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189
analysis.
pan,3 and himself with a Japanese bonze in his Selfportrait as bonze (fig. I). When van Gogh first showed an
* I am grateful to Prof. E. van Uitert, the late Prof. H.L.C. Jaff6, and
Sophie Pabst for their valuable suggestions, encouragement and assistance during the preparation of this article and throughout my period
of study in the Netherlands. I would also like to thank the Kashima Art
Foundation for supporting my research, and Michael Hoyle for editing my original manuscript.
I Letter nr. B22 (to Emile Bernard). The numbers refer to the
letters in Verzamelde brieven van Vincent van Gogh, Amsterdam
& Antwerp 1974. The translations of letters written in Dutch and
French are taken from the English edition (with occasional corrections): The complete letters of Vincent van Gogh, Greenwich, Connecticut, 1966. The dating of the letters is based on J. Hulsker, Van Gogh
door van Gogh, Amsterdam I973. "F" numbers are the catalogue
numbers of J.B. de la Faille, The works of Vincent van Gogh, Amsterdam 1970.
(543).
3 See, for example, letters 469, 500: "Mais mon cher frere-tu sais
je me sens au Japon;" (But, old boy, you know, I feel as though I were
venhage 9 (I954), 1-2, pp. 6-40; F. Orton, "Vincent van Gogh in Paris
1886-I887, Vincent's interest in Japanese prints," Vincent: Bulletin of
the Rijksmuseum Vincent van Gogh I (I971), pp.2-i2; and exhib. cat.
Japanese prints collected by Vincent van Gogh, Amsterdam (Rijksmuseum Vincent van Gogh) I978. For the bibliography onjaponisme in
general, see: S. Wichmann, Japonismus, Hersching 198o; and K. Berger, Japonismus in der westlichen Malerei i860-I920, Munich 1980.
5 By "japonisme literature" I mean writings of all kinds-novels,
articles, monographs-on Japan. "Japonisme portraits" are portraits
which the painter related to Japan in his letters, or in which Japanese
objects are depicted.
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I Vincent van Gogh, Self-portrait as bonze (F476), Aries, September i888. Cambridge, Mass., Fogg Art Museum
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expressive character.9
It was in Paris, where he saw and studied numerous
Japanese prints and read far more about Japan, that the
for ever.' Wel die dokken zijn een fameuze Japonaiserie, grillig, eigen-
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Vincent van Gogh, Portrait ofTangy (F363), Paris, 887-88. Paris, Muse Rodin
2 Vincent van Gogh, Portrait of Tanguy (F363), Paris, 1887-88. Paris, Mus6e Rodin
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193
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RISING SUN."13
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I94
Tanguy, as described by his contemporaries, Emile Bernard and van Gogh himself. The following passage by
Bernard is the most vivid account. "Julien Tanguy, who
read Le Cri du Peuple and L'Intransigeant assiduously,
believed in that absolute love which brought all mankind together and destroyed the individual struggles of
ambition, always so bitter and cruel. Vincent only differ-
poor, and each gave what he had-the painter his canvases, and the tradesman his colors, his money and his
table-to friends, to laborers, or to prostitutes who,
when they received paintings, sold them for nothing to
junk shops. And all this was done without the slightest
self-interest for people they did not even know."15
Tanguy.17 In other words, the juxtaposition of Tanguy and the Japanese prints was not mere whimsy. The
prints represented a shared utopia, and were thus per-
cela est moins lugubre que les decadents. Si j'arrive a vivre assez vieux,
France, i6 December I908, p.6o6: "Julien Tanguy, qui lisait assiduiment Le Cri du Peuple et l'Intransigeant, ayant pour doctrine l'uni-
que amour qui pencherait tous les etres les uns vers les autres et
d'esthetique... Julien fut seduit, j'en suis certain, beaucoup plus par le
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I95
Tanguy vers 1886. II l'a represente assis dans une salle tapisse de
crepons japonais, coiffe d'un grand chapeau de planteur et symetriquement de face comme un Bouddha."
20 Louis Gonse, L'Artjaponais, vol. 2, Paris 1883, p. 6o. The wood
sculpture was in the collection of Philip Burty, and is probably cat.
nr.559 in Collection Ph. Burty, catalogue de peintures et d'estampes
japonaises... et de livres relatifs a l'Orient et au Japon, Paris 1891. The
statue, which is i8 cm high, was made in the eighteenth century.
21 The image of Japan as a luminous and colorful country does not
appear to have been van Gogh's only reason for making the identification with the Midi. The following passage from Ary Renan, "L'Art
japonais," Nouvelle Revue 29 (1884), p. 723, is quite interesting in this
respect: "Sur cette terre volcanique, a c6te de lagune marecageuse, on
pose, suggests that van Gogh did indeed base his composition on this reproduction.
By depicting Tanguy in the pose of a Japanese bonze
against a background of Japanese prints, van Gogh was
expressing his utopian ideal. And in his mind that utopia
was probably overlapping with another luminous land,
the Midi.21
by Ferdinand de Lesseps, "Souvenir d'un voyage au Soudan," Nouvelle Revue 26 (1884), pp.491-516, so it seems likely that he also read
Renan's article.
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23 Cf. letters B7, 505, 509, 511, 51 4, 519. Van Gogh made one oil
painting and three drawings of mousme (F43I, F 1503, F I504, F I722).
24 P. Loti, Madame Chrysantheme, Paris 1973, p.76: "Mousme est
un mot qui signifie jeune fille ou tres jeune femme. C'est un des plus
jolis de la langue nippone: il semble qu'il y ait, dans ce mot, de la moue
(de la petite moue gentille et drole comme elles en font) et surtout de la
frimousse (de la frimousse chiffonne comme est la leur)."
.,7
- 1%,hr
Myrbach, Paris i888. It is not known whether van Gogh had seen this
illustrated edition before he painted the portrait, but from letter 561
we do know that Milliet possessed one, which he gave to Gauguin in
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I98
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grands aspects des paysages], then animals, then the human figure. So he passes his life, and life is too short to
do the whole.
Voyons, cela n'est-ce pas presque une vrai religion ce que nous
enseigne ces Japonais si simple et qui vivent dans la nature comme si
eux-memes etaient des fleurs ?
(542).
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199
Van Gogh was not content with Bing's article, because it was "rather dry, and leaves something to be
desired,"31 but he obviously borrowed some of Bing's
words, such as "brin d'herbe" and "grands spectacles de
la nature" (in van Gogh's letter 542, "grands aspects des
paysages"). He took these fragments from Bing's article
Gogh's letter, and Leroy-Beaulieu does not even mention Japan. Nevertheless, some passages do clarify the
nese.
ture the intimate mysteries concealed in the infinitesimal... In a word, he is convinced that nature contains
les plantes, les arbres et les animaux. Prenant des brins d'herbe, il
disait a son fils Francois: 'Vois donc comme c'est beau, vois donc
comme cet arbre est grand et bien fait; il est aussi beau a voir qu'une
fleur."' (He [Millet's father] loved to observe plants, trees and animals. Taking some grass he would say to his son Franqois: "Look, isn't
it beautiful? See how large and well-made that tree is, it's as lovely a
sight as a flower.") There is a not dissimilar description of the Japanese
in Gonse, op. cit. (note 20), vol. i, Paris 1883, pp. I38-39.
Van Gogh was enthusiastic about the reproduction of an anonymous Japanese drawing, Brins d'herbe, in the first issue of Le Japon
Artistique. It is reproduced in M. Roskill, Van Gogh, Gauguin and the
Impressionist circle, London I970, fig. 65.
3i Letter 540. It is hardly surprising that van Gogh was unhappy
with Bing's text. The purpose of Bing's publication was to revitalize
the decorative arts by introducing Japanese influences, and that was
not at all what van Gogh expected of Japan. The idea of innovation
through the study of nature probably did not originate with Bing.
Interestingly enough, Michelet had already made the same proposal in
his L'Insecte, Paris I857, pp. 187 ffand 384.
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200
TISUKASA KODERA
lics).32
of Barbus, the Nazarenes and succeeded by the PreRaphaelites, Barbizon and Pont-Aven, and finally the
Nabis.36 These primitivistic painters shared a longing
for a non-conventional utopia, and they projected their
ideal on a certain historical period or on an "earthly
paradise."
tive people. Without Leroy-Beaulieu's article the comparison between Roulin's family and Russians would
seem quite curious.
32 Leroy-Beaulieu, op. cit. (note 29), p.435: "Quel est l'id6al politique et social de ce mystique (Tolstoy) qui pretend imposer aux hommes une vie si contraire a tous les appetits du vieil homme? C'est, a
bien des egards, le retour a l'ftat de nature, apres avoir, il est vrai,
extirpe de l'homme de la nature les plus inv6eters des instincts natu-
securite de la vie. Tolstoi reprend le paradoxe de Rousseau. Seulement, chez lui, l'etre abstrait des philosophes du XVIIIe siecle est
devenu un etre vivant: 'l'homme de la nature' a pris corps dans le
moujik. Comme Rousseau, Tolstoi croit que, pour etre heureux, les
hommes n'ont qu'a s'emanciper des besoinsfactices de la civilisation" (my
italics).
35 "...ik het echt menselijke, het leven met de natuur mee, niet
tegen de natuur in, als beschaving beschouw en respecteer. Ik vraag:
suggestions for further study of the primitivistic ideal in art which are
37 Leroy-Beaulieu, op. cit. (note 29), pp.435-36: "Le travail industriel, non moins malsain pour l'ame que pour le corps, devrait etre
aboli, et les villes supprimees... Ne lui objectez pas le progres, l'industrie, les sciences, l'art: autant de grands mots vides."
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Teodor de Wyzewa, Louis Gonse, Ary Renan and Gustave Geffroy.38 It is not clear how far van Gogh was
201
GEMEINSCHAFTSIDEAL Van Gogh's image of the Japanese is more original in that he envisioned them from
dealer, and instead remained Vincent's financial supporter. In the next four or five years van Gogh's ideal of
community seems to have made no conspicious headway. In a letter to H.M. Livens written in his Paris
period he first expressed the ideal of the "atelier du
Midi,"42 and when he arrived at Aries in February 1888
he had a very strong desire and a concrete plan to esta-
that they liked and upheld each other, and that there
reigned a certain harmony among them: and that they
were really living in some sort of fraternal community,
kracht waren... Ik spreek van den tijd toen Corot, Millet, Daubigny,
40 "Het was toch een aardige tijd toen er in den Elzas zooveel
and they were a force... I'm talking about the time when Corot, Millet,
(459a).
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TSUKASA KODERA
202
in any case less ridiculous, less foolish and less culpable."43 Van Gogh urged his friends to join the community, exchanged self-portraits with them in supposed
imitation of the "peintres japonais," and decorated the
room for Gauguin with his own paintings.44
artistic collaboration.
Pre-Raphaelites.
mant comme des copains au lieu de manger le nez, les peintres seraient
plus heureux et en tous les cas moins ridicules, moins sots et moins
coupables" (B i i). In letter B 8 van Gogh explains the character of
the community: "L'Idee de faire une sorte de Franc-Ma9onnerie des
peintres ne me plait pas enormement. Je meprise profondement les
reglements, les institutions, etc., enfin je cherche autre chose que les
dogmes qui, bien loin de regler les choses, ne font que causes des
disputes sans fin." (The idea of turning the painters into a sort of
freemasonry does not please me enormously. I profoundly despise
regulations, institutions, etc.; in short, what I am looking for is differ-
ent from dogmas, which, far from settling things, only give rise to
endless disputes.)
lern des 19. Jahrhunderts," Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift fur Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 9 (1931), pp. 125-54.
46 "Tu sais que je crois qu'une association des impressionistes serait une affaire dans le genre de l'association des 12 preraphaelites
anglais, et que je crois qu'elle pourrait naitre" (498). The word "impressionistes" was often used by van Gogh and Gauguin to signify
their own group as well as that of Monet and Pissarro. In September
van Gogh bought precisely twelve chairs for his Yellow House; see
letter 534.
44 For van Gogh's exchange of works see Roskill, op. cit. (note 30),
47 "Si on est peintre, ou bien vous passez pour un fou ou bien pour
un riche... Voila ce pourquoi il faut se combiner comme faisaient les
vieux moines, les freres de la vie commun de nos bruyeres hollandaises"(524). See also letter 556. In letter 544 Vincent included Theo in
his imaginary community when he wrote: "Tu serais ainsi un des premiers ou le premier marchand ap6tre." (So you will be one of the first,
back in 1873. See letters 4 and 5. The series Poet's garden and Sunflowers were intended as the decoration for the Yellow House. For the
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203
himself the features of a bonze, van Gogh painted himself as an inhabitant of his ideal community. At this
point it should be recalled that Pere Tanguy, with whom
he shared his utopian vision, was also painted in the pose
of a bonze. The idea of portraying a close friend in ima-
ginary and ideal surroundings is also found in the Nazarenes' paintings. In his Portrait of Franz Pforr (fig.
Io), Overbeck depicted his closest friend in a medieval
setting-wearing an old German costume, with a pointed arch and a Gothic city, and the Mediterranean in the
painter with Japanese features, but a portrait of a primitivist in the late nineteenth century.
not seen in the context in which it was painted. Moreover, Self-portrait as bonze offers us a paradigm of the
October.52 When van Gogh wrote the first letter the self-
van Uitert, "Van Gogh's concept of his oeuvre," Simiolus 12 (I98I82), pp.223-44.
52 According to Hulsker, op. cit. (note I), the dating of the seven
letters is as follows: W7 (i6 September), 537 (i6 or 17 September),
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TSUKASA KODERA
204
x*5C."y
ii Paul Gauguin, Self-portrait: Les Miserables, i888. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum Vincent van Gogh
faire attendu que ce n'est pas une copie d'un visage que vous desirez
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205
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description. He had already painted his own self-portrait, but he wrote that he would "have to do it over
petit fond de jeune fille avec ses fleurs enfantines est la pour attester
entierement si je veux reussir i exprimer la chose" (553a). (This morning I received your excellent letter, which I sent on to my brother;
your concept of impressionism in general, of which your portrait is a
symbol, is striking... I have a portrait of myself, all ash-colored... But
as I also exaggerate my personality, I have in the first place aimed at
the character of a simple bonze worshipping the Eternal Buddha. It
has cost me a lot of trouble, yet I shall have to do it all over again if I
want to succeed in expressing what I mean.)
mon image personelle ainsi que notre portrait a tous pauvres victimes
de la societe."
57 "Ce matin, j'ai requ v6tre excellente lettre, que j'ai derechef
envoyee i mon frere: v6tre conception de l'impressionisme en general
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206
TSUKASA KODERA
Brittany. Nor did he share van Gogh's Gemeinschaftsideal. Anyway, their collaboration came to an end with
portrait, which van Gogh received together with Gauguin's Les miserables, should also be mentioned briefly
58 "Le vetement est ce veston brun borde de bleu, mais dont j'ai
exagere le brun jusqu'a pourpre et la largeur des bordures bleus. La
tete est modelee en pleine pate claire contre le fond clair sans ombres
the same "veston brun borde de bleu." In Gauguin's painting (Rijksmuseum Vincent van Gogh), the veston is painted in light brown.
presque ... Seulement j'ai oblique un peu les yeux a la japonaise" (545).
(The clothes are this brown coat with a blue border, but I have exaggerated the brown into purple, and the width of the blue borders...
Only I have made the eyes slightly slanting like the Japanese.)
In the earlier letters he wrote: "Le troisieme tableau de cette se-
the classical period. Such a comparison between Greece and Japan was
not exceptional in van Gogh's period; see, for example, E. Pottier,
"Grece et Japon," Gazette des Beaux Arts (August 1890), pp. I05-32.
60 Letter 545.
sur un fond veronese pale" (537). (The third picture this week is a
portrait of myself, almost colorless, in gray tones against a background
of pale malachite); and "Je viens de peindre mon portrait a moi, qui a
la meme coloration cendree" (540). (I have just painted my own portrait, in my own ashen coloring.)
The results of a technical analysis of later damage to and retouching
of this painting are to be published shortly by Vojtech Jirat-Wasiutynski and H. Travers Newton. Their work will throw an interesting
61 For this painting and the identification of the Japanese print see
D. Cooper, "Two Japanese prints from Vincent van Gogh's collection," Burlington Magazine 99 (1957), pp.204-07. The print on the
wall is a deliberate insertion, of course, for it is not shown in mirror
image.
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207
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13 Vincent van Gogh, Self-portrait with a Japanese print (F 527), Aries, January 1889. London, Courtauld Institute Galleries
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208
don't need Japanese pictures here, for I am always telling myself that here I am in Japan. Which means that I
nity.
OSAKA UNIVERSITY
62 Orton, op. cit. (note 14), p.22 had already reached the same
conclusion: "Presumably he is making a specific contrast between the
empty canvas on the easel and the print, the world of Japan. In other
(586).
you for your letter and the news of your plans. It has given me much
food for thought, and I own that I find communal life possible, very
possible, but with many provisos); Cooper, op. cit. (note 55), p. 297,
letter 39, 28 January I890.
"Votre idee de venir en Bretagne au Pouldu me parait excellente si
elle etait realisable" (Your idea of coming to Brittany, to Le Pouldu,
sounds excellent to me, provided it is practicable); ibid., p. 323, letter
42, ca. 24 June 1890.
ouvrir les yeux et a peindre droit devant moi ce qui me fait de l'effet"
(W7).
64 "II me semble a moi maintenant impossible, au moins assez
improbable, que l'impressionisme s'organise et se calme. Pourquoi
n'adviendra-t-il pas ce qui est arrive en Angleterre lors des Preraphaelites. La societe s'est dissoute" (571).
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