Changing Themes and Symbols in Murals in Northern Ireland

Eleanor Carey
Bryn Mawr College
Sociology 303 Junior Seminar
Final Research Proposal
December 19, 2014

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Introduction
This research examines the role of art both during and after the decades-long
violent conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland. More
specifically, this research is going to look at the role of murals in Belfast and Derry and
the symbolic roles they played throughout the conflict and during the peace process.
From 1916-1922 the Real Irish Republican Army fought to free Ireland from Britains
rule. They settled for a compromise in order to end the war with Britain. The six
northern states remained under the control of Britain and the rest of Ireland became its
own free nation. Out of the compromise, grew the Provisional Irish Republican Army
(PIRA), which contested the idea that the North was still under British rule. In order to
try and to suppress the Catholic Irish nationalists in Northern Ireland, the Protestant
majority-unionist government passed legislation banning republican parades or
demonstrations. This action severely limited the ways in which nationalists were visually
able to express their beliefs and values. This repression was used as a means for
unionists to stay in power. Unionists wanted to maintain their dominant place in
Northern Irish society, and also to establish and defend their legitimacy. Coercion and
power produced the social order in Northern Ireland. Social order was maintained by
domination by the unionists who held all of the social, economic, and political power in
Northern Ireland. Many Catholics and Irish nationalists saw their (Irish) culture as
being more legitimate than the British culture of the Protestant descendants of the
colonialists. This was one of the reasons that the unionists held such a stronghold on all
of the power, in an attempt to assert their own ideological legitimacy. This supremacy
was sustained through other suppressive policies as well. There was rampant housing
and job discrimination and Irish Catholics had no real representation in the

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government. As a result of this state-sanctioned repression, working-class Irish
Catholics in Northern Ireland remained in an unfortunate economic cycle. This bred
resentment and mistrust, which eventually led some people to join paramilitary groups
like the IRA in an effort to reclaim what they felt, was theirs. Many who were recruited
to join the IRA felt it was like a personal journey of self-improvement, a way of
reclaiming dignity for themselves and of rejecting what they felt to be the longsubordinate position of their own community (Bosi 2012).
Problem
I will be looking at art in Northern Ireland during the period of conflict referred
to as the Troubles and the time after the ceasefire and peace accords. This period starts
with the civil rights protests in 1969, extends through the end of the armed conflict in
the 1990s, and into the 21st century. The political murals which sprang up all over
Northern Ireland at this time, primarily in Belfast and Derry, are a fascinating window
into the evolving beliefs and sentiments of people in these communities. Therefore, I am
most interested in the public political murals and how their use changed over time. The
murals were initially used as a tool for recruitment of young, likeminded individuals into
the different paramilitary organizations, and as a device meant to antagonize the
opposition. During the conflict, the murals were also used as a means of communicating
with the broader global community, not only to attempt to establish connections with
other nationalist causes, but also to present a different account of events than that which
was being reported in the media. However, the murals eventually became an instrument
of cross-community growth and healing. I would like to study the murals specifically in
terms of their relation to the development of the peace and reconciliation process (and

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the end of the conflict), and the continuing use of murals in this process. This will show
how these murals were forms of community self-expression and an outward statement
to the opposition as well as the world. If I find that the murals became less and less
violent and antagonistic in the late 1990s, it would show that art (in this case murals)
reflect the ongoing political and cultural environment in which it is created.
Definition of Terms
In many instances the terms Irish republican and Irish nationalist are used
interchangeably, though they do mean different things. They are very similar in that
both groups want to preserve the culture and heritage of Ireland, though republicans
have generally been much more headstrong about re-unification of the country, with the
six Northern states being reabsorbed into the Republic of Ireland. Republicans tend to
be willing to resort to violent means in order to achieve this goal, whereas nationalists
are usually not supportive of violent action to achieve political gains. The original
nationalist movement was more interested in the preservation and passing on of Irish
culture, history, language, and music, and was not as politically focused on the reunification. Republicans tend to be more on the left side of the political spectrum, and
nationalists tend to be more in the middle or on the right. The strict violent political
action ideology of the republicans is also what led to the formation of paramilitary
groups like the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Unionists are another faction in Northern
Ireland. Many unionists are descendants of colonialists from Britain. Unionists were in
power (politically and economically) in Northern Ireland for most of the 19 th and 20th
centuries. Their main objective was for Northern Ireland to remain a part of the United
Kingdom. Loyalists are a subset of unionists who believed that armed conflict was the

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way to ensure this goal. This political ideology led to the formation of loyalist
paramilitary groups like the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defense Force
(UDF). These groups (IRA and the UVF and UDF) are the main paramilitary groups that
were involved in the conflict. They were also the artists or supported the artists who
painted the majority of the murals I will be examining.
Relevant Literature
Originally, I just began researching the murals in Northern Ireland in general.
From that I found an overwhelming amount of research that had already been
conducted, but most impressive was the database that some researchers, specifically Bill
Rolston, had amassed of pictures of the murals over three decades. That was the
beginning of my focus on how murals changed over time. By going through the
references of a few specific articles that stood out as relevant, I was then directed into an
entire new sphere of research about the murals in a post-Troubles society. My impetus
to know more about how exactly art was involved in the peace process and how this is
being reconciled with state-sponsored re-imaging projects drove me to examine these
articles in particular.
Historically, loyalists have been painting murals in Northern Ireland, especially
around their Orange Parades since the early twentieth century, oftentimes stealing paint
from their shipyard jobs (Lisle 2006). Many of these paintings commemorated
(Protestant) King William IIIs triumph over (Catholic) King James II in the Battle of
the Boyne in 1690, with King Billy high atop a white horse. While this might seem
innocuous enough, it did have quite negative and controlling undertones, because with
the victory of King Billy, Irish language, culture, and music were banned. Therefore,

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murals of King Billys victory are also a visual reminder of the ongoing subjugation of
Catholics and the Irish, albeit a subtle one. However, as the Troubles began and
intensified, the imagery in the murals and the origin of them changed. The murals took
a dramatic turn in 1981 with the hunger strikes of republican prisoners in pursuit of
political prisoner status. The hunger strikes took place in the Long Kesh/Maze prison
which concluded with the death of ten republican prisoners, most notably, Bobby Sands.
After these events, there was a rapid increase in republican mural creation (Rolson
1992, Conway 2010). In the early days of the murals (in the 1980s), the imagery
depicted on the walls tended to be much more incendiary and violent (Rolston 1992,
1998). Many of the early murals had paramilitaries usually with masks, holding large
guns, with declarations of continuing the armed struggle on both sides (Rolston 1992).
The themes in these murals emphasized the legitimacy each side felt their movement
possessed, and the righteousness of their respective causes. Murals did this by crafting
opposing narratives using cultural and national myths that told the history of Northern
Ireland in a way that supported their sides own ideologies (Goalwin 2013). It is
interesting that oftentimes these two opposing parties (loyalist and republican) share
protest styles or methods (like in the use of murals, and the murals imagery) despite
having different aims and supporting different institutions (Santino 1999). In both
communities, these murals represented outward messages to their opposition as well as
inward messages to the community of hope, and to foster sympathy and recruits. Both
loyalist and republican murals are expressions of power and they are attempts to
demonstrate control over space and place (McCormick and Jarman 2005).
As ceasefires and a tumultuous peace agreement were brokered
over the years, the main concern was to eliminate violence. So, when some of this

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residual violence ended up on the walls, in the murals, this was tolerated as a sort of
temporary compromise. These residual antagonistic feelings and ideological/cultural
divisions were no longer being sorted out with violence (thankfully) by the
paramilitaries, because of the ceasefire, but that does not mean that those feelings
simply went away. These feelings just ended up in murals on the walls. As this
reconciliation process became more successful these painful reminders of brutal bygone
eras were no longer seen as acceptable (Hill and White 2012). This led to the idea of reimaging the murals. The Re-imaging Programme has been harshly criticized. It has been
criticized for many reasons related to the sanitization of past history and conflict
surrounding the Troubles. Re-imaging is a middle-class illusion of peace. We arent
holding hands just yet (Latimer 2011). This is an interesting quote from a unionist
woman who Latimer interviewed in her article, particularly the mention of a middleclass illusion. It reminds me of the re-imaging efforts in the 1970s and 1980s which
painted murals depicting jungle scenes, which led local low-income residents to wonder
if that was how the artist and Arts Council really saw them, as some wild animals
(Rolston 2012). Its also been criticized for it possible effects on the tourism industry.
Though, no one should be allowed to say what goes up on peoples walls and nobody
should have to live with paramilitary images on their homes just for tourists (Latimer
2011). Also, by deeming the sectarian murals offensive, the Arts Council has the effect
of dismissing those for whom such displays (which carry with them a sense of belonging
and security, as well as violent exclusion and opposition) are anything but offensive
(Crowley 2011).

As the peace process unfolded,

the imagery depicted in the murals changed once again. During the peace process,
republicans began to change their own murals, repainting them with less-incendiary

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visuals, and more memorial and historical images (Crowley 2011; Rolston 2003, 2013).
Amongst all of the literature that mentions such changes, there is an agreement that the
Nationalist communities have had a much easier time re-imaging their own murals.
Republicans have been changing the violent imagery in their murals without the prompt
or funding from the state, and without much backlash from their nationalist
communities (McCormick and Jarman 2005). Because republicans have for decades,
drawn on conflicts and social movements from all around the world, they are still able to
paint murals with themes expressing solidarity with other conflicts around the globe
(Ashcroft 2008, Crowley 2011). Republicans referenced civil rights leaders from around
the world like Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Nelson Mandela in their murals, as well
as images of Cubans, Palestinians, and Native Americans, as to draw comparisons with
other civil rights movements, and paint themselves as freedom fighters, and not
terrorists. Nationalists also have the advantage in that they can draw on old Gaelic
myths and legends as content for murals; this mythology is cultural property which does
not include unionists who were not native to Ireland. Unionists are much more limited
in the images/stories in their cultural arsenal to paint about. After the King Billy
depictions and some WWI imagery, most other unionist murals were directly related to
the conflictoftentimes depicted quite violent imagery (Rolston 1992, 1998, 2003).
Outside of the conflict, unionists do not have much of an independent ideology like
nationalists do. Irish nationalists living in Northern Ireland identify as Irish, and
therefore claim and participate in Irish cultural activities such as music and dance
gatherings. Unionists do not identify as Irish, but are also not entirely British, either. So,
unionists are somewhat understandably less enthusiastic about re-imaging projects
because they do not have as many replacement mural themes at-the-ready, and also

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because in contested societies symbolic displays and ritual events take on a meaning
that they lack in other contexts (McCormick and Jarman 2005).
Even before this
new mural re-imaging program, Belfast has been attempting to cleanse itself from other
reminders of the Troubles. As early as 1992, there were efforts in urban planning
projects to redesign buildings and housing projects to be less reminiscent of the more
violent times (Neill 1992). This included modern architecture projects in commercial
and office real estate. It also included changes in the architecture of public housing
projects. In effort to curb more mural creation, when building new housing projects,
government architects designed the buildings without large, flat ends (gables, which is
where many murals are painted), or with large fences surrounding them (Neill 1992).
This is an interesting commentary by the state of how much the murals are disliked by
the local governments, despite their role as an incredible tourist draw.
This is
another issue on which many authors agree. Apart from the affront on cultural heritage,
the re-imaging of murals will also have a large effect on the tourism industry in
Northern Ireland. The murals in Belfast and Derry are extremely popular with tourists,
creating a niche market which many local tour companies have jumped on.
Unfortunately, while it is somewhat morbid and macabre, tourists want to see the scary,
violent, sectarian imagery in murals, not an idyllic painting of Celtic mythology or
ancient figures (Rolston 2012). So by re-imaging a lot of these murals, the Arts Council
is eliminating a viable industry in one of the most economically deprived areas in the
entire United Kingdom. Another interesting factor in that consequence would be
whether or not this reduction in the tourism industry has disparate effects. Because of

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years of housing discrimination, it is possible that many nationalists use these taxi cab
mural tours as a full-time job. By re-imaging many murals, and eliminating a lot of that
underground economy, will one group be hurt more economically?
A general consensus seems to be that art, in particular, murals have been a
helpful tool in the reconciliation process. The Re-imaging Communities Programme,
while well-intentioned and understandably determined to put the sectarian violence in
the past, is overlooking the cultural significance many murals possess, as well as the
tourist industry that local Belfast residents profit from. There is also an agreement that
most of the $6 million in funding from the government has gone to loyalist community
groups and to re-image loyalist murals. There is some debate on the reasoning behind
this, and whether or not it is indicative of lingering favoritism and prejudice. Arts
Council representatives contend that funds are distributed based on who has applied,
and just that more loyalist community groups have applied for re-imaging. There is also
the position that many republican groups have taken to re-imaging their own murals
already, and therefore are not in as great a need for the funding.
My project would study more the direct relationship between murals and the
reconciliation process. This state-sponsored re-imaging project presents an interesting
factor in the reconciliation process. I am interested in organizations and projects that
use murals as a tool for cross-community healing, growth, and understanding. In some
ways it seems like the Re-imaging Communities Programme is just a cosmetic fix.
Changing the landscape does not matter much if peoples mindsets, attitudes, and
beliefs remain the same. It would also be interesting to study how or if residents
attitudes have changed in communities where there have been state-sponsored reimaging projects. This could potentially show a curious division in the changes of

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residents feelings and attitudes based on whether they participated in a crosscommunity-based mural project or if a mural in their community was re-imaged by the
government-funded program.
Methods
The purpose of this study is to examine how the symbols and themes in the
murals in Northern Ireland changed in correspondence with the changes in the political
climate. This study will also look at how murals are involved in the ongoing peace
process and how they are now used as tools in reconciliation and cross-community
healing and understanding.
The primary method of analysis is going to be historical document analysis.
Therefore, there will be no human subjects participating in the study. I will be coding
the murals according to a specific set of criteria based on the themes represented in the
murals. These themes include mural aspects such as loyalist/republican, political figures
or symbols/no figures or symbols, use of myths/no myths, violence depicted/nonviolent, international themes or figures/Ireland only, dead activists or martyrs/no dead,
etc. These types of themes in the murals, particularly whether violence was depicted in
the mural and if there were international themes in the mural, are very important. These
are important because the violence depicted became something that the murals were
known for, which eventually led to the creation of the re-imaging program. Whether or
not international connections were depicted with other social movements or fights for
freedom is important because these themes persist in murals today, and are one of the
unique themes that republicans are able to portray in their murals that loyalists are not.
I will also utilize the different systems of quantification such as time and space

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measures location of mural, size of mural, proximity to other murals; appearance
quality of mural (indicating time & effort put in), types of paints (range of colors
denoting cost & class), who is depicted. These different variables (quality, types of paint,
etc.) are important because it demonstrates the differences in the mural creation and
what that can say about the changes in the society over time. For example, at first,
unionists were the only ones able to obtain supplies for mural painting, and when
republicans were first able to obtain paints, they were of lesser quality, and included
fewer colors. Frequency will also be examined number of loyalist/republican murals,
the frequency with which these murals appear in different neighborhoods, the frequency
of the number of murals over time (also changes in loyalist/republican ratio).
Republicans were also banned by restrictive laws from public demonstrations and
displays, so there were far less republican murals in the earlier years (1960s-1970s). I
will also look at intensity in the murals this can also be measured by the frequencies of
murals; whether its a milder theme (connection to other social movement) or if the
mural is more violent/antagonistic. All of these variables will be helpful in examining
how the murals have changed over time, in quality, numbers, and themes. Luckily, a few
different researchers like Bill Rolston have amassed an immense collection of pictures of
different murals dating from the 1980s until the 2000s. Almost all of these pictures of
murals in addition to the date the picture was taken, also list the location, down to the
street. This will make identification of murals in different neighborhoods and how they
changed much easier. Through his books of mural pictures, I have determined that
focusing on Belfast alone and not Derry will yield more data, because there are just a lot
more pictures of Belfast murals. Based on his database of pictures, I would then select
ten to twelve murals from each decade (starting in the 1970s through the 2000s). There

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are not as many pictures of murals before 1980s, but there are enough to do a small
sample.
When compiling my coding questions for studying these murals, I will attempt to
make as many of the questions as possible follow a yes/no format, or a clearly defined
two or three-option answer format. For example, in order to analyze how violent a
mural was, I might have an analysis question like Is there any sort of violence depicted
in the mural, including paramilitaries or guns? By doing this, it will hopefully cut down
on any confusion or individual categorizations of the data by any research assistants I
might hire. If I am unable to analyze all the data myself, I want to make a survey
instrument that will be as clear as possible in how I define the different content
categories, so that I can be sure all the data has been analyzed the same way. I do
acknowledge that not all questions I have proposed can be narrowed down to a yes/no
or two-answer format. For these questions, I would propose to use a scale to answer
those criteria questions.
For example, when looking at the range or quality of colors used in painting, I
could use a range like white/black paint only, some color, four-six different colors,
seven or more different colors in an attempt to codify what I mean by appearance of the
mural. Aspects like appearance are an important factor to study because it can reflect a
lot of more complicated issues. A mural could have been painted very quickly (overnight
even) because of fear of getting caught painting the mural, especially as a republican. At
the time, the police would have been much more lenient with loyalist mural painters
than republicans, so it might have been painted quickly in order to avoid harassment
from the police. This being said, there is a possibility that within their own subcategories of loyalist and republican, there is a stratification in the murals. This could be

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indicative of a new influx of money collected from the United States in order to support
the cause. The British lowering aid to the area could have affected loyalist muralists and
made their murals of lesser quality. Also, logistically, painting in ones own
neighborhood is safer, and the painter can take more time. If the painter decides to do a
mural in the oppositions neighborhood or terroritory, the painter would not have as
much time, and the end product would probably not be as high of quality, but it sends
more of a message and is more antagonistic and aggressive.
After compiling the data and analyzing it according to the above listed criteria, I
will begin my analysis. By using this analysis of the different criteria present in mural
themes, I hope to draw conclusions about how the murals changed over time, more
specifically, how they changed in relation to the changing political landscape. When
doing the analysis itself, I was thinking of using Google maps, specifically the custom
mapping tool. Luckily, the database that Bill Rolston has amassed over the last few
decades is also online. I would then go about making a custom Google map, in Belfast,
and putting pins in the location where a picture of a mural was taken, and then inserting
the photograph of the mural, as well as my own caption with the date the mural was
taken and whether it was a loyalist or republican mural. Google custom maps also allows
you to make different layers on the map, so I would then enter each mural and its
location on the map, starting chronologically, and having a different layer on the map
for every decade. One is also able to use different color pins for different categories, so I
could then split up the murals into republican and loyalist, and see the exact clusters
and locations. This would enable me to distinctly see the changes in location and
frequency of republican and loyalist murals in Belfast. By being able to sort the murals
locations, dates, and affiliations, I will be able to digest and analyze all of the

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information much more easily. Once I analyze all of the data, if there are discernible
patterns, like the violence in the murals subsided after the ceasefires, then I can say that
the political climate in Northern Ireland had a profound effect on the murals
themselves, and that murals served as messages from the communities about how they
were processing all of these changes.
Part of this change in the murals recently also has to do with a
government-funded re-imaging program, which replaces older, more sectarian and
violent murals with ones of more idyllic imagery. I will be looking at the official Reimaging Communities Programme created by the Arts Council in Northern Ireland to
see how effective the effort was to be part of the building of a shared future for
Northern Ireland, which was peaceful, inclusive, prosperous, stable and fair, founded on
partnership, equality and mutual respect as a basis of good relationships (Independent
Research Solutions 3). These topics present interesting sociological questions about
changing symbols and the ethics of state-sponsored art. Because the government is
paying for the repainting is it acceptable that they have the final say in what goes up on
the walls? Is this re-imaging program in general a positive step towards community
healing, or is it an attempt to erase past history and culture from an area still so
entrenched in lingering resentments? I am interested in researching if this government
intervention promotes more community healing and reconciliation or if it just makes
the community and cultural divide deeper.
Implications and Limitations
There are of course limitations for the study. Though I am lucky in the
amount of pictures of murals that have been collected over the past few decades, there

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are understandably murals that were not documented, or were documented, but outside
the databases I chose to use. I also made a decision in my research design to solely focus
on analyzing the pictures of the murals and their locations. Though I had originally
thought of doing this, I decided not to interview anyone like a muralist, or a community
member who had either participated in a recent community-led mural project or who
lived a community that had a mural re-imaged by the government. While I feel that
interviewing one or more people is the best way to gauge the sentiments of the
community, it was just too ambitious, and unfeasible in this study. I also believe that in
order to best understand all of the different elements of who applies for the re-imaging
program, and why, and who get the funding from the government, and who does not,
are questions that can mostly just be answered by interviewing people. The odd
disparity between the majority of re-imaging funds going to unionist communities is
multi-faceted and can only truly be answered through directly talking to people. Does it
have anything to do with prejudice? Is it more than that? Or is it simply that nationalists
would rather raise their own money, so that they can paint what they want without any
government oversight or approval?
That being said, compiling an exhaustive multi-layer map of many murals over
the course of four decades should be able to show some pattern and lead to some
conclusions. Implications for this research can potentially reach beyond Northern
Ireland and Ireland. The use of art as a tool in reconciliation is incredibly important and
relevant in world where there is so often conflict. In a situation like the Israel-Palestine
conflict, for example, art could be a beneficial tool in helping to foster cross-community
understanding in the region. In Northern Ireland, art, specifically murals, was originally

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used as a weapon or tool in the armed struggle, but is now used as a tool in the ongoing
peace process. This could prove to be an asset in other areas of strife.
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