Professional Documents
Culture Documents
&1"9 %:/
by
Robert F. Smith
2010
version 4
Hershel Shanks, Did the Exodus Really Happen? Moment, 26/5 (Oct 2001), 62-65,102; Rabbi
David Wolpe, We Were Slaves to Pharaoh in Egypt, Moment, 26/6 (Dec 2001), 67-69; Shanks, For
Wolpe, the Exodus is Metaphor, Moment, 26/6 (Dec 2001), 67-69; Wolpe and others comment in the
PBS-TV Kingdom of David, available on DVD (PBS Paramount, 2003), which is #9 in the PBS
Empires Series.
3
See PBS-TVs The Bibles Buried Secrets, Nova (Boston: WGBH, 2008), in which Bill
Dever refers to these proto-Israelites or Shasu refugees from Egypt as a motley crew.
4
J. de Moor, Egypt, Ugarit, and Exodus, in N. Wyatt, et al., eds., Ugarit, Religion and Culture
(Mnster, 1996), 213-247; Abraham Malamat, The Exodus: Egyptian Analogies, in Frerichs & Lesko,
eds., Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence (Eisenbrauns, 1997), 15-26.
Josephus, Contra Apionem, I, 14 (88-89), cited by Manning, A Test of Time, 84 n. 375, who
discusses the entire episode.
6
Hans Goedicke, Egypt and the Early History of Israel (Baltimore, 1981); cf. the video by Simcha
Jacobovici, The Exodus Decoded (History Channel/Discovery Channel Canada, 2005), online at
http://www.hulu.com/watch/740807 , and http://www.theexodusdecoded.com .
7
Manning, A Test of Time, 67-68,77-107,405-410; 87, Palestine . . . was intimately linked with
the Hyksos. These assertions are based on Josephus, but are supported by archaeological evidence
(Bietak, Tell el-Daba, in Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, 781).
8
Manning, A Test of Time, 5 (n. 263), 92, including Amenhotep I, Thutmosis I, and Thutmosis
III, all of whom campaigned in Syro-Palestine, citing Breasted, ARE, II:73,81,85,125.
and that is over 300 years later!! However, we now have a likely
report of Israel already ca. 1400 B.C., which is about 200 years
9
earlier, making an early exodus quite likely, and making any later
Exodus seem absurd. We also have the legend of Apophis and
10
Seqenenre, which uses the names of two of the primary opposing
th
th
kings of the Hyksos and Theban dynasties (15 and 17 Dynasties,
respectively).
As it happens, Avaris (Tell el-Dab)a) has been subject to
systematic archaeological excavation by an Austrian team for many
11
years now, and the results (as described by director Manfred
th
Bietak) have been quite instructive: During the 12 Dynasty, shortly
after it was first established in the FIP (First Intermediate Period),
the village of Avaris became a primarily Canaanite settlement, and
remained so until its end ca. 1540 B.C. (Exodus 12:40-41 and
Galatians 3:17 suggest that Jacob and his sons went down into
Egypt and stayed there for 430 years, which by this measure would
place the beginning of their stay at circa 1970 B.C.).
Indeed, the fresco fragments found at Avaris are all of a late
Middle Kingdom or Second Intermediate Period (SIP) type, employing
a style and themes which Manning describes as hybrid Egyptian12
Aegean (or Levantine in view of Tel Kabri, Alalakh and Tell el9
P. van der Veen, C. Theis, and M. Grg, Israel in Canaan (Long) Before Pharaoh Merneptah?
A Fresh Look at Berlin Statue Pedestal Relief 21687, Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections, 2/4
(2010), 15-25; H. Shanks, When did Ancient Israel Begin? BAR, 38/1 (Jan-Feb 2012), 59-62,67.
10
Redford, Textual Sources for the Hyksos Period, in Oren, ed., The Hyksos: New Historical
and Archaeological Perspectives (Phila.: Univ. of Penn., 1997), 17-18, cited by Manning, A Test of Time,
90 n. 397.
11
Manfred Bietak, Tell el-Daba, Second Intermediate Period, in K. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of
the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (Routledge, 1999), 778-782.
12
See now on Tel Kabri, Remains of Minoan-Style Painting Discovered During Excavations of
Canaanite Palace, ScienceDaily, Nov 9, 2009, online at www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2009/11/
4
13
091109121119.htm .
13
14
15
Bietak, Tell el-Daba, in Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, 781;
see examples at http://www.wall-paintings-ted.de/ .
16
Manning, A Test of Time, 110, citing Ryholt, The Political Situation in Egypt during the
Second Intermediate Period c. 1800-1550 B.C. (1997), and Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in
Ancient Times (Princeton Univ. Press, 1992), 112-115,118-121.
17
Manning, A Test of Time, 78-79 (Lisht dolphin vase, which is a Syro-Palestinian import, citing
Bourriau, Beyond Avaris, in Oren, ed., The Hyksos [1997],165-166),112, and for example, fig. 26,
from Morgan, The Miniature Wall Paintings of Thera (1988), plate 63, the Axe of Ahmose (with Aegean
griffin) from the Tomb of Ahhotep.
5
18
Levant.
Perhaps this was merely the result of the vengeful efforts
by King Ah. mose and his successors.
It is also worthy of note that the monotheism of Akhenaten at
Amarna soon follows. What sort of cultural memory was left in its
wake? Manning believes the great religious revolution of Akhenaten
to be the basis in human memory of the figure of Moses in the
19
Bible.
And there are other potential Mosaic parallels:
The cataclysmic eruption of Thera (Santorini) in the Aegean in
1628 B.C. may have been remembered in Egypt, and in the Exodus
story as the Ninth Plague, via the palpable darkening of the sky
20
and sun (Amun-Re)), leading to famine (Joseph in Genesis 41), and
stories of pestilence, storms, pillar of cloud/fire and parting of the
21
sea (Exodus 8-9,13-14) ; does Exodus 7:20-24 allude to or quote
from the late Middle Egyptian "Admonitions of Ipuwer" (Papyrus
Leiden 344), recto, 2:10, "Lo, the Nile is blood, As one drinks of it
22
one shrinks from people and thirsts for water"? etc. Moreover,
does the Seventh Plague (Exodus 9:22-24) follow the typical Egyptian
23
disaster topos as in the Ahmose stele (cf. Artapanus account of
18
Manning, A Test of Time, 62, citing Kempinski (1997), 329, and Ryholt (1997), 307.
19
Manning, A Test of Time, 146 n. 711, citing Assman, Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of
Egypt in Western Monotheism (Harvard Univ. Press, 1997).
20
21
Including Hesiods Theogony Manning, A Test of Time, 202, sources in n. 952 (esp. M. T.
Greene, Natural Knowledge [1992], 46-63).
22
19th Dynasty copy, translated by Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, I, The Old
and Middle Kingdoms (1975), 151; Loprieno, Ancient Egyptian, 123. Cf. also Ipuwer, recto, 4:3-4 on
children and infant deaths.
23
Manning, A Test of Time, 197, citing the Ahmose Tempest Stele from Karnak (Thebes).
6
24
24
Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1997), 92-93, and passim.
26
And at Tell el-Ajjul in Palestine; D. Stanley and H. Sheng, Volcanic Shards from Santorini
(Upper Minoan Ash) in the Nile Delta, Egypt, Nature, 320/6064 (1986), 733-735; J.-D. Stanley in BAR,
31/1 (Jan-Feb 2005), 63; Katarina Kratovac (AP), Scholars Abuzz Over Pumice in Egypt, Daily
Breeze, April 3, 2007, A7.
27
Zevit, review of Moses and the Exodus, a BBC-TV documentary (Jeremy Bowen, host), in
BAR, 30/5 (Sept-Oct 2004), 60-62, and Zevits rejoinder to J.-D. Stanley in BAR, 31/1 (Jan-Feb 2005),
63.
28
According to Manfred Bietak in BAR, 32/6 (Nov-Dec 2006), 63,65, citing the Atomic Institute
of the Austrian Universities, and the special research program SCIEM2000 (Synchronisation of
Civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B.C.) of the Austrian Academy of
Sciences.
29
Sinking Atlantis, episode of Secrets of the Dead (Quickfire Media, 2008), broadcast on PBSTV, May 14, 2008 (available on DVD at 800/336-1917), noting that Minoan use of Linear A was also
snuffed out with the explosion of Thera-Santorini; Evan Hadingham, Did a Tsunami Wipe Out a Cradle
of Western Civilization? Discover, Jan 4, 2008, online at http://discovermagazine.com/ 2008/jan/did-atsunami-wipe-out-a-cradle-of-western-civilization/article_view?b_start:int=2&-C= .
30
31
Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel, 61-62, citing S. D. Sperling, Original Torah (1998), 41-
58.
32
Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel, 7, and n. 88, re the Persian name Parnoch/ Farnaka at
Numbers 34:25.
33
Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel (1992), 408-422, and Assmann, Moses the Egyptian
(1997), 28-43, both cited in Manning, A Test of Time, 197 n. 939. Cf. H. Shanks, The Exodus and the
Crossing of the Red Sea According to Hans Goedicke, BAR, 7/5 (1981), 42-50..
8
34
Jo Ann Hackett likewise states what seems to her the obvious here,
while adhering to that same consensus position:
. . . the number of years given in the book for the period
of the Judges is over four hundred, much too long a span
considering the dating of the Exodus accepted by the majority
36
of scholars, . . .
Where does she get that 400+ period for the Judges? (see
immediately below) She herself rejects the notion that the
34
Bryant G. Wood, The Rise and Fall of the 13th Century Exodus-Conquest Theory, Journal of
the Evangelical Theological Society, 48/3 (Sept 2005), 475-489; Wood, From Ramesses to Shiloh:
Archaeological Discoveries Bearing on the Exodus-Judges Period, in D. M. Howard, Jr., and M. A.
Grisanti, eds., Giving the Sense: Understanding and Using Old Testament Historical Texts (Grand
Rapids: Kregel, 2003), 256-282; cf. Paul J. Ray, Jr., Another Look at the Period of the Judges, in G. A.
Carnagey, Sr., ed., Beyond the Jordan (Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2005), 93-104.
35
William Dever, The Western Cultural Tradition Is at Risk, Biblical Archaeology Review,
32/2 (Mar-Apr 2006), 76; cf. Dever, Is There Any Archaeological Evidence for the Exodus? in
Frerichs & Lesko, eds., Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence, 67-86.
36
Hackett in M. Coogan, ed., The Oxford History of the Biblical World (Oxford Univ. Press,
1998), 185.
37
Hackett in M. Coogan, ed., The Oxford History of the Biblical World, 183-187.
38
See the Merneptah Stele (Israel Stele) in J. Pritchard, ed., ANET, 3rd ed., 378.
39
40
966 + 553 = 1519 B.C., if we follow K. Kitchen, The Exodus, in D. Freedman, ed., Anchor
Bible Dictionary, II:702; cf. R. N. Holzapfel, D. M. Pike, and D. R. Seely, Jehovah and the World of the
Old Testament (SLC: Deseret Book, 2009), 95.
10
1004 + 450 + 80 = 1534+ B.C. for the Exodus (- 340 years !
Jephthah in 1194 B.C.)
Likewise clear should be the fact that, by any means, the date of
th
the Exodus cannot be placed as usually assumed in the mid-13
century B.C. Neither archeology nor biblical chronology support such
a low date. Why then is it the consensus position? Certainly
because of the mention of Ramesses as the place from which the
Exodus began, causing Kitchen to place the Exodus in the mid-13th
41
century B.C.
I cover such toponyms below, even though they are
likely late glosses in Exodus.
Whatever date is applied to the Exodus, the Patriarchs Jacob
& Joseph came down to Egypt around 430 years earlier than the
Exodus (Ex 12:40-41), which might place that earlier event within the
th
th
mid-20 to early 19 centuries B.C. Kitchen prefers a later date of
42
1690-1680 B.C., which is just before the entry of the Hyksos.
But
that is unnecessary.
Textual Indicators of the Exodus
How did the Exodus come about? We may find a hint in the
Dynasty 19 Papyrus Harris 1, in which there is a Syro-Palestinian
()1mw) usurpation of Egypt under a leader called Irsu, possibly
connected to the Asiatic incident depicted in the Elephantine Stele
discussed below, in the next paragraph. Irsu (Egyptian "He-whomade-himself; Self-made-man") was equated by Gardiner, ern, and
others, with an important Egyptian official with a Semitic name,
Beya, who was active during the reigns of Kings Sety II, Siptah,
and Queen Tausert. An Akkadian letter from Beya to the last ruler
41
Kenneth Kitchen, The Exodus, in D. Freedman, ed., Anchor Bible Dictionary, II:702-703.
42
11
Malamat in Frerichs & Lesko, Exodus, 24-25, citing C. Maderna-Sieben, "Der historische
Abschnitt des Papyrus Harris I," Gttinger Miszellen, 123 [1991], 57-90, and M. Yon, In the Crisis
Years: The 12th Century B.C.E., ed. W. A. Ward, and M. Sharp Joukowsky (Dubuque, 1992), 119-120.
44
E. A. Knauf, Midian (Wiesbaden, 1988), 135ff.; J. C. de Moor, The Rise of Yahwism (Leuven,
1990), 136-151.
45
D. Bidoli, MDAIK, 28 (1972), 195-200, pl. 49; Rosemarie Drenkhahn, Die Elephantine-Stele
des Sethnacht (Wiesbsden, 1980); Friedrich Junge in Elephantine 11 (1988), 55-58.
46
47
For general Exodus parallels, see I Nephi 2 - 3, 16 - 18; Abraham Malamat, "The Exodus:
Egyptian Analogies," in E. Frerichs & L. Lesko, Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence (Eisenbrauns, 1997),
22-24; Terrence L. Szink, "Nephi and the Exodus," in Sorenson & Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book
of Mormon (FARMS & Deseret, 1991), 38-51; Monford Harris, Exodus and Exile: The Structure of the
Jewish Holidays (Fortress, 1992); Bruce J. Boehm, "Wanderers in the Promised Land: A Study of the
Exodus Motif in the Book of Mormon and Holy Bible," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies, 3/1 (Spring
1994), 187-203.
12
48
G. Mendenhall, Covenant Forms in Israelite Tradition, Biblical Archeologist, 17 (1954), 5076; Mendenhall and Herion in Anchor Bible Dictionary, I:1184, re Deut 6 and 28; arguing to the contrary
are R. Frankena, The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon and the Dating of Deuteronomy,
Oudtestamentische Studien, 14 (1965), 122-154; M. Weinfeld, The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near
East, Ugarit-Forschungen, 8 (1976), 392-393; discussed in W. Schniedewind, How the Bible Became a
Book: The Textualization of Ancient Israel (Cambridge Univ. Press, 2004), 135,230-231. In any case, P
is localized to the Late Bronze Age and includes strong Hurrian influence (Pekka Pitknen, Joshua [IVP,
2010]; Yitzhaq Feder, Blood Expiation in Hittite and Biblical Ritual: Origins, Context, and Meaning
[Atlanta: SBL, 2011]).
51
R. Friedman in part one of Kingdom of David: Saga of the Israelites, PBS-TV Empires
Series, #9 (PBS/Paramount, 2003). However, Friedman failed in the application of this tool to the case
he commented on.
13
52
52
53
Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel (Continuum, 2001), 687, n. 134, citing Halpern, The
Exodus and the Israelite Historians, Eretz Israel, 24 (1993), 92-93.
14
54
55
Labib Habachi, Tell el-Dab)a I: Tell el-Dab)a and Qantir the Site and Its Connection with
Avaris and Piramesse (Vienna: sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001).
56
A. Malamat in Frerichs & Lesko, eds., Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence (Eisenbrauns, 1997),
18; J. Hoffmeier, Out of Egypt: The Archaeological Context of the Exodus, Biblical Archaeology
Review, 33/1 (Jan-Feb 2007), 35, citing his Israel in Egypt, 114, and adding that )Apiru also appear in the
19th Dynasty Tomb of Intef; see the examples and discussion by James E. Hoch, Semitic Words in the
Egyptian Texts of the New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period (Princeton Univ. Press, 1994), 60-63.
57
58
Hoffmeier, Out of Egypt, BAR, 33/1 (Jan-Feb 2007), 34-35 and nn. 12-15, citing especially
R. A. Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (Oxford Univ. Press, 1954), 106,188; and K. Kitchen, From
the Brickfields of Egypt, Tyndale Bulletin, 27 (1976), 141-144.
15
room/ courtyard from one side room, but in this case with
entry from the broad room, rather than the courtyard/middle
long room) excavated by the Univ. of Chicago at Medinet Habu
opposite Luxor. Those living there were probably slaves
descended from prisoners of war from Palestine or the desert
59
of Seirperhaps early or proto-Israelites.
These are quite late,
however.
Merneptah = (&;51 */ (Me-Nephtoach) Joshua 15:9 (BHS n), 18:15
(Well of Merneptah), a place-name also mentioned in Papyrus
3
Anastasi III (ANET 258 wells of Merneptah). Merneptah, son
of Rameses II, lived at Pi-Rameses for a time. Mention of a
people known as Israel somewhere in Canaan (most likely
Transjordan) in the 1208 B.C. Merneptah Stele from Western
60
Thebes.
Pi-Atum = Pithom .;5 Ex 1:11 (cf. Coptic Bohairic Gen 46:28), Tell
el-Retabeh = Ancient Egyptian Pr-&Itm, or Pi-Atum Temple of
Atum. During the reign of Merneptah, some Edomite tribesmen
were allowed to pass the fortress Merneptah-hetep-hir-maat
which is in Tjeku (Succoth) to gain access to the pools of
61
Pi-Atum, as described in Papyrus Anastasi VI.
Succoth = Sukkot ;&,2 Ex 12:37, Num 33:5 (Tell el-Maskhuta) =
3
Egyptian Tkw, Tkw, mentioned in Papyrus Anastasi V (ANET
259) and VI (see above).
59
Bietak, Manfred, Israelites Found in Egypt, BAR, 29/5 (Sept-Oct 2003), 40-47,49,82-83.
60
A. Malamat in Frerichs & Lesko, eds., Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence, 18-19; F. Yurco in
Frerichs & Lesko, eds., Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence, 27-55.
61
Hoffmeier, Out of Egypt, BAR, 33/1 (Jan-Feb 2007), 34, citing A. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian
Miscellanies (Brussells, 1937), 77; cf. Tom Wei, Pithom, in D. Freedman, Anchor Bible Dictionary,
V:376-377.
16
Hoffmeier, Out of Egypt, BAR, 33/1 (Jan-Feb 2007), 40-41, citing A. Gardiner, Ancient
Egyptian Onomastica (1947), II:122-202; Manfred Bietak, Tell el-Dab)a (Vienna, 1975), II:136-137; and
William Ward, The Biconsonantal Root Sp and the Common Origin of Egyptian Cwf and the Hebrew
Sup: Marsh (-Plant), Vetus Testamentum, 24 (1974), 339-349. Cf. Aramaic: yamma immoqa !/*
!8&/: (cf. Heb 8/2 red), Red Sea, referring to the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf, as noted by
Joseph A. Fitzmyer in his The Genesis Apocryphon of Qumran Cave I: A Commentary (Rome 1966 /2nd
ed., 1971), re 1QapGn 21:17-18 (= Erythrean Sea/ z... , citing Josephus, Antiquities,
I,1,3 39; Herodotus 1:180, 2:11,158, 4:42; Pliny Hist. Nat. 6:28; Jubilees 8:21, 9:2, I Enoch 32:2, 77:79; 4QEnc frag 2:20; Berossus; Xenophon; cf. J. T. Milik, RB, 65 [1958], 71).
63
Malamat in Frerichs & Lesko, eds., Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence, 18; cf. A. Mazar,
Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 237,241,355 (n. 55, In one Egyptian document the land of Shasu
is called Yahu, possibly a distortion of the name of the God of Israel.); Lawrence Stager in M Coogan,
ed., Oxford History of the Biblical World, 138; cf. Nadav Na'aman, "H
abiru and Hebrews: The Transfer
of a Social Term to the Literary Sphere," JNES, 45 (1986), 271-288.
64
Also known as Cushan (Hab 3:7); cf. Ex 2:21, Num 10:29, 12:1.
17
stage. The assumption has been that this is true linguistically and
65
ethnically as well.
However, it is not in fact proven that highland
agriculture, religion, and language is continuous with the Canaanite
culture of the western coastal plains a notion which Anson Rainey
called a pipe dream, loosely based on a continuity in the ceramic
repertoire of the Early Iron Age settlements (1200-1000 B.C.E.). In
fact, Rainey pointed out that the same continuity can be found
between the Late Bronze Age pottery from Jordan, east of the
66
river.
Such broadly based continuity in ceramics masks any nonmaterial distinctions which may have been present. At the same
time, Rainey rejected any linguistic or ethnic connection of the early
67
Israelites/ Hebrews with the H
. abiru / )Apiru.
Rainey argued that Israel in the Merneptah Stele is an
ethnicon referring to a people then in Transjordan, not in the central
hill country of Palestine. He notes that, like all other Egyptian
kings, Merneptah lists his victories in geographical order. In this
case, Ashkelon, Gezer, and Yano)am are known city-states, the last
of which is in Transjordan. Since Israel is next in order, the
conclusion is obvious. Moreover, Rainey recalled for us that it was
65
A. Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 366-367 (n. 55), 554; cf. Ann E. Killebrew,
Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, Philistines and Early
Israel (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005).
66
Anson Rainey letter in Biblical Archaeology Review, 33/3 (May-June 2007), 78, replying to
William Devers remarks in the Jan-Feb 2007 BAR. Cf. Rainey. Whence Came the Israelites and Their
Language? Israel Exploration Journal, 57 (2007), 41-64; Rainey, Inside, Outside: Where Did the Early
Israelites Come From? BAR, 34/6 (Nov-Dec 2008), 45-50,84.
67
Anson Rainey, review in JAOS, 107 (1987), 539-541, of O. Loretz, Habiru-Hebrer: Eine
sozio-linguistische Studie ber die Herkunft des Gentiliziums )ibri zum Appellativum H
. abiru, BZAW 160
(Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984); Rainey, Shasu or Habiru: Who Were the Early Israelites? BAR, 34/6 (NovDec 2008), 51-55; cf. Moshe Greenberg, The Hab/piru (New Haven: AOS, 1955).
18
68
Rainey letter in BAR, 33/3 (May-June 2007), 78; cf. Y. Aharoni, The Land of the Bible: A
Historical Geography, rev. ed., trans. A. Rainey (Phila.: Westminster, 1979), in which such geographical
sequencing is systematically employed.
69
19
70
18:13-27).
Was the Israelite destination indeed Midian in the
northern Hijaz? Can we deny the obvious?
Midian was, of course, the eponymous son of Abraham and
Keturah (Gen 25:2), his descendants being a complex culture of
tribal chiefs and camel caravaneers associated with the highly
developed tribes of Moab and Sinai, both in South Transjordan, as
well as with the Ishmaelites (Gen 36:35, 37:25-36, 39:1, Num 22:4,7,
Judges 8:24, Isaiah 10:26 = II Nephi 20:26). Hebrew 0*$/ / 0$/
Midyan / Medan (Gen 25:2) both appear as towns east of Aqaba in
71
Hellenistic sources, leading Frank Moore Cross, Jr., P. Kyle
McCarter, Jr., and Lawrence E. Stager to posit that the Midian
known to Moses and to the Israelite refugees was in that very area
not in the Sinai. This is actually a revival of the Old Midianite
Hypothesis, suggesting that the Israelite Exodus came across south72
73
central Sinai, the Arabah (camping on a kewir mud flat), and
Aqaba (with a detour through Kadesh Barnea), into the Hijaz of
southern Transjordan and northwestern Sa#udia where the highest
mountain is Jebel el-Lawz, at 8,465 feet (22,856 m), although Sinai
/ Horeb could be anywhere in Midian (which included later south
70
The concept of amphictyony has gone out of fashion, but, as A. Gunneweg has observed,
something very much like it is needed to explain the nature of the early Israelite tribal confederation
(Gunneweg, Understanding the Old Testament (London: SCM/ Phila.: Westminster, 1978], 100-104,
cited in John Goldingay, Approaches to Old Testament Interpretation, rev. ed. [InterVarsity Press, 1990],
45).
71
John D. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament, 136-137, citing I. Beit-Arieh, The
Route through Sinai: Why the Israelites Fleeing Egypt Went South, BAR, 14/3 (1988), 28-37.
73
K. Kitchen, The Exodus, in Anchor Bible Dictionary, II:706(4), citing Lucas, Route of the
Exodus (London, 1938), 58-63,81, and Beit-Arieh (above). However, he seems unaware of the Midianite
Hypothesis.
20
74
Edom).
The traditional Mount Sinai in the Sinai peninsula is just
not a realistic option, as even St. Paul recognized (Galatians 4:25).
M. Macdonald has said that [f]rom the late second
millennium, parts of the Hejaz and Tabuk region in the north were
75
intensively settled.
George Mendenhall has said that Midianites
th
were obviously present in that area from at least the 13 century
B.C., with numerous town and village sites . . . from the end of
the LB into the early Iron ages. He states that they had walled
cities, sophisticated irrigation installations, and engaged in mining
76
and smelting operations, . . .
Below, I discuss the very
significant archeological work of Thomas Levy and Mohammad Najjar
at nearby Edomite Khirbet el-Nahas, and the similar conclusions
77
which can be drawn from it.
74
F. M. Cross, interviewed by H. Shanks in Bible Review, August 1992; F. M. Cross, From Epic
to Canon (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ., 1998), 63-68; L. Stager, "Forging an Identity: The
Emergence of Ancient Israel," in M. D. Coogan, ed., The Oxford History of the Biblical World
(N.Y./Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1998), 122-175, citing especially Peter Parr, "Qurayya," in Freedman,
ed., Anchor Bible Dictionary, V:594-596; Thomas Levy, King Solomons Mines and the Archaeology
of the Edom Lowlands: Recent Excavations in Southern Jordan, delivered at Bible & Archaeology Fest
X, Part 3:Beyond the Bible: Exploring Relevant Sites and Texts, available on DVD in BAS Lecture Series
(BAS item 9HLX3); Joseph Blenkinsopp, The Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis Revisited and the Origins
of Judah, JSOT, 33 (2008), 131-153; Mark S. Smith, God in Israels Bible: Divinity between the World
and Israel, between the Old and the New, Aug 2011 Catholic Biblical Association Presidential Address,
online at http://prophetess.lstc.edu/~rklein/Doc13/Ccbqsmith.doc ; Justin Kelley, "Toward a New
Synthesis of the God of Edom and Yahweh," Antiguo Oriente, 7 (2009): 255-280, online at
http://www.academia.edu/211171/_Toward_a_New_Synthesis_of_the_God_of_Edom_and_Yahweh_Ant
iguo_Oriente_7_2009_255-280 ; cf. Howard Blum, The Gold of Exodus: The Discovery of the True
Mount Sinai (N.Y.: Simon & Schuster, 1998), reviewed in BAR, 25/4 (Jul-Aug 1999), 54,56.
75
M. C. A. MacDonald, Along the Red Sea, in Jack Sasson, et al., eds., Civilizations of the
Ancient Near East, 4 vols. (N.Y.: Scribners Sons, 1995), 2:1350.
76
Mendenhall in Anchor Bible Dictionary, IV:817, citing P. Paar, et al., Bulletin of the Institute
of Archaeology, 8-9 (1970), 193-242; and M. Ingraham, et al., Atlal, 5 (1981), 59-84. See also H. St.
John Philby, The Land of Midian (London: Ernst Benn, 1957).
77
Thomas E. Levy & Mohammad Najjar, Edom & Copper: The Emergence of Ancient Israels
Rival, Biblical Archaeology Review, 32/4 (July-Aug 2006), 24-35,70; cf. John N. Wilford, In a Ruined
Copper Works, Evidence That Bolsters a Doubted Biblical Tale, New York Times, June 13, 2006, online
21
M. C. A. MacDonald, Along the Red Sea, in Jack Sasson, et al., eds., Civilizations of the
Ancient Near East (N.Y.: Scribners Sons, 1995), 2:1350, claims that [f]rom the late second millennium,
parts of the Hejaz and Tabuk region in the north were intensively settled.
79
J. David Schloen, "Caravans, Kenites, and Casus Belli: Enmity and Alliance in the Song of
Deborah," Catholic Biblical Quarterly, 55 (1993), 18-38, cited by Stager.
80
Lemuel is biblical King of Massa (Proverbs 31:1,4; cf. 30:1-4), a city in northwest Arabia,
probably near Tayma, and mentioned in eighth and seventh century Assyrian Annals. Massa is also the
name of a son of biblical Ishmael (Gen 25:14, I Chron 1:30). W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of
Canaan, 253 n. 133, maintaining an archaic Aramaic and Canaanite background for Lemuel, Agur, and
Balaam, and citing his The Biblical Tribe of Massa and Some Cogeners, in Studi orientalistici in
onore di Giorgio Levi della Vida (Rome, 1957). That Lehi takes both Lemuel and Ishmael into the
wilderness with him is remarkable only in the absence of such information..
81
Bernard Levinson, Deuteronomy and the Hermeneutics of Legal Innovation (N.Y.: Oxford
Univ. Press, 1997); cf. S. Kent Brown, From Jerusalem to Zarahemla (Provo: BYU Religious Studies
Center, 1998), 1-8, and Brown in Parry, Peterson, and Welch, eds., Echoes and Evidences of the Book of
Mormon (Provo: FARMS, 2002), 63, citing Psalm 107:4-6,19-30, Job 1:5, and Lev 1 and 3 la Jacob
Milgrom, Leviticus 1 - 16, Anchor Bible 3 (N.Y.: Doubleday, 1991), 175-177, 218-219, 267-268; 858;
David R. Seely, Lehis Altar and Sacrifice in the Wilderness, Journal of Bok of Mormon Studies, 10/1
(2001), 62-69; Michael L. Ingraham, et al., Saudi Arabian Comprehensive Survey Program: C.
Preliminary Report on a Reconnaissance Survey of the Northwestern Province (with a Note on a Brief
Survey of the Northern Province), Atlal: The Journal of Saudi Arabian Archaeology, 5 (1981/1401
22
A.H.), 59-84. See generally H. St. John Philby, The Land of Midian (London: Ernst Benn, 1957); Beno
Rothenberg and Jonathan Glass, The Midianite Pottery, in J. F. A. Sawyer and D. J. A. Clines, eds.,
Midian, Moab and Edom: The History and Archaeology of Late Bronze and Iron Age Jordan and NorthWest Arabia, JSOT Supplement 24 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1983), 65-124.
82
Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 60-75; cf. Cross, From Epic to Canon, 67 n. 51; A.
Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 355 n. 55, on Yahu for Shasu; note that in both his Yahweh
and the Gods of Canaan: A Historical Analysis of Two Contrasting Faiths (London, 1968), 147-149, nn.
44-52; and his From the Stone Age to Christianity (1957), 15-16, William F. Albright reasoned from the
Hebrew-Aramaic root hwy fall; become, come into existence, through to its late 3MS qal-causativeindicative form Yahwe (jussive Yahu), He-(Who)-Causes-to-Come-Into-Existence; It-Is-He-WhoCreates (Ex 3:14), which is very similar to use of the ancient Egyptian verb h.pr become, come into
existence; occur, happen, come to pass, in its 3MS causative form sh.pr.f, which is commonly used in
personal names. Both verbs also appear in the consecutive narrative use It came to pass, it happened.
83
G. Reynolds, Book of Abraham (1879), 47; Andr Lemaire, "'House of David' Restored in
Moabite Inscription," BAR, 20:3 (May-June 1994), 30-37.
84
85
23
86
86
Mendenhall in Anchor Bible Dictionary, IV:817, citing P. Paar, in A. Hadidi, ed., Studies in the
History and Archaeology of Jordan (Amman, 1982), 127-133; B. Isserlin, The Israelites, 171, 187 fig.
46; Beno Rothenberg and Jonathan Glass, The Midianite Pottery, in J. F. A. Sawyer and D. J. A.
Clines, eds., Midian, Moab and Edom: The History and Archaeology of Late Bronze and Iron Age
Jordan and North-West Arabia, JSOT Supplement 24 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1983), 65-124.
87
Anson Rainey, Inside, Outside: Where Did the Early Israelites Come From? BAR, 34/6
(Nov-Dec 2008), 45-50,84.
88
Maeir, RBL, June 2012, review of the now badly outdated Robert F. Coote and Keith
Whitelam. The Emergence of Early Israel in Historical Perspective (1987/ reprint Sheffield: Sheffield
Phoenix, 2010).
24
J. Hackett in M Coogan, ed., Oxford History of the Biblical World (Oxford Univ. Press, 1998),
212-215; quote from 212.
90
John A. Tvedtnes, Egyptian Etymologies for Biblical Cultic Paraphernalia, in S. IsraelitGroll, ed., Scripta Hierosolymitana, 28 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1982), 215-221 (Tvedtnes expanded
on this in his November 1997 SBL San Francisco presentation); Shmuel Yeivin, Canaanite Ritual
Vessels in Egyptian Cultic Practice, JEA, 62 (1976), 110-114 (with illus.); Abraham S. Yahuda, The
Language of the Pentateuch (Oxford, 1933), translation of his Die Sprache des Pentateuch in ihren
Beziehungen zum Aegyptischen, I (Berlin/Leipzig, 1929).
91
Kitchen, "The TabernacleA Bronze Age Artifact," Eretz-Israel, 24 (1993), 119-129; Michael
M. Homan, The Divine Warrior in His Tent: A Military Model for Yahwehs Tabernacle,Bible Review,
16/6 (Dec 2000), 22-33,35; Kenneth A. Kitchen, The Desert Tabernacle: Pure Fiction or Plausible
Account? Bible Review, 16/6 (Dec 2000), 14-21; Peter Cooper, Of Badger Skins and Dugong Hides: A
Translators Guide to Tabernacle Covers, Bible Review, 16/6 (Dec 2000), 30-31 (sidebar); Frank Moore
Cross, Jr., The Priestly Tabernacle, Biblical Archeologist Reader, I (1961), 201-228; Cross, The
25
93
features of the Ark of the Covenant and the Brazen Serpent, the
94
long silver trumpets, the two-fold division of the priesthood into
ordinary w#b-priests and high priests, and the more general linguistic
95
patterns taken over from Egyptian literary and poetic practice, we
are left to explain how these archaic features could have embedded
themselves at such an early horizon among a people who do not
show many other easily recoverable Egyptian aspects of material
culture once they have entered Canaan.
Nor are we concerned with the tremendously strong cultural ties
between Israel and Egypt in later centuries. These have been well
96
covered in a variety of detailed works.
Priestly Tabernacle in the Light of Recent Research, in T. Madsen, ed., The Temple in Antiquity:
Ancient Records and Modern Perspectives, BYU Religious Studies Center Monograph Series, 9 (SLC:
Bookcraft, 1984), 91-105; previously published in A. Biran, ed., Temples and High Places in Biblical
Times (Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College, 1981), 169-180; Richard Elliott Friedman, The Tabernacle in
the Temple, Biblical Archeologist, 43 (1980), 241-248; Friedman, Tabernacle, in D. N. Freedman,
ed., Anchor Bible Dictionary, 6 vols. (Doubleday, 1992), VI:292-300.
93
John Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament, 146-149; Kitchen in ABD, II:706-707(5.c).
94
95
P. C. Craige, An Egyptian Expression in the Song of the Sea (Ex XV:4)," VT, XX/1 (Jan
1970), 83-86; A. S. Yahuda, The Language of the Pentateuch (1933); O. Goelet, Moses Egyptian
Name, Bible Review, 19/3 (June 2003), 12-17,50-51; J. G. Griffiths, The Egyptian Derivation of the
Name Moses, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 12 (1953), 225-231.
96
Bernd Ulrich Schipper, Israel und gypten in der Knigszeit: Die kulturellen Kontakte von
Salomo bis zum Fall Jerusalems, OBO 170 (Freiburg/Gttingen, 1999); Gregory Mumford,
"International Relations Between Egypt, Sinai, and Syria-Palestine in the LB Age to Early Persian Period
(Dynasties 18-26; cf. 1950-525 B.C.): A Spatial and Temporal Analysis of the Distribution and
Proportions of Egyptian(izing) Artefacts and Pottery in Sinai and Selected Sites in Syria-Palestine," 4
vols., doctoral dissertation (University of Toronto, 1998); Donald B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel
in Ancient Times (Princeton, 1992); Yoshiyuki Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords in
North-West Semitic, SBL Dissertation Series 173 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999); O. Goldwasser, An
Egyptian Scribe from Lachish and the Hieratic Tradition of the Hebrew Kingdoms, Tel Aviv, 18 (1991),
248-253.
26
97
98
Bryant G. Wood, Did the Israelites Conquer Jericho? A New Look at the Archaeological
Evidence, Biblical Archaeological Review, 16/2 (Mar-Apr 1990), 44-58; Wood, The Rise and Fall of
the 13th Century Exodus-Conquest Theory, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, 48/3 (Sept
2005), 475-489; Michael Coogan, Question Authority! BAR, 32/3 (May-June 2006), 24.
99
A. Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 10,000-586 B.C.E. (Doubleday, 1990/1992),
553-554.
100
Wood, BAR, 33/2 (Mar-April 2007), 78, citing his article in BAR, 16/2 (Mar-Apr 1990), 4458, and B. Halpern, The Assassination of Eglon, Bible Review, 4/6 (Nov-Dec 1998), 33-41,44, re
Judges 3.
101
Wood, BAR, 33/2 (Mar-Apr 2007), 26, citing his pieces in D. Howard & M. Grisanti, eds.,
Giving the Sense (2003), 256-282, and JETS, 48 (2005), 475-489, as well as Paul Ray in G. Carnagey,
ed., Beyond the Jordan (2005), 93-104.
27
th
102
103
Wood, BAR, 33/2 (Mar-Apr 2007), 78, citing his The Search for Joshuas Ai, in R. Hess, G.
Klingbeil, and P. Ray, eds., Critical Issues in the Early History of Israel (Eisenbrauns, 2008), and Joseph
Callaway, Was My Excavation of Ai Worthwhile? BAR, 11/2 (Mar-Apr 1985), 68, and Z. Zevit, The
Problem of Ai, BAR, 11/2 (Mar-Apr 1985), 58-69.
104
105
Miller & Hayes, History of Ancient Israel and Judah, 262-263, 277-278, citing esp. I.
Finkelstein & N. Naaman, Shechem of the Amarna Period and the Rise of the Northern Kingdom of
Israel, IEJ, 55 (2005), 172-193.
106
L. Stager, The Shechem Temple Where Abimelech Massacred a Thousand, BAR, 29/4
(July-Aug 2003), 26-31, 33-35, 66, 68-69, cited by B. Wood, BAR, 33/2 (Mar-Apr 2007), 26.
28
107
A. Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 427; cf. 474, citing Y. Shiloh, The Proto
Aeolic Capital and Israelite Ashlar Masonry, Qedem 11 (Jerusalem, 1979).
108
Eilat Mazar, Did I Find King Davids Palace? BAR, 32/1 (Jan-Feb 2006), 16-27,70; Etgar
Lefkovitz, Eilat Mazar: Uncovering King Davids Palace, Moment, 31/2 (April 2006), 39-40; cf.
Michael D. Coogan in BAR, 32/4 (July-Aug 2006), 59-60.
109
According to Stager, the evolutionary schema of clan, tribe, chiefdom, and state is too
simplistic and linear. Is David a big chief, or a little king?
29
110
Stager made these observations during his four-hour formal debate with Israel Finkelstein at
UCLA, May 30, 2003, based on my notes taken at the time.
111
Cf. R. N. Whybray, Wisdom in Proverbs (London: SCM, 1965), 71; Nili Shupak, Revue
Biblique, 94 (1987), 98.
112
Timothy P. Harrison, Megiddo 3 (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 2004). This book was selected
as the 2005 Best Scholarly Book on Archaeology by the Biblical Archaeology Society, and was declared
a model for doing biblical archaeology, even though it was published over half-a-century late!!
30
114
from Moab,
and the nearly contemporary House of David
115
inscription (Hazael Stele) from Tel Dan,
it appears that King David
and his dynasty was far more formidable than the minimalists, such
as Israel Finkelstein, are willing to credit.
Early biblical accounts of Edom and the Edomites (Gen 36:31)
likewise appear now to be very credible, based on the recent
archaeological work of Thomas Levy and Mohammad Najjar at
116
Khirbet el-Nahas Ruins of Copper.
That is, the Edomite lowlands
were already occupied in the early Iron Age, and Edom was then
at least a super chiefdom, if not an archaic state, engaged in
large-scale and complex copper mining and metallurgy. Radiocarbon
dating of workshop and slag mounds (12th-11th centuries B.C.), and
th
the gatehouse (late 11th-early 10 centuries B.C.), makes that
abundantly clear. Highland sites were occupied only later (8th-6th
centuries B.C.). In other words, the early dates are in line with
the dating by Nelson Glueck over half-a-century ago.
Israel Finkelstein and Neil Silberman have called these
excavation results into question, and have attributed any mining or
th
building activity in Khirbet el-Nahas to the 8 century B.C., when
114
Andrew Dearman, ed., Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab (Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1989); P. M. Michle Daviau & Paul-Eugne Dion, Moab Comes to Life, Biblical Archaeology
Review, 28/1 (Jan-Feb 2002),
.
115
Avraham Biran & Joseph Naveh, An Aramaic Stele Fragment from Tel Dan, Israel
Exploration Journal, 43 (1993), 81-98; David Found at Dan, Biblical Archaeology Review, 20/2
(Mar-Apr 1994); Avraham Biran and Rachel Ben-Dor, Dan II: A Chronicle of the Excavations and the
Late Bronze Age Mycenaean Tomb (Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College, Nelson Glueck School of
Biblical Archaeology, 2002); James D. Muhly, Mycenaeans Were There Before the Israelites:
Excavating the Dan Tomb, BAR,31/5 (Sept-Oct 2005), 44,48; Hershel Shanks, Happy Accident: David
Inscription, BAR, 31/5 (Sept-Oct 2005), 46,48.
116
Thomas E. Levy & Mohammad Najjar, Edom & Copper: The Emergence of Ancient Israels
Rival, Biblical Archaeology Review, 32/4 (July-Aug 2006), 24-35,70; John N. Wilford, In a Ruined
Copper Works, Evidence That Bolsters a Doubted Biblical Tale, New York Times, June 13, 2006, online
at www.nytimes.com .
31
(they say) fictional tales about the legendary King David were being
composed in order to add glory to the legacy of the tribe of Judah.
However, the problem with that is the absence of copper production
th
th
in the 8 century B.C., as well as lack of any 8 century B.C.
pottery or carbon dates at Khirbet el-Nahas, along with the presence
of about 3,500 Early Iron Age burials in an Edomite cemetery in
117
nearby Wadi Fidan.
All the more reason to credit the Old
Midianite Hypothesis!
117
Hershel Shanks, Could the Edomites Have Wielded an Army to Fight David? BAR, 33/1
(Jan-Feb 2007), 67, citing Finkelstein & Silberman, David and Solomon (2006), which was thoroughly
reviewed by M. D. Coogan in BAR, 32/4 (July-Aug 2006), 56-60.
32
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Albright, William F., Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (London/New York, 1968).
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Assmann, Jan, Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (Harvard Univ. Press,
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35
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