
shared, however, by other authors such as al-Qushair and al-Ghazzl in their
popular works which can be said to represent the majority view of Muslims
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
writing many sacred books and by retiring to an underground retreat but eventually succeeded in finding Gods pleasure by mingling with people in their daily lives.
Cf. Ab Nuaim, VII, 373, VIII, 10 f.; al-Ghazzl, Iy, II, 198.
Cf. Ab Nuaim, VIII, 19.
Ibid., p. 15.
Ibid., III, 314; al-Ghazzl, Iy, II, 198.
Cf. Ab Nuaim, VIII, 347.
Ibid., IX, 368; al-Qushair, Risla (Cairo, 1367/1948), p. 51.
Cf. Ab Nuaim, X, 107 f.
Ibid., VIII, 237.
723
as a whole, if such a sweeping generalization is permissible. In his Risla,95

al-Qushair reports Dh n-Nns praise of withdrawal as the best approach to
sincere devotion (ikhl).96 For al-Qushair, withdrawal from human company
is more an interior process taking place within the individual. It is the rejection
of ones own blameworthy qualities, or mutual protection for the f himself
as well as the people against the evil they do,97 or something that is all right
when it is done in secret, that is not even apparent to other human beings.
They do not realize that when a f shares their company, it does not involve
his inner state. Thus, we are told that al-Junaid said: I have been talking to God
for thirty years, and people were thinking that I was talking to them.98 Loneliness not entirely filled with the remembrance of God is merely temptation, and,
according to Ab Yaqb as-Ss, as al-Qushair reports, only strong men have
the strength to isolate themselves [from human company]; for the likes of us,
direct social contacts are more easily available and more useful. It is, perhaps,
revealing that al-Ghazzl, in the book on withdrawal from human company of
the Iy, enumerates six religious and mundane advantages that may be found
in avoiding human contacts, but the supposed disadvantages, which give the
edge to sociability as the preferred mode of human behavior, are seven.99 It
may be correct to say that throughout | medieval Islam, the prevailing attitude
of the pious and the mystics was that for them in their total occupation with the
divine, social ties with other human beings were irrelevant, and the vast majority of them lived accordingly. Such irrelevancy was professed by al-Musib in
a story about his relations with al-Junaid. When al-Musib, as he frequently
did, asked al-Junaid to go out with him for a walk and a round of discussions
95
96
97
98
99
Cf. al-Qushair, Risla, pp. 50 ff.

Cf. also above, n. 92.
Even the supreme state of mystic experience called fan annihilation was occasionally
given such an interpretation in these circles, cf. al-Qushair, Risla, p. 36.
Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, II, 202.
Ibid., pp. 197216. An analysis of this passage was given recently by R. Dankoff in a
paper read at the Meeting of the American Oriental Society (April 1975). A monograph
such as the Kitb al-Uzla (Cairo, 1385/1965) by the aforementioned (nn. 34, 62) Ab
Sulaimn al-Khab, although it maintains the appearance of a long paean on the
virtues of avoiding human company, does not contradict the point made here. The author
distinguishes between two kinds of uzla. The first is withdrawal from the jama, and this,
he emphasizes, is terribly wrong and deserves no consideration whatever. The other kind
of uzla, the subject of the monograph, is the avoidance of contact with human beings,
especially if they are common and evil people, as a precaution against suffering possible
harm. This uzla should be practiced in moderation. It is merely a sensible form of behavior
under certain circumstances.
56
724
57
on spiritual matters, al-Junaid did not want to give up his cherished solitude
and expose himself to the distracting sight of streets and people. He told alMusib how he felt, and was reproached in these words: How can you speak
of your withdrawal from human beings and of finding intimacy in it? If one half
of all mankind were close to me, I would not find intimacy in their company,
and if the other half were far from me, I would not feel lonely because of their
absence.100
The official view in medieval Islam, the one the ordinary individual always
heard about and read about, was that all his hopes for strength and power lay
in his cooperation with, and service to, others. It was unmistakable for him that
society was everything and the individual by himself condemned to his natural
state of powerlessness. Some men, exceptional ones, to be sure, must have felt
a deep inner urge to rebel against this state of affairs. They did it by falling back
upon the ancient alternative that had been living on. They assumed for themselves the right to outgrow their personal limitations by simply proclaiming
that I am you, you the friend, you the lover, and, above all, you the deity which
was conceived as demon, lover, and friend, merging in one the three traditional
objects of the identification of the self with others. By doing so, they struck a
familiar chord in the hearts and minds of many who were fascinated by the
magic formula without always realizing what it entailed. The use of I-am-you
in this manner was truly a rebellion in society-centered Islam and ran counter
to its fundamental teachings. The subversive nature of I-am-you was often felt
intuitively. The opposition provoked thereby left its imprint in the literature
and history of fism. Matters came to a head when Ibn Arab succeeded in
popularizing his monistic outlook. A bitter struggle ensued, confirming that
something vital for Islam and Muslim society was involved. The struggle went
on for centuries between the pro- and anti-Ibn Arab factions, which, it should
be noted, were by no means to be equated with mystics on the one hand, and
religious scholars on the other. A younger contemporary of Ibn Arab, the great
Shfiite jurist Izz ad-Dn b. Abd | as-Salm, called Ibn Arab a heretic (zindq)
but at the same time praised him as a pole (qub) of mystic life. In Ibn Abd asSalms eyes, Ibn Arab was a venerable holy man; yet, he had to declare himself
against him because, as a jurist, he was concerned with the outward meaning
of the religious law and with guarding the fence of the law.101 Translated into
our terms, Ibn Abd as-Salm acknowledged Ibn Arabs mystical speculations,
100
101
Cf. Ab Nuaim, X, 74, 255 f.

The statement of Ibn Abd as-Salm appears in as-Suy, Tanbiat al-ghab bi-tabriat Ibn
al-Arab, Istanbul MS Laleli 3645, fol. 161ab.
725
with their stress upon I-am-you, as valid expressions of genuine religious feeling and understanding, but he rejected them because they threatened to tear
apart the legal framework that held Muslim society together.
If we accept the interpretation given here that the extraordinary interest in
I-am-you which we find in medieval Muslim civilization was a way of protesting the official contention that only social organization could remove mans
inherent limitations, we may ask whether medieval Christianity was not sufficiently similar to Islam in its view of man and society, so that medieval Christians might have looked for the same avenue of rebellion and escape. It can,
I believe, be shown without great difficulty that medieval Christianity was by
no means as exclusively focused on society as the individuals only refuge and
salvation. Thus, the incentive to revert to the old magic of I-am-you was much
weaker. The formula, however, was alive and familiar. With Cicero and Saint
Augustine as authorities for the concept of spiritual union in friendship, the
alter-ego definition was well known in medieval Christianity. For love union as
a means of other-identification, there was the authority of the Bible, reinforced
by the uninterrupted Classical tradition. The story of Pyramus and Thisbe, for
instance, gave rise to ravings such as those found in the poem of the twelfthcentury Matthew of Vendme:
Pyramus and Thisbe are two and are not two. One love
Joins them both and does not let them be two.
They are two and are not two, because the mind is one for both,
One the faith, one the spirit, one the love.
A singular love, one pleasure, prohibits them to be two,
But the difference in body proves them to be two.
They are two, they are one. Thus they are two in body, in mind
One, thus a singular love unites the two.102
102
Cf. P. Lehmann, Pseudo-antike Literatur des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1927), p. 31:

Piramus et Tisbe duo sunt nec sunt duo, iungit
ambos unus amor nec sinit esse duos.
Sunt duo nec duo sunt, quia mens est una duorum,
una fides, unus spiritus, unus amor.
Esse duos prohibe(n)t amor unicus, una voluptas
et probat alteritas corporis esse duos.
Sunt duo, sunt unum, sic sunt duo corpore, mente
unum sicque duos unicus unit amor.
726
58
No longer tied explicitly to the Classical tradition, there is the swain in Ulrich
von Lichtensteins Frauendienst, dating from the middle of the thirteenth century, who suggests to his lady that they love each other so deeply that we two
are so closely united that both of us are one I (together, ein icheinig), and as
you are mine, so I am yours. Sad to report, the old magic for once did not work.
The lady coolly replied: Sir, that may not be. Be you yours. I am mine.103 Ulrich
von Lichtenstein appears to have been skeptical of the feasibility of complete
union. His attitude may have been closer to medieval Western mentality than
was Matthew of Vendme. In Islam, doubts such as the ones expressed by atTaud may have been something more exceptional.
The concept of union with the divine was also a living tradition in the
Western Middle Ages, kept alive in various ways, which included the I-am-you
formula. On the basis of Biblical verses, the author of the Aurora Consurgens
used it to symbolize alchemical procedure: I stretch forth my mouth to my
beloved, and he presseth his to me; he and I are one.104 It found profound
mystical expression in connection with the spiritual marriage of the nun to
Christ and provoked ecstatic utterances not unlike those of al-allj:
I you, you I, we two are one.
Thus, the two of us become one.105
103
Cf. Ulrich von Lichtenstein, Frauendienst, ed. R. Beckstein (Leipzig, 1888), II, 157f., quoted
by Perella, op. cit. (above, n. 12), p. 97:
Vrouwe, d solt mich meinen
herzenlchen als ich dich,
unser zweien s vereinen
daz wir beidiu sn ein ich.
wis du mn, s bin ich dn.
herre, des mac niht gesn.
st ir iuwer, ich bin mn.
104
105
Cf. Aurora Consurgens, ed. trans. M.-L. von Franz, Engl. trans. R.F.C. Hull and A.S.B. Glover,
Bollingen Series, LXXVII (New York, 1966), pp. 144 f., 375ff.
Cf. Perella, op. cit., p. 97, quoting A. Oppel, Das Hohelied Salomonis und die deutsche
religise Liebeslyrik, Abh. zur Mittleren und Neueren Geschichte, XXXII (Berlin and Leipzig, 1914), p. 29, from the anonymous Minnende Seele in a fourteenth-century ms.:
ich du, du ich, wir zwei sin ein,
also wirt ein von uns zwein.
727
In the more recent West, our concept has fallen on evil days. Considering its
irrational magic background, it could hardly be otherwise. The late sixteenthcentury poet could feelingly address a friend as Thou which art I.106 But the
alter-ego formula became eventually a learned memory. Today, I would venture | to say, it is something that is considered slightly embarrassing. Magic
thinking naturally appealed to romantic poets. Be thou me, impetuous one,
Shelley exclaimed when he wished to identify with the restless spirit of the
wind.107
Love union is still described romantically by modern popular writers as the
craving for complete fusion, for union with one other person.108 It will be noted
that the author quoted describes it as a craving, and presumably does not
believe, as people did in ages past, in the possibility of its being some sort
of reality. A poet such as Robert Graves also seems to harbor doubts when
speaking of love union half seriously and half mockingly in this vein:
After, when they disentwine
You from me and yours from mine,
Neither can be certain who
Was that I whose mine was you.
To the act again they go
More completely not to know.109
The pomposity of metaphysical speculation involving other-identification did
not hold up under rationalist pressure. It inspired Swinburnes facetious statement in the poem The Higher Pantheism in a Nutshell:
You are certainly I; but certainly I am not you.110
Yet, theologians will surely revert to the I-am-you concept from time to time
and please thereby the multitudes not aware of its implications.
In the nineteenth century, a fateful attempt was made to replace I-am-you
with I-am-I. The reality of general human weakness was perversely denied.
106
107
108
109
110
John Donne, at the beginning of the poem The Storme addressed to Mr. Christopher
Brooke.
From Ode to the West Wind, written in 1819.
Cf. E. Fromm, The Art of Loving (New York, 1956), pp. 52f.
From the poem The Thieves, cf. Poems Chosen by Himself (New York: Anchor Book, 1958),
p. 177.
Cf. Swinburnes Complete Works (London and New York, 1925), V, 248.
59
728
60
The existence, rare though it presumably was thought to be, of the superior,
self-sufficient individual who needs only to find himself and be himself, was
proclaimed by Friedrich Nietzsche. He had the seeming failure of the entire
Neo-Platonic and mystic tradition to back him up when he sought the One
not in the metaphysical realm but here on earth: Lack of substance causes
the weaker to throw itself at the stronger; it wants to find shelter, it wants, if
possible, to become one with the stronger. The stronger, on the other hand,
keeps the weaker away from itself rather, in growing, it divides itself into two
and more than two.111 The desire for identification with others is rightly seen as
the outgrowth of human awareness of mans natural limitations. In Nietzsches
view, however, the hypothetical strong individual ought to realize that those
natural limitations do not apply to him and are surmountable by having magic
recourse to his own inner resources. Ideas of this sort have | lingered on. Just a
few years ago, the futile retreat to I want to be me was popularly seen as the
road to salvation in a never-never world.
The concept of I-am-you as an alternative to society has lost much of its
magic appeal. It has not, however, irreversibly run its course; tradition and mental habits formed over the millennia will somehow keep it alive, perhaps indefinitely, as a figure of speech or an inspiring figment of the imagination.112 In
medieval Islam, it played an important role in the continuing tension between
man and society. It helped to satisfy the need for reconciling two conflicting
facts, the one being that man is a unique individual and physically frail, the
other that he wishes to grow beyond his limitations and at the same time escape
from the shackles of conformity to society.
111
112
Cf. Nietzsche, Der Wille zur Macht, no. 655.

There are intriguing book titles such as Ill Be You and You Be Me, a book for children (ages
3 to 7) by Ruth Krauss and Maurice Sendak (New York: Harper and Bros., 1954), or I Am
Also You, a book of thoughts with photographs by Jay Thompson (Clarkson N. Potter, Inc.,
1971). I have not been able to see these books, but I assume that in some peculiar way, they
may bear on the subject under discussion. Another clipping in my files contains a long
poem in Arabic by Ajjj al-Mihtr, entitled Anti an, from al-Bin (Beirut), January 1st,
1960, p. 15.
vi.2
Gifts and Bribes: The Muslim View

(Read November 14, 1963)
Among the earliest results of the civilizing process among mankind has been
the replacement of force by persuasion as a means for the individual to achieve
his desires. And the form of persuasion whose effectiveness was no doubt
obvious from the very beginning was the giving of gifts. In the ancient Near
East, it was recognized as a legitimate and, it seems, customary way to obtain
action by the men in power. It was also recognized, of course, that there was a
borderline beyond which the giving of gifts became immoral if not illegal. This
borderline is best described by the distinction that may be made between a gift
and a bribe.
The existence of a simple linguistic distinction of this kind may by itself be
of some significance. In many Western languages, it does not seem to exist as
neatly and precisely expressed as in modern English. The Semitic languages of
the Near East, as far as we know, were more developed in this respect.1 At any
rate, Arabic shares with English the ability to make a clear and concise verbal
distinction between gifts and bribes. Muslim civilization thus possessed the
necessary linguistic equipment for a theoretical discussion of the legal, moral,
and societal problems involved.2 Soon after its birth, Islam came to extend
1 The situation in Akkadian is illustrated in a brief article by J.J. Finkelstein, The Middle
Assyrian ulmnu-Texts, Journal of the American Oriental Society 72 (1952): 7780. For Biblical
Hebrew, one may compare the dictionaries, s.v. sh--d. It deserves notice that the terms are
not always used in an unambiguously pejorative sense.
2 With the establishment of the Ottoman Empire, and in general, the closer we approach
modern times, the information from both primary and secondary sources becomes more
and more detailed. A backward projection presumably would not be too risky in view of
the permanent character of the problem. However, the present discussion is restricted to
information coming from the older, medieval period. Only one author from Ottoman times
has been used for basic information (Ibn Nujaym, see n. 6).
The only work in a Western language known to me that deals adequately with bribery in
Islam is E. Tyans Histoire de l organization judiciaire en pays dIslam (2 v., Paris, 19381943)
1: pp. 425431. The second edition (Leiden, 1960, pp. 289292) contains few changes in this
section. Other works I consulted contain only passing references. However, since they tend to
be of a handbook type dispensing with meticulous references to research by other scholars,
some relevant treatments may have escaped me.
135
730
136
over an area where the giving of gifts had been, for thousands of years, an
established custom that was deeply rooted in human nature. This custom was
bound to clash with the new religions great concern with strict moral norms
and, in particular, its concept of a divine justice that pervades human society
and can under no circumstances be influenced or bought. The giving of gifts is
approved and praised as a charitable activity, and it is viewed as an important
contribution to the establishment of better personal and communal relations.
Bribery3 is strictly forbidden and severely censured. Gods curse is to rest upon
the giver of bribes, the taker of bribes, and the go-between.4
In practice, much finer distinctions were needed. From the earliest years of
the Muslim Empire, the jurists discussed what gifts were permitted and which
were not, when gifts became illegal bribes, and even, under what circumstances
bribes could be considered legal and | permissible. The Qurn had no occasion
to make express mention of the word for bribe. A passage referring with strong
disapproval to those who eat sut, the precise meaning of which cannot be
established with certainty, was connected with bribery but explained as generally forbidding all kinds of unlawful gain, among which bribery occupied a
particularly offensive position.5 Another verse of the Holy Book: Do not consume your property among you wrongly and do not approach with it the judges
The present-day situation in Islamic countries seems to be fairly well characterized by the
fact that a lengthy study of bribery in Egyptian law contains only a perfunctory reference to
the Islamic literature on the subject. Moreover, this reference appears only in the Arabic part
and is not to be found in the French text. Cf. A.R. Khafagui, in Egypte Contemporaine 4852
(19571961), in particular, 48 (1957), no. 288, p. 7 (Arabic).
3 The technical terms are hadyah gift and rashwah (also vocalized rishwah or rushwah)
bribe. Arabic possesses other words for both concepts. For possible, if doubtful cognates
of rashwah in other Semitic languages, cf. C. Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum (Halle, 1928),
p. 745a; L. KoehlerW. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros (Leiden, 1951), p. 910b;
and E.S. DrowerR. Macuch, A Mandaic Dictionary (Oxford, 1963), p. 422a, 437b.
4 This statement (adth) of the Prophet is cited in every discussion of bribery. For its location
in the authoritative adth collections, cf. A.J. Wensinck, A Handbook of Early Muhammadan
Tradition (Leiden, 1927), p. 40, and A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et Indices de
la tradition musulmane (Leiden, 1936) 2: p. 262a. The go-between is only occasionally
included.
5 Qurn 5: 42/46, 62/67, 63/68, and the Arabic commentaries on the passage (in particular,
a-abar [d. 310/923], Tafsr [30 v., Cairo, 1321/1903] 6: p. 139f.) as well as the native Arabic
dictionaries. Cf. also, for instance, Wak (d. 306/918), Akhbr al-quh (3 v., Cairo, 1366
1369/19471950) 1: p. 53 f. The traditional interpretation of the term sut cannot be considered
certain, since it might easily be a mere guess based on the context. The eating of sut admits
of many possibilities; it may be the eating of unclean food, taking interest, telling untruths and
gifts and bribes: the muslim view
731
, was also interpreted as a prohibition of bribery, although this interpretation

is by no means the only and most authoritative one proposed.6
During the state of a pristine purity of morals which was customarily considered to have been prevalent in the time of the Prophet and his immediate
successors, all gifts to persons in authority were considered forbidden. Especially in the case of judges, all gifts qualified as unlawful gain (sut), while the
acceptance of bribes reduced a judge to the status of unbeliever. But already
less than a century later, in the early eighth century, the pious caliph Umar b.
Abd-al-Azz is said to have complained that what had been a gift in the time
of the Prophet had, by his time, become a bribe.7
The distinction between gifts and bribes was once expressed by a Muslim
scholar with admirable succinctness: A bribe is what a person gives in order
to obtain help, whereas a gift is something to which no condition is attached.8
More truly in the Islamic spirit is a confrontation of the terms dating from the
late ninth or early tenth century. Surprisingly enough, it does not come from a
lawyer but from a mystic concerned with mans inner life, al-akm at-Tirmidh.
slandering, etc. The corresponding verbal root also is too general in its meaning of corruption
or destruction and is not of much help in determining the meaning of the noun.
Sut occurs in the Qurn only here in a context castigating the sinful behavior attributed
to the Israelites. However, this is not sufficient to support the suggestion that it was some sort
of foreign term borrowed from Aramaic or formed under Aramaic influence, cf. A. Jeffery, The
Foreign Vocabulary of the Qurn (Baroda, 1938), p. 165 f. In connection with the interpretation
of sut as bribery, it is curious to notice that the word is extremely similar to the Hebrew and
Aramaic word for bribe (shud-). The change from d to t could be explained as having been
caused through assimilation to the Arabic root s--t. It would seem that we are confronted
here with a mere coincidence.
6 Qurn 2: 188/184. Cf. the Treatise on Bribery of Judges and Others and its Subdivisions (Rislah
f r-rashwah wa-aqsmih li-l-q wa-ghayrih) by Ibn Nujaym al-anaf (d. 970/1563). This
monograph formed part of Ibn Nujayms Collected Treatises. I do not know whether it has
been printed. I have used the Istanbul MS. Laleli 3694: fols. 51b55a, and the better Yale MS.
A169 (Nemoy 915): fols. 57b60b. In this particular connection, Ibn Nujaym refers to al-Biq
(d. 885/1480) and al-alwn (d. 448 or 449/10561058). Cf. also the dictionary of Ibn Manr
(d. 711/1311), Lisn al-Arab (20 v., Blq, 13001307 [1308]/1882 [1883]1890) 18: p. 292. However,
a-abar, among many others, does not mention the interpretation that connects the verse
with bribery.
7 For references to this tradition, cf. Wensinck and others, Concordance 2: 262a.
8 Cf. Ibn Nujaym who gives as his source a commentary by Ab Nar al-Baghdd (apparently,
Amad b. Muammad b. al-Aqa who lived in the eleventh century) on a famous work by
al-Qudr (d. 428/1037). This leads us back into the eleventh century, but the statement is
likely to have been formulated many years earlier. Cf. Tyan, Histoire 1: p. 426, who also cites
Ibn Nujaym (apparently from another work).
732
137
His work, dealing with the subtle distinctions between synonymous or contrasting terms (Kitb al-Furq), was evidently written in imitation of earlier
lexicographical works on the subject,9 and contains a chapter on the difference between gifts and bribes. Giving gifts, according to al-akm at-Tirmidh,
is an act intended to establish a mutual attraction and inclination between the
hearts and souls of giver and recipient. If, however, the recipient is in a position
of authority, or someone depending on or connected with political authority,
then the gift becomes a bribe. The explanation why this is so is based entirely on
moral-metaphysical (not moral-material or moral-societal) grounds. The political authority is the shadow of God on earth. Justice, therefore, is its normal
procedure. Thus, it would be unjust and, in addition, displeasing to God if His
justice which He has bestowed upon His creatures freely and without charge
were to be bought by gifts given to those in authority. Such gifts are bribes to
be compared, on the basis of the supposed etymol|ogy of rashwah bribe, with
water drawn from a well by means of a bucket (rish). This is an artificial procedure. Justice should not be drawn from a judge (kim) in this manner. It
should flow naturally like running water. Consequently, gifts to those invested
with political authority or to anyone connected with them are bribes.10
It is obvious that the author when speaking of political authority includes
the judiciary. While in keeping with modern conceptions, we are inclined to
keep the judiciary separate from the political administration, Muslim theory
does not lend itself to such a distinction. In fact, the discussion of gifts and
bribes, when it comes to finding precedents from early Islam, always quotes
remarks made generally about officials, whether their functions were judicial or administrative (or, as usual, both judicial and administrative). When
a provincial official brought back much wealth and insisted that it all came
from gifts given to him, the Prophet is said to have rebuked him and to have
told him that he should have stayed home quietly and seen how many gifts he
would have received then.11 The caliph Umar, whom tradition came to consider
the fountainhead of all Muslim political and legal practice, is said to have written to his officials that gifts are bribes and they should, therefore, not accept
10
11
The rather extensive work on the subject by al-Askar, al-Furq al-lughawyah (Cairo,
1353/1934), p. 137f., does not deal expressly with gifts and bribes but restricts itself to
discussing the various words for gift.
For the work of al-akm at-Tirmidh, I have used the Istanbul MS. Aya Sofya 1975: fol. 17a
b.
Cf., for instance, Wak, Akhbr al-quh 1: p. 57f., or as-Sarakhs, Mabs (30 v., Cairo,
13241331/19061913) 16: p. 82.
733
a gift from anybody.12 In the course of time, however, Muslim scholars came
to feel that it was a real problem whether, with respect to gifts and bribes, a
distinction should be made between judges and other administrative officials.
Already at an early date, the view that a distinction should be made between
the two groups was implicitly indicated by those scholars who inserted, into the
aforementioned tradition concerning Gods curse resting upon those involved
in bribery, the words in judgment, thereby more or less restricting the application of the tradition to the judiciary.13 In the ninth century, the Mlikite Ibn
abb stated flatly that legal scholars considered it equally reprehensible to
give gifts to the central government (as-suln al-akbar), judges, provincial officials (umml), or tax collectors14a statement which presupposes the existence of other authorities who did make a distinction between the different
categories. And in the sixteenth century, a lawyer expressed himself strongly
opposed to those who, against what he says is the traditional view, were of the
opinion that a bribe given to a political or military leader (amr) was in the eyes
of the law equivalent to a bribe given to a judge.15
Meanwhile, the discussion went on as to how gifts to men in positions of
political authority were to be treated legally. In the year 707/ 13071308, the
question had once more become acute because the two men then in actual
control of Egypt, Baybars and Sallr, and other Egyptian leaders had received
giftswe are not told what gifts and from whomand three leading legal
12
13
14
15
Cf. Wak, Akhbr al-quh 1: p. 56. The practice appears to have been quite different,
cf., for instance, Ibn Abd-Rabbih (d. 328/940), Iqd (3 v., Cairo, 1305/1887) 1: p. 15f., or
the story reported about Salm b. Ziyd, a governor of Khursn (about 680685), in
the eleventh-century work on the gifts and treasures of rulers and other highly placed
personages by ar-Rashd b. az-Zubayr, Dhakhir, ed. M. amd Allh (Kuwait, 1959), p. 13.
The literature dealing with historical firsts places the first Muslim case of bribery
(for securing an appointment with the caliph) in the reign of Umar, cf. as-Suy, Wasil
(Baghdad, 1369/1950), pp. 97 and 152. And the widespread bias against the employment
of Christian and Jewish officials was nourished by a statement attributed to Umar that
they were particularly susceptible to bribeswhich later provoked a Muslims retort
that his own people are today more readily disposed to accepting bribes than they, cf.
al-Ibshh, Mustaraf (2 v., Blq, 1268/18511852) 1: p. 120, and A. Fattal, Le Statut lgal des
Non-Musulmans en pays d Islam (Beirut, 1958), p. 242.
Cf. Wak, Akhbr al-quh 1: pp. 4547. Wak himself seems to have assumed that the
recensions containing the additional words were more original. This, however, seems
unlikely.
Cf. Taq-ad-dn as-Subk, Fatw (2 v., Cairo, 13551356/19361937) 1: p. 215.
Ibn Nujaym, in the introduction to his monograph.
734
138
scholars, one of them apparently close to Baybars and Sallr,16 had handed
down the opinion that their acceptance was forbidden on the basis of the
Prophets statement: The gifts of officials are fraud.17 This caused the great
Shfiite judge, Badr-ad-dn Ibn Jamah (d. 733/1333), to express his dissent in
a small pamphlet on the subject in which he proved that | the acceptance of
those gifts was permissible. When, in the year mentioned, the attention of the
famous Shfiite, Taq-ad-dn as-Subk (d. 756/1355), was drawn to the matter,
he inquired of still another authority, Ibn Rafah (d. 710/ 1310), about it and
was informed that the recipients of the gifts had declared that they had made
gifts in return, and this made the gifts they received legally acceptable, even if
nothing more valuable than a chicken was given in return. Taq-ad-dn as-Subk
now went to work himself and wrote an extensive treatise on gifts given to
political and military leaders, entitled Decisive Statement on Gifts for Officials
(Fal al-maql f hady al-umml). This treatise seems to have been preserved
in manuscript only to the point just mentioned, but the preserved summary
clearly indicates that (1) Taq-ad-dn as-Subk thought that the problem was
more or less identical for both political leaders and judges and (2) in the
case under review, he hesitantly considered acceptance of the gifts as not
absolutely forbidden, although such gifts to men in authority, according to
majority opinion, should not become the private property of the recipients.18
We do not know whether the case involved an international exchange of
gifts, a type of diplomatic activity that was of considerable importance in
medieval times. On the international aspect of the problem, we have a report
by another scholar of the fourteenth century, this time a anafite, named aarss. He informs us that a certain general, Arghn, had asked for a legal
opinion as to whether he was permitted to accept and retain a gift from the
16
17
18
The three men were Abd-al-Azz b. Abd-al-Jall an-Nimrw (d. 710/1311), Muammad
b. Ysuf al-Jazar al-Khab (d. 711/1312), and al-usayn b. Al b. Sayyid-al-kull al-Uswn
(d. 739/1338).
That is, gifts received by officials result from fraudulent purposes. This is another standard
tradition in the discussion of gifts and bribes, cf. Wensinck and others, Concordance 4:
p. 543b. Other recensions have amrs instead of officials, cf. Wak, Akhbr al-quh 1:
p. 59 f., and al-Mward (below, n. 36).
The Fal al-maql has so far been signalized as existing only in the Leiden MS. or. 2421.
Unfortunately, it turns out that the Leiden MS. does not contain the complete text but only
the title-page and its verso (p. 7 f.). Thus, only the first page of the work is preserved. The
loss is all the more regrettable since it seems very likely that the author included concrete
data, historical and bibliographical. They are very sparse in the preserved abridgment
which he prepared himself and included in his Fatw (n. 14) 1: 213217. The abridgment
is restricted mainly to the standard quotations.
735
king of the Franks and consider it his private property. He asked two of the
men already mentioned, Ibn Jamah and Taq-ad-dn as-Subk, as well as a few
anafite scholars. The latter, we are told, joined Ibn Jamah in an affirmative
opinion, whereas as-Subk expressed the conviction that Arghn was not permitted to keep the gift as his private property but should turn it over to the
public treasury. According to a-arss himself, the test which a leader has to
apply under such circumstances is to find out whether the Muslim community
does or does not approve of his acceptance of the gift.19
A-arsss report on as-Subk agrees with the opinion expressed by the
latter in his work on gifts to officials. His reference to Ibn Jamah can be traced
to the latters Handbook of Muslim Administrative Law.20 In fact, Ibn Jamah
explains that ash-Shfi, Mlik, and Ibn anbal made a distinction according to
whether the gift was proffered before or after the outbreak of open hostilities. In
the former case, the gifts belong to the Muslim leader personally as his private
property; otherwise, they form part of the booty. This distinction is, however,
not made by Ab anfah, the founder of the fourth of the legal schools. Ab
anfah (and, according to certain authorities, also Ibn anbal) permits the
Muslim leader to retain the gift as his personal property.
As a-arss also informs us, his basic source of reference for the discussion of the problem was a work by the main exponent of Ab anfahs school,
ash-Shaybn (d. 189/804).21 A complication is caused by contradictory statements attributed to the Prophet. There are undeniable historical reports to
the effect that Muammad himself accepted gifts from unbelievers.22 On the
other hand, he is also said to have categorically forbidden the acceptance of
any such gifts. Ash-Shaybn comes to the conclusion that it is disapprovable
practice for an army commander to accept gifts from non-Muslim rulers, but
if he does, he must hand them over and add them to the Muslim booty.23
19
20
21
22
23
Cf. a-arss, Tufat at-Turk, used in the Istanbul MS. Halet 535: fol. 148a-b. It remains to
be determined which Arghn is meant here. There appears to be no connection between
his case and the afore-mentioned one.
Ed., trans. H. Kofler, Handbuch des islamischen Staats- und Verwaltungsrechtes,Islamica
7: (1935): 11, and Abhandlungen fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes 23, 6 (1938): 94.
Shar Kitb as-Siyar al-kabr, by ash-Shaybn with notes by as-Sarakhs, ed. al-ad-dn
al-Munajjid (Cairo, 1957) 1: pp. 9799.
Cf., for instance, A.J. Wensinck, Handbook, p. 87f.; Ab Ubayd (d. about 837838), Kitb
al-Amwl (Cairo, n. y. [1353/1935]), pp. 256258; ar-Rashd b. az-Zubayr, Dhakhir, pp. 68.
In this case, he may draw on the Muslim booty for a return gift of the same value or a
slightly higher value, according to Qdikhn (d. 592/1196), Fatw (4 v., Calcutta, 1835) 4:
p. 590.
736
139
Explanatory remarks by another great legal authority, as-Sarakhs, who | lived

in the eleventh century, stress the fact that the word used here is disapproved.
It implies that no strict prohibition to accept such gifts is intended but merely
a warning against accepting them. A gift from a highly placed unbeliever
might easily influence the Muslim leader who is its intended recipient to take
a friendly attitude toward the non-Muslim enemy. Or, according to another
rationale for the solution suggested by ash-Shaybn, gifts are given to the
Muslim leader in order to prevent him from pressing hostilities. Now, the
pursuit of hostilities is not accomplished by the individual leader personally
but by the Muslim community as a whole. Consequently, although he himself
has no claim to the gifts, the community does, and the gifts should, therefore,
be retained and added to the general booty. This reasoning also affords a
good solution for the dilemma caused by the historical precedents set by
the Prophet. Since he himselfin contrast to any other individualcan be
believed to have been able personally to effect the defense of the Muslim
cause and to press hostilities, there can be no doubt as to his being justified
in retaining gifts as his personal property.24 Considerations of this sort then
lead to the ruling that the envoy of a military commander is entitled to retain
gifts presented to him by the enemy commander, since they can be assumed to
have been given to him voluntarily, and not out of fear.25
As-Sarakhs throws in further references to the problem of the permissibility
of accepting gifts from unjust rulers. This is highly offensive to the pious, but
there are precedents for it from among some of the early Muslims. Only in
connection with this problem does the term bribe appear in the discussion,
for one of the points to be considered here is the question whether or not
the ruler amassed most of his property through illegal extortions and bribery.
With regard to the international exchange of gifts, the question of bribery is
hardly ever raised. In many of these cases, more than a mere gift may often have
been involved. Too close a scrutiny of such high-level diplomatic amenities was
rarely possible and was, presumably, considered inadvisable. Gifts made to, or
exchanged among, highly placed Muslims may also often have been intended
to accomplish some definite purpose desired by the giver. The sources are
usually silent about this point. The bribery of lower officials was seldom of
such great interest as to deserve detailed reporting in the written sources, that
is, the historical literature. A need, however, was felt to make some allowance
24
25
For the exceptional position of the Prophet in this respect, cf. also Taq-ad-dn as-Subk,
Fatw 1: p. 214, who quotes Ibn Abd-al-Barr (d. 463/1071), Istidhkr.
Cf. Qkhn, Fatw 4: p. 590.
737
for the prevailing custom which winked at the giving of gifts in all dealings
between the ruling establishment and the people. Some sort of theoretical
justification for the common practice was bound to make its appearance. It
was accomplished by redefining both gift and bribe in terms of the purpose
for which either was intended. Thus, the author of a work supposedly dating
from the twelfth century, entitled Kitb Mufd al-ulm wa-mubd al-humm,26
presents this summary of the then current thought concerning permissible and
forbidden gifts:
The gift is distinguished from the bribe in four ways.
1. A person gives someone money he deserves and makes him a present,
so that he may give him something in return. This is a permissible gift.
If the recipient of the gift actually gives him something in return, that
settles it. If he does not but still retains the original gift, it is unlawful
gain (sut).
2. He gives him a gift because of his decency and knowledge or because of
his noble descent. If the recipient does, in fact, possess those qualities,
he is permitted (to accept the gift). However, if the giver merely thinks
that the recipient is an influence toward decency, while, in reality, he
is a person who might cause bad relations between him and God; or
he just thinks that he is a scholar, while, in reality, he is ignorant; or he
thinks that he is a descendant of Al, while, in reality, his pedigree is
spurious, then it is forbidden.
3. He pays out money to royal doorkeepers and the intimates of amrs,
in order to enlist their support for something he desires or for some
enterprise he has in mind. If, under these circumstances, he is after
something that is forbidden, such as, for instance, [a position in?] the
police, the extortion of property, the office of land tax collector, the
office of levying road tolls (raad), or the office of collector of taxes due
from fiefs, it is something that is forbidden. Also, if a poor man makes
a gift to a royal doorkeeper, the latter is not permitted to accept it, as
long as he does not give him something in return.
4. He gives him a gift in connection with something that it is his specific
duty to do (according to the terms of his office). This may involve, for
26
(Cairo, 1310/18921893), p. 111. The author is said to have been a certain Jaml-ad-dn
al-Qazwn. He starts out by saying that the subject is one that has been extensively
debated.
738
instance, giving him a gift so that he will testify, (if he is an official witness) whose specific duty it is to give testimony before the judge, so
that he | render judgment between the two parties or answer his opponent for him (?), and the like. This is forbidden, and he is not permitted
to accept the gift. But if it is the case of a permissible activity, it is not
forbidden. The giving of gifts is permissible under these conditions, if
the giver will thereby be enabled to accomplish his activity. Thus, he
may say to him: Hand this petition to the authorities, and you will
get from me so-and-so much. Or: Help me in this matter. The basic
consideration one should keep in mind is this: If the activity as such
is forbidden, as, for instance, the commission of an act of injustice, the
hearing of fraudulent evidence, the giving of aid and comfort to wrongdoers, then it is forbidden to take anything whatever. And, likewise,
anything he may take is to be considered unlawful gain, if the activity sought has to do with something that is his specific duty, such as
preventing torts (malim), hearing truthful evidence, or seeing to it
that right prevails.
140
In this sense, lexicographers also came to define the term bribe as achieving
something one needs through trying to get into someones good graces (bi-lmunaah, another polite term for bribery). Consequently, if the bribe is given
to achieve an improper purpose, it falls into the forbidden category. However,
if the purpose in offering a bribe is to obtain a right or to repulse an injustice,
it does not fall under the curse contained in the afore-mentioned tradition of
the Prophet. One of the Prophets companions, Ibn Masd, while in Abyssinia
during the early Muslim emigration to that country before the hijrah, gave
someone there two dnrs in order to escape detention, and a number of leading personages of the second generation after Muammad are credited with
the statement that there is nothing wrong with a person attempting bribery
(naa) whenever he is afraid of being treated unfairly and wishes to protect
his life and property.27
All this also largely applies to the judiciary, which is part of the political life of
the Muslim community and not basically distinguished from it. We do not learn
much about details as far as they affect the doings of officials other than those
connected with the judiciary. This can be explained not so much by the fact that
theoretical discussions of the problem of bribery can be expected to be found
27
Cf. Majd-ad-dn Ibn al-Athr (d. 606/1210), Nihyah (4 v., Cairo, 1322/1904) 2: p. 87. A century
later, his remarks were repeated by Ibn Manr, Lisn al-Arab 20: p. 37.
739
not in histories but, above all, in legal works, and these were predominantly
concerned with the situation as it existed within the judiciary. Rather, the
reason seems to be that bribery was only one of the many ways of wrongdoing
among government officials. There were other ways which on the whole were
of greater consequence and eventually led to that general, cynical despair with
public life, which is so obvious and which is characteristically expressed in
verses such as these:
The lawyer says to me, not knowing what he is talking about:
Leave unlawful money alone and be satisfied with little.
Now, if I cannot find lawful money
And do not eat what is unlawful, I would starve to death.28
Bribery probably played only a minor part in bringing about this situation.
On the other hand, bribery loomed very large indeed as the greatest potential threat29 to the integrity of the judiciary. In spite of frequently heard complaints to the contrary and the presumably widespread feeling that judges
being devils, the best exorcism is bribes,30 judicial integrity has on the whole
always been very high in Islam and was anxiously guarded by the authorities
concerned. It is, therefore, in connection with the judiciary that the problem of bribery is given the closest attention. It was never quite forgotten that
any gift to a judge could assume an aspect of impropriety and that, basically, judges should not be allowed to accept any gift whatever. Gifts in connection with the judicial process are bribes. They cause hearing, heart, and
sight to disappear. Or, quoting the Wisdom (in its Qurnic sense of part
of the divine revelation given to the prophets of old), they blind (tuawwir)
the eyes of the wise (cf. Exodus 23:8; Deuteronomy 16:19). When a gift comes
in by the door, integrity (amnah) leaves by the window. Already the caliph
Abd-al-Malik b. Marwn (685705) is supposed to have turned this idea into
verse:
When a bribe tries to wriggle its way into a house
To enter there, while integrity, too, resides in it,
The latter hurries to escape from the bribe and turns
its back in the manner
28
29
30
Cf. Ibn al-Fuwa, Talkh Majma al-db 4, 1, ed. Muaf Jawd (Damascus, 1962), p. 496.
Of course, judges had other opportunities for malfeasance in financial matters, such as
the embezzlement of inheritances and the like.
Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart (2 v., Blq, 1287/1870) 1: p. 124 f.
740
In which a wise man turns away from the answer of

an ignoramus.31
141
The acceptance of any gift was considered unlawful, not only for judges but for
all the minor members of the judiciary, not excluding the lowly court employee
who admitted complainants into the presence of the judge. As-Sarakhs refers
to the accepted custom for all parties to a lawsuit to give something to such
employees, so that they would let them enter and present their case. This
as-Sarakhs brands as a crime, because justice is to be meted out without
anybody being paid for it, and nothing should stand in the way of justice being
done. The judge himself, if he knows about this situation and does nothing
to suppress the evil custom, commits as grave a sin as if he were to tolerate
wine-bibbing and fornication in his courthouse.32
The possibility was taken into account that the judges children, his secretaries, or any other member of his staff might be bribed, in order to influence
the judge in behalf of the briber. This was strongly condemned. It could happen that the judge was unaware of what was going on, but if he knew about
it, the situation was equivalent to bribing the judge himself.33 Yet, the assumption is also made occasionally that corrupt judges may not only know about
such bribes but even approve of and instigate their acceptance.34
Positions comparable and related to the office of judge such as the office of
the market supervisor (mutasib) were subject to the same caution with regard
to gifts and bribes as were the judges themselves. Market supervisors were
warned not to accept gifts from businessmen or craftsmen under their jurisdiction, even if it was a question of such small items as having a market supervisors
cat fed by a butcher. And, in turn, their subordinates were to be closely watched
for any unlawful acceptance of gifts or bribes. It was shrewdly observed in this
connection that officials in important positions are most vulnerable to suspicion not so much in consequence of their own actions as through the behavior
of their subordinates.35
31
32
33
34
35
Cf. Wak, Akhbr al-quh 1: p. 55 f.

Cf. as-Sarakhs, Mabs 16: p. 81.
Cf. Qdikhn, Fatw 3: pp. 130 and 301.
Cf. al-Bazzz (d. 827/1424), al-Fatw al-Bazzzyah, used in the Yale MS. A-166 (Nemoy
888): fol. 218a.
Cf. Ibn al-Ukhwah (d. 729/1329), Malim al-qurbah, ed. R. Levy (London, 1938), p. 13f. The
reference to the market supervisors subordinates appears also in ash-Shayzar (d. 589/
1193), Nihyat ar-rutbah, ed. al-Arn and M.M. Ziydah (Cairo, 1946), p. 10. The story of
the cat is found already in al-Ghazzl (d. 505/1111), Iy (4 v., Cairo, 1352/1933) 2: p. 293.
741
However, such rigorous attitudes were unrealistic for a number of reasons.

At certain times, they may have caused hardships to some of the individuals involved and may have seemed to hamper rather than promote the cause
of justice and of a well-organized society. In connection with its treatment of
the judiciary, the administrative handbook of al-Mward (d. 450/1058) merely
mentions briefly that seeking to obtain a judgeship by means of money payments is to be considered unlawful bribery and that a judge should not accept
any gift from a party in a lawsuit or anyone else under his jurisdiction.36 The
statement is vague and leaves much unsaid that might have been properly said
on the subject. It would thus seem to indicate the existence and, indeed, prevalence of exceptions to the strict view on gifts and bribes.
Of necessity, the most common of such exceptions was the permission to
receive gifts from close relatives. The prohibition to accept gifts rests upon the
shoulders of the judge much more heavily than upon any other official, because
he represents the majesty of the religious law and must follow and uphold all its
injunctions. Yet even one of the usually very strict Mlikites, Ibn Ynus (twelfth
century), stated that a judge must not accept a gift from anyone, neither a
relative nor a friend, even if he gives in return a gift that is many times more
valuableexcept from a parent or a child and those especially close relatives
for whose needs one must have more respect than for the unlawful character
of gifts. As was suggested by Sann, the founder of Maghribite Mlikism
(d. 240/854), among those relatives were to be counted the judges maternal
and paternal aunts and the daughters of his brothers.37
Another nearly general exception was made for gifts which came from people who had been in the habit of giving gifts to the judge before he assumed
office. It was stressed, however, that they must not be engaged in a lawsuit at
the time they make the gift, and the gift must not be larger than what they used
to give formerly.38 Nonacceptance of gifts was, of course, considered preferable
even under those circumstances.39
36
37
38
39
Cf. al-Mward, al-Akm as-sulnyah (Cairo, 1298/1881), p. 72.

Cf. Taq-ad-dn as-Subk, Fatw 1: p. 215. Cf. also D. Santillana, Istituzioni di diritto musulmano malichita (2 v., Rome, 1938 [actually: 1943]) 2: p. 569.
Cf. Qdkhn, Fatw 3: p. 131. Loans are also included in the prohibition to accept gifts
from non-relatives.
Cf. Taq-ad-dn as-Subk, Fatw 1: p. 215. According to as-Sarakhs, Mabs 16: p. 82, it is up
to the judge to decide whether or not to accept a gift. While the giving of gifts is a praiseworthy custom, this applies only to a situation where no official activities are involved;
in the case of judges and government officials, the greatest care has to be exercised in
742
142
Another exception was made for judges who received no salary from the
government and needed to supplement their incomes. It was recognized that
good salaries were the only reasonable measure that might be taken in order
to forestall the always present temptation to accept bribes.40 But the financial
situation of judges was often quite insecure and exposed to great fluctuations
depending on different local political and economic conditions. When he
needed it, the judge was allowed to seek and accept financial support where
he was able to find it. A possible way to earn money was for him to offer his
services for hire for a certain period. For instance, it was considered permissible
for him to write documents for persons who commissioned them from him.
However, he was not allowed to take any payment whatever for any task that
belonged within the range of his judicial duties.41 If he received no salary from
the government, he was considered entitled to accept payment from the parties
engaged in a lawsuit before him, because, in a sense, they employed him as
judge, and his acceptance of payment from them was comparable to drawing
on an orphans estate by its trustee when he needed it.42
Most importantly, there was the bribe that was given for the purpose of
seeing to it that justice was done and the righteous cause upheld or promoted through the intervention of the judge. While a person is forbidden
to offer a bribe to a judge for sponsoring an unjust cause, he is fully within
his rights when offering one in the interests of justice, in order to protect
his life and property. However, in this case, the judge on his part is forbidden to accept the proffered bribe, since it is his duty to see to it, impartially
and without pay, that justice is done. A similar situation exists when a bribe
is offered to a suitably placed person, who might as often as not have been
a judge, for the purpose of having him straighten out ones affairs with the
authorities. Here, it is likewise legal to offer the bribe and illegal to accept
it. In this case, however, scholars suggest a subterfuge which enables the two
to get together. The intended recipient of the bribe is hired and paid for a
day, or any other specified time, leaving it open for what kind of work he
is to be employed. There is some doubt as to whether it was permissible to
40
41
42
deciding whether a gift may be accepted. Cf. also E. Sachau, Muhammedanisches Recht
nach Schafiitischer Lehre (Stuttgart-Berlin, 1897), p. 704.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Raf al-ir, ed. mid Abd-al-Majd and others (Cairo, 1957), 1: pp. 208,
211 f., referred to by A. Mez, Die Renaissance des Islms (Heidelberg, 1922), p. 212, following
R. Guests edition of al-Kind, The Governors and Judges of Egypt (Leiden-London, 1912),
p. 597 ff.
Cf. Taq-ad-dn as-Subk, Fatw 1: pp. 216 f., as well as Ibn Nujaym.
According to Ibn Aql, cf. below, n. 44.
743
ask for intercession with the authorities without mentioning a possible bribe
but making a payment or giving a gift after the deal was successfully completed.43
A good summary of the situation was given by the anbalite Ibn Aql
(apparently, Ab l-Waf, d. 513/1119), as reported by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah
(d. 751/1350). According to Ibn Aql, the potential sources of income for a judge
fall into four categories, that is, bribes, gifts, wages, and salaries. Each of the
first two categories is again subdivided into two categories. As to bribes, there
are some given for the purpose of achieving an unlawful end. It is forbidden
either to give or to accept them. And then, there are bribes given to a judge so
that he will make a just decision and see to it that the rights of the giver are
upheld. In this case, the judge (kim) is forbidden to accept the bribe, but the
action of the giver is not to be classified as forbidden. Gifts given to a judge,
in turn, can be subdivided into gifts he was accustomed to receive before he
was made a judge. These may be continued. On the other hand, gifts which
started to come in only after he had been appointed to the judgeship, are to
be further subdivided into two groups. There are gifts from persons with no
legal procedures pending | within the jurisdiction of the judge who is to receive
them. They fall into the disapproved category, which means that they are not
strictly forbidden. And then, there are gifts given by persons who are involved in
a lawsuit before the judge in question. They are forbidden and may be neither
offered nor accepted.44
Obviously, those who were caught accepting illegal gifts or bribes had to
expect some kind of penalty for their misbehavior. Dismissal was the natural
consequence of being convicted of having accepted bribes. Thus, a judge who
accepted bribes was liable to dismissal, but the possibility had to be considered
that this might not always happen.45 When it was possible to prove that a
43
44
45
Cf. Qkhn, Fatw 3: p. 130, who was cited by Ibn Nujaym. Ibn Nujaym further reports
a similar statement on the four different kinds of bribes from the Fat al-qadr (by Ibn
Humm, d. 861/1457). He also cites another authority to the effect that there are three
kinds of gifts: (1) gifts for the establishment of friendly relations, which may be offered as
well as accepted; (2) gifts for the purpose of soliciting support for unjust causes, which
may be neither offered nor accepted; and (3) gifts given by a person for the purpose of
escaping injustice, which may be offered but may not be accepted. In connection with
them, the hiring subterfuge may be resorted to. Acceptance of a gift is also permissible if
it is given after the desired purpose has been accomplished, provided this was done with
good intentions. Cf. also the footnote of the editor of Wak, Akhbr al-quh 1: 60 n. 3.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Badi al-fawid (4 v., Cairo, n. y.) 3: p. 146 f.
Cf. Qkhn, Fatw 3: p. 129.
143
744
judge had accepted a bribe, his decision in the case where the bribe had been
passed was invalidated and did not take effect; when the bribe had gone to
someone in the judges family or entourage, its recipient had to return it.46 The
subordinate of the market supervisor who was suspected of accepting gifts and
bribes was apparently simply dismissed, and it looks as if no further penalty
was attached.47
Not many details are given as to the extent of further punishments that might
await a person convicted of bribery. This is only natural in view of the fact that
in Muslim law, the type and extent of punishment are largely left to the discretion of the judge in crimes of this kind. In general, bribery was considered
a crime that required the tazr punishment. This could mean anything from a
verbal rebuke to imprisonment or flogging. It could also include public exposure, and we hear that this was recommended as the most effective punishment
for a person who accepted bribes. Such an exposure in the market streets, it was
argued, would be more keenly felt by the offender than flogging in private. The
overriding principle is the judges opinion as to how the well-being of the community might be served best. If he thinks that public exposure, even blackening
the culprits face and shaving off half of his beard, might help to combat the very
prevalent evil of bribery, he is entitled to impose such punishment.48
No chronological sequence or development in the Muslim attitude toward
bribery can be discovered in the literature consulted, after the element of
chance, which involves such matters as the late attestation of earlier views or
missing evidence, has been taken into sufficient consideration. There exists a
strong temptation to speculate that earlier opinion championed the straight
path of strict morality and that the more tolerant views were the product
of moral deterioration in Muslim society. Leaving aside the few years of the
very earliest period of Islam before the Conquests spread its dominion over a
large part of the world, we must admit that there is not the slightest evidence
for such an assumption. Certain details and refinements may not have found
their expression, in the early centuries of Islam, in the same form that is
attested for later periods. But we can be almost certain that substantially all
46
47
48
Cf. Qkhn, Fatw 3: pp. 129 f. and 301. Other authorities, however, maintained that,
even in the case of bribery, the judgment remained effective. Others again held that no
judgment of a judge known to accept bribes was valid, whether or not a bribe had been
passed in a particular case, cf. al-Bazzz (above, n. 34). It was also considered possible for
the recipient of the bribe to repent and return the bribe, which then voided any possible
consequences of having accepted it in the first place (Ibn Nujaym).
Cf. Ibn al-Ukhwah (above, n. 35).
Cf. Ibn Nujayms monograph, at the end.
745
the views expressed were always known and discussed orally if not in writing.
Attitudes and their expression changed slightly back and forth with changing
political and economic circumstances, but the social problem, inherited from
long before the coming of Islam, never ceased to be present and presented an
identical challenge which admitted of no great variety in the forms the human
response was able to take.
We can hardly expect that medieval Muslims would have succeeded in
finding a definite solution where none has as yet been found. Their efforts
had some decidedly negative aspects. Among these, we may list the absence
of any suggestions for a clear-cut practical procedure for dealing with a kind
of offense where man is pitted against society and where the offenders and
those who are to judge them belong to the same stratum of society. And, more
ominously, there seems to have been a certain tendency to see all sides of
the problem and to seek some accommodation to actual conditions without
paying sufficient regard to the dangerous possibilities opened up by this sort
of thinking. Despite the restrictions with which it is hedged, the permission
for the judge to continue accepting gifts from those who had given him gifts |
before his assumption of office seems to create a most convenient loophole,
and the choice of the criterion of purpose for the distinction between legal
and illegal bribes merely confused the picture instead of helping in the fight
against bribery. But there is also much that is greatly to the credit of Muslim
scholars in their efforts to deal with the problem. In the first place, they deserve
credit simply for discussing its theoretical and practical aspects constantly and
earnestly. There are enough hints to justify the guess that much more was said
and many more concrete proposals were made in private conversation among
scholars than were allowed to enter the published literature, which as usual
remained restricted to a narrowly circumscribed set of basic arguments. And
secondly, it is to their credit that they always stressed the moral and human
aspects involved, which are indeed fundamental in any such struggle between
natural human urges and the requirements of society.
144
vi.3
739
Cannabis and Alcohol: The Green and the Red

The historian conversing with scientists is at a disadvantage. His presumed
facts and the conclusions based upon them cannot be either proved or disproved by constantly renewable experiments. They depend upon fossilized
sources that are often limited, more often than not the result of fallible observations and hazardous transmission. And then, they are subjected to the vagaries
of the combinatory powers of the human mind, which are even more fallible.
On the other hand, historians can give free play to their creative imagination
because of the limitations inherent in the character of their information. This
makes possible an arrangement of the available data in such a way as to allow
for the emergence of a clear and instructive picture of the historical impact on
human society of the subject under study.
In the past, the means of written communication were much more expensive and difficult of access than they are today. Scholars and writers had to be
vastly more selective with respect to what they would choose to write down.
The ordinary human experiences of daily life were often taken for granted and
little commented upon. This was true of many matters that appear to us to be
fundamental for an understanding of man and society. One such example is the
use of drugs for sensory stimulation. At certain periods in historyand our
own is one of themsuch use causes noticeable and unusual societal problems.
Such a period occurred in the Muslim world in the late twelfth or early
thirteenth century when the use of hashish became a social problem in the farflung regions dominated by Islam. It has remained one ever since. From Central
Asia, the use of hashish worked its way rapidly and relentlessly westward until
it reached Muslim Spain. The Herb, The Green One. The Morsel of Thought,
could not be stopped. Its many other nicknames were used as terms of endearment and also of mystification, but with increasing frequency it came to be
called The Evil Herb or Satans Own Food. For the benefit of latter-day scholars, the calamity became so marked that the literature of the time could no
longer overlook the existence of hashish.
With respect to its effect upon society, the use of hashish should be considered under three aspects, each very different in nature and significance: first, its
use for purely medical applications; second, its sporadic and haphazard consumption for non-medical purposes; and third, its spread from casual use by
individuals to wide-spread consistent use by society at large.
cannabis and alcohol: the green and the red
747
The knowledge of a possible medicinal use for cannabis passed from Classical Antiquity to the physicians and pharmacologists of Muslim civilization.
Although the historic references are few, a small number of allegedly beneficial
applications are mentioned. Problems of language and terminology, however,
constantly interfere with our understanding; less | so, perhaps, in the strictly
medical and pharmaceutical literature than in general reports on hashish.
Sometimes drugs other than cannabis, or in addition to it, may have been
involved in a so-called medicinal use. In some instances, there is no way of
knowing what the confection referred to as hashish really was; in others there
is no doubt. Furthermore, there is no clear indication from medieval times
that cannabis was ever smoked. Apparently the smoking of it began about the
same time that tobacco cigarettes were introduced from the New World. Before
that, hashish was eaten as a confection, usually made up of a variety of ingredients.
No matter how much or how little the literature has to say about cannabis,
it was always present in the Muslim pharmacopoeia, just as it had been known
and used by Galen and Dioscurides long before the appearance of Islam.
The use of hemp leaves was recommended in a large number of ailments: to
stimulate the appetite, to dissolve flatulence, as a diuretic, to clean up dandruff,
to clear the brain, for soothing pain of the ears. It was also good for digestion,
and one report claims its usefulness in epilepsy.
That hashish was also used as a stimulantor, to translate the Arabic term
literally, as an intoxicantby some individuals in the Muslim world between
the seventh and twelfth centuries remains a conjecture. There is no information in the historical sources. In Islamic society, it was of no concern to public authorities what an individual did in the privacy of his home, especially
if, as in the case of hashish, no explicit statement against its use existed in
the authoritative religious texts. As long as individual action did not come
to public attention and cause a public nuisance, it was likely to be disregarded.
There are many who feel that what an individual does in private is indeed no
matter of public concern. But when sufficiently large numbers of individuals all
do the same thing, it will inevitably provoke public scrutiny and, if necessary,
some kind of public action.
In the case of hashish use in Muslim society, from the 12th century on it
became obvious that it was a problem for society and that action was called
for. But what kind of action, and how to justify it in a society held together
by one thing onlythe religious law of Islam? The Prophet Muammad and
the early Muslims could not be credited with an express statement declaring
hashish unlawful. Because hashish use had not been a problem in the early
740
748
741
years of Islam, there had been no reason to take note of it. In contrast, the consumption of alcohol was a different matter. Well known for its effects, it was
forbidden in Muslim law on the basis of the Holy Qurn. Thus, legal scholars
used as their principal argument for control of hashish the assumed similarity
of its effects with those of wine and other alcoholic beverages. Unfortunately,
just as it is true today, the factual situation was ambiguous, and the necessary
legal reasoning was therefore compromised. Already the jurists had to contend with problems concerning the prohibition of wine, and any comparison
of hashish with alcohol was troublesome because their effects were not identical.
Not only did the jurists compare hashish with wine, but also poets who used
the terms the green one and the red one. Even though wine was forbidden
and illegal, it was enjoyed by many, in particular by the upper classes who
could afford it. Since poetry about wine was extremely popular, with the advent
of hashish, its rich repertory of poetic images and rhetorical figures could
be transferred easily. In Islam, every educated individual (and many of those
with little formal education) was a poet, so verses on hashish provided new
sensations for the jaded tastes of the connoisseurs.
Another literary convention of the writers from Near Eastern times as well
as Classical | Antiquity was the highly esteemed form of the playful exposition
of the merits or faults of two comparable objects. For example, different kinds
of animals, flowers, human occupations, and cities were often compared. In
Muslim civilization this form of poetry reached new pinnacles of artistry. Quite
naturally, as soon as the hashish habit had insinuated itself into wider social
groups, writers of the day applied the literary form to an alleged rivalry between
hashish and wine.
Such was the case with a poet who lived in Syria from 1222 to 1258, and who
exercised his considerable wit and poetic skill by composing a long rhymed
debate between imaginary pro-hashish and pro-wine parties. Characteristically, he does not reveal his own preference nor does he make any moral judgements about either hashish or wine. Whether poets approved or disapproved
of the moral practices they used for themes in their poetry remains a mystery.
Personal experience or opinion counted for little, linguistic and literary virtuosity was their goal. And yet, this medieval Syrian poet presents in his poem
the main arguments that have been repeated over and over again in popular
discussions for and against the use of hashish.
First, the word is given to the pro-hashish party:
1. Greetings, my friend! Dont listen to the critics

And dont condemn without a legal basis!
2. You wish to know about wine and the green stuff.
Thus listen to the words of a true expert!
3. Hashish has qualities that wine cannot boast of.
Can wine be drunk in mosque and Suf Convent?
4. You can obtain the green stuff without haggling.
You do not need much gold and silver for it.
5. No! Unlike wine, it is a gift. Its gratis,
Yes truly indispensable though cheap it may be.
6. It grows in meadows green like heavenly gardens,
Whereas their wine is like a Hellish firebrand.
7. Their wine makes you forget all meanings. Our herb
Recalls the mysteries of godly beauty.
8. The secret of hashish lifts up the spirit
In an ascent of disembodied thinking.
9. It is the spirit pure. Free are its confines
From worries. Only the elect may taste it.
10. No feet have trampled on it, nor has black pitch
Been used for sealing casks and made them dirty.
11. The body is not tired eliminating
And vomiting like an inflated wine-skin.
12. No one will think of you as void of reason,
Nor call you a corrupter of religion.
13. Tucked in a handkerchief it can be carried.
No cup is needed if you wish to use it.
14. Hashish involves no sin. You are not punished.
Theres no disgrace, no quarrelsome companions.
15. In times both good and bad you can enjoy it.
It is no hindrance to nights of devotions.
16. There is no danger of raids by policemen.
The government will not unjustly fine you.
17. You find yourself clean, virtuous, and witty,
Bright, too, and free from all annoying dullness.
18. You find you have no enemies to hate you.
You always have a lot of friends around you.
19. The beloved, tasting it, will sneak away from
Invidious chaperones and come unbidden.
20. Another thing: its good for your digestion.
But all its many virtues cannot be mentioned.
749
742
750
21. Theyre all there when my company at eating

Hashish is a gazelle like a willow slender!
22. She treats me to a pretty poem, singing,
Her voice putting to shame the cooing pigeon.
23. She flirts with me demurely with her big eyes,
And when she smiles shows rows of brilliant white teeth.
24. When critics talk about hashish, dont listen!
Their aim is to deter you. Dont obey them!
Then it is the turn of the champions of wine:
743
25. Now, dear companion whom I love so dearly,

Accept right guidance to preserve your pleasure!
26. Would you by eating grass that is not juicy
Want to be like a dumb beast without reason?
27. Please disregard the views of bestial people!
Just pass around the starry, shining jewel!
28. Tis wine I mean. A traveler lost is guided
At night back to the right path by its brilliance.
29. Their herb brings shame upon a decent person
So that he slinks about just like a killer.
30. It reproduces on his cheeks a green sheen.
His face seems darkish, like pale dust its color.
31. When his friend thinks of him at night, he shudders.
It is like morning turning into dark night.
32. Our wine brings honor to the lowly person
And dignity so that none is his master.
33. When wine appears, it banishes all worry.
The drinkers thirsty heart is fully sated.
34. When wine appears, the drinkers secret gets out
And gladdens him, his rosy cheek wine-colored.
35. Unlike hashish, its qualities are useful.
Speak out! Count and describe wines many meanings!
36. That other substance is harmful to mankind.
Thus tell us all about the evil in it!
37. No caliph surely ever tasted hashish,
Nor did a king in full command and power.
38. No poet ever seriously praised it
In words as artful as the singers, Mabad.
39. No strings were ever plucked in praise of hashish.
751
The roseate drink alone can make this happen.

40. Whatever else but wine can tinge the hands that
Holding a cup of wine reflect its color?
41. Drunk the beloved turns and bends down, swaying
Gracefully like the bent branch of a willow,
42. Giving you wine like wine in her saliva,
The white teeth in her mouth agleam and brilliant.
43. She hesitates no more to join her lover.
Then she forgets all on the day that follows.
44. Who would refrain from something of this nature?
I was not well advised to give up drinking.
45. But for those meddlers I would neer be sober,
Nor would I listen to the critics comments.
46. Drink wine! Dont listen to censorious people,
Though wine may be outlawed in our religion!
Note that the poet was writing at a time when the hashish wave was still in its
early stages and probably had not yet engulfed urban life. Perhaps this is why
he can afford to give the impression of a certain objectivity. Nonetheless, his
arguments are very familiar. He begins triumphantly with a fanfare: hashish
has not been proved illegal. He continues with the trump card of addicts: it
is used by the representatives of true religious fervorthe mystics. It is even
eaten in mosques. It involves no sin, no legal danger, no penalties. It is easily
carried and consumed. Above all, it is cheap, much cheaper than wine, and
everyone can afford it. But the poet describes only briefly the physical and
mental deterioration caused by hashish, because the wine lovers are only too
glad to make their most important point, namely, that in contrast to wine,
hashish means low social status and reduces its users to the dregs of society
and culture. But the hashish addicts think of themselves as an elite group. They
claim beautiful experiences in the realm of pure spirit, experiences that set
them apart from the rest of the common herd of the uninitiated. They are alone
and withdrawn, but they have many friends. They believe that the drug makes
them peaceful, and they feel that by using it, they become especially lovable
individuals.
The poet permits each side to claim that its favorite intoxicant is a powerful
aid to seduction. His poem, like so many others, was meant to appeal to erotic
fancy. In fact, hashish use was often declared detrimental to sexual activity, but
it was also described, in the same way as in the above poem, as a means to
obtain sexual satisfaction from a lover unaware of being under the influence of
the drug and whose inhibitions were weakened by its use.
752
744
Poets in later times continued to compose short jeux dsprit exalting the
alleged virtues of hashish. Whether or not they were serious is difficult to determine. Quite often, it seems, they reflected the positive attitude toward the drug
that was characteristic of certain members of the upper class intellectuals. For
them, hashish is a thing of true beauty; it gives them irrepressible joy and
repose and provides them with relief from worries and anxiety. It reveals to
them secrets and opens to them new meanings. It increases their understanding and enlarges their imaginative perceptions. An affinity of the hashish eater |
to music was occasionally reported. No truly violent actions directed against
other persons under the influence of hashish are mentioned in these stories;
but the pro-hashish faction never comes to grips with the points raised by the
attackers.
These scholars compiled a long list of the mental and physical ill effects
caused by the drug: reddening of the eye, dryness of mouth, excessive sleeping
and heaviness in the head when the drug takes possession of the brain, as well
as numbness of the extremities. Prolonged use dries up the semen (already
noted by Galen) and cuts off the desire for sexual intercourse, cuts short the
reproductive capacity, brings forth hidden disease, harms the intestine, makes
the limb inactive, causes a shortage of breath, diminishes vision in the eye
and increases pensiveness in the imagination after initially causing joy; hashish
produces narcosis, laziness, stupor, weakening of sense perception, foul breath,
ruination of color and complexion.
Hashish is mind changing and personality changing, causing insanity in the
habitual user, changes the mind making it absent from reality.
Habituation to hashish is also stated. Among the greatest physical harm
caused by it is the fact that habitual users of it are hardly ever able to repent of
it because of the effect it has upon their temper says al-Zarkashi, and al-Badri
concurs: The user cannot separate from it and leave it alone.
Hashish is stated consistently by its adversaries to be something that saps the
users energy and ability and willingness to work. Implicitly this was considered
its greatest danger to the social fabric.
Finally, a holyman, Sheikh al-Hariri described what may be the lingering
effect of chronic hashish usage. He claimed that abstinence for a long period
was necessary to overcome the long-term action of the drug in the organism.
One has to give it up for forty days, until the body is free from it, and forty
more days until he is rested from it after becoming free. The jurists also used on
occasion the persuasive form of rhyme to speak about hashish. Their attitude
was extremely negative, as one from their ranks put it:
753
All the destructive effects of wine

Are found in hashish many times over.
They tried to fight hashish or assumed the official posture against the drug,
but they were waging an uphill struggle. Even though they were successful
in arguing for the illegality of hashish, they proved decidedly unsuccessful in
devising effective means for curtailing its use. On the contrary, it appears that
eventually they became resigned to letting matters take their course.
The similarity of views and arguments, then and now, is the most striking feature of the medieval debate. The dilemma still exists between the rights of individuals (which in our view, if not the Muslim, may extend to self-debasement
and self-destruction) and the needs of society. It is no closer to being solved. The
same romantic claims to beauty and spiritual release and other benefits derived
from hashish use, and on the other hand, the same strong statements about its
generally harmful effects are heard today. The most appropriate course for society to take is still mired in the same kind of helplessness and confusion. Many
things have changed, of course, yet the only really new element to appear in the
picture is the scientific ability modern society now possesses to understand and
measure objectively the properties and effects of the drug. This is a very recent
development. Until a decade ago, it was not possible to discover any satisfactory scientific literature on cannabis. | Perhaps the current efforts of scientists
can be translated soon into beneficial social action. Even though the historian,
familiar with the character of man and society through the ages, is not inclined
to believe in the coming of the millennium in our own day, still that unscientific component of mans mind called hope constantly raises its small voice to
say: Maybe it will.
Editorial note: This paper was to be read by the author at the dinner attended
by the participants of the Symposium. The references to the Muslim Scholars
quoted may be found in the following text: Franz Rosenthal, The Herb, Hashish
versus Muslim Medieval Society, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1971 [Above, work III, pp. 137
340. Ed.].
745
vi.4
35
36
The Stranger in Medieval Islam

Mobility, the need or desire to move over short or long distances, is one of
mankinds strongest urges. It has manifested itself in a great many forms and
has taken on culturally specific traits. Here we shall attempt to deal with a limited aspect of mobility in the past centuries of Muslim civilization, one that may
be considered a byproduct of traveling that was an extremely prominent feature of that civilization, namely, the stranger. Travel generates that peculiar
species of social being of unknown identitythe stranger, as a recent writer
put it.1
The historical significance in every age and region of the perceived or real
categorization of some individuals or groups as different and strange in a given
society and not fully belonging to it is obvious for the past and arguably even
more so at present. It is a limitless subject that can in no way be exhausted here.
A restriction to medieval Islam may seem manageable. It still involves, however,
a tremendousand, if truth be told, in fact unmanageablebody of information of the greatest variety and every conceivable human activity, even though
it is our purpose and procedure to stay closely to the written sources and avoid
undocumented generalization. Searching out and interpreting everything relevant would not be possible. The necessary choice has been governed by the
wish to stress, implicitly, what may be, or seem to be, characteristic of Islam in
comparison to earlier Near Eastern and earlier or later Western conceptions,
however similar.
At the outset, we should remind ourselves of an undeniable basic truth
concerning Islam. Within the community of believers and wherever Muslims
were in political control, there was, in theory, no such | distinct category as
a stranger. Ideally, every Muslim was always at home among other Muslims
and not distinct from them in a way that would mark him as belonging to
such a separate category. An exception may have existed in the environment
of hostile sectarians, but even among them, the prevailing sentiment may
frequently have been that expressed by the riite Imrn b. in who spoke
of us being the children of Islam and God being one, and believers being
1 Cf. E.J. Leeds, The Mind of the Traveler from Gilgamesh to Global Tourism, 15 (Basic Books 1991).
A brief chapter entitled The Stranger appears on pp. 6264.
the stranger in medieval islam
755
brothers related through Islam.2 This community feeling extended to some

degree even to non-Muslims within the realm of Islam; in contrast, everybody
from outside of it, although being, of course, a stranger, enjoyed a special status
which followed its own different rules and, therefore, can be excluded from
consideration here.
An important consequence of that ideal Muslim attitude toward the stranger
was that he could not claim to be dealt with as a separate entity in Muslim law,
although for a variety of reasons, travel enjoyed a conspicuous position in it.
This contrasts sharply with the situation in more ancient times. The stranger
was seen as a large problem in Classical Antiquity and given a correspondingly
large niche in legal thought, not to speak of his peculiar status in Ancient Near
Eastern Judaism.3
Among the constantly changing currents of life in any given Muslim society,
the actual situation was obviously different from the ideal one. There were
strangers everywhere, thus we have here another example of the possible
conflict between religious teaching and reality, one of the many that had their
share in shaping Muslim civilization. That | reality, and the reflections about it,
are the subject of the following pages. The material presented will be treated
as if it were historically homogeneous, which it definitely is not. Urban Islam
felt no doubt differently about the nature of the stranger than did the Arabs
of pre-Islamic Arabia. The inhabitants of rural areas can be assumed to have
viewed strangers in a different light; we know practically nothing about them.
2 Al-Mubarrad, Kmil, ed. W. Wright, 534, 538 (Leipzig 18641881).

3 Very recently, discussions, mostly incidental, of the variety and significance of travel in
Muslim civilization have become more frequent in the scholarly literature, but there is as
yet nothing to compare in volume to the profusion of work on the subject of the stranger in
the biblical Near East and Classical Antiquity where it has been treated under many different
angles in ways quite inapplicable to the situation in Islam. Apart from numerous excellent
treatments in encyclopaedias and related works, cf. some recent books such as Christiana van
Houten, The Alien in Israelite Law (Sheffield 1991. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament,
Suppl. Series 107); Christoph Bultmann, Der Fremde im antiken Judah (Gttingen 1992); and,
most instructive, Reinhard Feldmeier, Die Christen als Fremde. Die Metapher der Fremde in
der antiken Welt, im Urchristentum und im 1. Petrusbrief (Tbingen 1992); Marie-Franoise
Baslez, L tranger dans la Grce antique (Paris 1984); Albrecht Diehle, Die Griechen und die
Fremden (Mnchen 1994). It is not surprising that in Concepts of the Other in Near Eastern
Religions (Leiden 1994. Israel Oriental Studies 14), the equation of other with stranger is
attempted only among Assyriologists such as J. Bottro, Les trangers et leurs dieux, vus de
Msopotamie, The contributions dealing with Islam contrast the other with the other self
not conceived as stranger.
37
756
38
Geographical location and prevailing conditions provided variations of the

norms that evolved in and applied to urban Islam. Changes over time must
always be reckoned with; they are thoroughly obscured by the nature of the
literary tradition.
Linguistically, two terms require consideration. They are arb and anab.
The rich metaphorical terminology can be safely disregarded. Terms such as
ibn al-ar son of the land or ibn al-qasal son of the dust were shared by
the stranger with a motley crowd of travelers, guests, fs ( fuqar), etc.4 Ibn
al-sabl son of the road and bir al-sabl traverser of the road met with more
resonance because of their Qurnic associations. A ad of the Prophet said:
Be in this world as if you were a stranger or an bir al-sabl. This called for
an explanation of or and of the distinction between arb and bir al-sabl.
The former was defined as one who may take up residence in a foreign place
and the latter as one who intends to go to a faraway place (because he is in
a difficult situation and cannot stay in one place).5 The stranger may also be
called son of the road because when he makes his appearance among people
who do not know him, the only pedigree (nasab in the sense of nisba) he can
muster is one that connects him to the road whence he comes.6
Of arb and anab, the former is of almost exclusive importance for our
subject. The noun stranger may be the original meaning of arb; its adjectival
usage in the meaning of strange, rare, marvelous, and so on, may represent a
secondary, if very ancient, development.7 This | strongly suggests a connection
with the general Semitic root -r-b (Ugaritic -r-b) in the meaning of to enter,
best known for its use for the entering of the sun = sunset and hence
West (Hebrew maar, Aram. mel im, Ar. marib, Akkad. erib ami).8
4 Cf. Ibn al-Ar, Muraa, ed. Ibrhm al-Smarr, 66, 263, 278 (Baghdad 1391/1971).
5 Cf. Ibn aar, Fat, XIV, 8 (Cairo 13781383/19591963), with more information on the subject.
For further references to the ad, see A.J. Wensinck, and others, Concordance et Indices de la
Tradition Musulmane, IV, 117, ll. 51 f. (Leiden 19361969), and below, n. 96.
6 Cf. al-ar, ar al-Maqmt, I, 69 (Cairo 1306).
7 It should be kept in mind that the basic terms commonly used in connection with the subject
under discussion here are difficult to translate consistently so as to reflect the nuances of
Arabic usage. No satisfactory English equivalents exist to render urba and waan uniformly.
The distinction between stranger, poor, and f tends to become less and less clear-cut. The
meaning of exile for arb and urba may also be present, as, for instance, in al-Saw,
al-aw al-lmi, I, 41, l. 3 (Cairo 13531355), and elsewhere. It is confirmed by the legal usage
of tarb to punish by sending into exile, urba thus corresponding to al. See also below,
n. 155. The specific use of arb as not related by blood is presumably Islamic.
8 Ugaritic < is a conditioned sound change. It may be noted that in those Semitic languages
in which became , the root -r-b shows an unusually large number of homonyms.
757
The standard Akkadian dictionaries list errebu (CAD)/errbu (von Soden) as

newcomer, person accepted into the family, intruder as well as the collective
errebtu refugees, immigrants.9 The Akkadian usage suggests that the arb was
originally not one who removed himself from his group and environment. He
was primarily seen from, so to speak, the receiving end, that is, the group faced
with persons attempting to enter it, who were usually not welcomed with open
arms, and even less so as equals. The problem of the stranger as an intruder
among genuine tribal members was, however, well recognized and pondered in
Arabian society. The other side of the coin represented by the person who left
his own group in the intention, or with the result, of not returning offered much
less of a problem at the point of origin. In historical times, these distinctions
had naturally long disappeared from Arabic linguistic usage.10
The word arb happens to be absent from the Qurn. Anab also does
not occur but appears to be represented in sra 4:36 by the seemingly related
al-r al-unub within an enumeration of classes of people that are to be shown
kindness: wa bi-l-wlidayni isnan wa bi- l-qurb wa l-yatm wa l-maskni
wa l-ri l-qurb wa l-ri l-unubi wa l-ibi bi-l-anbi wa bni l-sabli wa m
malakat aymnukum. While most of the items listed occur elsewhere in the
Qurn, the two connected with the root -n-b do not. They are therefore even
less open to precise interpretation than the other terms.11 For our purposes,
we can be satisfied with what became the accepted traditional understanding,
that is, the | equation of al-r al-unub with the arb. The juxtaposition
of l-qurb and al-unubi certainly suggests for the latter the meaning of
non-relative (literally, perhaps, the one on the sidelines, the outsider); it may
not be too far-fetched to assume that wa l-ib bi-l-anb is no more than an
explanatory glosse to al-r al-unub.12
9
10
11
12
The noun formation is equivalent to that of Arabic arb.

Medieval etymologies, such as the one combining stranger (arb) with raven (urb)
because of the ravens reputation for sinisterness and foreboding separation, do nothing
for philology. They were not intended to but served solely as poetical metaphors. See
al-ai, ayawn, II, 115, III, 135 ff. (Cairo 13231325), ed. Abd al-Salm M. Hrn, II, 316,
III, 437 ff. (Cairo 13671369/19481950, reprinted at various times); al-Mubarrad, Kmil, 84.
It may be noted that anab is not listed in A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance. unub
is listed there only for its sexual meaning.
It cannot be decided whether al-ib bi-l-anb, as assumed here, is to be lined up syntactically with the preceding al-r al-unub or, as is usually assumed, with the following
ibn al-sabl. In the latter case, it would refer to the traveling companion, while ibn al-sabl
would be distinguished from it as referring to guests, cf. Lisn al-arab, I, 268, l. 5 (Blq
13001308).
39
758
Medieval commentators availed themselves of the possibility to exercise

their ingenuity. Ibn al-awz, for instance, provided two alternatives for al-r
l-qurb and three possible explanations for al-r al-unub. The former may
refer to the related neighbor (it is, of course, clear that a neighbor is near,
so why, a Muslim exegete could fairly ask, should neighbor be qualified by
nearness?). Or al-r l-qurb meant a neighbor who was a Muslim, near,
under this assumption, referring to religion. Al-r al-unub, we hear, could
also be vocalized al-r l-anb (perhaps, in order to make it harmonize with
al-ib bi-l-anb?). Its three possible meanings are:
First: The unrelated stranger, according to Ibn Abbs, Muhid, A, Ikrima, al-ak, Ibn Zayd, Muqtil, and others.
Second: Your neighbor to your right, to your left, in front of you, and behind
you, according to al-ak on the authority of Ibn Abbs.
Third: The Jews and the Christians (among your neighbors), according to
Nawf al-am.13
Ibn al-awz was following the commentary of al-abar who drew this conclusion:
The statement most likely to be correct is the one advocated by those
who say that al-unub here means the unrelated stranger (al-arb albad), whether he be a Muslim or a polytheist, a Jew or a Christian, since,
as explained before, al-r l-qurb is the neighbor who is related by
blood. This makes it necessary that the neighbor l-anba is the unrelated (bad) neighbor, so that (the Qurnic statement) is an all inclusive
exhortation as to how to treat neighbors of all kinds, | whether related
or unrelated (qarban aw badan). Furthermore, in Arab speech, al--n-b
means al-bad, as in the verse of al-A of the Ban Qays:
40
13
For the identification of al-unub with arb, see Lisn al-arab, I, 269. The grammatical speculations that were advanced in support of this interpretation remain, however,
speculative and on the whole unconvincing. For the plural anb, apparently of a singular unub, as attested already in pre-Islamic times, see the poem of al-ans referred to
below, n. 142.
Ibn al-awz, Zd al-masr, II, 79 (Damascus 13841388/19641968). For Nawf, see Ibn Ab
tim al-Rz, ar, IV, 1 (Hyderabad 19411963), and Ibn aar, Tahb, X, 490 (Hyderabad
13251327), where a few more references are given. His is obviously a highly tendentious
interpretation. It remains to be seen where it is to be placed in history.
759
I came to visit uray an anbatin ,

where an anbatin means from afar (bud/urba).14
A more limited term than arb, anab was well suited to express the modern
restriction of stranger to foreigner, with the specific meaning of belonging to
a different nationality in a sense not known in medieval Islam. The existence
of two words, as, for instance, (English) stranger and foreigner/alien or (German) Fremder/Fremdling and Auslnder, both in each case going back a long
time,15 facilitated the distinctive present-day usage, with stranger losing a
good deal of its currency. The situation in Arabic as to arb and anab was different, but it seems that territoriality of some sort was always felt more strongly
in connection with anab, and this made it quite suitable for the modern
usage.16 The connotation of other developed in English from alien is, however, basically absent from either Arabic word, although itirb, for instance,
may serve as the modern Arabic translation of alienation. Altogether, the term
anab and its relatives can be dismissed from further consideration for the
investigation of the strangers role in medieval Islam. As far as it is concentrated
in a term, arb and its derivatives can be expected to provide the desired information.17
14
15
16
17
Al-abar, Tafsr, V, 51 f. (Blq 13231339, reprint Beirut 1400/1980). It would seem a little
injudicious to relate anba to unub as al-abar does without hesitation. For al-As
verse, see his Dwn, ed. R. Geyer, 49 (Leiden 1928. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series, N.S. 6).
Al-Zamaar, Kaf, I, 364 (Blq 13181319), quotes a verse ascribed to Bal b. Qays
which mentions muwir raim and muwir unub. The attribution could well be
spurious, and it is by no means certain that the verse should be accepted as proof for the
meaning of unub. We have very little information for Bal (see, e.g., al-i, Bayn;
An; Iqd; al-mid, Mutalif ). The only date we have for his lifetime is the statement
that he was no longer alive by the Yawm al-urayra, one of the days of the Yawm al-Fir,
near the end of the sixth century.
An early fifteenth-century passage, quoted in the Oxford English Dictionary, speaks of
strange foreyners, nought of his proper people.
B. Lewis calls attention to a distinction noticeable in contemporary usage between anib
used for non-Arabs and, occasionally, non-Muslims and urab referring to non-Lebanese
Arabs, cf. The Other and the Enemy, in B. Lewis and F. Niewhner (eds.), Religionsgesprche im Mittelalter, 372 (Wiesbaden 1992. Wolfenbtteler Mittelalter-Studien 4).
We may add that neither arb nor anab adopted the connotation of stranger as enemy
that is found in some Semitic roots and in other languages, cf., for instance, Akkadian
nakru versus Hebrew nor/ Syriac nury; Latin hostis. For an Indian parallel, see P.
Thieme, Der Fremdling im gveda (1938. Abh. fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes 23,2). It may,
760
41
Who was called a stranger? In general usage, it was everybody who left
his original place of residence and went abroad. A combination such as alurab wa l-wfidn/wridn could occasionally be used to make a distinction
between resident strangers and visiting aliens17a, but ordinarily, no distinction
was made between leaving home for good, or staying abroad for some time
and gradually losing any intention to return, or just traveling with no thought
of permanently changing ones residence such as was done by pilgrims, merchants, and fortune seekers; here we may include groups like beggars, crooks,
and wandering low-class entertainers who often had no place they could call
home. The large contingent of students in search of higher education were not
really strangers (but see below, pp. 70f. [p. 791. Ed.]). Those who became scholars of repute usually tended to migrate in order to find suitable positions and
frequently did not return to the places of their birth and early upbringing.18
Many other intellectuals, in particular poets, went wherever they could hope
to find patrons. Guests (ayf ) were mostly from abroad or from out of town,
but they were treated as a separate category and not as strangers. A verse of
the famous tim al- contains the combination al-ayf al-arb; it seems to
be very uncommon, and not just because of its apparent redundancy.19 Slaves
who were often imported from abroad belonged to a legal and social stratum of
their own and were not lumped together with what came under the heading of
17a
18
19
of course, not have been all that unusual in some spots of the vast Muslim world to equate
opponents with strangers, see EI2, III, 1159b, s.v. Imd h.
Cf., for instance, al-Saw, aw, 77, l. 3; VII, 229, l. 13; XI, 70, also, I, 41, l. 3.
An interesting distinction was suggested by S.D. Goitein between foreigners in Alexandria and in Fus: Those who decided to stay in Egypt went on to the capital, while those
who were uncertain of their future course were mostly found in Alexandria, and this might
explain why clashes between foreigners and the local population were common in Alexandria but not in Fus. See A Mediterranean Society, IV, 8 (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London
1983).
In discussing The Civilian Elite of Cairo in the later Middle Ages, 411, n. 4 (Princeton 1981),
C.F. Petry ventures the estimate that about 3040 percent of ulam in Egypt during the
fifteenth century were foreign-born. He also expresses doubt as to whether foreigners
were assimilated into the greater society (ibid., 319). See below, p. 67.
In tims dwn as edited by F. Schulthess, we find al-ayf al-af, see Schulthess, Der
Dwn des arabischen Dichters tim ej, no. XLTV, verse 7, Ar. text, 25, trans., 45 (Leipzig
1897). This, of course, would make the verse pointless in our context. Schulthess knew
of the variant reading al-ayf al-arb from the Gttingen manuscript of al-Zubayr b.
al-Bakkr, al-Abr al-Muwaffaqyt (now edited by Sm Makk al-n, Baghdad 1972,
449). It also appears in al-i, ayawn, I, 193, ed. Hrn, I, 383, and thus can claim
ancient attestation. It would, however, be difficult to decide upon the more original form.
761
strangers. Soldiers were commonly shifted around in | foreign countries. fs,

finally, adopted homelessness as a way of life and were not strangers as ordinarily understood; they were at home everywhere but, as we shall see (below,
pp. 54ff.), nowhere in this material world and constituted thus a special type of
strangers.
Many who for some reason or other left home were forced by unforeseen
circumstances, or chose voluntarily, to stay away. Still others might have been
forced by political developments to become strangers, exiles, in a foreign country. However prolonged or permanent their absence from home, the literary tradition with its growing body of reflections on strangers assigned to all the same
status and characteristics. This tradition had its starting point in the conventions and the lifestyle of pre-Islamic Arabia. There separation from the beloved
and the longing for reunion were dominant topics of poetry, even if those happenings produced full-fledged strangers only in the imagination.
Reflections on the stranger stress his utter miserableness.20 Constant and
bitter complaining is the hallmark of his existence. Yet, the Muslim view, nourished by the adab literature, that all matters human have a positive as well as a
negative side was extended to cover the stranger. The negative aspects were
expressed most frequently and most forcefully, but certain advantages were
noted that could be found in breaking away from home and in living in a strange
environment.
The most pervasive of the negative aspects was clearly the state of humiliation (ull/illah) from which a stranger could only rarely escape.21 Its opposite is izz which might often be rendered by prestige. Izz tends to vanish
whenever home, family, and the friends among whom one has grown up are
abandoned and have become nothing but a fond memory. The familiarity
(uns) with them that had provided protection and comfort becomes desolation (waa), the depressing feeling of being alone and having nobody to turn
to. It complements the poverty that was seen as something that strangers as a
rule were unable to overcome. Being a stranger and being poor went hand in |
hand, just as they formed one category already in Old Testament times (Leviti20
21
(German) Elend, elend misery, miserable is etymologically Ausland, cf. J. & W. Grimm,
Deutsches Wrterbuch, III, 406 (Leipzig 1862), s.v. Elend: urbedeutung dieses schnen,
vom heimweh eingegebnen wortes ist das wohnen im ausland, in der fremde, und das
lat. exsul, exsilium, gleichsam extra solum stehen ihm nahe. Territoriality remains recognized by more recent authors as etymologically involved, but it is played down in favor
of legal/social factors, cf. Brockhaus-Wahrig, Deutsches Wrterbuch (Wiesbaden-Stuttgart
1981), s.v. elend (adj.): in fremdem Land, aus dem Frieden der angeborenen Rechtsgenossenschaft ausgewiesen, verbannt. All this applies to some degree also to arb.
Ibn al-Marzubn (below, n. 46), 6368, devotes a special chapter to ull al-urba.
42
43
762
cus 19:10, 23:22).22 Poverty may equal or surpass the strangers misery. It was
pronounced by many to be the worst affliction that could befall a human being,
as stated, for instance, in a famous verse of the late sixth-century poet Urwa
b. al-Ward.23 Yet, it was a moot question what really constituted the ultimate
misery. The decision was difficult to make, and no unanimity was achieved. It
might be argued that if you have enough to live on in a foreign country, being
a stranger is not so bad, because poverty is worse,24 but on the other hand,
it could be said that having little or nothing defines the stranger as well as
anything25 or that being a stranger is at least as bad as being poor:
I have seen nothing like poverty to put down a noble youth,
and nothing like wealth to elevate a scoundrel.
I have seen no prestige for a man like a large family,
and no humiliation like remoteness from his origins.26
And I have seen no lack more harmful to one living
among human beings than the lack of intelligence.27
Poverty in a strange country is really bad.28 Yet, making a choice may present
a challenge to ones wit, and it was deemed the wisest course to let the answer
hang in the air. Thus, it was suggested that the greatest calamity for anybody
was poverty while traveling, or rather illness in a foreign country, or rather
being deposed from office and forced to relinquish ones possessions.29 Simi-
22
23
Cf. van Houten, op. cit., (above, n. 3), 121 ff.

Dwn, ed. Abd al-Mun al-Mall, 91 (n.p. [Damascus] 1966):
Dan li-l-in as fa-inn
raaytu l-nsa arrahum l-faqru.
24
25
Cf. al-Tawd, Imt, ed. A. Amn and A. al-Zayn, II, 151 (Cairo 19391944). Cf. also below,
n. 65.
Cf. Ibn Ab l-add, ar Nah al-bala, ed. asan Tamm, V, 261f. (Beirut 19631964),
quoting alaf al-Amar:
Dont think that a stranger is the one who is far away!
Rather, a stranger is the one who has little or nothing (al-muqill).
26
27
28
29
Origins (al) as to tribe and locality has the variant reading family, folks (ahl).
Cf. al-i, Bayn, ed. Abd al-Salm M. Hrn, I, 245 (Cairo 13671369/19481950).
Cf. Ab l-Fara al-Ifahn, Adab al-urab, ed. al al-dn al-Munaid, 32 (Beirut 1972).
Cf. al-Rib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 111 (Blq 12861287).
763
larly, some fictitious sages differed in their answers to a king who asked for their
opinion on the greatest misfortune. Some said simply poverty, others poverty in
a foreign country, others again being abroad and sick at the same time; finally,
they | all agreed that the very worst experience for a person to suffer was giving
an enemy the opportunity to rejoice at his misfortune!30 The witty realist here,
it seems, won out over the tentative ethicist.
For a sixth-century poet, leaving home entailed low self-esteem and distorted personal values:
He who goes abroad considers his friend an enemy.
He who does not honor himself is not honored by others.31
But being removed from ones country could also test an individuals mettle
and count among many afflictions like bonds, imprisonments, being abroad,
separation, and remembering an (absent) lover.32 The way strangers might feel
was movingly described in verses which for greater effect were attributed to
al-fi:
The stranger is as fearful as a thief,
as depressed as a debtor, as humiliated as a prisoner.
When he recalls his folks and his country,
his heart flutters like a birds wing.33
30
31
32
33
Muart, I, 161.
Cf. Zuhayrs Muallaqa as translated by T. Nldeke, Fnf Moallaqt, III: Die Moallaqa
Zuhairs, 19 (Vienna 1901. Sitzungsberichte d.k. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien, Phil.-Hist. Kl. 144);
Dwn, 32 (Beirut 1379/1960).
Cf. Ab Tammm, amsa, ar al-Tibrz, III, 270 (Cairo, n.y.); al-i, Bayn, IV, 62, and
idem, ayawn, only ed. Hrn, VII, 159. As always in such often quoted verses, there are
differences in the wording. The quotation in Ayn al-qut al-Haman, akw al-arb
an al-awn, replaces wa tirban wa furqatan wa ikra abbin with wa tiyqan wa
urbatan wa naya abbin, see the edition and translation by Mohammed ben Abd el-Jalil,
in Journal Asiatique 216 (1930), text, 25, trans., 194; English trans, by A.J. Arberry, A Sufi
Martyr. The Apologia of Ain al-Qut al-Hamadhn (London 1969). Al-i, ayawn,
calls it a thiefs poetry. Cf. also Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, ed. M. Murs al-l and Abd
al-Qdir al-Qu, II, 108 (Cairo, n.y. [19671973?]). Arberry refers to the biography of Ayn
al-qut in T al-dn al-Subk, abaqt al-fiya, VII, 129 (Cairo 1383/1964).
Cf. Dwn al-fi, collected by M. Aff al-Zub, 66 (Beirut 1391/1971). I do not know the
source of the quotation and was unable to check other editions of al-fis poetry. A
variant of the first verse appears in Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 224.
44
764
45
Indeed, he is constantly aware and fearful of the danger that he is liable to taking every possible hit, as a gnomic verse puts it.34 He knows that he has nobody
to support him and no respite from the persistent worries that imprison him
and deprive him of sleep, as stated in verses by al-asan b. Malad b. al-arr,
a hapless, oft-deposed wazr of al-Mutamid.35 Even under more favorable conditions, staying | abroad is always like building castles in the air (ka-bunyni
l-quri al l-riyi) and brings no lasting benefit.36
Losing ones friends and, in old age, the members of ones own generation
may cause feelings best compared to those of being a stranger. A lover can
transcend any separation from the beloved by the true love he has in his
heart:
Strange that a passionate lover should complain about remoteness.
How could a beloved be away from the heart of the lover!
Your image is in my eye, words remembering you are in my mouth,
You reside in my heart. Thus, how can you be absent!37
But having no friends at all is another story:
He who lives without a lover in his life
spends it living the life of a stranger.38
And the common experience of growing older and surviving ones contemporaries inspired these verses in a poet of the late seventh century:
34
35
36
37
38
Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 223: inna l-arba bi-kulli sahmin yuraqu.
Cf. Ibn al-Marzubn (below, n. 46), 67, where the editor refers to al-afad, Wf, ed.
Raman Abd al-Tawwb, XII, 268 (Wiesbaden 1979. Bibliotheca Islamica 6 l).
Arabian Nights, 709th Night, ed. W.H. Macnaghten, III, 447 (Calcutta 19391942), trans.
E. Littmann, IV, 279 (Wiesbaden 1953). Wherever available, passages in the edition of
M. Mahdi (Leiden 1984) will be indicated.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-awzya, Mift dr al-sada, 139 (Beirut, n.y.); idem, Rawat al-muibbn, ed. Amad Ubayd, 19 (Cairo 1375/1956). The famous second verse is also quoted in the
Arabian Nights, 157th Night, I, 778, trans. Littmann, II, 311.
Cf. al-Rib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 24. The identification of a stranger as a person
who has no friend occurs in ar Nah al-bala, IV, 753, 757, V, 347; al-Zamaar, Rabi
al-abrr, I, 253 (Cairo 1992). As Ab l-Fara al-Ifahn tells it in his Adab al-urab, 32,
the loss of friends means urba while being at home. See also, below, n. 82.
The last mentioned passage in ar Nah al-bala, also quotes a verse containing the
curious combination anabyun arbun: When a mans (parents) turn away from him
one day, he is a total stranger among human beings.
765
If the seventies are your age, you have

no physician for what ails you except death.
If the generation (qarn) to which you belong is gone

and you are left behind in (another) generation, you are a stranger.39
The dead in their graves were strangers, no matter how close by was the
cemetery in which they were buried.40 The famous poet Al b. al-ahm, of
the ninth century, was observed sitting among the graves | after his release
from detention and complaining about being all alone in this world in a more
permanent way than the forgotten dead or any stranger:
Every stranger residing in a strange country longingly
remembers his family, neighbors, and home country.
I, however, have no home country that I could remember
except the graves, the homes of those buried in them.41
Ibn al-ahms often quotedand said to be his lastverses presumably anticipated his impending death that would make him a stranger to his friends:
Pity the stranger in a foreign country,
what has he done to himself!
He left his friends, and they had no use
for life after he was gone, nor did he.
He enjoyed great prestige when he lived near his domicile,
but later, when he was far away, he was downcast.
Being a stranger far away, he says:
God is just in whatever He does.42
A stranger would do best to consider his plight as another sign of Gods justice
as it was defined by philosophical theologians. He can wait until death makes
him a permanent stranger.
39
40
41
42
Cf. al-ai, Bayn, III, 195; Ibn Qutayba, Uyn, II, 322 (reprint Cairo 19631964); ar
Nah al-bala, II, 578; Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 226, 234. The poet, a certain al-Taym,
supposedly responded to a remark by the governor al-a. The information is said to
go back to al-uma.
Cf. ar Nah al-bala, III, 737.
Al b. al-ahm, Dwn, ed. all Mardam, 184 (Damascus 1369/1949), from An, IX, 115
(Blq 1285), An3, X, 224.
Op. cit., 154. The sources quoted there by the editor do not all have all four verses.
46
766
Homesickness is the common denominator and the underlying spiritual

cause of all the misery of strangers. It is self-induced by their folly of leaving
home. The famous pietist al-Musib was thus put, we hear, in a state of great
emotion when a singer recited these verses in his presence:
I am shedding tears in a strange country
as long as a strangers eyes do that.
Since the day I left my country,
nothing has ever turned out right for me.
How strange of me to leave behind
the homeland where my beloved dwells!43
47
For the bedouin, bliss (iba) is having enough to live on while staying attached
to ones homegrounds (al-kifya maa luzm al-awn) and sit|ting together
with ones friends, while humiliation (illa) means for him moving around
all over and being remote from ones homeland.44 God should be implored
to grant the ultimate, if unrealistic, blessing and return every stranger to his
homeland.45 The ineradicable love for ones country, which was part of the
faith, and the homesickness that was deemed an integral part of the status
of stranger spawned early monographs on yearning for home (al-ann il
l-awn). Of the little that is preserved, best known is the essay attributed
to al-i, apparently a ninth-century work whose author, however, may
have been the less famous Ms b. s al-Kisraw. Later adab encyclopaedias
customarily deal with the subject. Among them, the Kitb al-Masin wa lmasw of al-Bayhaq holds considerable interest because of its informative
chapters on the good aspects of yearning for ones home country and the
43
44
45
Cf. al-Rfi, al-Tadwn f ahbr Qazwn, ed. Azz Allh al-Urid, II, 116 (Beirut 1408/1987).
The meter requires reading yawma for yawman in the second verse and supplying bi
between aaban and wa li-tark in the third. Context and attribution require checking.
Al-i, ann, 38f. (Beirut 1402/1982), ed. Abd al-Salm M. Hrn, Rasil al-i, II,
407 (Cairo 1385/1965); Ibn al-Marzubn (below, n. 46), 56, where other sources are listed;
al-Ibh, Mustaraf, II, 53 (Blq 1286).
Ab l-Fara al-Ifahn, Adab al-urab, 34 (see also 82): May God bless the days of
union with ample rainand return every stranger to his homeland. The first half-verse
could be adapted to a given situation, as was done by Ibn ubayr when he arrived in
Baghdad and wanted to invoke Gods blessing on Bb al-q, see Ibn ubayr, Rila, ed.
W. Wright and M.J. de Goeje, 216 (Leiden and London 1907. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series
5).
767
bad aspects of those who dislike their home countries, which mostly deal with
homesickness.46
In this literature, we encounter all the motifs developed in connection with
being strangers that in some form or other occur over and over again. Mighty
rulers shared the pains of homesickness with lesser mortals; they wished | to be
buried in their own native countries that they had left on military adventures,
just as the biblical Ysuf wished to be buried in the grave of his forefathers.47
Someone who had achieved great success in a country that treated him better
than the one in which he was born nevertheless was greatly moved whenever
he thought of it.48 Others expressed the conviction that being in poor circumstances (usr) at home provided greater prestige (aazz) for a person than being
well-off ( yusr) in a strange country:
Being close to home in poverty is better
than a life of ease being away.49
Everybodys country is his nurse, and his home is his cradle, while the stranger far away from his town and people is like a runaway bull which is a target for
every hunter.50 Preferring flora to fauna for comparison, someone said that
46
47
48
49
50
Al-Bayhaq, Masin, ed. F. Schwally, 326329, 329341 (Giessen 1902). I have dispensed
here with consistent references to al-Bayhaqs work.
For al-i, ann, see above, n. 44. An English translation was, I remember, prepared
as a doctoral dissertation at the University of Pennsylvania by Salih Habl around 1950. I do
not know what became of it.
Al-Kisraw inspired another little essay on the subject which has been preserved. It was
the work of Ibn al-Marzubn (Muammad b. Sahl) who included it into his large adab
work entitled al-Muntah f l-kaml, ed. all al-Aya (Beirut 1407/1987), who indicates
parallel passages from other authors. In contrast to al-Kisraw, Ibn al-Marzubn tells us,
he arranged his work according to topics and concentrated mainly on poetry. For the
Muntah, see F. Rosenthal, Sweeter than Hope, 63, n. 295 (Leiden 1983). [Above, p. 596.
Ed.]
I have no information on the book by Muammad b. Ibrhm -w-r, al-ann il lawn f l-adab al-arab att nihyat al-ar al-Umaw (Cairo 1973?). For a recent study,
see A. Arazi, al-ann il al-awn. Entre la hiliyya et llslam: Le Bdouin et le citadin
rconcilis, in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft 143 (1993), 287
327.
Al-i, ann, 39 ff., ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 408 f.
Al-i, ann, 6, ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 383 f.
Al-i, ann, 9, ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 386f.; Ibn al-Marzubn, 35, 55; Ibn Abd al-Barr,
Baha, I, 224.
Al-i, ann, 8, ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 385.
48
768
the stranger is like a plant which has been removed from its soil and has lost
the water that nourished it.51 Or, remaining on the human level, the sages
compared the stranger to an orphan without parents that has no mother to
fondle and no father to take care of it.52 Thus Nila bint al-Farfia al-Kalbya
complained when she was brought to Umn to become his wife that God
had wanted her to be a stranger in Medina, having with me neither father nor
mother.53 A stranger must do without the accustomed conveniences of his
native country, no matter how modest they may have been.54 However, the
stress is throughout on the humble status that dogs the stranger and hurts him
the most. Being in a strange country means worry, and having little or nothing
means humiliation (al-urba kurba wa l-qilla illa), as indicated in the verse:
Friends! Never wish to be in a strange country!
Wherever he may be, a stranger is humbled.55
49
We may conclude this rapid run through the misery that is being a stranger by
mentioning that the animal world was not immune to the human strangers
sense of loneliness and impotence. Gifted as he was with extraordinary perspicacity, Iys b. Muwiya, the famous judge and a younger colleague of al-asan
al-Bar, recognized from a distance the presence of a strange dog in a pack.
The dog gave itself away by its subdued barking which contrasted sharply with
the hearty noises made by the other dogs. It turned out that the strange dog
was tied up and the dogs harassed it with their barking as if among them it was
a stranger among strangers.56 Bees attacked a strange swarm trying to invade
51
52
53
54
55
56
Al-i, ann, 10, ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 387; Ibn al-Marzubn, 66; Ibn Abd al-Barr,
Baha, I, 225.
Al-i, ann, 14, ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 391; Ibn al-Marzubn, 65.
Al-i, ann, 26 f., ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 400.
Al-i, ann, 11, 17 f., ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 388, 393ff.; Ibn al-Marzubn, 41f.
Al-i, ann, 13, ed. Hrn, Rasil, II, 390. Ibn al-Marzubn, 65, establishes a causal
chain from urba to worry to humiliation to destitution: al-urba kurba wa l-kurba illa wa
l-illa qilla. For the rhyming pair urba-kurba, see also, for instance, Ayn al-qut, akw,
text, 30. A slightly different twist: He who is able to tolerate urba is safe from kurba,
appears in al-Bayhaq, Masin, 329.
Cf. al-i, ayawn, II, 25, ed. Hrn, II, 76; Ibn allikn, Wafayt, ed. Isn Abbs,
I, 248 (Beirut, n.y. [1972]); al-Ibh, Mustaraf, II, 53. Iys b. Muwiyas long biography in
Judge Wak, Abr al-qut, ed. Abd-al-Azz Muaf al-Mar, I, 312374 (Cairo 1366
1369/19471950), has a similar anecdote about roosters (p. 365), which also appears in
al-i, ayawn, II, 53, ed. Hrn, II, 153, but does not include the anecdote mentioned
769
their hive, as stated by Aristotle.57 Strange here is hostile, which is not the
usual understanding of the word in Arabic (see above, n. 17). The Greek text
speaks about an allotrion (smnos), in Arabic alya ur arba. Strange thus
entered the text (al-i connecting it with bees instead of beehive), where it
quite possibly might not have been used in an original Arabic composition.
Comments on the negative features of life as a stranger are innumerable.
Most of them are remarkable as literary statements as well as for the way
they play on human feelings and emotions. The positive side, the possible
advantages of being a stranger, also had its advocates. What is said about it,
however, cannot match the diversity of the reflections on the strangers utter
wretchedness. It rests mainly on certain desirable effects of mobility and a
realistic appreciation of the possible motives and consequences of leaving
home to seek ones fortune. Travel may indeed widen a persons horizon and
constitute a valuable education.58 Still, the motto of the contented stranger
was quite | simply an opportunistic ubi bene ibi patria. Some chose wealth
over homeland and maintained that affluence is a strangers homeland, while
living under poor conditions turns ones homeland into a strange country.59
It could be argued that a reason for going elsewhere might be to escape from
unjust treatment at home, as suggested by the renowned poet al-Farazdaq in
Umayyad times.60 However, the search for an improved economic condition
was often the decisive motive.
While the Qurn seems unequivocal in its recommendation of travel, as,
for instance, in sra 62:15 which may be translated that God made the earth
a tamed animal for you, so ride on (the earths) shoulders, the Prophetic
traditions vary in their view of the advantages and disadvantages of it. The
57
58
59
60
here. There can, however, be little doubt that al-i got the anecdote from the biographical tradition on Iys, and quite likely from the monograph about him by al-Madin.
Al-i, ayawn, V, 126, ed. Hrn, V, 416 f., referring to Aristotle, Historia animalium
626b13, ed. trans. D.M. Balme and Allan Gotthelf, III, 358f. (Cambridge and London 1991.
Loeb Classical Library); Arabic trans, by Yann b. al-Birq, ed. Abd al-Ramn Badaw,
ib al-ayawn, 437 (Kuwait 1977). arb is an ordinary translation of Greek allotrios, see
below, n. 131.
A medieval etymology of safar travel, based upon a wrong identification of homonymous
roots, explains that safar is called thus because it reveals (s-f-r an) the psychological
disposition (wuh) and character (alq) of human beings, cf. Lisn, VI, 33, ll. 6f., s.v.
s-f-r; al-ar, ar al-Maqmt, I, 48.
Ibn al-Marzubn, 57ff., 60.
Gf. al-Farazdaq, Dwn, I, 160 (Beirut 1386/1966), quoted with variants by al-Ibh, Mustaraf, II, 47.
50
770
pre-Islamic tradition saw the risk of leaving home balanced by the opportunity
travel offered for renewal when staying at home might lead to getting rusty. Ab
Tammm is credited with having developed this thought in verse:
A mans prolonged stay in the tribe slowly ruins
his stamina and beauty. So go abroad to find renewal ( fa-tarib tataaddadi)!
I have noticed that the sun is more loved
by people if it does not shine on them all the time.61
It seemed highly recommendable to escape the curse of poverty by seeking success abroad. In verses variously ascribed to Urwa b. al-Ward or the muaram
poet al-Namir b. Tawlab, this idea is expressed in ringing words:
Risk your life to obtain material gain!
Sitting at home with your folks is hideous.
Money means dignity and respect.
Poverty means ugly humiliation.62
Al-fi was pressed into service also for this idea, as he was for the opposite
view:
Leave your homeland and go abroad in search of advancement (al-ul)!
Go and travel, for travel has five benefits:
Relief from worries, gain of a livelihood,
knowledge, education, and keeping company with good men.63
51
61
62
63
Quoted in al-i, Bayn, II, 187; Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 240f.; al-ar, ar alMaqmt, I, 115; al-afad, ay, II, 49 (Cairo 1305). Al-afad (here and ay, II, 68f.) offers
a collection of verses employing extravagant comparisons of staying at home with a dead
person in his tomb, a sword in its sheath, fire being ineffective while concealed in the flintstone, the powerless pawn becoming a mighty queen by crossing the chess board, and the
like.
Cf. Urwa b. al-Ward, Dwn, 43; al-Namir b. Tawlab, ir, collected by Nr ammd
al-Qays, 49 (Baghdad 1969); Ibn Qutayba, Uyn, I, 238.
Al-fis collected poems (above, n. 33), 41, from al-Yfi, Mirt al-inn, II, 26 (Hyderabad 13371339). The attribution to him is pure fancy, and it is not always mentioned, as is
the case in the Arabian Nights, 932nd Night, IV, 467, trans. Littmann, VI, 149. For the groups
that profit from traveling, cf. Sad, Gulistn, III, 28.
771
Speaking about going abroad, al-Rib al-Ifahn has something to say

about the desirability of abandoning ones home whenever this holds out the
opportunity for an individual to establish himself abroad. The statements he
adduces on the subject of seeking well-being in a foreign country as against
hardship at home (al-yusr f l-taarrub al l-usr f l-waan) are eloquent but in
the end unimpressive because they are so few:
It is said: Well-being in a strange country makes it ones home, while
hardship at home makes home a strange country.64
It is said: If you are well-off, you are truly at home (lit., every saddle
[ral] is your saddleevery place is yours), and if you are hard up (at
home), your own people shun you.65
Abd-al-Malik asked al-ri66 which country he liked best. He replied:
Wherever I enjoy good conditions and am in a position of great authority,
neither the Kfa of my father nor the Bara of my mother.
A rough life in a strange country and being wealthy is more comfortable
than a soft life at home and being poor.
Buzurmihr said: The happy person is the one who goes after his
livelihood, while the unhappy person is the one who stays attracted to
the land of his birth.
This statement was the source of the poet who said:
The souls of the ambitious strive to attain high stations,
while the hapless strive to stay at home.
Al-Mutanabb:
The only right place for a man to be is one that is agreeable,
and his only close folks are good friends.67
64
65
66
67
Cf. also Ibn Qutayba, Uyn, I, 245; ar Nah al-bala, V, 335; Arabian Nights, 950th Night,
IV, 527, trans. Littmann, VI, 367, as a verse in the meter sar. See also above, e.g., n. 59.
The version in al-Tawd, Imt, II, 151, reads: If you are well-off, every folks is your folks
( fa-kull ahl ahluka), and if you are hard up, you are a stranger among your own people.
For the second half as a verse, cf. Arabian Nights, 26th Night, I, 213, and 976th Night, IV,
617, trans. Littmann, I, 312, and VI, 491.
Al-ri b. lid al-Mazm, who is most likely meant here, was Abd-al-Maliks governor
of Mecca for a short time.
Cf. al-ar, ar al-Maqmt, I, 115, but apparently not in al-Mutanabbs Dwn(?).
772
Ab Nuws said: I was entering the government palace in Baghdad, when

I saw Ab Dulaf al-Kara68 clinging to one of the curtains of the inner
circle and declaiming:
52
The search for a living causes separation

from ones friends and native land
And transforms the strongest of men
into one weak and submissive,
So that he ends up led just as (a horse) is
by the bit in the bridles loop.
The rest is death, and he is
like something that has never been.
Ab Nuws reacted to these verses by inviting the amr to his chambers
with the promise to recite two verses that would console him. They went,
and after they had eaten and drunk, Ab Dulaf told Ab Nuws to say his
piece, and Ab Nuws recited these verses:
If you enjoy great prestige in some coutry, though it be
far away, dont keep yearning for your native country!
It is just one place like others. The best place to be is
the one that protects you against (the vicissitudes of) time.69
68
69
The printed text has al-Kar, but the famous Ab Dulaf al-l who was amr of al-Kara
is no doubt meant. For a poem by Ab Dulaf interpreted as expressing homesickness, see
al-Bayhaq, Masin, 332 f.
The verses recited by Ab Nuws appear in other sources without attribution. There
are slight variations in the first verse, as in Ibn al-Marzubn, 59: If you are in a land
as a stranger, consider it your best hope ( fa-raih) see below, n. 137. The related
idea that you can always find new folks and a new homeland wherever you go was
expressed in verses ascribed to Ab Tammm. They were not by him but were included
by him in his amsa, ed. Abd al-Munim Amad li, 87, no. 83 (n.p., n.y. [after
1400/1980]):
Dont let yourself be hindered in the pursuit of the easy life
by the souls striving for (its) folks and native land!
Wherever you take up residence, youll meet
places/folks and neighbors/friends to replace the old ones.
Ibrhm b. al-Abbs al-l is mentioned as the possible author, and on this basis, the
verses are included in his biography in Yqt, Ird, ed. D.S. Margoliouth, I, 274 (Leiden
773
(When he heard these verses), Ab Dulaf was cheered up, and he gave
Ab Nuws a large gift.70
Material success was, of course, often, and probably as a rule, not achieved in
spite of an individuals best efforts. Whatever the reason, | such disappointment
might be made more tolerable, if it could be blamed on providence:
I left my folks and went abroad in the hope of riches.
I stayed abroad far too long, but my hopes were not fulfilled.
No trick can enable a young man to gain a good living,
as there is no way to obtain a fortune against God(s will).71
Realistically, an unhappy stranger could summon few consolations. If he was
a scholar, he might claim that his knowledge would shield him from despair.72
Inherited from Classical Antiquity,73 this comforting thought was certainly not
always true. A more readily available diversion was reading a good book, as
al-i and others tell us.74 Needless to say, that was likewise no panacea.
As believers in life after death, Muslims could look at the strangers fate from
a metaphysical perspective. Here, too, pagan Antiquity had set an example: It
makes no difference whether one dies at home or abroad, since the road to the
70
71
72
73
74
and London 19071927. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series 6), ed. A.F. Rif, I, 192 (Cairo, n.y.
[13551357]). Cf. Ibn al-Marzubn, loc. cit.; Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 244f. Al-ar, ar
al-Maqmt, I, 115, explains: When you are in a strange country, the yearning for home
must not prevent your enjoyment of lifes pleasures, for the earth is one, and human beings
are of one kind (ins).
From al-Rib al-Ifahn, Muart, II, 360 f.
Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 223. The above translation follows the reading given there
for the last line: wa l li-uddin addah llhu mahabu, lit. fortunes cut off (by God)
(?).
In Ibn Qutayba, Uyn, II, 121, this is presented as an idea found in an Indian book.
Cf. the popular saying about knowledge as the only possession that swims with you when
your ship sinks, see Ibn Durayd, Mutan, trans. F. Rosenthal, in Orientalia, N.S. 27 (1958),
38, 167, reprinted in idem, Greek Philosophy in the Arab World, no. VII, (Variorum, Aldershot
1990); idem, Witty retorts from the Kitb al-awiba al-muskita of Ibn Ab Awn, in
Graeco-Arabica 4 (Athens 1991), 198. Buzurmihr is said to have proclaimed that education
(adab) turns a stranger into a chieftain, cf. al-Mubarrad, Kmil, 45.
A book is a good acquaintance in a strange country, says al-i, ayawn, I, 19, ed.
Hrn, I, 38. Reading books helps to overcome the depression commonly experienced
in a strange place (waat al-urba), according to al-ab al-Badd, Taqyd al-ilm, ed.
Ysuf al-I, 124 (Damascus 1949).
53
774
54
other world is equally long in each case.75 This wise saying was often quoted,
although it was unsatisfactory to Muslims in that it left open the question
crucial to them as to where in the other world that road would lead. Islamic
traditions could offer greater comfort. When a believer died abroad without
mourning women to weep for him, heaven and earth took over and cried
for him.76 He could rest assured that death abroad equaled martyrdom77 and
guaranteed | him admission to Paradise. Dying a stranger in faraway ursn,
a poet who was born in Gaza could hope that God would grant him forgiveness
for his sins. To make his case stronger, however, he added two more arguments,
the fact that his place of birth was the same as that of the great al-fi,
as well as the fact that he was an old man (ay kabr78), and not just a
stranger.
The continuous struggle of poets, litterateurs, and sages to find new words
and forms for expressing traditional feelings about the condition of strangers
was accompanied by religious beliefs. Among them, the most important was
the adoption of the status of strangers by fs; if somewhat ambiguous
in its manifestations, it proved extremely influential. Another contribution
of religious thought was the famous ad proclaiming Islams original state
as a arb; it produced an enormous volume of discussion but was mostly
interpreted in a way that left it without overt influence on general sentiment
about strangers.
The ancient use of travel as a metaphor to describe mans sojourn on earth
was widely accepted in Islam. Its obvious implication is that human beings are
strangers always and everywhere. Believers went a step further and pointed
to metaphysics and life after death as mans true and only home. This way
of thinking had always been familiar to Muslims. However, inward religiosity
as cultivated by ascetics and mystics adopted it not only as a metaphor but
also as a lifestyle. If life on earth was a journey, this fact had to be made
75
76
77
78
Cf. the references given in n. 73 to Ibn Durayd, 40, 170, and Ibn Ab Awn, 201.
This is an addition to the ad badaa al-Islm arban to be found in al-Bayhaqs uab
al-mn, according to Murta al-Zabd, Itf al-sda, I, 265, ll. 6ff. (Cairo 1352/ 1933). The
edition of the uab (Beirut 1410/1990) does not appear to contain it (?).
Cf. Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 221. In a literature, arb may complement malm and
ahd, see B. Scarcia-Amoretti, in EI2, VI, 958b, s.v. malm.
Al-afad, ay, I, 102. Al-afad probably took the story from the biography of the poet,
Ibrhm b. Yay b. Umn al-azz, in Ibn allikn, Wafayt, I, 60. On the poet who lived
from 441/10491050 to 524/1130, see GAL2 I, 294, Suppl. I, 448.
775
apparent by constant travel,79 and if, further, this meant being a stranger, its
outward manifestation was for fs to present themselves as strangers. They
should not stay in one place. They should even become fugitives, so as to avoid
contamination by the worldly concerns of the homebound:
Amr b. Umn al-Makk told this story: I met a man on the circuit among
Egyptian towns, and I asked him: Why dont I ever find you staying in one
place? He replied: How could someone who is being sought stay in one
place?! I retorted:
Are you not in His grip wherever you are? That is indeed so, he replied,
but I am afraid that I might choose a town as my permanent home, and
He might catch me being as neglectful (of true devotion to Him) as the
others there are.80
The consequences for the pious of being the ultimate and permanent strangers
were dramatically described by the great al-Tawd. He infused literary tradition with both f internalization and philosophical discipline in a way that
was hardly possible after his time. All his works quite generally remain for
us the outstanding source to learn about Muslim reflections on many of lifes
basic phenomena. His personal circumstances and, perhaps even more so, his
psychological predisposition moved him toward constant complaining about
almost everything. He thus naturally identified with the fate of the stranger,
whether he himself was one in actual fact or only in his imagination.81 These
verses served as his leitmotif:
Wherever he sets foot, the stranger is humbled.
His arm is short, his tongue always blunted.
79
80
81
It may suffice to mention the prominence of travel in the thought of Ibn Arab, which
has often been remarked upon, cf., for instance, Y. Ibish, Ibn al-Arabs theory of journeying, in Y. Ibish and I. Marculescu (eds.), Contemplation and action in world religions,
Selected papers, 205211 (Houston 1978), taken from Y. Ibish and P.L. Wilson, (eds.), Traditional modes of contemplation and action, 441449 (Teheran 1977). For the Muslim travel
symbolism, see the remarks by J.G. Brgel, Die Symbolik der Reise in der Islamischen
Geisteswelt, in A. Zweig and M. Svilar (eds.), Kosmos-Kunst-Symbol, 113138 (Bern 1986.
Schrifien zur Symbolforschung 3).
Ab Nuaym, ilya, X, 153 (reprint Beirut 1387/1967). For Amr al-Makk, cf. F. Sezgin, GAS,
I, 650.
The importance of the arb in the thought of al-Tawd has been strongly emphasized by
J.L. Kraemer. Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam, 182, 220, 238, 268, 287 (Leiden 1986),
cf. also p. 25 for fs as urab.
55
776
Wherever you see him, you find him always without a friend.82
People have one another, but he has no one83 to help him.84
56
The important assumptions governing the status of the stranger are all together
here, such as lack of influence and constant humiliation as well as an absence
of human contacts and of the necessary support derived from them.
The verses occur again when al-Tawd discusses with Miskawayh the problem why some people yearn to travel and are willing to undergo all the hardships involved, including the always threatening ull al-urba, while others
prefer to stay put at home as unmovable as rocks on a mountain or (as insensitive to the wider world) as pebbles in a brook. Miskawayhs answer is that mans
innate longing for sensual objects | differs in potency according to the particular sense involved. Those who have a preference for the sense of vision and for
anything that is observable by the eyes and provides visual impressions display
a strong desire to go abroad and travel all over the world. This desire is weaker
and secondary among those in whom the other senses are preponderant and
who therefore do not care for traveling.85
This physiological explanation, which is brilliant if unsupportable, omits any
specifics concerning the stranger. Elsewhere, however, al-Tawd provides an
emotional description of the meaning of the strangers condition in psychological/metaphysical terms. Unable for the moment, he says, to exhaust all that
could be said about the arb and his tribulations and about urba and its
remarkable characteristics (aib), he uses the verses just quoted to start his
exposition of the subject, which he states again is imperfect and incomplete.
He adds another verse:
It is not from grief caused by the fear of separation
that my tears flow, but the arb is a arb.85a
82
83
84
85
85a
This verse is not always included by al-Tawd. See also above, n. 38.
Translating qall here by few would hardly be adequate.
Al-Tawd, Bair, ed. Wadd al-Q, VIII, 155 (Beirut 1408/1988); Irt, ed. Abd alRamn Badaw, 79 (Cairo 1950), ed. Wadd al-Q, 81 (Beirut 1402/1982); al-Tawd and
Miskawayh, Hawmil, ed. A. Amn and al-Sayyid A. aqr, 226 (Cairo 1370/1951). In a footnote to her edition of Bair, al-Qd mentions the attribution of the verses to a certain
Ab Yal Muammad b. al-asan al-Bar in al-Barz, Dumya, ed. Abd al-Fatt M. alilw, I, 341 (n.p., n.y. [Cairo 1388/1968]).
Al-Tawd and Miskawayh, Hawmil, 226228.
The verse is by the little known Muammad b. Abd al-Malik b. abb al-Faqas. The
original has death for separation, see Umar b. abbah, Tar al Madna, ed. Fahm
777
This verse places the stranger into a category of strangeness all his own. It
is something that includes undesirable interruptions of the individuals role
within the society to which he belongs. It extends beyond that to an innate
or internalized condition from which there is no escape except by means of
sincere devotion to God and unconditional faith. It is said that a stranger is
the one who has close contact with the beloved. Nay, he is the one to whom
no attention is paid by the snooping busybody (who is the traditional bane of
lovers). Nay, he is the one who is treated well by his drinking companion. Nay,
he is the one who is called from nearby. Nay, he is the one who is a arb in his
urba. Nay, he is the one who has no blood relative (nasb). Nay, he is the one
who has no share in the truth. If this is so, let us weep about such a tough and
faulty condition:
Perhaps, shedding tears might bring relief from
emotional distress for one so deeply troubled inside.86
Such relief, however, was no doubt unlikely in the case of a stranger such as
al-Tawd had in mind.
His sermon rushes on relentlessly with an extravagant play on different
grammatical forms of the root -r-b: The stranger (arb) is the one whose
beautiful sun has set (arabat), who is far from (itaraba) his beloved and
from those who blame (lovers in love), who acts strangely (araba) in word
and action, who enters strange ground (arraba) in both progress and retrogression, who presents a strange picture (istaraba) in his tattered clothes.87
The stranger, the author continues, is the one whose appearance speaks of
one tribulation after the other, who bears the mark of disturbance after disturbance, and whose reality becomes clear to him in the continuity of time.
He is the one who is absent when he is present and who is present when
he is absent. He is the one whom you do not know when you see him and
whom you do not wish to know when you do not know him. His disconsolate
state can be compared to that described in a famous poem by al-Mutanabb as
86
87
M. altt, I, 294 (Beirut 1410/1990); Yqt, Muam, ed. F. Wstenfeld, I, 145 (Gttingen
18661873). For al-Faqas, see Sezgin, GAS, II, 538.
As pointed out by al-Q, this is a verse by Dh l-Rummah, Dwn, 577 (Damascus
1384/1964). Understandably, strangers have the right to cry and not be blamed for it, cf.
Ibn Abd al-Barr, Baha, I, 223.
It is tempting to vocalize the forms as passive in some cases but the vocalization as
indicated by al-Q is no doubt correct.
57
778
58
having no folks (to be comfortable with), no native land (to repair to), no drinking companion (to whom to confide his innermost thoughts), no cup (with
wine to get drunk), no comforting friend.88 Being tossed about among all kinds
of people, experiencing constant occasions of sadness and worry, constant
losses and misfortunes, in short, unending, devastating blows of fatethis
characterizes the lot of the stranger. It is beyond description. It characterizes
the stranger as one who has no name to be remembered by, no prominent features (rasm) to be recognized from, no folds to be unfolded,89 no excuses that
could be made for him, no sins to be forgiven, no blemishes to be covered.
The list of perplexing and contradictory conditions to which such a stranger
might find himself exposed goes on and on. The strangest (arab) of strangers
is the one who has become a stranger in his native land. The person who
is farthest away is the one who is far away in a locale where he is nearby.
He can do nothing right. He is disbelieved when he speaks the truth. He
deserves pity.90 No matter how long he is on his journey, he never moves ahead.
He suffers continued | misfortune without committing any sin. Without any
shortcomings, he is strongly hurt: without his doing (?),91 he is in deep distress.
He is paid no attention and is not listened to. When he asks for something,
he is not given it, and when he does not say anything, he is not approached
first. When he sneezes, nobody says God bless you! Nobody watches out for
him. When he wants to pay a visit to someone, the door is closed in front of
him. At this point, al-Tawd switches to another rhetorical device favored
by preachers, that is, invoking the deity: We have become strangers among
Your creatures, so make us feel at home in Your courtyard! We have become
shunned among them, so shower us with Your gifts! Since the stranger got into
his situation among his fellow creatures by reminding them of their failure to
observe their duties toward God, he feels that he is entitled to Gods protection
against them.
Al-Tawds answer to what the arb is breaks off here. Again he insists that
he could say much more. However, by way of conclusion, he restricts himself to
clarifying the principal meaning of his discussion. He enumerates the points he
88
89
90
91
Al-Q refers to al-Mutanabb, Dwn, ed. Abd al-Wahhb Azzm, 468 (Cairo 1363/1944).
This refers to the procedure of reading a scroll so as to gain access to its contents. The
stranger cannot be read like a book.
Y ramat li-l-arbi. Badaw refers to the verses of Al b. al-ahm which have been
translated above, see n. 42.
Min ayr adw (?). adw appears to have a negative meaning here, and not its ordinary
one of gift, etc., that occurs later.
779
has made that mark the condition of the stranger as so frightfully dismal, but
he does so only for the purpose of commanding the reader to forget all that. In
truth, he declares, the stranger is the one who brings metaphysical information
from God and calls to (serving) Him. Nay, he is the one who spends his life
remembering God and putting his trust in Him. Nay, he is the one who turns to
God and hates anyone but Him. Nay, he is the one who gives his life and soul to
God and exposes himself to His favor. In this sense, every human being should
be a stranger. He must dedicate himself wholeheartedly to God and practice his
faith with the greatest devotion. He must abandon his evil ways and sinfulness.
He must listen to the stirring words that the author has employed in order to
convince him that he should strive for Gods forgiveness. Al-Tawds stranger
is thus presented as a faithful Muslim and as the universal model for all human
beings who ought to comprise within themselves all the contradictions of the
material world and thereby show their total unconcern with it. The arb is, in
fact, the real qarb, the person unrelated to the outside world and related to the
spiritual world, mans true and only home.92
The idea that the soul is a stranger in this world and must liberate itself
through a return to its metaphysical world where it belongs may conveniently
be labeled as Neoplatonic. Neoplatonism provided widely known antecedents
and might be claimed as an important source of inspiration for these Muslim
reflections. It was natural for philosophers to recall the view of the soul as a
stranger in this transitory world,93 but in this respect, they were in the Islamic
mainstream which had always stressed the need for the individual to be in this
world as if he were a stranger.94 Real life, that is, eternal life, begins only after
death. Thus Ibn Qayyim al-awzya, for instance, commented:
Wherever a believer takes up residence in this (worldly) mansion (dr),
he is a stranger there, and he is in foreign territory (or exile, dr al-urba),
as the Prophet has said: Be in this world as if you were a stranger! It
is, however, a urba that will come to an end, and he will get back to
his native land and mansion. The urba that offers no hope that it will
ever end is the one in the vile mansion (that is this world, dr al-hawn)
involving separation from the native land that was arranged and prepared
92
93
94
The above paraphrase of al-Tawds Irt, ed. Badaw, 7886, ed. al-Q, 8087, conveys, it is hoped, some of the aura surrounding the stranger in Muslim metaphysical
speculation.
Cf. al-Tawd, Imt, I, 215.
See already above, p. 37, and cf. also Isn Abbs (below, n. 101), 98.
59
780
for him,95 and he was commanded to make provisions for the journey
back to itthat is the urba that offers no hope for a return .96
60
The great impetus given by fsm to feelings of disdain for this world led to
their routine self-identification as strangers and established the symbolism for
urba as the dangerous immersion in the world of the senses. Al-Suhraward
al-maqtl could thus entitle one of his essays The Story of al-urba al-arbya
in order to describe a voluntary journey (thus not really an exile) into the
material world: the west, however, turns out to be the world of darkness and
a prison.97
The religious tradition with great potential, although it remained unrealized, for merging all the various strands of thought about the stranger into one
overarching concept was the famous and enigmatic badaa l-Islmu arban wa
sa-yadu kam badaa arban fa-b li-l-urabi Islam began as a stranger,
and it will return as a stranger as it began. Therefore, blessed are the strangers.
There are minor variant readings; the | text quoted here is that in Muslims
a.98 A reading bad appeared has deservedly found little support;99
began is strongly supported by return = be again, and by the frequent combination of badaa and da in the Qurn, where the roots refer to creation and
resurrection. The plural urab, in the coda blessing the strangers, supports the
assumption that the singular arb was intended to be the noun stranger, and
the growing stress on the adjectival meaning of rare was, in fact, something
secondary. Further, it has never been suggested that the blessing on strangers
might not have been an original part of the ad; it is usually, if not always,
attested in connection with it. The ad does not appear in the a of alBur. It is hard to explain why this is so, but it need not necessarily mean
that al-Bur doubted the genuineness of the ad. At any rate, no such doubt
was ever raised in the religious literature or in casual quotations, as far as I can
see.
95
96
97
98
99
For which he was shaped and prepared seems to be a less likely translation.
Ibn Qayyim al-awzya, op. cit., (above, n. 37), I, 151.
For the much studied little work, see the edition by H. Corbin, uvres philosophiques
et mystiques de Shihbaddin Yaya Sohraward, I, 273297 (Teheran and Paris 1952). An
English translation is included in W.M. Thackston, The mystical and visionary treatises of
Shihabuddin Yahya Suhrawardi, 100108 (London 1982).
Muslim, a, mn 232, I, 104 (Calcutta 1265/1849).
Cf. the footnotes in Ibn Ma, Sunan, (II), 1320 (Cairo 13811382/1972), and Ibn Abd al-Barr,
mi bayn al-ilm, II, 119 (Cairo, n.y.).
781
While the form of the ad presents no problems, its precise meaning is anything but clear, and it was much debated. A knowledge of the context in which it
originated and what it originally referred to would be extremely helpful, but, to
all indications, it is not within our reach, much as we would welcome a definite
historical situation as its starting point. At least one monograph was written
that, in the words of Isan Abbs, basically revolves around the ad, the
Kitb al-urab by the fourth/tenth-century al-urr.100 Although the work is
said to be published,101 its full text has not been available. The analysis by Isan
Abbs provides much insight into the problems of arb and urba in Islam, but
it would serve no purpose here to use it as a substitute for al-urrs full text.
Clarifying additions appear early and continue through the centuries.102
Muslim offers another recension that does indeed omit the blessing on the
urab. It enlarges the ad with the statement that Islam | will take refuge103
between the two mosques as a snake takes refuge in its hole.104 There also is
a recension that explains urab as al-nuzz/al-nawzi min al-qabil those
who secede from the tribes.105 Such additions complicate the picture and
present more difficulties of interpretation. Muslims addition could be understood eschatologically but need not be. The nuzz/nawzi tradition appears to
exclude any eschatological implications and again points to specific contemporary circumstances.
100
101
102
103
104
105
On Ab Bakr Muammad b. al-usayn (to distinguish him from an older urr listed
in Sezgin, GAS, I, 165), see GAL Suppl., I, 274; GAS, I, 194. Much of his preserved scholarly
output has been published since the 1980s.
According to vague references to its publication in Kuwait found in the edition of alurr, Alq amalat al-Qurn, ed. Abd al-Azz b. Abd al-Fatt al-Qr, 103 (Medina
1408/1987).
The article of Isn Abbs is published in Mlanges de lUniversit St. Joseph 50 (1984),
Arabic section, 91101.
The eighteenth-century commentator of al-azzls Iy, Murta al-Zabd, has a representative collection of statements, cf. Itf (above, n. 76), I, 264266, in connection with
the kitb al-ilm of the Iy, I, 34 (Cairo 1352/1933), trans. Nabih A. Faris, 98 (Lahore 1962).
For the root -r-z, cf. T. Nldeke, Belegwrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache, ed.
Jrg Kraemer, 17b (Berlin 19521954).
In addition to Muslim, loc. cit. (above, n. 98), cf., for instance, al-Tirmi, in Tufat
al-Awa, VII, 180183 (Cairo 1387/1967), where the iz is indicated as the place of
refuge. This addition appears by itself as a ad in praise of Medina in al-Bur, see Ibn
aar, Fat, IV, 465. Its connection with the urab ad is thus clearly secondary.
Cf., for instance, Ibn anbal, I, 398, V, 343 (Cairo 1313); Ibn Ma, (II), 1320; al-Drim, II,
311 (n.p., n.y. [ca. 1970]). On nuzz/nawzi, see the Leiden edition of al-abar, Annales:
Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, DIX (Leiden 1901).
61
782
62
The urab were interpreted as the good Muslims. They are stated to be of
my nation.106 They are those who will reverse the corruption of my sunna
that was caused by people after my death,107 and they will revive my dead
sunna.108 Or they are the ones who are continuing the conditions in which you
(i.e., the Prophets contemporaries) are today.109 Taking isolation as the meaning inherent in urba suggested that the urab constituted a rare elite few in
numbers. More people hate than love them.110 Religious scholars liked to see
themselves counted among those urab. They were entitled to enjoy such an
exceptional position, since true religious knowledge (ilm) was possessed only
by a very small minority. The believers are few among people, and scholars
are few among the believers.111 It is, however, rather strange to find Islam or
faith in the ad replaced outright by ilm, as is the case in one of the versions
quoted by Ibn Abd al-Barr. Ibn Abd al-Barr also cites an explanation of the
urab as those who will revive the sunna and teach it to mankind, adding a
saying to the effect that the religious scholars are strangers (and rare), because
there | are so many ignoramuses.112 Some circles took a different approach. In
an allusion to the ad in the form: He who becomes a stranger (itaraba)
when Islam becomes a stranger, such a stranger may be claimed by different
religious groups as one of their own. He thus may be the expected Mahd, a
f saint (badal), a gnostic rif among the philosophers, or, according to the
commentators colleagues, the Mutazilites, one among the scholars of adl and
tawd.113
Islams beginning as a stranger was an idea that was easily acceptable, for in
early Muslim history, the believers were indeed a strange and small minority
among the large mass of non-Muslims. The return of Islam as a stranger, however, was problematic. It left open the questions as to when the future return of
Islam would occur in time and why Islam should be called a stranger after all
those centuries of expansion and numerical growth. We have seen that there
was much agreement on the second question: Islam was a stranger, because the
number of true believers and sincere Muslims was small. But it was not clear
when this regrettable situation would come to a head. According to some of
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
Al-Tawd, Imt, II, 78.

Al-Tawd, loc. cit.
Al-azzl, Iy, loc. cit.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibn Qayyim al-awzya, Mift, I, 147.
Ibn Abd al-Barr, mi, II, 119 f.
ar Nah al-bala, III, 434 f.
783
the explanations cited, it could, in this world, be anytime; it might always be

stated, and be employed even today as a powerful motif, that we live in a time
in which Islam is again a stranger.114 In particular, it could be the dearth of
true ascetics and pious mystics that at any time makes Islam again a stranger.
When al-Tawd visited Mecca in 353/964, he heard one in this select group
comment that the stranger meant in the ad is the one who flees from city
to city, from mountaintop to mountaintop, from place to place, from sea to
land, till he is safe. But how can he find safety with those fires spreading in east
and west and destroying all plant life and animal and human productivity115
with the inevitable result of covering every mouth, silencing every speaker,
confusing every intelligent individual, choking every drinker, and giving every
drinker a bitter taste? Thinking about it ravishes the mind and causes great
sadness and worry.116 This moving description, while reflecting the traditional
status assumed for strangers, has unmistakable eschatological undertones. The
preferred moment for the return of Islam as a stranger is indeed the end of
the world. The | rarity of true believers as well as the assumed concentration of Islam between Mecca and Medina are easily understood by anyone
who so desires as signs of the approaching Last Day. An authoritative statement to this effect is that of Ibn al-Ar: In the beginning, Islam was a solitary
stranger with no family because of the small number of Muslims at that time
The Muslims will be few at the end of time, so they will come to be like
strangers The blessing on strangers refers to Paradise (destined) for those
Muslims who lived at the beginning of Islam and those who will live at the
end. God gave Paradise especially to them, because they bore patiently the
harm done to them first and last and adhered steadfastly to the religion of
Islam.117
The theoretical view of the stranger, with all its intellectual speculations and
artistic exaggerations, is relatively clear. It can be assumed to have been familiar
to all in the educated strata of society and to have been part of their thoughts
and feelings. It probably was adopted as normative by society at large; in the
absence of sufficient concrete information, this would be difficult to prove. It
114
115
116
117
Cf. Abd al-Qdr b. Muammad al-azr, Durar al-fawid, 130 (Cairo 1384), and alumayn, al-ukma al-Islmya, 9, 65, 145 (n.p. [Cairo], 1979).
English translations of Qurn 2:205 give tillage and stock.
Al-Tawd, Imt, II, 79.
Ibn al-Ar, Nihya, III, 173, s.v. -r-b (Cairo 1322). The Qurnic use of b-d- and -w-d no
doubt favored the eschatological interpretation of the ad.
63
784
64
is even more difficult to gain a picture of the relationship of theory to actual

practice. How were strangers treated in real life and what role did they play in
society? Our sources again are literary and the deductions that can be made,
uncertain. It is, after all, obvious that when we read, for example, that strangers
are to be treated with generosity and kindness, we cannot be sure whether this
was actual practice, or an ideal to be lived up to, or an admonition for a society
where people normally treated strangers with less than civility.
Strangers as organized groups were often involved in historical developments of all kinds and dimensions, but they were rarely designated as such.
At any given time, there were plenty of people, especially in the larger towns,
who qualified as resident or temporary strangers.118 Sometimes, they would
be labeled as strangers, as in the case of merchants supplementing the local
commercial establishment. A large town may have a strangers quarter (rat
al-urb)119 which may be assumed to have been a section of town inhabited
by strangers but we cannot tell when this was the case, how many there were,
whether they were segregated there, and so on. In general, when larger | groups
of settlers from outside were willing and able to retain their identity as separate
units of their own, they did not do so explicitly as strangers, as this was largely
inappropriate in the Muslim context. Organizing principles were national origins, as in the case of Andalusians in the Maghrib and the East or Khursnians
in Western locations. National and ethnic origins gave names to and affirmed
the coherence of military bodies as well as foreign dynasties and college students. Religio-legal affiliations often harbored large groups of strangers, such
as the Mlikites in largely non-Mlikite Egypt or fs everywhere. Classes of
professionals included itinerant strangers that were not routinely organized
as such. A powerful potential principle of organization was apparently not
employed for a general classification as strangers, that is, the sharing of a language other than that of the linguistic majority; numerous locations harbored
large concentrations of speakers of foreign languages, but this does not seem
to have given rise to lumping some of them together as strangers. Skin color,
another distinguishing mark, was much commented upon but not as constituting a separate group of strangers thus designated. One might perhaps go
so far as to claim that even where strangers are referred to as a group, it
should be understood as a plurality of individuals rather than an organized
group.
118
119
See also above, p. 41.

Cf. N. Elisseff, La Description de Damas d Ibn Askir, 138, n. 2 (Damascus 1959).
785
A traveler from Spain could thus refer to Spanish urab he encountered

in the East and write about their special living conditions.120 fs who found
themselves isolated in a dangerous situation might see themselves as a group of
strangers in a f house,121 although this could reflect the general classification
of fs as strangers.122 There does not seem to have been very much of the
sort. It may be characteristic of the largely unorganized status of strangers
in medieval Islam that isba works do not document any special concern
for strangers in the market supervisors office. Admittedly, they do not quite
belong to what was normally seen as the market, but they stray into the isba
literature only in a very marginal manner. As the mutasibs duties included
the supervision of public baths, he could stipulate that bathkeepers pro|vide
bathing trunks for rent to strangers and needy people.123 It is, however, difficult
to imagine a mutasib in a Muslim town doing what his Byzantine counterpart
in the border town of Liqya (Latakia) did, as Ibn Buln reports as a shocking
curiosity, namely, auctioning off harlots to strangers who would take them to
special hotels where they had made reservations.124 It is probably not by chance
that we hear again about inns for merchants and strangers in a Western fringe
area.125
Egypt, for millennia a magnet for strangers of all kinds, produced a biographical dictionary explicitly designed to list strangers. The Kitb al-urab of
the fourth/tenth-century Ibn Ynus126 is known only from quotations, and we
thus do not learn much about its general view of strangers. Other biographical
local histories list everybody of note who was somehow connected with a given
locality and do not make a summary distinction between strangers and non-
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
Ibn ubayr, Rila, 52, 243, 376. Here we hear about love for urab as well as fuqar, the
latter term probably aiming less at the poor in general than the poor fs.
Al-Tawd, Imt, III, 92.
Strangers also occurs as a generic term for professors who apparently were not natives
of the places where they taught, cf. al-Saw, aw, IV, 30, l. 7, 213, l. 20, VI, 115, l. 27, IX,
268, l. 22.
Gf. Ibn Bassm, Nihyat al-rutba, ed. usm-al-dn al-Smarr, 79 (Baghdad 1968); alayzar, Nihyat al-rutba, ed. al-Sayyid al-Bz al-Arn, 88 (Cairo 1365/1946).
Cf. al-Qif, ed. J. Lippert, 24 (Leipzig 1903), trans. J. Schacht and M. Meyerhof, The MedicoPhilosophical Controversy between Ibn Buln of Baghdad and Ibn Riwn of Cairo, 57 (Cairo
1937).
Here in connection with the mutasibs concern that the inns financial administrator
(mutaqabbil) not be a woman, cf. Ibn Abdn, ed. E. Lvi-Provenal, in JA 224 (1934), 239,
trans. by the same, Sville musulmane au dbut du XIIe sicle, 110 (Paris 1947).
See Sezgin, GAS I, 357 f.
65
786
66
strangers, although in many, if not most, cases, the biographees were neither
native born nor longtime residents. Another work having urab in its title,
the Adab al-urab by the author of the great Kitb al-An, who spent most
of his life in Baghdad, is a work of fiction.127 It employs the firmly established
topos of the strangers misery as a foil for stories about verses scribbled on walls
or, less frequently, on rocks. At times, these inscriptions are accompanied by
ripostes from later arrivals on the scene, and occasionally they are provided
with dates in the fashion of tourists who wish to leave a memento (aar) of
their visits, as at the Pharos of Alexandria. The involvement of strangers is
almost always deduced from the melancholy character of the verses and tells
us next to nothing about the fictional strangers circumstances.128 Even more
so than in the case of Ibn Ynus urab, Ab l-Faras strangers constitute no
organized group but exclusively represent individuals.
The ancient tradition that viewed strangers with awe as gifted with special
unusual powers continued into Islam. Magicians and the like, even if they were
not designated as strangers, were depicted as being of foreign origin. In the
alchemical literature, a title such as Kitb al-arb seems to have represented
this tradition,129 and in connection with remarkable religious information,
Ab s al-Warrqs Kitb al-arb al-mariq may have drawn on it.130 Dream
interpretation might be expected to have dealt with dream visions of strangers.
A good deal of it can be found in the classical work of Artemidorus that was
translated into Arabic.131 However, comparatively little of the sort was included
127
128
129
130
131
Above, n. 28, and H. Kilpatrick-Waardenburg, in Actes du 8me Congrs de lUnion

Europenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, 127135 (Aix-en-Provence 1978).
Inscriptions on various objects were a favorite device of the belletristic imagination. See
also al-Bayhaq, Masin, in connection with strangers.
Cf. P. Kraus, Jbir ibn ayyn, I, 124 (19421943. Mmoires de lInstitut dgypte 4445).
In n. 11, Kraus refers to a work ascribed to the Isml Ab Yaqb al-Siistn, see Sezgin,
GAS, I, 575. Since we have only the titles and excerpts for this and the following work, the
intended meaning of arb remains uncertain and, in the case of the following title, has
often been misunderstood.
The passage is not contained in the Flgel edition of the Fihrist. It appears in manuscript
Tonk and the translation of the Fihrist by B. Dodge, (I), 419, 441 (New York and London
1970). See J. van Ess, Ibn ar-Rwandi, or the making of an image, in al-Ab 27 (1978
1979), 19, n. 3, and S. Stroumsa, in JAOS 114 (1994), 165, n. 18.
Cf. Elisabeth Schmitt, Lexikalische Untersuchungen zur arabischen bersetzung von Artemidors Traumbuch, 263, 372 (Wiesbaden 1970). The translation uses arb mainly for xenos
and allotrios. A rare case of two Greek words (alloethnn kai xenn) rendered by only
one Arabic equivalent (qawm urab) occurs here, see the Greek text of Artemidorus,
787
in the popular Muslim literature on dreams. In its eventual, most impoverished

state represented by the small pamphlet ascribed to Ibn Srn, some attention
is paid to travel and absences from home. A king dreaming of finding himself
in unfamiliar territory could expect to experience misfortune and humiliation,
as confirmed by Qurn 27:34.132 If sra al-Arf appeared in ones dream, it
might presage the misfortune of dying abroad as a stranger, while the Ysuf
sra was fittingly interpreted as promising success abroad.133 Certain birds
were assumed to be indicative of destitute strangers (cranes), strange bedouin
women (female ostriches), or unmarried strangers (male ostriches); however,
strange appears here in the printed text in some cases where it did not belong
originally.134 The assumption appears to be that one did | not dream much
about strangers, and it might be concluded that strangers as a category were
not much on the average persons mind.
Individual strangers could, if they so desired, merge into the local population, and no doubt most of them did.135 Very rarely, however, do the sources
state that it was something recommendable. Thus, we must assume that no
matter how routinely strangers assimilated, this was not considered a topic
fit to dwell upon. Our best example comes from a pre-Islamic poet, the sixthcentury Abd b. al-Abra:
Be cooperative when you are somewhere (abroad),
and dont say, I am a stranger!
A stranger should not claim favored treatment, because, the poet continues, he
may find himself closer to the people he encounters abroad than to his folks at
home.136 And he should have high hopes for the land where he takes up resi-
132
133
134
135
136
ed. R.A. Pack, 192, ll. 23f. (Leipzig 1963), and the edition of the Arabic translation by T. Fahd,
349, l. 4 (Damascus 1964). Strangers were a much more varied lot in the Greek view than
they were in Muslim eyes.
Ibn Srn, Tabr al-ruy al-agr, 3 (Cairo 1355/1936 [1359/1960]).
Op. cit., 65 f., ch. 25.
Op. cit., 59, ch. 22. The immediate source for all this is represented by Abd al-an
al-Nbulus, Tair al-anm f tabr al-manm (Cairo, n.y.). Cranes may indicate future
travel, among many other things, but the word arb does not occur there (II, 192). In
connection with the female ostrich, arba is replaced, no doubt correctly, by its look-alike
arabya Arab (II, 310), and the word stranger is absent in connection with the male
ostrich (II, 74).
But see above, nn. 17a and 18.
C. Lyall, The Dwns of Abd ibn al-Abra, of Asad, and mir ibn a-ufayl, of mir ibn
67
788
68
dence.137 On the other hand, especially in later centuries, some people such as
scholars may often have insisted upon retaining some of their foreign characteristics. Under certain circumstances, persons of high rank would appreciate
being categorized as strangers living in exile or at least pretending that theirs
was a condition that was not permanent.138
Strangers naturally included all types, including shady characters such as
confidence men. A man who was seventy-five years old went abroad looking
for a wife, because where people did not know him, he could claim to be only
fifty.139 By and large, however, the literature tries to give the impression that
honest strangers could and should claim special consideration, because they
were strangers. A strangers faux pas deserve to be overlooked. Someone in
Mecca wrote verses on a | wall in the holy mosque, in order to elicit support
for him to make contact with a slave girl, a songstress, with whom he had fallen
in love:
I am a stranger and as such deserve help,
hopelessly infatuated, so show compassion with my long turmoil!140
Whether his pleading was successful, we do not know, but at any rate, this is
pure fiction and most unlikely to have ever had its counterpart in real life.
Occasionally, however, friendly attitudes toward strangers were recorded
with approval, and this may have mirrored reality. Great kindness shown to a
stranger by a distinguished family might make that stranger feel like being a
member of the family.141 Refuge of the stranger (maw al-arb) could func-
aaah, text, 73f., trans., 19 (Cambridge 1913, reprinted 1980. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series
21). Lyalls translation reads:
Help thou a land while thou dwellest therein,
and say notI am a stranger here;
Ofttimes the stranger from afar becomes the nearest:
often the nearest kinsman is cut off and becomes strange.
137
138
139
140
141
The verses are quoted, for instance, in al-i, Bayn, IV, 67.
See above, n. 69.
Cf. Ibn aar, ayl al-Durar al-kmina, ed. Adnn Darw, 99 (Cairo 1412/1992).
ar Nah al-bala, V, 866. Old stranger could thus be used for referring to a proverbial
liar.
Ab l-Fara al-Ifahn, Adab al-urab, 78 f.
Op. cit., 44.
789
tion as an epithet of perfection in pre-Islamic times.142 Later, descriptions of

an individual as being kind to strangers (mukrim, murfid al-urab) were not
uncommon.143 The Yemenite Raslid al-Malik al-Araf (778803/13771400)
a prolific author who, we are told, made use of something as seemingly modern as ghostwriterswould show extraordinary kindness to strangers.144 The
biographer wrote from personal experience, which may have colored his judgment; the strangers may have been sporadic visitors, thus more like guests than
strangers. Travelers in foreign countries were naturally very sensitive to the
treatment they received and motivated to report on it. Ibn ubayr was quite
specific in describing grants and jobs given to strangers by some governments
in countries he visited. He stressed the fact that Maribites, his countrymen,
were the principal beneficiaries, but others were also included. In northern
Syria, he encountered what he considered was an especially favorable climate
for strangers.145 By | contrast, in a town like Messina where unbelievers predominated, a stranger could not expect a friendly reception.146
Strangers were in the happy position of being able to refer to a sunna
of the Prophetno doubt, an ad hoc inventionto bolster their claim to
being treated with kindness and generosity.147 The plea I am a stranger came
easily on a variety of occasions.148 Helpful consideration was often expected
by the strangers themselves, whatever their status, or by others on their
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
Cf. al-ans, Dwn, 7 f. (Beirut 1379/1960), poem rhyming on -h. The Dwn has alarki, approximately one down on his luck, for al-arbi. The latter appears in the quotation of the verse by al-Mubarrad, and S.A. Bonebakker makes a case for its possible
originality (Mubarrads version of two poems by al-Khans, in Festschrift Ewald Wagner zum 65. Geburtstag, II, 99 f. [Beirut 1994. Beiruter Texte und Studien 54]). It might be
argued, however, that an original ark was replaced by arb, not only because ark was
a rare word but also because arb had become a more meaningful concept in the time
between al-ans and al-Mubarrad.
In al-Subk, abaqt al-fiya, VI, 125 (Cairo 1383/1964), the strangers probably were
students and visiting scholars. See, further, al-Saw, aw, I, 98, l. 4, VII, 182, l. 17, 229,
l. 13, VIII, 125, l. 15, XI, 70bottom, XI, 148, l. 6.
Cf. Ibn aar, Inb, IV, 265 (Hyderabad 13871396/19671976); al-Saw, aw, II, 299. See
also Inb, VII, 289, l. 9.
See above, n. 120.
Ibn ubayr, Rila, 323.
Arabian Nights, 36th, 53rd, and 935th Nights, I, 298, 407, IV, 480, trans. Littmann, I, 433, 573,
VI, 166. In the second passage, the ad was extended to cover strangers who were sick. It
is not insignificant that in the corresponding version of the first passage in ed. Mahdi, I,
459, the statement ascribed to the Prophet is not mentioned.
Cf. al-Balur, Ansb, ed. all Amina, VI B, 150 (Jerusalem 1993).
69
790
70
behalf.149 On the other hand, it might turn out to be an unpleasant experience,

if you found yourself a stranger and were suspected of being wealthy.150 Still,
being a stranger was a valid excuse at times.151 A stranger with special skills or
attractive personal qualities was often welcomed by foreign rulers who realized
the potential benefits they might reap from his employment.152 A remote
model was the Ysuf story of the Qurn 12:21. It was considered proverbial
wisdom that it was advisable to make a homeless stranger feel at home, so
as to increase ones chances to receive a friendly reception if one happened
to get into a similar situation.153 However, no matter how much charitable
consideration might be given to needy strangers, when they had the misfortune
of dying abroad all alone (arban wadan) with no relatives or friends, who
might not even know about their death,154 they possibly faced the prospect of
burial in a | section of the cemetery that was set aside for just those cases,155
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
Cf., for instance, Arabian Nights, 18th, 288th, 328th, 794th Nights, I, 130f. (ed. Mahdi, I, 210,
l. 14), II, 161, 255, IV, 50, trans. Littmann, I, 200, III, 135, 262, V, 377. Cf. also 10th Night, I,
66, trans. Littmann, I, 120, ed. Mahdi, I, 127, l. 42, in the story cycle of the Porter, where
stranger alternates with the slightly more specific non-Arab (Persian). The same cycle
also offers a good example for a certain solidarity displayed by strangers with one another,
see 14th Night, I, 102, trans. Littmann, I, 161, ed. Mahdi, I, 178, ll. 34ff.
Arabian Nights, 39th Night, I, 321, trans. Littmann, I, 462.
Arabian Nights, 553rd Night, III, 47, trans. Littmann, IV, 154.
For instance, Arabian Nights, 934th, 937th Nights, IV, 475, 478, trans. Littmann, VI, 160,
173.
Cf. al-Mubarrad, Kmil, 134.
Arabian Nights, 140th Night, I, 672, trans. Littmann, II, 165. The miserable fate of dying
alone could also befall someone at home in his own country, cf. 402nd Night, II, 422f.,
trans. Littmann, III, 532 f. The combination arb wad seems to have lost its connection
to the status of stranger and become a metaphor for overpowering loneliness in Arabian
Nights, ed. Mahdi, I, 487, l. 11. In the story of ullanr, the childless king was certainly no
stranger, although others in the story were. In Arabian Nights, III, 543, trans. Littmann,
V, 91, wad fard may go back to a correction by someone who considered the reference
to stranger inappropriate.
Al-Saws aw is roughly contemporaneous with the common texts of the Arabian
Nights. It had, of course, often to deal with individuals who died abroad, and the fact
was not mentioned expressly by the addition of arb. When it was, however, it mostly
served the purpose of pitying the deceased rather than merely stressing his foreign death,
cf. aw, V, 21, 277, 318, VI, 232, VII, 145 (arban an waanih wa iylih), VIII, 61, 180, IX, 34,
110, 188 (arban fardan), XI, 61 (arban ahdan as a martyr from the plague). This may
not apply to passages where it refers to death in exile (see above, n. 7).
In the biographies of Umn b. Ab Bakr al-Nir and Muammad b. Muammad alAlaw al-Taizz, al-Saw refers, respectively, to the maqbarat al-urab in Taizz and
791
hardly a potters field but in view of the importance attached to proper funeral
sites, no doubt an undesirable resting place. Fear of a violent death that would
lead to the mutilated body remaining without burial and grave on the ground
in the manner of strangers had already been given expression with poetical
pathos in the hnme.156
The general run of strangers could be well-off or poor or of any economic
situation in between. The large contingent of students who studied abroad
probably fitted into this picture. However, they could not always count on the
financial support of parents and family and often qualified as poor strangers
in need. Colleges as they developed over the centuries had their own support
systems, and footloose fs could rely on increasingly powerful organizations
to take care of them. But the rank and file of students, especially before the
college system was in place, often felt lost in an unfamiliar environment. When,
for instance, a Spanish scholar went East to study with the famous al-Srf
(d. 368/979), depression set in because he missed his country and his | folks.
Upon meeting al-Srf, he was cheered up and saw the purpose of his stay
abroad fulfilled (wa urbat ittaalat bi-buyat);157 regrettably we do not learn
whether this was also due to al-Srfs friendly behavior toward him as a
stranger. One of Yqts teachers, a man who knew many languages, would
explain an Arabic text to a student who did not understand it, in the students
own language; this was a laudable act of kindness toward a stranger, but it is
156
157
the maqbir al-urab in Cairo, cf. aw, V, 127, l. 10, and IX, 146, l. 6. In the second case,
Ibn aar, Inb, VIII, 444, omits this particular fact.
Dying a stranger in exile (ardan arban) is the greatest curse to befall anybody,
cf. ar Nah al-bala, IV, 704, presumably relying on Ab Minaf. It occurs in a nasty
exchange of messages between Muwiya and Qays b. Sad, which is rarely quoted in
extenso but often referred to. In this connection, the combination ardan arban seems
to be attested as quoted only by Ibn Ab l-add. arban alone appears in al-Mubarrad,
Kmil, 298, while ardan is the choice of Ibn Qutayba, Uyn, II, 213, al-Masdi, Mur, V,
45 (Paris 18611877), and Ibn Abd Rabbih, Iqd, IV, 338 (Cairo 1949 and later reprints). For
these references and others, see M. Schloessingers edition of al-Balur, Ansb, IV A, 26,
and notes (Jerusalem 1971), as well as the translation by O. Pinto and G. Levi Delia Vida, Il
califo Muwiya I, 28 (Rome 1938).
Firdaws, hnme, II, 390 Mohl. In the Moscow edition, III, 141, the verse is banished
into a footnote. The use of the Arabic word for stranger makes it slightly suspect. Fritz
Wolffs splendid Glossar zu Firdousis Schahname, 598b (Berlin 1935), has been helpful here
as usual.
Yqt, Ird, ed. Margoliouth, III, 87, ed. Rifi, VIII, 151. The scholar in question, Abd Allh
b. ammd, appears often in the works of al-Tawd, see Alq al-wazrayn, ed. M. b.
Twt al-an, 370, n. 4 (Damascus 1385/1965); al-afad, Wf, XVII, 151.
71
792
72
sad to report that this professor was not popular with his students because he
would spend time in class telling stories and reciting poetry instead of sticking
to his subject!158
Such anecdotal information is confirmed by the stress that the educational
literature puts on the proper attitude toward students who are strangers. (The
teacher) must be friendly toward a stranger who comes to stay with him, and
must cheer him up by being cordial, since a newcomer feels bewildered (wa
yatawaddad li-arb aara indah wa yanbasi lah li-yara adrahu ( yura
adruh?) fa-inna li-l-qdim daha). He must not add to his embarrassment
by staring at him and being too obvious in paying attention to him because
of his perceived strangeness.159 The teachers duty of not being overbearing
(tawu) in dealing with any of his students is supported by a statement
attributed to al-fi that a teacher must be patient with students, including strangers.160 A story, which may possess some historicity, confirmed this
fiite attitude or may even be the origin of it. The fi disciple al-Rab
b. Sulaymn received a letter from his incarcerated colleague al-Buway, in
which, among other things, al-Buway recommended patience with strangers
as well as all other students of al-fis works.161 One may mention in this
connection a lesson from ancient medical history that was taught to Muslim
physicians and was probably known far beyond the medical profession. It was
Hippocrates who was said to | have lifted the old ban on admitting strangers to
the Asclepiad family of physicians and to have made the strangers who came
to study medicine like his own children. This involved no risk because medical students were under oath not to divulge the professional secrets of the
Asclepiads.162 While nothing is said here about strangers in general, it could
158
159
160
161
162
Yqt, Ird, ed. Margoliouth, VI, 232, ed. Rif, XVII, 59f.
Ibn ama, Takirat al-smi, 43 f. (Hyderabad 1353).
Op. cit., 66.
The anecdote is referred to in a note to the edition of Ibn ama, 66. Cf., among other
sources, Ibn Ab tim al-Rz, db al-fi wa manqibuh, ed. Abd al-an b. Abd
al-liq, 127 (Cairo 1372/1953); al-ab al-Badd, Tar Badd, XIV, 302, which probably
was the source of Ibn allikn, Wafayt, VII, 65 f.; al-Subk, abaqt al-fiya, II, 165. Three
slightly different versions appear in Ab Nuaym, ilya, IX, 148.
Cf. Isq b. unayn, Tar al-aibb, ed. F. Rosenthal, in Oriens 7 (1954), 66f., 67f., reprinted in idem, Science and Medicine in Islam, no. II (Aldershot 1990). This is the source
of later quotations such as al-Mubair, Mutr al-ikam, ed. Abd al-Ramn Badaw,
44, l. 13, 47, l. 8 (Madrid 1377/1958). For the phrasing employed in the Arabic translation
of the Hippocratic Oath, see F. Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam, 184 (London
1975).
793
easily be interpreted as normative for them all. Later hospitals, it may be

added, might stipulate in their charters that their admission policy, although
it contained a number of restrictions, should not distinguish between natives
and strangers.163
Concern for strangers, as individuals and groups, was praised and, perhaps,
practiced in government circles under the right political and economic conditions. This again seems to have happened especially in the marginal regions of
the Muslim world.164 Into early times, we are led by a passage from a supposed
letter by Umar to Muwiya. It concerns judicial procedure and is rather singular in that it recommends kindness to and concern for a stranger (wa taahhad
al-arb) in court proceedings. The reason given is that a neglected stranger
might discontinue his efforts to obtain his rights and return to his folks.165
Finally, it may be repeated that charity for the poor was assumed to include
strangers. This was probably because many of them were poor. The parsimonious charity which we hear was dispensed during the a may have included
the numerous resident strangers who crowded Mecca and Medina most of the
time.166
To sum up: A social phenomenon as ubiquitous and many-sided as the stranger
does not allow a one-dimensional description applicable to | all times and
locations. None can be given for medieval Islam. This seems to be true, even
if it is only a tiny fraction of the information buried in a vast literature that has
been picked out here as it were at random. Internal borders were largely absent
within the Muslim world, and mobility for a variety of reasons was the rule, at
least in the urban orbit and among those attracted to it. In contrast to the ahl
al-imma, a binding legal definition of the stranger did not exist, and thus his
status was always undefined and subject to change.
Inherited factors such as were taken over from pre-Islamic civilizations
and bedouin life combined with the general human emotion conveniently
163
164
165
166
Cf. Amad s (Issa) Bey, Tar, al-bmristnt f l-Islm, 138 (Damascus 1357/1939). The
quoted item al-ahl wa l-arb in the waqf charter of the Manr Hospital in Cairo was
not reproduced in al-Maqrz, i, II, 406 (Blq 1270, reprint Beirut, ca. 1970).
Cf. Ibn al-ab, Nufat al-irb f ullat al-itirb, ed. A. Mutr al-Ibd (voc.?), 139, 183,
327 (Cairo, n.y. [ca. 1968]). The employment of strangers by governments was, of course,
widespread.
Cf. al-i, Bayn, II, 150, quoted rather freely in ar Nah al-bala, III, 756.
Cf. al-azr, op. cit., (above, n. 114), 684. For the processes of population mixture in early
Mecca, see M.J. Kister, Strangers and allies in Mecca, in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and
Islam 13 (1990), 113154.
73
794
described as homesickness to form the widely accepted theoretical attitude

toward strangers as expressed in the literature. It included a strong streak of
materialism suggesting material well-being, or the lack of it, as the criterion
for determining the value of the strangers existence, but the expression it
found was rather subdued in comparison with the constant, long litany of bitter
complaints about the miseries that were seen as the strangers lot.
The actual situation of strangers is so far only dimly and quite sporadically
perceivable, and no generalization as to the attitude toward them can be made,
probably because Islam, as has been stated, provided no unambiguous conceptualization that could be transposed into practice. It might be said, however,
that happily, xenophobia is not a word that comes to mind in considering the
situation and treatment of strangers in daily life.
As the turn toward inwardness and pious reflection as well as organized
mysticism grew steadily, it could not have failed to leave its mark also on the
view of strangers in theory and actuality. All human beings could be described
as strangers during their brief sojourn in this passing world. This miniscule
amount of time was something infinitely limited for each individual as compared to eternity and was to be used for making preparations to reach ones
true home in the metaphysical world. This made all the strangers troubles irrelevant in the larger scheme of things. Where everybody was a stranger, nobody
was a stranger. But how widely this feeling spread in society, cannot be accurately measured.
There doubtless was a discrepancy between assumptions and facts with
respect to the status and treatment of strangers. It was always true that strangers in a way existed and at the same time did not exist. Both aspects of their
being can be, it seems, assumed to have exercised some degree of influence on
the historical course of Islam.
74
Some Additional Notes

(n. 3) While I have chosen here to discuss the inner-Muslim understanding of
the stranger, the present-day focus of the discussion is commonly on strangers
from outside and non-Muslims. See already W. Heffening, Das islamische Fremdenrecht bis zu den islamisch-frnkischen Staatsvertrgen (Hannover 1925), and
recently the contributions of G. Schoeler and P. Heine to Meinhard Schuster
(ed.), Die Begegnung mit dem Fremden, 117142 (Stuttgart-Leipzig 1996).
(n. 10) Cf. urb al-itirb in amza al-Ifahn, al-Tanbh al ud al-taf,
165 (Baghdad 1387/1967) = 82 (Damascus 1388/1968).
795
(n. 24) However, verses describing the condition of the stranger as the very
worst there is, no matter where he is or how well he does, are not rare, see,
e.g., Ibn Aydemir, al-Durr al-fard, II, 336, V, 274, 256 (in marg.), 469 (Wiesbaden
14081410/19881989, facsimile prepared by F. Sezgin).
(n. 33) Further Ibn al-Marzubn (n. 46), 68.
(n. 37) Poets were fond of the internalized concept of the stranger defining him
not so much by his own physical remoteness as by the temporary absence of
his dear ones or being an unloved lover, see Ibn Aydemir, IV, 141, 260, 357 (= V,
317), V, 16 (quoting al-azz [n. 78]), V, 19 (al-ur).
(n. 46) A work on homesickness by s b. Sulaymn al-Ruayn (581630/1185
1232/3) had a first chapter on amm al-urba wa l-itirb, see Ibn al-ar,
Qalid (Uqd) al-umn f farid uar al-zamn, IV, 455 f. (facsimile Frankfurt a. M. 1410/1990).
(n. 58) Also amza al-Ifahn, Tanbh, 176f. = 111. Note that the sources tend to
give a literal interpretation to wuh faces.
(n. 63) Experience gained through travel may provide superior insight into the
forces of history, according to al-Masud in the introduction of Mur.
(n. 69) The universal validity of the sentiment expressed in the amsa verse
is stressed by al-Balaw, Kitb Alif b, I, 65 (Blq 1287).
(n. 72) An intelligent person is nowhere a stranger (wa m qilun f baldatin
bi-arbi) says a verse quoted by Ibn Aydemir, V, 504 in marg.
Influenced by fsm (n. 92), an 8th/14th-century poet pronounced piety
as the perfect means to overcome the misery generally assumed to haunt the
stranger (Ibn aar, Inb, III, 264, anno 797):
People all over the world assume that
even the most prestigious stranger is humble.
My answer to them is: A stranger who is God-fearing,
wherever he takes up residence, is a mighty man (all).
(n. 81) Tawd texts dealing with the arb have been assembled by Wadd
al-Q in Mlanges de lUniversit St. Joseph 50 (1984), Arabic section, 127
139.
796
(n. 85) The simple idea that boredom is behind the human urge to move
from place to place was supposedly championed by Yay b. Ad, according
to al-alib, Laif al-uraf, ed. Q. al-Samarrai, fol. 38b (p. 369, Leiden 1978).
75
(n. 118, pp. 63f.) Occasional attempts to expel certain strangers as a group were
made. In 821/1418, for instance, it was publicly announced in Cairo that every
stranger should return to his homeland. This caused, of course, great concern
to the aim (Ibn aar, Inb, VII, 297, see also IV, 231).
(n. 129) According to M. Ullmann, Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften im
Islam, 208, 452 (Leiden 1972), a manuscript of the work ascribed to Ab Yaqb
al-Siistn is preserved in Tbingen. It can be expected to hold the key to the
meaning of arb here.
(n. 130) See also van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert
Hidschra, VI, 432 (Berlin and New York 1995).
(n. 141) Appeals for support on the basis of a persons known helpfulness to
strangers as well as recommendations are attested in letters and documents,
see Ysuf Rib, Marchands dtoffes du Fayyoum au IIIe/IXe sicle, II, 44 f., 84ff.
(Cairo 1985. Supplment aux Annales Islamologiques 5), and W. Diem, Arabische Briefe auf Papyrus und Papier aus der Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung,
Textband, 90ff., 96f., 213 (Wiesbaden 1991. Kommission fr Papyrus-Editionen,
Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-hist. Kl.).
(n. 154) After a great teachers death, a younger scholar might feel like a arb
fard, see aw, III, 350, l. 17.
The reported inscriptions from the tomb of the great wanderer al-ay alHaraw (542611/1147/81215, cf. GAL Suppl., I, 879) neatly combine the secular
and spiritual aspirations of the stranger: This is the tomb of the lonely human
stranger Al b. Ab Bakr al-Haraw. He lived as a stranger and died lonely with
no friend to eulogize him, no intimate to weep for him, no family to visit him,
no colleagues to attend to him, no child to look for him, no wife to mourn him.
May God compensate for his loneliness and pity his strangers lot!, and so on.
See al-Mustawf, Tar Irbil, ed. Sm al-aqqr, I, 152154, and commentary, II,
247250 (Baghdad 1980).
(n. 158) Further Ibn al-ar, V, 23.
vi.5
On Suicide in Islam
In a historical investigation of suicide it is necessary to distinguish between
the occurrence of actual cases of suicide and the theoretical discussion of the
problems connected with it. Cases of suicide may occur in any place and at any
time. Unfavorable social, or psychic, or psycho-physiological conditions have
been considered as causes of the phenomenon. Suggestions have been made
as to how to limit, or eliminate, its occurrence. It would seem possible that the
frequency of suicide could be curbed by remedying the conditions conducive
of it. However, under the prevailing circumstances, such general improvement
appears not to be in sight, and, at any rate, the occurrence of various cases of
suicide is and will be unavoidable.
Discussions of the problems connected with suicide, on the other hand,
are much less to be taken for granted. It is true that there is evidence for
the presence of speculation about the ethical aspects of suicide even among
primitive human beings. There are instances which show that men at a very
low stage of cultural development considered suicide as a violation of the
established social order or as an act directed against the welfare of the soul
of an individual.1 In general, it would seem that primitive human beings
reflected along approximately the same lines as the author of the most penetrating modern discussion of suicide, David Hume, who started out to prove
that if suicide be criminal, it must be a transgression of our duty either to
God, our neighbour, or ourselves,2 and came to the conclusion (contrary to
that of the primitive thinkers) that it was none of those three possibilities.
Yet, it remains a fact that theoretical reasoning about suicide is comparatively rarely encountered among primitive groups. During certain periods it
also is very little noticeable in higher civilization. A possible explanation of the
attitude of primitive groups may be found in the assumption that they were so
stunned by the unnatural character of suicide that they considered it a catastrophe beyond the sphere of human reasoning. Such a mental attitude, however,
1 Cf. J. Wisse, Selbstmord und Todesfurcht bei den Naturvlkern 516f. and passim (Zutphen,
1933); S.R. Steinmetz, Der Selbstmord bei den afrikanischen Naturvlkern, in Zeitschrift fr
Socialwissenschaften 10.362, 374 (1907).
2 D. Hume, Essay on Suicide, in Essays 2.407 (London, 1875).
239
798
240
could hardly be expected to have prevailed in the more highly developed stages
of society. Here another explanation suggests itself.
Only in the assumption that the life of an individual is continued in some
form or other after his death and that he will then be punished for his deed
can there be not the slightest doubt that suicide in fact is a harmful act. The
religions which thus convinced their faithful believers of the frightful consequences of suicide succeeded in keeping the rate of its incidence very low. The
lack of, or the emancipation from such religious guidance has to be paid for
by an increase in the number of cases of suicide, but at the same time a keen
interest in the theoretical aspects of suicide comes to the fore. Consequently, it
would seem that the prevalence of a firm, unshattered religious belief accounts
for the periodic avoidance of independent discussions of the problem of suicide.
The correctness of this assumption is borne out by the situation prevalent in
Graeco-Roman and, | especially, in modern times. Suicide was a favorite topic
of Hellenistic philosophy and of the period of enlightenment in the eighteenth
century, when the prestige of traditional religion was at a low ebb. The history
of suicide in Islam lends itself, mutatis mutandis, to similar observations.
It follows from the preceding remarks that the investigation of suicide in
Islam falls into two parts: 1) The actual (or legendary) cases of suicide, or
attempted suicide, as they have been reported in Arabic literature, and 2) the
theoretical discussions of the problem of suicide, both those reflecting the
official attitude of Islam and those which originated outside the sphere of
Muslim theology. Since the latter aspect is the more important one, it has here
been given precedence over the statistics of actual cases which appears to be
of limited significance.
Theoretical Discussions of Suicide
The Official Religious Attitude

(A religion amongst the followers of which suicide is almost absolutely
unknown )3
3 Th. Nldeke, Sketches from Eastern History 72 (London-Edinburgh, 1892).
on suicide in islam
799
a
The Qurn
In view of the negative attitude of Judaism and Christianity toward suicide4
it would appear to be a likely assumption that Muammad on his part, too,
considered suicide unlawful. Under the spell of this assumption some Western scholars have embarked upon the dubious procedure of demonstrating
Muammads disapproval of suicide from several Qurnic passages which
quite generally speak of the prohibition to kill or to inflict bodily harm upon
somebody.5 Understandable though these efforts may be, they will forever
remain as inconclusive as the lengthy discussions whether the Biblical commandment: L tir, did or did not include the prohibition of suicide in the
mind of its originator.
There are, however, four passages in the Qurn [2.54(51); 4.29(33); 4.66(69);
and 18.6(5)], as well as one in Muammads biography, which demand our
attention.
The episode from the life of the Prophet might have been brought up for
discussion in connection with the treatment of the theological material bearing on suicide. However, since it seems to reflect an attitude which may be
interpreted as being at variance with the consensus of theological opinion,
it might well represent a tradition which might go back to the very earliest years of Islam. It is said that on several occasions during the prolonged
period devoid of revelations which followed Muammads first experience of
divine inspiration, the Prophet in desperation ascended the highest hill near
Mecca in the intention to hurl himself from its top and thus end his life.6
It is strange that Muammads intention to commit suicide as expressed in
this story does not appear to have evoked any comment in Muslim literature.
Qurn 4.66(69) would also seem to indicate a condoning attitude toward
suicide, if it is committed for a worthy purpose; for the passage deals with the
assumption that the Muslims might be commanded to kill themselves (uqtul
4 Cf., for instance, J. Robeck, Exercitatio philosophica de sive morte voluntaria

philosophorum et bonorum virorum etiam Judaeorum et Christianorum (Rentelii, 1736); J. Hamburger, Real-Encyclopdie des Judentums, Abt. II, 11101113 (Neustrelitz, 1896); A. Perls, Der
Selbstmord nach der Halacha, in MGWJ 55. 287295 (1911). The problem of suicide in GraecoRoman civilization has repeatedly been investigated, cf., for instance, Ch. Lecrivain, Le suicide
dans l antiquit grecque, in Mm. de l Acad. des sciences, inscr. et belles-lettres de Toulouse, XII,
11.195216 (1933).
5 Cf., especially, W.M. Pattons notable article on Suicide (Muhammadan), in Encyclopedia of
Religion and Ethics 12.38 (New York, 1921).
6 Cf. Th. Nldeke-F. Schwally, Geschichte des Qorns 1.84 (Leipzig, 1909).
800
241
anfusakum). The commentators, however, are of the opinion that this verse
is an exhortation to seek death in the Holy War, and thus, of course, would
not apply to individual suicide. Or they refer to Qurn 2.54(51) where Moses,
rebuking the Israelites who worshiped the Golden Calf, tells them to seek
forgiveness from their Creator and to kill themselves ( fa-qtul anfusakum).
This verse was interpreted by a littrateur of the tenth century as a justification of suicide.7 Muslim theologians, however, are averse to the assumption
that God would command anybody to commit a sin as grave as suicide in order
to atone for some other sin. Therefore, the verse is interpreted not as referring
to suicide, but to a mutual8 killing which was to take place either in the form of
a gigantic suicide pact or of a slaughter of the | worshipers of the Golden Calf
by those Israelites who had had no part in their sin.9 Other authorities think of
spiritual suicide, i. e., the suppression of lustful desires, or of a death through
ba, which appears to signify grief or self-reproach.10
This last interpretation, in turn, is inspired by Qurn 18.6(5), a verse which
would seem to indicate the possibility that Muammad might torment himself
(to death?) with self-reproach and grief on account of the disbelief in his stories prevailing among his contemporaries. The phrase used in this connection
(biun-nafsaka) probably was never intended as an indication that Muammad might choose a violent self-inflicted death. Some Western translators, it
is true, think of suicide,11 but there is very little conclusive evidence to show
that the Muslim commentators saw in this passage anything else but an allusion to the possibility that the Prophet might die as the result of psychic selftorment.
Another Qurnic passage, however, is of a far greater importance for our
investigation than the three just mentioned. This is Qurn 4.29(33), which
reads, in R. Bells translation:12 O ye who have believed, do not consume your
property among you in vanity, except there be trading by mutual consent on
your part, and do not kill each other (wa-l taqtul anfusakum);13 verily Allh
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
Cf. below p. 251.

Cf. below p. 241.
Cf. abar, Tafsr 1.219221 (Cairo, 1321/1903). The latter suggestion agrees with the Biblical
narrative of Exodus 32.27f. Such agreement, however, is of little consequence for the
interpretation of the Qurnic passage.
Cf. Bayw, Commentarius 1.60 (ed. by H.L(O). Fleischer, Leipzig, 18461848).
As, for instance, Du Ryer and Henning, but the majority adopts what seems to be the more
correct interpretation.
Edinburgh, 1937.
Lit. do not kill yourselves (Bell).
on suicide in islam
801
hath become with you compassionate. 30(34) Whoever does that14 in enmity
and wrong we shall one day roast in fire; for Allh that is easy.
Wa-l taqtul anfusakum would ordinarily be translated: and do not kill
yourselves. The use of the reflexive pronoun in a reciprocal meaning does not
seem to occur in other Semitic languages. Qurn commentators, however, are
agreed that this usage is found in a number of passages in the Qurn, and from
them the Arabic lexicographers derived for nafs the meaning of brother or
fellow Muslim.15
The reciprocal interpretation of nafs seems to have its origin in passages
in which the plural, anfus, is used with reference to the collective qualities of the persons addressed, thus assuming the connotation of people like yourselves.Raslum-min anfusikum [Qurn 3.164(158); 9.128(129);
cf. also 16.89(91)], according to the commentaries, signifies a prophet
of your own kind, an Arab like you. Min anfusikum azwjan [Qurn
16.72(74); 30.32(20); and 42.11(9)] is interpreted as pairs of your kind.
Much more uncertain is an identical interpretation of Qurn 10.23(24);
innam bayukum al anfusikum; here other authorities advocate the
reflexive meaning of the pronoun.
A reciprocal meaning is further assumed in other cases where anfus
would seem to refer to the persons in question as both individuals and
representatives of collective characteristics. Qurn 24.12(12); anna lmuminna wa-l-mumintu bi-anfusihim ayran is interpreted, with reference to Qurn 4.29(33), as holding each other in esteem, because all
believers can be considered one individual. Qurn 49.11(11): l talmizu
anfusakum is considered to signify: Do not disparage each other. Qurn
2.84(78): l tasfikna dimakum wa-l turijna anfusakum-min diyrikum is said to refer to spilling each others blood and driving each other
14
15
It is debatable whether the pronoun lika refers to the preceding verse as a whole, or
merely to wa-l taqtul anfusakum, cf. abar, Tafsr 5.22, and Rz, Maft 3.212 (Cairo,
1310/1890). If one accepts the latter interpretation, the arguments derived from the context
in favor of the translation: and do not kill each other, would appear to be somewhat
weakened, though not invalidated.
The general modern works on suicide start their quotation of the Qurnic passage
with wa-l taqtul anfusakum, and thus give the impression that lika only refers to that
phrase.
H. Reckendorf, Die syntaktischen Verhltnisse des Arabischen 399 (Leyden, 1898), has a brief
reference to Qurn 2.84(78) under Reziproke Verhltnisse. I do not know of other modern
works where this phenomenon might have been treated in greater detail.
802
from their respective homes. Opinions are divided regarding Qurn

24.61(61): fa-sallim al anfusikum; among the various interpretations
which have been proposed we find: Salute your family (i. e., people like
yourselves), and also, again with reference to Qurn 4.29(33): Salute each
other.
242
As far as the interpretation of 4.29(33) is concerned, the evidence is inconclusive. From the grammatical point of view the verse in question may contain a
prohibition of individual suicide, but the possibility remains that anfus might
refer to members of the group. However, the context is concerned with mutual
dealings among Muslims. A prohibition of individual suicide, therefore, | would
seem strangely out of place here. Those Muslim commentators and modern
translators16 who think that the passage refers to the killing of one Muslim by
the other might, consequently, be correct.
The Muslim attitude toward Qurn 4.29(33) was profoundly influenced by
the fact that the great abar supported the interpretation which refers to a
mutual killing, and did not even mention the possibility of another rendering.17
For the reciprocal use of anfus a-abar offers the explanation that all Muslims,
as members of one persuasion (millah), one creed (dawah), and one religion
(dn), are like one individual; thus, if one Muslim kills the other, it is as if he kills
himself, since the killer and the killed person constitute a united front (ahl yad
widah) against their non-Muslim opponents.
Far ad-dn ar-Rz mentions some more reasons why anfusakum in this
passage may mean each other.18 He quotes a ad to the effect that the believ-
16
17
18
A few translations, chosen at random in the available editions, reveal that a reference to
suicide was assumed by F.E. Boysen (Halle, 1775); C. Savary (Amsterdam, 1786); S.G.F. Wahl
(Halle, 1828, following Boysen); L. Ullmann (1840, etc.); J.M. Rodwell (London, 1876); Fr.
Rckert-A. Mller (Frankfurt, 1888); E.H. Palmer-R.A. Nicholson (London, 1900, 1928);
M. Henning (Leipzig, 1901, etc.).
Mutual killing is the interpretation adopted by A. du Ryer (London, 1649, English
translation from Du Ryers original French); D. Nerreter (Nrnberg, 1703); A. Kasimirski
(Paris, 1840, etc.); Muammad Al (Lahore, 1920); M. Pickthall (New York, 1930).
Among the scholars who, in a note or through a double translation, indicate that more
than one interpretation is possible are L. Marracci (Padova, 1698); G. Sale (London, 1764);
D.F. Megerlin (Frankfurt a/M, 1722); J. Le Beaume (Paris, 1878, p. 757); E.M. Wherry (Boston,
1884); Abdallh Ysuf Al (Lahore, 1937); R. Bell (Edinburgh, 1937).
Tafsr 5.22. Th.P. Hughes, however, was hardly justified in omitting any mention of srah
4.29(33) from the article on Suicide in A Dictionary of Islam (2nd ed., London, 1896).
Maft 3.212.
on suicide in islam
803
ers are like one soul (individual), and he further refers to the expression:
We have been killed, by the Lord of the Kabah, used by pre-Islamic Arabs
in the case that one, or some of them were killed; for they are said to have
considered the death of one or some of them as identical with the death of
all of them.
According to ar-Rz, some commentators also deny the possibility of a reference of the passage in question to suicide on the grounds that their religious
belief enjoins the Muslims not to kill themselves; for, it is stated, the great pain
caused by suicide and the stigma attached to it clearly mark it as forbidden in
this world, while the severe punishment of suicide which must be expected in
the other world marks it as forbidden with regard to the life after death. Consequently, the argument continues, if suicide is thus clearly marked as forbidden
in both this world and the other, an express prohibition of it in the Qurn would
be superfluous.
It seems, however, that ar-Rz was not quite satisfied with this argumentation, for he goes on to show that an express prohibition of suicide in the
Qurn might after all not have been superfluous. In fact, though all commentators respect a-abars authority, they admit nevertheless that the reference
in Qurn 4.29(33) may as well be to suicide. A testimony in favor of this interpretation, which antedates a-abar and the other commentaries in terms of
direct transmission, is available in a story told about Amr b. al-. According
to al-Wqid19 and al-Bur,20 the reported event took place during the expedition to t as-Salsil in the year 8 H. During a cold night the great general did
not perform the prescribed ablutions after a nightly pollution, and he excused
himself for his omission with a quotation from the Qurn 4.29(33): And do not
kill yourselves; verily Allh has become with you compassionate. There are different versions to the story, which later on also found its way into the Qurn
commentaries;21 it is debated whether Amr quoted the Qurnic passage to his
companions during the expedition, or rather to the Prophet after his return,
and also, whether he made a partial ablution, or rather an ablution with sand
(tayammum).22 At any rate, the verse 4.29(33) was at a very early date used |
19
20
21
22
Cf. J. Wellhausen, Muhammed in Medina 316 (Berlin, 1882).

a 1.77 (Cairo, 1320/1902, Kitb at-tayammum, bb 7).
Cf. Zamaar, Kaf 1.203 (Cairo, 1307/18891890), and Bayw, Commentarius 1.205f.
Cf. also Saras, Mabs 1.111 (Cairo, 1331/1913).
Ibn ajar, Fat al-Br, ad Bur a, loc. cit., gives a good summary of the discussion.
Since the printed edition of the Fat was not available, I used a manuscript in the New
York Public Library, which contains part of the work.
243
804
by the science of tradition as evidence for the assumption that the prescribed
ablutions could be curtailed, or replaced by the tayammum when their correct
execution would entail a danger to life and health. It thus appears to have been
interpreted as a prohibition of suicide.
Those scholars who hold that the passage under consideration contains
an express prohibition of suicide often justify its insertion in the Qurn by
asserting that it is intended as a warning against the habit of the Indian fools
to commit suicide by ba,23 a habit which it would not be proper for Muslims
to imitate.24
Or it is suggested that many a believer might wish to end his own life because
he is afraid that as a punishment for the sins he committed great pains might
be his lot when he will be called before his Maker on the Last Day; therefore, in
order to prevent such senseless acts of desperation, it was considered advisable
to warn expressly against the commission of suicide in the Qurn.25
Further examples of interpretational ingenuity lead away from the simple
interpretation of Qurn 4.29(33). Thus the verse is explained as a negation of
the injunction to kill themselves which had been imposed upon the worshipers
of the Golden Calf [Qurn 2.54(51)];26 it is stated that Allh does not expect
anything so difficult from the Muslims, as is shown by the fact that the text
goes on to say: Verily Allh has become with you compassionate.27
It is further argued that the passage under discussion aims at the commission of crimes and sins which would deserve death.28 And philosophy comes
into its own by an interpretation of the verse as a prohibition of any action that
might humiliate and do harm to the soul, thus causing its true death.29
In conclusion it may be said that there is no absolutely certain evidence
to indicate that Muammad ever discussed the problem of suicide by means
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Cf. above p. 241. Ba, in this connection, seems to signify abstention? The case of Mubriz
ad-dn Sunqur of Mrdn who, while in exile in Damascus, became desponding on account
of his unfortunate situation and did not take any food except water until he died from
exhaustion (Sib Ibn al-Jawz, Mirt az-zamn 412, ed. by J.R. Jewett, Chicago, 1907, anno
619/1222), is a good example of the kind of suicide which the Muslim commentators here
have in mind.
For the knowledge of Indian suicide in Arabic literature, cf. below n. 86.
Cf. Rz, Zamaar, and Bayw, loc. cit.
Cf. Rz, loc. cit.
Cf. above, p. 240.
Cf. Rz, Zamaar, and Bayw, loc. cit.
Cf. Rz and Bayw, loc. cit.
Cf. Bayw, loc. cit.
on suicide in islam
805
of a divine revelation, although the possibility remains that Qurn 4.29(33)

contains a prohibition of suicide. It is, however, certain that from the early days
of Islam on this and some other passages of the Qurn were considered by
many Muslims as relevant to the subject.
b
The ad
While the Qurnic attitude toward suicide thus remains uncertain, the great
authorities of the ad leave no doubt as to the official religious attitude of
Islam. In their opinion suicide is an unlawful act. Thus, at the latest in the eighth
century but most probably much earlier than that,30 Islam as a religion had
come to condemn suicide as a grave sin.
The great ad collections contain special chapters on suicide, but also refer
to it in various other places.31 There are altogether seven traditions concerned
with suicide. They have been handed down with occasional slight divergences
in the chain of transmitters, or, more frequently, with certain divergences in
the text of the tradition. Nearly all those seven traditions have been accepted
by al-Bur and Ibn anbal, each of whom only omits one.
This is a brief summary of their contents:
A. This ad appears as a statement ascribed to God Himself (ad quds).
It is mentioned by al-Bur32 who gives two versions of the story. According
to one version the Prophet was present when a wounded man killed himself.
Whereupon | God said: My servant anticipated my action by taking his soul
(life) in his own hand; therefore, he will not be admitted into Paradise.
The other version adds that in his shocked condition that man severed his
hand with a knife and died from loss of blood. This addition would seem to
imply that an action causing ones own death, even if such result was not
intended or its possibility realized, was considered unlawful. However, another
30
31
32
No decision is possible as to whether the substance of the traditions in question goes back
to Muammad and his time or not.
A.J. Wensincks masterly Handbook of Early Muhammadan Tradition 222, s.v. Suicide
(Leyden, 1927), greatly facilitates the location of all the relevant passages and presents
an excellent summary of the traditional Muslim attitude toward suicide. I have had
no access to the collections of Ibn Mjah and ad-Drim, but I feel fairly certain that
they do not contain any additional traditions. It would also seem that no additional
material could be found in the secondary works on traditions which contain references to
suicide.
a 1.343 and 2.373 (ed. by L. Krehl, Leyden, 18621908). Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Marif 80
(Wstenfeld).
244
806
tradition (F) precludes such an assumption, and Ibn ajar, al-Burs commentator, does not consider it.33
B. The second ad is found in al-Bur34 and Ibn anbal.35 It contains the
following statement of the Prophet: Whoever strangles himself will repeat his
deed in the Fire, and whoever kills himself by stabbing his own body with some
weapon will repeat his deed in the Fire. Ibn anbal further mentions suicide
by precipitating oneself from a high place.
C. This ad appears in al-Bur36 and Muslim three times.37 Ibn anbal38
quotes it with seven, and an-Nas39 with three different riwyahs. It is further
mentioned by a-aylis.40 It refers to certain crimes, among which swearing
by a religion other than Islam is always mentioned. Then the following statement of the Prophet is reported: Whoever kills himself (with a steel instrument,
or something else) will be punished in the same manner in the fire of Hell (or:
on the Day of Resurrection, in the other world).
D. In addition to al-Burs version,41 this ad has been handed down by
Ibn anbal42 in four, and by at-Tirmi43 in five versions. It is also quoted by
Muslim,44 an-Nas45 and a-aylis.46 It is nearly identical with (B), referring
to suicide by poison, a steel instrument, or precipitation from a high place, and
its subsequent punishment in Hell by the enforced repetition of the identical
action. Some versions add that such punishment will take place permanently,
unendingly, always. Since, in contrast to the Mutazilah and the awrij, the
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat al-Br, ad Bur (see above n. 22).

a 1.343 (Krehl).
Musnad 2.435 (Cairo, 1313/18951896).
a 1.343, 4.124, and 4.264 (Krehl).
a 1.455457 (in the margin of Qasallan, Ird as-sr, 6th ed., Blq, 13041305/1886
1888).
Musnad 4.33 f.
Sunan 2.139 f. (Cairo 1312/18941895).
Musnad 166 (Hyderabad, 1321/1903).
a 4.71 (Krehl).
Musnad 2.254, 2.478, and 2.488 f.
a 2.3 f. (Blq, 1292/1875).
a 1.454 (in the margin of Qasalln).
Sunan 1.279.
Musnad 317.
on suicide in islam
807
orthodox Muslims do not admit the possibility of an eternal sojourn in Hell,47

the addition of these words is rejected by them as a Mutazilah falsification of
the original tradition.48
E. The historical setting of this tradition is not entirely the same in all versions.
Two main versions can be distinguished, one of which appears twice in alBur,49 and the other once in al-Bur50 and three times in Ibn anbal.51
Muslim52 has two versions. The story, in brief, reports that a man who fought
most valiantly on the side of the Muslims was seriously wounded, and, in order
to shorten his sufferings, he fell upon his own sword and thus ended his life.
Since the Prophet had predicted that this man would be doomed in spite of the
valor he displayed for the Muslim cause, his suicide was taken as an indication
that the Prophet had not been mistaken.
It is the purpose of this tradition to show that only the final outcome of a
mans actions can decide whether he will be saved or doomed. With regard to
the problem of suicide the tradition is interesting inasmuch as it implies that
no previous meritorious action can prevent the consequences of suicide.
F. The accidental death by his own weapon of the poet mir b. Sinn b.
al-Akwa in the battle of aybar (anno 7 H.) is, according to this ad, not to be
considered a suicide, although some people had feared that this accident would
appear to be a suicide and thus deprive Ibn al-Akwa of the heavenly reward
he deserved for his martyr|dom. al-Bur53 gives a short version of this story,
while three detailed narratives are found in Ibn anbal,54 and two in Muslim.55
The historians also make mention of the event.56
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
Cf., for instance, Aar, Maqlt al-Islmyn 474, ed. by H. Ritter, in Bibliotheca Islamica 1
(Stambul-Berlin, 19291930).
Cf. also Ibn ajars commentary to Burs chapter on suicide.
We would be inclined to assume that the contested words originally belonged to the
tradition and antedated these theological speculations.
a 2.223 f. and 4.253 f. (Krehl).
a 4.253 f. (Krehl).
Musnad 2.309 f. and 4.135.
a 4.320 (Krehl).
Musnad 4.46 ff. and 4.51 ff. Cf. also Muammad b. Al as-Saras, ar as-siyar al-kabr
1.72 ff. (Hyderabad, 1335/19161917).
Cf. the sources enumerated by L. Caetani, Annali dellIslam II, 1.24 and 45 (Milan, 1907).
245
808
G. According to a tradition reported by Ibn anbal,57 Muslim,58 Ab

Dwd,59 an-Nas,60 at-Tirmi,61 and a-aylis,62 Muammad refused to say
prayers over the body of a man who had killed himself.63
However, the question whether it is permitted to say prayers for a suicide
or not is widely debated. At-Tirmi adds that some ad scholars were of the
opinion that every Muslim is entitled to prayers after his death, even if he died a
suicide; he further states that, in the opinion of another muaddi, some other
person and not the Imm, the regular prayer leader, should say the customary
prayers.
As-Saras (d. 483/1090) also mentions the difference of opinion prevailing
among theologians with regard to this point.64 Ibn ajar, commenting upon
al-Burs chapter on suicide, notes that al-Bur made no reference to the
tradition which forbids funeral rites for suicides; he adds, however, a statement
of Mlik to the effect that the repentance (tawbah) of a suicide would not
be accepted.64a Therefore, no prayers should be said for a suicide. Yet, the
performance of the prescribed death rites in the case of a suicide is said to be
the common practice in Muslim countries in modern times.65
A question of minor importance is not mentioned in these seven canonical
traditions, but seems to have occasionally been discussed, namely, which crime
is the greater one, homicide or suicide. Ibn Rad, as quoted by Ibn ajar,66
evidently considered homicide the graver sin; for he states that since a person
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
64a
65
66
Musnad 5.87.
a 4.315 f. (in the margin of Qasalln).
Sunan 2.83 (Lucknow, 1312/1895, Kitb al-janiz).
Sunan 1.279.
a 1.198.
Musnad 106. [Ibn Mjah, Sunan 1.239, Cairo 1313.]
Cf. also M. d Ohsson, Tableau gnral de l Empire Othoman 2.324 (Paris, 1788).
ar as-siyar al-kabr 1.72 ff. Cf. also Nawaws commentary on Muslim, a (above n. 58);
Nawaw, Minhj a-libn 1.225 (ed. by L.W.C. van den Berg, Batavia, 18821884); Ibrhm
b. Muammad al-alab, Multaq al-abur (Kitb a-alh, bb a-ahd).
Cf., however, Sann, al-Mudawwanah al-kubr 1.177 (Cairo, 1323/19051906).
Cf. Th.P. Hughes, A Dictionary of Islam 622, s.v. Suicide (2nd. ed., London, 1896). But cf.
also J. Wisse Selbstmord und Todesfurcht 332, for the statement that the Muslims of the
French Sudan do not accord funeral rites to a suicide. See also below p. 253.
Fat al-Br, ad Burs chapter on suicide. Ibn Rads remark was occasioned by the
observation that the heading given by al-Bur to the chapter in question reads qtil
an-nafs (manslayer), instead of qtil nafsih (suicide). In the opinion of Ibn Rad, it
was al-Burs intention thus to evoke in the mind of the reader an association of suicide
with homicide.
on suicide in islam
809
who committed suicide and wronged only himself is doomed, the more so does
a murderer who wronged someone else deserve the same fate. However, a fatw
of the early eighteenth century judges suicide more severely than homicide.67
No life-long blemish is attached to a person who once unsuccessfully attempted to commit suicide. This is illustrated by the story of a girl who had
become a Muslimah in the early years of Islam and, having committed some
sin, tried to take her own life. When later on people wanted to marry her, her
father (?) went to Umar and asked him whether he should tell her suitors about
her past. On this occasion, Umar most emphatically forbade him to reveal to
anyone what God had concealed (by not letting her suicide succeed).68
The sum and substance of the theological attitude toward suicide as expressed in the relevant traditions can be stated as follows: Suicide is an unlawful
act. The person who commits suicide will be doomed and must continually
repeat in Hell the action by which he killed himself.69 It is debated whether
prayers are said for a suicide or not. If a person kills himself accidentally, it is
not considered suicide.
By far the most interesting aspect of the Muslim theological attitude toward
suicide is the application to suicides of the lex talionis in the other world. The
concept of Hell and life after death has in many religions been strongly influenced by the principle of retaliation. Certain aspects of the legends of Tantalus
and Tityus represent this principle in Greek mythology. The Hindus expected
evil-doers to be requited for their deeds in Hell with the same tortures they
inflicted upon others,70 and Christianity maintains that the limb which sinned
should be punished after death.70a However, the extension of the principle of
retaliation, to suicides is peculiar, and the exact source from which Muslim theology derived it remains to be determined.70b
67
68
69
70
70a
70b
Cf. M. d Ohsson, Tableau gnral 4,2.525 (Paris, 1791). DOhsson, in turn, was quoted
by E. Lisle, Du suicide 344 n. 1 (Paris, 1856). Cf. also L. Westermarck, The origin and
development of the moral ideas 2.247 n. 5 (London, 1908).
Cf. Muaf Jawd (below n. 105), whose source I was not able to check.
M. Asn Palacios, La escatologia musulmana en la Divina Comedia 122 n. 1 (Madrid, 1919.
2nd ed. 1943, p. 149), refers to a number of theological works where the same principle is
mentioned.
Cf. Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics 11.844b (New York, 1921).
Cf., further, the Handwrterbuch des Deutschen Aberglaubens 4.213ff., s.v. Hlle (BerlinLeipzig, 19311932).
Muslim criminal law relies to a considerable extent upon the principle of retaliation, but
its influence upon the concept of the punishment of suicide is uncertain.
Fiqh, in general, is little concerned with suicide. Legal compendia discuss the question
of prayers for suicides (above n. 64). They further specify that no kaffrah and diyah are
246
810
2
Non-Theological Opinions
( a mali non naturali, rimedio non naturale.)71
Proverbial or figurative use of an expression frequently is indicative of the fact

that the idea expressed has become the common property of a people. It is,
therefore, hardly surprising that such usage in connection with suicide is very
restricted in Islam. There are, however, a few instances of it.
Some collections of proverbs contain the expression: suriqa as-sriq fantaara: When things were stolen from a thief he went and hanged himself.72
One author hastens to add that the allusion to suicide must be taken metaphorically: He almost hanged himself, even as people say: So-and-so kills himself
out of rage, i. e., he almost kills himself.73 Such moralizing is ultimately inspired
by theological considerations, but the fact remains that popular feeling did not
exclude suicide as a possible reaction to personal misfortune.
The above-mentioned author, however, is quite right in maintaining that the
expression: to kill oneself, is occasionally used in a figurative manner. In order
to emphasize the great speed with which a messenger on horseback brought
home the news, it is permissible to say that the messenger killed himself.74 In
poetry, despairing lovers75 and ungrateful courtiers76 speak about suicide as the
71
72
73
74
75
needed for a suicide (Mlik rite, cf. all b. Isq, Mutaar 2.691, Italian translation
by I. GuidiD. Santillana, Milan, 1919). According to the fiite, an-Nawaw, no qi
is needed, while the question of kaffrah and diyah is doubtful (Minhj a-libn 3.112;
186, v. d. Berg). Cf. also G. BergstrsserJ. Schacht, Grundzge des islamischen Rechts 104
(Berlin-Leipzig, 1935. Lehrbcher d. Sem. f. or. Sprachen 35).
G. Leopardi, Dialogo di Plotino e di Porfirio.
Cf. Ab Hill al-Askar, Jamharat al-aml 1.332 (Cairo, 1310/18921893, in the margin of
Maydn), and Maydn, in G.W. Freytag, Arabum Proverbia 1.618 (Bonn, 18381839).
Cf. Askar, loc. cit.Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, however, seriously considers the possibility
that wrath and anger might lead to suicide (Iat al-lahfn 12, Cairo, 1322/1904).
Cf. Miskawayh, Tajrb, anno 321/933, in H.F. AmedrozD.S. Margoliouth, The Eclipse of the
Abbasid Caliphate 1.262 f., transl. 4.298 (Oxford, 19201921).
Cf. Ibn Dwd, Zahrah 139 (al-Butur; but the verse is not contained in the edition of his
Dwn, Constantinople, 1300/18821883) and 349 (ed. by A.R. Nykl and I. qn, Chicago,
1932. The Or. Inst. of the Univ. of Chicago, Studies in Ancient Or. Civilization 6).Cf. also the
verse quoted in the Arabian Nights 1.284 (Cairo, 1302/1885, story of King Umar an-Numn
and his two sons):
Wa-aqtulu nafs f hawka maabbatan.
76
Cf. Ibh, Mustaraf 1.229 (Blq 1268/18511852).
on suicide in islam
811
only solution for the unfortunate situation in which they find themselves.76a As
a rule they have in mind a slow death from grief and self-reproach, and mta
to die might have been used by them rather than qatala nafsah to commit
suicide.
The Arabian Nights, which may, however, represent the usage of a very recent
period, use the phrase: Dont kill yourself, approximately in | the meaning
of Dont get excited; thus, at least, it is used by the wife of the wazr who
thought that her husband was bewailing merely the monetary loss when his
son had an affair with the expensive slave-girl Ans al-Jals whom the wazr had
bought for the Sultn.77 The Arabian Nights are also rather loose in their use of
suicide threats (of the type of suicide as revenge). The wicked girl who desires
the execution of the kings son tries to reach her goal by repeated threats of
suicide, so that her sin would cling to the king, who had driven her to that act of
desperation, until the Day of Resurrection.78 The wazr who is unable to make
his master tell him the reason for his sadness threatens to kill himself before his
masters eyes.79 If a lover who is supposed to be of lowly origin persecutes the
daughter of the king with his attentions, she is inclined to think that he might
be a suicide candidate.80 Lovers frequently threaten to commit suicide.81
All these passages indicate that the idea of suicide was not entirely absent
from the Muslim mind. A further indication in the same direction may be
found in the fact that for nafs meaning the whole, or the essence of a thing,
the lexicographers had no better evidence than the phrase qatala nafsah to
commit suicide.82
76a
77
78
79
80
81
82
In pre-Abbsid poetry, the idea of suicide occurs in a poem by al-ans who says that in
her grief she would kill herself, if she did not see that others had suffered similar losses
(rhyme sn).
Later substitution of the idea of suicide occurs in a poem ascribed to the legendary
representative of nadmah, al-Kusa. Al-Kusa was so disturbed by what he had done that
he said that, if he had the courage, he would cut off his fingers (alib, imr 104f., Cairo,
1326/1908; Lisn al-Arab 10.18 f., s.v. ks, Blq, 13001307/18831890). According to Azd,
Badi al-badih 1.20 (Cairo, 1316/1898), al-Kusa in this connection speaks of suicide.
Arabian Nights 1.107 (Cairo, 1302/1885, story of the two wazrs, and Ans al-Jals).
Op. cit. 3.60 ff. (stories about the artfulness of women).
Op. cit. 3.250 (story of Sayf al-Mulk and Badat al-Jaml). The characters involved are
described as non-Muslims.
Op. cit. 3.206 (story of ayt an-Nufs).
Op. cit. 2.303 (story of sib Karm ad-dn). Cf. also 3.202, where the man-hating ayt
an-Nufs threatens to kill herself if her father should constrain her to marry one of her
many suitors.
Cf., for instance, Lisn al-Arab 8.119, s.v. nafs (Blq, 13001307/18831890).
247
812
However, the considerable interest in the problem of suicide which becomes

noticeable in the latter part of the third/ninth century and lasts well into the
fifth/eleventh century could hardly be explained as the result of an internal
Muslim development. The evidence at our disposal points to the fact that
the increased speculation about the problem in that period was provoked by
the impact of ancient philosophy upon Islam and a corresponding general
weakening of the religious influence.
It is true that the political insecurity which prevailed in the Muslim world
from the fourth/tenth century on brought in its train an increase in the number of suicides. A characteristic story illustrating this state of affairs is that of
the tax-collector Ab l-Abbs b. Sbr who perished at the hands of his torturers in 375/985986. Shortly before his death he sent an anonymous letter
to the jurisconsult Ab Bakr al-uwrizm, asking him whether a person who
suffered intolerable tortures was permitted to commit suicide. As it could be
expected, al-uwrizm replied in the negative and recommended patience,
which would be amply rewarded with forgiveness of sins in the other world.
But when al-uwrizm learned who it was that had put the question to him, he
remarked that it did not make any difference whether Ibn Sbr killed himself
or not, because a man like him would anyhow be doomed.83 Yet, the darkness
of the political situation alone, though it accounts for some cases of suicide,
would not have been sufficient to overcome the customary reluctance of the
Muslims to discuss the theoretical aspects of the phenomenon.
Greek discussions about suicide reached the Arabs in various ways. For
instance, a medico-philosophical definition of love ascribed to an ancient
Greek authority takes into account the possibility of a lovers suicide in the heat
of his passion.84
The Pseudo-Aristotelian Book of the Apple suggests that death self-chosen is
not detrimental to true philosophers, but a feeling of duty, like that possessed
by a guardian at a frontier pass, prevents philosophers from committing suicide
and thus depriving their bodies from the protection of the soul against the lusts
and passions of this world.85
83
84
85
Cf. Ab uj, History, anno 375/985986, in Amedroz-Margoliouth, Eclipse 3.118, transl.

6.120.
Cf. Ibn Dwd, Zahrah 17. Further references in Islamic Culture 14.420 n. 6 and 7 (1940);
15.398 (1941). unayn is our oldest source for this definition of love. Cf. also Muuly,
Martyrs of Love 1.26 f. (ed. by O. Spies, Stuttgart, 1936. Bonner Or. Studien 18).
Cf. D.S. Margoliouth, The Book of the Apple, ascribed to Aristotle, in JRAS 1892.234. The
relevant Platonic passages are quoted by Brn, India 2.171 (transl. by E. Sachau, London,
1888).
on suicide in islam
813
Another attitude is suggested by a story about the Indian philosophers

which may ultimately go back to Hellenistic traditions rather than to | genuine
Indian sources. Some of those Indians, it is stated, when they felt that their
lives were polluted threw themselves into a fire, in order to purify their souls,
to clean their bodies, and to free their spirits.86
Al-Frbs exposition of Platos philosophy also touched the problem of suicide. According to al-Frbs work, Platos Apology and Phaedo contain an affirmative answer to the question whether death is preferable to a life beneath
human dignity or not.87 Although Socrates death undoubtedly was no suicide, it has served as a justification of suicide in some Hellenistic philosophical
schools. And it is easy to realize that the description of Socrates death which
was well-known to the Arabs; or the many sayings ascribed to Socrates which
stated that death is preferable to life; or a passage like that contained in alFrb must have stimulated the discussion of the problem of suicide for which
Islam gave an answer which apparently differed from that of Plato and Socrates.
86
87
Cf. ahrastn, Milal 456 (ed. by W. Cureton, London 18421846. Transl. by T. Haarbrcker,
Halle, 18501851, 2.373).
Brn reports the Indian custom of the self-sacrifice of widows and other types of
suicide found in India, especially in connection with the veneration of the river Ganges
(India 2.155, 164, 170171, and 191. Cf. also Ibh, Mustaraf 2.167).In this connection,
cf. also the story of ayt an-Nufs, in the Arabian Nights 3.218 (Cairo, 1302/1885), which
contains as examples of matrimonial love two stories, one concerning a man, and the
other a woman, who both had themselves buried alive after the death of their respective
spouses.
We also have some historical reports in Muslim literature about cases of suicide among
Indians. Thus, the Indian prince Jaypl was released by Mamd of aznah, who wanted
to exploit the psychological effect which Jaypls re-appearance in his humiliated state
would have had upon his Indian subjects. Jaypl, however, threw himself into the fire
and was burned to death, cf. Ibn al-Ar, Kmil, anno 392/10011002; Ibn Kar, Bidyah
10.330 (Cairo, 1531 ff./1932ff.); Muammad Nim, The Life and Times of Suln Mamd of
Ghazna 88 (Cambridge, 1931).
Another Indian prince, Baj Ry of Bhiyah (Bhatinda?), preferred death by his own
hand to captivity after his defeat by Mamd, presumably in 395/1004, cf. Nim, op. cit.
101.
In 602/12051206, the Ban Kawkar who lived in the mountains between Lahore and
Multan in the Panjab, were defeated and pursued by the soldiers of the orid Muammad
b. Sm of aznah. They built a big fire, exhorted each other to prefer suicide to death at
the hands of the Muslims, and jumped into the fire, cf. Ibn es-S, al-Jmi al-Mutaar
169 f.; Ibn al-Ar, Kmil, anno 602.
Alfarabius, De Platonis philosophia 24 (ed. by F. Rosenthal-R. Walzer, London, 1943. Plato
Arabus 2).
248
814
249
The great writer of the fourth/tenth century, Ab ayyn at-Tawd, includes among his Muqbast one which in its first part appears to be reminiscent of al-Frbs description of the life beneath human dignity where man
is like an animal and where it makes no difference whether his shape is that
of a human being or that of a fish. Remarkably enough, this first part of the
muqbasah is followed by a lengthy discussion of suicide.87a This discussion
deserves to be translated here, since it appears to be the only such detailed
treatment of the subject which has been preserved in the available Arabic literature.88
The first part of the muqbasah deals with an (alleged) talk by an-Najn
on the different kinds of existence. This is a brief rsum of this part:
There is a kind of existence which, on account of its baseness and deficiency,
is like non-existence. And there is a kind of non-existence which, on account
of its excellence and perfection, is like existence. In the possession of such
excellence and perfection an individual attains real existence, even though
he is non-existent, and life, even though he is dead, and divine bliss and
happiness.
People are dominated by bodily desires which lead them to destruction. If
they would subdue | their passions and aspire to goodness, they would achieve
spiritual and intellectual perfection and be eternally happy. But man is inclined
to follow his natural volition rather than the intellect. Therefore, perfection is
rarely encountered among men, and it is very exceptional to find in human
87a
88
A coincidence, which is so strange that it deserves to be mentioned, is the occurrence of

the same two topics, i. e., bestial passions and suicide, in a discussion which took place
between Samuel Johnson and his friends on April 21, 1773 (cf. J. Boswell, The Life of Samuel
Johnson).
Muqbast 215221 (ed. by asan as-Sandb, Cairo, 1347/19281929). For another case of
suicide reported by Tawd, cf. below n. 148.Tawd also appears to know an alleged
case of animal suicide (if it actually is a case of suicide): A stallion, noticing that his owner
had mated him with his own mother, hurls himself into some wd and thus perishes
(Imt 2.31, Cairo, 1942).
According to G. Le Stranges translation of The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulb
2.275, by amdallh Mustawf (E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series 23, 12, Leyden-London, 1915
1919), a dog whose master died in Qazwn in 740/1340, began to beat himself against the
ground so that he killed himself. The Persian text might, however, merely imply that the
dog did not leave the spot until he died.
Muuly, Martyrs of Love 1.100 (Spies), tells about the suicide of a female duck whose
mate had been slaughtered. Muuly also reports the fic parable of the suicide of a little
bird during a discussion of love (op. cit. 1.176).
on suicide in islam
815
beings such qualities as charity (al-isn), kindness (al-jaml), justice (al-adl),

and moderation (al-iffah).89
The correctness of this statement is illustrated by a personal experience of
the narrator. He tells us that, in a wd covered with an abundance of fresh green
grass, he and his friends met a man who loudly proclaimed his desire to be a
cow so that he might have his fill of that luxurious grass; he even imitated the
chewing of a cow. When reminded of the baseness of his desire he maintained
that this desire was well justified under the circumstances, and thus revealed
his total depravity. Is there any difference between such a man and a donkey, a
braying animal?
There is, at-Tawd continues, the possibility of fic influence. He reports
the story of a f who expressed the wish to be a donkey, meaning that he
would like to be relieved of the responsibilities which rest upon man during
his stay in this world and in the next world. Yet, it must be admitted, at-Tawd
states, that the fs desire to be a donkey is a sign of his ignorance of the real
human values.
Here ends the first part of the muqbasah. A short introductory paragraph
leads over to the discussion of suicide. This paragraph stresses the fact that the
following second part of the muqbasah is complementary to the first and that
the reader should pay careful attention to it, since he will find revealed in it the
real purpose and meaning of human life. Then, at-Tawd goes on to say:
Recently we saw what happened to a learned ay. This ay had come to
live in very reduced circumstances. Therefore, people began to avoid him
more and more, and his acquaintances no longer wanted to have anything
to do with him. This went on for a while until one day he entered his home,
tied a rope to the roof of his room, and hanged himself, thus ending his
life.
When we learned about the affair, we were shocked and grieved. We
discussed his story back and forth, and one of those present said: What an
excellent fellow! He acted like a man! What a splendid thing he did of his
own free will! His action indicates magnanimity and a great staunchness
of mind. He freed himself from a long drawn-out misery and from circumstances which were unbearable, on account of which nobody wanted to
have anything to do with him, and which brought him great privations
and a steady reduction of his means. Everybody to whom he addressed
himself turned away from him. Whenever he knocked at a door, it was
89
I. e., , cf. Islamic Culture 14.407 n. 4 (1940).
816
closed before him. Every friend whom he asked for something excused
himself.
While that person thus defended the action of the suicide, someone
else replied: If that ay escaped from the dreadful situation which you
have just described, without getting himself into another situation which
might be considerably more frightful and of a much longer duration than
that which he had been in, it would indeed be correct to say that he
did a splendid thing. What a noble fellow, one might then say, he was,
considering the fact that he found strength and the means to commit such
a deed! One would have to admit that every intelligent person should feel
compelled to do the same thing, to imitate him and to arrive at the same
decision of his own free will.
However, if he had learned from the religious lawno matter whether
the ancient or the new one90that such and similar actions are forbidden, it would be necessary to say that he did something for which God
has ordained quick punishment and disgrace in the painful fire of Hell.
My God! He could surely have learned from any intelligent and judicious,
learned and educated person, from anybody who has some intelligence
and knows the elements of ethicslet alone him who knows what to
say and to do and to choose always the best procedure of and occasion
for doing things91that such actions are forbidden and that even the
commission of much lesser deeds is prohibited. Why did he not suspect
himself and scrutinize his motives and consult someone who might have
given him good advice! And all this happened on account of a situation
which was such that if he had extricated himself from it, he would thereafter have encountered92 many things so much worse that they would
have made him forget his former hardships.
He ought to have known that it is necessary to avoid any connection
with such an action, which is detested by the intellect, considered sinful
by tradition and shunned with horror by nature; for the generally known
injunctions of the religious laws and the consensus of all in each generation and region show that suicide is forbidden and that nothing should
be done which might lead to it. The reason for the prohibition of suicide
90
91
92
I. e., the laws of the ancient philosophers and of the Muslim religion. The word ari
can be used with reference to the laws of the ancient philosophers; nevertheless, the
juxtaposition of the ancient (philosophical) arah and the new (Muslim) arah, as we
find it in this passage, is interesting.
I am not quite certain whether this is the correct interpretation of the passage.
anhu la-ntah bad
on suicide in islam
817
is | that suicide might be committed under the influence of ideas and hallucinations which would not have been supported by a clear mind and
would not have occurred to a person in the full possession of his mental
faculties. Later on, in the other world, the person who committed suicide
under such circumstances would realize the baseness of his action and
the great mistake he made; then, he cannot repair, correct, or retract what
he did.
Even if compliance with the demands of the intellect, or information
derived from both intellect and revelation would have required him to
commit such a deed, he should not have handed himself over to destruction. He should not have of his own free will done something which
is despised by persons who are discerning and ingenious, religious and
noble. He should not have broken established customs, opposed entrenched opinions, and usurped the rights of nature. But all the more so
should he have refrained from his deed since intellect and speculation
have decided, without leaving the slightest doubt, that man must not separate those parts and limbs that have been joined together (to form his
body); for it is not he who has put them together, and it is not he who is
their real owner. He is merely a tenant in this temple93 for Him Who made
him dwell therein and stipulated that in lieu of the payment of rent for his
dwelling he take care of its upkeep and preservation, its cleaning, repair
and use, in a manner which would help him in his search after happiness
in both this world and the next world.
If94 an individuals aspirations are limited to gathering provisions for
his journey to the abode of righteousness, he can be certain to reach his
goal and to stay there. There he will find, all at the same time, plenty of
good things, continuous rest, permanent beatitude, and ever-present joy;
there will be no indigence or need, no damage or loss, no sadness or grief,
no failure or difficulties. This will be the reward of an acceptable way of life
and of a long practice of sublime human qualities, as well as a belief in the
truth, propagation of righteousness, and kindness toward all creatures. If
an individual lives in a manner contrary to this, the permanent misery
which he will have to endure and from which he will not be able to escape
will be correspondingly great.
We ask God in Whose hands rests the power over everything that He
may guide us toward that way of life which is preferable for this world and
93
94
I. e., the human body.

wa-i kna fa-l budd ?
250
818
which will lead to greater happiness in the world to come. For if we were
left without His kind care and customary benevolence, we would be lost
and forsaken. We would have to expect a very sad fate at the resurrection
in the other world, and long suffering and great grief would be our lot.
O God! Have mercy with our weakness and cover us with Your kindness
and helpfulness, so that we may turn to You wholeheartedly, entrust
our affairs to Your guidance willingly, place our confidence in You in
repentance, and enter into Your protection with a sincere heart, O Lord
of the worlds!
Various topics have been discussed in this muqbasah, but I do not
think that I am imposing on you, because you are so much interested in all
theoretical and practical affairs. Moreover, this muqbasah is not entirely
uninstructive. I ask you to use your imagination and to put the various
parts of this muqbasah together. You might then be able, following the
most excellent models, to close your eyes before95 something which perhaps might seem somewhat confused and not entirely understandable.
Knowing your noble personality, I am sure that you will do that in order
to do justice to me, your friend.
At-Tawds discussion shows that some people in his time were of the opinion
that an individual was permitted to commit suicide at his own discretion,
especially under adverse circumstances.96 Much more prominence, however,
is given to the opposite point of view, namely, that both religion and logic forbid
the commission of suicide.
The impression prevails that at-Tawd favored the latter alternative. It is,
however, important to observe that both the introduction and conclusion of the
discussion of suicide hint at the necessity to take the whole muqbasah as a unit
in which the various parts elucidate each other and of which the real meaning
will be disclosed only after the most careful scrutiny. Since it was stated in the
first part of the muqbasah that only a virtuous life is real existence, at-Tawds
attitude toward suicide may have been similar to that found in the Book of the
Apple and the Socratic literature, namely, that merely a sense of duty toward his
body should prevent a virtuous, rational being from committing suicide, which
in itself is a comparatively irrelevant act.
Miskawayh, a contemporary and acquaintance of at-Tawd, derived from
Greek philosophy the statement that it is cowardice rather than courage to
95
96
Or rather: to find out?

Cf. above, p. 247.
on suicide in islam
819
strangle or poison oneself in order to escape poverty or humiliation.97 However,

a welcome confirmation of the philosophical leniency with regard to suicide
comes from a quarter where we would hardly expect it. Al-Qirqisns (10th
cent.) long exposition of Qaraite law and religion contains a chapter on suicide
which deals with the problem from the Jewish point of view, but has some
introductory remarks which are of general interest.98 Al-Qirqisn observes
that one hardly | ever finds an author who devotes his attention to the problem
of suicide; then, he goes on to say: And I mention suicide only because I have
noticed that some adepts of speculation (man yantail an-naar) consider
it permissible and maintain that he who commits suicide does not deserve
any punishment (in the other world); for they say, no one else suffered harm
through him, but he caused harm only to his own soul (himself) of which he
is the owner. Al-Qirqisn does not state whether the adepts of speculation,
i.e., the students of Greek philosophy, whom he has in mind, were members
of the Jewish or Muslim faith. Since, however, the educated Jews of the tenth
century fully shared in the intellectual life of their Muslim environment, the
situation described by al-Qirqisn applied to all his contemporaries regardless
of religion.
Philosophical disregard of the religious prohibition of suicide might also
have found its expression in two treatises by the great scientist Ibn al-Hayam
(d. 430/1039), who was a younger contemporary of at-Tawd. Unfortunately,
only the titles are preserved. They read: On making death desirable to man
according to the discussions of the ancients, and Another treatise on the same
subject according to the discussions of the moderns.99 It seems fairly certain
that these treatises did not deal with the opinions of those pious persons who
considered death desirable because it would give them the opportunity to
stand before their Lord.100 We might possibly find in Ibn al-Hayams treatises
another variation of the philosophical demonstration that the common human
fear of death is unjustified. If this should be the case, they would have no bearing on the subject of suicide; for the treatises which aim at dispelling the innate
human fear of death quite naturally omit any mention of the possibility that a
97
98
99
100
Miskawayh, Tahb al-alq 62 (Cairo, 1298/1881).

Kitb al-anwr wa-l-marqib 683687 (book 4, ch. 47, ed. by L. Nemoy, New York, 1941).
Nemoy has published an English translation of the chapter in JBL 57.411420 (1938).
Cf. Ibn Ab Uaybiah, Uyn al-anb 2.95, 1. 5 f. (ed. by A. Mller, Cairo-Knigsberg,
18821884).
One also encounters the view that the meeting of the Lord is something to be dreaded. Cf.
also above p. 243.
251
820
human being might kill himself. However, the wording of the titles in the list
of Ibn al-Hayams works would seem to suggest that the philosopher-scientist
also had in mind people to whom death appeared so desirable that they chose
to die by their own hands.
That verses extolling the desirability of death could be an additional incitement to commit suicide is shown by the story of Ab Amad, a son of the
Smnid wazr Ab Bakr b. mid (first half of the 10th cent.). It is stated that
Ab Amad could not overcome the loss of the wealth and luxury in which
he had been brought up; a passage of the Qurn 2.54(51),101 and the following
verses by Manr b. Isml al-Mir al-faqh (d. 306/918):
I always said, when they gave boundless praise to life: There are a thousand unknown virtues in death.
For example: when one is dead, one need no longer be afraid of having to
face death later,102 and one also gets rid of unfair companions,103
confirmed Ab Amad in his intention to commit suicide. Before he took the
poison which brought about his death, he composed the following lines:
Whoever hopes that he may liveI would rather hope that I may die and
thus be free.
There are a thousand virtues in death. If they were known, death would
generally be loved.104
101
102
103
104
Cf. above p. 240.

Cf. also the various collections of sayings on the subject of death, as, for instance, that by
Ibn Aqnn in his ibb an-nufs (A.S. Halkin, in Proceedings of the American Academy for
Jewish Research 14.123, no. 232, 1944).
On another occasion, Manr al-faqh expressed the commonplace idea that a death in
battle is preferable to a life of humiliation, cf. Ibh, Mustaraf 1.87.
For Manrs biography, cf., especially Ibn allikn, Wafayt, and Subk, abaqt aafiyah 2.317 (Cairo, 1324).
Cf. alib, Yatmat ad-dahr 4.2 ff. (Damascus, 1304/18861887). alib is quoted by Majd
al-Mulk Jafar b. ams al-ilfah, Kitb al-db 107 (Cairo, 1349/1931), and A. Mez, Die
Renaissance des Islms 354 (Heidelberg, 1922). The verses also appear in Ibn Ab l-add,
ar Nahj al-balah 2.388 (Cairo, 1329/1911).
on suicide in islam
II
821
Reported Cases of Suicide105
1
Introductory Remarks
By far the greatest number of reported suicides concerns cases in which suicide was committed in anticipation of an inevitable death which | more often
than not would have been preceded by cruel tortures. There is hardly ever
any blame attached to this kind of suicide, nor does it provoke any specific
comment. It would seem that the age-old tradition of history and myth which
offers many examples of a self-inflicted death in the face of an inescapable
fate or the threat of dishonor has proved to be stronger than religious injunctions.
A few examples will suffice to show how historical and legendary tradition
made the Arabs acquainted with a lenient attitude toward suicide under certain circumstances.
Sanarq, king of al-Barayn, being on the point of being captured by Ardar, jumped from the wall of his castle and thus perished.106
105
106
In addition to A. Mezs references to suicide in the 4th/10th century, some material

has been collected by Muaf Jawd, al-Muntairn f l-Jhilyah wa-l-Islm, in al-Hill
42.475479 (February, 1934), and, for the Muslim west, by H. Prs, La posie andalouse en
arabe classique au XIe sicle 466 f. (Paris, 1937. Publications de lInstitut dtudes orientales,
Facult des Lettres d Alger 5).
Mez mentions the cases of suicide referred to in nn. 104, 139, 144, 145, and 148; Prs
those in nn. 114 and 147; and Muaf Jawd those in nn. 68, 110112, 132, 134136, 144, 161,
163, 165, and 171173.
Muaf Jawd does not indicate his sources, but it is obvious that for the cases of
the 7th/13th century he draws upon his edition of Ibn al-Fuwa, al-awdi al-Jmiah
(Badd, 1351/19321933). The fact that so many cases of suicide are found in Ibn alFuwas History is convincing proof of the assumption that it is mainly due to the character of our sources that the reported cases of suicide in Islam are so exceedingly rare.
An article by C.H. Woodman, The suicide of the Ottomans, in Appletons Journal 17, N. S.
2.533 f. (New York, 1877), although it is mentioned in H. Rosts comprehensive Bibliographie
des Selbstmords no. 2579 (Augsburg, 1927), has, of course, nothing to do with suicide,
but deals with the suicidal policy of the Turkish Empire, especially with regard to its
minorities.
Since the summer of 1943 when I first started to work on my notes on suicide in Islam,
I have had little time and opportunity to do extensive reading in Arabic literature. I do not
doubt that more cases of suicide than are listed in the following pages have been recorded
by Muslim authors.
Cf. abar, Annales 1.820 (ed. by M.J. de Goeje and others, Leyden, 18791901).
252
822
A married Jewish basket-maker whom the wife of the king intended to

seduce had no other way out but to plunge himself down from the roof of the
high castle. He was miraculously saved.107
On the other hand, Sauls suicide is not known to Muslim authors.108 The
silence of Muslim tradition on this point may not be entirely accidental, since
it may be assumed that the Biblical report of Sauls end was objectionable to
the Jewish and Christian informants from whom Muslim historians and theologians received their information on Israelite history. Al-Qirqisn, however,
in agreement with other Jewish scholars, states that Saul could not escape punishment at the hands of his enemies. Therefore, he chose death by his own
hand, before his enemies would kill him. Otherwise, he might have suffered
something worse than death. For this reason his suicide is excusable.109
Some Arab tribal leaders who reached a very old age and did no longer command the full respect of the whole tribe, are said upon realizing their plight
to have started drinking pure wine, until they died. Two of these muammarn,
reported by Muslim antiquarians to have suffered such fate, are Zuhayr b. Janb
and Amr b. Kulm.110 Their action could hardly be called suicide. However,
the third person who is said to have died in the same manner, mir Mulib alasinnah, the uncle of mir b. a-ufayl, according to other sources, committed
suicide by stabbing himself with his own sword in a state of drunkenness.111
Characteristically enough, the numerous (pre-Islamic) Arabs who are mentioned in the muammarn literature never think of suicide, although they are
loath of life and consider death preferable to the infirmities of old age; the same
107
108
109
110
111
Cf. Sarrj, Mari 89 f. (Stambul, 1301/1884), in R. Paret, Frharabische Liebesgeschichten

70 f. (Bern, 1927); Ab l-Lay as-Samarqand, Tanbh al-filn 226f. (Stambul, 1325/1907).
Cf. abar, Annales 1.558 f.; Kis, Qia al-anbiy 182 (Cairo, 1308/18901891); M. Grnbaum, Neue Beitrge zur semitischen Sagenkunde 185ff. (Leyden, 1893).
Kitb al-anwr wa-l-marqib, loc. cit.
Cf. Ab tim as-Sijistn, Muammarn, in I. Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur arabischen
Philologie 2.2429 (Leyden, 1899); further, An 21.93ff. (ed. by R.E. Brnnow, Leyden,
1888. Zuhayr b. Janb), and 9.184 (Blq, 1285/18681869. Amr b. Kulm; nothing is said
here about suicide). Ibn Qutaybah, ir 274 (de Goeje).
Cf. Ab tim as-Sijistan, loc. cit.; alib, imr 78f. (Cairo, 1326/1908); Ibn amdn,
Takirah, excerpts in translation published by A. v. Kremer, in Sitz.-Ber. K. Akad. d. Wiss.,
philos.-hist. Classe 6.424 (Vienna, 1851).
Ibn abb, Kitb al-muabbar 470473 (ed. by I. Lichtenstdter, Hyderabad, 1361/1942),
adds al-Burj a- to this group. Cf. also An 12.127f.
Of course, cases of men who die from excessive drinking, like Ibn Qaratakn who
perished in 340/951, are no suicides (cf. Miskawayh, Tajrib, in Amedroz-Margoliouth,
Eclipse 2.143, transl. 5.150).
on suicide in islam
823
attitude continued to prevail throughout the whole Muslim poetical literature

dealing with the subject of old age.
The motif of the miraculous cure of a hopelessly sick person who in despair
tried to end his own life is not unknown to the Arabs. Thus the attempted
suicide of the poet Ab Azzah Amr b. Abdallh al-Juma (killed after Uud,
anno 3/625) resulted in his being cured from his disease.112 With the later
Muslim authors who are interested in medical curiosities, the cure, especially,
of dropsy through a self-inflicted wound is a popular theme, but the intention
of suicide as a rule is not apparent.113
The interplay of a heroic tradition, which preferred death to dishonor, and
a religion, which considered suicide prohibited under any circumstances, can
occasionally be observed. Thus it is reported that the Abbdid Caliph alMutamid who was certain to fall into the hands of his enemies during the siege
of his castle near Sevilla in 1090 refrained from committing suicide because of
the magnitude of this step. al-Mutamid was not killed by the enemy on that
occasion, but he lived for five more years in great misery.114 The report serves
as an introduction to a poem by al-Mutamid. In view of these facts, it is not
impossible that the Caliph himself (or some later historian) invented the story
of his religious scruples in order to explain why he preferred a life in disgrace
to an honorable death.
In this connection one might also refer to the case of al-id bi-llh, the
last of the Fimid rulers of Egypt, who died in 567/1171, three days after the
mentioning of the Abbsids had been substituted to that of the Fimids in the
ubah, al-id had been ill before, and it is doubtful whether he ever learned
before his decease about this deathblow to his dynasty. Nevertheless, rumors
circulated (in Egypt) to the effect that in despair about the final decline of his
power he ended his own life by sucking the poisonous stone of a ring he was
wearing.115
112
113
114
115
Cf. Tan, Faraj 2.94 (Cairo, 19031904); Ibn abb, Kitb al-muabbar 300f.
Cf., for instance, Usmah b. Munqi, Itibr 2.108 (ed. by H. Derenbourg, Paris, 18861889.
Publ. de l cole des langues or. viv. II, 12), transl. by P.K. Hitti 176f. (New York, 1929).
R.P. Dozy, Historia Abbadidarum 1.303 f. (Leiden, 18461863). Cf. R. Dozy-E. Lvi-Provenal,
Histoire des Musulmans d Espagne 3.150 f. (2nd ed. Leyden, 1932).
Cf. Sib Ibn al-Jawz, Mirt az-zamn 181.Ab l-Fid, Annales Muslemici 5.68, anno
682/12831284 (ed. by J.J. Reiske, Copenhagen, 1794), says about Masd b. Kayks b.
Kayusraw, whom he considers the last of the Saljqs of Asia Minor and whose death he
places in the year 708/13081309, that he lost his power and reportedly ended his own life
by poison. However, the accuracy of this statement of the distinguished historian is open
to grave doubts.
The poisonous ring, as the royal instrument of suicide, plays a considerable role in
253
824
254
Occasionally, the discrepancy created by tradition and religion in the popular sentiment regarding suicide was cleverly exploited by unscrupulous princes.
In 646/1249, the Ayybid ruler of Egypt, al-Malik a-li, wanted to send his
brother and predecessor, al-Malik al-dil, into exile to awbak. When al-dil
refused to go, a-lis retainers killed him. Then, the rumor was spread that
al-dil had strangled himself; he was buried like a stranger, without the customary mourning rites.116 A-li may have speculated that the people would
willingly accept the fact that al-dil had killed himself in his misfortune, but,
at the same time, have no sympathy for a man who committed the grave sin of
suicide.
In this connection it is necessary to mention the motif of suicide committed
by would-be prophets and founders of religious sects in order to deceive the
simple-minded. This motif has been ascribed to the Iranian heretic known as
al-Muqanna. In contrast to other sources which state that he ended his life
by poison,117 it is also reported that he | attempted to burn himself to death
so that his followers might think that his body had vanished from the earth.
However, his half-burned corpse was found in the oven which he had used for
his purpose.118
116
117
118
classical and ancient oriental tradition. rn, for instance, was said to have died in this
manner, cf. alib, Histoire des rois des Perses 729 (ed. by H. Zotenberg, Paris, 1900);
Muuly, Martyrs of Love 1.171. (Spies). Firdaws 7.405 (Mohl), omits mention of the ring.
Cf. abar, Annales 3.140.
Cf. Sib Ibn al-Jawz, Mirt az-zamn 512.
A Qutlu n ruler of Kirmn, Jall ad-dn Suyuratmi, suffered a similar fate at
the hand of his sister Pdih tn, in the year 693/1294, cf. amdallh Mustawf,
Tar-i-Guzdah 1.532, abridged transl. 2.133, ed. and transl. by E.G. Browne (Leyden,
19101913. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series 14).
Upon the order of the Sultn al-Malik an-Nir asan, Eljbu of Tripoli killed Sayf
ad-dn Arn ah, Governor of Damascus, in a Damascus prison. Eljbu then declared
that Arn h had been found with the knife which had caused his death in his hand,
implying that he had killed himself, cf. Ibn Tarbird, Nujm, ed. by W. Popper, anno
750/1349, in Univ. of California Publ. in Semitic Philology 5.76f. (Berkeley, 1932ff.).
In early Abbsid times, Amad b. Him appears to have planned to poison Yay b.
qn and to make people believe that Yay committed suicide, according to a story in
Tan, Faraj 1.118 (Cairo, 19031904), following Jahiyr (cf. M. Awwd, in Revue de lAcad.
Ar. de Damas 18.322, 1943).
See below n. 135.
Cf. Brn, r 211 (ed. by E. Sachau, Leipzig, 1878), transl. by the same 194 (London,
1879). Brn mentions 169/785786 as the date of al-Muqannas death. The most detailed
account of al-Muqanna is found in an-Naras History of Bur, which I consulted in
an English translation prepared by Richard N. Frye.
on suicide in islam
825
Another category of suicide stories most definitely reflects ancient customs

and literary traditions which Islam did not entirely succeed in stamping out.
These are the stories of suicide committed on account of an unfortunate love
affair.119
Pre-Islamic concepts appear to be responsible for certain cases of this type
of suicide among Bedouins. It is true that there is little significance to the
case of a Bedouin (who) shot himself at the nuptials of a wife whom he had
divorced, and who had married another man. It is, however, interesting to
observe that this suicide story is coupled with the world-wide legendary motif
of the maidens who precipitated themselves from a hill top in order to escape
marriage to men whom they disliked.120 Also the customary suicide of unwed
Ruwala girls whose lovers deserted them when they were expectant mothers
obviously has its origin in ways of thinking uninfluenced by Islam.121
The stories of lovers who committed suicide because they were prevented
from being together have persistently lived on in Arabic literature. Usually
it is a sudden unexplained death, or a slow fading-away, which cannot be
called suicide, that leads to the death of unfortunate loversthe death of the
enamored Ban Urah welche sterben, wenn sie lieben.122 In later centuries,
the voluminous Arabic encyclopaedias devoted to those celebrated stories
special chapters On those who killed themselves out of love.123
119
120
121
122
123
In view of the eternally human aspect of the subject it would, of course, be pedantic to
try to press all suicides of this type into the strait-jacket of literary tradition. If we had any
accurate statistics, we might find a much larger number of such cases.
Modern times lie outside the scope of this paper, but cf. an instance from nineteenth
century Persia, mentioned by E.G. Browne, A Year amongst the Persians 499 (2nd ed.,
Cambridge, 1927).
Cf. J.L. Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahbys 156n. (London, 1830). The legend
of the Maiden Rock is quoted by J. Wisse, Selbstmord und Todesfurcht 143 and 439.
A woman who was deserted by her husband is said to have precipitated herself from
the top of a hill, according to A. Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab 96 (Paris,
1908). Jaussen also reports three other cases of suicide.
Usmah b. Munqi, Itibr 2.111, transl. by Hitti 179, tells the story of a Kurdish girl
who had been captured by the Franks and was found drowned in the river. Although the
Arabic is not altogether clear, the text seems to imply that people thought that the girl had
drowned herself in order to escape dishonor. Cf. also below nn. 149, 151, and 162.
Cf. A. Musil, The Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins 240 (New York, 1928). Unless
the girl kills herself, her father or brother would kill her.
H. Heine, Der Asra, in Romanzero, 1. Buch.Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn al-abr 4.131 (Cairo,
19251930).
Cf. Nuwayr, Nihyat al-arab 2.195197 (Cairo, 1343/1924). Ibhs chapter on those who
826
255
However, cases of a violent self-inflicted death are not entirely absent from
those stories. The Pyramus-and-Thisbe motif of the lover who commits suicide
out of grief over the supposed death of his beloved who, being alive and learning
about her lovers suicide, in turn makes an end to her own life, is attributed to
one of the Ban Urah.124 Another version of the same story does not lead to
suicide: A lover, upon finding his girl killed by a lion, kills that lion, then gives
directions to be buried together with his beloved, and, immediately after, dies
himself from shock.125
Another tragic love motif is represented by the story of Abbs of the Ban
anfah. In a dark night, Abbs mistakes his beloved and the girl in her company for some of his pursuers. He kills his beloved with an arrow-shot, then,
realizing the tragic mistake he made, he recites two verses to the effect that
such a cruel blow of fate calls for either patience or suicide. He decides upon
the latter course and severs his jugular veins with a knife.126
Love suicides of a similar type in a Muslim urban setting may already have
been influenced by the Greek conception of love.127 A famous example is contained in a story which has been preserved in a number of slightly different
versions: A slave girl, after having recited a couple of verses about the tribulations of love, jumps into the river; a male slave, reciting a few appropriate verses
to the effect that love compels him to follow his beloved, likewise dives into the
water, and they both drown embracing each other.128
124
125
126
127
128
died from love (Mustaraf 2.199206) contains no cases of suicide proper. Muuly,
Martyrs of Love 1.96 f., 98, 104, 152 f., 168 f., 178f., 190f., and 200ff. (Spies), contains stories
involving suicide.
Cf. Nuwayr, Nihyat al-arab 2.195.
Cf. Ibsh, Mustaraf 2.203 f. Cf. also Sarrj, Mari 294296, in R. Paret, Frharabische
Liebesgeschichten 18 and 75, where the different versions are discussed.
Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn al-abar 4.133 f.; Muuly, Martyrs of Love 1.178f., from the Kitb
al-Itill by Muammad b. Jafar al-ari.
Cf. above p. 247. Hellenistic influence is assumed by G. v. Grnebaum for the Arabian
Nights ( JAOS 62.283 n. 68, 1942; cf. below n. 129). The idea that a noble princess would
prefer a self-chosen death to capture or dishonor, as expressed in the stories of ayt
an-Nufs (Arabian Nights 3.202, Cairo, 1302/1855) and of Umar an-Numn and his two
sons (op. cit. 1.156), could hardly be traced to any specific source, but a burlesque trait, like
the suicide of the bath attendant whose greed had caused him to lead his wife into the
arms of another man (op. cit. 3.58, stories about the artfulness of women), may well have
had a Greek prototype.
The story goes back to al-Ji. Cf., for instance, Ibn Dwd, Zahrah 351ff.; Sarrj, Mari
72, in R. Paret, Frharabische Liebesgeschichten 15; Ibn allikn, Wafayt 5.123f. (ed. by
F. Wstenfeld, Gttingen, 18351842), transl. by MacG. De Slane 2.405407 (Paris, 1842
on suicide in islam
827
Here again, we find instances of the interplay between ancient traditions and
religious injunctions. A young man was forced to sell his beloved slave-girl and,
in addition, lost the money he had received for her. In desperation he attempted
to commit suicide in the waters of the Tigris but was rescued by some near-by
persons. A ay in the crowd rebuked him severely that he had risked his soul,
merely because he had lost his material possessions. The young man went
home and still felt so lonely that only the fear of the hell-fire prevented him
from killing himself.129
While Islam was thus not fully able to triumph over deeply engrained traditions, the great influence of its teachings upon its adherents shows itself in the
fact that the statistics of suicide knows of hardly any theologian who ended
his own life. A noteworthy exception is Ibn Sabn, the philosopher and mystic, who is said to have committed suicide in Mecca in 669/1271; in view of his
eccentric personality which is so clearly recognizable in his writings, his decision to commit suicide might have been influenced by an attitude of protest
against accepted beliefs and opinions.130 But the general truth of the statement
that suicide hardly ever occurs among orthodox Muslim theologians seems
incontestable, and no perusal, however careful, of the numerous biographical dictionaries of Muslim divines is likely to refute this fact. However, some
allowance may be made for the possibility that, if a theologian or a scholar actually did commit suicide, the case was hushed up and did not enter the historical
records. A ripe old age is considered a special blessing and a reward for piety; it
is said that the philosophers who make light of the religious law are known for
129
130
1868); Nuwayr, Nihyat al-arab 2.195. Instead of drowning, another method of suicide
used in this connection is smashing ones own brain.
For the fic version of this story (which omits the element of suicide), cf. Hebrew
Union College Annual 15.445 (1940).
A transposition of this motif into historical reality is found in Ibn al-Ar, Kmil 11.270
(ed. by C.J. Tornberg, Uppsala, 1851); Ibn Kar 12.273, whose source is Ibn as-S. In
569/11731174 the young prince Ab l-Abbs, who was soon to become Caliph under the
name of an-Nir li-dn Allh, fell down from a high cupola (qubbah). When his servant, by
the name of Naj, who was with him, saw that, he threw himself down after the prince.
Both remained alive. When Naj was asked for the reason of his action, he replied: I did
not want to survive my master.
Cf. Tan, Faraj 2.152. It may, however, be noted that the loss of his money, rather than
that of his girl, is considered the reason of the young mans attempted suicide. This is the
story which v. Grnebaum knows from the Arabian Nights (above n. 127).
Cf. below n. 167 and 168. The majority of sources does not mention his suicide.Cf. n. 166
and 178.
828
256
the relatively young age at which they die,131 and the commission of suicide is
considered a further indication of the perversion of heretics.
Muslim education also might account for the fact that suicide among the
insane is very rare. A celebrated case of this kind is that told about the famous
lexicographer al-Jawhar (d. before 400/1010). Al-Jawhar apparently suffered a
nervous breakdown; he is said to have fastened a couple of wooden doorwings
to his shoulders and, under the illusion of being able to fly, to have jumped
from the roof of the Old Mosque in Nsbr.132 Since in a state of mental
derange|ment the individual does not foresee the fatal result of his action, such
cases can, of course, not be classified as suicides.
On the other hand, death as the result of suicidal missions133 and of the
desire for martyrdom occurs not infrequently, since such death is considered
highly commendable according to Muslim religious concepts. However, such
cases are no suicides in the proper sense of the term.
2
A Chronological List
23/644: According to a dubious tradition, Ab Luluah, the murderer of the
Caliph Umar, killed himself with the same scimitar he had used for his deed,
immediately after the murder. Ab Luluah, however, allegedly was no Muslim,
but a Christian or a Magian.134
163/779780: The heretic al-Muqanna, realizing that he would not be able to
escape the enemy who was besieging his fortress, poisoned his family and also
ended his own life by poison.135
264/877 (or 260/873): There is no evidence for the correctness of the statement
of a late source that the great Christian scholar, unayn b. Isq, committed
suicide by swallowing poison.136
131
132
133
134
135
136
Cf., for instance, Tkprzdeh, Mift as-sadah 2.4 (Hyderabad, 1329/1911).

Cf., for instance, Yqt, Ird 6.157 (Cairo, s. a.). The story serves the purpose of explaining
why al-Jawhars i was left unfinished at the time of his death.
I do not know of cases of suicide by an when they were apprehended after completion of their missions. Cf., however, the famous story of al-asan b. a-abb ordering
some of his followers to commit suicide before the eyes of the envoy of Malikah, quoted,
for instance, by Ibn Kar 12.159 f., anno 494/11001101.
Cf. Masd, Murj 4.277 (ed. by Ch.A.C. Barbier de Meynard-B.M.M. Pavet de Courteille,
Paris, 18611877). Cf. also azzl, Iy 4.342 (Cairo, 1326/1908).
abar, Annales 3.494; Ibn allikn, Wafayt 4.136f. (Wstenfeld), transl. by MacG. De
Slane 2.205 f. See above p. 253 f.
Cf. Bar Hebrus, Tar Mutaar ad-duwal 252 (ed. by A. ln, Beirut, 1890). Cf. also
on suicide in islam
829
285/898(?): li b. Mudrik a-, who had been engaged in robbing pilgrim

caravans, saw that he would not be able to avoid capture by Ab l-Aarr.
Therefore, he took a knife from a servant, who brought him something to eat,
and killed himself with it.137 Another source, however, places lis death in
the year 287/900 and does not make any mention of his alleged suicide.138
291/903: While in prison, the Qarmaian leader, -mah, attempted to end
his life by cutting his veins with a splinter of a broken porringer, but he was
saved and later on executed.139
4th/10th cent. (first half?): Suicide of Ab Amad b. Ab Bakr.140
315/927928: A certain rz refused to hand over to the wazr Al b. s a list
of those Badds and Kfs who were in correspondence with the Qarmaian
Ab hir Sulaymn b. al-asan al-Jannb. Emprisoned, the rz went on a
hunger strike and died after eight days.141 His action is not called a suicide by the
author who reports the story, and it is doubtful whether the man anticipated
the fatal result of his action.
332/943944: A Muslim historian appears to be impressed with the courage of
a Russian youth who killed himself with his scimitar when he realized that further resistance against the numerically superior Muslims under al-Marzubn
would be useless.142
351/962: After his defeat by the Byzantines, Ibn az-Zayyt, the master of arss,
jumped from the balcony of his house into the river which flowed underneath
it, and drowned himself.143
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
F. Rosenthal, Die arabische Autobiographie 17 (Studia Arabica I, Rome, 1937. Analecta

Orientalia 14).
Cf. Masd, Murj 8.191 f.
Cf. abar, Annales 3.2191 f.
Cf. Arb, abari continuatus 4 (ed. by M.J. de Goeje, Leyden, 1897); A. Mez, Renaissance
348.
See above p. 251.
Cf. Miskawayh, Tajrib, in Amedroz-Margoliouth, Eclipse 1.181f., transl. 4.204.
Op. cit. 2.67, transl. 5.74.
Op. cit. 2.191, transl. 5.208.It is, of course, hardly possible to decide whether persons who,
as it is frequently reported, die in jumping from the roof of a house, or the like, while being
pursued, do so in the hope of escape or with a suicidal intention. The mamlk, for instance,
830
257
369/980: al-Muahhar b. Abdallh, a general of the Byid Aud ad-dawlah,

committed suicide by severing the arteries of both arms. He realized that he
was unable to accomplish the task which had been entrusted to him, and he
was afraid that he might lose his position to his competitor, Ab l-Waf. The
historian who reports this event is | deeply shocked by it and calls it very
remarkable, since here is a man who throws his life away because he is afraid
to lose his masters favor.144
369/979980 (??): The same Aud ad-dawlah, according to an early though
hardly reliable source, compelled the amdnid princess Jamlah bint Nar
ad-dawlah to live in the whore district of Badd; she preferred drowning
herself in the Tigris.145
392/1001: A certain Bbn, confident of the wazr Farrun b. rz, killed
himself in the bath, because he was persecuted by his enemies after the death
of his master. He was, however, no Muslim, but a Magian.146
399/1009: Abd ar-Ramn Sanchol, ruler of Cordoba, tried to kill himself in
order to escape torture and execution, but he was prevented from committing
suicide by his executioners.147
4th/10th cent. (latter part??): A Christian physician, Ab l-asan Al b. assn
al-Bar, drowned himself for a number of reasons, among them financial
difficulties, illness, and a passionate love for someone elses slave.148
144
145
146
147
148
who killed his master, al-Malik al-Amjad, and jumped from the roof of the house into the
middle courtyard, may have acted in this manner because he preferred this type of suicide
to a certain death after capture (cf. Ab l-Fid, Annales Muslemici 4.364, Copenhagen,
1792, anno 627/12291230; Kutub, Fawt 1.81, Blq, 1299/1882). Such cases are of interest
for us only if some author considers them suicides.
Op. cit. 2.409411, transl. 5.448450. Cf. A. Mez, Renaissance 21.
Mez, Renaissance 21 n. 9 and 341, refers to uzl, Mali al-budr 2.48 (Cairo, 1300/1882),
who quotes alib, Laif 55 f. (ed. by P. de Jong, Leiden, 1867). Cf. also AmedrozMargoliouth, Eclipse 2.204 n., transl. 5.443 n.
Cf. Hill a-bi, Tar, in Amedroz-Margoliouth, Eclipse 3.417, transl. 6.443.
Cf. R. Dozy-E. Lvi-Provenal, Histoire des Musulmans dEspagne 2.289.
Cf. Tawd, Imt 2.169 (Cairo, 1942); Ab l-Muahhar Muammad b. Amad, ikyt
Ab l-Qsim al-Badd, ed. by A. Mez, Abulsim, ein badder Sittenbild 83 (Heidelberg,
1902). Cf. Mez, Renaissance 354.
on suicide in islam
831
beg. 5th/11th cent.: During the reign of al-kim bi-amri llh, it is stated, many
women killed themselves because they feared that they might suffer indignities
from the black slaves whom al-kim had instigated against the Egyptian
population.149
468/10751076: A story of undetermined historical reliability states that in Badd a certain Ibn ar-Rawws was so deeply grieved by the death of the woman
he loved that he did not eat and finally strangled himself.149a
474/10811082: Out of grief over the death of his son Dwd, the Saljq Suln
Malikh attempted several times to take his own life, but was prevented from
committing this act of desperation by his courtiers.150
479/1086: After his defeat by Tj ad-dawlah Tutu, the Saljq ruler of Aleppo,
Sulaymn b. Qutulmi, killed himself with his scimitar. Other sources, however,
claim that he was killed in battle or during the flight after his defeat.151 It is
interesting to observe that Sulaymns father, Qutulmi, was found mysteriously
dead on the battlefield after his defeat by Alp Arslan in 456/1064, and people
thought that he might have died from fear.152 And in
500/1107: Sulaymns son, Qilij Arslan, after his defeat by Jwal, a retainer of
the Suln Muammad h, chose death by drowning himself in the br.
Most sources, however, assume that his death in the br was caused by an
accident.153
149 Ibn Kar, Bidyah 12.10.

149a Muuly, Martyrs of Love 1.104 (Spies).
150 Cf. Ibn al-Ar, Kmil 10.78 f. (ed. by C.J. Tornberg, Leyden, 1864). Ibn Tarbird, Nujm 5.113
(Cairo, 1353/1935), stresses the extraordinary character of Malikhs behavior.
151 Cf. EI, s.v. Sulaymn b. utulmish. Cf., further, Ibn al-Qalnis, Tar 119 (ed. by H.F. Amedroz, Beirut-Leyden, 1908); Ibn Kar, Bidyah 12.130, Fikret Isiltan, Die Seldtschuken des
Akserayi 34 (Leipzig, 1943. Sammlung orientalischer Arbeiten 12). Ibn Kar, loc. cit., also
mentions the attempted suicide of the wife of Sbiq, Isml lord of Qalat Jabar, between
Bls and ar-Raqqah. Some people disapproved of her action, but when she explained that
she had sought death in order to escape the dishonor of falling into the hands of Malikh,
they thought that she had been right to try to kill herself.
152 Cf. Ibn al-Ar, Kmil 10.24; Ibn allikn, Wafayt 8.18 (Wstenfeld), transl. by MacG. De
Slane 3.231 f.
153 Cf. EI, s.v. ldj Arslan; Ibn Kar 12.167; Ibn Tarbird, Nujm 5.190f. (Cairo, 1353/1935),
anno 498.
832
500/1107: The wife of the Isml leader, Amad b. Abd al-Malik b. U who
had fallen into the hands of the Suln Muammad after the conquest of his
castle, hdiz near Ifahn, threw herself from the top of the castle and thus
perished.154
258
510/11161117: When the troops of the African Zrid, Al b. Yay, routed the
inhabitants of | Jabal Waslt,155 some of them ended their own lives by precipitating themselves from the mountain.156
520/1126: When the Isml headman of a village in the county of Bayhaq, whose
name was al-asan b. Samn (?), saw that he would not be able to escape before
the troops of the Suln Sanjar, he ascended the minaret of the local mosque
and jumped down to his death.157
532/11371138: Ibn al-Buqu as-Sil, a governor of Badd under the Irq
Saljq iy ad-dn Masd, had been dismissed by his master from his post
in Badd because of his misrule, and was held captive in the Fortress of Takrt.
As-Sil expected to be put to death and he preferred drowning himself in the
Tigris.158
598/1202: A certain Ibn Ayah had accused another man of having in his
possession a sum of money belonging to the wazr Ab Bakr b. Ar. When he
could not prove his accusation he himself was incarcerated. He threw himself
into the well in the courtyard of his prison and perished.159
604/12071208: An official of the treasury in Badd, ar-Ra b. Haramah,
hanged himself. He was under investigation for embezzlement.160
639/12411242: Abdallh b. Abd ar-Ramn al-Barjn, a secretary of the treasury in Badd, ended his life by hanging himself, supposedly because of an
unfortunate love affair.161
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
Cf. Ibn al-Ar, Kmil 10.302; Ibn Kar 12.167.

Apparently, Djebel Ousselat, about thirty miles west of Kairouan.
Cf. Ibn al-Ar, Kmil 10.366.
Cf. op. cit. 10.445.
Cf. op. cit. 11.43.
Cf. Ibn as-S, al-Jm al-Mutaar 82 f., part IX (ed. by Muaf Jawd, Badd, 1353/1934).
Cf. op. cit. 237.
Cf. Ibn al-Fuwa 149.
on suicide in islam
833
643/1245: The ten daughters of an inhabitant of Damascus did not want to

expose themselves to possible dishonor in the streets of the war-torn city and
preferred to stay in their house and be burned to death.162
645/12471248: Badr ad-dn Muammad b. Ward, an assistant secretary of the
treasury in Badd, attempted without success to kill himself by cutting his
throat while being held for the investigation of his financial status.163
647/12491250: usayn b. Tj ad-dn b. al-Alqam, a relative of the wazr Muayyad ad-dn b. al-Alqam, hanged himself. He appears to have been insulted in
the course of a quarrel between himself and a Jew, and when he did not succeed
in having his case brought before the wazr, he committed suicide (?).164
653/1255: A man in Badd accused himself of the murder of a person who,
he said, had made improper advances (taarraa bi ) to him while he was a
youth. He stated that at that time he had left the country and had visited Syria,
Jerusalem, and Mecca; now, he said, he had returned in order to atone for his
crime. Since no trace of the family of the alleged victim could be found, the man
was considered innocent. His feeling of guilt, however, caused him to attempt
suicide by cutting his jugular vein, but he was rescued in time.165
662/1264: Suicide of the muaddi Ab hir Isml b. rim al-Kinn, in
Egypt.166
669/1271: Abd al-aqq b. Ibrhm Ibn Sabn reportedly committed suicide in
Mecca by severing his veins.167 For those who were opposed to his teachings his
suicide was a further proof of his heresy. One of his pupils, however, contended
that Ibn Sabns voluntary decision to commit suicide and thus to hasten
his reunion with his Creator merely confirmed the unusual character of his
personality.168
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
Cf. Sib Ibn al-Jawz, Mirt az-zamn 498.

Ibn al-Fuwa 217.
Id. 248.
Id. 307.
Cf. G. Wiet, Les biographies du Manhal Safi (by Ibn Tarbird) 61 (Cairo, 1932. Mm. de
l Institut d gypte 19).
Cf. Kutub, Fawt 1.247 (Blq, 1299/1882).
Maqqar, Naf 1.592 (ed. by R. DozyG. DugatL. KrehlW. Wright, Leiden, 18551861).
Cf. also M. Amari, in JA V, 1.256 (1853). L. Massignon, Die Ursprnge und die Bedeutung
834
259
678/12791280: The body of an unidentified man who had hanged himself was
found in the Muains qubbah of the Nimyah College.169
In the same year, a son of Majd ad-dn b. al-Ar died without a previous
illness. His father had beaten him in the presence of a number of important
personalities, because he had played | truant. People said that the boy felt
disgraced because his father treated him that way, and ate opium which caused
his death.170 It seems that the author who reports this story is not convinced
that the boy intended to destroy himself by eating the opium.
679/12801281: A woman who had learned that her husband was required to pay
to the government an amount of money far beyond his means hanged herself,
because she was afraid that she and her husband would have to suffer extortion
and torture.171
684/1285: Because of the high prices and the food shortage a woman threw
herself into the Tigris.172
686/1287: Najm ad-dn, a tax-official in Badd, committed suicide when he
realized that he would not be able to pay the outstanding sums of money which
he was required to pay.173
688/1289: ihb ad-dn Umar, the son of a daughter of af ad-dn Abd alMumin, hanged himself in his own house, for no apparent reason.174
724/1324: A high official of the Egyptian administration, Karm ad-dn al-kabr,
who had met with some misfortune in his career, hanged himself in prison.175
740/1340: A Christian convert to Islam, Rizqallh b. Falallh, also a high Egyptian official, killed himself for similar reasons.176
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
des Gnostizismus im Islam, in Eranos-Jahrbuch 1937.76f. (Zurich, 1938), is reminded by Ibn

Sabns reported manner of death of Stoicism and Neo-Platonism.
Ibn al-Fuwa 408.
Id. 409.
Id. 4i3.
Id. 447.
Id. 451.
Id. 460.
Cf. G. Wiet, Les biographies du Manhal Safi 213; JA IX, 7.267268 (1896); Ibn Iys, Bad
1.162 (Blq, 13111312/1894), anno 722.
Cf. G. Wiet, op. cit. 148.
on suicide in islam
835
769/13671368: An Egyptian army officer, Sayf ad-dn Qunuq al-Izz, who had
been implicated in an unsuccessful revolt, committed suicide by drinking water
and swallowing sand until he died.177
788/1386: The q ihb ad-dn Amad b. Muammad b. az-Zarka died
suddenly in Cairo. People suspected that he had poisoned himself, because of
his many debts.178
795/1393: When the henchmen of al-Malik a-hir Barqq were about to seize
Min in Syria, the latter inflicted four wounds on himself with a knife, but he
became unconscious and could not finish his attempted suicide.179
799/1396: Iys al-Jirjw died while being tortured by Ibn a-ablw, upon
orders of Barqq. There was a rumor that he had swallowed some poison which
he carried in a ring. Others, however, were of the opinion that his illness was the
cause of his death.180
800/1398: Ibn a-ablw tried to commit suicide by slashing his belly with a
scimitar when he was led to the torture upon orders of Barqq, but his guards
prevented him from executing his intention.181
841/1438: A woman jumped to her death from the top of her house. She had been
refused permission to participate in the funeral of her son by Dawlat oj who
had just been appointed mutasib of Cairo in order to enforce the prohibition
for women to show themselves in public.182
889/1484: One of the crack archers of the army of al-Malik al-Araf Qitbey
asked the latter to transfer to him the fief of some deceased person. When his
177
178
179
180
181
182
Cf. G. Wiet, op. cit. 281; Ibn Tarbird, Nujm, ed. by W. Popper, in Univ. of California Publ.
in Semitic Philology 5.256.According to Wiet, op. cit. 75, another army officer, Sayf ad-dn
Iljy al-Ysuf an-Nir, who like Qunuq had been implicated in an unsuccessful revolt,
died a suicide in 775/1373. However, in the Nujm 5.220 (Popper), Ibn Tarbird states that
Iljy threw himself into the water in order to escape his pursuers, but his heavy clothes
dragged him down.
Ibn Tarbird, Nujm 5.439 (Popper).
Op. cit. 5.550 (Popper).
Op. cit. 5.570 (Popper). Cf. also above p. 253.
836
request was refused, he killed himself by cutting his throat (abaa nafsah),
because he was angry at the Suln.183 This is an interesting instance of the
type of suicide known as suicide as revenge.184
893/1488: Similarly, an officer of the same Suln asked him for the grant of
a more lucrative fief, since he had a large family to support and was in great
financial difficulties. He, too, was refused, and he went and hanged himself. The
author who reports this story185 stresses the fact that the officer in question was
a religious and intelligent man of an excellent character.
183
184
185
Ibn Iys, Badi 2.225 (Blq, 13111312/1894).

Cf. above p. 247.
Ibn Iys, Badi 2.255 (Blq, 13111312/1894).
vii
Sexuality, Gender, and the Family
vii.6
Fiction and Reality: Sources for the

Role of Sex in Medieval Muslim Society
Medieval Muslim intellectuals delighted in categorizing the pleasures of this
world in poetry and prose. One author tells us that the pleasures are six in
number and affect all the senses: food, drink, clothing, sex, scent, and sound.
The most excellent and most important pleasure, he says, is clearlyfood. He
has a good point. Of all the pleasures, food is the only one absolutely essential
for the individual. But we should not overlook the fact that the quoted statement comes from the introductory remarks of a thirteenth-century cookbook.1
Authors concerned with other subjects would have indicated different preferences, and there were expectedly many occasions for praising sexual enjoyment as the greatest of human pleasures.2
Our knowledge of medieval Muslim society depends almost exclusively
upon literary sources. Fortunately, they are plentiful and of a very wide range.
These sources allow us to gain some perception of the relationship between
individual and society in matters of sexual attitudes and morality. The problem to which I wish to address myself here is the manner and extent to
which such sociological knowledge can be gleaned from some genres of literature.
The underlying dilemmas in that relationship are as universal as they are
fundamental. One of them is quite simply that human society and civilization
require for their very existence a certain amount of regulation of sexual expression. Whatever its degree, the individual will have to submit to it, and he may
easily feel oppressed by it and tempted to circumvent it. The other dilemma
results from the fact that what is seen as being of benefit to society is not always
considered by the individual as being of benefit to him. Sociologists nowadays
never tire of reminding us of the importance of this fact. In very short order
I have come across statements such as Policy designed to maximize benefits
to the | individual may not maximize the welfare of the community, and The
central dilemma is that the aggregate of reasonable individual desires is a
1 Muammad b. al-asan al-Ktib al-Baghdd, Kitb a-abkh, ed. F. al-Brd (Beirut, 1964),
p. 9, trans. A.J. Arberry, in Islamic Culture, XIII (1939), 32.
2 Cf., for instance, the beginning of the Jawmi al-ladhdha (below, p. 16).
840
sexuality, gender, and the family
societal nightmare.3 We may add that unreasonable desires, even if they seem
tolerable in small numbers of individuals, are all the more likely in the end to
cause such uneasiness to society.
Throughout history, societies everywhere have established elaborate sets of
moral rules, often of an irrational or seemingly irrational character. They will
no doubt continue to do so in the future, no matter how different the rules
may turn out to be. The perfect system has obviously not yet been devised, and
presumably never will be.
The established rules of sexual morality and institutions in a given society have commonly been subjected to friendly or hostilerarely impartial
evaluation, both from within that society and from other societies in contact
with it. Value judgments are even more suspect in this connection than they are
with respect to other social phenomena. Emotional involvement is inevitably
added to the always present influence of general political and intellectual currents. It is hardly surprising that for centuries Islam and Christianity were
highly critical of each others moral views. This has changed in recent times,
although the old tradition lingers on. Western scholarship at least has come
to take a generally favorable view of the Muslim system as reflected in the
theoretical, ideal guidelines of religion and law. It is now a much repeated commonplace that Islam is a sex positive religion and society, in contrast with
the pervasive negative attitude attributed to traditional Christianity. A European medievalist, R.W. Southern, describes the situation in these terms: To
Western ideals essentially celibate, sacerdotal, and hierarchical, Islam opposed
the outlook of a laity frankly indulgent and sensual, in principle egalitarian,
enjoying a remarkable freedom of speculation, with no priests and monasteries built into the basic structure of society as they were in the West.4 Islamicists
cannot avoid feeling that some sleight of hand is involved here; theory and
practice on either side are mixed in unequal amounts to sharpen the contrast.
Southerns description, however, would appear fundamentally sound to many
people today. Instead of sex positive and sex negative one might perhaps
prefer a more moderate definition. Islam always took care to admit that sexuality existed as a problematic element in the relationship of individuals and
society and never hesitated to leave room for the discussion of approval or
disapproval. Traditional Christianity was inclined to pretend that sexualitys
3 Both statements appeared during the space of less than a year in the Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, XXX, 2 (1976), 22, and XXX, 5 (1977), 14. The first is by
A. Zolberg, in connection with population problems, and the second by D. Bell, with respect
to technology and environment.
4 R.W. Southern, Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1972), p. 7.
fiction and reality
841
legitimate right of existence was limited, and further discussion was to be

avoided as much as possible.
The shift in favor of Islam in the balance of scholarly judgment is primarily
due to modern developments in Western civilization which have culminated in
present-day views that ascribe to sexuality a decisive role in all human affairs.
Modern Muslim writers have naturally felt the effect of these views. A recent
study by the Tunisian Abdelwahab Bouhdiba contains valuable insights.5 Yet its
dominant theme is a sort of paean to the harmonious equilibrium achieved in
Islam between sexuality and religious sanctity. The study pays no regard to the
numerous counterforces that were at work putting the relationship between
religion and sex on a different level. It was not only strongly entrenched asceticism that stressed their mutual exclusiveness. An old anecdote tells of the aristocratic Muslim and a woman he fell in love with at first sight. It happened
at the Kaba, which is often the fictional setting for emphatic statements on
morality.6 He went up to her and recited the verse:
I have a great passion for my religion while I like pleasures.
How can I have a passion for pleasures as well as Islam?
The lady replied: Leave the one, and you will have the other. It may, or may
not, mean something that in another version of the story it was the lady who
made the advances, and the pious gentleman the one who used the verse, and
a continuation of it, to rebuke her.7
5 Abdelwahab Bouhdiba, La sexualit en Islam (Paris, 1975). Bouhdibas bibliography reveals
a paucity of serious contemporary Arabic works on the subject in both its historical and
substantive aspects.
6 Cf., for instance, below, n. 47, or the fictitious case of compound transgression, of a man
fornicating with his mother in the Kaba while both are fasting in Raman, to be found
in Izz ad-Dn Ibn Abd as-Salm, Qawid al-akm f mali al-anm, ed. .R. Sad (Cairo,
1388/1968), II, 108. The quotation in Ibn al-Ukhwa, Malim al-qurba, ed. R. Levy (London
1938), pp. 33 f., trans., p. 11, may be a somewhat shortened and slightly toned-down version
of this passage, rather than being derived from another work of Ibn Abd as-Salm, which,
however, is not excluded. The title in Ibn al-Ukhwa is al-Fawid f l-mali wa-l-mafsid;
fawid appears to be a substitution for qawid. The incipit of the published text agrees with
that indicated for Ibn Abd as-Salms al-Qawid a-ughr by jj Khalfa, Kashf a-unn,
ed. erefettin Yaltkaya (Istanbul, 19411943), col. 1360.
7 Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw (Cairo, 1381/1962), pp. 24 f. In Ibn al-Jawzs versions, the Muslim
nobleman was Abdallh b. asan b. asan, no doubt the great-grandson of Al who perished
during the reign of al-Manr. His date of death is given as 145/763 by Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn,
Maqtil a-libyn (Cairo, 1368/1949), p. 196. Ibn al-Jawzs isnd suggests as written sources
842
6
If Paradise was depicted as the perfect repository of all sensual pleasures, it

was first and foremost an affirmation of their true role in human life. It was a
recognition of the fact that, no matter how desirable that might be, they could
not be eradicated from it. Without question, simple people as a rule continued
to believe that Paradise was to compensate them for what they had missed
on earth. Thoughtful individuals, however, would wonder why the pleasures
of Paradise were so much in conflict with what the Law considered beneficial
for the individual and society on earth. They would argue that those pleasures
were possible in Paradise only because their harmful and corruptive aspects
were no longer operative in the other world.8 Another approach, among the
many that were attempted, was, for example, taken by the hirite Ibn azm.
Since for him revelation, and not reason, decides what is allowed and what is
forbidden, he can simply dodge the issue and refuse to consider the argument
that it would be absurd for God to forbid indulgence in certain pleasures on
earth but permit them in Paradise.9 Thus, the sensual Paradise became to a
large degree a symbol for societys misapprehensions about sensual pleasure
on earth. Such speculations imply an awareness of the disruptive potential
of sexuality for the smooth functioning of the social order, rather than that
glowing affirmation of sexuality one may be tempted to see in the pleasures
of Paradise under the influence of modern ideas.
That influence is pervasive and very real. It greatly complicates our search
for historical insight. Let me give another example. It concerns the aspect of
our problem which has always been considered the single most important
criterion for the special complexion of Muslim society, the position of women.
one of the works of Ibn al-Marzubn (d. 309/921922) for the first version, and Umar b.
Shabba (d. 263/876, or 264) for the second. The additional verse in the second version reads:
My soul has made this world and its attraction attractive for me,
But my inner voice warns me of death and turns me off.
Another version depicts the woman as someone who just happened to pass by when the
libid Al b. Abdallh al-Jafar, who was still alive in the time of the caliph al-Mutawakkil,
was reciting the verse, see Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn, Kitb al-Aghn (Blq, 1285/1868), XIX,
142, whose informant was Muammad b. al-Abbs al-Yazd (d. 310/922, or 313; one wonders
why al-Yazd, who was born in the early forties of the ninth century, should have needed
two informants between himself and al-Jafar). As always in the case of such anecdotes, it is
difficult or impossible for us to reconstruct the earliest stage of their literary fixation.
8 A-afad, Wf, Vol. II, ed. S. Dedering (Istanbul, 1949), pp. 84f.
9 Ibn azm, al-Ikm f ul al-akm (Cairo, 13451348/19261929), I, 55; (Cairo, n.d.), I, 50.
fiction and reality
843
The famous passage of Usmah b. Munqidh on the coarse freedom of Frankish

women shows that on occasion Muslims themselves were aware of the difference of their society in this respect.10 Whatever the actual situation, the
theory as mirrored in medieval Muslim writings was saturated with negative
views. They might once have been taken for granted and passed unnoticed in
the West. Today, we are conditioned to suspect and perceive male sexism, to
use a current term, even where the professed attitude on the whole seems to
be positive. For instance, the ib Ibn | Abbd wrote one of his well-crafted
compositions for use on the occasion of the birth of a baby girl. He is profuse in his praise of the many Arabic words that are feminine in grammatical
gender and at the same time designate what is most important and beneficial in human affairs. Life itself is feminine, and without it, bodies would not
be active and mankind would be unknown. Paradise, which is also feminine,
has been promised to the pious, and it is the reason why the prophets were
sent to mankind, and so on. It is all in the spirit of al-Mutanabbs famous
verses:
Were all women like this one, women would surely be thought to excel
men.
Being feminine is no blemish for the sun, nor is being masculine a matter
of pride for the moon.
For a brief moment we are happy to think that a famous wit and littrateur,
who also was a powerful statesman, for once comes out squarely against common prejudice. But then we realize that the ib also counsels his imaginary
addressee to be happy and cheerful. He hails the baby girl as the herald of many
brothers to follow. No particular subtlety is required to see that the entire exercise was meant to serve as a letter of consolation for someone who had the
misfortune of being blessed with a girl instead of a boy.11
There is no need here to belabor the elementary truth that nobody can
step outside his own immediate cultural boundaries, as little, to use another
clich, as Archimedes could argue from postulates disregarding physical reali-
10
11
Usmah b. Munqidh, Itibr, trans. P.K. Hitti, An Arab-Syrian Gentleman and Warrior (New
York, 1929), pp. 164 f.
Ath-Thalib, Yatmat ad-dahr (Damascus, 1304/1886), III, 83f. Al-Mutanabb wrote the
poem in 337/end of 948 at the death of Sayf ad-Dawlas mother. He spoke of the one we
have lost which the ib of necessity replaced by like this one. Cf. al-ur, Zahr (Cairo,
1389/1969), I, 347 f.
844
ties. Cross-cultural value judgments are always based on preconceptions. This

should not discourage us from making them. Our first task, however, is ascertaining the data on which judgments may be based. In our field of study, this
task is far from being accomplished. Whatever can be said at this time is quite
limited and impressionistic.
The sources we have for learning about the way medieval Muslim society
faced the demands of human sexuality are many and varied. At the same
time, they leave us with an acute sense of dissatisfaction and uncertainty.
The compass of time and space, of people and customs, is too large, and, as
compared with it, the coverage provided by literature is too sparse. Meaningful
statistical evaluation seems out of the question. It may be suggested, though,
that valid results might be obtained from intelligent statistical analyses, asking
the proper questions, of the frequency of references across the vast literature
and within the work of individual authors. To my knowledge this approach has
not yet been tried. Considering its enormous difficulties, it may indeed not be
realistically feasible at this time.
It is tempting to project observations from the contemporary scene backward | into the past. This is being done occasionally, but it is a dubious and
dangerous procedure, especially in areas highly vulnerable to the leveling influence of common humanity. It has been my experience that any historical study
of expressions of basic human instincts ultimately reaches the point where the
very existence of differences due to time and environment seems questionable
or, at any rate, the differences appear to be minimal and irrelevant. The more
one learns, the stronger is the temptation to be satisfied with the impression
that sameness outweighs difference. Using the present when studying the past
can only add to obscuring differences and blurring contrasts that the historian
seeks to discover. For reliable guidance, we must painstakingly collect and evaluate the information available in the old sources.
The conflict between what the individual considers beneficial to himself and
what is beneficial to society was not one to be discussed as such in medieval
Muslim literature, certainly not in these terms. The reasons are obvious. Individuals lived for society and were seen as one with it. Societal norms were firmly
established on a religious basis. If the individual was not satisfied with them, it
was his duty to adjust to them. Everything concerned with eroticism was considered a strictly personal, totally individual matter. As much as anything in
Islamic theory, it was to be left to individual choice. But it would have been
considered preposterous to assume that it could in any way affect, let alone
alter, the accepted norms of society.
The religious and legal literature was, of course, cognizant of the existence
of the potential for conflict between individual and society and gives much
fiction and reality
845
information about it in what it says and, perhaps more, in what it does not
say.
Philosophical thought in the Greek tradition was content with adjusting
abstract ideals to no less abstract Muslim religious norms. The Platonic ideal
state, for instance, as seen by Ibn Sn, relies upon preferably monogamous
marriage as its firmest pillar. The family is the official institution that serves
to produce progeny and to assure the preservation of property. In it, man is
the provider. The wife should be satisfied with what the husband provides.
She contributes her proper share to the upbringing of the children, whereas
the husbands duty is to provide the material support for them. There may be
valid reasons for divorce, but the marriage ties should never be easily broken.
Any other sexual activity detracts from the ideal and should be outlawed
as socially harmful and futile.12 Ibn Sn, brief as he is, was still a bit more
explicit than al-Frb had been before him in his discussion of the ideal
human society. And a complete description of the human condition as Ibn
ufayls ayy b. Yaqn purports to be almost totally disregards the existence
of male and female in order to stress the unimportance of matter and all its
works.
The philosophical view of the fundamental undesirability of sexual expression rules out serious consideration of it as a factor determining society. For the
Ikhwn a-af, love is the primary force that makes the world go round, and
is responsible for all worthwhile associations. The Ikhwn do not completely
overlook physical aspects. They give them, however, a small and insignificant
part in the whole scheme. For them, it is the one aspect of love that it would be
easy and most convenient to dispense with.13
12
13
Ibn Sn, Kitb ash-Shif, Ilhyt ed. I. Madkour and others (Cairo, 1380/1960), II, 447451.
Ibn Sn was used by Ibn Nafs, Theologus Autodidactus, ed. M. Meyerhof and J. Schacht
(Oxford, 1968), pp. 34 f., trans., pp. 61 f.
Rasil Ikhwn a-af (Cairo, 1347/1928), III, 268 f. A rather unusual expression of the idea
of the irrelevancy of sexuality seems to exist in the list of homosexuals among prominent
early Muslims going back, apparently, to al-Madin. It is preceded in the source that
quotes it by a statement credited to al-Madin to the effect that manliness (murwa)
is not wickedness and immorality but food spread out, presents given, modesty known,
and harm not done. The list is, it seems, not meant as something to slander politically
objectionable individuals, but, if it is to be connected with the statement on murwa, is
meant as an illustration of the insignificance of sexual inclination for the determination
of personal worth. This is admittedly an uncertain speculation, for we cannot say whether
al-Madin had made the connection between murwa and the list, or what purpose he,
or the original compiler, had in mind. See R. Sellheim, ed., Die Gelehrtenbiographien des
846
When at-Tawhd asked Miskawayh for the reason why there is universal
admiration for beauty, he couched the question in physical terms, mostly from
the language of poetry, such as longing, gazing, loving, yearning, sleeplessness,
and vivid imaginings. Are we dealing, he asked, with physical effects, or psychological developments, or intellectual processes, or spiritual preserves, or are
we dealing with haphazard matters not depending on cause and effect? Miskawayh sensed the drift of the question and therefore made a special effort to
play down the physical element and stress its subordinate role.14 But we should
not forget that in the same circle of thinkers and writers, man may be exhorted
at one time to be by means of his nature a virtuous person, by means of his
soul a higher [nonterrestrial] body, and by means of his intellect a self-sufficient
god.15 Yet, at another time, it was said that he should be aware of his mortality
and realize that
The pleasure of life is animal pleasure,
And not what the philosophers say it is.16
10
The ascetic and antimaterial trend is prominent in the literature dealing with |
abstract thought, whether philosophical or religious and mystical. It would
be as easy to contend that it had no influence beyond a certain, albeit large,
elite group, as that it represented the dominant attitude of Muslim society as
a whole. Those who articulated this trend occupied some of societys most
influential positions. There can be no denying that their views left their mark
on it, but the constant insistence upon and radical advocacy of these views
raises some doubt as to how effective they were in reality.
14
15
16
Ab Ubaidallh al-Marzubn (Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 183f. According to J. Kraemer, the

list also appears in Ibn Durayd, Wish, see Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen
Gesellschaft, CX (1961), 271. Part of the description of murwa is found in al-Brn, Jamhir
(Hyderabad, 1355/1936), p. 10, as I learn from the Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen
Sprache, Vol. K, 247b.
At-Tawd and Miskawayh, al-Hawmil wa-sh-shawmil, ed. A. Amn and as-Sayyid A.
aqr (Cairo, 1370/1951), pp. 140143, cf. pp. 242 f.
At-Tawd, Muqbast, 62d muqbasa, ed. . as-Sandb (Cairo, 1347/1929), p. 252; ed.
M.T. usayn (Baghdd, 1970), p. 255.
The verses are ascribed to Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, cf. Ibn Ab Uaybia, Uyn
al-anb, ed. A. Mller (Cairo and Knigsberg, 18821884), I, 322; a-afad, Wf, Vol. III,
ed. S. Dedering (Damascus, 1953), p. 166.
fiction and reality
847
Among the most promising sources for our quest are all those works which
were not professedly ideological when they touched upon the subject of sex,
and which were always tolerated as vehicles of unconventional thought. These
works constitute the various genres of popular and entertaining literature.
There is, of course, no way to escape from conventionality even in being unconventional. In their flights of the imagination, these works managed to stay close
to accepted morality and at the same time be on occasion highly critical of
it.
The products of popular and entertaining literature addressed themselves to
the unpretentious many and to the sophisticated seekers of intellectual stimulation. Relaxationthe momentary freedom from the duties and restraints
imposed by realitywas their principal line of defense against attacks upon
their right to exist in a world that gives man his only chance to work for eternal bliss and should therefore be soberly employed only for serious ends as
determined by established societal norms. Any kind of entertaining literature
in poetry or prose was usually stated to be a temporary diversion from stress
and strain. It was acceptable as a means to keep hearts and minds from getting dull and rusty through too much work. Furthermore, those who had no
hearts and minds to speak of, those who were considered insufficiently prepared by natural endowment for coping with lifes reality, such as women and
children, the simple minded and the uneducated, were good customers for the
lesser products of this literature. Only little of it was adjudged to be of value
for moral instruction. Perhaps, the best-known view expressing the objectionable facet of belles lettres is the one that distinguished among various types of
poetry and declared some of them morally unsuitable, and that not only for
women and children.17 We are thus forewarned to exercise caution in looking
for social significance in the evidence for sexual attitudes provided by fiction.
It may often highlight the unusual and thereby distort rather than illuminate
reality. Much depends again on whether we put the stress on the expressed and,
more often, implied flouting of official societal norms or on the noticeable deference to them.
Poetry is famous for being the most prolific product of the Arabic and
Muslim imagination. It cannot be entirely passed over here, though I can be
brief. Others are much better qualified to speak about poetry than I am. Sheer
bulk adds to the difficulty of extracting general statements on poetry as a source
17
The legal view expressed it precisely: With respect to the recital of Arab poems, those that
mention immorality, wine, and youths are disapproved because they mention shameful
behavior, cf. Qkhn, Fatw (Calcutta, 1835), IV, 379f.
11
848
for living moral attitudes. Much that ought to be considered has hardly been
investigated from our point of view. Much is still locked away in manuscripts.
It does not facilitate our task that Muslim literary theory was very much taken
with the concept of the best poetry being the most deceptive one, which has
recently been studied in great depth by J.C. Brgel.18 On a less abstract level,
we hear, for instance, that al-Mubarrad expressed the opinion in connection
with the poetry of Ab Nuws that quite a few poets say things openly in their
poems which are the opposite of what they leave unexpressed.19 Thus, the
problem of how much weight can be attributed to apparent social implications
of poetical statements is complicated, quite apart from such ambiguities as
the ones created by the mystical poets constant metaphorical use of erotic
images and language. We must also be on the alert for the distorting effects
of poetical traditionalism which conflicted with the desire for originality. Not
infrequently, it led to ever more daring, even outrageous, modifications of
erotic themes, something with which we are regrettably familiar from modern
fictional literature. On the other hand, traditionalism not only served as an
excuse for unconventional behavior but also masked the true character of a
poets commitment.
These obstacles to sociological understanding appear all the more unfortunate when we recall I. Goldzihers remark that in Islam we find the phenomenon of a peoples poetry being for centuries a living protest against its
religion.20 Goldziher spoke of wine poetry, but it is indeed obvious that most
love poetry was at variance with moral norms commonly accepted in Islam,
at least since Abbsid times. The simple description of a man making love to
a woman, with the audience being left in doubt as to their legal status, was
already quite contrary to official morality. Personal satire continued an ancient
tradition and went far beyond permissible decency in its use of scurrilous slander. Poets no doubt did not hesitate to stand up in the right company and recite
such verses. We can also be quite sure that some poets practiced what they
18
19
20
Die beste Dichtung ist die lgenreichste, Oriens, XXIIIXXIV (19701971), 7102.
Jamatun min-a-sh-shuari yumirna f ashrihim khilfa m yuhirna, cf. Ibn Falta
(?), Rushd al-labb, MS Istanbul Topkapsaray Ahmet III 2486, fol. 58a; MS Yale L-114,
fol. 53a. The edition and translation by Mohamed Zouber Djabri (Erlangen, 1968) was not
available to me. From Current Work in the History of Medicine, 92 (Oct.Dec. 1976), I learn
that parts of the work were treated in Erlangen dissertations by A. Husni-Pasha (1975), B.
al-Khouri (1975), and G. al-Bayati (1976).
I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, Eng. trans. C.R. Barber and S.M. Stern (London, 19671971), I,
35. In early Islamic times, a poet excused himself for his verses on wine in these words: I
had too much to say, and therefore spoke as poets do (ibid.).
fiction and reality
849
spoke about in their poetry and defied conventional mores in the way they
lived, and we would not need the | ample indications we have from literature
to assure us that the life-style ostensibly advocated by them was also practiced
at times by others.
The word protest used by Goldziher is certainly appropriate. Many poets
might have denied the intent to protest, but the workings of the poetical
imagination, regardless of the realities that might have inspired it, registered a
protest against prescribed social attitudes. The point at issue is again the extent
to which the poetical imagination reflected feelings and attitudes shared by the
people in general. Poetry possessed vast public appeal beyond literary coteries
and the leadership elite which were its primary audience. It can be assumed
that poets expressed sentiments widely shared by and typical of society as a
whole. Their sentiments, however, were not indicative of any large-scale open
rejection of norms that were accepted as the proper guidelines for individual
behavior. They remained, so to speak, a silent protest, confirming acceptance
of, if not satisfaction with, things as they were.
It would be nonsensical to argue that there is anything the poets say about
sexual behavior that did not have its large role in reality. The apparent closeness of spiritual to earthly love in poetry is a familiar phenomenon much
commented upon. The great Ibn Arab often expressed his mystic ideas in fervent, erotical imagery. Now, he had a son who wrote erotic verses that were
clearly meant to be anything but mystical. The fictional eroticism of both father
and son must be taken as true reflections of social experience. The religiously
charged environment in which the elder Ibn Arab moved in Syria was complemented by another sort of environment in which his son moved and in which
probably almost anything went, if within anxiously watched limits of outward
propriety.
The palpable and pervasive respect for propriety usually felt mutes the
protest proclaimed by the imagination. Poetry allows some glimpses at a reality
very different from the official ideal, a small and in its total significance minor
slice of reality. Most importantly it confirms that the desire for erotical expression beyond that approved by society was always alive.
A much smaller but significant part of fictional entertaining literature is the
prose romance. Much less demanding than poetry and other literary genres, it
had a large popular following. It appealed to the young and helped to shape
their perception of life. Moreover it can be assumed to have tempered imagination with a certain regard for the level of experience of its mass audience.
Nearly all Arabic prose romances are concerned with heroic warfare. They were
intended to give religious and political inspiration. Eroticism as such has little
12
850
13
room in them. Therefore, it is all the more interesting that a large number of
daring erotic episodes is found incorporated in them. The Fut ash-Shm, the
novelistic elaboration of the edifying theme of the Muslim conquest of Syria, for
example, is of quite recent date in its published form,21 but the basic materials
of the | compilation are certainly medieval. In it, we find women and children
ghosting in the background. That was their traditional role when men fought
the good and bloody fight. But at regular intervals, we also find women very
much in the foreground of action, much more so than is warranted by the actual
history of even the early years of Islam.
We see the women of the enemy whose fate it is to learn new domestic
duties, the better to serve the conquerors.22 Then, there are the interfaith love
incidents created by the religious conflict. They drag out over many pages. The
wife or sweetheart refuses to accept the new religion adopted by her man when
he becomes separated from her. She remains Christian, he searches for her, they
fight, she kills herself, he is offered a beautiful captive who turns out to be the
daughter of the Christian Emperor (Fut, I, 5156). More frequently, the girl is
given a positive role. The daughter of the lord of Aleppo was desired by the son
of the lord of Azz when they all were still Christians. When she converted to
Islam, it inspired him, too, to adopt Islam to win her hand, to be instrumental
in the assassination of his own Christian father, and so onit is a long story (I,
186f.). At times, it seems as if the ancient motif of love transcending political
barriers is made to serve far beyond the call of historical and fictional duty, and
the Muslim success appears to derive primarily from the valor and innocence
of noble maidens in the enemy camp.23
From the erotic point of view, the motifs border occasionally on the risqu:
a princess has a secret love affair, gives birth to a boy, abandons him, the
foundling is brought up like a prince by another king, sent off to be married to
his mother (neither, of course, knowing about the relationship), is captured by
the Muslims, his intended bride/mother enters the Muslim camp pretending to
have converted, is told by the Arab leader that the Prophet had revealed to him
in a dream that the young man was in reality her son, mother and son recognize
each other, both become Muslims, she delivers her royal fathers castle into the
hands of the Muslims (II, 7582). Or, a princess defeats all suitors in the stadium,
21
22
23
I used the text of the Fut ash-Sham printed in Cairo in 1354/1935.

The captured daughter of the Birq is given to Abdallh b. Jafar who teaches her (Arabic)
cooking; she was already expert in Persian and Byzantine cooking, cf. ibid., I, 66.
Even the huris in Paradise make converts by appearing to high-ranking Christians in
dreams (ibid., II, 59).
fiction and reality
851
is appointed commander of the anti-Muslim forces, falls in love with a prince

in the army, declares her love to him, is found out by a cousin of hers who in
turn had fallen in love with her, the cousin seizes her, declares himself in favor
of the Muslim cause, helps the Muslims in their enterprise while, I am sorry to
report, the girl disappears from the story for about a dozen pages; she eventually
also converts to Islam and is married off to the cousin (II, 8498). Here we have
potential incest, free love, female masculinity, but everything is handled most
properly and leads to the proper Muslim denouement according to accepted
social norms.
Even more significant is the part played by Muslim women. There are mys|terious knights in shining armor, fighting heroically. When approached, they turn
out to be women, the sister of one Muslim leader (I, 2733), the wife of another
(I, 4447, 79), showing their faithfulness and devotion to brother or husband
and in a way outperforming them in effectiveness in the cause of Islam. And
for a dozen or so pages, in the description of the battle of the Yarmk, a stellar
cast of heroic women fills the traditional role of Bedouin women of inciting the
men to bravery and, moreover, doing brave deeds themselves far beyond any
historical reality. To be sure, they are encouraged at the beginning of the battle
by a man, the Muslim leader, who gives them a short pep talk. He starts cheerfully with an out-of-context quotation from the hadith: Women are defective
in intelligence and religion (I, 133).24 For obvious reasons, it is left unsaid but
is apparently implied that now the women have the opportunity to prove the
Prophet wrong, and they do go on to act most intelligently in the true religious
spirit.
It all tends to show that the author or prose bard tried to express two
somewhat conflicting realities. On the one hand, we have a muted protest
against the restricted status of women in his time. The basic theme of the
greater freedom of women in early Islam is historically quite true; women then
possessed more independence and were able to use it to the best advantage
of society. The theme is not unknown also to high literature and seems to have
been endorsed as a recommendable model that should, but did not, correspond
to reality.25 It must have pleased the large female segment of the audience, and
it probably also appealed to the secret longings of the men for more shared
24
25
For the hadith cf. A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane (Leiden, 19361969), VI, 539, lines 911.
Al-Ji argued at length in the Kitb al-Qiyn that in early Islamic times, it had been
permissible to converse with women and look at them. Cf. also Amad b. a-ayyib
as-Sarakhs as quoted in Jawmi al-ladhdha, MS Istanbul Fatih 3729, fol. 65.
14
852
15
experience among the sexes. On the other hand, everything is very proper
according to Islam, brothers and sisters, husbands and wives, foreign maidens
being servants or instruments in the cause of Islam. It is also all very chaste, no
explicitness of any sort, hardly even in the vocabulary, fully appropriate even
for young ears.
The picture is only slightly different in novels whose subject is not the heroic
age during which virtue and propriety ruled supreme without question but
is closer to the contemporary scene. The seamier sides of urban civilization
cannot be entirely overlooked and are occasionally mentioned. Down-to-earth
jokes are not unknown. Whatever love interest occurs is as chaste and proper
and subdued as could be wished.26
As The Thousand and One Nights shows, entertaining fiction without pretense to history was not very different in its moral outlook. In a corpus as vast
and of | such composite origin, we should not be surprised to encounter at
times dubious anecdotes derived from the more sophisticated literature, as well
as occasional portrayals of unromantic reality. Physical love and erotic beauty
are explicitly described in prose and in poetic insertions. The descriptions may
have been shocking to earlier generations in the modern West, but in general
they show more artistic merit than can be found in much comparable modern literature. Men and women are often depicted as being very little restricted
in their opportunities of meeting each other and making love. The legalists
who were convinced that every societal and individual evil starts with the most
innocent contact between the sexes27 would, of course, have been shocked, just
as the poetry quoted would have shocked those who viewed all love poetry as
dangerous to morality. We find, however, a similar dichotomy here as in the historical novels. The vulgar anecdotes are usually obvious intrusions; storytellers
are unlikely to have ever used them. They are canceled out by a large number
of educational discourses and sermons on conventional morality. Sexual misbehavior is almost always presented as the doings of despicable characters,28
or as practiced by lecherous fools leading to the deserved punishment, or as
something to be passed over in silence.29
26
27
28
29
H. Wangelin, Das arabische Volksbuch vom Knig aahir Baibars (Stuttgart, 1936), p. 305.
A recent analysis of the literature, which pays attention to its relation to reality, is U. Steinbach, t al-Himma (Wiesbaden, 1972), cf. pp. 102105, on love stories in the romances.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzya, a-uruq al-ukmya (Cairo, 1372/1953), p. 281.
For instance, practically the only appearance of acknowledged lesbianism occurs in the
story of King Umar b. an-Numn and his sons where the ugly witch Dht ad-dawh is
accused of it (390th Night of the Calcutta edition).
Cf., for instance, the missing story of the third eunuch in the 40th night.
fiction and reality
853
True love has its misfortunes and sad consequences. Happily, it starts out
most often with a proper Muslim marriage or leads to one lasting forever. Violence, cruelty, and poverty are plentiful and important reflections of reality
in The Thousand and One Nights. Their role as factors in society is commonly
underplayed, I think, whereas romantic love freely expressed exercises a hold
over the imagination much more powerful than reality warranted. This indicates a certain longing to break away from recommended moral norms. Yet, it
is more than counterbalanced by the always evident desire to convey satisfaction with the established order. The reality of urban social life is assumed to be
morally acceptable and governed largely by healthy Muslim standards.
The poets and writers of fiction can tell us a good deal, but the branch of adab
literature most commonly understood by the term holds by far the greatest
promise of serving as a source for us to get behind official attitudes and gain
an insight into what real people thought and how they judged actions. It is well
known that this branch of adab literature is hard to define. It consists of topically arranged accumulations of aphorisms, prose mini-essays, and snatches
of verse, rather than full-blown poems. It deals with a large variety of problems of language and literature and, above all, of ethical and practical behavior.
The numerous long works on love belong to it. It also includes the books more
specifically dealing with sexual matters, even some of those by physicians. A
distinguished scientist | and physician of the twelfth century indicates the purpose of his erotic work in these words: I have decided to write a book serious
as well as humorous, literary and entertaining as well as medical, theoretical
as well as practical, conversational (?) as well as philosophical.30 By all odds
the most valuable preserved work of the genre is the Jawmi al-ladhdha by a
certain Ab l-asan Al b. Nar al-Ktib, probably of the late tenth century. Its
introductory words contain a convincing justification for doing something that
in less skilled hands and coarser minds could easily turn out to be objectionable. The argument uses two premises generally accepted as valid in Muslim
scientific thought: for one, sex is an animal pleasure that man shares with
animals, and, second, man possesses superiority over all animals by virtue of
30
Fa-qad ajmatu al inshi kitbin jiddyin hazlyin adabyin ibbyin ilmyin amalyin nidmyin (?) ikmyin, cf. as-Samawal b. Yay al-Maghrib, Nuzhat al-abb (al-ab) wamusharat dhaw al-albb ( f musharat al-abb), MS Istanbul Aya Sofya 2129 (written
in Dh l-Qada 1113/April 1702), and MS Paris Ar. 3054. The Istanbul MS may have ilm
as the last word; the correct reading of what I have pointed nidm remains to be established. Part of the work formed the subject of an Erlangen dissertation by T. Haddad (1976),
cf. Current Work, above, n. 19.
16
854
17
his being endowed with reason. It follows that human sexual activity must be
combined with the best cultural and literary attitudes and the finest verbal
expressions.31 As a consequence, the Jawmi al-ladhdha and other works of
the kind tend to be in the best literary tradition and are valuable sources for
societal attitudes.
The literary form of adab often requires presenting all sides of controversial
subjects. The various views are reported, as it were, impartially, without stating
the authors preference except indirectly. The pious Ibn al-Jawz would entitle
his work on love The Censure of Passion. In spite of the works definite slant
in that direction, it does not slight any aspect of love. The conventional stance
of impartial reporting subscribed to by Muslim scholarship is helpful in many
ways but often leaves unanswered the question of social reality as seen by an
author. Take, for instance, the question of polygamy. Al-ajjj, the formidable
Umayyad governor, expresses the opinion that a mans pleasure is complete
only when he has four free women as wives. Right away, a poet takes the hint,
sells everything he owns, marries four women for a substantial dowry, is very
much disappointed in all of them, and describes his plight in suitable verses as
befits a poet.32 A Bedouin, apparently in more modest circumstances, thinks
that a man who does not have two wives has not tasted the sweetness of life.
So he marries two wives and regrets it.33 A historian tells us about the actual
case of three murders as the result of a mans having taken a second wife in
addition to his cousin to whom he was married: Three persons are gone as
a result of the passion of the soul that | incites to evilmay God protect
us from the wicked afflictions of Satan.34 Predictably, we are not told in so
many words what the authors, in reporting anecdote or fact, thought of the
official view of polygamy. We know that for economic, if no other reasons,
monogamy was the prevalent type of marriage in society at large. Thus, we are
probably justified in taking these stories to be the closestand, in fact, the only
possibleapproach to expressing doubt in the ultimate wisdom of one of the
established rules governing marital practice.
Or take a subject that is natural enough but quite unthinkable according to
official Muslim standards of behavior, that is, the case of the bride who is several
months pregnant when her father gives her away on the wedding day. It does
31
32
33
34
Masin al-adab wa-lafat al-khib. I used MS Istanbul Fatih 3729 (written in Rab II
582/JuneJuly 1186).
Al-Ql, Aml, Dhayl (Cairo, 1373/1953), III, 47 f.
Cf. ibid., II, 34. Cf. as-Subk, abaqt ash-Shfiya (Cairo 1383/1964), IX, 424.
Al-awdith al-jmia, wrongly ascribed to Ibn al-Fuwa (Baghdd, 1351/1932), p. 452.
fiction and reality
855
not seem to be a common topic in adab literature but has found its small place
in it.35 Two tenth-century poets chose to write a few clever verses about it. In
the one case, it is stated that the bride was pregnant by her future husband:
Ab Bakr al-Khuwrizm on a man whose daughter was given away to her
bridegroom while she was several months pregnant by him:
O you who are giving away the girl after she has been deflowered,
You are seasoning the pot after it has been overturned.
It is just as the proverb says:
The house was whitewashed after having fallen in ruins.36
In the other case, it is seemingly implied that the bride had had relations with
another man:
Malma37 who has just been given in marriage to Ibn Umar
Gave birth to a male child on her wedding night.
I said: Where is this boy from, since no human hand has touched her?
Her husband said to me: Is it not reported in a well-attested tradition
that
A mans child belongs to the bed,
And to the bastard the stone?38
I said: Congratulations to you on his birth,
In spite of those who disagree with the tradition.39
The verses are satirical, and in satire, as we have mentioned, every kind of
slander was considered permissible. The poets do not give us the impression
that they are describing a very unusual occurrence. But how common, we may
ask, is the reality behind it? More to the point, do these verses, despite the
malicious snicker, reveal a certain tolerance of disapproved behavior, and do
they allow us to suspect some serious questioning of the validity of established
morality concealed behind jocose banter? The answer, I believe, should be that
35
36
37
38
39
Ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart al-udab (Blq, 12861287/18691870), II, 141.

Ath-Thalib, Yatmat ad-dahr, IV, 147. On Ab Bakr al-Khuwrizm, who died around 1000,
cf. F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Vol. II (Leiden, 1975), pp. 635f.
Wronged girl appears to have been used here as a proper name. The first verse is omitted
in ar-Rghib al-Ifahns quotation (see n. 35).
The interpretation of the second half of the famous hadith is very much debated.
Kushjim, Dwn, ed. Khayryah M. Maf (Baghdd, 1390/1970), p. 274.
18
856
19
indeed there is some but not much. It would again seem to be a muted protest,
one that would quickly melt away if it were to come out in the open and were
forced to confront societal disapproval.
Somewhat surprisingly, the adab literature occasionally expressed doubt
as to the morality of its own outspokenness. The use of explicit language in
literature was summarily proscribed in recent times in the West, which can
probably claim this as a unique distinction. It still strikes us as a bit strange
even today when we find the great Ibn Arab addressing a legal question to his
infant daughter who was not yet able to speak and, lo and behold, he hears
her talk and give the right answer to the astonishment of everybody present.
It is not so much the miracle that seems strange but that Ibn Arab should
have asked the infant girl of all things about some problem of ritual purity
resulting from sexual intercourse.40 I believe that today, however, we would
no longer dare to draw totally unwarranted conclusions from the multiplicity
of detailed terms for sexual life gathered by the Arab philologians. This is
something that G. Levi Della Vida rejected with his usual good sense and quiet
logic.41
Two of the most eminent of Arabic littrateurs of the so-called Golden Age,
al-Ji and Ibn Qutayba, found it advisable to apologize for their outspokenness. When specific biological terms are used, al-Ji says, some people make a
show of piety. They cringe and recoil in embarrassment. Most of them are men
whose modesty, good breeding, talent, and dignity do not go beyond this sort
of affectation. Their hypocrisy only reflects on them and shows their meanness
. These words were invented, he continues, to be employed by the speakers
of the language. If they had been meant to be left unspoken, there would be no
point in their having come into being in the first place, and it would be in the
interest of the sacred character (?, prudence?) and the preservation of the Arabic language if these words were entirely eliminated from it. In addition, there
are enough examples for their use by, or in the presence of, the Prophet and
the greatest of the early Muslims to make them generally acceptable. Al-Ji
concludes with the proverb: Each place has [its] verbal statementthe right
words must always be | used in their proper places.42 Ibn Qutayba also relied
40
41
42
Ibn Arab, al-Futt al-Makkya (Cairo and Mecca, 1329/1911), III, 17.
As mentioned by G.-H. Bousquet, L thique sexuelle de lIslam (Paris, 1966), pp. 212f. Not in
the first edition of Bousquets work, published under the title La morale de lIslam et son
thique sexuelle (Paris, 1953).
Al-Ji discussed the subject in two works with slight variations, cf. Kitb Mufkharat
al-jawr wa-l-ghilmn, in Rasil al-Ji, ed. Abd as-Salm M. Hrn (Cairo, 1384/1964
fiction and reality
857
on the precedents set by the irreproachable men of the past. He characterizes

his own well-known adab work as being
like a table on which diners can find dishes of different taste according
to their different desires. If you encounter in it stories that use explicit
language, do not let modesty or the pretense to modesty make you turn,
or look, away. There is nothing sinful in the words designating parts of the
body. Sinfulness is attacking other peoples honor, using falsehoods and
lies, and making slanderous accusations . I do not mean to allow you
to use [such words] habitually and customarily in all circumstances for
whatever you may wish to say. You should use them when you tell a tale
or transmit a story which would lose through the use of circumlocution or
be deprived of its pleasant effect through allusiveness. I wish you would
make sparse use of them, in keeping with the custom of the pious ancients
who followed their instinct and thereby avoided mystification born of
hypocrisy and affectation.43
Even without the further evidence that we can muster,44 it is clear that these
statements represent a reaction against the invasion of literature by language
and topics theretofore largely excluded from it. Two factors were principally
responsible for the changed situation. One was the shift of the political center
of the Muslim world from the western toward the eastern Near East which
shook old Arabic literary conventions. The other was more fundamental. G.E.
von Grunebaum has explained it in one of his brilliant essays. It was the shift
43
44
1965). II, 9294, and Kitb al-ayawn (Cairo, 13231325/19051907), III, 12; ed. Hrn
(Cairo, 1366/1946), III, 4043. See C. Pellat, Arabische Geisteswelt (Zrich and Stuttgart,
1967), pp. 434 f., Eng. trans., The Life and Works of Ji (London, Berkeley, and Los Angeles, 1969), p. 270; C.E. Bosworth, The Medieval Islamic Underworld (Leiden, 1976), I, 33. For
an application of the much used proverb to literary theory, cf. G. Schoeler, Einige Grundprobleme der autochthonen und der aristotelischen arabischen Literaturtheorie, Abh. f. d.
Kunde des Morgenlandes, XLI, 4 (Wiesbaden, 1975), p. 9.
lbn Qutayba, Uyn al-akhbr (Cairo, 13431349/19241930; repr. 19631964), I, y. See R.
Levy, The Social Structure of Islam (Cambridge, 1957), p. 235.
For instance, in connection with the idea popularized by al-Ji that homosexuality
spread in the Muslim world owing to the army life of the Khursnians who brought
the Abbsids into power, amza al-Ifahn commented that it was Ab Nuws who
introduced pederastic poetry, although, amza admits, he may not have been the first to
do so, and he thereby reflected changed political and social conditions. See E. Mittwoch,
Die literarische Ttigkeit amza al-Ifahns,Mitteilungen des Seminars fr Orientalische
Sprachen, Westas. Studien, XII (1909), p. 138.
858
20
to a predominantly urban setting which had the result that ritualized life
provided situations in which the unseemly would become seemly.45 It was in
this setting | that writers of the stature of an al-Ji and an Ibn Qutayba felt
compelled to caution against excesses in the new literary style they themselves
used, and they did it in an eminently sane spirit.
Obviously, literature tends to overlook the ordinary. We do not hear much
of middle class reaction. For scholars, the use of vulgar language was naturally unbecoming, something beyond the pale of scholarly dignity.46 Decorum
was demanded in holy places. Ab Nuws was reproved for allegedly reciting indecent verses of his in Mecca during the pilgrimage, and this in such
a place!47 The upper classes were widely depicted as enjoying literary licentiousness. Thus, exceptions carry special weight. Among men of high rank, not
everybody was as sensitive as Sayf ad-Dawla. He objected to the last line of a
poem which read:
Thus your generosity has provided us
With food and drink and sex and clothing.
On the whole a wonderful poem, Sayf ad-Dawla exclaimed, except for the
word sex. This is not a word to be used when one speaks to kings. The
reporters comment: This shows his remarkable sensitivity as a literary critic
(wa-hdh min ajbi naqdih).48
Even physicians were reluctant to speak about some topics. The ninthcentury Christian physician Qus b. Lq claimed that Galen had not deigned
to discuss intercourse.49 Not many later authors went that far, but at times they
found it necessary to justify and apologize for their discussion of subjects which
45
46
47
48
49
G.E. von Grunebaum, Aspects of Arabic Urban Literature, Al-Andalus, XX (1955), 259281.
Cf. the anecdote told about Malik an-Nuh al-asan b. Ab l-asan f, as reported by
Yqt, Irshd, ed. D.S. Margoliouth (Leiden and London, 19071927), III, 77; ed. A.F. Rif
(Cairo, n.d. [13551357/19361938]), VIII, 128 f.
Wak, Akhbr al-quh, ed. Abd al-Azz M. al-Margh (Cairo, 13661369/19471950), III,
278 f.
Ath-Thalib, Yatmat ad-dahr, I, 14. I doubt that Sayf ad-Dawla merely objected to the
specific form used (mank). For ath-Thalibs hesitation to quote the poet Ibn al-ajjj,
cf. ibid., II, 271, and J.C. Brgel, in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft,
CXXXI (1971), 162.
Qus b. Lq, F (ilal) ikhtilf an-ns f siyarihim wa-akhlqihim wa-shahawtihim wakhtiyrtihim, ed., trans. P. Sbath, Le Livre des caractres de Qos ibn Louq, Bulletin de
l Institut d gypte, XXIII (19401941), 134.
fiction and reality
859
they were not sure were to be considered medical problems or moral problems
to be left to society to handle.50
The adab literature makes it quite explicit that friendship and emotional
love were to be kept separate from marital relationships and other expressions of sexuality. Ar-Rghib al-Ifahn devotes separate chapters of his large
anthology to those four subjects. What is puzzling is that he should have seen
fit to separate them in the middle by a chapter on courage. Motivation unacknowledged is always dangerous to speculate about. Perhaps ar-Rghib meant
to suggest that courage is needed to separate the ideal in human relationships
from commonplace practice. He thereby confirmed the existence of the conflict between fiction and reality and suggested a possible approach to handling
it.
In these and many other ways, the literary genres considered here reveal
something about the Muslim attitude toward the eternal problem of how
inborn human longings can be brought to terms with societal demands. The
numerous bits and pieces of information await eventual integration. Summary
conclusions and valid generalizations may, however, be beyond our reach. They
can probably never be achieved where life in its totality is involved. Even to
attempt them seems frivolous. In the case of medieval Islam, whatever may
be approximately correct for one region or period, or one type of environment,
may be inapplicable to another. Also, as has been stated at the beginning, we do
50
For the medical attitude, which would need special consideration in connection with
our subject, cf. the rather dated and strange passage in C. Elgood, A Medical History of
Persia and the Eastern Caliphate (Cambridge, 1951), pp. 294298: The subject of sex, the
satisfaction of the sexual appetite, birth control and all that these subjects imply, was
treated with considerably more freedom of expression than is usual even to-day. Sex
entered so much into the daily life of the oriental that in this sense all the physicians of
those days were gynaecologists. Avicenna seems to have felt that the subject was perhaps
beneath the dignity of a physician, for having discussed the matter in the usual manner, he
adds: It is by no means disgraceful for a physician to speak of the enlargement of the male
organ and of the narrowing of the female who receives it and of her pleasure. Nay rather it
is eminently proper, for it is by these means that the act of birth follows. The passage of
lbn Sn is to be found in the Qnn (Rome, 1593), p. 563. His reluctance, of course, refers
only to the particular topic which he knew was always dealt with in the erotic literature
and which was properly speaking not the concern of the physician. Ar-Rz was apologetic
about discussing ubna, (see Bulletin of the History of Medicine, LII (1978), 4560), and even
the author of the Jawmi al-ladhdha, fol. 42a (cf. also fol. 71b) recoiled from the subject for
which he used the synonym bigh: We have kept our book free from mentioning bigh
because of its ugliness, shamefulness, and the great despicableness of the person afflicted
by it.
21
860
22
not have enough detailed and unambiguous coverage. The social information
we can gather from the sources makes it clear that nothing human was strange
to medieval Muslim society. The particular mixture of fiction and reality they
present presupposes a freedom much tempered by restraint, even prudery. In a
sense, imaginative literature developed its own standard view of what the ideal
society should be like, just as religion, law, and philosophy had done. Different
as that standard was, it was apparently considered fully capable of existing side
by side with that of official Islam. It was certainly not felt that it needed to come
into conflict with it.
For official Islam, it was much less of a transgression to neglect a religious
obligation than come out openly against its theoretical necessity.51 Also, alGhazzl reports an authentic statement of Bill b. Sad, a man of the second
generation, that misbehavior kept concealed harms only the person who misbehaves, but if it is brought out into the open and not rectified, it harms people
in | general.52 Al-Ghazzl quoted this remark with reference to some minor
lapse in the correct performance of prayer; any real sin, however small, would
not have been viewed by him as a minor matter.53 Yet the social philosophy
behind Bills statement appears to have been widely applied to matters of
moral behavior. It also explains why it rarely if ever occurred to anyone to ques-
51
52
53
Cf. Bousquet (above, n. 41) (Paris, 1953), p. 18; (Paris, 1966), pp. 10f.
Al-Ghazzl, Iy (Cairo, 1352/1933), I, 172, at the end of the sixth chapter of the book on
asrr a-alh. Bill b. Sad was considered the Syrian counterpart of the Irq al-asan
al-Bar. He therefore found the most attention in the Syrian biographical tradition, such
as the Tarkh Dimashq of Ibn Askir, ed. M.A. Dahmn (Damascus, n.d.), X, 354377; cf.
also adh-Dhahab, Tarkh al-Islm, Vol. IV (Cairo, 1369/1949), pp. 234236. A lengthy biography is also devoted to him in Ab Nuaym, ilyat al-awliy (reprint Beirut, 1387/1967),
V, 221234.
The statement is as authentic as anything known from these early times can be.
It was transmitted by al-Awz to Abdallh b. al-Mubrak and appears in the latters
Kitb az-Zuhd wa-r- raqiq, ed. abb ar-Ramn al-Azam (Nasik, India, n.d. [ca. 1971]),
pp. 475f. Ab Nuaym, ilyat al-awliy, V, 222, reports it from Ibn al-Mubrak. It is quoted
in several slightly different versions in Tarkh Dimashq, X, 362f. The word translated
here misbehavior is either khaa or maiya. The only variant that deserves notice is
between ukhfiyat-ulinat (al-Ghazzl: ukhfiyat-uhirat) and khafiyat-aharat. The latter
does not have the element of active effort present in the former. Since Bill is depicted as
particularly averse to hypocrisy, the reading ukhfiyat-ulinat may be more consonant with
his way of thinking, and it is indeed the reading found in Ibn al-Mubrak.
As a matter of fact, Bill b. Sad is credited with the remark: Dont look at the smallness of
a sin. Rather behold the One Whom you have sinned against. See Ibn al-Mubrak, Zuhd,
p. 24; Ab Nuaym, ilyat al-awliy, V, 223; Ibn Askir, Tarkh Dimashq, X, 373.
fiction and reality
861
tion openly the apparent discrepancy between ideal and reality. It was possible,
for better or worse, to abide by the established rules and at the same time
acknowledge quietly that reality could never be in complete harmony with
them and that fictional longings had their own kind of legitimacy. For sexual
morality, this probably resulted in as good an equilibrium as could be achieved
in a large and varied society.
vii.7
24
Male and Female: Described and Compared

An age-old intellectual game cherished by people of diverse educational and
social status was the comparison of the meaning and value of two objects or
concepts, either as seen by their advocates or, in a clever literary refinement, as
depicted by the two sides personified, fighting it out between themselves. In the
Muslim tradition, such Rangstreit literature became significant during the early
heyday of Abbsid rule,1 and it continued to command attention throughout
the Muslim Middle Ages. Together with the widespread preference of secular
moralists for pointing out the dichotomy of good and bad inherent in almost
1 M. Steinschneiders bibliographical approach, which popularized the word Rangstreit in the

scholarly literature, remains very informative; see Rangstreit-Literatur in Sitzungsberichte
der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 155(4)
(Vienna, 1908). The most comprehensive survey of the subject from the Arabist point of view
is Ewald Wagners Die arabische Rangstreitdichtung und ihre Einordnung in die allgemeine
Literaturgeschichte (Wiesbaden: Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, no. 8, 1962). Wagner makes sharp
distinctions between different forms and types of Rangstreit and the Arabic words used to
characterize it. This seems, indeed, the only way to attempt to bring order to an enormous
amount of varied material. For the purpose of this brief paper, however, no such effort seemed
necessary and any consistent distinction between the Arabic words would have been cumbersome. See also Wagners contributions to The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1960) under Mufkhara and especially Munara.
Another important problem is that of interdependence among the civilizations that cultivated the genre; it has been much discussed but is unlikely to find a generally acceptable
solution. A. Mez was convinced that the extension of the mufalah to objects and concepts, for which the first evidence is found in the ninth century can be explained only
as resulting from the influence of the Greek syncrisis; see al-Azd, ikyat Ab l-Qsim, ed.
A. Mez, Abulsim, ein bagdder Sittenbild (Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universittsbuchhandlung, 1902), p. xix. Such influence would seem highly plausible in view of the historical circumstances but cannot be proved, and Wagners cautious attitude is preferable for now, but see
also below, p. 32 and n. 52. The problem of the existence and direction of influence here is in
a way similar to that of the medieval troubadour poetry of western Europe.
For a combined effort to deal with the phenomenon of comparative debate, as well as a
rich source for the scholarly literature on the subject, see G.J. Reinink and H.L.J. Vanstiphout,
eds., Dispute Poems and Dialogues in the Ancient and Medieval Near East (Leuven: Departement Orientalistiek, 1991. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 42). Contributions on the Arabic
side are by J.N. Mattock, F. Leemhuis, W. Heinrichs, and C.J. van Gelder.
male and female: described and compared
863
everything, it appears to have furnished a much-needed outlet for a relativist

view of life contrasting with the dominant absolutism of religious dogma and
practice.
It was recognized that comparison has to stay within certain limits in order
to remain credible. One of the many insights of al-afad in the fourteenth
century was expressed in this concise survey of a few of the relevant topics
pursued by Muslim littrateurs:
Some have written works comparing the virtues of the rose and the
narcissus, because poets were fond of the subject and spoke at length
about it (so that there was much material available for compiling essays
on it. They were able to do so) since such a comparison is possible. In
the same way, excellent authors have written on debates between the
sword and the pen concerning their respective merits, between dirham
and dnr (silver coins and gold coins), between stinginess and generosity,
between Egypt (Cairo) and Syria (Damascus), between the East and the
West (of the Muslim world), between Arabs and non-Arabs (Persians),
between poetry and prose, and between girls and beardless boys, for in all
these cases | arguments in favor of either side are possible. On the other
hand, a debate between musk and ashes on their respective merits would
be irrational, and a gifted littrateur would hardly speak about ashes when
debating the virtues of musk. Al-Ji has written an original essay on the
subject.2
Although al-afads reference to al-Ji could aim at the latters total oeuvre,
which includes a number of comparison essays, it would seem likely from the
context that the reference is to his Kitb Mufkharat al-jawr wa-l-ghilmn,
The mutual rivalry of maidens and young men.3 By good fortune, this essay is
2 Al-afad, al-Ghayth al-musajjam f shar Lmyat al-ajam, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1305 [1888]), 2:158.
3 It must be stressed here again that English terms usually have ranges of meaning and subconscious connotations quite different from the Arabic terms they try to translate. This causes
particular problems in the sociosexual context. Moreover, the Arabic words for males and
females, which are more varied for the former in the texts under consideration here, have
implications of age, physical development, and social status in the minds of native speakers;
when encountered on the written page, these often can no longer precisely be determined
and even less precisely captured by seemingly equivalent English words. The institution of
slavery as practiced in medieval Islam furthermore infused the terms jriya (pl. jawr) and
ghulm (pl. ghilmn) with the notion of unfree status, probably more so for the former than
the latter. In the famous description of Baghdadi cabarets, the entertainers are counted as
25
864
preserved; it was first edited by Charles Pellat in 1958.4 Al-Ji may have introduced the subject into the mainstream literature. The timeliness of his effort is
evident from the fact that it was soon imitated. Already from the next generation a treatment of the subject by two famous intellectuals is known, having
been preserved in a later quotation. Both were outstanding representatives of
the general culture of the age. One of them was better known as a littrateur,
and the other as a philosopher. The littrateur, Amad b. Ab hir ayfr, lived
from 204/819820 to 280/893; he was credited with essays on the mutual rivalry
of the rose and the narcissus and on the greater merit of the Arabs as compared to the non-Arabs.5 The philosopher and all-around scholar, Amad b.
al-ayyib al-Sarakhs, may have been born around 835, and he died in 286/899.6
It is true that al-Ji (ca. 160225/776869) was much older than either of
them, but as he happened upon the literary scene at a relatively advanced age,
we are justified in speaking of a one-generation difference.
The work that has preserved the discussion between the male homosexual
(l) who takes the part of (ib) the boys and the fornicator (zn) who
takes the part of the girls is an exhaustive and highly informative treatise on
all aspects of sexuality, entitled Jawmi al-ladhdha, approximately Synopsis
of all that is known about pleasure. The author was a certain Ab l-asan Al
b. Nar al-Ktib, who is possibly the man of the same name who lived from
428/1036 to 518/1124.7 It is not clear whether the discussion was taken from one
4
5
6
al-rijl wa-l-ibyn wa-l-jawr wa-l-arir, presumably understood as free men and unfree
boys, unfree girls and free women. See al-Tawd, al-Imt wa-l-munasa, Amad Amn and
Amad al-Zayn, eds., 3 vols. (Cairo: Lajnat al-Talf wa-l-Tarjama wa-l-Nashr, 19391944), 2:183;
al-Azd, ikyat Ab l-Qsim, p. 87. For the related problem of mal, see below, p. 32.
The Arabic text is cited here according to the edition of Abd al-Salm Muammad Hrn,
Rasil al-Ji, 4 vols. in 2 (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khnj, 1384 [19641965]), 2:87137.
See The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., s.v. Ibn Ab hir ayfr; Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des
arabischen Schrifttums (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967) 1:348349, 2:614.
See Franz Rosenthal, Amad b. a-ayyib as-Saras (New Haven: American Oriental Society,
American Oriental Series no. 26, 1943). Reference to Sarakhs quotations in the Jawmi
(see below) is made in Franz Rosenthal, From Arabic Books and Manuscripts VI: Istanbul
Materials for al-Kind and as-Saras, Journal of the American Oriental Society 76 (1956):
31.
The quotations to be found in the Jawmi would allow for it a date no earlier than the end of
the tenth century. H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1955), p. 457, may be correct
in identifying the author of the ars amandi with the Iraqi Shite of the same name who is
further described as secretary (al-Ktib) in Yqt, Irshd al-arb, D.S. Margoliouth, ed., 7 vols.
(Leiden: Gibb Memorial Series no. 6, 19071927), 5:433, and Amad Fard Rif, ed., 20 vols.
(Cairo: Maktabat s al-Bb al-alab, n. d. [1938]), 15:9798, but this identification remains
865
of al-Sarakhss published works or, more likely, was derived from oral transmission, but this makes hardly any substantive difference. It would agree with the
assumption of oral transmission that any dependence on al-Jis treatise is
not expressly acknowledged. Such dependence is obvious, however, from the
striking use of identical quotations and particularly from the fact that both alJis and al-Sarakhss discussions begin with references to the ghulmyt,
girls dressed as boys in an erotic fashion of the | early ninth century,8 and later
happen to include references to eunuchs, who are rather marginal to the subject. The author of the Jawmi mentions the humorist Ab l-Anbas al-aymar
(213275/828888), who wrote an apparently rather coarse essay on the same
subject.9 He has also preserved many precious fragments of other old treatises.10
10
so far as unprovable as the one with a tenth-century namesake suggested by Rosenthal,

From Arabic Books and Manuscripts VI: Istanbul Materials for al-Kind and as-Saras,
p. 31.
The most complete, if somewhat too inclusive, treatment of the phenomenon remains
abb Zayyt, al-Mara al-ghulmya f l-Islm, in al-Machriq 50 (1956): 153192. It is, of
course, commented upon in all works dealing with Abbsid cultural history.
Quoted in the edition of Ab Nuwss Dwn by amza al-Ifahn (first half of the
tenth century) and made known first by E. Mittwoch, Die literarische Ttigkeit amza
al-Ibahanis, in Mittheilungen des Seminars fr Orientalische Sprachen, Westasiatische
Studien 12 (1909): 126. The last part of the Dwn, on mujn, where it appears (Istanbul MS
Fatih 3775, fols. 55b56b), has not yet been published. My thanks to Professors E. Wagner
and G. Schoeler for kindly giving me detailed information on the passage.
The title of the work is given by amza al-Ifahn as Kitb (tafl) al-satihayn al lariayn. Another title (for the same work?) appears among the works of Ab l-Anbas
(sic leg., instead of Ab l-bs) in Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, G. Flgel, ed. (Leipzig: F.C.W. Vogel,
18711872), p. 314, l. 5; the Persian tanslation of M. Reza Tajaddod (Tehran: Ibn Sn, 1965),
p. 557, and the English translation by Bayard Dodge (New York: Columbia University Press,
1970), p. 736, have nothing on the author. The title Ktb al-Saqt wa-l-baghghn,
On Lesbians and homosexual offenders, appears with the inversion of the two components in Jawmi with the authorship of Ab-l-Anbas (as correctly stated in MS Chester
Beatty, whereas in MS Fatih it looks as if the author was the one of the Jawmi himself).
Baghgh is often used as a word for male prostitute, but this may here be too specific;
see Everett K. Rowson, The Effeminates of Early Medina, Journal of the American Oriental Society 111 (1991): 685686. It cannot be determined whether the other references
to Ab l-Anbas in the Jawmi go back to this work, which is possible but need not
be.
See, at the end of the discussion treated here, the remarks on Ibrhm b. Hill (b. Ibrhm)
b. Zahrn al-b (313384/925994) and a certain Ab Nar Bishr b. Hrn. The latter
remains to be identified; his namesake mentioned in Miskawayh in 311/923 (H.F. Amedroz
26
866
An English translation of Jawmi has been published in typescript by Salah

Addin Khawwam with the title Encyclopedia of Pleasure.11 The title page seems
to suggest that the Arabic text was published simultaneously; if so, it has
remained inaccessible to me. This is all the more regrettable since the two
manuscripts, of which I have copies, show a good deal of textual divergence
and are not of a consistently high quality.12 The English translation has been an
exceedingly difficult effort and deserves credit for being reasonably successful.
Though it has not been published in a more accessible format, the translations
existence makes detailed information on the discussion unnecessary at this
juncture. The beginning and the end of the discussion are clearly marked, but
this does not necessarily mean that everything in between originally belonged
there. However, in the absence of firm evidence to the contrary, we may assume
that the text is basically intact as transmitted.13
Al-Sarakhs is well known as the star student of al-Kind, whose interests,
including a deep concern with the love phenomenon on the theoretical level,
11
12
13
and D.S. Margoliouth, The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate, 7 vols. [Oxford: Basil Blackwell,
19201921], 1:112) seems too early, but another more likelyif unconfirmedcandidate
appears in al-Tankh, Nishwr al-muara, Abood Shalchy, ed., 8 vols. (Beirut, 1971
1973), 1:9394, 3:114.
The Jawmi (MS Fatih, fols. 205a208b; MS Chester Beatty, fols. 217a220b) quotes the
work of a certain Yazdjard b. (?, corrupted from Mahbundd?) on the greater merit of
no-longer-virginal women as compared to virgins.
Encyclopedia of Pleasure by Abul Hasan Ali Ibn Nasr al-Katib, Salah Addin Khawwam, B. Sc.,
ed. and annotator, Adnan Jarkas and Salah Addin Khawwam, translators (Toronto: Aleppo
Publishing, 1977). Copy in the Library of Congress.
The manuscripts are Istanbul MS Fatih 4729, dated in Rab II 582/JuneJuly 1186, fols. 65a
70a, and Dublin MS Chester Beatty 4635, dated Sunday, 15 afar 724/12 February 1324,
fols. 62a70b. See A.J. Arberry, A Handlist of the Arabic Manuscripts, The Chester Beatty
Library, 8 vols. (Dublin: E. Walker, 19551966), 6:42. A fuller description is needed but cannot be given here.
The discussion was quoted, no doubt from the Jawmi, by the historian al-Ayn
(762855/13611451) in his ikyt, MS Bursa Hseyin elebi 890, fols. 7a (10a? I did not
take down the full text and thus am unable to say how much was copied). As indicated by
Abd al-Salm Muammad Hrn in his introductory remark to the Ji essay, the Bursa
manuscript was known to al al-Dn al-Munajjid, who referred to it briefly in a review
of Pellats edition of al-Jis Mufkhara in Majallat Mahad al-Makht al-Arabya 3
(1957): 335, n. 5.
In connection with other Sarakhs quotations the same problem shows up; for instance,
in al-Tawd, al-Bair wa-l-dhakhir, Wadd al-Q, ed., 10 vols. (Beirut: Dr dir,
1408/1988), 8:1013.
867
he shared.14 This concern was widespread in that period, apparently as a result

of attempts by the intellectual theologians lumped together as Mutazilites
to fuse Greek philosophy with Muslim religious thought. The inclusion in alSarakhss bibliography of a work called F l-ishq, On [Sensual] Love, is poorly
attested, but a passage from his pen on the subject is preserved, and it clearly
shows his fascination with the Platonic tradition.15 As a littrateur, he was
also much interested in the more down-to-earth love affairs and escapades of
singers and other entertainers. In the text discussed here, it was natural for sensitive and explicit material to appear side by side. Other Sarakhs quotations
in the Jawmi include a description of ideal female beauty noteworthy for
its exceptional length, put in the mouth of his patron, the caliph al-Mutaid,
and followed by al-Sarakhss comment that only caliphs and persons of high
rank are capable of such a refined description. Ordinary people would use less
refined ones, which he goes on to quote.16 Elsewhere, he is quoted for a sexbased recipe he was given for curing the shortness and thinness of his beard,17
and in the chapter on the common belief that greater hairiness meant greater
sexual power he expressed | scientific criticism of al-Ji and argued that, contrary to al-Jis opinion, compensatory effects among bodily functions do not
apply to sexuality.18
Notwithstanding the general tendency among authors to deal with all aspects of sexuality, then as well as in later times a clear distinction was often
14
15
16
17
18
Another aspect of this relationship is illuminated by a text discovered by Matti Moosa

that deals with a religious disputation between a Christian church dignitary and various
Muslims, whose group also included Jews. See A New Source on Amad ibn al-ayyib alSarakhs, Journal of the American Oriental Society 92 (1972): 1924; Arabic text in al-Majalla
al-Barrakya (Damascus) 7 (1969): 189197, 244252.
Franz Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975),
pp. 106107. For a brief excerpt form Mughuly, see Rosenthal, From Arabic Books and
Manuscripts IV: New Fragments of as-Saras, Journal of the American Oriental Society 71
(1951): 135136.
MS Fatih, fols. 96a100a, MS Chester Beatty, fols. 100a103b, trans. Khawwam, pp. 207209.
MS Fatih, fol. 73a, MS Chester Beatty, fol. 74a, apparently omitted in trans. Khawwam,
where it should appear on p. 173. The reading of the text and thus the point of the remark
are not quite clear to me.
MS Fatih, fols. 8a9a, MS Chester Beatty, fols. 8b9a, trans. Khawwam, pp. 5455. MS Fatih,
fols. 82b83a, and MS Chester Beatty, fol. 85ab, lack the chain of transmitters beginning
with al-Sarakhs from al-Kind that appears in trans. Khawwam, p. 107, introducing a
story about a woman being asked by a man to use an artificial penis (krbanaj) on him.
For a related anecdote, see al-Ji, Rasil, 2:187, and Manfred Ullmann, Wrterbuch der
klassischen arabischen Sprache, vol. K (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1970), p. 489.
27
868
made between serious emotional love and obscene facetiousness (mujn),

particularly as it affected the work of poets.19 Al-Ji made a much-quoted
defense of the use of sexually explicit terminology, arguing that the words considered objectionable by some would not have been allowed to enter the language if they were not intended to be used. Soon after, Ibn Qutayba expressed
himself in a similar vein.20 Al-Ji, however, found it necessary to apologize in
his essay for dealing with a subject that some might find offensive. This apology
may not have been as much for the particular subject as in defense against the
general aversion to all lighthearted and frivolous occupations resulting from
religious concerns. This attitude was no doubt shared by al-Sarakhs, at least in
his public stance.
The tone set by the introduction of the discussion (translated incompletely
by Khawwam) points in the same direction. It alludes to the problem of why
in early Muslim society poets could have composed love poetry addressed to
identifiable living women of high rank when in the later view accepted morality
made this definitely improper and unlikely to occur:
Amad b. al-ayyib said: I said to Amad b. Ab hir: It is easy for real
men21 to recite love poetry directed at women and describe their yearning for them, although they do not have the close relationship that would
legally allow contact with them. This was done, for instance, by Ab Dah-
19
20
21
Compare the comment in amza al-Ifahns edition of the Dwn of Ab Nuws that he
preferred keeping this material distinct; see Ab Nuws, Dwn, vol. 4, Gregor Schoeler,
ed. (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1402/1982. Bibliotheca Islamica 20d), pp. 8 and 144. Serious
homoerotic or heteroerotic love poetry (which in the case of Ab Nuws was kept separate) was not affected by that distinction.
The Ji passage, for instance, was translated by Charles Pellat in Arabische Geisteswelt
(Zrich and Stuttgart: Artemis Verlag, 1967), pp. 434435, and by James A. Bellamy in
Sex and Society in Islamic Popular Literature, as well as J.C. Brgel in Love, Lust, and
Longing: Eroticism in Early Islam As Reflected in Literary Sources, both in Society and
the Sexes in Medieval Islam, Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot, ed. (Malibu, Calif.: Undena, 1979.
Sixth Giorgio Levi Della Vida Biennial Conference), pp. 29 and 81, respectively. For the
Ibn Qutayba passage, see Franz Rosenthal, Fiction and Reality: Sources for the Role of
Sex in Medieval Muslim Society, in Society and the Sexes, p. 19, and reprinted in idem,
Muslim Intellectual and Social History (Aldershot: Variorum, 1990) [Above, p. 857. Ed.]. For
al-Sarakhss aversion to inappropriateness in thought and language, see the quotation
from his Mar al-r in al-Tawd, Bair, 6:106107; al-b, Nathr al-durr, 7 vols. (Cairo:
al-Haya al-Mirya al-mma lil-Kitb, 19811991), 3:312313.
This translates ahl al-murwt, as in MS Fatih. The reading ahl al-mawaddt in MS Chester
Beatty is unlikely.
869
bal al-Juma and Abd al-Ramn b. assn b. Thbit22 in connection

with a daughter of Muwiya b. Ab Sufyn, who was a caliph!He mentioned the story and quoted the poems.(Ibn Ab hir) said:23 You talk
so much (about the subject) as if you were someone who does not know
(qad aktharta ikthr man lam yalam) that discussions and debates have
taken place among the partisans of males and the partisans of women.
I replied: So, I would like you to tell me about that debate and discussion and how and where the victorious outcome based on firm proof
was established. He said: Yes, I shall report to you what I remember. I
came to a gathering that included some refined persons (urrf ) who
were friends with youths and other refined persons who were friends with
women. These persons were engaged in an acrimonious dispute before I
entered, (even) calling the | friend of youths l and the friend of women
zn.24 In the ensuing debate they mentioned what I am going to tell
you.
The choppiness of the first half of this statement does not, it seems, reflect
any textual distortions or omissions; rather, it is due to al-Sarakhss desire
to get to his subject without the delay of detailing the implications of the
initial problem, that is, how to explain the daring of earlier poets in dealing
with identifiable women instead of using generic female names or none at all.
After about the end of the first century of Islam, the accepted social order that
had evolved officially made contact with unrelated free women unusual and
suspect, whereas contact with other males, regardless of differences in age and
status, was the natural order of social interaction.
The discussion reported by al-Sarakhs occurs in the Jawmi in the chapter
devoted to homoerotic male love, entitled on young men ( fityn), another
term of many meanings, designating in males youthful age, nobility of young
adults, even something like knighthood, but also serving in other situations as
a polite indication of unfree status. The discussion might thus be assumed to be
22
23
24
For information on these two seventh-century poets, the latter the son of a more famous
father, see Sezgin, Geschichte, 2:149150 and 422423. The name of Muwiyas daughter is
said to be tika.
MS Chester Beatty: fa-qla seems more correct than MS Fatih: fa-qul.
This sentence is missing in MS Fatih. It seems that the use of l and zn, which were also
the legal terms, was considered inappropriate under the circumstances. Friends with
renders ab.
On the urrf, see M.F. Ghazi, Un groupe social: Les Raffins (uraf), Studia Islamica 11 (1959): 3971.
28
870
favorable to the male side. In fact, the l has the first word, and he starts out
with the observation (derived from al-Ji) that when one wants to describe
a girl as beautiful, one says that she is like a boy. He goes on to quote verses on
the ghulmya that appear to give preference to the boy, such as those ascribed
to Ab Nuwss mentor Wliba b. al-ubb:
A girl (?)25 who walks proudly and with disdain and speaks boldly
She is dressed like a boy,26 though I would not compare her to him and
did not mean to disparage the boy.
At the end, howeveras already hinted at in the initial equation of male and
female beautythe discussion concludes with what might be called a draw:
When Ibn Ab hir had finished with the description, I (al-Sarakhs) said
to him: What is your opinion about what these two (the partisans of boys
and the partisans of girls) have to say? He replied: A boys jealousy of his
lover is more refined than a womans jealousy of a man because of her
fellow wife. I said: But what do you say about the remarks made by either
party? Tell me something that I can report on your authority with attribution to you. He said: Where they slandered each other I think they went
too far,27 and where they praised they made untrue and unseemly state-
25
26
27
MS Fatih simplifies by reading an unmetrical wa-fattu/in. The unreadable word in MS

Chester Beatty may reflect wa-mrthyatu/in found in al-Ji, Rasil, 2:96. The unexplained mrthya could perhaps mean a legally married woman since inheritance rights
are a condition of legal marriage, in contrast to a temporary muta marriage as explained
at length in the Jawmi, but without further confirmation this is no more than a fanciful guess. E.K. Rowson plausibly suggests that the word might refer to an inherited slave
girl.
This translates the text as found in al-Ji: wa-lah zyu l-ghulmi. MS Fatih: tahd
(for tatahd) ka-l-ghulmi, she struts; MS Chester Beatty, slightly against the meter:
tamsh mashya l-ghulmi, she walks as boys walk. Tahd looks sufficiently similar to
lah zyu to be a corruption of it: tahd is defined as walking (unsteadily) with someones
support or, generally, as tamyul, swaying (in walking); see, for example, al-Azhar,
Tahdhb al-lugha, Abd al-Salm Muammad Hrn, ed., 15 vols. (Cairo: al-Dr al-Mirya
li-l-Talf wa-l-Tarjama, 19641967), 6:383; also, with the addition of slowly (al-tamyul
f l-mashy al-ba), see Ibn ajar, Fat al-br, 17 vols. (Cairo: Muaf al-Bb al-alab,
13781383/19591963), 2:294295. Al-Ji may have the more correct text; however, the
situation is far from clear.
The available manuscripts differ as to whether the statement is intended to be positive or
negative. The positive statement adopted here appears in MS Fatih: fa-m arhum ill
871
ments. | However, among animals, the females are rarely more beautiful
than the males. It is only the face of the human male that changes28 with
the growing of the first hair on his cheek, when his coloring has been
infused with life and youth and the surface of his skin polished to a shining glow, his figure and whole being having reached perfection and his
proportions (true) beauty. Nature then has produced the following bloom
and mark (?) of young manhood.29
It is not quite certain whether the final three sentences, with their affirmation
of the superiority of adolescent male beauty, go back to the original discussion
or are editorial comment. Assuming them to be part of the discussion, the overall judgment expressed can be summarized as follows: An attempt is first made
to evade a direct answer by merely referring to the supposed greater refinement
of male jealousy compared to the coarseness of female jealousy. Jealousy was
much debated, also in the religious tradition, as a sort of touchstone for genuine feeling in the relation of the sexes,30 and since refinement was so highly
valued in the intellectual climate of the times a slight tilt toward male eroticism
is implied. But then, both sides are blamed for too much partisanship, with the
apparent implication that their claims are equivalent. This again is modified
by an acknowledgment of natures assumed gift of greater beauty in the adolescent male. Thus, on the whole, no forceful and exclusive endorsement of
any one point of view seems intended.
28
29
30
abad fhi. The negative version in MS Chester Beatty ( fa-m abad fhi) appears to be
also in the text used by Khawwam. Either would be suitable, but until further evidence I
would prefer the above, possibly more weakly attested, rendering.
A word seems to be missing in the text. Changes, becomes changed seems a good guess.
The manuscripts seem to have: fa-innam abdat al-abatu zahra[ta] l-shabbi wanawrah wa-sh(at)ah, but the textual problems are many. Khawwams translation is too
paraphrastic to be of help.
We may add to the preceding discussion that even as late a text as the Arabian Nights
could maintain that if boys were not more excellent and more handsome, girls would
not be compared to them. See Arabian Nights, 421st night, of the Calcutta text (Alf
layla wa-layla, 4 vols. [Calcutta: Thacker, 18391842], 2:459); 3:582583 of Enno Littmanns
masterful German translation, Die Erzhlungen aus den Tausendundein Nchten, 6 vols.
(Leipzig: Insel, 1924).
For one convenient collection of statements on jealousy among many, see, for instance,
al-Nuwayr, al-Ilmm bi-l-ilm fm jarat bihi l-akm wa-l-umr al-maqya f waqat alIskandarya, Aziz Surial Atiyya, ed., 6 vols. (Hyderabad: Mabaat Majlis Dirat al-Marif
al-Uthmnya, 13881396/19681976), 6:221 ff.
29
872
30
The material presented by either side is not arranged in a strictly logical progression, and such haphazard raising of various points would seem natural in
a disputation. Prose portions are used by the debaters to bolster their respective cases with arguments from Qurn and adth and a few statements on the
alleged attitude of early Muslims. Most of this material condemned homosexuality. An interesting defense advanced by the l against hostile traditions is a
denial of their authenticity. He says that he does not know those adths and
thus reduces them to the status of unknown or little-known traditions that are
of no value as legal arguments.
As befits a work not meant to be an earnest debate on moot points of
religion or philosophy but a literary entertainment that nonetheless had fundamental implications for societal morals and behavior, the stress is on how
poets, as the secular keepers of the Muslim social conscience, expressed themselves on those points. Poetry therefore dominates the discussion. Much of it
is anonymous; verses are often introduced as authored by the poet or our
poet (or our friend, ibun), meaning a poet favorable to | the side quoting him, or merely by another. Few names of poets are given. Not surprisingly, Ab Nuwss name appears most frequently, again attesting to his role
as the principal originator of homoerotic poetry in the Muslim environment.
With the exception of the twice-quoted Ukksha, all poets from the early
Abbsid period, among them Wliba b. al-ubb, al-Raqsh,31 and an unidentified al-Zawwn (reading?), are represented but once, and (following al-Ji),
there is a sprinkling of pre-Islamic poets such as Imruulqays, al-Ash, and
Alqama b. Abada. Some of the individuals remain practically unidentified, as,
for instance, Ab Sal al-Arb and al-arss.32 As is usually the case in poetry
of this kind, the authenticity of an attribution can rarely be confirmed; formal
collections of a poets work, when they are preserved, often seem to disregard
such minor products.
Among the individuals addressed in verses, two early Abbsid judges stand
out as examples of the supposed inclination of judges toward forbidden homo-
31
32
Al-Raqsh (Sezgin, Geschichte, 2:516) is credited with a poem in which he recommends

homosexuality, wine drinking, gambling, cockfights, and dogfights as the familiar catalogue of fashionable misbehavior in his time; see Ibn al-Mutazz, abaqt al-shuar, Abd
al-Sattr A. Farrj, ed. (Cairo: Dr al-Marif, n. d. [1375/1956]), p. 226.
Khawwam, p. 167, shows some confusion, involving the omission of al-arss. He is no
doubt the Ab Ayyb al-arss mentioned several times in the edition of Ab Nuwss
Dwn; see for example 4:75. Professors Wagner and Schoeler kindly answered my question
concerning him.
873
sexuality, a topic that endured through the centuries. Al-Awf (d. 201/816817)33
served as judge of the East Side and al-Rufa (Askar Mahd) in Baghdad under
al-Rashd, while Yay b. Aktham (d. 242/857) held a dominant position as alMamns chief justice. Little is said in the biographical sources about the reputation of al-Awf, except that he was considered a weak transmitter of adth. A
generation later, when the prevailing attitudes had changed, Yay b. Aktham
could already during his lifetime become an open target for scurrilous attacks
on his supposed homosexuality, and the verses and anecdotes about him continued to be standard fare in literature.34
The distinction between facetiousness and serious purpose is obscured in
the discussion, and this lack of distinction blurs the picture. This seems to be
characteristic of the literary genre; occasionally, some particular argument may
intrude rather improperly. Thus the l contends that the heterosexual lover
needs material possessions to be successful in his search for a partner:
When I asked the girls to have intercourse with me on credit,
They turned away from me without agreeing to my quest for making love.
If I had money, they would have agreed to it,
But I have no access to money.35
33
34
35
For al-usayn b. al-asan b. Aya al-Awf, see, for instance, Ibn Sad, Kitb al-abaqt alkabr, Eduard Sachau et al., eds., 8 vols. (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 19041940), 7, 2:74; Wak, Akhbr
al-qut, Abd al-Azz Muaf al-Margh, ed., 3 vols. (Cairo: Mabaat al-Istiqma, 1366
1369/19471950), 1:53, 3:265 ff.; al-Mufa, al-fals al-li, Muammad Murs al-Khawl, ed.,
4 vols. (Beirut: lam al-Kutub, 1981), 1:489490; al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd,
14 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khnj, 1349/1931), 8:2932; Ibn ajar, Lisn al-Mzn, 6 vols.
(Hyderabad: Mabaat Majlis Dirat al-Marif al-Nimya, 13291331/19111913), 2:278.
Most of the sources cited by Ibn ajar are now in print.
Yay b. Aktham needs no documentation here. For an example, see al-Masd, Murj
al-dhahab, C.A.C. Barbier de Meynard and B.M.M. Paret de Courteille, eds., 9 vols. (Paris:
Imprimerie Impriale, 18611877), 7:4348. The Amad b. Ab Nuaym quoted there is suggested, without further justification, by the editor of Ibn al-Mutazz, abaqt al-shuar,
p. 523, to be possibly identical with Jashyah, who belonged to the circle of Yay b.
Aktham and who is also frequently quoted in the jawmi. See the references in the edition
of Ibn al-Mutazz, abaqt al-shuar, pp. 522523; C.E. Bosworth, The Mediaeval Islamic
Underworld (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976), p. 63; Ab Nuws, Dwn, 4:8. In the statement quoted
by Ibn al-Mutazz, abaqt al-shuar, p. 226, he appears among a number of intellectuals
who are claimed to have practiced a more conservative lifestyle than the one they vaunted
in their poetry. The statement reappears in Ibn Falta (see below, n. 40); compare Rosenthal, Fiction and Reality, p. 11, n. 19 [Above, p. 848. Ed.].
Regrettably, the poet is not known to me. He is unlikely to have been pre- or early Islamic.
874
31
The idea that a womans love must be won with wealth and youth was an old
one;36 thus it is not really surprising that it turns up in the debate. What may
at first glance seem surprising is the failure of the champion of girls to make |
use of the reputed venality of male lovers, which is repeated in many variations
throughout the literature. Famous, for instance, was the reply attributed to the
poet Ab Tammm when he was taunted with the remark that his ghulm was
more accommodating to the high government official al-asan b. Wahb than
the latters ghulm was to him: That is indeed so because he gives my ghulm
money, whereas I give his ghulm idle chatter.37 An ancient antecedent of
this witticism exists, ascribed in Greek literature to the poet Anacreon and
the tyrant Polycrates: Smerdies received from Polycrates gold and silver and
all that is customary for a pretty boy to get from a tyrant in love, but from
Anacreon he received songs and praising poems and all that is customary for
one to get from a lover who is a poet.38 The missed opportunity of making a
case here from male venality is explained by the connection of this literature
with prostitution. Dwelling on that subject unnecessarily was not tolerated in
the refined climate of the discussion and repeatedly rejected as inappropriate
even by the author of the Jawmi.39
The most important question for us to consider is the aesthetic quality of the
material presented, as this leads to the heart of the matter: its emotional content or apparent lack of it. Cleverness and wit are present and combined with
a bluntness often aimed at provoking laughter rather than proving some point
of sexual preference. Technical perfection in the use of language and literary
artistry that for native critics were the hallmark of poetry are foremost throughout, although not explicit issues. Feeling and emotion, however, appear to have
very little place. Admittedly, poetry can be appreciated fully only by native
36
37
38
39
The verses by Imruulqays and Alqama quoted in the discussion also speak of the need
for money, in addition to youth, to be able to attract women. See also Ibn Qutayba,
Uyn al-akhbr, 4 vols. (Cairo: al-Muassasa al-Mirya al-mma li-l-Talf wa-l-Tarjama
wa-l-iba wa-l-Nashr, 19631964), 4:4445.
The anecdote is translated here from al-Kutub, Fawt al-Wafayt, M. Muy al-Dn Abd
al-amd, ed., 2 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Naha al-Mirya, 1951), 1:268. As stated by
al-l, Akhbr Ab Tammm, Khall Mamd Askir et al., eds. (Beirut: al-Maktab al-Tijr
lil-iba wa-l-Tawz wa-l-Nashr, n. d. [1965?]), p. 196, it circulated with many minor
variations. It clearly is a distillation of longer stories on the subject, in which Ab Tammm
and al-asan b. Wahb are the supposed actors.
Maximus Tyrius, Philosophoumena, Hermann Hobein, ed. (Leipzig: Teubner, 1910), 1 (p.
243). It needs to be stressed that no direct relationship can be established.
MS Fatih, fols. 42a, 71b: MS Chester Beatty, fols. 49b, 72a.
875
speakers of a language, and even their objectivity is open to doubt and their
supposed criteria, as expressed by the analysis of literary figures or as unstated
preferences, often seem to lack intrinsic force. Therefore, an evaluation by nonnative speakers of poetry for artistic and, above all, emotional impact is nearly
impossible. However, it can safely be contended that the poetry here seems to
lack felt emotion, unless emotion rests in sexuality as such.
It has often been remarked that emotion and feeling take second place
even in the work of as gifted a poet as Ab Nuws, and may often be sought
in vain. This is more obvious in a related poetical genre, the epigrammatical
description in verse (waf ) of boys or girls. Comparison is implicit here. In
the sexological literature as in the Jawmi, the chapters dealing with the
characteristic features of maleness and femininity are also for the most part
kept separate. Those chapters may, however, contain comparisons or have
comparative chapter headings referring to the greater excellence (tafl) | of
homosexuality as against heterosexuality, as is the case in Ibn Faltas Rushd
al-labb il musharat al-abb.40
The waf 41 of boys and girls adopted as its most poetical form the ancient
vehicle of four lines (corresponding to two Arabic verses).42 Rarely one, quite
40
41
The once-popular work is preserved in many manuscripts. I used the two manuscripts
in the Yale Library, MS Landberg 114 (Catalogue Nemoy 1609), fols. 52a67a (fols. 64 and
65a are blank), and MS Arabic 490, fols. 44b60b (the manuscript is dated on Thursday, 18
Rab I 1067/4 January 1657, and for those interested in the history of Arabic scholarship in
Europe, bears the stamp of the library of Barbier de Meynard).
I have not seen the Erlangen dissertation by Mohamed Zouher Djabri (1968) that is a
translation of the relevant chapters 911 of the work, nor do I know whether an edition
of the Arabic text was actually published in New York in recent years (?). An English
translation by the translator(s) of the Jawmi supposedly appeared in Toronto in 1977,
according to the National Union Catalogue for 1981, vol. 7, p. 265a, but the Library of
Congress was unable to trace its copy, and the entry may be a mistake.
An instructive discussion of waf in general at its tenth-century stage is that of Alma Giese,
Wasf bei Kuim (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1981. Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 62).
As an example of how Kushjim handled erotic verses of this type, we may quote from
his Dwn, Khayrya Muammad Maf, ed. (Baghdad: Mudryat al-Thaqfa al-mma,
1390/1970), p. 70:
He passed by us with a falcon in his hand.
He and the falcon have something wonderful in common.
The falcon hunts birds swooping down from on high,
while he hunts the hearts with the glances of his eyes.
42
On this type of poetry, see, most recently, the contributions of Benedikt Reinert in Neues
32
876
33
frequently three, or in exceptional cases four verses may also serve the purpose.
In the homoerotic setting, the epigram describes not an individual as such but a
pretty (mal) representative of a certain occupation or someone engaged in a
special activity or having noteworthy personal characteristics, including name
or origin. Handsome may often serve as a better translation for mal but does
not capture its full meaning, which is important for the proper understanding
of the words possible sexual connotation. At times, mal may even be used
for something as vague and impersonal as the English all-purpose word nice,
for instance, in connection with objects such as books. In the corresponding
Greek literature (see below, n. 52), the term kalos, which would not ordinarily
appear as mal in Arabic translation, is used.
In Muslim civilization, the epigrams popularity increased in the urban climate of the tenth century. Already in the early post-classical period, epigrams
achieved that pinnacle of prominence that is marked by collections in monograph form. Al-Thalib, whose lifetime straddled the transition from the tenth
to the eleventh century, may have been the first to make such a collection (this
requires confirmation from the Kitb Alf ghulm preserved in manuscript but
to my knowledge not yet published). In the following centuries, the body of
material available to a potential collector grew steadily larger. The natural consequence was that it became more and more difficult for a poet or hopeful versifier to be original. The topics and situations chosen for description became
more contrived; the sort of encyclopedic all-inclusiveness that generally characterized the development of Muslim literary activity was soon attempted.
Compilers of collections not only had an increasing amount of material at their
disposal but also added to it with verses of their own composition. Practically
every poet, it would seem, felt obliged to try his hand on the subject; as minor
occasional poetry, however, such epigrams were not always included in a poets
collected works (see above, p. 30), although in the course of time they were
more and more. Adab works, such as al-afads commentary on the famous
Lmyat al-ajam, reveled in these epigrams.43 The biographies of individual
poets did not fail to include many specimens.
The eventual result may be exemplified here by two fifteenth-century monographs that constitute the final stage of the collectors zeal. The au|thors are
Shihb al-Dn al-ijz (790875/13881471) and Ab l-Tuq al-Badr (847
894/14431489). Among his many works, the former wrote two brief treatises.
43
Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft, Band 5 (Orientalisches Mittelalter), Wolfhart Heinrichs, ed. (Wiesbaden: AULAVerlag, 1990), pp. 284300, 366408.
See above, n. 2. Al-afads al-usn al-ar f mi at mal has not been available to me.
877
One of them is entitled Jannat al-wildn f l-isn min al-ghilmn, The Paradise
(peopled by) Youths: On Beautiful Males, and the other al-Kunnas al-jawr f
l-isn min al-jawr, The Retrograde Running Stars (Qurn 81:16): On Beautiful Maidens.44 Al-ijz began his first treatise with the customary fictitious
reference to popular demand (as demanded by my contemporaries) and with
what must be taken as an apology for writing on the subject. As he states, all of
the epigrams are of his own composition. Thus, the more than 160 entries for
males is quite a respectable number; typically, the verses addressed to females
add up to considerably less than half of that.
Al-Badrs vastly larger monograph is entitled Ghurrat al-ab f waf alwujh al-ib, The Shining Dawn: On the Description of Fair Faces.45 The
44
45
The two treatises, together with a third one on specimens of the Arabic meters, were
printed in al-ijz, Majmat thalth rasil (Cairo: Mabaat al-Sada, 1326/1908 [copy
in the New York Public Library]), pp. 240 and 4158. I am not aware of a more recent
printing. For al-ijz, see Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, Supplementbnde 13 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 19371942), 2:1112, 3:1248; al-Sakhw, al-aw al-lmi,
usm al-Dn al-Quds, ed., 12 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Quds, 13531355/19341936), 2:147
149. Al-Sakhw, as usual, has much interesting information; he also states that he had
published longer biographies of al-ijz elsewhere.
MS British Museum 1423 (add. 23,445). The British Library kindly provided me with a
microfilm. The well-written manuscript is dated on 5 Dh l-ijja 875/25 May 1471. The
old catalogue (Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum orientalium qui in Museo Britannico
asservantur, Pars secunda, codices arabicos amplectens [London, 1871], 2:654655), has a
reasonably complete description, indicating the chapter headings and referring to the
taqres, and also mentioning some of the poets quoted. It states correctly that the chapter headings for chapters 5 and 17 are missing in the text. However, it indicates fol. 28 as
the place where the chapter heading of chapter 2 (dealing with adjectives formed from
the names of localities, religions, and the like, designated in the table of contents quite
interestingly by the word mutajannisn) is to be found. This, however, is not the case;
the custos on fol. 27b indicates a gap. After fol. 177a there seems to be another gap. Thus,
a number of folios are missing; how many is hard to say. An inspection of the original
manuscript may be useful. On the basis of notes I took in 1973, I quote some verses in
my Gambling in Islam (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1975 [above, work IV. Ed.]); see the index under
al-Badr.
On al-Badr, see Brockelmann, Geschichte, 2:132; Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, Supplementbnde 13, 2:163; Franz Rosenthal, The Herb: Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971), pp. 1315 [above, work III. Ed.]; alSakhw, al-aw al-lmi, 11:4142. Al-Sakhw states that al-Badr wrote the Ghurar [sic]
in Damascus in 865/14601461. Like the title, the date is no doubt incorrect. Ibn Sdn,
who died in 868/1464, is listed on fol. 176a as deceased, and the endorsements are dated in
871/1467. Admittedly, the Ghurra could have been written and published in stages, but this
878
34
Ghurra will serve as the source for the quotations on the following pages. It
is noteworthy that al-Badr appears to have aimed at collecting verses different from those in al-ijzs treatise. That the latter was written earlier seems
clear from the biographical data. The possibility that al-ijz could have conceived the idea for his work upon hearing about al-Badrs project can safely be
excluded; more likely, it was he who suggested the project to al-Badr.
Al-ijz was born in Egypt, al-Badr in Damascus, but the intellectual center for both was Cairo, which only in the next century was fated to lose its
political independence and with it much of its cultural dominance. The poets
backgrounds were as different as could be. Al-ijz was the precocious son
of a well-established family of scholars and had all the educational advantages
going with this status. Al-Badr apparently was responsible for his own education and lived his life at the lower end of the intellectual establishment in minor
positions, occasionally making a living as a merchant and at one time having
the good fortune of inheriting from one of his wives. Their lives crossed in a
significant manner: al-ijz transmitted a considerable number of epigrams
to al-Badr orally as well as, occasionally, in writing, and when al-Badr published his Ghurra (also referred to as al-Majm), al-ijz was one of those he
solicited to write an endorsement (taqr, blurb) to accompany the publication. Al-ijz obliged by contributing a rather lengthy statement of praise in
the customary flowery fashion. Like the other taqres, it was dated in 871/1467;
his, precisely, on Friday, 16 Jumd II 871/23 January 1467. Al-ijz was close
to eighty at the time. Only one other of the preserved taqres was written
by an old man, (Ibn) al-Him | al-Manr (798 or 799 to 887/1396(7)1482),
then about seventy.46 Two were written by young men who were more or less
contemporaries of al-Badr: Abd al-Barr Ibn al-Shina (b. 9 Dh l-Qada 851/16
January 1448, d. 921/1515) was not yet twenty at the time of writing,47 and Ab
46
47
remains to be proved. The problem is similar to that posed by his work on hashish and
wine, as discussed in The Herb, pp. 1315 [above, pp. 146148. Ed.].
For endorsements such as are preserved on the first six folios of the manuscript, see
Franz Rosenthal, Blurbs (Taqr) from Fourteenth-Century Egypt, Oriens 2728 (1981):
177196, reprinted in idem, Muslim Intellectual and Social History. Al-Sakhw expressly
refers to taqres of the work but mentions only two (al-ijz and al-Him al-Manr)
of the five authors quoted in the manuscript. However, he adds five other well-known
names. Possibly, different endorsers were solicited for different editions (see also below,
n. 49), or different selections were made from the original corpus of blurbs.
Brockelmann, Geschichte, 2:22, Brockelmann, Supplementbnde, 2:12; al-Sakhw, al-aw
al-lmi, 2:150151.
Brockelman, Supplementbnde, 2:94; al-Sakhw, al-aw al-lmi, 4:3335.
879
Bakr Muammad b. Umar Ibn al-Nab (b. Rab I 851/MayJune 1447) was but
a few months older.48 No dates are known for the fifth and last of the preserved
blurbists, Amad b. Muammad al-Awtr.49 The choice of a mixture of beginners and accomplished authors was hardly accidental but served to advertise
the appeal of the work for both the older generation and those destined to keep
the flame burning in the future. Al-ijz, in particular, was a natural choice.
Having reached the end of a prolific career, he could well afford to be generous in his praise of the much younger man whom he may have inspired and
who was ready to perpetuate his literary interests. Other blurbists whose statements are not preserved are also represented in the Ghurra by verses of their
own composition (see below, n. 56), if fewer than those of al-ijz. The ready
availability of prominent endorsers is a further testimony to the great popularity of the works subject.
Al-Badrs principal achievement was his attempt to classify the vast material
he collected (and to which, as expected, he contributed some epigrams of
his own). He arranged it in a number of chapters, seventeen altogether; the
decision as to where to put some of the epigrams seems at times to have caused
a small problem for him. A striking difference between al-ijz and al-Badr
is that the former, having begun with caliphs and officials, placed verses on
bearers of certain names close to the end, while al-Badr started out with them.
The first epigram he quotes is appropriately on the name Muammad, and
its author was Sad al-Dn Muammad, the son of a famous father, the great
mystical writer Ibn Arab:
O Muammad! Your eyes testify in my behalf
That I am one likely to be killed by beautiful eyes.
You have surpassed all the pretty ones, thus being their seal,
Just like your namesake (the Prophet), the seal of the Messengers.
48
49
See al-Sakhw, al-aw al-lmi, 8:259260, and, for his father, 6:123. He was very proud
of his maternal grandfather, Muibb al-Dn Ab l-Fal Muammad b. Muammad Ibn
al-Shina (804890/14021485), a historian of Aleppo from a prominent family of scholars;
see Brockelmann, Supplementbnde 2:4041.
Al-Sakhw, al-aw al-lmi, 2:214. Al-Sakhw knew that he was one of those who wrote
blurbs for the Majm of al-Badr and that he wrote his in 878/14731474. He indeed quotes
the verses we find in the Ghurra manuscript. That manuscript was written before 878, but
some taqres may have been written and attached at a later date, so that the 878 date
is not entirely ruled out but very likely a simple mistake rather than an indication that
endorsements may have been solicited at different times. See above, n. 45.
880
(A-Muammadun50 aynka tashhadu l

ann l-qatlu l-ayuni l-nujl
Fuqta l-mila fa-anta khtamuhum
wa-kadh samyuka khtamu l-rusl)
35
The dwn of Sad al-Dn b. Arab contains a large number of epigrams on the
topics found in the Ghurra, but only a few of those quoted by al-Badr | appear
to have been included in it.51 Among sons of famous fathers in medieval Islam,
Sad al-Dn stands out as one of those who represented a totally divergent outlook: his interest in love poetry seems entirely secular and artistic, in contrast
to the mystical bent so all-consuming and deep in his fathers works.
From this appropriately religious beginning, the Ghurra goes on to present,
according to a rough count, well over 2,500 items, an astonishing number
keeping in mind that all deal with one overall subject; moreover, al-Badr was
selective and could have included very much more pertinent material. The
large Greek collection of epigrams known as the Anthologia Graeca is estimated
to contain about fifty percent more entries,52 but it deals with a large variety of
50
51
52
For the not-uncommon use in poetry of the nunation in the vocative, see W. Wright, A
Grammar of the Arabic Language, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962),
2:387388. The epigram also appears in the beginning of the treatise f asm al-ghilmn
al-isn in MS Berlin We. 1786 according to Ahlwardts Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften der Kniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, 10 vols. (Berlin: A.W. Schade, 18871899),
no. 8334. Its author could certainly not have been al-Thalib, Alf ghilmn; and Ibn Daftarkhwn (see n. 54 below), Alf ghulm wa-ghulm, raises chronological problems. The
manuscript needs to be studied for any possible dependence on al-Badr (?).
Sad al-Dn was born in Malatya in 618/1221 during the stay there of his father, then
in his middle fifties; see Brockelmann, Supplementbnde, 1:802803; al-Kutub, Fawt
al-Wafayt, 2:325329; al-afad, al-Wf bi-l-wafayt, H. Ritter et al., eds., (Wiesbaden,
1935), 1:186188; Claude Addas, Ibn Arab ou La qute du Soufre Rouge (Paris: Gallimard,
1989), index, pp. 398399. The geographical/cultural environment he grew up in was
different, but he attended his fathers classes on his works. Regrettably, we do not know
what Sad al-Dn thought about his fathers teachings. He is stated to have died in 656/1258.
His dwn seems to be his only preserved work. Another title listed in Brockelmann is
not by him; compare H. Ritter, Philologika IX. Die vier Suhraward,Der Islam 25 (1939): 46,
7379. I have used the Yale manuscript of the dwan, MS Landberg 34 (Catalogue Nemoy,
no. 294), a modern copy.
According to H. Beckbys introduction to his edition and German translation, 2nd ed. (4
vols., Munich: Heimeran, 19651968; first published 1957), 1:77. On the love-names, see
David M. Robinson and Edward J. Fluck, A Study of the Greek Love-names (Baltimore: The
Johns Hopkins Press, 1937), and Konrat Ziegler et al., eds., Der Kleine Pauly, 5 vols. (Stuttgart
and Mnchen: A. Druckenmller, 19641975), s.v. Lieblings-Inschriften.
881
different topics. As in the case of the Rangstreit literature, it is obvious that the
Arabic erotic epigrams stand in line of succession to their Greek antecedents
as well as such ancient materials as the love-name inscriptions. However, as
in the case of the Rangstreit literature, the line of succession, tortuous and
underground as it was, cannot be traced by us. An in-depth comparison of the
Arabic with the Greek material might yield interesting contrasts.
Many poets are represented in the Ghurra. The vast majority of the collection
dates from Ayybid and Mamlk times and thus reflects the cultural climate of
the authors own period. Poets of the golden age of the Abbsids, most notably
Ibn al-Mutazz as well as (with hardly more than two entries each) Ab Nuws
and Ibn al-Rm, make sporadic appearances, but all the pre-Ayybid material
is too sparse to disrupt the essential chronological unity of the most valuable
aspect of the collection: it draws a detailed and well-rounded picture of life
in medieval Muslim society, and this picture, despite its occasional baroque
traits, reflects concrete reality. We could, of course, glean all the data of al-Badr
(and al-ijz) from the works of individual poets, but it is instructive to find
the information here together in one place. The concentration on the male
componentonly very rarely are women expressly mentioned53gives the
appearance of one-sidedness, but with respect to many situations poets would
have had little occasion to speak of females.
The variety of component parts of proper names was characteristic of Muslim onomastics.54 It is tempting to assume that verses on names came in handy
53
As, for instance, in a bisexual context (fols. 125b126b), on mals consorting with women,
or on a mal having a son born to him:
An adolescent married prematurely, so that he gave birth to a son.
The one a star grown, the other a full moon appearing.
The lovers shared in him a father with the child.
(Murhiqun ujila bi-l-niki att awlad
Fa-dhka najmun qad nam wa-dhka badrun qad bad
Wa-qtasama l-ushshqu minhu wlidan [MS waladan] wa-l-walad)
54
The correction suggested for the last line may not be necessary but seems to make better
sense.
On the basis of a collection devoted to maidens that was compiled in the mid-thirteenth
century by Ibn Daftarkhwn al-dil, the topic has been studied in detail by Jrgen
W. Weil, Mdchennamen verrtselt: Hundert Rtsel-Epigramme aus dem Adab-Werk Alf
riya wa-riya (Berlin: Karl Schwarz, 1984. lslamkundliche Untersuchungen no. 85); see
pp. 179180 for a listing of Weils other publications on the subject. (Ibn) Daftarkhwn is
882
36
as quotations for anyone who wanted to display his wit in communicating with
someone of a given name. Such a practical purpose, however, could hardly
have motivated the profusion of epigrams on gentilics dealing with localities
and religious groups such as Christians, Jews, Samaritans, Zo|roastrians, even
polytheists. A Shite could thus be addressed as rejecting his lover, just as the
Khrijites rejected Al:
A Shite with a figure like the branch of a ben tree,
In whose eyelid is ensheathed and glitters the sword of the Legatee (Al),
A youth whose face is a luminous full moon,
Whose breath is fragrant musk,
To the one who wants to get intimate with him
He says what the Khrijites said about Al.
(Wa-shyun ka-ghuni l-bni qaddan
yalu bi-jafnih sayfu l-Way
Ghulmun wajhuh badrun munrun
wa-nakhatuh min al-miski l-dhaky
Yaqlu li-man yarmu l-wala minh
kam qla l-khawriju f Aly [fol. 37b])
A Christian reading the Gospels suggests to the poet the famous metaphor of
love union being as close as the ligature of the letters lm and alif :
O (you) who, when you are reading the Gospel,
Always turn away my unhappy heart from the Torah!
I have seen you in my sleep embracing me,
As the lm of the scribe embraces the alif.55
(Y man idh qaraa l-injla alla lah
qalb l-shaqyu ani l-tawrti munarif
Inn raaytuka f nawm tuniqun
kam yuniqu lmu l-ktibi l-alif [fol. 39b])
55
quoted a number of times in the Ghurra. It may be an additional matter of interest that
al-Badr devotes a special section to Turkish names of the ruling establishment of his time.
The incorporation of quotations in verses (tamn) contributed to their appeal for educated readers. The often-quoted second verse is ascribed to different authors; see Franz
Rosenthal, Four Essays on Art and Literature in Islam (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971), p. 56 [below,
p. 1049. Ed.].
883
A pretty Jew was reminded by Sad al-Dn b. Arab of his humble social status
as a member of a protected religious community and a non-Muslim:
This Jew who may belong to the
People of Hell but whose face is Paradise for me,
Shows himself always haughty and proud toward his lover,
Although (as a Jew) he bears the mark of humiliation.
(Hdh l-Yahdyu lladh kna min
ahli l-jami fa-wajhuh l jannat
Abadan yathu al l-muibbi taazzuzan
hdh wa-qad uribat alayhi l-dhillat [fol. 40b])
In the social context, an individuals dress was almost as important as his name.
Thus, the next, third chapter of the Ghurra is entirely devoted to garments
of various kinds and accessories like jewelry. A garments color most notably
added to its wearers attractiveness, as did the complexion of the individual
himself (which is a different subject and treated in another chapter [13]). There
follow the epigrams addressed to mals of various social status, beginning
with caliphs (it is doubtful, however, whether the existence of a caliph in
contemporary Cairo was the reason for the retention of such verses), statesmen,
all kinds of military and civilian officials, and then on down the entire scale
of socially useful occupations and not-so-useful occupations, such as those of
robbers and thieves. Slaves are also included in the scheme. Such rather lowly
jobs as, for instance, that of courier (s) are not forgotten:
Id give my life for a courier
Whose beauty has captured mankind.
I must become intimate with him,
Come what may.56
(Bi-l-ri afd siyan
jamluh sab l-war
56
The author is Burhn al-Dn (Ibn) al-Bn (777870/13761465), one of the grand old
men of the contemporary scholarly establishment. According to al-Sakhw (see above,
n. 45), he as well as his brothers Shams al-Dn (b. in the 780s/13781387, d. 871/1467) and
Jaml al-Dn (805880/14031475) wrote endorsements for the Ghurra. Burhn al-Dn and
Shams al-Dn died close to the presumptive date of the Ghurras composition. See the
entry al-Bn in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., 1:11091110.
37
884
L budda l min walih

wa-law jar mahm jar [fol. 53a])
Hunting, shooting, riding, traveling to near or far placeseach activity has its
own chapter. A returning traveler, his face weathered by his journey, may thus
be greeted with this epigram:
The friend whom I love has returned from a trip
With sunburn on his face.
I wonder about the suns impression on a moon
When the sun must not reach the moon.57
( Ja l-abbu lladh ahwhu min safarin
wa-l-shamsu qad aththarat f wajhih athar
Ajibtu min atharin li-l-shamsi f qamarin
wa-l-shamsu l yanbagh an tudrika l-qamar [fol. 65b])
38
The merchant traveler occurs again in chapter 8, dedicated to merchants and

jewelers, in verses playing on the similarity in sound and writing of the words
for camels, loads, and beauty:
A merchant who did not stay put in a land
It is the moons custom to move from place to place.
He became so exceedingly beautiful that
Beauty turned out to be his camels loads.58
(Wa-tjirin lam yuqim bi-arin
wa-datu l-badri l-intiql
Afraa f usnih fa-a
Amla ajmlih jaml [fol. 85b])
Polo and ball games are included here, as are other activities of children such
as playing with pigeons and small birds. An imagined specific situation such
as a mal feeding a small bird (zurzr) from his mouth is transformed into an
erotic play on words:
57
58
The author is Ibn Nubta (686768/12871366), who is often quoted in the Ghurra.
The author is al-afad, who quotes the epigram in his Jinn al-jins f ilm al-bad (Constantinople, 1299), p. 75; Samr usayn alab, ed. (Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmya, 1407/
1987), p. 129.
885
O (you) who is carrying (his pet) sparrow in his hand

You commit a grave sin among humankind!
Would you forbid lovers to kiss (your) red lips,
While you allow the sparrow to feed from your mouth?
For your sparrows sake, spare just a single visit,
And you will quench the thirst in the breast of your friends.
(Y mila l-zurzri f kaffih
aktharta f l-nsi tajannk
A-tamnau l-ushshqa lathma l-lam
wa-tuima l-zurzra min fk
Bi-aqqi zurzrika zur zawratan
tashf ad adri muibbk [fol. 64a])
Verses on military and civilian officials are combined with those on legal administrators; on the representatives of artistic and scholarly disciplines such
as poetry, prosody, and adth; on scientists such as astronomers and what are
seen as related activitiesprayer leader, muezzin, and astronomical/religious
timekeeper (muwaqqit); on teachers, ascetics, and even philosophers and logicians. On a pretty student of logic, al-afad composed this epigram:
O you beautiful gazelle of a logician whose love
Has made (my) eyelids unable to meet for slumber,
When it covered my body with wasting disease.
Affliction may come from talk/logic.59
(Y usna abyin maniqyin ubbuh
jaala l-jufna al l-kar l taltaq
Wa-adhba qalb idh kas jism l-an
inna l-bala muwakkalun bi-l-maniq [fol. 72a])
Details of a central profession in a manuscript society, that of copyist, are not
overlooked. The obligatory manuscript collation (muqbala) elicits several
epigrams playing with various meanings of the Arabic word such as opposition, facing (punishment), and algebra:
59
On the proverb and the play on the double meaning of maniq as talk and logic, see
Franz Rosenthal, The History of an Arabic Proverb, Journal of the American Oriental
Society 109 (1989): 376378.
39
886
My beloved collated his books,

And my heart became covered with apprehension.
Lord, keep him safe, for
The full moon that he is is in opposition.60
(Qbala l-ibbu kutbah
fa-fud ktas walah
Rabbi sallimhu innah
badruh f l-muqbalah [fol. 84a])
Or:
I plucked a fresh rose that is
Your cheek from you with the slender figure.
So, all the time, I commit
A crime while you are collating/facing punishment.61
( Janaytu khaddaka wardan
ghaan wa-qadduka dhbil
Fa-h an kulla waqtin
ajn wa-anta tuqbil [fol. 84a])
Or:
60
Al-Badrs source is al-afad. On the technical meanings of muqbala, see The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., s.v. Mubala. Qbala was, of course, also used in its basic meaning
of facing, as in the epigram ascribed to Ab ayyn al-Gharn, Dwn, Amad Malb
and Khadja al-adth, eds. (Baghdad: Mabaat al-n, 1388/1969), pp. 442443:
In class, I was faced (qbalan) by a soft white
And a slim black (asmar), who both made my body an heir to perdition.
The one shaking a straight lancehis upper torso.
The other drawing a sharp swordhis eyelids.
61
Al-afad, al-Ghayth al-musajjam, 2:45, explains the double meaning of the j-n-y he had in
mind (plucking [fruits, etc.] and committing crimes) and of the root q-b-l in the third
conjugation (collating and a sinners facing punishment for his crime). Without his
explanation, the reader might have a hard time figuring out the intended sense of tuqbil.
For the much-used topos of plucking a rose from the cheek by kissing, see, for instance,
Ibn Nubta, Dwn (Cairo: Mabaat al-Tamaddun, 1905), p. 174.
887
I have collated books with an (otherwise) aloof friend

Who thereby gave joy to a heart about to perish from fear.
I said: O you who inherits my heart in passion,
You have combined between restoration-and-collation/algebra.62
(Qbaltu kutban ma abbin hjirin
fa-sarra qalban kda an yafn walah
Fa-qultu y writha qalb f l-haw
jamata bayna l-jabri wa-l-muqbalah [fol. 84b])
The playing with the endless variety of human activities goes on and on.
Large merchants and small shopkeepers; jewelers; craftsmen employed in the
production of different kinds of weapons; workers in wood, stone, and metal;
builders; buyers and sellers of flowers and fruits; gardenersall had epigrams
dedicated to the mals among them. A salesman of drawer strings (tikka)
evokes a couplet of a type that is comparatively rare here in that it suggests
explicit sexuality:
O seller of drawer strings in his shop
Well braided and tied!
I dont need but a drawer string
That you untie when we are alone in my house.
(Y bia l-tikkati f sqih
mukamatan bi-l-afri wa-l-aqd
M jat ill il tikkatin
taulluh f khalwatin ind [fol. 97a])
The only thing a skillful painter (muawwir) cannot capture in his work is his
own beauty.
In the craft of painting has risen a moon
Who matches every(thing) created with its like.
He paints all that is beautiful on earth,
Yet is unable to paint something like his face.
62
The author again is al-afad. Walah apparently represents walahan. The two components
of the word for algebra probably refer to joy and fear.
40
888
(Sam f anati l-tawri badrun

yuqbilu kulla makhlqin bi-shibhih
Yuawwiru kulla m f l-ari usnan
wa-yajizu an yuawwira mithla wajhih [fol. 101b])
41
Players of various instruments, singers, dancers, singers who also play an instrument while dancing, shadow players, all find the attention they deserve | because of their central position in the entertainment industry of their civilization. Even the sweating of a dancer is grist for the poets mill:
One with intoxicating, bewitching eyes,
With sweet red lips and a well-proportioned figure,
Danced till he sweated, producing something like
Dewdrops as on a rose on his cheek.63
(Wa-siri l-ali nashwnih
adhbi l-lam mutadili l-qadd
Arraqah l-raqu fa-f khaddih
mithlu saqi l-alli f l-ward [fol. 132b])
The eating of hashish was common in the time of al-Badr. It is documented
by no less than three epigrams in this context (fols. 127a130b); four more are
quoted under varia (fol. 188a). Players of various games also have their epigrams; in the case of chess, there are twelve entries. The concluding chapters,
16 and 17, are devoted to the traditional themes of the beauty mole and the
first growth of hair on the face of the beloved. The interest in these chapters
is thus confined to specialists in these standard conceits of amatory poetry.
But chapter 15 on varia offers again many observations on daily life. Mals
are depicted as laughing, crying, walking arm in arm, walking slowly. There
are fs and Qalandars among them. They go on the pilgrimage and perform its various rites. They swim, engage in nautical pursuits, and, in particular, participate in the many activities of the public bath. They look into mirrors, thus offering an opportunity for the poet to expand on an ancient and
favorite subject. From another practitioner of the homoerotic epigram, Mujr
al-Dn Ibn Tamm (d. 684/1285), comes a variant on the mirror metaphor that
has intrigued people since mirrors were discovered and that is so commonly
63
The poet is Najm al-Dn (Muammad b. Sawwr) b. Isrl (603677/1206[7]1278); see

al-Kutub, Fawt al-Wafayt, 2:431438; al-afad, Wf, 3:143145.
889
employed in Arabic literature. In Mujr al-Dns case, the metaphor is the double enjoyment of an individuals beauty caused by its reflection in the mirror:
A blessing upon the friends mirror for being carried
In the hand of (someone as straight as) a branch of a fully grown ben tree!
It faced the moon in heaven with its (sur)face,
Thus showing me two moons together at one time.64
(b li-mirti l-abbi fa-innah
umilat bi-rati ghuni bnin ayna
Wa-staqbalat qamara l-sami bi-wajhih
fa-aratniya l-qamarayni f waqtin ma [fol. 185a])
An entire chapter (14) deals with physical imperfections and defects that are
viewed as not being obstacles to true love. It starts out with epigrams on the
medical profession, physicians, oculists, barbers, and bloodletters. The comparison of physical ailments with the potential psychic harm caused by unfulfilled love was a favorite subject of love theory. Verses of (Ibn) Daftarkhwn, for
instance, address an unfeeling physician:
A physician, with whose glances passion toyed
So that his eyes became his eyelids arrows,
Cures the sick but does not cure a lover
And turns away from his moans and sighs.
How can someone passionately in love be healed
When the physician is no help for him against passion?
64
The last line (or the last two lines?) is said to be a quotation. The same text is given in
the biography of Mujr al-Dn in al-Kutub, Fawt al-Wafayt, 2:541. It is preceded there
by verses on a mal drinking from a pond that have the same last line. The text in alafad, al-Ghayth al-musajjam, 1:73, differs slightly, reading juliyat, polished, for umilat,
and substituting a metrically impossible synonym (kaffi!) for rati. Another different first
verse appears in one of the biographies of his contemporaries by al-afad, Ayn al-ar
(Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science, 1410/1990. Facsimile prepared by Fuat Sezgin), 3:348. See Manfred Ullmann, Das Motif des Spiegels in der arabischen Literatur des Mittelalters (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gttingen, philologisch-historische Klasse, Dritte
Folge, no. 198).
42
890
(Mutaabbibun abatha l-haw bi-liih

fa-ghadat lawiuh sihma jufnih
Yubr l-saqma wa-laysa yubr shiqan
wa-yadu an zafartih wa-annih
Kayfa l-sablu il shifi mutayyamin
laysa l-abbu al l-haw bi-munih [fol. 152b])
Professions of love for mals affected by malformations or diseases, often
of a kind considered loathsome, and the defense of such love against public
censure are touching, even if they degenerate into scurrilous verses on such
an insignificant flaw as bad breath, and play on the common theme of the
beloveds enjoyable saliva:
You people attack me for being deeply in love with someone with bad
breath.
Ill tell you frankly what my situation is:
My friend is chary with (his) saliva, so the mouth water
Just changed because it stayed (in the mouth) for too long.65
(Wa-annaftumn idh kaliftu bi-abkharin
sa-ukhbirukum an shari l wa-baththih
abb annun bi-l-rubi wa-innam
taghayyara mu l-thaghri min li makthih [fol. 157a])
43
True love is not dependent on physical characteristics, and real beauty lies in
the mind and soul rather than the eye of the beholder. Verses by Ibn al-Mutazz
as quoted in the Jawmi al-ladhdha are the most eloquent expression of love
as a universal feeling that does not discriminate:
My heart jumps constantly at this and that.
Whatever it is that it sees, it does not reject it.
It falls deeply in love with beauty as is fitting,
And taking pity on ugliness, it loves it.66
65
66
Contrast the Greek saying in Ibn Ab Awn, al-Ajwiba al-muskita, May A. Yousef, ed. (Berlin:
Klaus Schwarz, 1988), p. 116, no. 701; Franz Rosenthal, Witty Retorts of the Philosophers
and Sages from the Kitb al-Ajwibah al-muskitah of Ibn Ab Awn, Graeco-Arabica 4 (1991):
pp. 201202.
Jawmi, MS Fatih, fol. 49b; MS Chester Beatty, fol. 60b. The translation of Khawwam, 123,
deserves quoting:
891
The few examples here, selected from thousands, may not be the best of
their kind, and the literal translations do not do justice to the literary artistry,
the lilting rhythm, and the allusive power of words and meanings that most of
them share. The poetic imagery is standard and worn out by common use; it is
much too repetitive and unoriginal to be great poetry. True feeling is obviously
absent from the genre as such, just as we have contended it is at our starting
point, the Rangstreit discussion. Epigrams are usually exercises in technical
skill, and these Arabic epigrams are so perhaps to an even greater degree since
composing them had become a test that anyone aspiring to be called a cultured
individual, let alone a poet, had to pass. Above all, love had developed into a
routine subject of versemaking that could dispense with felt emotion; the erotic
vocabulary had all but lost its original meaning and could even be applied as a
form of flattery. Sexuality gives way to a cult of beauty sought in every aspect of
daily life and in all the manifestations of higher civilization; sexual distinctions
are reduced to a minor role. Whether homoerotic or heteroerotic elements
prevail in direct comparisons or are analyzed in separate chapters or separate
essays, these collections present a shimmering, albeit solid and encompassing,
picture of a society in which a significant segment of the intellectual leadership
tried to teach that seeing love as beauty was the indispensable means for its true
fulfillment.
My heart has love for everybody.

It would reject nobody.
It adores beauty
And, having pity on ugliness, loves it.
The Arabic text, as indicated by Khawwam, occurs in al-Abbs, Mahid al-tan,
Muammad Muy al-Dn Abd al-amd, ed., 4 vols. (Cairo: Mabaat al-Sada, 1367/1947,
reprint Beirut: lam al-Kutub, ca. 1980), 2:41. See also Zayyt, al-Mara al-ghulmya,
p. 164. I have as yet no confirmation of the attribution of Ibn al-Mutazz.
vii.8
247
Reflections on Love in Paradise

There are two reasons for the appearance of the following brief remarks in
this volume. One of them is my wish to be present and counted when a good
old friend and long-time colleague is honored. The other is my feeling that
Islam deserves to be heard in connection with the theme of love and death.
Both love and death were fundamental concerns in Muslim intellectual activity.
The ideas of Muslim thinkers and littrateurs on these subjects had, of course,
changed perceptibly from those current in the ancient Near East as the result of
the long history of the assimilation, in the region, of a variety of cultures, with
the Hellenistic one being the most prominent and effective among them. Yet,
significant echoes of the more remote Near Eastern past continue to be heard
in Islam.1
Love became known in Muslim civilization as the primary and all-encompassing moving force. In the spiritual sense as well as the physical one, it
provided the motion that was considered identical with all worldly existence,
animate and inanimate. The experience of love was particularly necessary for
human beings. The heart of one who has never loved was a hard, inhuman
heart,2 and a person who did not know love was no better than a donkey or
a stone.3 Death was the contrary of love. It marked the cessation of motion
1 Recent works on love in European languages are L.A. Giffen, Theory of Profane Love among
the Arabs: The Development of the Genre (New York and London, 1971), and Joseph N. Bell,
Love Theory in Later anbalite Islam (Albany, NY, 1979). The literature on death, especially
the theological side of it, has not been studied extensively, but cf. Mohamed Abdesselem, Le
thme de la mort dans la posie arabe des origines la fin du III/IXe sicle (Tunis, 1977).
For Muslim views on Paradise and love and sex in it, see, e.g., oub El-ale, La vie
future selon le Coran (Paris, 1971). A modern interpretation is that of Abdelwahab Bouhdiba,
La sexualit en Islam (Paris, 1975). See also A.J. Wensinck and C. Pellat, r, Encyclopaedia
of Islam,2 and the chapter on Islam by T. Nagel in Tod und Jenseits im Glauben der Vlker
(H.-J. Klimkeit, ed.; Wiesbaden, 1978): 130144. The adth material is so commonly known
and quoted in the sources that no detailed references are as a rule needed here. A thorough
study of it in all its variety would be desirable, even if medieval scholars have done a splendid
job of collecting it in many books.
2 Cf. an-Nuwayr, Nihyah (Cairo, 1342 ff., undated reprint): VII, 41.
3 Cf. the relevant verses in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyah, Rawat al-muibbn (A. Ubayd, ed.; Cairo,
1375/1956): 176178.
reflections on love in paradise
893
certain to come speedily to all individuals and to all human endeavor in this
world. Love and death were felt by sensitive thinkers to be joined inseparably
in the fabric of human life. Their views found expression in the pervasive
discussion among poets and philosophers of the true significance of love and,
even more importantly, in the speculations of mystics, on the basis of religious
experience and philosophical contemplation, about the true significance of
death.
Love, if it was true and deep, was considered destined to lead to sickness,
insanity, or death. There are various stages of love, the last being most fittingly
expressed by the metaphor of killing and being killed.4 And it was indeed no
mere metaphor. The emotional strain of love and, in particular, the voluntary or
involuntary denial of love fulfillment caused actual death through a prolonged
period of wasting away or an unexpected, sudden collapse. There were those
who ridiculed these notions,5 but they were firmly anchored in the esthetic
sensibilities of littrateurs. They became the unconscious attitude toward the
meaning of love in many, if not most, individuals.
Death to the world while still in it is the ultimate expression of the mystics unconditional love of the divine. From the philosophers command to seek
a voluntary death in order to achieve true life to the mystics spiritual selfannihilation for the sake of ridding himself of the encumbrances of the material
world and being ready for the full measure of divine love, it was only a short
step but one that shaped the religious complexion of Islam. It could lead to
abstruseness provoking self-mockery, as in these verses:
I have died in my love, being identical with my beloved.
My heart is distressed because of my separation.
I am removed from myself. Thus, whenever I gather myself
I am because of my ecstasy in a state of annihilation from myself.
O listener! Do you know what I am saying
When, indeed, I myself do not know?6
4 Cf., for instance, the often quoted verse on the three stages of love. Because it contains the
rare word timillq, it was also quoted by the lexicographers, see Ibn Manr, Lisn al-Arab, s.
rad. m-l-q.
5 When one of the Ban mir was asked about his tribesman Majnn who was consumed by
his love for Layl, he said that only weak-hearted Yemenites died of love; see Ibn al-Jawz,
Dhamm al-haw (Muaf Abd-al-Wid and M. al-Ghazzl, eds.; Cairo, 1381/1962): 310. Cf.
also Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn, Kitb al-Aghn (Blq, 1285): I, 147 = Agh.3 I, 369.
6 Cf. a-afad, al-Ghayth al-musajjam fi shar Lmyat al-Ajam (Cairo, 1305): I, 106.
248
894
But the seriousness and intensity of the mystical identification of love with
death were not to be denied. The conviction that the entire universe, material
and metaphysical, was united by the force of disembodied love and death of
the self was alive in many and accepted as the ultimate wisdom by myriads of
Muslims.
The large amount of discussion devoted to these ideas in Muslim literature
is an indication of the hold they exercised over vast numbers of the believers.
Because of their importance for the understanding of Islam, they have also
found much attention in the modern scholarly literature in East and West.
Their historical interest is matched by the importance of their inherent character as being fundamental for a better insight into general religious and psychological phenomena; this has added to their attraction for the modern student.
A more specifically Islamic aspect of the interaction of love and death developed as the result of Muslim religious views going back to the beginnings of
Islam. It deals with mans fate after death in the realm beyond nature and is,
therefore, not directly combinable with common human concerns, although
it retains a full complement of sidelights on the human psyche and provides
valuable information on the workings of the medieval Muslim mind and social
attitudes. Life after death was a crucial dogma for traditional monotheism. It
was as important as the belief in one God, perhaps even more so because of
its great impact upon moral behavior on earth and the possibility to control
it. Everything connected with the other world was an inexhaustible subject of
speculation in Islam, elaborated according to the dictates of fancy and repeated
over and over again in the literature; the inherited information was cited endlessly, but it was also often modified at will and enriched.
The problems of love and sex in Paradise constituted only a small part of
this never-ending discussion. They involved, however, issues that were particularly sensitive for several reasons. First and foremost, there were unusually
many Qurnic data that had to be taken into consideration. They were supplemented by traditions of the Prophet. At the beginning, these adths were
few in number. The correctness of their attribution to the Prophet can be neither proved nor disproved, but they definitely were ancient as well as generally
accepted. Moreover, they were specific and full of details. Another factor was
the unresolved relationship between love and sex. The understanding of this
difficult problem was complicated by the prevailing, if debated, view of love as a
separate, totally spiritual phenomenon. Furthermore, the emotional character
of the subject naturally exercised an excessively strong hold on the imagination and came up against the conflict between frankness and prudery, which
is present everywhere in Islam, in particular, in the religious attitudes toward
895
sex inculcated in the masses.7 The overarching fact, of course, was that human
knowledge with respect to anything in the hereafter was limited to traditional
statements not verifiable by reason or experience and thus open to all kinds
of arbitrary assumptions and interpretations. Moreover, religion and society as
established by Islam made open expressions of doubt impractical and dangerous.
The many references to Paradisiacal pleasures in the Qurn give prominence to beautiful maidens, al-r al-n, thus called after their attractively
colored and shaped eyes. The descriptions of the huris in Paradise are in no way
explicitly sexual in the sense that they were said to gratify coarse sexual desires
of the blessed in Paradise.8 The implication of sexuality is, however, unmistakable. Medieval Muslims had no doubt about it, even if it was at times difficult to
reconcile them to the inappropriateness of assuming the existence in Paradise
of something that was viewed as having the potential of danger for individuals
and society. Sex life had its immoral aspects. If an individual indulged in them
and remained unrepentant, he could be almost sure of forfeiting Paradise and
being condemned to Hell. Naturally, sex does not play any role in the tortures of
Hell because, whatever the morality of it, its profoundly pleasurable character
was never in doubt. For this same reason, whatever its problematic aspects, it
could not be ruled absent from Paradise.
Tradition confirms the sexual appeal of the huris and their willingness to
make themselves attractive and pleasing to the blessed. They do so by assuming
the ingratiating and submissive attitude that was considered ideal for women
in this world in their relationship to the dominating male. Men were rewarded
with sexual potency increased beyond mortal human capability to the degree
unrestrained imagination would allow. On the other hand, anything considered
on earth unpleasant in the physical functions of the human body has no place
in Paradise. This includes all bodily excretions. They are | non-existent in
Paradise. The desire to produce children may be alive among the blessed, but
those children are born without the discomforts of pregnancy, and instanta-
7 Cf. J.A. Bellamy, in Society and the Sexes in Medieval Islam (A.L. Marsot, ed.; Malibu, 1979, Sixth
Giorgio Levi Delia Vida Biennial Conference): 34. An editorial footnote in the edition of the
Nihyah of Ibn Kathr, al-Bidyah wa-n-nihyah (ar-Riy, 1968): II, 292f., explains that the
Prophets answer to the question whether the people in Paradise would touch their wives
was omitted from this edition because it contains coarse language which the Prophet would
never have used. Ibn Kathr is criticized for having mentioned it, see also, II, 286. (Cf. Murta
az-Zabd, Itf as-sdah [Cairo, 1311, undated reprint]: X, 545f.)
8 Cf. El-ale, La vie future (N 1): 64.
249
896
neously as desired. There will be children only if one wants them. Expectedly,
the contrary opinion is also represented. No birth will be given to children in
Paradise.9 It may be noted that this discussion appears to consider only the
desire of men for children; women were not asked. Incidentally, the position of
infants and small children in Paradise was another troublesome question for
theologians who were well aware how important an answer was for sorrowful
parents; whatever solutions were suggested, none of them squared with what
was considered bliss for the adults who were admitted to Paradise. A concession to popular sentiment is, however, occasionally made. Thus, it was said that
Muslim infants who had died before their parents would bring them water to
quench their terrible thirst on the Day of Resurrection and enter Paradise with
them when they did.10
Paradise is pleasure conceived most easily in human terms, but it is also pure
spirituality in no way defiled by sensuality. How to combine the contradiction
was by and large left unexplained and probably was overlooked by many. Rare
thinkers came to the wise conclusion that the situation in Paradise cannot
be understood and conveyed in human terms. Like everything concerning the
metaphysical realm, the how of love and sex in Paradise was an unanswerable
question that should not be asked. Things that are desired or feared may
not turn out to be as good or as bad as one expects, but with respect to the
other world the contrary is the case; everything there is bigger and better
than described because of the spirituality attaching to Paradisiacal delights.11
And it was contended in connection with Qurn 2:25 that the identity of the
attractions of Paradise with those known on earth had merely psychological
significance in that human beings like only what is familiar to them and dislike
anything unfamiliar.12 This would seem to be a hint that the reality of Paradise
was by no means exhausted by the available descriptions.
Critical thinkers of the lively and daring tenth century felt that the constant
and effortless eating, drinking, and cohabiting in Paradise, unaccompanied by
the physical and emotional upsets that give spice and variety to these functions in earthly life, would produce boredom and thus be anything but pleasure.
It was recognized as a commonplace paradox that man desires what he does
10
11
12
Cf. Ibn Kathr, Nihyah (N 7): II, 291 ff.; ash-Sharni, Mukhtaar Tadhkirat al-Qurub
(Cairo-Aleppo, 1395/1975): 136. The Tadhkirah itself was not available to me. Cf. also Ibn
Taymyah, al-Fatw al-kubr (Cairo, 1966): II, 209.
Cf. Ab lib al-Makk, Qt al-qulb (Cairo, 1310): II, 242.
Cf. Ibn Abi l-add, Shar Nahj al-balghah (Beirut, 1963): II, 761.
Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf (Blq, 13181319): I, 202.
897
not have and is bored with anything that is easily available.13 Ab ayyn atTawd was bothered by this unhappy consequence of views generally held
about Paradise. He was, however, afraid to take the responsibility for giving
expression to a thought that ran contrary to popular as well as official belief.
Therefore, he chose a rather obscure speculative theologian, a doubter of all
prophecies as he is characterized elsewhere by the same at-Tawd,14 and had
him raise the question dramatically: How remarkable is the situation of people in Paradise! They stay there with nothing to do15 except eating and drinking
and cohabiting. Does this not make them depressed? Are they not bored? Do
they not feel dull? Do they not consider themselves superior to such a vile
state which is similar to that of dumb animals? Do they not become indignant? Are they not disgusted? At-Tawds reply is given in the name of Ab
Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, his revered teacher, whom he often puts forward as spokesman for his own ideas. In this particular case, the appearance
of Ab Sulaymn is clearly an added precaution on at-Tawds part which
enabled him to avoid expressing unorthodox views about the other world as
his own. Ab Sulaymn posits the intellect (reason: al-aql) as the dominant
force controlling life after death in Paradise. The intellect does not know any
boredom or malaise. It is never bored with its activity, with the object of its
intellection, and feels one with it. This is the way, he states, the intellect behaves
in this world. All the more so can the intellect be expected to function in this
manner in the other world, its true home, the realm of pure existence. This
construction is clearly a spin-off from neo-Platonic philosophy. It was hardly
acceptable to religious Muslims as an explanation for something as fundamental as life in Paradiseand, we may add, while it may explain the absence of
boredom in the other world, it hardly explains the need for any presence there
of eating, drinking, and cohabiting. At-Tawd adds still another precaution. In
a highly apologetic vein, he concludes that the problem is a difficult one, even
an impossible one, to solve in human terms.16 The entire discussion is a good
13
14
15
16
Cf. at-Tawd and Miskawayh, al-Hawmil wa-sh-shawmil (A. Amn and as-Sayyid A.
aqr, eds.; Cairo 1370/1951): 172 f.
Kitb al-Imt wa-l-munasah (A. Amn and A. az-Zayn, eds.; Cairo, 19391944): I, 141.
Attacks on prophecy were identical with the denial of life after death.
They have no work (amal). Work is a human beings most important means toward
self-fulfillment and salvation.
At-Tawd, Muqbast (M.T. usayn, ed.; Baghdd, 1970): 159161, no. 35. The passage
from at-Tawd is referred to by El-ale, La vie future (N 1): 133. For the philosophical view
of the problem of Paradise, cf., for instance, Rasil Ikhwn a-af (Cairo, 1347/1928): III,
77 f.
898
250
example of the extreme delicacy with which rationalists such as they were had
to approach metaphysical problems, especially | if, as in this case, they were
likely to touch deep emotions.
If pure spirituality, or pure rationality, rules in Paradise, love, as differentiated from sex, might be expected to be triumphant there, for the ideal of
worldly love was depicted as realized only if it was truly spiritual and devoid
of contamination by active sexuality. There is, however, little to be found about
love in this sense in Paradise. A tradition of the Prophet describes the huris as
receiving the blessed who are destined to be their husbands, when they arrive
in Paradise, lovingly (mutaabbibt), but theirs is also an attitude pervaded by
sexual sensuality (mutaashshiqt);17 they desire ( yashtahna) their husbands
passionately (awshiq),18 and it is passionate love (ishq) that impels them to
hurry toward them to welcome them.19 The Qurnic use of a hapax legomenon
of somewhat doubtful interpretation (uruban Qurn 56:37/36) is principally
responsible for endowing the huris with warm feelings of love, though not of
an entirely spiritual kind.
In fact, loneliness, in the form of not needing, or not having, as on earth the
support of others in order to be able to function, is seen as playing a large part
in life after death. Men will be summoned to the Last Judgement in droves,
but then each one of them will be left to answer for himself. Nobody he was
familiar with on earth will be there to stand up for him, and comparatively
little is said about the various possibilities of intercession that might ease his
lot. People will be admitted to Paradise, or driven to Hell, in large groups, but
again human contacts as they were common on earth fade into insignificance.
Even if indications to the contrary can be found in the traditions20 and even
if there existed a strong undercurrent in favor of seeing in Paradise merely
a continuation of conditions on earth, the blessed are pretty much left to
themselves, with the company of huris but with little need for emotions such
as love. A famous adth says, in a variety of slightly different formulations,
that a man will be with those whom he loves. On occasion, on the Day of
Resurrection is expressly added to it. Even without the addition, it is clear
from the contexts in which the adth is reported that the statement refers to
17
18
19
20
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyah, Rawah (N 3): 240, 243.

Cf. Abdallh b. al-Mubrak, Kitb az-Zuhd wa-r-raqiq (abb-ar-Raman al-Aam, ed.;
Nasik, India, no year [1971?]): 553.
Cf. al-Musib, Kitb al-Tawahhum (A.J. Arberry, ed.; Cairo, 1937): 42.
According to a tradition, old friends meet sociably in Paradise and reminisce about the
good old days on earth when they prayed and obtained Gods forgiveness, cf. Murta
az-Zabd, Itf as-sdah (N 7): X, 549.
899
a situation expected to arise on the day of awe. The contexts also make it quite
clear that the object of that love is the Prophet and God, and the love mentioned
is manifested by the eager performance of the religious duties of Islam. Such
love expressed on earth will assure an individuals protection by God and His
Prophet in his hour of greatest need. The statement seems, however, also to
have been taken by itself to refer to togetherness with a persons loved ones
at the Resurrection whenever they were people whom he had loved in God
on earth. Each one in the group is nevertheless judged according to his own
merit, and it is left unspecified who might be included in the group of loved
ones.21 It could be friends, relatives, or wives. However this may be, the adth
is dominated by the idea of religious love, a love in God and for God, which
is transferred from earth to Paradise with the individual who had practiced it
while he was alive. Paradise is indeed the ideal place for true love in that it
opens up the opportunity to love God exclusively in the way every human being
should love Him. If people love each other truly, they do so in God, a recurring
expression to signify unselfish proper relations between human beings also on
earth. But it is, of course, a love very different from the spiritual love of the
writers on erotic themes.
21
Cf. Ibn ajars commentary on al-Bukhr, entitled Fat al-Br (Cairo, 13781383/1959
1963): XIII, 176179. According to Ibn ajar, Ab Nuaym al-Ifahn appears to have written a monograph on the subject, entitled Kitb al-Muibbn ma al-mabbn. Cf. also
Abdallh b. al-Mubrak, Kitb az-Zuhd (N 18): 360 f., and at-Tirmidh, al-Jmi a-a
(with the commentary of Ibn al-Arab, riat al-awadh) (Cairo, 1350/1931ff.): XIII, 56,
IX, 232, and the modern commentary by al-Mahrakfr, Tufat al-awadh (Cairo, 1382
1384/19631965): IX, 518; VII, 60 f.
Al will enter Paradise with his entire family and staff, including, of course, his wife, the
Prophets daughter Fimah, cf. Muammad b. Abi l-Qsim a-Tabar, Bishrat al-Muaf
li-Shiat al-Murta (2nd ed.; an-Najaf, 1383/1963): 159, 173.
In the elegy on a brother of his, Ismil b. Yasr, whose life spanned the second half
of the seventh and the first half of the eighth centuries, stated that he would not meet
him again till the Day of Resurrection (lit., gathering il l-ashr), cf. Kitb al-Aghn
(N 5): IIV, 126 = Agh.3 IV, 426. The same idea occurs in the elegy of Isq al-Mawil upon
his deceased father, cf. Agh. V, 47 = Agh.3 V, 257. However, the expression il l-ashr was
used already in the seventh century in the sense of for all eternity, as in a poem by Anas
b. Zunaym who threatens that he would leave rithah b. Badr il l-ashr if he does not
give up drinking wine, cf. Agh. XXI, 33 = Agh.3 VIII, 406. And in a satirical poem directed
against the eighth-century poet Marwn b. Ab afah, meanness is said to be encamped
at his house il l-ashr, cf. Agh. IX, 47 = Agh.3 X, 93. Cf. also Agh. XVIII, 7 (Ab Nuws).
Cf., further, al-Ql, Aml (Cairo, 1373): 11, 71, line 18. Cf. also, for instance, Ibn Qutaybah,
Uyn (Cairo, 19631964, reprint): III, 59, 61; IV, 137.
900
251
The very position of the subject of love in Paradise in the famous Muslim
treatises on the theory of love is revealing in this connection. Originally, love in
Paradise was of no concern to the writers of those works. The Dhamm al-haw
of Ibn al-Jawz, for exampleeven | though it was written long after the early
period when secular thought was less intertwined with religious thought than
later ontotally disregards love in Paradise. Ibn al-Jawzs professed purpose in
writing his work, which was to argue for the blameworthiness of love and passion, may account for this fact. A man of his outlook would see no blameworthy
fault whatever in the religious promise of love and sexual pleasure in the other
world. However, his disregard of otherworldly love continued an accepted literary tradition. By contrast, the anbalite jurist Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, more
than a century and a half after Ibn al-Jawz, included a section on the subject in
his Rawat al-muibbn.22 He placed it appropriately after the theoretical discussion of love and before the large section devoted to the description of love
which may be harmful if it disregards established laws and which is right and
good if it is governed by pious abstinence and asceticism and centers around
the love of God. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah pursues legal and moral aims and
views love and sex as matters strictly to be controlled by Muslim religious conventions. Thus, the promise of erotic pleasure in Paradise, as a substitute for
failures and shortcomings with respect to love and sex on earth, has its definite
place in his work. But it is no longer the tradition of love theory that he continues. Significantly, his argument gives no indication of the existence after death
of spiritual love as conceived by secular thinkers.
Passionate worldly love might be described in poetic hyperbole as eternal
and only temporarily suspended by death. The poetess Fal was greatly in love
with the well-known ninth-century poet, Sad b. umayd. Being very sick, she
reproached him with not caring for her and rather wishing she were dead and
he were rid of her. Gallantly he reassured her of his love in moving verses:
May you not die before me, but let us both stay alive!
I do not want to see the day you die.
Rather let us both live in passion and hope, while God
Cuts down to size those who spread malicious gossip about us,
Until at last, when the Merciful One decides that we must die
And we have to face the inescapable,
22
Above (N 3). Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah also wrote a large monograph on life after death
which deals in some detail with sexual pleasure in Paradise, d al-arw il bild
al-afr, which has been printed repeatedly. The text used here was printed in Cairo,
1381/1962.
901
We shall die together, like two willow branches withered

After they had been, for a while, fresh and green.
Then let there be peace upon us in our resting places,
Until we stand before the scales of our Maker.
If we achieve Paradise, it will hold both of us, if such
Is His will. Or, if He wills, He will throw us into the Fire.
When it burns hot, kisses will cool us both,
And the coolness of sucking (saliva) will arouse us in pangs of love,
So that at last all those who are there eternally will say:
Would that we altogether had been lovers!23
Verses by another poet, Ibn Abdal, addressed to a songstress with whom he
was in love referred to the possibility that if he were to see her in the hottest
spot of Hell, its fire would seem to him to cool.24 Beautiful as these verses are,
especially those of Sad b. umayd, they concern the extraordinary and rare
passion a particularly sensitive person may have for a lover, but they tell us little
about the usual attitudes toward conjugal love.
What happens to ordinary human relations of love and affection that existed
on earth once death has done its cruel work of separation? Does Paradise support the idea of an undying love between husband and wife? Does it afford
the opportunity to resume broken ties and see ones beloved ones again? This,
I believe, is the real test for the existence or non-existence of a meaningful
interaction between social life as lived on earth and as envisioned for Paradise.
23
24
Cf. Agh. XVII, 7. In our context, the last three verses are the ones that are most important.
They are, however, not found in Agh. but in a-afad, Wf (B. Radtke, ed.; Bibliotheca
Islamica 6:15 Wiesbaden, 1979): XV, 214 f. This is strange since a-afad obviously quotes
from Agh. Possibly, the text in the old edition of Agh., which is the only one available to
me, is defective. Cf. also a-afad, Ghayth (N 6): II, 93, where reference is made further to
verses ascribed to Umar b. Ab Rabah (P. Schwarz, ed.): II, 244.
Cf. Agh. II, 153 = Agh.3 II, 414.
In a verse by al-Awa, love is spoken of as lasting to the day on which the hearts are
tested, cf. his Dwn (dil S. Jaml and Shawq ayf, eds.; Cairo, 1390/1970): 118. Again in
poetry it is stated that eternal love may continue in the grave and beyond the grave until
the Day of Resurrection and new life in either Paradise or Hell, cf. Hans Wehr (ed.), Das
Buch der wunderbaren Erzhlungen und seltsamen Geschichten (Bibliotheca Islamica 18
[Wiesbaden, 1956]): 259, 264. In both cases the idea expressed is the eternality of love. An
eventual reunion and the resumption of earthly bonds are not really considered, though
they may be implied.
902
252
A very old adth25one that, among other things, also suggests the absence
of some bodily excretions in Paradisespeaks of zawjatn two wives as a
portion | of the bliss that awaits every man admitted to Paradise. They are of
the most dainty beauty, so that the marrow of their leg(bone)s can be seen
through the flesh. The presence of two wives would appear to upset the
numerical balance between the sexes in Paradise, as was frequently observed
by Muslim scholars. Moreover, it contradicted a adth stating that women are
very much in the minority in Paradise, and another one, which was even more
popular, saying that women are numerically preponderant in Hell because of
their likely failure to acquire sufficient religious merit in this world. The surplus of women over men was pronounced one of the signs (ashr) heralding the coming of the Hour, which, however, did not mean anything for the
eventual situation in Paradise. If the two wives were hurisand the Qurn
44:54, 52:20 speaks indeed of marrying26 the blessed in Paradise to huris,
they would not have to conform to ordinary human expectations as to the
distribution of the sexes. Counting the huris, there would anyhow be many
more females than males in the other world. Whether the two wives were
human beings or huris was, in fact, widely debated. To a scholar like Ibn ajar,
reaching a decision on this point seemed beyond human capability. It was
assumed by some that they were human beings. They were considered additional to the number of huris allotted to the blessed. The lengthy Tradition
of the Trumpet (adth a-r) speaks of seventy-two huris in addition to two
human wives.27 But the number of huris for each man alternated between the
conservative seventy-two and five hundred as the maximum. More extravagant adths speak of 4,000 virgins and 8,000 no longer virginal women, or
of a paltry one hundred virgins, without specifying their terrestrial or Paradisiacal origin. The dual in two wives gave rise, furthermore, to attempts to
explain it as a figurative allusion to other duals used in connection with the
description of Paradise (so that it did not have to be taken literally) or just
as an indication of unspecific plurality. Another possibility which seemed to
25
26
27
It appears also in the old afah of Hammm b. Munabbih (M. Hamidullah, ed.; in Majallat al-Majma al-Ilm al-Arab bi-Dimashq, 13721373/1953): XXVIII, 445, but its antiquity
does not depend on whether the afah has, or has not, come down to us in its original
form.
Wa-zawwajnhum bi-r n. Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, d al-arw (N 22): 175. Zawwaja is explained as joining (qarannhum).
The adth a-r is discussed at length by Ibn Kathr, Nihyah I, 245ff. According to Ibn
Qayyim al-Jawzyah, d al-arw (N 22): 182, already al-Wald b. Muslim (d. 195/810)
wrote a monograph on it.
903
many to contain the germs for a solution of the dilemma was that two was
intended merely as a minimum figure. Interestingly, the figure of seventy-two
huris was also described as being in addition to (a mans) wives from this
world.28
The gap existing between wives on earth and huris in Paradise is made
clear by the statement that the huris assigned to future inhabitants of Paradise
watch and censure their misbehaving wives on earth and tell them that their
marriage is only temporary, while they, the huris, will belong to their husbands
for eternity.29 This statement is clearly meant to warn women to be good to
their husbands, but its principal lesson would seem to be that wives from this
world have no claim to their husbands in Paradise. On the other hand, it may be
noted that, in spite of the delightfulness of the huris, we encounter a tradition
to the effect that human women are much superior to them because of the
religious merit they have a chance of accumulating in life, although, as we have
already seen, pessimists were of the opinion that they did not make use of that
opportunity in any large numbers. The adth also has a hortatory purpose and
was not meant to pass a definite comparative judgement. It may, however, be
considered as a hint that there was an occasional awareness, even among the
credulous, of the inanity, with respect to human relationships, of the traditional
speculations on Paradisiacal love and sex.
The continuity between life in this world and life in the other world was
further interrupted by the widely accepted traditional pronouncement that the
age during which human life on earth was seen as imperfect, that is, childhood
and old age, was not to be perpetuated in Paradise.30 Old women were not to be
found there, according to a practical joke played by the Prophet himself on an
old woman who became distressed when he told her that old women were not
allowed in Paradise. She was consoled when he explained that she would find
herself rejuvenated.31 Everybody lived in Paradise in youthful beauty and at an
28
29
30
31
The preceding information reproduces what Ibn ajar, Fat (N 21): VII, 133, has to say on
the subject Cf. also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, d al-arw (N 22): 107, 185, etc.
Cf. ash-Sharn, Mukhtaar (N 9): 136. Cf. also the adth found in Ibn Mjah and Ibn
anbal (see A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane
[Leiden, 19361969]): II, 116a15: Whenever a woman harms her husband, his huri wife says,
Dont harm him, damn you! He is with you just as a guest and about to leave you soon and
come to us.
See above (N 10), which, however, does not necessarily contradict this since there was
so much vacillation as to what to do with infants in Paradise; the idea of just having them
become adults there does not seem to have been entertained, or at least was not common.
Cf., for instance, F. Rosenthal, Humor in Early Islam (Leiden, 1956): 5f.
904
253
unchanging age of thirty or thirty-three years.32 Moreover, since so much value

was placed on virginity, women in Paradise would be virginal and be returned
each time after coitus to their virginal state. All this clearly made it difficult to
see in Paradise a direct continuation of marital happiness as experienced on
earth.
It seems doubtful whether much weight should be attached to the seemingly
offhand remark just cited that a man will meet his wives from this world in
Paradise, but it may, in fact, reflect a suppressed majority sentiment that hoped
for the resumption of earthly relations in the | hereafter. There is a small number of stories telling of the hope expressed for some remembrance of former
marital bliss in Paradise. Probably the most famous story of this kind is that
of Hind bint Asm b. Khrijah. Her first husband was Ubaydallh b. Ziyd b.
Abhi. She was with him on the day he was killed in battle (10 al-Muarram
67/6 August 686). She could not bear his loss. One day she expressed her feelings in these words: I am looking forward to the Day of Resurrection, so that I
might see the face of Ubaydallh b. Ziyd.33 Soon thereafter, she entered upon
a successful marrying career, counting among her husbands Bishr b. Marwn
and the governor al-ajjj. Another version of the same story is in the form
of a comparison between her three husbands. Hind is assumed to have said
that Bishr b. Marwn was most attentive to women and that al-ajjj was most
respectful, but I wish that the Resurrection were here now, so that I might see
Ubaydallh b. Ziyd and find comfort in talking to him and looking at him.34
The first version goes back to the historian al-Madin who died in the early
decades of the ninth century.35 The story, or at least the remark quoted, may be
historical. If it is not, it was certainly current within a century of the time when
it is supposed to have originated. It does not exemplify a love that defies the
awesome perils of the Judgment.36 It exemplifies above all the common belief
that a womans love is strongest for her first husband and lover of her youth.
Fully in the realm of fiction is the story of a certain Umm Uqbah who
had vowed that she would never marry again after the death of her husband
32
33
34
35
36
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, Hd al-arw (N 22): 131; El-ale, La vie future (N 1): 38.
Kitb al-Aghn XVIII, 129. Cf. Urwah b. izm, in al-Ql, Aml: III, 159, line 21.
Cf. Ibn Kathr, Kitb al-Bidyah (Cairo, 13511358): VIII, 285.
Al-Madins treatise on women who were married several times (murdift) is preserved
and published, but it deals with the Qurashites among them. His bibliography contains
other titles that might have been the source of the Kitb al-Aghn.
As stated by A. Mez, Die Renaissance des Islms (Heidelberg, 1922): 310. Mez says that the
story is told everywhere, but he indicates only the insignificant reference in at-Tfsh,
Tufat al-ars (Cairo, 1301): 162.
905
Ghassn. She soon realized that he who is dead is gone (man mta fa-qad
fta), and remarried. On the wedding night, she saw her late husband in a
dream. He reproached her for what she had done, and she was so upset that
she committed suicide. While she was still faithful to her vow, she had spoken
the verses:
I shall remember Ghassn, though he is far away,
And think of him till we meet again when we are resurrected.37
Poetry is also involved in the story about a Kfan named Ab sh-Shath
and the songstress Dannr who belonged to a friend of his. Ab sh-Shath
confided to her that he was greatly smitten with her. Whether it was merely
amorous banter with a man reputed to be chaste and having a sense of humor
or a pointed reproach of thoughts of love in an old man, we cannot be sure. At
any rate, she told him in verses that he should fast and pray. Then his appointed
place after death would be Paradise where she would meet him as a grown
youth in his prime endowed with all good qualities.38 The Day of Resurrection,
even the promise of the pleasures offered by the huris,39 was often considered
to be more of a deterrent to worldly passion than a potential boon to lovers.
A man very much in love with his wife reflected one night that such passion
as he felt was unbecoming and would constitute a burden for him when he
approached the Resurrection with it in his heart. He prayed to God to restore
his heart to a more becoming statewith the result that his wife soon fell ill
and died a few days later.40
The Pyramus-and-Thisbe tragedy of errors, which was well known to Muslim
writers on love, was also transposed into a religious setting featuring the hope
for life after death. A Muslim who had fallen in love with a Christian woman
converted to Christianity at the point of death, so as to be guaranteed to
meet her in the other world. The woman was also very sick. Not having been
37
38
39
40
Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw (N 5): 571. Cf. also al-Ql, Aml: III, 202204.
Cf. Agh., XII, 114 f. = Agh.3, XIII, 345 (where Ab sh-Shath is described as aff mazz),
and Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw (N 5): 274f. (where he is called a shaykh). From the chain
of transmitters indicated in Agh., it would seem that the proximate written source was a
work by az-Zubayr b. Bakkr.
For instance, Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw (N 5): 85: Seeing a young man stealing glances
at a passing woman, Dh n-Nn al-Mir recited verses to the effect that he should leave
alone women made of water and clay and turn his passion toward the huris, that is, he
should think about attaining Paradise.
Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw (N 5): 79.
906
254
informed that her lover had died, she on her part converted to Islam in order to
be able to meet her lover in Paradise, and she died right thereafter.41 A joke in
which Paradise plays a role tells of a beautiful wife of an ugly husband. Looking
into the mirror, she exclaimed that they both were vouchsafed Paradise, he
because he had gratefully supported her, and she because she had patiently
endured being married to such an ugly man; after all, Paradise belongs to both
the patient and the grateful.42 Nothing, one can see, is said here about the
couple being together again in Paradise in their former marital state. One rather
gets the impression that this would be a calamity that could not happen in the
glorious hereafter.
What these stories have in common is that they are set in the days of old; that
they seem to have originated in the early years of Islam and had a long history of
transmission; that they do not pay much attention to all the elaborate religious
mythology that grew up around Resurrection and Paradise; and that they reflect
the fact that women in Islam, especially those of the upper classes, often were
married in succession to several, sometimes prominent men.43 In addition to
illustrating the strong affection supposed to be felt by a woman for her first love,
Hinds story also contains, it seems, an evaluation of Ubaydallh as a human
being which, positive as it was, may have been welcome to his supporters. But
it does not really indicate that she expects, or would wish to expect, to continue
marital relations with him in Paradise.
However, the feeling that marital relationships of this world should be continued in the other world has found yet another expression in traditional religious speculation, the setting again being the multiplicity of marriages not
uncommon among Muslim women. The adth ponders the problem which of
her husbands a woman should join in Paradise. The solution most commonly
preferred is that she choose the one with the best character. An alternative suggestion was made to the effect that it would be the one who on earth had been
her first husband whose bride she became as a virgin. It was also said that she
would belong automatically to the last of her husbands; this served as a warning
against remarriage.44
41
42
43
44
Ibn al-Jawz, Dhamm al-haw (N 5): 459.

Ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart al-udab (Blq, 12861287): II, 125. The man figuring
in the anecdote appears to be the famous Khrijite poet Imrn b. in. Cf. an-Nuwayr,
Ilmm (A.S. Atiya, ed.; Hyderabad, 1393/1973): VI, 248.
For the frequency of remarriage among women in general, cf. S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, 1978): III, 274.
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, d al-arw (N 22): 182, and Rawah (N 3): 240; ash-Sharn,
Mukhtaar (N 9): 135.
907
These traditions, it may be noted, show some concern for the situation of
women in Paradise. They seem to attempt to secure some rights for them there,
although this may be more apparent than real. Nearly all the fantasies about
Paradise are meant for men. They did not have to make a choice among those
of their wives whom they would like to encounter again in Paradise. Perhaps,
the adth of the two wives (from earth) should have given rise to speculations
on this subject, but to all appearances it did not do so.
The foregoing excerpts from a vast corpus of materials containing Muslims
views on love and sex after death permit a few general observations. One
must keep in mind, however, that the vagueness of the subject has given rise
to unusual fluidity in its treatment, and there was no real agreement among
medieval scholars upon many points of detail.
It is not surprising that the interests of women were almost totally disregarded in the traditional picture of Paradise. This is a clear extension of the attitude predominant on earth. Life after death reflects life on earth also in other
respects, as is only natural since it was impossible to get away from human
experience and human terminology when thinking about Paradise (presentday speculations on extraterrestrial life and the entire literary genre of science
fiction are witness to this fact). To intellectuals, it was at times acceptable to
profess agnosticism, to admit only that life in Paradise was much better than
life in this world but incomprehensible to our imagination and inexpressible
in human terms. Ordinary people, like true believers, saw the delights of Paradise in human terms, unaware of the contradictions this tended to lead to. An
unconscious desire to hold on to what they were accustomed to and familiar
with contributed to this attitude.
Factors inherent in the historical development of Muslim religion and civilization precluded the transfer of some of the refinements of erotic theory to
Paradise. The literature on love was essentially divorced from religious beliefs
and traditions. It was the creation of literary men and had its roots outside
Islam, though not entirely outside pre-Islamic Arabia. Further, love, in the sense
of pure friendship, was a standard topic in medieval Islam even beyond the
confines of books on love and poetry. It held, however, not much meaning
for Paradise where all inhabitants were seen as enjoying self-sufficient bliss
something that Muslims, except for a minority among fs, considered unsuitable for human beings.
Conjugal love beyond death was given little consideration. The view of marriage as a contract may have contributed to this attitude; in Paradise, there was
no need for business and legal dealings. The peerless Qurnic huris were fierce
competition for human wives who were as imperfect as everything in this world
908
must needs be by its very nature. Yet, it would seem that the theologians and
intellectuals did not reckon with human nature. The hope for a continuation of
marital relationships in Paradise may have been much more alive in the majority of people than the written sources lead us to believe. Death was viewed
basically as an inevitable end and a radically new beginning. Human love in
its fullness reached out to it and succumbed to it, but it constituted an effective barrier to all that was undesirable as well as the little that was desirable in
this world. It was seen as leaving only an uncertain chance for the relationships
that human beings had enjoyed on earth. Paradise, it must be concluded, was
not developed into a helpful model for viewing the role of love and death in
human society.
vii.9
Muslim Social Values and Literary Criticism:

Reflections on the adth of Umm Zar
31
Rudolf Sellheim zum 65. Geburtstag

The lengthy Prophetic tradition known by its principal character as adth
Umm Zar (UZ) describes in artful literary terms how eleven women praised or
criticized their respective husbands. It found extraordinary attention in Muslim religion and literature and deserves, as I hope will become clear in the following pages, another look from the Orientalist point of view. It is not that there
remains anything essential for me to contribute to what a multitude of Muslim scholars have said about it during the course of more than a millennium,
but a discussion of it is clearly part of the Orientalists main task to promote a
sound understanding of the intellectual history of Islam through the publication and interpretation of solid data from the sources, even if these data may
be but insignificant drops in a vast ocean.
UZ, of which a tentative translation will be given in an appendix below,
had the good fortune of becoming attached to the Prophet himself. The
claim was made that the Prophet had compared himself to the (fictional)
husband of a (fictional) Umm Zar with respect to his own treatment of his
beloved ishaha comparison, by the way, recognized by Muslim scholars
as rather ambiguous (see below, pp. 38ff.). UZ was included by al-Bukhr and
Muslim in their collections soon to become the most authoritative ones for
Sunn Islam.1 It entered the mainstream of the adth literature and was always
commented on in detail by an endless chain of learned scholars who were
obviously fascinated by it. From the outset, it also had the attention of philologists/historians who valued it as a precious, representative example of
early Arabic prose literature. The process of combining all these aspects
reached a high point in the monograph on UZ by Judge Iy in the first
half of the 6th/12th century, entitled Bughyat ar-rid li-m taammanah
adth Umm Zar min | al-fawid, a true masterpiece of Muslim critical
1 I have no information on the popularity of UZ in Shite circles, if, as may be doubted, it found
much attention there with its focus on ishah.
32
910
research.2 The scope of his work is summarized at the end (pp. 214 f.) in these
words:
Our discourse has dealt with fine remarks on scholarly disciplines and
unusual aperus on various kinds of literature. We have brought out here
about twenty problems of jurisprudence and a similar number of problems of Arabic grammar and syntax. We have, moreover, mentioned much
of what the commentators and interpreters of (UZs) meanings (ab
al-man) have said, and we have established what we consider more correct and produced, thanks to my knowledge and power of memory, much
that has not been said before. In most of my linguistic remarks, I have
2 The text of Iys Bughyah I have before me indicates neither date nor town. The clearly
Northwest African printing appears to have been reproduced in Cairo from an edition published in Morocco in 1975; the reprint is to be dated in 1983 (I owe this information to
S. Samoeil and A. Zamouri). The edition includes, on pp. 217233, as-Suy on UZ. On Iys
work, see M. Talbi, Biographies Aghlabides extraites des Madrik du Cadi Iy, 17f. (Tunis
1968). See also id., in EI2, s.v. For an incidental reference to the Bughyah, see, for example,
the Spaniard al-Balaw, Alif b, I, 41 (Blq 1287), who describes it as a booklet (sifr aghr).
He refers to UZ as a source for the inclination toward joking and playfulness of the Prophet
and the early Muslims, see below, n. 72.
It deserves notice that UZ was often treated in monograph form. In the bibliography
given by Ibn ajar in his Fat, he expressly mentions some, cf. F. Rosenthal, On medieval
authorial bibliographies, in the festschrift for J.A. Bellamy, 255274 (Princeton 1993). A monograph entitled Ray al-far f shar adth Umm Zar was written by Ibn Nir-ad-dn (777
842/13751438), cf. as-Sakhw, aw, VIII, 104, line 20 (Cairo 13531355). Usually, quotations
from authors of works not preserved can be assumed to be derived not from monographs but
from commentaries on al-Bukhr. Thus Ibn ad-Dammn, of the same period, who is quoted
by al-Qasalln, was the author of a philological commentary on the a (as-Sakhw, aw,
VII, 185, line 6 from bottom); since he was active as a litterateur, it would be interesting to
know whether he had anything special to say about the literary character of UZ.
One famous scholar, the great abar, is unlikely to have been the author of a monograph
on UZ, although he is listed as such in the Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the Kprl
Library, by Ramazan een and others, I, 551 (Istanbul 1404/1986), see also C. Gilliot, Exgse,
langue et thologie en Islam: L Exgse coranique de Tabari, 67 (Paris 1990). My colleague
G. Bwering was kind enough to obtain for me a microfilm of it. The few pages are certainly
not something a-abar would have written (Majmah 1080/3, fols. 155b158a, dated 18 Rab
II, 969/26 December 1561). Moreover, the younger Ibn al-Anbr and the much later al-Jawhar
(i, IV, 1512 [Cairo 1377], for abq in statement VII) are quoted. It is rather unlikely
that the abar who played a role in the later transmission of Muslim could be meant. The
sequence of the statements is the same as in al-Bukhr/Muslim, but the proper names of the
women are included.
muslim social values and literary criticism
911
restricted myself to referring to those recognized experts (maqni hdh

l-ilm) who mentioned them (earlier) and have only rarely dispensed with
such references to sources (shhid), because I wanted to be brief and was
satisfied with what those exemplars have said, since they are the authorities in the field. I have given the references to sources (shawhid) for the
meanings (man, of the statements) in order to facilitate their understanding, to show the various possibilities of their explanation, and to
prove that they have been correctly interpreted in view of the convergence of minds and intellects with respect to them. In the last chapter,
I have discussed the science of rhetoric as it applies to the statements
of these women as well as the secrets of eloquence, the unusual criticism, and the original forms they contain. This has been accomplished in
a manner sufficient for | students of this adth who have some knowledge of literature and look forward to learning about the craft of literary composition and understanding the aims of the masters of this subject.
Iy remained a basic source of information for all, or, according to Ibn ajar,3
most, later commentators.
The uninterrupted occupation with UZ is one of the virtues that make it a
rewarding subject of study (1). Other topics to be chosen here for investigation
are (2) the relative transparency of its isnds and its history on the double track
of literature and religion; (3) its contribution to the history of Muslim philology,
both in the narrow sense of lexicography and grammar and the wider sense
of literary criticism; and (4) its contribution to the understanding of certain
social values in medieval Islam, primarily the position of and attitude toward
women. Again, it must be stressed, nothing unique can be learned from UZ that
could not be learned from other sources, but its sharply limited focus makes it
strikingly instructive.
(1) UZ burst forth on the literary scene at the latest about the second third of
the 2nd/8th century and at once captivated the hearts and minds of scholars
and the educated public. The last monograph of which I am aware is attested
for the middle of the 12th/18th century. Murta az-Zabd, in a comment
on a brief passage in al-Ghazzls Iy, refers to his own lectures on UZ,
which, however, may never have been published.4 The information on its
3 Ibn ajar, Fat al-Br bi-shar al-Bukhr, XI, 164, line 5 (Cairo 13781383/19591963).
4 Cf. Murta az-Zabd, Itf, V, 354 (Cairo 1311, reprint Beirut, ca. 1972). The Ghazzl passage
33
912
34
early march to prominence, on the other hand, is very difficult to press into
a concrete chronological scheme, as it comes almost simultaneously from
overlapping authors. Moreover, the strong interest in it coincided with the
transition from papyrus to paper. Written products from that period left us
only scant remnants, and a decision between what was oral or published in
written form cannot always be made. Our earliest preserved author is Ab
Ubayd al-Qsim b. Sallm (ca. 154224/770838). The massive size of his Gharb
al-adth, which includes a full text of UZ with a substantial commentary
on it, presupposes a long history for its subject, and he himself states that a
number of scholars had already commented on it.5 It is also noteworthy that
UZ was ap|preciated that early and used as an authoritative source of rare
lexicographical material. Its status was enhanced soon after by its inclusion
as a tradition of the Prophet in the large collections of the 3rd/9th century,
but an authority of al-Bukhr and Muslim, Ibn Ab Uways (d. 226/841), is
often quoted as already having extensively commented on it in writing.6 A
famous legal scholar from Spain, Abd-al-Malik b. abb (174238/790852),
is likewise frequently quoted for his work on UZ, and a work of his entitled
al-Wiah is mentioned in this connection, but his role cannot as yet be
assessed.7
appears in his Iy (kitb db an-nik, bb f db al-musharah), II, 40 (Cairo 1933), trans.

Hans Bauer, Von der Ehe, 72 (Halle 1917). Careful attention to UZ continued, of course, in
adth commentaries into modern times. One cannot fail to be struck by the unusual care
spent upon it by some modern editors of relevant texts. Their editions often include a sizable
apparatus referring to other sources and the differences that exist between them and their
own text.
5 Cf. Ab Ubayd, Gharb al-adth, II, 286309 (Beirut 1396/1976, a reprint of the Hyderabad
edition of 13841387/19641967, which was edited and/or supervised by M. Abd-al-Mud
Khn). The text as printed has no isnd, but a footnote on p. 289, n. 3, indicates that some
manuscripts had indeed isnds. Ab Ubayd naturally remained an often used and highly
respected authority.
6 For Isml b. Abdallh b. Abdallh Ibn Ab Uways, whose maternal uncle was Mlik, see, for
instance, al-Bukhr, at-Tarkh al-kabr, I, 1, 364 (Hyderabad 13601378); Ibn ajar, Tahdhb
(Hyderabad 13251327), quoted here as Tahdhb. Ibn Ab Uways used his father for information
on UZ. Ibn Ab Uways work is supposed to be preserved in the edition of Ibrhm b. al-usayn
Ibn Dzl. He is listed in Sezgin, GAS, I, 321. The editor of an-Nas (see below, n. 15) quotes Ibn
Dzl in his footnotes without indicating where he got his information. Cf. also F. Rosenthal,
op. cit. (above, n. 2), 266, n. 47.
7 The Wiah is quoted expressly in Iy, 114, but the many other quotations could come from
some other work of Ibn abb. He is said to have composed a large Gharb al-adth, cf. Sezgin,
GAS, VIII, 251, IX, 220. Such a work may not have contained the full text of UZ. [Preserved parts
913
One of the prominent historians of the 2nd/8th century, al-Haytham b. Ad

(ca. 120[?]207/740[?]822), is often cited as the transmitter of a recension
of UZ. He is quite likely to have included it in one of his published works
which, however, are not preserved.8 Already the earlier Ab Mashar Naj
(d. 170/787) is said to have transmitted it; this may well be correct, but again,
the information remains one we are unable to evaluate.9 From the following
century, we have works displaying the full text by az-Zubayr b. Bakkr (early
170s256/ca. 790870) and by Ibn Ab hir ayfr (204280/819[20]893).10
The Muslim historical literature continued in very different directions | leaving
no room for UZ. If a local history like that of ar-Rfi (d. 623/1226) paid loving
attention to it, it was due to particular circumstances.11 The voluminous adab
literature of later centuries, whose authors were certainly as familiar with UZ as
everybody else, also took little notice of it (if we except the rather special case
of the application to it of literary criticism by Iy). The adab encyclopaedia of
al-b (d. 421/1030) was possibly the last work of its kind to include the text.12
The explanation may be that too much similar material on female skill with
9
10
11
12
of the Wiah (see J. Aguads publication of Ibn abbs Tarkh, 67f., Madrid 1991) may
have appeared by now.]
The inaccessibility of many of the works that should have been consulted constitutes
a major problem. This applies not only to the early works but also to the later adth
works and commentaries, some of which I was not able to consult. Conclusions e silentio,
or rather ex ignorantia, often suggested themselves but whenever possible have been
avoided.
Cf. Stefan Leder, Das Korpus al-Haiam Ibn Ad (Frankfurt a/M 1991). Among al-Haythams
works, the Fihrist, ed. G. Flgel, 100, line 2, lists a Kitb an-Nis (see Leder, 31, 84). It might
have been a potential location for UZ but more probably should be ruled out as such.
Cf., for instance, Ab Ubayd, 289, n. 3, or Iy, 18. Also below, nn. 29, 64.
Az-Zubayr b. Bakkr (quoted here as Zubayr), al-Akhbr al-Muwaffaqyt, ed. Sm Makk
al-n, 462464 (Baghdad 1972). Note the misprints in the isnd, p. 462, line 2: Uthmn b.
(read an) and Hishm b. Muhammad. In Zubayr, UZ is preceded by lengthy stories about
tim a-. A mental connection between the generous tim and the generous Ab
Zar may have been at work here. Zubayr may have quoted UZ elsewhere in his oeuvre (see
below, nn. 39, 64, 104, 115, 120?).
Ibn Ab hir ayfr (quoted here as Iahir), Balght an-nis, 112121 (Beirut 1972).
This is a section from the authors large Kitb al-Manthr wa-l-manm. He used Zubayr
as one of his sources.
Ar-Rfi, at-Tadwn (= Tarkh Qazwn), ed. Azz-Allh al-Urid, I, 351372 (Beirut 1408/
1987), see below, pp. 43 ff.
Cf. al-b, Nathr ad-durr, IV, 7073 (Vol. IV was edited by M. Al Qurnah and usayn Nar
and appeared in Cairo 1985). UZ is included by b in a section on witty remarks by women
and their views of their husbands.
35
914
words13 was in existence which did not carry the burden of being a religious
document such as UZ had become.
The approximate perimeters set here for the dating of the preserved literary
testimonia are seemingly supported by the likelihood that no earlier written
ones were known to Ibn ajar.
36
(2) So popular had UZ quickly become that different isnds for different recensions accompany all the available material.14 Iahir thus refers to three recensions with their different isnds. An-Nas (215303/830915) did what he no
doubt considered his duty as a scholar by presenting several recensions.15 Aabarn (260360/873971) followed the same course.16 Judge Iy made the
isnds the appropriate foundation for his monograph.
With some confidence, we can cut through the great accretion of isnd
information and state that practically all ways of transmission lead back to
Hishm b. Urwah b. az-Zubayr, who died at an advanced age in the year
145[46]/762[63].17 He claimed to have received the adth from his father
Urwah (ca. 3093 to 95/650[51]711 to 14) either directly or indirectly. Urwahs |
source was ishah. The isnd Hishm < Urwah < ishah is a very prominent
one, as is understandable in view of the close connection of ishah with the
Zubayrids.
There is an isnd not going back to Hishm but to his nephew Umar, a
son of Abdallh b. Urwah, reporting directly on the authority of his grand-
13
14
15
16
17
Cf. the clumsy story in Iy, 25, from an unnamed source, on a woman marrying off eleven
daughters in the same night. After a year, she asked each about her husband, and they
responded, with a few of their statements being identical to those in UZ. Iy rightly
comments that this is a story invented on the basis of UZ.
For Ab Ubayd, see above, n. 5.
Cf. an-Nas, Kitb Ishrat an-nis, ed. Amr Al Umar, 203218 (Cairo 1408/1988). This is
taken from his as-Sunan al-kubr; the often printed Sunan does not contain UZ.
A-abarn, al-Mujam al-kabr, ed. amd Abd-al-Majd as-Silaf, XXIII, 139150 (Baghdad 1984-ff.).
It must, however, be admitted that the appearance of textual differences in the recensions
of the first generation of transmitters after Hishm raises obvious doubts. Did these
transmitters simply permit themselves some freedom with a literary document, or was
Hishm himself not particularly careful with the text when he taught it on different
occasions, or was the name of Hishm misappropriated by the one or other scholar who
wanted to give his text greater authority? A clarification of these and similar doubts just
does not seem within our reach, as all the great efforts of modern scholarship to put isnd
criticism on a firm basis have as yet failed to produce rules applicable to individual cases.
See also below, p. 38.
915
father Urwah.18 Umars rather different recension has a special introduction

speaking of ishahs boasting about her fathers early wealth19 and the Prophet
apparently rebuking her (see below, p. 41) and reciting UZ himself in its entirety.
This makes it very different because of the role of the Prophet as narrator. It
could have been more original and considered by other transmitters as a situation better not to be dwelt on.
In some way, this isnd cannot be separated from one that interposes Umars
father Abdallh between Hishm and his father Urwah. Abdallhs lifetime
was uncertainly reconstructed by the biographers as extending from 45/666
to about, or after, 125/743. He was, at any rate, considerably older than his
brother Hishm.20 Very exceptionally, in an isnd attributed to al-Haytham b.
Ad, another brother, Yay b. Urwah, appears substituted for Abdallh.21
We find other names taking Hishms place22 or being interposed between
him and Urwah, such as Ab l-Aswad instead of Hishm or Yazd b. Rmn
occurring between Hishm and Urwah. Ibn Rmn was known as a client of
the Zubayrids, and his death was placed in 130/747[48].23 A little more needs |
to be said about Ab l-Aswad Muammad b. Abd-ar-Ramn b. Nawfal. He
18
19
20
21
22
23
Cf. Nas, 215; abarn, 147149; Iy, 5. On Umar, see al-Bukhr, Tarkh, III, 2, 167; Ibn
Ab tim, Jar, III, 1, 117 (Hyderabad 19411953); Tahdhb, VII, 469f. In Tahdhb, reference
is made to the adth of ishahs boasting about Ab Bakrs wealth. No date of death is
given. Lack of information also makes it impossible to evaluate the role of Dwd b. Shbr
(Ibn Ab tim, I, 2, 415; Tahdhb, III, 187) who is mentioned as a direct transmitter of UZ
from Abdallh in abarn, 141.
The amount of Ab Bakrs wealth was stated in Umars recension of UZ in a way which
caused some uncertainty. Nas, 215: wa-kna qad allafa alfa qyah he had amassed a
thousand ounces. abarn, 147, has qadar for qad; although this would make sense, it is
probably a simple mistake. Iy, 43, has ab for qad. Adh-Dhahab, Mzn, III, 175 (Cairo
1382/1963), in the biography of al-Qsim b. Abd-al-Wid Ibn Ayman (who transmitted
UZ from Umar), found qad omitted: wa-kna alfa alfi qyah, so that the amount would
be a million ounces; he considered this impossibly high and suggested that the first alf be
omitted. Tahdhb, VIII, 325, refers to adh-Dhahab.
Abdallh b. Urwah appears in the isnd of al-Bukhr and Muslim and thus those dependent on them. See, for instance, Iahir, 131, line 4; Nas, 204; Ab Nuaym (below, n. 49);
al-Khab al-Baghdd, al-Asm al-mubhamah, ed. Izz-ad-dn Al as-Sayyid, 527 (Cairo
1405/1984); Iy, 4; Rfi 353. He is listed in Tahdhb, V, 319321.
Cf. Iy, 19. For Yay b. Urwah, cf. Tahdhb, XI, 258. Ibn Ab tim (IV, 2, 175) quotes his
father for the statement that Yay was considered more learned (alam) than Hishm; he
does not say that Yay transmitted to Hishm, as Tahdhb does.
Ab Ubayd (above, n. 5) vaguely: Hishm or some other Medinese.
Ibn Rmn appears in Nas, 214. See also Iy, 20. He is listed in Khalfah, Tarkh, ed.
Akram iy al-Umar, (II), 418 (Baghdad 1387/1967); Tahdhb, XI, 325.
37
916
was known as the Orphan of Urwah because he was taken in as an orphan

by the Zubayrid family and grew up in their household. He is supposed to have
died around 131/749.24 A strange story which apparently cannot yet be securely
put into context by us, has it that he transmitted UZ only as far as it referred
to the Prophet himself, since he had heard only some of it from Urwah on
a journey. He disapproved of Hishms transmission of it in its entirety and
broke with him. The information appears to go back to the famous exchange
of questions and answers by Ab Ubayd al-jurr and Ab Dwd, the author
of the Sunan.25 Again, according to Ibn Lahah as reported by al-Uqayl, Ab
l-Aswad greatly admired the adth of Hishm on the authority of Urwah, and
he often spent a year on it without getting through with all that could be said
about it (?).26 Whatever the precise meaning of all this may be, it would seem to
hint at serious quarrels among the Zubayrids as to which member of the family
held the precious copyright to UZ, that is, the right to transmit it and thereby
gain a certain reputation and, perhaps, even some material benefit.
It is clear, and quite possibly also historical, that Hishm b. Urwah played a
central, if not exclusive, role in the history of UZ. He was generally considered
a more or less reliable transmitter. After he made the transition to the Irq to
try his luck with the Abbsids who had just come into power, his reliability
supposedly suffered as he came up with more and more traditions.27 The
24
25
26
27
Ab l-Aswad is listed Tahdhb, IX, 307 f. He also figures in the isnd Ibn Lahah < Ab
l-Aswad < Urwah, cf. R.G. Khoury, Abdallh ibn Lahah, 58f., 112, 136, 246, 249, 267
(Wiesbaden 1986); F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography2, 395 (Leiden 1968).
He transmitted the Raids of the Srah.
Ab Dwd died in 275/889. No dates seem to be known for Ab Ubayd al-jurr. Cf.
Sezgin, GAS, I, 165. According to the Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the Kprl Library,
I, 157, the Kprl manuscript contains only part III of the Sult Ab Ubayd Muammad
b. Al b. Uthmn al-jurr f marifat ar-rijl. I do not know whether it(s recent edition)
includes the UZ passage or whether other parts of the work are preserved.
See Fat, XI, 164, and Tahdhb, XI, 51. The text of Tahdhb shows yukallimuh, which might
be understood to mean: and he often spent a year on it, and not talking with Hishm. This
makes little sense. Read yukammiluh as translated above? In Fat, Ibn ajar opines that
this (controversy) was possibly the reason why Ibn anbal omitted UZ from his Musnad,
where indeed it cannot be found. This, however, requires confirmation.
Ab Jafar Muammad b. Amr al-Uqayl (d. 322/934) wrote on personality criticism,
cf. Sezgin, GAS, I, 177; adh-Dhahab, Ibar, ed. al-ad-dn al-Munajjid and Fud Sayyid,
II, 194 (Kuwait 19601966). In the edition of Ibar, the nisbah is vocalized Aql, but at least
as-Samn, Ansb, IX, 341 (Hyderabad 19621982), lists him under Uqayl.
Cf. al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, XIV, 40, line 17 (Cairo 1349/1931): inbasaa f
r-riwyah. For Hishms position in the Zubayrid family, it should perhaps be taken into
917
change of opinion may have been triggered by his switch in loyalties which |
made for disillusionment in some circles. However, as so often, old age could
have had something to do with his diminished reputation. In his defense,
adh-Dhahab allowed himself this remarkable outburst: Sure, the good mans
mind deteriorated a little, and his memory was no longer what it was when he
was younger. He forgot some material and relied on his imagination. So what!
Is he perhaps divinely exempt from forgetfulness?!28
While the whiff of some element of doubt about Hishms personal status
is perhaps to be explained by the circumstances accompanying UZs entrance
into literature, the Zubayrid family connection is unmistakable. With hardly
any exception,29 all the names mentioned are connected to the Zubayrids. And
it probably was not by chance that one of the oldest texts available to us is found
in the work of az-Zubayr b. Bakkr, a member of the Zubayrid family.30
The various stages of the isnds after Hishm and his generation are interesting and important for UZs later history. In particular, the fact that the transmitters from the first generation reporting from Hishm are credited with distinctive recensions suggests that regardless of Hishms outstanding role, his
framing of the story was not the only one in existence and the one to be adopted
without question. In some form, UZ started out as a Zubayrid family tradition,
belonging to a subcategory in the vast corpus of traditions that can be recognized as the property of a given family anxiously guarded and handed down
among its member until they eventually became public property.
While the isnds after Hishm or some other Zubayrid can be accepted as
historical, the problem of the genuineness of the chain going back from Hishm
to ishah defies any attempt on our part to apply a plausible critical judgement
and thus must be taken on trust. The historicity of the connection with the
Prophet is likewise lost in the mist of oral transmission. It would be easy to
point to the inappropriateness of the Prophets self-identification with Ab Zar
as an indication that the Prophet could not have made it. On the other hand, it
is easy to argue that it was an original element because it may deemed unlikely
to have been added at a later stage. And, if a version of UZ existed already
28
29
30
consideration that his mother Srah was a slave girl, cf. Muab az-Zubayr, Nasab Quraysh,
ed. . Lvi-Provenal, 248 (Cairo 1953); Ibn Qutaybah, Marif, ed. Tharwat Ukshah, 222
(Cairo 1960).
Cf. adh-Dhahab, Mzn, IV, 301.
The isnd Ab Mashar < Abdallh b. Isq a-al < ishah, which appears in Iy, 18,
is not clear and probably defective.
38
918
39
in his timeand there appears to be no positive indication from allusions

to the Qurn or the like that it was formulated at some later date(cf. also
below, p. 52)he might very well have enjoyed UZ as a clever and amusing
story.
In the eyes of the religious scholars, the glaring fault of the story was the
Prophets apparent identification with someone who callously divorced his
wife (after running away with a woman whom he had observed in a sexually
seductive pose); the Prophet did not approve of divorce without qualification, |
as is stated in several adths. This was almost certainly not an original issue.
The early texts and commentaries, as we know them in their printed forms
(Ab Ubayd, al-Bukhr, Muslim, Zubayr, Iahir), do not say anything that
might hint at any qualms in this respect. But with the growing influence of
religious scholarship, it must soon have become a matter of concern, which
then continued throughout the history of UZ. We are confronted with statements ascribed to the first post-Hishm generation and actually found in their
recensions as transmitted. Ab Muwiyah a-arr, who died at an advanced
age around 193195/808810, is said to have in his transmission of UZ on the
authority of Hishm a statement to the effect that Ab Zar did not intentionally initiate the divorce from his wife since it says that Umm Zar continued to stay with him until he divorced her; thus, the divorce episode did
not enter into the Prophets remark to ishah.31 Al-Haytham b. Ad is supposed to have added to the comparison the cautionary with respect to close
union and intimacy, and not separation and abandonment ( f l-ulfah wa-rrif l f l-furqah wa-l-khil), with al-Haythams name appearing in Fat but
not in Iy.32 Quite commonly, objection was expressed by making ishah
respond to the Prophet that he was really better to her than Ab Zar had been
to Umm Zar; this addition was clearly intended as an allusion to the divorce
episode. Greater closeness and avoidance of anything that might harm her
such as a divorce also were important. And above all, it was reasoned that a
comparison need not extend to every single detail.33 How Iy and Ibn ajar
viewed this situation may be illustrated by a translation of their respective passages:
31
32
33
Cf. Iy, 168. Ab Muwiyah Muammad b. Khzim (Tahdhb, IX, 137139) has been thoroughly discussed by J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra,
I, 216218 (BerlinNew York 1991). Van Ess decides upon the dates 113195/731810.
See below. Al-Haytham is also not mentioned in Iy, 167.
See below, p. 50.
919
Iy, 11f.
Fat, XI, 18534
Added in some recensions: He divorced her, and I shall not divorce

you.35 Amad b. Khlid36 mentioned
(this recension) in his Musnad. Also
added by Muab az-Zubayr37 and
others from | Hishm < Urwah. Something similar transmitted from Isml
Ibn Ab Uways < his father (above,
n. 6) < Hishm < Urwah [<], his father
< ishah < the Prophet. He said:
Except that I shall not divorce you.
In another recension: I am to you as
Ab Zar to Umm Zar with respect
to close union and intimacy, and not
Added in the recension of al-Haytham

b. Ad: With respect to close union
and intimacy, and not separation and
abandonment. Az-Zubayr added at
the end: Except that he divorced her,
and I shall not divorce you. The same
in the recension of a-abarn.38 AnNas added in one of his recensions, and a-abarn: ishah said:
O Messenger of God, rather you are
better than Ab Zar. In the beginning of the recension of az-Zubayr:
Assuredly (bi-ab wa-umm), you are
indeed better to me than Ab Zar
34
35
36
37
38
Iy takes up some of the points later on in his work. The passage in Fat is largely
identical with al-Ayns comments (Umdat al-qr, IX, 476 [Istanbul 1308/1891]) and is
reproduced by al-Qasalln, Irshd as-sr, VIII, 91 (Blq 1305).
This is cited by al-Ghazzl (above, n. 4).
Amad b. Khlid (b. al-Jabbb al-Qurub) is identified by the editor of Iy, as the Spanish
Mlikite (246322/860939) who is credited with a Musnad adth Mlik, cf. M. Talbi, op.
cit. (above, n. 2), 427; adh-Dhahab, Ibar, II, 192 f.
Muab az-Zubayr (ca. 156233[36]/773848]51]), an uncle of az-Zubayr b. Bakkr, does
not refer to UZ in his preserved Nasab Quraysh, but might very well have included it in
some other work of his. He lived long after Hishm but is said to have transmitted from
ad-Darward (below, n. 45). Cf. Sezgin, GAS, I, 271 f.; Tahdhb, X, 162164.
abarn, 146, cites this addition from the recension of Abd-ar-Ramn b. Ab z-Zind <
Hishm. Abd-ar-Ramn lived from 100/718[9] to 174/790[1], cf. Ibn Sad, V, 307f.; Sezgin,
GAS, I, 396. His father Ab z-Zind Abdallh b. Dhakwn is listed by Khalfah, Tarkh, as
having died in 130/747[8], the same year in which Ibn Rmn (above, n. 23) died. Bukhr,
Tarkh, III, 1, 83, has 131 and makes him a client of the Umayyads. Tahdhb, V, 203205,
indicates that he was a transmitter from Urwah and to Hishm; this may have been
deduced from UZ.
The following statement is found in Nas, 215, 218, and in abarn, 146, 149. While the
second recension mentioned by Nas and abarn is that of Umar (above, n. 18), the first
one is that of Abbd b. Manr < Hishm. Abbd died in 152/769, cf. Tahdhb, V, 103105.
His recension of UZ is referred to in as-Sahm, Tarkh Jurjn, 42f. (Hyderabad 1369/
1950).
40
41
920
Iy, 11f.
Fat, XI, 185
separation and abandonment. Ibn

al-Anbr40 transmitted (this recension). It conveys the same meaning
as the other recension. Thereby, the
full significance ( fidah) is realized.
ishah said: O Messenger of God,
rather you are better to me than Ab
Zar.
to Umm Zar.39 It seems that the

Prophet said that in order to comfort and reassure her and eliminate
the suspicion that the comparison
extends generally to all conditions of
Ab Zar. (The divorce) is the only
detail in (the adth) that women
would find blameworthy. It clarifies
the matter, and ishah herself replied to it in a way suitable to a person as excellent and knowledgeable
as she.
All this material shows how serious the problem became over time to the interpreters of UZ. More to the point, it raises grave suspicions as to the authenticity
of its attribution to the earliest stratum of the occupation with UZ. It is possible
to argue that a good deal or most of it was attached to the tradition because of
understandable scruples and for the purpose of moralizing and that that happened after the time of the supposed originator of a given recension. However
this may be, we have here a good example of the influence of religious views
upon a piece of once unself-conscious literature.
Another less frequently expressed moral objection was apparently called
for by the unabashedly materialistic set of mind that is all too evident in the
attitude displayed by Umm Zar in particular but also by all the other players. A |
comparison of ishah to Umm Zar could easily put the Prophets beloved wife
in the wrong light. The recension of Umar is introduced by ishahs boasting
about her fathers great wealth in Jhilyah times, and she is reproved by the
Prophet with the words: Be silent, ishah, for I am to you as Ab Zar (was) to
39
40
As in the preceding reference to az-Zubayr, the quotations do not occur in the printed text
of the Muwaffaqyt, see above, n. 10.
Ibn al-Anbr (271328/885940) wrote a commentary on Gharb al-adth which presumably included UZ and was the source of the frequent references to him in the later
literature. Cf. Sezgin, GAS, VIII, 151154, IX, 144147.
921
Umm Zar, whereupon he recites UZ to her.41 This is apparently not meant to

belittle Ab Bakrs early wealth as inferior but to show her that wealth alone is
not a proper reason for pride, and boasting about it is reprehensible (see also,
below, p. 48).
The various recensions can be separated roughly as belonging to two main
tracks, the one philological/historical and the other religious (see above, pp.
34 f.), although it must be kept in mind that early Islam made no methodical distinction between all those intellectual endeavors. UZ was inevitably
religious because of the storys connection to the ancient Muslim elite. It
was philological and historical because of its totally secular, literary character.
The religious version naturally soon preferred a simple shape as adopted by
such authorities as al-Bukhr and Muslim (who, incidentally, took the rather
unusual step of ending their text on a philological note). The much less favored
secular track produced more variations, albeit of a kind not basically affecting the text. It was more cavalier, it seems, about the sequence of the first ten
womens statements (see below, 53). Iahir, 121, took occasion to comment:
The sequence is different. Everything has the same meaning with a wording
that shows pluses and minuses. The same author also took over Zubayrs classification of the eleven statements as five negative and six positive ones42 and
presented them accordingly. The positive, negative, or mixed43 import of each
statement was, in fact, a major issue of interpretation, and Iahir may or may
not be right with his assessment in each case.
In the secular context, there was also greater openness to speculation about
the setting of UZ, its time and location as well as the identity of its characters. It
was placed explicitedly in the Jhilyah.44 This is not quite irrelevant, as a supposed non-Muslim ambience could have a definite impact on the way it was to
be evaluated. Where a location other than Mecca is given, it is the Yemen, or,
more particularly, a village in the Yemen where there lived a Yemenite tribe,
which is occasionally further described as the Khatham.45 This was | presum-
41
42
43
44
45
See above, nn. 18 and 19.

Iahirs first recension is that of Muammad b. Ziyd Ibn al-Arb (d. 230[32]/845[47])
< Ab Muwiyah. Since Iahir was in his mid twenties when Ibn al-Arb died, he was
probably quite young when he studied UZ. Zubayrs recension quoted by Iahir was that
of ad-Darward (below, n. 45). Iahirs third isnd goes back to s b. Ynus (below,
n. 48).
The mixed status, that is, part negative and part positive, is expressly referred to by Rfi,
358 f.
Cf. Iahir, 112; Nas, 211.
The recension containing this information is that of ad-Darward < Hishm. Abd-al-Azz
42
922
43
ably because of the Yemens preeminent role in ancient Arabian civilization

and folklore. There was, moreover, great concern about the anonymity of everybody in UZ. Starting with the earliest interpretation of the Qurn, attaching
names was considered important for religious concerns, but here it may have
been the historical interest that gave impetus to the invention of names in order
to establish historicity by turning vague generality into detailed precision by
that simple device. If, as was the case with UZ, one or two of the women were
left anonymous, it merely added a sort of credibility to the whole. The majority were provided with mostly ordinary names. They lack any clue as to why
they were chosen. Umm Zar, we are told, had the very common name tikah,
and her father, for no discernible reason, was named Ukaymil b. Sid; the rest
of the family remained anonymous throughout.46 Nobody showed any interest in the name Zar. It is, however, interesting because of its rarity. Unlike its
extremely common diminutive Zuray or other derivations from the same root
such as Zurah, Zar seems almost unattested. We might imagine that it was possibly felt to be a foreign, i.e. South Arabian, name.47 | Centuries later, we find a
46
47
b. Muammad ad-Darward died in 186/802 or at any rate in the second half of the 180s.
Cf., for instance, Bukhr, Tarkh, III, 2, 25; Ibn Ab tim, III, 2, 395f.; Samn, Ansb,
V, 330 f.; Tahdhb, VI, 353355. When Ibn ajar lists Hishm as one of ad-Darwards
authorities, this is again almost certainly due to UZ. For the Khatham, see Iy, 23; G. Levi
Della Vida, in EI2, s.v.
abarn, 150, has al-Ukayil b. Sidah, probably a misreading or misprint? The name
tikah does not occur in Zubayr, who is the first to attest the names to us, in the recension of ad-Darward. Ibn ajar (Hady as-sr, ed. Ibrhm Awah Iwa, II, 81 [Cairo
1383/1963]; Fat, XI, 166, line 20) credits the name tikah to Ibn Durayd, Wish. The
latters Jamharah used UZ (see below, n. 60) but presumably without a reference to the
name tikah. Only fragments of the Wish have been recovered so far, cf. Jrg Kraemer,
in ZDMG 110 (1961), 252 ff., and R. Weipert, in Oriens 32 (1990), 340. The work is referred to
also elsewhere in connection with UZ, cf. Iy, 15.
Al-Khab al-Baghdd, al-Asm al-mubhamah (above, n. 20), who was, of course,
happy to have found the names, stated that he knew of no other isnd than that in Zubayr,
and his statement is quoted in an-Nawaws extremely popular commentary on Muslim
entitled al-Minhj (often printed, also in the margin of Qasalln, IX, 318). The subsequent
literature on mubhamt relied much on the Khab al-Baghdds pioneering work, as
did Ibn Bashkuwl, Ghawmi al-asm al-mubhamah, ed. Izz-ad-dn Al as-Sayyid and
Muammad Kaml-ad-dn Izz-ad-dn, (II), 538 f. (Beirut 1407/1987).
A dictionary reference such as that of the Lisn, s.v. z-r-, to a proper name Zar is based
exclusively on UZ. Other lexicographical works (such as al-Azhar, Tahdhb, or Ibn alAthrs Nihyah) do not mention it.
A Zar b. Yashkur al-Yfi appears in a-abars History, I, 2954 of the Leiden edition (=
IV, 348 of the Cairo edition by Muammad Ab l-Fal Ibrhm), but the passage is suspect
923
Maghrib historian, the author of the important Raw al-qirs, named Ibn Ab
Zar. Practically nothing is known about him, and we certainly have no information on the origin of his name. It is not entirely unlikely that it was originally
chosen in recollection of UZ.
Some minor spillovers into other fields of intellectual activity may be mentioned here. In their mystical thought and practice, fs would have had little
affinity to UZ, but in view of their progressively universal hold over Muslim
religious life, they could not entirely escape its magic. The famous Bishr alf (d. 227/January 842) was a student of both Ab Muwiyah and s b.
Ynus as-Sab who were involved in the transmission of UZ.48 In his great
work on the pious and mystics, Ab Nuaym al-Ifahn (336430/9481038)
includes a long article on Bishr and, while not quoting UZ in full, refers to the
version in which the Prophet tells it to ishah, and he further has Bishr confirm that it was s b. Ynus who told him the story (qiah).49 From the next
generation, we have the report of al-Khab al-Baghdd, who at some time of
his life had studied with Ab Nuaym, informing us that Bishr, together with
his cousin Al b. Khashram, had studied UZ with s.50 This, however, happened probably in connection with Bishrs youthful occupation with adth
and was before he renounced adth study and turned to asceticism and mysticism.
48
49
50
of not belonging to a-abars original text (cf. Introductio, Glossarium, etc., DCXXVIII,
of the Leiden edition), and it is omitted in R.S. Humphreys English translation XV, 159
(Albany, New York, 1990). It is not quite clear whether the Istanbul manuscripts used
in Ibrhms edition contained it and thereby added weight to its possible genuineness.
According to his name, this Zar belonged to a family of Yemenite descent.
A possible Z-r- is listed in G. Lankaster Harding, An Index and Concordance of preIslamic Arabian Names and Inscriptions, 297 (Toronto 1971), from a then still unpublished
inscription. The vocalization is, of course, entirely uncertain, even if the reading is correct.
On Ab Muawiyah, see above, n. 31. s b. Ynus was the principal transmitter of UZ
from Hishm. He died in 187/803 or beg. 191/806, cf. Ibn Sad, VII, 2, 185; Bukhr, Tarkh,
III, 2, 406, and at-Tarkh a-aghr, ed. Mamd I. Zyid, II, 222 (Beirut 1406/1986); Ibn
Ab tim, III, 1, 291 f.; al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, XI, 152156; Tahdhb, VIII,
237240. He makes a brief appearance in a-abar, History, anno 145, III, 298, of the Leiden
edition.
Cf. Ab Nuaym, ilyat al-awliy, VIII, 536 (reprint Beirut 1387/1967).
Cf. Tarkh Baghdd, VII, 68. Al b. Khashram has only a two-line entry in Ibn Ab tim
III, 1, 184, but his son Abd-ar-Ramn is listed at some length in Tarikh Baghdd, X, 278f.
The complete pedigree indicated there shows that Khashram and Bishrs father al-rith
were brothers.
924
44
A more explicit f connection attested for a much later time remains

mysterious. It is an item in the UZ bibliography of al-Qasalln referring to a
commentary by Sayyid Al al-Wafaw according to f tradition and thinking
(al tarq al-qawm wa-ahl al-ishrt).51
A statement of the educational value of studying UZ comes from pious, if
not particularly f, circles. In his History of Qazwn, ar-Rfi lengthily deals
with it in connection with the biography of his father.52 He counted the latters
transmission of it as a noteworthy example of his scholarly activity. He taught
it to him in 563/1167[8] when he was about six years old. At the end of the
quotation, ar-Rfi says: My father encouraged me as a child to | memorize this
adth because of the many useful points it raises and because it is a beautiful
piece of literary expression (li-kathrati fawidih wa-usni alfih). And he
concludes with edifying verses that show the grip on the imagination UZ had
acquired:
With respect to its acts of obedience, my soul
Has come to rest on infertile soil,
But if my Lord with His vast generosity
Takes care of me, there is no problem.
I achieved comfort through His kindness
As did Umm Zar through Ab Zar.
A curiosity is provided by an apparent allusion to UZ in the pharmacological
literature. In connection with zarnab, Ibn al-Bayr quotes statement VIII as an
anonymous verse.53 Al-massu massu arnab/wa-r-ru ru zarnab could indeed
be scanned as a rajaz verse, but its likely source for Ibn al-Bayr was UZ. It can
hardly be assumed that he was not aware of its provenience.
Less surprising is a reference to UZ in a geographical dictionary. Yqt quotes
it under shi/aqq as indicating a region.54 This is in keeping with UZs intimate
connection with philology, to which we are turning now.
51
52
53
54
Cf. Rosenthal, op. cit. (above, n. 2), 267f., n. 64.

Cf. R. Dozy, ber Sontheimers bersetzung des Ibn-al-Bair, in ZDMG 23 (1869), 194f.;
Ibn al-Bayr, I, 158 f. (1965 reprint of the 1291 edition) = II, 462 (Beirut 1412/1992). Cf. Fat,
XI, 173, who seems to say that Ibn al-Bayr and other pharmacologists took no notice
of zarnab (istankarah). An independent existence of the UZ remark as Ibn al-Bayrs
source is improbable.
Yqt, Mujam al-buldn, ed. F. Wstenfeld, III, 308, s.v. (Gttingen 18661873). The term
is also explained under sh-q-q in Ibn al-Athr and Lisn.
925
(3) Fictional narratives such as UZ constituted eagerly exploited source

material for early philologists collecting high-language Arabic idioms. UZ was
ideally suited to serve this endeavor. Its language reflects terminology sometimes explainable by poetry but most often unusual. It was, or certainly gives
the appearance of being, a genuine literary effort in the sense that it was
not a parody of highflown, nonsensical verbiage of the sort well known from
adab literature. When it became an indubitably authoritative adth, its language had to be taken seriously; its early Muslim pedigree marked both its
language and its style as outstanding Arabic, whether it went back to
the Prophet or to ishah or some eloquent individual of the second generation.55
Explanations of terms accompanied the earliest texts of UZ, and the philologists who collected rare words (gharb, gharib) not only in the Qurn but
also in the adth literature soon incorporated the data they were able to cull
from UZ in their voluminous works. Ab Ubayd used it in his gharb work. If
Ibn | Qutaybah (213276/828889) did not pay attention to UZ in his Gharb aladth, his work may have been the last one of its kind to do so. However, he
did refer to UZ in other connections.56
It seems useless to speculate about early works of the kind that are not
preserved, as those of Ab Ubaydah Mamar b. al-Muthann, but probably did
not include UZ, or about where the references to early grammarians found
frequently in the UZ commentaries come from. Gharb al-adth works were
written in the early third/ninth century in remote Spain as is attested for
Abd-al-Malik b. abb who dealt with UZ.57 The interest in Spain in UZ is
also confirmed by the fact that the Gharb adth Umm Zar by Ibn al-Anbr
was studied there.58 Al-Ql (288356/901967) may have had something to do
55
56
57
58
Cf. Iy, 154.

I perused Ibn Qutaybahs Gharb al-adth briefly in the edition by Abdallh al-Jabbr
(Baghdad 1977). Ibn Qutaybahs criticism of Ab Ubayd found much attention. It included
a passage dealing with statement VI (Ab Ubayd/Ibn Qutaybah: V), cf. G. Lecomte, Le
Kitb Il al-Ghala dlbn Qutaybah, in Mlanges de lUniversit St. Joseph 44 (1968), 180f.
The Uyn al-akhbr, IV, 6 (reprint Cairo 19631964), quotes a statement in explanation
of Umm Zars remark on the meeting of Ab Zar with the other woman. Another
description of a good woman according to Ab d-Dard is said by Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn,
IV, 9, to have been explained in his Gharb al-adth.
Above, n. 7.
Cf. Ibn Khayr, Fihrist, ed. F. Codera and J. Ribera Tarrago, 197 (Zaragoza 1893, reprinted
Baghdad 1963); Sezgin, GAS, VIII, 154. On Ibn al-Anbr, see above, n. 40. According to Ibn
an-Nadms Fihrist, 75, line 24, he did not complete his Gharb al-adth.
45
926
46
with its introduction and the promotion of UZs popularity.59 Among the much
quoted gharb works exploiting UZ was the Kitb al-Gharbayn (in Qurn and
adth) of al-Haraw (d. 401/1010[1]). Of particular importance was an-Nihyah
f gharb al-adth of Majd-ad-dn Ibn al-Athr (544606/11491201) because its
information from UZ was incorporated consistently by Ibn Manr in his Lisn
al-arab and thus was finally assured of entry into general lexicography. Earlier
dictionaries such as those of Ibn Durayd or Ibn Sdah, if they used UZ, had
restricted themselves to the one or other noteworthy lexeme.60 After the Lisn,
UZ tends to be mentioned explicitly be lexicographers as one of their sources.61
Grammar and syntax counted as heavily among early Muslim philologists
as did lexicography, and in connection with UZ, they continued to do so, since
grammatical/syntactical discussions were considered indispensable for elucidating all the numerous doubtful points. Much comparative material was
paraded, and it is in general instructive, especially in the detail assembled by
Iy. Right at the beginning, for example, it was the numeral eleven62 and
the verbal forms connected with it. There was, of course, no problem with the
required verbal form following upon eleven women, but there were three possibilities for the verb immediately preceding, jalasa/ijtamaa, jalasat/ijtamaat,
and jalasna/ijtamana. The first was enshrined in al-Bukhr,63 but the picture
59
60
61
62
63
Al-Ql, Aml, II, 10 (Cairo 1373) quotes Ibn al-Anbr for a lexical gloss on UZ. Cf. Ayn,
Umdah, IX, 472.
Ibn Durayd, Jamharah, III, 408a (Hyderabad 1351, reprint Baghdad ca. 1970) thus cites
ayy (which already Ab Ubayd considered a doubtful reading, sometimes read ghayy which was even more doubtful) from statement VII. Ibn Sdah, Mukam, II, 148
(Cairo 13771393/19581973), cites the same word as statement of a woman. He apparently assumed that everybody knew that this meant UZ.
In connection with n-q-th, Lane, 2835c, quotes Tj al-ars for information from an unspecified tradition, but Tj, I, 651, line 2 (Blq 13061308), in fact, names UZ. Taj quotes the
information as provided by Ab Ubayd, exactly as we find it in Lisn, III, 18 (Blq 1300
1308). Ibn al-Athr, Nihyah, IV, 179 (Cairo 1322), has the same text but does not mention
Ab Ubayd and, instead, has the siglum h standing for al-Haraw, cf. Yale manuscript
Landberg 545, fol. 172a, s.v. n-q-th. Ab Ubayds text, as we have it, is different. Al-Haraws
kunyah happens to be Ab Ubayd, but the textual situation does not permit to identify
him with the Ab Ubayd mentioned in Lisn, and he is not normally referred to by his
kunyah.
The ordinal numeral in statement XI also was subject to debate.
According to Iy, 24, quoting Ibn Ni (cf. Rosenthal [above, n. 2], n. 53), already the
recension of al-Haytham had ijtamaa. abarn, 143, refers to the recension of Uqbah b.
Khlid (n. 65). For the entire complicated situation, cf. Iy, 2631. Fat, XI, 165, refers to
Ibn al-Tns explanation of the use of the 3. m. sg. as due to the omission of jamah a group
927
in general is not uniform. The second form was found in Ab Ubayd and those
following him.64 For the third, the recensions of Uqbah b. Khlid, Abbd b.
Manr, or Ab Yal figure in the literature.65 Iy quotes the views of the
ancient grammarians. It is, however, obvious that all three forms were viable
and were legitimately employed. The historians in a way avoided the problem
by starting with kna.
At the end, to give another example, there was kuntu in the Prophets remark
to ishah on his being to her as Ab Zar to Umm Zar. Was it the equivalent
of an and indicated the present tense? This problem was easily solved. Nevertheless, it occasioned a thorough discussion that has its modern successors.66
Another aspect of philology came to the fore after grammar and lexicography had been firmly established. It required a greater measure of sophistication
but had more specialized and limited applicability. This was the ilm al-bad,
roughly literary criticism. The statements of the eleven women with | their saj
and obvious literary artistry provided a great opportunity for identifying rhetorical figures. By the time of Iy, the discipline had achieved general currency
and such wide appeal that a full-scale investigation of UZ in its light became a
natural enterprise. Before him, the subject appears to have been almost totally
disregarded. Iy not only made occasional remarks on it in connection with
the individual statements but he concluded that there was so much to be said
on it that a special chapter exclusively devoted to the rhetorical figures should
be included in his work.67 He was able to identify more than a dozen figures. He
had to admit, however, that different designations were used for the same figure
in some instances.68 Later authors quoted Iy on this subject, but no attempt
seems to have been made to improve or elaborate on what he had done.
64
65
66
67
68
of eleven women sat. The identity of the frequently quoted Bukhr commentator Ibn
at-Tn still eludes me, cf. Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, II, 405, trans., II, 459; jj Khalfah,
ed. erefettin Yaltkaya, I, 545 (Istanbul 19411943).
Cf. Iy, 4, referring to the recension of Ab Mashar; Iahir, 121; Nas, 204; Tirmidh;
b; Zamakhshar; Rfi, etc. Fat, XI, 165, refers to Ab Awnah (d. 316/928, cf. Sezgin,
GAL, I, 174) who, according to Fat, 164, 166, quoted the recension of Ab Muwiyah in his
a. The published portions of Ab Awnahs Musnad (Hyderabad 13621363) cannot
be expected to include UZ.
Nas, 211, 214, and Fat, 165. Uqbah died in 188/804 according to Tahdhb, VII, 239f. For
Abbd, see above, n. 38, and for Ab Yal, below, n. 87.
Cf. W. Reuschel, wa-kna llhu alman raman, in Studia Orientalia in memoriam C.
Brockelmann, 147153 (Halle 1968), cited by M.B. Schub, The expression of panchronic
actions in Arabic, in JSS 27 (1982), 5759. See Iy, 168170.
Cf. Iy, 57 and 186214, his last chapter (see above, p. 2).
Cf. Iy, 207.
47
928
48
(4) While the philological occupation with UZ was an opportunity provided

by its intrinsic linguistic difficulty and also was in tune with the rapidly growing scholarly work in religious literature, its role in the latter that was more
or less forced upon it required that a search for some religious/legal meaning be undertaken. Much effort was spent on producing, at any cost, results
that could plausibly be argued to be both acceptable and interesting to Muslims.
The historians naturally had no need to reflect on any such deeper meaning,
but even Ab Ubayd shows (at least, in the text as printed) not the slightest concern in this respect. For compilers of large adth collections arranged
according to subject matter, the question immediately arose of where to put UZ.
Al-Bukhr thus included it in the Kitb an-Nik and chose for it the chapter heading of usn al-musharah maa l-ahl how to be nice to ones wives
or how to comport oneself with ones wives and family. Muslim opted for
the easy way out by entering it under the glories ( fal) of ishah; increasing ishahs standing in the Islamic community may indeed have been the
purpose of UZs connection with her and the Prophet, but it could hardly be
considered a moral or religious value hidden in it. For an-Nas, it belonged
into the context of wifely gratitude to her husband. Soon, whether UZ occurred
in the large collections or in more specialized works, a label had to be found
for it. Thus, at-Tirmidh in his ash-Shamil al-Muammadyah wisely classified it as belonging to the ample available information on the Prophets
humor and participation in light banter (samar). Al-Bukhr had the advantage of having chosen the most obvious meaning of UZ, its contribution to the
understanding of the relationship between the sexes, and therefore carried the
day.
The mentioned meanings were accepted early in the literature on UZ, but
the ever expanding discussion made it necessary constantly to find something
new | to contribute, and the search for useful points ( fawid) continued
apace. Iy had already in his possession normative information on all the
statements made by the eleven. He called it fiqh and added a paragraph to each
of them under this heading; later in his work (171185), he enlarged upon and
presented a summary of it. His information is basically reproduced by Ibn ajar
but not without largely recasting it and implicitly or explicitly presenting his
own views on the matter. As probably the most detailed yet concise statement,
his passage may be translated here (with references in the notes to the more
diffuse and often quite different Iy):69
69
Fat, XI, 185187. The numbering of the translation takes the place of the simple fhi of
929
Useful points provided by this adth other than what has been mentioned before is the need for a man (husband).70
(1) To be friendly in the company of his wives (ahl) and to talk to them
about permissible subjects as long as it does not lead to something
that is to be avoided.71
(2) He may joke and relax, be playful with his wives and let them know
of his love for them as long as it does not cause damage as the result
of their committing offensive acts against him or turning away from
him.72
(3) Boasting about wealth is forbidden, while it is clear that excellence
in religious matters may be mentioned. A man may inform and
remind his wives of what he is doing (rat lih) for them, in
particular if ungratefulness, a natural characteristic of theirs, is in
evidence.73
(4) A woman may mention the kindnesses shown her by her spouse.74
(5) A man may honor one of his wives by word or action in the presence
of her fellow wives, on condition of (muilluh) the absence of any
tendency toward injustice.75 Earlier, in the chapters on hibah, it has
been stated that it is permissible to single out one spouse by giving
her various presents, provided the other has been given all that she
is entitled to.76
(6) It is permissible for a man to converse with his wife when it is not
her turn.77
(7) By featuring conversation about past nations and their use of proverbial examples for instruction, the adth makes this permissible
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
the text. For comparison, it may be mentioned that like most earlier commentators, Ibn
ajars contemporary al-Ayn, IX, 476, restricted himself to just a few points. In al-Ayns
case, they more or less correspond to Fat, items 2, 7, 8 (only wifely gratitude), 13, 18,
21.
This being the overall theme, the text seems to invite a correction, but none is necessary.
Cf. Iy, 32.
Iy, 3741, 178183. He expands on the very popular subject of the Prophets jokes and
why joking may be either good or bad joking.
Iy, 33, without the concluding general observation.
Cf. Iy, 174.
Iy, 33 f.
Cf. Fat, VI, 135.
Iy, 34 ff.
930
as it does telling interesting stories and pleasant anecdotes for relaxation and psychological stimulation.78
(8) Women are encouraged to be faithful to their husbands and to avoid
scrutinizing too closely what they do (qiar a-arf alayhim) as well
as to be grateful for | their kind deeds. Furthermore, a woman may
describe all the good and bad qualities of her husband of which
she is aware. Exaggeration is permitted here, on condition that it
does not become a habit, because this would diminish the dignity
(murwah, of their husbands).
(9) The adth indicates that an informant (mukhbir) may interpret
the information (khabar) he collects by asking for comments or by
initiating comments on his own.79
(10) As shown in the adth, mention of a mans (husbands) faults is
permissible, if the intention is to discourage such activity. It would
then not be slander (ghbah).80 This was indicated by al-Khab,
but Ab Abdallh at-Tamm, Iys authority, found fault with
al-Khabs statement, saying that such argumentation would be
valid only if the Prophet had heard the woman slandering her
spouse and let her do it.81 Speaking about someone not present,
however, is a different situation. It is similar to stating that among
the people, there is an individual with something.82 Perhaps, this
is what al-Khab meant, so that he cannot faulted for his statement.
49
78
79
80
81
82
Iy, 36 f.
Cf. Iy, 41 f.
Ghbah, censured in Qurn 49:12, was usually counted among the major sins, cf., e.g., Fat,
XIII, 79ff. The enormous importance of the subject in society and law explains why Ibn
ajar dwells here on it at greater length.
Iys discussion (5458) is summarized by Ibn ajar in a rather dense manner. For
Ab Sulaymn al-Khab (d. 386/996 or 388), cf. GAL S I, 275f.; Sezgin, GAS I, 210f. Ab
Abdallh at-Tamm is identified by the editor of Iy with al-Mzar, as he is usually
referred to. Al-Mzar died in 536/1141 at the age of 83, cf. GAL S I, 663; Sezgin, GAS I, 136.
His commentary on Muslim, entitled al-Mulim bi-fawid Muslim, should be checked for
the above remarks. It seems strange that Ibn ajar would refer later to al-Mzar without
mentioning his identity with Ab Abdallh at-Tamm. He probably assumed that the
reader would know it.
Iy, 54, quoting al-Mzar, speaks of matters such as stealing or committing adultery
instead of the vague something ( f l-lam man yasriq wa-yazn).
931
Al-Mzar says:83 Someone says: Some of these women gave offensive

descriptions of their spouses, but this was not slander because the husbands identities and names were not known. Al-Mzar says: This excuse
would be necessary only if the person to whom the adth was told heard
them make slanderous remarks about their husbands and let them do it.
However, since the situation is different and ishah told a story about
anonymous women who were not present, it is not. If a woman gave an
offensive description of her husband, it would be forbidden slander for
both the speaker and the listener, unless that woman spoke in a complaint
before a judge. This is so with respect to a specific individual. As for an
unknown and unidentified person, there is nothing wrong with listening
to what is said about him, since he is not harmed,84 unless it is known85
that the one to whom he is mentioned knows him. Now then, those men
mentioned in the adth are totally unknown, both as individuals and as
to their identities, let alone their names, and it is (also) not established
that those women are Muslims, so that the law of slander would apply to
them. Therefore, the use of the adth for argumentation is invalid here
for the reasons indicated.
(11) It strengthens the views of those who disapprove of a woman who
had a spouse getting married (again), because it shows that Umm
Zar acknowledged that her second husband honored her as much
as he could, yet she showed contempt for him and thought less of
him than of her first husband.86
83
84
85
86
What precisely is quotation from al-Mzar is not quite clear. The printed text is possibly
slightly incorrect.
Iys remarks stress harm as a criterion of slander.
Rather than he knows.
In the recension of Umar according to Nas, 218, but (dubiously) identified by al-Ayn,
IX, 475, line 18, as that of al-Haytham, we find wa-stabdalat badah wa-kullu badalin awar
as a comment on the remarriage of widows or divorcees: Every exchange is risky and
likely to lead to something worse. Cf. Iahir, 120; Iy, 159. For the problem caused in
Muslim society by the repeated and necessary remarrying of women and the yearning
expressed for an earlier husband, cf. F. Rosenthal, Reflections on love in Paradise, in John
H. Marks and Robert M. Good (eds.), Love and Death in the Ancient Near East: Studies in
honor of Marvin H. Pope, 18 f. (Guilford, Connecticut, 1987), reprinted in Rosenthal, Muslim
Social and Intellectual History (Aldershot, Hampshire, 1990) [above, p. 855f. Ed.]. Fat, XI,
184, cannot refrain in this connection from quoting the famous verse m l-ubbu illa li-labbi l-awwali. [On badal awar, see also a-afad, ash-Shur bi-l-r, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn
usayn, 100 (Amman 1409/1988).]
932
(12) Love covers up bad treatment. Although Ab Zar treated Umm Zar
badly by divorcing her, this did not prevent her from showering him
with greatly exaggerated praise. One of the recensions hints that
Ab Zar regretted having divorced her and wrote a poem about it.
In the recension of Umar b. Abdallh b. Urwah < his grandfather
< ishah where ishah reported the story from the Prophet from
Ab Zar and Umm Zar, she mentioned the poem of Ab Zar on
Umm Zar.87
(13) A man is permitted to describe women and their good features but
on condition that they remain anonymous. What is to be avoided, is
describing a specific woman in the presence of the man or describing female features that men are not permitted to look at intentionally.88
(14) In a comparison, the things compared need not be equal in every
aspect89 because the Prophet said, I am to you as Ab Zar . Meant
is what he explained in the recension of al-Haytham when he speaks
about intimacy and so on, but not all those details given about Ab
Zar such as excessive wealth, son, servant, etc. as well as the total
disregard for religious matters.90
(15) Incidental reference to divorce (kinyat a-alq) does not bring it
about in fact, unless it is combined with intention (nyah). For the
Prophet compared himself with Ab Zar who had (spoken about)
divorce, but this did not necessarily bring about divorce in fact, as
he had not intended (to proceed with) it ( yaqid ilayh).91
(16) Good people (ahl al-fal) from any nation may be used as models.
Umm Zar told about the nice ways of Ab Zar, and the Prophet
used him as an example. This statement was made by al-Muhallab,92
87
88
89
90
91
92
Fat, XI, 185, had reported a statement in the recension of Umar as transmitted by Ab
Yal to the effect that ishah mentioned the poem of Ab Zar on Umm Zar. Ibn ajar
does not quote the poem and says that he did not find this poem in any other recension.
He sounds as puzzled by the remark as we are. The author of a Musnad, Ab Yal Amad
b. Al b. al-Muthann lived from 210/825[6] to 307/919[20], cf. GAL S I, 258; Sezgin, GAS I,
170 f.
Iy, 145 ff.
See above, p. 39.
Iy, 183ff.
Iy, 184, in connection with (14).
Al-Muhallab b. Amad b. Ab ufrah, a Spanish commentator of al-Bukhr, died as an old
man in 435/1044, cf. adh-Dhahab, Ibar, III, 184.
(17)
(18)
(19)
(20)
(21)
933
but Iy rightly objected to | it that there is nothing in the context

to require that he used him as a model. Rather he indicated that
his situation with respect to ishah was the same as the situation
of Umm Zar. Certainly, his (al-Muhallabs) conclusion is sound in
the sense that the context of the story and the lawgivers apparent
approval and confirmation of it makes it permissible to use him as
a model. Similar to al-Muhallabs statement is another to the effect
that the adth indicates acceptance of information coming from
only one individual (khabar al-wid). Umm Zar told about the
situation of Ab Zar, and (following her report) the Prophet used
him as an example. Iy rightly found fault with this, too. Certainly,
its acceptance derives from the Prophets letting it pass without
disapproving of it.93
It is permissible to use the phrase bi-ab wa-umm, meaning fidka
ab wa-umm (see above, p. 40). This will be confirmed in the Kitb
al-Adab, God willing.94
A man may be praised to his face, if it is known that this will not
corrupt him.95
It is permissible to say to a bridegroom bi-r-rif wa-l-bann, if the
additional phrase at the end is established. This has been investigated earlier in several chapters.96
It is characteristic of the talk of women to be mainly about men. This
is different with men. Most of their talk is about making a living.
It is permissible to use strange words and employ rhymed prose,
if it is not artificial. As stated by Iy quoted here abridged: The
statements of those women exhibit to the fullest well expressed
phrases and an eloquent style as well as many rhetorical figures,
especially the statement of Umm Zar .
Ibn ajars unsystematic presentation of the uses of UZ reflects the unsystematic growth of the list. In fact, the great variety of topics is hard to press into
a coherent scheme. There are minor technicalities of the science of adth (9,
[16], 17, 19). An important legal point concerns the limits of slander (10). Liter-
93
94
95
96
Iy, 171 and 184f.

Iy, 171174. Bi-ab wa-umm is used in the recension of Abbd b. Manr, cf. Nas, 214f.
The cross-reference given by Ibn ajar refers to Fat, XIII, 159f., 188190.
Iy, 174f.
Cf. Iy, 175178, 198.
51
934
52
ature in the sense of belles lettres is investigated as to form and purpose (21),
the limitations of comparison (14), the permissibility of entertaining aspects
in literature that covers even presumably pre-Islamic material (7), and the
suitability of its protagonists as models for Muslims (16). Points of general
morality such as boasting about ones wealth (3) and praise of an individual
that is present (18) are touched in passing. Expectedly, problems of sexual
morality, together with their legal implications, dominate the picture. The
power of love in females is acknowledged (12) as is the basic theme of UZ, the
appropriate relationship between husbands and wives (1, 2, [3], 4, 6). Matters
that come up are the husbands right to show preferable treatment among
his wives (5), the male right to talk about female features (13), the pitfalls
of divorce (15) as well as remarriage by divorced or widowed wives (11), the
wom|ens right, within proper boundaries, to talk freely about their husbands
(8), and the female preoccupation with gossiping about their men which is
said to have no counterpart among the latter (20). For Ibn ajars attitude, it
is, however, most noteworthy that he always adds restrictions to make clear
that any concessions granted to women must not infringe upon the dominant
position of the husband (2, 3, 5, 8).
Beyond the individual fawid, it may said that, in general, an important
function of UZ was to indicate, in the name of Umm Zar, how a household
should be run. A good husband was expected to be kind to his wives. He was
allowed to tolerate and share in their conversation, even if this meant being
together with one or more of his wives at the same time. He was also obliged
to provide for them generously within his means. He would treat his mother
generously, whether or not she lived in his household. All the women were to
be fed well, so that they would be plump and beautiful. On the other hand, the
sons, that is, all the males in the family, should be lean and spare. The principal
obligations of daughters included obediency97 and trying to be so good that
others would become envious. Servants were praised for being discreet, frugal,
and good housekeepers, as was obligatory upon the rest of the staff.98 We
are dealing here quite clearly with a middle or upper class urban household,
but no conclusion can be drawn from it as to where and when the narrative
originated.
As the foregoing excerpts from a vast literature show, UZ deserves the attention paid to it through the centuries. Its history is exemplary for the history of
significant segments of secular and religious literature and philology in Islam.
97
98
See below, n. 119.

See below, n. 120.
935
Those who commented on it had perforce to copy one another, so as to preserve valuable information from their predecessors, but they always looked out
for something new to contribute to the discussion. The chaotic problems of
the furiously creative eighth-century intellectual developments are, of course,
not solved but brought if ever so little closer to an understanding. And, in
a painless, entertaining manner, UZ familiarizes the reader with important
aspects of the imprint made on society by Islam as a religion and civilization.
Appendix
The translation of UZ given here follows the text of al-Bukhr. Ideally, an edition of the text with an apparatus combining all the various readings should be
established first (the medieval scholars have eagerly collected all this material
but without making any sustained critical analysis of it). A thorough discussion
of all the possible meanings of words and phrases should precede, and | an
equally thorough discussion of how the statements might possibly be understood should follow. This would vastly exceed the available space and could
not be done here. It also might by and large amount to not much more than
an often arbitrary process of selection by a present-day scholar from the often
more or less arbitrary choices offered by his medieval colleagues. The present
translation will be as literal as possible while realizing that this is a chimera,
and most of the interpretation is left open for the reader to puzzle over. Footnotes are few and selective and do not reflect the wealth of information available.
The divergent sequence of the statements of the first ten women may be
illustrated from representative examples in the following table where al-Bukhrs sequence serves as the basis:
53
936
Bukhr99 Ab Ubayd100
Nas101
Khab102 Zubayr Iahir103
(211: Uqbah) (215: Umar)
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X
I
II
III
IV
VI
VII
V
VIII
IX
X
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
IX
VIII
X
IV
VIII
IX
X
II
I
V
VI
III
VII
I
II
III
VI
V
IX
VIII
VII
IV
X
IV
VIII
X
I
IX
VII
VI
V
II
III
I
VII
VI
III
II
IV
VIII
IX
V
X
Translation
Eleven women sitting together entered into a solemn compact that they would
not conceal any information about their husbands.
99
100
101
102
103
The sequence is identical in Muslim. It may be found, for instance, in Nas, 204, Rfi,
and the basic text of Iy.
Ab Ubayds sequence appears in b and Zamakhshar.
The recension of Umar in abarn, 147149, has the same sequence, except that V and
I exchange places. However, abarn, 143 f., quoting the recension of Uqbah b. Khlid,
which he equates with that of Yazd b. Rmn, has the sequence I,II,III,VI,VII,IV,V,VIII,IX,X.
Al-Asma al-mubhamah (above, n. 20). Al-Khab al-Baghdd goes on to quote the version
with names from Zubayr, with V and VI exchanging places.
The listing of the five positive and five negative statements (see above, p. 41) is inverted
in Zubayr and Iahir, but there is no complete agreement. Iahirs abridged quotation
from Zubayr expectedly follows the latters arrangement. abarn, 139141, quotes Sad
b. Salamah b. Ab l-usm < Hishm reporting a sequence divided into negative and
positive statements in the order VII,I,III,VI,II; IV,V,VIII,IX,X, and adds after statement II:
Urwah said to him: These are the five men who are complained about. Sad occurs in
the alternate isnd mentioned by Muslim, see Tahdhb, IV, 41f.
In the recension of Abbd b. Manr quoted in abarn, 144146, which lists only nine
women other than Umm Zar (omitting VII), the sequence is II,III,I,VI,IV,V,VIII,IX,X.
937
I.
The first woman said: My husband is the meat of a meager camel on a

mountain top, not easy to go up and not fat (enough) to take away.104
II. The second woman said: My husband is one about whom I spread no
information. I fear that I would omit nothing.105 If I mention it, I shall
mention (the entire story) front and back.
III. The third woman said: My husband, the big lout,106 if I speak up, Ill be
divorced, and if I keep silent, Ill be left suspended.107
IV. The fourth woman said: My husband is like the night of the Tihmah,
neither hot nor cold, no fear and no loathing.108
V. The fifth woman said: Indoors, he is like a panther, and when he goes out,
he is like a lion. He asks no questions about what he observes.109
VI. The sixth woman said: When he eats, my husband stuffs himself. When
he drinks, he drinks it all. And when he goes to bed, he wraps himself up,
without inserting his hand to learn what ails (me).110
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
For fa-yuntaqal, the variant fa-yuntaq (something like to extract the marrow) is offered.
The latter provides a rhyme, and we are left in the quandary to decide whether this is an
argument in favor of, or an argument against, its being the more original formprobably,
against.
The variant readings wath and qawr/qr in connection with mountain top are listed
in Ibn al-Athr, IV, 235, III, 317, and Lisn, III, 25, VI, 435, and as derived from Zubayr (but
not found in Muwaffaqyt) in Ayn, IX, 466, and Qasalln, VIII, 80.
Another recension adds evil (Nas, 214 f.; Fat, XI, 168), but perhaps something is
meant, with the negation being the complement of fearing. Some sense could be made
by referring the object pronoun to the husband, but this is unlikely.
On ashannaq, see M. Ullmann, Untersuchungen zur Raazpoesie, 84, 158 (Wiesbaden
1966).
Cf. muallaqah Qurn 4:129, explained as ayyim, i.e., with no sexual contacts.
Zubayr: unhealthiness (wakhmah); Iy, 7, refers to al-Haythams addition wa-l yukhfu khalfah wa-l ammah absolutely nothing to be afraid of.
While there can be little doubt about the principal quality of the lion, the (good or bad?)
qualities of fahd intended here are doubtful. Proverbs such as aksab min fahd (Ullmann,
Wrterbuch, K, 172) or the well known anwam min fahd were adduced. Pussycat suggests
a modern Western outlook, but this interpretation seems to have been in the mind of
Abd-al-Malik b. abb, according to Iy, 71.
The addition wa-l yarfau l-yawma il ghad he does not postpone (what is to be done)
today until tomorrow appears occasionally as in Zubayr.
Ab Ubayd: feeling for imperfections and thus aggrieving her, but the sexual interpretation that he is totally self-centered and does not take care of her needs seems preferable, cf.
Ibn Qutaybah, Il (above, n. 56); al-Khab, according to Ayn, IX, 468, lines 23f.; Iy,
84 f. Since al-bathth does not rhyme properly, one is tempted to assume that li-yalama
l-bathth was no original part of the statement but entered as an explanatory gloss. Note,
938
VII. The seventh woman said: My husband is an insensitive weakling.111 Every

sickness there is he has. He breaks your head or splits all the bones in your
body or does both.
VIII. The eighth woman said: My husband has a touch like a hare, and he smells
like zarnab.112
IX. The ninth woman said: My husband has high columns and a long sword
belt.113 He has lots of ashes (in his dwelling, indicating great hospitality).
His house is near the public meeting hall.
X. The tenth woman said: My husband is Mlik. Now, what about Mlik?!114
Mlik is better than that. His camels kneel in many places and graze in
few. When they hear the sound of fire being stoked,115 they realize that
they will perish.
111
112
113
114
115
however, that after drinks it all, Umars recension (Nas, 217) has a phrase ending in
-thth: wa-idh dhabaa ghtathth, explained as when he slaughters (for guests), he picks
meager camels.
The dubious /ghayy (above, n. 60) is omitted in some recensions such as that of Zubayr
(where the printed text of what follows is garbled). See al-Ji, ayawn, I, 60 (Cairo
132325).
See above, p. 44. This is generally explained as referring to the softness of a rabbit and the
sweet smell of a certain plant. Both arnab and zarnab are known as sexual slang terms, but
any application here seems questionable. An addition naghlibuh (aghlibuh) wa-n-nsa
yaghlib we control him while he controls everybody else is thus vocalized in most texts.
The editor of abarn, 140, 143, 147, vocalizes wa-n-nsu yughlab, apparently: as people
are used to be controlled. This is most probably wrong if for no other reason then in
view of a rather similar idea in the Alexander cycle, see F. Rosenthal, in Graeco-Arabica
4 (Athens 1991), 199. Cf. also Qasalln, VIII, 85, lines 2729, for a related remark.
These metaphors for palatial buildings and tall stature are well attested in ancient poetry,
cf., for instance, al-Ash, Dwn, ed. R. Geyer, 70 (London 1928. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series,
N.S. 6); al-Khans, Dwn, ed. L. Cheikho, 41 f. (Beirut 1895); Iy, 96 ff. For the metaphors
for tallness and hospitality together, cf. al-Muarriz, Mughrib, ed. Mamd Fkhr
and Abd-al-amd Mukhtr, II, 54 (Aleppo 13991402/19791982).
The idiom wa-m , repeated several times in Umm Zars statement, is unanimously
explained by the commentators as an exclamation of praise (Iy, 105; Qasalln, VIII,
87, line 2: istifhmyah li-t-taajjub wa-t-tam), but the above neutral translation may
be preferable. Mlik (var. Ab Mlik, cf. abarn, 140; Iy, 8) is generally accepted
as a proper name, but since the individual is not properly identified, this would not
compromise the discussion of ghbah.
Kindling a fire in preparation for the arrival of guests seems better than making some
sort of music (mizhar, see Lane, 1262b; abarn, 145 [recension of Umar]: mizmr). The
former reading (muzhir) was supposedly suggested by Ab Sad a-arr. It remains,
however, doubtful and was emphatically rejected by Iy, 1122ff. According to Fat, XI,
174, Zubayr read a-ayf for al-mizhar, but this is not found in his Muwaffaqyt. Iy
XI.
939
The eleventh woman said: My husband is Ab Zar. Now, what about Ab

Zar?! He made jewelry dangle from my ears and filled my arms with fat.
He made me glad, and I became very cheerful. He found me among people
with a few sheep and goats at a (remote) mountain slope116 and placed me
among people of neighing (horses) and groaning (camels), grinders (of
wheat) and cleaners (of chaff). With him I can talk without being cursed
out. I can sleep until morning. I can drink my fill.
The mother of Ab Zar.117 Now, what about the mother of Ab Zar?! Her
bundles are stuffed full, and her house is spacious.
The son of Ab Zar. Now, what about the son of Ab Zar?! His bed118 is like
the blade of a sword, and the leg bone of a kid satisfies him.
The daughter of Ab Zar. Now, what about the daughter of Ab Zar?!
Obedient to her father and obedient to her mother, filling out her clothes,
enraging the neighbor woman.119
The maid servant of Ab Zar. Now, what about the maid servant of Ab
Zar?! She never spreads our story. She never squanders our stores. She does
not fill the house with cobwebs.120
She said: Ab Zar went out when the milk in the pail was being churned.
He met a woman who had two children like panthers121 playing underneath
116
117
118
119
120
121
supports the contention that the musical instrument d which he equates with mizhar
was well known among the ancient Bedouins. At the end, the recensions of Ibn as-Sikkt
and Ibn al-Anbr added wa-huwa immu l-qawmi f l-mahlik (Fat, XI, 175).
See above, n. 54.
Some texts read mother of Zar, which is unlikely. Zubayrs omission of mother, son, and
maid (included, however, in Iahir) counterbalances the addition of other members of
the household elsewhere (see below, n. 120) and shows that long no. XI was more amenable
to textual fluctuations.
Not in the printed text of Ab Ubayd.
Obedience has many variants in other recensions, such as zayn (ummahtih wa-nisih) or ri ummih (Zubayr; Iahir). Zayn appears in Nas, 218, qurrat al-ayn in addition in abarn, 146. Cf. Iy, 9, where also many variants for enraging are listed.
Next to the maid servant, who is a male khdim in, for instance, Iahir and abarn, 140,
146, or wald (according to Fat, XI, 181, to be found in Zubayr, whose Muwaffaqyt again
have nothing of the sort), the prosperous household of Umm Zar is expanded to include
cooks (h, pl. uhh) who stick conscientiously to stirring their pots. Further additions
are guests and property. AI-Khab al-Baghdd claims that the list went so far as to include
the dog of Ab Zar, cf. also Iy, 214, and, in general, Iy, 10, 152f.; Rfi, 368; Ayn, IX,
474 f.; Fat, XI, 182, etc.
The panthers (above, n. 109; more accurately, according to F. Vir, in El2, s.v. fahd,
56
940
her waist with two pomegranates.122 He divorced me and married her. I married after him a noble man who rode a sturdy horse and possessed a kha
lance.123 He brought home to me a wealth of animals and gave me a couple
of every(thing) that comes home in the evening. He said: Eat, Umm Zar, and
(also) provide for your folks!
She said: Now, if I were to gather everything he gave me, it would not come
up to the smallest of Ab Zars vessels.
ishah said: The Messenger of God said: I am to you as Ab Zar to Umm
Zar.
122
123
cheetah) again are a problem, and there are variants quoted for it, such as hawks or
lion cubs, cf. Ayn, IX, 475, and Fat, XI, 182.
Pomegranates would normally have to be understood as breasts, but playing underneath her waist does not go with breasts. A graphic explanation appears in Ab Ubayd,
308; Zamakhshar, 54: Her posterior was so big that when she was lying on her back, it
raised here body above the ground and formed a gap large enough for a pomegranate to
pass through! Iys commentary (158) on the problem is particularly instructive. Fat, XI,
183, knows of two recensions, the one by al-rith (b. Muammad b. Ab Usmah) who
lived from 186/802 to 282/895 (cf. the English translation of a-abar, History, I, 247, and
index [Albany, New York, 1989]), and the other by al-Haytham, which simplify the matter
by replacing waist with, respectively, slip (dir) and breast (adr). See also Ibn Qutaybah,
Uyn, IV, 6 (above, n. 56).
Kha is generally explained as derived from a place name, cf. A. Giese, Waf bei Kuim,
91 (Berlin 1981).
For sturdy horse (shar), Zubayr and Iahir (see also Iy, 160f.) have awaj, after a
famous studhorse named Awaj, on which see G. Levi Della Vida, Les Livres des chevaux,
index, 101 (Leiden 1928).
vii.10
Child Psychology in Islam

It is a modern and comparatively recent idea that the different stages of childhood represent individual and necessary stages which have a reason to be just
as they are. This is a very peculiar idea. It originated from the dynamic concept
of development as the guiding principle of the universe. By no means could
this idea be considered as something that would suggest itself to the simple
unprepared observer. For him, the child is the imperfect edition of the adult,
whose imperfections have to be overcome by the process of growing up and
the sooner this is accomplished, the better. This, in fact, was the prevailing point
of view which persisted well into the eighteenth century. Then, for the first
time, it seems, the inherent laws that govern the different stages of childhood
came to be recognized. A new modern concept of the growth of human beings
started on its slow progress toward general acceptance. The study of child psychology freed itself from the position as an auxiliary subject in the study of general human psychology and became a subject in its own right. The obvious practical consequences of this new insight gained ground even much more slowly.
It can be said that as yet they are still far removed from being generally applied.
Child psychology in the sense in which we understand it today, thus, is
the product of a particular historical situation. It would, therefore, be wrong
to expect its full-blown existence in medieval times. In his excellent analysis
of al-Qabisis work on education, Ahmad Fuad al-Ahwani was, consequently,
eminently justified in saying that the psychological approach toward social
problems such as the education of children was all but unknown in medieval
sociological research.1
The Muslim literature on education is very extensive and important. It
has found the careful attention of many modern scholars in East and West,
although a number of works still remain unedited and the exhaustive history
of Muslim educational literature, in its origin and | development, has not yet
been written.2 However, to judge from the published material, this literature
1 A.F. al-Ahwani, At-Talim fi ray al-Qabisi, Cairo 1364/1945, p. 36. [The original article lacked
diacritics in the transliteration. Ed.]
2 A recent article on The Muslim theories of education during the Middle Ages by M. Abdul Muid
Khan appeared in Islamic Culture 18, 1944. pp. 418433.
The treatise on education by the Christian Arab philosopher Yahya b. Adi is said to
942
is predominantly concerned with the important formal side of education and

contains comparatively little information on child psychology and the Muslim
view of it.
Under these circumstances, it does not seem far-fetched to ask whether
some such information might not be gathered from the many references to
children that are found in most branches of Muslim literature. In order to
gain an understanding of the concept of the world and of man that prevails
in a given civilization, it is quite useful to observe the attitude of the representatives of that civilization toward the child, as that attitude reflects the
general outlook on many fundamental problems of human relationships. The
following pages, therefore, are devoted to the discussion of some stray notes
on the Muslim attitude toward childhood psychology which I collected in the
course of my readings. A more systematic and wider perusal of Muslim literature may yield interesting results, and certainly is a task which should not be
neglected.
A minor difficulty in this investigation is the fact that in Arabic as in other
languages, the terms for child are colloquially used as terms of endearment,
or flattery, or condescension for persons of a more advanced, and, eventually,
any age. The English dictionary, for instance, reflects this state of affairs under
the entries boy and lad. Arabic sabi, and even tifl, make no exception. Ibn
al-Athir reports the touching story that in the year 603/12061207, a boy (sabi)
said to his friend jokingly that he would hit him with a knife he was holding,
and plunged toward him. Accidentally, he hit the other boy in the belly with
the knife and killed him. He fled but was seized and condemned to death, but
before his execution he asked for paper and ink and wrote down the following
verses:
Without provisions of good deeds but a pure heart
Toward the generous Lord I am about to start.
But it would be wrong and base provisions to prepare
When to a person known as generous you repair.3
pay attention to the anthropological-psychological element, cf. G. Graf, Geschichte der

christlichen arabischen Literatur, Vol. 2, Citta del Vaticano 1947, p. 248 (Studi e Testi 133).
Without a direct knowledge of the work, it would be difficult to decide how relevant it might
be for our investigation.
3 Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, Cairo 1302, Vol. 12, p. 120. The story loses somewhat of its tragic character when we read in Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, Cairo 13511358, Vol. 13, p. 45f., that the incident happened when the two youths were drinking and, apparently, quarreling. It further
child psychology in islam
943
This story could well be used in our context, were it not for the fact that Ibn
al-Athir tells us that the age of the two boys was close to twenty. Fortunately,
there is a similar occurrence reported by another historian, where the persons
concerned actually are young children, and which will be quoted in its proper
place.4
As it will be seen, a certain concern with the meaning of childhood is predominantly found in four fields of intellectual activity, in legal-theological discussions, in mysticism, in philosophy, and in medicinethat is, a very representative cross-section of the different aspects of Muslim science and learning.
However, before we go into that, a few words may be said about the dominant,
if superficial, picture of the Muslim concept of childhood psychology which
confronts the reader of Muslim works.
One will find that nearly every reference to a childs activity is characterized
by the word to play. A child plays with everything he can lay his hands on, and
has no thought of any serious activity. Indeed, it is only the thought of being
permitted to play with balls and hockey sticks5 and to play with little birds after
school which makes school tolerable for children.6 The literary references to
children playing all sorts of games, innocent or mischievous, as a rule have the
attractive quality which attaches to the subject. Most appealing to us would
seem to be the stories which centre around the pets with which children used
to play.
The page in which al-Qifti describes an incident from his youth ranks among
the best that has been written in world literature on adolescence. Al-Qifti tells
us how he kept, as children do, an Isfahani cat as a pet. This cat happened
to give birth to a litter of kittens in his house. A male cat came and ate some
of the kittens. Angrily, young Qifti swore that he would kill the murderous
male cat. He set up a trap on the roof of the house and caught the cat in
loses when we learn from Ibn Taghri birdi, An-Nujum az-zahirah, Vol. 6. Cairo 1355/1936,
p. 192f. (quoted in the edition of Ibn Kathir), that the position and family connections of the
youths played a role in the affair. Ibn al-Athirs source is not available to me, but it certainly
was his merit to have presented the story so as to bring out the element of human interest in
it.
4 See below, p. 15.
5 It may be noted that hockey stick and ball appear in the Arabic translation of the Alexander
novel as the symbols of childish playfulness, where the Greek text just has ball, cf., for
instance al-Mutahhar, Livre de la Creation, ed. by C. Huart, Paris 18991919, Vol. 3, p. 152f. (Publ.
de lEcole des langues or. viv. IV, 1618, 21); Historia Alexandri Magni (Psudo-Callisthenes), ed.
by W. Kroll, Berlin 1926, p. 40 f.
6 Cf. al-Ghazzali, Ihya, Cairo 1334, Vol. 1, p. 43.
944
it. But when he went up to the roof with a stick in his hand, in order to kill
it, he noticed the pretty daughter of his neighbour who gestured to him to
let the cat go. Confused, he let it go. When he went downstairs, his mother
asked him whether he had killed the cat as he had intended to do. No, he
replied; it was not the cat I had been looking for but another one. His mother,
however, gave him to understand that she knew what had happened, and with
the verse:
Two kinds of girls I rather would not touch:
The betrothed of the friend and the close neighbours (wife),
4
she threw water upon the just kindled flame.7

Many stories are woven around the little birds which were kept as pets. There
is, for instance, the hardly historical report of the boy who went out with his
bird at noon and encountered the caliph Uthman holding a nap.8 Or we hear
as-Silafi report what a scholar known as Ibn Hadaq al-Hufari had told him in
Alexandria: when, as a boy, he played with a little bird, the bird closed its eyes
and stretched out, so that he believed that the bird was dead. He threw it down,
and as soon as the bird touched the ground, it flew away. It had just played dead,
in order to get free. This seemed a strange story. Therefore, as-Silaf was glad to
have it confirmed by a certain Ibn Thumnah as-Safaqusi who said that he had
gone to school together with Ibn Hadaq and had been present when the story
with the bird happened.9
We are told that az-Zamakhshari blamed the loss of his leg on the curse of
his mother when he was a little boy. He had a string attached to the leg of a
little bird with which he was playing, and when the bird escaped and hid in a
crevice, he had tried to pull it out by means of that string and torn off its leg.
When his mother saw that, she got angry and wished that God would cut off
his leg as he had cut off that of his little pet.10
The dangerous plight of the bird in the hand of his little master was also used
by a poet, apparently Ibn ar-Rumi, in a magnificent metaphor:
7
8
9
10
Cf. Yaqut, Irshad, ed. by D.S. Margoliouth, LeidenLondon 19071927, Vol. 5, p. 478f. (E.J.W.
Gibb Mem. Series 6) = ed. Cairo n. y., Vol. 15, p. 176 f.
Cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansab, ed. by S.D.F. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936, Vol. 5, p. 9. In this story, the
bird (tair) may, however, not have been a pet but some kind of fowl.
Cf. as-Silafi, Mujam, photostat ms. or. Cairo (Egyptian Library) tarikh 3932, p. 337f.
Yaqut, op. cit., Vol. 7, p. 147 Margoliouth = Vol. 19, p. 127 Cairo.
945
Just like a small bird within

a childs palm which threatens it
With imminent death while for
the child it is joyful play.11
The playful child that cannot be held responsible for his acts is on a level
with the insane. Children at first have no intellect, as the philosophers | would
express it,12 and are no better than animals. Thus, whenever madmen are
mentioned in Muslim literature, the children who run after them are not
missing. And the extent of a persons insanity is often sufficiently characterized
by stating that he sought the company of and felt at home among children. The
inability of children and women to do a mans job is naturally often noted, and
Muslim history offered many opportunities to observe that the rule of children
spelled disaster for a country.13
Childhood, thus, was in general not considered a happy state to which one
would wish to return.14 Not even a poet would play with such an idea. Youth
with its obvious advantages is often wished back, but not the very early years
of ones life (which, it should be noted, before the twentieth century were
beset with great physical dangers and also for this reason something little
desirable). When, for instance, the word siba occurs in the following verse by
Jamil:
11
12
13
14
Cf. ath-Thaalibi, At-Tamaththul wa-l-muhadarat, ms. or. Princeton 126 H, fol. 70 a and ms.
or. arabe Paris (Bibliotheque Nationale) 5914, fol. 79 a.
The proverb says: As-saw fi n-naz wa-s-sibyan fi t-tarab The little bird in agony,
the children amused, cf. ath-Thaalibi, loc. cit. and ms. or Princeton 126 H fol. 110 b.
Cf. also Ibn Abi Awn, Kitab-at-Tashbihat, ed. by M. Abdul Muid Khan, Cambridge
London 1950, p. 393 E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series N. S. 17. and Hermes, De castigatione
animae, ch, 5, para. 7, in W. ScottA.S. Ferguson, Hermetica, Oxford 1936, Vol. 4, p.
308.
Cf., for instance, Ibn Sina, Shifa, tabiiyat, beginning of fann 8 (ms. or. Bodleian Library
Pocock 113 = Uri 475, fol. 2 b3 a). This was, of course, a much debated problem. For
the Stoics, children were alogoi, had no reasoning power, cf. H. von Arnim, Stoicorum
veterum fragmenta, Leipzig 19211924, Vol. 3, p. 143, following Alexander of Aphrodisias,
Scripta Minora, ed. by I. Bruns, Berlin 18871892, Vol. 1, p. 153; Vol. 2, p. 121f. (Supplementum
Aristotelicum II). Cf., however, below, p. 18.
Cf. the famous verse, quoted by Juwayni, Tarikh-i-jahangushay, ed. by M. Qazvini, Leiden
London 19121916, Vol. 1, p. 220 (E.J.W. Gibb Mem. Ser. 16).
For the Sufi attitude, cf. below, p. 15 f.
946
Would that the days of childhood were come back,

and that a time thats gone, Buthaynah, might return,15
it clearly refers to youth rather than childhood. Poetry widely used siba as
a synonym of shabab. The pleasures of youth, rather than the innocence of
childhood, might also have been in the mind of the poet who said:
What makes their homes so dear to men
is small things youth16 accomplished there.
Memory of home recalls to them
their childhood17 thereand homesick they become.18
The poet again is Ibn ar-Rumi, and his exquisite, sensitive nature might well
have conceived the then unusual idea that the remembrance of childish ignorance is greater joy than mans knowledge of his insufficiency. However, the
use of the word shabab parallel with siba would | suggest that Ibn ar-Rumi,
too, rather had youth in mind. It is a deeply felt emotion that makes the old
man yearn for his childhood (youth),19 and the bitter realization of squandered
opportunities causes him to exclaim: O lost existence of ours, take from our
lifes duration a year and bring back of youth (siba) a few days.20
As the child was a miniature edition of the man, his behaviour was considered to give an indication of the future success or failure of the latter. A famous
anecdote tells about the grave concern of al-Mutadid when his five-year old
son Abul-Fadl, the later caliph al-Muqtadir, gave each of his playmates as much
of a bunch of out-of-season grapes to eat as he had himself. He gives, stormed
the caliph, all of them a share in something that, as things in this world go, is
valuable, and children by nature usually are not generous with such things. In
15
16
17
18
19
20
Cf. al-Bayhaqi, Al-Mahasn wa-l-masawi, ed. by F. Schwally, Giessen 1902, p. 237. A different
recension has shabab, cf. F. Gabrieli, in Rivista degli Studi Orientali 17, 1938, p. 69.
Shabab.
Uhud as-siba.
Cf. R. Guest, Life and works of Ibn ar Rumi, London 1944, p. 79; ath-Thaalibi, op. cit., ms. or.
Princeton 126 H, Fol. 33b; Ibn Bassam, Dhakhirah, Cairo 1358ff., Vol. 1, part 1, p. 176. Cf. also
al-Marzuqi, Kitab al-Azminah, Hyderabad 1332, Vol. I, p. 6.
Cf. Ibn Bassam, op. cit., Vol. 1, part 1, p. 163.
Ibn Tabataba al-Alawi, quoted by ath-Thaalibi, op. cit., ms. or. Princeton 126 H, fol. 34 b35
a.
The proverb: Kull imri fi baytihi sabi (op. cit., fol. 70 a), seems to imply that every man
is as heedless and unconcerned as a child when he is in his own home.
947
this manner, the historians explained the ruinous expenditures of the reign of
al-Muqtadir as the result of an alleged innate quality of the caliph, while, in
fact, circumstances which he was not able to master forced him to exhaust his
finances.21
Future calamities could thus be predicted from a childs early behaviour.
However, it was much more interesting to observe in a child the forebodings
of greatness in the field or profession of his choice. Anecdotes of this type are
frequent in biographical literature, and entire books have been written about
them, such as Ibn Zafars Kitab nujaba al-anba. Young Muhasibi, one of these
stories runs, was given a few dates by a date merchant when he watched the
other children play near his house (he himself, of course, would never have
stooped so low as to participate in the playing of games). Before eating the
dates, al-Muhasibi asked the merchant where he had gotten them. When he
was told that he had sold dates to a customer who had then dropped some
of them, he asked the merchant whether he knew his customer, and when
the merchant admitted that he knew him, al-Muhasibi turned to the playing
children and asked them whether the date merchant really was a Muslim.
The children said: Yes, yes, and the merchant, understandably annoyed, asked
al-Muhasibi what he meant with that question. The reply was: If you are a
Muslim, look for the person who bought the dates and clear up your deal
with him, as hastily as a very thirsty person would look for water. You, being
a Muslim, give Muslim children unlawful food to eat!
This story is mentioned in Ibn Zafars work.22 In general, al-Muhasibis biography is full of similar legends concerning his youth. It is clear that such stories of youthful precocity would grow up especially around the memory of
pious men, mystics, and scholars. Occasionally, they were also invented for a
much less innocent purpose, namely, in order to show how a childs sophistication might nonplus a great mind. Thus, al-Jahiz tells us that the Mutazilah
Thumamah, one of the most brilliant intellects of his time, left his donkey
unguarded outside when he visited a friend. When he came out, he saw a
boy sitting on it. He asked him how he dared sitting on the donkey without
his permission. The boy replied that he was guarding it for him. Thumamah
was unwise enough to remark that he would rather have seen the donkey lost.
21
22
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, vol. 7, p. 216; Ibn al Jawzi,
Muntazam, Hyderabad 13571359, Vol. 6, p. 71, anno 295.
Ethical philosophy under Greek influence considered the germs of character qualities
existing in the child, cf. below, p. 19.
Cairo n. y., p. 148 f.
948
This gave the boy a chance to retort: If you feel that way about the donkey, then
assume that it is lost, and give it to me and earn my thanks. Thumamah could
think of no reply to such precocious wisdom.23
With regard to educational practice, the natural consequence of the conviction that a childs state was imperfection was to do everything in ones power
to help the child to get out of his imperfect state. The use of force, if necessary, was proper. The goal which the child was to attain was set by the educator, with no or little regard for the childs inherent abilities and psychological
preparation. Occasionally, there also existed a certain disregard of childs sensibilities. Dawud, the founder of the Zahirite school, laughed when his little son,
Muhammad, the future author of the Kitab az-Zahrah, came to him crying and
complained that his companions had nicknamed him wagtail.24 And when
Muhammad said that his fathers laughter was hurting him more than the teasing of his playmates, Dawud said: Nicknames come from heaven. You sure are
a wagtail, son.25
It must, however, be admitted that if this was the dominant attitude in
medieval Islam, there is no lack of statements which show a better intuitive
understanding of educational problems. Indeed, those statements, though not
very common, are frequent enough to assume for them a considerable influence in actual life. A tradition ascribed to the Prophetan attribution which,
however, the Khatib al-Baghdadi who reports the tradition declares to be very
doubtfuldeals with the youngest age: Do not beat your children when they
cry, for the crying of a child is, for four months, the confession that There is
no God but God; for another four months, a prayer for Muhammad; and, four
months, a prayer for | his parents.26 When the child reaches the age of performing the daily prayers, it is necessary to be kind with the children. This is
the advice of Sufyan ath-Thawri as well as of Zubayd al-Yami.27 The latter used
23
24
25
26
27
Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, op. cit., Vol. 7, p. 146. Cf. also Ibn al Jawzi, Akhbar az-zurraf,
Damascus, 1347, p. 103 f. and Kitab-al-Adhkiya, Cairo, 1306/49.
This meaning is indicated for usfur ash-shawk in F. Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary,
London 1892, p. 852. Other dictionaries identify the word with other birds; or, what would
seem the safest thing to do, leave it unidentified.
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, op. cit., Vol. 5, p. 256; Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 93, anno 297.
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, op. cit., Vol. 11, p. 337 f.
He appears to be the scholar mentioned in al-Bukhari, Tarikh, Hyderabad 1361ff., Vol. 2,
part 1, p. 411, as Zubayd b. al-Harith al-Iyami, cf. also as-Samani, Ansab, Leiden-London
1912, fol. 54 a (E.J.W. Gibb Mem. Ser. 20); Ibn. Hajar, Tahdhib, Hyderabad 13251327, Vol. 3,
p. 310 f. He died between 122 and 124. One of his sons, Abd-ar-Rahman, appears in the
Ansab, loc. cit., and also in Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-Mizan, Hyderabad 13291331, Vol. 3, p. 415. A
949
to say to the children: Those of you who pray get five nuts. And Ibrahim b. alAdham said: Son, look for traditions, and whenever you learn one, you will get
a dirham. This proved to be as successful an educational device in this case as
it has continued to be in many, many others.28
When children get into the reading age, it is not very safe to entrust valuable
manuscripts to them. Thus, when the Qadi al-Fadil was asked for a copy of the
Hamasah for a child to read, he went through his library and found that all
of his thirty-five copies of the work were written by known personalities. He,
therefore, replied that none of them was suited for children, and he told the
person who had asked him for a copy to go and buy one for a dinar.29
It was also felt that if a child is kept from play, and forced to work at his tasks
without intermission, his spirit will be depressed; his power of thought and
freshness of mind will be destroyed; he will become sick of study, and his life
will be overclouded, so that he will try all possible shifts to evade his lessons.30
A saying ascribed to Plato said that in punishing youths, one should always
leave room for an excuse, in order to keep them from becoming stubborn
(mukabarah).31 Plato, again, is credited with the statement that parents should
not force their children to become like them, because they were destined to
live in a time different | from theirs.32 However, it probably was something
extraordinary in actual life when a jurist, such as the Hanafite Ibn al-Quduri,
28
29
30
31
32
son of Abd-ar-Rahman appears to be the Zubayd al-Yami who is mentioned in the Ansab,
fol. 596 b.
Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, At-Tibb ar-ruhani, Damascus 1348, p. 46.
Cf. al-Maqrizi, Khitat, Bulaq 1270, Vol. 2, p. 367.
Cf. I. Goldziher, in the article on Education (Muslim), in Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics, Vol. 5, p. 206 a. Goldziher follows the Mudkhal ash-shar ash-sharif by Ibn
al-Hajj al-Abdari who, in turn, based himself on the Maraqi az-zulfa of the Spanish
jurist Ibn al-Arabi (d. 1148). The same school of educational thinking is reflected in Ibn
Khalduns Muqaddimah in the chapter on Severity toward students harms them. Cf. also
the Muqaddimahs chapter on the fact that the inhabitants of the desert are closer to
bravery than sedentary people.
Greek child psychology is the ultimate source, cf. M. Plessner, Der Oikonomikos des
Neupythagoreers Bryson und sein Einfluss auf die islamische Wissenschaft, Heidelberg
1928, pp. 202, 257, and 83 (Orient und Antike 5). The last mentioned passage refers to
Nasir-ad-din at-Tusis Akhlaq-i-Nasiri.
Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtar al-hikam, no. 34 of the sayings of Plato in the edition prepared
by the writer [but later aborted; see Oriens 1314 (1960-61) 132158. The saying is on
p. 134.67 in the edition by A. Badaw (Madrid 1958). Ed.].
Cf. F. Rosenthal, The technique and approach of Muslim scholarship, Rome 1947, p. 68 a
(Analecta Orientalia 24).
950
did not teach his son jurisprudence, and when asked why he did not do it, he
frankly replied: Let him live as it is congenial to him.33 It may be noted that
the author who reports the remark appears to do so with more admiration than
surprise or disapproval.
10
When we now turn from this brief description of the general attitude toward
the child in Islam to the more specific approach to the subject which we find
in some branches of intellectual activity, we encounter the rather unexpected
phenomenon that the Muslim religious law and dogma has since its earliest
times been concerned with making a distinction between children and adults.
The phenomenon is unexpected because the discussion of problems, such as
the problem of a special dogmatic position of children as distinguished from
that of their parents during their lifetime and after death, presupposes a long
history of theological speculation.34 Therefore, those problems could not have
arisen spontaneously during the formative stage of Muslim law and theology
in the first century of the Hijrah. Yet, there is little reason to doubt the fact
reported in the latter sources that already the seventh-century Kharijites, when
their precarious position caused them to be ruthless and to shed much blood,
apparently also that of little children, defended their actions by dogmatic speculations about the religious position of children. We are forced to assume that
the appearance of such speculations in Islam is no indigenous Muslim development but was made possible by the fact that they were already current in
the religious climate which preceded Islam. To judge from the willing acceptance of such speculations, they were not only current but, because of their
hair-splitting sophistry, popular.35
The Jewish scholars discussed two questions: what is the fate of the dead little children of wicked Jews in the world-to-come destined to be?, | and from
what moment of their life on do children qualify for resurrection? The divergent opinions which were held in this connection were lengthily discussed in
33
34
35
Cf. al-Qurashi, Al-Jawahr al-mudiyah fi tabaqat al-Hanafiyah, Hyderabad 1332, Vol. 1, p. 93.
The ancient Egyptians, for instance, who were very much concerned with life after death
do not seem to have made a distinction between dead children and adults, cf. G. Foucart,
in Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 3, p. 537 b.
A problem of a different sort, that of moral responsibility, caused Greek philosophers to
consider the special case of young children who had died, cf. Alexander of Aphrodisias,
op. cit. (above, fn. 12), Vol. 1, p. 193. Already Plato (Republic 615C) hinted at the particular
fate which expects deceased infants in the other world. A special limbus infantum is
said to have been an Orphic belief, and the restriction of ultimate bliss to those who
951
the Talmud.36 On the basis of Malachi 3.19: That it shall leave them neither
root nor branch, it was argued by one authority that the little children (= root)
of wicked Israelites would have no part in the other world. But another rabbi
referred to Daniel 4.20: leave the stumps of the roots thereof in the earth,
and to Psalm 116.6: The Lord preserveth the simple, in order to prove that those
little children were admitted to the other world. Hebrew pethaim the simple,
he states, is a word which is used in the meaning of infant in the sea cities,
and it was known to the Jewish scholars that the word in a very similar meaning
occurred in Arabic ( fata).37 As to the little children of the wicked non-Jews, we
are informed, there was general agreement of the authorities that they would
not enter the world-to-come.
The other problem, namely, from what moment on infants qualified for
admission to the other world, was even more difficult to solve. One authority
referred to Psalm 22.32: They shall come and declare His righteousness unto a
people that shall be born, in support of his opinion that little children would
be admitted as soon as they were born. But from the preceding verse, Psalm
22.31: A seed shall serve him; it shall be told of the Lord unto the next generation, another authority derived the information that an infant could enter
the other world when he died as soon as he was able to speak. He interpreted
the verb it shall be told as an active: he shall tell. Still another authority
insisted that the word seed indicated that with the moment of conception,
the child to be born was ready for Paradise if he should die. And again, we
hear that it was the ability to say amen which was the criterion; since the
letters of the word amen, as spelled in Hebrew, meant God is a trustworthy
king.
In Christianity, the problem of the salvation of children was connected with
that of child baptism. In general, children were considered to be free from
sins. Therefore, a sectarian opinion held that baptism for children meant their
admission to Paradise. But when child baptism became a universal custom
in Christianity during the fifth century, victory had fallen to another theory,
namely, the one which held that baptism was necessary for the salvation of
36
37
were initiated into the mysteria has been considered the origin of the discussion of the fate
of deceased infants in Christianity, cf. J. Kerschensteiner, Platon und der Orient, Stuttgart
1945, p. 145. Whether or not the same origin might also apply to the Jewish discussion I am
not in a position to decide.
Bab. Sanhedrin 110 b. Cf. L. Goldschmidt. Der Babylonische Talmud, Vol. 7, Berlin 1903,
p. 499 f. Further references to Jewish literature in P. Volz, Die Eschatologie der jdischen
Gemeinde im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter, Tbingen 1934, p. 246.
Cf. J. Levy, Neuhebrisches und chaldishes Wrterbuch, Vol. 4, Leipzig 1889, p. 157 b.
952
11
children since it freed them, not from acquired sins which they did not have,
but from the original sin.38 The question of the salvation or damnation of
children who died was thus solved in Christianity in a rather simple fashion
and depended entirely | on the fact of baptism. There was no more need for
such intricate speculations as they persisted to exist in Judaism. However, the
problem of the particular fate of infants after death having once been raised, the
knowledge of it was kept alive in Christianity. Muslims could have heard about
it in a Christian as well as a Jewish environment and thus have been started on
the way to their own original speculations.
The most comprehensive information about the various solutions which
were given to the perplexing problem of the status of little children in Muslim
dogmatic history is found in al-Asharis Maqalat al-Islamiyin. Al-Ashari stands
at the end of the spirited discussion of the subject. No basically new ideas
appear to have been advanced after him.
As to the attitude of the Khawarij, al-Ashari presents us with the following
resume: The Khawarij hold three different dogmas with regard to infants.
(1) One group of them believes that the legal status of the infant children
of polytheists is the same as that of their parents, that is, they will be
punished in the Fire. The legal status of the infant children of Muslim
parents also is the same as that of their parents. This group differs with
regard to the case of parents who change their religion after the death of
their infant children. There are those who say that the legal status of those
dead infants will be changed so that they will share in the new legal status
of their parents. There are others who say that the dead infants retain the
status which their parents had when they died, and do not share in the
change of their legal status.
(2) The second group says that it is permissible to assume that God would
make the infant children of polytheists suffer in the Fire, without this
constituting for them a retribution, while, on the other hand, it is also
permissible to assume that He would not make them suffer. The infant
children of believers, however, will join their parents, because it is stated
in the word of God: To those (who are followed by their progeny) in the
faith we will join their progeny.39
38
39
Cf. H.G. Woods article on Baptism, in Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 2,
pp. 392395. Wood bases himself on A. von Harnack, Dogmengeschichte.
Quran surah 52, verse 21.
953
(3) The third group, the Qadariyah, says: The infant children of both polytheists and believers are in Paradise.40
In particular, al-Ashari states, with regard to the different groups of Khawarij,
that the Azariqah held that the legal status of the infant children of both believers and polytheists was that of their respective parents.41 They were contradicted by the Sufriyah who did not admit that the infant children (of polytheists) might be punished in the other world.42 An intermediate position was
held by the Thaalibah, a subgroup of the Ajaridah, who maintained that there
existed no friendship | toward, hostility against, or responsibility for the infant
children of either believers or unbelievers until those children reached puberty.
Then, they had to decide whether they would accept Islam (of the Kharijite
persuasion) or not.43 This was modified by a subgroup of the Bayhasiyah in the
sense that the children of believers remained believers as infants and adults
until they became unbelievers. The same applied to the children of unbelievers.44 A special case was also considered by some Khawarij. What happened
when the father of an infant child converted to Islam? The Saltiyah, a subgroup
of the Ajaridah, apparently started from the assumption that infants did not
automatically share in the religion of their parents. Therefore, they held that a
man who had become a Muslim (that is, an adherent of the Kharijite persuasion) was accepted by the Kharijites whereas his infant children were none of
their responsibility and were not Muslims until they reached puberty and were
then asked to declare themselves for Islam.45
The question of the fate which awaited young children of polytheists in the
other world when they died occupied the Ibadiyah. Some of them considered it
permissible to assume that God made those infants suffer in the other world but
not in the way of retribution (for having been unbelievers). Others considered
it permissible to assume that as an act of kindness, God admitted them into
Paradise. Others, still, held that God made them suffer by necessity and not by
choice.46
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
Al-Ashari, Maqalat al-Islamiyin, ed. by H. Ritter, Leipzig-Istanbul 19291930, p. 125f. (Bibliotheca Islamica 1).
Op. cit., p. 89.
Op. cit., p. 101.
Op. cit., p. 97.
Op. cit., p. 115 f.
Op. cit., p. 97.
Op. cit., p. 111.
12
954
13
As it was stated above, it seems a likely assumption that the question of

the religious status of the children of non-Kharijite Muslims was discussed in
early Kharijite days, as a justification for the murder of infants. The details,
however, especially where the fate of non-Muslim infants is discussed, are
certainly related to doctrines held by the Mutazilah. In connection with the
fundamental position of divine justice in Mutazilah dogmatics, it was most
appropriate for them to study Gods attitude toward irresponsible children.
Unfortunately, our knowledge of the early sectarian history in Islam is much
too limited to decide with any certainty whether such details first came up in
Kharijite or in Mutazilah circles.
A quite liberal attitude on the part of the Mutazilah toward the infant children of polytheists is expressed by al-Jahiz who considered it as being against
the sunnah of the Prophet to convert those infants to Islam and to separate
between them and their parents before they reached the age of understanding.47 And as a necessary consequence of Gods justice, the Mutazilah agreed
that it was not permissible to assume that God | would make infants who had
died suffer in the other world.48 But the answers differed with regard to such a
difficult question as to whether it might not be in contradiction to the assumption of divine justice to assume that infants (as well as unbelievers and sinners)
of whom God knew that latter on in their lives they would become believers
might be deprived by God of their life before they reached that stage. Some said
that it was not permissible to assume that God could have them die before. On
the other hand, Bishr b. al-Mutamir and others permitted it.49 Bishr also held
that God theoretically had the power to punish infants (in the other world). The
apparent contradiction to divine justice which such an assumption implied
was evaded by Bishr by stating that if God would actually punish it, the infant
would not be an infant but a mature person and an unbeliever who deserved
such punishment.50
Another problem was whether God could make infants suffer in this world.
Yes, was the answer of some of them; He could make them suffer for no reason
and did not have to recompensate. No, said others who disapproved of the
assumption that God might punish infants. Most of the Mutazilah held that
God could make them suffer for a purpose, namely, as an example for adults,
but He would have to recompensate the infants for their suffering, because
47
48
49
50
Cf. al-Jahiz, Kitab al-Uthmaniyah, in Rasail al-Jahiz, ed. by H. as-Sandubi, Cairo 1352/1933,
p. 24.
Al-Ashari, op. cit., p. 254.
Op. cit., p. 250.
Op. cit., p. 201.
955
otherwise He would be unjust. For others, again, the actual purpose of making
infants suffer was to give them a recompensation. It was also discussed whether
such recompensation could not be given to the infants without making them
suffer first.51
The extremist Shiahincidentally, a group whose dogmatic history often
caused them to overcome the traditional reluctance to accept children as on a
level with adults in the case of children of Alid descent52also had its peculiar
opinions on the subject according to Al-Ashari. Some of them maintained
that infants suffered in this world and that their suffering was the result of a
divine act which was the necessary consequence of their being created beings
sensitive to pain. Others were of the opinion that such suffering was not a
necessary, mechanical consequence of their createdness but a special creative
act which took effect in them. A third group, finally, thought that the suffering
of infants was due partly to an act of God and partly to an act of some one
(something) else, and it was an individual act not necessitated by any cause.52a
As to the fate of infant children in the other world, one group held that God
would not punish infants and that they are in Paradise. The other assumed that
God may either punish those infants or forgive them.53
This, according to al-Ashari, also is the accepted dogma of orthodox Islam.
If God wills, He may punish the infants, and if He wills, he may do with them
whatever He wishes.54 The famous prophetical tradition: Each child is born in
a natural state (of mind) until his parents make him Jewish, or Christian, which
is transmitted with slight variations, also appears to aim at the basic innocence
of children in religious matters.55
The discussion of the subject did, of course, not cease throughout the whole
history of Muslim theology,56 and the traditions dealing with it are numer-
51
52
52a
53
54
55
56
Op. cit., p. 253.

Cf. also R. Tchudi, in Handwrterbuch des Islam, Leiden 1941, p. 79, on the Bektashiya:
The other Alid martyrs, too, especially those who perished during their childhood (the
masum-i-pak), are very highly venerated by them. [See EI, 2nd ed., I, 1162a (R. Tschudi).
Ed.]
Al-Ashari, op. cit., p. 56.
In connection with the Bakriyah, al-Ashari, op. cit., p. 286f., reports another way out
of the dilemma: The infants in the cradle do not suffer, even if they are maltreated. It is
even possible that God gives them pleasure through that.
Al-Ashari, op. cit., p. 55 f.
Op. cit., p. 296.
Cf., for instance, al-Murtada, Amali, Cairo 1325/1907, Vol. 4, pp. 25.
It is probably that it was this Islamic discussion which reflected itself in the work of a
14
956
15
ous.57 A good summary is found in the abridgment of al-Muttaqi al-Hindis

Kanz al-ummal. There, we find the following information:
The children of Muslims under twelve years of age will be under the divine
throne on the Day of Resurrection. They will be little green birds in the trees
of Paradise, in the safekeeping of Abraham. They will be on a mountain in
Paradise, in the safekeeping of Abraham and Sarah. One tradition restricts this
status of Muslim children to the time of the Day of Resurrection when they
would be returned to their parents. A dramatic version of a similar idea reports
how the Muslim children will lag behind on the Day of Resurrection and cry.
God then will order Gabriel to seat them in the shade of the divine throne and
to let them enter Paradise. But they will still cry like lambs separated from their
mothers, because they want their parents, and God then will command Gabriel
to bring in the parents together with their children.
The children of polytheists, on the other hand, will be servants to the people
in Paradise. Muhammad asked the Lord to let the infant children of polytheists
go, and He brought them into Paradise. They committed no evil deeds for which
they ought to be punished and be made part of the people in the Fire; they will,
therefore, be servants to the people in Paradise. However, there are traditions
of a different import: O Aishah, the Prophet said, if you wanted, I would let
you hear their moaning in the Fire. And a story, according to which those |
unbelievers who did not throw themselves voluntarily into the Fire when an
angel, as the Messenger of God, commanded them to do so, were thrown into
it with their forelocks and feet bound together, is said to have been applied by
Muhammad to the little dead children of polytheists.58
Once the question about the status of children after death had been raised,
it was the logical consequence to debate their role in the entire ceremonial
of life after death, as it was developed in Muslim dogmatics. A particular
problem which was frequently discussed was whether deceased infants would
57
58
Christian theologian such as the tenth-century Ibn al-Muqaffa who wrote a Kitab fi mana
atfal al-muminin wa-l-kuffar, cf. P. Sbath, Bibliotheque de manuscrits Paul Sbath, Cairo
1928, Vol. 2, p. 123, no. 1004. Unfortunately, however, this work does not seem to have been
preserved.
Cf. the references in A.J. Wensinck, A Handbook of early Muhammadan tradition, Leiden
1927, p. 43. It is however, a noteworthy fact that none of the references is to the two Sahihs.
Al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, in the margin of Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, Cairo 1313, Vol. 6, p. 118f. Cf.
the Hyderabad edition of the Kanz (13121315), Vol. 7, p. 232f.; 238f.; 282f. The problem
of the fate of dead infants was also touched upon by R. Eklund, Life between death
and resurrection according to Islam, Uppsala, 1941, p. 60f. and W.M. Watt, Free will and
predestination in early Islam, London 1948, pp. 37, 78f., 107 and 136.
957
be questioned in the grave by the angels Munkar and Nakir, or not. With
his customary thorough documentation, as-Suyuti discussed this problem on
four pages entitled al-Ihtifal fi sual al-atfal. The answers that had been given
crossed the lines of the four legal schools. In the many centuries old discussion
individual scholars had chosen either side, according to their own information
and judgment. In his Sharh as-sudur fi sharh hal al-mawta fi l-qubur and other
works, as-Suyuti himself had inclined toward the opinion that children would
not be questioned in the grave. Now, apparently, he was ready to take the
other side. He had been convinced by a number of scholarly statements and
traditions, chief among them the tradition that Muhammad prompted (talqin)
his deceased son Ibrahim what to say when he would be questioned in the
grave, a tradition which had been quoted by Ibn Furak, in his Nizami fi usul
ad-din,59 as an argument against the Mutazilahs denial of the questioning in
the grave.60
While such speculations as a rule were of little or no practical consequence,
the difference between children and adult raised actual practical problems and
could not be overlooked by the practical aspect of Muslim jurisprudence, even
apart from those branches of civil law in which the question of minority played
a well-established important role. The remarks in at-Tabaris Ikhtilaf al-fuqaha
about the behaviour in battle if Muslim children (and women) present on the
opposing side61 certainly had a practical background. There can be no doubt
that some material as to the actual treatment of children who committed
crimes could be found in Muslim literature. However, the only case which
I am at | present able to quote shows that in cases of manslaughter a child
had to pay with his life for his deed. In Muharram 559/December 1163, a little
child (sabi saghir) was found killed. Another child confessed to having killed
him with a sickle he had with him, because of an earring the other child had
taken from his ear. The earring was taken away from the child, and he was
killed.62
59
60
61
62
A copy of the Nizami is said to be preserved in Istanbul, cf. C. Brockelmann, GAL, Zweite
den Supplementbanden angepasste Auflage, Vol. 1, Leiden 1943, p. 176.
I was privileged to use the ms. or. 1153 H. of as-Suyutis pamphlet in Princeton Universitys
splendid library.
Cf. at-Tabari, Ikhtilaf, ed. by J. Schacht, Leiden 1923, in the beginning (Verffentlichungen
der De Goeje-Stiftung 10).
Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, Muntazam, Hyderabad 13571359, Vol. 10, p. 208. Cf. also in this connection, the discussion as to which is the proper age for children to study traditions, as for
instance, in Ibn as-Salahs Muqaddimah.
16
958
In general, theology and law could not and did not overlook the difference
between children and adults. It is, however, clear that theologians and jurists
took that difference for granted and did not speculate about its causes and did
not attempt to define it sharply.
17
In Sufism, the situation is similar, although in Islam, too, the mystics approach
to childhood is emotional and sentimental. As an intellectual discipline, Sufism
basically presupposes the most mature state of an individuals mental development as the soil in which it can grow best, and, therefore, has little interest in
children. But as an expression of true piety, it could not remain uninfluenced
by the age-old tradition which saw the symbol and model of perfect piety in
the child and in childlike innocence. A late Sufi, Ibn Qufl, is credited with the
statement: If you want to become a saint (abdal), adopt some of the qualities
of little children. They have five qualities which, if found in adults, would make
them saints: They do not worry about their sustenance; they do not complain
about the Creator when they are ill; they share their food with others; when
they quarrel, they do not bear grudge and are eager to become reconciliated;
and when they are afraid, tears stream from their eyes.63
Sufis, would vie with each other to provide for a ragged orphan child with
whom the other more fortunate children do not want to play.64 But the typical
Sufic use of stories about children is that of the parable. One Sufi, for instance,
is said to have noticed children at school who were crying. When he asked them
why they were crying, they replied: Today is Thursday,64a the day on which the
writing exercises (kitab) are handed in to the teacher for marking, and now we
are afraid that he will beat us. When the Sufi heard that, he himself began to
cry and said: O soul, how will the day be on which the writing (kitab) is handed
into the Almighty for marking.65
Or we may find a story whose protagonist combines the qualities of mystic
and exhibitionist madman in one person. Thus, there is a double reason for
such a person to be associated with children. Samnun as-Sufi was afflicted
63
64
64a
65
Cf. as-Suyuti, Husn al-muhadarah, Cairo 1299, Vol. 1, p. 298f. As-Suyuti derived his information about Ibn Qufl from Ibn Fadlallahs Masalik.
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, Vol. 9, p. 188.
According to the proverb, it is Saturday which weighs heavily upon children: Athqal min
yawm as-sabt ala s-sibyan, or Athqal min talat yawm as-sabt ala ibn khams wa-ibn sitt, cf.
ath-Tha alibi, op. cit., ms. or. Princeton 126H, fol. 70a and ms. or. arabe Paris 5914, fol. 79a.
The second proverb appears only in the Paris manuscript.
Cf. al-Amili, Mikhlah, Cairo 1317, p. 154.
959
with a urinary disease as a divine punishment. In his dream, he saw one of the
pious of past times who advised him to solicit the prayers of school children as
an effective means to find redemption. After that, Samnun, therefore, used to
make the round of the various schools. In his hand, he would hold a glass into
which his urine would be dropping, and he would say to the children: Pray for
your uncle who is afflicted by disease because of his tongue.66
The most skilful use of the motif which we find in Sufi literature was made
by as-Suhrawardi al-maqtul in the introduction of one of his Persian treatises, entitled Risalah fi halat at-tufuliyah. As-Suhrawardi sets the stage for
a rather involved discussion of mystical problems in these simple touching
words: When I was a child, I played ball in the street, as it is the custom of little
children. I saw some children assemble. I wondered why they were assembling.
I came forward and asked them: where are you going?To school, in order
to acquire knowledge. I said: what would be knowledge? They said: We dont
know. You must ask our teacher. This they said, and left me .67
In this manner, Sufism, differing from the general attitude toward the child,
saw a state of greater perfection in the childs difference from the adult. However, Sufism, too, did not probe into the reasons of this difference which it so
highly appreciated. It took it for granted that the childs mind unconsciously
has a deeper insight into the values of life than that of the ordinary human
being.
The philosophical interest in the mentality of children has found its most
immediate expression on the popular level in a number of proverbs and educational maxims, most of them the cultural heritage of thousands of years. The
ease with which children learn and the lasting impression of early instruction
is compared to engraving in stone (as contrasted to writing upon water); to
making an imprint upon wet clay: to watering a tree when it is being planted;
to straightening young branches (as contrasted to hardened wood).68 A young
66
67
68
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, op. cit., Vol. 9, p. 235.

Cf. Du-risala-i-farsi az Shaykh Shihab-ad-din Suhrawardi, ed. by Mahdi Bayyani, (Tehran)
1317/1939, p. 2.
Cf. al-Bayhaqi, Al-Mahasin wa-l-masawi, ed. by F. Schwally, Giessen 1902, p. 14; ath-Thaalibi, op. cit., ms. or. Princeton 126 H, fol. 53a; ash-Sharishi, Sharh al-Maqamat al-Haririyah,
Cairo 1306, Vol. 2, p. 299; Nasir-ad-din at-Tusi, Akhlaq-i-Nasiri, cf. M. Plessner, op. cit.,
(above, fn. 30), p. 86 f. The comparison with a recently planted tree also appears in Galen,
Kitab al-akhlaq, ed. by P. Kraus, in Publications of the Faculty of Art of the Egyptian University 5, 1939, p. 31.
960
18
persons heart is like empty soil which accepts everything thrown into it,69 and
while adults | are more intelligent, they are also more pre-occupied than children and, therefore, less able to learn.70 Children are greedy; so, if you give a
child one (thing), he wants two.71 They can be cheated with trifles, such as
raisins.72 If one jokes with them, they become insolent.73 A child remains a
child, even if he would meet a prophet (?).74 He knows better what is good
for himselfwhat he chews in his mouth.75 Children resent restraint. My joy
at seeing his handsome face is like the joy of children at being let loose, was
a metaphor of the Sahib Ibn Abbad in one of his letters.76 A child thus feels
happier in the company of other children: A child understands another child
better, likes him better, and feels more attached to him.77 Restraint causes
resentment: therefore, children hate their tutors, and young men dislike old
men. This idea was expressed by a Greek poet whose verse, in Arabic translation, expresses the thought that an old man is an evil man in the opinion of
young men.78
Philosophical works have reference to child psychology only occasionally as
an illustration of some point under discussion, such as the above mentioned
remark from Ibn Sinas Shifa.79 Even such occasional references are not often
encountered. As we should expect in view of Greek philosophical tradition,
it is in works on moral philosophy intended to have a popular appeal that
some space is devoted to references to the child. The Rasail Ikhwan as safa
quite often have recourse to arguments from observations concerning children.
The Sincere Friends would occasionally fall back upon over simplifications.
Thus, they explain the different qualifications of children for the various crafts
as conditioned by their natural capacities, and the natural capacities as conditioned by the stars. For this reason, they say, the Greeks in ancient times
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
Cf. ash-Sharishi, loc. cit.

Cf. al-Bayhaqi, loc. cit.
Cf. ath-Thaalibi, op. cit., ms. or. Princeton 126H, fol. 70a and ms. or. arabe Paris 5914,
fol. 78b79a:
Cf. ath-Thaalibi, loc. cit.:
The edition of the Sahibs Rasail (Cairo 1947) was not available.
Cf. al-Bayhaqi, loc. cit.
Cf. Qudamah, Kitab al-kharaj, ms. or. arabe Paris 5907, fol. 225 b.
See above, p. 4, fn. 12.
961
used to go with their children when they were about | to choose a craft to
the temple and bring sacrifices there.80 As a rule, however, the Ikhwan as-safa
have more concrete explanations to offer. The character qualities of children,
such as bravery, and so on, are developed by them under the influence of their
environment.81 The exercise of the sense faculties is a function innate in the
child, and the same applies to the faculty of logical reasoning. When a child
sees another child, he would naturally conclude that the other child also has
parents like himself. When he sees another couple, he would reason that they,
like his own parents, would have children, and so on.82 No human being, the
Ikhwan as-safa observe, feels securely anchored in himself. Everybody craves
for some one to lean on (tawakkul). This important psychological insight is
demonstrated by the attitude of children. They trust their parents to procure
for them the food, drink, clothing, and other things they need. All day long they
are occupied with playing. They do not think about making a living and are not
concerned with looking for a livelihood, because they trust their parents. Their
hearts are undisturbed and their souls are at rest because they are so secure of
their parents.83
The great Ghazzali, who had the valuable ability always to choose the best
available sources and to weld the most important material contained in them
into a system, was much concerned with educational problems in his works.
In the Ihya, he also seized the opportunity to insert occasional bits of insight
into the behaviour of children. A child originally knows no fear. He would play
with a lion or a snake which comes into his house. But when the child observes
the fear of those animals which is displayed by his father, he, too, would be
afraid and show the same symptoms of fear as does his fatheran illustration
of the firm hold which example and tradition have over us.84 A child is deeply
attached to the objects which he feels belong to him. It never separates from
such an object. If it is taken away from him, he just cries and screams until
it is given back to him. If he goes to sleep, he takes that object along with
himself in his clothes, and if he wakes up, he goes back and takes it. When
he becomes separated from it, he cries, and when he finds it, he laughs. He
80
81
82
83
84
Rasalil Ikhwan as-safa Cairo 1347/1928, Vol. 1, pp. 221223.

Op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 236.
Op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 347 f. and 360.
Op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 130. For the Ikhwan, the relationship of soul and body was comparable
to that of a child to his school. The child studies at school and is educated. When his
education is completed, nothing remains for him but to leave school and utilize the
knowledge he acquired there. op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 60.
Cf. Ihya Cairo 1334, Vol. 4, p. 146.
19
962
20
hates those who dispute its possession to him, and he loves those who give
it to him.85 A childs sense of reality is different from that of an adult; he,
therefore, considers the | figures of a shadow play as real beings.86 The desires
and ambitions in a child are different from those of other stages of human
development. Therefore, if a child were given the choice between the loss of
ball and hockey stick and the loss of the rank of ruler, he would feel no pain
whatever in relinquishing the rank of ruler.87 In general, when a child first
starts to move and to discern, it derives a feeling of pleasure from playing.
Playing comes to be his most pleasurable experience. Growing older, a human
being finds pleasure in finery, clothes, and riding. This newly acquired sense of
pleasure causes him to be disdainful of playing. Then, the dominant pleasure
is that of sex, and, eventually, that of power, rank, and position.88
All these reflections on child psychology move along the lines of Greek philosophical thinking. Greek philosophy conditioned the minds of Muslim philosophers for the receptions of such reflections. It is, therefore, characteristic that in
Arabic literature, we find the most detailed description of the gradual development of the ethical qualities within the first years of a childs life in the Arabic
translation of Galens Ethics.89 Starting from the premise that character qualities exist by nature in some rudimentary form in all living beings,90 Galen finds
the basis for his analysis of ethics in the child. Therefore, he pays considerable
attention to child psychology in his work.
More than for Galen the philosopher, children presented a problem for Galen
the physician. The humoral pathology of Hippocrates and Galen made a clearcut distinction between children and adults. On the basis of that distinction, it
explained the difference in the susceptibility to diseases between children and
adults and suggested different cures and treatments. With the humoral pathology, the distinction between children and adults was taken over unchanged
into Arabic medicine. The humour of the infant differs from that of the old
man, was a statement which could be made by the Ikhwan as-safa without
85
86
87
88
89
90
Op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 286.

Op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 85.
Op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 22f.
Op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 267. Cf. also Tash Koeprae Zadah, Miftah as-Saadah, Hyderabad 1356,
Vol. 3, pp. 280282.
Galen, Kitab al-akhlaq, ed. by P. Kraus, in Publications of the Faculty of Art of the Egyptian
University 5, 1939, pp. 2830.
Cf. already in the beginning of the Kitab al-akhlaq, p. 25. For the continuity of this idea,
cf., for instance, Ibn Abi r-Rabi, Suluk al-malik, Cairo 1929, p. 13.
963
any further explanation.91 Whether practical physicians, in their occupation

with the medical guidance and treatment of children, also paid special attention to psychological factors could be decided only after a careful study of the
large and largely unpublished medical literature in Arabic.92 At any rate, the
physicians considered environmental factors | in physical defects. This fact is
shown by the story of the cure of a member of the Munajjim family of a speech
defect in his early youth.
While I was a child, Abul-Hasan Ali b. Harun b. al-Munajjim told his son
Abul-Fath Ahmad, I could not pronounce the r correctly. I pronounced it like
Ghayn. I was then four years old, or somewhat younger or somewhat older. One
day, Abu Talib al-Mufaddal b. Salamah, or Abu Bakr ad-DimashqiAbu l-Fath
was not sure whocame to my father and I was present. I said something
which contained an r, and mispronounced it. That man said to my father: Sir,
why do you permit Abul-Hasan to speak this way? My father replied: What
can I do. He just has that speech defect. Whereupon that man saidand I
listened and took good notice of what was taking place: A speech defect is
not possible when the organ of speech is sound. It is a bad habit which the
child acquired when he first began to speak, because he did not know how
to pronounce the words correctly or because he heard something which he
imitated. If he is left to his acquired habit, it will get control over him and
become his nature of which he then will not be able to rid himself. But if one
starts to wean him away from the habit when he begins to grow up, his tongue
will straighten out, and he will get rid of that habit. I shall free Abul-Hasan from
it. I do not like him to go on with it. Then, he said to me: Put your tongue out.
I did, and he looked at it and said: The organ of speech is healthy. Pronounce
an r, son, and place your tongue on the roof of your throat. I did, but it did not
come out right. He, however, did not stop. Sometimes he was friendly with me,
sometimes severe. He had my tongue moved from one position in my mouth to
the other and every time had me pronounce an r. If it did not come out right,
he had my tongue moved to another position many times for a long time, until
I pronounced the r correctly in one of those positions to which he had had me
move my tongue. Then, he required me to repeat the r and had me do it until
my tongue was straightened out and the speech defect had disappeared. He
ordered that I should always be held to do that and that my teacher and my
tutor be charged with it. I should be held to pronounce the r in this manner (?),
91
92
Rasail Ikhwan as-safa, Cairo 1347/1928, Vol. 4, p. 160.

The chapter on the treatment of infants in Ibn Abbas al-Majusi, Kamil, Bulaq 1294, Vol. 2,
p. 52 ff., contains, of course, nothing of that.
21
964
22
and a mistake in my pronunciation should not be overlooked. This was done,

and I got control over it. Since that time, I have never mispronounced the r.93
From the limited material which has here been presented, it would seem that
at different times and in various ways, attempts very modest ones, it is true
have been made to pay attention to the factors which make the child something different from a mere miniature edition of the adult. The main avenues
through which those attempts were channeled were theological speculations,
as they had been cultivated by the | monotheistic religions of the Near East;
the ancient oriental tradition, likewise cultivated by the monotheistic religions,
that true piety was exemplified in the innocence of childhood; and, above all,
Greek philosophical and scientific knowledge. In addition, human wisdom and
understanding, as it had accumulated in the great civilization of Islam through
the centuries, may occasionally have afforded some individuals a brief glance
beyond the cherished conventional views concerning the place of the child in
human society.
93
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, Vol. 12, p. 119f.; Yaqut, Irshad,
Vol. 5, p. 442 f. Margoliouth = Vol. 15 p. 115 f. Cairo (from at-Tanukhi, Nishwar al-muhadarah).
viii
Science and Learning in Society
viii.11
Materials for an Appraisal of

Knowledge as a Societal Force
Muslim authors showed a decided preference for stressing the positive role
of knowledge in society. Negative factors were played down and ultimately
rejected, but they were not entirely disregarded. The indispensability of knowledge for any human societal organization is obvious. We would, however, hesitate to assert without qualification that it can be usefully defined and believed
in as the truly supreme force in society. An aura of utopianism clings to the
powerful Platonic concept of the philosopher-king, and there is indeed reason
to question whether under given human conditions, the triumph of knowledge could lead to the most viable of social orders. The reflections made by
Muslim scholars do not resolve the quandary. A presentation of what appears
to be some of the crucial features of the discussion may, however, help us in
establishing the degree of insight reached by them with regard to the real or
ideal position of knowledge in the material and intellectual struggle of man to
organize his life.
The Attitude Toward Doubt

It has been said that the Greek religious view of the world was dominated
by the antithesis of knowledge of the Gods and the lack of such knowledge,
whereas the Christian antithesis was that of faith and doubt.1 In Islam, both
views contend with each other. However, even more than ignorance, doubt
suffered from the stigma of religious connotations from which it was never able
to free itself.
There are several words for doubt in Arabic, but shakk became the accepted
technical term. Shubhah is also much used, and it is the favorite legal term for
suspicion and indecision as to the legality of a given view or activity. Shubhah
presents no real difficulty for its derivation from the Arabic root sh-b-h in its
common meaning of being alike or similar; it is the similarity of two sides,
1 1 Cf. H. Drrie, Emanation, in K. Flasch (ed.), Parusia Festgabe fr Johannes Hirschberger, 130
(Frankfurt a. M. 1965).
299
968
300
science and learning in society
of two possible answers, that leads to two-sidedness or ambiguity and the

resulting attitude of doubt.2 Another word, rayb, is easily etymologized through
its occurrences in other Semitic languages such as Hebrew r strife; the
transition from strife, quarrel, being disturbed, and the like, to doubt is easily
explainable (there is no quarrel concerning something = there can be no doubt
concerning it). However, in the case of shakk, we are at a loss for a plausible
etymology which could give us some insight into the psychological dimensions
of the Muslim attitude toward doubt. The Arabic root has been connected
with Hebrew s-k-k (= [?] -k-k) to cover, to weave together (for screening
purposes), hence, to be complicated, to be stuck on something.3 The root
combination of sibilant followed by a doubled k or g in Semitic languages |
expresses other concrete meanings that may be connected with doubt. The
closest correspondence in meaning appears in Hebrew sheh error, but the
phonetic correspondence is somewhat remote. A combination with the root
w-sh-k is not entirely excluded. Since the connotation of w-sh-k seems to focus
on the idea of quickness, doubt may be something like rashness, instability,
going astray. This would tally with the suggested derivation of ilm.4 However,
there is also the more appealing possibility that sh-k-k is a secondary root to
be combined with Hebrew -k-h to look (at something, either expectantly or
apprehensively), Syrian sakk to hope, Arabic shak to complain. This would
provide a perfect parallel to Greek skeptikos.5 But maybe, it is just too perfect
to recommend itself to the skeptical linguist.
Doubt in whichever way indicated became the true pariah and outcast of
Muslim civilization. It stands for all that is to be shunned like the plague. No
worse fate can befall man than being tossed into the sea of doubts and left there
to flounder and possibly to drown. Doubt in itself is a sufficient manifestation
2 2 Al is credited with the curious statement that shubhah is so called because it resembles
(tushbih) the truth, cf. Nahj al-balghah, 97; Ibn Ab l-add, I, 481. For the alleged difference
between shakk and irtiyb, cf. al-Askar, Furq, 80.
3 3 Cf. S. Fraenkel, Die aramischen Fremdwrter im Arabischen, 90, n. 2 (Leiden 1886). Fraenkels
suggestion was noted with hesitant approval in the sixteenth edition, prepared by F. Buhl,
of Gesenius Handwrterbuch ber das Alle Testament, 543a (Leipzig 1915). It was implicitly
rejected by L. Koehler, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros, 657a (Leiden 1951). It may be the
same root, with the somewhat altered meaning of to penetrate, to intermingle, that was
used by Muslim philologians to derive the meaning of doubt, cf. al-Askar, Furq, 79: Shakk
doubt comes from shakakta something if you combine it with something you insert into it.
Doubt is the combination of two things in the mind.
4 1 Cf. above, pp. 10 ff. [Not reprinted here. Ed.].
5 2 Arabic n--r, naar is also used to indicate that something is a matter of debate.
knowledge as a societal force
969
of ignorance.6 It was unthinkable for the Prophet to harbor even the slightest
of doubts. Therefore, when he said, I am more liable to doubt than Ibrhm,
it could mean only that since the Prophet had no doubts, Abraham is even less
likely to have had any doubts.7 The adth occurs in connection with Abrahams
implied doubting of Gods ability to revive the dead (Qurn 2:260/262). The
Qurnic passage naturally worried the commentators a good deal. According
to az-Zamakhshar, necessary knowledge admits of no expression of doubt,
as against knowledge arrived at through deduction, which does.8 Ibn ajar
explains that doubt as understood in logic is incompatible with prophethood,
but there is another kind of doubt which may be described as unconfirmed
ideas (al-khawir allat l tathbut); such doubt could occur to prophets such
as Abraham.9
The principal weapon of heretics and unbelievers in their perpetual | fight
against the verities of Islam was the planting of doubt. Ibn al-Muqaffa added
Burzs Introduction to Kallah wa-Dimnah, in order to cause Muslims of
weak faith to doubt Islam and to make them an easy prey to Manichaean propaganda.10 li b. Abd-al-Qudds, one of those suspected of being a Manichaean
(zindq), is said to have grieved about his dead son, because the latters death
had made it impossible for him to read lis Book of Doubts which made the
reader doubt everything.11 In the early tenth century, ar-Rz possibly thought
that he was stressing the positive character of his research if he used the
title of Doubts concerning Proclus or Galen.12 But much later, it was a witty
way of striking a devastating critical blow to call the Tyah of the controversial mystic, Ibn al-Fri, which had the title of Nam as-sulk The Mystic Path Versified, by the slightly-changed title of Nam ash-shukk Doubts
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
3 Kaf bi-sh-shakk jahlan, cf. az-Zamakhshar, Mustaq, II, 167 (Hyderabad 1381/1962). Cf.
also above, pp. 169 f. [Not reprinted here. Ed.].
4 Cf. Concordance, III, 166a1 ff.; Ibn al-Athr, an-Nihyah f gharb al-adth, II, 252 (Cairo
1322), and Lisn al-Arab, XII, 337, s.v. sh-k-k.
5 Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Kashshf, I, 282.
6 Cf. Ibn ajar, Fat al-br, VII, 221 ff.
1 Cf. al-Brn, India, ed. E. Sachau, 76 (London 1887) = 123 (Hyderabad 1377/1958), trans.
E. Sachau, I, 159 (London 1910); P. Kraus, in RSO, XIV, (1934), 14ff.
2 Cf. the entry on Ab l-Hudhayl al-Allf in the Fihrist, Persian translation, 295, also in the
Houtsma fragment.
3 Cf. the bibliography of ar-Rz by al-Brn, Rislah, ed. P. Kraus (Paris 1936). For the
preserved Doubts concerning Galen, cf. S. Pines, in Actes du VIIe Congrs International
d Histoire des Sciences, 480487 (Paris 1953); M. Mohaghegh, in Majalle-i-Dnishkade-iAdabyt wa-Ulm-i-Insn, XV, (1967), p. 10 of the reprint. Cf., however, amd-ad-dn
al-Kirmn, Rat al-aql, 363 f.
301
970
302
Versified.13 Whether engendered through human mischief or innate Satanic

weakness, doubt was mans mortal enemy, depriving him of the certainty that
his religion was intended and equipped to give him. If a troubled individual
looked for a savior from error, as al-Ghazzl did in his spiritual autobiography, it was a search for deliverance from all nagging doubts and uncertainties.
Greek logic and philosophy taught its Muslim followers to think about doubt
and to take it in stride as an ineluctable, if regrettable, stage of the dialectic
process. Some information on the existence of an ancient philosophical school
professing skepticism filtered down to the Muslim Middle Ages. Known as
al-Mniah, a translation, via Syriac kly, of Ephektikoi, one of the Greek
designations for the Skeptics, it was defined as a group which hindered and
prevented people from (acquiring) knowledge. Its attitude toward knowledge
was rather lengthily and, in a way, dispassionately | discussed. The discussion
of Skepticism, however, did not make use of the term doubt and therefore
contributed only indirectly to the frequent warnings against the futility and
perniciousness of doubt.14 The speculative theologians15 attached the label of
Sophists to the representatives of epistemological skepticism. The problem of
13
14
15
4 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Naq al-maniq, 62.

1 Cf. Ab l-Faraj b. a-ayyib, Commentary on the Categories, in Ms. Cairo ikmah 1m, fol. 3ab.
This passage is more detailed than the well-known brief enumeration of Greek philosophical schools mentioned by (unayn and) al-Frb, in F. Dieterici, Alfrbs philosophische
Abhandlungen, text, 50, trans., 84 (Leiden 18901892), cited, in the subsequent literature, by aid al-Andalus, abaqt al-umam, ed. L. Cheikho, 32 = 35 (Cairo, n.y.), trans.
R. Blachre, 74 (Paris 1935), and al-Qif. ed. (A. Mller and) J. Lippert, 25f. (Leipzig 1903).
For unayn, cf. K. Merkle, Die Sittensprche der Philosophen, 37 and 52 (Leipzig 1921). For
the Syriac Pseudo-Olympiodorus, cf. G. Furlani, in RSO, VII (19161918), 135f., 139f., where
briefer Syriac notices are mentioned.
On the subject of Skepticism in Islam, cf., above all, S. Horovitz, Der Einfluss der
griechischen Skepsis auf die Entwicklung der Philosophie bei den Arabern (Breslau 1915,
Jahres-Bericht des jdisch-theologischen Seminars fr das Jahr 1914). See also J. Kraemer,
awl al-falsafah ash-shakkyah al-arabyah, in al-ad-dn al-Munajjid (ed.), al-Muntaq
min dirst al-mustashriqn, 209224 (Cairo 1955). Kraemer stresses the religious foundation and orientation of Muslim skepticism, as contrasted to the secular skepticism of the
West.
2 With regard to the Sophists, the philosophers in Islam may have followed the lead of the
speculative theologians, rather than vice versa. For a philosophers condemnation of the
Sophists, cf., for instance, al-Frb, Ia al-ulm, 23ff., where their attitude is viewed in
a completely negative light. Al-Kind also wrote against them, cf. Fihrist, 256, 259 = 358,
362.
971
doubt as such was little involved here,16 but the horrified condemnation of the
Sophists stand applied just as well to the mortal danger caused by doubt. The
views ascribed to the Sophists were thought so outrageous and impossible that
it was seriously suggested, apparently by some traditionist religious scholars,
that the Sophists were an invention of the speculative theologians in their
efforts to undermine the simple true faith of Islam.17
The speculative theologians did ponder the problems of doubt as one of
the opposites of knowledge. They did so with a view to the particular doubt
in the existence of God. The concept was defined, and the conditions governing its incidence (akm) were discussed with all the customary subtlety. One
of the ideas suggested in | this connection concerned the possible obligation
to entertain doubts with regard to minor secondary problems left to independent judgment (al-fur al-ijtihdyah). However, the view of Ab Hshim (alJubb) and, supposedly, Ab Bakr (al-Bqilln) that doubt concerning God
is obligatory, because logical speculation which customarily has doubt as its
starting point is necessary (wjib), is considered subject at least to the qualification that it is not something about which man could have initially the power
of decision. On the other hand, it is not impossible that he is under the obligation to continue doubting, because he has the power to decide to remove
doubt through logical speculation, and it is, indeed, obligatory, because man is
required to gain knowledge of God (which presupposes that at some stage, he
does not have such knowledge, and doubting is the first step toward it).18 But
apart from all such subtle reasoning, the common belief was that necessarily
and simply, doubt in God was unbelief.19
For a brief while, and with some lingering aftereffects, a more positive appreciation of the possible benefits of a skeptical approach marked by doubt found
hesitant expression. The doubting attitude attributed to eighth-century figures such as Ibn al-Muqaffa and li b. Abd-al-Qudds resulted from sincere
attempts to bolster or, at worst, to replace traditional Muslim beliefs through
16
17
18
19
3 According to Abd-al-Qhir, Ul, 6 f., the Sophists fall into three groups, of which the first
denies all reality and knowledge, and the third assumes that belief creates reality. The
middle group are the people of doubt who profess agnosticism with regard to the reality
of things.
4 Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 44.
1 Cf. al-mid, Abkr, in Ms. Aya Sofya 2165, fol. 13b (cf. above, p. 228 [Not reprinted here.
Ed.]). Cf. also Ab Al al-Jubb, in Abd-al-Jabbr, Mughn, XII, 185, 501ff. The Mughn
expectedly offers throughout much information on the attitude of Mutazilah theologians
toward doubt.
2 Cf. Isq b. Ibrhm al-Ktib, Burhn, 102. See above, p. 135, n. 2 [Not reprinted here. Ed.].
303
972
304
rational, critical methods. To the glory of the Mutazilah, it can be said that
within their ranks, there existed convinced champions of doubt, as evidenced
by a noteworthy passage from the Kitb al-ayawn by al-Ji.20 In connection with the need of scientists to be skeptical of all transmitted information
and to check it always with all the means at their disposal, al-Ji speaks of
the more general applicability of the critical scientists attitude to the problem
of cognition as such, citing the opinions of contemporaries of his, among them
the great an-Nam:
Recognize the occasions and situations necessitating doubt, so | as to be
able to recognize the occasions and situations necessitating certainty, and do
study the doubts applicable to the doubtable. Were this to lead merely to
realizing (the need for) hesitation and then to assurance, it would be something
that is needed.
Realize further that all (scientists) are of the opinion that there are degrees
of doubt. They are not agreed on (the existence of) degrees of strength and
weakness in certainty.
When Ab l-Jahm said to al-Makk,21 I hardly have doubts, al-Makk replied,
I hardly have certainty. Al-Makk wanted to show that he felt superior to (Ab
l-Jahm), because he had doubts when doubts were called for, whereas Ibn
al-Jahm wanted to show that he felt superior to (al-Makk), because he had
certainty when certainty was called for.
Ab Isq (an-Nam) said: I have had disputations with both doubters
and deniers among heretics,22 and I have found that the doubters have a
better insight into the essence of theological speculation (kalm) than the
deniers. Ab Isq also said: The doubter is closer to you than the denier. Never
has there been any certainty, unless there was doubt before. Nor did anyone
ever switch from one belief to another without an intervening situation of
doubt.
20
21
22
3 Cf. al-Ji, ayawn, VI, 10 f. = VI, 3537 (Cairo 1363/1944); Horovitz, Skepsis, 15, n. 30. It
would not be an argument against al-Ji's rather favorable attitude toward the skeptical
approach that his work begins with the words, May God remove doubt (shubhah) from
you.
Cf. the translation of the passage by C. Pellat, Arabische Geisteswelt, 281f.
1 Ab l-Jahm is apparently identical with Ibn al-Jahm, as he is called later on. He was
Muammad b. al-Jahm, the brother of the famous poet, Al. Muammad al-Makk is
frequently cited in al-Ji and other works by al-Ji as one of his friends, cf. the
translation of the Livre des avares by C. Pellat, 342 (Beirut-Paris 1951).
2 This refers to the existence of God. Another reading: with doubters and heretics, would
remove the doubters from the category of heretics.
973
Ibn al-Jahm said: I truly long for the conversion (that falls to the lot) of those
beset by uncertainty (mutaayyir). For when uncertainty has cut off a man
from certainty, the lost thing he goes after (successfully) is clarity,23 and he who
finds what he has lost rejoices 24
The common people have fewer doubts than the elite, because they have
no hesitation with regard to believing something to be true (or false), and
they do not doubt themselves. They see no other choice except absolutely
believing something to be true or absolutely believing something to be false.
They exclude the third | possibility, that of doubt, which comprises the various
degrees of doubt, according to the presence or absence of suspicion with regard
to reasons for (taking or not taking a doubting attitude) and according to the
various measure of likelihood.
A man with some experience in speculative thought heard scholars approve
of some doubt. He extended this (attitude) to everything and finally assumed
that the truth or untruth of every thing is knowable (not absolutely but) only
according to a varying measure of likelihood. This man died, leaving no offspring nor anyone following his method. If I mentioned his name in this connection, I would do no wrong. But presently I do not like to mention with
praise25 someone who partook in the dignity of kalm and shared with the
others the name of mutakallim, especially one who held the opinion of the
precedence of istiah.
For al-Ji who reported this discussion, and others whose lifetime fell into
the period from the early eighth century to the middle of the ninth century,
shakk obviously showed the way toward a well founded understanding of
scientific data as well as the religious phenomena which were their prime
concern. The aforementioned discussion of later speculative theologians on
the applicability of doubt in connection with the existence of God contains
echoes of this Mutazilah attitude. These men belonged among those who
like Robert Brownings Rabbi Ben Ezra exclaimed, Rather I prize the doubt,
considering it an instrument of intellectual vitality and growth. It would be
unfair to deny them recognition and admiration for having seized upon the
most effective approach to intellectual progress. Unfortunately, they chose, if
they had a choice in this matter, the metaphysical realm for the testing ground
23
24
25
3 The variant reading certainty seems more to the point, but the more difficult clarity
deserves preference. The difference between the two words in Arabic writing is very small.
4 The two statements that follow here have no apparent connection with the subject of
skepticism.
1 Blame would be easier, but al-Ji seems to mean that he wants to forego here praising
something that others might find deserving of blame.
305
974
306
of their ideas. The very fact of their faith in doubt as a means toward true
religious faith all but obliterated their memory.
A longer lasting witness to a hesitant recognition of the effectiveness of
doubt is a saying ascribed to a Greek scholar known as llynws: Asked why he
was always professing doubt, he replied: In defense of certainty (dhabban an
al-yaqn).26 The remark occurs within a small group of sayings of which one
can be securely related | to a Greek prototype.27 Notwithstanding the absence
of decisive proof, it is likely that the idea expressed by llynws derived from
Greek wisdom literature. This assumption is hardly refuted by the fact that the
same remark, with only the replacement of dhabban by the synonymous mumtan but in the same question-and-answer form, appears in the Uyn of Ibn
Qutaybah where it is ascribed to an ancient Muslim transmitter of traditions,
Raqabah b. Maqalah (or Masqalah), whose death is placed in 129/746747.28
Both the authority to which it is ascribed, and the setting in which it occurs,
make it likely that the remark was understood to mean nothing more than
that a wary skepticism is indicated with respect to the acceptance of material
transmitted as Prophetical traditions. General wariness as part of the prudent
behavior of intelligent persons is also considered by ar-Rghib al-Ifahn as
the meaning of the remark.29 His Muart include a brief chapter entitled
Praise, and Blame, of Doubt and a Suspicious Attitude (s a-ann). It contains a versification of the remark by a certain Ab Muammad al-Khzin:30
My doubting, even if I do much of it, is merely
Protection for things that are certain.
Ar-Rghib further quotes the statement of an unnamed authority to the effect
that the comfort of certainty is obtained through the discomfort of doubt. For
the rest, he dwells on the need for skepticism before engaging in an undertaking
or putting ones trust into another individual. The interpretation given to the
remark on doubt leading to certainty by a succession of Muslim scholars plays
down its significance. Still, in its origin, it would seem to have been a strong
26
27
28
29
30
2 Cf. Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, iwn al-ikmah, in the Istanbul Mss. Murad
Molla 1408, fol. 52a, Beir Aa 494, fol. 57b, and Fatih 3222, fol. 39b.
1 Cf. Rosenthal, Fortleben, 366, n. 36.
2 Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 139; Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 216.
3 Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 12 f.
4 Is he to be identified with Ab Muammad al-izm, one of the stingy individuals
mentioned by al-Ji in his book on the bukhal? In this case, the verses would originally
have been intended as facetious.
975
endorsement of the value of skepticism in the search for knowledge, and its
force may occasionally have been felt.
As shakk doubt was contrasted with yaqn certainty and ilm knowledge,
so was ann guessing, guesswork. The little esteem expressed for ann in the
Qurn 53:28/29 was not universally shared later on, nor was the absolute unacceptability of ann | in the science of adth31 generalized and extended to
other fields. Some guessing was even hailed as being equal to certain knowledge.32 Ptolemy is credited with the remark that guessing is the key to certainty.33 Plato is represented as having said that guesses are the keys to certainty, and visualizing things in the imagination provides the introduction to
clarity.34 Another remark ascribed to Plato is added: If you have doubts about
something, leave it alone and act in accordance with what you do not have
doubts about.35 Doubting (irtiyb) certainty is sufficient information for you,
and guessing gives you enough clarity. The aphorism of guessing being the key
to certainty was transformed into a verse by a poet who in one source remains
anonymous and in another, is called Sad b. umayd.36 The poets direct model
is claimed to have been: Sound guessing is the beginning of certainty. In the
form, guesses are the keys to certainty, the idea is presented as a common saying in the Uyn,37 but it was even attributed to Ardashir.38 The Iqd cites the
caliph Umar to the effect that he who does not benefit from his guesses does
not benefit from his certainty,39 and also reports the saying that an intelligent
mans guesswork is divination.40 Although Muslim authors tend to bracket
shakk with ann, the terms hold approximately the same difference in meaning
as do its English equivalents. While skepticism implies a fundamental attitude,
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
1 Cf. Concordance, IV, 87a30 ff.

2 Cf. the verse cited in Isq b. Ibrhm al-Ktib, Burhn, 92. Cf. also Abd-al-Jabbr, Mughn,
XI, 204, and passim, on the proposition that preponderant opinion (ghalabat a-ann)
takes the place of knowledge.
3 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 255. For Greek equivalents of ann, cf. p. 200.
4 Cf. Kitb as-Sadah, 420.
5 Cf. the well-known adth: Leave the things that puzzle you for those which do not puzzle
you.
6 Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 35, and Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 419. For Sad b. umayd
al-Ktib, cf. Fihrist, 123 = 179, and the indexes to such works as Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, and
Aghn.
7 Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, I, 35.
8 Cf. Isq b. Ibrhm al-Ktib, Burhn, 91 f.
9 Cf. Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 242.
10 Cf. Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 244; Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 419, who has wise man.
307
976
308
guessing involves scientific methodology and does not reveal much about the
attitude toward knowledge in a given society.41
It ought to be added here that the science of adth encouraged | a critical,
doubting spirit for its technical aspects, and this approach spilled over into
other fields such as the methodology of historiography.42 But after all has
been said, the fact remains that doubting as an epistemological tool and, even
more so, as a way of life was banned from Muslim society. The expression
no doubt which was much used in medieval Arabic was quite frequently an
emphatic and meaningful assertion that everything was all right, rather than
the hesitant equivocation it almost always implies in our modern usage. One
scholar could compliment another by saying that I like your doubt better than
my certainty,43 in order to indicate the sure grasp of his knowledge which
made doubts insignificant by comparison. Sectarians (ahl al-haw) were beset
by doubt, something that brought them into being in the first place, and they
were always disunited and lacked the monolithic strength that held the Muslim
community together.44 Doubt was not prized, except by the few who by and
large remained silent, or were silenced. In contrast to the belief of Xenophanes
at the very beginnings of Greek philosophy,45 certainty (al-yaqn = to saphes)
with regard to matters divine and everything else did exist for Muslims and was
apparent to man. Knowledge not affected by doubt was passionately believed
to be within the easy reach of every believer. What this meant for the history of
knowledge in Muslim society need not be spelled out for the modern Western
observer.
41 11 For a statement on the difference between shakk and ann, cf. al-Askar, Furq, 79.
42 1 Cf. al-j, in Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, 201ff.
43 2 Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 139; Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 217. Ibn Qutaybah has: than the
certainty of seven (scholars), or is sabah seven a mistake of the editor or the printer and
should it read Shubah, Shubahs (i.e., my own) certainty? Cf. also Ab Nuaym, ilyah,
VII, 212.
44 3 Cf., for instance, Ibn Taymyah, Naq al-maniq, 42f. Haw, the arch-enemy of reason,
was also mentioned as a cause of doubt, for instance, by Bay, Hidyah, 233. For the
corresponding view expressed by Paul the Persian, cf. above, p. 99 [Not reprinted here.
Ed.].
45 4 Cf. Diels, Vorsokratiker, I, 64, Xenophanes B 34, and, for the use made by the Skeptics of
this passage, cf. Diogenes Laertius, IX, 72.
977
Limitations on Individual Knowledge

Doubt in the existence of knowledge and in mans ability to acquire it and make
it useful for his purposes was not generally tolerated. However, the extent to
which man as an individual was able to master the vast amount of knowledge
in the world was another matter. In this respect, the prevailing mood was a
moderate degree of realistic pessimism. Scholars learned in a given discipline |
or in a number of disciplines occasionally thought of themselves as complete
masters of all the knowledge in their respective fields, or were thought by
others to be. Considering the limited state of development reached by many
disciplines in the Middle Ages, this may often have been not all too far from
the truth. However, the production of knowledge was viewed as a continuing
process where the former generations always left much to do for the later
ones,46 and it was pointed out already by al-Ji,47 as it was later on by
Ibn Abd-al-Barr,48 that the prevalence of the opposite view that the early
scholars had left nothing to be done for later scholars was harmful to scholars
and scholarship. The totality of knowledge was known only to the totality of
men,49 even if Muslims were customarily inclined to make an exception for
the Prophet (and, perhaps, the Shah imms) and flattery was often expressed
in a verse saying that God cannot be reproached for having concentrated the
whole world in one person. The limitations of individual knowledge in certain
well developed disciplines and vis--vis the totality of the constantly growing
accumulation of knowledge were obvious, and the social significance of this
fact was realized. While intelligence is a human characteristic and potentially
active in every human being. Ibn azms view that most people were stupid and
that the number of intelligent men was very small50 was probably shared by the
majority. The remedy was education, but obviously, society as a whole was not
46
47
48
49
50
1 Kam taraka l-awwalu li-l-khiri. Disapproval was indicated by as-Subk, abaqt ashShfiyah, I, 113. Cf. also Rosenthal, Technique and Approach, 63b, and id., in Osiris, IX
(1950), 559 f. [Below, article VIII, 12. Ed.]
2 Cf. Yqt, Irshd, VI, 58 = XVI, 78.
3 Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 99.
4 Cf. al-Mward, Adab, 42. A verse of the Mahbhrata says: No one knows everything;
no one is omniscient. Never is knowledge in its entirety concentrated in one person,
cf. L. Sternbach, in JAOS, LXXXIII (1963), 65a.
5 Cf. Ibn azm, Taqrb, 180. Cf. also the saying ascribed to Ptolemy: Scholars are strangers,
because of the great number of ignorant people, cited by Ibn al-Mutazz, db, ed.
I.Y. Krachkovsky, Izbranne sochineniya, VI, 51 (Moscow-Leningrad 19551960); al-Mward,
Adab, 23; al-Mubashshir, 252; also Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, II, 120. In a way, the famous
adth that knowledge begins as a stranger and ends as a stranger (cf. above, p. 97
309
978
310
prepared to spread education widely enough to cancel the factual truth of Ibn
azms observation. As we have seen, education had to be a continuous process
through|out the lifetime of the individual. Both the vastness of knowledge and
the natural dynamics of the process of learning required that it never stopped.
If a f pointed out that it made as little sense for a warrior to spend all his
life equipping himself as it did for a scholar to gather knowledge, he referred
to the need for action.51 He did not wish to imply that the search for more
military equipment or for better knowledge should ever stop, but he felt that
it was not possible for any single human being to wait for its completion,
before he put his accomplishments to use. The saddest moment in the life of
a philosopher such as Ab l-Abbs al-Lawkar came when he realized that old
age and physical debility made it impossible for him to go on learning and add
to his knowledge.52
We often hear scholars castigate the compound ignorance defined as a persons not knowing that he does not know. Human failure with regard to the
possession of comprehensive knowledge was most commonly and universally
acknowledged by the constant repetition of the command to admit ones ignorance, if such was the case. Saying, I do not know, constitutes one half of
knowledge is both a Prophetical tradition and a saying found in Graeco-Arabic
wisdom literature.53 The phrase most widely recommended for use was l adr
I do not know. Aristotle was described as saying that he was so fond of using it
that he used it also in cases where he possessed the required knowledge.54 No
educational device is omitted to hallow its constant employment.55 A some-
51
52
53
54
55
[Not reprinted here. Ed.]), embodies the same idea. For the general identification of the
mmah, the common people, as the ignorant and stupid majority, cf. also Badr M. Fahd,
al-mmah bi-Baghdd f l-qarn al-khmis (Baghdd 1387/1967).
1 Cf. Dwd a-, as quoted by al-Khab al-Baghdd, Iqti, 179.
2 Cf. al-Bayhaq, Tatimmat iwn al-ikmah, ed. M. Shaf, 121 (Lahore 1935).
3 Cf. Rosenthal, Technique and Approach, 63a, n. 4; also, unayn, Nawdir al-falsifah, in
Ms. Munich ar. 651, fol. 14b; al-Mubashshir, 200. Al-Bayhaq, Tarkh-i-Bayhaq, 143 (Teheran
1317), quotes the Prophet as saying that the use of l adr is one-third of knowledge. The
Prophet also told the author in a dream that he who says, I do not know, when this is so,
is the most learned of men. Cf. also al-Mubashshir, 303.
The remark that asking questions is one half of knowledge is accepted among the
sayings of Luqmn in unayn, Nawdir, fol. 130a; al-Mubashshir, 273. Cf. above, pp. 255
and 269 [Not reprinted here. Ed].
4 Cf. Ibn Hind, 77f., and, anonymously, al-Mubashshir, 334.
5 Among the authorities pressed into service as endorsers of l adr, we find, for instance,
Al (cf. al-Yazd, Aml, 141 [Hyderabad 1948]), Abdallh b. Umar (cf. above, p. 263
[Not reprinted here. Ed.]), and Ab anfah, who comments on l adr is one half of
979
what | less explicit admission of doubt and ignorance is the use of the phrase
Allh alam God knows better (best). The adth commands: It constitutes
part of knowledge to say, if one has no knowledge, Allh alam.56 It is unusual
to find someone deprecate the use of these words. Umar is depicted as having
done so. He expressed anger at people who in discussing a passage of the Qurn
made use of them, when in his opinion, they should have said either we know
or we dont know.57 The use of Allh alam might have been appropriate in the
case of ordinary people and ordinary subjects, but scholarship and the importance of the subject matter made an unequivocal statement preferable in this
case.
The unwillingness to admit ones ignorance and the perpetual scholarly
exhortation to overcome this harmful attitude were, of course, not exclusively
Islamic. The closest predecessor to Muslim civilization, the Syriac Church,
knew about it, and the great Aphrem stated the case in these words: But this
which I have mentioned is found in the case of great sages, namely, that one
confesses, I do not know. For this is their great knowledge that if they do not
know a thing, they confess that they do not know it.58 In Islam where knowledge acquired tremendous significance for an individuals social standing, the
temptation to claim knowledge where there was none was a great danger for
the entire fabric of society. It was constantly warned against in the educational
literature and in the reflections of scholars about the alleged or real decay
of their specialties. In its most succinct form, this warning finds its endlessly
repeated expression in the numerous variations on the theme of the use of l
adr.
Philosophy in the name of Plato and Aristotle popularized the notion of
the general insufficiency of human knowledge. It impressed itself deeply upon
56
57
58
knowledge (cf. Tarkh Baghdd, XIII, 404). A number of ancient Muslims, among them
the Prophet himself and, prominently, Ibn Umar, are invoked for establishing the right
attitude toward admitting lack of knowledge in Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, II, 4955; for part
of its material, this rather exhaustive treatment of the subject refers to Abdallh b. Wahb
and his Kitb al-Majlis. It is clear that the basic canon of all these traditions was more or
less fixed by the early eighth century. (Ibn Wahb an Mlik is cited for the subject already
in the History of Ab Zurah ad-Dimashq, Ms. Fatih 4210, fol. 63b.)
1 Cf. Ab Khaythamah, no. 49 (Abdallh b. Masd), also, no. 67; Concordance, IV, 317b38f.,
320b39 f., 337b49 ff.
2 Cf. I. Goldziher, Die Richtungen der islamischen Koranauslegung, 73 (Leiden 1920, reprint
1952). The reference is to a-abar, Tafsr, III, 47, ad Qurn 2: 266/268.
3 Cf. C.W. Mitchell, S. Ephraims Prose Refutations, text, II, 6, trans., p. III (London-Oxford
1921).
311
980
312
313
Muslim consciousness, as indicated by | the many passages in literature where

it is referred to in one or both of the two basic forms: The only aspect of
the excellence of knowledge I possess is my knowledge that I do not know,59
and: Were my saying, I do not know, not a confirmation60 of the fact that
I do know, I would say that I do not know. In Greek tradition, we find the
idea basically reduced to the following three sayings, all of which have their
prototype, it would seem, in a passage of Platos Apology 21D: Heraclitus, the
physicist, said that as a youth (already) he had become the wisest man of all,
because he knew that he knew nothing;61 Democritus said, I only know that I
do not know;62 and Socrates believed that he knew nothing except that very
fact, while all the others did not even know this much.63 The Arabic tradition
represents a conflation of all of them. The Democritean version appears in
Arabic also in the form of the sages attribution of his great knowledge to my
recognition (marifah) that my knowledge is small.64 A rather close rendition
of the Socratic version, but with some fancy trimmings, comes to us from Ibn
Hind: Socrates said: I often used to dream that I was the most learned of my
contemporaries. I could not find myself deserving of this description except
by | virtue of the fact that I often say, I do not know, in reply to matters I
am asked about. Ibn Hind adds another version: It was revealed to me that
I was the most learned of men. I was surprised, because I was aware that I
59
60
61
62
63
64
1 In addition to Plato, this saying is also ascribed to Hippocrates (in another passage of
al-Mubashshir, 50), when it is not anonymous as, for instance, in Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn,
II, 126; al-Mward, Adab, 44; ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 23. Al-Mubashshir, 177,
quotes the Platonic saying that Plato knew only that he did not know, during his entire
stay in this world, cf. Rosenthal, Technique and Approach, 63a, n. 3.
2 The only noticeable variation in the wording of this saying occurs in connection with this
particular word. It is tathbtan in a version going under the name of Plato, cf. al-Mubashshir,
167, and al-Mukhtr min kalm al-ukam al-arbaah, in Ms. Aya Sofya 2460, fol. 33ab. A
minor variant, or rather, a mistake, is tathabbutan in unayn, Nawdir, fol. 56b. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 126, has sababan, which must be corrected to tathbtan. However, in the case
of the sayings attribution to Socrates, the word used is ikhbran, cf. al-Mubashshir, 125; Ibn
Ab Uaybiah, Uyn al-anb, ed. A. Mller, I, 49 (Cairo and Knigsberg 18821884). Where
the saying is connected with Archigenes, dallan is used (cf. al-Mubashshir, 302; Rosenthal,
Fortleben, 179, no. 50). Thus, all three versions occur in al-Mubashshir in different places.
It would seem a plausible assumption that they represent three different translations of
the same saying as attributed to different authorities.
3 Cf. Gnomologium Vaticanum, no. 310; Antonius Melissa, 959f.
4 Cf. Gnomologium Vaticanum, no. 264.
5 Cf. Antonius Melissa, 959 f. The first part only in Diogenes Laertius, II, 32.
6 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 297, see Rosenthal, Fortleben, 173, no. 5.
981
did not deserve this description, but revelation never lies. Thus, I deserve this
description, because I know that I do not know, whereas other people do not
know and do not know that they do not know.65 Ibn Hind goes on quoting an
Arabic verse to the effect that the poor fellow does not know that he does not
know. The verse rather castigates compound ignorance and does not aim at
praising the philosophers despair of achieving true knowledge. This is also the
case in the verse cited by Usmah b. Munqidh:
You are ignorant, and you do not know that you are ignorant.
I wish I could see to it that you know that you do not know.
Ibn Munqidh, however, also mentions a versification of the Socratic saying:
Is it not remarkable that I am a man
Mighty in disputation, subtle in the choice of words,
Who dies with his soul possessing as its only knowledge
The knowledge that he has no knowledge?66
It is understandable that this great Greek idea re-occurs in a passage allegedly
of Persian origin that says that it is part of knowledge to know that you do not
know.67 On the other hand, it would have been most inappropriate to put this
remark into the mouth of the Prophet, and this seems not to have been done.
In fact, some resistance to its implications appears to have been current. It is
missing in a good many adab works where it might be expected to have made
its appearance. The reason for disregarding it could have been the triteness
that must have accrued to it over the years, as well as the fact that it was so
closely allied to Hellenism. However, an aversion to the moderate skepticism
implied in it is more likely to have made it objectionable to many Muslims.
Mere chance, or stylistic considerations, may likewise not have been the reason
why the second half of the Mutazilah saying cited at the outset of the present
book was omitted by some of the authors who reported it in later centuries.68
While the diffi|culty of knowledge and the need for constant and full devotion
to it were accepted facts, any doubts that knowledge might not yield itself even
to the most ardent and intense pursuit were better suppressed. In a society
which had come to accept the supremacy of the concept of knowledge, it
65
66
67
68
1 Cf. Ibn Hind, 86.

2 Cf. Usmah b. Munqidh, al-Bad, 84 (Cairo 1380/1960).
3 Cf. Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, 74.
4 Cf. above, p. V [Not reprinted here. Ed.].
314
982
was, perhaps, possible to harbor some misgivings as to the possibility of the

realization in practice of full and certain knowledge, but many were naturally
reluctant to admit the possession of such misgivings either to themselves or to
others.
Personal Failings of Scholars
315
The educational literature never ceases repeating that scholars should be modest and humble. Haughtiness and conceit were generally considered the primordial danger and curse of scholarship. Ibls, while he was still answering to
the name of Azzl and was not yet the devil, was the strongest among the
angels in independent judgment and possessed the greatest amount of knowledge. This was what made him haughty.69 The angels in a body claimed to be,
if not better than the newly created Adam, then at least more knowledgeable
than he, because they had existed before him. While they were thus admiring their own knowledge, they suffered a grim setback. It was Adam who was
taught by God all the names. Thus, he came into the possession of a knowledge vastly greater than theirs.70 Again, knowledge proved a temptation, this
time for the new human race. Cain killed Abel, because he was envious of the
knowledge that Adam had specifically entrusted to him. Therefore, Adam later
on entrusted the book containing his last will and testamentand with it,
apparently, the sum and substance of his vast knowledgeto Seth and ordered
him to keep it concealed from Cain and his progeny.71 And so it went through
all of history. The Qrn (Korah) of the Qurn became overbearing because
of his knowledge (Qurn 28:78/78). His behavior was all the more sinful and
destructive, because he claimed to possess a kind of real knowledge which, in
fact, he did not possess. When Jesus was hailed with the words, Blessed be
the womb that bore you, he retorted, Blessed be the one whom God taught
His Book and | who did not be(come) a tyrant.72 There is the famous tradition of the Prophet in which he censures those who seek knowledge in order
69
70
71
72
1 Cf. a-abar, Annales, I, 83.

2 Cf. a-abar, Annales, I, 99 f.
3 Cf. a-abar, Annales, I, 159 f.
1 Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 438. The quotation is from Luke 11:27f. Jesus reply there is,
who hear the word of God and keep (it). This, of course, is rather different from the
Arabic text, which may have added some echo of Psalms 1:1. The use of gibbr in Psalms
112:2 should be noted, but contrary to the jabbr of the Arabic text, it is a positive term
there.
983
to be able to contend and vie with scholars. It was extended to include, among
scholarly failings, an attitude of hostility toward stupid people and the desire
to draw attention to oneself.73 The tradition was part of the campaign directed
against the tendency of scholars to study for this world which was blamed
constantly. In adh-Dhahabs list of major sins, it was ranked as one, between
hypocrisy and deceit.74 Knowledge should be studied for its own sake, but,
alas, it seems there never was a period when this precept was widely practiced.
I have seen the people of our time
Seek knowledge not for the sake of knowledge,
But for vying with their colleagues
And for being equipped for tyrannizing and wronging others.75
Studying for the world deprives scholars of their heavenly reward in the other
world. In a more secular vein, it robs knowledge of its sweetness and splendor.76
In adh-Dhahabs list of major sins, it is combined with the equally grave sin
of concealing knowledge which means the death of the social usefulness
of knowledge. While knowledge must not be imparted to those who do not
deserve it or are not capable of understanding it, it must also not be withheld
from the deserving77 by some so-called scholar for selfish reasons, in order
to promote his own standing in the world. The transmission and spread of
knowledge bring it to fruition. Besides, it is also pointed out frequently that the
communication | of knowledge to others results in an increase of knowledge.
The charity tax (zakh) to be levied on knowledge is teaching those who have
not enough knowledge Such a tax is even more necessary in the case of
knowledge, as knowledge is increased by spending. Knowledge, it has been
said, is like hair. Whenever some hair is shaved off, it grows back more strongly.
73
74
75
76
77
2 Cf. above, p. 172, n. 2 [Not reprinted here. Ed.].

3 Cf. adh-Dhahab, Kitb al-Kabir, 140143 (Cairo 1385/1965).
4 Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab, in Ms. Yale L-5, fol. 184b; Ibn al-Jawz, Manqib al-Imm Amad
b. anbal, 148; al-Ibshh, Mustaraf, I, 24. Az-Zamakhshar mentions as the poet Bashr
b. Abd-al-Ramn b. Kab b. Mlik al-Anr, cf. Aghn, XV, 27. M. Shaf, Analytical
Indices to the Kitb al-Id al-Fard, I, 204 (Calcutta 1935), lists him under Bishr. Instead
of tyrannizing (al-ghashm), which appears to be the best reading, Ibn al-Jawz has
something like winning disputes (al-kham), and al-Ibshh has cheating (al-ghashsh).
5 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 323, who speaks of knowledge and wisdom.
6 On this topic, cf., for instance, Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 110f.
316
984
317
If it is not shaved off, it retains its fixed size to which it grows back when it is
clipped. Left alone, it does not go beyond it.78
Failures of this sort and faulty character traits make up the evil scholar
(lim as-s). We hear much about the harm he causes to himself and, above
all, to society. His harmfulness was stressed by the representatives of secular
learning, too, but, basically, the figure of the evil scholar was one inspired by
religion. Shades of the New Testament are unmistakable in the preference
shown for statements ascribed to Jesus concerning evil scholars.79 Scholars
were expected to have the proper qualities as established in the generally
accepted canon of ethics. Apparently in this sense, Abdallh b. al-Mubrak
claimed that there was greater need among men of religion for a little adab
than for much knowledge.80
The learned also have to observe societys rules concerning morality. The
wicked scholar (al-lim al-fsiq) was the frequent target of concerned educators. He is the worst of men, according to a remark ascribed to Jesus.81 Wil
b. A, however, also warned against men who were pious but at the same
time stupid. Together with wicked scholars, they belonged to the most harmful type of human beings. In the case of wicked scholars, knowledge suffered
harm, because their knowledge was sure to be rejected on account of their
wickedness. In the case of those who were pious and stupid, the harm was
done through the spread of ignorance, since their piety was sure to make people
accept their ignorance. Moderation in both directions was, according to Wil,
what promised the best hope for future salvation.82 Here, as so often, the thrust
is against piety and in favor of knowledge. However, fisq wickedness, that is,
moral misbehavior in the widest sense, was considered a | peculiar failing of
scholars. A pious man could not be wicked, if he was to be deserving of being
called pious in the first place. The socially unacceptable actions of a scholar
nullify his usefulness for society.83
Constantly repeated warnings of this sort indicate clearly that the conditions
warned against were thought to be quite prevalent, and probably were. The
emphatic condemnations of studying for this world suffice by themselves
78
79
80
81
82
83
1 Cf. Ibn Buln, Dawat al-aibb, 20 (n.p., n.y.).

2 Cf., for instance, al-Khab al-Baghdd, Iqti, 195f.
3 Cf. above, p. 174 [Not reprinted here. Ed.], and Usmah b. Munqidh, Lubb al-dab, 231
(Cairo 1354/1935). Cf. also above, p. 293 [Not reprinted here. Ed.].
4 Cf. Kitb as-Sadah, 149.
5 Cf. at-Tawd, Bair, I, 299; also, al-Ghazzl, Iy, I, 52, trans. Faris, 153.
1 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 168, in the name of Plato: The most unfortunate of scholars is the one
whose teachings are invalidated when disapproved (traits) of his become obvious.
985
to show that many scholars did just that. They also seem to clash strangely
with the strongly held and frequently enounced thesis that knowledge brings
worldly material success. As usual, a verse tells the whole story:
The search for knowledge (ulm) means much humiliation.
The neglect of it means grievous affliction.
Thus, bear with the search for knowledge, for
After humiliation, it means high rank and position.84
The optimistic note was triumphantly sounded by adth scholars who already
in the ninth century were confident of ultimately taking over political power, as
did, in fact, happen, and they ascribed the defeatist negativism to their Mutazilah adversaries. This situation was graphically illustrated by li Jazarah
(d. 293/906, or 294) by means of an exchange of verses between a Mutazilah
who said:
Reading, writing, jurisprudence, and all scholarly occupation
Are the origin of discomfort, poverty, worries, humiliation,
and a adth scholar who responded:
Writing, study, the occupation with the notebooks of tradition
Are the origin of great piety and political ambition.85
The seeming contradiction can be easily resolved. The worldly success accompanying knowledge is a natural consequence, something that is inherent in the
nature of knowledge as an intellectual | and spiritual force dominating society,
which is bound to triumph over material things. It can do this by either disregarding material things or by pressing them into its service. But in order to
harness this force, a person must rise above material considerations and show
contempt for the ordinary goods and pleasures of this world. Naturally enough,
the incidental result was often taken to be the intended goal, and the material
rewards going with knowledge were misunderstood as its true and desirable
consequences. As such a misunderstanding of the true nature of knowledge
84
85
2 Cf. al-Bayhaq, Tarkh-i-Bayhaq, 104. Another poetic recital of the almost automatic rewards of strenuous study and a good education may, for instance, be found in Nims Heft
Peiker, ed. H. Ritter and J. Rypka, 38 (Prague 1934), trans. C.E. Wilson, 35 (London 1924).
3 That is, the attainment of political power and leadership. Cf. Tarkh Baghdd, IX, 323f.;
Ibn Askir, Tarkh Dimashq, VI, 381 f. (Damascus 13291351).
318
986
was harmful to knowledge as the stuff that keeps society going, it required clarification. This is why personal failings of scholars were the constant concern
not only of professional educators in Islam but also of every thoughtful Muslim.
And this is why it was necessary and unavoidable to have those interminable
complaints that scholars of a given time no longer followed the straight and
narrow path of an unselfish devotion to scholarship.
Knowledge as Life and as Food for the Soul
319
Attention was paid to the blemishes that might affect knowledge and scholars.
Much more, however, was said in favor of a positive evaluation of knowledge as
a force in society. Knowledge is useful. At least, all acceptable knowledge ought
to be useful. Much depends on the way in which usefulness is conceived.86
Often, as we have seen, the label of usefulness was reserved exclusively for
the metaphysical benefits which only certain types of religious knowledge
and religious activity could guarantee. In contrast, there was the frequent
observation that all knowledge was useful and should be cultivated. A certain
bias against theoretical knowledge of no immediate practical usefulness was
kept alive. Socrates was asked why seawater had become salty. He replied: If
you can indicate to me the use that will come to you from knowing the answer
to this question, I shall give you the reason.87 And Diogenes, seeing a youth
with a lamp, said to him: Do you know where this fire comes from? The youth
replied: If you can tell me where it goes to, I shall tell you where it comes
from, thus effectively silencing Diogenes, something nobody else had been
able to do.88 These | anecdotes undoubtedly of Greek origin were meant to be
sophisticated witticisms, rather than constitute a considered judgment on the
nature of useful knowledge. But they illustrate a common human reluctance to
accept the greatness of knowledge in its full dimension. This attitude continued
in Islam and did its share of harm. However, on the whole, it was counteracted
by the firm conviction that it was known what the usefulness of knowledge
really was.
The all-sustaining power of knowledge is captured in the simile of knowledge being food for the soul. Various versions of it are met with in the GraecoArabic tradition, Like as the body grows through food and becomes firm
86
87
88
1 Cf. Ibn Sns definition of usefulness as the true good, in Rosenthal, A History of Muslim
Historiography, 61.
2 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 113.
3 Cf. ash-Shahrastn, 333, trans. Haarbrcker, II, 192.
987
through exercise, thus the soul grows through studying and becomes strong
through patiently enduring (the hardships of) studying.89 Diogenes, it
seems, was supposed to have made this statement. Someone else, apparently
Theognis, is said to have already played a variation on the theme: Knowledge is
not on the level of food which suffices to feed two or three but cannot feed many
persons. Rather, it is like light which enables many eyes to see all at the same
time.90 Diogenes, or, according to another version, the Church Father, Basilius,
admonishes us to take the appropriate measures against harmful knowledge in
the same way in which we are used to protect ourselves against harmful foods,
because knowledge is the food of the soul.91 According to Plato, the pleasure
which the soul shares with the body is that of food and drink, whereas its incorporeal pleasure is that of knowledge and wisdom.92 For Pseudo-Apollonius of
Tyana (Balns), proof of the incorporeality of the soul lies in the fact that it
does not partake of material nourishment. According to the Stoics, he reports,
Socrates said that the soul eats; however, its food is something that is not corporeal, since the food of the soul is knowledge.93 Knowledge is also described
by Ibn Buln as the thing that nourishes the intellect. It is for the intellect |
what food is for the body,94 since the two supplement each other and must
exist together in human beings. Ibn Taymyah states that the arrival of knowledge in the heart is like the arrival of food in the body. The body is aware of food
and drink. In the same manner, the hearts are aware of the sciences (ulm) that
establish themselves in them and which are their food and drink.95 In the pop-
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
1 Cf. Kitb as-Sadah, 170. At its first occurrence, studying should, perhaps, be corrected
to knowledge.
2 Cf. Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, iwn, in Ms. Murad Molla 1408, fol. 44b; Themistius, Peri philias, in the Syriac translation edited by E. Sachau, Inedita Syriaca, 49 (Halle
1870, reprint Hildesheim 1968).
3 Cf. at-Tawd, Imt, II, 34; al-Mubashshir, 283.
4 Cf. at-Tawd, Imt, II, 36.
5 Cf. Balns, Sirr al-khalqah, fol. 172a. It is a bit strange to find the Stoics mentioned in
connection with incorporeality of the soul.
1 Cf. Ibn Buln, Dawat al-aibb, 7. The same applies to adab, according to Miskawayh,
Jwidhn Khiradh, 268: When the intellect matures, adab coalesces with it, like as food
coalesces with a healthy body. A-ursh, Sirj, 201, speaks of the aql as being more
in need of wisdom and adab than is the body of food and drink. For Aristotle calling
wisdom and knowledge the food of the intellect, cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab, in Ms. Yale
L-5, fol. 185b.
2 Cf. Ibn Taymyah, Naq al-maniq, 36. Knowledge is for the heart like water for plants and
like food for the body, according to al-Baybnak (d. 736/1336), cf. Ms. Veliuddin 1795,
fol. 53b.
320
988
ular conception, knowledge and books have always been identified as spiritual
food, down to the present day.
An even higher estimate of the value of knowledge is implied in the equation
of knowledge with life itself. Theology had its own reasons for speculating on
the relationship of life and knowledge.96 In popular lore, it was an idea often
expressed. Long before Islam, ancient Oriental thinkers had conceived the idea
of wisdom that gives life, and the Greeks spoke of those lacking education as
the waking dead.97 The ancient tradition remained alive in Islam. Aristotle is
credited with the saying that knowledge is life, and ignorance is death.98 In
Islamic terms, the life-negating character of ignorance is depicted in verses
such as these:
In ignorance there is death for the ignorant, before they die.
Their bodies are tombs, before they are buried.
A man who is not given life by knowledge is dead.
He enjoys no resurrection till the Resurrection.99
321
Knowledge, according to the poet, restores people and quenches their thirst,
like as rain falling upon wood gives it new life.100 Among | the many predicates that are showered upon knowledge, we also find the life of the dead,
the ornament of the living, the perfection of man.101 For az-Zamakhshar,
knowledge is the life of the heart after ignorance, as well as the light of the
eyes.102 Correspondingly, Usmah b. Munqidh cites an unnamed philosopher
who called adab rather than knowledge the life of the hearts.103 The Jewish mystic, Bay b. Pqd, speaks of the knowledge which is the life of
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
3 Cf. above, p. 126 [Not reprinted here. Ed.].

4 Cf. Gnomologium Vaticanum, no. 55, in the name of Aristotle. Those who do not understand something wise are not alive, runs a verse by Chairemon, cf. Stobaeus, III, 222. Cf.
also above, p. 287 [Not reprinted here. Ed.].
5 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 216, and the Liber de pomo, see J. Kraemer, in Studi Orientalistici in onore
di Giorgio Levi della Vida, I, 502, n. 6 (Rome 1956).
6 Cf. al-Mward, Adab, 17, citing the verses as those of a contemporary. As-Subk, abaqt
ash-Shfiyah, IV, 27, says that their author was a man from al-Barah and that al-Mward
recited them to Mahd b. Al al-Isfarin. See also al-Almaw, Mud, 9.
7 As quoted by at-Tawd, Imt, III, 175.
1 Cf. at-Tawd, Malib al-wazrayn, ed. I. al-Kayln, 21 (Damascus 1961) = Akhlq alwazrayn, ed. M. b. Twt a-anj, 28 (Damascus 1385/1965).
2 Cf. az-Zamakhshar, Rab, in Ms. Yale L-5, fol. 182b.
3 Cf. Usmah b. Munqidh, Lubb, 234.
989
their hearts.104 Wisdom and knowledge are truly the food of the heart which
through them maintains its life, and if they are kept away from it for three
days, it dies.105 However, from a more technical, philosophical point of view,
Ibn azm argues against the idea, expressed, he says, by the representatives
of religious scholarship (ahl ash-sharah), that knowledge is the opposite of
death. This is wrong, for the soul, after leaving the body, is more firmly grounded
in knowledge than ever before, while the compound body does not know anything.106
More peculiar is the remark ascribed to the sages that a mans knowledge
is his everlasting child.107 Eternal duration was more commonly associated
with books, which were also equated with physical progeny. The thought that
knowledge assured eternal life was indicated also in other sayings such as, for
instance: He who gives life to some kind of knowledge never dies, and, the
guardians of wealth are dead, while they are alive. The guardians of knowledge
live, while they are dead.108 This last saying appears in a version ascribed to Al
as: The guardians of wealth are dead, while they are alive. Scholars last as long
as time (dahr).109 A varia|tion on the theme that fathers give physical life, to
their children, while teachers give their students the good life, speaks of everlasting life.110 Knowledge was indeed conceived as everlasting in Islam but this
referred to the religious insights which were not a human creation. According to the Prophetical tradition, the only hazard to eternal life knowledge must
overcome is the mortality of scholars; their disappearance is believed to foreshadow the Last Day and the end of the Muslim community. However this may
be, knowledge as food or as life was considered a fundamental condition for
the continued existence of the individual as well as society.
104 4 Cf. Bay, Hidyah, 4.

105 5 Cf. Muammad b. Ibrhm b. Amad al-Bust, ar-Riyah bi-wayat al-murdn f makrim
al-akhlq, in Ms. Bursa, Harai 765, fol. 4a. The manuscript is dated in 587/1191, and the
author is unlikely to have lived before the twelfth century. However, I have been unsuccessful in my attempts to identify him. The work begins with a chapter on knowledge,
which contains some of the common sayings on the subject cited here, and continues
with chapters on islm, faith, repentance, and so on.
106 6 Cf. Ibn azm, Taqrb, 72.
107 7 Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, ed. Krachkovsky, VI, 65; Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 16.
108 8 Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, ed. Krachkovsky, VI, 87.
109 9 Cf. Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 212.
110 1 Cf. al-Almaw, Mud, 7; F. Rosenthal, in Orientalia, N.S., XXVII (1958), 42.
322
990
Knowledge in its Relation to Money and Power

Reflections on the material rewards of successful efforts to acquire knowledge
and to achieve the rank and status of a scholar generally made these points: 1.
The efforts are difficult and involve many hardships, humiliations, and deprivations. 2. They must be made regardless of any hope for material rewards. 3. They
lead, however, to material rewards in the form of prestige which brings with it
a position of high regard in society and a certain measure of affluence. But 4.
knowledge by itself is a much more valuable possession than any material gain
that may come to the scholar.
Nobility of birth was held in the lowest esteem of all the material advantages.
It was certainly deemed by far less valuable than intellectual merit as proved
by the possession of knowledge:
The learned, intelligent person who is his own man
Has no need of (noble) family origins by virtue of the quality of his
knowledge.
Be whose son you want to be, and be perfect!
The outstanding keenness of his mind makes a man, nothing else.
How great is the difference between a man honored for his origin
And a man honored for his own sake!111
323
The verses echo the famous remark of Al that a mans value | consists in what
he knows or does well.112 Ignorance, on the other hand, lowers the prestige an
individual may possess and annuls the advantages of noble birth:
111 2 Cf. the Houtsma fragment of the Fihrist, in the name of Judge Ab Muammad Abdallh
b. Amad b. Zabr, cf. the Persian translation of the Fihrist, 320. For Ibn Zabr, see Rosenthal,
A History of Muslim Historiography, 512, n. 2.
112 1 Cf. above, pp. 256 and 281 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]. There are innumerable references,
cf., for instance, ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 17, or Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 99. A
versification of Als statement, allegedly by al-Khall, is often cited:
A high person is not like a low person.
No! Nor is the sharp-witted person like the dull-witted person.
A mans value is the extent of what he knows and does well.

As was decided by the imm Al.
991
Knowledge lifts the lowly person to the heights.

Ignorance keeps the youth of noble birth immobile.113
Rarely was there a point of view on which all the spokesmen of Muslim society
agreed so unanimously and which they expressed so persistently. It would not
do to suggest that there was a large residue of admiration for noble birth in
Muslim society, once it had moved out of the Arabian peninsula, and that the
intellectuals constantly and strenuously raised their voice against it, merely in
order to combat a tendency dangerous in their eyes and detrimental to their
particular interests. Noble birth had its advantages, but it could not compete
with money, and certainly not with knowledge. The Muslims themselves were
able to contrast the Muslim attitude toward social stratification determined
by birth with what they believed had been the dominant characteristic of
the Persian civilization preceding Islam, namely, its insistence upon social
immobility as the prerequisite for a well-ordered society and upon birth as
the decisive factor for the individuals position in and value to society.114 On
our part, we may point out that in | Christian Europe, the shift from the
belief in the superiority of noble birth to the stress on personal merit was a
slow development indeed. It began gathering strength only in the fifteenth
century,115 inaugurating the modern era with its unprecedented flowering of
human achievement.
A much larger remnant of doubt and vacillation affected the Muslim attitude
toward money and property. Next to knowledge, commerce was the mainspring
113 2 Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 17: Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 18. Strangely enough,
Ibn al-Fuwa, Talkh Majma al-db, ed. Muafa Jawd, IV, 1, 467 (Damascus 1962),
ascribes the verse to a certain Aff-ad-dn Ab Bakr Amad al-Ifahn, unless his authorship was meant to refer to the two following verses.
114 3 Cf. al-mir, Ilm, 160, trans. F. Rosenthal, in The Islamic Quarterly, III (1956), 52. (Contrast, however, above, p. 281 [Not reprinted here. Ed.], for the need for intellectual achievement, in order to be able to overcome restraints imposed by the stratification of society.)
It is interesting to see that in Miskawayh, Jwdhn Khiradh, 42, the knightly virtue of
bravery is compared to knowledge and found wanting. This is said to go back to the Sassanian ruler Qubdh (Kavadh). The problem of the relative merit of bravery and scholarship
might, in fact, have been discussed in pre-Islamic Iran, but its solution in favor of knowledge and scholarship again casts doubt upon the Persian attribution (cf. above, p. 284, n. 3
[Not reprinted here. Ed.]).
The Greek attitude toward nobility of birth (eugeneia) was rather ambivalent. Coming
from good stock was considered important and even indispensable for virtue, but the
possession of virtue was the decisive factor.
115 1 Cf. C.C. Williard, in Studies in the Renaissance, XIV (1967), 3348.
324
992
325
of the mobility of Muslim society. The power of money was fully understood
by scholars. Their own relative poverty as contrasted to the wealth of the
commercial and landholding segments of society remained for them an article
of faith firmly to be believed in and constantly to be proclaimed.116 Not very
many among them might have shown appreciation for the sentiment that the
principal merit of knowledge was to help a poor man to be satisfied with his
lot.117 As so many other vital concerns, the bitterness of the poorly rewarded
intellectual was most vividly put into words by Ab ayyn at-Tawd in
the tenth century.118 From later times, we can document what no doubt had
always been the actual situation, namely, that a certain middle-class prosperity
based on commercial activity was the background from which scholars most
commonly came (unless, perhaps, they happened to be born into a scholarly
family of established standing, but even these usually possessed commercial
connections).119 Those who overcame grinding poverty to become prominent
in scholarship were but a small minority, albeit a remarkable one. It would be
difficult to venture any kind of general | statement on the social background of
Muslim mystics. Whatever it was, they quite naturally rejected wealth in favor
of spiritual values, at least in theory.
A certain respect for wealth was not considered incompatible with learning.
Certain sayings expressing this view remained popular. Why do wisdom and
wealth not go together?, Plato was asked, and he replied: Because perfection is
rare.120 Meant primarily to extol wisdom, the saying takes note of the fact that
wealth, too, is an indispensable part of human perfection. An anecdote based
on Platos remark about the wise going to the doors of the rich (Republic 489B)
is cited frequently: Diogenes was asked why the rich did not go to the doors
of the learned, whereas the learned went to the doors of the rich. He replied:
Because the learned know the value of money, while the rich do not know the
116 2 Cf., for instance, the verse by Ab l-asan Al b. Muammad al-Badh, cited in ar-Rghib
al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 17: Most followers of knowledge and education are humble
and destitute, or the verse on the scholars inkwell being the hideout of poverty, cited
in Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, 57.
117 3 Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 17, in the name of the caliph Umar b. Abd-al-Azz.
118 4 Cf., for instance, the quotations from at-Tawds works assembled in the biography of
at-Tawd in Yqt, Irshd.
119 5 Cf., for instance, the article Ibn adjar, in the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of
Islam. Cf. also above, p. 296 [Not reprinted here. Ed.].
120 1 Cf. at-Tawd, Bair, in Ms. phot. Cairo adab 9104 (= Fatih 3695), IV, 116; al-Mward,
Adab, 17 (anonymous); al-Mubashshir, 132; al-Bustn, in Ms. Paris ar. 4811, fol. 6a; Ikhtiyrad-dn al-usayn, Ass al-iqtibs, 48 (Constantinople 1298).
993
excellence of knowledge.121 The Persian sage, Buzurjmihr, was also credited

with this saying, and it was expressly stated that it provided decisive proof for
the superiority of knowledge over wealth.122 Its prototype is well known from
Greek works. It does not appear there in precisely the same form as in Arabic,
and it is not uninstructive to compare the differences. In one of the Greek
versions, the reply Aristippus is said to have given to Dionysius reads: Because
the wise know what they need, while the rich do not.123 In another version,
Eubulus tells Socrates that the fact that the wise sit or even sleep at the doors
of the rich clearly proves the superiority of wealth over wisdom. Greek tradition
in a way rejected this probably more original form of the witticism. In Muslim
tradition, finally, it was completely superseded by the moralizing conclusion
in favor of knowledge. Still, the anecdote retained some of its old flavor and
suggested a | certain appreciation of material prosperity as a human good to be
appreciated even by scholars.
There was certainly no lack of embittered or cynical individuals who saw
wealth as the only worthy object of human endeavors and who even went so far
as to claim that all scholarly works were written only as a subterfuge for obtaining wealth, as stated in a verse by Uthmn b. Khumrtsh (d. 619/1222).124 However, it was clear to the majority and impressed upon them by the books they
were reading and the intellectual climate surrounding them that wealth disappears, whereas knowledge remains.125 Your knowledge cannot be taken away
from you, but your wealth can, and often is.126 Knowledge is an inexhaustible
treasure,127 while all other treasures are not inexhaustible. It is a possession
which can be spent without thereby suffering any diminution. On the contrary,
it rather increases with being spent, something which is certainly not true of
material possessions.128 It is like the fire of a lamp which is not extinguished by
121 2 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 80, also, 19 (Hermes): Ibn Hind, 102 (Dyqwmys). In Ibn Abd-Rabbih,
Iqd, II, 213 f., the story is attributed to al-Khall, and the rich are replaced by kings.
122 3 Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 122 (above, p. 258 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]); al-Mward, Adab,
17; Ibn Ab l-add, V, 361.
123 4 Cf. Diogenes Laertius, II, 69; Gnomologium Vaticanum, no. 6. The editor of the Gnomologium Vaticanum gives many other references and quotes the text of the other version. For
the latter, cf. Schenkl, Florilegium Ariston, in Wiener Studien, XI (1889), 19; Stobaeus, V,
744.
124 1 Cf. al-Kutub, Fawt, II, 62 (Cairo 19511953).
125 2 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 18 (Hermes).
126 3 Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 17.
127 4 Cf. the verses to this effect cited by al-Almaw, Mud, 6ff. Those ascribed there to Ab
l-Aswad ad-Dual apparently are not in his Dwn.
128 5 Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 120 (above, p. 256 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]); Ibn Abd-Rabbih,
326
994
327
kindling another fire from it.129 It gives protection, whereas property requires
protection, and it exercises control, whereas property is something over which
control is exercised.130
For Ab ayyn at-Tawd, the superiority of knowledge over wealth was
a foregone conclusion, and he knew why the two never went together. Plato
and his own teacher, Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, were his authorities: Plato says: To the degree God gives wisdom, He withholds sustenance.131
Ab Sulaymns comment: This is because knowledge and wealth are like two |
wives (of the same man). They rarely go together and are reconciled to each
other. Also, a mans portion of wealth results from the concupiscent and bestial
soul, whereas his portion of knowledge results from the rational soul. These
two portions oppose, and contradict each other. Further, a discerning and
discriminating person must realize that a man who possesses knowledge is
nobler in every conceivable respect than a man of wealth. If he is given knowledge, he need not despair of money, of which a little suffices, or greatly worry
about the loss of it. Knowledge exercises control. Wealth is something over
which control is exercised. Knowledge belongs to the soul. Wealth is corporeal. Knowledge belongs to a man in a more personal manner than wealth. The
perils of the wealthy are many and sudden. You do not see a man who possesses knowledge robbed of his knowledge and left deprived of it. But you have
seen quite a few people whose money was stolen, taken away, or confiscated,
and the former owners remained helpless and destitute. Knowledge thrives on
being spent. It accompanies its possessor into destitution. It makes it possible to be satisfied with little. It lowers a curtain over need. Wealth does not do
that.132
Iqd, II, 212; Miskawayh, Tahdhb, 164.

129 6 Cf. Ibn al-Mutazz, db, ed. Krachkovsky, VI, 58, and, similarly, Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II,
214 (in the name of Sufyn b. Uyaynah). A saying attributed to Plato in the Ms. Paris ar.
3953, fol. 10ab, adds that like the lack of firewood, non-communication of knowledge, the
stinginess of its bearers, leads to its destruction. unayn, Nawdir, fol. 60a, and Ibn Hind,
22, add the further idea in the name of Plato that in contrast to everything else in the world,
knowledge cannot be acquired with the help of servants. With respect to it, the individual
is left to his own devices and capabilities. Cf. also al-Mubashshir, 132.
130 7 Cf. Al to Kumayl, above, p. 256; n. 5 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]; al-Mward, Adab, 21.
131 8 The more intelligence, the less sustenance, was the way Sufyn b. Uyaynah put it, cf. Ab
Nuaym, ilyah, VII, 271.
132 1 Cf. at-Tawd, Imt, II, 49. See also Yqt, Irshd, VI, 150 = XVI, 231, where at-Tawd and
Ibn Ssn agree that luck ( jadd) and knowledge rarely go together and that effort and
trouble (kadd) go with knowledge, while luck goes with ignorance.
995
However, knowledge meant wealth as was indicated, for instance, in a

remark ascribed to Muab b. az-Zubayr who was advising his son to acquire
knowledge, for, he said, if you have wealth, knowledge will be an ornament
( jaml) for you. If you do not have wealth, it will mean wealth for you.133 It
brought with it worldly advancement in the way described by the caliph Abdal-Malik to his sons: Acquire knowledge, for if you are lords, you will thereby
advance in power and rank. If you belong to the middle class, you will become
lords. And if you are common people, it will enable you to make a living.134 It
was, of course, also realized that money constituted power and together with
knowledge was the magic formula that insured leadership in human society.
Again, this was an idea derived from Hellenistic wisdom. It found expression in
a saying that reads: In this life, seek knowledge | and wealth, and you will gain
leadership, for there are two kinds of people, the elite and the common people.
The elite will acknowledge your superiority because of your good knowledge
and your ability to act correctly, and the common people will acknowledge your
superiority because of your large property.135
On the other hand, scholars were fascinated by the thought that knowledge by itself guaranteed political power and, what is more, the sound exercise
of it.136 At the very least, it was considered one of the ways through which
political power could be achieved. Platonism, as it became known to the Muslims in early Abbsid times, provided the foundation for this idea, although
it had no doubt been around and in the air long before the formal acceptance of the Greek philosophical heritage. An apparently old and often cited
dictum extolling the superiority of scholars over statesmen was attributed to
the legendary grammarian of the seventh century, Ab l-Aswad ad-Dual, and
couched in this form: There is nothing more powerful (aazz) than knowledge.
This is shown by the fact that kings exercise control (ukkm) over people,
and scholars exercise control over kings.137 If the scholars themselves can-
133 2 Cf. al-Mward, Adab, 16; al-Ghazzl, Iy, I, 8, trans. Faris, 17.
134 3 Cf. al-Mward, Adab, 16 f.
135 1 Cf. unayn, Nawdir, fol. 140a (ynsws = Aesop?); Ibn Hind, 24 (Plato); al-Mubashshir, 139
(Plato), 277 (Luqmn); at-Tawd, Imt, II, 48 f. (Diogenes).
136 2 The idea was also turned around. Just as humanity would die out without mans sexual
instincts, knowledge would be lost, were there no love of leadership, cf. Mamd b.
Muammad (above, p. 249, n. 3 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]), in the name of al-Mamn.
137 3 Cf., for instance, Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 121 (above, p. 258 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]); Ibn
Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 215; al-Marzubn, Nr al-qabas, 12; Abu Amad al-Askar, Man,
ed. Abd-as-Salm M. Hrn, 137 (Kuwait 1960); al-Ghazzl, Iy, I, 7, trans. Faris, 14; Ibn
Jamah, Tadhkirah, 10; also al-Askar, athth, in Ms. Hamidiye 1464, fol. 55b.
328
996
329
not be in positions of political power, then at least, the rulers should have
knowledge. Knowledge, Aristotle says, is an ornament of kings.138 Again,
Greek statecraft is transferred to Iran in the form of a statement ascribed to
Ansharwn: When God means well for a nation, He places knowledge in
its kings, and kingship in | its scholars.139 The concept of the philosopherking appears in Muslim adab under the name of Diogenes. Asked when the
world was in good shape, Diogenes replied: When its kings philosophize, and
its philosophers are kings.140 Ab ayyn at-Tawd tells us that Diogenes
remark evoked a negative response from the wazr in whose presence it was
cited. With the political insight into human nature of the political realist, the
wazr doubted its validity. Philosophy, he argued, concerned as it is with the
other world, implies an abdication from worldly affairs, and how can a king
abdicate from worldly affairs and have a dislike for them? He must lead and
control the people of this world. This requires providing for material benefits (for them) and avoiding material harm (coming to them). He has friends
whom he must guide, for whom he must set up houses and provide wealth,
with whom he must eat and drink together and whom he must take care of, and
whose private and public affairs he must oversee. A king is busier than a physician who must undertake many treatments with various drugs and diverse
diets, and yet must first consider his own soul and his own body and avoid
diseases and accidents (disease symptoms), inwardly and outwardly. How can
a man of so many needs and concerns, and even more (than have just been
described as falling to the lot of a king) be a king and also a sage (at the same
time)? Considering this a possibility, someone could argue that a king may
be gathering wisdom as (a champion of religious) propaganda, while directly
and immediately taking care of his government duties. However, this would
Among scholars, the superiority of scholars over kings came to be taken for granted.
An author of scholarly biographies (abaqt) could begin his work with praising God who
had raised the level (abaqt) of scholars over the heads and crowns of kings, cf. as-Subk,
abaqt ash-Shfiyah, I, 13.
138 4 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 193. More commonly, it is said that knowledge is an ornament for all
who possess it. Cf. also al-Askar, athth, in Ms. Air Ef. 433, fols. 47b48a.
139 1 Cf. the introduction of the great medical encyclopaedia of Al b. al-Abbs al-Majs,
Kmil, I, 3 (Blq 1294); al-Mward, Adab, 20, who cites an ancient scholar as his
authority. Scholars naturally were aware that it served their own interest to recommend
to rulers that they seek the company of scholars, cf., for instance, Miskawayh, Jwdhn
Khiradh, 47 (Buzurjmihr), and all the other frstenspiegel.
140 2 Cf. at-Tawd, Imt, II, 48 f. Cf. Ibn Hind, 117: (Crates), asked by Alexander who was fit
to be king, replied, Either a philosopher who rules, or a king who concerns himself with
philosophy.
997
mean an intensely complicated state of confusion both for the kingdom and
for philosophy, rather than putting the matter on a solid footing in principle and in detail. The wazr added: Therefore, we are unable to find in Islam
more than a small number of statesmen who governed abstemiously, piously,
and with a view to piety and righteousness. Referring to the Zoroastrians
(Majs), the author then switches from philosophy to religion and | discusses
the ideal relationship between political leadership and the religious law, as
he sees it. Ibn Khaldn was later on to continue the debate about suitability or lack of suitability of scholars for political leadership on entirely secular
grounds.141
The religious implications of the term scholar were also underlying the
opposite view of the mutual role of knowledge and political power which far
from proclaiming the dominance of scholars over kings considered any contact of scholars with the government as something pernicious and improper,
at any rate for the scholars and for their scholarly status. The adab formulation of this view attributed to the Syrian jurist, al-Awz (d. 157/774), tended to
be particularly emphatic, in order to achieve the greatest possible effect: God
hates nothing more than a scholar who visits an amr.142 There also is a saying
credited to Sufyn (ath-Thawr) that there is a special valley in Hell inhabited
only by Qurn readers who (while alive) were frequent visitors of kings.143
Other pertinent statements run: The worst amrs are those most remote from
the scholars, and the worst scholars are those closest to the amrs.144 And, if
you see a scholar who is constantly around the government, you should realize that he is a thief,145 for the warning against contacts of scholars with the
government was frequently coupled with imprecations against the evils of a
scholars desire for wealth.146 The pious and the mystics considered all government as tainted by money, and any contact with political power as defiling.
141 1 Cf. Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, trans. Rosenthal, III, 308ff.
142 2 Cf. al-Almaw, Muid, 32 f. Sezgin, I, 517, mentions a Maqm al-Awz ind al-mulk, which
may possibly have something to do with this saying. The statement was also made into a
adth with the substitution of Qurn readers for scholars, cf. Concordance, I, 397b7,
cited by Ibn Rajab (see below, n. 6 [n. 146 below. Ed.]) in Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 178, in
his chapter on blaming scholars for seeking contact with unjust amrs. It is significant that
the remark is qualified here so as to refer only to unjust amrs.
143 3 Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 165.
144 4 Cf. ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 18; az-Zamakhshar, Rab, in Ms. Yale L-5, fol. 187b;
Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 185, etc. Cf. also Ab Nuaym, ilyah, III, 243f.
145 5 Cf. al-Ghazzl, Iy, I, 54, trans. Faris, 159; al-mil, Kashkl, I, 180. Cf. also Ab Nuaym,
ilyah, III, 184.
146 6 Cf. the chapter of Ibn Abd-al-Barrs Jmi just cited, or the short treatise by Ibn Rajab,
330
998
331
Many no doubt acted in accordance with this conviction, | and while saving
their own souls and those of their followers, contributed to the undermining of
effective government control and the weakening of the strength and vitality of
the social fabric. Most scholars, while suspicious of the purely material aspects
of government and wary of the all too obvious dangers always threatening men
in positions of leadership,147 were convinced that knowledgetheir kind of
knowledge, to be surewas the key to an equitable and satisfactory management of society.
This conviction was matched by the hardly less meaningful conviction that
the search for knowledge and the spread of knowledge constituted the most
valid and effective incentives for formal social groupings on a more intimate
individual or community level. Knowledge was the group activity par excellence leading to the formation of a nucleus with a great and desirable potential
for growing and, hopefully, for dominating society. We do find expressions of
the opposite view that knowledge is a companion in loneliness (munis f lwadah, and the like),148 that it serves as an escape mechanism and provides
a refuge for the individual from the iniquities of this world to which he could
repair at will, withdrawing into its shell. A sage said to his son: You must concern yourself with knowledge, for the least benefit it confers upon the person
possessing it is that he does not remain alone,149 because knowledge is always
there to keep him company.
I am happy with loneliness,
Having taken knowledge for company,
Having withdrawn from the people,
And approving of forgetting and of being forgotten.150
147
148
149
150
commenting on the adth: Hungry wolves let loose in a sheep enclosure could do no
greater harm than the love of wealth and noble rank do to a mans religion, reprinted in
the edition of Ibn Abd-al-Barr. Jmi, I, 167183.
1 Cf. the statements on seeking leadership collected by Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 143f.
2 Cf. al-Askar, athth, in Ms. Hamidiye 1464, fol. 54a. Cf. also above, p. 183 [Not reprinted
here. Ed.].
3 Cf. al-Mubashshir, 33. It is not meant here that a scholar will never be alone because he
will always find congenial company.
4 The poet was Ab l-Fal Abd-ar-Ram b. Amad b. al-Ukhwah al-Baghdd, and the
verses were quoted by his contemporary, the historian of Nsbr, Abd-al-Ghfir (d. 529/
11341135), cf. R.N. Frye. The Histories of Nishapur, fol. 46b (Cambridge, Mass., 1965).
999
This sentiment was, however, more commonly voiced in connection with

books, those best companions and friends a man could have.151
The search for knowledge demands foregoing the pleasures of companionship, but this is usually understood to mean frivolous and unprofitable human
relations.152 Knowledge is rather something to be shared. It is restricted to an
elite, since the ignorant are not only proverbially hostile to knowledge and
those who possess knowledge,153 but they also greatly outnumber the learned
and always will.154 This makes scholars always gravitate toward each other.
Learned men never find themselves strangers anywhere.155 They alone recognize each other, since the ignorant are unable to perceive the worth of learning,
never having possessed any learning before.156 And they enjoy only the company of their peers. There is nothing to be pitied more than men of knowledge
who have to put up with ignoramuses.157 This often expressed view appears
151 5 Verses cited by Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, II, 204, speak of knowledge as the best companion.
The context shows that this must be understood as referring to books as usual.
152 1 Cf., for instance, Ibn Jamah, Tadhkirah, 83 f.; al-Almaw, Mud, 61.
153 2 Cf. above, pp. 270f. [Not reprinted here. Ed.], and, for instance, Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, 348. According to ash-Shfi, knowledge is ignorance for the ignorant,
just as ignorance is ignorance for the learned (cf. as-Subk, abaqt ash-Shfiyah, I, 158),
but he thinks of knowledge mainly as jurisprudence.
154 3 Cf. above, p. 309 [p. 977 above. Ed.].
155 4 Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 121 (above, p. 257, n. 2 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]). Contrast
p. 309, n. 5 [p. 977 above, n. 50. Ed.]. It has also been said that the qil, the man of
intelligence, is nowhere a stranger, cf., for instance, Ibn Ab d-duny, Aql, 23.
156 5 The Greek original attributed to Xenophanes reads: When Empedocles mentioned to him
that a wise man cannot be found, he replied, Rightly so, for the person who wants to recognize a wise man must be wise himself (cf. Diogenes Laertius, IX, 20, and Gnomologium
Vaticanum, no. 283, where the authority is Empedocles himself, also further references).
The common Arabic version reads: The man of knowledge (lim) recognizes the ignorant
person, because he (himself) was ignorant (once). The ignorant man, however, does not
recognize the man of knowledge, because he never was one. Cf., for instance, unayn,
Nawdir, fol. 66a (Aristotle); Ibn al-Mutazz, db, ed. Krachkovsky, VI, 60, cited by alMward, Adab, 17; at-Tawd, Imt, II, 44, where the situation governing the relationship
between physician and patient is adduced for comparison; al-Mubashshir, 190 (Aristotle).
A further generalization, which poses an unsolved logical problem unless knowledge
is assumed to be natural or inspirational, states that knowledge can be recognized only
through knowledge, and this makes it impossible for those without knowledge to recognize the worth of knowledge, cf. al-Mward, Adab, 17.
157 6 Cf., for instance, unayn, Nawdir, fol. 156b (Dymqr Democrates), fol. 157ab (anonymous
[Socrates]); al-mir, Ilm, 179, who speaks of men of intelligence; Ibn Abd-al-Barr,
332
1000
333
also | in the form of a witty anecdote told of one of the Persian kings. He imprisoned a scholar who had angered him together with an ignorant man in the
same room, as the worst punishment he could think of.158 Thus, in defense
against the world as well as on account of the intrinsic nature of knowledge,
scholars must band together, in order to insure the persistence of knowledge
in the world by communicating with each other and, above all, by transmitting their knowledge to others, if they are deserving. Nothing is more sterile
than uncommunicated knowledge.159 Nothing is more significant for society at
large than the small groupings of teachers and students. Nothing, in short, has
greater basic value for society than knowledge.
Bahjah, I, 135; al-Mubashshir, 102 (Socrates). Versification of the idea attests further to its
wide appeal:
Nothing is more of a lost job than a man of knowledge
Whom the world forces to mingle with ignoramuses.
Cf. Ibn al-Fuwa, Talkh, IV, 1, 383. For an illustrative anecdote involving Thummah, cf.
Ibn Ab l-add, V, 318.
158 1 Cf. Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Jmi, I, 135. In Ibn Abd-al-Barr, Bahjah, I, 543. qil and amaq replace
lim and jhil. In al-Mward, Adab, 11, it is qil and jhil.
159 2 Cf., for instance, Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn, II, 126 (above, p. 260 [Not reprinted here. Ed.]),
or Ibn al-Mutazz, db, ed. Krachkovsky, VI, 60: A person who conceals some kind
of knowledge is like one who does not know it. Further, Ibn Abd-Rabbih, Iqd, II, 215;
al-Ghazzl, Iy, I, 49, trans. Faris, 144 f., and elsewhere in the Iy; Ibn Abd-al-Barr,
Jmi, I, 3 ff., 122ff. In Muslim terms, the duty to communicate knowledge is succinctly
expressed in the words: The charity tax (zakh) on knowledge is the teaching of it, cf.
ar-Rghib al-Ifahn, Muart, I, 64f., and above, pp. 183 [Not reprinted here. Ed.] and
315 [p. 983 above. Ed.]. See also above, p. 326, n. 6 [p. 993, n. 129 above. Ed.].
viii.12
Al-Asurlb and as-Samawal on Scientific Progress

Bad-az-zamn Ab l-Qsim Hibatallh b. al-usayn al-Baghdd al-Asurlb1
died in 534/11391140. He is said to have been a prominent scientist in an
age which could boast of many great scientists. As a designer of astronomical
instruments and as an efficient astrologer, he earned a fortune and gained
access to the great of his time.
He also was a successful, if indiscriminating, poet and littrateur. The Arabic
biographers of the 6th12th and 7th13th centuries, therefore, paid considerable attention to him. Their praise of his scientific achievements, to a degree,
is a reflection of the fame he gained as a literary figure.
Modern scholarship knows little about him. One of his literary works has
been preserved in manuscript but has not yet been studied.2 Greatand not
unjustifiedscepticism has been expressed as to the value of his scientific
work. Since, however, none of his products has so far become available, no
definite judgment has been possible.
His chief claim to glory in the field of science is based upon his | construction
and description of an astrolabe (al-kurah dht al-kurs) which could be used
for all latitudes. It is said that the comprehensive instrument constructed
by Ab Mamd mid b. al-Khir al-Khujand,3 upon which Al-Asurlb
1 The two reasons why aturlb appears to be the proper Arabic form of Greek astrolabon may
be restated here (cf. S. Gandz, in HUCA 4, 1927, p. 474 ff.):
1. It is the form suggested by the Greek word.
2. A popular etymology, reported (and rejected) by al-Khuwrizm, Maft al-ulm, Cairo
13491930, p. 135 (cf. E. Wiedemann, in Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch-medizinischen
Soziett zu Erlangen, 41, 1909, p. 33, and Ibn Khallikn, transl. by McG. de Slane, Paris
18431871, Vol. 3, p. 581), divides the word into asur (pl. of sar line) and Lb, the fictitious
name of a person. The vocalization asur may have been invented to fit the theory, but it
is the more likely assumption that it reflects the actual pronunciation of the word. It is
virtually certain, however, that, in different times and by different people, different vowels
were used in the first and second syllables of the word.
2 Cf. C. Brockelmann, GAL Supplement, Vol. 1, p. 130.
3 Cf. GAL Supplement, Vol. I, p. 390. Al-Khujand died after 994, according to his Ta al-mayl,
cf. O. Schirmer, Studien zur Astronomie der Araber, in Sitzungsberichte Erlangen 5859,
19261927, pp. 3388.
555
556
1002
improved, could be used for one latitude only, and its inventor had argued
that it would not be possible to construct one which could be used for more
than one latitude.4 In this connection, no mention is made of the instrument of
az-Zarql, which gained such fame in Occident and Orient and which had been
invented several decades before Al-Asurlb. The latter, we are told, submitted
his work to the outstanding scientists of the time and received their approval.5
On pp. 163189 of the Ms. or. Marsh 663 of the Bodleian Library,6 we find
an anonymous treatise on the astrolabe. The title, at the head of the treatise,
reads Kitb al-amal bi-l-kurah, On the use of the spheri(cal astrolabe). The
treatise consists of a lengthy introduction,7 which, on pp. 169171, is followed by
a description of the construction of the authors invention and, on pp. 172189,
by forty chapters on the operation of the astrolabe. The unnamed author is
no other than Al-Asurlb, as the following information from the introduction
clearly indicates:
(1) The instrument was named by the author after his lord, Ab Nar Nsharwn b. Khlid, a wazr of the Saljqs Mamd and Masd as well as the caliph
al-Mustarshid. Nsharwn, a famous patron of letters and sciences, died in 532
1138.
557
(2) Literary and scientific productivity, as we find them | combined in alAsurlb, are not often found together in one person.8 Yet, the author of our
treatise manifests strong literary propensities. He quotes from a maqmah
of the celebrated arr, a contemporary and, incidentally, also a protg of
Nsharwn. In order to please the latter, he quotes verses by Ibn ar-Rm9
4 This is not quite accurately stated, as we shall see.

5 For Al-Asurlb and his invention, cf., for instance, G. Sarton, Intr., Vol. 2, I, Washington 1931,
p. 204; H. Suter, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v. al-Bad al-Asurlb; idem, Die Mathematiker
und Astronomen der Araber, in Abh. z. Gesch. d. mathem. Wiss., X. Heft, Leipzig 1900, no. 278.
Yqt, Irshd, Cairo n. y., Vol. 19, pp. 273275; al-Qif, p. 339f. Mller-Lippert; Ibn Ab
Uaybiah, Vol. 1, pp. 280282 Mller.
6 For a short description of this manuscript, cf. JAOS, 69, 1949, p. 149.
7 The general interest which often attaches itself to the introductions of Arabic scientific works
was mentioned by E. Wiedemann and Th. Mittelberger, in Sitzungsberichte Erlangen, 5859,
19261927, p. 197.
8 Conforming to the demands of Muslim civilization, every educated person would, of course,
produce occasional verses, and scientists make no exception to the rule.
9 Cf., e. g., Ibn a-iqtaq, Fakhr, p. 299 f. Ahlwardt.
al-asurlb and as-samawal on scientific progress
1003
concerning the wazr Ab -aqr Isml b. Bulbul,10 to whom Qus b. Lq

had dedicated his work on the astrolabe. And for the same reason he tells at
length of an incident in the life of Ab Amr b. al-Al who saw in the timely
death of the great and famous governor al-ajjj b. Ysuf a confirmation of his
own reading of Qurn 2.249 (250). The authors interest in literary matters is so
pronounced that he even considers it worthwhile to report that, upon orders
of the Byid Aud-ad-dawlah, Ab l-usayn a-fs work on the astrolabe,11
one of his sources, was prefaced by the famous littrateur Ibn al-Amd with
an introduction which was included in the collection of Ibn al-Amds Epistles.
(3) Al-Khujand is referred to in the treatise. His comprehensive instrument
was not available at the time of the author, and he himself constructed one
according to al-Khujands description. He found it quite imperfect, in spite
of its name. He describes the difficulties which would ensue for the average
person who would try to convert the instrument for the use in different latitudes according to the method suggested by al-Khujand in a special fifth
chapter of his work. He then goes on to say that he constructed for the amr
Al-ad-dawlah12 an instrument which could be used for all latitudes. The wellknown scholar Mutamad-ad-dawlah Ibn at-Tilmdh13 | showed al-Khujands
treatise to the great Umar al-Khayym, in the presence of our author. Umar
said that he had no time to occupy himself with the solution of the difficulties
of al-Khujands work and expressed the desire to see the authors instrument.
There existed two of them but they were not available because their owner
was abroad. Therefore, our author made another identical one from lead, and
explained his improvements to Umars satisfaction.
Once before, the author had found the great Umars approval. As a student,
he had written down a number of corrections to Qus b. Lqs work on the
astrolabe. His work was submitted to Umar when the latter came to Bagdd,
10
11
12
13
The manuscript wrongly names al-Mutaid as Ab -aqrs master.

Cf. GAL, Vol. 1, p. 223, and Supplement, Vol. 1, p. 398.
No other Al-ad-dawlah is known to me except the Ghaznawid Masd, who died in
508115. He was, however, a king, and no amr.
This may be Mutamad-al-mulk Ibn at-Tilmdh, who died in 512/11181119 (al-Qif, p. 364f.
Mller-Lippert), or, perhaps, his better known grandson Amn-ad-dawlah Ibn at-Tilmdh
(cf. GAL, Vol. 1, p. 487 f., and Supplement, Vol. 1, p. 891). Cf. Suter, Mathematiker , p. 117.
558
1004
559
and such men as the Jewish philosopher Awad-az-zamn (Ab l-Barakt)

Hibatallh studied with him. Our author did not approach Umar himself. He
had discussed his work with his friend and teacher, Ab Muammad Abdallh
b. Sad al-Irbil, whose maternal uncle was Jss al-falak, the Explorer of the
Firmament.14 Al-Irbil wanted some authority to confirm our authors criticism
of Qus b. Lq and, therefore, consulted Umar. Umar, however, who had just
expressed to a group of his students his admiration for our young author, merely
said: If he says that it is correct, it is correct, and if he says that it is wrong, it is
wrong.15
There can thus be no doubt that the treatise in the Bodleian manuscript represents a work by Al-Asurlb on the astrolabe. It is the only scientific work by
the scholar which has so far become known, and, apparently, it is his main work.
The treatise, therefore, has some minor interest for the literary history of science. In addition, it contains a few ideas about the progress of science and the
belief in authorities. They are not deep or new ideas but they are symptomatic
of the scientific attitude in Islam in an age where even science is widelybut
wronglybelieved to have been tradition-bound. Those ideas began to stir in
the author during his conversations with his teacher, al-Irbil. Al-Irbil | himself
is depicted as a person who dreaded any thought of criticism of the established
authorities. However, the stimulus for more independent thinking seems to
have come to Al-Asurlb from him and from the mixed cultural environment
which included scholars such as the Christian Ibn at-Tilmdh and the Jew Ab
l-Barakt.
In his early youth, the author tells us, he had come across a manuscript of
the highly esteemed work on the astrolabe (al-amal bi-l-kurah) by Qus b.
Lq and had discovered many bad mistakes in it. He wondered whether other
students might have overlooked those patent mistakes because of a lack of scientific knowledgethis seems to al-Asurlb to be absolutely impossibleor
because of a misplaced feeling of respect for the author. At any rate, al-Asurlb
showed his findings to his teacher al-Irbil. The latter was inclined to accept his
conclusions but he thought that it was wrong (qab) to contradict the ancients
(and he, therefore, looked for further confirmation, see above). This attitude
moved the author to the following rather scornful remark: He preferred the
ancients, just because they lived in ancient times, and he did not try to find out
whether they were right or wrong.
14
15
Al-Irbil is not known from any other source.

The translation, with the quotation referring to Al-Asurlb, and not to Umar, seems
certain, although a slight correction of the text of the manuscript has been necessary.
1005
Against this background, we must read al-Asurlbs remarks about the

relationship between ancient and modern scientists (p. 165):
The ancients distinguished themselves through their chance16 discovery
of basic principles and the invention of ideas. The modern scholars, on
the other hand, distinguish themselves through the invention of a multitude of scientific details, the simplification of difficult (problems), the
combination of scattered (information), and the explanation of (material which already exists in) coherent (form). The ancients came to their
particular achievements by virtue of their priority in time, and not on
account of any natural qualification and intelligence. Yet, how many
things escaped them which then became the original inventions of modern scholars, and how much did the former leave for the latter to do!17
In the maqmah which he called al-Marghyah, the learned religious
leader Ab Muammad al-arr expressed himself very well on the subject of the greater excellence of the ancients as compared with modern
men. He said:
If those present would have a close look at itdo the ancients have
anything else but well-worn and limited ideas which are transmitted in
their name, just because they happen to have been born at an earlier date,
and not because of some (kind of natural) precedence such as the person
who returns from the watering place possesses over the person who goes
down to it?18
The Ms. or. Hunt. 539 (Uri 964) of the Bodleian Library was written in Rab I,
988/AprilMay 1580. It was copied from a manuscript written in 561/11651166,
in the lifetime of the author of the work contained in the manuscript, the
well-known mathematician and physician Ab Nar as-Samawal b. Yay b.
16
17
18
Bi-m taatt lahum min

Cf. also the introduction of Umar al-Khayyms Algebra, ed. by F. Woepcke, Paris 1851, p. 2,
and G. Jacob and E. Wiedemann, in Der Islam, 3, 1912, p. 56. Ibrhm b. Sinn, Tall, Hyd.
1366, p. 4.
Sixth maqmah, cf. the commentary of ash-Sharsh, Cairo 1306, Vol. 1, p. 76f. AlSharsh wants to understand the expression which has here been translated by wellworn as referring to ideas which were the object of research in ancient no more than
in modern times. The phrase here rendered as limited is said to refer to the written fixation of those ideas which has found equal attention by both modern and ancient scholars.
Cf. ash-Sharsh, Vol. 1, p. 13 f.
560
1006
561
Abbs al-Maghrib.19 In the beginning of the work, the name of the author is
given with an exceptionally large number of honorific epithets.
According to the Bodleian manuscript, the work it contains has the title
of al-Mabdi wa-l-ghyt f wa jam al-lt li-l-Manr, Everything on the
construction of all instruments by al-Manr. Nothing further about a work
of this title, or an author by this name, is known, but it was made probable by A. Nicoll in his Catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts of the Bodleian
Library (p. 603) that the title was borrowed from a different work, the Jmi almabdi wa-l-ghyt ( f ilm al-mqt) by al-Marrkush.20 The contents of the
Bodleian manuscript was identified by Nicoll as as-Samawals Kitb kashf awr
al-munajjimn wa-ghalaihim f akthar al-aml wa-l-akm, The exposure of
the faults of the astrologers and their errors in most operations and judgments.
The title does not seem to occur in the available list of as-Samawals works,21
and I have not been able to consult | the Leiden manuscript of the work. At any
rate, its attribution to as-Samawal is assured by the mention of his name in the
beginning, and also by the reference to another of his works, al-Bhir.
The present work, and as-Samawals other mathematical work which is preserved in Istanbul are recommended to the attention of the historians of science.22 His reputation, which was acquired the hard way since he was a member of a minority group until his conversion to Islam in 5581163, and the little
which has become known about him indicate that he was an original scholar.
Here, we are merely concerned with the general remarks which as-Samawal
expresses in the introduction of his work. They are an unusually vigorous and
well-documented exposition of the idea of progress in scholarship, as exemplified in the field of mathematics. This exposition is certainly not faultless, and it
has its predecessors,23 but it does not have its equal anywhere else in the known
Arabic literature.
19
20
21
22
23
Cf. GAL, Vol. 1, p. 488, and Supplement, Vol. 1, p. 892.

Cf. GAL, Vol. 1, p. 473 f., and Supplement, Vol. 1, p. 866.
The particular manuscript of Ibn an-Najjrs Supplement to the Khabs History of Bagdd,
which was consulted by a-afad contained a marginal note which, among other things,
mentioned the existence of a copy of as-Samawals Refutation of the Jews which had at its
end a list of eighty-five titles of as-Samawals writings in his own handwriting (a-afad,
Wf, Bodleian Ms. or. Seid. Arch. A. 23, fol. 165b). This list appears to be lost.
The work also contains information about a number of earlier works of which no manuscripts are known to exist, such as Amad b. a-ayyib as-Sarakhss Treatise on the differences of the various zijs and al-Brns treatise on Amal ash-shut bi-abad a-uruq an
ash-shant (sic, not as-st).
Cf. above fn. 17.
1007
The fact that as-Samawal grew up as a Jew, in the cultural milieu of a minority group, appears to have been responsible for his intellectual outlook. It made
him receptive to problems which most of those educated in the Muslim majority civilization would, as a rule, consider unimportant and take for granted.
As-Samawal, of course, was not free from the influence of the dominating
ideas. He somehow became afraid of his own boldness. He felt obliged at the
end to maintain the paramount prestige of the ancient authorities. He implies
that in many instances, information about their intellectual accomplishments
may have failed to reach us. He also uses the common excuse that translators,
copyists, or transmitters are to blame for mistakes in the works of the ancients.
Nevertheless, even when the author follows traditional lines, his arguments are
well presented and would seem to deserve the hearing which is here accorded
to them.
Most of them assume that the ancients discovered all the knowledge24
that can be known; that nobody is able to know what they did not know;
and that | that which they did not know cannot be known, nor can that
which they did not understand be understood by anybody else. Many
of them, therefore, refuse to listen when they hear that we corrected a
number of the most learned former scholars. Their very nature recoils
from such an idea. They cannot bring it over their lips. Their attitude
may be explained either by the assumption that all intellectual knowledge
which can be attained has reached its limits with the (ancients),25 that the
intellect will produce no new combinationsthis is against the nature of
intellectual knowledge, or their attitude may be explained by a belief
on their part that the ancients possessed infallibility and a power of mind,
the like of which no later person can have. Now, the only human beings
who possess infallibility are the prophets. Unless an excessive bias and
a fondness for strange opinions cause those people to equate knowledge
with prophetical inspiration, the facts will force them to admit that in
every age, knowledge manifests itself in an increasing volume and with
greater clarity.
The biographies of scientists bear witness to this fact. Euclid collected
the geometrical figures which were widely known in his time in a systematic work on the principles of geometry. He perfected the work by his
24
25
Al-ulm more precisely is branches of learning, sciences, that is: organized knowledge.
The text could more easily be translated by: is in their opinion finite. This, however,
would hardly be the sense required in this connection.
562
1008
own additions of instructive figures. The statement that before the time
of Euclid, there existed no geometer or outstanding brain at all is contradicted by the testimony of history. On the other hand, the contention that
Euclid knew more about geometry than the many excellent scholars who
lived before his time does not necessarily imply that Euclid might not be
succeeded by someone who, like as Euclid was better than his predecessors, would be better than Euclid. There is, for instance, Archimedes. His
book on the Sphere and the Prism entitles him to such a rank (of superiority over Euclid). In his Lemmata, Archimedes now had to admit his
inability to achieve the trisection of angles. After Archimedes, Apollonius
earned greater fame than anyone else, in particular, through his discovery
of the properties of conic sections.
No further progress was achieved (for a long time). Eventually, however, the measuring of the parabola was discussed by Ibrhm b. Sinn
b. Thbit b. Qurrah;26 the trisection of angles by Ab Jafar al-Khzin aghn;27 and the construction of the heptagon in the circle by Wayjan
b. Rustam al-Kh.28 The division of numbers by a number of numerical
quantities29 | and the theory of roots of numbers in which there occur
minus signs, as well as the demonstration of the arithmetical axioms of
Pythagorasall that, with proofs added, was discussed by me in the Kitb
al-bhir. There still remain the division of angles into five equal parts;
the construction of regular polygons of eleven, thirteen, and seventeen
sides in the circle; all cases of trinomial cubic equations, quadrinomial
equations, as well as higher polynomial equations;30 and other problems.
Those problems are as yet unsolved, but it can be proven that a solution exists and is not impossible. The fact that their solution has been
563
26
27
28
29
30
Died in 335946, cf. GAL, Vol. 1, p. 218 f., and Supplement, Vol. 1, p. 386. Thbit b. Qurrah
already dealt with the problem, cf. GAL Supplement, Vol. I, p. 385 B 14. Ibn Sinns work
was published Hyderabad 1366.
Died between 350961 and 360/970971, cf. GAL Supplement, Vol. 1, p. 387. The Ban Ms
already dealt with the problem, cf. K. Kohl, Zur Geschichte der Dreiteilung des Winkels, in
Sitzungsberichte Erlangen, 5455, 19221923, p. 180ff.
Lived in the second half of the tenth century, cf. GAL, Vol. 1, p. 223, and Supplement, Vol. 1,
p. 399 f. The first name is not clearly written in the manuscript, the second ends in an n,
instead of an m. Ab l-Jd Muammad b. al-Layth, a contemporary of al-Brn, is said to
have treated the problem, cf. C. Schoy, in Isis, 7, 1925, p. 5.
Qismat al-majhlt al iddat maqdr majhlt. Since I am not sure which arithmetical
problem the author has in mind, the translation is uncertain.
Umar al-Khayyms treatment of cubic equations was certainly known to as-Samawal.
1009
impossible for us and all our predecessors merely shows that the knowledge at hand and the available postulates are not sufficient to discover
the solution and that other still unknown postulates are needed. It is not
impossible that we will be succeeded by someone to whom God will show
the solution. He may find it through other postulates of his own discovery.
Or he may be led to the solution from the known postulates from which
no one else had so far been able to reach it.
No sage or well-informed historian will deny the fact that all the various
disciplines of knowledge have manifested themselves in a process of
gradual increase and ramification. This process stops at no final point and
tolerates no irregularities.
A great number of valuable scientific ideas occurred to many former
scholars which they did not set down in writing. Socrates and the men
around him did not consider the written fixation of scientific material
appropriate. It was Socrates who said: Do not put wisdom into the skins
of dead animals.31
There also are a great number of works which no one we know has
ever seen. In the Laws, Plato mentioned the great misfortune of the
destruction of his library by fire.32 That library contained many thousand
precious works on philosophy and science. The fire is assumed to have
destroyed a great number of his own works and discoveries, which he had
culled from the discussions of his predecessors with great effort and of
which he did not possess any other copy.
There is no idea that might enter someones brain which might not
before have entered the brain of someone else. Every intelligent person
knows that the fact that someone is able to correct former scholars does
not imply that that same man possesses a greater knowledge than they
in all their branches of knowledge. It merely implies that he has farther
progressed than they in the knowledge of just that particular matter.
For how many reasons may errors enter the works of excellent scholars!
Some errors may be due to a copyist or scribe who miswrites a word
or omits something. If many copyists thereafter copy the same text in
succession, and each one of them further miswrites or omits words in
passages where the original copyist had already made copying mistakes,
the result will be very bad and the mistakes patent.
31
32
Cf. F. Rosenthal, The technique and approach of Muslim scholarship, Analecta Orientalia,
24, Rome 1947, p. 6a. Cf. also al-Yaqb, Tarkh, Najaf 1358, Vol. I, p. 95.
Arabic scholars knew about Galens loss of his library (cf. Ibn Ab Uaybiah Vol. 1, p. 84f.
Mller). This story is here transferred to Plato.
1010
564
The situation is even worse in the case of translators who transmitted

knowledge from one language to the other. They often understood passages which they attempted to translate differently from what the author
had intended them to be | understood. They also frequently encountered
difficulties in certain passages and treated them as they thought it would
be correct. The author, then, is held responsible while, in fact, he is not to
blame.
There are also many books whose authors died before their completion. Furthermore, there are many authors who, in view of some special
compelling purpose of their own, say things in their works which do not
conform to their actual convictions and opinions, and who do not care
whether they will be blamed for it. The purpose they follow, then, often
compels them to deal with something which they had no time to study
thoroughly while they wrote their work, because they were in a hurry.
Authors (this author?) know that if an author whose discussion is presented to the consideration of scholars had had the benefit of a free mind
and if his heart and his time had been as little preoccupied as those of
the critic who looks for mistakes, there would have often been no reason
to fear for him that corrections (of mistakes caused by hastiness) might
be indicated. Intelligent persons should, therefore, not hastily blame an
author. They should first ascertain, from his biography as far as it concerns
the composition of his work that he (did not) die before he was able to correct it and to spend much time in reflecting about it, and had no special
cogent reason to mention the things he had taken up.
The incentive to compose this book
viii.13
The Defense of Medicine in

the Medieval Muslim World
The true or alleged failings of the physician as a practitioner and individual
have no doubt been the subject of invective and ridicule ever since the first
halting steps into the practice of medicine were attempted. Famous anecdotes
which the people of the classical world already told each other were repeated
with great relish by Muslim authors. They enjoyed telling about the comparison
of physician and painter to make the point that physicians bury their dead
and their mistakes remain undisclosed.1 We hear about the inhabitants of a
Greek town with an inefficient general and a death-bringing physician. They
were advised by Diogenes (in the Greek tradition it was Pausanias or Theocritus
[Thearidas?]) to defend themselves against enemy pressure by appointing the
general to the position of town physician and the physician to the position
of general.2 We are treated to the joke about the ignorant physician who felt
the left side of his patient and pronounced his liver affected. When the patient
seemed aggrieved and the physician tried to console him by saying that it was
not so bad, the patient exclaimed that he would rather die than go through
life as someone who differed from all other people in having his liver on the
left side.3 The Muslims not accepted by physicians, and medical writers felt
compelled to refute interesting information could be gathered on widely held
negative views about physicians, to be easily counterbalanced by numerous
expressions of praise for the skilful and wise practitioner.
1 Cf. al-Mubashshir, Mukhtr al-ikam, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, 76 (Madrid 1377/1958),

where the anecdote is ascribed to Diogenes. For its Greek prototypes, as well as another
anecdote comparing medicine and wrestling, cf. my forthcoming Essays on Art and Literature
in Islam [Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971, p. 3f. Ed.].
2 Cf. ash-Shahrastn, Kitb al-Milal wa-n-nial, ed. W. Cureton, 333 (London 18421846), trans.
T. Haarbrcker, II, 192 (Halle 18501851). For the Greek original, cf. Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica 230F, and Gnomologium Vaticanum, ed. L. Sternbach, no. 343 (reprint Berlin
1963).
3 Cf. Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, iwn al-ikmah, according to the recension preserved in the Istanbul Ms. Murad Molla 1408, fol. 42b, also Beshir Aa 494, fol. 46b. The
role of the patient is played by a certain -th-r-w-d (z)--y-s. This name could easily be read
Herodotus. However, it is more likely that some obscure jokester is meant.
519
1012
520
521
A very different subjectand one which I feel deserves the brief | discussion of its main aspects presented on the following pagesis the attacks leveled against medicine as such. Physicians were, of course, not exempt from
the imperfections attaching to all human beings. Attacks against individuals
did not mean much and provided no valid justification for condemning the
entire science or craft. But there were those who denied the basic soundness
of medicine. Their arguments were naturally not accepted by physicians, and
medical writers felt compelled to refute them. These writers often played something like the role of devils advocate. If they did not invent the arguments
against medicine, they at least posed them anew in order to be able to discuss
and reject them. A certain Abd-al-Wadd b. Abd-al-Malik, who lived in the late
eleventh and early twelfth century, wrote an essay entitled The Blameworthiness of Making a Living from the Craft of Medicine (F Dhamm at-takassub
bi-inat a-ibb).4 He begins by stating expressly that his blame of medicine
is not meant to detract from its value. Rather, he presents the arguments against
medicine in the spirit of debaters who take on the defense of obviously very
weak opinions. Thereby they wish in fact to strengthen the opposite, correct
point of view. An example would be advocating the opinion that the Nile flows
in the direction of Ghnah, or the Euphrates in the direction of Anatolia, when
everybody knows that these rivers flow in the opposite direction. The advocacy
of anything running against commonly held convictions is likely to be completely ineffective. It is hard to change the opinions of people when they can be
shown to be wrong. It is much harder to change their opinions when they happen to be right. This applies to the case of medicine. People are certainly right
to be convinced of the value of medicine. Thus attacks upon medicine are not
able to make them change their opinion. On the contrary, these merely serve
to confirm them in their high esteem of it. This is how Abd-al-Wadd justifies
his acting as a kind of devils advocate with regard to the alleged shortcomings
of medicine.
A similar approach was taken by Ibn Hind, who lived a century earlier,
around the turn of the first millennium. A littrateur and government official,
he was trained and deeply steeped in Greek philosophy. In the eyes of his
contemporaries, this made him well qualified to write on medicine. He starts
out by declaring the attacks upon medicine | as not debatable, according to the
rules of dialectics proposed by Aristotle:5
4 Abd-al-Wadds work is preserved in the Istanbul Ms. Hekimolu Ali Pasha 691. fols. 128b
133b, briefly described by me in Oriens, 1954, 7:58. The fact that Abd-al-Wadd was a younger
contemporary of fir b. Jbir (see below, n. 14) confirms the dating suggested in Oriens.
5 The Key to Medicine (Mift a-ibb) by Ibn Hind was used by me in the Bursa Ms. Hara
the defense of medicine in the medieval muslim world
1013
I think that (people who consider medicine worthless) are among those
whom Aristotle has in mind when he declares it forbidden to enter into
debates with certain people and, instead, commands (their opponents)
to pray for them or to chastise them and to exercise firm control over
them. In the Kitb al-Jadl (the Topics),6 he mentions that some kinds of
problems, such as, for instance, the problem of the part (the atom) or the
problem of eternity and createdness, must not be debated because of their
obscurity and subtlety. They require the immersion of the mind in refined
speculation and are not responsive to hasty thoughts and quickly applied
faculties. Then, there are problems that must not be debated because of
their clarity and obviousness. One should pray for the person who raises
such questions and ask God to give him sound sense perceptions. He
would, for instance, be the person who raises the problem of whether
the fire burns or the snow is cold. Then, there are problems that must
not be debated because they are disruptive of the social and political
situation (siysah) and impugn the fundamentals of the religious law.
A person who raises problems of this sort must (not be debated but)
rather be chastised and prevented from advertising7 them. This applies,
for instance, to someone who raises the problem of why it is necessary
to honor ones parents or why it is not permitted to kill an innocent
person. Then, there is a fourth kind of problems, which may give rise to
discussion and where debate is permissible, namely, problems that are
neither entirely clear nor entirely obscure, nor do they have a deleterious
effect upon social and political matters. Now look, dear reader, at the
person who denies the validity of medicine, and take note that he covers
the eye of the sun and ignores the dawn of morn, in spite of the usefulness
of physicians and the beneficial outcome of most medical treatments
experienced by both the mass and the elite. Take note, further, how
such a person impugns the social and political order by (attempting to)
deprive people of something useful and to make them dislike8 some of
1120, fols. 49a52b. The text of the Bursa Ms. was compared with the Istanbul Ms. Kprl, I,
981. A description of the Bursa ms. may be found in A. Dietrich, Medicinalia Arabica, 198202
(Gttingen 1966) (Abh. Akad. d. Wiss. in Gttingen, philol.-hist. Kl., III, No. 66).
6 Some remote similarities in detail occur in Topics 140b18 ff. Ibn Hind hardly has in mind here
the general views expressed in the eighth chapter of the Topics.
7 The Kprl Ms. has -l-t-w-f-h (?) according to my copy. Read at-tafawwuh. This and the
preceding two sentences were omitted in the Bursa Ms. (unless, again, the fault lies with my
copy).
8 Mss. w-t-r--m-h-m, read wa-yuraghghibuhum.
1014
lifes conveniences. Is there anyone more in need of prayer that he be

given the gift of (sound) sense perceptions, and more in need of being
chastised?
Thus, those who deny the validity of medicine are poor and misguided.
They do not deserve to be taken seriously and to be debated. It is obvious
that they are wrong.
522
This brave, if somewhat self-righteous, attitude was not enough. The hostile
arguments existed. They had to be considered and, if possible, | refuted. In his
brief fifth chapter (fol. 132a), Abd-al-Wadd claims that attacks upon the highly
useful craft of medicine by very many people do not merely aim at denying
the outstanding usefulness of medicine. They aim at denying the validity of
medicine as such, and, regrettable though it is, they have found considerable
response among the masses. Uncounted times I have heard people say with
general approval: Do not put yourself in the hand of a physician and do not
take to your bed!thus placing physician and bed into the same category of
dislike. The reason for the effectiveness of the attacks upon medicine lies in the
sophisticated methods of argumentation followed by certain groups of speculative theologians (mutakallimn) and the inability of physicians to counter their
argumentation. The discussion usually leads to the use of sophistic/dialectic
arguments (al-burhn al-khaa aw al-jadal), and the ferocity of those opponents is indescribable. Abd-al-Wadd refrains from going into details, as he
does not9 think that he should mention the evil opinions they hold about
medicine, and there is no need for him to do so in his treatise. If a really tenacious opponent makes his assault upon medicine, it is as a rule impossible
to find a physician willing and able to take up the defense of his profession
and to give satisfactory replies to doubts expressed concerning the existence
(hal) of medicine, and even less so to the questions as to (its) quiddity (m),
quality (ayy shay), and reason (lima). It would take much space to expose the
subtle methods of argumentation, but Abd-al-Wadd indicates that he might
do so if God lets him live long enough, for up to now, I have never seen a
physician afflicted by one of those people who was able to extricate himself
well.
We would have been better served if Abd-al-Wadd had given us a concrete
picture of the situation instead of this general denunciation, but he makes it
clear that it just does not do to brush aside the attacks as not worthy of debate.
He himself and like-minded colleagues do indeed tell us about some of the
9 The negation is omitted in the Ms.
1015
arguments and counterarguments. There were (1) the religionists, those who
for religious reasons believed that medicine was useless and its practice an
indication of a serious lack of true religious faith. Understandably, this was a
particularly dangerous line of attack in the Muslim environment. Then, there
were (2) the faddists, in a way the secular counterpart of the religionists, who
felt that by following certain rules of conduct and, mainly, diet, they were
better able than trained physicians to preserve and restore their health. And
there were (3) those who argued from the difficulty of medicine that it was in
fact unattainable to man, and from its imperfections that it was invalid in its
entirety.
1
Some people would say when they were sick that they would eat and drink as
usual, but they would not allow themselves to be treated by a physician; rather,
they would put their trust in God. Ibn Buln, the Christian physician of the
eleventh century (d. 1066), contemptuously remarks that these same people
would call in a veterinarian if one of their donkeys were to become sick.10 In a
civilization dominated by religious sentiment, they must have been numerous.
Many no doubt acted upon the belief that their fate was predetermined by God
and human attempts at interference through medical treatment were useless
and, indeed, sinful. Medicine was accused of trying to contravene the omniscience and omnipotence of God. This was a challenge to the very existence of
medicine, because it could be argued that medicine could not very well have
come into existence if it was something that contradicted the divine scheme of
things, and, therefore, a true medical science did, in fact, not exist.10a
On the medical side, a reply considered convincing takes the approach that
medicine is as much an ordinary function as are eating and drinking. It is as
necessary for the maintenance of health, provided, of course, that God has
foreordained health for the individual; if not, medicine cannot be effective.
10
10a
Ibn Buln, Dawat al-aibb, 30 (the text in my possession indicates neither the date nor
the place of publication).
The subject of this article was also no doubt discussed by Ibn Bulns contemporary
and adversary, Ibn Riwn, in one of his many unpublished works.
However, many of the pious who considered it part of their trust in God to dispense
with medical treatment did so strictly on personal terms. They were not concerned with
attacking medicine as such or denying its potential efficacy, cf. the material presented by
B. Reinert, Die Lehre vom tawakkul in der klassischen Sufik, p. 207ff. (Berlin 1968).
523
1016
Since, however, medicine is a craft and science, it is better regulated than

the individuals unscientific intake of food and drink. This is how Ibn Hind
expresses both the argument and the counterargument:
524
Those who fear that acknowledging the existence of medicine means

infringing upon Gods determination of mans fate (qa) ought to stop
eating when they are hungry, and drinking when they are thirsty. God may
very well have destined them to perish from hunger and thirst. Thus, if
they eat and drink, they infringe upon Gods determination of fate. They
end up by substituting their wish for His wish. If, esteemed reader, you
look at all the (different) kinds of medical treatment, you will find none
that is not similar to eating when one is hungry, and | drinking when one
is thirsty. When a mans body is hot, the physician prescribes that it be
cooled, and when it is cold, he prescribes that it be warmed. He prescribes
purgation for the constipated, and he prescribes for those with loose stool
the proper measures to be taken to stop their diarrhea. The difference is
that the medical knowledge of the great mass of people consists only of
small bits and scattered details. That of physicians, on the other hand,
is systematic and well ordered. My (seemingly scurrilous) reply to those
people, that they should abstain from eating and drinking when they are
hungry and thirsty, is nothing to be surprised about. Their belief (that
medicine is not permissible from the religious point of view) has caused
them to do things that are much stranger.
Ibn Hind illustrates his last statement by three stories. A f believed that
his recitation of the Qurn would protect him against a snake charmers most
poisonous and vicious snake, but the snake bit and killed him. A speculative
theologian, Muammad b. Abdallh al-Iskf (d. between 854 and 856), was
so convinced of the futility of medicine that he asked the physician who prescribed for him certain drugs to cure his violent diarrhea which drugs were
supposed to have the opposite effect of those prescribed, and he took them
and died. Finally, a bit of sarcasm: Ibn Hinds own teacher, the well-known
philosopher, Ab l-Khayr al-asan b. Suwr b. al-Khammr (d. after 1017), was
consulted by the chief of a group who denied the validity of nature11 about a
severe headache that was bothering him. Ab l-Khayr bluntly told him to go
and put under his head the book he had published under such-and-such a title
in which he denied the validity of the activities of the natures,11a and wait for
11 11a Instead of ab (abi) nature(s), one is badly tempted here to read ibb medicine.
1017
God to cure him. These three stories are truly remarkable for the firmness with
which they attack the obscurantism of theologians and fs. Not many of them
were, of course, as fanatic and narrow-minded as Ibn Hinds stories describe
them, but it was certainly not the ordinary thing for Muslim writers to discredit
supernatural manifestations, no matter how bizarre, and to poke fun at them
in such a personal manner.
The figure of the convinced rationalist as exemplified by Ibn Hind all but
disappeared soon after his time. When Ibn al-Quff (12331286) took up the
discussion of the rejection of medicine about two centuries | later, he was
much more respectful toward the theological argument, even if it was totally
unacceptable to him. He was a Christian, but Muslim thought patterns are
unmistakable in his argument, and it would seem certain that he was following
an earlier Muslim source. Ibn al-Quff discusses the attacks upon medicine in his
Commentary on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, in connection with the first
aphorism. The first aphorism is the logical starting point for such a discussion,
and the other authors cited here also have reference to it in one way or another.
Ibn al-Quff has this to say:11
It has been said that the will, or knowledge, or power of God, in eternity or
following the (prevailing) horoscope as the astrologers say, either requires
the health of Zayd and that he will not fall sick for a specified time, or it
requires the change and dissolution of his temper. New, in the first case,
the science of medicine is not needed, because health is going to stay
in the body in question [even] without the application of the rules of
medicine. In the second case, the application of medicine is of no use.
In reply we say: Just as God has destined the existence of health, He
has made the proper application of medicine for the sake of health a
reason for health. To a person expressing such doubts [as just mentioned],
it can be said that he ought to take a respite from the task of eating
and drinking. The line of argumentation suggested above either requires
11
However, the author refers to people hostile to natural science, including medicine which
is concerned with the natures, the elements and the corresponding humors. In the
printed text of Ibn Ab Uaybiah, Uyn al-anb, ed. A. Mller, I, 323 (Cairo and Knigsberg
18821884), where this story is quoted from Ibn Hind, we do indeed find ibb in both
places.
For a remotely similar story from the Chahr maqle, cf. C. Elgood, A Medical History
of Persia (Cambridge: University Press, 1951), p. 250.
I used again the Istanbul Ms. Yeni Cami 919, fol. 2, of Ibn al-Quffs Commentary, as I did in
Bull. Hist. Med., 1966, 40: 241 ff.
525
1018
somehow satiety and being provided with water, or it does not require it.
If it does, there is no need to employ [eating and drinking]. In the second
case, there is no need either for employing [food and drink], as this would
be trifling. All this is absurd, because it would follow from it that the
existence of any food means trifling, which is a denial of Gods attributes
(tal). It is an obvious error.
Ibn al-Quff went a step farther than Ibn Hind in turning tables on the religionists. He accused them, rather than the practitioners of medicine, of being
irreligious. God did not create anybody or anything in jest, for no purpose,
or triflingly, as the Qurn says (23:115/117). Since medicine is as natural as
eating and drinking, and since the case against medicine rules out eating and
drinking as well as medicine as matters left to human initiative, there was no
need for God to create food. Creating food would have been a mere jest on
Gods part, depriving Him of the attributes requiring knowledgeable and purposeful action by Him, and would thus, in fact, have thrown doubt upon His
existence.
526
The faddists, if we may call them such, were hardly intentional opponents
of medicine. Rather they were people unable to dissociate them|selves from
old-fashioned beliefs in the efficacy of certain practices which made medicine
superfluous and, by implication, deprived it of its raison d tre. Some claimed,
we are told by Ibn Buln,12 that as long as a man had bread at the bakers,
nothing could harm him. Abd-al-Wadd devotes his second chapter to the
great number of worthless men who enter the craft of medicine. This chapter
is not entirely preserved in the unique manuscript. From what is preserved,
it would seem that he thought mainly of the many laymen with preconceived
notions about health who made the physicians life miserable, if not impossible.
In Cairo and Tinns, in Baghdd, Constantinople, and Aleppo, there could
be found people who stuck to their foolish ideas as to what they should eat
and how they should treat illness, with a wrongheadedness that exasperated
physicians. A friend of the author, the late physician fir b. Jbir al-Mawil,13
had tried for about forty years to persuade the Aleppines to be reasonable but
12
13
Loc. cit.
According to Ibn Ab Uaybiah, II, 143, fir was still alive in 1089.
1019
had finally given up. As described by Abd-al-Wadd, all these practices were
not fundamentally different from those considered correct by the scientific
medicine of the time. They differed from it only in detail. However, they mark
the closest approach to faddist hostility to medicine we can hope to find
attested in medieval medical literature.
3
In times past, it was easy to point to failures in the physicians knowledge and
practice and to conclude from them that medicine was not a true science or
valid craft. In particular, the physicians greatest failure, namely, their inability
to stave off death from themselves and their patients, was a constant target of
attack. Our medical authors were firmly committed to the established system of
medicine and were patently unwilling to entertain the possibility that some of
the fault might lie in that system. They did not doubt that they were on the right
path and that individual failures were no reason for general condemnation.
They argued that such failures were, in fact, fully understandable as well as
mostly inevitable if the character, the subject, and the purpose of medicine
were considered and seen in the proper light.
Since the subject with which medicine works is the human body, any failure
of the physician is bound to arouse greater concern than failures in any other
craft or science. Man is the noblest thing in creation. Thus, having the noblest of
all subjects, medicine is the science or craft endowed | with the greatest nobility. This is a generally accepted idea, still used today in defense of medicine.14 As
Abd-al-Wadd puts it in his third chapter (fols. 129b130b), the nobility of each
craft is determined by its subject (maw) and purpose (ghyah).15 In the case
of medicine, the subject is man. Therefore, something extremely important is at
stake. The shoemaker works with leather. His subject is leather. Now, if he cannot make reins or boots from his leather, he can make bags or something else.
But when the hour of a human being has struck, it would be difficult to change
him into some other animal. Nobody has ever been able to revive someone who
has died and to transform him into some other animal, which would be better
14
15
The New York Times of June 30, 1966, p. 35, quotes these remarks by R.R. Wilson: Medicine
is one of the most difficult disciplines, for, after all, man is the most complex of living
beings and capable of the most extraordinary diversity of behavior. It need not be a matter
of embarrassment that clinical diagnosis should sometimes go astray.
More precisely, here and later on, end (Greek telos).
527
1020
528
than letting him decay. Difficult as it is, treating human beings offers the compensation that the patient can help the physician by giving him information on
his state of health (in this connection, Abd-al-Wadd refers to the restrictedness of time and the difficulty of decision of the first aphorism). Dumb animals
cannot do this, which makes the task of the veterinarian more difficult than
that of the physician. The importance of the subject he works with earns more
blame for the physician when he fails, than gratefulness when he succeeds.
In certain situations, medical knowledge must not be applied, namely, where
there are ethical objections. But clearly, Abd-al-Wadd feels that the nobility
of its subject is no good reason for eliminating medicine. On the contrary, it
thereby gains in standing and has an indisputable right to exist.
Ibn Hind also uses the comparison of medicine with other crafts, if in a
different manner, in order to refute those who deny the validity of medicine
because many patients have died under treatment. First, however, he takes care
of people who attack medicine as being too difficult for man and impossible of
attainment. He argues that they underestimate the power of the human intellect. Disciplines such as astronomy/astrology and musicology are not rejected
out of hand, and they are more obscure than medicine and deal with more difficult subjects. Astronomy/astrology attempts to understand the remote and
majestic celestial bodies. Musicology affects not only mans body but also his
soul. According to the musicians skill and intention, music can produce laughter or tears, joy or sadness, and disarm enemies. If the human intellect can
encompass the | heavens and manage something as mysterious as the human
soul, it certainly should possess the courage and the ability to discover and cultivate a science such as medicine. The known origins of medicineIbn Hind
refers here to his remarks on the subject, meaning, it seems, the statements that
immediately precede his discussion of the attacks upon medicinealso stamp
it as a natural science not too difficult for man to master. Once it is understood
how a thing comes about and the reason for it is known, it no longer causes
astonishment. The idea that a thing is considered strange and astonishing as
long as the reason for it is unknown was stated by Aristotle.16 Ibn Hind illustrates it with the story of the egg of Columbus. The problem of how to make
the sharp end of an egg stand upon an upturned cup is solved by covering the
cups surface with earth and sticking the egg into it. There is nothing astonishing in the assumption that man could be able to master something as difficult
as medicine, and, in fact, he has been able to do so.
16
Very similar, if hardly the source of this reference, are the opening words of the PseudoAristotelian Mechanics.
1021
In order to answer the argument based upon the recurrent failures of physicians, it is only necessary to consider the purpose of medicine. Like any other
craft, medicine has its proper purpose and cannot be expected to go beyond it:
The purpose of carpentry is the manufacture of doors, beds, and chairs.
It has wood as its subject. Not every kind of wood is suitable for doors.
Worm-eaten and knotty wood does not respond to the carpenters craft.
So it is also with medicine. Medicine has health as its purpose, and
the body of man as its subject. Not every human body is suitable for
treatment by a physician. Unsuitable are, for instance, the chronically ill,
the one-eyed, the bald, or persons affected by the third kind of hectic fever
(ad-daqq).17 Just as the validity of carpentry is not impaired if no bed can
be made from worm-eaten wood, so also the validity of medicine is not
impaired if the one-eyed or the bald cannot be cured.
Moreover, [Ibn Hind continues], the crafts are of two different kinds.
The existence of some, such as carpentry and the goldsmiths craft,
depends upon man from beginning to end. Others, such as agriculture,
have their beginnings and first steps dependent upon man, while their
perfection is entrusted to God and nature. Ploughing, sowing, and watering are part of agriculture. The sprouting and the growth of the plants
depend upon God. Medicine belongs to the second kind. God has placed
in the body of man an overseer charged with the task of guarding his
health. If the body is affected by some symptom and that overseer has
at his disposal an instrument in the form of food and medicine, God
removes | the symptom from the body and restores it to health. The philosophers have called this overseer nature. The men of religion have
called him angel. It is what Hippocrates has described by saying: Nature
suffices to cure diseases. The physician is the servant of this nature.18 The
only thing the physician does is to help along natures cure with the very
instrument that is needed for guarding health and removing disease. The
attainment of health rests upon the capability of nature, the responsiveness of the body to [nature], the adequacy of the instrument in supporting
the free exercise of [natures] activity, and the removal of the barriers that
17
18
Ar-Rz, al-w, XVI, 5 f. (Hyderabad 1383/1963), concludes from Galen, De differentiis

febrium, VII, 313318 Khn, that there are three degrees of hectic fever of which the third
is characterized by the total absence of humidity, failing strength, and the appearance of
the signs of dhubl (Greek marasmos).
For the corresponding passages from the Epidemics, cf. K. Deichgrber, Die Stellung des
griechischen Arztes zur Natur, in Die Antike, 1939, 15: 131f.
529
1022
stand between nature and its aim. The farmer is not to be blamed, nor
the validity of agriculture to be denied, if the farmer does his agricultural
chores as they should be done, breaking the soil and choosing the right
time for sowing and watering, but then there comes a great heat wave and
destroys the plants. Likewise, the physician is not to be blamed, nor does
any shortcoming attach to his craft, if the patient is not cured after he has
treated him according to all that is in the power of medicine and has given
him every possible advice and directive. Careful study shows that crafts
that depend upon others (and not exclusively upon man) are successful
in the majority of cases, but not always. Were one to deny the validity of
medicine which secures health for the human body in most cases but not
always, it would be necessary to deny the validity of the entire range of
crafts. This would mean total damage and destruction.
530
Although God is mentioned, the argument hews as close to the secular line
as we have the right to expect from Ibn Hind. Mans God-given intellectual
powers must not be underestimated. They enable him to understand such
an intricate organism as the human body. On the other hand, forces beyond
human control are involved in a number of essential human activities. They
make a certain number of failures unavoidable, without thereby detracting
from the usefulness and basic correctness of these activities.
Medicine is not absolutely effective. It has its limits in the limitations of
human ability and knowledge. Ibn Buln19 complains about people who
expect the physician to be able to distinguish between pregnant and barren
women by feeling the pulse. They expect the physician to know what is known
only to God. They do not understand, Ibn Buln says, that medicine deals with
the possible. Given divine support, the merely possible takes on the appearance of the necessary. It is unreasonable to deny the validity of medicine on
the grounds that it cannot control the health condition of every individual,
and that some patients have died under medical treatment. Conversely, it is
not right to ascribe the recovery of patients in all cases to the healing effect
of medicine. The | golden mean must be observed in judging the efficacy of
medicine. Thanks may be due to medicine, or they may be due to the assistance
of God or nature. This, according to Ibn Buln, is what Hippocrates meant
when he spoke of the difficulty of decision.
Ibn al-Quff wrestles with the problems of the inevitability of death and the
haphazard character of medical treatment. The usefulness of medicine had
19
Dawat al-aibb, 30 f.
1023
been doubted because capable physicians would be able to fend off death
from themselves if medicine indeed served the preservation of health and the
cure of disease. However, not even Hippocrates or other leading physicians
were able to escape death.20 Ibn al-Quff replies that in every science, primary
consideration must be given to its proper purpose, and this applies also to
medicine. The purpose of medicine is decidedly not fending off death, as this
is not possible. The assumption of everlasting life for individual human beings
is incompatible with the concept of divine wisdom, for three reasons. In the
first place, the soul is liberated from the body by death. Now, if it was happy
together with the body, it will be even happier when separated from it. If it was
unhappy together with the body, death will put an end to that unhappiness and
forestall the possibility that it might increase. Thus, death helps man to achieve
his true destiny. In the second place, since all individuals of the species of man
share in the common human nature, it would be absurd to exempt some but
not all of them from death. If there were such a thing as everlasting existence,
all individuals would necessarily have it. Apparently, this is considered an
impossibility within the limited space available on earth, and, consequently,
no human being can live on for ever. In the third place, if just some human
beings could live on without dying, it could happen that an unjust individual
in a position of authority might be singled out for continued existence. This
would result in lasting corruption, to the detriment of the world. It is a risk that
God in His wisdom would never have incurred.
Thus, the existence of death is a necessary part of the world order as devised
by divine wisdom, and it is obvious that no human science can be expected
to possess the power to overcome death. Its elimination can, therefore, not
be the purpose of medicine. The problem of death is, moreover, only one
aspect out of many within the purview of medicine. Now, logic indicates that
negation of a part does not entail negation of | the whole. The fact that the
elimination of death is not within the power of medicine does not negate
the true purpose of medicine. With respect to death, medicine has merely
the task of postponing the onset of the necessary decay of the body. The
purpose of medicine is fending off putrefaction and preserving the [bodys]
original humidity from dissolution as far as possible by applying the necessary
20
The theme of the greatest of physicians and philosophers being unable to cure themselves
was popular and expressed in verses such as
Hippocrates paralyzed passed away
And plagued by pleurisy Plato died.
531
1024
and appropriate method[s] with respect to quantity and quality, time, and
sequence. And this real purpose, it is implied, is certainly fulfilled by medicine
in the way it is practiced by trained physicians.
The conviction that the right system of medicine is known once and for all
colors Ibn al-Quffs reasoning with respect to the other objection he takes it
upon himself to refute. This objection centers around the conjectural character
(ads, ann, takhmn) of the rules of medicine. The description of medicine as
conjectural is said to be generally agreed upon not only by the opponents
of medicine but also by the physicians themselves. It is claimed to be an
established fact that physicians always disagree with each other as to the proper
treatment of a patient. They make frequent mistakes. Their method is not based
upon sure knowledge. It is better described as experimentation. Ibn al-Quffs
reply is quite simply that this does not affect medicine as such but results from
the inability of the students of medicine to master its details and rules to the
proper extent. When physicians disagree about the treatment of a patient, it
is because they have reached different conclusions concerning the symptoms
and the treatment required. If all of them were equally outstanding in their
mastery of medical knowledge, they would agree upon one and the same kind
of treatmentlike so much else that has been said here, hardly a convincing
assumption.
532
The few authors cited are all comparatively recent, none being earlier than the
late tenth century. Whatever their medical tradition or religious background,
their discussion was determined by the philosophical and theological views
of earlier generations of Muslim scholars. We have come across more or less
explicit indications that the speculative theologians, the mutakallimn, were
behind those attacks upon the very existence of medicine. This is confirmed
by the fact that ar-Rz (865925) wrote two treatises on the subject which are
not known to be preserved and so far are known only by title. One of them
was written for the purpose of refuting the attack upon medicine by al-Ji,
the famous Mutazilah littrateur (777869), and the other for the purpose of
refuting the attack upon it by an-Nsh, a well-known poet and speculative |
theologian (d. 905/906).21 Another refutation of al-Ji was written in the
21
Cf. Ibn an-Nadm, al-Fihrist, cd. G. Flgel, 300, I. 24, and 299, 1. 28 (Leipzig 18711872); alBirn, Rislat al-Brn (ptre de Brn contenant le rpertoire des ouvrages de Muammad b. Zakary ar-Rz), d. P. Kraus, 6 (Paris 1936); al-Qift, ed. A. Mller and J. Lippert,
274, ll. 18 f., and 273, ll. 17f. (Leipzig 1903); Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 316, II. 21f. and 3f.
Ar-Rzi also wrote monographs on such pertinent subjects as the inability even of
skilled physicians to cure all diseases, as this is not within the power of man (Ibn an-
1025
tenth century by Ibn Mandawayh al-Ifahn.22 In his attack upon medicine,

al-Ji may have mainly wished to exercise his ingenuity as a social critic, as he
did in the case of other professions, but it is also well possible that his principal,
if not exclusive, concern was the theological side of the problem. This would
seem more likely, especially in view of the fact that a similar work of ar-Rz,
according to its title, takes issue with al-Jis attitude toward speculative
theology. In the case of an-Nsh, the discussion dealt with ten points raised
by him, and it is highly probable that they were basically theological in nature.
As a seeming assertion of mans will against divine providence and nature,
medicine, more than any other human activity, was suited to serve as a good
example in the debate of theologians and philosophers about God and His
attributes. This debate had its roots in pre-Islamic Christian theology, and
the special case of medicine was also incidentally considered by the Church
Fathers.23 However, Islam injected new life into philosophical theology as
early as the beginning eighth century, and the new ideas, intertwined with
politics, assumed a tremendous practical importance. This appears to be the
reason why the subject treated here became prominent and its discussion,
seemingly urgent for physicians in the Muslim environment in the ninth and
tenth centuries, lingered on far beyond that time.
22
23
Nadm, 302, ll. 11f.; al-Brn, 10: al-Qif, 277, 1. 2; Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 319, ll. 11ff.); the reason
why certain people do not want to have anything to do with (var. blame) physicians, even
skilled ones (Ibn an-Nadm, 302, 1. 11; al-Brn, 10; al-Qif, 277, 1. 1; Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 319,
ll. 8 f.); the reason why laymen, women, and ignorant physicians may turn out to be more
successful in the treatment of certain diseases than true professionals (Ibn an-Nadm, 302,
ll. 15 f.; al-Brn, 10 f.; al-Qif, 277, ll. 4 f.; Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 319, ll. 15f.); and the absence
in any craft, and not only in medicine, of craftsmen acknowledged all around (for general
ability) (Ibn an-Nadm. 302, II. 13 f.; Ibn Ab Uaybiah, I, 319, ll. 14f.).
Cf. al-Qif, 438, ll. 9 f., and Ibn Ab Uaybiah, II, 22, ll. 1f., also C. Brockelmann, Geschichte
der arabischen Litteratur, Suppl., I, 246 (Leiden 1937). Ibn Ab Uaybiah here calls the work
of al-Ji attributed to him.
Cf. H. Schadewaldt, Die Apologie der Heilkunst bei den Kirchenvtern, in Verffentlichungen der internationalen Gesellschaft fr Geschichte der Pharmacie, 1965, 26: 115130, especially, pp. 126 f. where a few negative voices, rejecting medicine as indicative of a lack of
trust in God, are listed. They were not many since, in contrast to Islam, Christianity was
historically committed to a deep religious respect for medicine.
viii.14
475
476
The Physician in Medieval Muslim Society*

Some time ago I had one of those welcome opportunities to recommend someone for a vacant position. The difficulty was that a nonpareil was required who
would be not only an inspiring teacher and crack administrator but also a master of everything concerned with Islam and, in addition, well versed in several
other Near Eastern fields. Such requests are not uncommon, and I therefore like
to stress the fact that what we call Islamic studies is a very large field, much too
large to be mastered by any one individual. The customary complaint of scholars, regardless of the particular vineyard they are cultivating, about neglect of
their own field is certainly justified in the case of Islamic studies. It is, however, undeniable that within Islamic studies, the study of Muslim medicine has
been reasonably well taken care of in the past and, in particular, in the last two
decades. Outside the world of Islam, England and Germany are the countries
with the largest share of accomplishments in this respect.
It is especially gratifying that many young scholars have been working on the
history of Muslim medicine. Manuscripts have been discovered and described,
and texts have been edited and translated. Two fundamental bibliographies
have been published, both in the same year1970. The one by Manfred Ullmann in Tbingen was originally intended as a general survey of the history
of medicine in Islam, but its author realized that so much unknown material
was buried in manuscripts or remained concealed, unrecognized and misunderstood, in the printed books that it was necessary first | of all to provide
sound bibliographical data.1 The other work, by Fuat Sezgin of the University of
Frankfurt a.M., was conceived within the general framework of a comprehensive history of Arabic literature to about the year 1000. The amount of hitherto
unknown manuscript treasures described by Sezgin is indeed remarkable, but
the author was also keenly aware of the absence of historical interpretation of
the data and felt compelled to make the daring attempt to provide a kind of
* The text of the Fielding H. Garrison Lecture, delivered on May 4, 1972, at the annual meeting
of the American Association for the History of Medicine in Montreal, Canada, is offered here
belatedly as a memento of what for me was a truly remarkable occasion.
1 M. Ullmann, Die Medizin im Islam (Leiden-Kln, 1970; Handbuch der Orientalislik, Erste
Abteilung, Ergnzungsband, VI, 1). An excellent brief survey of Islamic Medicine by M. Ullmann appeared in Edinburgh in 1978.
the physician in medieval muslim society
1027
provisional history of Muslim medicine in the early centuries of Islam.2 Both

works make it clear that the study of the history of medicine in Islam is still in
its beginning, that the source material has been identified only incompletely,
that it has hardly been studied in sufficient detail or not been studied at all,
and that the discoveries to be made and the problems to be solved are legion.
A comprehensive archive of microfilms of Near Eastern medical manuscripts
does not yet exist as far as I know,3 and collaborative projects, such as a proper
indexing of ar-Rzs vast Continens, of which an Arabic text has now appeared
in print, would not be easy to organize. Nevertheless, it is true that as far as
Islamic studies as a whole are concerned, the historians of medicine have comparatively little reason to complain about the progress that has been made.
Quite a few of the scholars who are now making significant contributions
to Muslim medical studies are general Islamicists rather than historians of
medicine, and not without reason. The Arabic medical literature is of considerable importance for the Classicist who can recover from it lost works of Greek
authors or use the Arabic translations for the textual criticism of preserved
Greek texts, and this applies also to fields other than medicine. Philologians
can gain valuable and much needed insights into Arabic lexicography and also,
to a lesser degree, into Greek lexicography from comparing the Arabic translation of a Greek text with its Greek original. It is, however, something more
basic than such externalities that attracts the student of Muslim civilization to
the study of Arabic medicine. Intellectual activity in medieval Muslim civilization tended toward abstract thought and as a rule tried to keep away from the
concrete details of human existence. Misguided | mental acrobatics and arbitrary abstractions are not entirely absent from Arabic medicine, but, on the
whole, it lures the student with an entirely satisfactory combination of profound intellectual concern and intimate contact with the realities facing the
individual and the society in which he lived. The specter of having to work in
the abstract void, which our outlook on life finds disquieting, is less threatening here than elsewhere in the study of Islam. Looking at Muslim physicians
as they are mirrored in the literature, we see a happy union of all that was
best in Muslim civilization in thought and action. S.D. Goitein has recently
sung the praise of physicians in the Muslim orbit in these ringing words: The
2 Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Band III: Medizin-Pharmazie, Zoologie-Tierheilkunde

bis ca. 430 H. (Leiden: Brill, 1970).
3 The Mahad al-Makht al-Arabyah in Cairo is in the process of publishing catalogues of
its microfilms of medical manuscripts from collections in many countries. Two volumes have
appeared so far (Fihrist al-makht al-muawwarah (Cairo 1959 and 1978)).
477
1028
478
torchbearers of secular erudition, the professional expounders of philosophy

and the sciences, disciples of the Greeks, heirs to a universal tradition, a spiritual brotherhood which transcended the barriers of religion, language, and
countries. And, Goitein adds, almost any doctor of distinction was also a member of the entourage of a king, a sultan, a vizier, or a governor.4
The qualitative aspect of medicine as a science and profession in Islam is
extraordinarily well described in Goiteins phrases. They give us a view of the
mountain top where the air is pure and the sun shines bright. It is obvious,
however, that there must have been a broad supporting base for medical services in Muslim society serving a large segment of it. Conditions there might
not have been quite as splendid as they were on the top. The significance of
that larger medical establishment for the welfare of society and for the general character of medical practice must have been considerable. The question
which I am posing here and which I am trying to answer, however imperfectly
and tentatively, is: What do we really know about the quantitative aspect of the
medical establishment in medieval Islam? The linking of the study of the history of Muslim medicine with sociology will make it necessary for scholars to
go beyond the strictly medical literature in order to collect the necessary information. Historical, biographical, and belletristic works have to be sifted, and
they are innumerable. The immense theological and juridical literature can be
expected to yield some relevant information, and philosophical works, in particular those dealing with ethics, are likely to make a small contribution. It may,
for instance, not be entirely | irrelevant to notice that even in a work on logic,
a famous eleventh-century Spanish author exemplifies a point in this manner:
Thus, were you to say, the physicians are highly skillful, everybody who hears
you say that would feel you are making a wrong statement. For the physicians
signifies something general, while highly skillful obviously refers only to some
physicians, and not to all.5 All such little bits and pieces submerged in a vast
ocean of literature will have to be collected. This is a task which has as yet hardly
begun and which will take a long time to bring to fruition. Synthesis and reconstruction will be a difficult and uncertain process, in which much will have to
4 S.D. Goitein, The medical profession in the light of the Cairo Geniza documents, in Hebrew
Union College Annual, 1953, 34: 177. For Goiteins fundamental research, see also below, pp. 482
& 489. The second volume of his A Mediterranean Society (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London: University of California Press, 1971) was not yet available when I presented the Garrison lecture.
The chapters on the medical profession (240261) and druggists, pharmacists, perfumers, preparers of potions (261272) contain detailed and concrete information complementary and
superior to what is presented here.
5 Ibn azm, at-Taqrb li-add al-maniq, ed. Isn Abbs (Beirut: n.y. [1959]), 85.
1029
be left to guesswork. It is no accident that present-day advocates of quantitative history think preferably of the history of modern times where the needed
information is abundant. It is limited and haphazard for medieval times, in the
East to an even greater degree than in the West. The people of the Middle Ages
themselves had no techniques for measuring the quantitative aspects of history. Some of these techniques would not have been beyond their abilities, but
it seems that they were not particularly interested in this kind of approach.
Perhaps they were wiser than we are. History is not inclined to deal respectfully with quantities. At least so far, it has shown no inclination to attribute the
development of human civilization to quantitative aspects. History appears to
have a way of remembering the quality of achievements to make lasting value
judgments.
Our first question is necessarily: What information do we have about the
total number of physicians in a given locality at a certain time? Our sources
are chary with actual figures, which does not come as a surprise after what
has just been said. What we do find, are frequent references to all doctors in
some region or town, without telling us how many they were. We hear that
prominent physicians had numerous students; this is vague and, moreover,
the students need not always have been men who were practicing medicine
or intended to do so. In certain situations we hear about physicians in the
plural, such as, for instance, an unspecified number of physicians attached to
the army of an Abbsid caliph.6 An occasional miniature in a manuscript may
show us a number of physicians in consultation.7 Major hospitals are described
as most generously staffed, but no figures are given. And, not always but quite
frequently, it is a plurality of physicians that is reported to | have been in attendance on a ruler or an otherwise prominent personage. In particularly favorable
circumstances, it is possible to make a count of at least some of the physicians
who served a given ruler during his lifetime.8 However, actual figures are rarely
met with. When they are, they are usually suspiciously round figures. Thus,
a ruler in the region of the Caspian Sea in the second half of the tenth century had twelve doctors assembled to treat him for a special, baffling disease.
Incidentally, the more the twelve treated him, the sicker he became, and all
6 Ibn Ab Uaybiah, Uyn al-anb, ed. A. Mller (Cairo and Knigsberg, 18821884), I, 153.
7 H. Buchthal, Early Islamic miniatures from Baghdad, In J. Walters Art Gallery, 1942, 5: 1839,
and K. Weitzmann, The Greek sources of Islamic scientific illustrations, in Archaeologica
Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1952), 244266.
8 S.Y. Jadon, The physicians of Syria during the reign of al-al-Dn, J. Hist. Med. & Allied Sci.,
1970, 25: 323340.
479
1030
480
of them had to be honorably dismissed upon the insistence of the great medical
authority who was eventually brought into the case.9 The figure twelve arouses
suspicion, and the story itself does not in fact suggest that twelve doctors
could be found together in a provincial town. They had to be gathered from
nearby and distant locations. Again we hear that twenty-four, or twice twelve,
physicians were appointed when a hospital was founded in the capital city of
Baghdd earlier in the same tenth century.10 Another report about the selection
of a superintendent for the same hospital speaks of more than 100 prominent
physicians from all over the area as having been considered for the position.
Here, the entire report, and not only the round figure, seems to be of somewhat
doubtful historicity. If we could assume, and it does not appear to be an unlikely
assumption, that there were really 100 physicians of prominence available at
any one time in a city such as Baghdd, whose population is estimated to
have been around 300,000,11 there was no shortage of physicians per number
of inhabitants, as it is clear that the number of prominent physicians was
only a fraction of all the practitioners in residence. The best available figure
is given for Baghdd in the year 931. In that year, some 860 physicians from
all over town were invited to pass an examination to show their competency.
There were others in addition who were not invited, because it was thought
unnecessary for them to undergo an examination.12 Here we get a minimum of
one physician for at most three hundred inhabitants, a very high ratio indeed.
Strangely enough, approximately the same ratio of physicians to | population
emerges a few centuries later from a report outlining the foundation of a new
city by royal decree in Mongol-ruled Iran. The blueprints called for providing
the new town with fifty physicians, each of whom was to have ten students
who no doubt were also already capable of practicing. Additional medically
trained personnel was to be attached to the new citys hospital. The number
of houses in that town was set at 30,000. Thus, there was to be one physician
or qualified medical student for each sixty houses. If we assume five persons
per house, which it must be admitted will be considered by many a rather low
10
11
12
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, op. cit. (n. 6 above), I, 146. The number twelve is not found in the
earlier al-Qif, Tarkh al-uam, ed. J. Lippert (Leipzig: 1903), 149f., making it even more
suspect. The medical authority was Jibrl b. Ubaydallh b. Bukhtsh (d. 1006), and the
ruler Khusrawshh (b. Mubdir, not in al-Qif), presumably one of the Musfrids, but his
identity cannot safely be established.
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, op. cit. (n. 6 above), I, 310.
For the population estimate, see J.C. Russell, Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc., 1958, 48 (3): 88a. It
should be kept in mind that population estimates for medieval cities are highly uncertain.
Al-Qif, op. cit. (n. 9 above), 191f.: Ibn Ab Uaybiah, op. cit. (n. 6 above), I, 22.
1031
figure, we have again one physician for three hundred people. Unfortunately,
the report has been suspected, and with good reason, of being not an actual
contemporary document but a much later invention originating not in Iran but
somewhere in northern India, and we do not know whether the invention was
based upon actual models.13 It should therefore be considered as the expression
of someones thinking as to what the ideal medical situation ought to be.
Since ideals are rarely attained, the actual situation was hardly ever as good
anywhere, maybe not even in Baghdd, except for that one fleeting moment
there.
Nowhere do we have, I believe, a clear-cut indication as to the distribution
of physicians within the larger cities, although, upon careful study, the known
location of hospitals may provide some useful hints. What is more distressing,
nothing is really known directly about the situation outside the larger urban
complexes. It is but a small consolation that our knowledge of society and
economics in medieval Muslim villages and rural regions is also practically
zero. The great al-Ghazzl tells us that a person may buy books on medicine in
order to be able to treat himself. However, if there is a physician in a given place,
such books can be dispensed with as a superfluous luxury.14 This implies that
there were many localities in which no physician could be found. Al-Ghazzl
probably had the average small town in mind, rather than sparsely populated
rural areas and villages.
What, we may ask next, do we know about the material situation of physicians? Were they generally able to make a living from the practice of | medicine,
how much did they earn, how did their earnings compare with those of other
social groups within society? It is only natural for the literary tradition to stress
the success story. We hear about those tremendous salaries and extraordinary
gifts, those promotions to high rank and positions of power and influence,
that the physicians of the mighty and the rich are frequently reported to have
13
14
E.G. Browne, Arabian Medicine (Cambridge: University Press, 1921; reprint 1962), 108f. See
also Brownes A Literary History of Persia (Cambridge: University Press, 1920; reprint 1969),
III, 86: and the literature cited by C.A. Storey, Persian Literature (London: Luzac, 1953), I (2),
1230. The putative author was the great statesman and historian Rashd-ad-dn Falallh
(d. 1318). A charter for a suburb founded by Rashd-ad-dn and named ar-Rashdyah
after him is considered genuine by its editors, Mujtaba Minovi and Iraj Afshar (Teheran,
1350/1972). I have not seen the publication and know about it only from the review by
B.G. Martin in J. Amer. Oriental Soc., 1973, 93: 561f. Thus I do not know whether it contains
the same or similar details about the hospital there.
Al-Ghazzl, Iy ulm ad-dn. Kitb Asrr az-zakh (Cairo, 1352/1953), I, 199. Medical
self-help books were, of course, also useful for emergencies and for travelers.
481
1032
482
received. Numerous stories tell us about them. It is difficult to translate them

into concrete data, except for the bare fact that large wealth was involved.
The stories do, however, reflect a larger truth. They tell us something about
societys scale of values. Just as reports about vast sums of money lavished
upon entertainers or poets illuminate the role played by entertainment in a
given social structure, the stories about highly remunerated physicians indicate Islams great esteem for medical knowledge, and their faithful preservation
in literature is to be understood as a continuous re-affirmation of this value
judgment even under adverse contemporary conditions. Occasionally, we also
hear about the material success of ordinary physicians in ordinary times. In
the early thirteenth century, an outstanding scholar, Abd-al-Laf al-Baghdd,
mentioned a man who came to Baghdd to study with him. The man told him
that six years of medical practice in Tiflis had enabled him to acquire very considerable property.15 Regrettably, no details are given. Abd-al-Laf himself, he
tells us, was unable to check the mans veracity, and we, of course, are even less
in a position to do so.
Quite often, the biographies of highly successful physiciansand, naturally,
we have biographies only of themmention hard and obscure beginnings.
One of them is described as having for a long time been a poor general practitioner before he finally achieved fame and fortune. Another was a pharmacist
who supplemented his earnings by doing some prescribing of his own, until,
by some miraculous feat of diagnosis and cure, he came to the attention of the
ruler and gained prominence. It is not unreasonable to assume that the original
pre-success status of those men more accurately reflects the economic position
of the average physician. Recently, a most illuminating study of the history of
prices and salaries in the medieval Muslim East has been published by E. Ashtor, but the author has practically no additional information on the fees and
incomes of physicians.16 On the other | hand, Goitein has furnished us with new
and valuable facts. His information has been extracted with great ingenuity
from Jewish documents dating mainly from the eleventh and twelfth centuries
and found in the Cairo Geniza. This repository of discarded writings constitutes
the only large-scale hoard of documents from the Near Eastern Middle Ages
15
16
C. Cahen, Abdallaf al-Baghdd, portraitiste et historien de son temps, Bull. dEtudes

Orientales de l Institut Franais de Damas, 1970 [1971], 23: 123. Another example is the
Christian physician in tenth-century Spain who earned (much) money and real estate
with (his practice of) medicine (Ibn Juljul [below, n. 27], 96, quoted by Ibn Ab Uaybiah,
op. cit. (n. 6 above), II, 41)again, no details.
Histoire des prix et des salaires dans l Orient mdival (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1969).
1033
that tells us something about how the ordinary people of the times worked
and lived. Goitein calls attention to the frequent references to contributions
made to charity by members of the various professions. The contributions of
physicians, he states, are rather large, but, he continues, it is significant that
one physician paid only one dinar, the same as various dyers, a craft that ranked
very low on the social scale. Another doctor gave 1 dinars, the same amount
as a silk worker and some storekeepers.17
A student of Goitein, A.L. Motzkin, has made a special study of the documents giving information about a physician who was a member of a family of
high rank in the Jewish community. He concluded that physicians belonged
to the upper middle class: They travelled widely, lived well, (and) had an excellent education.18 Clearly there are contradictions in the Geniza evidence, and
a generalization such as the one just mentioned does not tell the entire story.
The crucial question may be asked whether Jewish conditions as described in
the Geniza can be assumed to have validity for Muslim society as a whole. This
appears generally to be the case. The practice of the crafts and professions and
the rewards for it in the urban setting was not essentially different whether
members of the Muslim majority or minority groups were involved. Considerable hesitation seems, however, to be called for in the special case of the study
and practice of medicine. Both Christians and Jews enjoyed an unusual reputation as physicians. Consequently, physicians in turn can be expected to have
occupied a highly visible position in their communities. It is well possible that
the poorer sort of physician was less conspicuously represented among them.
Physicians may by and large have constituted a materially more favored element within minority groups than in the world at large.
The medical establishment in Islam also harbored physicians who worked
only part-time in the profession and gained only part of their livelihood from
it. Here we have another problem for the assessment of the material position
of physicians in society. A continuous, and at times very intensive, effort was
made to establish and enforce professional standards. It was nonethe|less not
too difficult to learn the craft from a few textbooks and to function quite competently when circumstances made such a course economically attractive. The
great medical writer from eleventh-century Egypt, Ibn Riwn, is an outstanding if exceptional example of how effective and successful medical self-study
17
18
S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1967), I, 78. See also n. 4 above.
A.L. Motzkin, A thirteenth-century Jewish physician in Jerusalem, The Muslim World,
1970, 60: 349.
483
1034
484
could be. Ibn Riwn appears to have devoted himself full-time to the practice
of medicine in the sense that from a certain period of his life on, his principal
income was derived from it. It is noteworthy, though, how often the great
men of medicine, those who made the biographical dictionaries, are described
and known as having excelled not only in medicine but in a variety of other
disciplines. No doubt this reflects the well-known fact that physicians were
supposed to live up to the highest intellectual standards of their times, and
this required a good acquaintance with an established canon of subjects. In
the case of many leading physicians, it is, however, not at all certain that
the practice of medicine was their principal source of income. Doubts in this
respect are especially pertinent when we are dealing with men who were not
members of a minority religion but were Muslims and had family ties to the
ruling scholarly establishment. The class to which traditional scholars as a rule
belonged had its economic base in commercial enterprise. Even after they had
achieved rank and position, scholars were often deriving additional income
from commercial investments within or outside their own families. Thus, it
comes hardly as a surprise to us when we are told about the late twelfth-century
physician Ra-ad-dn ar-Rab that he liked commerce.19 Some more detail is
given about a slightly younger contemporary of ar-Rab, named Kaml-ad-dn
al-im. He, too, liked commerce. Not only that, he also made most of his living
from it. This was quite necessary, since he is said to have had an aversion to
making money from the practice of medicine. This aversion probably resulted
from religious scruples, but we are not told what his motivation was and thus
cannot be sure.20 He even went so far as to treat hospital patients free, although
doctors rendering hospital service usually did so on a salary basis. It may be
added that al-ims case turned out to be not very different from those of
other volunteer workers then as well as now. After a while, he permitted himself
to be persuaded to be put on the | payroll and to draw a salary for his services
just as his colleagues did. He continued to do so till the day he died. These
men seem to have been exceptions. It was comparatively rare for practicing
physicians to have close ties to the Muslim scholarly class. Many followed in the
footsteps of their fathers and forefathers who had practiced medicine before
19
20
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, op. cit. (n. 6 above), II, 194.

Ibid., II, 201. Cf. Burzs statement, below, p. 488 [p. 1039 below. Ed.]. It may be mentioned
that the ninth-century ar-Ruhw, in the last chapter of his Adab a-abb, appears to
have insisted that physicians work full time and if they cannot earn enough, give up their
practice. Cf. the rather opaque translation by M. Levey, Medical Ethics of Medieval Islam
(Philadelphia, 1967), Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc., 57 (3), 93f. Cf. also C. Brgel in Sudhoffs Arch.,
1966, 50: 360.
1035
them, and most chose the practice of medicine as a career that would provide
for their livelihood, presumably on a level that by and large did not exceed that
of the average shopkeeper.
Indirect evidence as to the economic position of physicians and their ability to make a living from the practice of medicine comes from the seamy
fringes, the realm of quacks and charlatans. The numerous references to their
existence and stories about them make it appear to have been a very large
realm indeed. The respectable writers on medicine professed to know about
them and warned against them. They were a constant subject of grave concern to the authorities charged with the control of honesty and fair dealing
in the crafts and in commerce. One might easily get the impression that charlatans were common and even outnumbered bona fide physicians. However,
this impression may be deceptive. There is no hard information that would
allow us to gauge the actual extent of charlatanry. We can be sure that there
was no dearth of ignorant and unqualified physicians. Considering the general state of medicine at the time, this could hardly have been otherwise. But
there is a vast difference between lack of ability and outright fraud. While the
results may be equally unfortunate in either case, in a sociological context the
distinction must be preserved. It was customary for writers on medical deontology to start out with bitter complaints about the situation that existed in their
times. They complained that medicine was in a state of decay, and things were
quite different from what they had allegedly been in an earlier age. Physicians
now no longer live up to the high standards of professional ethics and professional competence. Following the precedent of the Pseudo-Hippocratic Nomos,
reference was made to contemporary physicians as physicians in name only,
and not physicians in reality.21 Physicians were of course not the only ones
to make such complaints; all scholars made them with respect to their particular disciplines. The complaint about the times was a favorite topic. Such
statements were often conventional and, like all other medical deontology in
Islam, continued a tradition inherited from Hellenism. They reflect common
human psychol|ogy. Their truth, or untruth, would seem to be something that
can hardly ever be objectively decided.
Tradition and convention also played a large role in another area where we
are tempted to look for further information on the distinction between genuine
physicians and quacks. A special small niche in Arabic literature, in particular
within the vast structure of Arabic poetry, was reserved for the praise of the
21
Cf. Ibn Riwn, F t-taarruq bi--ibb il s-sadah, Ms. Istanbul Hekimoghlu Ali Pasha 691,
fol. 121b; F. Rosenthal, op. cit. (below n. 36), 184.
485
1036
good physician and the blame of the bad physician. The topic was popular and
much savored. If, for instance, a Christian physician bore the name of s, i.e.,
Jesus, and if the poet who was treated by that s was not satisfied with his
services, his muse might inspire him to rhyme:
Doctor s, please, show pity!You are Noahs deadly deluge.
Separating soul from bodyis your treatments only purpose.
Doctor s, the physicianand Christ, s, the Messiahhave, indeed,
nothing in common.
While the latter, Scripture tells us,had the dead restored to new life,
You are quite a diffrent s.You are here to kill the healthy.22
The imagery, it may be noted, is conventional. The poet quite possibly made up
the entire incident. Another poet who lavished praise upon an efficient physician named Ibrhm may, or may not, have had in mind an actual occasion, but
he was a bit more original in his imagery:
Ibrhm excels in his medical knowledge so much
That he is rightly called the true heir to medical science.
There are many who have wiped out or obscured its wide track,
Whereas he stands out as the man who will follow and clear it.
With the subtlety of his thinking he gives the impression
To be acting between blood and flesh as a calm mediator.
When the soul is annoyed with the body that it inhabits,
The good doctor succeeds in arranging a truce between them.23
486
Whether it is praise or blame, we are dealing with a traditional subject. And

again, we have to look for its roots in Classical Antiquity, in those centuries
of late Hellenistic civilization preceding the coming of Islam. Late Greek and
Byzantine anthologies such as those of Stobaeus and Pseudo-|Maximus Con-
22
23
The verses were reported by ath-Thalib, Yatmah (Damascus, 1304/18861887), I, 218. The
poet is uncertain. The verses were quoted by ash-Sharsh, Shar al-Maqmt al-arryah
(Cairo, 1306/1889), in the name of Ab Nar b. Kushjim, whom the Yatmah mentions in
this connection apparently as a son of the well-known poet Kushjim. From ash-Sharsh,
the verses were taken over in the collection of Kushjims poetry by Khayryah M. Maf,
Dwn Kushjim (Baghdd, 1390/1970), 128 f. It may be noted that Kushjim wrote a long
poem in praise of his physician; see Dwn Kushjim, 173175.
Ath-Thlib, op. cit. (n. 22 above), I, 507. The poet appears to have been as-Sar ar-Raff.
The word soul here and in the preceding verses is, translated more literally, spirit.
1037
fessor24 follow the same literary pattern and reveal a similar intellectual attitude in their chapters devoted to medicine and physicians. The positive side
is pretty much neglected. Most of the information is either neutral or outright
negative. Human psychology is no doubt more responsible for this than are
the facts of the situation. Literary circles considered it more fashionable and
rewarding to make fun of physicians than praise them. Muslim littrateurs did
not differ in this respect from their Hellenistic predecessors. The poets among
them relished malicious satire, especially when it entailed no real risks, and
seized every opportunity to show off their biting wit. But whatever attention
was paid by them to physicians, was directed toward the upper layers of the
profession. The physicians they had in mind as a rule were, it would seem,
the highly reputed and supposedly well qualified physicians of the well-to-do.
Their criticism was not directed against charlatanry. Much as we may regret
it, it affords no clue as to the possible prevalence of fraudulent practitioners.
In fact, we cannot really prove that quackery was quantitatively much more
prevalent in Muslim society than it has been in more modern times. It probably loomed large in the minds of medieval men fearful as they perforce were
of disease, and their fears may have led to exaggeration and distortion. Moreover, quackery can be assumed to be in direct proportion to the general level
of education. It was high in Islam for its time, but the number of individuals
whose educational level made them easy marks for charlatans was naturally
very large.
Not surprisingly, quackery was a lucrative business where it went unchecked.
You might sell, we are told, a medicine that guaranteed the preservation of
healthy teeth and helped to eliminate bad mouth odor, incidentally a much
discussed subject and the butt of numerous jokes. Small wonder, then, that you
could make sixty to seventy silver dirhams a day selling it, not counting assorted
copper coins.25 Hawking a kind of paste or cake that served as a general tonic
and had the additional virtue of being able to allay the pangs of hunger for
twelve hours would always be profitable business, but in a period of famine
and inflation, it could bring in no less than three hundred dirhams a day.26
These figures were most probably exaggerated by the enterprising salesmen
24
25
26
Stobaeus, V, 898901, in the edition of C. Wachsmuth and O. Hense, and Pseudo-Maximus

Confessor, Patrologia Graeca, XCI, 947950.
E. Wiedemann, ber Charlatane, Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch-medizinischen Soziett in Erlangen, 1911, 43: 225f., from the Kashf al-asrr of the thirteenth-century al-Jawbar
(cf. S. Wild, in Proceedings of the VIth Congress of Arabic and Islamic Studies, 5863 [Kungl.
Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Filologisk-filosofiska serien, XV, 1975]).
Wiedemann, op. cit. (n. 25 above), 211.
1038
487
themselves or by the writer who reported them. | We are also unable to translate
the amounts given into anything approximating their true purchasing power.
Furthermore, the preparation that served to relieve the discomfort of hunger is
described as having been effective, as it might well have been. And while both
medicines had to do with matters that were considered the proper concern
of the practitioner, they were rather marginal from the medical point of view.
Thus we do not learn here very much about the comparative situation of
medicine vis--vis quackery, and it does not really matter that the sums of
money mentioned probably amounted on an annual basis to more than even
a prominent physician could expect to earn.
Numbers and economic rewards are essential factors to be considered for
determining the position of physicians in society. A word remains to be said
about the role in Muslim society that physicians created for themselves by
virtue of the extent and character of their special contribution to it. The Muslim
religion is notable for preaching social consciousness and demanding that the
believers follow its mandates. We would expect the social consciousness of
physicians to have gone beyond ordinary limits. What information do we have
on this point?
We have seen that the sources tend to highlight financial and social success.
We are more likely to have details about the few physicians who gained access
to high society than the many who were not that fortunate. Very rarely do we
find an express statement to the effect that a physician kept away on purpose
from entering the service of an important personage when the opportunity was
offered to him.27 The rewards of social success were great. Occasionally it provided a valuable sinecure, even though few court physicians could have been as
lucky as one of those employed by the Ayybid sultan of Egypt, al-Malik al-dil,
who died in 1218 at the age of about seventy-three years. That physician claimed
rather smugly that he had been eating the sultans bread for many years, and
the sultan had made use of his services just once, for a single day.28 Under normal conditions, fees were tailored to the patients ability to pay. A prominent
eye surgeon was willing to do a cataract operation for practically nothing on
the assumption that the patient was unable to pay the full fee. He changed
his mind and refused to go through with the operation when he learned that
27
28
Ibn Juljul, abaqt al-aibb wa-l-ukam, ed. Fud Sayyid (Cairo, 1955). 104, with reference to Sad b. Abd-ar-Ramn Ibn Abd-Rabbih, a nephew of the famous Spanish
littrateur Ibn Abd-Rabbih. Ibn Juljul is quoted by Ibn Ab Uaybiah (op. cit., n. 6 above),
II, 44.
C. Cahen, op. cit. (n. 15 above), III.
1039
the patient had | more money than he had solemnly sworn he had.29 An early
autobiography claiming to embody the wisdom of a pre-Islamic sixth-century
Persian, Burz, tells us that a man may study medicine for four purposes: to
make money, to live the good life, to acquire rank and fame, or to assure for
himself lasting bliss in the other world. Such bliss was the greatest reward to
come to a physician. One way of assuring it for oneself was to treat all sick persons without accepting any recompensation.30 Such religious motivation for
medical charity was probably less prominent in Islam than it was in medieval
Europe, even if the somewhat dubious exception mentioned before was nothing unique, and physicians treating patients, whether in hospitals or elsewhere,
sometimes did not expect to be paid. We do not have any concrete information
on the amount of charity work done by physicians. However much it was, it
must have been little as compared to the needs of the large numbers of those
who could not afford medical attention, since the vast majority of the population lived from hand to mouth with little to spare for extra expenditures. It
is clear, however, that the moral imperative to treat all sick Muslims without
regard to their social or financial status was very much alive. A hospital charter stressed the point that that hospital should be open not only to the poor
but also to the rich,31 though there were precious few rich people ever to be
found in hospitalswhich certainly leaves no doubt that no financial distinctions should be made.
Practically no social distinctions are apparent in the many case histories
we hear about. The great ar-Rz has left us a collection of mujarrabt, that
is, medicines tested in actual cases. His collection includes some 650 cases of
men, women, and children. The patients came in person to see the doctor, or
they wrote to him, or they had their complaints transmitted by somebody else,
or they complained in a manner not further specified.32 Presumably only the
more interesting cases were listed and, although this is not stated expressly,
only those where the prescribed medication proved effective. Thus the number
of 650 can be extrapolated into a rather large practice. At any rate, it would seem
29
30
31
32
Ibn Juljul, op. cit. (n. 27 above), 81 f.; quoted by Ibn Ab Uaybiah, op. cit. (n. 6 above), I,
230.
From Ibn al-Muqaffas preface to his translation of Kallah wa-Dimnah, quoted from
T. Nldekes German translation by F. Rosenthal, Die arabische Autobiographie, in Analecta Orientalia (Roma, 1937), XIV, 10 f.
Ahmad s Bey, Tarkh al-bmristt f l-Islm (Damascus 1347/1929 [rather, 1358/1940]),
138, with reference to the Manr Hospital in Cairo. Rich and poor means everybody.
The poor are referred to in the charter more explicitly.
Kitb at-Tajrib, MS Istanbul, Topkapisarayi, Ahmet III, 1975.
488
1040
489
that practically all of the patients were ordinary | people, and we may assume
that there were also some really poor people among them, though whether they
were charity cases remains doubtful.
Drugs appear to have been rather expensive, quite apart from the fact that
compound medicines were considered the more likely to be effective, the more
complicated and containing rare ingredients, and thus the more expensive,
they were. Precise data on the prices charged, especially retail prices, are few.
The vast pharmacological literature is not very likely to contain any, although
some may show up in future studies. Drugs and spices were important items
of commerce, and there is hope that more documents than those known so far
will be discovered. There are sad disappointments. An interesting letter from
the eleventh or twelfth century deals with the purchase of drugs, but as far
as prices are concerned, it restricts itself to giving the good advice to buy the
drugs at the proper prices.33 A papyrus appears to indicate prices but has so
far not been satisfactorily deciphered.34 The Geniza as studied by Goitein will
probably remain the most important source of information. It can be assumed
that patients often found drugs expensive and beyond their means. Physicians,
too, were concerned with the high prices of drugs. Medical writers wrote special
treatises on medicines for the poor, offering, it seems, advice on the less costly
medicines.35
Public health care on a large scale was clearly beyond the resources of
individual physicians. Governmental action and public financial support were
required. The charitable precepts of Islam, combined with the Classical tradition of the rulers moral and practical obligation to take care of the health of his
subjects,36 created the necessary climate. It was, however, upon the urging of
physicians that major steps to transform theory into reality were undertaken.
The famous tenth-century report on bringing medical services to rural areas
and to prisoners held in jail is a good example of cooperation between the gov-
33
34
35
36
A. Dietrich, Zum Drogenhandel im islamischen gypten (Heidelberg, 1954; Verffentlichungen aus der Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung, Neue Folge, I). Among the medical documents referred to by Dietrich, one published by A. Grohmann, in Archiv Orientlni, 1935,
7: 439, merely asks for information about the price of some potion. A papyrus in the
Viennese collection gives the price for one drug; another papyrus seems to contain more
data.
G. Levi Della Vida, A druggists account, Archaeologica Orientalia (n. 7 above), 150155.
For Ibn al-Jazzrs work on the subject, cf. C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen
Litteratur, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 19431949), I, 274; M. Ullman, op. cit. (n. 1 above), 148.
Cf. al-Mubashshir, as quoted in F. Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam (London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), 35.
1041
ernment and the medical profession.37 It has always been praised very highly,
and rightly so. However, reforms | suggested are not always reforms realized,
and this appears to apply to this report. The only safe conclusion it allows us
to draw is that medical attention was not available in prisons, quite apart from
the presumably dismal medical situation in rural regions. We have some information about what prison conditions were, or were supposed to be; it tells us
about the existence of prison chaplains, but nothing is said about medical services provided for prisoners.38
The noblest expression of the deep concern of medieval Muslim society with
matters of public health was a highly developed hospital system, a network
of urban institutions with large staffs, providing numerous services and frequently having teaching facilities attached to them. Here again, it was the physicians who took the initiative and laid the groundwork. The eleventh-century
Zhid al-ulam tells us, for instance, how he persuaded his ruler to found a
hospital as a reward for the successful cure of the rulers daughter from a severe
illness.39 Hospitals were completely dependent upon outside endowment support. What usually happened was that the initial endowment became insufficient or was dissipated after a rather short time. This made for progressive
deterioration of the original lofty conception of what a good hospital should be
like. But hospitals continued to be founded wherever government stability and
general prosperity permitted. Apparently there was always willing cooperation
on the part of physicians, and no dissent on their part on personal economic
grounds.40
I have tried here to marshall representative samples of the evidence we have,
or can expect to obtain, from literary sources, for the position of physicians as
a group in medieval Muslim society. Economically, it was, to all appearances, a
group comparable to that of the storekeeper/merchant class, with, of course, a
number of exceptions. Numerically, medical men naturally constituted a small
percentage of the population, numbering, even at the best of times, less than
one-third of one percent in some exceptionally favored location. They were a
37
38
39
40
Al-Qif, op. cit. (n. 9 above), 193f.; Ibn Ab Uaybiah, op. cit. (n. 6 above), I, 221.
F. Rosenthal, The Muslim Concept of Freedom (Leiden: Brill, 1960), 62 [p. 77 above. Ed.].
Ibn Ab Uaybiah, op. cit. (n. 6 above), I, 253. The monograph of the Zhid al-ulam on
the history of hospitals is unfortunately not preserved: at least no manuscript of the work
has as yet been noted in the literature.
The government, however, was advised to avoid spending too much money on public
health services. Cf. the early ninth-century frstenspiegel still admired by Ibn Khaldn
more than five centuries later, The Maqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal (New York: Bollingen
Series XLIII, 1958: Princeton University Press, 1967), II, 153.
490
1042
491
special element also for cultural reasons. Medical theorists were convinced of
the truth of the Hellenistic idea of the inseparability of medicine and philosophy. During the first two centuries of | Abbsid rule, philosophy was the
slogan of the elite, and the intellectual alliance of medicine with philosophy
generally added to the reputation of its practitioners. The alliance was always
shaky; soon, it became a constantly growing danger to the physicians societal
standing. The word philosophythat is, Greek philosophywas anathema
to the masses and their leaders. If nineteenth-century Western medicine had
allied itself with philosophy, then at the pinnacle of the cultural hierarchy,
before science, the current frontrunner, took over, the damage to the standing of medicine in society would no doubt have been incalculable. Yet, it could
hardly have been as great as it was in medieval Islam where the very word philosophy was in a sense suspect.
Another special aspect of the medical profession was its continuing interfaith character. With the growing retrenchment of the Jewish and Christian
positions and the hardening of the Islamic character of Muslim society, this,
too, lost more and more of its positive social significance.
Then, since the top of the profession depended upon upper-class patronage,
medical prestige and influence contracted with the growing fragmentation of
the Muslim world. This applies to the Muslim world before 1500; thereafter,
conditions changed again. However, the significance of this factor was less
specific since a general lowering of material standards was involved, with the
relative position of physicians left largely unchanged.
What influenced that position most in the course of history was the fact
that it was not altogether possible or desirable for physicians to fit themselves
comfortably into the dominant religious and legal framework of Islam. They
tried hard not to sell their souls, and they kept medicine, in the words of the
eleventh-century Christian physician Ibn Buln, the most useful of crafts
and the most profitable of enterprises,41 that is, the craft and science most
beneficial for individuals as well as a society somewhat ambivalent about the
place it had to assign to it.
41
At the beginning of his Dawat al-aibb.
viii.15
Significant Uses of Arabic Writing*
50
On the fifteenth day of October of the year 1351, the well-known Shfiite
jurist and author, Taq-ad-dn as-Subk, released a legal opinion in reply to the
following question addressed to him:
What is your opinion concerning a mans placing his foot upon a carpet
into which there are woven some letters of the alphabet arranged in
meaningful words such as blessing, bliss, enduring strength? Is it
permissible for a man to step on the portions of the carpet where these
words are found?1
In his reply, as-Subk is inclined to consider it forbidden for a man to step on
such a carpet, although he says he is unable to offer sufficiently strong proof
for his opinion. Decisive proof would be necessary because an express prohibition by the Lawgiver, or reasoning based on sound analogy, is required in order
to declare something forbidden. He has no doubt, however, that he is dealing
with something that is to be classified as disapproved. There are people who
do consider it forbidden on the strength of the argument that every letter of
the alphabet is indicative of one of Gods most beautiful names. However, this
argument is not specific enough. Then, there are those speculations of the science of letters, attributing magical and physical properties to individual letters.
Some of those speculations are clearly sinful and classified as disapproved; others he has found through his own experience to be untrue.
Since these arguments cannot be used to decide the question, as-Subk bases
his opinion on an argument which runs somewhat as follows. The Qurn refers
to God repeatedly as the Creator of everything. The letters of the alphabet are
to be included in the | expression everything. They are sections of the sound
* The following pages contain a 20 minute lecture presented at the meeting of the American
Oriental Society in Ann Arbor in April 1959, during a symposium on the uses of writing.
Except, of course, for the footnotes (and the fact that during delivery of the lecture some
passages were shortened or omitted by me in order to stay within the allotted time limit), the
text of the lecture is printed here much as it was delivered. It is hoped that it will be judged
for what it isa brief and, of necessity, incomplete outline of a very large subject, a lecture
meant to be heard and not to be read.
1 1 Fatw, II, 563565.
51
1044
52
complexes that are accidents of the bodies created by the Lord; thus, they are
created together with them in the second or third place. Everything created by
God has its specific purpose. This purpose must be taken into consideration by
man whenever he uses something. It is inherent in the thing by virtue of the act
of creation, or it is fixed by the religious law. Any improper use of something
is permissible only if sanctioned by the Lawgiver. The Prophetic traditions
include the story of the cow that spoke up and protested against being used
for riding purposes. Anyone who argues that a cow can be used for riding must
bring special proof for his contention, or he may use the argument that riding
on them was one of the secondary purposes for which cows were created, even
if their primary and obvious purpose, which is always stressed, is that they
be used for plowing. Hence, the lettersand here we can observe the almost
universal failure of mediaeval scholars to make a clear-cut distinction between
sound and letterwere created in order to produce, by means of their proper
arrangement, the word of God and Muammad and of the other prophets and
the angels as well as other necessary, desirable, or permissible utterances. There
can be no doubt as to the correctness of the assumption that the fact that the
letters are used for the production of something necessary or desirable makes
it obligatory upon human beings to honor and reverence them. In the opinion
of lawyers, a piece of paper containing the name of God cannot be used for
writing on it secular stories or the like.2 In this case, of course, the situation
is clear since the name of God is involved. But what if it is a case of ordinary
letters that could be used for producing any word in the world? In this case, it
is still possible to make a case for a similar prohibition, since it is not necessary
to prove the complete identity of two cases but merely to prove the fact that
they share certain legal characteristics (causa legis).
An objection may be raised, his argument continues, to the effect that the
same letters that are used to indicate good and holy words may be used to
indicate evil words and words of unbelief. While this is true, it must be stated
that the letters were created for the former purpose. Like anything else, they
may be employed by human beings to serve either their proper purpose or a
contrary purpose.
In the latter case, however, we are dealing with an unjust and improper
action which as such is to be classified as forbidden. In this sense, some scholars
have gone so far as to wash each time before touching a piece of paper. Paper
can be used for writing down either good words or evil words. However, the
2 1 Some examples of the reverence shown by pious men for pieces of paper that may contain
the name of God, in H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele, 295, 270 (Leiden 1955).
significant uses of arabic writing
1045
true purpose for which it was created and for which it must be reverenced is for
writing on it the Qurn, the Prophetic traditions, and all other useful kinds of
knowledge. Were a man to step upon a piece of paper upon which nothing had
as yet been written, intentionally and in full knowledge of the fact that all paper
must be reverenced, his action could be classified as a forbidden one. The same
applies to the letters of the alphabet. Those who know the purpose for which
the letters were created are not permitted to step on them. This admits making
an exception for persons ignorant of the purpose of writing, in conformity with
the widely accepted legal view that only knowledge of the fact that an action is
forbidden makes its commission a crime.
Therefore, as-Subk concludes, only those who are aware of the facts concerning the true purpose of writing as stated here commit a crime when they
step on such letters as are found on the carpet. However, though it may not
always be a crime, it could in any case be considered as forbidden, and the person ignorant of the situation should be taught to know better.
This summary of as-Subks legal opinion may serve, I believe, as a competent
guide through the vast field of writing in Islam. The practical uses of the Arabic
script have never been subject to any limitation. Arabic writing was used to
perpetuate the word of God and all conceivable forms of literary and scientific
endeavor, from the loftiest thought down to the strictly utilitarian notations of
the merchant and the idle scribblings of vulgar hands on the walls of houses
and rooms. It proved no less able than other types of writing to denote a
great variety of languages and to furnish transliteration signs sufficient for
the occasional fixation in writing of foreign sounds. Against the full weight
of a powerful literary tradition, it has also been able, when called upon, to
express widely divergent forms of Arabic speech, with as much or as little
success as similar efforts undertaken, for instance, within the English system
of writing. What, we may ask, is peculiar to, or remarkable in, the use of writing
in Islam?
One aspect, in particular, is suggested and strongly emphasized by as-Subks
reflections. That is, the sacred character of writing in Islam. At the same time,
as-Subk makes it clearand he is certainly right in making this distinction
that the sacredness of writing should be considered as something different
from the magical power that was widely believed to be possessed by writing.
It is true that both sacredness and magical power were early and inseparable properties of writing. It is also true that letter magic was widely practiced
throughout Muslim history and the theory of specific properties inherent in the
letters was accepted as a possibly valid explanation of the mysteries of nature
even by some of the best minds produced by Muslim civilization. However, the
53
1046
54
sacredness of writing in Islam was something more historically effective and

more basically and profoundly Islamic. It had its origin in the importance that
the Qurn attributed to the possession of written books by a religious community, and it was intimately connected with the early Islamic discussion of the
meaning of the concept word of God as it affected the recitation and written
reproduction of the Qurn. From the very beginning all this revolved, specifically, around the Arabic language and Arabic writing and made both integral
components of the Muslim religion, a role which naturally assumed ever larger
proportions when Muslim civilization came to favor more and more its religious aspects and institutions. Arabic writing, even more so than the language,
became a sacred symbol of Islam.
The reason why writing outdistanced language as a religious symbol is easily
explained from historical circumstances. In the first powerful burst of energy,
the Arab Muslims succeeded in displacing the languages of quite a few territories and eventually supplanting them with their own. This was an astonishing
feat, considering the comparatively small number of speakers of Arabic and
the fact that they were originally no bearers of a higher civilization. The main
resistance to Arabic, in fact, came from long-established administrative institutions closely connected with the civilizations of the subject peoples, and it
took about half a century to overcome that resistance. Soon, time, space, and
numbers did their job of weakening the original impetus so that it was no
longer possible to influence additional masses of speakers of foreign tongues in
ever more remote territories and to require of them the tremendous sacrifice
of giving up their own languages. On the other hand, the sacrifice of changing scripts was much more easily accomplished. It has been alleged that | the
Arabic script is not particularly suited to express the sounds of the languages
that came to adopt it. However, at the time the change to Arabic writing was
made, the native scripts were often greatly inferior to Arabic in most technical
aspects. The switch to Arabic writing meant a break with the past, of course,
but it did not entail any great practical loss and actually made literacy easier.
In Muslim civilization, writing thus became a sacred religious symbol of the
first order. In consequence, the various religious groups other than Muslim
which lived within the boundaries of Islam adhered zealously to their particular scripts while willingly changing languages. There is no real evidence from
the pre-Islamic Orient to indicate the prevalence of writing over language as a
religious symbol, even though sacredness attached to writing from the earliest
times, and religious groups naturally tended to develop their own type of writing to be used for their original languages. In Islam, sacredness became a characteristic element in writing. Its presence and effect were not only felt but also
1047
discussed and analyzed. To this day, radical reforms of writing are widely felt to
constitute a break with a tradition that possesses the aura of religious sanctity.3
The feelings aroused by religious awe are not basically different from the emotions stimulated by mans artistic instincts. As-Subks legal opinion centers
around the fact that writing was used in Islam as a form of artistic expression.
The extraordinary interest in calligraphy we encounter in Muslim civilization
is indeed as well known as it is remarkable. Writing was widely used as a decorative element in architecture and in connection with small objects including
carpets, textiles, and a wide range of different utensils. The calligraphic execution of manuscripts and documents was a highly esteemed form of art. Numerous varieties of the Arabic script were created, among them some using leaf and
flower motifs for embellishment, and again others of a zoomorphical character,
using letters in the form of animals, mainly birds. A rather extensive literature
on calligraphy was produced, of which a large part has been preserved.
This literature makes no effort to gloss over the fact that its primary purpose
was practical. Books on writing were meant to serve utilitar|ian ends. They were
published in order to help government officials whose main equipment was a
thorough command of the written word, and they prepared those officials for
success in an often highly lucrative profession. Therefore, this literature stresses
the full range of technical know-how required by an accomplished penman, to
the virtual exclusion of anything else. It also displays an understandable tendency to link up calligraphy with intellectual pursuits rather than aesthetic and
artistic-emotional notions. However, there can be no doubt whatever that calligraphy also served to satisfy the artistic needs of human nature in Islam. One
of the writers on calligraphy, Ibn Durustawayh (d. 958), said that in addition
to the technical and utilitarian aspects to which he restricted his book, there
also existed, as another important but different aspect, ornamental writing on
paper and stone (tawr, naqsh).4
Overwhelming evidence for the emotional-artistic element in Muslim calligraphy is furnished by its very character. The infinite pains that were taken in
order to develop new and more beautiful forms of writing point in the same
direction. Then there are occasional remarks that express aesthetic appreciation of writing in deeply felt emotional terms.5 We find comparisons of writing
3 1 A bitter denunciation of those who wish to replace Persian with Roman characters for the
writing of Urdu from a Pakistani newspaper (al-Islam, Vol. 6, No. 5 [Karachi, March 1, 1959]),
is a timely illustration and corroboration of the above statement.
4 1 Cf. Ibn Durustawayh, 2nd ed., 6 (Beirut 1927).
5 2 Since the sources contain little on aesthetic appreciation, the secondary literature also has
55
1048
with objects of recognized beauty and emotional appeal, such as jewelry, flowers, gardens, and textiles. The sphere of more intimate emotions is touched
when a beautiful handwriting is described as giving joy to the heart and pleasure to the eye,6 or when the sense of smell, so highly refined in the East, is
invoked and ink is compared to perfume,7 and a poet could say that
Saffron is the perfume of maidens,
And ink is the perfume of men.8
56
Here we also have an example of the significant connection of calligraphy with

erotic emotions which had become firmly established at the very latest in early
Abbsid times. Tears upon the cheeks of | chaste young women are no more
beautiful than tears of the pen in a manuscript, was a saying attributed to a
secretary of the caliph, al-Mamn.9 Especially in love poetry, the comparison
of bodily features with letters of the alphabet became a standard ingredient of
the poetic imagery. The beloveds hair curling about the temples was compared
to a qf at each end of a line,10 or to the graceful curvature of the tail of the letter
r.11 Or it might suggest to the poet the shape of the letter nn, and a mole on
the cheek of the beloved would then naturally be compared to the dot on top
of the nn.12 The budding moustache might be likened to half of the letter d
as penned by a skilled writer.13 All such beauty attested to the majesty of the
divine scribe.14
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
little on it. An exception we may mention here is A Survey of Persian Art, edited by
A.U. Pope. The second volume of the Survey deals with calligraphy. It would seem wrong,
though, to claim every expression of admiration for particular specimens of handwriting
as indicative of an appreciation of handwriting as a form of art in the sense we have in
mind.
3 Cf. at-Tawds short treatise on calligraphy, published in Ars Islamica, XIIIXIV (1948),
19, no. 93.
4 Al-Tawd, op. cit., 17, no. 71.
5 Al-Mward, 37 (Cairo 1315).
1 At-Tawd, op. cit., 12, no. 30.
2 Ibn Ab Awn, Tashbht, 250. Comparisons making use of individual letters (in contrast to
general comparisons with writing [below, p. 58, n. 1]), are said to appear first in the poetry
of Dh r-Rummah. Cf. C. Brockelmann, GAL, Supplement, I, 87f.
3 Ibn Ab Awn, Tashbht, p. 251.
4 Ibn Ab Awn, Tashbht, 251, and a-l, 60.
5 Ibn Ab Awn, Tashbht, 253. A number of examples were collected by a-afad, Ghayth
I, 77 f. Occasionally, the idea was carried a bit too far; cf., for instance, al-alab, 80.
6 Al-Imd al-Ifahn, Khardat al-qar (Syrian poets), 189 (Damascus 1375/1955), where
jalla l-ktib, majestic is the scribe, evidently refers to God.
1049
Even love union could be symbolized by the shape of a letter, in this case the
ligature of the letters lm and alif, written, as they are, closely entwined:
I saw you in my dream embracing me
Like as the lm of the scribe embraces the alif.
This verse was often quoted, and the simile underwent numerous variations
at the hands of successive poets.15 The same letters lm-|alif, read as a word,
15
7 References to the original verse were collected by Abd-al-Azz al-Mayman and H. Ritter
in their respective editions of al-Bakr, Sim, I, 578, and Abd-al-Qhir al-Jurjn, Asrr
al-balghah, 185, trans., 221 f.
The name of the author of the verse is variously given: (1) Bakr b. an-Naa, according
to a-l, 62; Aghn, XVII, 155. (2) Bakr b. Khrijah, according to al-Askar, Man, I,
243; al-Bakr, Sim, I, 578; ash-Sharsh, II, 114 (31st maqmah) (= Cairo 1306, II, 98f.). (3)
Ab Bakr al-Muwaswas, according to Iqd, III, 227 (= Cairo 1305, III, 248). (4) Anonymous,
according to al-Ql, Aml, I, 226 (= Cairo 1373, I, 223); al-Jurjn, Wasah, 184 (not
seen, quoted from Abd-al-Qhir al-Jurjn, Asrr al-balghah, trans., 221f.); Abd-al-Qhir
al-Jurjn, loc. cit.
The metaphor of lm-alif indicating close embrace (naqa, itanaqa, also aafa,
talq) is used mainly in connection with love union, but also for close friendship and,
once (Ibn al-Jawz), for greedily hugging the material goods of this world: Ibn al-Mutazz,
in Ibn Ab Awn, Tashbht, 367; Ab l-Mu Dh l-Qarnayn, in ath-Thalib, Yatmah,
I, 64, and Ibn Khallikn, III, 33; al-asan b. Al b. Ab Jardah, in Yqt, Irshd, XVI, 15,
in the life of the historian Ibn al-Adm; Umrah al-Yaman, 59; al-Qaysarn, in Khardat al-qar (Syrian poets), 137, and al-Khafj, 101; Muammad b. Abdallh b. al-Farr, cf.
A.R. Nykl, Hispano-Arabic Poetry, 258 (Baltimore 1946), and idem, Selections from HispanoArabic Poetry, 172 (Beirut 1949); Ibn al-Jawz, Mudhish, 555; Ab Jafar al-Ilbr al-Bar, in
al-Maqqar, Analectes, I, 931.
In a prose context the metaphor of lm-alif is used to illustrate extraordinary promptness in fulfilling ones promises; cf. Tarkh Baghdd, XII, 479. As the title of a book, we
find it in an early work on love, ad-Daylams Af al-alif al-malf al l-lm al-maf ; cf.
GAL, Supplement, I, 359, and R. Walzer, in JRAS, 1939, 407ff. I had no opportunity to check
grammatical monographs on alif-lm.
The locks of the beloved are compared to lm and alif by Ab Tammm, Dwn, 462.
Cf. also Dk-al-jinn, in al-Askar, Man, I, 247.
Walking unsteadily is compared to writing lm-alif on the road in verses ascribed to
the Umayyad poet Ab n-Najm al-Ijl (GAL, Supplement, I, 90); cf. a-l, 61f.; ar-Rghib,
I, 61; al-Baghdd, Khiznat al-adab, I, 100; cf. F. Krenkow in A Volume of Oriental Studies
presented to E.G. Browne, 264 (Cambridge 1922). Lm-alif here is said not to refer to the
ligature, but to the two individual letters.
A Persian verse warns against disorderly companions, for alif becomes crooked
through consorting with lm; cf. H. Relandus, Enchiridion studiosi, 249 (Utrecht 1709).
57
1050
mean no, and thus we find a poet complaining about his sad fate as a rejected
lover:
The lm-shaped cheek and the alif-like straight figure of the beloved
Make definite reply to the question of the lover: lm-alif no!16
Fortunately, it was not always an unhappy message that the alphabeto-morphic
features of the beloved conveyed to the persistent lover:
The nn of the eyebrow and the ayn of the eyelids,
Together with the mm of the mouth, give the answer:
naam yes!17
58
All these and similar comparisons, which are extremely frequent in Arabic
poetry, seem tiresome and contrived to us because we do not attach any emotional significance to the shape of letters. Conversely, their popularity in Islam
is a strong confirmation of the hold exercised by calligraphy over Muslim emotions.
How did writing happen to occupy this particular place in Muslim civilization? It is hardly a satisfactory answer to say that since all forms of pictorial
representation were greatly curbed in Islam, art took refuge in calligraphy.18
There must have been something to | suggest that writing was a suitable outlet
for artistic creativity; thus, we are back where we started. It also would not do,
in my opinion, to derive Muslim calligraphy from the wonderment and admiration with which little-educated pre-Islamic Arabs considered the mystery of
writing.19 The truth is that Arabic writing originally showed extremely little
promise of developing into a form of art.
Nabataean writing, the predecessor of Arabic writing, even in the period
when the Nabataean state was flourishing and prosperous, could hardly be
called beautiful. Admittedly, judgments of this sort are wide open to subjective
criticism, and there may be some who would see a certain subtle elegance and
beauty in the elongated shapes of Nabataean letters. However, in its transition
to Arabic writing, Nabataean lost all the elegance and artistic refinement it
16
17
18
19
1 Al-Qayr (d. 1379), Dwn. Cf. also Ibn Juzayy, in al-Maqqar, Azhr ar-riy, III, 198.
2 Imd-ad-dn ad-Dunaysir, as quoted by Ibn Ab Uaybiah, II, 271.
3 C. Huart, Les Calligraphes et les miniaturistes de l Orient musulman, 2 (Paris 1908).
1 Cf., for instance, I. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, I, 110f., 174, II, 7f. (Halle 1889
1890).
1051
may have possessed. The earliest Arabic documents of writing exhibit, to say
the least, a most ungainly type of script.20 As a matter of fact, the history
of the Semitic alphabetic writing gives little evidence of artistic tendencies.
As a utilitarian and economic product, the Semitic alphabet shunned luxury
features and was much less of a natural starting point for artistic development
than, for instance, Egyptian or Chinese writing.
In Semitic epigraphy, Palmyrenian in its later stages shows a tendency
toward developing artistic forms, possibly under the influence of Greek epigraphic refinement. South Arabia was closer in time and culture to the beginnings and later history of Muslim civilization. Epigraphic monuments in the
South Arabian alphabet show the highest development of a true feeling for
form and symmetry, coupled with graceful simplicity, ever achieved in connection with a Semitic language, including, I believe, later Arabic writing.
As far as writing on soft material is concerned, we have at our disposal comparatively few documents from the pre-Islamic period on which to base our
judgment. Many outstanding specimens of unusual calligraphic skill may have
been lost. We have, for instance, the Aramaic documents from the Achaemenid
period, the rich finds from the Dead Sea, or the old Syriac manuscripts, to mention the most promising material for comparison. They all reveal a certain |
neatness and loving care in their execution, but whatever true artistic-emotional elements they may containand, in my opinion, they contain hardly
anywould seem to be unintentional. The Arabs cultural heritage did not
make calligraphy the natural choice for artistic expression among Muslims.
Whether or not outside models influenced the rapid rise of Muslim calligraphy is an open question. Non-Semitic influences are, of course, not excluded.
But Greek writing in Syria, as it must have appeared to the Muslims, was presumably not very impressive. The famous Manichaean predilection for fine
books may have influenced Muslim calligraphy somewhere along the line but
hardly at its early beginnings. On the other hand, in the environment of Semitic
speech, South Arabian epigraphy could easily have served as a major source of
inspiration, but the fact that the Muslims knew and admired South Arabian
writing is the only, and insufficient, evidence we have.
The most likely starting point for the phenomenal development of calligraphy in Islam would again seem to be the sacred character of writing. It not
only demanded the careful and exact execution of religious documents, but
20
2 Cf. the discussion between A. Jeffery and N. Abbott in The Moslem World, XXX (1940),
191 ff., and Ars Islamica, VIII (1941), 65 ff. It is the extremely rapid development of Arabic
calligraphy which obscures the fact of the original ungainliness of the writing.
59
1052
60
also led Muslims to see in writing an outlet for religious emotions and to discover in it the beauty of the divine and of the divine creation. From this starting
point, writing could have gained easily its position as an artistic medium on
every level of Muslim civilization. It maintained this position, favored by the
increasing religious intensity of later Muslim history. It was stimulated, perhaps, by non-Arab artistic impulses unduly repressed by Islam; however, the
rise of calligraphy was so early and rapid in Islam that the earliest generations
of Muslims must have participated in it. This also makes it unlikely that the
requirements of a powerful bureaucracy created Muslim calligraphy even if
they greatly contributed to its development and growth. At any rate, the fusion
of religion and art in Muslim calligraphy became a reality. To this day, the
tablets with the names of the Prophet and the four caliphs high up in the interior of Aya Sofya will not fail to impress everyone who looks at them intently as
religious emotion frozen by art and as being no less effective as a religious and
artistic experience than Western religious painting was in a different if related
medium.
A further noteworthy aspect of writing in Islam, which is also illustrated
by as-Subks fatw, is the fact already alluded to that writing as such, and
Arabic writing in particular, formed the subject of much theoretical discussion
and analysis among all kinds of scholars | and writers. Like the other aspects
of the use of writing in Islam mentioned here, this is not something peculiar
to Islam. However, the practice of writing, even where it is extensive, must
not necessarily be accompanied by elaborate speculations as to the meaning
and purpose of writing, its peculiar characteristics, or its limitations. This we
find in Muslim literature. Some of the points raised certainly deserve a few
words in this context, as indicative of the role played by writing in Muslim
civilization.
The limitation of the effectiveness of writing most commonly deplored by
Muslim scholars was peculiar to the Arabic script. As al-Brn, writing around
the middle of the eleventh century near the end of his long and fruitful life,
phrased it:
Arabic writing has a great drawback. It contains letters identical in their
forms. They are easily confused, and there results the need for diacritical
marks to distinguish those letters from each other, as well as the need for
ways and means to express the grammatical terminations at the ends of
words. Where these marks are omitted, the meaning becomes obscured.
In addition, it is a widespread custom among scribes to neglect the collation and checking of the correctness of the text of a manuscript. In view
of this situation, it often makes no difference whether a book on a certain
1053
subject does exist or does not, and reading such a book makes nobody the
wiser with respect to the subject matter it deals with.21
This and similar complaints confirm the fact that Muslim civilization depended on writing for the preservation and augmentation of its intellectual
heritage. This is a point that needs stressing inasmuch as the apparatus of Muslim scholarship gives the impression that the oral transmission of information
was valued very highly. The religious sciences, in particular, emphasized the
necessity of receiving information viva voce and considered the process of oral
transmission an indispensable guarantee for the correctness of the information received. The question whether instruction by a teacher or self-instruction
with the help of books made the better scholar was often discussed and usually decided in favor of the first alternative.22 However, writing was always
used, even in the disciplines that made a fetish of oral transmission and of
astonishingand no doubt | truefeats of memorizing. In fact, insistence
upon the paraphernalia of oral transmission became for wide circles a mere
pretense. Muslim scholarship always placed reliance upon the written word,
and it was this very circumstance that made it great. It was recognized that
there existed some technical limitations to writing which made it less accurate
in certain respects than oral transmission, but these were outweighed by the
durability and definiteness of written fixation. Muslim civilization was dominated by the written word as modern Western civilization was, and still is, by
its printed counterpart.
One of the special features of writing which we find discussed in Muslim literature as being of practical importance is the individual character of a persons
handwriting. The possibility of identifying individuals by their handwriting was
of particular importance in legal matters. The question was raised whether a
handwritten will that was not witnessed by other witnesses was valid. According to Ibn anbal, it was, provided the handwriting was known and could be
identified as that of the testator. A later anbalite added the comment that definite identification of the handwriting was a reliable source of knowledge as to
the intention of the testator:
21
22
1 M. Meyerhof, Vorwort zur Drogenkunde des Brn, in Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte
der Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin, II, 3 (1932), 14.
2 Cf. the discussion between two physicians of the 11th century, published by J. Schacht and
M. Meyerhof, The Medico-Philosophical Controversy between Ibn Butlan of Baghdad and
Ihn Ridwan of Cairo, 83ff. (Cairo 1957, Publications of the Faculty of Arts of the Egyptian
University 13).
61
1054
Handwriting indicates the spoken word, and the spoken word indicates a
persons will and intention. The most that could be said against assuming
validity of a handwritten will is that similar handwritings may be confused with each other. This would fall into the same category as the possible confusion of figures and voices. God put something into the handwriting of each individual by which his particular handwriting can be distinguished from the handwriting of any other individual, in the same way in
which the figures and voices of individuals can be distinguished. People
do not have the slightest hesitation to testify that this is the handwriting
of a particular individual . There is much evidence, almost amounting to absolute certainty, in favor of the acceptability of the testimony of
a blind person under suitable circumstances when he is able to identify
the voice of someone involved. The possibility of the confusion of voices,
if not greater than that of handwritings, is certainly not smaller .23
62
In this and other respects, handwriting came into its own as part of legal
procedure, at least, according to the opinion of certain lawyers. Considering
the importance of the legal sphere in Islam, this gave it added status.24
Not only its individual character but also the innate meaning and | purpose
of writing gave it evidential character. According to the firmly held world view
of philosophers and jurists, writing occupies the third place in the scheme
of things. First, there are the ideas in the mind and the intellect. Then ideas
become expressible through the spoken word. Finally, the spoken word gains
permanence and ubiquity through writing. It could be argued that writing
was the least original of the three stages, an image (mithl) of an image of
an image.25 However, it was natural to assume that all of these stages were
equally necessary for civilization. The last one, as the least natural one, was
then the final achievement in terms of human cultural endeavor and deserved
the highest praise.
Echoing a sentiment also often expressed in Muslim literature, Abraham
Lincoln once had occasion to observe that the invention of writing was great,
very great in enabling us to converse with the dead, the absent, and the unborn,
at all distances of time and space.26 In Islam, this great invention reached the
23
24
25
26
1 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah (d. 1350), a-uruq al-ukmyah, 206f.

2 For handwriting and the science of the principles of jurisprudence, cf., for instance,
as-Sarakhs, Ul, I, 357359.
1 Schacht-Meyerhof, op. cit., 84.
2 Quoted from a review by D.C. Mearns of The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, ed. by
R.P. Basler, in New York Times Book Review, February 8, 1953, p. 5.
1055
pinnacle of its effectiveness. In addition to its elementary uses, it was the greatly
refined and indispensable tool of culture in all its aspects. It was the highly
adaptable vehicle for the expression of artistic emotion. And it shared and
represented the sacredness of the central fact of Muslim existence, the religion
of Islam.
Postscript: This article was published in Ars Orientalis, IV (1961), 1523. Again,
the style of citation had to be changed here, in order to conform to that
employed in the rest of this book.
If I had known about it, I would have referred to the article by A. Schimmel on
Schriftsymbolik im Islam from the Festschrift for E. Khnel, cf. R. Ettinghausen
(ed.), Aus der Welt der islamischen Kunst, 244254 (Berlin 1959). On the subject of human and divine writing, cf. al-Ghazzl, al-Marif al-aqlyah, 73ff.
(Damascus 1383/1963). The lm-alif symbolism deserves to be treated in much
greater detail. Cf., for instance, Ibn Arab, Futt, I, 75ff., 177 (Cairo 1329). AdDaylams Af al-alif has found its editor in J.C. Vadet (Cairo 1962).
Bibliography
The following list contains all the works that have been cited in the footnotes
without sufficiently complete bibliographical indications. An effort has, however, been made to list all text editions mentioned, and not only those cited
by short title. [The Bibliography contains works referred to also in the other
articles included in Rosenthal's Four Essays on Art and Literature in Islam, not
reprinted here. Because of the repeated references to them in the works in this
collection, however, they have been retained. Ed.]
Abdallh al-Baghdd (ninth cent.), Kitb al-Kuttb, ed. D. Sourdel, in Bulletin dtudes
Orientales de lInstitut Franais de Damas, XIV (19521954), 115153.
Abd-al-Azz al-Kinn (ninth cent.), Kitb al-aydah, ed. Kaml alb (Damascus
1384/1964).
Abd-al-Qhir al-Jurjn (d. 471/1078, or 474), Asrr al-balghah, ed. H. Ritter (Istanbul
1945), trans. H. Ritter, Die Geheimnisse der Wortkunst (Wiesbaden 1959).
Ab Awnah (d. 310/922): Musnad (Hyderabad 13621363).
Ab l-Faraj Abdallh b. a-ayyib (d. 1043), Commentary on Galen, De sectis, Ms. Manisa,
General Library, 1772.
Ab Nuaym (d. 430/1038), ilyah (Cairo 13511357, reprint Beirut 1387/1967).
Ab Sulaymn (tenth cent.), iwn: Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq as-Sijistn, iwn alikmah, Ms. Istanbul, Murad Molla 1408. In II, the work is quoted following the Ms.
100
1056
101
British Museum or. 9033. Also, if so indicated, Ms. Fatih 3222, containing the recension of as-Sw.
Ab Tammm (d. 231/845846, or 232), Dwn (Beirut, n. y.).
Aghn: Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn (d. 356/967), Kitb al-Aghn (Blq 1285). Also if so
indicated, 3rd ed. (Cairo 1345ff.).
Amad b. Ab Dud (d. 240/854), Rislah f fal al-ilm (see p. 35, n. 8).
Alcal, Pedro: Pedro Alcal, Vocabulista arauigo en letra castellana and Arte para ligeramente saber la lengua arauiga (Salamanca 1505), cited after the edition of P. de
Lagarde (Gttingen 1883).
al-Almaw (d. 981/1573): al-Mud f adab al-mufd wa-l-mustafd (Damascus 1349). Cf.
also F. Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, 8ff. (Rome
1947, Analecta Orientalia 24).
al-mil (d. 1030/1621), Mikhlh (Cairo 1317).
mul (fourteenth cent.): Nafis al-funn (Teheran[?] 13151317).
Antonius Melissa: cited according to the edition in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 136.
Arabian Nights: ed. W.H. Macnaghten (Calcutta 18391842), trans. E. Littmann (Wiesbaden 1960).
Arnold, Bihzd: T.W. Arnold, Bihzd and his Paintings in the afar-nmah Manuscript
(London 1930).
al-Askar, Awil: Ab Hill al-Askar (d. after 400/1009), Kitb al-Awil, Ms. Paris ar.
5986.
al-Askar, athth: Ab Hill al-Askar, Kitb al-athth al alab al-ilm, Istanbul Ms.
Ashir Ef. 433.
al-Askar, Jamharah: Ab Hill al-Askar, Jamharat al-amthl (Bombay 1304).
al-Askar, Man: Ab Hill al-Askar, Dwn al-man (Cairo 1352).
al-Askar, inatayn: Ab Hill al-Askar, Kitb a-inatayn (Cairo 1320).
al-Askar, Talkh: Ab Hill al-Askar, at-Talkh f marifat asm al-ashy, ed. Izzat
asan (Damascus 1389/1969ff.).
al-Askar, Taf : Ab Amad al-Askar (d. 382/993), Shar m yaqa fh at-taf, ed.
Abd-al-Azz Amad (Cairo 1383/1963).
The Assyrian Dictionary: of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago
1956ff.).
al-Ayn: Badr-ad-dn al-Ayn (d. 855/1451), Majm yashtamil al ikyt wa-ghayrih,
Ms. Bursa, Hseyin elebi 890.
al-Azd: Muammad b. Amad al-Azd (tenth cent.), ed. A. Mez, Abulsim, ein Bagdder Sittenbild (Heidelberg 1902).
Bb at-Tunbukt (d. 1032/1624, or 1036): Nayl al-ibtihj (Cairo 1351/1932, in the margin
of Ibn Farn, Dbj).
Bad-az-zamn al-Hamadhn (d. 398/1008), Maqmt: (Cairo 1381/1962), trans. W.J.
Prendergast (London 1915).
1057
al-Badr (d. 894/1489), Rat al-arw, Ms. Paris ar. 3544.

al-Baghdd (d. 1093/1682), Khiznat al-adab (Cairo 1347).
al-Bakr, Sim: al-Bakr (d. 487/1094), Sim al-lal, ed. Abd-al-Azz al-Mayman (Cairo
1354/1936).
al-Balaw (d. 604/1207): Kitb Alif b (Blq 1287).
Bar Hebraeus (d. 1286) (Arabic chronicle): Tarkh mukhtaar ad-duwal, ed. A. ln
(reprint Beirut 1958).
Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon: Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon Syriacum, ed. (P. Bedjan) (Paris
1890), trans. E.A.W. Budge (Oxford 1932).
al-Baalyaws (d. 521/1127): al-Iqtib f shar Adab al-kuttb (Beirut 1901).
al-Bayhaq (early tenth cent.): Kitb al-Masin wa-l-masw (Cairo 1325).
Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum: Vol. IV (Leiden 1879).
Binyon-Wilkinson-Gray: L. Binyon, J.V.S. Wilkinson, and B. Gray, Persian Miniature
Painting (London 1933).
al-Bukhr (d. 256/870), a: (Cairo 1328).
Bustn: Ms. Paris ar. 4811. Cf. G. Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, I,
338 (Citt del Vaticano 1944, Studi e Testi 118).
Concordance: A.J. Wensinck and others, Concordance et Indices de la tradition musulmane (Leiden 19361969).
ad-Damr (d. 808/1405): ayt al-ayawn (Cairo 1311).
ad-Drim (d. 255/869): Musnad, cited according to the Istanbul ms. Reiselkttap 257.
Diogenes Laertius: cited according to book and chapter, cf. ed. trans. R.D. Hicks (Cambridge-London 1940).
iy-ad-dn Ibn al-Athr (d. 637/1239), Rasil: ed. A. al-Maqdis (Beirut 1959).
Dozy, Supplment: R. Dozy, Supplment aux dictionnaires arabes (Leiden 1881, reprint
Leiden-Paris 1927). Where no further indication is given, the reference is to II,
653a.
Dozy, Vt.: R.P.A. Dozy, Dictionnaire dtaill des noms des vtements chez les Arabes,
414418 (Amsterdam 1845).
EI: Encyclopaedia of Islam, cited following the English edition. The second ed. began to
appear in 1954 (Leiden 1960ff.).
Ettinghausen, Arab Painting: R. Ettinghausen, Arab Painting (Lausanne-Paris 1962).
Fihrist: Ibn an-Nadm (late tenth cent.), Kitb al-Fihrist (Cairo 1348).
Firdaws (d. 411/1020) ed. J. Mohl, Le Livre des rois (Paris 18381878). Reference to Mohls
edition is followed in brackets by reference to the system of Wolff, Glossar, with the
number of the rulers reign in italics.
Ghars-an-nimah a-bi (eleventh cent.), Hafawt, ed. li al-Ashtar (Damascus
1387/1967).
al-Ghazzl (d. 505/1111), ikmah: al-Ghazzl, al-ikmah f makhlqt Allh (Cairo
1321).
1058
102
al-Ghazzl, Iy: (Cairo 1334).

al-Ghazzl, al-Marif al-aqlyah (Damascus 1383/1963).
al-Ghazz (d. 984/1577): Badr-ad-dn Muammad b. Muammad, db al-mukalah,
ed. U.M. Bsh (Damascus 1387/1967).
Gnomologium Vaticanum: ed. L. Sternbach, in Wiener Studien, IXXI (18871889), reprinted Berlin 1963.
Goitein: S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, I (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1967).
Grabar, Sainte Face: A. Grabar, La Sainte Face de Laon (Prague 1931, Zographica 3).
Graf, Verzeichnis: G. Graf, Verzeichnis arabischer kirchlicher Termini (Louvain 1954,
Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Subsidia 8).
Gray: B. Gray, Persian Painting (Oxford 1940).
Grohmann: A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library, VI, 125f. (Cairo 1962).
jj Khalfah (d. 1067/1657): Kashf a-unn, ed. G. Flgel (Leipzig-London 18351858).
al-alab (d. 779/1377): Nasm a-ab (Beirut 1883).
amzah al-Ifahn (tenth cent.), Tanbih, ed. M.. l Ysn (Baghdd 1968).
Holter: (K. Holter,) Les principaux manuscrits de la Bibliothque Nationale de Vienne, in
Bulletin de la Socit franaise de reproduction de manuscrits peintures, XX (Paris
1937).
Holter, Galen-Handschrift: K. Holter, Die Galen-Handschrift und die Mamen des arr, in Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, N. F. XI (1937).
udd al-lam (written in 372/982983): trans. V. Minorsky (London 1937, E.J.W. Gibb
Memorial Series, N. S. 11).
unayn (d. 873): Nawdir al-falsifah, Ms. Munich, Aumer 651, trans. (Hebrew) A. Loewenthal (Frankfurt a. M. 1896), trans. (German) A. Loewenthal (Berlin 1896). In II,
reference is to the German trans.
al-ur (d. 413/1022): Zahr al-db (Blq 1293, in the margin of Iqd). Also, if so
indicated, Cairo 1305.
Ibn Abbd (d. 385/995), Rznmajah, ed. M.. l Ysn (Baghdd 1966) (fragments).
Ibn Abd-al-Barr (d. 463/1071): Bahjat al-majlis (Cairo 1907) (excerpts). Also, if so
indicated, Cairo, n.y. (1967ff.?).
Ibn Abd-al-akam (d. 257/871): Fut Mir, ed. C.C. Torrey (New Haven 1922, Yale
Oriental Series, Researches 3).
Ibn Ab Awn (d. 322/934), Tashbht, ed. M. Abdul Mud Khn (London 1950, E.J.W.
Gibb Memorial Series, N. S. 17).
Ibn Ab Dwd (d. 316/928), Maif : ed. A. Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text
of the Qurn (Leiden 1937).
Ibn Ab Shaybah (d. 235/849), Muannaf : see above, p. 83, n. 4.
Ibn Ab Uaybiah (d. 668/1270): Uyn al-anb f abaqt al-aibb, ed. A. Mller
(Cairo-Knigsberg 18821884).
Ibn al-Amar (d. 810/14071408): Mustawda al-almah (Rabat 1384/1964).
1059
Ibn Aqnn (twelfth cent.), ibb an-nufs: trans. A.S. Halkin, in Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, XIV (1944), 25147.
Ibn Arab (d. 638/1240), Futt (Cairo 1329).
Ibn al-Athr (d. 630/1233), Kmil (Cairo 1301).
Ibn Bds (d. 453/1061), Umdat al-kuttb: see p. 23, n. 1, and p. 48.
Ibn Bassm: Nihyat ar-rutbah, ed. . as-Smarr (Baghdd 1968).
Ibn Baah (fourteenth cent.): Rilah, ed. C. Defrmery and B.R. Sanguinetti (Paris
18531859), trans. H.A.R. Gibb (Cambridge 19581962, Hakluyt Society, Second Series,
110, 117).
Ibn al-Butur (twelfth cent.), Uns: Ibn al-Butur, Uns al-masjn, Ms. British Museum
or. 1097 (add. 19,534).
Ibn ad-Dyah (d. between 330340/941951), Mukfaah: (Cairo 1332/1914). Also if so
Ibn Durayd (d. 321/933), Ishtiqq: ed. F. Wstenfeld, Ibn Doreids genealogisch-etymologisches Handbuch (Gttingen 1954).
Ibn Durayd: Mujtan, trans. F. Rosenthal, in Orientalia, N. S. XXVII (1958), 2954,
150183.
Ibn Durustawayh (d. 347/958): Kitb al-Kuttb, ed. L. Cheikho (Beirut 1921). Also, if so
indicated, 2nd ed. (Beirut 1927).
Ibn al-Fuwa (d. 723/1323): Talkh Majma al-db f mujam al-alqb, ed. Muaf
Jawd (Damascus 19621967).
Ibn ajar (d. 852/1449), Fat: Ibn ajar, Fat al-br bi-shar al-Bukhr (Cairo 1378/
1959).
Ibn ajar, Tahdhb: (Hyderabad 13251327).
Ibn amdn (d. 562/11661167): Tadhkirah, Part VII, Ms. Bodleian Library, Pocock 328.
Ibn awqal (tenth cent.): Kitb rat al-ar, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden 1873, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum 2) = ed. J.H. Kramers (Leiden 19381939), trans.
J.H. Kramers and G. Wiet (Paris 1964).
Ibn ibbn (d. 354/965): Rawat al-uqal (Cairo 1328).
Ibn Hind (d. early eleventh cent.): al-Kalim ar-rnyah f l-ikam al-ynnyah
(Cairo 1318/1900). Also, if so indicated, Ms. Istanbul, Aya Sofya 2452.
Ibn Hishm (d. 218/833), Srah: ed. F. Wstenfeld (Gttingen 18581860).
Ibn Hubal (d. 610/1213): Mukhtrt (Hyderabad 13621364).
Ibn Jamah (d. 733/1333), Tadhkirah: Badr-ad-dn Muammad b. Ibrhm Ibn Jamah,
Tadhkirat as-smi wa-l-mutakallim f adab al-lim wa-l-mutaallim (Hyderabad
1353).
Ibn Jamah (d. 767/1366), Uns: Abd-al-Azz b. Muammad b. Ibrhm Ibn Jamah, Uns
al-muarah bi-m yustasan f l-mudhkarah, Ms. Manisa, General Library, 5286.
Ibn al-Jawz (d. 597/1200), Dhamm al-haw: ed. Muaf Abd-al-Wid and M. alGhazzl (Cairo 1381/1962).
102
1060
104
Ibn al-Jawz, Manqib: Ibn al-Jawz, Manqib al-Imm Amad b. anbal (Cairo 1349).
Ibn al-Jawz, Mudhish: (Baghdd 1348).
Ibn Juljul (tenth cent.): abaqt al-aibb, ed. Fud Sayyid (Cairo 1955).
Ibn Kathr (d. 774/1373): al-Bidyah wa-n-nihyah (Cairo 1351ff.).
Ibn Khaldn (d. 808/1406), Muqaddimah: trans. F. Rosenthal (New York 1958, Bollingen
Series 43).
Ibn Khallikn (d. 681/1282): Wafayt al-ayn, ed. F. Wstenfeld (Gttingen 18351842),
trans. McG. de Slane (Paris 18431871).
Ibn al-Khab (d. 776/1375), Nufat al-jirb, ed. A.M. al-Abbd (Cairo, n.y. [1968?]).
Ibn al-Mudabbir (ninth cent.): ar-Rislah al-adhr, ed. Zak Mubrak, tude critique
sur la lettre vierge dIbn al-Mudabber (Paris 1931).
Ibn al-Mutazz (d. 296/908), db: ed. I.Y. Krachkovsky, Izbranne sochineniya, VI, 4088
(Moscow-Leningrad 1960).
Ibn al-Mutazz, Dwn: ed. B. Lewin, Vol. III (Istanbul 1950, Bibliotheca Islamica 17c).
Ibn Nubtah (d. 768/1366): Sar al-uyn (Cairo 1305, in the margin of a-afad, alGhayth al-musajjam).
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah (d. 751/1350), a-uruq al-ukmyah: (Cairo 1372/1953).
Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889, or 270), Adab al-ktib: ed. M. Grnert (Leiden 1901).
Ibn Qutaybah, Marif : ed. F. Wstenfeld (Gttingen 1850).
Ibn Qutaybah, Uyn: (Cairo 19251930).
Ibn Sann (d. 256/870): Muammad b. Sann, db al-muallimn, ed. A.F. al-Ahwn, at-Tarbiyah f l-Islm, 2nd ed. (Cairo 1955), trans. G. Lecomte, in Revue des
tudes Islamiques, XXI (1953).
Ibn a-al (d. 643/1245), Muqaddimah: ed. M. Rghib a-abbkh (Aleppo 1931).
Ibn a-iqaq (wrote in 701/1302): al-Fakhr, ed. H. Derenbourg (Paris 1895).
al-Ibshh (fifteenth cent.): al-Mustaraf (Blq 1268).
Ikhtiyr-ad-dn (ca. 900/1494): Ass al-iqtibs (Constantinople 1298).
al-Imd al-Ifahn (d. 597/1201), Khardat al-qar (Syrian poets) (Damascus 1375/1955).
Imruul-Qays (sixth cent.), Dwn: ed. M. Ab l-Fal Ibrhm (Cairo 1958).
Iqd: Ibn Abd-Rabbih (d. 328/940), Iqd (Cairo 1316). Also, if so indicated, Cairo 1305.
al-Ji (d. 255/868869), Bayn: (Cairo 1345).
al-Ji, Bukhal: trans. C. Pellat, Le Livre des avares (Beirut-Paris 1951).
al-Ji, ayawn: (Cairo 13231325).
al-Ji, Mad al-kutub: cf. A. Rufai, ber die Bibliophilie im lteren Islam (Istanbul 1935,
Diss. Berlin).
al-Ji, Tj: ed. Amad Zak (Cairo 1322/1914, reprint ca. 1967), trans. C. Pellat, Le Livre
de la Couronne (Paris 1954).
(Pseudo-) Ji: ad-Dalil wa-l-itibr (Aleppo 1346).
al-Jahshiyr (d. 331/942): Kitb al-Wuzar, ed. H. von Mik (Leipzig 1926, Bibliothek
arabischer Historiker und Geographen 1). Also Cairo 1357/1938.
1061
al-Jawlq (d. 539/1144): al-Muarrab, ed. E. Sachau (Leipzig 1867).

al-Jazar (early thirteenth cent.): iyal (see above, p. 82, n. 3).
de Jerphanion, Miniatures: G. de Jerphanion, Les Miniatures du manuscrit syriaque 559
de la Bibliothque Vaticane (Citt del Vaticano 1940).
[al-Jurjn, Wasah: Al b. Abd-al-Azz al-Jurjn (d. 392/1002), al-Wasah bayn alMutanabb wa-khumih (ayd 1331).]
al-Khafj (d. 1069/1659): irz (Cairo 1284).
al-Khlidyn, Tuaf : Muammad b. Hshim al-Khlid and Sad b. Hshim al-Khlid
(tenth cent.), Kitb at-Tuaf wa-l-hady, ed. Sm ad-Dahhn (Cairo 1956).
Kindermann: H. Kindermann, ber die guten Sitten beim Essen und Trinken (Leiden
1964).
al-Kind, Daf al-azn: Yaqb b. Isq al-Kind (d. after 256/870), Rislah f l-lah
li-daf al-azn, ed. trans. R. Walzer and H. Ritter, Uno scritto morale inedito di
al-Kind, in Memorie, R. Accad. Naz. dei Lincei, Cl. di seiende mor., stor. e filol., Serie
VI, VIII, I (Rome 1938).
Khnel, Miniaturmalerei: E. Khnel, Miniaturmalerei im islamischen Orient (Berlin
1925).
al-Kutub (d. 764/1363): Fawt (Cairo 19511953).
al-Lakhm (ca. 700/1300): Wsiat al-db, Ms. Paris ar. 6493, Vol. I.
Land, Anecdota Syriaca: J.P.N. Land, Anecdota Syriaca (Leiden 18621875).
Lane: E.W. Lane, Arabic-English Dictionary (London-Edinburgh 1863ff.).
Leroy: J. Leroy, Les Manuscrits syriaques peintures (Paris 1964, Bibliothque archologique et historique 77).
Levy: J. Levy, Neuhebrisches und chaldisches Wrterbuch (Leipzig 18761889).
Lisn al-Arab: Ibn Manr (d. 711/13111312), Lisn al-Arab (Blq 13001308).
Lfgren-Lamm: O. Lfgren and C.J. Lamm, Ambrosian Fragments of an Illuminated
Manuscript containing the Zoology of al-i (Uppsala-Leipzig 1946, Uppsala Universitets rsskrift 1946:5)
MacKinney: L. MacKinney, Medical Illustrations in Medieval Manuscripts (London
1965).
Mannebach, Fragmenta: E. Mannebach, Aristippi et Cyrenaicorum fragmenta (Leiden
1961).
al-Maqqar (d. 1041/1631), Analectes: ed. R. Dozy and others (Leiden 18551861).
al-Maqqar, Azhr ar-riy: (Cairo 13581361).
al-Maqrz (d. 845/1442): Khia (Blq 1270).
Martin: F.R. Martin, The Miniature Painting and Painters of Persia, India, and Turkey
(London 1912).
al-Marzubn (d. 384/994), Nr: al-qabas, ed. R. Sellheim (Wiesbaden 1964, Bibliotheca
Islamica 23a).
105
1062
106
al-Mward (d. 450/1058): Adab ad-duny wa-d-dn (Cairo 1900). Also, if so indicated,
Cairo 1315. Trans. O. Rescher, Das kitb adab ed-dunj wa ddin des Mwerd
(Stuttgart 19321933).
Maximus Confessor: cited according to the edition in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 91.
al-Maydn (d. 518/1124): Majma al-amthl, ed. G.W. Freytag, Arabum Proverbia (Bonn
18391843).
Mez, Renaissance: A. Mez, Die Renaissance des Islms (Heidelberg 1922).
Michael Syrus (d. 1199), Chronique: ed. J.-B. Chabot (Paris 18991910).
Miskawayh (d. 421/1030), Jwdhn Khiradh: ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw (Cairo 1952).
Monneret de Villard, Pitture: U. Monneret de Villard, Le pitture musulmane al soffitto
della Cappella Palatina in Palermo (Rome 1950).
Monneret de Villard, Tessuti: U. Monneret de Villard, Tessuti e ricami mesopotamici, in
Memorie, Accad. Naz. dei Lincei, Cl. di scienze mor., stor. e filol., Serie VIII, VII (1955).
Ms. Marsh 202: Ms. or. Bodleian Marsh 202. Cf. A. Nicoll and F.B. Pusey, Catalogi
manuscriptorum or. Bibl. Bodl. Pars Secunda Arabicos complectens, no. 304 (Oxford
1835). The title of the Ms. is Ans as-si wa-(l-) jlis a-li or al-Kashkl, but the
work appears not to be identical with al-mils Kashkl.
Ms. Pocock 37: Ms. or. Bodleian Pocock 37. Cf. J. Uri, Bibl. Bodl. codicum mss. or.
Catalogus, Ar. Mss., no. 145 (Oxford 1787).
Ms. Spoer: Ms. in the possession of the Rev. H.H. Spoer, of New York City. Cf. Abstracts
of papers read at the meeting of the American Oriental Society in Boston, April
1942, no. 29. Dr. Spoer kindly permitted me to peruse his manuscript. [I have no
information about the disposition of the manuscript after Dr. Spoers death.]
al-Mubashshir (eleventh cent.): Mukhtr al-ikam, ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw (Madrid 1958). In II, the work is cited following the Leiden Ms. or., Cod. Warner 517.
Mufaalyt: ed. trans. C.J. Lyall (Oxford 19181921).
Muammad b. Abd-ar-Ramn (d. 952/1545), Lumah: trans. E. Robertson, in Studia
Semitica et Orientalia, 5783 (Glasgow 1920).
al-Mukhtr: min kalm al-ukam al-arbaah al-akbir, Istanbul Ms. Aya Sofya 2460.
al-Muqaddas (tenth cent.): Asan at-taqsm, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden 1877, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum 3).
al-Muahhar (tenth cent.), Bad: ed. C. Huart, Livre de la Cration (Paris 18991919, Publ.
de lcole des Langues Orientales Vivantes, IV, 1618, 2123).
al-Muarriz (d. 610/1213): Commentary on al-arr, Maqmt, written in 11671168, Ms.
New York Public Library.
an-Nasaw: Srat as-Suln Jall-ad-dn Mankubirt (written in 639/1241), ed. trans.
O. Houdas (Paris 18911895, Publ. de lcole des Langues Orientales Vivantes III, 910).
an-Nawaw (d. 676/1277), Majm: (Shar al-Muhadhdhab) (Cairo, n.y. [1966?]).
an-Nuwayr (d. 732/1332): Nihyat al-arab (Cairo 1342ff.).
Pope, Survey: A.U. Pope (ed.), A Survey of Persian Art (Oxford 19381939).
1063
PWRE: Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart 1894ff.).

al-Ql (d. 356/967), Aml: (Cairo 1344). Also, if so indicated, Cairo 1373.
al-Qalqashand (d. 821/1418): ub al-ash, Vol. II (Cairo 1331).
al-Qayr (d. 781/1379), Dwn: Ibrhm b. Muammad al-Qayr, Dwn, Ms. Cairo,
adab 103 (no pagination).
al-Qif (d. 646/1248): Tarkh al-ukam, ed. (A. Mller and) J. Lippert (Leipzig 1903).
al-Qushayr (d. 465/1072): Rislah (Cairo 1367/1948).
al-Qushayr, Tabr, ed. I. Basyn (Cairo 1968).
ar-Rghib: al-Ifahn (early twelfth cent.), Muart al-udab (Cairo 1287).
ar-R (d. ca. 90/709): fragments collected by Izz-ad-dn at-Tankh (Damascus 1383/
1964).
ar-Rashd, Dhakhir: al-Q ar-Rashd b. az-Zubayr (eleventh cent.), Kitb adh-Dhakhir wa-t-tuaf, ed. M. amd Allh (Kuwait 1959).
ar-Rz (d. 313/925), w: (Hyderabad 1374/1955ff.).
Reich, Mimus: H. Reich, Der Mimus (Berlin 1903).
Rice, Baptistre: D.S. Rice, The Baptistre de St. Louis (Paris 1953).
Rosenthal, Fortleben: F. Rosenthal, Das Fortleben der Antike im Islam (Zrich-Stuttgart
1965).
as-Sadah: Ab l-asan b. Ab Dharr (= al-mir?) (tenth cent.), Kitb as-Sadah
wa-l-isd, ed. M. Minovi (Wiesbaden 19571958).
Saadyh (d. 942), Oeuvres compltes: H. Derenbourg, Oeuvres compltes de R. Saadia,
Vol. I (Paris 1893).
a-bi, Rusm: Hill b. al-Muassin a-bi (d. 448/1056), Rusm dr al-khilfah, ed.
M. Awwd (Baghdd 1964).
a-afad, (d. 764/1363), Ghayth (Cairo 1305/1888).
a-afad, Wf: Vol. III, ed. S. Dedering (Damascus 1953, Bibliotheca Islamica 6c).
as-Sahm (d. 427/1036), Tarkh Jurjn: (Hyderabad 1369/1950).
as-Sakhw (d. 902/1497), Dhayl: al Raf al-ir, ed. G. Hill and M.M. ub (Cairo
1966).
as-Samn (d. 562/1167), Adab al-iml: ed. M. Weisweiler, Die Methodik des Diktatkollegs (Leiden 1952).
as-Samn, Ansb: ed. D.S. Margoliouth (Leiden 1912, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series 20) (=
ed. Hyderabad 1382/1962ff.).
as-Sarakhs (eleventh cent.), Ul: (Cairo 13721373).
as-Sar ar-Raff (tenth cent.): Dwn (Cairo 1355).
Schmidt, Persepolis: E.F. Schmidt, Persepolis (Chicago 1953).
Schroeder, Persian Miniatures: E. Schroeder, Persian Miniatures in the Fogg Museum of
Art (Cambridge, Mass., 1942).
Schulz: P.W. Schulz, Die persisch-islamische Miniaturmalerei (Leipzig 1914).
1064
107
Serjeant: R.B. Serjeant, Material for a History of Islamic Textiles, in Ars Islamica, IXXVI
(19421951), cf. the index in Vol. XVXVI (1951), 296.
ash-Shahrastn (d. 548/1153): Kitb al-Milal wa-n-nial, ed. W. Cureton (London 1846),
trans. T. Haarbrcker (Halle 18501851).
ash-Shahrazr (thirteenth cent.), Rawat al-afr. See F. Rosenthal, in Oriens, XIIIXIV
(1961), 147f.
ash-Sharsh (d. 619/1222): Shar al-Maqmt al-arryah (Blq 1300). Also, if so
Sirj al-asan (fifteenth cent.): Tufat al-muibbn, Ms. Paris persan suppl. 386.
Sirr al-asrr: (Secretum secretorum), ed. Abd-ar-Ramn Badaw, al-Ul al-Ynnyah
li-n-naaryt as-siysyah f- l-Islm, 65171 (Cairo 1954).
Stchoukine: I. Stchoukine, Les Peintures du Shh-Nmah Demotte, in Arts Asiatiques, V
(1958), 8396.
Steiger-Keller: A. Steiger and H.-E. Keller, Lat. Mantlum, in Vox Romanica, XV (1956),
103154.
Stobaeus: cited according to the volume and page of the edition of C. Wachsmuth and
O. Hense (18841912, reprint Berlin 1958).
as-Subk, Fatw: Taq-ad-dn Al b. Abd-al-Kf as-Subk (d. 756/1355), Fatw (Cairo
13551356).
as-Subk, abaqt: Tj-ad-dn Abd-al-Wahhb b. Al as-Subk (d. 771/1370), abaqt
ash-Shfiyah (Cairo 1324).
as-Sulam (d. 412/1021), abaqt: a-fyah, ed. Nr-ad-dn Shuraybah (Sharbah)
(Cairo 1953).
a-l (d. 335/946, or 336): Adab al-kuttb (Cairo 1341).
as-l, Akhbr ar-R: ed. J.H. Dunne (London 1935), trans. M. Canard (Algiers 1946,
Publ. de lInstitut dtudes Orientales de la Facult des Lettres dAlger 10).
as-Suy, (d. 911/1505), Itqn: (Calcutta 1853, Bibliotheca Indica 49).
as-Suy, Muzhir: (Cairo 1282).
a-abar (d. 310/923): Annales, ed. M.J. de Goeje and others (Leiden 18791901).
at-Tankh (d. 384/994): Unwn al-ikmah, Ms. or. Bodleian Marsh 287 (Uri 323).
Tarkh Baghdd: al-Khab al-Baghdd (d. 463/1071), Tarkh Baghdd (Cairo 1349/1931).
Tarkh Dimashq: Ibn Askir (d. 571/1176), Tarkh Dimashq (Damascus 1330ff.).
shkprzdeh (d. 968/1561): Mift as-sadah (Hyderabad 13281356).
at-Tawd (d. after 400/1009), Akhlq al-wazrayn: ed. Ibn Twt a-anj (Damascus
1385/1965). Also, if so indicated, ed. Ibrhm al-Kayln, under the title of Mathlib
al-wazrayn (Damascus 1961).
at-Tawd, Imt: ed. Amad Amn and Amad az-Zayn (Cairo 19391944).
at-Tawd, Muqbast: ed. asan as-Sandb (Cairo 1347).
at-Tawd, adqah: (Cairo 1323). Also, if so indicated, ed. Ibrhm al-Kayln (Damascus 1964).
1065
at-Tawd, Thalth Rasil, ed. Ibrhm al-Kayln (Damascus 1951).

ath-Thalib (d. 429/1038), Ghurar: ed. H. Zotenberg, Histoire des rois des Perses (Paris
1900).
ath-Thalib, jz: (Constantinople 1301).
ath-Thalib, Kh: (Cairo 1326). Also, if so indicated, Beirut 1966.
ath-Thalib, Laif : ed. I. al-Ibyr and .K. a-ayraf (Cairo, n. y. [1379/1960]), trans.
C.E. Bosworth (Edinburgh 1968).
ath-Thalib, Muntaal: (Alexandria 1319/1901).
ath-Thalib, Tamthl: (or Tamaththul) (Constantinople 1301), or Ms. Paris ar. 5914.
ath-Thalib, Tatimmah: ed. Abbas Eghbal (Teheran 1934).
ath-Thalib, Thimr: (Cairo 1326).
ath-Thalib, Yatmah: (Damascus 1304).
Thesaurus Syriacus: R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus (Oxford 18791901).
Ullmann, Menandersentenzen: M. Ullmann, Die arabische bersetzung der sogenannten Menandersentenzen (Wiesbaden 1961, Abhandlungen fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes 24, 1).
Umrah al-Yaman (d. 569/1174): an-Nukat al-aryah, ed. H. Derenbourg (Paris 1897).
al-Washsh (d. 325/936): Kitb al-Muwashsh, ed. R.E. Brnnow (Leiden 1886).
Wiedemann-Hauser: E. Wiedemann and F. Hauser, ber Trinkgefsse und Tafelaufstze
nach al-azar und den Ben Ms, in Der Islam, VIII (1918), 5593, 268291.
Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache: (Wiesbaden 1957ff.).
Wolff, Glossar: F. Wolff, Glossar zu Firdosis Schahname (Berlin 1935).
Yay al-Ank (early eleventh cent.): ed. L. Cheikho and others (Beirut-Paris-Leipzig
1909, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Scriptores Arabici, III, 7).
Yqt (d. 626/1229), Mujam al-buldn, ed. F. Wstenfeld (Gttingen 18661873).
Yqt, Irshd: (Cairo, n. y. [13551357]) (= ed. D.S. Margoliouth, Leiden-London 1907
1927, E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series 6).
az-Zamakhshar (d. 538/1144), Khai: al-asharah, ed. Bahjah al-asan (Baghdd
1388/1968).
az-Zuhr (twelfth cent.), Jarfyah, ed. M. Hadj-Sadok (Damascus 1968).
108
viii.16
33
Of Making Many Books There Is No End:

The Classical Muslim View
In our time, we seem to have reached the point where we may well ask ourselves
whether the incessant production of books might not be too much of a good
thing. The more books we throw away (actually or figuratively), the more there
are to take their place. It is no longer unjustified to hope against hope that book
production could be limited, even if, on the face of it, it clearly involves an uphill
battle comparable to the limitation of population growth. Of course, those in
the book business, whether out in front or in the rear echelons, do not welcome
the prospect of reduced production and consider the idea as anything from
eccentric to scurrilous to outright dangerous.
Books have been valuable and cherished possessions all through history.
For the first time, their devaluation as material objects could possibly have
occurred in medieval Islam, what with the introduction of a rather cheap, yet
durable, writing material and the feverish and almost global activity in science
and scholarship.1 This could conceivably have happened, but it did not. Before
the Muslim era, no realistic opportunity existed for the feeling to arise that just
too many books might be around. The famous verse of Ecclesiastes 12:12: Of
making many books there is no end, and much study is a weariness of flesh, at
the most expresses a tentative apprehension as to theoretically uncontrollable
quantities of books, and so do other putative complaints about the vastness
of existing knowledge.2 The biblical verse presents many difficulties for the
1 A good brief survey of contemporary scholarship on all aspects of bookmaking is by G.

Endress, in Grundriss der arabischen Philologie, ed. by Wolfdietrich Fischer (Wiesbaden, 1983),
1:271 ff.
2 While I was working on this paper, the Book Review section of the New York Times of 20
March 1989 published an essay by Arthur Krystal, On Writing: Let There Be Less, dealing
interestingly with our subject as reflected through the ages. Krystal mentions the Ancient
Egyptian statement of Khakheperre-sonbe, which reads in the translation of W.K. Simpson:
He said: Would that I had unknown speeches, erudite phrases in new language which has
not yet been used, free from the usual repetitions, not the phrases of past speech which
(our) forefathers spoke. See W.K. Simpson (ed.), The Literature of Ancient Egypt (New Haven
and London, 1972, 1973), pp. 230233. This should not be understood as a complaint about
of making many books there is no end
1067
understanding and lends itself to various interpretations. To the best of my

admittedly very limitedknowledge, no unanimity has as yet been reached as
to what it really meant in its historical context. Whatever it did mean originally,
it does not contain evidence that already in ancient times, people complained
about too many books as physical objects being around. There were not, and
could not have been.
The fact that Eccl. 12:12 is widely considered a later addition poses a further
problem,3 but this is a minor matter. Among the principal difficulties is, for |
one, the great variety of meanings of the Hebrew verb to make and, in the
second colon, the meaning of the hapax legomenon lahag. Recent translations
include a conservative book learning for to make = to use,4 or a thing of no
purpose for no end,5 as well as more radical suggestions such as assuming
that lahag is in fact parallel to no end6 or re-interpreting the entire passage as
Und lass dich, mein Sohn, von ihnen gut belehren, viele Bcher ohne Unterlass
zu benutzen und viel zu meditieren bis zur Krpermdigkeit.7 The question
of the applicability of to make to books appears to have been settled by the
existence of an equivalent idiom in Aramaic meaning producing a document (spr znh zy nh bdt) and the Akkadian usage of enneu as a stage in the
bookmaking process.8 The possibility that making here might mean collecting (with reference to Eccl. 2:8 I got me singers)9 must be put on hold for the
time being, although it would go well with the Arabic idiom of ikthr min alkutub for collecting many books.10 However, the production or overproduction
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
the existence of too much literature. Rather, it is an expression of the authors desire to
be original. Expectedly, the modern plea for fewer books elicited heated responses among
the essays readers, as shown by letters to the Book Review of 30 April 1989, p. 5.
An exception is Michael V. Fox, Qohelet and his Contradictions (Sheffield, 1989. Bible and
Literature Series 18), p. 311. I am grateful to Robert R. Wilson for bibliographical guidance
through the vast ocean of biblical studies.
Cf. R.B.Y. Scotts commentary on Ecclesiastes in the Anchor Bible (Garden City, NY, 1963).
Fox, op. cit., 237.
According to M. Dahood, cf. H.L. Ginsberg, Koheleth (Tel Aviv 1961), p. 139.
Osweld Loretz, Qohelet und der Alte Orient (Freiburg-Basel-Wien, 1964), p. 139.
Cf. Ginsberg, loc. cit.; Michael Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford,
1985), pp. 3032; Fox, op. cit., p. 328 f.
The presence of a possessive pronoun, which strengthens the meaning of collecting,
would hardly be needed or fit into the syntax of Eccles. 12:12.
It seems as yet undecided whether harbeh (= Aram. Saggi) is used here as an adjective or
as an adverb (cf. J. Goldin, The end of Ecclesiastes, in A. Altmann, ed., Biblical Motifs
[Cambridge, 1966], pp. 135158.) The adverbial combination, lit., the much making of
34
1068
of books would seem to be connected in Eccl. 12:12 to the physical process of

writing rather than the intellectual task of composing works.
Lahag, translated traditionally as study reflecting the Greek translation
and a combination with Arabic lahija to be deeply engaged in something
(preferably, in study)11 remains uncertain. The derivation from the root hgh
(or a Ugaritic hg)12 cannot be dismissed offhand but leaves room for doubt.
Rabbinical associations of lahag with l- -g and h-g-wy are as much guesswork
as modern theories. It should, however, be noted that both l- -g and h-g-wy are
based upon the uttering of sounds, such as stammering or scoffing. The Targum
speaks of (making) books of wisdom as parallel to (the occupation with and
understanding of) the words of the Torah.13 More to the point, the Syriac translation has man(l)la which is most readily understood as speech. Following this
lead, a Syriac commentary of Ecclesiastes used words (melle).14 And Arabic
knows a noun lahjah in the meaning of tongue, speech, dialect, whose history,
however, is not quite clear.15 It is thus possible that lahag, whatever its derivation, refers to some sort of oral expression. This was suspected also by M.V. Fox
who states that either study or utter would make sense here, because study
in the ancient world was essentially oral recitation.16 Taking it all together, we
may conclude that Eccl. 12:12 indeed referred originally to the combination of
two modes of study, the reading and reproduction of written materials and oral
discussion. Whatever mode was used committed, in the eyes of the author, the
student to an endless and painful task.
11
12
13
14
15
16
books, appears preferable. In Semitic languages there is no easy distinction between

much and too much. Thus, harbeh in Eccles. 7:16 is translated by Ginsberg dont
overdo, cf. his The Five Megilloth (Philadelphia, 1969), p. 68.
Cf. for instance Muammad ibn al-Ramn al-Sakhw, al-aw al-lmi li-ahl al-Qarn
al-Tsi, 12 vols. (Cairo, 13531355/19341936), 9:259, lahija bi-alab al-adth wa-al-qirah.
See above, n. 6, and M. Dahood, Canaanite-Phoenician influence in Qoheleth, in Biblica
33 (1952), p. 219.
According to the publication of A. Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic, 4 vols. in 5, (Leiden. 1968),
5:167.
Cf. W. Strothmann (ed.), Kohelet-Kommentar des Johannes von Apamea (Wiesbaden, 1988.
Gttinger Orientforschungen, I Reihe: Syriaca, Band 30), p. 182. It is, however, not surprising to find huggaya meditation as a translation of lahag, cf. W. Strothmann, KoheletKommentar des Dionvsius br alb (Wiesbaden, 1988, Band 31).
I am greatly obligated to M. Ullmann for communicating to me his Wrterbuch entries for
lahjah. They seem to leave doubts in his mind as to the relationship between the root l-h-j
and lahjah.
Fox, op. cit., p. 328.
1069
It may be worth noting that Eccl. 12:12 seems to be more famous now than it
was in premodern times. Generally speaking, the verse was not much discussed
and, again speaking generally, it was not frequently cited. From the medieval
Muslim environment, we have a comment by the tenth-century Karaite Salmon
ibn Yeruham, paraphrased by G. Vajda: Et garde-toi encore des livres innombrables qui ont t faits. Man must not attempt to become too wise. | Nobody
should make the rounds of cities and markets to search for philosophical and
heretical works.17 Reflecting further the attitude of certain segments of Muslim scholarship, Ab al-Barakt al-Baghdd (d. ca. 547/1166) interprets Eccl.
12:12 as a warning against wasting time on books that are an outgrowth of the
human imagination, whose study could take up more than a human lifetime.
Ab al-Barakt translates lahag as hadhayn talking nonsense.18
It was too much knowledge, not too many books, that was complained about
in ancient times and continued to be complained about through medieval
Islam. Knowledge, especially in certain fields, could not be mastered in its
entirety; of books there were, in a way, never enough. In the course of time,
we often hear it said that works in a given discipline were many. For example, Ibn Khallikn (d. 682/1282) said that he did not intend to include caliphs
among his biographees, because the many works on them are sufficient.19
Works on history were so many that they obviously could not all be listed.20
And, in particular, anything connected with adth and other religious subjects produced an enormous literature.21 When an eighth/fourteenth-century
scholar wrote a commentary of al-Bukhrs ah, he was able to draw on
300 earlier commentaries;22 for him, this was a boast rather than a complaint.
17
18
19
20
21
22
Cf. G. Vajda, Deux Commentaires Karates sur I Ecclesiaste (Leiden, 1971), pp. 61, 75.
Ab al-Barakt Hibat Allah al-Baghdd, al-Mutabar, 3 vols. (Hyderabad, 13571358/1938
1939), 2:347, line 12 ff. I owe this reference to Moshe Perlmann.
In the following generation, Moses Maimonides interpreted the Mishnaic expression
heretical books (sefarim hitsonim) as including books on history and adab which constitute a waste of time, cf. his commentary on the Mishna Sanhedrin, X, 1, ed. J. Qafih
(Jerusalem, 1934), p. 210.
Ibn Khallikn, Wafayt al-ayn, 8 vols., ed. Isn Abbs (Beirut, 19681972), 1:20.
Cf. al-j and al-Sakhw as quoted in F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography2
(Leiden. 1968), pp. 242 ff., 388.
Cf. Murta al-Zabd, Itf al-Sdah, 10 vols. (Cairo, 1311/1893). Reprinted in Beirut, 1:273,
line 14 ff.
Cf. al-Sakhw; aw, 10:21. The number 300 appears again in connection with al-Khiraqs
Mukhtaar. See The Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (EI2), s.v. anbila, 3:159, col. 1, line 30
and again s.v. al-Khira (H. Laoust), 5:10, col. 1, line 23, but, of course, other figures
35
1070
36
This superabundance of specialized works also led to an unwholesome restriction to standard works.23
Despair in the face of an overwhelming amount of existing knowledge was
the almost universal complaint and the situation most generally referred to.
The physical problem of the multitude of books was much less obvious. There
were many reasons for this state of affairs. In the first place, it has to do with the
character of our sources. They were the work of authors who naturally would
not wish to play down the desirability of making more bookspreferably, of
course, their own. Like ourselves, they would rarely be willing to admit that
anything of theirs could be superfluous, let alone harmful. In their forewords,
the one thing they generally avoided was referring to an existing glut of other
works on the subject.24 A second, more objective reason was the frequent lack
of books in a given environment and the constant need to replenish the stock.
In an area as vast and diversified as the Muslim world, imbalances in the supply
of books were unavoidable. Books that were plentiful in one place were hardly
known and accessible in another.25 Since books were expensive, scholars, with
rare exceptions, had to build up their libraries by copying materials with their
own hands; this was so not only at the beginning of their careers, but usually
continued throughout their lives. Not many were so fortunate as to be able to
buy (or inherit) books or have others do the copying for them as a favor or
inexpensively, and it was probably quite unique for a scholar to have a wife
whom he could train in proper copying.26
A third reason is peculiar to Muslim civilization and of great import for the
attitude toward books. It resulted from the never abandoned fictionvery |
soon to be enshrined in the very center of Muslim intellectual activity, the
science of adthof the primacy of the spoken word. Books were seen as
innovations that came about only after the year 120/738 when the true models of scholarship, the men around Muammad and most men of the second
23
24
25
26
appear as well. In all cases, it can be assumed to have been a boast about the large number
of sources consudted.
Cf. Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, tr. by F. Rosenthal, 3 vols. (New York, 1958; Princeton, 1967),
2:455. See below, p. 43.
See the most useful dissertation by Peter Freimark on Das Vorwort als literarische Form
in der arabischen Literatur (Mnster, 1967). Writing on Latin Prose Prefaces (Stockholm,
1964, Acta Universitatis Stockholmianiae, Studia Latina Stockholmiana 13), Toe Janson
apparently found nothing in his material on the overwhelming amount of available books
on a given subject, nor did Freimark in Arabic.
Murta al-Zabd, Itf, 1:274, line 12 f.
Al-Sakhw, aw, 2:180, line 4 from bottom.
1071
generation, were dead,27 and so on. In fact, of course, written books were indispensable almost from the outset, as was admitted in various ways, for instance,
by claiming that memory had been good enough among the ancient Arabs to
suffice for preserving and safely transmitting all knowledge; among later generations, this was no longer the case.28 It became a matter of pride to own,
or, at least, have access to, as many books as possible. Yet the deep conviction
lingered that there was, in addition, something else that was essential for civilization, no matter how many, or how few, books were around. As a result,
their numbers were basically inconsequential. Yet even in this climate, subdued feelings not only about the very existence of books but also about their
numbers can be observed on occasion. Religious scholars would complain that
once knowledge was committed to writing, there developed an unending process of writing book after book after book,29 the implication being that oral
transmission was more restricted and thus less contaminated and more reliable
than the endless array of written material. Even for secular scholars, the great
increase in books (al-kutub wa-al-tanf ) made it possible for ignoramuses to
infiltrate the ranks of qualified intellectuals, and actually diminish the quality
of books.30 In a way, this can be read as another faint complaint about the proliferation of literature.
There were other ways in which feelings of this sort tried sporadically to work
their way to the surface. This is the subject of the following pages.
The formation of large libraries which was eagerly pursued inevitably led
to problems caused by quantity and variety. Selectivity in forming a library, be
it that of a private individual or one of semi-public character, was indicated.31
It was an occasional problem then and, needless to say, has remained one to
this day. Not discarding any book was considered the better part of wisdom,
even if it was a book on a subject beyond the owners interest and competence. The brief chapter on the amassing of books (al-ikthr min al-kutub)
in the Khab al-Baghdds (d. 464/1071) Taqyd al-ilm The written fixation of
knowledge contains the essence of medieval thought on the importance of
each single book for the educated. As the title suggests, the Taqyd ultimately
comes out in favor of the written word but balances and, in a way, conceals
27
28
29
30
31
Al-Ghazzl, Iy ulm al-dn, 4 vols. in 2 (Cairo, 1372/1953), 1:70, line 4ff., from Ab lib
al-Makk, Qt al-qulb, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1310/1892), 1:159; 4 vols. in 2 (Cairo, 1351/1932), 2:37.
See, for instance, Ibn Abd al-Barr, Jmi bayn al-ilm, 2 vols., (Cairo, n.d.), 1:69 f.
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, al-uruq al-ukmyah (Cairo, 1372/1953), p. 277.
Ab al-Barakt Hibat Allah al-Baghdd, al-Mutabar f al-ikmah, 3 vols., (Hyderabad,
19381939), 1:3.
See below p. 3839 [p. 1076 below. Ed.].
1072
37
the message by first presenting a full array of negative attitudes toward books.
The chapter in question deals with three considerations that work against selling any of the books in ones library or not buying books one has the opportunity of buying. Anecdotal as it is, it is best reported in the Khabs own
words.32
The first of the three considerations is that a book deemed disposable may
later on turn out to be badly needed: As remarked by some scholar, a person
must hoard all kinds of subjects, even subjects he does not know. He must
amass | works on very many subjects. He must not believe that he can dispense
with any subject. If he can dispense with some books on one occasion, he may
need them on another. If he is unhappy with them at one time, he may enjoy
them at another. If he has no time for them on a given day, he may have time for
them on another day. He must not act in a hurry (to sell a book or pass up the
opportunity to buy one), lest he later regret very much to have done so. It could
happen that someone discards a book and then wants it badly but cannot get
hold of it. This may cause him great trouble and many sleepless nights. We have
a story about a certain scholar who said: Once I sold a book thinking that I did
not need it. Then I thought of some matter that was dealt with in that book. I
looked for it among all my books but could not find it. I decided to ask some
scholar about it the next morning, and I stayed up on my feet all night. When
he was asked why he did not sit down rather than stand, he replied: I was so
perturbed that I could not get a wink of sleep.
This scholar only lost a nights sleep and apparently was able to find a
replacement in a colleagues library. But it could also be terribly frustrating and
expensive to sell or discard a book, as described by the Khab in the following
two stories: Someone sold a book thinking that he did not need it. Then he
needed and looked for a copy but could not find any either to loan or to buy.
The man to whom he had sold his copy had left for his place of residence. He
went to him and told him that he would like to cancel the sale and return the
purchase price. When the man refused, he asked him to lend him the book,
so that he could copy the passage he was interested in. Again, he received a
negative response, so he went home frustrated and swore that he would never
again sell a book. There was someone else who sold a book which he thought he
did not need, but later he did need a passage from it. He went to the new owner
and asked him to let him copy the passage in question but was told: You wont
copy it unless you pay me the price of the entire book. So he had no choice
32
al-Khab al-Baghdd, Taqyd al-ilm, ed. Youssef Eche (Ysuf al-Ishsh) (Damascus, 1949,
reprint 1975), pp. 136138.
1073
but to return the price of the book, in order to copy the passage he wanted.33
The words of someone who was asked why he did not sell the books he did not
need sums it all up: If I do not need them today, I may need them the next
day.
The second consideration is that books in fields with which their owner is
unfamiliar at the moment may give him the opportunity to familiarize himself
with that field. Of course, any field of scholarship has its special interest: When
someone bought a book outside his own special field and asked why he did that,
he replied: When I buy a book outside my own field of learning, I do it in order
to make that particular field part of my knowledge. And when someone else
was asked why he did not buy books to have them in his house, he replied that it
was his lack of knowledge that prevented him from building up a library. He was
told that one who does not know buys books in order to know. Again, someone
else who used to buy every book he saw replied to | the question why he bought
books he did not need: I may need (at some time) what I dont need (now).34
We may add here that the Khabs chapter ends with an anecdote about the
great bibliophile al-Ji (d. 255/868) to the same effect, with the stress on the
idea that all written materials should be investigated as to whether they contain
information not found elsewhere. Nothing should ever be dismissed offhand.35
The third consideration concerns books as a scholars indispensable tools.
He should therefore have them handy at all times: A judge, the story goes,
used to go into debt to buy books. Questioned about it he replied: Should I not
buy something that has taken me so far (in the world, i.e., to a judgeship)?36
Further in the same vein: A carpenter had to sell his ax and saw. He was sad
about it and regretted having sold his tools, until one day he saw a scholar, a
33
34
35
36
Some trickery might be used by a rare book dealer, in order to raise the fee for lending a
book to what the price of the entire book should have been, cf. al-Sakhw, aw, 9:148. The
owners of lending libraries as a rule would seem to have been honest and often generous.
Here follow verses attributed to al-Sr ibn Amad al-Kind, i.e., al-Sr al-Raff. They are
not included in the 1355/1936 and 1981 editions of his dwn. They deal with the widespread
topos of the lasting value of all knowledge and have little to do directly with the subject of
books.
Cf. also, for instance, Ibn azm, Martib al-ulm, in Anwar Chejne, Ibn Hazm (Chicago,
1982), text, 234, trans., p. 202f. Ibn azm also called it an error to decry the amassing of
books.
Al-Ji already discussed at length the pleasure of spending money on books, if it was
done for the sake of scholarship and not for purposes of religious ostentation as, he claims,
was done by the Manichaeans. Cf. Kitb al-ayawn, 7 vols., ed. Abd al-Salm M. Hrn
(Cairo, 19381945), 1:56. See also Ibn azm, loc. cit.
38
1074
neighbor of his, in the booksellers market selling a book. Now he was consoled.
He remarked: If a scholar can sell his tools, a craftsman is certainly excusable,
or even more so, when he sells his.
We may conclude from this discourse in praise of bookswhich is one
among manythat books were often so plentiful that one could think of
discarding some, but this was generally considered wrong and something one
was not supposed to do. There was, however, a dissenting voice if a rather lonely
one according to our knowledge. The well-known physician and scientist in
eleventh-century Egypt, Ibn Riwn, tells us that he either sold the books for
which he had no use or stored them away in chests. Selling them, he contends,
was preferable to storing them.37 It is not quite clear whether he meant that
it was better to put unneeded books back into circulation rather than keeping
them out of sight. It is, however, more likely given, Ibn Riwns great concern
with his finances, that he was unwilling to pass up an opportunity to make some
more money. He was well known as the champion of the hotly debated view
that learning from books was better than by means of oral instruction. It does
not seem that he was complaining about owning too many books, or more than
he was able to cope with, although this could have easily been the case.
Large semi-public libraries faced a bigger problem as to what to do with
their holdings when they grew too large. Books being valuable, the most common danger for libraries, not the least the libraries of which every college
had one with a scholarly librarian, was frequent inroads into their holdings
by neglect and theft (the always present danger of accidental destruction by
fire or water damage does not concern us here). When large libraries were
dissolved, it proved a bonanza for scholars who could acquire or appropriate books cheap or sell worthless or made to appear worthless, library books
for their own benefit.38 The failure to return books borrowed from libraries
37
38
Cf. J. Schacht and M. Meyerhof, The Medico-Philosophical Controversy between Ibn Butlan of Baghdad and Ibn Ridwan of Cairo, Arabic text 5 (Cairo, 1937), p. 38, from Ibn Ab
Uaybiah; F. Rosenthal, Die arabische Autobiographie, Studia Arabica I (Rome, 1937,
Analecta Orientalia 14), p. 22, from the manuscript of Ibn Riwns autobiography. The
eighteenth-century Murta al-Zabd, Itf, 1:66, lines 1567, line 11, still found the passage interesting enough to quote it.
Cf. Youssef Eche, Les Bibliothques arabes (Damascus, 1967), p. 250. Selling books by
the lot (bi-al-adad) from a booksellers estate might have been necessitated by their
large numbers but, above all, indicated general ignorance and a lack of discrimination by
potential buyers, cf. al-Sakhw, aw, 3:150, line 6. An ignorant (mutakhallif ?) son of Ibn
Ynus would sell the books and works of his father left to him by the pound (bi-al-arl),
cf. Al-afad, Wf (Stuttgart, 1988. Bibliotheca Islamica 6u) 21:226, line 8.
1075
or individuals was often bemoaned in verse and prose. It was thus probably
much more difficult to hold together large libraries than trying to weed out
unwanted materials. However, we also hear about an authors hesitancy as to
whether | his works would be accepted for incorporation into a large library.39
Selectivity was always practiced by collectors and was required in forming a
waqf library.40
The deliberate destruction by fire or other means such as erasing (ma),
washing off (ghasala), tearing up (kharraqa), or burying (dafana) should be
mentioned here, even if it had other motives than the weeding out of books
when they had become too many. Regrettably, as elsewhere in the world,
book burnings were not unheard of in Islam. They affected principally books
adjudged heretical or otherwise religiously objectionable.41 This contributed
to the virtual disappearance of manuscripts of such works over the centuries.
Where there were both fervent partisans and violent opponents in substantial
numbers, of course, the situation was different. This, for instance, is shown
by Ibn Arabs (d. 638/1240) voluminous corpus. Even if there were those who
wrote fatws permitting the destruction of all books by him,42 or who went
to such scurrilous lengths as tying the Kitb al-Fu to the tail of a dog,43
his innumerable followers saw to it that copies of his works survived. An
instructive story on the destruction of a work of presumably literary merit is
reported in connection with a book by the blind poet al-Maarr (d. 449/1057)
which supposedly criticized the Qurn. A librarian, of all people, destroyed
it. He was challenged by al-Wajh al-Naw (532612/1137[8]1215) with a witty
argument: If the work was indeed equal to, or better than, the Qurn, it would
be untouchable; on the other hand, if it was, as there could be no doubt,
inferior to it, it ought to be preserved as a witness to the inimitability of the
39
40
41
42
43
Cf. Eche, op. cit., 104 from Yqt, Irshd al-arb, ed. D.S. Margoliouth, 7 vols. (LeidenLondon, 19071927), 1:242; ed. A.F. Rif, 20 vols. (Cairo, 13551357/19361938), 4:6.
Eche, op. cit., 198, from al-Qif, Ikhbr al-ulam bi-akhbr al-ukam, ed. J. Lippert
(Leipzig, 1903), p. 269.
The justification for book burnings was probably always sought in lse-religion. The sad
case of a grandson of Abd al-Qdir al-Jln, Abd al-Salm ibn Abd al-Wahhb (548
611/11541214), whose books on magic and star worship were publicly burned, illustrates
the blend of personal, academic, and religious politics with suspicions of heresy that could
lead to legal proceedings and autodafs, cf. Ibn al-Imd, Shadhart al-Dhahab, 8 vols.
(Cairo, 13501351/19311932), 5:45 f.
Cf. al-Sakhw, aw, 3:32, line 17.
Cf. Ibn ajar, Inb, 9 vols. (Hyderabad, 13871396/19671976), 7:394, anno 823, quoted by
al-Sakhw, aw, 3:31.
39
1076
40
Holy Book.44 Perhaps, the underlying and unexpressed moral of the al-Wajhs
remark was disapproval of the destruction of books in general.
The destruction of valuable property such as books expectedly found the
attention of jurists. Strict anbalite opinion, for instance, was expressed by a
scholar of the stature of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah (d. 751/1350). Other schools
and individuals saw the matter differently.45 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah held that
no financial responsibility resulted from the destruction of books. It was as
legal and free from liability as the destruction of everything connected with
wine. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyahs basic tradition is one of Ab Bakr al-Marrdh
(al-Marwaz) (d. 275/888) who consulted Ibn anbal (d. 241/855) on whether he
thought that he could burn or tear up a book he had borrowed that contained
objectionable matters. Ibn anbal expressed the view that it was permissible,
quoting a tradition to the effect that the Messenger of God once saw a book in
Umars hand in which Umar had written down material from the Torah that
had pleased him because it agreed with the Qurn. The Prophets face showed
such anger that Umar rushed to the furnace and threw the book into it. How
then, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah continued, would the Prophet have felt had he
been able to see books which contradicted the Qurn and his Sunnah as were
published later. Only the Qurn and the adth were permitted to be put down
in writing, and this is presented as the view of Ibn anbal himself. | All books
on rayhere, approximately, dogmatic and juridical speculationand all the
more so, all books on other subjects were anathema as leading to error. To err is
human, Ibn anbal is said to have opined, but the most prone to error are those
who write books. While the composition of books was seen as a complicated
legal problem, Ibn anbal and his followers were adamantly opposed to books
that were in conflict with the Qurn and the Sunnah. It was, however, different
with works written against those books; they could fall into any of the positive
legal classifications as necessary, preferable, or permitted.46 It does not take
much to realize that we have here a good example of the eternal problem of
censorship. Once set in motion, does it have proper limits, and can they be
observed without detriment to intellectual life and growth? We do not know
the answer.
Another common theme is that of an author himself burning his books
or ordering their destructions. Among littrateurs, Ab ayyn al-Tawd (d.
44
45
46
Cf. Eche, op. cit., 188, following Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, 6:235; ed. Rif, 27:59f.
See Ibn al-Jamah, below, p. 42. (regarding the attitude towards the disapproval of writing
books.)
Cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzyah, al-uruq al-ukmyah, pp. 275277.
1077
after 400/1009) is famous or infamous for having burned his books at the end
of his life because they served no longer any purpose and he did not want
those who did not appreciate their worth to have them after his death. In a
letter, in which he defends his action, he speaks of burning his valuable books
or washing them off. Having lost everybody near and dear to him, he says, I
found it difficult to leave them to people who would play around with them,
besmirch my honor when looking into them, gloat over my oversights and
mistakes when studying them more closely, and look at each other (and say
how) incompetent I am.47 This makes it clear that al-Tawd speaks about his
own books and not about books by others in his library. It would seem a bit
curious that he would burn his own works when they included books that had
been published and had been in general circulation for a long time. Therefore,
speaking about his own books, there can be no doubt that he had in mind
his unpublished manuscripts and, in particular, his notebooks and drafts.48
This also applies to, and is confirmed by, his list of those early Muslims who
served as model and excuse for his action. The earliest name in al-Tawds list
is Ab Amr ibn al-Al who buried his books. A f, Dwd al- (d. 205/821),
threw his books into the river,49 while Ysuf ibn Asb locked his away in a
mountain cave.50 Another f, Ab Sulaymn al-Drn, burned his books in a
furnace.51 The great Sufyn al-Thawr (d. 161/778) tore his manuscripts to pieces
47
48
49
50
51
Cf. Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margouliouth, 5:386 ff.; ed. Rif, 15:16, 9:21ff.
jj Khalfah, Kashf al-unn, ed. erefettin Yaltkaya, 2 vols. (Istanbul, 19451947), vol. 1,
intro., col. 52b, quotes the section of Kun from Ibn Askirs History of Damascus as using
daftir in connection with Sufyn al-Thawr (below no. 52). Although historically, daftar
had different meanings (see EI2, s.v. Daftar [B. Lewis]), in our context notebooks is
intended. It need hardly be stated expressly that the range of meanings of Arabic Kitb is
not coextensive with our book.
According to al-Khab al-Baghdd, Tarkh Baghdd, 14 vols., (Cairo, 1349/1931), 8:348,
line 2 f., Dwd al- did so after he felt sure that he no longer needed the books and
was ready to devote himself conclusively to solitary divine worship.
Mention of the mountain cave is not found in the biographical notices. They say that he
buried his books, with unhappy results for the reliability of his traditions. See al-Bukhr,
Tarkh, 8 vols. (Hyderabad, 13601378/19411958), 4 pt. 2:385; Ibn Ab tim al-Rz, Jar
(Hyderabad, 19411953), 4 pt. 2:218 on the authority of his father Ab tim al-Rz;
al-Dhahab, Mzn al-Itidl, 4 vols. (Cairo, 1382/1963), 4:162; Ibn ajar, Tahdhb al-tahdhb,
12 vols. (Hyderabad, 13251327/19071909), 11:408. This does not necessarily indicate that
al-Tawd invented the mountain cave for artistic effecthe could have found it in some
other sourcebut it is quite likely.
Ab Sulaymn al-Drn was an authority of Ibn Ab al-awr (below, no. 61), who was a
contemporary of Sufyn al-Thawr.
1078
41
and scattered the pieces in the wind.52 The last name in the list is that of a
teacher of al-Tawd Ab Sad al-Srf (d. 369/979), who exhorted his son
(Ab) Muammad53 to burn his books if they turned out to play him and others
false and distract them from acquiring religious merit; as in the numerous
examples from modern times for requests to destroy the literary Nachlass of
famous men, this request, of course, may or may not have been honored. The
variety of ways for the disposal of books we find in al-Tawds list is owed to
his sense of style, and not necessarily to the sources from which he derived his
information.
With the possible exception of Ab Sad al-Srf who, however, was highly
praised for his asceticism, all these men were famous exemplars of Muslim
piety and religious commitment. Their alleged actions expressed their suspicion of the written word in general. But they hardly were appropriate models for
al-Tawd who, in spite of pietistic episodes in his life, produced mainly works
that were quite worldly in character. As other sources make abundantly clear,
the destruction of ones written materials is a topos of the science of adth
and of mysticism. How much reality was connected with the topos, we cannot judge. Later biographers showed a certain lack of enthusiasm for reporting
these data.
We thus hear it said already about the first/seventh-century Abdah alSalmn that he called for his books and erased them when he lay on his
deathbed. Asked for his reason, he replied that he feared that some people
might get hold of them who would not treat them properly ( yaanah ghayr
mawih).54 This seems to be the earliest and, superfluous to say, fictitious
example within the tradition of adth scholarship. The Khab al-Baghdd
52
53
54
I have not gone through the large literature on Sufyn to find out whether this information
is repeated elsewhere.
The text has Muammad, but he is presumably Ab Sads son Ab Muammad ibn
al-asan (whose name is occasionally distorted), see Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fhrist, p. 62f., also
31, line 23, as well as Bayard Dodges English translation, 2 vols. (New York, 1970), 1:136,
and the Persian translation by M. Ri Tajaddud (Teheran, 1343/1965), p. 106; Al ibn Ysuf
al-Qif Inbh al-rwh, ed. M. Ab al-Fadl Ibrhm, 4 vols. (Cairo, 13691393/19501973),
1:314; Ibn Khallikn, Wafayt, ed. Isn Abbs, 2:79; Sezgin, GAS, 9:98; al-Srfis long
biography in Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, 3:48125; ed. Rif, 8:142232, draws on
al-Tawds works, but the request to have his books burned is not mentioned there. On
Ab Sad al-Srf, see also, more recently, G. Endress, Grammatik und Logik in Burkhard
Mojsisch (ed.), Sprachphilosophie in Antike und Mittelalter (Amsterdam, 1987, Bochumer
Studien zur Philosophie 3).
Ibn Sad, abaqt, ed. E. Sachau and others, 9 vols. (Leiden, 19041940), 4:63, lines 17ff.;
al-Khab al-Baghdd, Taqyd, p. 61; Ibn Abd al-Barr, Jmi bayn al-ilm, 1:67, etc.
1079
mentions already Ibn Masd among his many examples of men who erased
written adth material.55 He tells of Ab Qilbah that he willed his books
to another scholar if the latter survived him; if not, they were to be burned
or, according to another recension, torn up.56 A certain Ynus ibn s meant
to burn his books.57 Shubah ibn al-ajjj (d. 160/777) directed his son Sad
to wash off and bury his books after his death, which was done.5859 Others
buried eighteen chests and baskets of books for Bishr al-f. It is to the credit
of Ibn anbal that he could not see any sense in burning books.60
These and similar data continued to have a long life. The seventeenthcentury jj Khalfah has a list that includes al-Tawds Ab Amr ibn al-Al,
Dwd al-, and Sufyn al-Thawr. He took their names not from al-Tawd
but from other sources which he indicates, but which I have been unable to
check. He added the f Ibn Ab al-awr (6th/12th century) from the ilyah
of Ab Nuaym al-Ifahn (d. 430/103Q). The ilyah presents different recensions, all of which agree that Ibn Ab al-awr was motivated by his conviction
that books may serve as guides to gnosis but become superfluous as soon as a
person attains gnosis and reaches the Lord.61
It is to jj Khalfahs credit that he clearly distinguished between the two
strands that defined all the statements about the destruction of books. One of
them, he realized, was the need of adth theoreticians to produce telling evidence for the alleged superiority of oral over written transmission. The other
was the persistent claim of pious individuals and devoted mystics to have direct
access to the divine which made any material medium such as books altogether
unnecessary and undesirable.62 jj Khalfah considers the view expressed by
Ibn ajar in connection with Dwd al- that the motivation for the destruction of their books by men like him was the prevention of their | transmission
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
Taqyd, p. 39, line 11 f. Ibn Masd was put on the spot for transmitting a adth differently
from what his son had written down.
Taqyd, p. 62.
Ibid. Ynus ibn s was an authority on Bishr al-f.
Ibid.
Taqyd, p. 63. According to Ibn ajar, Tahdhb, 1:445, Bishr disliked the transmission of
adth and therefore buried his books. Ab Nuaym has nothing on the subject.
Ibid.
Ab Nuaym, ilyat al-awliy, 10 vols. (Reprint Beirut, 1387/1967), 10:6 f.
On the other hand, scholars were considered foolish to brag about composing works
without recourse to relevant literature. Such disregard of their predecessors meant that
they would not know what distinguished their works from those of others, cf. al-Zarkash,
al-Burhn f ulm al-Qurn, 4 vols. (Cairo, 1376/1957), 1:16.
42
1080
in a way that might lead to their being branded as weak transmitters. On his
part, jj Khalfah realized that more was involved here: This explanation,
he says, would not hold for the destruction of their notebooks (daftir) by Ibn
Ab al-awr and his ilk. Dwd al- did what he did because he was concerned about the resulting weakness of his isnd. On the other hand, Ibn Ab
al-awr did it because of his asceticism and devotion to God. The explanation
why he (and others like him) chose to destroy (their books, instead of selling
them or giving them away) might perhaps be (sought in their fear) that, if they
had divested themselves of the possession of their daftir through gift or sale,
their emotional (qalb) attachment to them would not have been severed completely and they could not be sure that they might not at some time get the urge
to go back to them and study them, thereby occupying themselves with something other than God.63
In historical cases, the evidence for such destruction is occasionally ambiguous. Thus, we hear that Amad ibn Isml ibn Ab al-Sud (814870/1412
1466) reached the point, probably because of religious scruples (?), where he
wanted to give up all his literary activities, and he washed off all his poetical
and prose writings, so that only his previously published works survived. However, another source maintains that this did not happen intentionally. When
Ibn Ab al-Sud was in the process of sorting out the poems he did not like in
order to destroy them, a colleague appeared unexpectedly and he went out to
meet him. Meanwhile, he ordered someone to destroy the papers on the right
in his study. That individual became confused and destroyed the papers which
Ibn Ab al-Sud wanted to keep. When Ibn Ab al-Sud came back and saw
what had happened, he was very dismayed (suqia f yadihi) and destroyed the
rest.64
Such destruction of papers and notes, or books in our sense, whether historical or not, did not reflect on the size of book production. This, I feel, probably
also applies to a statement telling us that, at the time it was made, there were
people who disapproved of all authorship (al-tanf wa-al-talf ), even of those
who were qualified and knowledgeable enough to write books. So far, I have
been unable to trace this statement to any source earlier than Badr al-Dn ibn
Jamah (639733/12411333) who mentions it in his well-known treatise on
63
64
Cf. jj Khalfah, Kashf, 1:intro., col. 32 f. The wish to approach God (qad wajh Allh) was
generally accepted goal and precondition for any successful study. Without it, collecting
books would be useless, see, for instance, Ysuf al-Balw, Kitb alif b, 2 vols. (Blq,
1287/1870), 1:17, line 2 f.
See al-Sakhw, aw, 1:232 f.
1081
education, entitled Tadhkirat al-smi wa-al-mutakallim65 Ibn Jamah strongly

disapproves of this attitude. If, he argues, there is no legal disapproval of the
written fixation of poetry and entertaining stories, provided no indecency is
involved, why, then, should the writing of books on useful religious subjects
be disapproved? It is obvious that unqualified people should never be allowed
to write books on any subject. As Ibn Jamah sees it, the only possible explanation for the disapproval of authoring books is the constant envy and competitiveness among generations (al-tasud bayna ahl al-ar).66 Quoting Ibn
Jamahs view, jj Khalfah then goes on to criticize it as a reflection | of the
popular attitude that considers only the achievements of earlier generations as
important and routinely holds contemporary scholars in low esteem, and he
treats his readers to the verses:
You who think nothing of contemporaries,
considering the ancients to be out in front:
The ancients were once young/new,
And the young/new will stay on and become ancient.67
Neither Ibn Jamah nor jj Khalfah seem to be correct. The disapproval of
composing books may also here be rooted rather in the pietistic/mystic attitude
and the long tradition of philosophers (such as Socrates) and, above all, mystics
who feel revulsion at the thought of profaning their insights. It is not impossible
that the expression could be explained as a complaint about the proliferation
of books, but this does not really seem plausible.
The problem of overproduction is more directly addressed in the strong
sentiment in favor of abridgements and brief handbooks as against long, com65
66
67
See Ibn Jamah, Tadhkirah (Hyderabad, 1953), p. 30. In the context, Ibn Jamah mentions al-Khab al-Baghdd, but the quoted statement is apparently not included in the
reference. In a somewhat shortened form, with the omission of the qualified and knowledgeable persons, the statement is quoted by jj Khalifah, 1:intro., col. 39. On his own,
it seems jj Khalfah adds mulaqan absolutely (disapproved). Tanf usually referred
to the original composition of books. Cf., for instance, al-Sakhw, aw, 1:46, line 19ff., on
the very learned Ibrhm ibn Khir: In spite of his learning, he did not occupy himself
with tanf, although he made valuable notes on many books. Cf. also Ibn ajar, al-Durar
al-kminah, 1st ed., 4 vols. (Hyderabad, 13481350/19291931), 3:490; idem, Inb, 1:184, or
al-Sakhw, aw, 2:79.
One may compare, from a different time and situation, al-Jis remark about an ignoramus who progressed from finding fault with al-Jis works to condemning the writing
of books in general (Kitb al-ayawn, ed. Hrn, 1:19, 3738).
See also below, p. 44.
43
1082
44
prehensive, and scholarly works. The latter were, of course, always produced
in large numbers. They were, in fact, quite characteristic products of medieval
Muslim civilization. However, the attitude, serious in part and in part a snobbish pretense, that big books are a nuisance was old and deeply engrained. AlTawd put it succinctly: Big books are boring (al-kutub al-iwl musimah).68
As A. Mez stressed long ago, writers of Muslim civilizations so-called golden
age feared nothing more than boring the reader.69 This fear persisted through
the centuries and found expression in the frequently professed aversion to
unnecessary length and the claim of having exercised restraint for the sake
of brevity. While conciseness had special meaning for the entertaining literature, it soon invaded the scholarly and scientific community where it led to
the popularity of compendia. Resistance to the trend never faltered entirely.
For instance, in the introduction of his long geographical dictionary, Yqt
(d. 627/1229) expressed himself with strong emotion against any attempt to
shorten his work, quoting al-Ji as having been of the same mind when he
stated forcefully that an author is like a painter; his work is a painting representing its subject perfectly, and the idea of abridging it means atrocious mutilation.70 The practice (often also indulged in by us) of exploiting large works
for educational and/or commercial reasons by compiling shortened versions,
which, as noted by Yqt, stood a better chance of achieving wide dissemination, was part and parcel of medieval Muslim life.
It was recognized that progress dictated the creation of larger and better
works. Treatments of new and as yet unexplored subjects tended to start out
small and then grow to ever larger size in the course of time.71 Originality
was stressed as the fundamental purpose of and justification for writing and
was one of the guiding principles of research.72 The remark, already used by
Ab | Tammm (d. 231/846) the poet as a cento,73 was constantly repeated:
How much did the ancients leave for later generations (kam taraka al-awwalu
lil-khiri). al-Ji is quoted again by Yqt as having stated that nothing is
68
69
70
71
72
73
Cf. al-Tawd, al-Imt wa-al-munasah, ed. Amad Amn and Amad al-Zayn, 3 vols.
(Cairo, 19391944), 2:194, line 6.
Cf. Mezs introduction to his edition of Abulsim, ein bagdder Sittenbild (Heidleberg,
1902), viii f.
Cf. Yqt, Mujam al-buldn, ed. F. Wstenfeld (Gttingen, 18661873), 1:11f., trans. Wadie
Jwaideh, The Introductory Chapters of Yqts Mujam al-Buldn (Leiden, 1959), p. 16.
Cf. F. Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship (Rome, 1947. Analecta
Orientalia 24), p. 43a, and idem, A History of Muslim Historiography2, p. 71, n. 3.
As indicated in the enumeration of items that justify the writing of books, see below, n. 87.
See Yqt, trans. Jwaideh, p. 9, n. 4.
1083
more harmful to science and scholarship than the opposite contention that the
ancients did not leave anything for later generations, as this had a discouraging
and debilitating effect.74 The consequence, however, was the constant creation
of new disciplines and subdisciplines, small at first and then often expanding to
barely manageable proportions. With the technical means then available, they
were probably unmanageable and required forgetting and discarding. More,
and better, techniques are available now and offer a certain, possibly deceptive,
measure of hope that we shall be able to keep up with the accumulation of
knowledge and of books.
The theoretical approach of philosophers to the overwhelming mass and
variety of knowledge put into writing was to suggest, as did al-Tawd and
al-Miskawayh (d. 422/1030), that since the particulars ( juzyt) are infinite,
and whatever is infinite cannot achieve existence, it is the generalities of each
discipline, which comprise all its particulars in potentia, that should be aimed
at.75 Deprived of its technical philosophical trimmings, the idea also lived
on and found expression, for instance, in al-Zarkashs (d. 794/1391) detailed
elaboration of the different Qurnic sciences. Since, he claims, the ulm
al-Qurn are innumerable and the Qurns meanings are inexhaustible, one
must deal with them (not exhaustively but) to the degree possible. And since
earlier scholars composed no work comprising the different topics (anw) of
Qurnic science in the way it was done in relation to the science of adth, he
wrote his comprehensive work covering forty-six topics, but, he says,
I am aware that every one of these topics cannot be dealt with exhaustively by any human being. If anyone tried, the whole of his life would
be spent, and yet, he would not accomplish his task. Therefore, we have
restricted ourselves to the principles (ul) of each topic, with (only)
occasional hints at the details ( ful), forquoting Hippocrates without
naming himthe craft; is long and life is short.76 We have dealt with
as much as can possibly be achieved by imperfect speech, in accordance
with the verse:
74
75
76
See Yqt, Mujam, 1:6, trans. Jwaideh, p. 9. Jwaideh notes that the statement recurs in the
biography of al-Ji in Yqt, Irshd, ed. Margoliouth, 6:58, ed. Rif, 16:78.
Al-Tawd and Miskawayh, al-Hawmil wa-al-shawmil, ed. Amad Amn and al-Sayyid
Amad aqr (Cairo, 1370/1951), p. 268 f.
Below, in the reference by al-Shab to the common idea that human life is all too short to
know everything, it is not as certain as it is here and elsewhere that the first aphorism is
indeed the inspiration, but it seems highly probable.
1084
They said: Take the essence/eye (ayn) of everything! I replied: There

is excellence in the essence/eye, but the beholder of the essence/the
glance of the eye (is imperfect).77
45
In the popular and entertaining literature, a simpler analogy was proposed in

a saying which, like the philosophical approach, also had its roots in classical
antiquity: Like a bee, an author should select the best flower. A more direct
version of the same idea was attributed to ancient Muslims such as Abd Allh
ibn Abbs (d. 68/686) and Ibn Srn (d. 110/728): Knowledge is too much for
being comprehended in its entirety. Thus, take the best of every knowledge!78 |
The statement of Ibn Abbs was combined later with another one attributed
to al-Shab who, like Ibn Srn, lived a generation after Ibn Abbs. Al-Shab
(d. 105/723) supposedly also alluded to Hippocrates without naming him. As
he phrased it: Knowledge is much, and life is little. Thus, take of knowledge
the variety of its inner spirit (arw)that is, its essences (uyn)and leave
alone its outward expression (urf )!79
This advice was meant for the creative scholar and intellectual. For the mass
of the educated, the compendium, the short exposition of the essentials or
high points of a subject or the selective presentation of details, promised a
better approach toward the elusive mastery of knowledge in its infinite variety.
Another approach was for an author to justify writing a book by suggesting that
his work, being an original product, would serve to replace all other works in
the field80this, we might say, being one way of dealing with the avalanche
of books. In writing his great chronological work, al-Brn (d. 440/1048), for
instance, claimed that the highly educated person who asked him to compose
such a work did so in order to have a book that would make it superfluous for
him to consult a large number of sources.81 More commonly, authors expressed
on their own the hope or conviction that they were about to replace any need to
consult all the earlier works that had dealt with their subject. The large number
77
78
79
80
81
This appears to be the correct interpretation of the verse to be read: . . .wa-lkin niru
al-ayni. See al-Zarkash, Burhn, 1:9, 12, quoted in part by al-Suy, Itqn, 2 vols. in 1 (Cairo,
1317/1899), 1:5.
Cf. Freimark, p. 64, referring to al-Washsh, Muwashsh, for Ibn Abbs, and to Ibn Abd
Rabbih, Iqd, for Ibn Srn. This latter ascription appears also in al-Balaw, Kitb alif b,
1:14, line 19.
See Al al-Ghuzl, Mali al-budr, 2 vols. in 1 (Cairo, 12991300/1881) 1:7.
Cf. Freimark, pp. 40 ff., 164.
Cf. al-Brn, al-thr al-bqiyah, ed. Sachau (Leipzig, 1878), p. 4, line 5 quoted by Freimark,
p. 142.
1085
of titles such as al-Mughn, it may be noted, also attests to this motivation. On

the other hand, it could also happen that a would-be author originally thought
that the existing literature was exhaustive and made another work on the same
subject unnecessary. After much research, however, he discovered that this
was not the case, and he was justified in going ahead with his project and
compose a more complete work likely to supplant all his predecessors efforts.
He reflected, at the end, how much the ancients had left for later generations
to do.82
The production of compendia in order to cope with the great amount of
material to be read and digested and to make the acquisition of knowledge easier for the student eventually found full discussion in both its positive and its
negative aspects in Ibn Khaldns Muqaddimah.83 As Ibn Khaldn (d. 808/1406)
saw it, the great number of scholarly works, coupled with the refinement and
sophistication reached in many fields, is an obstacle to scholarship, while the
great number of brief handbooks is detrimental to the formation of a sound
scholarly habit and thus of outstanding scholars. In many disciplines such as
grammar84 the literature is too vast for everything to be perused. More recently,
says Ibn Khaldn, this has also come to apply to the many writings on literary
criticism which were produced in addition to the four standard works on the
subject.85 An even more crowded field, the science of adth, had developed
an enormous amount of books and this had the consequence that a limited
number of basic works was exclusively used for reference.86 Ibn Khaldn, it
seems, considered this a rather dubious development. He did not go as far as |
to suggest that there were too many books on the market, but he clearly intimated that something was wrong with the prevailing situation and called for
remedies if such could be found. Focusing his attention on the handbooks,
abridgements, and compendia, he acknowledged that one of the legitimate
purposes of authorship was generally recognized the production of brief and
succinct abridgements.87 The custom, he said, had become popular in his time
82
83
84
85
86
87
Cf. Ibn al-Athr, al-Nihyah f gharb al-adth, 5 vols. (Cairo, 1322/1904), 1:15, line 15f.; 6,
line 18; 8, line 15 ff.; 9, line 17.
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, trans., F. Rosenthal, 3:288291.
Op. cit., 3:324.
Op. cit., 3:340 f.
Op. cit., 2:455.
Op. cit., 3:287. See 284, n. 1123, for parallels. Ibn Khaldn mentions the writing of abridgements as the last of the seven justifications for authorship. Al-Maqarr, Azhr al-riy, 3
vols. (Cairo, 1358/1939), 3:34, puts abridgements in the sixth place. They were promoted to
fourth place in jj Khalfah, 1:intro., col. 35.
46
1086
(although it was, of course, widely practiced in preceding centuries). He considered such abridgements as often awkward but did not object to them as such.
He pointed out that on the one hand, they tended to be too succinct and complicated for beginners, while, on the other, they were likely to stultify genuine
scholarly minds, for true scholarship, he argued, required the painstaking study
of long and detailed works over a considerable extent of time. It is clear that for
Ibn Khaldn and those who followed him, the issue was not seen simply as
the superabundance of books, although he realized that it caused a problem.
It was rather a question of the proper methods and goals of scholarly and literary activity which were appropriate for a highly developed civilization such
as his. These methods and goals, however, happened unavoidably to be dependent on the relentless production and wide availability of books. By his time
and very probably much earlier, their numbers had come to seem threatening.
Ibn Khaldns discussion greatly impressed jj Khalfah who utilized it in
the introduction of his large catalogue of Arabic books in Istanbul or otherwise
known in his time.88 In his capacity as a bibliographer, jj Khalfah might well
have had special feelings about the cultural significance of the riches of book
production in Islam. About seven centuries earlier, the situation was different. In his famous Fihrist, Ibn al-Nadm (d. 380/990) had already vast numbers
of titles to report on, but there was no real reason for him to sense, let alone
comment on, too many books. So he concerned himself in his opening pages
with the technical aspects of bookmaking which to him meant handwriting
and scripts in their various forms and historical development. In the century
before jj Khalfah, shkprzdeh produced a mammoth catalogue of the
sciences, entitled Mift al-sadah. His interest lay in the enormous amount
of what he classified as special disciplines that together constituted the sum
total of written knowledge no longer to be mastered in its entirety; he had
occasion to mention only a limited number of standard works. It is due to
shkprzdehs influence that jj Khalfah in his introduction discourses
lengthily on knowledge and its multiple disciplines, instead of book production
as would have been logical. Thus, he misses out on the opportunity to speculate
on the subject that interests us here most. He remarks, however, in the beginning that an exhaustive bibliography such as his had become finally necessary,
because the scholarly disciplines and books are many, and the lives of individuals are preciously short.89
88
89
jj Khalfah, Kashf, 1:intro., col. 43 f.

Op. cit., 1:intro., col. 1. For the allusion to Hippocrates, see above, n. 76.
1087
In conclusion, let me state that the feeling that there are simply too many
books in the world remains a present-day phenomenon and is left to us not |
only to ponder but also to try to do something about it, if this is in our power.
Possibly the fate of our civilization depends on it. In medieval Islam, books
as physical objects were valuable since, for the ordinary individual, they were
difficult to obtain and to amass; although plentiful in some locations, they
could be scarce in others. The censorial destruction of books for one reason
or another did occur at times, to the detriment of modern scholarship, but
contributed little to limiting the constant increase in the number of books.
The relationship between knowledge and books remained determined by a
fictitious and, from our point of view, unfortunate distinction between oral and
written information. Again, this did not contribute much to diminishing book
production. It did, however, give some slight encouragement to the age-old
tradition that some type of special secret or sacred knowledge was better left
unwritten. Still, in the face of the pretended belief in the superiority of oral
transmission, it was generally recognized that all knowledge was important
and would disappear without books. This recognition often extended to the
realization that all written materials were valuable and required preservation.
The only practical attempts, however, to regulate, if modestly, the flood of books
consisted of the production of works that were supposed to take the place of all
the previous publications in a given field, and of the composition of handbooks
and compendia, but the value and efficacy of these procedures did not remain
unquestioned. Before the age of printing and modern technology, this was
probably the most that could be done. The Muslim scholars cited here deserve
credit for having been aware, if ever so dimly, of the problems resulting from
the overproduction of books as an unintended by-product of the intellectual
flourishing of their civilization. As it turned out, of making many books there
was no end in medieval Islam, and we have every reason to be glad that this
was so.
47
Index of Selected Arabic,

Persian, and Turkish Words
The Index follows the order of the Arabic alphabet and dictionary listings by roots. Persian and
Turkish words are placed in accordance with their spelling in Arabic characters.
ibriya 249
-b-n, ubna, mabn 216, 220n353,
859n50
atn 484
-th-r, athar 786
-th-m, ithm 413
jurra 401
-j-r, ijra 436
-j-l, ajal 364, 498, 593, 629, 647652,
670n704
muajjal 435
-kh-dh 231
-d-b, II 69n149
adab, pl. db 75, 347n4, 449, 453, 486,
610, 688, 984, 987n94, 997
adb 101n276a, 579580
tadb 182, 261, 446
-d-m, adam 171n121
-dh-n, adhn 430
istidhn 445
madhn 70
rz, rq, rn 376
arnab 938n112
zd, (P.) 35
-z-t, (zt) free (P.) 35n32a
-s-r, asr 56
ibahn 173
aturlb 1001n1
--l, al, al 247, 441
ul 1083
afarbiyn, furbiyn, afurbiyn 166
afyn, afiyn, ufiyn 152, 166
-k-l, akala (pl.) 209
-m-m, umma 683, 721
imm 57, 58, 75, 432, 434
-m-r, amr 627, 716
amra mua 407
amr 526, 733, 997
amr al-ashart, al-amr al-mushidd
267268
mamr 526
-m-l 597599, 609, 614n396, 619620, 623,

677n744a, 682
amal 20, 598601, 603604, 605606,
608, 612613, 615617, 618n406, 619624,
629, 647649, 651652, 656, 659,
670n704, 675, 679680, 682, 685
taml 635
mil 678
maml 596, 677678
muammil 678
-m-n, amna 739
-n-n, innam 419
-n-s, uns 761
insnya 103
-n-f, anaf 102n278
-h-l, ahl 762n26, 929
qa, pl. uwaq 379n175a, 396n251
-w-l, tawl 539
-y-n, ayna 647
b--r, bir al-nard 490
b-t-, bit, bita 244n28
b-kh-r, mubakhkhar 167
tabkhr, tabakhkhur 226n380
b-kh-s, bakhs 476
b-kh-sh, mubakhkhash 221n356
b-kh-, bakh 800, 804
b-kh-l, bukhal (pl.) 171
b-d-r, budr-bidar 465
b-d-l, badal, pl. abdl 782, 958
tabdul 340n8
b-r-r, barr 155, 180n163, 190
b-r-, bir (pl.) 179
bur al-sa 248
bart 308n48
b-r-d, IV 490
b-r-z, II 453
barsh 165166, 223, 232, 248249, 277
barrsh 165
abrash 165n87
b-r-, bara 220
1090
index of selected arabic, persian, and turkish words
b-r-m, baram, pl. abrm 409, 414, 454455

bazdira, (pl.) 172
b-z-r, bizr 173, 190n200
mubazzar 278n58
bastn, (pl.) 288
bustn 155, 190
b-s-, bas 162, 658n635
b-s-m, mabsim 217
bishbsha (?) 172
b-sh-r, bishrt 596
b--l, baala (pl.) 209
bil, pl. abl 346, 350, 356, 372, 377n161,
420, 444, 476477
b--d, bud 759
b-gh-y, bigh 859n50
b-q-r, baqar 382n186
b-q-l 191n203
b-q-y 448n2
buksa 401
b-l-l, balln 201202
b-l-, bal(a)a 267
b-l-d, balad 278
bald(h)ur 206n271
b-l- 211n291, 217n336, 273n36
mubtali 267n9
b-l-gh, bligh, bulgh 49
b-n, ibn al-ar, al-qasal, al-sabl 756,
757n12
bint al-jirb 158, 168
bant (dolls) 347n6
b-n-j, banj (bang) 152153, 157, 166, 175, 178,
194, 209n284, 216, 228, 231, 240, 242, 244,
247249, 252, 253n70, 5560, 278n57, 291
beng 198n232
bank 168, 194n214, 303n20
mubannij 152
tabnj 152, 216n334
band, bandah (P.) 49
b-n-d-q 194
bunduqa, pl. bandiq 158, 171, 194, 401,
443
qaws bunduq 194n215
bunduqn 170
b-n-y, bann 171
b-h-t, III 490
b-h-j, mubahhij 169
b-w-, baw 460
b-w-, iba 441
iba alya 247
baw 401
b-w-h, bh 207n275
b-y-t, bayt ml al-Muslimn
bayrt 174
b-y-, bay 397
bayira (pl.) 170
b-y-, III 364, 366, 461
bi, bayy 172, 267
bmristn 230
b-y-n, bayn 578
77n187
pkbz 508
parsh 165n86
pr 178
t-b-n, tibn 169n111
tubbn 389
ttn (T.) 169n111
takht-e nard 499n14
t-r-k, tark 49
tark al-urrya 125
tiryq, diryq 158, 171
tiryaki 158n52
t-f-, tuff 174
t-m-m, tamm 377
t-w-b, tba 174n143, 232
istatba 232
tawba 60n101a, 232, 808
tnah 401
tnah 217n336
th-q-b 221n356
th-q-f, thaqf 75
thiqf, muthqafa, muthqif
441
th-q-l, thawql 400
th-w-b, thawb 358
thiyb (pl.) 197
jh 116
gmsa 230
j-b-r, jabr 40, 503504, 507
jabr 503
ijtibr wa-irr 504
j-b-l, jabal 173
j-d-d 345, 496497
j-dh-m, judhm 220
j-r-b, jirb 158, 168
mujarrabt 1039
353, 394,

j-r-, jariya 170
j-r-d, jard, jurdn 280
mutajarrid 169n112
j-r-m, mujrim 75n172
jarim 75
j-r-y, jriya (pl. jawr) 863n3
j-z-, juzyt 1084
j-s-s, jasssa 349n17, 352
j-s-m, jism, pl. ajsm 544, 706
j--d, juayd 170, 201n256
j--l, jul, jula, mujala 364n100, 403,
435436, 437n138, 444
jual 221n360
j-l-l, jall 795
j-l-b, jalab 508n42
jalib 384
jallb 172
j-l-s, jalasa 926
jullanr 211n291
j-m-, tajmu, jumm 401
j-m-d, jmid 198
j-m-, VIII 926
jama 721
( jam), al-madna al-jamya 112
jawmi 277
j-m-l, jaml 995
jaml 815
j-n-n, jinn 123, 191192
janna 288n92
junayna 360n89
junn 563
j-n-b 758
janab 508n42
junub 757758, 759n14
janba 758, 759n14
ajnab 756757, 759
j-n-d, jund 560
jndh 294n121
j-n-s, jins 96
mujnasa 712
j-n-y 886n61
jahrdah (= a-) 379n173
j-h-d, jihd 432, 475
ijtihd 24
j-w-d, jawd, jd 102n280, 110
j-w-r, jr 758
j-w-z, jawz, pl. jawzt 377, 395396, 490
jawzat al-b 206
( jawzat) al-ba 160n62
1091
jawz mthil 165n87, 248

jwaza 674
j-w-l, IV 410, 455
jawlaq, jlakh 169n113
j-w-h-r, jawhar, pl. jawhir 541, 543
jayb(a), pl. jiyab 197, 271n31, 277n51
chars (charas)
156n29
-b-b 428
maabba 109n304
mutaabbibt 898
mustaabb 443
-b-b, abba, pl. ubb 195n218
ibb (pl.) 271n31
abab, abb 301n16
-b-s 434
abs 5658, 57n89, 60n101a, 117n333
-t-m, mitam 401
-j-j, ajj 793
-j-b, jib, ijb 679
-j-r, jra 401
ujayy 401
-d-d, add 52n71, 5860, 62, 79, 142, 234,
236, 240, 245, 253n70, 258261, 283, 290,
297, 352, 446
udd 706
addd 406
-d-th, adth 14, 99n263, 246, 307,
347n4, 422, 438, 442n153, 476, 488,
716, 721, 730n4, 756, 774, 780782, 783,
802, 805808, 851, 872, 873, 885, 898
899, 911, 918, 925, 955, 974, 978, 1070,
1077
adth al-r 902
quds 805
al-nafs 636
adtha 97
-d-s, ads 1024
-r-r, arr (hot) 32, 45
arr (= urrya) 49
urr, urrya, arr, arr 3237, 40n48,
4549, 71, 102103, 106109, 106n291,
110n306, 112, 118, 118n339, 118n340,
122n361, 124125, 127
urr al-kalm, al-urr al-karm
urra 33
tark al-urrya 125
muarrar, tarr 46
1092
-r-b, dr al-arb 421

irb 395, 441
-r-z, IV 449
araz, pl. arz 396
-r-s, ris, arsa 164, 201
-r-sh, tarsh, murasha (=muh-)
393n235, 394, 420, 444n161
-r- 608
ir 99n263, 592593, 598, 608, 618n406,
682
ar 630
-r-, ura 410
-r-f, irf 381n181
urf 1084
-r-f-sh, arfsh, pl. arfishah 170n116, 171,
181, 280n61, 294
arfasha 275, 280n61, 294
taarfasha 181
-r-m 413
urma-khidma 89n224
arm 418419, 427, 429430
takd al-urma 107
marim 236n39
tarm 236 ff.
-z-z, izza 379380, 428
azz 207n275
-z-n, uzn 525n6
-s-s, iss 176n150, 635, 640n525
al-iss al-shahwn 101
-s-b, isba 212, 445446, 477478, 785
mutasib 60, 63, 116n328, 268, 445446,
740, 785, 835
-s-d 18n28
asad 1314, 16, 17n28
tasud 14
-s-n, isn 815
-sh-sh, ashsh, ashsha 7, 135136,
143144, 149, 151, 152154, 166, 167, 173,
175176, 181, 183, 185, 188, 198, 205206,
210, 222, 223, 225227, 229, 235, 242
243, 250, 255, 257, 258, 291, 298, 305,
360, 479, 643644, 746748, 752753,
888
ashsh, pl. ashshya 175176, 225
ashish 172
ashshsh, pl. ashshshn, ashshshya
161, 166, 172, 192, 273n36
mashsh 279n60
--r, ar 56n84
--b, aaba 286n81

--, a, pl. u 453, 505n32
--w, awa 453
-f-r, fir, fir al-imr (al-muhr), awfir
al-amr 268, 382, 441
affr 171
-q-q, aqq 61
uqqa, pl. uqq 197, 232
aqqat al-mn 688
aqiq 635
taaqquq (maqm taaqquq) 126
-k-k, makk 396
-k-m, ukm 123n367, 687
akm 971
ukm 47n59
akam 404
ukam (pl.) 112
kim 69n150, 262, 732, 743744
-l-l, alla 707
ull 542
maall 541, 681
ll 435
muallil 388, 433440
-l-b, alba 384, 448
-l-m, ilm 109n304
-l-w, alwtya 170n114
al 661
-m-m, amm 388389
ammm 484
ammm 201
ummaytya (?) 171n130
-m-s, V 293n112
-m-, II 189190
ammaa 191
muamma 157, 278
muammaa 169
tam 198
immaa 171
-m-, umm 233n419
-m-q, amaq 406
-m-l, amml 171
amt 174
anna 170n118
-w-j, jt 636n499
-w-r, rat al-ghurb 784
awar 464
(r), al-r al-n 895, 902n26
-w-z, za, iyza 449
-w-, itiy 63n120

-w-l, l 125
istila 252
mul 619
mustal 620621
-y-y, ay 102n278, 125, 220, 223, 305n36
aydar 158, 307n44
-y-r, mutaayyir 972
-y-n, n, na, pl. nt 302n18, 303n20,
309n52, 430, 480
uwayna (?) 169n105
n 528529
kh-b-r, khabar 625n431, 930
al-wid 933
mukhbir 930
kh-b-l, khabl 262
kh-t-m, khtam 398
kh-d-r, khadar, mukhaddir 215
kh-d-, khadaa 628
khid 476
kh-d-m, khidma-urma 89n224
khudhrf 401
[Asn Palacios, Obras, IIIII 463465]
kh-r-j, kharj, kharji, mukhraja 367, 401,
511
kh-r-f, kharf 212n299
kh-r-q, kharraqa 1076
khiraq (pl.) 191n202
mikhrq 353, 401
kh-s-s, khass, khissa 291, 303n20, 305
kh-s-f 223
khas-wa-zak 367n118, 401
khushdsha 267
kh-sh-n, akhshn (pl.) 204
kh-sh-y, khashya 603
kh--, kha 226
kh--l, khal 395, 432, 449
kh--r, IX 211n291, 271n31
akhar, khar 156, 168, 170, 173,
230n399, 267, 281n69, 286n81, 294
mut [?] al-khar 294
khur 288n90
khur 171
al-Khir 170
kh--r-m, mukharam 416, 564n155, 770
kh--, khu 505
kh--, khaa 860n52
kh--b, khub 586, 633
khuba 823
1093
khuab (pl.) 112

kh--r, 453, 475n1
III (khir, mukhara) 364365, 393, 403,
431, 434, 438, 475476
khaar, pl. akhr 182, 364365, 396, 412,
432, 449, 453
khawir 592, 625n429
kh-f-f, II 171
khuff 382, 441
pl. khiff 485
istikhff 428
kh-l-, 34, 45n51, 49n65
ikhl 49n65, 723
kh-l-, 360, 408
V 424
khala 359360
khawla 360
khal 360, 452n28
mukhli 360
khila 358
khula 360n88
kh-l-q, akhlq 769n58
takhalluq (maqm takhalluq) 126
kh-l-w, khalwa 721
mukhall (bi-nafsih) 112
kh-m-r, khamr 241
khumr, makhmr, mukhammar 145, 191,
236n4, 274n40, 303n20
kh-m-s, V 293n112
khams 398n261
kh-m-n, takhmn 1024
al-kh-m-y-t-y-h, 171
kh-n-th, makhnitha, makhnth (pl.) 172
takhannuth 216
mukhannath 478
khndh, 294n121
kh-w-f, khawf 607n353, 614, 618n405, 682,
688, 691
kh-w-n, khna 628
khiyna 492
khuwayna (?) 169n105
kh-y-b, khayba 604n333
kh-y-r, 31n15
khayr 42
khayrya-urrya 106n291
ikhtiyr 3435, 3940, 42, 45, 91n232, 117,
127, 456n48
ubdya ikhtiyrya 127
mukhtr 42n49, 43
1094
kh-y-l, 636
V 280n61
khayl 226227, 300n13, 638
khaylt 226
makhil 596
takhyl, takhayyul 635
mukhyilya 169n111
dt(h)ra, 180n163, 248n50, 268
dd(h), 259n98
drah, 401n277
davul tozu (dwul-) 168n99
d-b-b, dabb 216
dubb al-hsh 174
d-b-s, dibs 190
d--r-j, 397
d--, IV 369
diindi, 401
d--w, daw, midh, pl. mad 396397,
401
d-kh-l, dakhl 437
d-d(-w), dad 348n13, 510
d-r-s, madrasa 431
mudarris 218
dirkilah, etc. 347, 348n9
dirham, 207n272, 265, 863
diryq, see tiryq
drs, 382n186
d-sh-sh, dashsha 234n420
d--k, 189
d--w, dawa 558, 802
pl. daawt 634
du 419
daftir, 108o
d-f-n, dafana 1075
d-q-q, diqq (diqf or diff ) 395, 397
d-k-k, dukk 380381, 399
d-l-l, dalll 171
d-l-q, dalaq 218n344
d-n-n, dann, pl. dinn 158n46, 208n18,
277n51
d-n-, dana 441
d-n-w, duny 546547
d-h-r, dahr 498, 527537, 539544, 546,
560562, 566, 568569, 573575, 578,
586, 588, 599, 610, 613, 631, 633, 652,
989
ib al- 540
ahl dahr 530n22
d bayt, 467n91, 468

d-w-r, IV 271
dr (pl.) dr al-qimr 480
duwzdahmarj, 386
dst (P.) 704
d-w-l, duwal 571
d-w-m, duwwma 401
d-w-n, dwn 386
d-w-y, dawan 192n207
daw 171, 192n207
dawh 263
dayyth, diythah, 219220
dk, pl. duyk, dka 393, 444n161
d-y-n, dn 43, 802
dh-b-dh-b, mudhabdhib 427n96
dh-rft, 400
dh--r, dhur (pl.) 75
dh-k-r, dhikr 125, 222, 691
dh-l-l, dhull, dhilla 761, 766, 768
dh-m-m, dhimma 435
ahl al- 793
dh-h-b, (al-aql), I and IV 248n46, 285n80
madhhab 589
dh-w-q, dhawq 691
r (letter) 1048
r--y, ray 101, 1077
r-b-b, ribba 410
rubbya 127
rabrb (zabzb?) 400
r-b-, rib 277
r-b-, arbaata ashara 378
r-th-w, marthiya 571, 585, 606, 610, 630, 647
r-j-j, rajja 603n330
r-j-, urja 401
r-j-z, rajaz 924
urjza 144
r-j-w, 597612, 614, 619620, 659, 677 and
n744a, 679680, 682690
raj 598601, 603605, 612613, 615623,
629, 655n623, 675, 678, 682
r-j-y, rajiya 603n330
r--m, 17n28
r--y, ra 382
r-d-d, murtadd 261
r-dh-l, radhla 275
r-z-q, rizq 511
r-s-l, rasil 455

r-sh-sh, rashsh, marshsh 167, 192
r-sh-w, rashwa (rishwa or rushwa) 730n3,
732
rish 732
r--d, raad 737
r--, mar 397
r--sh, risha 220
r--n, runa 188
r--y, 113n319
r-gh-b, raghba 621
r-f-, rfia 170n120
r-f-, raf (al-athql/ajr) 392, 443
r-q-q, raqq, riqq 47, 49, 104n285, 120
r-q-b, raqb 410
r-q-d, murqid, pl. marqid 172n133, 243
r-q-, rqia, raqq 170
r-q-, ruqa (pl. riq) 369, 455, 501n18
r-n-, V 204n266
r-h-n, 358
III (rihn, murhana) 363, 364, 382, 386,
412, 451, 455, 462n72, 493
VI 366, 384n197, 388
rahn 404, 432, 514
r-w-, V (tarayya) 204n266
r, pl. arw 643, 1084
ra 641n536, 643, 665
rat al-bl 170
rayn 281n66
r-w-d, irda 34, 42n49, 118n339, 623
murd 42n49
r-w-, riy 298n5
rm, 161
r-w-y, riwya 806
r-y-b, rayb 967
irtiyb 975
r-y-sh, rsh 202n260
rsha 384n200
zr (P.), zar (T.) 513515
z-b-n, muzbana 476
zajal, 174n143, 463, 472
z--l-q, zulqa 401
z--m, zim 307n41
z-r-z-r, zurzr 884
z-r-q, mazrq 443
zarnab, 924, 938
z--, zu 170
z--b, 85n217
zib 85
1095
zafarn, 166
z-f-f, zaffa 201n254
z-q-m, zaqqm 140, 167n97, 179, 268n16, 307
z-k-z-h, 161
z-k-m, zukm 307n41
z-k-w, zakh 347, 983
zak, see khas
z-l-m, azlm 409n30
zumurrud, 169n110
z-m-n, zamn 105n289, 527531, 534n47,
535, 537, 540543, 563, 566, 568569,
571572, 578, 584, 586n245, 613, 631n465
usn al- 583
zamna 563
z-n-d-q, zandaqa 75n172
zindq 75n172, 261, 538, 969
z-n-y, zin 58
zn 864, 869
z-h-d, zuhd 553, 683
z-h-r, zahr (zahr, zihr) 511n3, 512515
z-w-d, zuwwda 170
z-w-r, zuwwr 678
z-w-l, (al-aql) I and IV 248n46, 253n70
zawl 299n6
zyq, 514n14
zh, 159161, 167, 169, 191, 195, 213, 232233,
278
zayyh 161
s--l, sul 678
s-b-, siba 392
s-b-q, 15, 448449, 453, 491
II 384, 432
III (sibq, musbaqa) 387, 392n233, 431,
449
VI 14
sabq 450
sabaq 432, 434, 441
sbiq, pl. sawbiq 384, 455
sabbq 448
asbaq 449
s-b-l, sabl 756
s-t-r, mastr 75, 182. See also s--l
mastl (?) 192n208
saj, 927
s-j-l, musjala 388
s-j-n, 56n84
sijn 55, 56n84, 75, 117n333
sijn al-jarim 75
1096
s--t, sut 212, 730731, 737

s--q, 204
s-kh-r, sukhr 90, 91
taskhr 90, 91n232
musakhkhar 91n232
suddar, 368, 382n186, 399400, 461
si-darah, sdare, s-d-r-k 400
sadw, masd, 396397, 401
s-r-r, sirr 236n4, 272n34, 277n51
asrr, esrr 158n51, 168, 284
surr 663
masarrt 360n89
s-r-d, 212n297
s-r--b--w-y (?) 174
s-r--n, II 181 and n168
s--l (--l), II, VII, and VIII 147, 208, 234
masl, pl. masl 192n208, 208, 212,
286n81
mastor, mastur (T.) 209
sala 191, 204, 208
saala (pl.) 209
salnaj 208
s--d, sad, sada, sud 171, 272n34
s--y, s, pl. suh 171n122, 388, 883
s-f-f, I and VIII 189, 193n209, 202n261
saff 171
s-f-r, safar 769n58
s-f-l, safla 275
sufun (pl.) 442
sifanj, 221n356
s-q-y, siqya (bayt) 303n20
sukkayt, 384n199
s-k-r, 243
sukr 90, 208, 243, 303n20
muskir 154, 215n319, 240241, 243
sakrn 279n61
sukkar 171
sukurka, 157n38, 244n28
s-l-b, salb 414
s-l-kh, maslakh 202
s-l-, suln 72n159, 113, 432, 434, 733
sulna 155
s-l-f-h, 400
s-l-m, salam 476
salm 427n96
istislm 250n59
s-m-r, samar 467n91, 470n105, 928
s-n-n, sunna 782, 789, 954, 1077
sunbul, 166
s-n-d, isnd 440n146, 841n7, 911, 914915, 917,

1081
sundus, 181
s-h-m, III 367, 369
VI 369n127
sahm, pl. sihm 442, 452, 505
s-w-s, ss 114
siysa 489, 1013
s-w-f, taswf 657
s-w-q, sqa 642
sq, ahl al- 70
s-w-k, siwk 209, 223n366
s-y-f, sayf 442
saykarn, 244, 247, 253
s-y-l, sayyl 543
shh (sheep) 444n161
shh, shh mt, shhak, 375, 423
(shhayn?) 487n58
shhn, 487n58
sh---l, 208n279
sh-b-b, 618n406
shabb 946
sh-b-k, shibk, mushbakah (bi-l-ayd)
392n233, 394
sh-b-h, shubha 967, 972n20
sh-t-l, mashtl 192n208
sh--d, shud 730n5
sh--dh, shadh 448
sh-d-d, shaddat al-sala 191
sh-r-r, shirra 310n57
sh-r-b, shurb 359
erbetci, 198n232
sh-r-, inshir 415
sh-r-, ashr 902
sh-r-, shara 236, 445446, 816n90
ahl al-shara 989
mashr 441
sh-r-k, mushraka 436
ishtirk 706
shash u panj, -zann 485n49
shash wa-yak, 358
sh--, 304n20
sha 306n36
sh--r, shara 71n158
shiranj, pl. shiranjt 422, 481
sh--f, shafa 267
shabadha, 351
sh--r, shuar (pl.) 112, 448

sh--l, mishal 171
mashilya 170n117, 489
shaghzabya, 392n233
sh-f-f, II 193n209
sh-q-f, II (?) 193n209
shaqfa kabshya 163, 193n209, 286n81
sh-k-k, shakk 967968, 973, 975
sh-k-l, mushkala 712
sh-k-w, shak 968
shakw 579, 676n737
sh-m-, shumaya 172
tashm 171
sh-m-l, shaml 172
shawn (pl.) 390
shahrdah, 378
sh-h-d, shahd 774n77
shahda 420
shhid 346n3
shahdnaj, shahdnaq, 155, 175n149,
180n163, 190, 207n275, 208, 219
shdnaq, sharnaq, shdnak 155
156
sh-h-r, VIII 261n111
sh-h-w, VIII, shahwa 104n285, 215n321, 231,
243, 606n340
shahwn 101
sh-y-, masha (urryat al-masha) 36n32a
sh-y-kh, mashikh (pl.) 170
shreh, 162n70
sh-y-l, shayl (al-athql/ajr) 392
sh-y-n, shayn, shn 306n38
d (the letter) 1048
-b-b, abb (dam) 191
-b (lib -) 395
-b-r, abr 587, 684
-b-w, ab, ib 942, 945946
tab 360
--, aa 442
a 159, 161162, 169, 239
--b, ab 276
--n, 191192, 235, 262
-d-r, 400
-d-gh, udgh, pl. adgh 217, 223
-d-q, idq 653n607
-r-, ar 208
muraa 392, 442
--l, see s--l
-gh-r, aghra 429
-f-d, afad 173

-f-w, 491
afw 347n4
-l-, 443
al 432
malaa 346, 432
ala 689
-l-q, 190
alaqa 191
alq 198
-l-w, muall 384
undq, 201
-n-, 172, 266
shaykh al-ina 199
munaa 738
-n-f, tanf 1080, 1081n65
ihyawn, 173
-w-r, ra 437
tawr 1047
muawwir 887
taawwur 245n31, 635
awlajn, pl. awlij 391, 401, 497
-y-, iy 492
-y-d, V 172
-y-r, ra 525n7, 526n10
-r-b, 405
arba 473n114
-r-s, ars 193n209
--f, uaf (pl.) 230
taf 658n638
agh, 491, 492n85
-m-r, II, IV 384, 450
mimr 448, 450
-m-n, 403
amn 267, 269
tamn 882n55
-w-r, taawwur 245n31
-y-q, II 220n354
s (dhanab) 172
q, 221n361
-b-kh, 189
abbkh 171
-b-, ab 104n285
-b-q, abaqt 996n137
mubaq 117n333
abl, 377
uban, 368, 382, 400401
1097
1098
-r-b, 304n20
arab, taarrub 170, 256n85, 272n34, 356,
359, 414
-r-d, 484
--m, uma 434
mam 198
-f-r-y, 169n104, 191
-f-l, ifl 942
ufayl 170, 478, 487
fal 267n14
dokuzta (oqzsh) 382n186
-l-s, alas 303n20, 304n26
-l-, ( f ayn-) 210
-l-q, alq 932
mulaq 112
-m-r, mamra 79, 117n333
-m-, 603, 617
ama 594, 604608, 612, 615618,
623624, 628, 642
mama, pl. mami 605608, 643
ama 454
muammi 444, 454n34, 481
-h-r, hir 251
ba, pl. bt 191, 194, 211n291
-w-, istia 973
-w-l, l al-amal 613, 618n406, 682, 685
()wla, 514n14
-y-b, b 380, 399
b(a), see jawz
ayab 661662
-y-r, II 191
ayr, tayr, muayyir 388389, 441
-y-f, ayf 636, 638n505
al-khayl 637, 662, 669
muayli/as 170n115
-y-n, n 14n10
na 217n336
-r-f, urrf 869
-f-r, afar, ufr 169n104
-l-f, ilf al-imr, alf al-maz 268n15
-l-m, ulm 476
malim 445, 738
lim 566n160
malm 774n77
-n-n, 624n428
ann 616n402, 624, 663, 690, 975, 1024
s al-ann 974
maanna 221
-h-r, hir
501
qirqar, 166
-b-th, 350
-b-d, abd 33, 4546, 50
abd al-riqq 104n285
abd al-shahwa 104n285
abd al-ab 104n285
abd al-a 108n300
ibda 127n397b, 282
ubda 127n397b
ubdya 33n22a, 47, 50, 118n339, 121122,
125126;
ubdya ikhtiyrya 127
mutaabbid 224n372
-b-r, ibra 448
bir al-sabl 756
-j-b, ajaib 776
-j-z, ajz ukm 47n59
-j-m, ajam 348
-j-n, V 189
majn 158, 165, 218n85, 267
majn 171
-d-d, VIII 456n45
-d-l, adla, adl 420, 424, 428, 430, 782, 815
adl 503
-d-n, madin 304
-d-w, taadd 226
-dh-r 60n102
idhr 217
-r-b 756n8
-r-b-d 199n243
arbada 245n32
uruban 898
-r-j, mirj 227, 298
-r-s, muris 172n132
-r-, ar, ur 648649
muarri 172n132
-r-f, urf 589
marifa 689, 980
rif 782
-r-q, irq al-luff 167
-r-k, irk 392n233
-r-y, ury 437
ar, r 305n36
-z-z, izz 98n261, 99n263, 103, 105n289, 761
azz 122
aazz 767
z nfs 166n92

-z-r 60n102
tazr 6061, 63n120, 182, 240, 245, 258,
260262, 444, 744
-z-l, uzla, uzlet 49, 721, 723n99
-z-m, azm 419, 571
-s-r, usr 767
askar 169n102
-s-y, as 645n560
-sh-r, ashra 170
-sh-q, ishq, awshiq, mutaashshiqt 898
ashannaq 937n106
--r, ar 537n59
maira 212
ufr 347
--w, a 108n300
--y, maiya 256, 860n52
uh (pl.) 75n172
--, a al-fakhdh 392n233
--r, ar 171
--f, aafa 1049n15
--l, taaala 685n787
ulah 486
tal 1018
ahl al-tail 538
--w, III (?) 294
VI 231, 234
-f-f, iffa 47, 101, 815
aff, aff 102n278, 103
ifr 170n116
-f-n, tafn 190
-f-w, fiya 81
-q-q, aqq 210
-q-d, aqd 435
uqda 166167, 267
itiqd 624
-q-r, aqr 209n284
aqqr (pl.) 236
-q-l, aql, uql (pl.) 220, 226, 243, 248n46,
253n70, 283, 285n80, 291n105, 562, 624,
667n693, 897, 987n94
qil 999n155
-k-n, ukna 170
-l-l, laalla 645n560
mall 622
-l-j, ilj 392
-l-m, ilm 654, 782, 968, 975
ilm al-bad 927
ilm al-raj 686
ulm (pl.) 985, 987, 1007n24
1099
alm (pl.) 202

allm 203n261
lim 999n156
al-lim al-fsiq 984
lim al-s 983
ulam (pl.) 238, 434
malm 159160, 169, 234, 302303n18
-l-w, muall 451
-m-m, imma (khaf al-amim) 305n36
mma 978n50
-m-d, amd 442
-m-r 666
amr, umr 533n43
mimrya (pl.) 171
-m-l, III 427n96
X 231, 232, 266n5
amal 652654, 655n623, 656, 659, 670,
670n704
umml (pl.) 733
uwaymila 172
-n-b-r, muanbar(a) 158, 173, 271n31
-n-q, naqa, itanaqa 1049n15
-n-y, III 231, 232n411, 255
man 244, 304n20, 305n31, 626n431
muayn (?) 194n213
-w-, iwa 376, 432, 441, 507, 603
ayy, ghayy 926n60, 938n111
-y-n, ayn (wujd ayn) 126
(letter) 1050
(essence/eye) 1084
ayn 541, 544
muayyan 435
gh-b-r, ghubayr 142, 150, 157, 169, 174n142,
179180, 215n321, 221n356, 226, 282283, 291
gh-b-, ghiba 766
gh-r-r 627628
ghurra 581n232
gharar 434, 453, 465n83, 476
gharr 627
ightirr 689
gharnq 614n393
gh-r-b 756, 777
ghurba 756n7, 759, 764n38, 768, 776777,
779782
ghurb 757n10
gharb, pl. ghurab 425, 579, 756759,
774, 776778, 781790, 795796,
925926
1100
gharib (pl.) 925

ightirb 759
gh-r-m, II 480n31
ghrim 437n138
gharm 505
maghram 456n47
gh-z-l, ghazzl 202n260
gh-s-l, ghasala 1075
mughassil (al-amwt) 171n127
gh--b, ghab 113, 476
mughh 492
gh--y, II 243
gh-f-l, ghufl 409
gh-l-b 454n37, 474n116, 687, 690
III 415
ghalab 395
ghulb 463n74
ghlib 340
maghlb 340, 369n128
gh-l-q, III 382n189
gh-l-m, ghulm, pl. ghilmn/ghulmyt
202n261, 863n3, 865, 870, 874
gh-l-y, ghalayn 198
gh-m-r 191
maghmr 190, 452
gh-n-m, ghnim 437n138
gh-n-y, ghan, ghin 125126
ghin al-dht 126
maghn (pl.) 171
gh-y-y, ghya 449, 610n378, 674, 1019
gh-y-b, I 267
II 142, 226, 229, 273n34
ghayb 233
ghba 930, 938n114
gh-y-r, II 226
ghayra 219
f--w/y, fia 186
f-t-r, futr 214215, 262
mufattir 214215, 240
f-t-l, fattl 171
f-t-w, fatan 117, 601, 951
fityn (pl.) 393, 414, 491, 869
fatw 8, 142, 182, 239, 266, 282, 538, 540,
542543, 809, 1052, 1076
futwa 487
muft 279, 542
fijrim 396n251
f-kh-r, mufkhara, tafkhur 12, 17, 862n1
f-r-, afr (pl., rather than ifr) 292n111

mufarri 158, 236
f-r-s, faras rihn 451
f-r-, fur 436
al-ijtihdya 971
f-r-gh, farghet, frigh 49 and n66a
furrgh 486, 661
f-r-q, III 232
f-r-k 169n103, 189, 193
f-r-m, farma 281n69
f-r-w-sh, II 181
f-s-d, fasd 421, 546
mafsada 415
mufsid 243
f-s-q, fisq 984
fsiq 255, 259, 426, 429, 984
fiskil 384, 450
f-s-w, fas zib 166n92
f-sh-l 215
f--, fa, dual fan, pl. fu 361, 370,
455456, 462, 510
f--l, ful 1083
f--l, fal 928
ahl al- 932
afil 112
tafl 875
mufala 862n1
f--l, fil 266, 267n9
f-q-r, fuqr, iftiqr 125126
fuqar (pl.) 170, 189, 205, 756, 785n120
f-q-, fuq 308n49
f-q-h, fiqh 809n70b, 928
f-k-k 358
VII 232
f-k-r, fikr(a) 158, 207, 221222, 638n505
f-l-s, IV 171n123, 233, 304n20
mutafalsif 171n123
f-l-f-l, fulful 166
f-l-k, aflk (pl.) 356
f-n-n, fanna 221
f-n-d, mufannid, mufannad 290n97
f-w-z, fza, fawz, afwaz 451453
fz Abbs 166
f-w-, tafw 43n50
fa 201
f-w-q, fawq 674
fuwaq (pl.) 379
f-w-l, fla 195, 213n308
f-y-d, fawid 841n6, 928, 934

f-y-l, fiyl, mufyala, mufyil 368, 400
401
qf 1048
q-b-, qab 75, 1004
q-b-r, maqbarat al-ghurab 790n155
q-b-s, iqtibs 449
q-b-, qab 658n635
qabaq 395n248
q-b-l, qbala, muqbala 885, 886n6061
mutaqabbil 481
q-b-w, qabw 201n256
q-t-l 192, 217n336, 225, 230n399
qtala, taqtala 12, 15
q--m, VIII 306n39
q-d-, ( f ayn-) 210
qid 405, 451452
q-d-r, qadar, aqdr 503504, 629, 631
al-qa wa-l-qadar 507
qudra 117
miqdr, taqdr 455, 507, 690
q-d-s, quds 171
maqdis 303n20, 305n33
q-r-r, qurrat al-ayn 172
q-r-b, II (qurbn) 290n98
qirba 196
qurba 291n104
qurb 757758
q-r-, qur, pl. aqr 167n94, 189, 194,
234n420
qura, pl. qiraah 397
qwri (pl.) 537
q-r-, qura 186n187
q-r-, qir 173
q-r-, taqres 877n45, 878, 879n49
q-r-, qara 432
maqr 369n128
qura 369n129, 370, 386
qara 395n248
qirq 379, 381382, 400, 446, 510
qirqt (pl.) 481
qarmiah (pl.) 172n131
q-r-n, qarn 765
qurna, pl. quran (also qurn, qurn?)
173n139, 195, 282n69
q-s-m 453
qasma 172
q-sh-sh, qashsh 192
q-sh-r, maqshr 189
1101
q--, qia 923

q--b, qaab, qaaba, qaabt 58, 164, 212,
380, 384, 449
q--d, qada 463, 643
q--r, qiar (al-amal) 613, 682
q--f 360
qaf, maqaf 204n266, 359360, 480n33,
493n91
q--w, aq 610n378
q--y, qa 1016
q 64, 445446
q--, qi (ras al-) 169
q--b, qub 724
q-- 207n275, 232
qa 278
qu (pl.) 75n172
q--d, muqad 290n98
q-l-l, qulla 196n222
istiqll 622
q-l-b, qalb 691
qallb 381n183
q-l-d, taqld 24
q-l-, qal 364365
q-l-, qala 401
miql 443
qalandar, qarandal, qalandarw 158, 174
qalandarkhne (P.) 480
q-l-w/y 190
qula, miql 401
q-m-r 339, 452, 505
qamara 400, 465474, 491, 505, 511
qamira 466n88, 467n91, 469
III 364, 400, 419, 465, 468, 472n109, 491
IV 467n91, 470
V 339
VI 340n8
VIII 364n100, 393
qamr 480n31, 504n26, 514515
qamra 416n51
qmir 358, 403, 452, 454
maqmr 358, 369n128, 452, 454, 461n63,
469
maqmra 454
qammr 446
qimr 339340, 357, 359, 363, 370373,
376377, 389, 404, 412, 420, 431, 434,
437n138, 446, 460, 468, 473n114, 480,
483, 501n18, 508n42, 511
muqmara 396
1102
muqmir 368, 371, 373, 400, 448, 452n28,

472n111, 480n32, 481, 489
qamar (moon) 339, 400, 465472
qumr(ya), pl. qamr 339, 469
qimrkhne (P.) 480, 499n13
q-m-sh, qumsh 294, 490
qinnn 377n160
qinnab, qunnab 155, 157, 175n149, 185, 188,
192n208
qunbus (qanbas, qumbus, qunbuz) 155,
157, 169, 302n18, 303n20, 304n21
qnbs 155
qunbura 497
q-n-, qania 685n787
qun 604 and n333
q-n-, qanet 49
q-h-r, maqhr 509
q-w-t, qt 144, 206
q-w-d, qawwd 172
qwq 379
quwaq (uwaq) 379n175a
q-w-l, qawl 363
q-w-m, qma al 217n336
maqm 125126
maqma 468, 1002, 1005
q-y-n, qayn 406
q-y-s 487n59
k--s, kas, ks 197, 271n31, 303n20
kghid 399
kfr 158, 196, 275
k-b-b, II 190, 195
kubba (kabba) 195
kabba 164165
k-b-r, kabra 414, 429
mukbara 949
k-b-sh, kabsh, kabsha, pl. kibsh 163, 173, 278,
393
kabsh 163, 193n209, 286n81
akbsh 164n79
k-t-b, kitb 1077n48
ktib al-insh 211n290, 281
kujja 338, 401
kajkl (kashkl, kachkl) 194n214
k--l, kul 172
k-d-y, mukadd 448
k-dh-b, kadhaba 628629
kurtm 169n106
k-r-s, kirs 164n79
k-r-sh, kirsh, kirsha, pl. kursh 163164,

193n213
akrsh 164n79
k-r-k-m, kurkum 169n106
k-r-m, karm, pl. kurm 157n40
karam 455
karma 235
karm 33, 115
k-r-h, makrh 240, 255, 427n96
k-s-r 193
k-s-l, kasal 215, 262, 656
taksul 657
k--b, kab, kaba, dual kabatn, pl. kib 361,
370, 370n134, 371372, 376, 381, 400, 409n30,
425n88, 446, 458, 462n70, 473n114, 499n14,
512
k-f-f, kaff 159160, 168, 194, 279n60, 290
kafta 144
k-f-r, kaffra 809n70b
k-f-y 159
k-l-b, kilb (men) 371, 376n155
kilb (dogs) 394
k-l-m, kalm 448, 972, 973
mutakallim 973, 1014, 1024
k-m-l, kaml 101
kaml al-ilm 688
k-n/tbbat 164165, 207, 212, 216n328, 227
kanjifah (ganjifah, etc.) 380, 398399
k-h-n, kahna 477n18
takahhun 495
kbah 376, 377n160
k-w-n, kna 525n7, 526n10
k-y-s, ks 197, 302n18
akys 211n293
k-y-f, kayf (kf ) 160
li- (prep.) 467n91
lima (li-m) 1014
l-- 406n18
lm-alif 10491050
l-b-b, lubb 463
lubba 164, 172n134, 216
l--d, malida (pl.) 167
l-dh-dh 661n651
ladhdha 218n341, 226, 663
l-z-q, lazqa 170
l-z-m, iltizmt 436
l--, li 448, 489
l-- 406n18

l--b 345, 350351, 381n184, 464n78
III 350, 471n107, 490n74
V 350, 354n53
VI 351, 354n53, 501n18
lib, pl. lub 353, 389
malb bi- 352n40
lib, lab, laib 345, 348n13, 350n25,
356357, 359, 464n78, and passim
lubatn (dual) 478
luab (dolls) 347n6
lab 351n33, 357n79, 478
malib 376n154
Lab, Mulib 345n2
lub 345n2, 355
lubatbz, lubatgn 500n15
l--q 345n2
l-f-, luff 167
l-f-, laf 625n431
l-q-m, luqma 234n420
luqayma 158, 169, 171
l-q-n, talqn 957
l-q-y, VI 1049n15
l-h-j, lahija 1069
l-h-w 272n34
lahw 348n13, 350, 356357, 359, 389, 465,
478n18, and passim
malh 428
alh 506
l-w-, luway 279n61
l-w- 194, 203n261
l 864, 869870, 872, 873
malf 172
l-w-m, malm 293n115
l-w-n, alwn 220
l-y-t, layta 591, 645646
l-y-n, ln 279n59
mulayyinat al-ib 172
m 1014
mkhr, pl. mawkhr
myah 448n2
360, 481
1103
m-t-, amta 662

m-th-l, mithl 1054
muththal 462n70
tamthl 423
mthil, see jawz;
m-j-n, majna 563
mujn 357, 865n9, 868
majs 505
m--w, ma 1076
m-kh-l-, II 202
m-r-, murwa 99n263, 346n3, 420, 424, 431,
486487, 845n13, 930
marabn, pl. marabn 164
mizr 161n64, 244n28
m-s-kh, maskh 296
m-s-k 56
misk 218n341
mumassak 167
m--gh 189, 217n336
VI 224n373
mqi 401
m-l-, mal 876, 881n53, 883884, 887888,
889n64, 890
mala 171
mulays (?) 171n126
m-l-q, tamalluq 621
m-l-k 113n319
minare glgesi, see under n-w-r
mandl,* 197, 488, 490
mang, mangiy, mangiygar (P.) 499n13, 510
m-n-w 597, 605n340, 609, 647, 649
mann (II) 672n719
manya, pl. many 498, 647648, 650,
652
munya, mun 605, 619, 635, 675676
umnya 618619, 635, 647648, 652
pl. amn 592, 628, 636n498, 662
tamann 621623, 625
mahrik (pl.) (P. muhraq, muhre) 376n155,
499n14
m-w-t, mawt 533n41, 649n584
* [In the original index of Gambling in Islam, Rosenthal entered mandl under the root n-d-l,
following the Arab lexicographers. In his essay A Note on the Mandl (Four Essays on Art and
Literature in Islam, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971), he noted that the derivation of mandl from Latin
mantle is self-evident (pp. 6263). I have accordingly listed it alphabetically in this index.
Ed.]
1104
m-w-l, mawwl 192

mawly 192194, 448n2
m-y-d, maydn 386, 389, 448449
m-y-, mi 198
nn 556n118
unbtha 368, 401
n-b-dh, nabdh 246, 259260, 286n81, 289,
488
n-b-w 527n15
n-j-s, najis 251
tanjs 142
n-j-m, munajjim 171, 1001
n--b, III 364, 404
n-kh-r, mankhr 221n356
n-d-b, nadab 374, 432, 453
n-d-m, nadma 811n76a
nard 350, 357359, 361362, 371373,
376379, 388, 399400, 403, 407n25, 412,
421424, 426428, 429, 446, 460462,
464465, 468471, 479, 481483, 486490,
493, 495, 498499, 502507, 514, 515
pl. nardt 481
nardbz 499n14
nardashr 376, 422, 425, 487
n-z-, nuzz/nawzi 781
n-z-l, nizl 262n113, 299n6
munzala 392n233
n-z-h, anzah 204n267
munazzah 204n267
tannazzuh 359
muntazah 271
n-s-b, nasab 756
nisba 182, 756
nasb 777
tansub 712
mansb 142
nasns 548
n-sh-, insh 455
ktib al- 211n290, 281
n-sh-b, nushshb(a) 443
n-sh-, nash 260n105
n-sh-f 209, 224n371
nshif 223n370
nishf 221n363
n-sh-w 243, 260n104
nashwa 243244
nashh 260n104
nashwn 245, 279n61
n--b, naba 504n26

n--l, nal 382, 441442
n--l, nil 431
n--, III ni, munaa 393, 444n161
n--, na 500n15
n--q, maniq 885n59
n--r, naar 968n5
manara 214
munara 862n1
intir 614n396, 622, 691
muntaar 691
n--m, intim 226
n--m, nima (verb of praise) 601
niam 16
n-gh-r, nughar, nughayr 347n4
n-gh-w, munght 448
n-f-s, III and VI (competition) 1419
nafas, nefes, pl. anfs 168n99, 220n354
n-f-, manfaa 415
n-f-y 58
n-q-b 221n356
naqb 184, 197n226, 210n285, 444
n-q-r, III (munqara) 393
nuqra 167, 266
n-q-sh, naqsh 1047
manqsha 170n116
naqshbn-e mang 499n13
n-q-, nuqa (pl.) 370
n-q-l, manqala 379380
n-m-s, V 293n113
nmsa 230
n-h-d, munhada 367
n-h-w/y, muntah 610n378, 674
n-w-b, nuwaba 590
n-w-r, nra 267
minare glgesi 168n99
n-w-, anw 1084
n-w-l, VI 231
n-w-m, VI 224n373
nn (letter) 1048, 1050
n-w-y, naw 381n182
h-d-y, hadya 730n3
h-r-sh, hirsh, muhrasha 394, 444n161
h-r-m 618n406
h-z-l, hazl 345
h--m, ham 299n10
him 158
muhaima 170, 299n10

h-m-m, hamm 675
himma 16n20
h-n-, II 172
hind 155, 190n200
hindya 179
h-w-s, hawas 220
h-w-n, hawn, dr al- 779
h-w-y, haw 683
ahl al- 976
h-y-j, II 169n109
h-y-sh, hsh, see dubb
w-j-b, wajab 432
wjib 971
w-j-d, wajd 691
wujd 126, 229, 267n9, 272n34
w-j-s, js 624
w-j-h, wajh 538
wujh 769n58, 795
w--d, wada 542
tawd 782
ittid 542, 705706
ittidya 540, 715
w--sh, washa 721, 761
sh 624n425
w-d-y, diya 809n70b
w-r-d
wird 283
ward 462
w-r-q, waraq(a) 155
wirqa 483
warq 200n246
muwarraq 278n58
w-s-w-s, waswis 611, 629
w-sh-, muwashsha 470, 484n46, 718
w-sh-k 968
w-sh-m, mawshm 426n90
w--f, waf 875
w--l, wul 170
w--, VI 364n100, 792
w--n, waan 756n7, 771
1105
w--, wi 366
w-f-q, wfaqa 419
tawfq 205
ittifq 245, 497
w-f-y, waf 96n252
w-q-t, waqt, pl. awqt 531, 543, 617n404, 687
muwaqqit 885
w-q-, V 614n396, 691
tawq 83, 366
w-q-f, waqf 77, 218, 1076
w-k-l, tawakkul 666n687, 684, 961
w-l-d, wald 939n120
w-l-, wala 489
w-l-gh 345n2
w-l-y, wal 437
wl 64, 389, 434
w-n-y, tawn 656
w-h-b, hiba 929
w-h-m 603n330, 644
V 635
wahm 392n233
wahm 226, 644
y--s, yas 98n261, 598, 604607, 612, 641,
657
yqt 169n110
y-b-s, ybis 198
y-s-r 512
yusr 767
ysir 416
aysar 454
maysir 341, 360, 368, 372, 396, 397,
402403, 409, 411418, 423, 426, 434,
451452, 454455, 458, 468, 476,
491492, 508509, 512
y-q-n, yaqn 974976
yak, see shash wa-yak
y-m-m, tayammum 197, 803804
y-w-m, yawm al-munfasa, al-munqasha,
al-musbaqa 15n18
ayym 529, 534n47, 567, 574
Index of Some Terms in Other Languages

The Index follows the English alphabet. Diacritics have been disregarded.
Abbreviations: Akk[adian], Aram[aic], Eth[iopic], Gr[eek], H[ebrew], Ind[ic], It[alian],
L[atin], N[orth] W[est] Sem[itic], Sem[itic], South Ar[abian], Sp[anish], Syr[iac].
ain (Gr.) 531
aisthsis (Gr.) 635
allos eg (Gr.) 701, 702
allotrios (Gr.) 769, 786n131
alquerque (Sp.) 510
azar (Sp.) 512
azaro (Sp.) 511, 514515
*b-q (Sem.)
448n3
chronos (Gr.)
531
melein (Gr.) 231

melle (Syr.) 1069
minchiate (It.) 510
monochros (Gr.) 457
mor(r)a (It.) 511
naipes, naibi (Sp.-It.) 510
n-p-s, n-p- (Syr.) 370n134
dado (Sp.) 510

daimn (Gr.) 532
ozos, ozarion (Gr.)
ez (H.) 396n251
eleutheria, eleutheriots (Gr.) 46, 109
110
eleutherios, eleutheros (Gr.) 109110
enneu (Akk.) 1068
erasmion (Gr.) 718
errebu, errbu, errebtu (Akk.) 757
gh-r-b (Sem.)
logos (Gr.) 707

l (Syr.) 345n2
513
paizein psphois (Gr.) 371

pari e caffo (It.) 510n3
pess, pe (Syr.) 370n134
pessos (Gr.) 370n134, 457
phantasia (Gr.) 635
philokybos (Gr.) 371n137, 457
phthonos (Gr.) 18n28
pra(ka), pa(ka) (Ind.) 510
psphopaiktein, psphos (Gr.) 371, 370n134
756
q-s-m (H.) 453
q--m (Syr.) 453
hgh (H.) 1069

arr, arrw (Eth.) 32
r (Aram., Syr.) 31
r (Aram.) 29
r (Syr.) 32, 39
esed (H.) 17n28
*h-m (Sem.) 603, n.330
*or (H.) 31
hra (Gr.) 531
kalos (Gr.) 876
kybeuein, kybeuts (Gr.)
raamm (H.) 18n28

reazar (Sp.) 515
*r-g (Proto-Sem.) 603
r-g-g (Syr.) 603
371372
l- (Sem.) 345
lahag (H.) 10681070
lb, mlb (South Ar.) 345n2
l--k (NW Sem.) 345n2
sakk (Syr.) 968

s-g-r (Sem.) 56n84
sh-b-q (Aram.) 448n3
sheh (H.) 968
shen (Syr.) 56n84
shigaru (Akk.) 56n84
skeptikos (Gr.) 968
s-k-k (H.) 968
sphrn, sphrosyn (Gr.)
sl (Syr.) 208n279
4647, 101, 103, 109
1107
index of some terms in other languages

theos (Gr.) 531
-n-n (Syr.) 15n17
tych (Gr.) 532
virtus (L.) 431
xenos (Gr.)
786n131
zara, zaro (It.) 510n3

zari (azari) (Gr.) 513
Index of Proper Names and Places

The index follows the English alphabet. The Arabic article, the abbreviation for ibn (b.), and
diacritics, including the hamza and ayn, are disregarded in the alphabetization.
Abbd b. Manr 927
al-Abbd, M. 188, 288n92, 289n94
al-Abbs b. al-Anaf 579n223, 636n498, 668
Abbs, Isn 129, 650n587, 781
Abbasi, Riza 25
al-Abbs 552n102, 627n436, 672n714
Abbsids 82, 271, 359, 554, 559, 563, 571, 678,
687, 862, 872, 881, 916, 995, 1048
poet 573, 602, 632, 675
Abda b. al-abb 592n280
Abdallh b. Abbs 80n201, 120, 338, 364,
403, 708, 758, 1084
Abdallh b. al-Abbs b. al-Fal b. al-Rab
360
Abdallh b. Ab Awf 361
Abdallh b. Anama al-abb 416, 483
Abdallh b. Hammm al-Sall 563n147
Abdallh b. Hrn al-Ar 578
Abdallh b. asan b. asan 841n7
Abdallh b. Maymn 384n197, 434n121,
436n131, 440n146, 444n161, 491n80
Abdallh al-Mir al-majdhb 235
Abdallh b. Muwiya b. Abdallh b. Jafar b.
Ab lib 89
Abdallh b. al-Mubrak 552n102, 553,
860n52, 984
Abdallh b. hir 116
Abdallh b. Thbit al-Tawwaz 365
Abdallh b. Uthmn b. Yay 124
Abd-al-Azz b. Abd-al-Salm, Izz-al-dn
139140, 259, 326, 369n129, 724, 841n6
Abd-al-Bsi b. Khall al-anaf 148
Abd-al-Jabbr (Judge) 624625, 706
Abd-al-Laf al-Baghdd 53n74, 1032
Abd-al-Malik b. Marwn (caliph) 86n221,
520521, 739, 771, 994
Abd-al-Malik b. li b. Al b. Abdallh b.
Abbs 80n201
Abd-Mant of Kinna (tribe) 405
Abd-al-Muhaymin b. Abbs b. Sahl b. Sad
385
Abd-al-Qdir b. Ab Bakr al-Dam
484n46
Abd-al-Qdir b. Muammad al-Qurash

68n144, 69n148, 80n199, 237n4
Abd-al-Qhir al-Jurjn 83n210a
Abd-al-Ramn b. Ab Bakr (the caliphs son)
663n669
Abd-al-Ramn b. Ab Bakra 662663
Abd-al-Ramn b. Awf (?) 441n152
Abd-al-Ramn al-Barjn 832
Abd-al-Ramn b. assn b. Thbit 646,
869
Abd-al-Ramn b. Mahd 537
Abd-al-amad b. al-Muadhdhal 637
Abd-al-Wadd b. Abd-al-Malik 1012,-1014,
10181020
Abd-al-Wahhb, see Khab al-Nayrab
Abd-al-Wahhb b. Al b. Nar 244, 318
Abd-al-Wahhb Azzm 139
Abel 982
Abd b. al-Abra 787
Abda al-Salmn 1078
Abraha (the Abyssinian) 91
Abraham (Prophet), see Ibrhm
Ab l-Abbs b. Sbr 812
Ab l-Abbs al-Sayyr (al-Qsim b. al-Qsim)
122
Ab l-Al al-Maarr 460, 545n86, 583n239
Ab Al al-f 584n242
Ab l-liya al-Sham 673
Ab Alqama 385
Ab Amr b. al-Al 593n286, 1003, 1077, 1079
Ab l-Anbas al-aymar 865
Ab l-Aswad al-Dual 108n300, 552n102, 607,
640n526, 657, 677, 995
Ab l-Aswad Muammad b. Abd al-Ramn
b. Nawfal 915916
Ab l-Athiya 20, 75, 82n206, 566, 571, 574,
577, 592n281, 593, 605606, 611, 625n429,
629631, 650, 652, 688
Ab Awna al-Mihrajn 564n155
Ab l-Ayn 374, 417
Ab l-Bakhtar (Judge) 442n153
Ab Bakr (al-iddq) 363366, 459, 556,
663n669, 708, 921
index of proper names and places

Ab Bakr b. mid (Smnid wazr) 820
Ab Bakr Muammad b. al-Fal 68
Ab l-Barakt al-Baghdd 1069
Ab Dahbal al-Juma 868869
Ab Dahmn 602
Ab l-Dard 526n10
Ab Dwd 240, 321322, 425, 808, 916
Ab Dwd al- 653
Ab Dhuayb (al-Hudhal) 367n120, 533n41,
578n219
Ab Dulaf al-Karaj (al-Ijl) 571n186,
772773
Ab Dulma 71n155a, 600
Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn 351n26, 386, 574n197,
680n756, 786
Ab l-Fat, see al-Bust
Ab l-Fat Al b. Muammad b. al-Amd
(GAS II,635) 672n715
Ab Firs 80n201, 558
Ab af 677
Ab af al-Shiranj 576
Ab anfa, anafites 6769, 72n159, 78,
148150, 175, 182, 239, 246247, 255256,
260, 269, 290, 326, 332, 421, 424, 427428,
435, 735
Ab l-asan Al b. Hrn b. al-Munajjim
963
Ab ayyn al-Tawd 13, 14n10, 40,
51n69, 79, 99n265, 105n290, 108n300,
113n318, 373, 391, 447448, 452453
nn., 490, 525n6, 533n40, 558559, 576,
582, 594, 616, 618, 620, 635, 670, 704,
726, 775779, 783, 814815, 818819,
846, 897, 991, 993, 996, 10761079,
10811083
Ab Hurayra 66, 179, 379n173, 388, 399,
424n84, 438, 548n92, 564
Ab l-usayn al-Asqaln 584n242
Ab l-usayn al-f 1003
Ab s b. al-Mutawakkil 563
Ab s al-Warrq 786
Ab Jafar Amr Amad (of Sijistn) 559
Ab l-Jahm 972
Ab Jurthm (al-im) 215, 225n374, 281
Ab Khlid (steward of Shaykh aydar)
184185
Ab Lahab (b. Abd-al-Mualib) 406409
Ab l-Layth al-Samarqand 393394
Ab Lulua 828
1109
Ab Mamd mid b. al-Khir al-Khujand
1001, 1003
Ab Mashar 372
Ab Mashar Naj 913
Ab Mijan 59n94
Ab Muwiya Muammad b. Khzim al-arr
918, 923
Ab l-Mughra 628n441
Ab Muammad al-Maghr 121
Ab Muammad al-Yazd 668
Ab Ms al-Ashar 425
Ab Muslim al-Khursn 89n226, 475
Ab l-Najm al-Ijl 650, 1049n15
Ab Nar b. Khushjim 1036n22
Ab Nar Nsharwn b. Khlid 1002
Ab Nuaym al-Ifahn 120n350, 394n242a,
508n42, 655n621, 681, 686, 722, 860n52, 923,
1079
Ab Nuws 59n94, 75n172, 199n242,
210n288, 216n335, 230, 286n81, 290n98,
430n104, 460, 498, 641, 662n656, 663,
680n761, 772773, 848, 857n44, 858, 870,
872, 875, 881
Ab Qilba 1079
Ab Rfi 397
Ab Sad Amad b. Muammad b. Mallah
al-Haraw 525n6
Ab Sad Bermejo 188189
Ab Sad al-Srf 1078
Ab Sad-i Ab l-Khayr 684, 686
Ab Salama (al-Khalll) 475
Ab Slim Ibrhm (Merinid) 63n117
Ab Sal al-Arb 872
Ab l-alt Umayya 560n129, 573n193, 581
Ab l-Shibl 601, 678n748
Ab l-Sh 573
Ab Shuj al-Ifahn 254n73, 324
Ab Sufyn b. arb 364
Ab Sulaymn al-Maniq al-Sijistn
96n251, 99n263, 114n320a, 115n323, 237n4,
285n80, 351n28, 558, 704n25, 846n16, 897,
993994
Ab lib al-Makk 116n327, 588589,
604n333, 684, 688689
Ab Tammm 355, 532533, 550, 575,
586n245, 602, 604605, 608, 634n483, 658,
662, 666, 667n693, 770, 874, 1083
Ab l-Tayyib Karawya 229
Ab Turb al-Nakhshab 588
1110
Ab Ubayd al-Qsim b. Sallm 157n38, 347,

348n9, 536, 538, 542, 912, 918, 925, 927928,
936
Ab Ubayda Mamar b. al-Muthann 925
Ab Umayr 347
Ab Usayd al-Sid 385
Ab Uthmn al-Maghrib 657, 685n787
Ab Uthmn al-Nahd 618
Ab Yal 51n71, 927
Ab Ysuf 67, 78, 247, 260, 326, 427n96
Ab Zar 917920, 924, 932, 939
Ab Zayd al-Balkh 503, 506
Abyssinia 738
d (tribe) 556
Adam 37, 5354, 554, 557, 982
al-Adhra 253n70
Ad b. tim 680
Ad b. Kab b. Luayy 556 and n.117
Ad b. Zayd 56n84, 57n88, 78n192, 82,
599n308, 703
al-id bi-llh (Fimid) 823
Adler, M.J. 29n14a
al-Adl 378
Aud-al-dawla 358, 830, 1003
Aelianus 638n507
Aesop 95n244
Aff, A. 125n384
A bar Yaaq 29
Aqar 31n15
Ahlwardt, W. 140150
Amad b. Abbd (wazr in Almeria) 375
Amad b. Abd-al-Azz (?) 87
Amad b. Abd-al-Malik b. Ush 832
Amad b. Ab hir ayfr 62n116, 73n162,
75n173, 378n166, 393n235, 487n60, 864,
868870, 913914, 918, 921, 936
Amad b. Baraka 229
Amad b. al-usayn al-Masl 470
Amad b. al-usayn al-Mir al-f (Shihbal-dn) 196n225
Amad b. Ibrhm al-Maqdis al-li
(Imd-al-dn) 209
Amad b. Isml b. Ab l-Sud 1080
Amad b. Kharawayh 587
Amad b. al-Mudabbir 487
Amad b. Muammad al-Awtr 879
Amad b. Muammad al-Mr al-Adb 467
Amad b. Muammad b. Sulaymn al-Zhid
215n319
Amad al-Thaqaf (Shihb-al-dn) 221n363

Amad b. Ubayd al-Bar al-affr 119
Amad b. Ysuf (Sharaf-al-dn Ab l-Abbs)
274n40
Amad b. Ysuf b. af-al-dn, see Alam-al-dn
al-Anaf b. Qays 209n283
Ahriman 505
Aemmeh 39
al-Ahwani, Ahmad Fuad 941
al-Awa 452, 481, 598, 606, 901n23
al-Ahwz (Jaml-al-dn) 190n198
Ainesios (?) 95n244
isha 348n10, 441, 552553, 556n120, 909,
914915, 917920, 923, 925, 927928, 931,
933, 940, 956
on Ethiopians/games 347, 395n245
on nard players 427, 488
Ajrida 953
al-jurr, Ab Bakr Muammad (GAS I,194)
219, 781
al-jurr, Ab Ubayd Muammad (GAS I,165)
916
al-Akawwak 571
al-Akhal 643n551
Aktham (b. ayf?) 103n282
l Ysn, M.. 108n300, 116n327
Al-al-dawla 1003
Al-al-dn Al b. Aybak al-Dimashq 192
Alam-al-dn b. Shukr (Ahmad b. Ysuf b.
al-ib af-al-dn) 218219, 236237,
241, 280
Alamut 176
Alcidamas 52n73
Aleppo 169, 360, 484, 1018
Alexander (the Great) 101, 102n278, 113115,
527528, 704n26
see also Dh l-Qarnayn
Alexander of Aphrodisias 111
Alfonso el Sabio 362n97, 508, 513n11, 516n17
Al b. Abdallh al-Jafar 841n7
Al b. Ab lib 51n69, 5859, 62n111, 74n169,
97, 127n397b, 179, 379, 406, 408, 412, 423,
427n96, 526, 550551, 555, 586n249, 589,
629, 640, 651, 655, 680, 683, 737, 841n7, 882,
899n21, 989990
Al b. Amad al-Ahwz 119
Al b. Amad al-Wid 45
Al b. Dwd al-Jawhar 294n121
Al al-arr 143, 234, 258, 282, 316, 326, 752

Al b. s (wazr) 76, 113n318
Al b. al-Jahm 8384, 86, 99n265, 651n600,
678n748, 765
Al b. Khashram 923
Al b. Makk 286
Al b. Muammad al-Mir 124
Al b. Nar al-Ktib, Ab l-asan 853, 864
Jawmi al-ladhdha 853854, 859n50,
864867, 869, 874, 875, 890
Al al-Qayrawn 164, 193
Al b. Rabban al-abar 153, 220n352
Al b. Ubayda al-Rayn 595596
Al al-Wafaw 924
Al b. Yay 832
Alids 444445, 555n114, 574n197, 673, 955
al-Allma al-ill 59nn94 and 97, 62n111,
63n119, 76n177
Allt 402
Alp Arslan 831
Alpin, P. 165
Alqama b. Abada 592n280, 872, 874n36
al-mid, al-asan b. Bishr 83n213, 108n300,
550n97, 586n245, 604, 632n472, 638n505
al-mil 99n265, 349n22, 356n75, 487n57,
492n88
al-Amn (caliph) 358359
Amn-al-dn al-im 281
mir Mulib al-asinna 822
mir b. Sinn b. al-Akwa 807
mir b. al-ufayl 822
al-mir, Ab l-asan 53n74, 94n240,
102n280, 564n155, 712
see also Ibn Ab Dharr
Amr b. Abd-al-Malik al-Warrq 460
Amr b. al- 803
Amr b. Dnr 120
Amr b. Kulthm 822
Amr b. Qama 539, 592n280
Amr b. Umn al-Makk 775
al-Amsh 467n91
Anas b. Mlik 347n4
Anatolia/Anatolians (Rm) 161, 169, 186, 191
Andalusians 784
Angelus Silesius 642n544
al-Anm (Ab Umar Al b. Muammad)
122
Anonymous, Kitb al-amthl 366n113,
394n240
Libro del Ajedrez, see Pareja Casaas
1111
Kitb Fail al-ramy 432n113, 435n127,
440n146
Kitb al-Hidya f ilm al-sabq wa-l-rimya
440n146
MS Chester Beatty 4759 (Kitb al-thamar
al-riq al-mujtan min al-adiq)
394n242, 396n254, 397398nn259260,
421n70, 425428, 441n150
Anr, Anr 348, 393, 418, 433
al-Anr, Abdallh 684
al-Anr, Zakary 119n340
al-Anar 97n257
Antioch 169
Antonius Melissa 95n243, 97n256
Ansharwn 995
Aphrem 37, 39, 979
Apollonius of Perge 1008
Apollonius of Tyana 103n282
Pseudo- (Balns) 987
al-Aqfahs, Ibn al-Imd 141, 144145,
198n234, 221n356, 240, 242n21, 257, 269,
291
al-Aqqd, Ab l-Khayr 161, 167, 196, 216
al-Aqra b. bis 405
al-Aqa 447, 490
Arabia 5657, 275, 402404, 422, 721, 990
pre-Islamic 478
Arabian Nights 166, 228, 267, 350, 366, 370,
399, 412, 475, 479, 483, 490, 659n644, 811,
826n127
Arabs 345, 382, 812
vs. non-Arabs 863864
Arberry, A.J. 15n18, 119nn341342, 485n49,
500, 628
Archigenes 103n284
Archimedes 843, 1008
Archytas 27
Ardashr b. Bbak 640, 975
Arghn 734735
Aristaenetus 457458
Aristippus 992
Aristophanes 700
Aristotle 5, 31, 35n30, 47, 5253, 102n278,
109115, 371, 450n15, 475, 489, 531, 545,
593594, 607, 616n402, 622n418, 635,
640641, 663n664, 702, 704, 769, 978979,
987, 995, 10121013, 1020
Pseudo-, 812
Artemidorus 371, 403n2, 531, 616n402, 786
1112
Asad b. Amr 182

al- b. Hishm b. al-Mughra al-Makhzm
406408
al- b. Sad 406
Ascalon 574
Asclepius 653n612
al-Ash 416, 538, 539n67, 565, 758, 872
Ash Nahshal (al-Aswad b. Yafur) 403n9,
405, 409, 677
al-Ashar 34n29, 952953, 955
Asharites 507508
al-Ashtar, Abd-al-Karm 569n178
al-Ashtar al-Naa 629
Ashtor, E. 1032
im b. Muammad al-Ktib 86
al-Askar, Ab Amad 442n154
al-Askar, Ab Hill 42n49, 57n88, 349
350nn21 and 25, 356n73, 368n125, 384n199,
396, 400401, 404405, 411n35, 454n38,
604n333, 616, 617n403, 618, 643, 651n602
Asm al-mun 676
al-Ama 339n6, 409410, 629n450
Assassins 176177, 228, 293
see also Ismls
al-Asurlb, Bad-al-zamn Ab l-Qsim
Hibatallh b. al-usayn al-Baghdd
10011002, 10041005
A (b. Ab Rab al-Qurash) 412, 440, 758
al-Athram, Ab Bakr 375n151
tika 922
Aya al-akaf 272n34, 294
Augustine 701, 725
al-Awf 873
Awad-al-zamn (Ab l-Barakt) Hibatallh
1004
al-Awz 860n52, 997
Ayalon, D. 268n17, 383
Aya Sofya 1052
Ayn Baal al-ik 467n91, 469
al-Ayn 260, 409n30, 446n167, 536n52,
622623, 649n584
Ayybids 357, 484, 824, 881, 1038
Azriqa 953
al-Azz (Shihb-al-dn) 484, 502n19
Azzl 982
al-Azhar 277
al-Azhar 339n6, 359n86, 396n252, 449n6,
451n18, 454n36, 530n23, 635
al-Azz (Fimid caliph) 388389
Badah (?) 352

Bad-al-zamn al-Hamadhn 114n320,
374n149, 454n35, 490, 554559, 567n165
Badr, battle of 365, 406408
Badr-al-dn Muammad b. Ward 833
al-Badr, Ab l-Tuqa Taq-al-dn 141142,
143, 146148, 160, 163165, 167168, 178179,
184, 186n187, 190191, 196, 203, 208, 210213,
216, 218219, 238, 253n70, 254n77, 262, 267,
272n34, 274, 276, 285n80, 287n87, 292,
351n28, 353n48, 381n182, 463nn7374,
467n90, 478, 644n554, 752, 876881,
888
Baer, G. 198n232
Badatl smail Pasha 139
Baghdad 76, 102, 158, 168, 175, 182, 186n187,
187, 271, 286, 490, 772, 786, 1003, 1018,
10301032
al-Baghdd, see Abd al-Laf
al-Barayn 185, 276
Bay b. Pqd 988
Bakr b. Amr 385
al-Bakr, Ab Ubayd 606n344, 645n566
al-Bakr, Ibn Ab l-Surr 146, 158n47, 160n62,
167, 183n178, 196, 225n374, 232n412, 270n27
Bal b. Qays 405406, 409, 483
al-Baldhur 57, 74n169, 102n278, 385, 407,
553n107, 659n641, 676n739
Balns, see Apollonius of Tyana
al-Balkh, see Ab Zayd
Ban Arfida (Ethiopians) 348
Ban Firs 555
Ban anfa 826
Ban rith 667n693
Ban l-ass 104
Ban Hshim 385
Ban l-ims 491n83
Ban Hind (of Shaybn) 416
Ban Kawkar 813n86
Ban Qays 758
Ban Ssn 670
Ban Udhra 825826
al-Bqilln, Ab Bakr 971
Barbeyrac, Jean 361, 495496
al-Barhamatsh 150
Barhebraeus 259n98
Barmecides 281, 575, 611
Barqq, al-Malik al-hir 835
Bar Shemesh, A. 628

al-Bashbughaw, Al b. Sdn 147, 156, 164,
193, 212, 229, 360n89
Bashshr b. Burd 568
Basilius 986
al-Bara 74, 284, 771
al-Baalyaws 580n231
al-Bn, Burhn-al-dn (ibn) 883n56
Baybars (al-Malik al-hir) 66n133, 79n196,
262, 269271, 284, 390n226, 490n74,
733734
al-Bayhaq, Ab Bakr Amad al-Khusrawjird
437n137, 716
al-Bayhaq, Al b. Zayd 97n256
al-Bayhaq, Ibrhm b. Muammad 57n88,
70n153, 8190, 661674 nn. passim,
766767
Bayhasya 953
al-Bazzz, Muammad b. Muammad
72n159, 248, 257
Beaumanoir, P. de 53n75
Bedouins 51, 5657, 115n327, 180, 347, 354,
368, 401n277, 629n450, 663, 667n693, 793,
825
Beirut 174
Bell, H.I. 56n84, 628
Bell, R. 91n232, 628, 800
Bellamy, J.A. 440n146, 618n407
Bengal 178
Berman, L.V. 702
Bias 661
Bible 29, 31, 700, 725
Ecclesiastes 10671070
Exodus 29
Gospels 882
Hebrew 17n28, 595
Kings 33n23
New Testament 983
Old Testament 761
Psalms 982n72
Torah 100, 420n68, 882, 1077
Bill (b. Rab) 645n566
Bill b. Sad 860
Br Raan 178, 191
al-Brn 372n139, 374n148, 376n155,
378n168, 402, 451n22, 478n22, 813n86, 1052,
1084
Bishr al-f 122, 588, 722, 923924, 1079
Bishr al-Mars 370, 709
Bishr b. Marwn 904
1113
Bishr b. al-Mutamir 954
al-Bism, Ab Yazd 717
Blachre, R. 405410 nn., 628
Bouhdiba, Abdelwahab 841
Brahmanas (Sanskrit) 698
Bryson 48n59, 104n285
Budr (Ar. Nights) 366
al-Butur 81n206, 119n343, 525, 550,
562n146, 581n232, 586, 599, 608, 652
al-Bukhr 57n90, 120n345, 161, 239, 246,
357n78, 388, 402, 425427 nn., 536n52,
622, 649, 671, 780, 803, 805807, 909,
910n2, 912, 918, 921, 926, 928, 935936,
1069
al-Bukhr, Abd al-Azz b. Amad 349n19
Bunn al-amml 99n263
Brgel, J.C. 848
Burhn-al-dn Ibrhm al-f al-Dimashq
294
Burz 1039
Busr b. (Ab) Arh 555n115
al-Bust, Ab l-Fat 102, 105n289, 532
Buthayna 600
al-Buway 78, 792
Byids 357, 386, 830, 1003
Buzurjmihr 993
Byzantines 56n84, 363365, 829
Cain 404, 982
Cairo, topography of 166, 173n137, 196n225,
212, 216, 233, 263, 266269, 270271,
360n89, 796, 863, 878, 1018
Ar al-abbla 270
al-Azhar 277
Bb al-Lq 270
Bb al-Sharya 230
Bb al-Tabbn 201n256
Bb Zuwayla 201, 216, 270
Barqqya 278
al-Baysar Bath 201
Blq 216, 270
al-Bustn al-Kfr/Kfr Park 158,
196n225
Ezbekya 235
al-Fil Bath 201202
akr Wil 270
al-Junayna 213, 230, 270, 360n89
al-Kabsh 163
al-Khurunfish (Arcade) 201
1114
al-Manr Hospital 167

Qanarat al-ashshshn 270
al-Qarfa 148
Qar al-Ayn 263
Chaghatai 385386
Central Asia 746
China, Chinese 168, 178, 399
Chingiz Khn 187
Christianity 52, 495, 597, 725, 799, 809, 840,
905, 950n36, 951952, 1025n23
Christians 28, 3740, 52, 62, 76n178, 283, 290,
348, 359, 531, 644, 706, 758, 828, 834, 850,
882, 1004, 1017, 1033, 1042
Cicero 725
Clement of Alexandria 98n259
Constantinople 1018
Dh l-Qarnayn 653
see also Alexander (the Great)
Dh l-Rumma 32, 396n251, 1048n10
Dh l-Shma 829
Dibil 354, 569
Diez, F. 512
Dk al-Jinn 496n4, 639n516
al-Dimy, Ab l-Waf 384, 434, 436, 438,
440, 529n20
Dio Chrysostomus 26
Diogenes 100101, 115, 986, 992, 996, 1011
Dionysius 992
Dioscurides 155, 215n325, 268n15, 747
Diyr Bakr 157, 169
al-Diyrbakr 143, 150, 411n35
Dorotheus 372
Douillet, G. 383
Dozy, R. 164n82, 169n111, 181n168, 223n370,
282n69, 304n26, 392, 513514
al-Duqq (Ab Bakr Muammad b. Dwd
al-Dnawar) 121
al-Dr (Ab l-Muaffar Al b. Makk b.
Muammad b. Hubayra) 286n84
al-abb, Zuhayr b. Masd 610

al-abb, see Abdalllh b. Anama
al-Mufaal
al-ak 56n88, 451n18, 758
al-Dahrya 536, 538
Damascus 183, 212, 234, 262, 267, 281n69,
354, 430, 439, 484, 488, 555n114, 878
Tawba Mosque 281n69, 863
Damiette 183, 212, 266n5
Danner, V. 655n623
al-Daqqq, Ab Al al-asan b. Al 120,
122123
al-Drn, Ab Sulaymn 587, 683687,
1078
Darius 699
al-Darwsh, Muy-al-dn 496n4
David 123
Dawood, N.J. 15n18, 628
Dwd b. Al b. Khalaf (hir) 948
Dwd al-Ank 155156, 160162, 223, 233
Dwd al- 118, 721, 1077, 10791080
al-Dwd 715
Dayr Q 360
Dede Khalfa (Ibrhm b. Bakhsh) 149
Democritus 980
al-Dhahab 66n133, 139n4, 142, 178n155,
187, 198nn231232, 209n282, 246, 266, 291,
375n151, 860n52, 917, 982983
al-Dhahab, Muammad b. Amad 142
DHerbelot 278n57
Dh l-Nn al-Mir 73n161, 76n180, 588, 676,
687, 722723, 905n39
Egypt/Egyptians 10, 56, 77, 160, 165, 169,

177178, 186, 188190, 191, 233, 249, 252n65,
266267, 269270, 280, 284, 294, 380,
386, 389390, 398, 439, 480, 493, 581, 602,
698n4, 733, 760n17a, 784, 785, 823, 824, 863,
878, 1074
Elwell-Sutton, L.P. 500
Empedocles 999n156
Endress, G. 8
Engelmann, W.H. 513
Epictetus 37n33, 39n47
Erpenius, T. 366n113, 454455
Ethiopia/Ethiopians 168, 178, 347348,
395n245, 699
Ettinghausen, R. 25, 398, 399n267
Eubulus 992
Euclid 10071008
Euphrates River 645
Ewliy eleb 198n232
Fala b. Shark 677
Fal (poetess) 637n503, 900
al-Fal b. al-Rab 358, 360, 575
Fakhr-al-dn al-Rz 46, 412, 416, 625n431,
628n439, 635n488, 802803

al-Fkihn 714
al-Fanr, Mamd b. Pr Muammad 143,
148151, 175nn147148, 216n330, 248,
257n90, 260, 277n53
al-Frb 34n29, 53n74, 111112, 813814, 845,
970n15
Pseudo-, 489
al-Farazdaq 769
Frs 185
al-Fat b. Khqn 586, 608
Fima 899n21
Fimids 388389, 398, 669, 823
al-Fazr (?) 634n481
al-Fazr, Ab Isq 365
Firs (tribe) 555
Firdaws 594n288, 665
Fityn al-Shghr 452n25a, 468n98
Fitzgerald, E. 499
Fox, M.V. 1068
Franklin, Benjamin 679
al-Fuayl b. Iy 587, 655n621, 684687
Fulayfil (Badr-al-dn) 194n215, 227n385
Fuzl (Ful) 148, 274, 277n52, 278n56, 283,
286n83, 291n102
Gabriel (angel) 715, 956
Galen 113n316, 177, 207n275, 215, 221n357,
226n380, 249n55, 747, 752, 858, 962,
969
Gardet, L. 2829, 130
Gardiner, T. 417
Gaza 774
Geniza 10, 483, 10321033, 1040
Ghassn b. Dhuhayl 417
al-Ghaammash al-abb 585
al-Ghaww al-Nsbr 466467
al-Ghaznaw, Abd-al-Majd b. Afla 526
al-Ghazzl 1617, 40n48, 73n161, 90n230,
91n232, 98n261, 99n263, 101nn270 and
276, 106n291, 116, 118n335, 125, 154n14,
180n163, 253n70, 350n24, 375n152, 388n218,
478, 488n64, 522, 552n103, 553, 588589,
617n403, 621624, 683691, 722723, 860,
911, 961, 970, 1031
al-Ghubr 472
al-Ghuzl 210n288, 214n315, 225n378,
242n21, 261n111, 277n55, 296n124, 354355,
469498 nn. passim
Gibbon, Edward 545
1115
Goitein, S.D. 10, 93n239, 102n278, 483n50,
701, 10271028, 10321033, 1040
Goldziher, I. 46n53, 442n153, 848849
Gramlich, R. 545n86
Granada 188189
Graves, Robert 727
Greek, Greeks 26, 29n10a, 32, 94118, 153,
155, 177, 200, 208, 209n284, 231, 370372,
402403, 450, 457458, 475, 497, 504,
513514, 701, 704, 812, 826n127, 880881,
960
Gregory of Nyssa 38n38
Guillaume, A. 600n315
Gurgn 483
Gutas, D. 450n15, 656n624
Gypsies (zu) 170
Habannaqa al-Qays 709
al-addd() 175n147, 216n330, 260
al-Him, Shihb-al-dn Amad b. Muammad al-Manr 230, 272n36, 281n66,
878
al-ajjj b. Ysuf 66, 75, 647, 854, 904,
1003
jj Khalfa (Ktib Chelebi) 48n63, 141,
146, 148149, 151, 175n148, 254nn73 and
75, 256n84, 263264nn118119, 841n6,
10791081, 1086
al-kim bi-amri llh 831
al-akm al-Tirmidh 124n379a, 128, 731732
al-alm 421, 423
al-allj (al-usayn b. Manr) 122,
676n737, 717, 726
al-alwn, (alw) (Abd-al-Azz),
Shams-al-aimma 69
Hama 169, 174n144, 357, 484
Hamadhn 72n160, 182n180
al-Hamadhn, see Bad-al-zamn
Hamdani, Abbas H. 146
al-amdaw (al-amdn), Isml b. Ibrhm
b. amdawayh 637n502
ammd Ajrad 96n252, 527
Hammer-Purgstall, J. von 512
amza b. abb 413
amza al-Ifahn 352n38, 454455,
552n102, 663n664
anafites 59, 64, 181182, 246248, 256257,
260, 269, 363n99, 370, 379n172, 387, 396,
421, 424, 427n96, 433n120, 435
1116
anbalites 59, 64, 252, 346, 369, 375n151,

396, 398, 435n128, 436, 438, 542
anala b. Arda 575
al-Haraw, see Ab Sad
al-Haraw, Al b. Ab Bakr 796
al-Haraw al-Bshn, Amad b. Muammad
926
al-arr (Al b. al-usayn) 65
al-arr (f), see Al
al-arr (son of the preceding), see Muammad b. Al
al-arr al-Bar, Ab Muammad al-Qsim
b. Al 455n51, 1002, 1005
rith (tribe) 668n693
al-rith b. illiza 555n113
al-rith b. Khlid al-Makhzm 408,
459n56, 539n67, 631n466, 771
al-rith b. Wala 539n67
ritha b. Badr 575n203
ritha b. al-Numn 120
arra, battle of 555
Hrn b. Al b. Yay b. al-Munajjim
650n589
Hrn al-Rashd (caliph) 242n21, 407n25,
442n153, 483, 571, 607, 873
al-asan b. Al b. Ab lib 51n69
al-asan al-Bar 398, 589, 610, 629,
645n560, 651, 653n612, 655, 687, 768,
860n52
al-asan b. Bundr 526
al-asan b. Farr al-Muaddib (Ab Al)
466n90
al-asan b. Makhlad b. al-Jarr 764
al-asan b. Muammad b. Jumhr 596n297
al-asan b. Wahb 874
al-asan b. Ziyd al-Lulu al-Kf 69
Hshimites 555
ashshya 176
al-akaf 468
assn b. Thbit 244245, 406407, 491n83,
607, 643
tim al-Aamm 683n776
tim al- 491, 760, 913n10
aydar (al-Zwaj, Shaykh) 289, 293
aydars 178, 182187, 197, 232, 275,
293n115
aydarya 158
al-Haytham b. Ad 913, 915, 918, 932
Hlot, L. and H. 513514
Henning, M. 229n392, 628

Henry VIII of England 383
Heraclitus 980
Hermes, Hermetic philosophy 95n244,
9798, 127128, 651n595, 652n603,
699
Hesiod 13, 16
ijz 164
al-ijz (Shihb-al-dn) 472, 876879
Hill b. al-Muassin al-bi 482n37,
586n247
al-ill, af-al-dn 163
Himly, K. 399, 510n2
imyar b. Saba 610
Hind bint Asm b. Khrija 904, 906
Hindus 809
Hippocrates 96, 98, 113, 177, 599n309, 792,
962, 979n59, 10211023, 10831084
al-ra 82, 605
al-r (Ab Uthmn) 716
Hishm b. Urwa b. al-Zubayr 553, 914
917
Hoja Nasreddin 201n255
see also Ju
Homer 13, 96, 103, 597
Homs 169
Hoyle, E. 376n157
Huber, A. 411n35
Hudba b. Khashram 641
al-Hudhal, Ab Bakr 365
Hudhalite
poems 535n51, 606
poet 578n219
udhayfa b. al-Yamn 179
al-Hudhayl b. abb 365
ujr b. Ad 553, 555
umayd b. Abd-al-amd al-s 571
Hume, David 797
unayn b. Isq 113n319, 190, 640n523,
664n673, 828, 978n53
Hurmuz 185, 276
al-usayn (b. Al b. Ab lib) 397, 452,
671n710
al-usayn b. Al b. Sayyid al-Kull 259n103
usayn al-Marwarrdh 248, 255, 259
usayn Pasha 263
al-ur 551n99, 584n242, 529532 nn.,
551n99, 663680 nn. passim
Hyde, T. 343, 498

Ibiya 953
Ibls 14, 284, 291, 293, 981982
see also Satan
Ibn Abbd (al-ib) 352353, 447,
465466, 490, 492, 672n714, 843, 960
Ibn Abbs, see Abdallh
Ibn al-Abbs, Abdallh (grandson of al-Fal
b. al-Rab) 360
Ibn Abdl 901
Ibn Abd-al-Barr 440, 536n52, 615n399, 782,
977
Ibn Abdrabbih 550n96, 565n158, 575n207,
608n361, 643n548, 651n597
Ibn Abd-al-Salm, see Abd-al-Azz
Ibn Abdn 75n173, 77, 446
Ibn Abd-al-hir 196n225, 261n111, 265, 277,
295
Ibn Ab l-Aswad al-Dual (Ab arb) 657
Ibn Ab Atq 459
Ibn Ab Awf, see Abdallh
Ibn Ab l-Baghl 87n222
Ibn Ab Bakra, see Abd-al-Ramn, Ubaydallh
Ibn Ab Dharr (al-mir ?) 371n137, 489n72,
601n319
Ibn Ab Dud 79n196, 85
Ibn Ab l-duny 375n151, 425, 426n93,
440n146, 506, 546n88, 595, 629n450,
645n560, 655, 682683
Ibn Ab l-add 551, 633, and 551688 nn.
passim
Ibn Ab tim al-Rz 370n130
Ibn Ab l-awr 10791080
Ibn Ab Layl (Muammad b. Abd-alRamn) 67
Ibn Ab Qumsh 119
Ibn Ab l-Rab (Shihb-al-dn Amad
b. Muammad) 95n242, 110n306,
489n69
Ibn Ab l-Rab al-Hawwr 139
Ibn Ab l-Rab al-Mafir 139
Ibn Ab Sad al-Warrq al-Bann 301n18
Ibn Ab Shayba 379, 396, 425
Ibn Ab hir ayfr, see Amad
Ibn Ab Uways 912
Ibn Ab Zar 923
Ibn Ab Zayd al-Qayrawn 5859, 427n96,
506n35, 562n142
Ibn al-Adra 433
1117
Ibn al-Aff al-Tilimsn 211212, 217, 225, 227,
271, 353n53, 430, 468
Ibn al-Alqam 390n226
Ibn al-Am, Al b. Muammad 186n187, 289
Ibn al-Am, Ibrhm al-Baghdd 279280
Ibn al-Amd, Ab l-Fal 351n28, 529,
572n189, 672n715, 1003
Ibn al-Amd, Ab l-Fat 357, 492
Ibn al-Anbr 910n2, 925
Ibn Aql 743
Ibn al-Arab, Ab Bakr al-Ishbl al-Mafir
58n91, 340, 363364, 403404nn8 and 10,
618n406
Ibn al-Arb, Muammad 383, 405, 432n114
Ibn Arab, Muy-al-dn 125128, 467n91,
540n73, 574, 607n353, 617n404, 629,
645n560, 662n659, 668n693, 676n737,
684n782, 687, 718, 720, 724, 775n79, 849,
856, 1076
Pseudo-, 387n212
Ibn Arab, Sad-al-dn Muammad 879
Ibn Askir 182n178, 860n52
Ibn al-Ashyab, Ms b. al-Qsim b. Ms b.
al-asan b. Ms 440n146
Ibn Allh 655n623
Ibn al-Athr al-alab (Muibb-al-dn) 217
Ibn al-Athr, Izz-al-dn 182n178, 942943
Ibn al-Athr, Majd-al-dn 348352 nn.
passim, 393400 nn. passim, 449n6, 451n18,
538n63, 783, 926
Ibn Ar, Ab Bakr (wazr) 832
Ibn al-Ar, Al-al-dn 157, 253, 323324
Ibn Bjja 620n410, 667n693
Ibn Bann 384
Ibn al-Bard 216
Ibn Bassm 33n24, 448452, 561n141a
Ibn Baa 183n181, 196
Ibn al-Bayr 138, 153, 175, 188189, 193,
207n275, 233, 249n55, 266, 316, 924
Ibn B, amza 600, 612, 633
Ibn al-Butur 81, 83n213, 89n227, 98n261,
99n263
Ibn Bulbul, Ab l-Saqr Isml 1003
Ibn al-Buqush al-Sil 832
Ibn Buln 785, 987, 1015, 1017, 1022, 1042
Ibn Daftarkhwn al-dil 881n54
Ibn al-Dahhn 617n403
Ibn al-Dammn 450, 560, 910n2
Ibn Dniyl 269n23, 380, 462
1118
Ibn Daqq-al-d 252n65, 253

Ibn al-Dya 73n164, 95n244, 108n300, 152n3
Ibn al-Dumayna 591n273, 639n519, 645
Ibn Durayd 45n51, 108n300, 109n304,
123n369, 661n651, 926
Ibn Durustawayh 1047
Ibn Dst 530n24
Ibn Falta 875
Ibn al-Fri 969
Ibn Fris, Ab l-asan Amad 554
Ibn Frak 538n62, 541n74, 542n76, 957
Ibn al-Furt (wazr) 106n291
Ibn al-Fuwa 60n101, 62n112, 63n119, 64n122,
65n127, 74n167, 76n176a, 79nn194195, 141,
186n187, 580n228
Ibn Ghnim, Izz-al-dn Abd-al-Salm b.
Amad al-Maqdis 139140, 153, 180,
221n359, 266n6, 273n37, 285, 291n104,
303305
Ibn Ghnim, Shihb-al-dn Amad 163
Ibn Ghassn 357
Ibn abb, Abd-al-Malik (d. 238/852) 733,
912, 925
Ibn abb al-alab (d. 779/1377) 288n92,
463, 470
Ibn abb, Muammad (d. 245/860) 76n178,
79n195, 405408, 411n34
Ibn al-Him, see al-Him
Ibn ajar al-Asqaln 9, 120nn344a347,
139, 163n78, 178n155, 184n185, 259n103,
273n34, 288n92, 347n4, 585, 623, 714, 806,
808, 902, 910n2, 911, 914, 918, 928, 933934,
969, 1079
Ibn ajar al-Haytam 142, 144145, 206,
220n350, 224n372, 252n65, 260n104,
291n105, 373, 375n151, 380381, 399400,
429
Ibn al-jib 253, 324
Ibn al-ajjj, Ab Abdallh al-usayn b.
Amad 572
Ibn ajjj, Ab Ayyb Sulaymn b. Sulaymn
105n290
Ibn amdn 460, 488
Ibn Hammm, Ab Al Muammad
596n297
Ibn anbal, anbalites 59, 62n112, 64, 145,
247, 252, 255, 290, 322, 369, 425, 427428,
441442, 536n52, 542, 683n776, 735,
805808, 1053, 1076, 1079
Ibn al-anbal 143, 146, 149, 360n89

Ibn al-asan al-Bakr 149
Ibn al-Haytham 819820
Ibn azm 54, 75, 77n187, 129, 220n350,
555n115, 628n441, 842, 977, 988
Ibn ijja al-amaw 210n288, 214n315,
261n111, 265n2, 277n55, 281n66, 295n124,
557n123
Ibn Hind (Ibn Hind?) 672n714
Ibn Hind 95117 nn. passim, 599n309,
600n313, 608n362, 660, 980, 1012, 10161018,
10201022
Ibn Hishm, Abdallh b. Ysuf Jaml-al-dn
621, 638n510
Ibn Hishm, Abd-al-Malik 406, 527n17,
533n43, 556557nn119121
Ibn Hubayra 714715
Ibn al-Humm 257
Ibn Isq 406
Ibn Jama, Badr-al-dn 105n289, 154n13,
659n644, 734735, 10801081
Ibn Jama, Izz-al-dn 124n379
Ibn al-Jawz 100n266, 102n278, 118n336,
121n355, 124n378, 256n84, 363n99, 491n78,
490, 523, 599n309, 614n395, 758, 841n7, 854,
900
Ibn Jazla 153, 207n274, 215n323, 233
Ibn al-Jazzr, Nr-al-dn Al 148296 passim
Ibn Jubayr 789
Ibn Juljul 1032n15, 1038n27
Ibn al-Kalb 383
Ibn Kaml Psh (Kemalpaazade) 150151,
425n84, 455
Ibn Kathr 91nn233234, 139n9, 182n178,
357n79, 438n143, 439n145, 551n99,
551n100
Ibn Khaff, Ab Al Muammad 579n222,
665n683
Ibn Khaldn 3, 59n94, 63n117, 65n125,
91n232, 92, 104n288, 450, 641n535, 647n576,
681n763, 996, 1041n40, 10851086
Ibn Khallikn 19n31, 66n133, 240n11,
206n271, 281, 380n178, 433n117, 584n242,
1069
Ibn Khams 289
Ibn al-Kharr 211212
Ibn Kharf 80, 355n68
Ibn al-Khab, Lisn-al-dn 188, 450
Ibn Khayrn 433
1119
Ibn Khubayq, Ab Muammad Abdallh

124
Ibn Khuwzmandd 54
Ibn Labbaykum (?) 464
Ibn Laha, s 383, 385, 916
Ibn Lankak 563, 680n760
Ibn Mja al-Qazwn 425, 618n406
Ibn Maknis, Fakhr-al-dn 216n334, 460n60,
498n12
Ibn Mlik (al-Jayyn) 389n221
Ibn Mamar 611
Ibn Mandawayh al-Ifahn 1025
Ibn Manr (Lisn al-Arab) 31nn2122,
45n51, 82n208, 85n217, 164n79, 243n23,
926
Ibn al-Margh, Muammad b. Ab Bakr 311
Ibn al-Marzubn, Muammad b. Khalaf
552n102, 842n7
Ibn al-Marzubn, Muammad b. Sahl
592n279, 596, 642n539, 652n604, 674
Ibn Msawayh 207n275
Ibn Masd 413, 426, 738, 1079
Ibn Mawhib al-ar 97, 466n86, 467
Ibn al-Mawwz 434, 437
Ibn Mayyda 667
Ibn al-Mubrak, see Abdallh
Ibn al-Mufarrigh al-imyar 108n300, 154n13
Ibn al-Mughaffal 361
Ibn al-Mulaqqin 45
Ibn al-Munayyir, Nir-al-dn 284
Ibn al-Muqaffa 99n263, 622n421, 640n525,
969, 971, 1039n30
Ibn al-Muqmir, Abdallh b. Muammad b.
Thbit 478
Ibn al-Mutazz 64, 83, 90, 105n290, 118, 526,
593, 641, 642n544, 653n612, 662, 711, 881,
890
Ibn al-Nadm 87n222, 378n167, 433n117, 1086
Ibn Nafs (Al-al-dn) 275n42
Ibn al-Najjr, Jaml-al-dn Ibrhm b.
Sulaymn 221n363
Ibn al-Najjr, Shams-al-dn Muammad 146,
167n99, 180n163, 191, 225, 232n412
Ibn Naqla (Nuqayla?) 214n315
Ibn al-Nab, Ab Bakr Muammad b. Umar
879
Ibn Nubta, Abd-al-Ram al-Friq 355
Ibn Nubta al-Sad 563n151, 633n473
Ibn al-Q 347n4
Ibn Qays al-Ruqayyt 459, 668

Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzya 56n85, 57n90,
60n103162n111, 64, 66n136, 69n150,
127n397b, 219, 346, 363n99, 369, 370n131,
431, 436, 437n138, 438439, 615n397, 640,
654n615, 743, 779, 900, 1077
Ibn Qillis 388389
Ibn al-Qudur 949
Ibn al-Quff 10171018, 10221024
Ibn Qufl (f) 958
Ibn Qunbur (Qanbar) 668
Ibn Qutayba 66n132, 73n165, 76n175,
8182nn205207, 89n227, 102n278, 341,
404, 407, 409410, 416, 491, 538n62, 542n76,
547n88, 573n195, 580581, 668n693, 856,
858, 868, 925, 974
Ibn Qulbugh 9
Ibn Qutulmish, Muammad b. Sulaymn
372, 483, 831
Ibn al-Rafa 439, 734
Ibn al-Raqq al-Qayrawn 229n392, 242n21,
245n32
Ibn Rshid 808
Ibn al-Rassm, Amad b. Muammad
al-alab 155, 292
Ibn Riwn, Ab l-asan 400
Ibn Riwn, Ab l-Qsim 63n117, 72n160, 75,
76n181, 77n186, 82n207
Ibn Riwn, Al 96, 10331034, 1074
Ibn Rbl al-Abbr 461
Ibn al-Rm 123n371, 562n146, 611n385, 643,
674n727, 711, 881, 944, 946, 1002
Ibn Rushd 111112, 434, 594n287, 635636
Ibn al-abbgh 433, 443
Ibn Sabn 827, 833
Ibn Sad 66n133, 379, 385, 406
Ibn al-ib, Badr-al-dn (al-wazr Tj-al-dn)
498n12
Ibn al-ib, Badr-al-dn Amad b. Muammad 214n315
Ibn Sad al-Maghrib 80n202, 97n254,
188189, 480, 568n173
Ibn al-igh, Jall-al-dn Ab l-Muizz
al-Maghrib 241, 470
Ibn al-igh, Shams-al-dn 241n16
Ibn al-al 254, 324
Ibn al-Sammk 642
Ibn San-al-Mulk 354n53, 391, 468, 570n184,
574, 711
1120
Ibn San-al-dawla, adr-al-dn 430

Ibn ar 366
Ibn Sayyid-al-ns 208
Ibn Shaddd, Bah-al-dn 206n271
Ibn Shaddd, Izz-al-dn 74n171
Ibn al-Shamm 236n4
Ibn Shs (Abdallh b. Najm) 434
Ibn al-Shina, Abd-al-Barr 878
Ibn al-Shina, Muibb-al-dn 239
Ibn Shuhayd 498
Ibn Shukr, af-al-dn al-ib 218
see also Alam-al-dn
Ibn Sda 926
Ibn Sn 53n74, 56, 111 and n.315, 414n47,
490, 499, 585, 594n287, 635n491, 705, 845,
859n50, 960
Ibn Srn 66n133, 396n253, 412, 492, 639, 787,
1084
Ibn Suwr, Ab l-Khayr al-asan b. alKhammr 102, 1016
Ibn al-abb 80n200
Ibn Taghrbird 92, 169n113, 211n292,
218n342, 236n4, 241n15, 276n47, 288n92,
388, 393395, 483n44485n48
Ibn Tamm, Mujr-al-dn 888889
Ibn Taymya 80n199, 141142, 144, 157,
158n53, 186187, 197, 198n232, 218n344,
227, 236, 243, 245246, 251252, 255,
258, 261, 266, 282283, 291, 296297,
322, 346, 376, 398, 415, 427n96, 438439,
477, 489, 492, 507, 538, 540, 542n76,
987
Ibn Thbit, Abdallh b. Muammad 478
Ibn Thawba 374
Ibn al-Tilmdh, Mutamad-al-dawla 1003
1004
Ibn ufayl 845
Ibn al-Ukhwa 372n141, 446, 841n6
Ibn Umar, Abdallh 379, 396, 401, 412, 423,
425n84426, 432, 459, 506
Ibn Wahb 401
Ibn al-Wad, Muammad b. Sharf 288289
Ibn al-Wakl, ahr-al-dn Muammad b.
Isml 286n84
Ibn al-Ward, Sirj-al-dn 178n157
Ibn al-Ward, Zayn-al-dn 155, 208, 217, 285,
286n81, 469, 478
Ibn Yaqn, Muammad b. s b. Ubayd 596
Ibn al-Yazd, Jaml-al-dn 430431
Ibn Ynus, Ab Sad Abd al-Ramn

al-adaf 785
Ibn Ynus al-iqill 434
Ibn Zafar 947
Ibn fir 355, 669n701
Ibn Zayd 758
Ibn al-Zayyt 527, 829
Ibn al-Zubayr, Abdallh 74n169, 426, 444
Ibn Zuqqa 378
Ibrhm (Prophet) 956, 969
Ibrhm b. Al, see al-Mimr
Ibrhm b. Adham 124, 709, 721, 949
Ibrhm b. Asad al-Irbil al-Laqn 225n374
Ibrhm al-Mawil 675
Ibrhm b. al-Mudabbir 579, 675
Ibrhm b. Muslim 385
Ibrhm b. Shaybn 71n154
Ibrhm b. Sinn b. Thbit b. Qurra 1008
al-Ibshh 340n8, 466nn8990, 472n110,
489n71, 557n120
al-Idkw 149
Ikhshd, Muammad b. ughsh 481, 493
Ikhwn al-af 117, 359, 845, 960962
Ikrima 365, 758
Imd-al-dn al-Ktib al-Ifahn 84n215a,
109n301, 353n46, 354n57, 450498 nn.
passim, 667
Imrn b. in 650, 754, 906n42
al-Imrn 398, 431, 435, 441
Imruu-l-Qays 573n195, 872, 874n36
India/Indians 168, 175, 178, 190, 227, 288, 402,
404, 503504, 510, 813, 1031
Indonesia 393
Iran/Iranians 177, 179, 508
see also Persia/Persians
under Mongols 10301031
Iraq/Iraqis 75, 168, 179, 182, 185, 352n39,
441442
al-Irbil (Ab Muammad Abdallh b. Sad)
1004
s (Jesus), see Jesus Christ
s b. Ynus al-Sab 923
Ifahn 173
al-Ifahn, amza 401, 455, 857n44, 865n9
al-Ifahn, Nr-al-dn 287n84
al-Isfarin, Ab mid Amad b. Muammad 268n18
al-Isfarin, Ab l-Muaffar Imd-al-dn
Shahfr 372n142, 490n75

Isq b. Ibrhm b. Muab 63n117
Isq b. Imrn 207n275
Isq al-Isrl 249n55
Isq b. Khall (Aff-al-dn) 669
Isq al-Mawil 358, 680, 899n21
Isq b. Rhawayh 423
al-Isird, Nr-al-dn 138139, 223, 227,
276277, 288, 289n97, 291292, 298, 300,
659n643
al-Iskf, Muammad b. Abdallh 1016
Isml b. Ab Khlid 361n94
Isml b. Amad b. Abd-al-Wahhb (Tj-aldn) 275n42
Isml b. Jmi 483
Isml b. al-Maarr 236n4
Isml al-Makk 120
Ismls 117, 167, 176 and n.153, 290n98, 832
Israelites 73o n.5, 800, 822, 951
Istanbul 1086
al-Ittidya 540543
Iyd (tribe) 677
Iy (Judge) 909, 911, 913914, 918920,
926928, 930, 933
Iys b. Muwiya 768
Izz-al-dawla 357358, 386
Izz-al-dn (a Shfi) 259
Izz-al-dn Abd-al-Salm, see Ibn Ghnim
al-Jabar 234n420
Jbir b. ayyn 153
Jacob (Prophet) 588
Jacobites 707
Jafar (b. Yay b. Khlid) al-Barmak 89,
370, 684n781
Jafar b. Muammad al-Shrz 184185
al-Ji 9, 13, 73n161, 8182, 87n222, 104,
108n300, 110, 372, 391393, 401n277, 448,
489, 491, 537, 549550, 596, 615, 624, 640,
662663, 703, 766, 769, 773, 851n25, 856,
858, 863864, 865, 868, 870, 872, 947, 954,
972973, 977, 10241025, 1073, 1082
Jaa (al-Barmak) 350n26, 552n102
al-Jahshiyr 358n82, 575n205
Jaml al-Udhr 403n9, 599, 602, 645n566
Jamla bt. Nar al-dawla 830
Jamra (Khawla) 650
Jamshd 720
Jnibak al-Tj 276
Jarr 417, 611n383
1121
al-Jarsf, Umar b. Uthmn 446
Jaspers, K., x-xii 27
al-Jas al-Rz, Ab Bakr 387n213, 437n138,
441n152
Jss al-Falak 1004
al-Jawlq 580n231
al-Jawbar 71n155, 157n36, 232, 292293,
351n33, 355n67, 366n115, 398, 478, 1037n25
al-Jawhar, see Al b. Dwd
al-Jawhar (lexicographer) 219, 828, 910n2
Jaysh b. Khumrawayh 73
al-Jaysh al-akw 201202
Jerusalem 171
Jesus (Christ) 706708, 726, 982n72,
983984, 1036
Jews, Judaism 29, 3133, 75n173, 79, 93n239,
348, 396n251, 403, 420, 482, 492n84, 495,
509, 625, 755, 758, 799, 833, 882883, 952,
1004, 1033, 1042
laws of 482483
views of 819, 950
Jibrl b. Ubaydallh b. Bukhtsh 1030n9
al-Jilyn 501
Jbn al-Qawws 271
al-Jubb, Ab Hshim 971
Ju 709
see also Hoja Nasreddin
al-Juma, Abdallh b. Abd-al-Ramn 366
al-Juma, Ab Azza Amr b. Abdallh 823
Junda 634n481
al-Junayd 122, 723724
Jung, C.G. 699n7
al-Jurjn, see Abd-al-Qhir
al-Jurjn, Ab l-Abbs Amad b. Muammad
(d. 482/1090) 256, 332
al-Jurjn, Al b. Muammad, al-Sayyid
al-Sharf 4748, 339340, 349n20
al-Juwayn, Al-al-dn A-malik 90n229
Kab b. Zuhayr 592, 600, 620, 636n499, 638
Kaba 473n114, 803, 841
Kfr al-Ikhshd 197n225, 269, 560
Kahane, H. and R. 511n4, 513
al-Kalbdh 124, 715
Kaml-al-dn al-im 1034
Karagz 158n52
Karbal 555
Karm-al-dn al-kabr 834
al-Kshn 60
1122
al-Khafff (Shihb-al-dn Amad) 181n168,

192n208, 214, 281n66
al-Khal 612
Khlid b. Abdallh al-Qasr 352n39 (?), 601
Khlid b. Barmak 678
Khlid b. Yazd b. Muwiya 108n301
Khalfa (Ar. Nights) 228, 370
Khall b. Isq al-Mlik 438n140
al-Khans 811n76a
Khrijites 649, 650, 754, 806, 882, 950,
952953
al-Kharrz, Abdallh b. Muammad 587
al-Kharrz, Al b. Amad 148
Khatham 921
al-Khab al-Baghdd 69n146, 74n171,
80n197, 116nn327328, 119124 nn. passim,
242n21, 268n18, 365n108, 433n117, 440n146,
567n164, 923, 936, 948, 10711073, 10781079
Khab al-Nayrab, Abd-al-Wahhb 118n338
al-Khab 547548, 552n102, 563n149,
575n204, 708, 715716, 930
Khawrij, see Khrijites
Khawwam, Salah Addin 866, 868
Khaybar, battle of 807
al-Khayy (Ab Abdallh Muammad b.
Amad) 378
al-Khzin (Ab Jafar) al-ghn 1008
al-Khir 170, 286, 653
Khia (China) 179
Khursn/Khursnians 113, 178, 184, 185,
575, 774, 784, 857n44
al-Khusa 811n76a
Khusrawshh 1030n9
al-Khuttal 385
Khuwrizm 401n276
al-Khuwrizm, Ab Bakr 520n2, 534,
563n147, 812, 855
al-Khuwrizm, Muammad b. al-Abbs
108n301
al-Khuz 372n143, 492
Khwharzdeh 175, 248
al-Kinn, Ab hir Isml b. rim 833
al-Kind, Ab Umar 369n129, 385n205,
493n92
al-Kind, Yaqb b. Isq 34n28, 37, 53n74,
99, 109n303, 157n38, 475n5, 478, 488n64,
639n518, 866, 970n15
Pseudo-, 387
al-Kis, Al b. amza 413
al-Kis, Muammad b. Abdallh 369n127

Kramers, J.H. 130
Kraus, P. 104n287, 378n168
Kroeber, A. 340n11
Kfa 74, 75, 674, 771
al-Khistn, Shams-al-dn 48, 349n19,
427n97
Kulayb (tribe) 417
al-Kumayt 637
Kurd Al, M. 99n263
al-Kurd (Shams-al-dn) 181
Kurds 169
Kushjim 465, 492n84, 578n217, 601,
653n612, 663
Kuthayyir Azza 634
al-Kutub 65nn126129, 79n196, 80n199,
81n206, 104n286, 105n290, 118n338,
124n378, 139, 142, 163n78, 178n155, 208n280,
222n363, 269n23, 281n68, 284n79, 288n92,
298n1, 301, 482486 nn., 514
Labd 368, 401, 552553, 556, 592n281,
626628
Lain Entralgo, P. 597
Lmi 278n57
Lane, E.W. 155n26, 162, 164, 166n92, 220n350,
293n112, 377n163
Laoust, H. 142, 218n344
Latakia 785
Lab 345n2
al-Lawkar, Ab l-Abbs 978
Layl 667, 893n5
Levi Della Vida, G. 36n32a, 53n75, 383385,
432n114, 856
Lichtenstein, Ulrich von 726
Lisn al-Arab, see Ibn Manr
llynws (Greek philosopher) 974
Lot 488
Lubn 611
Lughda (Lukdha) 552n102
Luqmn 101, 372, 403, 407n25, 454, 548n93,
978n53
Luqmn al-Sarakhs 29
al-Maarr, Ab l-Al 460, 545n86, 1075
Mabad 301
al-Madin 405, 459n56, 595, 845, 904
Maghrib/Maghribis 784, 789
Magians 828, 830
1123
Mahad al-Makht al-Arabyya 1027n3

al-Mahd (caliph) 82, 98n261, 372, 492, 675
Mahd (expected) 430n106, 782
Mamd (of Ghazna) 455, 813n86
Mamd (Saljq) 1002
Mamd b. Ab l-Qsim b. Nadmn(?)
al-anbal 285n80
Mamd al-Muammad l-anaf 150, 180
Mamd al-Warrq 594n289, 607608, 649,
658
Mahn, K.A.F. 512, 515
Maimonides 152n1, 153, 157n38, 166n91,
175n145, 233n419, 248n50, 252n65, 268n15,
420n68, 501, 1070n18
Majnn 639n519, 893n5
Makhzm (tribe) 408
Makk 286n84
al-Makk, see Ab lib
al-Makk, Muammad 972
al-Mala, Jaml-al-dn Ysuf b. Ms 161,
239240, 247n42
Mlik, Mlikites 54, 5760, 64, 243259
passim, 290, 424428, 431434, 436438,
440, 441n152, 443, 495, 506, 536n52, 735, 741,
784, 808
al-Malik al-dil 824, 1038
al-Malik al-Amjad Bahrmshh (of Balabakk)
482
al-Malik al-Ashraf (Raslid) 789
al-Malik al-Ashraf, Qitbey 835
al-Malik al-Ashraf b. al-Malik al-dil (of
Damascus) 484
al-Malik al-Azz (of Aleppo) 484
Mlik b. Asm 676
Mlik b. udhayfa al-Nakha 587n250
al-Malik al-Muaffar (jj) 389390, 395
al-Malik al-Muaffar (of amh) 357
al-Malik al-Nir, asan 389n224
al-Malik al-Nir, Muammad b. Qaln
389
al-Malik al-Nir, Ysuf b. Muammad 485
al-Malik al-Sad 390
al-Malik al-li, Najm-al-dn Ayyb 269,
824
al-Malik al-hir, see Baybars
Malikshh 831
al-Mall, Abd-al-Mun 496n4
Mamar (?) 179
Mamar b. Rshid 553
Mamlk (period) 92, 268n17, 398, 881

al-Mamn (caliph) 62, 116, 481, 487, 680,
873, 1048
Man b. Zida 17n27, 57
al-Manbij 178, 287n84
Manichaeans/Manichaeism 538, 969, 1051,
1073n36
al-Manr, Ab Jafar (caliph) 559, 642n544,
841n7
Manr b. Ammr 547549
Manr al-Faqh (Manr b. Ibrhm al-Mir)
123
Manr b. Isml al-Mir 820
Manr b. Muammad (Ab Manr) al-Azd
al-Haraw 353n52, 462, 466, 561n141,
583n240
al-Maqrz, Amad b. Al 57n90, 74
75nn169171, 77 and n.183, 139, 141, 146,
160, 166167, 175, 177179, 184, 186, 190,
196n225, 207n275, 230n400, 233, 241n16,
249n55, 263, 270, 276, 286, 287n87,
290n98, 292, 296, 388395 nn. passim
al-Marghnn, Burhn-al-dn 48n62, 256,
323, 332, 421n71, 424n84
al-Marghnn, Zayn-al-dn 48n59, 53n76
Marj Adhr 555n114
Marracci, L. 15n18, 628
al-Marrkush 1006
al-Marrdh (al-Marwaz), Ab Bakr 1076
Marf al-Karkh 588, 655n623
Marwnids 554
Maryam (Mary) 369
al-Marzubn 829
al-Marzubn, Muammad b. Imrn 17n28,
86n222, 539n68, 574n197
Masrq 427
Masrr (Ar. Nights) 432n115
Massignon, L. 121n355, 197n226, 713
Masd (Saljq) 1002
al-Masd 57n88, 59n94, 74n169, 83n212,
84n214, 384n196, 488n61, 492n84, 503,
576n210, 795
Matthew of Vendme 725726
al-Mward 51nn6971, 8182nn205206,
96n252, 256, 258, 259n98, 325, 445n166,
477n18, 741
al-Mawil (Taq-al-dn) 159
al-Mawil, Isq b. Ibrhm 704
1124
al-Mawil, Umar b. al-Shina 83n213

Maximus Confessor 95n243
Pseudo-, 10361037
al-Maydn 366n113, 454n.-455, 498n10
Mayer, L.A. 398
al-Mzar 931
al-Mzn 201
Mecca 57, 372, 407, 413, 473n114, 492, 556,
783, 788, 793, 799, 827, 833, 921
Medina 57, 413, 768, 781n104, 783, 793
Meier, F. 49n66a, 127n397b, 397n259,
686688
Menander 96n251
Pseudo - 371, 660661
Mercier, L. 383
Mercury (planet) 372
Merinids 63n117
Mesopotamia 698n4
Mez, A. 54n81, 105n290, 344, 862n1, 1082
Michael (Bz) 37, 39
Michael the Interpreter 705
al-Mkl 572n192
al-Mlaw, Ysuf b. al-Wakl 75n172, 198, 263
al-Mimr, Burhn-al-dn (= Ibrhm alMimr ?) 174n143, 195, 199, 216217, 278
al-Mimr, Ibrhm b. Al 479480
Min 501
Miskawayh 35n31, 40n48, 79nn193 and 197,
87n222, 89n224, 96n250, 97n253, 99n263,
101103, 109, 117, 357n80, 391, 478n23,
487n56, 488n64, 497n8, 577, 594, 616,
618620, 776, 818, 846, 987n94, 991n114,
1083
Mongols (Tatars) 187188, 354
Monochros 457
Moses 46, 55, 800
Mosul 169, 280
al-Badrya 280
Motzkin, A.L. 1033
Muf b. Imrn 427n96
Muammar b. Abbd 640
Muwiya b. Ab Sufyn (caliph) 75n173,
9192, 553, 555nn114115, 570, 633n475, 793,
869
Muwiya b. Ubaydallh b. Yasr, Ab
Ubaydallh 98n261
al-Muayyad (Mamlk ruler) 92, 567
Muayyad-al-dn b. al-Alqam 833
Mubriz-al-dn Sunqur (of Mrdn) 804n23
al-Mubarrad 592n280, 789n142, 848

al-Mubashshir b. Ftik 90n231, 94115 nn.
passim, 113n319, 372n140, 403, 450n13,
475n3, 494n7, 548n93, 596n296, 651664
nn. passim
al-Mufaal al-abb 366n113, 405, 454n39
al-Mufaal b. Fala 671
al-Mufaalyt 367n121
al-Mughra b. Amr b. Uthmn 630
al-Mughra b. Habn 529n20
al-Muhallab 932933
al-Muhallab, al-asan b. Muammad [b.
Abdallh] b. Hrn 584n242, 680n756
Muammad the Prophet 49, 54, 5658, 69,
86, 91, 96, 105n289, 118, 120121, 123, 134, 150,
180, 203, 236, 301n17, 345n2, 404405, 422,
427n96, 431, 495496, 535, 545546, 552,
556, 562, 565, 614n396, 713, 731732, 789,
799, 800, 856, 879, 899, 903, 909, 1044, 1052,
1070, 1076
biographies of 150
on children and Paradise 956
and coarse language 895n7
on dahr 537538, 540, 543
on death 648, 649n584
on desires and hopes 608, 618n406, 682
on doubt 968969
on frivolity 346348
on gambling/betting 363365, 397, 402,
412413, 425426, 438
adth of stranger 756
on adth of Umm Zar 915, 917919, 923,
925
on hope and fear 617, 671
humor of 928
on intoxicants 240241, 275
on prisons 5658, 6364
on racing / games 382, 384385, 432433,
441442, 488
son Ibrhm 957
on suicide 804808
sunna of 954
on tarsh of animals 393n235, 394, 420
traditions/statements of 46n54, 52, 118,
157, 175, 179180, 214, 221n360, 369, 451,
508n42, 734, 735, 738, 747, 769, 894, 897,
912, 948, 955, 982, 989
on umma 683
Muammad b. Abd-al-akam 486

Muammad b. Abd-al-Karm b. al-Shamm
236n4
Muammad b. Abd-al-Malik al-Hshim
355
Muammad b. Ab l-Abbs al-Saff 527
Muammad Ab l-Fal Ibrhm 142
Muammad b. Amad b. Dwd b. al-Najjr
146
Muammad b. Al al-arr 234
Muammad al-Azhar 464
Muammad b. Dwd al-hir 242n21
Muammad b. al-asan b. Jumhr al-Amm
596n297
Muammad b. Hshim al-Khlid 670
Muammad b. zim al-Bhil 360, 678
Muammad b. Ibrhm b. al-Fal 123
Muammad b. Makk al-Mashhad 272
Muammad b. Muammad (of al-Barayn ?)
185
Muammad b. al-Na 119
Muammad b. al-Rm 123
Muammad Sad 399
Muammad b. li (Alid) 80n201
Muammad al-Shrz 178
Muammad b. ughsh (Ikhshd) 481
Muammad b. Umar al-Warrq (Ab Bakr,)
100
Muammad b. Uyayna b. Asm b. Khrija
611
Muarriq (tribe) 677
al-Musib 16, 118n335, 125, 589n269, 659,
684, 722, 723724, 766, 947
Mujhid 412, 758
Muknaf b. Muwiya al-Tamm 649n586
al-Muktaf (caliph) 105n290
Mulib al-asinna 345n2
al-Munakhkhal al-Yashkur 643
Munkar and Nakr (angels) 956
al-Muqanna 824, 828
Muqtil b. Sulaymn 365, 603, 758
al-Muqtadir (caliph) 87n222, 946947
Murra b. Abbd (tribe) 405
Murd (tribe) 385
al-Muraqqish the Elder 367
Murray, H.J.R. 375
Murta al-Zabd 350n24, 382n186, 553,
623, 781n102, 911
Ms b. s l-Kisraw 766
Ms b. Yaghmr 269
1125
Msb (poet) 574n197
Muab b. Abdallh b. Muab al-Zubayr
408
Muab b. al-Zubayr 995
al-Muscati, J. 146
al-Mushallal 406
Muslim (b. al-ajjj) 52n72, 246, 321,
352n36, 536n52, 604n333, 780781,
806808, 909, 912, 918, 921, 928
Muslim b. Aql b. Ab lib 34
Muslim al-anaf 196n221, 278
Muslim b. al-Wald (ar al-ghawn) 525n6,
611, 632n472, 650, 684n781
al-Mustanir (caliph) 185
Mustanirya 280
al-Mustarshid (caliph) 1002
al-Mustaim (caliph) 390n226
al-Mustawf 485n47
al-Mutaid (caliph) 482, 867, 946
al-Muahhar b. Abdallh 830
al-Mutamid (caliph) 764, 823
al-Mutanabb 80n200, 84n213, 108n300,
162n72, 529, 531, 532n34, 534, 560, 572n189,
586, 631, 648, 771, 777, 843
Muarrif (b. arf) 671n710
al-Mutawakkil (caliph) 601, 678n748, 841n7
Mutazila 39, 503507, 624626, 640, 782,
806807, 867, 954, 957, 971, 973, 981, 985
al-Mutazz (caliph) 81n206
al-Muthaqqib al-Abd 115n327
al-Muttaq al-Hind 956
Muzabbid 526n10, 564, 669
al-Muzan 175, 181182, 247, 254n75
al-Nbigha al-Dhubyn 704n24
al-Nbigha al-Jad 632
Nahr b. Tawsia 575
Nila bt. al-Farfia al-Kalbya 768
Najda b. Junda 634n481
al-Njim (poet) 661
Najm-al-dn al-Kubr 127n397b, 720
al-Namir b. Tawlab 564n155, 770
al-Naqqsh, Abd al-Razzq (poet) 469n98
al-Naqqsh, Muammad b. al-asan
364n104
al-Nasaf (Azz) 49n66a
al-Nasaf, fi-al-dn 175n146, 181, 261
al-Nas 806, 808, 914, 928, 936
al-Nsh 10241025
1126
Nashwn al-imyar 430n104, 567n167, 581

al-Nir (caliph) 286n84
al-Nar al-ammm 163
Nar-al-dn s 489n70
Narallh al-s 178179
Nasreddin, see Hoja
Ju
al-Nawaw 45, 242, 246, 249n56, 250,
253255, 258, 323324, 346n3, 436, 443
Nawf al-Sham 758
al-Nam, Ab Isq 486, 703, 972
New World 747
Nicoll, A. 147n30, 1006
Nietzsche, Friedrich 728
Nile 212, 233, 266, 355, 390
Nsbr 182, 184, 828
al-Nishwr (Aff-al-dn) 184n185
Nimiyya College 206n271, 834
Nizrs 176
Noah (Prophet) 404
Nldeke, T. 32n16, 35n32, 545
Nuaym b. ammd 543
Nuaym b. Muwarri b. Tawbah 119120
al-Numn (ruler of al-ra) 56n88, 82
Nr-al-dn 463
Nr-al-dn Al b. Bardbak al-Fakhr 218
Nuayb b. Rab 459
al-Nshajn 704, 814
al-Nuwayr 156n31, 196n225, 225n377, 241n16,
292n107, 459, 496n4, 503n21, 554n108,
576n210, 610n374
al-Nuwayr (al-Iskandarn) 551n101,
649n584
Pickthall, M. 15n18, 628

Pindar 661n650
Pines, S. 53n74
Pr Muammad al-Fanr 150
Plato, Platonic 47, 53n74, 95, 99n263,
101n276a, 103, 106111, 113, 543, 597, 600n313,
601, 608n362, 616n402, 621, 629, 638n507,
658n638, 661n650, 700, 813, 949, 950n35,
975, 979980, 987, 992, 994, 1009
Pseudo-, 38n39
Plotinus 94n242, 718
Pocock, E. 667n693
Polemo 371n137
Proclus 969
Protestantism 495
Ptolemy 106, 664n673, 975, 977n50
Ptolemy (al-Gharb, biographer of Aristotle)
53n74
Pyramus and Thisbe 725
Pyrrho (?) 114n322
Pythagoras 9495, 97, 99, 109, 112n315a, 115,
117, 610n374, 661, 1008
getei 385
Ottomans 158, 729n2, 821n105
Pahlavi 376
Pareja Casaas, F.M. 399, 423n77, 487n55,
503505 nn., 508n40
Paret, R. 614, 628
Paul of Aegina 153, 215n325, 242n19
Pellat, Charles 459n55, 864
Persia/Persians 35, 4850, 100, 165n86, 167,
168, 179, 182, 187, 198n235, 306, 363365,
376378, 504, 508515, 704
Pharaoh 55, 91
Philo 101n276a
Philokybos 457
al-Qah 405
al-Qbis, Al b. Muammad b. Khalaf 941
al-Qbn 380n177
Qadarya 504n27, 953
al-Q al-Fil al-Baysn 201n257, 574, 949
Qkhn 59n94, 61n104, 65n128, 6870,
7278 nn. passim, 257, 396, 421, 427n97
al-Qaffl 254n75
Qalandar (Shaykh) 178, 183, 203, 205
Qalandars/Qalandarya 158, 888
al-Ql 99n263, 102n278, 104n286, 396n251,
403n9, 491n83, 629n447, 925
al-Qalqashand 51n71, 108n300, 141, 223, 248,
259, 370n134, 507, 677n744a
Qamar-al-dawla 468
Qamar-al-zamn (Ar. Nights) 366
al-Qarf 143, 243245, 247, 253255, 258
Qaraite (law) 819
Qarandal (Shaykh) 183n178
see also Qalandar (Shaykh)
Qarmaian(s) 172, 672, 829
Qrn (Korah) 982
al-Qasalln, Qub-al-dn 141, 144, 148,
221n358, 238
al-Qasalln, Shihb-al-dn 150, 357n78,
445n167, 623, 649n584, 924

Qatda b. Dima 395
Qaar b. Fuja 649
Qays b. Dhar 562n144, 611, 646
Qays b. al-Kham 530n23, 631, 636
Qazwn 182n180, 259n100
al-Qazwn, Abd-al-Ghaffr b. Abd-al-Karm
253n67, 256n83
al-Qif 53n74, 89n227, 358n81, 943
Qilij Arslan 831
al-Qr 352n44, 449n7, 471
al-Qirqisn 420n67, 819, 822
Quddr 270
Qudma b. Jafar 643n551
Qudma b. Qays 405406, 409
al-Qudr 175, 260
Qumm 182n180
Quraysh (tribe) 406407
al-Qurub (Ibn Far) 377, 413416 nn., 424,
495
al-Qushayr 47, 71n154, 72, 99n263, 102n277,
106n291, 115n324, 118127 passim, 477,
508, 615616, 621, 623, 656, 683688,
722723
Qus b. Lq 215n318, 858, 10031004
al-Rab b. Sulaymn 792
al-R (caliph) 520n2, 628n442, 678n748
al-Ra b. Harama 832
Ra-al-dn al-Rab 1034
al-Rfi 175n149, 231 n406, 259, 323, 325,
346n3, 367, 381, 429, 436, 443, 913, 924
al-Rghib al-Ifahn 46, 99n265, 349n19,
358n83, 361n94, 369n128, 562n146,
635672n716 passim, 689, 771, 859, 974
Rangstreit literature 862, 881, 891
Raqaba b. Maqala (or Masqala) 974
al-Raqsh 242n21, 872
al-Raqqa 463
Rasil Ikhwn al-af 359, 712n47
Rashd-al-dn (Falallh) 385, 1031n13
Rashd-al-dn Ibn Khalfa 97, 99
al-Rashd al-Lawkar 497
Rayy 182n180, 704
al-Rz, see Fakhr-al-dn
Ibn Ab tim
al-Rz, Ab Bakr Muammad b. Zakary
153, 155156, 164n79, 207, 208n279, 215n318,
216n330, 220nn252253, 233n418, 314, 378,
503n23, 859n50, 969, 10241025, 1027, 1039
1127
al-Rz, Muammad b. Abdallh b. Abd-alAzz b. Shdhn al-Muqri 122123
Rescher (Reer), O. 35n32, 84n215, 148,
199n242, 228n390, 244n30, 274n41, 636n499
al-Ri (Imm) 596n297
Ritter, H. 29n14, 52n71, 83n210a, 87n222,
99n263, 128n398a, 139nn3 and 9, 480n33,
508509nn42 and 44, 687n802, 713
Romans 431, 701
Ruba 350n26
Rufus of Ephesus 153
al-Ruhw 482n38
Ruhm 405
Rm 110
see also Greek(s), Byzantines
Rm, Jall-al-dn 128n399, 485n49, 573n195,
705n27, 717718
al-Rufa (Askar Mahd) 873
Russell, B. 98n259
Ruwaym 587
al-Ryn 175n149, 249, 256n83, 330, 332, 381
Ruzzayq b. ali 570
al-bi, see Hill b. al-Muassin
Sbr 407n25
Sad b. Ab Waqq 418
Sad-al-dn Muammad (son of Ibn Arab)
879880, 883
Sad 100, 116n328
Sadn 588
afad 173
al-afad 33n22a, 54n80, 97n253, 100n265,
102n278, 139, 212n303, 225n378, 234n422,
237n4, 287n84, 366, 390, 462, 470, 507508,
556n120, 627n436, 633, 634n481, 863, 876,
885, 901n23, 1048n13
al-Saff (caliph) 527n17, 642n544
af-al-dn al-ill 105n290, 158n48, 163,
198n228, 200n247, 281n66, 286n81, 307310,
467n91, 470n102
Sahl b. Abdallh al-Tustar 72
Sann 428, 741
ahyn 173
Sad b. Abd-al-Ramn b. assn b. Thbit
607
id b. al-asan al-Raba 465466
Sad b. umayd 571, 639, 900901, 975
Sad b. Jubayr 423, 427
Sad b. al-Musayyab 396, 424n84, 434, 438
1128
Sakenfeld, Katharine D. 17n28

al-Sakhw, Amad b. Khall 147
al-Sakhw, Alam-al-dn Al b. Muammad
411n35
al-Sakhw, Muammad b. Abd-al-Ramn
81n206, 139140, 146306 nn. passim, 311,
424, 506507, 553n106
al-al-dn 353n46
Salama b. al-Akwa 441n152
Sale, G. 15n18, 628
li b. Abd-al-Qudds 678, 969, 971
li Jazara 985
li b. Mudrik al- 829
Saljqs 831, 1002
Sallr 733734
Salm b. Yazd al-Fahm 520
Salm b. Ziyd 575
Salmon ibn Yeruham 1069
altya 953
Samaritans 882
al-Samarqand 179
al-Smarr 430431
al-Samawal b. Yay b. Abbs al-Maghrib,
Ab Nar 10051007
Samnn al-f 958959
an 91
Sanarq 821
al-anawbar 461, 463
Sanjar 832
al-Sarakhs, Amad b. al-ayyib 108n300,
851n25, 864871
al-Sarakhs, Shams-al-aimma Muammad b.
Amad 43n50, 5380 nn. passim, 89n227,
231n406, 242n21, 248, 250n58, 323, 421n71,
736, 740, 808, 1054n24
ar al-ghawn, see Muslim b. al-Wald
al-Sarrj 615, 684, 688
Sassanians 178
Satan 14n12, 38, 172, 178, 181, 191, 286n81, 309,
352, 402, 418419, 460, 627, 629, 644n557
see also Ibls
Saul 822
al-Sawil (Coastal Plains) 169
al-Swaj, Amad 183, 313
al-aydaln 254
Sayf-al-dawla 529, 858
Sayf-al-dn al-Mushidd 225n378, 285n80,
351n32, 353n53, 377, 485n49
Schmitt, E. 371, 531
Schrijen, J.J.A. 597

Secundus the Silent 704n25
Serageddin, L. 398
Seth 982
Sevilla 77
Sezgin, F. 411n35, 1026
al-Shab 340n8, 347, 384n200, 423, 547,
575n204, 1084
Shabb b. al-Bar 632
al-Shbusht 105n290, 359360, 374
al-Shfi 5960, 62, 65, 67, 144146, 182, 242,
247250, 254255, 290, 346, 379380, 412,
429430, 436, 442, 538, 566, 572, 735, 763,
770, 774, 792
Shfiites 59, 175, 181182, 249, 252, 269, 367,
379, 421, 423, 427432, 435, 438, 443444
al-Shahrastn 176n150, 656n624
al-Shahrazr 489n70, 664n673
Shakespeare, W. 549
Shalala 468
Shamardal al-Bajal 83
Shams-al-dn al-ayyib (b) 117
Shams-i Tabrz 720
Shanfar 462n70
al-Sharb 201
al-Sharn 59n99, 235n424, 294n123,
655n618
al-Sharf (Persian confectioner) 267268
al-Sharf al-Murta 354n56, 638n505, 662
al-Sharf al-Ra 349, 444445, 452, 475, 540,
567, 570, 572, 628n441667n691 passim
al-Sharsh 59n94, 102n278, 104n285, 449n10,
459n54, 491n83, 565n158608n361 passim,
635n485680n760 passim, 1005n18
al-Shib, Muammad b. Sulaymn 139
al-Shaybn, Muammad b. al-asan 69,
72n159, 247, 256, 260, 326, 427n96, 433n120,
441n152, 735736
al-Shayzar 446
Shelley 727
Sha 444, 540, 546, 572, 596, 882, 955
imms 977
al-Shibl, Ab Bakr (f) 121, 717
al-Shibl, Badr-al-dn Muammad 351n33
Shrz 175
al-Shrz, Ab Isq 175176, 242n21, 246,
317, 443n155
Shuba b. al-ajjj 1079
Shuray (Judge) 61, 74, 76, 394, 588n259

iffn 708
al-Sijistn, see Ab Sulaymn
al-Sijistn, Ab tim 562n144
Sikhs 698
al-Silaf 466, 944
Silvestre de Sacy, A.I. 53n74, 146, 156n29, 160,
165n85, 168n99, 176, 184n185, 186n187, 208,
265n2, 289n96, 293n113
al-imma b. Al al-Qushayr 591n273
Simplicius 27n4
Sinn b. Thbit 76
Sind 168
al-Srf 791
iwn al-ikma, see Ab Sulaymn al-Sijistn
Socrates 17, 94, 96, 98, 100101, 450, 596n296,
652, 655n624, 813, 818, 980981, 986987,
992, 1009, 1082
Solon 95n244, 497
Sophists (al-mughlin) 544, 970
Southern, R.W. 840
Spain (Muslim) 188189, 515, 746, 785, 925
Steingass, F. 399n267, 485n49, 513
Stobaeus 39n47, 95n243, 97n256, 128n398,
660n646, 1036
Stoics 987
al-Subk, Tj-al-dn 54n77, 60n104, 62n110,
78n190, 123n368, 254n75, 268n18
al-Subk, Taq-al-dn 421, 438, 734735,
10431045, 1052
Sud 667n693
Sdn al-Shaykhn 262, 270
fs 4748, 118, 121, 125128, 181, 183187,
189, 197, 203, 205, 208, 215, 227n384, 234,
239, 277278, 282283, 285n80, 293n112,
294295, 298, 357, 479, 509, 523, 543, 547,
588, 589, 685, 687688, 692, 709, 716,
761, 784785, 791, 888, 907, 923924, 977,
10161017
parables 814n88, 815
poor 146, 160, 170, 305n32
as strangers 774775, 780, 785
fism 48, 117128, 277, 282283, 306, 508,
615, 676, 684, 686, 713714, 719, 721722,
724, 795, 958959
ufrya 953
Sufyn b. usayn 438
Sufyn b. Uyayna 569n176, 685, 721
Suaym 104
al-Suhraward (al-Maqtl) 720, 780, 959
1129
al-Suhraward, Umar b. Muammad
99n263, 665n683
al-Sukkar 533n41, 535n51, 592n281, 675n731
al-Sulam, Ab Abd al-Ramn Muammad
b. al-usayn 121123, 579n222, 676n737,
685n787
Sulaym b. Ayyb al-Rz 240, 380
Sulaym 637
Sulaymn b. Arqam 580
Sulaymn b. Burayda 425
Sulaymn b. Bulaymn 485
Sulaymn b. al-rith 385
al-l, Ibrhm b. al-Abbs 106n290, 527,
572, 606
al-l, Muammad b. Yay 45n51,
106n290, 492n84, 642n544, 665n678
Surqa 180
al-Ss, Ab Yaqb 723
al-Suy 57nn88 and 90, 650n587, 957
Swinburne 727
Syria/Syrians 169, 177, 186, 190, 266, 514, 789,
849850, 863, 1051
Junaynat Ubayd (in Aleppo) 360
Zion (ahyn, northern Syria) 173
Syriac 208n279
al-abarn 914, 919
al-abar, see Al b. Rabban
al-abar, Abd-al-Ramn b. Amad (author
of the Wi) 440n146
al-abar, al-asan/usayn b. al-Qsim)
433, 443
al-abar, Isq b. Ibrhm 686
al-abar, Muammad b. Jarr 34n25a,
53n76, 63n118, 74nn169170, 75n174a,
79nn193 and 196197, 363365, 406, 413,
418, 476, 553, 555n114, 557n121, 672n719, 758,
802, 803, 910n2, 957
al-abar, Ra-al-dn Ibrhm b. Muammad
al-Makk 439
al-Tahnaw 4850, 349n19
al-aw, Ab Jafar 69, 175, 181, 247
(Ab Jafar 323 ?) 363n19, 387, 433n120,
435n128, 437n138, 441n152
hirids 374
al-, Ab Zubayd 644
ala b. Muammad b. Ibrhm b. Ab l-Al
al-anbal 140
al-Tallafar 444, 473, 479, 483486, 514
1130
Talmud 950
Tamm al-Dr 352
Tamm b. al-Muizz 33n22a, 530, 669
al-Tamm, Ab Abdallh 930
al-Tankh 587n250, 614n396, 677n741
arafa 290n101, 368, 403n4, 703
Targum 1069
al-arss 734735, 872
shkprzdeh 117n330, 150n40, 352n41,
430n104, 568, 609, 1086
Tatars, see Mongols
Tawaddud (Ar. Nights) 399, 412
al-Tawd, see Ab ayyn
ws 120
al-aylis 806, 808
Thaliba 953
al-Thalib 33nn22a and 24, 83nn210a
and 213, 108nn300301, 359, 455, 465n84,
482n38, 529534 nn. passim, 586n245, 708,
796, 876
Thalab, Ab l-Abbs Amad b. Yay
617n404
al-Thalab 564n155
Thales 114
Thaqlya 214
al-Thawr, Sufyn 256, 365, 508n42, 579580,
683n776, 948, 997, 1077, 1079
Theano 38n44, 104n285
Theodore bar Knay 39n45
Theognis 986
Theomnestus 209n284
Theon of Alexandria 109n303
Thumma 947948
al-Tfsh 488
Tiflis 1032
Tigris 280
al-Tihm 621, 633
Timaeus, mnwus, Timotheos (?)
114n320a
al-Timirtsh 151, 181, 257, 261
Tinns 1018
al-Tirmidh (f), see al-akm al-Tirmidh
al-Tirmidh, Abd al-Azz b. Khlid 256
al-Tirmidh, Muammad b. s 58n91, 340,
352n37, 365, 393n235, 618n406, 649n584,
806, 808, 928
Tizmant (Egypt) 259n103
al-Tizmant 259, 326
Tlemcen 430n106
Transoxania 182, 267, 269

Treitschke, H. von 28
al-f, Najm al-Dn Sulaymn b. Abd-al-Qaw
715
al-ughr 627n436, 666
Turks 158, 168, 179, 382n186, 438, 512515
al-s, Abd-al-Azz b. Muammad 252, 324
al-s, Shaykh al-ifa 596n297
Tustar 184
Ubaydallh b. Abdallh (hirid) 374
Ubaydallh b. Ab Bakra 663n661
Ubaydallh b. al-Muaffar al-Marn alMaghrib 479n27
Ubaydallh b. Yay b. Khqn 580
Ubaydallh b. Ziyd b. Abhi 904, 906
Ubayy b. Khalaf 364
Ukaymil b. Sid 922
Uk 404
al-Ukbar 140141, 183184, 186n187,
204n267, 211, 215218n342, 227n382, 236,
238, 280, 644n554
Ukksha b. Abd-al-amad 645n561, 872
Ulayya bint al-Mahd 676n734
Ullmann, Manfred 158n43, 163n77, 169n106,
371n136, 1026
Umar b. Abdallh b. Urwa 914915, 932
Umar b. Abd-al-Azz 349, 629, 638n509, 731
Umar b. Ab Raba 609, 617n404, 636637
Umar b. al-Khab 5758, 59n96, 64, 65,
74n168, 346, 348, 379, 393, 406, 418, 423,
556, 635, 708, 732733, 793, 809, 828, 975,
979, 1077
Umar Khayym 499, 10031004, 1008n30
Umar b. Shabba 841n7
Umra al-Yaman 570, 606, 646
Umayyad(s) 413, 481, 555, 601, 611, 647
Umm al-ak al-Muribya 605
Umm al-Khuss 662n661
Umm Zar 931932
Umr Kaskar 360
Unionists (ittidya) 540, 542, 715
al-Uqayl 916
Uqba b. Khlid 927
Urwa b. al-Ward 533n40, 762, 770
Urwa b. al-Zubayr 349n15, 553, 914915
Usma b. Munqidh 84n215a, 86n221,
95n244, 98n258, 101n273, 102n278, 107n296,
113n319, 353n46, 641n534, 843, 980981, 988

shahanj 101
Utba b. Ab Sufyn 633n475
al-Utb, Ab Nar Muammad 455,
457458, 536537
al-Utb, Muammad b. Ubaydallh 17n28
Uthmn b. Affn (caliph) 555, 630, 768, 944
Uthmn b. Khumrtsh 993
Uwaymir b. Slim al-Abs 631n465
al-Uzz 402
Vajda, G. 1069
Venus (planet) 372
Vir, F. 383
von Grunebaum, G.E.
857
Wagner, E. 862n1
Wahb b. Munabbih 653
Wahhbs 297
al-Wajh al-Naw 10761077
Wak, Muammad b. Khalaf 5979 nn.
passim, 242n18, 384n200
Wliba b. al-ubb 870, 872
al-Wald b. al-Mughra 407
al-Wald b. Yazd (caliph) 602, 645n562
al-Wqid 385, 406, 416, 803
al-Ward, Wuhaib b. 722
Wartburg, W. von 513
Wil b. A 984
Wsi 79
al-Wsi, Imd-al-dn Amad 281n69
Watt, W.M. 40n48, 44n50, 534n47
Wayjan b. Rustam al-Kh 1008
Wellhausen, J. 535n51
Wuaysh al-Asad 463
Wykes, A. 394n242, 401n277
Xenophanes
976, 999n156
al-Yaghmr, al-fi 183n178, 196n224,

241n16, 539n68
Yaub (tribe) 385
Yay b. (Ab) Kathr 426n93
Yay b. (Ab) lib al-anaf 591n273
Yay b. Ad 796
Yay b. Aktham 873
Yay b. Khlid (al-Barmak) 658n640
Yay b. Mudh 123, 653, 656, 686687
Yay b. Urwa 915
Yay b. Yay al-Layth 536n52
1131
al-Yanbu, Nr-al-dn Al b. Abdallh
197n225, 203
Yaqb al-affr 72
al-Yaqb 74n171, 91n235, 411n35, 503,
568n172, 683n770
Yqt 45n52, 74n169, 84n215a, 89n227,
102n278, 106nn290291, 108n301, 184n185,
360n90, 373n144, 374n150, 386n211, 417n59,
552n102, 555n114, 658n636, 791, 924, 1083
Yazdn 505
Yazd b. Abdallh al-Turk 386, 493
Yazd b. Ab Khlid 361n94
Yazd b. Muwiya (caliph) 640, 678
Yazd b. al-Muhallab 678
Yazd b. Rukna 442
Yazd b. Rmn 915
Yemen 56n88, 91, 164n79, 168, 237n4, 384,
555n115, 921922
al-Ynn 139n4, 237n4, 284n78, 357n79,
390n229, 483n44, 485nn47 and 49
Ynus (Jonah) 369, 509
Ynus b. s 1079
Ysuf (Joseph) 25, 55, 8182, 767, 787, 790
Ysuf b. Asb 1077
Ysuf b. Ms 124
al-Zabr b. Al b. al-Zabr 611
fir b. Jbir al-Mawil 1018
Zhid al-ulam 1041
hirya (in Damascus) 143144
Zakary (Maryams husband) 369
al-Zamakhshar 414, 418, 425n84, 626,
626n438, 944, 969, 988
Zanj 491n83
al-Zaqqq, Ab Bakr Muammad b. Abdallh
121
Zar 922
al-Zarkash, Muammad b. Abdallh b.
Bahdur 139, 142144, 150, 151, 157, 160,
175, 182183, 186187, 207, 216, 220, 221n359,
222, 229, 234, 237, 242243, 244n29,
246247, 249252, 254255, 257260, 266,
268, 291, 311333, 380n180, 429, 752, 1083
al-Zarkash, Shihb-al-dn Amad b. Muammad (q) 835
al-Zarql 1002
Zwah 182, 184
al-Zawwn (?) 872
Zayd b. ritha 105n289
1132
al-Zayla 256, 260

Zayn al-Mawif (Ar. Nights) 432n115
Zeno of Citium 701n11
Zeno of Elea 113
Zrids 832
Ziyd al-Ajam 611, 674n728
Zoroastrians, -ism (Majs) 405, 505506,
699, 882, 996
Zubayd al-Ym (al-Iym ?) 948949
al-Zubayr b. Bakkr 379, 913, 917918, 936

al-Zubayr b. al-Mundhir b. Ab Usayd 385
Zubayrids 914917
Zuhayr 677
Zuhayr (of Almeria) 375
Zuhayr b. Janb 822
al-Zuhr, Ibn Shihb 365366, 438, 441n152,
553
Zulaykha 25
Index of Subjects
ability (ray) 101, 1077
ablution 214, 251, 803804
with sand (tayammum) 197, 803804
accidents 541542, 544
See also substance
Achaemenid (period) 1051
addiction/habituation 135, 219, 223, 231233,
281, 482, 752
addicts 149, 156, 158, 161, 181, 195, 199, 205,
207, 209, 212213, 215, 225, 227, 247, 251, 255,
264, 268, 270, 272, 274, 292293, 296, 305,
644
aesthetic (qualities) 874, 893, 1047
agnosticism 907, 970n16
agriculture 266, 10211022
Ahl al-uffa 120n350
Akkadian (language) 345n2, 595, 757, 1068
alcoholic beverages 134, 157, 240247, 297,
415, 748
See also wine
beer ( fuq, mizr) 161, 244n28, 246,
308n49
bit, bita 244n28
ghubayr 157
kumiss 246, 256n87
must 252
nabdh 246, 259260, 286n81, 289, 488
sukurka 157, 244n28
alcoholics/alcoholism 234, 482
alien/alienation 759
See also other
Allh 535, 631
See also God
Allt 402
alphabet 1043
See also Arabic (language)
South Arabian 1051
alter ego 704, 708, 725, 727
amr (military leader) 526, 733, 737, 997
amnesties 79
amputation 59
See also punishment
amusement 134, 248, 341, 350, 357, 359360,
372, 422423, 477, 486, 488, 504, 636
lahw 348n13, 350, 356357, 359, 389,
477n18
mal 428
profligacy (khala) 359360, 408
anaesthesia 250
analogy 1043
angels 40, 101, 550, 554, 557, 982, 1021, 1044
animals 40, 113, 147, 226, 233, 284285, 300,
338, 351352, 382, 437, 441, 448, 476, 477,
532, 541, 591, 642, 660, 871, 897, 940, 945,
961, 10191020, 1047
bees 768769, 1085
beetles 221
birds 83, 102n278, 347n4, 381, 388389,
586587, 875n41, 884, 944, 956,
1047
cranes, ostriches 341, 787
doves (qumrya) 468469
eagles 549
falcons 350, 487, 875n41
grouse 341
larks (qunbura) 497
nughar, nughayr 347n4
pigeons 200, 299, 349n19, 350, 381,
388390, 420421, 441442, 443, 446,
487, 495, 884
ravens (ghurb) 757n10
afw 347n4
sparrows (ufr) 347, 885
ayr, tayr, muayyir 388389, 441
wrens 549
zurzr 884
bull (fighting) 394
camels 153, 180, 230, 341, 364365, 382,
385, 393n235, 393n242, 405, 408, 410,
412, 416, 431, 432n115, 436, 439, 441,
448, 455, 555556, 634, 643, 937, 938,
939
cats 532, 943944
cocks, cock fighting 393, 444n161, 482,
487
cows 230, 285, 436, 815, 1044
dogs 229, 350, 394, 483, 567n164, 768
donkeys 228, 230, 341, 382, 441, 443, 501,
815, 947948, 1015
elephants 192, 382, 441, 443
fish 83, 229
foxes 562, 687
1134
gazelles 285286, 293, 299300, 301n18,
341, 352, 464, 466, 473
gnats 230
goats 643, 939
horses 209, 229, 341, 384, 387, 432434,
437, 441, 448, 450, 581n232, 939
horsemanship 385n202, 386, 432
Lizz (horse) 385
racing of 358n81, 362, 382386,
390391, 395, 404, 412, 423, 431, 436,
439441, 443, 448, 450451, 454, 491,
493, 498, 508n42, 651
lambs 562
lions 84, 87, 153, 221, 244245, 339, 464,
562, 687, 937
monkeys 567
mules 382, 441, 443
ox 304, 455
panthers 937, 939
rabbits, hares 938, 938n112
rats 351, 532
reptiles 341
roosters 230, 768n56
scorpions (and fighting) 393n242, 537
sheep 417, 436, 442, 444n161, 643, 939,
998n146
snakes 233, 537
suicide of 814n88
tarsh 393394, 420
wolves 87, 548, 562, 998n146
annihiliation 48, 716, 893
antimony (kul) 172
Antiquity 581, 747748, 755, 773, 1036, 1085
Graeco-Roman 200, 208
aphorisms 209, 853, 975
See also proverbs
apostates 65, 72n159, 261
See also heresy
appetite 211, 250
Arabic (language) 31, 379, 514515, 1046
See also literature (Arabic); script (Arabic)
grammar and syntax 910911, 926927,
1086
adverbs 528
verbs/nouns 355, 598, 601, 644, 677
idioms 925
letters
nn 1048, 1050
qf 1048
index of subjects
r 1048
d 1048
writing 1046, 1050
Aramaic 609n364, 730n5, 1051, 1068
arbiter (akam) 404
See also judges
architecture 1047
argumentation 1014
aristocracy 386, 422
army 560
See also military
art/artists 8, 534
artisans 93n239
asceticism/ascetics 123, 184, 308, 546, 553,
587588, 629, 639, 650, 653n612, 674,
683, 774, 783, 841, 846, 885, 900, 923, 1079,
1081
asocial (behavior) 273
assassins (ashsh) 225
astragals 458, 462
astrolabe 10011004
astrology 24, 403, 502, 582, 666, 1020
astrologers 171, 1001
works on 372
augury 426
awards ( jula) 435436, 437n138
See also games; prizes
banishment 60, 82, 262, 444
bankruptcy 6668, 69, 309
baptism 951952
baths (public) 200202, 228229, 267, 484,
785, 888
battle 650
See also war
beasts (nasns) 548
beauty 664, 674, 676, 846, 867, 870871, 884,
887891
See also pretty, handsome (mal)
beer. See alcohol
beggars 275, 279, 294, 670, 678, 760
arfisha 171, 181
mukaddn 448
belief 624
See also faith
believers 536, 562, 655, 671, 783
belles lettres 276, 447, 453, 847, 934
See also literature (Arabic); littrateurs
fiction 847, 852, 859
index of subjects
beloved 105, 292, 299, 403n9, 463, 466,
468, 471, 473, 579, 611, 617n404, 632634,
636637, 646, 663, 668, 675, 764765, 888,
890, 893
benefits
malaa 346, 432
niam 16
betting/wagering 83, 338, 363364, 366367,
375, 387, 389, 392, 403, 461
See also gambling
bewilderment; commotion (rajiya; rajja)
603n330
biographies 995n137, 1032
boasting 12, 920, 929, 934
body(ies) 818, 1036
excretions of 895
as prison for soul 117118
bookmaking 1067n1, 1068, 1087
books 523, 526, 646, 886887, 907, 987, 989,
998, 1010, 1047, 1053, 1068, 10731074, 1079,
1087
abridgements of 10821083, 10861087
copying of 1071
destruction of 10761081, 1088
handbooks 1086, 1088
insh, rasil (epistles, documents) 455
kitb, pl. kutub 1068, 1078n48
multitude of 10701072, 10751076,
10851088
production of 1067, 1081, 10871088
booksellers 483, 1075
booty 347
botanists 243
See also plants/botany
bravery 555n115, 961, 991n114
bribes/bribery 65, 270, 729731, 736, 738741,
744745
vs. gifts 732
bridegrooms 933
brotherhood 708
buffoonery 489
caliphs 51n71, 276, 301, 879, 883, 1070
first four 92, 1052
calligraphy 10471048, 10501052
cannabis 136, 152, 154155, 157, 166, 177,
192, 207, 220, 233, 284, 293, 304, 747,
753
See also hashish (ashsh)
1135
hallucinatory 266
terms for 155, 157, 169, 185, 188, 301n18
caravanserais 216
censorship 1077
certainty 121, 972
yaqn 974976
chamberlain (jib) 679
charity 14, 6667, 7677, 294, 402, 409,
416417, 419, 434, 730, 793, 815, 1033,
1039
charlatans/quacks 71, 1035
See also swindlers/crooks
cheating 448, 491492
irf 381n181
khid 476
chess 340n8, 341, 344, 346n3, 350, 356, 358,
362, 372374, 378, 388, 399, 402, 412, 417,
421423, 425, 427428, 430, 443, 446, 460,
468, 479, 481482, 486487, 489491, 495,
498, 502507, 510, 888
boards 461, 493, 500, 561
literature on 457n52, 507
players 478
shiranj, pl. shiranjt 422, 481
terms for 155, 207n275, 208, 375
childhood 903, 941, 943, 945946, 958, 964
children 70, 346347, 349, 351, 388, 613, 639,
895896, 942943, 945946, 948949,
951952, 958961
vs. adults, distinction 950, 957959, 962,
964
and puberty 953
religious position of 950, 954955
salvation of 951952
cities 114n320, 117n333
See also urban
civilization (Muslim) 24, 47, 92, 94, 130, 342,
356, 447, 509, 521, 546, 1029, 10461047,
10501053, 10711072, 1083
civil rights 444
clay (n) 14n10, 194, 217
cleanliness (hir) vs. uncleanliness (najis)
251255, 291
clothing 839, 962
See also garments
thawb, thiyb 197, 358
clubs 481
See also taverns
coffee 149
1136
coins 32
colleges 791
colors/imagery of 156, 287
black 211, 300, 310
blue 157
brown 288
carnelian 309
dust-colored 300
green 181, 211, 217, 225, 230, 271, 278n58,
286, 288289, 298, 300
emerald 210, 309
Kfr 275
vs. red 179, 203, 211, 217, 309310,
748749
greenish-grey (complexion) 210, 223
grey 289
red 211n291, 262, 287, 298
rosy (hue) 286, 289
silvery/golden 287n85
white 287288, 298, 300
yellow 211, 220, 262, 310
comedy 709
commerce 92, 267, 340, 415, 476477, 483,
511, 550, 672, 10341035, 1040
common people 973, 994995
mma 977n50
communications 443
community (of believers) 754
See also umma (nation)
compendium/a 10851086, 1088
compensation (iwa) 376, 432, 441, 507,
603
competitions 1217, 1920, 431432,
443444, 448, 523
See also games; sports
shooting 387n213, 395, 412, 431, 433,
436437, 438n140, 440, 443
sporting 338, 386, 388, 431, 440442, 451
terms related to 12, 1417, 19, 388, 415,
862n1
complaints 520, 522, 526, 528, 532, 546547,
557, 575, 579, 582, 587, 590, 608, 676n737,
692693
about times 529530, 534, 544, 550551,
553554, 558, 561563, 566567,
571574, 577578, 580, 584585, 588,
689, 692
to God 585586, 589
shakw 579, 676n737, 968
index of subjects
compulsion 40, 44
See also free will
jabr 40, 503504, 507
computerization 8
confections 166167, 267
confession/testimony (of faith) 222
conjecture 1024
See also guessing, guesswork (ann)
contentment (qanet) 49
contests. See competitions
contracts 338, 340, 435436, 443
convent (f) 749
See also monasteries
conversions 72n159
Coptic (language) 165n86
copyists 483, 656, 885, 1007, 1009
corruption 546547, 549, 553, 559, 563565,
581582, 609, 1023
corruptives 243244, 245, 247, 255, 258
corve 90n231a
crafts 478, 1033, 1035
craftsmen/craftsmanship 276, 568
creation 780
creed; religious call (dawa) 558, 802
crime(s) 75, 75n172, 415
criminals 57, 63, 293, 307, 490, 760
lim (wrongdoer) 566n160
cuckoldry 219220
cultivated, vs. wild (barr) 155
customs (local) 62, 730, 737, 740, 844
urf 589
dance 355
dr al-arb (non-Muslim territory) 421
death 55, 59n94, 85, 115n327, 117118, 354,
456, 498, 527, 533, 539, 550, 560, 577,
584n242, 585, 605, 615, 625, 627629,
632n471, 633, 637, 645652, 655, 658,
665, 671672, 686, 765, 774, 820821, 823,
892894, 901, 905, 907908, 989, 1019,
10221023
ajal 593, 629, 647652, 670n704
mawt 533n41, 649n584
debtors 61, 64, 670
deceit 581, 982
See also cheating
gharra, gharr 627628
decline/decay (of society) 546, 552, 558, 581,
590
index of subjects
degradation 294
deity(ies) 564, 676, 699
See also God
delusions
ightirr 689
waswis 611, 629
democracy 111112
dervishes 277
See also (Index of) Proper Names: fs
deserts 341
desire
and greed (ir) 99n263, 592593, 598,
608, 618n406, 630, 682
shahwa, shahwn 231, 243, 605n340
ama 594, 604608, 612, 615618,
623624, 628, 642
desolation (washa) 721, 761
despair 591, 595, 598, 604607, 612, 614,
641642, 646, 654n614, 657, 681, 686,
689
qania 685n787
yas 98n261, 598, 604607, 612, 641, 657
destiny 505, 509, 533
manya, pl. many 498, 647648, 650,
652
detention 56
See also imprisonment
determinism. See fate
devil 499, 982
See also (Index of) Proper Names: Ibls;
Satan
diacritics 1052
dialectics 1012, 1014
dice/dicing 361, 370371, 373, 376, 381, 404,
412, 420, 425426, 446, 458, 462464, 466,
470, 473, 479480, 483, 487, 497, 501502,
505, 507, 513
dicing den 480481, 499, 509
kib 361, 376, 381, 400, 409n30, 425n88,
462n70
dictionaries 8, 514
biographical 1034
geographical 924, 1083
diplomatic (activity) 734
dirham 207n272, 265, 863
disciplines/subjects 1084, 10861087
disease. See illness/diseases/conditions
divination (practices) 453
qura 369n129, 370, 386
1137
divine
See also God
law 28, 38
and man, relation to 692
mercy 688
purpose 496
divorce 256257, 369, 845, 918919, 932, 934,
940
dwn (office) 386
doubt 967, 969970
vs. certainty 617n403, 974
dangers of 971
degrees of 972973
and ignorance 978
rayb 967, 975
shakk 967968, 973, 975
and suspicion (shubha) 967, 972n20
dreams 205, 213, 228, 274, 341, 496, 638639,
786787
interpretation of 402
drinking (alcohol) 419, 430, 896897, 937,
10151018
drowning 830, 831
druggists/pharmacists 171, 1028n4, 1032
drugs, materia medica 7, 11, 134135, 149, 152,
174176, 178, 184185, 228, 231, 236, 249250,
257259, 265, 295, 643644, 746, 752753,
1016, 1040
banj (bang) 152153, 157, 166, 175, 178, 194,
209n284, 216, 228, 231, 240, 242, 244,
247249, 252, 253n70, 255260, 278n57,
291
barsh; abrash; barrsh 165166, 223, 232,
248249, 277
bugloss 236
depressants 134
hallucinatory 135, 158, 189, 206, 228,
644
henbane 152153, 166, 242n19, 244n29,
253
saykarn 244, 247, 253
lubba 164, 216
narcotic 152153, 160, 163164, 175176,
180n163, 181, 188, 215, 238, 252n65
nutmeg 206, 252253
opium 149, 153, 157, 244n29, 248, 253, 257,
268, 277, 834
afyn 152, 166
qt 144, 206
1138
saffron (zafarn) 166, 236, 249
scammony 249, 268
stimulants 134, 176, 252n65
terms related to 158, 166
drunkards 255, 351, 446
See also alcoholics/alcoholism
drunkenness 65, 193, 241, 247, 292, 308,
822
dualists 505
earthquakes 149
eating/drinking 350, 359, 366, 671, 839,
896897, 937, 987, 10151018
economics 67, 910, 265266, 270, 342, 476,
558, 769, 854, 1031
inflation 1037
ecstacy (wajd) 691
education 770, 941, 961, 977, 987, 1037
effeminacy 216, 219
See also homosexuality
elite 487, 973, 994995, 998
emigration/emigrants 348, 738
empiricism, experimentation 136, 205208,
221n356
endowments 1041
See also waqf
entertainment 356, 359, 664, 888, 1032
See also amusement; relaxation
mkhr, pl. mawkhr (cabarets) 360,
481
envy 1617, 111, 525n8, 548, 658, 1082
asad 1314, 16, 17n28
epigrams 876, 877881, 883885, 887889,
891
epigraphy 1051
epistemology 5, 712
eroticism 844, 849, 852853, 865, 871,
899900, 907, 1048
explicit material 867868
images and language 676, 848849, 891
literature 859n50, 881
eschatology/end of time 179180, 783
Last Day 15n18, 628, 640, 783, 804, 989
Last Hour 451, 902
trumpet 230
eternal life 546
ethics 33, 94, 104n285, 816, 984, 1028,
1035
of Islam/religious 14, 721
index of subjects
etymology 8, 339, 510n3, 512513, 515
eulogies 527, 553
eunuchs 865
evil 545, 548, 550, 561563, 565, 590,
623624, 666
excellence (tafl) 875
exile 82, 761, 779
existence 27, 229, 345, 521, 590, 592, 594,
1014, 1023
of God 971, 972n22, 973
and non-existence 126, 500, 544545, 814,
818, 897
expectation (intir) 614n396, 622, 691
See also hopes; wishes/wishing
extortion 736737
faddists 1015, 1018
faith 614, 655
See also belief
family 403, 639, 845
fanatics 422
fantasy (phantasia) 635
fasting 222, 255, 262, 283
fatalism 35, 534, 536n52
fate 87, 338, 351, 355, 371, 457458, 461462,
495496, 499, 506, 528n19, 533535, 572,
650, 669, 10151016
and time (dahr) 498, 527537, 539544,
540, 546, 560562, 566, 568569,
573575, 578, 586, 588, 599, 610, 613,
631, 633, 652, 989
fatws 8, 142, 182, 239, 266, 282, 538, 540,
542543, 809, 1052, 1076
fear 604, 621, 624, 632, 682, 691
of death 671, 685
of God 627
and hope 603, 614615, 655n623,
684686, 688690
khawf 607n353, 614, 618n405, 682, 688,
691
fighting 353, 393n240
fiqh 809n70b, 928
Fire 806, 901, 952, 956
See also Hell
flattery 567, 569, 581, 621
flogging 5861, 65, 69n149, 744
See also punishment
flowers 147, 287, 514515
symbolism of 281, 355
index of subjects
food 839, 987
apples 267
confections, and cannabis 267, 747
dates/date palms 212, 267, 385, 465
eggs 396, 446
fruits 147, 199, 213, 294
grapes 266
honey 167, 244n28, 287, 369
kirsha/kursh 163164
millet 244n28
nutmeg 206, 252253
nuts 190, 194, 377, 379, 401
pears 267
peppers ( fulful) 166
pomegranates 90, 169n110, 191, 199, 211,
229, 940
pork 424n84, 425426
raisins 266
sugar, sugar cane 190
sweetmeats 164, 294
sweets 147148, 190, 199, 212213, 278
fools 581, 640
forced labor 9192
foreign countries/territories 29, 82, 756,
761763, 765, 771, 779, 789
foreigners 110, 187, 759, 789, 852
forgetfulness 615
fornication 56, 58, 72n159, 231, 283
fornicators (zn) 864, 869
fortune seekers 760
fraternity (f) 182
See also monasteries
freedom 27, 31, 3334, 36, 39n47, 49n66a,
5355, 79, 83, 94, 9798, 107, 111112, 123,
128, 130, 643
concept of 26, 28, 35, 40, 4648, 51, 72, 80
urrya 3233, 34n26, 35, 37, 4549,
71, 102n280, 103, 109, 110n306, 112, 118,
124125, 127
individual 55, 70, 90n231a, 115116, 127
infikk 232
kinds/degrees of 26, 127
meaning of 50, 101105, 120122
political 111114, 117
problem of 24, 117, 129
station of 4950, 125126
theological/metaphysical 27
value of 73
free time ( furrgh) 486, 661
1139
See also leisure; relaxation
free will 24, 27, 35, 40, 44, 91n232, 457, 506,
815817
choice (ikhtiyr) 3435, 3940, 42, 45,
91n232, 117, 456n48
problem of 37, 3940, 502
friendship 105n290, 107, 109n304, 271272,
299, 527, 566, 579, 701704, 708, 710, 725,
859, 907, 953
frivolity 356, 359, 402, 420, 424, 431, 457, 492,
495, 572n189
bil, pl. abl 346, 356, 372, 420, 444,
476477
funeral rites 261, 808809
future 591593, 621623, 635, 666, 671, 691
gaman/gammon 511
gamblers 414, 477478, 480, 508
gambling 134, 341344, 349, 356, 358,
360362, 368371, 373, 387388, 390,
392393, 396n251, 400, 402403, 406,
418419, 429, 431, 444446, 451, 457458,
477478, 487, 496, 501, 504, 509, 872n31
casino/den 360, 480, 491, 493
compulsions/obsessions 486
and debts 406409, 479481, 492
defined 338340, 363, 400401, 433, 437,
439
and drinking/wine 486, 515
effects of 459, 473, 475
and exchange of money/property
338339, 363
imagery 461, 465
kinds of 412413
legality/illegality of 374, 383, 398, 405,
414, 432, 490
as low-class occupation 488489
maysir 341, 360, 368, 372, 397, 402403,
409, 411418, 423, 426, 434, 451452,
454455, 458, 512
prohibition of 396, 468, 491492,
508509
opportunities 391392, 395, 398
paraphernalia 427n96, 515
qimr 339340, 357, 359, 363364,
370, 372374, 376377, 389, 404,
412, 419420, 431, 434, 437n138, 446,
452453, 460, 467n91, 480, 483, 505,
508n42, 511, 514515
1140
stories 407n25, 408409
terms related to 340, 358, 363364,
369n128, 376, 384, 414, 427n96, 432441,
447448, 450, 453, 476, 481, 489, 507,
514515, 603
uses of 415417, 427
games 340, 343, 391, 404, 410, 420, 422, 424,
428429, 444, 453, 460, 486, 495, 497,
510511, 884, 888, 943
See also chess; gambling; play; sports
backgammon 341, 376n157, 508
cards 377n163, 398, 510
kanjifah (ganjifah, etc.) 380, 398399
casting lots 369370, 386, 453
childrens 368, 370n134, 372, 394397,
399401, 412
fourteen 361, 378, 379380, 400401, 424,
427n96
hazard 511515
legality/illegality of 361, 378
lizard game 368
manqala 379380
names of
jurra 401
baw 401
bay 397
buksah 401
bunduqa, pl. bandiq (pill, pellet) 401
drah 401n277
dh-rft 400
diindi 401
diqf (diff, diqq) 395, 397
dirkilah 347, 348n9
duwwma 401
fiyl, mufyala, mufyil 368, 400401
jra 401
izza 379380, 428
ujayy 401
kharj, kharji, mukhraja 367, 401,
511
khas-wa-zak 367n118, 401
khudhrf 401
kujjah 338, 401
mqi 401
mid 396, 401
mitam 401
mikhrq 353, 401
munhada 367
naw 381n182
index of subjects
qala, miql 401, 443
qarah, qabaq 395n248
qaab, qaabt (rods, reeds) 380, 384,
449
qinnn 377n160
qirq, qirqt 381382, 400, 446, 481, 510
qulah 401
rabrb (zabzb) 400
sadw, masd 396397, 401
shahrdah 378
suddar 368, 382n186, 400, 461
al-b wa-l-dukk 380, 381, 399
tajmu, jumm 401
thawql 400
uban 368, 382, 400401
tnah 401
unbtha 368, 401
qah, pl. uwaq 396n251
urja 401
zulqa 401
paper game (lib al-kghid) 399
ring game (lib al-khtam) 398, 443
tables (tabula, abl) 377
terms related to 400, 411
daw, midh, pl. mad 396397
fijrim/qa, pl. uwaq 396n251
ghufl 409
araz, pl. arz 396
awa 453
lab (player) 478
makh 396
mar 397
mazrq 443
mujl (drawing) 455
qurah, pl. qiraah 397
quwaq/uwaq 379n175a
walnut ( jawz, pl. jawzt) games 377,
395396, 412, 490
Western 362
garments 218n344, 304, 358, 883
boots (khiff ) 485
cloth bag (qumsh) 294, 490
mandl 197, 490, 10651066
pocket ( jayb(a), pl. jiyab) 197
generation (qarn) 765
generosity 108110, 244, 352, 410, 455, 491, 617
geometry 10071008
ghulm, pl. ghilmn/ghulmyt 202n261,
863n3, 865, 870, 874
index of subjects
gifts 729, 730n3, 731, 740, 929
vs. bribes 732733, 737, 741743, 745
international exchange of 734736
kinds of 743n43
and unbelievers 735736
girls
See also women
vs. beardless boys 863
gluttony 217n336, 221
gnosis 526, 655n623, 688689
marifa 689, 980
gnosticism 117, 700
God 693, 715
attributes of 542, 1018, 1025
as Creator 537, 541542, 714, 958, 1043
and dahr 535
Eternal (name of God) 543
independence of (ghin al-dht) 126
as Lawgiver 10431044
laws of 537
love for 687, 899
mercy of 655
names of 543, 10431044
ominiscient/omnipotent 39, 1015
relationship of man to 509, 717
tawd (unity of God) 782
throne of 543, 956
trust in (tawakkul) 666n687, 684685,
961
wisdom of 1023
word of 1044, 1046
good, best (khayr) 31n15, 42
goodness 546, 548, 565
government 11, 111, 357, 547, 558559, 570,
739, 997
central government (al-suln al-akbar)
733
community state (al-madna al-jamya)
112
forms of 112113
governor (wl) 64, 389, 434
provincial officials (umml) 733
tyrannical (suln al-ghab) 113
Graeco-Arabic
dictionaries 8
tradition 986
translations 129, 371, 450, 531, 581, 660
wisdom literature 17, 475, 497, 629, 651,
978
1141
Graeco-Roman
Antiquity 200, 208
influence 32
graves/cemeteries 118, 120, 605, 765, 790791
questioning in 956957
greed 454, 476, 592, 607608
Greek 14
authors, texts 153, 371372, 402, 581, 1027
civilization 5
influence 94
language 513514
literature 661, 874, 876, 880, 974, 986, 992,
1051
mythology 809
philosophers 127, 338, 594
philosophy 117, 700, 818, 867, 964, 970,
976, 995, 1012, 1042
poets 660
religious views 967
tradition 661, 845, 980, 993, 1011
grief 640
guessing, guesswork (ann) 616n402, 624,
663, 690, 974975, 1024
guilt 63
adth 14, 99n263, 246, 307, 347n4, 422, 438,
442n153, 476, 488, 716, 721, 730n4, 756, 774,
780783, 802, 805808, 851, 872873, 885,
898899, 911, 918, 925, 955, 974, 978, 1070,
1077
on isha, boasting of wealth 915n18
on isha watching Ethiopians 348n10
on amusement 356357, 429
on casting lots 369n129
collections 433n116, 928
commentaries 911n4, 912n7
on complaints 589
on dahr 535538, 540543, 588
on desires and hope 593, 608, 618n406,
648649, 654, 671
eschatological 352
exegetes of 537
on gambling 340, 357n78, 419420, 445
on hashish/intoxicants 179180
on Ibrhm and reviving dead 969
isnds 440n146, 841n7, 911, 914915, 917,
1081
on knowledge 977n50, 979
on laww 644n557
1142
literature 595
on love of wealth 998n146
on Paradise 892n1, 894, 902903,
906907
patriotism 164
on Prophet detaining someone 57
quds 805
on racing 382, 431
on scholars and amrs 997n142
science of 161, 933, 975976, 1071,
10791080, 1084, 1086
al-r (Tradition of the Trumpet) 902
on thief 465
of Umm Zar 909, 914, 919920, 923,
929930, 933
commentaries on 920, 925
history of 916918
translation of 935940
adth al-nafs 636
ajj 793
See also pilgrimage/pilgrims
ammm (public bath). See baths (public)
handwriting 1048, 10531054, 1087
happiness 101, 583
arm (forbidden) 418419, 427, 429430
harm (mafsada) 415
hashish (ashsh) 7, 135136, 143144, 149,
151, 152154, 158, 166167, 172173, 175176,
181, 198, 255, 257258, 269270, 298, 305,
360, 479, 643644, 746748, 752753, 888
buying/selling 261, 269, 270
bayy al-ashsh (hashish sellers)
267
dallln (brokers) 171
qawwdn (procurers) 172
confections 268, 296
consumption of 141, 145, 196199, 231, 251,
263
effects of 205206, 210, 222223, 225227,
229, 235, 242243, 250
apathy (khabl) 262
dayyth, diythah 219220
dullness ( futr, mufattir) 214215, 262
lightmindedness (runa) 188
preoccupation ( fanna) 221
sluggishness ( fashal) 215
expense/cheapness of 265n2, 266, 277
as forbidden 142, 144, 150, 180, 182, 219,
238240, 250, 258, 260261, 296
index of subjects
ghubayr 142, 150, 157, 169, 174n142,
179180, 221n356, 226, 282283, 291
hashish house 271, 279280
history of use 176178, 179, 183, 185189,
276, 295296
intoxication 148, 154, 245246, 262, 274,
278, 281, 285n80
lore/stories of 138, 147
medical uses of 248250, 266, 286n84
names of/slang for 168174
bithat al-fikr 158
bers 165
bint al-jirb (daughter of the bag) 158,
168
bizr (seed) 173
diryq, tiryq 171
dubb al-hsh 174
farmah 281n69
him al-aqwt 158
al-aydar 158
hindya (Indian maiden) 179
kibsh 173, 278
lazqah 170
luqma, luqayma 158, 169, 171
malf 172
mufarri 158
qalandarw 174
saff (medicinal powder) 171
a 159, 161162, 239
shahdnaj 208
shajarat al-fahm/al-arab 170
sharnaq 156
sulnat al-junn (queen of insanity)
155
uqda 166167, 267
zh 159161, 167, 169, 191, 195, 213,
232233, 278
as plant 157, 246247, 251252, 260
in poetry 155, 163, 749751
preparation/production of 172, 189191,
194, 198, 265267, 270
drying/toasting 189190, 198
grinding 191192, 204, 235, 262
husking 189, 193
roasting 190, 198
secrets (of/from hashish) 275, 282
solid state vs. liquid 198, 252253
terms related to 153154, 160163, 170,
180, 192
index of subjects
al-bishbsha (manufacturers of) 172
flah (bean) 195, 213n308
uqqa, pl. uqq (small box) 197, 232
istatba 232
juayd (eaters of) 170n117
la 194
majn (paste) 158, 267
masul, masl, insil, istil
192n208, 208, 212
mam 198
munt 231
q-t-l (killing of hashish) 192
qurna, pl. quran (also qurn, qurn?)
195
ta, ta 231, 234, 294
transport of 197
and wine 139, 206, 222, 241242, 251, 258,
275, 280, 283284, 289, 291292, 294,
300, 309310
ashsha 154, 183, 185, 188, 225, 291
ashshsh 161, 166, 192
health 391, 1015, 1017, 10211023
health care (public) 7677, 10401041
See also hospitals
heaven 499500
Hebrew (language) 345, 951
hedonism 296
Hell 128, 288, 637, 648n579, 682, 807, 809,
816, 883, 895, 898, 901902, 997
Hellenistic
culture 457, 528, 892, 981, 1035
philosophy 798, 813
tradition 14, 458, 720, 826n127
wisdom 994
hemp 152155, 160161, 174176, 185, 189, 215,
233, 244n29, 254, 267, 269
cultivation 269270, 290n99
hind (Indian) 155, 188
leaves of 181, 190, 207208, 293n112
products 135, 248, 265
properties of 177, 191
henbane. See drugs
henna 196
herbs 154, 267
See also plants/botany
hereafter 654, 685, 819, 895, 904, 906
heresy 82, 128, 352, 430
heretics 70, 82, 239, 261, 290n98, 542, 828,
972
1143
zindq (zandaqa) 75n172, 261, 538, 724,
969
heroes 16
and war 849
women 851
hippodromes 382, 386, 391, 448449
historiography 976
history
circular form of 546, 559
concept of 557
golden age (view of past) 545547,
558559, 581
quantitative aspects of 1029
sequence and development 1920
world 26
homeland 766, 769770
homesickness 766767, 772n68, 794795,
946
homicide 808809
See also murder
homoeroticism 869, 888, 891
homosexuality 148, 172, 200, 216, 286n81,
488, 845n13, 857n44, 872873, 875
lesbianism 852n28
l 864, 869870, 872873
pederasty 430
ubna 216, 220n353, 859n50
honor 102n278, 306n39
hopes 12, 520, 522, 545, 548, 562, 584, 593,
595, 597599, 602603, 609, 612614,
619620, 628, 651, 654n614, 655, 659,
677n744a, 678680, 682, 689, 693
concept of 597, 624
effects of 661
false 649, 659
and fear 523
in God 619620, 662, 665, 680681, 687
for the impossible 620621, 634, 659
long and short 655, 657, 683685, 690
metaphysical 682, 686
raj 598601, 603605, 612613, 615623,
629, 655n623, 675, 677678, 682
and wishes 591, 594, 606, 609612,
615616, 621622, 626627, 630632,
634, 636, 638, 641642, 644, 647,
653654, 656657, 659660, 662,
665667, 671672, 676677, 679, 693
hospitals 76, 793, 10291031, 1034, 1039, 1041
humanity (insnya) 103
1144
index of subjects
humiliation 586n249, 770, 984985, 989

infants. See children
dhull/dhilla 761, 766, 768
information (khabar) 625n431, 930
hunger 213, 250
from one individual (al-wid) 933
famine 1037
inheritance 369
strikes 829
injustice 563
hunting 339, 359, 383
innocence 63, 964
huris (beautiful maidens) 895, 898, 902903, innovation/innovator 548, 1071
905, 907
inns 785
hyle 543
insanity 29, 128, 188, 221, 226, 248n46, 563,
hypocrites/hypocrisy 628, 655, 856857,
588, 828, 893, 945
860n52, 982
See also mental disorders
intellect 4445, 98, 101, 846, 897, 987, 1020
I-am-I (expression) 727
aql 220, 243, 248n46, 253n70, 283,
I-am-you (expression) 701, 709710, 713,
291n105, 562, 624, 667n693, 987n94,
718720, 724726, 728
999n155
identity 711
intellectuals 534, 991
idols 178
intelligibilia 712
ignorance 562564, 580, 596, 635, 979, 984,
intention (nya) 932
990, 999
intercession 898
as death 988
intimacy; familiarity (uns) 761
illness/diseases/conditions 586, 589, 646,
intoxicants 197, 198n232, 242, 245, 247248,
665, 689, 762763, 823, 893, 938, 958, 962,
252, 266, 747
1021, 1024n21
effects of 243245, 260n104, 414
dandruff (azz, ibriya) 207n275, 249
intoxication 179, 199200, 205, 208, 222,
epilepsy (ar) 208
250251, 253, 258, 260, 265, 304, 307308,
zamna 563
310
illusions (hawas) 220
definition of 242243
imagination 636637, 644, 669
hashish 209, 225, 236
imaginings; nightly apparitions (khayl, pl.
Islam 12, 1920, 396, 431, 627, 729, 754755,
khaylt) 226227, 300n13, 596, 635, 638
798, 840
imms 57, 58, 75, 280, 430, 432, 434, 808
converts to 953, 1006
of Sha 596
dietary laws 231, 249250
immorality 847n17
divorce 254257
and corruption ( fasd) 421, 546
fasting 255, 262, 282283
imprisonment 5758, 6061, 6366, 68,
history of 909
7071, 73, 8082, 90
and medicine 1025n23
See also prisons/prisoners
medieval 24, 136, 152, 200, 206, 295, 373,
to detain (-b-s, abs) 56, 57n89, 58,
375, 475, 480, 547, 759, 863n3, 880, 907,
60n101a, 117n333
911, 948, 1042, 1067, 1070, 1088
independence 115
official/orthodox 282, 860, 955
izz 98n261, 99n263, 103, 105n289
self-destruction in 250251
indigence. See poverty
and slavery 51, 53
individual(s) 11, 28, 112, 117, 573, 721, 728729
study of 343, 523, 10261027
liberties 7172
isolation (uzla, uzlet) 49, 721, 723n99
life after death 798
power of 697, 701
Jhilya 403, 418, 542, 556, 920
and society 24, 128, 135, 295296, 592,
See also pre-Islamic (period)
595, 658, 666, 753, 1027
jails 57, 61, 262, 489
infallibility 1007
See also prisons/prisoners
index of subjects
javelins 353, 395, 441
jealousy 219, 223, 870871
jewelry 883, 939
jihd 432, 475
jinn 123, 191192
jockeys 385
jokes/playfulness 80, 180, 239, 347348, 352,
358, 423, 564, 670, 910n2, 929, 960, 1011
journeys 778, 817, 884
joy (surr) 663
judges 6163, 65, 69, 71, 74, 76, 80, 172173,
420, 444, 542, 731, 733, 739, 742, 745
kim 732, 743744
Judgment 904
Day of 180, 230, 898
judiciary 70, 270, 542n76, 732733, 738740
jurisdiction 70
jurisprudence 6, 8, 11, 58, 258, 910, 950, 957,
985
principles of 37
jurist(s) 37, 51, 5355, 57, 89, 205, 236238,
242, 248, 251, 256, 258, 265, 295, 383, 724,
958, 1077
on chess 376, 424425
on competitions 435, 441
on gambling 378, 390391, 414415,
420
on games 431432
on risk taking 369
justice 28n8, 732, 740742, 815
divine 730, 765, 954
1145
religious vs. theoretical 986
search for 974, 978, 982983, 989, 994,
997998
self-knowledge 722
and social standing 979
supremacy of 981, 992993
as treasure 993
vastness/extent of 1067, 10701071, 1084
kumiss, see alcohol
language(s) 1046
See also Arabic (language)
Akkadian 345n2, 595, 757, 1068
Aramaic 609n364, 730n5, 1051, 1068
coarse/vulgar 447, 492, 514, 895n7
Coptic 165n86
explicit 857858
Greek 513514
Hebrew 345, 951
Persian 378379, 513515
Semitic 31, 56, 60n102, 339, 595, 801, 968,
1068n10
Southern Romance 511
Spanish 510, 512, 515
Syriac 34, 56, 345, 595, 1051, 1069
Turkish 513515
law
Islamic 57
Twelver Sha 59
lawsuits 741, 743
laziness 221, 622, 626627, 644, 656659
leadership/political power 994995
killing 225, 800, 802, 957
legal categories 17, 730
See also murder
agreement (ittifq; wfaqa) 245, 419, 497
kings 301, 476, 486487, 559, 580581, 997
disapproved of (makrh) 240, 255,
knowledge 6, 654, 967, 971, 975977, 984,
427n96
988, 990, 998, 1088
fur 436, 971
deterioration of 562564
necessary (wjib) 971
disciplines of 1009
obligations (iltizmt) 436
as everlasting 989
permissibility (iba) 441
as food/useful 985, 987988, 1045
precautionary (itiy) 63n120
of God 971
preferable (mustaabb) 443
ilm, pl. ulm 654, 686, 782, 927, 968, 975,
prohibited/forbidden (arm) 236,
984, 987, 1007n24
418419, 427, 429430, 10431045
ulam (scholars) 238, 434
right (aa) 442
and material gain 985
legal schools 175, 957
men of, vs. ignorant 999
legal theory 60, 64
and political power 996997
leisure 14, 49, 615
and progress 46
See also relaxation
1146
letters 10441045, 10471048, 1052
science of 1043
shapes of 10491050
lexicography/lexicographers 45, 339, 352,
359, 382, 397, 533, 538, 614, 623, 635, 911,
926, 1027
liberation 118
See also freedom
liberty
See also freedom
civic 72, 113, 130
of individual 129130
libraries 10711076
licentiousness 292
lies/lying 629
See also deceit
life after death 614, 641, 803, 809, 894,
897898, 900n22, 903, 905, 907, 950
life/lifetime 533, 560, 593
literacy 1046
literary criticism 911912, 927, 1086
literature (Arabic) 79, 33, 345, 363, 422, 456,
580, 761, 766, 844, 853860, 874, 876, 889,
894, 909, 913, 925, 959, 962, 981, 988, 996,
1026, 1035, 1070n18, 1072, 1086
adab, pl. db 75, 347n4, 449, 453, 486,
610, 688, 984, 987n94, 997
biographical 947
on death 892n1
on education 941
encyclopaedias 7, 595596, 609
historical 913
on love 907
medical 962, 1019, 1027
Muslim 24, 942, 945, 957, 10521054
pharmacological 747, 924, 1040
popular/entertaining 847, 849, 872, 1082,
1085
religious and legal 62, 66, 844, 928
littrateurs 156, 238, 341342, 349, 353, 406,
411, 449, 454, 458, 460, 468, 478, 483, 529,
534, 546n88, 580581, 610, 630, 636, 669,
1001, 1012, 1024, 1037, 1077
adbs 579580
livelihood/sustenance 97, 270, 459, 478, 511,
657658, 667, 671n712, 679, 10331035
unlawful gain (sut) 212, 730731, 737
losing/losers 369n128, 452, 454, 461n63, 469
See also gambling
index of subjects
lotteries 339, 367368, 417
love 283, 355, 457459, 464, 483, 509, 579,
583, 605, 607, 610, 639, 710, 712, 722, 845,
853854, 859, 866, 868, 874, 889890,
891894
associated with death 894
conjugal/sexual 852, 894, 898, 901, 907
eternality of 901n24
Greek concept of 826
interfaith 850
ishq 898
literature on 907
motif 850
object of (erasmion) 718
for Prophet and God 893, 899
sacred/religious 579n222, 899
slavery of 33n22a
and union 882, 1049
love poetry. See poetry
luck 424, 453, 496, 502, 508, 532
madhhab 589
madrasa 431
magic/magicians 698, 699700, 701, 704, 719,
725, 727728, 786, 1045, 1076n41
mandl 197, 490, 10651066
manliness; dignity (murwa) 99n263, 346n3,
420, 424, 431, 486487, 845n13, 930
man/mankind 548, 797, 10191021
and choice 622
free (men) 26, 33, 38, 47n59, 51n71, 54, 70,
94, 103, 106111, 114, 116, 124n378, 129 (See
also slave(s))
liberty 130
and relationship to God 47
manuscripts 136137, 1078
See also books
marijuana 135, 154n16
See also cannabis; hashish (ashsh)
market supervisor (mutasib) 60, 63,
116n328, 268, 445446, 740, 785, 835
marriage 564, 845, 853, 859, 903
as contract 907
multiplicity of 906, 931n86
types of 854, 870n25
martyrdom 774, 807, 828
master, [status of] (rubbya) 127
materialism/material gain 794, 985, 993
mathematics 1006
index of subjects
matter, and form 40, 698
See also substance
maxims 959
See also aphorisms; proverbs
medical services. See health care (public)
medicine 4, 175, 240, 250, 548549, 551, 689,
746747, 792, 859n50, 943, 962, 10111013,
1015, 1017, 10251028, 10331035, 1037, 1040,
1042
See also drugs
books on 1031
and Christianity 1025n23
deontology 1035
history of 1027
and humoral pathology 207, 1016n10
purpose of 1021, 1023
vs. quackery 1038
and religion 1016
rules of 1024
validity of 10131014, 10191022
mental disorders 256, 260
See also insanity
merchants 70, 276, 483, 582, 760, 785, 884,
887
Messianism 597
metaphysics 5, 117n330, 509, 573, 774, 779,
898
of hopes/fear 597, 684
microcosm-macrocosm 702n18
military 10, 90n231a
class 276277, 386, 482
expeditions 406408
purposes 382, 395, 423424, 431, 443
milla 802
millenarianism 522, 597
mind
See also intellect
dhihn, pl. adhhn 223, 283
fikr(a) 207, 221222, 638n505
minerals 541
minority (groups) 71n154, 10061007,
10331034
mirj 227
misfortunes 527, 540, 542, 551, 568, 586587,
589590, 658, 663, 681, 763
mobility 754, 769, 793
modesty 306, 547, 549
ay 102n278, 125, 220, 223
iffa 47, 101, 815
1147
sphrn, sphrosyn 4647, 101, 103, 109
monarchy 113
monasteries 184185, 277, 298, 359360
money 103, 355, 361, 375, 403, 457, 464, 577,
670, 737, 991
monism 718
monogamy 845, 854
monotheism/monotheists 495, 531, 646,
692693, 894
moon 85, 229, 280, 287, 339, 353, 400,
465471, 473, 543, 720, 884, 886887
morality 341, 526, 547, 558, 564, 744, 841,
847848, 852853, 855856, 868, 984
mosques 200, 203, 214, 277, 298, 749, 751, 781,
788
mourning rites 824
mufts 279, 542
murder 58, 62, 64, 152, 542n76, 809
murd 42n49
music 147, 214, 287, 346n3, 351, 489, 525, 752
instruments 147, 268n18, 504
flute 452n29
lute 430
tambourine 346347
unbr 366
musicology 1020
musk 167, 196, 218, 287, 308309
Muslims 28, 359, 364365, 425, 428, 509, 515,
531, 534, 690, 754, 758, 773774, 782783
medieval 129130, 135, 338, 343, 482, 862
mysticism/mystics 29, 118, 127, 284, 477,
508509, 574, 624, 684, 712, 721, 723, 731,
751, 774, 783, 794, 827, 893, 923, 943, 947,
992, 997, 1079, 1082
and illumination 692
poetry of 720, 848
stations of 125, 684n782, 688, 691
traditions of 728
Nabataean (inscriptions) 31, 1050
narcotics 243244, 252, 257, 293
See also drugs
nation/nationality 683, 759
nature 38, 95, 134, 136, 697, 1016n10, 1021
beauty of 583
human 297, 537, 545, 564, 567, 619, 730,
908, 1023
mans animal nature 100103, 109
al-ss 114
1148
night, and day 541543, 565, 646
nobles/nobility 33, 580, 989991
non-Arabs (Persians) 182, 348, 412, 423, 426,
790n149
non-existence. See existence
non-Muslims 755, 782, 883
See also unbelief/unbelievers
infants 954
oaths 172, 555
obedience 115
obscenity; indecency 358
majna, mujn 357, 563, 865n9, 868
occupations. See professions/occupations
old age 539540, 560, 584, 619, 646, 822, 827,
903, 917, 978
grey hair 584, 586n245, 620
youth, lost 577578, 583, 586n245, 645
oneness (of/with God) 614, 713, 716, 718
wada 542
onomastics 881
opium. See drugs
opponent(s) (gharm) 505
oral
recitation 1069
transmission 1053, 1072, 1075, 1088
Orientalist (views) 909
orphans 742, 768, 916, 958
other 759
-identification 702, 709, 718, 721, 725, 727
other world. See hereafter
pagan (Antiquity) 773
Palmyrenian (inscriptions) 31
pantheism 540n73
paper 197, 278, 308, 912, 1044
parables 125, 500, 958
Paradise 15, 181, 221, 228, 288, 298, 543,
550, 612, 617, 625, 637, 663, 682, 774, 783,
805, 842843, 883, 897898, 905906,
908
children in 896, 951, 953, 955
love, sex in 894895, 899900, 903
marriage in 902904
women in 907
particulars ( juzyt) 1084
patience 85, 456, 586589
abr 587, 684
pen (vs. sword) 863
index of subjects
penury 479
perception
idrk 691
taawwur 635
perfection 521, 674
perfume 196
perjury 491492
Persian (language) 378379, 513515
numerals 371
petitioners (sul) 678
pharmacists. See druggists/pharmacists
philologians/philologists 383, 400, 411, 453,
458, 528, 598n304, 615616, 856, 909
philology 6, 911, 924, 927
philosopher-king 967, 995996
philosophers 37, 39, 45, 90, 102103, 112, 171,
338, 487, 527528, 543544, 558, 569, 578,
581, 615616, 618, 634, 813, 816n90, 827, 885,
893, 945, 970n15, 978, 1021, 1023n20, 1025,
1082, 1084
philosophy 6, 94, 101, 528, 540, 635, 675, 697,
812, 943, 979, 996, 1009, 1042
Aristotelian 31, 635
Greek 964
logic 640
moral 573n195, 960
Neo-Platonism 718, 728, 779, 897
ontology, and freedom 27
Platonism 995
physicians 10, 77, 85, 96, 174, 177, 190, 208,
226, 475, 482n38, 551, 582, 853, 858, 889,
962963, 10111015, 10181025, 10271028,
10301034, 10361037, 10391041
economic/social position of 1035, 1038,
1042
piety 14, 547, 549, 580, 589, 626627, 672,
722, 827, 856, 958, 964, 984985, 1079
pilgrimage/pilgrims 52, 62, 282, 468, 760,
858, 888
pills/pellets 158, 189, 191, 194195, 211, 234,
401
kabba (k-b-b) 164165, 190, 195
pr 178
plagiarism 710
plants/botany 160, 182, 185, 204, 254, 259,
268, 284, 288, 541
basil (rayn) 281n66
dt(h)ra 180n163, 268
henbane (saykarn) 244, 247, 253
index of subjects
jawz mthil 248
Judas tree (dd(h)) 259n98
mandrake root (irq al-luff) 167
myrtle 271, 301n18
narcissus 863864
nutmeg ( jawzat al-b) 206
pellitory (qirqar) 166
poppies 153, 156, 190, 253
purslane 160
roses 301n18, 462, 863864, 886, 888
saffron 169n106, 236, 249
scammony 249, 268
service trees/sorb 157
shahdnaj barr 180n163
spikenard (sunbul) 166
weeds 154
zaqqm tree 140, 167n97, 179, 307
Platonic
concepts 543, 845, 967
philosophers/tradition 543, 867
play 78, 134, 177, 241, 297, 338, 340, 345346,
349350, 353, 356, 359361, 415, 427, 429,
496, 615, 943, 945, 948, 961962
l--b, lib 348n13, 350351, 353, 356357,
359
luab (dolls; spittle) 345n2, 347n4, 355
lub al-amm (pigeon players) 389
shadow play 355
swords 353354, 394, 441443, 555, 659,
863
pleasure 99, 175, 177, 208, 218, 226, 231, 250,
257259, 272, 281, 305n28, 346, 348349,
414415, 460, 462, 488, 580, 583, 593n286,
635, 641642, 644, 658, 662663, 896, 900,
905, 962, 998
ladhdha 661n651, 663
poetry 68, 13, 102n278, 194, 199, 272273,
279, 341, 352, 447448, 451, 453454, 465,
496, 529, 533, 536, 539, 564, 584, 595,
600601, 710711, 748, 761, 792, 810, 811n76a,
846847, 849, 852, 872, 874, 885, 888, 891,
905, 925, 1035, 1050, 1082
of comparisons 863, 934
d bayt 467n91, 468
on gambling 461462, 472473, 485
on games 399400
on hashish 138139, 146, 151, 169n110,
206n269, 276, 288n89
homoerotic 217, 857n44, 872
1149
laudatory 677
on love 290n98, 460, 462, 467468,
472473, 633, 637, 648, 661n653, 667,
669, 868, 880, 1048
marthiya 571, 585, 606, 610, 630, 647
mawly (mawwl) 192194, 448n2
muwashsha 470, 484n46, 718
nadma 811n76a
pre-Islamic 56n84
of prisoners 8082, 89
vs. prose 863
qadas 463, 643
rajaz verse 924
saj 927
troubadour (of western Europe) 862n1
urjza 144
wind (metaphors of) 354355, 631
on wine 206n269, 276, 288n92, 848
zajal 174n143, 463, 472
poets 112, 205, 271, 413, 448, 483, 486, 893,
1001
mukharam 416, 564n155, 770
poison 153, 254, 537, 806, 820, 823824, 828,
835
pole (qub) 724
police 189, 737
politics 475, 672
and authority 732
and oppression 79
siysa 489, 1013
polygamy 854
polytheists 363364, 408, 421, 758, 882
children of 952954, 956
poor 123, 184, 410, 415417, 669, 793
fs 146, 160, 170, 305n32
population (data) 10, 1030n11, 1067
poverty 69, 9798, 115, 125, 294295, 301n18,
306, 584, 589, 607, 681, 762763, 767,
770771, 819, 853, 985, 991992
power/rank/position 126, 580, 962
praise 527, 551
prayer 122, 222223, 245, 251, 253255, 283,
402, 412, 419, 421, 423, 427n96, 428429,
473n114, 477, 489, 506507, 550, 634
wird 283
preachers 366, 614
predestination 509, 592n281, 629, 631
qadar, aqdr 455, 503504, 507, 629, 631,
690
1150
predetermination 502503, 507, 591n273,
656658
prehistory (Arabian) 557n121
pre-Islamic (period) 35, 46, 56, 91, 275,
368369, 402, 416, 480, 529, 534, 538,
546, 595, 613, 626, 629, 636, 647648, 934,
1051
Arabia 383384, 403405, 755, 761, 907
Arabs 32, 495496, 646, 803, 822
civilizations 12, 793
concepts 825
poetry/poets 540, 592, 872
views 560, 628, 692
prestidigitation (shabadha) 351
See also magic/magicians
prestige 762, 765, 772, 989990
izz, aazz 761, 767
pretty, handsome (mal) 876, 881n53,
883884, 887890
pride 125, 414, 583
principles (ul) 1084
printing 1088
prisons/prisoners 5556, 58, 6065, 68,
7475, 90, 574n197, 10401041
conditions of 73, 77, 7982, 84, 86, 89
for debtors 57, 58n92, 59, 66, 6970, 76,
7879, 82
history of, in Islam 74n168
political 62, 73n164, 79
sijn 55, 56n84, 75, 117n333
terms related to 75, 79, 117n333
prizes 384385, 389390, 392, 395, 409410,
432436, 441, 444, 448, 455, 498
ghalab 395
nadab 374, 432, 453
qara 432
s-b-q, sabaq 432, 441
stakes (khaar, pl. akhr) 364365, 396,
403, 412, 431432, 438, 449, 453, 476
uma (consumption of) 434
wajab 432
professions/occupations 10, 168172, 346n3,
478, 488, 582, 883, 885, 887
architects (mimrya) 171
astrologers (munajjimn) 171, 1001
barbers/surgeons ( jariya) 170, 263
beggars (shadh) 448
blacksmiths (qayn) 406
brokers (dallln) 171
index of subjects
builders (bannn) 171
cooks (abbkhn) 171
couriers (s) 883
courtiers 586
crossbowmen (bunduqnyn) 170
dancers (rqia, raqq) 170
druggists (arn) 171, 1028n4, 1032
dyeing 489
falconers (bazdira) 172
farmah 281n69
grave diggers (affrn) 171
homosexuals (makhnitha, makhnth)
172
importers ( jallba) 172
lecturers (mudarris) 218
makers (unna [of hashish]) 172
makers of electuaries (majnya) 171
mendicants 169
painters (muawwir) 887
perfumers 1028n4
porters (ammln) 171
procurers (qawwdn) 172
ropemakers ( fattln) 171
scavengers (mashlya) 489
sellers (bin) 172
smiths (addd) 406
songstresses (maghn) 171
spongers (ufayl) 170, 478, 487
sweepers 489
tailors 353
tujjr 170
veterinarians (bayira) 170
watchmen (ris, pl. arasa) 201
water drawers 171, 388
progress 36, 11, 546
property 6768, 70, 85, 110, 126, 342, 348,
360361, 366, 403, 408, 412, 415, 418, 593,
613, 639, 845, 991, 993, 995, 1032
loss of 539
prophecy/prophethood 545546, 969
prophetical traditions. See adth
prophets 122, 550, 801, 824, 843, 1007, 1044
prose 448, 451, 453454, 529, 600601, 633,
710, 853, 885, 933
prosody 885
prostitution 865n9, 874
proverbs 13, 366n113, 454455, 504, 651,
655, 663, 810, 855856, 945n11, 946n20,
959
index of subjects
providence 495, 773, 1025
psychological (factors) 574, 576, 612, 617,
626629, 632633, 638, 641642, 660, 666,
671, 675, 691692, 1035, 1037
and children 941943, 960, 962
public order 7071
punishment 5657, 65, 70, 299, 309, 686,
743744
banishment 58
death penalty 262263
add, pl. udd 51n71, 5860, 62, 79, 142,
234, 236, 240, 245, 253n70, 258261, 283,
290, 297, 352, 446
tazr 6061, 63n120, 182, 240, 245, 258,
260262, 444, 744
purpose (ghya) 610n378, 674, 1019
purses (ks, akys) 197
q(s) 64, 445446
See also judges
qt 144, 206
quiddity (m) 1014
Qurn 14, 54, 62, 367, 730, 748, 780, 803,
872, 894, 918, 925, 979, 1043, 10451046,
10761077, 1084
commentaries on 180, 377, 413414, 418,
420, 614, 628, 635
on commerce 476
dictionary 46
on forced labor 90
on gambling 395396, 405, 411413, 417,
420, 423, 434, 492, 495, 508
gharnq 614n393
on hope 613614
on intoxicants 134, 175, 243
on lahw 356
on patience 588
in poetry/literature 449, 595
recitation 429, 431, 997, 1016
sciences 5, 1084
srat al-Arf [7] 787
srat al-Najm [53] 402
srat Ysuf [12] 55, 787, 790
racing 387n213, 390391, 412, 434441, 443
barraza 453
of boats (sufun) 390, 442443
of bovines (baqar) 382n186
courses (alba) 384, 448
1151
of donkeys 382n186
on foot 387388, 441, 443
horses 358n81, 362, 382386, 390391,
395, 404, 412, 423, 431, 436, 439441, 443,
448, 450451, 454, 491, 493, 498, 508n42,
651
for stakes 382383, 385386
rain 541
Raman 262, 430
rank ( jh) 116
rationalists 818, 1017
rationality (vs. spirituality) 898
reality 227, 229, 232233, 257, 267, 274, 349,
356, 370, 447, 500, 544, 546, 582, 627, 634,
639640, 660, 666, 670, 962, 970n16
metaphysical 635, 693
reason 13, 458, 469, 486, 508, 543, 562, 640,
643, 842, 854, 895, 961, 1014
relaxation 161, 200, 272, 348, 515, 658, 847,
930
See also amusement
religion/religious 546548, 558559, 700,
996
acts 612
beliefs 573, 641, 647, 692, 798
dn 43, 802
ethics 356
law 61, 70, 78, 121, 123, 231, 237, 249, 251,
258, 501, 507, 509, 536, 741, 747748, 755,
816, 827, 842, 950, 1044
moralists 594, 1015, 1018
scholars/thinkers 482, 487, 551, 585, 587,
614615, 656, 671, 690
sciences 1053
sects 824
vs. secular views 12
symbols 1046
views 535, 590, 626, 633, 653n612, 680,
688
remembrance/remembering 594, 636, 691,
904, 946
dhikr, tadhakkur 125, 691
of God 222, 402, 419, 421, 423, 507, 714,
723
renunciation (tark) 49
repentance 62, 221, 232233, 261, 527, 619,
818
tawba 60n101a, 808
respite, rest (ra) 641n536, 643, 665
1152
resurrection 780, 818, 988
Resurrection, Day of 679, 806, 811, 896,
898899, 904906, 956
See also eschatology/end of time;
Judgment
retaliation 809
diya 809n70b
revelations (to Muammad) 545, 550, 799,
805, 842
reward 601, 613
rhetoric, science of 911
rhetors (khuab) 112
rhythm 891
risks 475, 511
rivers 147, 391
robbers/robbery 64, 152, 456, 489490, 883
highway 58, 75n172
rulers 70, 276278, 434, 440, 482, 487, 520,
569, 581, 586
unjust 736
rural (areas) 276, 755, 1031, 10401041
See also urban
economy 93
sages 572, 581
saints 550
ecstatic 235
f (badal, pl. abdl) 782, 958
salm (greeting) 427n96
salvation 505, 577, 588, 640, 654, 655n620,
655n623, 671, 685686, 693, 700, 721, 725,
728
satire 848, 855, 1037
scholars 580, 947, 989, 993, 996, 998, 1071
lim 202, 983984, 999n156
class of 1034
former/ancient 1007, 1009
secular 1072
scholarship 558, 564, 568, 580581, 583
science/scientists 5, 581, 583, 1001, 1005, 1009
biographies of 1007
history of 1004, 1006
script (Arabic) 10451047, 1052, 1087
seasons
summer 573
winter 416, 573
secrets
esrr 158, 284
of/from hashish 275, 282
index of subjects
sectarians 176177, 186, 225, 536, 754
See also (Index of) Proper Names:
Ismls
ahl al-haw 976
secular (outlook) 549, 590, 626, 633
sedition 73
self- / other identification 697, 699, 701
selling
and faulty pricing (bakhs) 476
for future delivery (salam) 476
invalid types of 421
Semitic languages 31, 56, 60n102, 339, 595,
801, 968
alphabet 1051
senses (scent/sound/smell) 198, 839
amber-scented 271, 289
musk 167, 196, 218, 287, 308, 309
sensibilia 712
sensibility (iss) 635, 640n525
serfs (sukhr) 91
seriousness ( jidd) 345, 496
servants (eunuchs) 489
sexes, relationship between 928, 934
sexism (male) 843
sex/sexual 134, 359, 482, 577, 839, 847, 853,
859n50, 895, 904, 962
See also homosexuality
activities 7, 351, 751752, 845, 849, 854,
856
attitudes/morality of 839840, 847,
861
heterosexuality 873, 875, 891
intercourse 78, 215216, 293n115
language of 661
literature 875
misbehavior 852
slang terms
arnab 938n112
zarnab 924, 938
union 700
sexuality 840842, 844, 845n13, 859, 864,
867, 875, 887, 891, 895, 898
shape (rah) 437
shara, pl. shari 236, 445446, 816n90
See also Islam
sincerity (ikhl) 49n65, 723
singing/dancing 276, 347, 478, 483, 569,
661662, 675, 888
songs (nagham) 204
index of subjects
sins 232, 239, 259, 281, 283, 286n81, 289, 299,
308, 342, 398, 402, 419, 424, 549, 567568,
619, 625, 680, 800, 804805, 809, 811812,
824, 860
ithm 413
kabra, kabr (major [sin]) 413414, 429
major 373, 444, 982983
maiya 256, 860n52
original 952
aghra (minor [sin]) 429
skepticism, skeptics 970, 974975, 981
slander 281, 536538, 543, 566, 568, 588,
931
ghba 930, 938n114
limits of 933
slanderer (figure of) 711
slang 175176, 490
slavery 2627, 3233, 38, 39n47, 4649,
5155, 99100, 102105, 111, 115116, 128, 642,
863n3
institution of 54
slave(s) 2627, 50, 54, 70, 98100, 102104,
106, 108, 111, 113114, 122123, 126, 129, 417,
435, 477, 564, 760
abd 33, 4546, 50, 104n285, 108n300, 120
beardless 219
girls 385, 393, 399, 407n25, 412
of God 52
kinds of 104n285
manumission of 67
merchants 54n81
raqq 49
sloth. See laziness
smoking 198199
water pipes 198n235
sobriety 569
social/societal
attitudes 849, 851, 872, 894, 911, 1038
classes/groups 10, 174, 1031, 1039
conditions 534
norms/values 844, 847, 1032
order 91, 114, 130, 341, 509, 563, 797, 869,
967
philosophy 860
problems 177, 342
status 200, 275, 486, 863n3, 883, 1033
low 168, 275, 669670
stratification 10, 35, 61, 359, 482, 991
welfare 457458, 1028
1153
society 297, 697, 724, 728, 730
Arabian 757
dangers to 182, 295296
and economics 1031
ideal human 558, 845
and individual 10, 24, 521, 549, 590, 595,
658, 666, 683, 725, 728, 745746, 753,
839840, 842, 844, 895, 1027
Muslim 6, 10, 222, 494, 521, 859860, 881,
1032, 1041
withdrawal from 549
virtues of 722723
sociology 1028
soldiers 760
soothsaying 477n18, 495
soul(s) 14n10, 4647, 50, 95, 97, 104, 110, 120,
220, 576n211, 593, 605, 626, 640641, 643,
712, 797, 804, 819, 846, 1020
bestial vs. rational 994
and body 117, 619, 812, 961n83, 1023,
1036
and desires/wishes 231232, 615616, 623,
630, 633, 638, 640, 646, 654
and knowledge 986987, 989
as stranger in world 779
sources 138, 844, 1017
religious and secular 522
Spanish (language) 510, 512, 515
speech (kalm) 448
spices 1040
See also food; plants/botany
spirits (r, pl. arw) 643, 1085
spiritual/spirituality 896, 898
verities (aqiq) 635
sports 341, 344, 349, 362, 390, 394, 396, 404,
421, 444, 482, 493, 497
archery 363n99, 395, 423, 432, 434, 436,
439440
arrows 382, 395, 402, 403n9, 405, 408411,
413, 418, 427n96, 431, 441443, 446,
451453, 477, 498, 533, 537, 539,
569
fencing 392
javelins (irb) 353, 395, 441
jurists on 363n99
polo 389, 391, 443
polo (awlajn, pl. awlij) 391, 401,
497
spears 85, 443, 555, 659
1154
spectators 386, 390391, 435
stadiums (maydn) 386, 389, 448449
swimming 392, 443
terms related to 392n233, 394, 441
weight lifting 392, 443
wrestling (muraa) 392, 394, 441n152,
442443
stakes 361, 374, 407, 424, 432, 444, 455, 461,
514
See also prizes
rahn, rihn 358, 363, 364n100, 366, 382,
386, 412, 432, 493, 514
stars/planets 159, 356, 502, 583
Cassiopeia 159
constellations 560
al-Farqad 84
Mercury 372
Venus 372
states (l) 125, 691
stinginess 195, 213, 863
stories (qia) 923
storytellers 206, 852
strangers 579, 754, 756759, 761, 763765,
769, 777, 785786, 793
conditions of 774, 788, 794
defined 760, 768
gharb, pl. gharib 425, 579, 756760,
774, 776778, 781, 786n129, 786n131,
788790, 795796, 925926
ghurab 781782, 785, 789
ghurba 756n7, 759, 764n38, 768, 776777,
779782
quarter of (rat al-ghurb) 784
status of 776, 778, 783
treatment of 784, 789790, 792
students 11, 114, 239, 431, 568, 760, 784,
789n143, 791792, 819, 911, 949n30, 989,
1000, 1003, 1024, 10291030
submission 29
substance
See also accidents
jawhr, pl. jawhir 541, 543
jism, pl. ajsm 544, 706
successors (of the Prophet) 731
suicide 233, 482, 654n614, 811, 905
attitudes toward 11
cases of 821, 833836
commission of 828
ethical aspects of 797
index of subjects
individual 802
Judaism and Christianity on 799
and lovers 825
problem of 79, 804, 807809, 812814, 819
prohibition of 803805, 809810, 816,
818819
as revenge 836
sin of 824
sulns 72n159, 276, 432, 434
sun 84, 287, 470, 543, 720, 884
sunna 782, 789, 954, 1077
See also adth
on racing 431
supernatural powers 495, 698, 712, 1017
sustenance. See livelihood/sustenance
swindlers/crooks 292293, 478
See also charlatans/quacks
swords 353354, 441443, 555, 659, 863
sympathizers [of the Prophet] (al-muallafa
qulbuhum) 404405
Syriac (language) 34, 56, 345, 595, 1051, 1069
taqld (dependence upon tradition) 24
taqres 877n45, 878, 879n49
tattoos 426
taverns 305, 492
See also clubs
n, pl. nt 430, 480
tawfq (divine success) 205
tawd (unity of God) 782
tax/taxes 58, 71, 270
charity (zakh) 347, 983
collectors 733, 737
farming (amn) 267
tayammum (ablution with sand) 197,
803804
teachers 446
terminology 31, 36, 48, 135136, 356, 598, 925
testimony 420, 424, 738
See also witness(es)
theater 351
theft/thieves 5960, 64, 283, 372, 444, 465,
472, 489490, 508, 883
theological speculation (kalm) 972973
mutakallim, pl. mutakallimn 973, 1014,
1024
theology/theologians 6, 24, 117n330, 338,
458, 537, 540, 546, 809, 987
Christian 37, 39, 1025
index of subjects
Muslim 39, 117, 798, 800, 867, 896, 908,
955, 958, 1017, 1025
philosophical 765
speculative 503, 624, 970971, 973, 1014,
1016, 1024, 1025
and suicide 827
thirst 250
thoughts (khawir) 592, 625n429
time 528, 534535, 544, 550, 560561, 570,
630, 652
of death 666
n 528529
waqt, pl. awqt 531, 543, 617n404, 687
zamn 527531, 534n47, 535, 537,
540543, 563, 566, 568569, 571572,
578, 583584, 586n245, 613, 631n465
tobacco 154n16, 198, 263, 747
See also smoking
tools/weapons 353, 697
toothbrush (siwk) 209
torts (malim) 738
torture 82, 812, 821, 830, 834835
tourists 785786
traditionalism 848
traditions (prophetic) 546, 562, 682,
10441045
See also adth
tragedy, of Pyramus-and-Thisbe 905
translators 1007, 1010
of Qurn 614, 628, 800, 802
transmitters 552553
transportation 697
travel 755, 762, 769n58, 770, 774, 775n79, 776,
787, 795, 884
literature 362
travelers 255, 756
European 138
trickery 581
See also charlatans/quacks; swindlers/
crooks
trust (in God) 588
truth/truthfulness 9596, 549, 653n607
idq 653n607
Turkish (language) 513515
ulem 238
umma (nation) 683, 721
unbelief/unbelievers 55, 348, 365, 431, 562,
589, 731, 969, 971
1155
union 542, 705708, 712713, 718, 726
727
of body and spirit 702
in friendship 725
ittidya (Unionists) 540, 542, 715
in love 701
between man and god 700, 713, 726
urban
See also rural (areas)
areas/setting 92, 269, 274, 296, 382, 826,
1031, 1033
civilization 852853, 858, 876
households 934
institutions 1041
Islam 755756
society 751
usury 239240, 415, 476
utopia/utopianism 558559, 597, 633, 967
veil (ijb) 679
venality 874
veterinarians/veterinary medicine 383, 1015,
1020
vices 491
victims 415
violence 245, 274, 853
virgins/virginity 902, 904, 906
virtue(s) 14, 47, 109, 203, 296, 559, 563,
580581, 596
faithfulness (waf) 96n252
kindness (al-jaml) 815
visitors (zuwwr) 678
viticulture 265
See also wine
waqf 77, 218
library 1076
war 423424, 431, 442444, 505
holy 800
waan 756n7
wazr(s) 76, 389, 570, 582583, 833
wealth 9798, 125, 342, 387, 416, 497, 607,
659, 663, 669, 762, 771, 874, 920, 929, 934,
992, 994, 997, 1032
weapons. See tools/weapons
well-being (al) 432
west 756
will 39
irda 34, 42n49, 118n339, 623
1156
wine 7, 134, 146147, 159, 172173, 179,
185186, 190, 196198, 202203, 210, 218,
225n374, 230231, 234, 238, 240242, 250
254, 257, 259261, 269270, 274, 277278,
281, 297, 301, 305, 355, 361, 402, 427n96,
430, 459, 468, 486, 502, 520n2, 525, 531n32,
583, 641, 643644, 662, 748751, 847n17,
872n31
drinkers/drinking 5859, 244245, 256,
259, 274, 283, 286, 290n98, 297, 341, 355,
359, 461, 473, 508
effects of 215, 243, 244245, 246,
260n105
fermentation of (ghalayn) 198
and gambling 413415, 417419, 422
and hashish 139, 199200, 206, 222,
241242, 251, 258, 275, 280, 283
284, 289, 291292, 294, 300, 309
310
houses 271
as luxury 265
poetry 206n269, 276, 288n92, 848
prohibition of 295, 418419
red 288
sellers 59n94, 446, 450, 581
skins (qirbatayn) 196
and song 214
trade 265
wine makers 268n18, 290n99
yellow 275
winnings 411, 435
wisdom 101, 349, 450, 497, 521, 558, 618, 722,
987988, 992, 994, 1069
ilm 109n304
literature 17
wishes/wishing 592, 596597, 605, 609,
618619, 625, 628, 635, 636n498, 639,
646649, 652, 662, 664, 672n719, 675
676
competitive 634
fulfillment of 672674, 676
index of subjects
witness(es) 51n71, 262, 349n19, 420, 427428,
431, 444, 738, 1053
shhid 346n3
women 306n39, 346347, 421, 430, 459, 842,
851, 903904, 905n39, 906, 933
ahl (folk) 403, 418
and children 945
in adth of Umm Zar 922, 931
and Paradise 907
and prisons 75
and relationship with husband(s) 930
status of 851, 911
zawjatn (two wives) 902
words 522
written word 1053, 1079
work, activity (amal) 652656, 659, 670
worship (of God) 283, 427
ibda 128n397b, 282
writers/authors 580, 582, 656
authorship 1081, 1082n65, 1086
writing 1047, 10531054, 1069
collation (muqbala) 885, 886n60
Egyptian 1051
in Islam/sacred character of 10451046,
1051
ornamental, on paper and stone (tawr
and naqsh) 1047
wrongdoing (ulm) 476
malim 445
malm 774n77
xenophobia
794
yoke (riqq) 47, 49, 120

youth/young man 847n17, 874, 945947, 949
ab, ib 942, 945946
shabb 946
zakh (charity tax) 347, 983
zaqqm tree 140, 167n97, 179, 307
legend 268n16
Index of Qurn Citations

2:25 896
2:30 557
2:54 799800, 804
2:78/73 624n428, 635
2:84 801n15
2:94 625
2:178/173 46
2:188/184 731n6
2:205 783n115
2:216/213 49
2:219/216 402, 413
2:249/250 1003
2:260/262 969
3:26/25 82
3:35/31 46
3:44/39 369
3:97/92 126
3:164 801
3:190 541
4:15/19 56
4:29 799805
4:29/33 402, 420, 431, 476
4:36 748
4:43/46 413
4:66 799
4:92/94 46
5:33/37 58
5:42/46 203, 730n5
5:5758/6263 350
5:63/68 730n5
5:90/92 419
5:90/9293 402
5:9091/9293 413, 418, 509
5:91/93 403
5:106/105 56
6:1 541
6:32/32 350
6:70/69 350, 352n41
6:91/91 350
6:122/122 55
7:33/31 413
7:51/49 350, 352n41
7:98/96 350
9:60/60 347
9:65/66 350
9:128 801
10:23 801
11:114/116 283
12:12/12 350
12:21 790
12:33/33 81
12:86 585
13:12 603
15:3 613, 654
15:99/99 121
16:72 801
16:89 801
17:8/8 56n84
17:57 614
18:6 799800
18:31/30 181
18:46 613
19:62 543
19:76 613n391
21:2/2 350
21:16/16 350
21:33 541
21:55/56 350
23:115/117 350, 1018
24:2/2 56
24:12 801
24:22 604n333
24:43 541
24:61 802
25:62 541
26:29/28 55
27:34 787
28:78/78 982
29:6/5 126
29:64/64 350
30:14/13 363
30:32 801
37:62/60 179
37:141/141 369, 509
38:27/26 350
39:9 603
39:53 604n333
42:11 801
43:32/31 53n76, 91
43:83/83 350
44:9/8 350
44:38/38 350
1158
44:43/43 179
44:54 902
45:24 535536, 540
47:15 641
47:36/38 350
49:11 801
49:12 930n80
51:7/7 83n211
52:12/12 350
52:20 902
53:19 614n393
53:28/29 975
56:37 898
56:52/52 179
index of qurn citations

57:20/19 350
59:9/9 119
62:5/5 501
62:15 769
70:42/42 350
71:13 614
76:1 529
81:9/9 193
83:26 15
87:2/2 203
87:3/3 203
87:4/4 203
93:5 604n333

Man Versus Society in Medieval Islam

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Man Versus Society in Medieval Islam

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Man versus Society in Medieval Islam

Brill Classics in Islam

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bcii

Man versus Society

Introduction: The Study of Muslim Intellectual and Social History:

The Muslim Concept of Freedom Prior to the Nineteenth Century 21

III. The Herb: Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society

Sweeter than Hope: Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam

VI. The Individual and Society

VIII. Science and Learning in Society

Muslim Concept of Freedom Prior to the Nineteenth Century (1960), originally

Ibid. p. 3; below, p. 27.

not13), and he sought to analyze and understand the manifold manifestations

Metaphysics), the social context and management of which he investigated in

The Herb, p. 3; below, p. 136.

The Herb, pp. 34; below, p. 136.

Major Reviews of the Reprinted Works

The Muslim Concept of Freedom Prior to the Nineteenth Century.

Elmer H. Douglas, Middle East Journal, 15.4 (1961) 470472.

The Herb. Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society. Reviewed by:

Lenn Evan Goodman, Middle East Journal, 28.1 (1974) 8687.

Gambling in Islam. Reviewed by:

Sweeter than Hope. Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam.

M. Arkoun, Arabica, 34.3 (1987) 387388.

major reviews of the reprinted works

I am youIndividual Piety and Society in Islam, in:

Fiction and Reality: Sources for the Role of Sex in Medieval

Male and Female: Described and Compared, in: Homoeroticism in

VIII.15 Significant Uses of Arabic Writing, Ars Orientalis 4 (1961) 1523,

major reviews of the reprinted works

VIII.16 Of Making Many Books There Is no End: The Classical Muslim

Note on the Layout of the Volume

List of Original Publications and Acknowledgments

The Individual and Society

Sexuality, Gender, and the Family

list of original publications and acknowledgments

Science and Learning in Society

list of original publications and acknowledgments

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/9789004270893_003

The Study of Muslim Intellectual and

recently become again a subject of much forceful discussion. In the natural

1 Cf. Lewis Thomas, in Daedalus, 106, 3 (summer 1977), 163.

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

One of the most successful approaches to producing not only an illusion

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

2 Cf. Oriens, 20 (1967), 240.

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

of the present, on the problems of an independently active or manmade fate.

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

The predilection shown for comparisons to establish the most poetic of

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

sense were more specialized originally as they referred to particular areas of

The identification of asad and munfasah was discussed in a significant

Riyah, ed. Smith, 305323, ed. A, 570605.

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

Today, we are pitied by those who envied us.

the study of muslim intellectual and social history

With the growth of scholarly and scientific activity, competition found an

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/9789004270893_004

The Problem 26 [1]

The Linguistic Terminology 31 [7]

III. Definitions of Freedom 37 [14]

Legal and Sociological Aspects of the Concept of Freedom