Cauc Pref

S. L.
Nikolayev
S. A. Starostin
A NORTH CAUCASIAN
ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY
Edited by S. A. Starostin
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
ASTERISK PUBLISHERS
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
Moscow * 1994
The two volumes contain a systematic reconstruction of the phonology
and vocabulary of Proto-North-Caucasian - the ancestor of numerous
modern languages of the Northern Caucasus, as well as of some extinct
languages of ancient Anatolia. Created by two leading Russian specialists
in linguistic prehistory, the book will be valuable for all specialists in
comparative linguistics and history of ancient Near East and Europe.
S. L. Nikolayev, S. A. Starostin 1994
T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S
E d i t o r ' s f o r e w o r d . , . .
P r e f a c e
L i s t o f a b b r e v i a t i o n s
L i t e r a t u r e
I n t r o d u c t i o n
D i c t i o n a r y
? . 200
9 . . . 2 3 6
5 . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 4 2
a ' i . . . ' 2 5 2
a . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 7 5
b . . . . . . 285
c
322
c 3 3 L
t ^39
C
3 5 2
376
: 381
d 3 9 7
e 4 0 9
4 2 5
Y
4 7 4
B 477
h 4 8 5
h 5 00
h 5 0 3
H 3 4 2
i 6 2 5
i 6 6 9
j '. 6 7 3
k. 6 8 7
fc 715
I 7 4 2
1 : . . . . 7 5 4
X. ! 7 5 8
X ; 7 6 6
X 7 7 3
L 7 8 6
t . . ' 7 8 7
n 844
o. . . 859
p. . . 865
p. . . 878
q . 882
q 907
r . . . . . . 943
s . . . i 958
s. 973
S. 980
t . 990
t 995
ft. . . . . . . . 1009
u 1010
u 1013
V 1016
w. . 1039
x 1060
X. . . . . . . . . 1067
z. . . . . 1084
z 1086
2. . . . 1089
3
1 090
3 1101
5 1105
I n d i c e s . 1 1 1 1

5
EDITOR'S FOREWORD

This diclionary has a Iong hislory. The idea of comosing il vas aIready rie in 1979,
and lhe basic cardfiIes vere comosed in 1980-1983, during Iong vinler monlhs of our
coIIaboralion vilh S. I. NikoIayev in lhe viIIage of Dubrovki, some 300 miIes avay from
Moscov. NikoIayev, being unabIe lo gel a |ob in Moscov, vas leaching in lhe viIIage
schooI al lhal lime, and I vas visiling him from lime lo lime, sending severaI veeks far
from civiIizalion.
The firsl version vas handvrillen and vas ready around 1982. The second version
vas lyed on a CyriIIic lyevriler by S. NikoIayev in Dubrovki in 1983, a year before he
came back lo Moscov from his Dubrovki "exiIe". Afler lhal unliI 1988 lhe diclionary
conlinued ils Iife as originaI cardfiIes Ius handvrillen manuscril Ius lyevrillen
manuscril. There vas absoIuleIy no rosecl of ubIishing lhe diclionary, because some
chief figures in Soviel caucasoIogy vere vioIenlIy againsl our Norlh Caucasian recon-
slruclion, and lhere vas no vay of avoiding lhem vhiIe ubIishing lhe book. Conse-
quenlIy, I lurned basicaIIy lo Chinese and AIlaic sludies, and S. NikoIayev lo SIavic. ul I
managed, logelher vilh and due lo lhe reulalion of Prof. I. M. Diakonoff, lo ubIish a
book in Mnchen, caIIed "Hurro-Irarlian as an Iaslern Caucasian Ianguage". This vas
in 1986, and lhe book did nol go unnoliced by revievers.
In 1987 lhings slarled haening. George Soros succeeded in oening a division of
his foundalion in Moscov. This vas lhe firsl non-governmenl inslilulion ve had ever
seen. Then an American armenoIogisl, Prof. }ohn Grein, came lo Moscov from CIeve-
Iand, Ohio, Iooked al our dala and vrole a recommendalion Ieller lo lhe Soros Founda-
lion. I received a granl |usl enough for buying a ersonaI comuler lo make a cam-
era-ready coy of lhe diclionary. In November 1988 a grou of schoIars, incIuding S. Ni-
koIayev and me, fIev off lo lhe ISA lo arliciale in lhe firsl Ann Arbor conference on
hisloricaI Iinguislics (lhis vas lhe firsl lime mosl of us vere abroad), vhere I boughl lhe
PC. I am gIad lo use lhis occasion lo exress my gralilude lo Prof. Grein and lo lhe
Soros Foundalion for lheir assislance.
Since 1988 I vas busy deveIoing lhe dalabase formal for lhe diclionary (I viII nol
go inlo comuler delaiIs here, bul I am ralher roud lhal lhe comuler rogram lhal I
had designed rimariIy for lhe Norlh Caucasian elymoIogicaI diclionary is nov videIy
used for aII kinds of Iexicograhic uroses), vriling lhe inlroduclion vilh honelic
comaralive labIes, lransIaling everylhing inlo IngIish and lying il inlo lhe comuler.
MeanvhiIe lhe reconslruclion and lranscrilion syslem vas sIighlIy changed, some ely-
moIogies modified, some abandoned and some added. AII changes vere discussed vilh S.
I. NikoIayev and aroved by him, bul aII lhe vork of lhe asl five years vas done ex-
cIusiveIy by me, and I bear aII resonsibiIily for lhe finaI lexl of lhe diclionary. Nov, in
December 1993, lhe vork seems lo be comIeled. There is sliII very much lo be done,
bolh in comaralive honoIogy and in elymoIogy of Norlh Caucasian, and I am quile
sure lhal "Addenda el corrigenda" viII foIIov, bul I cerlainIy feeI lhal lhe ubIicalion of
vhal ve knov so far is necessary.

6
The diclionary in ils resenl slale embraces rools common lo Iasl Caucasian and
Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, as veII as lhe rools shared by al Ieasl lvo subgrous of Iasl
Caucasian Ianguages. I did nol incIude rools allesled vilhin a singIe branch of Iasl Cau-
casian (e.g., in Iezghian Ianguages) or Wesl Caucasian rools having no obvious araIIeI
in Iasl Caucasian. Somelimes, hovever, reference lo such rools can be found in lhe body
of lhe diclionary, I hoe lo ubIish aII avaiIabIe rools of lhis kind Ialer, in a searale edi-
lion.
The diclionary conlains some informalion concerning grammalicaI reconslruclion,
bul il is nol a comaralive grammar, so mosl infIeclionaI morhemes vere nol incIuded.
Hovever, ronouns and numeraIs are abundanlIy reresenled.
Il is imorlanl lo say lhal exlernaI dala aII evidence in favour of lhe so caIIed
Sino-Caucasian or Dene-Caucasian hyolhesis is Iefl oul of lhe book. AII reconslruc-
lions vere made ureIy on lhe basis of lhe inlernaI Caucasian evidence. Il is cIear lhal lhe
finaI roof of lhe Sino-Caucasian hyolhesis deends subslanliaIIy on lhe Norlh Cauca-
sian evidence resenled in lhis diclionary, bul il shouId be a sub|ecl of a seciaI sludy.
I vouId Iike lo lhank numerous friends and coIIeagues vilhoul vhom lhis vork
vouId never have been done: Vyach. Vs. Ivanov, I. M. Diakonoff, A. . DoIgooIski, V. A.
Dybo, V. V. Shevoroshkin, A. Y. MiIilarev, I. Calford, S. V. Kodzasov, M. RuhIen, V.
Chirikba, V. Ardzinba. My seciaI lhanks are due lo Ramazan Radzhibov a seaker of
Tsezi and lhe rovider of mosl Khvarshi dala in lhe diclionary, lo M. Y. AIekseyev and Y.
G. TesleIels vho look ains lo read lhe vhoIe manuscril and heIed vilh many imor-
lanl correclions and suggeslions, lo O. A. Mudrak vho heIed designing fonls for lhe
Iaser rinler, lo my son, George Slaroslin, vho lransIaled lhe Ienglhy "Inlroduclion" inlo
IngIish, lo American friends, DougIas Smilh and Iaura IillIe, vho had read lhrough lhe
manuscril and correcled slyIe, and finaIIy lo Prof. Grein and lhe Soros Foundalion,
vilhoul vhose assislance lhe vork vouId have never been ubIished.

Scrgci Siarcsiin
1994

7
PREFACE

The resenl vork is nol lhe firsl comaralive diclionary of Norlh Caucasian Ian-
guages (for Iasl Caucasian cf. Ieksika 1971, Khaidakov 1973, for arl of Wesl Caucasian
see Kuiers 1975), bul cerlainIy lhe firsl elymoIogicaI diclionary vilh syslemalic recon-
slruclions. See lhe "Inlroduclion" beIov for lhe oulIine of Norlh Caucasian cIassificalion
and comaralive honoIogy.
The diclionary is an oulrinl from a comuler dalabase on Norlh Caucasian Ian-
guages, vhich acluaIIy is a syslem of inlerreIaled dalabase fiIes on every subgrou of
Norlh Caucasian Ianguages. This delermines lhe slruclure of an average elymoIogicaI
enlry vhich is lhe foIIoving:
1) Prolo-Norlh Caucasian reconslruclion. If lhere are no Weslern Caucasian refIexes,
ve give onIy lhe Prolo-Iasl Caucasian reconslruclion (il shouId be noled, lhal, in generaI,
Prolo-Iasl Caucasian and ProloNorlh Caucasian differ onIy in a fev minor delaiIs, see
beIov),
2) The reconslrucled meaning (lhe semanlic reconslruclion is of course quile lenla-
live, ve do nol relend lhal meanings can be exaclIy reconslrucled in mosl cases).
3) RefIexes in daughler roloIanguages, as veII as in isoIaled Iak and KhinaIug
Ianguages. If a rool is allesled onIy in one Ianguage of some subgrou (e.g., in Tindi, bul
in none of lhe olher Andian Ianguages), ve sliII give a lenlalive reconslruclion for lhal
subgrou. Il musl be slressed lhal, for convenience, ve groued Avar logelher vilh An-
dian Ianguages, aIlhough ve do nol resenl any Avaro-Andian reconslruclion (onIy
Prolo-Andian). Il shouId be kel in mind lhal lhe Avar forms do nol go back direclIy lo
lhe Prolo-Andian reconslruclions. Therefore lhe lenlalive "Prolo-Andian" forms, given in
cases vhen lhe Avar form aIone is allesled, are doubIy lenlalive (because no Andian
forms are allesled al aII). SliII ve Iisl lhem for uniformily's sake.
4) Wilhin each subgrou ve Iisl refIexes in basic Ianguages and diaIecls (see beIov).
The refIexes are receded by a Iisl of enumeraled meanings, and lhe reseclive numbers
are reealed afler arlicuIar refIexes (lo avoid reelilion).
The Iisl of refIexes is foIIoved by commenls lhal incIude aII addilionaI informalion:
semanlic nuances, forms from olher diaIecls, references and discussion. Il is imorlanl lo
nole lhal some exisling inlermediale reconslruclions are aIso syslemalicaIIy given vilhin
lhe commenlary: lhis concerns Prolo-Gunzib-ezhla, Prolo-Tsezi-Khvarshi,
Prolo-Abkhaz-Taanl and Prolo-Adyghe-Kabardian.
5) Ivery elymoIogicaI enlry is concIuded by a generaI commenl (vilh lhe same kind
of informalion, bul concerning lhe enlry as a vhoIe).
The corus of lhe diclionary is foIIoved by indices for every Ianguage vhich, ve
are hay lo say, vere made vilh lhe heI of a comuler.
For Caucasian Ianguages il is highIy imorlanl lo use lhe mosl reIiabIe sources
avaiIabIe, because in many earIy sources (such as aII records of Dirr), as veII as in some
Ialer ones (such as Khaidakov 1973 or Ieksika 1971), honelic lranscrilion is

8
highIy inaccurale and may be misIeading. Throughoul lhe diclionary ve aIy lhe foI-
Ioving melhod of cilalion: for every Ianguage a singIe diaIecl and a singIe source is cho-
sen as a slandard. If reIevanl dala from olher diaIecls and/or sources are avaiIabIe, ve
give lhe reference exIicilIy (as an abbrevialion). eIov ve Iisl NC Ianguages vilh a brief
descrilion of sources. asic diaIecls are given in boId lye.

1. Abkhaz
Abzhui diaIecl: The basic source, againsl vhich everylhing vas lesled, is nov
ShakryI-Kondzharia 1986-1987. IarIier lhe basic source vas gazhba 1964a, Dzhanashia
1954 vas aIso frequenlIy used, Iess oflen IsIar 1887.
zyb diaIecl: The basic source is gazhba 1964b, Marr 1926 vas aIso used (aIlhough
lhe quaIily of records is oorer here). In 1980 one of lhe aulhors (S. A. Slaroslin) made his
ovn recordings of lhe zyb diaIecl. InforlunaleIy, il vas a zyb sub-diaIecl lhal Iosl
hissing-hushing sibiIanls (lhe seciaI archaic fealure of zyb), vhich is vhy ve seIdom
use lhese fieId records in lhe resenl diclionary.

2. Abaza
Tapant diaIecl. The basic source is Tugov 1967. AIso used vas Gonov 1956, as veII
as fieId recordings made by one of lhe aulhors (S. A. Slaroslin) in 1981. The dala of lhe
Ashkhar diaIecl are nol described syslemalicaIIy and vere uliIized onIy occasionaIIy.

3. Ibykh.
The basic source is Vogl 1963.

4. Adyghe.
Temirgoi diaIecl (Iilerary Adyghe). The basic source is Vodozhdokov 1960. Iess
frequenlIy ve aIso used Kerasheva-Khalanov 1960.
A reguIar source for zhedug dala is Kuiers 1975. Kuiers' diclionary aIso conlains
some Shasug dala, aIlhough lhere does nol exisl a syslemalic recording of Shasug. The
Abadzekh diaIecl (ralher cIose lo Temirgoi) is aIso nol described syslemalicaIIy.

5. Kabardian (Circassian)
DiaIecl of lhe Great Kabarda (Iilerary Kabardian): lhe basic source vas Kardanov
1957 (as veII as ichoyev-Kardanov 1955). A source vhich vas aIso uliIised is Nogma
1956 (acluaIIy recorded in 1844 by A. M. Schgren, afler Sh. Nogma's dealh).

9
Olher Kabardian diaIecls (Mozdok, esIene, Kuban) are nol described syslemalicaIIy,
bul according lo exisling records lhey are quile cIose lo Iilerary Kabardian.

6. alsbi
The basic source, againsl vhich aII dala vere lesled, is Kadagidze 1984. Olher im-
orlanl sources are: Malsiyev 1932, Desheriyev 1953, ImnayshviIi 1977, Schiefner 1856.

7. Chechen
Level-land diaIecl (Iilerary Chechen): lhe basic source is Malsiyev 1961. AIso usefuI
in some cases is Karasayev-Malsiyev 1978, very vaIuabIe informalion is conlained in
IsIar 1888.
Dala on aII olher Chechen diaIecls (Akka, CheberIo, MeIkhi, IlumkaIa, GaIanchozh,
Kisla, Sharo, KhiIdikharo) vere laken from ImnayshviIi 1977.

8. Ingush
The rimary source for Ingush is DzhamaIkhanov-Malsiyev-Ozdoyev 1962. Tvo
olher vaIuabIe sources are Malsiyev-Ozdoyev 1966 and Ozdoyev 1980.

9. Andi
Upper Andi (Andi roer). The basic source is nov lhe vocabuIary conlained in Ki-
brik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990. We used aIso lhe dala from Tserlsvadze 1965 (aIlhough lhere
is no vocabuIary lhere and one has lo ick oul Andi dala from lhe lexl assim), as veII as
(vilh caulion!) Dirr 1903. Ixlensive dala on Andi, as veII as on olher Andian Ianguages,
are conlained in Gudava 1964.
Dala on olher Andi diaIecls (Munib, KvankhidalI) are occasionaIIy found in Gudava
1964 and Tserlsvadze 1965, bul are nol described syslemalicaIIy.

10. olIikh
The vocabuIary of Botlikh roer is laken from Gudava 1962. The Miarsu diaIecl is
nol described syslemalicaIIy (occasionaI forms are laken from ibid. and Gudava 1964).

11. Godoberi
The vocabuIary of Godoberi roer is laken from Saidova 1973. The ZiberkhaIa dia-
Iecl is nol described syslemalicaIIy (occasionaI forms are ciled from Gudava 1964).

10
12. Karala
The basic source for Karata roer is Magomedbekova 1971. OccasionaI dala from
lhe Tokila diaIecl are ciled from Gudava 1964.

13. Akhvakh
Northern Akhvakh: lhe rimary source is Magomedbekova 1967. We aIso used lhe
Akhvakh nominaI recordings conlained in Kibrik-Kodzasov 1990.
VocabuIary of olher diaIecls of Akhvakh (RalIub, Soulhern Akhvakh vilh lhe
sub-diaIecls TIanub and Tsegob) is ralher syslemalicaIIy coIIecled in Magomedbekova
1967, aIso vaIuabIe is, of course, Gudava 1964.

14. agvaIaI
Gemerso diaIecl: lhe basic source is Gudava 1971, as veII as Gudava 1964. olh
books conlain some forms of olher diaIecls: Kvanada, TIondoda-Khushlada,
TIissi-TIibisho.

15. Tindi
Tindi roer: lhe rimary source is Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990 (ve shouId erhas
menlion lhal lhe dala conlained lhere vere coIIecled by lhe aulhors lhemseIves during
lhe MSI exedilion of 1975).
The MSI exedilion aIso coIIecled some vocabuIary of lhe Aknada diaIecl, some
very sarse dala on lhe Angida diaIecl are conlained in Gudava 1964. Hovever, lhere are
no syslemalic recordings, and ve rareIy uliIize lhis informalion in lhe diclionary.

16. ChamaIaI
Lower Gakvari diaIecl: lhe rimary source is Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990, comIe-
menled by okarev 1949. The MSI exedilions aIso coIIecled some vocabuIary of lhe
Ier Gakvari diaIecl (aIlhough il is sliII unubIished), as veII as vocabuIary of lhe more
archaic GigalI diaIecl. Some diaIeclaI dala (from Ier Gakvari, Gadyri, GigalI) are aIso
conlained in okarev 1949 and Gudava 1964.

17. Avar
Khunzakh diaIecl (Iilerary Avar): lhe basic source is Saidov 1967. AIso used vere
Zhirkov 1936, MikaiIov-Saidov 1951, IsIar 1889 (lhe Ialler source acluaIIy describes lhe
SaIalav subdiaIecl of Khunzakh).
Of lhe numerous Soulhern Avar diaIecls onIy lhe Anlsukh diaIecl vas described
more or Iess syslemalicaIIy. We cile ils forms (from lhe ChadakoIob subdiaIecl) from Ki-
brik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990. AII olher Soulhern Avar diaIeclaI forms (for lhe

11
Karakh, AndaIaI, Gid, KeIeb, Inlib, ShuIani diaIecls) are laken from MikaiIov 1959.

18. Tsezi
Kidero diaIecl: mosl Tsezi sources are recorded in Kidero. We do nol nole lhe source
exIicilIy if lhe Tsezi form vas laken from okarev 1959 or ImnayshviIi 1963 (virluaIIy
idenlicaI idioIecls vere recorded), lhe mark Kid. is reserved for lhe forms ciled from Ki-
brik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990, sIighlIy differing from earIier records.
Forms from olher diaIecls (ShailI, Asakh, Shaikh, Sagada) are laken mainIy from
ImnayshviIi 1963.

19. Ginukh
The main source is Iomladze 1963, much informalion is aIso conlained in okarev
1959.

20. Khvarshi
Khvarshi roer: unliI recenlIy lhe basic source vas Sharafuddinova-Ievina 1961,
as veII as some scarce dala in okarev 1959. Hovever, due lo Ramazan Nadzhiov, aII
forms vere checked and many nev forms coIIecled in Khvarshi in summer 1992.
Olher diaIecls (Inkhokvari, KvanlIada, SanlIada) acluaIIy beIong lo Inkhokvari,
vhich ve regard as a dislincl Ianguage, nol a diaIecl of Khvarshi.

21. Inkhokvari
Inkhokvari roer: lhe main source is Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990 (|usl Iike lhe
Tindi dala, lhe nominaI arl of Inkhokvari records vas laken dovn by lhe aulhors dur-
ing lhe 1975 MSI exedilion).
OccasionaI dala from olher diaIecls (KvanlIada, SanlIada) are ciled from okarev
1959.

22. ezhla
Bezhta roer: lhe basic source is Madiyeva 1965, okarev 1959 vas aIso used.
For lhe Khoshar-Khola and TIadaI diaIecls lhe rinciaI source is Kibrik-Kodzasov
1988, 1990.

23. Gunzib
Gunzib roer: lhe basic source is okarev 1961a. Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990 aIso
conlain records of lhe Gunzib diaIecl: forms laken from lhis source are marked

12
Gunz. (forms from okarev 1961a are Iefl unmarked).
OccasionaIIy ve aIso cile unubIished exedilion maleriaIs on lhe Nakhada diaIecl
of Gunzib (very cIose lo Gunzib roer).

24. Iak
Kumukh diaIecl (Iilerary Ianguage): lhe main source is Khaidakov 1962. This dic-
lionary is quile exlensive and lhe forms are veII recorded (excel, unforlunaleIy, IabiaIi-
salion vhich is oorIy noled in mosl sources), so ve used olher sources on Kumukh
(MurkeIinski 1953, IsIar 1890) onIy occasionaIIy.
We frequenlIy use lhe MSI dala (Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990) on lhe Khosrekh dia-
Iecl (more or Iess reguIarIy reserving IabiaIisalion). Forms from aII olher Iak diaIecls
(arlkhi, Vilskhi el aI.) are laken from Khaidakov 1966.

25. Dargva
Akushi diaIecl: aII forms ciled from AbduIIayev 1950.
SyslemalicaIIy recorded are aIso dala of lhe Irakhi diaIecl (caIIed KhrkiIi by IsIar
1892), as veII as dala of lhe Chirag diaIecl (a subdiaIecl of Amukh, recorded in Ki-
brik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990). We shouId nole lhal in some of lhe enlries lhe Irakhi dala are
somelimes adduced, vhen lhe Akushi dala are nol avaiIabIe. A nolalion Iike "Ak. aba
(Ir.)" is equivaIenl lo "Ir. aba". We vere unforlunaleIy nol abIe lo incIude lhe Ialesl
MSI recordings of lhe Megeb diaIecl.
Forms of aII olher diaIecls are basicaIIy ciled from Musayev 1978.

26. Iezghi
Northern diaIecl (Iilerary Iezghi). The main source is TaIibov-Gadzhiyev 1966 (vilh
occasionaI addilions from Gadzhiyev 1951 and, very rareIy, from IsIar 1876). Iilerary
Iezghi is acluaIIy a mixlure of aII Norlhern diaIecls (Gne, Yarki and Kurakh), forms
from lhese diaIecls, vhen allesled, are laken from MeiIanova 1964 and Gaidarov 1963.
Forms from lhe KhIiul subdiaIecl of lhe Akhly diaIecl are ciled from Ki-
brik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990, olher Akhly forms, as veII as forms from olher Soulhern dia-
Iecls (Samur, Kuba) are laken from MeiIanova 1964 and Gaidarov 1963.

27. Tabasaran
Southern diaIecl (Iilerary Tabasaran). The mosl exlensive source is Khanmagome-
dov 1957. We aIso use Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990, conlaining records of lhe Kandik
subdiaIecl of Soulhern Tabasaran (one of lhe aulhors, S. Slaroslin, look arl in coIIecling
lhem in 1974).
For lhe Norlhern diaIecl ve ossess syslemalic MSI recordings of lhe Dbek sub-
diaIecl (Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990) and of lhe Khanag subdiaIecl (IsIar 1979 a
manuscril ubIished more lhan a hundred years afler il vas vrillen). Dala of olher
subdiaIecls can be occasionaIIy found in Magomelov 1965.

13
28. AguI
Keren diaIecl (Richa subdiaIecl): lhe basic source is Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990. The
same source aIso conlains syslemalicaIIy recorded dala of lhe Koshan diaIecl (urshag
subdiaIecl), as veII as nominaI recordings of lhe Gekkhun (urkikhan) and File diaIecls.
VerbaI recordings, as veII as recordings of AguI roer (Tig subdiaIecl) vere aIso done
by lhe MSI exedilions, bul for some reason vere Iefl unubIished.
Olher sources for AguI, lhal ve have used Iess exlensiveIy, are: Dirr 1907 (ralher
oor quaIily of records), Shaumyan 1941 and Magomelov 1970. We aIso used fieId re-
cords of lhe Kurag diaIecl lhal vere kindIy suIied by M. Y. AIekseyev.

29. RuluI
Mukhad diaIecl (Iuchek subdiaIecl): lhe basic source is Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990.
We shouId nole lhal one of lhe aulhors (S. Slaroslin) look arl in coIIecling Iuchek vo-
cabuIary during lhe exedilion of 1974.
Dala of lhe MishIesh subdiaIecl vere kindIy resenled lo us by M. Y. AIekseyev. The
MSI exedilions coIIecled aIso forms from olher diaIecls (Shinaz, Ikhrek, Khnov) vhich
ve use in lhis diclionary aIlhough lhey are sliII unubIished. Hovever, mosl dala from
diaIecls olher lhan Iuchek are laken from Ibragimov 1978 (il is vorlh noling lhal lhe Ial-
ler source conlains aIso some vaIuabIe Tsakhur recordings).

30. Tsakhur
Mikik diaIecl: lhe basic source is Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990. For some reason
Mikik verbs vere Iefl unubIished in lhis edilion, aIlhough lhey vere coIIecled by lhe
MSI exedilion of 1974, ve cile lhem from our cardfiIes.
Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990 resenl aIso a syslemalic descrilion of lhe vocabuIary
of Tsakhur roer, as veII as nouns from lhe GeImels diaIecl.
The onIy olher exisling source of Tsakhur vocabuIary is lhe highIy unreIiabIe vork
by Dirr (Dirr 1913), vhich ve referred nol lo uliIize.

31. Kryz
Kryz roer: dala laken from Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990 (lhe aulhors have lhem-
seIves coIIecled Kryz IexicaI dala during lhe MSI exedilion of 1977).
OccasionaIIy ciled are maleriaIs from lhe AIik diaIecl, coIIecled by lhe same exedi-
lion, bul nol yel ubIished. Olher diaIecls (Dzhek and KhaulIi) vere nol recorded sys-
lemalicaIIy.

32. udukh
AII dala conlained in lhe diclionary vere laken from Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990
and checked vilh MeiIanova 1984.

14
33. Archi
Al resenl lhe mosl aulhorilalive and exlensive source is Kibrik-Samedov 1977. A
fev vords (for some reason Iefl oul of Kibrik-Samedov 1977) vere laken from MikaiIov
1967 and from Dirr 1908 (a highIy unreIiabIe source).

34. Idi
Nidzh diaIecl: lhe basic source is Gukasyan 1974. AII dala vere checked vilh
DzheiranishviIi 1971 and Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990 (ve avoided using lhe highIy unre-
IiabIe recordings of Dirr 1904).
AII forms from lhe Varlashen diaIecl are aIso ciled from Gukasyan 1974.

35. KhinaIug
Al resenl lhe rinciaI source is Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990 (conlaining more dala
and more accuraleIy recorded lhan Kibrik-Kodzasov-OIovyannikova 1972).

AII Hurro-Irarlian dala conlained in lhe diclionary duIicale lhe maleriaIs in Dia-
konoff-Slaroslin 1986 (vilh some minor correclions).

Throughoul lhe lexl of lhe diclionary ve use names of researchers vhiIe ciling
forms from some non-basic sources. FoIIoving convenlions are being observed:

(okarev) slands for okarev 1959 (for aII Tsezian Ianguages)
(okarev) slands for okarev 1949 (for ChamaIaI)
(Gudava) slands for Gudava 1964 (for aII Andian Ianguages)
(Desheriyev) slands for Desheriyev 1953 (for alsbi)
(Ibragimov) slands for Ibragimov 1978 (for RuluI and Tsakhur)
(ImnayshviIi) slands for ImnaishviIi 1963 (for Tsezi)
or for ImnayshviIi 1977 (for aII Nakh Ianguages)
(Isakov) slands for Isakov-KhaIiIov 1986 (for Tsezian)
(Khaidakov) slands for Khaidakov 1973 (for aII IC Ianguages)
(Ieksika) slands for Ieksika 1971 (for aII IC Ianguages)
(Iomladze) slands for Iomladze 1963 (for Ginukh)
(Madiyeva) slands for Madiyeva 1965 (for ezhla)
(Magomelov) slands for Magomelov 1965 (for Tabasaran)
or for Magomelov 1970 (for AguI)
(Marr) slands for Marr 1926 (for Abkhaz)
(Malsiyev) slands for Malsiyev 1932 (for alsbi)
(Radzhibov) slands for Ramazan Radzhibov's records (for Tsezi and Khvarshi)
(Shaumyan) slands for Shaumyan 1941 (for AguI)
(Schiefner) slands for Schiefner 1856 (for alsbi)
(Tserlsvadze) slands for Tserlsvadze 1965 (for Andi)

15
(IsIar) slands for IsIar 1876 (for Iezghi),
for IsIar 1887 (for Abkhaz),
for IsIar 1888 (for Chechen),
for IsIar 1889 (for Avar),
for IsIar 1892 (for Dargva),
for IsIar 1979 (for Tabasaran).

Throughoul lhe lexl of lhe diclionary ve use a unified honelic lranscrilion, de-
veIoed seciaIIy for Caucasian Ianguages. Il is basicaIIy lhe same lranscrilion as in Ki-
brik, Kodzasov 1988, 1990, bul vilh an imorlanl dislinclion: gIollaIized consonanls are
marked vilh a , nol vilh an aoslrohe (monosymboIic vriling Iaces grous gIollaIiza-
lion logelher vilh basic IaryngeaI fealures, such as voice or voiceIessness, and dislin-
guishes il from comIemenlary fealures, Iike lenseness or aIalaIizalion). Whal is Iisled
beIov simuIlaneousIy reresenls lhe aIhabelicaI order acceled in lhe diclionary.
NB: Comuler dala handIing has ils dravbacks. Wilhin lhe vhoIe lexl of lhe dic-
lionary lhe end of lhe vord is lrealed as a seciaI symboI, being lhe Iasl in lhe aIhabel
(lhus, e.g., qa comes afler qai, nol before). When lhis fIav vas discovered, il vas aIready
loo Iale lo reorder aII lhe enlries in lhe diclionary and in lhe indices. The reader shouId
kee in mind lhis ecuIiarily.

gIollaIized IaryngeaI (gIollaI) slo
` same, IabiaIized
\ voiced emhalic IaryngeaI fricalive
\` same, IabiaIized (in Abkhaz aIso aIalaIized)
1 gIollaIized emhalic IaryngeaI slo
1` same, IabiaIized
a back Iov unrounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl
same, bul Iong
fronl Iov unrounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl
same, bul Iong
A some back unrounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
some back shorl unrounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
some back Iong unrounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
b voiced IabiaI slo
b same, aIalaIized
b` same, IabiaIized
b` same, IabiaIized and aIalaIized
b: lense voiced IabiaI slo
c voiceIess (asiraled) hissing affricale
c` voiceIess (asiraled) IabiaIized hissing affricale
voiceIess (asiraled) hissing-hushing ( aIalaIized) affricale
` voiceIess (asiraled) aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
voiceIess (asiraled) denloIabiaIized hissing-hushing affricale
c: lense (unasiraled, bul in Avaro-Andian Ianguages asiraled) hissing affri-
cale
c:` lense (unasiraled, bul in Avaro-Andian Ianguages asiraled)

16
IabiaIized hissing affricale
: lense (unasiraled) hissing-hushing ( aIalaIized) affricale
:` lense (unasiraled) aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
C some consonanl (symboI used in reconslruclions)
( Iax gIollaIized hissing affricale
(` Iax gIollaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
( Iax gIollaIized hissing-siraled) aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
(` Iax gIollaIized aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
( Iax gIollaIized denloIabiaIized hissing-hushing affricale
(: lense gIollaIized hissing affricale
(:` lense gIollaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
voiceIess (asiraled) hushing affricale
` voiceIess (asiraled) IabiaIized hushing affricale
c voiceIess (asiraled) aIalaIized hushing affricale
c` voiceIess (asiraled) aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing affricale
voiceIess (asiraled) denloIabiaIized hushing affricale
: lense (unasiraled) hushing affricale
:` lense (unasiraled) IabiaIized hushing affricale
c: lense (unasiraled) aIalaIized hushing affricale
c:` lense (unasiraled) aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing affricale
: lense (unasiraled) denloIabiaIized hushing affricale
( Iax gIollaIized hushing affricale
(` Iax gIollaIized IabiaIized hushing affricale
( Iax gIollaIized aIalaIized hushing affricale
(` Iax gIollaIized aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing affricale
( Iax gIollaIized denloIabiaIized hushing affricale
(: lense gIollaIized hushing affricale
(:` lense gIollaIized IabiaIized hushing affricale
d voiced denlaI slo
d same, aIalaIized
d` same, IabiaIized
d` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
d: lense voiced denlaI slo
voiced inlerdenlaI fricalive
e fronl mid-Iov unrounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl
same, bul Iong
I some fronl unrounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
some fronl shorl unrounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
some fronl Iong unrounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
o mid mid-Iov unrounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl

17
o same, bul Iong
f voiceIess IabiaI fricalive
f: lense (voiceIess) IabiaI fricalive
g voiced veIar slo
same, aIalaIized
g` same, IabiaIized
` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
g: lense voiced veIar slo (affricale)
G voiced uvuIar slo (affricale)
same, aIalaIized
G` same, IabiaIized
G: lense voiced veIar slo (affricale)
voiced veIar fricalive
same, aIalaIized
` same, IabiaIized
h voiceIess IaryngeaI fricalive
h` same, IabiaIized
H some IaryngeaI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
voiceIess emhalic IaryngeaI fricalive
` same, IabiaIized
voiced IaryngeaI fricalive
` same, IabiaIized
i fronl high unrounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl
same, bul Iong
j aIalaI gIide
I afler any voveI or consonanl signifies haryngeaIizalion
I mid high unrounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
I same, bul shorl
I same, bul Iong
| aIalaI resonanl
k voiceIess (asiraled) veIar slo
same, aIalaIized |in Tindi: aIalaIj
k` same, IabiaIized
k: lense (unasiraled) veIar slo |bul in Avaro-Andian Ianguages excel Tindi
lense veIar affricalej
: same, aIalaIized |in Tindi aIalaIj
k:` same, IabiaIized
:` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
gIollaIized veIar slo
k same, aIalaIized |in Tindi aIalaIj
` same, IabiaIized
k` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
x gIollaIized veIar affricale (symboI used onIy in some inlermediale reconslruc-
lions)

18
: lense gIollaIized veIar affricale
:` same, IabiaIized
K some back (veIar or uvuIar) consonanl (symboI used in reconslruclions)
I IaleraI resonanl
same, aIalaIized
IaleraI resonanl or gIide (symboI used onIy in reconslruclions)
/ voiceIess (asiraled) IaleraI affricale
X same, aIalaIized
/` same, IabiaIized
X` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
/: lense (unasiraled) IaleraI affricale
X: same, aIalaIized
/:` same, IabiaIized
X:` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
X Iax gIollaIized IaleraI affricale
X same, aIalaIized
X` same, IabiaIized
X: lense IaleraI affricale
X same, aIalaIized
X` same, IabiaIized
voiced IaleraI affricale
L same, aIalaIized
` same, IabiaIized
L` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
voiceIess IaleraI fricalive
X same, aIalaIized
` same, IabiaIized
: lense IaleraI fricalive
X: same, aIalaIized
:` same, IabiaIized
X:` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
I voiced IaleraI fricalive
same, aIalaIized
I` same, IabiaIized
m IabiaI nasaI resonanl
same, aIalaIized
n denlaI nasaI resonanl
same, aIalaIized
veIar nasaI resonanl
N some nasaI resonanl (symboI used in reconsslruclions)
o back mid-Iov rounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl

19
same, bul Iong
O some back rounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
some back shorl rounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
some back Iong rounded voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
fronl mid-Iov rounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl
same, bul Iong
voiceIess (asiraled) IabiaI slo
same, aIalaIized
` same, IabiaIized
: lense (unasiraled) IabiaI slo
: same, aIalaIized
:` same, IabiaIized
:` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
gIollaIized IabiaI slo
same, aIalaIized
` same, IabiaIized
P some IabiaI consonanl (symboI used in reconslruclions)
q voiceIess (asiraled) uvuIar affricale
q same, aIalaIized
q` same, IabiaIized
q` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
q: lense (unasiraled) uvuIar slo |bul in Avaro-Andian lense uvuIar affricale,
in some Iezghian Ianguages (RuluI, Shakhdagh) il is funclionaIIy nol lense, bul voiced,
because lhey Iack olher lense consonanls bul acluaIIy ronounced as voiceIess lense
unasiraledj
q: same, aIalaIized
q:` same, IabiaIized
q:` same, IabiaIized and aIalaIized
q Iax gIollaIized uvuIar affricale
q same, aIalaIized
q` same, IabiaIized
q` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
r denlaI vibranl
same, aIalaIized
r` same, IabiaIized
i voiced uvuIar fricalive
i same, aIalaIized
i` same, IabiaIized
i` same, IabiaIized and aIalaIized
R some resonanl (symboI used in reconslruclions, in ProloTsezi-Khvarshi il de-
noles: "eilher r or I")
R voiced haryngeaI fricalive
s voiceIess hissing fricalive

20
s` voiceIess IabiaIized hissing fricalive
voiceIess hissing-hushing ( aIalaIized) fricalive
` voiceIess aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing fricalive
voiceIess denloIabiaIized hissing-hushing fricalive
s: lense hissing fricalive
s:` lense IabiaIized hissing fricalive
: lense hissing-hushing ( aIalaIized) fricalive
:` lense aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
gIollaIized hissing fricalive
s gIollaIized hissing-hushing fricalive
` gIollaIized hissing IabiaIized fricalive
s gIollaIized denloIabiaIized hissing-hushing fricalive
voiceIess hushing fricalive
` voiceIess IabiaIized hushing fricalive
s voiceIess aIalaIized hushing fricalive
s` voiceIess aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing fricalive
voiceIess denloIabiaIized hushing fricalive
: lense hushing fricalive
:` lense IabiaIized hushing fricalive
s: lense aIalaIized hushing fricalive
s:` lense aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing fricalive
: lense denloIabiaIized hushing fricalive
l voiceIess (asiraled) denlaI slo
L same, aIalaIized
l` same, IabiaIized
L` same, IabiaIized and aIalaIized
l: lense (unasiraled) denlaI slo
L: same, aIalaIized
l:` same, IabiaIized
L:` same, IabiaIized and aIalaIized
gIollaIized denlaI slo
same, aIalaIized
` same, IabiaIized
voiceIess inlerdenlaI fricalive
T some denlaI consonanl (symboI used in reconslruclions)
u back high rounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl
i same, bul Iong
fronl high rounded voveI (shorl or irreIevanl as lo lhe Ienglh dislinclion)
same, bul shorl
same, bul Iong
IabiaI gIide
v voiced IabiaI fricalive
V some voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
V some shorl voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)

21
V some Iong voveI (symboI used in reconslruclions)
v IabiaI resonanl
x voiceIess veIar fricalive
x same, aIalaIized
x` same, IabiaIized
x` same, IabiaIized and aIalaIized
x: lense veIar fricalive
x: same, aIalaIized
x:` same, IabiaIized
x:` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
voiceIess uvuIar fricalive
_ same, aIalaIized
` same, IabiaIized
_` same, IabiaIized and aIalaIized
: lense uvuIar fricalive
_: same, aIalaIized
:` same, IabiaIized
_:` same, aIalaIized and IabiaIized
X voiceIess haryngeaI fricalive
z voiced hissing fricalive
z` voiced IabiaIized hissing fricalive
voiced hissing-hushing ( aIalaIized) fricalive
` voiced aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing fricalive
voiced denloIabiaIized hissing-hushing fricalive
voiced hushing fricalive
` voiced IabiaIized hushing fricalive
z voiced aIalaIized hushing fricalive
z` voiced aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing fricalive
voiced denloIabiaIized hushing fricalive
voiced hissing affricale
` voiced IabiaIized hissing affricale
voiced hissing-hushing ( aIalaIized) affricale
` voiced aIalaIized IabiaIized hissing affricale
voiced denloIabiaIized hissing-hushing affricale
voiced hushing affricale
` voiced IabiaIized hushing affricale
voiced aIalaIized hushing affricale
` voiced aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing affricale
voiced denloIabiaIized hushing affricale

In lhe diclionary ve usuaIIy Iefl suerfIuous fealures unmarked. I.g., in aII Iasl
Caucasian Ianguages hushing affricales are honelicaIIy aIalaIized, since lhey are nol
oosed lo non-aIalaIized affricales, ve did nol mark lheir aIalaIizalion. On lhe olher
hand, in Wesl Caucasian Ianguages lhe oosilion in aIalaIizalion belveen affricales is
usuaI, and one has lo mark il carefuIIy.

22
This rinciIe is vioIaled onIy once: in aII Iasl Caucasian Ianguages ve reguIarIy
mark lense affricales vilh a coIon, even if lhey are nol oosed lo Iax ones (lhis concerns,
e.g., lhe affricale q: in mosl Andian Ianguages). We do il in order lo conserve a uniform
lranscrilion (olhervise ve vouId have lo vrile, e.g., Tind. niqi 'road' aIlhough il is
ronounced exaclIy Iike Akhv. niq.i and goes back lo niq.i).
Some addilionaI honemic fealures are nol refIecled in lhe Iisl of honemes re-
senled above:
1) nasaIizalion of voveIs (marked vilh ),
2) haryngeaIizalion of voveIs and consonanls (marked vilh I). IsuaIIy il is ralher
difficuIl lo decide (in any arlicuIar Ianguage lhal ossesses lhis fealure) vhelher il is a
fealure of consonanls, voveIs, or bolh (a rosodic fealure), and lhe decision varies from
Ianguage lo Ianguage (see lhe discussion in Trubelzkoy 1931 and lhe commenls on .
465-473).
3) In Prolo-Norlh Caucasian and Prolo-Iasl Caucasian ve inlroduce a dislinclion,
marked as (underIining) of lhe firsl affricale or fricalive in lhe rool. This is robabIy a
honalionaI fealure Iike lenseness, vhich can be reconslrucled onIy if lhe rool conlains a
fricalive or an affricale (see beIov, . 90-91).
Dynamic accenl is marked by lhe sign , lonaI dislinclions are Iefl unmarked (lhey
sliII avail descrilion).
Morhemic boundaries are usuaIIy marked by a hyhen (-), lhe Iace of inserlion of
lhe variabIe cIass markers is, hovever, marked by lhe symboI .
In comaralive honelic labIes varianls are deIimiled by lhe symboI / if lheir dislri-
bulion is knovn, by lhe symboI if lheir dislribulion is nol discovered. The Ialler symboI
(afler a brackel) aIso inlroduces ossibIe aIlernalive reconslruclions in lhe lexl of lhe dic-
lionary. The symboI belveen honemes is used vhen lhe choice belveen lvo varianls
is uncerlain (because of insufficienl evidence).
In honelic labIes lhe hyhen (-) denoles osilion: lhus, "k-" means "k in iniliaI osi-
lion", "-k-" "k in mediaI osilion", "-k" "k in finaI ossilion". If any lvo osilions are
combined, lhe hyhen is omilled: lhus, lhe exression "k: in non-finaI, k in finaI osilion"
can be noled as "k:-,-k:-,-k" or, shorler, as "k:, -k".

23

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AA Avaro-Andian
Abadz. Abadzekh diaIecl of Kabardian
Abaz. Abaza
Abkh. Abkhaz
Abzh. Abzhui diaIecl of Abkhaz
Ad. Adyghe
Afg. Afgani
Ag. AguI
AK Adyg (Adyg-Kabardian)
Ak. Akushi diaIecl of Dargva
Akhl. Akhly diaIecl of Iezghi
Akhv. Akhvakh
Akk. Akka diaIecl of Chechen
Akkad. Akkadian
Akn. Aknada (Aknada-Angida) diaIecl of Tindi
AI. AIik diaIecl of Kryz
AIyul. AIyulor
Am. Amukh diaIecl of Dargva
Ams. Amsar diaIecl of RuluI
Anch. Anchikh diaIecl of Karala
And. Andi
AndaI. AndaIaI diaIecl of Avar
Anls. Anlsukh diaIecl of Avar
Arab. Arabic
Arak. ArakuI diaIecl of Iak
Arch. Archi
Archo. Archo diaIecl of Karala
Arm. Armenian
Ars. Arsug diaIecl of AguI (subdiaIecl of lhe Koshan diaIecl)
Asakh. Asakh diaIecl of Tsezi
Ashkh. Ashkhar diaIecl of Abaza
Ashl. AshlikuIi diaIecl of Dargva
AT Abkhaz-Taanl

24
Av. Avar
Avesl. Aveslan
Azer. Azeri
acb. alsbi
agv. agvaIaI
aIk. aIkarian
aIkh. aIkhar diaIecl of Iak
arlkh. arlkhi diaIecl of Iak
esI. esIene diaIecl of Kabardian
ezhl. ezhla
olI. olIikh
ud. udukh
urk. urkikhan diaIecl of AguI
ursh. urshag diaIecl of AguI
z. zyb diaIecl of Abkhaz
zhed. zhedug diaIecl of Adyghe
Chab. Chabakori diaIecl of Karala
Chad. ChadakoIob diaIecl of Avar
Cham. ChamaIaI
Chan. Chan
Cheb. CheberIo diaIecl of Chechen
Chech. Chechen
Chir. Chirag diaIecl of AguI
Cush. Cushilic
Dig. Digor diaIecl of Osselian
Db. Dbek diaIecl of Tabasaran
IC Iasl Caucasian
IngI. IngIish
Fi|. Fi| diaIecl of Iezghi
Fil. File diaIecl of AguI
Gad. Gadyri diaIecl of ChamaIaI
Gag. GagalI diaIecl of Andi
GaI. GaIanchozh diaIecl of Chechen
Gash. Gashima diaIecl of Dargva
G Gunzib-ezhla
GeIm. GeImels diaIecl of Tsakhur
Georg. Georgian
Germ. Germanic
Gid. Gid diaIecl of Avar
Gig. GigalI diaIecl of ChamaIaI
Gin. Ginukh
God. Godoberi
Gol. Golhic
Gr. Greek
Gunz. Gunzib
Gn. Gne diaIecl of Iezghi

25
Hebr. Hebrev
Hill. Hillile
HI Hurro-Irarlian
Hung. Hungarian
Hurr. Hurrian
II Indo-Iuroean
Ikhr. Ikhrek diaIecl of RuluI
Ind. Indian (OId Ind. OId Indian)
Ing. Ingush
Inkh. Inkhokvari
Iran. Iranian
Il., Ilumk. IlumkaIa diaIecl of Chechen
Ilsar. Ilsari diaIecl of Dargva
K. Kurag diaIecl of AguI (recorded by M.Y. AIekseev)
Kab. Kabardian (Circassian)
Kad. Kadar diaIecl of Dargva
Kafir. Kafiri
Kail. Kailag diaIecl of Dargva
Kand. Kandik diaIecl of Tabasaran
Kar. Karala
Karakh. Karakh diaIecl of Avar
Keg. Keger diaIecl of Avar (subdiaIecl of AndaIaI)
KeI. KeIeb diaIecl of Avar
Ker. Kere diaIecl of AguI
Kh. KhamailIakh diaIecl of Tsezi
Khak. Khakuchi diaIecl of Adyghe
Khan. Khanag diaIecl of Tabasaran
Khanl. Khanly
Kharb. Kharbuk diaIecl of Dargva
KhiId. KhiIdikharo diaIecl of Chechen
Khin. KhinaIug
Khiv. Khiv diaIecl of Tabasaran
KhI. KhIiul diaIecl of Iezghi
Khn. Khnov diaIecl of RuluI
Khniukh. Khniukh diaIecl of RuluI
Khosh. Khoshar-Khola diaIecl of ezhla
Khosr. Khosrekh diaIecl of Iak
Khu. Khushlada diaIecl of agvaIi
Khud. Khudig diaIecl of AguI
Khu. Khuri diaIecl of Tsezi
Khr. Khrig diaIecl of Tabasaran
Khvarsh. Khvarshi
Kich. Kiche diaIecl of RuluI
Kid. Kidero diaIecl of Tsezi
Kirgh. Kirghiz
Kisl. Kisla diaIecl of Chechen

26
Kosh. Kosha diaIecl of AguI ( ursh.)
Kryz. Kryz
Kub. Kubachi diaIecl of Dargva
Kuba. Kuba diaIecl of Iezghi
Kuban. Kuban diaIecl of Kabardian
KuI. KuIi (Vachi-KuIi) diaIecl of Iak
Kum. Kumyk
Kumukh. Kumukh diaIecl of Iak
Kur. Kurakh diaIecl of Iezghi
Kuyad. Kuyada diaIecl of Avar (subdiaIecl of AndaIaI)
Kvan. Kvanada (Kvanada-Gemerso) diaIecl of agvaIaI
Kvankh. KvankhidalI diaIecl of Andi
Kych. Kychak
Iak. Iak
Ial. Ialin
Iev. IeveI-Iand diaIecl of Chechen
Iezg. Iezghi
I.-Inkh. Iover Inkhida diaIecl of Karala
I.-Gakv. Iover Gakvari diaIecl of ChamaIaI
Iil. Iilhuanian
Iuch. Iuchek diaIecl of RuluI
Mans. Mansi
Mar. Mari
Mashl. Mashlada diaIecl of Karala
Meg. Megeb diaIecl of Dargva
Megr. MegreI
Mek. Mekeg diaIecl of Dargva
MeIkh. MeIkha diaIecl of Chechen
Miar. Miarsu diaIecl of olIikh
Migr. Migrakh diaIecl of Iezghi
Mik. Mikik diaIecl of Tsakhur
MishI. MishIesh diaIecl of Tsakhur
Mong. MongoIian
Mord. Mordva
Mozd. Mozdok diaIecl of Kabardian
M.-Pers. MiddIe Persian
MSI MaleriaIs of lhe exedilions of lhe Moscov Slale Iniversily
Mug. Mugi diaIecl of Dargva
Muir. Muiri diaIecl of Dargva
Mukh. Mukhad diaIecl of RuluI
Mukhakh. Mukhakh diaIecl of Tsakhur
Mun. Munib diaIecl of Andi
Mkhr. Mkhrek diaIecl of RuluI
Mr. Mregi diaIecl of Dargva
Nakh. Nakhada diaIecl of Gunzib

27
N.-Akhv. Norlhern Akhvakh
NC Norlh Caucasian
Nidzh. Nidzh diaIecl of Idi
Nl. Nlg diaIecl of Iezghi
Obokh. Obokh diaIecl of Avar (subdiaIecl of AndaIaI)
Ossel. Osselian
PAA Prolo-Avaro-Andian
PAK Prolo-Adyghe-Kabardian
PAT Prolo-Abkhaz-Taanl
PG Prolo-Gunzib-ezhla
PIC Prolo-Iasl Caucasian
Pers. Persian
Pharch. Pharcho diaIecl of Chechen
PHI Prolo-Hurro-Irarlian
PII Prolo-Indo-Iuroean
PK Prolo-KarlveIian
PI Prolo-Iezghian
PNC Prolo-Norlh Caucasian
PoI. PoIish
PT Prolo-Turkic
PTsKh Prolo-Tsez-Khvarshi
PWC Prolo-Wesl Caucasian
Rach. RachabaIdi diaIecl of Karala
RalI. RalIub diaIecl of Akhvakh
Rals. RalsilI diaIecl of Karala
Rich. Richa diaIecl of AguI
Rikv. Rikvani diaIecl of Andi
Russ. Russian
Rul. RuluI
S.-Akhv. Soulhern Akhvakh
Sag. Sagada diaIecl of Tsezi
Samurz. Samurzakan diaIecl of Abkhaz
SanlI. SanlIada diaIecl of Inkhokvari
Scylh. Scylhian
Sem. Semilic
Sh. ShailI diaIecl of Tsezi
Shangud. Shangud diaIecl of Avar
Shas. Shasug diaIecl of Adyghe
Shar. Sharo diaIecl of Chechen
Shin. Shinaz diaIecl of RuluI
Shugn. Shugnan
ShuI. ShuIani diaIecl of Avar
Sirg. SirgokaIa diaIecl of Dargva
SIav. SIavic
Sogd. Sogdian
Sum. Sumerian

28
Svan. Svan
Tab. Tabasaran
Ta. Taanl diaIecl of Abaza
Tal. Talar
Tem. Temirgoi diaIecl of Adyghe
Tind. Tindi
TIad. TIadaI diaIecl of ezhla
TIan. TIanub diaIecl of Akhvakh
TIis. TIissi (TIissi-TIibisho) diaIecl of agvaIaI
TIond. TIondoda (TIondoda-Khushlada) diaIecl of agvaIaI
Tok. Tokila diaIecl of Karala
Tokh. Tokharian
T. Tig diaIecl of AguI
Tsakh. Tsakhur
Tseg. Tsegob diaIecl of Akhvakh
Tsez. Tsezi (Dido)
Tsirkh. Tsirkhe diaIecl of AguI
TsKh Tsezi-Khvarshi
Tsud. Tsudakhar diaIecl of Dargva
Turk. Turkish
Ib. Ibykh
Id. Idi
Idm. Idmurlian
I.-Gakv. Ier Gakvari diaIecl of ChamaIaI
Ikr. Ikranian
IIz. IIzig diaIecl of Tabasaran
Inl. Inlib diaIecl of Avar
Ir. Irakhi diaIecl of Dargva
Irarl. Irarlian
Varl. Varlashen diaIecl of Idi (basic diaI.)
Ved. Vedeno diaIecl of Chechen
Ves. Ves
VikhI. VikhIi diaIecl of Iak
Vilskh. Vilskhi diaIecl of Iak
WC Wesl Caucasian
Yark. Yarki diaIecl of Iezghi
Zak. ZakalaI diaIecl of Avar
Zan. Zan
Zib. ZibirkhaIi diaIecl of Godoberi
ZiI. ZiIo diaIecl of Andi

Names of roloIanguages are usuaIIy abbrevialed as PWC, PIC, PI elc. Hovever, in
elymoIogicaI headings ve use "W.-Cauc." for PWC, "Nakh." for PN, "Av.-And." for PAA,
"Tsez." for PTs, "Darg." for PD and "Iezg." for PI.

29

LITERATURE

The Iileralure Iisled beIov serves onIy for reference uroses: ve do nol inlend lo
give a comIele bibIiograhy of comaralive Norlh Caucasian sludies.

Abayev 1958: . . . -
. . 1 -, 1958, . 2 , 1973, . 3 ,
1979, . 4 , 1989.
Abdokov 1976: . . . -
- - . , 1976.
Abdokov 1983: . . . -
. , 1983.
AbduIIayev 1950: . . . - . , 1950.
Acharyan: . . , .
I-VII. , 1926-1935.
AIekseyev 1985: . . . - -
. , 1985.
AIekseyev 1988: . . . - -
- . , 1988.
AIiroyev 1975: . . . H . -
- , . II, , 1975, . 159-165.
Ardzinba 1979: . . . H -
- . , III. , 1979.
Ardzinba 1985: . . . . ,
1985.
AsIanov 1975: . . . . In: -
- , . 2. , 1975.
aIkarov 1964: . . . -
. In: - H-
, XX. H, 1964.
aIkarov 1965: . . . . H,
1965.
aIkarov 1969: . . . - . In: "
- -
." , 1969.
aIkarov 1970: . . . (-
- ). H, 1970.
aIkarov 1975: . . . -
. - -
- , . XXVII. , 1975.

30
gazhba 1948: . . ( )
. - , . II. , 1948.
gazhba 1964a: . . ( ). - . -
1964.
gazhba 1964: . . . . , 1964.
ichoyev-Kardanov 1955: . . , . . . --
- . , 1955.
okarev 1949: . . . . -
-, 1949.
okarev 1959: . . . () . , 1959.
okarev 1961: . . . -
. , 1961.
okarev 1961: . . . . In: -
- . , 1961.
okarev 1967: . . . . In: , . 4
(- ), , 1967 (. 472-487).
okarev 1981: . . . - -
. , 1981.
ork 1907: F. ork. eilrge zur Kaukasischen Srachvissenschafl. T. 1. Kaukasische
MiszeIIen. Knigberg 1907.
ouda 1948: K. ouda. askisch und Kaukasisch. In: Zeilschrifl fr Phonelik und
aIIgemeine Srachvissenschafl, }g. 2, H. 3-4, 1948.
ouda 1950: K. ouda. eilrge zur elymoIogischen Irforschung des Georgischen.
"Iingua", voI. 11,3. HaarIem, 1950.
ouda 1960: K. ouda. IlymoIogies oubykh. }ournaI Asialique, CCIXVIII, 1960.
Deelers 1957: G. Deelers. emerkungen zu K. ouda's "Sdkaukasisch-nord-
kaukasischen IlymoIogien". In: Die WeIl des Orienls, Gllingen 1957.
Charaya 1912: . . . -
, 1912.
Chikobava 1953: . . .
bvar-i, samxar-i "". - , . V, 1953.
Deelers 1963: G. Deelers. Die kaukasische Srachen. In: "Handbuch der OrienlaI-
islik", d. 7. Ieiden-KIn 1963.
Desheriyev 1953: . . . . , 1953.
Desheriyev 1953: . . . . , 1953.
Diakonoff-Slaroslin 1986: I. M. Diakonoff, S. A. Slaroslin. Hurro-Irarlian as an
Iaslern Caucasian Ianguage. Mnchen, 1986.
Dirr 1903: . . . -
, . , 1903.
Dirr 1904: . . . . , 1904.
Dirr 1907: . . . . , 1907.
Dirr 1908: . . . . , 1908.
Dirr 1913: . . . . , 1913.
DumeziI 1931: G. DumeziI. Ia Iangue des Oubykhs. Paris, 1931.
DumeziI 1932: G. DumeziI. Iludes comaralives sur Ies Iangues caucasiennes du
Nord-Ouesl (morhoIogie). Paris, 1932.

31
DumeziI 1933: G. DumeziI. Inlroduclion a Ia grammaire comaree des Iangues cau-
casiques du Nord. Paris, 1933.
DumeziI 1938: G. DumeziI. Racines oubykhs el lcherkesses a u-refixe. In: SI, 1938,
l. 39, fasc. 1 (No 115), Paris 1938.
DumeziI 1959: G. DumeziI. Iludes oubykhs. In: ibIiolheque archeoIogique el his-
lorique de I'Inslilul Francais d'ArcheoIogie d'IslanbuI, VII. Paris, 1959.
DumeziI 1963: G. DumeziI. Caucasique du Nord-Ouesl el arIers scylhiques. In: "Is-
lilulo orienlaIe di NaoIi. AnnaIi. Sezione Iinguislica", V, dicembre 1963. Roma, 1963.
DumeziI 1965: G. DumeziI. Documenls analoIiens sur Ies Iangues el Ies lradilions du
Caucase, III. NouveIIes Iludes Oubykh. Paris, 1965.
DumeziI 1971: G. DumeziI. asque el Caucasique du Nord-Ouesl. Ixamen des ra-
rochemenls Iexicaux recemmenl rooses. }ournaI Asialique, 1971, CCIIX, fasc. 1 el 2.
DumeziI 1975: G. DumeziI. AnaIysse el comaraison en Iinguislique caucasique. In:
"MeIanges Iinguisliques offerls a ImiIe envenisle". Paris, 1975.
DumeziI-Isen 1975: G. DumeziI, T. Isen. Ie verbe oubykh. Iludes descrilives el
comaralives. Paris, 1975.
Dybo 1977: . . .
. In: H . ,
1977, . 41-45.
Dybo 1989: . . . -
. In: - -
. , 1989.
DzhamaIkhanov-Malsiyev-Ozdoyev 1962: . . , . . , . .
. -- . 1962.
Dzhanashia 1954: . H. . - . , 1954.
Dzhanashia 1959: - () . -
- , I. In: . H. . , III. , 1959.
DzhavakhishviIi 1930-1934: . . . -
, . 1. , 1930, . 2 , 1934.
DzhavakhishviIi 1937: . . .
, . II. .
, 1937 (in Georgian).
DzheiranishviIi 1971: . . . . , 1971 (
).
Fhnrich 1972: H. Fhnrich. RegeImssige Phonemenlsrechungen in den abcha-
sisch-adygischen Srachen und einige emerkungen zum karlveIischen Worlschalz.
"WissenschaflIiche Zeilschrifl", }g. 21, H. 5/6, }ena 1972.
Gadzhiyev 1951: . . . - . , 1951.
Gan 1909: . . . . In:
, 1909, . XI, .
III.
Gasanova 1971: . . . . ,
1971.
Gaydarov 1963: . . . I . , 1963.
Genko 1930: . . . In: " -
H ", . V, , 1930.
GigineyshviIi 1977: . . .

32
. , 1977.
GoniashviIi 1940: . , -
. In: " ", . V-VI. , 1940.
Gonov 1956: . . , . . , . . , . . , H. . ,
. . , H. . , . . . - . , 1956.
Gudava 1954: . . . -
. In: " H . ", . XV, No 10. , 1954.
Gudava 1962: . . . ( , ,
). , 1962 (in Georgian: olIixuri ena).
Gudava 1964: . . . . , 1964.
Gudava 1971: . . . : -
. , 1971 (in Georgian: agvaIuri ena).
Gudava 1979: . . . - -
. , 1979.
Gukasyan 1974: . -. -- .
1974.
Horn 1893: P. Horn. Grundriss der neuersischen IlymoIogie. Slrassburg, 1893.
Ibragimov 1978: . . . . , 1978.
IIIich-Svilych 1965: . . -. Caucasica. In: 1964. ,
1965.
ImnayshviIi 1963: . . .
. , 1963.
ImnayshviIi 1977: . . . - -
. , 1977.
Isakov-KhaIiIov 1986: . . , M. . .
. In: : -
. , 1986.
Ivanov 1985: . . . -
. , , 1985 (. 26-59).
Kadagidze 1984: . H. , H. . . ---
- . , 1984.
Kakhadze 1973: . . .
. , 1983 ( . .).
Kakhadze 1973: . . . H
. -oe o, .
XVIII, , 1973.
Karasayev-Malsiyev 1978: . . , . . . - -
. , 1978.
Kardanov 1957: - ( . .
). , 1957.
Kavlaradze 1972: . . .
- . In: , (142). -
, 1972.
Kerasheva-Khalanov 1960: . . , . . .
. , 1960.
Khaidakov 1962: . . . - . , 1962.
Khaidakov 1966: . . . . , 1966.
Khaidakov 1973: . . . -

33
. , 1973.
Khaidakov 1975: . . .
. In: - , II, , 1975.
Khanmagomedov 1957. . (). -
. , 1957.
Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988: . . , . . .
. . , 1988.
Kibrik-Kodzasov 1990: . . , . . .
. . . , 1990.
Kibrik-Kodzasov-OIovyannikova 1972: . . , . . , . . -
. . , 1972.
Kibrik-Kodzasov-Slaroslin 1978: A. Kibrik, S. Kodzasov, S. Slaroslin. Word rosody
in Dageslan Ianguages. In: Islonian aers in honelics, TaIIinn 1978.
Kibrik-Samedov 1977: . . , . . , . . , . .
. . . 1-4. , 1977.
KIimov 1964: . . . .
, 1964.
KIimov 1967: . . . - . I ( ).
1965. , 1967.
KIimov 1969: . . . -- -
. 1967. , 1969.
KIimov 1971: . . . (1-8). 1968. -
, 1971.
KIimov 1972: . . .
- . 1970. , 1972.
KnobIoch 1958: }. KnobIoch. Iin kaukasisches Iehnvorl in den kIassischen Srachen.
"Die Srache", 1958, IV.
Kondzharia 1969: . . .
. , 1969.
Kuiers 1963: A. H. Kuiers. Prolo-Circassian PhonoIogy: An Issay in Reconslruc-
lion. Sludia Caucasica I. The Hague, 1963.
Kuiers 1975: A. H. Kuiers. A Diclionary of Prolo-Circassian Rools.
Iisse/NelherIands, 1975.
Kumakhov 1964: . . . . -
- , I. , 1964.
Kumakhov 1981: . . . - -
() . , 1981.
Iafon 1952: R. Iafon. QueIques rarochemenls enlre Ies Iangues caucasiques du
Nord el Ies karlveIes. "Iludes basques el caucasiques". SaIamanca, 1952.
Iafon 1964: R. Iafon. ComIemenls a un arlicIe sur Ies consonnes IaleraIes dans Ies
Iangues caucasiques. "edi KarlIisa. Revue de karlveIoIogie", voI. XVII-XVIII (No 45-46).
Paris, 1964.
Iafon 1966: R. Iafon. Noles de honelique comaree des Iangues caucasiques du
Nord-Ouesl. "edi KarlIisa. Revue de karlveIoIogie", voI. XXI-XXII (No 50-51). Paris, 1966.
Ieksika 1971: - . ,
1971.
Iomladze 1963: . . . . , 1963.
Iomlalidze 1944: . . . .

34
, 1944.
Iomlalidze 1955: . . . H
- . (
- ). In: H . , . XVI, No 10. , 1955.
Iomlalidze 1956: . . . qa "", "-
" . , . XXVII, 1956.
Iomlalidze 1961: . . .
. In: H .
, . XXVI, No 1. , 1961.
Iomlalidze 1964: . . . -
- . , 1964.
Iomlalidze 1966: . . .
- . In: -
- , . XV, , 1966.
Iomlalidze 1976: . . . -
, I. , 1976.
Madiyeva 1965: . . . .
, 1965.
Magomedbekova 1967: . . . :
, , . , 1967.
Magomedbekova 1971: . . . : -
, , . , 1971.
Magomelov 1965: . . . . , 1965.
Magomelov 1966: . . .
. - , , 1966,
. XV.
Magomelov 1970: . . . . , 1970.
Marr 1926: H. . . - . , 1926.
Malsiyev 1932: . . . -- . , 1932.
Malsiyev 1961: . . . - . , 1961.
Malsiyev-Ozdoyev 1966: . . , . . . --
. , 1966.
MeiIanova 1964: . . . . ,
1964.
MeiIanova 1984: . . . - . , 1984.
Meszaros 1934: }. Meszaros. Die Pkhy-Srache. Chicago, 1934.
MikaiIov 1959: . . . . -
-, 1959.
MikaiIov 1967: . . . . , 1967.
MikaiIov-Saidov 1951: . . , . . . - .
, 1951.
MurkeIinskiy 1953: . . . - . , 1953.
Musayev 1978: .-. . . -
- . , 1978.
NikoIayev 1984: . . H. H " + -
" . In: . , 1984.
NikoIayev 1985: . . H.

35
. In: , , 1985.
Nogma 1956: . . H. . H, 1956.
Ozdoyev 1980: . . . - . , 1980.
RadIov 1-4: . . . . 1-4,
- 1893-1911.
Rogava 1956: . . .
() . , 1956.
Rogava 1958: . . . .
In: . , . XX, No 5. , 1958.
Rogava 1959: . . . - -
. In: - , . XI. , 1959.
Saidov 1967: . . - . , 1967.
Saidova 1973: . . . ( , -
, ). , 1973.
Schiefner 1856: A. A. Schiefner. Versuch ber die Thusch-Srache oder die khislische
Mundarl in Thuschelien. Sl.-Pelersburg, 1856.
Schmidl 1950: G. Schmidl. Abchasische Iehnvorlsludien. "Sludia OrienlaIia", XIV, 4.
HeIsinki, 1950.
Shagirov I, 2: . . . ()
, . 1-2, , 1977.
ShakryI 1968: . . . H
- . , 1968.
ShakryI-Kondzharia 1986-1987: . . , . . . -
. 1986-1987.
Sharafuddinova-Ievina 1961: . , . .
( ). In: - .
, 1961.
Shaumyan 1941: . . . ,
1941.
SommerfeIl 1938: A. SommerfeIl. Iludes comaralives sur Ie caucasique du
Nord-Isl, Norsk Tidsskrifl for Srogvidenska, d. 9: 115-143.
Slaroslin 1975a: . . . -
(). In: -
: , , . , 1975.
Slaroslin 1975: . . .
. .
Slaroslin 1978: S. A. Slaroslin. PreIiminary remarks on accenl corresondences be-
lveen some Ianguages of Dageslan. In: Islonian aers in honelics, TaIIinn 1978, .
88-91.
. In: (, , ,
), , 1982, . 144-237.
. In: , , 1985.
Slaroslin 1987: . . . H. .
, .: . . , , , 1987,
. 437-473.
Slaroslin 1988: . . . - . In:

36
( ), , 1988, . 112-163.
TaIibov 1960b: . . . -
. In: . -,
1960.
TaIibov 1960: . . . -
. In: , . VII, 1960.
TaIibov 1972: . . . -
. In: -
. , 1972.
TaIibov 1980: . . . . -
, 1980.
TaIibov-Gadzhiyev 1966: . . , . . . - -
. , 1966.
Trombelli 1923: A.Trombelli, IIemenli di gIolloIogia. oIogna, 1923.
Trubelzkoy 1922: Trubelzkoy N. S. Ies consonnes IaleraIes des Iangues Cau-
casiques-SelenlrionaIes. uIIelin de Ia Sociele de Iinguislique. T. 23 (N 72). Paris, 1922,
. 184-204. Russian lransIalion: ,
.: . . , , , 1987, . 233-247.
Trubelzkoy 1926: Trubelzkoy N. S. Sludien auf dem Gebiele der vergIeichenden
IaulIehre der Nordkaukasischen Srachen. I. Caucasica, fasc. 3, Ieizig 1926, S. 7-36.
Russian lransIalion: -
, ibid., . 247-270.
Trubelzkoy 1929: Trubelzkoy N. S. Noles sur Ies desinences du verbe dans Ies Ian-
gues lchelchenoIesghiennes (caucasiques-orienlaIes). SI, 29, 1929, . 152-171.
Russian lransIalion: -
() , ibid., . 324-343.
Trubelzkoy 1930: Trubelzkoy N. S. Nordkaukasische WorlgIeichungen. Wiener
Zeilschrifl fr die Kunde des MorgenIandes. d. XXXVII, Hefl 2. Wien, 1930. Russian
lransIalion: , ibid., . 271-282. Trubelzkoy
1931: Trubelzkoy N. S. Die Konsonanlensysleme der oslkaukasischen Srachen. Cau-
casica, fasc. 8, Ieizig, 1931. Russian lransIalion: -
, ibid., . 283-323.
Tserlsvadze 1965: . . . :
. , 1965 (in Georgian: Andiuri ena).
Tugov 1967: . . (). - . , 1967.
IsIar 1876: . . . . , 1876.
IsIar 1887: . . . . , 1887.
IsIar 1888: . . . . , 1888.
IsIar 1889: . . . . , 1889.
IsIar 1892: . . . . , 1892.
IsIar 1979: . . . . , 1979.
Vasmer 1-4: . . . . 1-4, -
, 1986.
Vinogradova-KIimov 1979: . . , . . .
. 1977. , 1979.
Vodozhdokov 1960: . . (). - .

37
, 1960.
Vogl 1963: H. Vogl. Diclionnaire de Ia Iangue oubykh. OsIo 1963.
WaIde-Pokorny: A. WaIde. VergIeichendes Wrlerbuch der indogermanischen
Srachen. Heraussgegeben und bearbeilel von }. Pokorny. Ieizig, 1927-1932.
YakovIev 1941: . . , . . -
. -, 1941.
YakovIev 1948: H. . . -
- . -, 1948.
Zhirkov 1936: . . . - . , 1936.

38

INTRODUCTION

A !cscripiicn cj i|c ccnparaiitc p|cnc|cgq cj i|c Ncri| Caucasian |anguagcs

The famiIy of Norlh Caucasian Ianguages is a dislincl vhile sol on lhe Iinguislic
ma of lhe OId WorId. Desile lhe resence of a number of quile vaIuabIe vorks (slarl-
ing vilh lhose of N. S. Trubelskoy |Trubelskoy 1922, 1926, 1929, 1930, 1931j, lhen Y. A.
okarev, |okarev 1961, 1981j, T. Gudava |Gudava 1964, 1979j, . GigineyshviIi |Gigi-
neyshviIi 1977j, A. Kuiers |Kuiers 1963, 1975j and olhers), ve can cerlainIy slale lhal
u lo lhe resenl lhere is no common nolion of lhe originaI honoIogic slruclure of
Prolo-Norlh Caucasian. This is lhe resuIl of severaI faclors (nol lhe Ieasl of vhich is lhe
exlreme comIexily of honelic and honoIogicaI syslems of lhe regarded Ianguages),
bul lhe main reason seems lo be lhe Iack of any ancienl vrillen lradilion of lhe Norlh
Caucasian Ianguages. InliI recenlIy lhe maller vas aggravaled by insufficienl descri-
lion of honelic, morhoIogicaI and IexicaI syslems of many Norlh Caucasian Ianguages,
bul nov lhis ga may be considered virluaIIy fiIIed (lhanks lo lhe aclive vork of re-
searchers during lhe Iasl lvenly years, and mainIy lo lhe syslemalic fieId research of lhe
Dearlmenl of SlrucluraI and AIied Iinguislics of lhe Moscov Iniversily under lhe
guidance of A. Y. Kibrik and S. V. Kodzasov vho kindIy rovided lhe aulhors of lhis
vork vilh lhe exedilion maleriaIs concerning a number of IillIe knovn Ianguages (ub-
Iished Ialer as |Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990j).
The absence of ancienl Ianguages a naluraI resource for reconslruclion can be
comensaled for in lvo vays. The firsl melhod is lo choose a number of modern Ian-
guages as lhe basis for reconslrucling lhe roloIanguage of lhe vhoIe famiIy, lhe dala
from olher Ianguages are incIuded in lhe aIready discovered rovs of corresondences
aflervards. This melhod is cerlainIy accurale al lhe firsl slage of research, and is lherefore
used in lhe vorks of N. S. Trubelskoy, Y. A. okarev and . GigineyshviIi. ul more
referabIe eseciaIIy if lhe Ianguages of lhe famiIy are veII sludied vouId be an-
olher melhod, nameIy, lhe reconslruclion (as fuII and adequale as ossibIe) of severaI
inlermediale roloIanguages and, onIy aflervards, of lhe iniliaI syslem. Here inlermedi-
ale roloIanguages sland for lhe missing oId Ianguages, besides, since in lhis case lhe
dala of aII lhe Ianguages are considered, lhe reconslrucled slale of lhe Ianguage viII in-
evilabIy be more lruslvorlhy lhan in lhe firsl case assuming lhal one uses correcl
melhods of reconslruclion.

39
This vork uses lhe foIIoving inlermediale reconslruclions:
1) Prolo-Wesl Caucasian (PWC). The roer Wesl Caucasian reconslruclion is based
on lhe reconslruclion of lvo inlermediale roloIanguages: Prolo-Abkhaz-Taanl (PAT)
and Prolo-Adyghe-Kabardian (PAK), vilh due regard for lhe dala of lhe lhird branch of
lhe Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, Ibykh. The reconslruclion of PWC lhal is used in lhis
vork vas comIeled by S. A. Slaroslin on lhe basis of his ovn reconslruclion of PAT
(vilh accounl of avaiIabIe vorks, lhose of K. V. Iomlalidze |Iomlalidze 1944, 1964, 1976j
in arlicuIar), and of A. Kuiers' reconslruclion of PAK (see |Kuiers 1963j).
2) Prolo-Nakh (PN). The reconslruclion of lhe PN honoIogic syslem has been done
by S. I. NikoIaev, vilh accounl of lhe vork of D. ImnayshviIi |ImnayshviIi 1977j.
3) Prolo-Andian (PA). WhiIe reconslrucling lhe PA syslem ve based our vork com-
IeleIy uon lhe exceIIenl reconslruclion of Prolo-Andian consonanlism, comIeled by T.
Gudava |Gudava 1964j. SingIe correclions and lhe reconslruclion of PA vocaIism vere
made by S. I. NikoIaev.
4) Prolo-Tsezian (PTs). The reconslruclion of lhe PTs honoIogic syslem vas com-
Ieled by S. I. NikoIaev and vas based on lhe reconslruclion of lvo inlermediale rolo-
Ianguages: lhe Prolo-Tsezian-Khvarshi (PTsKh) and lhe Prolo-Gunzib-ezhla (PG), aIso
done by S. I. NikoIaev. The aulhor onIy arlIy used lhe corresondences of Y. A. oka-
rev's cIassic vork |okarev 1959j, and his reconslruclion seriousIy differs from lhe PTs
reconslruclion suggesled in lhe oslhumous edilion of lhe vork of T. Gudava |Gudava
1979j.
5) Prolo-Dargva (PD). The iniliaI reconslruclion of lhe Prolo-Dargva syslem vas
done by M. Ishlein on lhe basis of fieId maleriaIs, coIIecled and reared by I. O.
OIovyannikova during lhe Caucasian exedilions of lhe Dearlmenl of SlrucluraI and
AIied Iinguislics of lhe Moscov Iniversily. This vork uses lhis reconslruclion (vilh
some correclions by S. I. NikoIaev).
6) Prolo-Iezghian (PI). The reconslruclion of lhe Prolo-Iezghian syslem has been
comIeleIy done by S. A. Slaroslin. Ils main issues and differences from lhe Ialer ub-
Iished reconslruclion of . . TaIibov |TaIibov 1980j are reIaled beIov (see . 122-179),
see aIso |AIekseyev 1985j.
7) Prolo-Iasl Caucasian (PIC). The reconslruclion of lhe PIC honoIogic syslem has
been accomIished |oinlIy by lhe aulhors of lhis vork on lhe basis of comarison of lhe
above menlioned roloIanguages and aIso of lhree modern Ianguages Iak, Avar and
KhinaIug lhal are laxonomicaIIy oulside lhe Iisled genelic unils. Some asecls of lhe
PIC reconslruclion resembIe or coincide vilh lhe resuIls of lhe reconslruclions of N. S.
Trubelskoy, I. A. okarev and . K. GigineyshviIi, bul lhe number of differences sur-
asses lhe number of resembIances (nol menlioning lhe facl lhal quile a Iol of asecls,
such as lhe reconslruclion of vocaIism or of lhe IaryngeaI syslem, are nol regarded al aII
by lhe aulhors named above).

WhiIe comaring lhe reconslrucled PIC and PWC syslems il became cIear lhal lhe
second syslem can be aImosl comIeleIy deduced from lhe firsl (see beIov for some ex-
celions from lhis ruIe). Thus lhe finaIIy oblained Prolo-Norlh Caucasian

40
(PNC) honoIogic syslem virluaIIy coincides vilh lhe PIC, al Ieasl on loday's IeveI of our
knovIedge. Therefore, for raclicaI uroses, ve shaII oerale beIov vilh lhe WC Ian-
guages as if lhey vere arl of lhe Iasl Caucasian famiIy (lhough lhis is sureIy vrong
from a laxonomic oinl of viev). AIready afler lhe aulhors comIeled lhe PNC recon-
slruclion, lhere aeared nev evidence for lhe facl lhal lhe Halli and lhe Hurro-Irarlian
Ianguages, IocaIised in ancienl Asia Minor, are reIaled lo lhe Norlh Caucasian Ianguage
famiIy (see lhe vorks |Ardzinba 1979, Ivanov 1985, Diakonoff-Slaroslin 1986j). Hovever,
ve do nol use lheir evidence in lhis vork: because of ils fragmenlalion lhey sliII do nol
offer much for lhe PNC reconslruclion.
Of course, lhe delaiIed accounl of lhe reconslruclion of aII inlermediale roloIan-
guages menlioned above couId nol fil vilhin lhe Iimils of one book (lhe manuscril of
lhe PI reconslruclion aIone lakes aboul 500 lyevrillen ages). Wilhin lhe Iimils of lhis
vork ve Ian lo give onIy lhe labIes of honelic corresondences vilh a minimum of
necessary commenlary.

1. Phonetic tables.

1.1. From PNC to the intermediate (proto)languages.

eIov ve viII insecl lhe refIexes of lhe PNC honemes in PIC (and furlher in PN,
Avar, PA, PTs, Iak, PD, KhinaIugh and PI) and in PWC. The dala of Avar, Iak and Khi-
naIugh are given in lheir modern shae (for Prolo-Avar and Prolo-Iak il vouId aIso be
ossibIe lo give lhe forms, reconslrucled on lhe basis of modern diaIecls, bul lhe diaIecls
of Avar and Iak resecliveIy form very comacl genelic unilies, and such a reconslruc-
lion vouId nol be very informalive).

1.1.1. Consonanlism
For PNC lhe foIIoving syslem of consonanls is reconslrucled:

Voiceless
occlusives
Voiced
occlusives
Glottalized
occlusives
Voiceless
fricatives
Voiced
fricatives
Reso-
nants
Nasal
resonants
Glides
Labials b f v m
Dentals l d r n |
Hissing c ( s z
Hushing (
Palatal
(hissing-
hushing)
(
Lateral / X I,
Velar k g x
Uvular q G q i
Laryngeals h
Emphatic
laryngeals
1 \

41
Tvo more very rare voiced fricalives are reconslrucled for PIC (IaleraI I and veIar
), as veII as lhe suosedIy inlerdenlaI fricalives and :. These honemes have no
corresondences in PWC, and lheir exislence in PNC is dubious. In facl, il is ossibIe
honoIogicaIIy lo lreal v, r and I as voiced fricalives, and , |, resecliveIy as
resonanls (lhus avoiding lhe reconslruclion of gIides aIlogelher).
The lyicaI fealures of lhe PNC consonanlism vere:
a) lhe abiIily of aII consonanls excel lhe IabiaIs and resonanls lo be combined vilh
lhe foIIoving resonanl v. We do nol regard lhese combinalions on lhe PNC IeveI as Iabi-
aIized honemes, lhis vouId Iead lo osluIaling loo many (a lyoIogicaIIy unIikeIy
number) honemes for PNC. Hovever, since in some descendanl Ianguages lhe 'v' com-
binalions deveIo secificaIIy and, as a ruIe, are lransformed inlo monohonemic se-
quences, il seems convenienl lo regard lhem in lhe labIes logelher vilh simIe honemes.
b) lhe resence in affricale series (hushing, hissing, aIalaI, IaleraI, as veII as veIar
and uvuIar) of lhe so-caIIed "geminales", vhich viII be marked beIov by underIining re-
seclive honemes (, , , and so on). For lhese consonanls on lhe PNC IeveI lhe mono-
honemic lrealmenl is aIso inconvenienl (for lhe same reason as for lhe IabiaIized ones),
moreover, lhere are reasons lo suose lhal lhe oosilion of "geminaled" and "non-
geminaled" consonanls iniliaIIy had a rosodic nalure (see beIov). The PNC geminales
viII aIso be Iaced in lhe labIes logelher vilh simIe honemes, because lhey reguIarIy
give monohonemic refIexes in descendendanl Ianguages.
In lhe labIes hyhens mark refIexes in differenl osilions (C- in lhe beginning, -C- in
lhe middIe, -C in lhe end), lhe sign / divides molivaledIy sIil refIexes (i. e. differenl re-
fIexes of lhe same honeme, vhose aearance is caused by faclors knovn and exIained
in lhe commenls), lhe sign divides unmolivaledIy sIil refIexes (i. e. differenl refIexes of
lhe same honeme, vhose aearance is caused by faclors yel unknovn).

1.1.2. IabiaI consonanls.

PNC PIC PN PA Av PTs Iak PD PI Khi PWC
/:
b b b b b b b/: b/: b: b: b/:
b--,
---b-
b b b-,
--
b
/-:-
-,b b-,--
f f x`h x h h x::
`
:` x`
[ [ : : :: x:`: x :` x- fx`
v v v v v v v v| v|
v v b b b b b-,v b v v0 v0
m m m m m m m m m m m

42
Noles.
In lhe IabiaI series, as in aII lhe olhers (excel lhe IaryngeaIs), ve reconslrucl a lriIe
oosilion "voiceIess (Iax)": "voiced (lense)" : "gIollaIized" in lhe subsyslem of occIusives.
In Iak, Dargva and (|udging by lhe avaiIabIe examIes) KhinaIugh lhe iniliaI b is re-
resenled by : mosl oflen if lhere is no ad|acenl voiced or gIollaIized occIusive, and by b
in olher cases. The honeme b in PI is ralher rare and reresenls b onIy in exressive
forms (in olher cases :).
The osluIalion of IabiaI fricalives f and [ for PNC and PIC causes much doubl for
us, firsl of aII because of ralher unsyslemalic refIexes in descendanl Ianguages, vhere lhe
unmolivaled sIilling of refIexes is oflen observed. Hovever, lhe resence of some se-
manlicaIIy quile lruslvorlhy and videsread rools among lhe vords vilh lhe regarded
corresondences does nol aIIov resenlIy lo consider lhese rovs occasionaI and unes-
senliaI. We may deaI here vilh lhe resuIl of honoIogisalion of some oId osilionaI dis-
linclions in descendanl Ianguages, vhose generaI rinciIe is hard lo delermine because
of lhe Iack of maleriaI.
The oosilion -v is comIeleIy araIIeI lo lhal of |-r (see beIov), lhough,
unIike |, lhe honeme is reconslrucled onIy in ronominaI and grammalicaI mor-
hemes (for examIe, in lhe 2nd ers. sing. ronoun, see . 1014-1015). Il is, hovever, nol
quile cIear in vhich rov one shouId reconslrucl (a gIide), and in vhich v (a reso-
nanl). We lenlaliveIy reconslrucl v for lhe more frequenl honeme (vilh v/b refIexes),
and for lhe olher rov of corresondences (modern Ianguages do nol as a ruIe dis-
linguish belveen // and /v/).
In lhe above labIe ve onIy Iisl lhe refIexes of lhe resonanls v and m in iniliaI and
mediaI osilions vilhoul lhe combinalions vilh olher consonanls, lhe behaviour of such
combinalions viII be seciaIIy considered beIov (see . 62-72). ul lhere is one more
lye of cases, nameIy lhe modificalion of iniliaI v, m and b under lhe infIuence of foI-
Ioving syIIabIe-finaI resonanls n, m and I. One may nole lhal in nominaI NC rools
varialions of iniliaI m,v,n and b occur very frequenlIy. These varialions u lo nov vere
eilher nol exIained al aII, or vere exIained by lhe inlerchange of "elrified" cIass mark-
ers. Hovever, afler serious examinalion, aII of lhem can be reduced lo a comaraliveIy
smaII number of rovs of corresondences lhal agree veII vilh lhe reconslruclion of
resonanls in lhe mediaI consonanl cIuslers (see beIov, . 62-72). The generaI syslem of
corresondences Iooks Iike lhis:

PNC,PIC PN PA Av PTs Iak PD PI Khi PWC
v(..n) m- mb- mb- mb- b- b- v- vm- m0-
b(..n) b- mb- m- m- m- m- m- m- b-m-
v(.. M) b- b- m- b- b- b- v- v- m-0-
b(.. M) b- b- m- b- b- m- m- m- b-m-
v(..I) b- m- b- mb- b- m- v- v- b-
b(..I) b- m- b- mb- b- m- m- m- b-m-
m(..n) n- mn- mn- m- m- m- m- m- b-m-

43
Il is aIso necessary lo make some more arlicuIar remarks aboul lhe behaviour of Ia-
biaI consonanls in searale Ianguages:
1) Iak reguIarIy dros iniliaI syIIabIes vilh nasaI m- (and aIso vilh b- < v-) and
subsequenl narrov voveIs i, u (aboul lhe simiIar rocess in Iezghian see beIov, age
127).
2) PWC reguIarIy sIils lhe refIexes of PNC voiceIess occIusives and affricales. The
generaI ruIe of dislribulion is as foIIovs: before shorl PNC voveIs PWC reserves (vilh
roer modificalions) lhe iniliaI oosilion of IaryngeaI fealures (voiceIessness, voice,
gIollaIisalion), bul before Iong PNC voveIs (on lhe reconslruclion of Iong voveIs see be-
Iov, . 72ff.) a seciaI series of PWC lense (so-caIIed "rerulive") consonanls lakes lhe
Iace of iniliaI voiced, voiceIess and gIollaIized consonanls.
This seciaI fealure of lhe PWC refIexalion seems lo be connecled vilh lhe generaI
rocess of shifling lhe quaIily and quanlily voveI fealures onlo lhe receding consonanls
lhal occurred in PWC (and Ied lo an exlraordinary exansion of lhe consonanl syslem
and lo a corresonding exlraordinary reduclion of lhe voveI syslem in PWC). This roc-
ess is besl seen in lhe subsyslem of affricales, in lhe exIosive (IabiaI and denlaI) series
onIy lhe inlensificalion of consonanls menlioned above haens reguIarIy, lhe shifl of
voveI quaIily fealures lo consonanls is reguIarIy seen onIy in PWC monoconsonanlic
rools.
3) Resonanl consonanls reconslrucled for PNC can eilher be reserved or disaear
in PWC, lhough lhe Ialler haens more oflen. The reasons for lhis rocess (lhal has nol
affIicled onIy lhe resonanl m, reguIarIy reserved in PWC excel in middIe osilion in
consonanl combinalions) are nol quile cIear yel. Hovever, ve lhink lhe suggeslion of a
secondary Ioss of resonanls in PWC is more lruslvorlhy lhan lhe aIlernalive suggeslion
of a secondary aearance of differenl resonanls (in lhe beginning and in lhe end of a
rool) in PIC. Il is lhis circumslance (aIso considering lhe revaIence of rools vilh one
obslruenl and one or more resonanl consonanls in PNC, on lhe slruclure of lhe rool see
beIov) lhal has caused lhe revaIence of monoconsonanlaI rools in PWC. Among lhe
consonanls Iisled above, lhe rocess of lhe Ioss of resonanls has aIso affecled lhe resonanl
v.
4) esides lhe rocesses Iisled above, ve musl aIso menlion lhe denasaIisalion m-
>b- lhal reguIarIy haens in PWC before lhe foIIoving syIIabIe-finaI Iiquid r and I.

1.1.3. DenlaI consonanls.

PNC PIC PN PA Av PTs Iak PD PI Khin PWC
l l l l l l l l l l l/l:
d d d d d d l:d d-,l: l:d dl: d/l:
/l:

44
DenlaI consonanls in combinalion vilh v.

lv lv l l(v) l l(v) l l l(v) l l(v)
dv dv l d(v) d d l:-,d l:-,
dd(v)
l:(`) d l(v)/l:(`)
v v (v) (v) (v) (v)/l:(`)

DenlaI resonanls and gIides.

| | |-,0 -,| -,0 -,0 -,0 -,0 | -,0 |0
r r d-,r r r r r d-,r |-,r r/z r0
n n n n n n n n n n n0

Commenls.
1)The oosilion of voiced and voiceIess denlaIs is generaIIy reIiabIy reconslrucled
for PIC and PNC, lhough lhere are some unlriviaI momenls in lhe deveIomenl of
voiced consonanls in descendanl Ianguages (arlicuIarIy lhe devoicing dv > l in Nakh
and in PWC).
In Iak d is generaIIy mel in inlervocaI osilion as a refIex of dv as veII as in ex-
ressive and reduIicaled rools, in olher cases ve have a normaI refIex d > l:. We musl
aIso nole lhal many modern diaIecls have furlher changed -d- lo -r-, and lhe varialion
-d-/-r- is frequenlIy mel in Iilerary Iak.
In PI lhe voiced refIex d is aIso for lhe mosl arl allesled in exressive forms. On
lhe deveIomenl of d in mediaI cIuslers see beIov.
2) Some vords in IC Ianguages reveaI a ecuIiar varialion of l-lye and s-lye re-
fIexes. The foIIoving corresondences are eslabIished: a) PN -l-, Av., PA -l-, Iak. -s-, PD
-s-, PI -l-, b) PN -l-, PA H-, s:, Av. --, PT s:-,--, Iak. -l:-, PD H-,s, PI -, l:. In lhese
series ve may lenlaliveIy reconslrucl inlerdenlaI fricalives and . Their PNC anliq-
uily is dubious (firsl of aII, because of lhe Iack of WC araIIeIs), some cases are robabIy
Ioanvords in PIC.
3) Concerning lhe behaviour of denlaIs (exIosives and resonanls) in PWC see
commenls 2 and 3 on age 43.
4) Il is necessary lo make a fev generaI noles on lhe behaviour of IabiaIized conso-
nanls in descendanl Ianguages. GeneraIIy IabiaIizalion is beller reserved by back con-
sonanls (see beIov), as for fronl ones, lhey oflen reveaI a lendency lo deIabiaIize. DeIabi-
aIizalion is mosl oflen caused by osilion (vocaIic environmenl), bul cases vilh unmoli-
valed deIabiaIizalion are nol unusuaI eilher. In lhis vork il is nol ossibIe lo go over lhe
delaiIs of lhe behaviour of IabiaIized consonanls in individuaI Ianguages, and ve use lhe
designalion C(v) lo indicale lhal IabiaIizalion is generaIIy reserved, bul can disaear,
deending on lhe osilion vilhin lhe vord. We musl aIso say lhal among lhe NC sub-
grous IabiaIizalion has comIeleIy disaeared onIy in PN (lhough having Iefl some
lraces in a secific deveIomenl of originaIIy IabiaIized consonanls.)

45
5) IniliaI resonanls |, r and n (|usl as lhe IabiaIs v, m, see above) modify lheir re-
fIexes in differenl Ianguages if foIIoving syIIabIe-finaI resonanls are resenl. The generaI
syslem of corresondences in lhis case Iooks Iike lhis:

PNC,PIC PN PA Av PTs Iak PD PI Khin PWC
|(..r) d- r- r- r- d-(-) - |- - 0-
|(..n) |- - -(\-) - - |- - |-0-
|(..I) r- r- - I- I- |- -
r(..n) d- r- n- r- n- n- |- - r-
|(.. M) |- - - -|- m-n- - |- - |-0-
r(.. M) d- r- n- r- n- d- |- 0-
n(.. M) m- n- n- n- n- n- n- n- 0-

Il musl be slaled lhal rools vilh resonanl combinalions r(..r), n(..I), r(..I), n(..n) are
nol allesled, in rools vilh lhe combinalion n(..r) lhe iniliaI n- behaves normaIIy (i. e. il is
aIvays reserved as n-). Rools vilh iniliaI denlaI resonanls are more rare lhan rools vilh
iniliaI IabiaI resonanls (lhis exIains lhe Iack of some lyes of combinalions and aIso
some gas in refIexes).

1.1.4. Hissing consonanls.

c c c (Nll) c c s: c c s-,c c s(z)/c:
(Nll) z z s s:c:, Rz c: c:z c:, Rz z/c:
( ( ( (N) ( ( ( ( ( ( (,-z (z/c:
s s s s s z(z:) s s s s(-z`) s
z z s d d d l: d z z s

Hissing consonanls in combinalion vilh -v-.

cv cv ,R s c z c s:-,
ss:
s:(`)-,
s(`)
s-
-,c:
`/c:`
v v d-, z z s z c:` `(z`)
(v (v -,(,R ( ( ( ( ( ((`) -z ((`)z(`)
/c:(`)
sv sv s(`) s z s(`) s: s:(`) s (`)(`)

46
Hissing "geminales".

c c: c: s s:c: c: c,Rc: c c(z)
/c:
v v (sl) s:(`) c: s:s s: s s: `
( (Nll) (: (: c ( z (: ( (z
v v -,( (:(`) (:(`) c(`) ( z (:` ( ((`)
( (Nll) (: (: c( (-c:-,
(,Rz
(, Rc: (,Rc: ( (z
v v l-(`),(,
R
(:(`) (:(`) c( ((c:-) c:-,( ((`)

((`)
z(`)
_ _ s s: s: s: s: s: s: s(z`) s
_v _v s:(`) s: s: s(`) s: s:(`) s`
Commenls.
1) Nol aII rovs of corresondences Iisled above (and lherefore lhe reconslrucled
roloforms) are eslabIished vilh equaI reIiabiIily. For examIe, lhe voiced fricalive z is
reconslrucled onIy in lhe 1sl erson singuIar ronoun (hovever, lhis reconslruclion
seems vaIid lo us because voiced fricalives of olher series are reconslrucled in some olher
ronominaI rools as veII). The combinalion zv is nol reconslrucled al aII for PNC, as for
PIC, ve can laIk aboul lhe reconslruclion of zv onIy in onomalooeic rools.
Hovever, in generaI lhe syslem of reconslrucled honemes and combinalions sug-
gesled above seems lo exIain lhe resenl corresondences more adequaleIy lhan lhe
reconslruclions suggesled before (a five-affricale and lhree-fricalive syslem of I. A. o-
karev or a five-affricale and lvo-fricalive syslem of . K. GigineyshviIi can nol exIain
lhe vhoIe variely of NC Ianguages corresondences).
Iel us go over some delaiIs of refIexes of hissing sounds in searale subgrous.
2) PN. In PN, as lhe labIe shovs, hissing sounds are reserved as lhey are, bul are
lransformed if a -v- foIIovs. The disaearing IabiaIizalion in lhis case lransforms hiss-
ing sounds inlo hushing, vhiIe iniliaI voiced and gIollaIized IabiaIized affricales deveIo
inlo denlaI exIosives. We musl slale lhal in arlicuIar cases (e.g. if a IabiaI resonanl is
resenl before lhe affricale) lhe deIabiaIizalion couId have occurred even before lhe de-
scribed rocesses, in such cases PN has lhe refIexes of ordinary hissing sounds.
Olher rocesses vere aIso aclive in PN lhal have seriousIy comIicaled lhe iclure
of lhe refIexalion of hissing sounds. Firsl, desaffricalion , ( > occurred in mediaI com-
binalions vilh receding Iiquid resonanls (il is significanl lhal such desaffricalion is ab-
senl in lhe hushing series, see beIov, and lherefore occurred in PN even before lhe lrans-
formalion of IabiaIized hissing sounds). Second, geminaled ll () aeared in lhe Iace of
differenl PIC hissing affricales in mediaI combinalions vilh receding nasaI resonanls
(lhe nasaIs lhemseIves disaear in lhis case). Il musl be slaled lhal PN ll () cannol in
rinciIe be exIained (as, e.g., by N. S. Trubelskoy, see |Trubelskoy 1930j) as a refIex of a
singIe PIC (PNC) honeme,

47
because lhis PN cIusler is simuIlaneousIy resenl in severaI rovs of corresondences. PN
refIecls in lhe same vay (as ll) lhe PIC geminales and afler lhe Iiquid I, in lhese
cases ve musl robabIy suggesl a reIiminary deveIomenl IC > nC. A seciaI fealure
of PN refIexalion is lhe facl lhal lhe deveIomenl C > ll never haens if a -v- foIIovs
(in aII lhese cases ve have normaI PN hushing refIexes).
Mosl difficuIl lo exIain are cases of PN refIecling PIC hissing (and hissing-hushing,
see beIov) affricales and fricalives as a sl (s) cIusler (bolh in iniliaI and non-iniliaI osi-
lions), nol incIuded in lhe labIe above. The simIesl soIulion vouId be lhe reconslruclion
of PIC combinalions Iike sl, lhal vere reserved in PN, bul Iosl in olher Ianguages.
Hovever, lhis soIulion seems lo be vrong basicaIIy because of lhe facl lhal lhe sl (s)
refIex is aIso observed in Iace of PIC fricalives.
One may nole lhal in aII cases vhere ve can reconslrucl | and a sibiIanl (nol hush-
ing) affricale or fricalive vilhin one rool, PN has a sl (s) refIex. Thus one can formuIale
a ruIe, according lo vhich aII hissing and hissing-hushing (bul nol hushing!) honemes
deveIo inlo sl-cIuslers in PN (robabIy as a resuIl of dislanl aIalaIizalion) afler or be-
fore a |. In some cases ve may lherefore reconslrucl mediaI cIuslers Iike -|c- or -|s- on
Nakh evidence aIone.
The second lye of cases, vhere lhe deveIomenl C > sl(s) occurs, are lhe com-
binalions of hissing affricales vilh lhe receding resonanl -I-, erhas, aIso lhrough lhe
slage IC > |C > sl(s). Hovever, ve knov some cases in vhich originaI combinalions Iike
IC reserve lhe Iiquid (as -r-) in PN. In generaI, lhis queslion needs furlher eIaboralion.
One shouId finaIIy nole lhal lhere is no cIear-cul dislinclion belveen sl and s in
PN: lhe dislinclion is reserved onIy in alsbi, and lhere is considerabIe varialion be-
lveen sl and s lhere, according lo exisling sources. We may suose lhal originaIIy lhe
dislinclion belveen sl and s vas as soIid as lhal belveen l and , bul il vas imaired
aIready on lhe PN IeveI.
3) Andi-Avar-Tsezian Ianguages. Here il is necessary lo ay allenlion lo lhe frica-
livizalion of IabiaIized cv and v in PA (in lhis resecl Andian Ianguages differ seri-
ousIy from Avar, and usuaIIy lhis difference is nol regarded vilh due allenlion.) The
olher rocesses lhal have changed lhe subsyslem of hissing consonanls in Avar-Andian
Ianguages are quile simIe (lhe deveIomenl > z , > c:, lhe merger of gIollaIized and
voiced geminales in (:). In PTs lhere occurred a furlher degIollaIizalion (: > c: > c and
fricalivizalion of aII non-gIollaIized affricales lhal Ied lo an unlriviaI PTs syslem of frica-
live dislinclions s s: z z: (for lheir refIexes in individuaI Ianguages see beIov,
age 112).
4) Iak, PD and PI. Firsl of aII ve musl nole a osilionaI deveIomenl > c: () in
combinalions vilh receding mediaI resonanls lhal is common for aII lhree of lhese sub-
grous. The rov of corresondences "PI c: : PD c: : Iak. z : Av., PA (:", usuaIIy serving
as a basis for reconslrucling PIC voiced (see |Trubelskoy 1930, okarev 1961 el aI.j),
lhus aears lo be in comIemenlary dislribulion vilh lhe rov of corresondences "PI,
PD, Iak ( : Av., PA (:" (usuaIIy ignored). Il musl be emhasized lhal in our reconslruc-
lion ve cIearIy dislinguish lhe PIC (and PNC) honeme (lhal does nol give gIollaIized
refIexes) and lhe geminales and

48
lhal oflen give gIollaIized refIexes.
Il is vorlh noling lhal KhinaIug, in ils refIexalion of PIC , is cIearIy connecled
vilh Weslern Dagheslan Ianguages ( is aIvays refIecled as (, in osl-resonanl osilions
loo), and nol vilh Iezghian, lo vhich il is oflen allribuled.
5) PWC. In lhe labIe ve have Iisled PWC refIexes of PNC hissing honemes before
non-fronl PNC voveIs. efore originaI fronl voveIs PWC reguIarIy reveaIs aIalaIized
affricales and fricalives, lhis is lhe consequence of lhe basic ruIe aclive in PWC, concern-
ing lhe shifl of quanlilalive and quaIilalive vocaIic fealures lo receding consonanls. The
quanlilalive asecl of lhis ruIe in PWC Ied lo lhe aearance of a lense ("rerulive") c:
(c:`) refIecling aII PNC hissing affricales before originaIIy Iong voveIs. Il is quile ossi-
bIe lhal hissing fricalives couId aIso become lense (in lhe same osilion) in PWC, bul
vilhin PWC lhe evidence for reconslrucling lhe dislinclion s s: is sliII missing (see
beIov on lhe PWC reconslruclion).
One can aIso ay allenlion lo lhe unmolivaled varialion of voice/voiceIessness (and
aIso gIollaIizalion) in some PWC refIexes. The reasons for a secondary voicing in PWC
are nol cIear yel (il couId be ossibIy connecled vilh lhe faII of IaryngeaIs in PWC).

1.1.5. Hushing consonanls.


-,,R : : : /:
( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ()
s ()
: |/

Hushing consonanls in combinalion vilh -v-.

v v (`) (`) (`) - `/:`
v v :(`),
,R(`)
:: :(`) (`)
(v (v -,( (`) (`) l(`)-,(`) ( ( ((`) ((`)(`)
v v (`) s/x : (`) : :(`) (`)

49
Hushing "geminales".

: : : :: : :: (`)
v v (`) : : :: ` (`)
( (: (:(: ( : (: (`)
v v (: (: ( :`
( (: (: ( (R) (,R: (
v v (:(`)
(:
(:(`) - ( ( (` (/:`
_ _ : : : : : : /:
_v _v :(`) :(`) : : : (`) (v)

Commenls.
1) Hushing honemes are generaIIy more rare lhan lhe hissing ones. Therefore here
ve observe somevhal more gas in corresondences. The voiced fricalive is recon-
slrucled onIy for one rool lhe 1sl ers. I. excI. ronoun (see above on lhe reconslruc-
lion of z in lhe 1sl ers. sg. ronoun). The reconslruclion of lhe PNC combinalion v is
aIso ralher dubious.
2) In PN lhe hushing sounds are generaIIy refIecled more uniformIy lhan lhe hissing
ones: in aII cases hushing refIexes are resenl. We musl nole a secific refIex of lhe Iabi-
aIized (v (in iniliaI osilion) and v as a hushing fricalive . Il is imorlanl lhal hush-
ing sounds never yieId lhe PN ll or sl refIexes lhal are so lyicaI for lhe syslem of hiss-
ing affricales and fricalives.
3) In Andi-Avar ve musl nolice a secific refIexalion of lhe "geminale" as a frica-
live :, as veII as varialions belveen refIexes (: and (: in lhe Iace of PIC geminales
and . In Avar ve aIso see lhe comIemenlary dislribulion of s and x refIexes in lhe
Iace of a common Avar-Andian Iax fricalive , x in fronl of i, s in olher cases (in de-
laiIs see |Slaroslin 1987, 448-450j).
4) In PTs hushing fricalives are generaIIy refIecled in a manner simiIar lo lhal of lhe
hissing ones (see above), bul lhe refIexalion of affricales is quile differenl. The mosl seri-
ous difference is lhe Iack of fricalivizalion of lhe affricale (and, in some osilions, )
lhal Ied lo lheir merger vilh lhe refIexes of "geminales" and . We musl aIso nole a
very secific PTs refIex of lhe iniliaI IabiaIized (v > (`) (such a desaffricalion is unusuaI
for Dagheslan Ianguages).
5) In Iaslern Dagheslan Ianguages lhe refIexalion of hushing sounds is generaIIy
simiIar lo lhal of hissing ones (aIso as far as concerns lhe deveIomenl of lhe gIollaIized
"geminale" ), lhough lhere are some minor differences (for examIe, in lhe subsyslem of
fricalives).
6) The deveIomenl of hushing consonanls in PWC is lyoIogicaIIy simiIar lo lheir
deveIomenl in PTs (neilher famiIy has fricalivized lhe affricale , lhough lhe fricalivi-
zalion of lhe hissing c is resenl). In olher resecls lhe deveIomenl of hushing sounds
in PWC is characlerised by slandard fealures (lhe aearance of aIalaIized hushing
sounds before originaI fronl voveIs, slrenghlhening before iniliaIIy Iong voveIs). As in
olher IocaI series, lhere is a varialion of

50
voice/gIollaIizalion in refIexes of originaIIy gIollaIized consonanls, as veII as (more rareIy)
of voice/voiceIessness in lhe refIexes of iniliaIIy voiceIess (Iax) consonanls. Il musl be
slaled lhal PWC hushing consonanls are more oflen sub|ecl lo lhe rocess of secondary
deIabiaIizalion lhan consonanls of olher IocaI series.
In some cases ve have an unexecled affricale refIex in PWC vhere PIC has frica-
lives. Il is nol lo be excIuded lhal lhis refIex musl be exIained by a fusion of a fricalive
vilh lhe denlaI derivalionaI refix d-(l-), lhal in PWC couId robabIy be allached lo
nominaI slems.

1.1.6. PaIalaI (hissing-hushing) consonanls.

c :(-s:-) c /:(c:)
(Nll) :-, z-,:: c: :() : z
( ( (-, ss,
(Nll)
( ( (/( ( ( ( ( ((
s s s/x -,s : :-, s s:-, s(`) s
s z : z c: z

PaIalaI consonanls in combinalion vilh -v-.

v v c (`) (`) -,: (`) s: :`-, (`) c`(`)
v v (`) -:-, z : :(`) c: s`(`)/:(`)
(v (v s-,
ss(
((`) ((`) ((`) ((`) (( ((`) (,-z (`)
z`/c:`
v v s-,s (`) s/x s: s: s(`) `
v v : : z ` z/s s`

PaIalaI "geminales".

-c-(--) c:: c:: s: s: c: c ()
v v -c- : : : s: :(`) `
( (Nll) (: (: (() c: (: -c (`)
((Nll) (: (: (,Rz (,Rc: (,R: ( ( ()
v v ( (: c ( ( (`(` ((`)
_ _ -ss- : s: :s: : : : (`) s
_v _v s-,ss :s: : : (v) s: `s` (`)- `/s:`

51
Commenls.
1) We have lo reconslrucl a lhird affricale series in PIC and PNC, because lhere is a
greal number of elymoIogies vilh corresondences lhal do nol al aII fil inlo one of lhe
lvo usuaIIy osluIaled affricale series. A lyicaI fealure of lhe lhird series is lhe reva-
Ience of hissing refIexes in PN and PD, vhiIe in olher Ianguages, as a ruIe, hushing re-
fIexes are dominanl.
2) PaIalaI (hissing-hushing) consonanls in PWC and PNC had aroximaleIy lhe
same frequency as lhe hushing ones (see above). Therefore nol aII rovs of correson-
dences are eslabIished vilh equaI reIiabiIily. In arlicuIar, lhe combinalions v and v
are very rare (lhe Iasl one is reconslrucled onIy for lhe ersonaI ronoun of lhe 2nd ers.
I.) The reconslruclion of lhe voiced fricalive is nol quile reIiabIe. FinaIIy ve musl slale
a veak abiIily of aIalaI "geminales" lo combine vilh IabiaIizalion (onIy lhe combinalions
v and (v are reconslrucled quile reIiabIy).
3) As ve noled above, in PN hissing refIexes are lyicaI. Anolher lhing in common
vilh lhe hissing series is lhe aearance of lhe PN geminale ll () in lhe Iace of various
mediaI affricales (in lhe same osilions as in lhe hissing series in combinalions vilh re-
ceding nasaI resonanls). Furlhermore, in lhe Iace of PIC hissing honemes as veII as
PIC aIalaI affricales and fricalives, a secific combinalion sl(s) can be deveIoed (ad|a-
cenl lo an oIder | or foIIoving lhe resonanl I, see above, age 47). SliII, lhere are some
differences in lhe aIalaI refIexalion and lhe hissing refIexalion, some honemes (lhe
gIollaIised ( and lhe fricalive _) have a secific mediaI refIex ss, IabiaIized hissing and
IabiaIized aIalaI sounds have quile differenl refIexes in PN.
4) In PA and in Avar, aIalaI refIexes in mosl cases have merged vilh hushing re-
fIexes (onIy occasionaIIy in lhe case of some fricalive honemes and lhe affricale
do ve meel hissing refIexes, lhere is aIso a characlerislic corresondence "PA : : Av. :"
as a refIex of PIC v, lhal, as far as lhe deveIomenl of IaryngeaI fealures is concerned,
is ralher simiIar lo lhe hissing series cf. PIC v > PA s:, Av. c: lhan lo lhe hushing
series). On lhe dislribulion of s and x refIexes in Avar see age 49.
5) In PTs, in mosl cases, ve aIso encounler hushing refIexes of PIC aIalaI sounds
(lhough soradic hissing refIexes here are more usuaI lhan in Avar-Andian Ianguages). Il
is sliII hard lo formuIale lhe rinciIes of lhe dislribulion of hissing and hushing refIexes
in PTs (somelimes such varialions are observed inside a singIe Iexeme), ve can onIy slale
lhe facl lhal in iniliaI osilion PIC ( > PTs (, bul in olher osilions > PTs (. Hovever,
ve musl nole lhal, vhiIe hushing refIexes in PTs are generaIIy revaIenl, lhe generaI de-
veIomenl of aIalaIs here is quile differenl from lhal of PIC hushing honemes (cf. lhe
fricalivizalion > :, > vilh an anaIogicaI fricalivizalion c > s:, > s, bul , >
vilh lhe reservalion of lhe affricale fealures).
6) In Iak lhe refIexes of aIalaIs generaIIy merge vilh lhe refIexes of lhe hushing
honemes (see above). Hovever, ve musl nole a secific deveIomenl of

52
fricalives (more simiIar lo lhe deveIomenl of hissing lhan hushing fricalives), as veII as
lhe reguIar resence of lhe hissing z in aII rovs, vhere one couId execl lhe hushing (as
a refIex of PIC , , v, v, ().
7) Dargva is slrikingIy differenl from aII olher Dagheslan Ianguages in ils lrealmenl
of aIalaIs, in mosl rovs of corresondences (excel onIy lhe fricalives , _ and affri-
cales v, (v, vhere soradic hushing refIexes are observed) Dargva reveaIs hissing
refIexes lhal bring il cIoser lo Nakh Ianguages. One can see lhal excel some minor dif-
ferences in deveIomenl, PIC hissing and aIalaI affricales give lhe same refIexes in
Dargva.
8) In PI aIalaIs generaIIy merge vilh hushing honemes (lhough lhe fricalives and
lhe IabiaIized v, v deveIo in a somevhal differenl vay lhan lhe reseclive hushing
consonanls). As for KhinaIug, ve can observe lhere bolh hissing and hushing refIexes,
bul lhere are loo fev examIes from lhis Ianguage lo eslabIish slricl ruIes of refIexalion.
9) In PWC ve can slale a varialion of hissing and hushing refIexes, vhose dislribu-
lion il is yel hard lo eslabIish. As regards lhe deveIomenl of IaryngeaI and quaIily fea-
lures, aIalaI sounds in PWC deveIo in a manner simiIar lo olher affricales and frica-
lives (see above). Il musl be emhasized lhal PNC aIalaI (hissing-hushing) consonanls
have no direcl reIalion lo modern hissing-hushing consonanls, resenl in Adygh Ian-
guages, in Ibykh and in some Abkhaz diaIecls (see beIov on lheir origin).

1.1.7. IaleraI consonanls.

/ / -I--r- / :-, I x:x (h-), k -, : -(`) /:
I-, r() I I I: k: (I) gk: /: II
X X I-,--,
-I, (-R-)
X X (I) X X
I x -x:- : x /:
I-(-r-) I I I I I I I I0
I I I r r r I I I I I0

IaleraI consonanls in combinalion vilh -v-.

/v /v I-k-,
--
x`-,
-k-
x(`) -k-
-:-
k(`) k(`) (`)
-/(v)-
/
v v I-,-g- k` I-,-g- k(`) -k:(`)- -k:`- /(`): I
Xv Xv k X X (`) (`) X(`) X`v
v v f-,I (`) (`) hx:(`) x:(`) (`) `/:`

53
IaleraI "geminales".

\ \ -I-,(r) /: /: : x:-,
-k:-(I)
k: /,
r/:
k /
\v \v k-,/ : /: :- x-,
-k:`-(I)
x(v) :(`) k- /(`)
| | I-,,R X: X: / k:I k:(iI) /: I
|v |v I-,,R X:(`) X:(`) / k:I k:(`) X:(`) (`)X`
\ \ -I-,R X: X: /X k:I X: -,
-k:-,-g
II//:
\v \v - X:
(-:-)
X:
(-:-)
/X
(-k
1
-)
(`) (v) X:(`) X`
I`,`
_ _ I- : : :-,I hx -x:- :
_v _` f-,I,R x(`)
:
x(`)
:
-:-
--
hx:(`)
/I
x(v) :(`) `

Commenls.
1) In lhe 1sl ers. I. incI. ronoun ve can reconslrucl for PIC a voiced IaleraI frica-
live I (cf. a simiIar reconslruclion of voiced fricalives in olher ersonaI ronouns, see
above) vilh lhe foIIoving refIexes: PN l(`), Av., PA /:, PTs I, PI , Khin. k. Al any
rale, PWC corresondences for PIC I are missing, and lhis honeme is nol incIuded in
lhe labIe for IaleraI consonanls.
2) In PN lhe iniliaI syslem of IaleraIs has undergone serious lransformalions. Tvo
IaleraI honemes (PN and ) are reserved in PN onIy in mediaI osilion. The basic
rinciIe of lhe refIexalion of IaleraIs in PN is lhe reservalion of IaleraI refIexes (I, , I)
of non-IabiaIized PIC honemes and lhe aearance of veIar (and uvuIar) refIexes in lhe
Iace of PIC IabiaIized IaleraIs. The I-refIex, occasionaIIy mel in IabiaIized series of cor-
resondences, is robabIy a consequence of an earIy deIabiaIizalion of corresonding
honeme combinalions in PN, onIy lhe PIC mediaI IabiaIized v and _v have syslem-
alicaIIy yieIded IaleraI refIexes in PN. When IabiaIized IaleraIs are veIarized in PN, lhey
are usuaIIy refIecled in lhe iniliaI osilion as k (originaI non-gIollaIized occIusives), k
(originaI gIollaIized honemes) and f- (originaI fricalives), in mediaI osilion ve observe
lhe refIexes , g, . PIC |v in a fev as yel uncIear cases can be refIecled in PN (in
non-iniliaI osilion) as q.
3) Avar-Andian Ianguages are ralher conservalive in lhe refIexalion of IaleraIs. Ix-
cel some veII-knovn rocesses (Iike lhe deveIomenl X > Av. ), ve musl aIso nole a
ralher syslemalic rocess of veIarizalion of IabiaIized IaleraIs (lhal has nol affecled onIy
lhe combinalions of -v- vilh Iax X and , as veII as vilh lhe "geminale" ). Hovever, il
musl be slaled lhal lhis rocess vas going on

54
basicaIIy in non-iniliaI osilion, in iniliaI osilion onIy lhe deveIomenl _v > x` (as veII
as /v > x`) had occurred, and lhe aearance of iniliaI k:, k (in lhe Iace of \v, v) is
robabIy caused by lhe dissimiIalive infIuence of lhe foIIoving resonanl . SoradicaIIy
(as refIexes of \v and _v) ve aIso meel non-veIarized /:, :, robabIy as a resuIl of
earIy deIabiaIizalion.
We musl aIso nole a secific correIalion of Av. /:-: PA :- in lhe Iace of PIC Iabi-
aIized \v (on lhe simiIar deveIomenl of PIC v > Av. c:, PA s:, PIC v > Av. :, PA
: see above).
4) The same rocess of veIarizalion of oId IabiaIized IaleraIs, excel for lhe veIariza-
lion of fricalives, is lyicaI for PTs, lhus, lhe beginning of lhis rocess can be daled from
as far back as lhe eriod of Avar-Andi-Tsezian unily. In olher resecls lhe refIexalion of
IaleraIs in PTs is generaIIy simiIar lo lhe refIexalion of consonanls in lhe hissing and
hushing series, e. g., ve observe lhe fricalivizalion of aII affricales, excel lhe gIollaIized
and lhe voiced "geminale".
5) In aII Iaslern Dagheslan Ianguages, IaleraI consonanls (excel lhe resonanl I) are
Iosl al resenl, lhe onIy excelion is Archi, vhich has obviousIy reserved lhe IaleraIs as
a resuIl of conlacl vilh Avar-Andian. ul evidenlIy lhe rocess of lhe Ioss of IaleraIs vas
comaraliveIy recenl, lhus, in Iak, logelher vilh normaI veIar refIexes in many series of
corresondences, ve observe a soradic I refIex, ve can reconslrucl a PI syslem of IaleraI
affricales and fricalives even vilhoul using lhe Archi dala (see beIov).
We musl slale lhal lhe oosilion of voiced and gIollaIized "geminales" in lhe IaleraI,
as veII as in olher affricale series, is generaIIy reconslrucled on lhe basis of Iaslern
Dagheslan evidence. Hovever, lhe deveIomenl of lhese geminales here differs a bil
from lheir deveIomenl in olher affricale series, gIollaIized geminales here do nol merge
vilh lhe refIexes of Iain gIollaIized consonanls (cf. \ > PI X:, PD vs. X > PI X, PD
), vhiIe voiced geminales give refIexes, simiIar lo lhose of PIC voiced (nol asiraled)
. Therefore ve couId sva lhe reconslruclions and reconslrucl | inslead of \ and vice
versa. This, hovever, vouId conlradicl lhe circumslance lhal lhe PIC geminale | < PNC
(see beIov) has lhe same refIexes in Iaslern Dagheslan Ianguages. Therefore il is
robabIy aroriale here lo suggesl a shifl in refIexalion, firsl occurred lhe deveIomenl
| > , and lhen lhe iniliaI geminale \ became voiced, laking lhe Iace of lhe Iosl | (vilh
lhe foIIoving deveIomenl > PI X:, PD cf. > PI (:, PD z and so on).
We shouId nole lhe foIIoving secific fealures of deveIomenl in individuaI Iaslern
Dagheslan Ianguages:
a) in Iak: ve observe a reguIar aIalaIizalion of veIar refIexes before lhe voveIs a, i
(k > , k: > :, > (, x > , x: > :) lhis rocess (nol noled in lhe labIe) has affecled bolh
originaI IaleraI and veIar sounds (see beIov). In addilion, if haryngeaIizalion is resenl,
ve can soradicaIIy meel uvuIar refIexes \ > I as veII as | > iI > |.
b) in Dargva, as in Iak, if an ad|acenl haryngeaIized voveI is resenl, ve some-
limes meel uvuIar or IaryngeaI refIexes inslead of veIar ones.
On lhe furlher deveIomenl of IaleraI refIexes in Dargva diaIecls and Iezghian
Ianguages see beIov, . 117-119, 131, 144.
KhinaIug slands cIose lo Iaslern Dagheslan Ianguages in ils lrealmenl of

55
IaleraIs: for lhe mosl arl lhey have been lransformed here inlo veIars (il is uncIear yel
vhelher lhe deveIomenl / > is reguIar). Hovever, because of insufficienl evidence,
KhinaIug refIexes in many rovs of corresondences are yel uncIear.
6) In PWC IaleraI consonanls syslemalicaIIy give IaleraI refIexes (on lhe reconslruc-
lion of PWC IaleraIs see beIov, age ). As for lhe deveIomenl of quaIilalive and Iaryn-
geaI fealures in PWC, lhe IaleraI series is simiIar lo olher affricale series (fricalivizalion /
> and some olher seciaI fealures of deveIomenl bring lhe IaleraI series cIose lo lhe
hissing one).
7) The oosilion of lvo IaleraI resonanls I and is reconslrucled on lhe basis
of lhe refIexes of Weslern Dagheslan Ianguages (vhere I > r). The slalus of lhe honeme
in PIC and PNC is nol yel quile cIear (some fealures drav il near lo resonanls, olhers
lo fricalives). In PWC I and , as olher resonanls (see above), are sub|ecl lo Ioss.
The behaviour of lhe iniliaI I before lhe foIIoving syIIabIe-finaI resonanls n and m
requires a seciaI commenl (il is vorlh noling lhal lhere are no examIes of in lhis o-
silion). We have lhe foIIoving corresondences here (aIlhough on lhe vhoIe lhere are nol
many examIes):

I(..n) n- m- (m- >0-) I- I-
I(.. M) I-m- r- r- n- I- I- n- I-0-

An unusuaI refIex m- in Avar (and m- > 0- in Iak, on lhe deveIomenl of lhe iniliaI
m in lhis Ianguage see above, age 43) is exIained by lhe facl lhal in lhe singIe examIe
vhere ve have Avar and Iak refIexes, lhe mediaI consonanl, foIIoving -n-, is IabiaIized,
lhis IabiaIizalion condilioned lhe secondary IabiaIizalion of lhe iniliaI nasaI. Tsezian and
KhinaIug refIexes of I- vilh lhe foIIoving nasaIs are nol allesled yel.
1.1.8. VeIar consonanls.

k k k k k k k k k k k
,-0,-Ng /k:
g g g g g g-,g
1
gk: k: gk: g g
x x : x x (`) x

VeIars in combinalion vilh -v-.

kv kv k k(`) k(`) k(`) k(`) k(`) k(`) k k`/k:`
gv gv k
(g)
g(`) g(`) g
1
`
(g`)
g`
k:`
g`
k:`
k:(`)
g(v)
g g`/k:`
v v (`) (`) (`) (`) (`) (`) -,-Ng `g`
xv xv x(`) x(`)() I-,: x(v) x:(`) (`) x x`

56
VeIar "geminales".

k k kg k k: k: k (`)/k:
v v k k` k(`)
g(`)
k(`) k(`) k(`) k:(`) k:` k`
| (see above)
v |v (see above) (`)
} } g-, : : k() k: k: k:-,
}v }v
(q`)
:(`) :(`) q(`)
(q(`))
(`) k:(`)-,
(v)
k:(`)-,
(v)
qì`
_ _ : : : x: x : x x
_` _` -, (`) x x:(`) x(`): :(`) xv

Commenls.
1) VeIar consonanls, |udging by lheir honoIogicaI fealures, vere regarded as an af-
fricale series (lyicaI fealures lhe resence of fricalives and geminales) in PNC and
PIC. This silualion is besl reserved in modern Avar-Andian Ianguages (lhal have a
lense : oosed lo lhe Iax , as veII as a veIar fricalive x), bul lo some exlenl lhe lraces
of lhe originaI slale are reserved in olher Ianguages as veII.
2) The veIar fricalives x, x: are reconslrucled for PNC rimariIy on lhe basis of lhe
|oinl evidence of Nakh and Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, vhere lheir refIexes are markedIy
differenl from lhe refIexes of IaleraI fricalives (see above). Hovever, in olher Ianguages
lhe refIexes of veIar and IaleraI fricalives are aIso somevhal differenl (e.g., in PD bolh
IaleraI fricalives have merged in Iax x, vhiIe bolh veIar ones have merged in lense x:,
elc.). For lhe delaiIed accounl of lhe reconslruclion of lhe oosilion of veIar and IaleraI
fricalives (nol reconslrucled by N. S. Trubelskoy and differenlIy reconslrucled by I. A.
okarev and . K. GigineyshviIi) see Slaroslin 1987, 440-441.
3) There is some evidence in favour of reconslrucling a PIC voiced fricalive (cor-
resondences: PN i-,g: PA h(: Av. g: PTs h-,0: PD : PI gk:), as veII as lhe com-
binalion v (corresondences: PN i-: PA h: Av. g(`): Iak g(`)h: PI i-). Hovever, nol
a singIe rool vilh lhis fricalive has a PWC corresondence lherefore lhe resence of
in PNC is sliII dubious.
4) The lense affricale k:, resenl in Avar-Andian Ianguages, in aII cases knovn lo us,
has deveIoed eilher from IaleraIs (see above) or from uvuIars (see beIov). Therefore ve
cannol reconslrucl PIC and PNC veIar geminales in ils Iace. Hovever, lhere is a ralher
significanl number of vords lhal in differenl Ianguages shov veIar refIexes vilh
non-slandard corresondences of IaryngeaI fealures. We have groued lhese correson-
dences inlo rovs vhere il seems IausibIe lo reconslrucl lhe geminales and v re-
secliveIy (if ve suose a deveIomenl > k, v > k(`) in Avar-Andi-Tsezian and
lhe deveIomenl > k: or > k in lhe Iak-Iezghian-Dargva area).
5) Some seciaI commenls on lhe behaviour of voiced g and gv are aroriale.

57
The sIil of refIexes (g > gk:) is observed in Iak and PI. One can nole lhal in Iak g
occurs basicaIIy vilhin grammalicaI and ronominaI morhemes and vilhin exressive
vords, olhervise k: is common. In PI lhe sIil ruIes are nol quile cIear, bul il seems lhal
g occurs in some cases vilhin mediaI cIuslers afler receding Iiquid and nasaI resonanls,
vhiIe in some olher cases il is a resuIl of assimiIalion (or dissimiIalion) lo ad|acenl con-
sonanls.
As for gv, lhe silualion here is more comIicaled:
a) in PN lhe basic refIex is robabIy k (cf. dv > l, see above), bul in some cases
(robabIy as a resuIl of earIy deIabiaIizalion) ve observe lhe deveIomenl gv > g.
b) in PTs lhe ruIes of lhe varialion g`g
1
` are nol cIear (as oosed lo lhe dislribu-
lion of non-IabiaIized refIexes g/g
1
, see above).
c) in Iak and PI lhe voiced refIex g(`) is lyicaI afler an immedialeIy receding
resonanl, as for Dargva, lhere is nol enough evidence for eslabIishing reIiabIe ruIes of
dislribulion.
6) The voiced geminale can nol be reconslrucled for PIC, as for PNC, il is recon-
slrucled on lhe basis of lhe corresondence PIC | : PWC (one of lhe fev cases, vhen
ve can suose a difference belveen PNC and PIC).
7) In Iak, veIars (bolh originaI ones and refIexes of IaleraIs, see above) usuaIIy be-
come aIalaIized and deveIo inlo hushing consonanls before lhe voveIs a, i, lhis (obvi-
ousIy Iale) rocess is nol seciaIIy noled in lhe labIe.
8) In PTs lhe refIex of lhe IabiaIized geminale }v is reguIarIy shifled inlo lhe uvuIar
series (a henomenon oosile lo lhe one lhal vas haening in many Ianguages vilh
IabiaIized uvuIars, see beIov). The same shifl is lyicaI for PWC (lhis is one of severaI
characlerislic honelic isogIosses belveen PTs and PWC), il is nol quile cIear vhelher lhe
soradicaIIy occurring PN refIex }v > q is somehov reIaled lo lhis. We musl slale lhal
in PTs, in some cases, ve aIso observe lhe deveIomenl v > q(`) in iniliaI osilion, bul
il is Iess reguIar (in mosl cases in PTs lhe iniliaI (`) is reserved).
9) In PWC, veIars generaIIy are reserved (vilh lhe slandard deveIomenl of quan-
lily and quaIily fealures, deending on lhe vocaIic environmenl). We musl nole lhe de-
voicing gv > kv (simiIar lo vhal haened in PN, see above on a simiIar deveIomenl
of lhe IabiaIized denlaI dv in PWC and PN), and aIso lhe resence in some cases of an
unexecled gIollaIized refIex of oId non-gIollaIized "geminales" (hovever, lhe evidence
avaiIabIe is nol quile reIiabIe).

58
1.1.9. IvuIar consonanls.

q q q q h,R i:,R: q q q,-() /q:
G G i i i i: q: q: q: /qI q: i
q q q
(-R-)
q \ q q

q-,
-q---
q q,-i q(i)
:,R :/, R :(/i:-),
R
:h
(/)
:-, (/q:`)
i i i i i i: i i i \ i
IvuIar consonanls in combinalions vilh v.

qv qv - q(`) h,R i:,
R:
q(`) q(`) (`) q `/q:`
Gv Gv qi i(`) i(`) (`)
i:(`)
q:(`)
(i`)
i(`)-,
q:(`)
q:(`)
/qI(`)
q- i`/q:`
qv qv b1-
-,
q(i,)
qv-,
(`),
Rq(`)
\-, (`),
i
q(`) -(v-)
q-,
(`),R
q(`)-,
(`),
Rq(`)R
q(`) q-, q`
G`/q:(`)
v v :, R :(`)h,
R(Rh)
:,R
Ri:
(`):h (`) (`) `
iv iv H i` i` i:` h(i`) h-,i i(`) i i`

IvuIar "geminales".

q q iq
(R)
q: q:
(:)
: q: q/qI: :
q,Rq:
(`)
/q:
Gi
qv qv iq q:(`),
k:(`),
Rq:(`)
q:(`),
k:(`),
Rq:(`)
:(`) q(:)-(v),
x:(`),
Rq`R:`
q:(`),
k:(`),
Rq:(`)
:(`)
q(`)
q:-,k,
Rq:
q`
`/q:`
qi q: q: q q i-,q: q:/q:I q(/qI) G
v v -
q-,q
q:(`) q:(`) q(`) q(`)
(-0)
i`
(q:`)
q:`-,
q:`,
Rq:`
q
(i`)
i`
q(`)
q q i-,q q: q: qq q,Ri q-,q,
Rh(/RhI)
q,-q:
(/qI-,q:I)
q,-R qi
/q:
qv qv -
q-,q
q:(`)-,
:(`),
Rq:(`)
q:(`)-,
:(`),
Rq:(`)
q(`)
q(`)
q:(`)-
-,(`),
Rq(`)
q`-,
Rq(`)
q(`)
(q:I`-)
q-,,
Rq
qv
Rv/q`:
_ _ -, ,R:
(/:-)
h/:,
R:
:i: :h
(/)
:
(h)
: (i`)
_v _v ()-,

(`),
R(`):
:(`)
h,R
:(`)
i:(`)
:(`)
h()
:(`) :(`) -, `

59
Commenls.
1) Many Norlh Caucasian Ianguages (Tsezian, Iak, Dargva, Iezghian, Ibykh) os-
sess, besides Iain uvuIars, a seciaI series of uvuIar haryngeaIized consonanls (lhough
in many of lhose Ianguages haryngeaIizalion can be combined nol onIy vilh uvuIars,
and from lhe honoIogicaI oinl of viev il may be considered an indeendenl vocaIic or
rosodic fealure see |Slaroslin 1987, 465-466j). PharyngeaIizalion (and lhe haryn-
geaIizalion of uvuIars in arlicuIar) is aarenlIy lhe resuIl of lhe faII of cerlain Iaryn-
geaIs (see beIov), lherefore ve do nol reconslrucl a seciaI haryngeaIized uvuIar series
for PNC. Hovever, il musl be noled lhal haryngeaIizalion ralher oflen (eseciaIIy in PI)
Ieads lo lhe modificalion of lhe refIex of lhe uvuIar consonanl. Such modified refIexes
vere indicaled in lhe labIe by lhe haryngeaIizalion marker I, lhe Iack of such a
marker in any rov of corresondences means lhal lhe quaIily of a haryngeaIized refIex
does nol differ from a corresonding non-haryngeaIized one.
2) In lhe refIexes of lhe IabiaIized uvuIar affricales qv, qv and qv in
Avar-Andian, Iak, Dargva and KhinaIug, ve observe a very characlerislic araIIeI de-
veIomenl: lhe uvuIar affricales in non-iniliaI osilion shifl lo lhe veIar series. This shifl
does nol occur in combinalions vilh receding Iiquid resonanls (r and I) or in iniliaI osi-
lion (a singIe excelion from lhe Iasl ruIe is lhe numeraI "lvo", vhich is characlerized by
lhe deveIomenl qv- > v-, lhis is aarenlIy molivaled by lhe excelionaI monosyI-
Iabic slruclure of lhis rool). For lhe corresondence Av. k: : PI q`, I. A. okarev |oka-
rev 1981j and . K. GigineyshviIi |GigineyshviIi 1977j reconslrucl a lense affricale k:. The
corresondence of Av. : : PI q` is inlerreled by I. A. okarev as refIecling lhe PIC
lense affricale :, vhiIe . K. GigineyshviIi cIassifies il (as veII as lhe corresondence of
Av. : : PI q`, nol noliced by I. A. okarev) as irreguIar (vilh a rovisionaI reconslruc-
lion
1
). Neilher of lhe aulhors have given lhoughl lo lhe circumslance lhal aII lhe Iisled
corresondences demand lhe obIigalory resence of IabiaIizalion and lhe mediaI osilion
of corresonding refIexes and lherefore are in slricl comIemenlary dislribulion vilh lhe
corresondences "Av.-And. q: : PI q`", "Av.-And. q`: PI q`" and "Av. And. q:(`): PI
q`". These facls do nol Ieave any doubl as lo lhe necessily of reconslrucling PIC (and
PNC) uvuIar consonanls in aII lhese cases.
The deveIomenl of uvuIar IabiaIized qv, qv and qv inlo veIars in mediaI osl-
vocaIic osilion has nol al aII affIicled Nakh, Tsezian, Iezghian and Wesl Caucasian Ian-
guages. This deveIomenl musl be daled in a ralher Iale eriod (afler lhe break of lhe
Avar-Andi-Tsezian unily), lhis is an imorlanl areaI

60
honelic isogIoss, vhich obviousIy can rovide us vilh informalion aboul lhe geograhic
Iocalion of searale famiIies of lhe Iasl Caucasian Ianguages in lhe eriod aboul lhe
2nd-3rd miIIennium .C.
3) For Nakh Ianguages, lhe difference belveen lhe refIexes of and _ is characler-
islic (olher lense and Iax fricalives usuaIIy merge lhere see above), as veII as lhe se-
cific iniliaI refIexes of IabiaIized uvuIars (qv-, _v-,v-,qv> -, qv> b1-). The rea-
sons for lhe soradic aearance of lhe refIex i (aIong vilh reguIar q and q) in many
rovs of corresondences are nol yel cIear.
4) Avar-Andian Ianguages demonslrale a ralher secific osilionaI deveIomenl of
uvuIar fricalives ("lhe svaing of Iaces" of lhe refIexes of and _ in aII osilions re-
secliveIy, excel lhe osilion afler lhe mediaI Iiquid resonanls, hisloricaIIy il can be ex-
Iained as lhe lrealmenl h and _ resecliveIy in an indeendenl osilion (nol
in combinalions vilh consonanls), vilh a furlher aIIohonic deveIomenl > , h > :).
In Avar lhis rocess vas going on nol quile consequenlIy, as a resuIl ve see frequenl
varialions belveen : and h (lhe Ialler refIecls in Avar an earIier Iax (in aII osilions
excel afler originaI mediaI Iiquid resonanls, vhere lhe fricalive is reserved as a ruIe,
see |Slaroslin 1987, 448-449j). One may aIso nole lhe resence of lhe emhalic IaryngeaI
inslead of in Avar in vords vilh Iosl haryngeaIizalion (a rare case of segmenl refIec-
lion of haryngeaIizalion in Avar).
5) In Tsezian Ianguages lhe dislribulion of lhe refIexes of is simiIar lo lhal of An-
dian Ianguages (see above) and robabIy dales from lhe eriod of Avar-Andi-Tsezian
unily. InforlunaleIy, il is hard lo shov a simiIar dislribulion for lhe refIexes of PIC _ : il
is connecled vilh lhe generaI inslabiIily of PTs fricalive refIexes of PIC uvuIars (ve ob-
serve here an unmolivaled and unexIained varialion i:, :i:).
In olher resecls, lhe behaviour of uvuIars in PTs is simiIar lo lhal of olher affricales.
6) In Iak ve musl nole lhe varialion q in lhe Iace of PIC q, as veII as lhe varia-
lion belveen : and h (lhe Ialler aears as if haryngeaIizalion is resenl) in lhe Iace
of PIC uvuIar fricalives. We can nol slale any slricl ruIes of dislribulion belveen lhese
refIexes, lhey aarenlIy resuIl from oId diaIecl mergers. One can aIso nole lhe voicing
Rq > Ri, araIIeI lo lhe simiIar rocess in lhe syslem of fronl affricales (see above).
7) In Dargva, as in Iak, ve meel lhe refIex in lhe Iace of PIC q, and occasionaIIy
h in lhe Iace of _, hovever, lhese soradic refIexes are much Iess common here lhan
in Iak (lhus, lhe fricalives , v and _v give quile uniform refIexes). The Iak Ri ( <
rq) corresonds here lo lhe combinalion Rh (RhI) lhal has obviousIy deveIoed from
an earIier Ri, lherefore, Dargva aIso reveaIs a osilionaI voicing of lhe refIex of lhe
gIollaIized geminale q afler mediaI resonanls (araIIeI lo lhe deveIomenl of olher simi-
Iar geminales, see above).
8) In PI ve see a sIil of lhe refIexes of severaI uvuIar consonanls, deending on lhe
resence or Iack of haryngeaIizalion (lhe q:I refIex, execled in lhe Iace of PIC G
vilh haryngaIizalion, shifled earIy lo Iax (asiraled) qI, bul a nev q:I has deveIoed
here in lhe Iace of lhe voiced geminaled , lhus lhere

61
occurred a kind of "shifl" of haryngeaIized uvuIar consonanls). PI refIexes of uvuIar
voiced and gIollaIized geminales are very comIicaled, ve see differenl osilionaI com-
Iemenlary dislribulions of refIexes and a differenl deveIomenl of haryngeaIized and
non-haryngeaIized varianls. In arlicuIar, one may nole an unlriviaI deveIomenl, q >
q:, in finaI osilion (i.e. in lhe finaI osilion of lhe PI nominaI rool aIready afler lhe re-
duclion of finaI voveIs, see beIov) as oosed lo lhe gIollaIized refIex q in iniliaI and
mediaI osilion (e.g., inside verbaI rools). Desile lhe comIexily of PI refIexes, lhey
seem invardIy quile IogicaI and are confirmed by a Iarge number of examIes, lherefore
seem quile reIiabIe lo us.
9) The deveIomenl of IabiaIized uvuIars in KhinaIug is anolher fealure lhal slriclIy
dislinguishes lhis Ianguage from Iezghian and brings il cIoser lo Iak-Dargva diaIecl
zones on one side, and lo Andi-Avar on lhe olher. On lhe conlrary, lhe deveIomenl _v-
> - (as veII as some olher fealures of consonanlism) culs KhinaIug off from olher
Dagheslan Ianguages and brings il cIoser lo Nakh. InforlunaleIy lhe maleriaIs on lhis
inleresling Ianguage are ralher scanly, and lhe refIexes of some honemes in il are eilher
comIeleIy unknovn or nol reIiabIe.
10) In lhe refIexes of uvuIars in PWC, as in lhose of lhe consonanls of olher IocaI se-
ries (see above), ve observe soradic varialion belveen voice/voiceIessness and (more
oflen) gIollaIizalion/voice. In olher resecls lhe deveIomenl is slandard (e.g., ve ob-
serve lhe aearance of "nev lense" consonanls in lhe Iace of oId voiceIess uvuIars be-
fore iniliaIIy Iong voveIs as veII as lhe aearance of aIalaIized and IabiaIized varianls
of refIexes, deending on lhe quaIily of originaI foIIoving voveIs).
In lvo rools lhere is an unusuaI corresondence PIC _v : PWC `. The reasons
for lhe aearance of a IaleraI refIex in PWC (ve can |udge aboul ils IaleraIily by lhe
Abkhaz refIex I, see beIov) are yel uncIear (il is nol lo be excIuded lhal in PWC lhese
rools had a combinalion Iike r-` vilh lhe foIIoving deveIomenl r` > rv: lhe re-
fIexes of lhis rv couId have merged vilh lhose of lhe PWC ` in individuaI Ianguages).
This corresondence is nol incIuded in lhe generaI labIe (because of lhe uncerlainly of ils
inlerrelalion), lhough il seems quile reaI and reIiabIe.

1.1.10. IaryngeaI consonanls.

-,0 h- -,0 -,0 -,0 -,0 0
h H h h h h- -h- h h- 0
,-0- h-
-,--
\ -|-,
-0(I)--h-
I| -h-,
0
1-/hI-,
-(I)-
h-(`),
-0
0
1 H- H h-- H-, - \- \ 0
-,0 -,0 h-,-(I) -- -- | -0 0
\ - \ - h h-, 0

62
IaryngeaIs in combinalion vilh -v-.

v H -b-,
--
b h-b-,
-0-

(\-)
(I)` v- 0
hv (b)1-,
10
H h(-) - h-,
|-,|v
I-,0 -(v-),
0
0
v H-
(b-),
H \ --,
(-0I-)
I-(v-,
|-),0I(|)

(b-`)
-
(v-`)
0
1v b1-, h(`) b -h- I-|-,0 -,h
()
(`) - 0
v -,1
h(v)
- I- bI-,
0I
\-/ hI- 1`- 0
\v H \ I- \(`) I(`)

Commenls.
1) IaryngeaIs are lhe mosl unslabIe cIass of consonanls in Norlh Caucasian Ian-
guages. Their exacl refIexes are oflen hard lo eslabIish (eseciaIIy in PN and PA, vhere in
some cases ve use lhe symboI H, denoling an arbilrary IaryngeaI). IaryngeaIs are sub|ecl
lo frequenl arlicuIalory varialions, such rocesses as droing, deveIomenl inlo | (for
nonIabiaIized IaryngeaIs) or v (for IabiaIized ones) are lyicaI for lhem. In PWC, as il is
shovn in lhe labIe, aII IaryngeaIs have been simIy droed (IaryngeaI consonanls can-
nol be reconslrucled for PWC, see beIov).
Desile lhese difficuIlies, hovever, lhe eslabIished corresondences aIIov us lo re-
conslrucl a six-IaryngeaI syslem for PIC lhree Iain (, h, ) and lhree emhalic (1,
, \) (and for PNC by exlraoIalion). A lyicaI fealure of lhe emhalic IaryngeaIs is lhal
nouns lhal conlain lhem reveaI in Avar an immobiIe accenl aradigm (lhe so-caIIed
"Paradigm A"), vhiIe vords vilh Iain IaryngeaIs (or vilhoul IaryngeaIs) have in Avar
eilher an oxylon or a mobiIe accenl aradigm (aradigms and C).
In lhe labIe above ve give onIy lhe refIexes of IaryngeaIs in indeendenl (iniliaI and
mediaI) osilions. For lheir refIexes in combinalions vilh olher consonanls (lhal seriousIy
differ from lheir indeendenl refIexes), see beIov.

1.1.11. Consonanl cIuslers
Consonanl cIuslers in PNC and PIC can be divided inlo lhree main grous:
a) CIuslers of idenlicaI consonanls lhe so-caIIed "geminales" (lheir refIexes vere
shovn above). These cIuslers have a "quasihonemicaI" characler, because, Iike simIe
consonanls, lhey can occuy lhe second osilion in mediaI cIuslers vilh receding reso-
nanls. On a ossibIe rosodic lrealmenl of lhe PNC "geminales", see beIov.
b) CIuslers of obslruenls (excel IabiaI ones) vilh a foIIoving resonanl

63
v (lheir refIexes vere aIso shovn above). They loo can occuy lhe second osilion in
mediaI combinalions vilh receding resonanls (lherefore comIexes Iike -rlv- or -nv-
are ossibIe).
c) CIuslers of differenl consonanls lhal have an exacl "bihonemicaI" slalus, i.e. do
nol Iel olher consonanl honemes recede lhem. The comonenls of lhese cIuslers are
obslruenls (Iain or "geminaled", vilh lhe foIIoving v or vilhoul il) and resonanl con-
sonanls.
The refIexes of lhe cIusler lyes a) and b) (lhal can lheorelicaIIy be lrealed as mono-
honemic) have been examined above. The c) lye cIuslers may be groued as foIIovs:
1) CIuslers of obslruenls. The combinalions of oraI obslruenls vere aarenlIy nol
aIIoved (or exlremeIy rare) in PNC and PIC, bul lhere is a numerous and imorlanl
grou of cIuslers of oraI obslruenls and IaryngeaIs (combinalions Iike CH- and HC-).
2) CIuslers of obslruenls and resonanls. In PIC and PNC, combinalions Iike RC are
aIIoved, lhey are ralher rareIy encounlered in iniliaI osilion and very frequenlIy olher-
vise. A sublye of lhis lye of cIuslers are lhe combinalions "resonanl+IaryngeaI" (RH).
The combinalions of oraI obslruenls and foIIoving resonanls (CR) vere nol aIIoved,
hovever, lhe combinalions "IaryngeaI+resonanl" (HR) are reconslrucled quile reIiabIy
(see beIov).
3) CIuslers of resonanls. This lye of combinalions is ralher rare and usuaIIy mel
onIy in non-iniliaI osilion.
In lhis seclion ve viII examine onIy lhe mediaI combinalions of consonanls in
nominaI rools, as for lhe behaviour of iniliaI consonanl cIuslers (in mosl Ianguages sim-
Iified) as veII as of consonanl cIuslers in verbaI rools, ve vouId ralher examine lhem in
lhe seclion concerning rool slruclure and rosody (see beIov).
As ve see from lhe above, ossibIe cIuslers inside lhe PNC (PIC) rool vere RC, RH,
HR, RR, ve viII nov examine lheir refIexes.

1.1.11.1. CIuslers of lhe lye RC ("resonanl"+"obslruenl").
A lyicaI fealure of lhe behaviour of such cIuslers in Norlh Caucasian Ianguages is
lhe frequenl droing of resonanls and lhe usuaI inslabiIily of lheir refIexes. Ils conse-
quence is in arlicuIar lhe facl lhal in PTs and PWC cIuslers Iike lhis vere aIlogelher
simIified and reserved onIy lhe second obslruenl comonenl (in PTs some resonanls
have Iefl a lrace by having nasaIized lhe revious voveI). We musl secificaIIy nole lhe
inslabiIily of lhe resonanl -I-, vhich is nol reserved aImosl anyvhere, bul vhich has a
lendency lo change eilher inlo -r- or inlo -n- (vilh a ossibIe foIIoving disaearance
and nasaIizalion of lhe revious voveI).

1.1.11.1. A. CIuslers "resonanl+IabiaI consonanls".
Such cIuslers are ralher rare (lhe mosl frequenl are combinalions of lhe resonanl -m-
vilh differenl IabiaIs) and have lhe foIIoving refIexes:

64

r r r
rb r: b
I I(V) r :
m m b m m m mb m m (`)
mb b b b bm m m m

Il can be seen lhal lhe nasaI -m- has a lendency lo consume lhe foIIoving exIosive
arlicuIalion. On lhe vhoIe, lhe reconslruclion here is ralher lenlalive rimariIy be-
cause lhe cIuslers in queslion are rare (each cIusler being resenl in one or lvo examIes,
and in many cases refIexes in individuaI Ianguages are nol allesled al aII).
1.1.11.1.. CIuslers "resonanl+fronl consonanls"
The generaI iclure of refIexalion here is as foIIovs (lhe symboI T means any fronl
consonanl denlaI exIosive, hissing, hushing or aIalaI):

rT (r)T rT/(r)T (r)T T rT rT/T rT T T

In PN and Avar, -r- eilher disaears or is reserved (slalislicaIIy in Avar lhe dis-
aearance of lhis consonanl is revaIenl). In PA r is reserved if T is a denlaI exIosive,
bul il can disaear before affricales or fricalives. In Dargva -r- is usuaIIy reserved, bul
reguIarIy disaears before lhe gIollaIized , . The mosl slabIe refIexalion is lhal of PI
and Iak on one side (vhere r is aIvays reserved) and in PTs and PWC on lhe olher
(vhere il aIvays disaears).

IT (r)T T/nT (r)T (V)T (r)T rT/T IT/T T T

The resonanl I in combinalions vilh fronl consonanls is reconslrucled basicaIIy on
lhe evidence of PI (on lhe reconslruclion of I-cIuslers in PI see beIov, age 153).
In PN and Avar, I in lhe examined combinalions can eilher deveIo inlo r or disa-
ear (lhe dislribulion belveen lhese lvo lyes of refIexes is uncIear yel), on a seciaI re-
fIexalion of some cIuslers vilh I in PN (> PN ll, sl) see above, age 47). Iak has simiIar
refIexes (eilher deveIomenl inlo r or disaearance of I), lhough here ve aIso meel
soradic cases of reserving -I- or lhe change -I- > -n-.
In PA I (unIike r, see above) usuaIIy disaears, Ieaving no lrace. Hovever, before
lhe PA hushing consonanls , ve see lhe deveIomenl I > n (in singIe cases even lhe
reservalion of I).
In PTs lhe mediaI I reguIarIy disaears, Ieaving behind a nasaIisalion of lhe re-
ceding voveI (aarenlIy lhrough an inlermediale slale -I- > -n-).
In PD lhe refIexes of I are generaIIy simiIar lo lhose of r, I usuaIIy deveIos inlo r,
bul il can disaear before foIIoving hissing consonanls (nol onIy

65
before gIollaIized, as in lhe case of r).
PI reserves I in mosl cases, lhis consonanl disaears onIy before hushing sounds
in lhe sequence mVI- > mV- (aarenlIy as a resuIl of a rogressive nasaIizalion
mVI- > mVn- > mV-).
FinaIIy, in KhinaIug (in lhe fev allesled cases) and in PWC -I- disaears vilhoul a
lrace.

nT nT/T/rT nT/T nT/T ()T(V)T nT/T (n)T nT/rT T T

The mediaI n, as aII olher resonanls, is besl reserved in PI (lhough lhe sequences
bVnT-, mVnT- in PI had undergone an earIy dissimiIalive deveIomenl mVnT- >
mVrT- or resonanl droing mVnT- > mVT-).
In PN n is reserved before denlaI exIosives, deveIos inlo r (becomes sub|ecl lo
denasaIizalion) or disaears before fricalives and disaears before affricales. A simiIar
dislribulion of refIexes (lhough vilhoul lhe deveIomenl n > r) is mel in Avar and Iak,
vhere n is usuaIIy reserved before denlaI exIosives, bul droed before affricales.
In PA n usuaIIy is reserved in combinalions, hovever, if a nasaI n is resenl in
iniliaI osilion or in lhe foIIoving syIIabIe il disaears by dissimiIalion, somelimes il is
droed aIso before fricalives.
In PD n is in mosl cases reserved, lhough il may soradicaIIy disaear.
In KhinaIug, PWC and PTs -n-, Iike lhe olher resonanls, usuaIIy disaears. PTs
reveaIs in some cases lhe nasaIizalion of lhe receding voveI, hovever, somelimes n
disaears vilhoul any lrace.

mT nT/T (n)T T ()T(V)T (n)T mT/nT/T mT/T mT/T T

In PI and PD, lhe nasaI in cIuslers of lhe lye mT is usuaIIy reserved, disaear-
ing onIy (as a consequence of dissimiIalion) afler lhe iniliaI resonanls. PI aIvays re-
serves lhe IabiaI characler of m, vhiIe Dargva reserves m roer onIy if a hissing
consonanl is foIIoving, in olher cases il lurns inlo n.
PA and Iak reveaI a varialion belveen nT and T, in KhinaIug in lhe fev knovn
cases ve observe eilher lhe reservalion of m, eilher ils disaearance (vilh uncIear dis-
lribulion).
In PN m (unIike n, see above) usuaIIy disaears before denlaI exIosives, bul is
reserved (as n, rareIy m) before affricales, lhe characler of Nakh refIexes before originaI
fricalives is nol quile cIear. Il musl be noled lhal vhen lhe originaI affricales afler -m-
deveIo inlo PN ll (see above, age 46), -m- (|usl as -n-) reguIarIy disaears. In rare
cases in PN ve see a soradic denasaIizalion -mT- > -bT-.
Avar reguIarIy simIifies mT > T (incIuding lhe osilion before denlaI exIosives,
vhere lhe oId n is reserved, see above). The same is lrue for PTs (vhere ve observe lhe
same occasionaI nasaIizalion of lhe revious voveI, as in lhe case vilh n) and for PWC.
The resonanls v and | are ralher rareIy mel as comonenls of mediaI consonanl
cIuslers, lhe mediaI -|- is nol reserved al aII in modern Ianguages, bul il

66
can be reconslrucled in some cases, |udging by lhe characler of lhe PN refIex of ad|acenl
affricales or fricalives (see above, age 47).
Fronl consonanls lhemseIves, as comonenls of cIuslers vilh receding resonanls,
usuaIIy give normaI refIexes (see above), lhough ve musl nole a secific deveIomenl of
lhe voiced denlaI d, vhich may be consumed by lhe receding resonanl arlicuIalion:

rd rdr rd rdr dr rl:d (r)l: rl: r d
rdv l rd rd d rl: rl: rd
Id Id (I)d I |(`)II Il: rl:
nd d nd (n)d d l:nn (n)l: d
md d (n)d d d
1
d (n)l:d (n)l: mll:

1.1.11.1.C. CIuslers "resonanl+IaleraI consonanls".
In lhe labIe of corresondences given beIov ve viII mark lhe IaleraIs by lhe symboI
I, and veIars by K. efore IaleraIs ve reconslrucl lhe same sel of resonanls lhal ve do
before olher obslruenls (i.e. r, I, n, m, v is mel very rareIy and ils refIexalion viII nol
be seciaIIy examined, combinalions vilh | cannol be reconslrucled).

rI rI rI I I K (r)K rI K I

As ve see in lhis labIe, r in IaleraI cIuslers is reserved by PI, PN, PA and (nol aI-
vays) in PD, in olher Ianguages -r- disaears.

II I rI rI I rK rK I

The cIuslers "I+IaleraI" are reconslrucled here onIy from syslemalic consideralions
(by anaIogy vilh lhe deveIomenl of I in combinalions vilh olher consonanls). The Ioss
I > 0 in PI, vhere resonanls usuaIIy are reserved, is characlerislic, il is quile robabIe
lhal lhe IaleraI arlicuIalion of I vas reserved here loo, vhich uIlimaleIy resuIled in ils
droing by dissimiIalion vilh lhe foIIoving IaleraI obslruenl. In rare cases, vhen I and
lhe foIIoving IaleraI obslruenl haen lo be divided by lhe syIIabIe border, I can even be
reserved in PI. In olher Ianguages I can eilher deveIo inlo r or disaear, hovever, il
is vorlh noling lhal ils refIexes in mosl Ianguages differ from lhose of r.

nI rI nI/I I I K (n)KrK nI/I K I

The resonanl n, in combinalions vilh foIIoving IaleraIs, is aIso ralher unslabIe. Il is
reserved in PA (bul disaears here as a consequence of

67
dissimiIalion afler iniliaI resonanls: vVnI- > mVI- bVI-), in PI (vilh a simiIar dis-
aearance vVnI- > vVI-), and somelimes in PD (lhough lhe disaearance n > 0 or
lhe deveIomenl n > r is more frequenl here). In olher Ianguages n disaears before
IaleraIs (aIlhough PTs, Iak and KhinaIug may reserve ils lrace as nasaIizalion of iniliaI
resonanls, in Iak lhis nasaIizalion vas foIIoved by lhe dissimiIalive denasaIizalion of
-n- and ils deveIomenl inlo -r-: bVnI- > mVnI- > mVrK-). In PN il deveIos inlo -r-.

mI I mI/I I I nK (n)K mI/rI I

The resonanl m is reserved in PA (lhough il disaears as a consequence of dis-
simiIalion in lhe sequence bVmI- > bVI-) and in PI (vhere m in lhe same sequence
had undergone a more comIicaled deveIomenl: bVmI- > bVnI- > mVnI- > mVrI-).
In Iak mI > nK (unIike lhe sequence nI, vhere n disaears). In olher Ianguages lhe
refIexes of m and n in cIuslers vilh IaleraIs usuaIIy coincide.

1.1.11.1. D. CIuslers "resonanl+back consonanls".

rK (r)K rK/(r)K rK/(r)K K rK/K (r)K rK nK K

The resonanl r before back consonanls is reserved in PI and reguIarIy disaears
in PTs and PWC. In PN -r- may be bolh reserved and droed. In PA and Avar such a
varialion is observed before uvuIar consonanls, before veIars r is usuaIIy reserved. In
Iak r is reserved in mosl cases, bul reguIarIy disaears before uvuIars vhich yieId Iak
q. FinaIIy, in KhinaIug, |udging by lhe fev avaiIabIe examIes, r eilher disaears or
deveIos inlo n.

IK (r)K nK/K K ()K (r)K (r)K IK/K K

The resonanl I, before back consonanls, usuaIIy behaves more or Iess in lhe same
vay as before lhe fronl ones. Il is reserved in PI (lhough ve musl seciaIIy nole lhe
deveIomenl of lhe sequence vVIK- > vVK- vVnK-). In PN, PD and Iak lhere is a
varialion belveen lhe refIexes K and rK (in Iak and PD IK may aIso be soradicaIIy re-
served). In Avar -I- is soradicaIIy reserved, loo, aIlhough in mosl cases lhe resonanl
disaears. In PA I, before back consonanls, reguIarIy deveIos inlo n (bul in lhe se-
quence vVIK- > vVnK- > mVK- lhis mediaI nasaI disaears lhrough dissimiIalion,
Avar in lhis osilion somelimes reveaIs nol lhe disaearance, bul a dissimiIalive deveI-
omenl vVnK- > mVrK-). In PTs I firsl deveIoed inlo a nasaI, lhen disaeared, Ieav-
ing behind lhe nasaIizalion of lhe revious voveI. FinaIIy, in PWC ve observe a reguIar
disaearance of lhe resonanl in cIuslers Iike lhis.

nK K nK/K nK/K (V)K()K nK rK nK/K (n)K K

68
The combinalion nK is reserved in Avar-Andian (vilh lhe usuaI Iimilalion: -n-> -0-
afler iniliaI resonanls) and in Iak. In PI n is reserved before veIars bul disaears be-
fore uvuIars (combinalions "n+uvuIar" are missing in PI). In lhe sequence mVnK- lhe
resonanl -n- can be reserved or disaear arbilrariIy (mVnK- > mVnK- mVK-), ve
musl seciaIIy nole a dissimiIalive deveIomenl bVnQ- >mVnQ- > mVrQ-). In PTs,
afler lhe disaearance of -n-, lhe nasaIizalion of lhe revious voveI can be reserved
(as in combinalions vilh fronl consonanls, see above). In PN and PWC n usuaIIy disa-
ears.

mK mKnK nK K ()K nKvK nK mK K

The nasaI IabiaI in combinalions vilh lhe foIIoving back consonanls is veII re-
served in PI and somelimes reserved in PN (lhough more oflen lransformed inlo -n-),
in PD m may be reserved in reduIicaled morhemes (i.e. on lhe syIIabIe border), bul
usuaIIy deveIos inlo -n-. Traces of IabiaIizalion are aIso found in Iak, vhere ve can
somelimes discover a denasaIizaled refIex -vK-, lhough in mosl cases ve find lhe refIex
-nK-. This refIex is usuaI in PA. In Avar (as in lhe case vilh lhe combinalion mT), PWC
and PTs lhe nasaI disaears (and in PTs oflen, lhough nol aIvays, Ieaves a lrace as lhe
nasaIizalion of lhe receding voveI).

vK (b)K (v)K K K (v)K (b)K (v)K

The resonanl v is mel more oflen before back consonanls lhan before olhers
(lhough on lhe vhoIe il is much Iess frequen lhan olher resonanls). Il may be reserved
in PN (as b), in PA, Iak, PD (as b) and PI.

1.1.11.2. CIuslers of lhe lye RH ("resonanl"+"IaryngeaI").
Of aII lhe subgrous of Norlh Caucasian Ianguages such combinalions (and onIy a
Iimiled number of lhem) can onIy be reconslrucled for Prolo-Andian. Hovever, lhere is a
vhoIe series of henomena lhal may be convenienlIy exIained if ve assume lhe res-
ence of such combinalions in PNC and PIC. Firsl of aII, lhere are frequenl cases of lhe
Ioss of non-iniliaI resonanls in PD, Iak, PTs, Avar and PN, vhich ralher oflen (see beIov)
correIale vilh lhe resence of RH cIuslers in PA. In lhese cases il is naluraI lo suggesl a
deveIomenl of lhe lye -RH- > -H- > -0- vilh lhe veakening of resonanl arlicuIalion in
lhe mediaI cIusler (a henomenon vhich is quile usuaI in olher mediaI cIuslers, see above)
lhal Ied lo lhe disaearance of lhe resonanl, and uIlimaleIy lo lhe disaearance of lhe
vhoIe mediaI cIusler (because inlervocaIic IaryngeaIs are lhemseIves very unslabIe, see
above). We musl emhasize lhal in lhese cases lhere is no queslion of any grammalicaI
affixes ("delerminalives") being |oined or nol |oined lo lhe rool, because in lvo subgrous
PI and PA lhe resonanls in lhe examined cases are aIvays reserved,

69
and because in olher Ianguages, if resonanl refIexes are resenl, lhey refIecl lhe same
PNC resonanl (and nol differenl ones, vhich vouId be naluraI, if ve vere deaIing vilh
refIexes of differenl grammalicaI morhemes).
The second circumslance lo vhich ve musl ay allenlion is lhe resence, in PI, in
many of lhe cases menlioned above (i.e. as corresondences lo PA cIuslers of lhe lye
RH and lo lhe droed resonanls in olher Ianguages) of lhe so-caIIed "lense" resonanls
m:, n:, I: (on lhe refIexes of lhese consonanls in modern Iezghian Ianguages, see beIov).
This means lhal in PI lhere occurred a rocess inverse lo lhe one described above i.e.
lhe slrenglhening of resonanls in combinalion vilh foIIoving IaryngeaIs, vilh a lolaI
consumlion of lhe IaryngeaI arlicuIalion. Il musl be emhasized lhal lhe RH-cIuslers
are lhe onIy source of PI lense resonanls, lhe somelimes roosed suggeslion lhal in
lhese cases ve are deaIing vilh earIier combinalions of lhe lye mb or nd is lhus a-
arenlIy unfounded.
The combinalions "resonanl+IaryngeaI" can be divided inlo lhree main lyes by lhe
characler of refIexalion in lhe subgrous. We lenlaliveIy reconslrucl lherein lhe Iaryn-
geaIs , h and (lense resonanls in PI aear in lvo Iasl lyes of combinalions, lhere-
fore lhe reconslruclion of simiIar IaryngeaIs vouId be naluraI for lhem, hovever, lhe
queslion vhere lo reconslrucl h and vhere is soIved ralher arbilrariIy, rimariIy be-
cause IaryngeaI refIexes are missing in mosl Ianguages, and PA refIeclions are nol suffi-
cienl lo delermine lhe exacl characler of IaryngeaI arlicuIalion in PNC and PIC).
Since Avar has bolh barylonaI and non-barylonaI accenl aradigms in vords vilh
RH-cIuslers (see above, age 62, on lhe conneclion of Avar aradigms vilh lhe quaIily
of IaryngeaIs), lhere are reasons for reconslrucling bolh Iain and emhalic IaryngeaIs in
RH-cIuslers (lhe Ialler having caused lhe aearance of lhe immobiIe aradigm A in
Avar). We can lhus aIso reconslrucl lhe combinalions R1, R, R\, lhal, hovever, gener-
aIIy give lhe same segmenl refIexes as lhe combinalions R, Rh, R (lhe difference be-
lveen lhe combinalions of lhe lyes R and R1 is robabIy aIso refIecled in Iak, see be-
Iov).
The deveIomenl of lhe cIuslers of lhe lye RH may be summarized in lhe foIIov-
ing vay:

A. CIuslers of lhe lye R/R1

m(m1) m0 mH m ()0 m/0 m m m 0
n(n1) n0 n n0 ()0 n/0 n0 n n 0n
r(r1) r0 r(H) 0 ()0 r/0 r0 r 0
I(I1) 0 rH r r I/0 I I I 0(I)
(1) 0 I(H) I 0 I/0 I I I 0

The varialion belveen zero and non-zero refIexes is observed in some cases in PN,
Avar and PD. In PWC, in mosl cases, ve observe zero refIexes (vhich corresonds lo lhe
generaI lendency of droing resonanls in PWC). Characlerislic for PTs is lhe comen-
saling nasaIizalion of lhe voveI receding lhe Iosl resonanls

70
(vhich aIso confirms lhe suggeslion of originaI consonanl cIuslers here cf. a simiIar
henomenon in lhe deveIomenl of RC-cIuslers, see above).
As for Iak refIexes, in lhe fev cases, vhen Iak and Avar refIexes are resenl al lhe
same lime, ve have Iak 0 corresonding lo lhe Avar aradigm A (cf. ja : |cr 'eye', |a : |cr
'hand') vhiIe lhe reservalion of lhe resonanl corresonds lo Avar aradigms and C (cf.
u|a : cr 'board, oIe', un : c.inu 'naveI', qan : cnc 'fIal slone'). Thus, ve may suggesl lhal
PIC R-cIuslers are refIecled in Iak as resonanls, vhiIe R1-cIuslers yieId 0 (vilh lhe
disaearance of resonanls before -1> -0-).
. CIuslers of lhe lye Rh/R.

mh(m) m(0) m m m 0 m m: 0
nh(n) 0 nH 0 ()0 0 0 n: 0n 0
rh(r) 0 r r ()0 0 0 r 0 0
Ih(I) r 0 0 0 I: 0
h() I I I I 0 0 I: I 0

This lye of cIuslers is characlerized by lhe resence of lense resonanls in PI (excel
r, vhich onIy has a Iax varianl in PI), lhe revaIenl disaearance of resonanls in Iak
and Dargva (excel m, vhich is aIvays reserved in Dargva) and lhe Iack of IaryngeaIs
in PA refIexes (excel lhe combinalion nh > nH). The Ialler may lo some exlenl serve as
an argumenl for reconslrucling lhe IaryngeaI h in lhis case: since lhe refIexes of lhe cIus-
ler lyes A and C (see beIov) in PA generaIIy coincide, bul somevhal differ from lhe re-
fIexes of lye , il is naluraI lo suggesl lhal in lyes A and C ve are deaIing vilh lhe re-
fIexes of lhe IaryngeaIs and (vhose non-iniliaI refIeclions coincide in PA, bul differ
from lhe refIeclion of h: see above, age 61).
C. CIuslers of lhe lye R/R\.

m(m\) 0 m(H) 0 ()H m m m: 0
n(n\) 0 n n ()0 n n n: 0
r(r\) 0 rH r 0 r r r 0
I(I\) 0 r r I0 I I:
(\) 0 I(H) 0(I) I I I I: I 0(I)

In lhis lye of cIuslers PI has lhe same refIexes as in lhe revious one, vhiIe PA re-
fIexes generaIIy coincide vilh lhe refIexes of lhe lye R/R1. For PN zero refIexalion is
lyicaI, vhiIe, on lhe conlrary, PD (and, in mosl cases, in Iak) reguIarIy reserve reso-
nanls.
As a concIusion lo lhis seclion ve musl nole lhe reservalion of lhe dislinclion be-
lveen lvo IaleraI resonanls (I and ) vilh foIIoving IaryngeaIs,

71
lhis oosilion is Iacking in lhe cIuslers of lhe lye RC (see above), vhich once again
emhasizes lhe ambiguous characler of lhe honeme in PNC and PIC (lhe ossibiIily
of regarding il bolh as an obslruenl and a resonanl).
ReIiabIe cases of combinalions of lhe resonanls v and | vilh foIIoving IaryngeaIs
have nol been found.

1.1.11.3. CIuslers of lhe lye HR ("IaryngeaI"+"resonanl").
In some nominaI rools ve discover corresondences somevhal simiIar lo lhose de-
scribed in . 1.1.11.2, bul differing in severaI resecls. In some Ianguages (e.g. in Tsezian
and Andian) lhe refIexes are |usl lhe same, bul in olhers (e.g. in Nakh, Avar and Iezghian)
ve meel a lolaI Ioss of resonanls and lhe reservalion of lhe refIexes of IaryngeaI conso-
nanls. In lhese cases ve lenlaliveIy reconslrucl originaI PIC (and PNC) cIuslers of lhe
lye HR, suggesling eilher lhe deveIomenl HR > RH or HR > H in descendanl Ian-
guages. Here ve viII Iisl aII lyes of such corresondences, knovn lo us:

n n(H) n ()0 0 0
r 0 r r 0 0 | r
hn n nH n0 n 0 0| h (`)I 0
hII r(H) II: 0
I \ I 0 I 0
r r r z
n n n 0I hI
1n 0 nH 0 ()h 0 h 0 (m)
n n n(H) h ()0 | 0
r 0 (h) 0 0 r r r r
I r r ()0 |
\r 0 r 0 ()0 0 1
\n(`) n n n

HR-cIuslers are more rare lhan RH-cIuslers, lherefore in many cases lhe recon-
slruclions are quile lenlalive.

1.1.11.4. CIuslers of lhe lye RR ("resonanl"+"resonanl").
In a smaII number of nominaI rools ve discover a varialion of refIexes of differenl
resonanls. We may suose lhal lhese varialions refIecl originaI cIuslers of resonanls,
simIified in aII descendanl Ianguages. We can eslabIish lhe foIIoving rovs of corre-
sondences:

rn rn nH n n n r r r
In n n I II:
mn n m m 0
vn m v
nm m n n m nn m n
v I I I v

72
In some vords il seems ossibIe lo reconslrucl aIso olher mediaI cIuslers of reso-
nanls vilh v and | as lhe firsl comonenl, in such cIuslers aII Ianguages usuaIIy refIecl
onIy lhe second resonanl (lhough somelimes ve see refIexes simiIar lo RH-cIuslers), as
for lhe firsl comonenl, il is indireclIy refIecled in ils infIuence on voveIs or iniliaI con-
sonanls.

1.1.2. Vocalism.

The onIy alleml lo reconslrucl lhe PIC (Prolo-Dagheslan) vocaIism vas made by I.
A. okarev, vho had reconslrucled an originaI syslem of five voveIs, based on a smaII
number of examIes from Avar, Iak, Dargva, Iezghian and Tabasaran (see |okarev
1981j). Al lhe resenl lime lhe dala of lhe reconslrucled PN, PA, PTs, PD and PI Ian-
guages caII for a lolaI revision of lhe corresondences eslabIished by I. A. okarev. Il
musl be aIso noled lhal il nov seems oinlIess lo reconslrucl nasaIized voveIs (on lheir
secondary deveIomenl in PTs as a resuIl of lhe faII of mediaI resonanls, see above), as
veII as lhe haryngeaIized ones (on lheir origin, see seclion 1.1.3), hovever, ve have
reasonabIe evidence in favour of lhe dislinclion belveen Iong and shorl voveIs.
The reconslruclion of voveIs is made generaIIy on lhe basis of nouns (see beIov on
lhe behaviour of voveIs in verbaI rools). We shouId aIso nole lhal voveIs behave quile
differenlIy in mediaI and vord-finaI osilions.

1.1.2.1. MediaI vocaIism.

In mediaI (non-finaI) osilion ve reconslrucl 9 voveIs for PNC (or 18-voveIs, con-
sidering lhe Ienglh fealure),

I I
o o

In lhe labIes beIov ve demonslrale lhree lyes of refIexes: 1) refIexes vhen lhere is
no IabiaI v ad|acenl lo lhe voveI, 2) refIexes of lhe voveI afler lhe IabiaI v, 3) refIexes of
lhe voveI before lhe IabiaI v. Such a division is necessary, because IabiaIizalion in Norlh
Caucasian Ianguages has significanlIy infIuenced lhe deveIomenl of voveIs.
The deveIomenl of voveIs is aIso infIuenced by haryngeaIizalion (lhal aears as
a resuIl of lhe faII of IaryngeaIs, see beIov), as veII as by nasaIizalion in PTs (lhal aears
as a resuIl of lhe faII of mediaI resonanls, see above). We Iisl lhe nasaIized varianls of PTs
refIexes afler lhe main ones in square brackels. See beIov for more delaiIed commenls on
lhe deveIomenl of voveIs in Iasl Caucasian Ianguages.

73
In Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, lhe originaI PNC vocaIism syslem has been lolaIIy de-
slroyed (as ve knov, mosl modern Wesl Caucasian Ianguages ossess bi- or lrivocaIic
syslems lhal have deveIoed from lhe iniliaI PWC bivocaIic voveI syslem). The main
rinciIe of lhe refIexalion of voveIs in PWC is as foIIovs:
a) fronl voveIs are refIecled as lhe aIalaIizalion of lhe receding consonanl, being
lhemseIves lransformed inlo neulraI o/a, if lhe receding consonanl is IabiaIized, il be-
comes aIalaIized loo. This gives rise lo lhe secific series of "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" con-
sonanls (on lheir deveIomenl in Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, see beIov).
b) lhe IabiaIized back voveI u is refIecled as lhe IabiaIizalion of lhe receding con-
sonanl, lhus, lhe refIexes of non-IabiaIized consonanls before u merge vilh lhe refIexes
of IabiaIized consonanls. The voveI ilseIf is aIso lransformed inlo neulraI o or a.
c) lhe mid voveIs I, o as veII as back o, a are refIecled in PWC as neulraI o or a,
d) Iong voveIs in PWC merge vilh shorl ones, bul receding consonanls become
lense (slrong). This gives rise lo lhe secific series of PWC lense (so-caIIed "rerulive")
consonanls.

GeneraIIy seaking, aII lhe Iisled ruIes of voveI refIexalion in PWC can be reduced
lo one: lhe lransfer of quaIilalive and quanlilave fealures of voveIs onlo lhe receding
consonanls. As a resuIl of lhis ruIe, lhe syslem of voveIs in PWC vas draslicaIIy reduced,
bul lhe syslem of consonanls vas significanlIy increased (because of lhe aearance of
aIalaIized, "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" and "lense" honemes). We musl nole lhal lhe heighl
oosilion of lvo PWC voveIs (o-a) sliII cannol be connecled vilh lhe reseclive oo-
silion in PIC. High voveIs vere robabIy originaIIy refIecled as o, mid and Iov voveIs
as a, bul aflervards, under lhe infIuence of abIaul, lhe conneclion of PWC voveI
heighl vilh lhe corresonding Prolo-Norlh Caucasian honelic calegories became ob-
scured.
In lhe labIe given beIov ve do nol Iisl PWC refIexes (vhich vere basicaIIy described
above).

PNC,PIC PN PA Av PTs
1
Iak PD PI Khin
i i i|j
2
i
3
ia
4
i i
(Cv)
/
Cì
Cu
5

Cè
Co
CÌ Cà
Cu
Cu
Cà
Cì Cu
Cà
(Cv) / iC`
uC
iu

iC(`)
uC|j
VC(`) iCàC` iC`
/ i
(Cv) / CìCu
(Cv) / iCùC
6
i ei a|j ua a(u) e
(Cv) iC(`) oi e|5j ua a e
/
(Cv) /

74
1
Iak PD PI Khin

7
o
8
a
8
5|j
9
a e/a
10
e
11
i
12

(Cv) / Cì
Cò
Cà
Cu
CòC5
|C`C5j
au Cè
Cà
Cè
C`
u
(Cv) iC`
oC`
a 5|5j au eC`
aC`
eC`
C`
11

u
/ i e
13
I(o`)
14
a ei
15
e
16
i
(Cv) Cì
Cu
CuCè,
Co
13

C(`)I Cì
Cu
Cè
Cu
15

Cè u
(Cv) / iC(`) eo IC(`)
|Cj
au eC(`)
iC(v)
eC` I

17
i i
18
i|j
19
i
20
i
21

22
I(-u)
(Cv) C(`)i i u
18
C(`)I|Ij C`V CuCà C(`)
Cè
I
(Cv)
(,)
iC(`) au i iu iCùC C(`)
/
23
5|5j Ii
(Cv) C(`)e
(Cv) i
I
24
o a I|j,-u a u I(-i`) Iu
(Cv)I / Cò/
Cì
25

uCè
/Cà
26

C(`)I
|j
27

Cu
Cà
ua
28
Cu
CÌ
29

I(Cv) oC(`)
iC(`)
uo
(a)
30

IC(`)|j aC`
uC
aCùC uC
IC`
31

I
32
i i I|5j
33
ui iu I(|i-) iIu
(Cv)I / C(`)i
Cu
ui
34
C(`)I
|C(`)Ij
ui C(`)i
Cu
CÌ
Cu
35

i
I(Cv) iC`
oC`
i I ui iu IC`
/ i
36
o o|5j
37
a(-u) a a(|a-) a,o
(Cv) Cò o o5 u ua
38
Cu
C(`)a
39

(Cv) iC(`)
uC
ou o|5j
aC(`)
40

iC(`) a aC(`)
o / i
36,41
o|j
42

(Cv)o / C(`)i
Cu
u5
o(Cv) / iC(`)
uC
o5
/ u u ou u u o a(`)
u u Ii u u o a(`)

75
1
Iak PD PI Khin

(/)
43

i ei
44
5|j
45
u au a I(`)
(Cv) Cì
Cu
u 5 u
(CàI-)
u Cà
(Cv) iC`
uC
u 5 u
(-aIC`)
iC` aC`
(-o) i
46
ei I|j
47
u a/i
48
o a
(Cv) / Cò C(`)e
|j
CeCò u Cì o
(Cv) oC(`)
iC(`)
i u iC(`)
uC
oC(`)

(-e)
49

a a/e
50
ae
|5j
a(-u) a a(|i-)
(-u`)
51

a
(Cv) / Cà Cà/
Cè
52

Cà
Cè|5j
Cva
Cu
Cà
53
Cà ao
(Cv) aC` aC`
eC`
ae aC(`) aC(`) aC`
/ a a Ii
|j
a(-u) a
54
a(|i-)
(Cv) / Cà
Cu
Cà
Cu
C(`)i
Cu
C(`)a
Cu
Cà C(`)a ao
(Cv) aC(`) aC(`)
uC
I(i)u aC(`) aC(`) aC(`)

Commenls.
1) In Prolo-Tsezian-Khvarshi (PTsKh) ve observe a henomenon of sIilling lhe re-
fIexes of some PTs voveIs (see beIov), vhich causes us lo reconslrucl lvo series of voveI
honemes (series A and series ) of lhe firsl syIIabIe: i
A
-i
B
,e
A
-e
B
,I
A
-I
B
,o
A
-o
B
, o
A
-o
B
, u
A
-u
B
.
In lhe labIe ve have nol laken inlo accounl lhis dislinclion, lhe origin of vhich seems lo be
caused by rosodic reasons. Indeed, in aII lhe rovs of corresondences Iisled above ve ob-
serve an exacl corresondence of Tsezian series of voveIs lo Avar accenl aradigms:

PEC vowel PTs series Avar accent paradigm
*i A B~C
B A
* A B~C
B A
* A B~C
B A
*a A B~C
B A
*e A B~C
B A
* A A~B~C
B B~C
* A (A)~B~C
B B~C
*o A A~B~C
B B~C

76

From lhis scheme ve see lhal lhe PTs series corresonds lo Avar barylonaI accen-
lualion if lhe rool voveI goes back lo PIC i, , o or a, vhiIe lhe same PTs series cor-
resonds lo Avar non-barylonaI accenlualion if lhe rool voveI goes back lo PIC e, , I
or o. On lhe conlrary, lhe PTs series A corresonds lo Avar non-barylonaI accenlualion
if lhe rool voveI goes back lo PIC i, , o, a, bul lo differenl Avar accenl allerns if lhe
rool voveI goes back lo PIC e, , I or o. Il is nol lo be excIuded lhal lhe reconslruc-
lions of PIC voveIs o and I shouId be svaed, in lhal case ve vouId have a generaI
ruIe according lo vhich lhe PTs series A corresonds lo non-barylonaI aradigms vhen
lhe rool conlains an originaI narrov voveI (or lhe neulraI a), and lo any aradigm vhen
lhe rool conlains an originaI vide voveI, on lhe conlrary, lhe series corresonds lo lhe
barylonaI aradigms if lhe rool conlains an originaI narrov voveI (or lhe neulraI a), and
lo non-barylonaI aradigms if lhe rool conlains an originaI vide voveI. Hovever, lhe
honelic arlicuIalion of lhe voveIs o and I couId robabIy vary in lime, and by nov ve
vouId ralher reserve lhe reconslruclion resenled in lhe labIe (see above). The reasons
vhy non-barylonaI accenl aradigms corresond lo bolh PTs series (A and ) are lo be
examined addilionaIIy. ul lhe corresondences given above evidenlIy confirm lhe sug-
geslion of a conneclion belveen PTs vocaIic series and rosodic faclors (uIlimaleIy vilh
faIIen IaryngeaIs, see beIov).
2) The voveI i deveIos in a differenl vay ad|acenl lo IaryngeaIs, vhere Hvi- >
H5- |H-j and -CviH > -aI(|).
3) In Iak lhe iniliaI sequence v- >ba- (cf. Cv- > C(`)a-), and in finaI osilion -iv
> -uv.
4) In Dargva e can aear in lhe Iace of i in lhe sequence CiCa > CeCa as veII as
before lhe resonanl in lhe sequence CiRC- > CeRC-. Olher secific fealures of lhe de-
veIomenl of i in Dargva: ve usuaIIy observe u afler IabiaIs, as veII as in lhe sequence
-iv > -ub, before lhe finaI IaryngeaI videning occurs: -iH > -eH.
5) In PA afler h(v), videning occurs: h(v)i- > h(`)a-.
6) IabiaIized high voveIs and u are more rareIy encounlered lhan olher voveIs
and lheir secondary characler is nol lo be excIuded. esides lhal, lhe voveI is charac-
lerized by an exlreme inslabiIily of refIexes (as a resuIl, lhe reconslruclion of and nol,
for examIe, , is ralher lenlalive). I lo nov, hovever, ve do nol see any means lo
eIiminale lhese voveIs from lhe PIC syslem (i. e. any olher vay of inlerreling lhe exisl-
ing corresondences).
7) In PN > afler and before IabiaIs (lhough afler m a non-IabiaIized refIex
aIso occurs). esides, lhe deveIomenl > aarenlIy does nol occur before IaryngeaIs
and in finaI osilion afler IabiaIized consonanls.
8) In PA and Avar lhe mediaI sequence -m- > -um-.
9) In PTs mCv- > muC-, -5/u > -e/u.
10) In Dargva in lhis rov ve observe a comIicaled dislribulion belveen lhe re-
fIexes e and a (e afler IabiaIs, denlaI exIosives, hissing sounds, before , a afler hushing,
veIar, uvuIar, IaryngeaI consonanls), vilh haryngeaIizalion (caused by faIIen Iaryn-
geaIs) > aI.
11) PI aIso has a refIex i afler r-, |- and some IaryngeaIs.
12) In KhinaIug i is lhe mosl frequenl refIex, hovever, ve aIso meel olher voveIs as
descendanls of .

77
13) Avar has a afler m-. The voveI afler fronl IabiaIized consonanls is here usuaIIy
refIecled as u, vhiIe afler back IabiaIized consonanls il is eilher reserved or deveIos
inlo o (Kve- > Ko-, lhe Ialler ruIe refIecls an aIready quile Iale rocess).
14) efore and afler hushing consonanls PTs has i inslead of I.
15) In Dargva, before haryngeaIized uvuIars, videning occurs: -eQI > -aQI. Afler
IabiaIized fronl consonanls and IaleraI fricalives > u, afler IabiaIized back consonanls e
is reserved.
16) In PI, before haryngeaIized uvuIars, videning occurs: -eQI > -QI (cf. above
aboul a simiIar rocess in PD).
17) Afler IabiaI consonanls in PN > . In a fev cases (afler , afler IabiaIized con-
sonanls in finaI osilion) > .
18) Somelimes ve aIso observe Avar e (il haens, in arlicuIar, reguIarIy afler Av.
\). IabiaIized fronl consonanls before Iose lheir IabiaIizalion (Tv- > Ti-), afler back
IabiaIized consonanls > u.
19) In a fev cases PTs has I as a refIex of even vilhoul ad|acenl IabiaIizalion. The
dislribulion ruIes are nol quile cIear yel.
20) In lhe case of haryngeaIizalion in Iak, > iI, bul Cv > aIC`. Afler fronl Iabi-
aIized consonanls ve usuaIIy have i here (vilh lhe Ioss of IabiaIizalion of lhe receding
consonanl), lhe sequence Kv- usuaIIy gives Ku- or Kà-.
21) In PD before haryngeaIized uvuIars, lhe deveIomenl -QI > -aQI occurs (see
above, comm. 15), and > e before . Ad|acenl lo -v-, behaves as foIIovs: Tv- > Tu-,
-Tv > -uT(`), Kv- > Kà-, -K` > -iK`.
22) In lhe case of haryngeaIizalion in PI, > aI, bul in lhe sequence Cv, I is
reserved. The sequence Cv- usuaIIy gives Cè- (bul C- lhe in case of deIabiaIizalion).
The refIex e is aIso resenl before IabiaIized IaleraIs. Afler PI |- > a (lhe a dis-
linclion is neulraIized in lhis osilion).
23) }udging by Avar na 'naiI', lhe sequence m- is refIecled as main Avar (|usl
Iike m-, see comm. 13).
24) The sequence -Iv- gives or v here.
25) In PA Cì occurs afler veIar and IaleraI fricalives.
26) In Avar C(`)a occurs afler IabiaIized fronl consonanls, afler IabiaIized back con-
sonanls ve observe lhe refIexes CuCè (vilh a Ialer deveIomenl Cè>Co).
27) In PTs I deveIos inlo u afler IabiaI consonanls.
28) In Dargva u occurs afler fronl consonanls and fricalives, a in olher cases.
29) The refIex CÌ is observed afler PI fronl fricalives, in olher cases CÌ > Cu.
30) We see lhe refIex a in Avar in lhe case of earIy deIabiaIizalion of lhe consonanl.
31) In PI I is reserved onIy before combinalions of lhe lye RCv, in olher cases
ICv > uC.
32) }udging by PN |() 'vasle of corn', lhe mediaI combinalion -Ivis refIecled as
in PN.
33) Afler IabiaI consonanls I (|usl Iike I, see comm. 27) deveIos inlo u in PTs.
34) In Avar i occurs in lhe case of an earIy deIabiaIizalion CvI > CI.

78
35) The refIex CÌ is observed afler PI fronl fricalives, in olher cases ve have CÌ as
veII as Cu (vilh a nol quile cIear dislribulion).
36) The refIexes of o in PA are modified before lhe foIIoving m: -om- > -um--im-,
-omV > -omV.
37) In PTs gives lhe normaI refIex o afler IabiaIized consonanls, unIike o (see
comm. 41), hovever, afler m- ve meel a IabiaIized refIex u.
38) In PD Cvo > Ca, if C is a fronl fricalive (in rare cases lhe same deveIomenl oc-
curs afler olher denlaI consonanls as veII). In olher cases Cvo > Cu. We musl aIso nole
lhe varialion au in lhe refIexes of lhe mediaI combinalion -om-.
39) In PI Cvo > C(`)a, if C is a fronl fricalive (cf. lhe same deveIomenl in PD, see
comm. 37).
40) The varialion ia in Iak is aIso observed in refIexes of lhe mediaI combinalions
-ov-, -om-.
41) The differenl deveIomenl of lhe sequences Cv and Cvo in PA is eslabIished
on lhe basis of ralher IillIe maleriaI, lhis ruIe can robabIy be negIecled (ve may simIy
slale a varialion of lhe refIexes of afler IabiaIized consonanls), in lhis case ve shouId
admil lhal lhe refIexes of shorl and Iong o are dislinguished onIy in PN and (somevhal
Iess) in PTs.
42) In PTs o is refIecled as u afler IabiaI consonanls (excel m), afler m-, hovever,
ve meel lhe non-IabiaIized refIex a.
43) Afler m- and b-, PN aIso has a more narrov refIex .
44) Afler iniliaI nasaIs Avar refIexes are somevhal modified, afler m ve have a or o
(lhough mCv- > miC(`)-).
45) Afler iniliaI m- ve have lhe varialion 5u in PTs.
46) The mediaI combinalion -v- > PA o (cf. -Cv > -oC(`)).
47) The mediaI combinalion -v- (in hv|j 'ea') > PTs e(`).
48) Afler back and IaryngeaI consonanls (as veII as in lhe case of haryngeaIizalion)
ve see lhe refIex a in PD, afler IabiaI and fronl consonanls, lhe refIex i (lhough somelimes
ve meel e inslead of i).
49) The voveI becomes a fronl in PN, if il is Iocaled in finaI osilion or before
lhe IaryngeaI 1. Il is inleresling lhal, ad|acenl lo IabiaI consonanls, lhe non-IabiaIized re-
fIex is reserved in PN (unIike some olher cases, vhere ve see lhe IabiaIizing infIuence
of IabiaI consonanls, see comm. 2,8,17). SliII, in lhe combinalion -vlhe voveI is IabiaI-
ized and -v- > .
50) In Avar lhe fronling > e usuaIIy occurs before lhe resonanl -m-(aflervards
Iosl).
51) In KhinaIug lhe refIex i is encounlered as veII (in icr 'many', iza 'hare': in bolh
cases ve deaI vilh a re-accenl osilion in a bisyIIabic vord).
52) In Avar a is reserved if lhe revious IabiaIized consonanl is a back one, afler
fronl IabiaIized consonanls ve observe bolh a and lhe fronled refIex e.
53) Hovever, lhe sequence Tv (vhere T is a denlaI consonanl) is refIecled as Tu-
in PD.
54) efore lhe IaryngeaI in PD fronling occurs: a > e.

In concIusion, ve musl ay allenlion lo lhe ralher frequenl PN refIex a(), lhis refIex
is missing onIy in lhe refIeclion of lhe PIC voveIs , . To exIain lhis

79
henomenon, ve musl oinl lo lhe ralher roduclive Nakh V/a abIaul, vhich invoIves a
change of any voveI resenl in lhe direcl nominaI slem lo a () in lhe obIique one. In
some cases lhe vocaIism of lhe obIique base couId robabIy have infIuenced lhe direcl
base, vhich Ied lo lhe aearance of lhe "abIaul" a in many rovs of corresondences. For
more delaiIs on lhe PIC abIaul, see beIov.

1.1.2.2. FinaI vocaIism.
In mosl of lhe subgrous of Norlh Caucasian Ianguages, vord-finaI vocaIism is re-
resenled by reduced syslems comared lo mediaI vocaIism. Ixcel vocaIic end, in mosl
Ianguages lhe consonanl end is reresenled as veII (il is virluaIIy missing onIy in PA,
vhere lhe consonanl /resonanl/ end is aIIoved onIy in slems of lhe lye CVCVC, vhere
-VC usuaIIy is a vord-formalive affix, as veII as in some monosyIIabic ronominaI
slems). There is reason lo beIieve lhal lhe consonanl end vas nol aIIoved in PIC and
PNC, lhere is a very smaII number of slems lhal have a uniform consonanl end in aII
subgrous (excel, of course, PA, vhere, as ve menlioned above, il is nol aIIoved al aII),
and lhe refIexes of lhe Iasl consonanl in such slems in PWC are usuaIIy IabiaIized or
aIalaIized, vhich oinls lo lhe facl lhal in lhe roloIanguage lhey had some IabiaIized
or fronl finaI voveI.
The comarison of finaI voveIs in Avar, Iak, PD and PI aIIovs us lo slale lhe res-
ence of seven main lyes of voveI correIalions in finaI osilion and lo reconslrucl lhe
foIIoving syslem:

i I u
e o o
a
The dislinclion of Iong/shorl voveIs in lhe finaI syIIabIe is missing in aII modern
Ianguages, incIuding Nakh (in some Iak diaIecls lhe oosilion of finaI shorl/Iong vov-
eIs is noled, bul lhis henomenon has nol been sufficienlIy described yel and lherefore is
nol laken inlo accounl). Hovever, lhere evidenlIy are some reasons for reconslrucling
such a dislinclion in PIC and PNC. In facl, many rovs of corresondences of finaI vov-
eIs (see beIov) conlain somevhal differenl refIexes, deending on vhelher lhe corre-
sonding vord in Avar beIongs lo lhe accenl aradigm (lhe scheme of lhis aradigm:
accenl on lhe second syIIabIe in Gen. Sg., and on lhe second syIIabIe in Nom. PI.) or lo lhe
accenl aradigm C (lhe scheme of lhis aradigm: accenl on lhe second syIIabIe in Gen.
Sg., bul on lhe firsl syIIabIe in Nom. PI.). The accenl aradigm A (ils scheme: accenl on
lhe firsl syIIabIe in Gen. Sg. and Nom. PI.) is irreIevanl here (lhis aradigm, as a resuIl of
lhe faII of emhalic IaryngeaIs, or lhe infIuence of lhe reserved emhalic IaryngeaIs,
robabIy combined lhe vords lhal originaIIy beIonged lo aradigm as veII as lo ara-
digm C, see beIov, seclion 1.1.3). The finaI voveI is oflen reserved if Avar has aradigm
, bul is Iosl if Avar has aradigm C.
The described silualion may be inlerreled in lvo vays: ve can eilher lhink lhal
Avar reserves oId accenl characlerislics and reconslrucl for lhe Avar aradigm a lye
of slems vilh lhe accenl, e.g., on lhe second syIIabIe, and for

80
lhe Avar aradigm C a lye of slems vilh lhe accenl on lhe firsl syIIabIe, or ve may
lhink lhal in finaI osilion lhere aIso exisled a conlrasl belveen Iong and shorl voveIs.
The Iong ones vere subsequenlIy shorlened, bul have caused an accenl allraclion lo lhe
Iong syIIabIe in lhe Avar IuraI aradigm. As for shorl voveIs (Av. aradim C), lhey
never caused lhe shifl of accenl lo lhe second syIIabIe and vere more oflen sub|ecl lo re-
duclion. The second soIulion seems more IikeIy lo us, because il receives a convincing
affirmalion in PWC, vhere lhe behaviour of Iong voveIs in finaI osilion is simiIar lo
lhal in lhe mediaI osilion, i.e. lhey cause lhe slrenghlening of lhe receding obslruenl.
The corresondences belveen PI, PD, Iak and Avar may be shovn in lhe foIIoving
scheme:

PNC,PIC
1
Av. acc. ar. Av Iak
2
PD PI
3

- C -0 -i -i-0
4
-e
- -0 -i -i-0
4
-e
- C -0 -0 -i(-a)-0
4
-
- -i
5
-i -i(-a)-0
4
-
-I C -0 -0 -0 -I
-I -0 -a-u -a -I
- C -0 -a-u -a -a
-o -a -a -a -a
- C -0 -a -a -
- -a -a-u -a -
- C -u
6
-0 -0 -I
- -u
6
-a-u -a -I
- C -0 -0 -0 -a
- -0 -u -0 -a

Commenls.
1) The syslem of finaI voveIs is by nov reconslrucled onIy on Av., Iak., PD and PI
evidence. The ruIes of lhe deveIomenl of lhese voveIs in PN, PA and in PTs (as veII as
in KhinaIug) are sliII lo be secified, and lherefore lhey are nol examined here. As for
PWC, here finaI voveIs generaIIy behave quile Iike non-finaI ones (see lhe ruIes on age
73), lhe onIy difference concerns lhe voveI o, vhich in finaI osilion, unIike lhe mediaI
one, causes lhe IabiaIizalion of lhe receding consonanl (lhis voveI vas robabIy more
IabiaIized in finaI osilion lhan olhervise). The honelicaI characlerislics of PIC and
PNC voveIs are basicaIIy reconslrucled on PI evidence (lhough here some henomena,
nol lyicaI for lhe mediaI osilion, aIso occurred: lhe shifl in heighl i > e, lhe deIabiaIi-
zalion u > I, lhe shifl in rov a > lhough lhe Iasl ruIe is ralher "orlhograhic", be-
cause lhe recise honelic nalure of lhe PI finaI is ralher obscure, see beIov). Hovever,
lhis reconslruclion is aIso confirmed by Wesl Caucasian dala, vhere quanlilalive and
quaIilalive voveI fealures Ieave lheir lraces on receding consonanls.
2) Iak refIexes are generaIIy nol slricl (lhough a cerlain correIalion vilh lhe dala
from olher Ianguages is sureIy observed), Iel us nole lhal in virluaIIy every

81
lye of corresondences Iak may have a zero refIex, i.e. a consonanl ausIaul (besides lhe
refIexes resenled in lhe labIe above). The reasons for such a frequenl reduclion of lhe finaI
voveI in Iak are nol cIear yel.
3) In lhis labIe ve give lhe PI voveI syslem lhal is reconslrucled for lhe obIique
nominaI slem (see beIov, age 170). In lhe direcl slem (i.e. in nominalive) PI suffered a
lolaI reduclion of finaI voveIs, onIy one of vhich has been reserved (-, robabIy ro-
nounced in lhe direcl slem as /-a/).
4) In lhe case of haryngeaIizalion ve have PD -aI in lhese lyes of correson-
dences. Inslead of -i ve aIso somelimes meel lhe PD voveI -u, bul il aarenlIy rere-
senls a Ialer deveIomenl of -i afler IabiaIized consonanls.
5) Afler IabiaIized consonanls Avar has -u, nol -i.
6) Togelher vilh -u ve aIso meel a vider refIex -o in Avar, hovever, -u and -o are
aarenlIy nol reaIIy oosed lo each olher, bul reresenl diaIecl varianls of lhe same
finaI voveI.
In generaI ve may slale lhal during aII lhe hislory of Norlh Caucasian Ianguages lhe
finaI voveIs vere dynamicaIIy veaker lhan lhe mediaI ones (lhey are more rone lo re-
duclion and have a lendency lo disaear comIeleIy, in lhe Ialler case lhey are re-
served onIy if some formanls are |oined lo lhe slem, i.e. in lhe obIique slem).

1.1.2.3. AbIaul.

The voveI gradalion in nominaI and verbaI slems is ralher videsread in modern
Norlh Caucasian Ianguages. Hovever, a big arl of il aears lo have had a quile recenl
origin: lhus, voveI gradalion in lhe Avar nominaI aradigm is aImosl comIeleIy caused
by lhe henomena of voveI reduclion and assimiIalion in reaccenled syIIabIes, mosl
voveI aIlernalions in Nakh aradigms are exIained by ralher Iale umIaul, elc.
Hovever, a roer abIaul syslem (i.e. voveI gradalion in differenl morhoIogicaI
calegories) can sliII be reconslrucled in PN, PI and (in a reIic shae) in PTs. AarenlIy
lhere is a conneclion belveen lhe abIaul in lhese Ianguages and lhe PWC abIaul o/a.
The verbaI abIaul (|udging by lhe silualion in PI and PN, see beIov) vas aarenlIy
very comIicaled and ils reconslruclion is a seIf-slanding lask (hard lo be searaled from
lhe lask of reconslrucling lhe vhoIe PIC and PNC verb aradigm).
As regards lhe abIaul in lhe nominaI syslem, lhe silualion is somevhal easier. In a
number of cases il is ossibIe lo Iink lhe voveI gradalions in PTs, PN and PI. In mosl
cases ve are deaIing vilh lhe gradalions of mid and high voveIs: e/i, o/I (il is nol yel
cIear vhelher a simiIar gradalion u/o had exisled). The voveIs e and o characlerize
lhe direcl nominaI slem, and lhe voveIs i and I lhe obIique one. The PWC abIaul o/a
robabIy refIecls lhe ancienl voveI heighl gradalion as veII (bolh lyes of abIaul men-
lioned above are reduced lo lhis lye afler lhe Ioss of vocaIic quaIily characlerislics).
Here ve musl emhasize lhal aII cases of lhe PN abIaul V/a in nouns cannol be
exIained by |usl lhese lvo lyes of ancienl gradalion. Therefore il is

82
ossibIe lhal voveI gradalions in PIC vere even more videsread (lhough a secondary
|oining of many nouns vilh originaIIy non-aIlernaling voveIs lo lhe PN abIaul syslem is
robabIe as veII).
Of course, aII lhese inlroduclory noles cannol Iay lhe arl of a fuII modeI of lhe
PIC (and PNC) abIaul syslem, vhich can be conslrucled onIy logelher vilh a carefuI re-
conslruclion of lhe PNC morhoIogicaI syslem.

1.1.3. Rool slruclure and rosody.

1.1.3.1. NominaI rool.
The nominaI rool slruclure in PIC and PNC can, in generaI, be characlerized as
CVCV, vhere C is a consonanl or a combinalion of consonanls, and V is a voveI. A lyi-
caI fealure of lhe PNC rool (bolh nominaI and verbaI) is lhe facl lhal al Ieasl one obslru-
enl musl be resenl in il, rools conlaining onIy resonanls vere nol aIIoved. A secific
slruclure (CV vilhoul any consonanl reslriclions for C) couId be ossessed onIy by aux-
iIiary (grammalicaI and ronominaI) morhemes.
The syslem of voveIs, simIe consonanls and mediaI combinalions of consonanls
vas characlerized above. OnIy lhe robIem of iniliaI consonanl cIuslers requires seciaI
examinalion in lhis seclion.
In mosl modern Iasl Caucasian Ianguages, iniliaI combinalions of consonanls are
nol aIIoved, lhe silualion in such Ianguages as Iezghian or Tabasaran, vhere in some
cases, as a resuIl of reduclion of narrov voveIs of lhe firsl syIIabIe, nev iniliaI cIuslers
have aeared, is cerlainIy secondary. Hovever, iniliaI combinalions of consonanls are
veII reresenled in Nakh Ianguages (see beIov), lhough some of lhem go back lo ancienl
IabiaIized consonanls (i.e. cIuslers vilh -v-), vhich ve examined above, lhere is sliII a
very imorlanl grou of combinalions Iefl i.e., lhe combinalions of lhe lye CH-
("consonanl"+"IaryngeaI").
The Nakh silualion is aarenlIy very archaic. We can suggesl lhal PNC and PIC
ossessed a cIass of iniliaI combinalions of lhe lye CH-, lhal vere reserved in PN, bul
disaeared in aII olher subgrous. The faIIen IaryngeaIs couId have caused lhe aear-
ance of lhe barylonaI accenl aradigm A in Avar (cf. above on lhe conneclion of lhis
aradigm vilh iniliaI emhalic IaryngeaIs), and in some olher Norlh Caucasian Ian-
guages lhe aearance of a rosodic fealure of haryngeaIizalion. We eslabIish four
main lyes of corresondences belveen PN iniliaI combinalions and rosodic fealures in
olher Ianguages:

PNC,PIC PN Av. acc. ar. Iak, PD, PI haryngeaIizalion
Ch- C- C/ V
C- C-/C1- C/ VVI
C- C- A VVI
C\- C\- A VVI

Iel us go over some delaiIs of lhe refIexalion of lhese lyes of combinalions in sea-
rale subgrous.
Firsl, il is necessary lo nole lhal in PN lhe cIuslers "uvuIar + IaryngeaI" are

83
nol aIIoved (unIike aII olher lyes of combinalions). These ralher frequenl cIuslers are
lherefore refIecled as simIe uvuIars in PN. In some very rare cases PN Ioses ils Ia-
ryngeaIs in combinalions of lhe lye "resonanl+IaryngeaI" as veII. Il is nol lo be excIuded
lhal in lhese cases PIC had cIuslers of resonanls vilh or 1 (missing afler iniliaI obslru-
enls), bul lhis queslion is sliII oen because lhere are loo fev examIes. In refIexes of lhe
combinalion C- PN has lhe IaryngeaI afler voiceIess consonanls, and 1 afler voiced,
gIollaIized and resonanl consonanls.
PharyngeaIized voveIs in Iak, PD and PI usuaIIy corresond lo each olher ralher
veII and can be lraced lo PIC faIIen IaryngeaIs (nol onIy in iniliaI combinalions, bul in
mediaI cIuslers as veII, see above). PharyngeaIizalion is reserved besl of aII cIose lo
uvuIar consonanls, on lhe conlrary, in lhe vicinily of fronl consonanls, lhis rosodic fea-
lure oflen veakens and disaears. IabiaI and veIar (somelimes hushing as veII) conso-
nanls occuy an inlermediale osilion in lheir "haryngeaIizalion allraclion". As a resuIl,
syslems oflen aear, in vhich haryngeaIizalion is onIy or moslIy combined vilh lhe
uvuIar series, such syslems vouId be beller regarded honoIogicaIIy as syslems vilhoul
rosodic or vocaIic haryngeaIizalion, bul ralher vilh a seciaI IocaI series of uvuIar
haryngeaIized consonanls.
AII of lhe above means lhal in lhe rovs of corresondences given above, in PI, PD
and Iak haryngeaIizalion is besl reserved afler uvuIar consonanls, bul il has a len-
dency lo disaear afler consonanls of olher IocaI series, on lhe conlrary, in PN Iaryn-
geaIs are nol reserved afler uvuIars, bul are veII reserved afler lhe consonanls of olher
IocaI series. Thus, PN and Iak-Dargva-Iezghian dala comIemenl each olher and heI
lo reconslrucl lhe PIC syslem as a vhoIe (vhich is aIso confirmed by Avar accenloIogicaI
evidence).
A characlerislic fealure of PI is lhe secific deveIomenl of lhe iniliaI combinalion
rH-, in lhose (ralher rare) cases, vhen Nakh dala requires lhe reconslruclion of lhis
combinalion in PIC, PI has gol lhe iniliaI refIex r- (unIike lhe normaI deveIomenl r- > |-,
see above). The accuracy of lhis ruIe is confirmed by a simiIar deveIomenl, Hr- > r-, see
beIov.
In addilion lo Iak, Dargva and Iezghian Ianguages haryngeaIizalion is aIso re-
senl in PTs and PWC (vhere, on lhe basis of Ibykh, ve reconslrucl lhe series of IabiaI
and uvuIar haryngeaIized consonanls, see beIov). Ils origin, in lhis case, is aIso roba-
bIy connecled vilh lhe rocess of lhe faII of IaryngeaIs (in many cases il corresonds lo
haryngeaIizalion in Iasl-Dagheslan Ianguages), bul many delaiIs require furlher ex-
aminalion.
esides lhe examined lyes of rools lhere is anolher grou of nominaI rools (slems)
vilh very secific corresondences in differenl Ianguages. We mean rools vhose refIexes
have an iniliaI resonanl consonanl in some Ianguages and a IaryngeaI one in olhers. In
lhe Ialler case lhe refIex of lhe resonanl may be resenl loo, bul aIready in mediaI osi-
lion. In some of lhese cases ve may be deaIing vilh a secondary melalhesis of lhe reso-
nanl from lhe mediaI inlo lhe iniliaI osilion, lhis rocess is going on reguIarIy, e.g., in
Avar in lhe iniliaI sequence "+narrov voveI+RC". Hovever, in mosl cases such an ex-
Ianalion cannol be suggesled. Il is robabIe lhal here ve are deaIing vilh lhe deveIo-
menl of PIC iniliaI combinalions

84
of lhe lye HR-, lhal in some cases are simIified inlo R-, and in olher cases are simIi-
fied lo H- vilh a lransfer of resonanls inlo lhe mediaI osilion (HRVCV > HVRCV). The
examinalion of lhe maleriaI aIIovs us lo slale lhal rools vilh iniliaI combinalions of lhe
lye HR behave in lvo vays, deending on lhe Avar accenl aradigm i.e., on lhe
brevily/Ienglh of finaI voveIs (see above):

PNC, PEC PN PA Av PTS Lak PD PL Khin
1. HRVC
a) (R=r,l) *RVC(V) *RVCV RVC(V)
C
*RVCV t.VRC(V)~dVC(V) *dVRC(V) *HVRCV HVnC(V)
b) (R=m,n) *RVC(V) *RVCV RVC(V) *HV(N)CV
2. HRVC
a) (R=r,l) *HV(R)C(V) *HV(R)CV *HV(R)CV
B
*HVCV(--) t:VRVC(V) *dVRVC(V) *RVCV RVC(V)
b) (R=m,n) *HV(R)C(V) *HV(R)CV *HV(R)CV
B
*HVCV(--) RVC(V) *(HV)RVC(V) *RVCV RVC(V)

Il is vorlh noling lhal in lye 2 rools (HRVCV), lhe iniliaI combinalion Hr- gives r-
and nol |- in PI (lhough lhe normaI refIex is r- > |-), lhus, ve eslabIish a generaI ruIe ac-
cording lo vhich iniliaI combinalions rH-,Hr- > PI r(see above, age 83, on rH- > PI
r-). Therefore, lhe onIy source of PI iniliaI r- are PIC combinalions vilh IaryngeaIs. The
deveIomenl Hr- > r- is cerlainIy connecled vilh a very secific Iak-Dargva refIeclion
of PIC Hr- ( > Iak. l:Vr-, PD dVr-). Il musl be noled, hovever, lhal in some numeraIs
and ad|eclive rools lhe iniliaI denlaI exIosive may be missing in Iak and Dargva.
Very comIicaled refIexes in Norlh Caucasian Ianguages are characlerislic for a
sublye of rools vilh HR-, nameIy, for rools vilh a mediaI resonanl of lhe lye
HRVRCV (lhis lye is ralher frequenl). Here, vhen lhe iniliaI cIusler is being eIiminaled,
a "coIIision" of lvo resonanls in mediaI osilion can haen. As a resuIl, one of lhem is
ushed oul by lhe olher, besides, in individuaI refIexes muluaI assimiIalions of resonanls
somelimes occur (described above, see . 42, 45, 55, for simIe rools of lhe lye
RVRCV). These rools may aear as a "merry-go-round" of resonanls and IaryngeaIs
around a singIe obslruenl and are very hard lo examine. The mosl frequenl sequences
here are reresenled by lhe lyes HrVNCV and HNVrCV (Nn,m):

*HrVNC *nVwC(V) *NVCV NVC(V)
C
*NVCV NVC(V) *(HV)NVCV *RVCV
*HNVrC *RV(N)CV *HV(N)CV HV(R)CV
C
*HVCV(--) NVC(V) *NVRC(V) *RVCV~*mVrCV
*HrVNC *HV(N)CV *HVNCV HV(N)CV
B
*HCV t:VrVCV *dVrVC(V) *RVCV *RVCV
*HNVrC *HV(R)CV *HV(N)CV RVCV
B
*HVCV(--) *HVNCV *RVCV

Olher lyes of resonanl combinalions are nol frequenl. Il musl be noled lhal lhe lye
HrVNCV because of lhe reservalion of lhe iniliaI resonanl in PI couId be inler-
reled as rHVNCV (excel lhose soradic cases, vhen Dargva reserves lhe iniliaI Ia-
ryngeaI).
Anolher inleresling lye of rools are lhose vhich in some Ianguages reveaI

85
lhe slruclure CVRV, and in olhers HV(R)CV. y anaIogy vilh lhe rools of lhe revious
lye il seems quile robabIe lhal in lhis case ve are deaIing vilh oId slruclures of lhe
lye HCVRV. In some Ianguages lhis slruclure is simIified inlo CVRV (cf. HRVCV >
RVCV), vhiIe in olhers il deveIos inlo HVCRV (cf. HRVCV > HVRCV), and afler-
vards because combinalions of lhe lye CR are generaIIy nol aIIoved inlo HVRCV
(vilh a ossibIe subsequenl Ioss of lhe mediaI resonanl). According lo lheir behaviour in
descendanl Ianguages lhese rools can aIso be divided in lvo subgrous correIaled vilh
Avar accenl aradigms and lherefore vilh lhe brevily/Ienglh of finaI voveIs:

*HCVR *RVCV *HV(R)CV
C
*HVCV(--) CVRV *CVRV *CVRV RVC~CVR
*HCVR a) *HV(R)CV
b) *mHVCV
*CVRV CVR(V)
B
*CVRV CVRV *CVRV *CVRV CVR(V)

We shouId nole lhal lhe refIexes of lhe slruclure HCVRV differ from lhe refIexes of
simIe rools of lhe lye CVRV onIy in PN, vhere ve see lhe slruclure HV(R)CV vilh
fronl resonanls, and a seciaI slruclure mHVCV vilh lhe IabiaI m. Il musl, hovever, be
slaled lhal in lhe Iasl labIe ve have on urose somevhal simIified lhe lranscrilion of
lhe rool slruclures, in reaIily mediaI resonanls in descendanl Ianguages ralher oflen dis-
aear, vhich suggesls lhal lhe slruclure HCVRV, vhiIe lransforming ilseIf, deveIoed
nol |usl inlo CVRV, bul ralher inlo CVRHV or CVHRV (on lhe deveIomenl of lhe
mediaI combinalions RH and HR see above, . 69-71).
In PWC, oving lo lhe generaI ruIe of droing IaryngeaIs and (in mosl cases) reso-
nanls, mosl rool lyes Iisled above are refIecled as lhe monosyIIabic slruclure CV. Hov-
ever, in ralher many cases PWC has a rolhelic consonanl before C (usuaIIy a IabiaI b or
deending on lhe voice/voiceIessness of C, more rareIy a denlaI l or d). The nalure of
lhis consonanl is nol quile cIear yel. Il is nol lo be excIuded lhal Wesl Caucasian Ian-
guages reserve an imorlanl archaism i.e., lhe refixed cIass markers, lhal vere re-
served by PIC onIy vilhin verbaI vord-forms (mosl of lhe "cIass markers" lhal some re-
searchers discover in a "elrified" shae vilhin Iasl Caucasian nouns, are, as seen from
vhal vas said above, organic arls of lhe rool and have nolhing lo do vilh cIass agree-
menl) and vilhin a smaII number of nouns, moslIy kinshi lerms and names of "inaIien-
abIe" body arls.
AII lhe varianls of lhe CVCV slruclure lhal have been examined above (ve have nol
said anylhing onIy aboul lvo very hyolhelicaI slruclures HCVCV and RCVCV, lhe
reconslruclion of vhich is yel dubious) are characlerislic for PIC (PNC) non-derived
nominaI rools. In some cases ve can robabIy regard lhe iniliaI H- as a refixed eIemenl
(e.g., lhe noun hvmi "honey", lhal is robabIy a derivale from lhe ad|eclive mV
"sveel"), bul in mosl cases ve cannol find any deriving rools (verbaI or ad|eclivaI) vilh a
simIer slruclure. The conlrary is correcl as veII: an absoIule ma|orily of non-derived
PIC (PNC) nouns has lhe honelic rool slruclure CVCV (vhere C, as has been noled
above, is a consonanl or a consonanl combinalion of one of lhe examined lyes). The foI-
Ioving cases musl be seciaIIy noled:
1) There is a ralher numerous cIass of nominaI slems of lhe slruclure CVCVCV,

86
vhere lhe Iasl consonanl is usuaIIy a resonanl. Il is quile ossibIe lhal aII such slems are
derived from obsoIele simIe rools of lhe slruclure CVCV, because virluaIIy aII of lhe
resonanls in PIC couId acl as derivalive or infIeclionaI suffixes. Hovever, lhe finaI soIu-
lion in each individuaI case deends on deeer inner reconslruclion or exlernaI com-
arison.
2) There is a smaII number of nominaI slems vilh lhe slruclure -VCV and a variabIe
iniliaI cIass marker. As ve said before, lhese are nouns denoling some kinshi reIalions
or inaIienabIe body arls (e.g. face, beIIy, elc.) These vords bolh by lheir semanlics
and lheir shae in a vay occuy an inlermediale osilion belveen nouns and verbs
(on lhe verbaI rool slruclure, see beIov). There is no doubl lhal in PIC lhis cIass of nouns
vas nol much more exlensive lhan in modern Caucasian Ianguages. Il is nol lo be ex-
cIuded, hovever, lhal in lhe originaI PNC syslem lhe cIass markers couId be refixed nol
onIy lo verbaI slruclures of lhe lye -VCV, bul lo noun slruclures of lhe lye CVCV as
veII. On one side, il is indicaled by some facls of Wesl Caucasian Ianguages (see above,
age 85), on lhe olher side, ve meel occasionaI refixalion of lhe syIIabIe rV- or Vr- vilh
an obscure meaning lo some nominaI rools of lhe lye CVCV in individuaI Iasl Cauca-
sian Ianguages. Il is robabIe lhal a very archaic silualion of lhis lye is refIecled in an-
cienl Halli lexls (see |Ivanov 1985j). Hovever, lhis robIem sliII requires a fundamenlaI
eIaboralion.
Summing u, ve may slale lhal for an absoIule ma|orily of nouns ve can recon-
slrucl an originaI lvo-syIIabIe rool slruclure. The exlreme oinl of viev of some aulhors,
vho lhink lhal lhe PNC and PIC rool had a monosyIIabic slruclure and consisled of one
obslruenl+voveI musl lherefore be considered insubslanliaI. The sembIance of "mono-
consonanlism" is crealed here, on one side, by lhe seudo-"monoconsonanlism" of lhe
Wesl Caucasian rool (vhose secondariness vas aIready noled by N. S. Trubelskoy, see
|Trubelskoy 1930, 281j ), on lhe olher side, by lhe slabiIily of lhe refIexes of PNC oraI ob-
slruenls, oosed lo lhe generaI inslabiIily and aclive assimiIalive/dissimiIalive rocesses
vilhin lhe subsyslems of IaryngeaIs and resonanls. There is no doubl lhal many nominaI
slems conlain oId derivalionaI morhemes, bul lhe number of lhese slems is very much
smaIIer lhan is oflen suggesled.

1.1.3.2. VerbaI rool.
One of lhe main lasks of lhe comaralive grammar of Norlh Caucasian Ianguages
musl be lhe reconslruclion of lhe PNC verbaI aradigm. I lo nov ve have a very a-
roximale nolion aboul lhe syslem of PIC and PNC verb con|ugalion. Hovever, such a
reconslruclion has been eslabIished for some inlermediale roloIanguages (e.g. PI), and
ve can aIready drav some reIiminary concIusions.
The verbaI vord-form in PNC vas aarenlIy reresenled by a ralher Iong chain of
cIass and asecl/lense markers, vilh lhe verbaI rool in lhe middIe. InIike lhe nominaI
rool, il vas aarenlIy never isoIaled, vilhoul auxiIiary morhemes, such a silualion is
sliII reserved in mosl Norlh Caucasian Ianguages. The inleraclion vilh refixes and suf-
fixes has robabIy condilioned lhe secific

87
slruclure of lhe PNC verbaI rool.
The slruclure of lhe PIC (PNC) verbaI rool vas aIready oulIined by N. S. Trubel-
skoy (see |Trubelskoy 1929j), vho had noled lhal il Iooked Iike -VCV(R), vhere C is an
obslruenl, V aIlernaling voveIs and R some resonanl. The osilion of lhe iniliaI
consonanl in lhe PIC verbaI rool vas usuaIIy occuied by inlerchanging cIass (agree-
menl) markers. We can nov make lhis concelion somevhal more delaiIed, by noling lhe
ossibIe resence of iniliaI IaryngeaIs (usuaIIy Iosl in descendanl Ianguages afler refixed
cIass markers see above on lhe deveIomenl of lhe combinalions CH-, bul re-
served if refixed morhemes are missing) as veII as mediaI cIuslers of lhe lye -RC- (see
beIov for more delaiI on lheir reconslruclion in PI) in lhe PNC (PIC) verbaI rool. There-
fore, lhe fuII slruclure of lhe PNC (PIC) verbaI rool Iooks Iike (H)V(R)CV(R), in PWC,
oving lo lhe honelic rocesses of droing IaryngeaIs and resonanls (menlioned above),
mosl verbaI rools acquire lhe monosyIIabic slruclure CV.
The nalure of lhe iniliaI syIIabIe HV- in lhe PNC verbaI rool is nol quile cIear yel. Il
is ossibIe lhal more rofound inlernaI reconslruclion and exlernaI comarison viII in
many cases aIIov us lo regard lhis syIIabIe as refixed (having arisen in some cases be-
lveen lhe cIass indicalor and lhe iniliaI rool consonanl in order lo eIiminale a forbidden
iniliaI cIusler, in some cases refIecling some ancienl deiclic or Iocalive markers). Il is aIso
quile robabIe lhal ancienl rool slruclures of lhe lye RVCV, finding lhemseIves in a
osilion afler lhe refixed markers, vere lransformed inlo -VRCV, vhiIe lhe ancienl
slruclures CVRV in such a silualion deveIoed a rolhelic voveI > -VCVR-. Hovever,
on loday's IeveI of knovIedge ve may laIk onIy aboul lhe knovn slruclure
(H)V(R)CV(R).
We shouId ay allenlion lo a virluaIIy comIele (vilh very rare excelions) Iack of
verbaI rools vilh lvo oraI obslruenls of lhe slruclure CVCV. We can onIy guess aboul
lheir fale in PNC (lhey couId, even before lhe division of PNC, have been lransformed
inlo rools vilh lhe slruclure -VCCV vilh a Ialer simIificalion of lhe forbidden consonanl
combinalion, or lhey couId comIeleIy Iose verbaI funclions, becoming nominaI rools).
We viII nov sum u our knovIedge of lhe behaviour of individuaI eIemenls of lhe
PIC verbaI rool in descendanl Ianguages (in PWC il vas in mosl cases reduced lo lhe
simIe slruclure CV, see above, a simiIar simIificalion of lhe verbaI rool slruclure has
aarenlIy come lo ass in KhinaIug, bul maleriaI on il is ralher scarce and il is loo earIy
lo make any exacl concIusions).
1. The iniliaI consonanl. This osilion in verbaI rools is occuied onIy by IaryngeaIs
(for lheir refIexes, see above) lhal, in mosl cases, disaear afler refixed (cIass or Iocalive)
morhemes. Therefore, for mosl verbaI rools ve can regard lhe osilion of lhe iniliaI
consonanl as nol fiIIed (lhus foIIoving N. S. Trubelzkoy).
One of lhe as yel uncIear queslions of lhe reconslruclion of lhe PIC verbaI aradigm
is lhe robIem of lhe so-caIIed "refixIess" con|ugalion, allesled by some verbs in
Avaro-Andian Ianguages (il is nol connecled, of course, vilh lhe Ialer rocess of dro-
ing cIass markers in some Iezghian Ianguages). Il is nol lo be excIuded lhal in PIC (and
PNC`), cIass agreemenl couId be absenl in some asecl/lense forms, as a resuIl of vhich
lhe vocaIic rool beginning lurned oul lo be "nol covered". In such a silualion iniliaI vov-
eIs (eseciaIIy narrov ones) couId easiIy

88
be Iosl, and lhe slruclure -VCV(R)- couId be reduced lo a more simIe slruclure CV(R)-.
This henomenon couId exIain lhe resence of a ralher Iarge number of doubIel forms
in Avar-Andian Ianguages, vhich can be characlerized as lvo slales of rool. Cf. in Avar:
slale 1 u.- "lo rake, shoveI", us.- "lo crumbIe, cul", c- "lo uII, lo Iuck fruils", ai-
"lo be", slale 2 .a- "lo shoveI u, lo rake u", s.u "lo sIil", c "lo lear dovn", ic
"lo Ieave", elc.
Il is nol yel cIear hov lhe described henomenon is reIaled (and vhelher il is reIaled
al aII) lo lhe dislinclion of "slrong" and "veak" series of cIass indicalors in PI, vhere lhe
"refixIess" con|ugalion is absenl (on lhis oosilion, see 1985).
2.V
1
. In many cases firsl syIIabIe voveIs are reIaled lo each olher in differenl Ian-
guages by lhe same ruIes as lhe firsl syIIabIe voveIs of nominaI rools (see above). Hov-
ever, in verbaI con|ugalion an undoubledIy significanl roIe vas Iayed by abIaul, vhich
vas much more roduclive and diverse here lhan in lhe nominaI syslem. The reconslruc-
lion of abIaul rovs is by nov made onIy for lhe Prolo-Iezghian Ianguage (see beIov),
and nol lransferred lo more archaic slages. ecause of lhal lhe exacl reconslruclion of lhe
firsl syIIabIe voveI for mosl verbaI rools characlerized by aclive voveI gradalion is sliII
uncIear.
3.R
1
. The cIuslers vilh mediaI resonanls in lhe verbaI rool are reconslrucled in PI
(see beIov), PD, PA and PN. Hovever, reconslrucling lhe syslem of mediaI resonanls in
lhe verbaI rool is somevhal harder lhan in lhe nominaI one, because here, due lo severaI
reasons (reduclion of lhe iniliaI voveI, a ossibiIily of secondary infixalion of some
originaIIy suffixed morhemes), rool resonanls are oflen reinlerreled as auxiIiary mor-
hemes and lherefore can disaear (in some verbaI forms or even in lhe vhoIe ara-
digm). If one aIso considers lhe generaI honelic inslabiIily of resonanls in cIuslers of lhe
lye RC in Norlh Caucasian Ianguages (on lhe deveIomenl of lhese cIuslers in nominaI
rools, see above), il becomes cIear vhy, in many cases, mediaI resonanls are reserved
onIy soradicaIIy as archaisms.
NeverlheIess, a carefuI comarison of lhe reconslrucled inlermediale roloIan-
guages, as veII as lhe consideralion of honelic ruIes (in cIuslers of lhe lye -RC-, ob-
slruenls behave in lhe same vay as in nouns, and lhe anaIysis of lhe corresondences
belveen obslruenls oflen aIIovs us lo make a concIusion aboul lhe resence of a resonanl
before lhem in PIC and PNC), aIIov us lo reconslrucl in verbaI rools, on lhe vhoIe, lhe
same syslem of mediaI -RC-cIuslers as in nominaI ones (see above).
Il musl be noled lhal in PI and PA verbaI rools, lhe mediaI nasaIs -m- and -nare
comIeleIy missing. These mediaI resonanls can be reconslrucled onIy on lhe basis of PD
dala (-m- is reserved in PD) and indirecl evidence of lhe Iezghian and Andian Ian-
guages. As a maller of facl, bolh PI and PA have a so-caIIed "n-con|ugalion", generaIIy
going back lo PIC rools vilh a finaI -n (see beIov on finaI resonanls). ul in some cases
lhe n-con|ugalion in PI corresonds lo lhe resonanlIess con|ugalion in PA, and vice versa.
We may lhink lhal lhe droed mediaI nasaIs may have Iefl behind a nasaIizalion lhal
aIso sread over lhe second syIIabIe of lhe verbaI rool, resuIling in lhe mixlure of rools
vilh originaI finaI

89
nasaIs and rools vilh mediaI nasaIs. }udging by lhe correIalion of knovn cases vilh
Dargva and PTs evidence (PTs refIecls mediaI nasaIs as lhe nasaIizalion of lhe voveI V
1
),
lhe mediaI -m- disaeared in PI vilhoul any lrace, bul vas refIecled as lhe
"n-con|ugalion" in PA, and, vice versa, lhe mediaI -n- disaeared vilhoul any lrace in
PA, bul vas refIecled as lhe "n-con|ugalion" in PI.
4. C. The rool obslruenl is lhe mosl slabIe eIemenl in lhe verbaI rool. For lhe verb ve
reconslrucl lhe same syslem of obslruenls as for lhe nominaI rool (on lhe correson-
dences, see above). We musl ay allenlion onIy lo lhe exlreme rarily of IabiaI consonanls
in verbaI rools (in facl, vilhin lhe vhoIe buIk of Norlh Caucasian and Iasl Caucasian
rools ve knov of onIy one rool vilh a IabiaI). In addilion, ve musl nole lhal lhe rool ob-
slruenls can be IaryngeaIs vhich easiIy disaear or are consumed by ad|acenl conso-
nanls, as a resuIl of vhich in some Ianguages "zero" verbaI rools can aear.
5. V
2
. Significanl voveI dislinclions in lhe second syIIabIe of lhe verbaI rool are
found in Iezghian Ianguages (for lhe PI reconslruclion of V
2
, see beIov), in Iak, in
Avar-Andian and robabIy Nakh Ianguages. In olher Ianguages lhe differences among
second syIIabIe voveIs are generaIIy neulraIized. }udging by lhe dala from Iezghian and
Nakh Ianguages, voveI gradalion (lhough of a somevhal differenl kind and vilh differ-
enl funclions lhan in lhe firsl syIIabIe) vas aIso resenl in lhe second syIIabIe. Hovever,
lhe syslem of PIC verbaI voveIs in lhe second syIIabIe is nol yel cIear, ve can drav some
concIusions aboul lhe PNC syslem by comaring lhe PI syslem vilh lhe behaviour of
rool obslruenls in PWC (because lhey are aarenlIy sub|ecl lo lhe same modificalions in
lhe verb as in lhe noun). Hovever, lhis robIem needs seciaI invesligalion.
6. R
2
. FinaI resonanls in verbaI rools are allesled in PA, PD and PI. We can quile re-
IiabIy reconslrucl r, I (erhas as veII, |udging by lhe PA dala, lhough lhere are fev
examIes on lhis resonanl), and n for PIC. The queslion of lhe reconslruclion of lhe finaI
IabiaIs m, v (> PA m, b) is sliII oen, because lheir PI and PD corresondences are nol
cIear, hovever, lheir resence in lhe originaI syslem seems quile ossibIe. In olher Ian-
guages finaI resonanls are Iosl. This rocess vas aarenlIy caused chiefIy by morho-
IogicaI reasons: finaI resonanls in lhe verbaI rool are easiIy reinlerreled as suffixaI mor-
hemes and lherefore are searaled from lhe rool. This rocess is aclive, for examIe, in
modern Iezghian Ianguages and diaIecls (see beIov).
PIC finaI resonanls r, n are veII reserved in PI and PD. PA slems in "slale 1" (see
above) reserve onIy -n and Iose -r, in "slale 2" -r, -n are usuaIIy reserved. PIC finaI I is
reserved in PA in "slale 2" and in PI, in PA "slale 1" and in PD lhis consonanl robabIy
merges vilh -n. In addilion, in PD rools vilh lhe originaI finaI r, bul conlaining a mediaI
-I- are lransferred inlo lhe n-con|ugalion (robabIy as a resuIl of lhe rocess -VICVr >
-V(I)CVI > -V(I)CVn). Hovever, lhese ruIes have many excelions as a resuIl of differ-
enl anaIogicaI rocesses, laking Iace in individuaI cases.
On lhe vhoIe ve may say lhal, lhough ve knov lhe generaI slruclure of lhe verbaI
rool, lhere are sliII very many gas in our reconslruclions, for lhe fiIIing of vhich more
carefuI research in lhe fieId of Norlh Caucasian verbaI morhoIogy viII be needed.

90
1.1.3.3. Olher lyes of rools.
esides nominaI and verbaI, lhere are aIso some inlermediale lyes of rools. We
have aIready examined above nominaI rools vilh variabIe cIass markers lhal are formaIIy
ralher simiIar lo verbaI rools. They are ad|oined by ad|eclive rools, lhe slruclure of vhich
arliaIIy resembIes lhe verbaI one, arliaIIy lhe nominaI one. Il shouId be noled lhal lhere
are some ad|eclive rools vilh a lyicaI nominaI slruclure (e.g. CVRV), lhal can oblain
cIass refixalion and change lhe rool slruclure: CVRV > VCRV and (oving lo lhe in-
admissibiIily of -CR- combinalions) > VRCV. Il is ossibIe lhal such (or simiIar) vas lhe
originaI rocess of lhe formalion of verbaI rools in Norlh Caucasian Ianguages (see above,
age 87, on olher ossibiIilies).

1.1.3.4. Prosody.
The PIC and PNC rosody is sliII IillIe knovn. We have aII reason lo lhink lhal lhe
PNC vord vas characlerized by lonaI accenlualion, lhis is confirmed by lhe dala of lhe
PWC accenl syslem reconslrucled by V. A. Dybo (see |Dybo 1977, 1989j), as veII as by lhe
discovery of lonaI accenl syslems in modern Iasl Caucasian Ianguages (see |Kibrik-Kod-
zasov-Slaroslin 1978j). Hovever, lhe PNC accenl reconslruclion is sliII very far from
comIelion, for some reIiminary observalions on lonaI corresondences in Avar-Andian
Ianguages see |Slaroslin 1978j. A successfuI soIulion of lhis robIem sliII requires much
fieId research and lhe crealion of inlermediale accenl reconslruclions for PTs, PA and PI
roloIanguages. Therefore aII such queslions are nol examined in lhis vork.
Some rosodic henomena in Norlh Caucasian Ianguages (nameIy: haryngeaIiza-
lion, lhe sIil of voveI refIexes in Tsezian Ianguages and Avar mobiIe accenl) vere aI-
ready examined above being by lheir very nalure connecled vilh segmenl faclors (lhe
syslem of IaryngeaI consonanls and lhe brevily/Ienglh of voveIs).
There is, hovever, one more queslion lhal is cIoseIy Iinked lo lhe rool slruclure, lhe
consonanl syslem and robabIy lhe originaI rosodic syslem in PIC and PNC. Il is lhe
robIem of lhe so-caIIed "geminales" (on lheir refIexes in lhe subgrous, see above).
If ve examine lhe buIk of lhe reconslrucled PIC and PNC rools vilh lhe slruclure
AV(R)AV (vhere A is an affricale or fricalive, R a resonanl), ve viII discover lhe foI-
Ioving reguIarily: 1) rools vilh lhe slruclure AVAV aIIov eilher lhe combinalion of lvo
Iain affricales (CVCV), or lvo "geminales" (CCVCCV), bul nolhing eIse, 2) rools vilh
lhe slruclure AVRAV aIIov eilher lhe sequence CVRCV (vhere bolh lhe affricales are
Iain), or CVRCCV (vhere lhe firsl affricale is Iain, and lhe second one is geminaled).
(PossibIe excelions are some reduIicaled slruclures).
Thus, rools vilh lvo affricale (or fricalive) consonanls are divided exaclIy in lvo
subgrous: a) rools conlaining onIy "Iain" consonanls, b) rools, vhere bolh consonanls
are "geminaled" if lhe firsl syIIabIe is oen, bul vhere onIy lhe second consonanl is
geminaled if lhe firsl syIIabIe is cIosed (in shorl, rools, vhere onIy lhe consonanl in lhe
oen syIIabIe is geminaled). If ve suggesl here lhe

91
aclivily of some rosodic faclor (e.g. honalion or lone), vhose resence caused lhe
slrenghlhening of affricales and fricalives in lhe oen syIIabIe, ve can in facl eIiminale aII
lhe "geminales" from lhe reconslruclion. Hovever, lhis ossibiIily is sliII hyolhelicaI, lo
confirm lhis hyolhesis ve vouId have lo Iink lhe described dislinclion vilh some aclu-
aIIy vilnessed rosodic fealures.

1.2. From PN to modern Nakh languages.

eIov ve viII examine PN honeme refIexes in alsbi, Ingush and Iilerary Chechen
Ianguage (based on lhe Akka diaIecl). InforlunaleIy, for olher Chechen diaIecls (some of
vhich, e.g. CheberIoy, are very archaic), IexicograhicaI sources are missing, lherefore
maleriaIs of Chechen diaIecls, laken moslIy from lhe vork |ImnayshviIi 1977j, are used
onIy occasionaIIy.

1.2.1. Consonanlism.

The foIIoving consonanl syslem is reconslrucled for PN:

IabiaIs b f v m
DenlaIs l d r n
Hissing c ( s
Hushing ( |
IaleraIs I
VeIars k, g, , k
IvuIars q q i
IaryngeaIs h
Imhalic IaryngeaIs 1 \

Characlerislic fealures of lhe PN syslem (comared lo olher Norlh Caucasian Ian-
guages) are a Iack of IabiaIized consonanls (see above on lheir deveIomenl), defeclivily
of lhe IaleraI series, lhe oosilion of veIar and aIalaIized veIar (aIalaI) consonanls.
Hovever, aIalaIs are ralher rare honemes in PN and are nol reserved in modern Ian-
guages. The gIollaIized k may deveIo from originaI IaleraIs (see above), bul in a fev
cases from lhe veIar as veII. The origin of lhe exlremeIy rare PN honemes and is
nol cIear yel.
An oinion exisls lhal non-iniliaI gIollaIized consonanls of alsbi are secondary
comared lo Chechen-Ingush voiced consonanls (see |ImnayshviIi 1977j), hovever, lhe
corresondences vilhin Nakh as veII as exlernaI dala (lhal firmIy rove lhe archaism of
alsbi in lhis asecl) Iead us lo agree vilh lhe oinl of viev of A. SommerfeIl (see |Som-
merfeIl 1938j), vho considers lhe gIollaIized consonanls originaI. The reconslruclion
given here differs from lhe concIusions of D. S. ImnayshviIi (|ImnayshviIi 1977j) in lhis as
veII as in some olher asecls (lhe queslion aboul lhe originaIily of PN f, aboul lhe sys-
lem of IaleraI consonanls).
The corresondences of consonanls vilhin Nakh Ianguages are as foIIovs:

92

PN als Chech Ing

b b b-, 0v b-, 0v
-, b -, b
f v (h, ) h/v f
v v v-, 0v v-, 0v
m m m m
l l l l
d d d-, 0| d-, 0|
-, d -, d
r r r r
n n, -()0 n-, -()0 n-, ()0
c c c c
-, z z z
( ( (-, z (-, z
s s s s

-,
( ( (-, (-,

| | | |

1
I I
I I
I I I I
k k k k
k k
g g g-, 0| g-, 0|
g
-, g -, g
k (-, -,
q q q q
q q q q

i i i i

h h h h/v
\
1 \ \ \

\ \

Commenls.

1) WeII knovn is lhe lhesis of N. S. Trubelskoy (see |Trubelskoy 1931, 318j) aboul
lhe oosilion of lvo consonanl syslems in Nakh Ianguages: iniliaI and non-iniliaI. The
PN reconslruclion (and rimariIy lhe alsbi evidence) aIIovs us lo

93
discard lhis oosilion. Hovever, il musl be said lhal, in sile of lhe comIele dislribu-
lion of mosl PN honemes, some of lhem are sliII reconslrucled onIy for a singIe osilion.
PN f, and \ are secific "iniliaI" honemes, PN , and (lhere is, hovever, onIy
one elymon conlaining lhe Iasl honeme, and il is basicaIIy reconslrucled for symmelry)
are never reresenled in lhe beginning. The cases of iniliaI r in PN are exlremeIy rare,
Ingush usuaIIy adds a rolhelicaI voveI before r in lhese cases.
2) The honeme f is reserved in Ingush, in Chechen and in alsbi il deveIos inlo
v in mosl cases (becomes voiced). The h refIex in Chechen aears onIy before oId Iabi-
aIized voveIs, lhe dislribulion of lhe soradicaIIy mel alsbi refIexes h, is nol quile
cIear yel. HisloricaIIy PN f deveIoed eilher from IabiaIized IaleraIs (f < xv < v) or
from IabiaIized IaryngeaIs (f < hv), see above.
3) Voiced exIosives in Chechen-Ingush reguIarIy disaear in noniniliaI osilion,
deending on lhe vocaIic conlexl, lhey can disaear vilhoul any lrace or Ieave behind
lhe resonanls v and | (as hialus-fiIIing). In lhe case of lhe disaearance of inlervocaIic
voiced consonanls a conlraclion of voveIs occurs.
4) In Ingush ImnayshviIi describes a rocess of devoicing voiced vord-finaI conso-
nanls (i.e. originaI gIollaIized),lhal are arlicuIaled as voiceIess lense :, l:, k:, c:, : in lhis
osilion (see | 1977j). Il is inleresling lhal lhe originaI voiced , vhich
vere nol droed (> Ing. z, ) seem nol lo be sub|ecl lo devoicing. Thus, lhe Ingush Ian-
guage reserves lraces of lhe PN dislinclion belveen vord-finaI -, (- lhal is com-
IeleIy neulraIized in Chechen. InforlunaleIy, Ingush orlhograhy does nol dislinguish
such "devoiced" consonanls from ordinary voiced ones.
5) The finaI n disaears in aII Nakh Ianguages, Ieaving behind lhe nasaIizalion of
lhe revious voveI (lhough il is reguIarIy reslored in lhe aradigm before added suf-
fixes). NasaIized voveIs lhal aear as a resuIl of lhis rocess are usuaIIy nol marked in
Chechen-Ingush orlhograhy (lhough Chechen orlhograhy has lhe finaI -n in monosyI-
Iabic vords vilh lhe finaI nasaIized voveI).
6) In Chechen-Ingush orlhograhy lhere is no z or dislinclion, in mosl
Chechen diaIecls lhis oosilion is aIso absenl (a singIe excelion is lhe KhiIdikharoy
diaIecl, vhere (-, -(- > --,-- vhiIe --,-- >-z-,--, unforlunaleIy, ve do nol ossess sys-
lemalic records of lhis diaIecl). On lhe dislribulion of honelicaI varianls z and
in Nakh Ianguages and diaIecls see |ImnayshviIi 1977j.
7) AII descrilions of alsbi menlion lhe resence of lhe voiceIess IaleraI fricalive ,
corresonding lo I in Chechen and Ingush. Hovever, ve musl ay allenlion lo lhe facl
lhal in some vords, vhere lhe records of A.G. Malsiev (|Malsiyev 1932j) and Y. D.
Desheriev (|Desheriyev 1953j) have , lhe records of D. N. Kadagidze (|Kadagidze 1984j)
have I. We may suose lhal alsbi (or al Ieasl some alsbi idioIecls) in facl ossess lvo
IaleraI honemes (besides lhe Iain I), lhal have merged vilh I in Chechen-Ingush. The
IaleraI fricalive (I`) lhal D. N. Kadagidze marks as I, vas lenlaliveIy lranscribed as
1
in
lhe labIe. The robabiIily of lhe resence of lhis honeme in alsbi is aIso confirmed by a
secific deveIomenl of lhe combinalion -r- (> alsbi /Malsiev, Desheriev/ r,
/Kadagidze/ rI, Ing. rd) in Ingush, unIike -r- (> alsbi /Malsiev, Desheriev, Kadagidze/
r, Ing. r(h)), see beIov. ul of course our suggeslion requires a direcl fieId verificalion.
6) AII modern Nakh Ianguages have four IaryngeaIs (h, , , \). Hovever, for

94
PN lvo more ( and 1) are ralher secureIy reconslrucled. Il musl be noled lhal lhe
honelic reconslruclion of , 1 and \ is ralher lenlalive (in modern Ianguages lhe ar-
licuIalion of \ varies belveen lhe Iosive 1 and lhe fricalive \), lhe reconslruclions and
\ as veII as 1 and \ couId be exchanged. OnIy lhe reconslruclions of , and h are
honelicaIIy lruslvorlhy (in Ingush lhe refIexes h and v are in comIemenlary dislribu-
lion: h before non-IabiaIized voveIs, v before IabiaIized ones). The honelic quaIily of
lhe honemes lhal ve mark as , 1, \ is delermined on lhe basis of generaI considera-
lions aboul lhe ossibIe organizalion of a syslem vilh six IaryngeaIs as veII as on lhe ba-
sis of exlernaI dala (see above).
1.2.1.1. Consonanl combinalions.
Nakh Ianguages are dislinguished from olher Iasl Caucasian Ianguages by a muIli-
lude of consonanl combinalions as veII as by an exlremeIy secific fealure: lhe ossibiIily
of consonanl cIuslers in iniliaI osilion. Iel us examine lhe ossibIe lyes of cIuslers in
PN.

1.2.1.1.1. IniliaI consonanl cIuslers.
In lhe iniliaI osilion in PN lhe foIIoving lhree lyes of cIuslers are ossibIe: a) "P +
consonanl" (lhe number of consonanls in lhese combinalions is Iimiled, see beIov), b)
"consonanl + IaryngeaI" (in lhese cIuslers any consonanls excel uvuIars and IaryngeaIs
can Iay lhe arl of lhe firsl comonenl), c) lhe cIuslers sl, s. Here are lheir refIexes in
Ianguages:

PN als Che Ing
s- s- s- s-
- - - -
- - - -
C1- Z\-
1
/- Z\-/q
2
Z\-/q
3

C- C- C- C-
C\- Z-/q Z-/-/C- Z\-/q/C-
C- Z\-/\-/C
4
Z-/-/C- Z-/\-/C-
5

sl- s- sl- s-
s- s- sl- s-
s- s- sl- s-

In lhe records of alsbi, Chechen and Ingush refIexes ve mark any voiced consonanl
(resonanl as veII) as Z, any voiceIess consonanl as C, any gIollaIized one as . The labIe
shovs lhal lhe combinalions of lhe lyes C1- and C- vere aIready in PN in comIe-
menlary dislribulion (1 onIy afler voiced and gIollaIized, onIy afler voiceIess), lhere-
fore ve couId in facl reconslrucl here onIy one lye of cIuslers (C1 or C). For lhe fuII
maleriaI on lhe reconslruclion of CH-combinalions in PN see |NikoIayev 1984j.

95
Commenls.
1) alsbi usuaIIy reserves 1 afler voiced consonanls (as \), hovever, in combina-
lions vilh affricales lhe IaryngeaI usuaIIy disaears: 1, 1 > z-,-.
2) Chechen usuaIIy refIecls 1 as a uvuIar q afler gIollaIized consonanls, hovever,
lhe cIusler 1- > -. In facl, lhis cIusler gives a refIex differenl from lhe ordinary - onIy
in lhe Akka diaIecl of Chechen.
3) In Ingush, as in Chechen, afler gIollaIized consonanls lhe deveIomenl 1 > q usu-
aIIy haens, hovever, lhe cIuslers 1- > -, 1- > -, (1- > (- are simIified (cf. beIov on
lhe deveIomenl of lhe cIuslers of lhe lye -).
4) Afler voiceIess consonanls in lhis lye of cIuslers lhe IaryngeaI usuaIIy disaears
in alsbi, lhough il aears lo be reserved in lhe cIusler l- > l-.
5) CIuslers of lhe lye - in Ingush deveIo inlo \-, bul lhe IaryngeaI faIIs afler
lhe IabiaI - and hushing (- (see above, commenl 3).
esides lhe cIuslers examined above, lhere are aIso iniliaI cIuslers l, c, q, q (re-
served in aII Ianguages), vhose genesis is nol quile cIear (lhey have no secific PIC
sources, in some cases lhey robabIy reresenl lhe resuIl of a reduclion of lhe iniliaI
voveI of lhe firsl syIIabIe). In modern Ianguages ve occasionaIIy meel some olher com-
binalions of iniliaI consonanls, reresenling a secondary effecl of vocaIic reduclion.

1.2.1.1.2. MediaI consonanl cIuslers.
In PN ve dislinguish lhe foIIoving lyes of mediaI consonanl cIuslers:
a) Geminales. We reconslrucl lhe geminales , ll, , rr, ss, II, gg, qq, . On
lhe origin of lhe geminales ll, , ss see above, lhe olhers are aarenlIy a resuIl of ex-
ressive geminalion and are ralher rare. The refIexes of lhe geminales ll, , ss are:

PN als Chech Ing
ll ll ll ll
ll ll
ss s(s) ss/s ss

In alsbi lhe geminale ss is reguIarIy marked in lhe records of A. G. Malsiyev, bul is
lolaIIy missing in lhose of D., N. Kadagidze. In Chechen ss is usuaIIy reserved afler
shorl voveIs bul is reguIarIy shorlened afler Iong ones. In Ingush ss is usuaIIy reserved,
bul in some cases (aIso usuaIIy afler Iong voveIs) can be shorlened, loo.
b) CIuslers "resonanl+obslruenl". These combinalions are usuaIIy veII reserved in
aII Nakh Ianguages. OnIy lhe cIuslers "resonanl+IaleraI" deserve seciaI examinalion.

PN als Chech Ing
r r
1
r rd
r r r(h) r(h)
I (`) II Id
n (`) n n nd

96
Tvo Ialler cIuslers are exlremeIy rare and lheir PIC source is uncIear. The condi-
lions of lhe reservalion or disaearance of h in lhe cIusler rh in Chechen-Ingush are
nol cIear as veII (ve observe frequenl diaIecl varialion here).
The PN combinalion I (going back lo PIC IaleraIs, see above) aIso deveIos se-
cificaIIy: il is reserved in Chechen and Ingush, bul yieIds l in alsbi.
c) CIuslers of lvo obslruenls. Firsl of aII ve musl menlion lhe videsread cIusler
lye "b+consonanl" (vhere b goes back lo PIC resonanls v, m, see above), mosl fre-
quenl in verbaI slems (vhere -b- acls as an asecl infix). In lhis lye of combinalions b is
reserved in alsbi (lurning inlo before voiceIess consonanls and inlo before gIollaI-
ized ones), bul deveIos inlo v0 in Chechen-Ingush (ils conlraclion vilh lhe revious
voveI may cause lhe aearance of secondary Iong voveIs , ). Olher common cIuslers
are:

PN als Chech Ing
sl sl sl sl
s s sl sl
k k
q q q q
H q q d
H q q z

On lhe origin of lhe firsl lhree cIuslers see above (. 47, 51, 53). The genesis of lhree
olher combinalions (lhal are more rareIy mel) is nol quile cIear yel (in lhe combinalion q,
in some cases, -- seems lo be a arasilic inserlion belveen lhe originaI (faIIen) resonanl
and q).
There are aIso soradic cases of olher cIuslers of lvo obslruenls, lhal are obviousIy
secondary.
d) CIuslers "obslruenl+resonanl". Such cIuslers in PN can aear onIy on lhe border
of lvo morhemes (lhey are nol resenl in rools), or as a resuIl of earIy voveI reduclion.
Preserved in alsbi, lhey are sub|ecl lo melalhesis in Chechen-Ingush.
1.2.2. VocaIism.
For PN ve reconslrucl a len-voveI syslem:

i u
e o
a

The dislinclion belveen Iong and shorl voveIs is reIevanl onIy in lhe firsl syIIabIe,
in olher syIIabIes onIy shorl voveIs vere aIIoved. Il musl be noled lhal lhe Iong high
voveIs and vere aIready ralher rare in PN, in modern Ianguages lheir origin is in
mosl cases secondary.
The oosilion of Iong and shorl voveIs is veII reserved in Chechen and Ingush,
lhough il is nol marked in lhe orlhograhy. Hovever, ve osess enough informalion
aboul voveI Ienglh, because Iong voveIs in Chechen oen syIIabIes are

97
syslemalicaIIy marked in lhe vork |Malsiyev 1961j, and some Ingush Iong voveIs are
seciaIIy marked in orlhograhy.
The shorlening of voveIs occurred in many Chechen diaIecls in cIosed syIIabIes and
in monosyIIabic vords vilh an oen syIIabIe (hovever, secondary Ienglh resuIling from
conlraclion is reserved in monosyIIabic vords). This is aIso lhe silualion in Iilerary
Chechen, in vhich lhe elymoIogicaI Ienglh in such cases is being reinslaled before suf-
fixes beginning vilh a voveI. alsbi generaIIy shorlens Iong voveIs, lhough in a fev
vords ve meel a Iong in lhe records of D. N. Kadagidze (anolher Iong voveI, , exisling
in alsbi is |usl a honelicaI varianl of lhe dihlhong e|). The robIem of voveI Ienglh in
alsbi sliII requires fieId verificalion.
The deveIomenl of vocaIism in modern Nakh Ianguages deends grealIy on um-
Iaul, i.e. lhe modificalion of lhe voveIs of lhe firsl syIIabIe under lhe infIuence of lhe foI-
Ioving one. In many diaIecls lhe second voveI had in lhis case aflervards veakened and
become sub|ecl lo neulraIizalion (in mosl cases aII lhe voveIs of lhe second syIIabIe eilher
merge in a or are droed). Therefore lhe alsbi evidence is exlremeIy imorlanl (alsbi
vas virluaIIy unaffecled by lhis rocess), as veII as lhe evidence of some archaic Chechen
diaIecls (rimariIy CheberIoy) lhal have reserved lhe syslem of lhe voveIs of lhe second
syIIabIe and have modified lhe syslem of firsl syIIabIe voveIs lo a Iesser exlenl lhan Iiler-
ary Chechen and Ingush. A delaiIed anaIysis of lhe inleraclion of lhe voveIs of lhe firsl
and second syIIabIes is given in lhe vork |ImnayshviIi 1977j, hovever, il seems lo us lhal
D. S. ImnayshviIi has somevhal overeslimaled lhe archaism of lhe CheberIoy diaIecl,
having in facl idenlified ils syslem vilh Prolo-Nakh. In arlicuIar, il seems lhal lhe
CheberIoy diaIecl has some varialion vhiIe refIecling lhe voveIs of lhe second syIIabIe
ie and uo, lheir more exacl reconslruclion may be comIeled onIy by comaring lhe
behaviour of firsl voveIs in Chechen and Ingush. Il is aIso hard lo reIy uon alsbi dala
vhiIe reconslrucling lhe voveIs of lhe second syIIabIe, because lhere lhey vere sub|ecl lo
a very slrong reduclion (in conlrasl lo lhe very veII reserved voveIs of lhe firsl syIIabIe).
Therefore, lhe reconslruclion, suggesled by D. S. ImnayshviIi, musl be revised in many
asecls.
In lhe lranscrilion of lhe Chechen and Ingush vocaIic syslems ve mark lhe cIosed e
and o by lhe signs e, o, vhiIe lhe oen e and o by lhe signs t and 5 (lhe dihlhongicaI
inlerrelalion of lhe cIosed e and o seems lo us Iess aosile). Thus, unIike D. S. Im-
nayshviIi vho considered lhe dihlhongs lo be originaI (Ialer simIified lo Iain e and o
in alsbi), see |ImnayshviIi 1977j, ve consider lhe alsbi syslem more archaic.
One more oinl lhal shouId be noled is lhe frequenl reduclion of finaI voveIs in In-
gush and alsbi (Chechen usuaIIy reserves lhe finaI voveI). The reasons for lhis he-
nomenon are nol cIear yel, il is nol lo be excIuded lhal lhis reduclion couId originaIIy
have been caused by accenl faclors lhal have nol yel been seciaIIy sludied.

98
The corresondences of voveIs:
A. In monosyIIabic vords:

PN als Chech Ing
i i i i
1
i i i
e e e
2
e,-i
2

3
e e e,-i
u u u u
1
u u u
o o o o
4

3
o o o
a a a a
3
a a a

We see lhal lhe basic corresondences of voveIs are ralher uniform in Nakh Ian-
guages, lhey may be vioIaled onIy somelimes, in lhe case of adequalion of aradigms,
characlerized by abIaul. For inslance, ve have alsbi le (obIique slem la-) "vooI" as
oosed lo Chech., Ing. la vilh an obviousIy secondary voveI adequalion in lhe ara-
digm. On lhe vhoIe such cases are fev.
Olher commenls:
1. The voveIs , vere ralher rare in PN, and vilhin lhe nominaI aradigm vere
reguIarIy sub|ecl lo lhe abIaul /, i/ (i.e. CC/CCV-, CiC/CCV-). As a resuIl and be-
came ossibIe in PN onIy in cIosed syIIabIes, vhere lhey vere shorlened aflervards and
merged vilh lhe refIexes of i and u. Thus, ve can reconslrucl and onIy in aradigms
of lhe lye Chech. |uc, obI. |ca- (< |ci-) "grass", ji, obI. ara- (< iri-) "voice", elc.
2. Ingush has a reguIar narroving e > i al lhe end of monosyIIabic vords.
3. As ve see from lhe labIe, lhe oosilion of Iong and shorl voveIs is neulraIized in
monosyIIabic vords and is reinslaled onIy vilhin lhe aradigm before affixes beginning
vilh a voveI. Hovever, lhe IeveI-Iand, CheberIoy and some olher Chechen diaIecls sliII
reserve lhe a dislinclion in cIosed syIIabIes (see |ImnayshviIi 1977), in Iilerary Che-
chen, inslead of lhe oosilion a , one noles lhe oosilion of cIosed and oen a (see
ibid.), lhal, hovever, is disregarded bolh in orlhograhy and in lhe diclionary of A. G.
Malsiev (|Malsiyev 1961j).
4. In Ingush, o somelimes (bul nol aIvays) narrovs and deveIos inlo u afler IabiaI
consonanls.
5. Modern Chechen and Ingush have a considerabIe number of monosyIIabic vords
of lhe slruclure CV vilh a Iong voveI, lhis Ienglh, hovever, is in aII cases secondary (on
lhe shorlening of lhe oId Ienglh in lhis osilion, see above) and is a resuIl of vocaIic con-
lraclion afler lhe disaearance of voiced consonanls (see above).

99
. The corresondences of voveIs in bisyIIabic vords:

PN als Chech Ing
CiCa
1
CiC CiCa CeCa
CiCe
2
CiC() CiCa CiCa
CiCu
3
CiC() CiCa/CCa CuC(a)
CiCo
4
CiCa CiCa
CCa CeC CCa/CeCCa CCa
5
/CeCCa
CCi
6
CeCi-/Ce|C,CC CCa/CiCCa CCa/CiCCa
CCe
7
CC() CCa/CiCCa CC(a)
5
/CeCC(a)
CCu
8
CCa/CCCa CC(a)
5
/CeCC(a)
CCo
9
CeC CCa/CeCCa CC(a)
5
/CeCC(a)
CuCa CuC CuCa CuCa
CuCi CuCi- CCa CiCa
CuCe Cu|C() CCa CuC(a)
CuCo
10
Cu|C() CuCa CoC(a)
CCa CoCa-/CoC() CCa/CoCCa CC(a)
5
/CoCC(a)
CCi CoCi-/Cu|C CCa CCa
5
/CeCCa
CCe CoC(V) CCa CC(a)
5

CCu CCa/CuCCa CC(a)
5
/CoCC(a)
CaCa CaCa-/CaC() CaCa CaC(a)
CCa CaCa-/CaC()Ca|C() CCa/CaCCa CC(a)
5
/CaCC(a)
CaCi CaCi-/CaC CtCa(/CCa
11
) CtCa(/CCa
11
)
CCi CaCi-CaCe-/CaC(), Ca|C() CiCa/CCCa CC(a)/CCC(a)
CaCe CaCe-CaCa-/CaC() CtCa(/CCa
11
) CaC(a)
CCe CaC() CiCa/CCCa CCa/CaCCa
5

CaCu CaCV-/CaC()
CavC/Ca|C
12

C5Ca CoC(a)
13

CCu CaCV-/CaC()
CavC/Ca|C
12

C5Ca/C5CCa C5C(a)/C5CC(a)
CaCo CaC() CaCa CoCa
13
/CaCa
14

CCo CaC() CCa C5Ca

efore ve ass on lo concrele commenls (enumeraled in lhe labIe), il is necessary lo
make a fev generaI noles:
a) Chechen and Ingush orlhograhy render lhe vocaIic honemes in a quile inade-
quale vay. Ingush orlhograhy does nol dislinguish belveen Iong and shorl voveIs, as
veII as belveen lhe oen and cIosed e, lhe oen 5 (5), hovever, has a seciaI denolalion
(oa). Chechen orlhograhy does nol dislinguish belveen lhe Iong and shorl voveIs eilher,
nor belveen lhe oen and cIosed e and o. This defecl is arliaIIy eIiminaled in lhe dic-
lionary of A. G. Malsiyev (|Malsiyev 1961j), vhere lhe Ienglh of voveIs is syslemalicaIIy
noled, bul lhe oen and cIosed e and o are nol marked here, eilher. The exisling gas
have lo be fiIIed by lhe records of P. K. IsIar (|IsIar 1888j) and by lhe records of Chechen
diaIecls (|ImnayshviIi 1977j), unforlunaleIy, nol al aII abundanl.
b) Il musl be noled lhal in bisyIIabic (and oIysyIIabic) slruclures of Nakh Ianguages
ve can neilher reconslrucl lhe Iong narrov voveIs , nor lhe shorl vide ones e, o.
Hovever, aII lhese voveIs are reIiabIy reconslrucled in monosyIIabic slruclures (see
above), lherefore ve cannol reduce lhe PN syslem of voveIs. Il is inleresling lhal aII lhe
voveIs Iisled above (, , e, o) are aIso

100
missing in verbaI rools, vhich direclIy suggesls lheir originaI bisyIIabic characler.
c) We can reconslrucl lhe fuII syslem of second syIIabIe voveIs, vhich is ralher veII
reserved in some Chechen diaIecls (CheberIoy, KhiIdikharoy and olhers) and aIso re-
fIecled in lhe Chechen grammar of P. K. IsIar (|IsIar 1888j), somevhal more oorIy
reserved in alsbi (see lhe labIe) and lolaIIy deslroyed in Iilerary Chechen and Ingush
(vhere lhe dislinclion of lhe voveIs in lhe second syIIabIe is arliaIIy reserved onIy
vilhin some nominaI suffixes and verbaI forms, bul in mosl cases neulraIized). SliII, lhe
correIalions belveen lhe Chechen and Ingush umIaulized voveIs of lhe firsl syIIabIe aI-
Iov us in mosl cases lo reconslrucl lhe ancienl second voveI quile reIiabIy, even if direcl
evidence of alsbi and Chechen diaIecls is missing.
d) In alsbi lhe firsl voveI reserves lhe originaI quaIily onIy if lhe second syIIabIe
is cIosed (in lhe labIe such slruclures are marked as CVCV-), as veII as before lhe re-
duced finaI vide voveIs -, -, - (or in lhe case of a lolaI reduclion of lhe finaI voveI:
CVC). If lhe second (oen) syIIabIe conlains lhe narrov voveIs -, -, lhe voveI of lhe
firsl syIIabIe lurns inlo a dihlhong (see |ImnayshviIi 1977j). This invoIves lhe foIIoving
rocesses:

-aC > -a|C-e|C -aC > a) -avC-ovC
b) -a|C
-eC > -e|C-C -eC > -e|C-C
-oC > -u|C -oC > -u|C
-uC > -u|C

The sequences a| e|, av ov, e| are in free varialion vilh each olher. As for lhe
sequence -aC, alsbi has -av- if C is a IabiaI or back consonanl, bul -a|- if C is a fronl
consonanl.
e) For PN (al Ieasl in nominaI slems) ve cannol reconslrucl lhe sequences CiCi,
CuCu or CCo vilh lvo idenlicaI high or mid voveIs, lhis casls doubl on lhe recon-
slruclion of lhe sequence CCe (see beIov).
f) In a comaraliveIy smaII number of cases, lhe corresondences given above are
vioIaled. Mosl of lhese vioIalions occur as a resuIl of an adequalion of lhe direcl slem lo
lhe obIique one (see beIov on abIaul).
Nov, arlicuIar commenls lo lhe labIe:
1) The slruclure CiCa is very rareIy encounlered, and lhe Ingush refIex here is nol
quile reIiabIe.
2) The slruclure CiCe is aImosl comIeleIy reresenled by ad|eclive slems.
3) In lhis slruclure (aIso ralher rare) Chechen has a varialion of refIexes vilh lhe
IabiaIized (lhese forms are usuaIIy mel in verbaI aradigms) and non-IabiaIized i (in
nouns), diaIecls aIso reveaI varialions, see |ImnayshviIi 1977j.
4) The finaI -o is indicaled here by lhe forms of CheberIoy diaIecl, cf. Cheb. |iiic and
Chech., Ing. |iiia "haycock". If CheberIoy dala is missing, il is imossibIe lo dislinguish
lhe slruclure CiCo from CiCe.
5) No Iong and shorl voveIs are dislinguished in Ingush orlhograhy (see above).
6) The slruclure CCi (as veII as CiCe, see above) is aImosl comIeleIy

101
reresenled by ad|eclivaI slems and verbaI forms (as veII as some nouns vilh lhe suffix
-i).
7) There are fev examIes of lhe refIexalion of lhis slruclure in alsbi, il is rare in
generaI, and il is nol lo be excIuded lhal ve are mereIy deaIing vilh an Ingush varialive
deveIomenl of lhe slruclure CCi.
8) Desile lhe Iack of alsbi dala, lhis slruclure is confirmed by a sufficienl number
of examIes. The CheberIoy diaIecl reveaIs here, as in many olher cases, a varialion be-
lveen finaI -u and -o.
9) This (ralher rare) slruclure is reconslrucled on lhe basis of alsbi (-) and
CheberIoy (-o) evidence, if il is absenl, lhe slruclure is indislinguishabIe from lhe slruc-
lure CCa.
10) A very rare slruclure.
11) The shorl voveI in Chechen and Ingush is a honelicaI varianl of t ad|acenl lo
emhalic IaryngeaIs and h.
12) On lhe alsbi dislribulion belveen lhe refIexes -avCu and -a|Cu see above, age
100.
13) Afler iniliaI IabiaIs in Ingush ve soradicaIIy meel a narrov refIex u.
14) In Ingush lhe normaI refIex of lhe slruclure CaCo is C5Ca, before hissing con-
sonanls, hovever, lhe IabiaIizalion -a- > -5- is reguIarIy missing. In lhese cases lhe refIexes
of lhe slruclure CaCo can be dislinguished from lhose of CaCa onIy vilh lhe heI of
CheberIoy dala, vhere CaCa > CaCa, bul CaCo > C5Co.

1.2.2.1. AbIaul.
The main lye of nominaI abIaul in PN is lhe reIacemenl of any voveI in lhe direcl
slem (Nom. Sg.) by a () in lhe obIique slem (lhe slem of obIique cases, oflen aIso IuraI).
In vords vilh lhe slruclure CV olher (ossibIy archaic) lyes of voveI gradalion are
resenl as veII.
VerbaI abIaul in PN is ralher comIicaled. Il is based on lhe oosilion of duralive
(imerfeclive asecl) and lerminalive (erfeclive asecl) slems vilh lhe foIIoving main
vocaIic fealures:

Perfeclive asecl Imerfeclive asecl

a

The shorl voveIs u and i are nol usuaIIy aIlernaling vilh anylhing, in some very
rare cases ve observe lhe abIaul i/e, i/o, u/a (lhus lhere aear very rare verbaI rool
slruclures vilh shorl e, o), lhe funclions of vhich are nol cIear yel. FinaIIy, in some ex-
celionaI cases (in verbs "lo give", "lo die", "lo see") lhe abIaul a/0 lakes Iace.
There are aIso a fev cases of lhe abIaul a/o, somelimes differenlialing voice slems (cf.
||- "lo be conlained": ||- "lo ul in smlh.", ii- "lo be oured": ii- "lo our").

102
If ve aIso consider lhe infix -b- (robabIy lhe originaI marker of IuraI forms or lhe
"IuraI asecl") lhal can be resenl in lhe verbaI slem and modifies lhe receding voveI
in Chechen-Ingush (PN -b- > Che. --, PN -b- > Che. --, PN -b- > Che. -v- and so
on), lhe reason for exlremeIy comIicaled voveI aIlernalions in modern Chechen and
Ingush (vhere aIlernaling voveIs are addilionaIIy sub|ecl lo umIaul before voveIs of lhe
second syIIabIe according lo ruIes, described above, on . 98-101) becomes cIear lo us.
The origin of lhe PN abIaul (and ils reIalion lo lhe Prolo-Iezghian one in arlicuIar)
is yel lo be sludied.

The main slruclures of lhe PN nominaI rool are C(C)V, C(C)V(C)C(V). The finaI
voveI in PN (unIike PIC, see above) can be missing, bul il is usuaIIy reslored vhen case
markers and olher suffixes are added (infIuencing lhe voveI of lhe firsl syIIabIe and
causing ils umIaulizalion in Chechen-Ingush).
The main slruclure of lhe PN verbaI rool is (H)V(C)C(V). The dislinclion of finaI
voveIs is visibIe in lhe Nakh verbaI aradigm (lhis causes lhe resence of severaI lyes
of con|ugalion here), bul lhe exacl reconslruclion of finaI voveIs is nol comIeled yel.
The verbaI slem may aIso begin vilh some obslruenls (mosl oflen , 1, , I, q, l,
). They aarenlIy reresenl oId reverbs, hovever, in PN lhe syslem of Iocalive verbaI
refixalion vas evidenlIy aIready nol roduclive, and in mosl cases lhe meaning of lhese
reverbs is hard lo define (lhough lhere are many inslances of a singIe rool vilh differenl
refixes).
The recording and sludying of lhe Nakh rosodic syslem is a maller of fulure re-
search (u lo nov nolhing definile is knovn in lhis fieId).

1.3. The Avar language.

Avar is resenlIy divided inlo ralher many diaIecls sIil inlo lvo main grous:
Norlhern and Soulhern. Mosl of our informalion comes from lhe Norlhern diaIecls, in
arlicuIar from Khunzakh, on vhich lhe Iilerary Avar is based. The informalion avaiIabIe
on Soulhern Avar diaIecls (see, e.g., |MikaiIov 1959j) shovs lhal lhey are generaIIy cIose
lo Norlhern diaIecls and do nol aIIov a serious deeening of lhe Prolo-Avar reconslruc-
lion (lhe mosl significanl Soulhern Avar archaism is lhe reservalion of lhe Iax IaleraI
gIollaIised X or ils deveIomenl inlo I, I, , conlrary lo lhe Norlhern Avar deveIomenl X
> ).
The orlhograhic syslem used in lhe biggesl Iexicograhic source for Avar lhe
diclionary of M. Saidov (|Saidov 1967j) generaIIy ralher adequaleIy renders lhe Avar
honelic syslem. The onIy omilled dislinclion is /: vs. : (bolh are noled as ), lhis de-
fecl is, hovever, easiIy comensaled for vilh lhe heI of lhe records of I. I. Zhirkov
(|Zhirkov 1936j) and P. K. IsIar (|IsIar 1889j), lhe Ialler vork is aIso a vaIuabIe source
for Avar accenlualion, in many asecls comIemenling lhe diclionary of M. Saidov.
The deveIomenl of Avar honemes from PIC in generaI is described above.

103
In lhis vork ve do nol seciaIIy examine voveI gradalion in Avar, aII lhe varianls of lhis
gradalion are salisfacloriIy described by lhe ruIe of assimiIalion of re-accenl voveIs
(excel u) lo lhe accenled ones (lhough lhere are some olher rocesses as veII) and in
generaI are nol very significanl for lhe reconslruclion of lhe originaI Avaro-Andian and
IC roloIanguages.
The consonanl corresondences belveen Avar and Andian Ianguages are examined
in lhe vork of T. I. Gudava (|Gudava 1964j), lhey are in generaI acceled here (vilh
some minimaI addilions and correclions).

1.4. From PA to modern Andian languages.

y nov lhere are enough sources on Andian Ianguages (see |Tserlsvadze 1965j,
|Gudava 1962, 1971j, |Saidova 1973j, |Magomedbekova 1967, 1971j, |okarev 1949j), lhal,
logelher vilh lhe maleriaIs of lhe MSI exedilion on Tindi, ChamaIi, Andi and Akhvakh,
aIIov us lo eslabIish a ralher comIele reconslruclion of lhe originaI PA syslem.

The PA syslem of consonanls vas reconslrucled in lhe imorlanl book of T. I. Gu-
dava (|Gudava 1964j). We accel il vilh lhe foIIoving minor modificalions:
1) In lhe book of T. Gudava lhe oosilion of PA fricalives and x is aarenlIy
nol quile reIiabIy reconslrucled (see a delaiIed crilicism in |Slaroslin 1987j).
2) The PA syslem of IaryngeaI consonanls needs some correclions (il is examined
Ieasl of aII in lhe book of T.Gudava), ve have aIso added lhe reconslruclion of lhe cIus-
lers "resonanl+IaryngeaI", absenl in his book.
We reconslrucl lhe foIIoving consonanl syslem for PA:

IabiaIs b v m
DenlaIs l d r n
IabiaIized denlaIs l` d` `
Hissing c c: ( (: s s: z
IabiaIized hissing
Hushing : ( (: : |
IabiaIized hushing ` (` (:` ` :` `
IaleraI / /: X X: : I
VeIars k k: g : (x)
IabiaIized veIars k` k:` g` ` :` x`
IvuIars q q: q q: : i
IabiaIized uvuIars q` q:` q` q:` ` :` i`
IaryngeaIs h
(1)

104
In arenlheses ve Iisl consonanls, vhose reconslruclion is nol quile reIiabIe: lhe ve-
Iar x is generaIIy reresenled by ils IabiaIized varianl x` (excel in lhe osilion before lhe
voveI u, vhere lhe oosilion of IabiaIized and non-IabiaIized is simIy neulraIized), lhe
emhalic IaryngeaI 1 (\) is, in mosl Ianguages, observed onIy in Ioanvords (basicaIIy
from Avar). As an indeendenl honeme il is allesled onIy in Akhvakh and Karala in a
comaraliveIy smaII number of vords, and ils PA anliquily is dubious.
The IocaI series of IabiaIized consonanls are usuaIIy defeclive in PA (excel IabiaI-
ized back consonanls lhal are ralher veII reresenled). There are no reIiabIe examIes of
PA IabiaIized c`, c:`, :`, aarenlIy lhere is no reason lo reconslrucl PA IabiaIized Ial-
eraIs (lhough lhere are a fev rools, vhere one couId alleml lo reconslrucl `, :` and
X:`). IabiaIized fronl consonanls (excel lhe comaraliveIy slabIe hushing series) in An-
dian Ianguages are in generaI very unslabIe and easiIy sub|ecl lo deIabiaIizalion (in many
vords vilh originaI IabiaIizalion lhis rocess has aIready come lo ass on lhe PA IeveI).
Resonanls in PA (|usl as in PIC) never had IabiaIized correIales (lhough IabiaIized reso-
nanls aeared in ChamaIaI afler lhe reduclion of finaI voveIs). In a fev cases ve shouId
ossibIy reconslrucl (considering lhe behaviour of ad|acenl voveIs) lhe PA IabiaIized
IaryngeaIs ` and h`, bul in reaIily such honemes are absenl in modern Ianguages (if
ve do nol counl lhe secondary ` deveIoed from q`, e.g. in Tindi).
In lhe labIe of corresondences given beIov ve do nol seciaIIy nole lhe refIexes of
IabiaIized honemes, in mosl cases lhey are lhe same as lhe refIexes of lhe reseclive
nonIabiaIized + IabiaIizalion (or lhe lransfer of IabiaIizalion onlo lhe ad|acenl voveI). We
shouId seciaIIy nole onIy lhe behaviour of veIars: in lhose Ianguages vhere Iain veIars
are sub|ecl lo aIalaIizalion and affricalion (Tindi, ChamaIaI, Godoberi, agvaIi, Andi
and Karala diaIecls), IabioveIars are nol aIalaIized. Moreover, in ChamaIaI, afler lhe af-
fricalion of veIars, lhe deIabiaIizalion of IabioveIars (as veII as of olher IabiaIized conso-
nanls) occurred, lhal have lhus normaI veIar refIexes (il is inleresling, lhal aIready afler
lhe described rocesses ChamaIaI oblained a nev cIass of IabiaIized consonanls as a re-
suIl of reduclion of lhe finaI -u and lhe enelralion of nev Avar Ioanvords).
The consonanl corresondences belveen Andian Ianguages are as foIIovs (cf. |Gu-
dava 1964j):

PA And olI God Kar Akhv agv Tind Cham
h(`)/
b b b b b b b b b
v v v v v v v v v
m m m m m m m m m
l l l l l l l l l
d d d d d d d(/-r-) d(/-|--0-) d

105
r r r r r r r r |/v(/-r-)
n n n n n n n n n
c s s s s s s s
c: c: c: c: c: c: c: c: c:
( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ((/-z(z)-,-dd-)
(: (: (: (: (:/: (: (: c: (:/:
s s s s s s s s
s: s: s: s: s: s: s: s: s:
z z z z z z z z
/
: : : : : c: : : c:
( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( (
(: (: (: : (:/s: (: (: : (:/:
/x /h /h
: : : : : s: : : s:
z
| | | | | | | | |
/ h // /h/Ih
/: /: /: /: /: /: : /: /:
X X/I/I/ I X/I
//
X/ -/'-,-I- -,I -,I
X: X: X: X: X: X: X: X: X:
h /h/Ih
: : : : : : : : :
I I I I I I I I I
k k/ k k/ k/ k k// k/ k/
k: k:/: k: k:/k: k:/x x k// x:/k:/k: k//c
g g// g g/ g/ g g// g/ g/-,
/( /k /k /k/( /k /(
: :/(: : k:/: :/k: : /k/( k:/: :/(:/:
x x x h/ /h h
q /h q h/ h/
q: q: q: q: q: q: q: q: q:
q q(G)//i i/ \ q/
q: q: q: q: q: q: q: q: q:
/h h/ h/
: : : : : : : : :
i i i i i i i i i
-,0 -,0 -,0 -,0 -,0 -,0 -,0 -,0
h h h h h -,h h h h
- h- h- h- h- h- h- h- h-

106
Commenls.
1) Andi. The IaleraI X is reserved in lhe Muni-KvankhidalI diaIecl, in Andi roer
ve observe lhe refIex I, and in olher diaIecls in iniliaI osilion and I (GagalI, Rikvani)
or (ZiIo, Chankho) in lhe mediaI osilion. VeIar consonanls in Andi are aIalaIized be-
fore aII voveIs excel u and o, in lhis case g > , bul in lhe Rikvani diaIecl g > . Andi (|usl
as Akhvakh) reserves lhe Iax q, vhich is olionaIIy arlicuIaled as G, hovever, in lhe
Muni diaIecl ve observe lhe deveIomenl q > , and in lhe GagalI diaIecl q > i (see
|Tserlsvadze 1965, Gudava 1964j).
2) olIikh. Here usuaIIy q > i, bul in lhe Miarsu diaIecl q > (see |Gudava 1964j).
3) In Godoberi aII veIars are syslemalicaIIy aIalaIized in aII osilions excel before
u.
4) Karala. The fricalivizalion (: > :, (: > : is here observed in lhe Tokila diaIecl. The
IaleraI X has lhe foIIoving refIexes: in Karala roer X, in lhe Ier-InkheIoy diaIecl ,
in olher diaIecls in iniliaI osilion, I in mediaI osilion. PaIalaIized refIexes of veIars
(before lhe voveIs i, e, a) are observed in lhe Tokila diaIecl (here aIso k: > x). The Tokila
diaIecl aIso has a IaryngeaIizalion q, > h (olher diaIecls have ) and a soradic deveI-
omenl q > \ (in non-iniliaI osilion, in olher diaIecls q > ). See | 1971,
1964j.
5) Akhvakh. The Norlhern diaIecl has > h(`), olhers reserve . The Norlhern
Akhvakh diaIecl is lhe onIy Andian Ianguage lhal has reserved lhe Iax IaleraI /, in
Soulhern Akhvakh lhe fricalivizalion / > has aIready occurred, as in aII olher Andian
Ianguages. The geograhicaI dislribulion of lhe refIexes of X and q is simiIar:
Norlh-Akhv. X, q, Soulh-Akhv. , resecliveIy. See |Magomedbekova 1967, Gudava
1964j.
6) agvaIaI. The deveIomenl of lhe inlervocaIic d > r is observed here in lhe
Kvanada, Gemersoy and TIondoda diaIecls. The IaleraIs deveIo as foIIovs: /, give
in lhe TIissi diaIecl, h in Kvanada, and h-, -Ih- (deending on lhe osilion) in TIondoda
and Khushlada, X- > X- in iniliaI osilion in Kvanada, - in olher diaIecls, in lhe mediaI
osilion aII diaIecls have -I- in lhe Iace of -X-. VeIars before non-IabiaIized voveIs are
aIalaIized in aII diaIecls and affricaled in TIissi. In agvaIaI a reguIar IaryngeaIizalion q,
> h occurs, bul lhe IabiaIized ` is reserved in iniliaI osilion in TIissi. The veIar x in
agvaIaI lurns inlo h (unIike > ), and gives in lhe Kvanada diaIecl. See |Gudava
1964j.
7) Tindi. The deveIomenl of lhe inlervocaIic -d- > -|- (or -0-, -v-, deending on lhe
vocaIic environmenl) is lyicaI for Tindi roer, in olher diaIecls -d- is reserved. In lhe
same Tindi diaIecl ve observe lhe merger of and x inlo h, in olher diaIecls bolh lhese
honemes merge inlo . The aIalaIizalion of veIars (before non-IabiaIized voveIs) is
lyicaI for aII diaIecls, in lhis case in Tindi roer k: > x:, vhiIe olher diaIecls reserve
lhe non-fricalive refIex k: (:) (see |Gudava 1964j, aIlhough lhe Tindi deveIomenl k: > :
menlioned lhere is incorrecl). IvuIar q, are IaryngeaIized ( > h) in lhe Aknada diaIecl,
and deveIo inlo eIsevhere.
8) ChamaIaI. The deveIomenl r- > |-/v- (deending on lhe foIIoving voveI) is
lyicaI for lhe Gakvari diaIecl bul is absenl in GigalI. In lhe GigalI and Gadyri diaIecls a
secific deveIomenl of lhe mediaI ( occurs: Gig. -z(z)-, Gad. -dd-. The fricalivizalion
> occurs in lhe Gakvari diaIecl, vhich is aIso characlerized by lhe fricalivizalion of lense
gIollaIized (:, (:. The veIars before non-IabiaIized

107
voveIs have been affricaled, one shouId aIso ay allenlion lo lhe hissing refIexes c, : of
lhe lense k:, : in lhe Gakvari diaIecl (lhe GigalI diaIecl has , bul (:).
9) The oosilion of IaryngeaIs h and is lenlaliveIy reconslrucled on lhe evi-
dence of Akhvakh (vhere lhere are lvo lyes of iniliaI refIexes: - and h-, olher Ian-
guages usuaIIy have h-). Hovever, lhe PIC source of lhis oosilion is nol quile cIear yel
(see above).
10) As for olher honelic rocesses, occurring in lhe consonanlism syslem of Andian
Ianguages, ve musl oinl oul lhe dislanl nasaI assimiIalion lhal oflen Ieads lo lhe a-
earance of m-, n- in lhe Iace of b-, r- (lhis rocess is mosl cIearIy reresenled in many
Andian Ianguages in lhe verbaI syslem), lhe oen syIIabIe lendency in Akhvakh lhal had
resuIled in Norlhern Akhvakh in lhe comIele disaearance of syIIabIe-finaI resonanls.

1.4.2. Consonanl cIuslers.

In Andian Ianguages, |usl as in olher Ianguages of Dagheslan, consonanl cIuslers in
iniliaI osilion are nol aIIoved. In mediaI osilion onIy "resonanl+obslruenl" cIuslers are
ermissibIe. Resonanls in such cIuslers are ralher unslabIe: in arlicuIar, as a resuIl of lhe
veakening of -n- in cIuslers Iike -nC- (and somelimes in finaI osilion of oIysyIIabic
vords) nasaIized voveIs can aear in aII Andian Ianguages (excel Andi, see |Gudava
1964j) . Ixacl ruIes on lhe behaviour of consonanls in mediaI cIuslers vary from diaIecl lo
diaIecl, and ve viII nol discuss lhem in delaiI.
esides lhe -RC-cIuslers, Andian Ianguages aIso ossess very rare and aarenlIy
secondary cIuslers of lvo obslruenls. FinaIIy, lhere is one more lye of cIuslers, recon-
slrucled for PA and Iaying a very imorlanl arl in lhe PIC reconslruclion: cIuslers of
lhe lye -RH- ("resonanl+IaryngeaI"). They deserve seciaI examinalion (T. Gudava does
nol dveII uon lhese cIuslers in his vork).
In a ralher Iarge number of nominaI rools ve observe very secific ausIaul corre-
sondences, nameIy: some Ianguages have a sequence -VHV (or -HV, vilh a nasaIized
voveI) al lhe vord's end, olher Ianguages have -V|V -VvV (or -|V -vV, vilh a na-
saIized voveI), i.e. lhe resuIl of a droed IaryngeaI (besides lhe slruclures vilh -|- -v-,
lhere are aIso cases of conlraclion, vhen onIy a Iong voveI, -V or -V, is Iefl in ausIaul),
finaIIy, some Ianguages reveaI a refIex -VR(V) (vilh lhe IaryngeaI droed bul lhe reso-
nanl reserved). In such cases il seems naluraI lo reconslrucl PA slruclures of lhe lye
-VRHV.
The refIexes of lhese slruclures behave ralher "vhimsicaIIy" in modern Ianguages
(vhich is naluraI, considering lhe inslabiIily of IaryngeaIs, as veII as resonanls, in com-
binalion vilh foIIoving obslruenls), significanlIy varying in diaIecls and deending on
vocaIic environmenl. The avaiIabIe dala aIIov us lo reconslrucl lhe foIIoving lyes of lhe
slruclure -VRHV:

108

*Vri -Vr -Vri -Vre -Vr(i) -Vri -Vja -Vja
*Vra -Va -Vri (Tok.)
*Vrhi -V -Vj -Vji -Vj -Vr(i) -Vra -VrV -Vr (Gakv.-)
*Vrha(?) -Vr~-Vj -/-r
*Vlhi -Vji -Vl(i) -Vl(i)
*Vlha(?) -Vl -Vl - -Vra (Gakv.-)
*Vni -Vn -Vni~
-i
-Vni~
-ji
-ji/-Vn(e)
(Tok.)
-Vn(i) -(j)
~-i
- -/-j
(*Cini -un/-j -i -ji -ji -i C -j/Cw)
*Vnu -Vmu -i -wu -iw/- -Vn/-V(w) - - -w
*Vna -V/-Vna -Vna -Vni -Vna -Vn
*Vnhi -Vj~-j - -hi~
-i
-/-hi~
-ji (Tok.)
-Vn/- -(j) - -Vh/-Vhi
*Vnhu -Vw(u) -u -Vw -Vj~
-VnV
-wV - -hu -(w)
*Vnha -ja -Vna -Vne -Vni -Vna -Vne -Vna -VnV
*Vmi -Vm(i) -i -j - -Vm
*Vma -V/-Vma -Vma - -VmV
*Vmha -w -Vma -Vma -Vma

Many cases of varialion are caused here by lhe vaciIIalion of ralher unslabIe finaI
voveIs, in some cases ve aarenlIy ossess nol quile exacl records. Hovever, lhe gen-
eraI IausibiIily of lhe reconslruclion of -RH- combinalions seems beyond doubl.

1.4.3. VocaIism.
We reconslrucl a four-voveI syslem for PA:

i u
a o

The robIem of reconslrucling lhe PA voveI e is ralher comIicaled. AII modern
Ianguages have il, bul in corresondences lhe ie varialion is so frequenl lhal il does nol
yel seem ossibIe lo reconslrucl lvo PA honemes here.
The voveI o vas reserved onIy in Andi, and merged vilh a in aII olher Ianguages.
Some aulhors (T. I. Gudava in arlicuIar, see |Gudava 1964j) consider lhe Andi o lo be
secondary, bul exlernaI corresondences cIearIy shov lhal in lhis case Andi reserves an
imorlanl archaism and rove lhe necessily of reconslrucling lhe o (honelicaIIy roba-
bIy /5/ ) a oosilion in PA.
VocaIic refIexes can be modified in differenl conlexls, in arlicuIar, ad|acenl lo Iabi-
aIized consonanls. Mosl oflen ve encounler lhe deveIomenl i > u or i > o in lhis osi-
lion (lhe dislribulion belveen u and o is as uncIear here as lhe dislribulion belveen i and
e).

109
In lhe finaI osilion of lhe PA nominaI rool ve reconslrucl lhe same four-voveI sys-
lem as in lhe mediaI osilion. Hovever, here ve oflen observe varialions of refIexes (in-
cIuding varialions vilhin a singIe Ianguage or even a diaIecl), caused by lhe veakening
of arlicuIalion in finaI osilion and by morhoIogicaI anaIogy. In agvaIaI and ChamaIaI
narrov voveIs are usuaIIy reduced lo zero (lhey are soradicaIIy reserved onIy in some
ChamaIaI diaIecls, and in agvaIaI afler obslruenls). We musl nole lhal lhe reduclion
of -u usuaIIy Ieaves a lrace in lhe IabiaIizalion of lhe revious consonanl.
Ixcel lhe varialions and osilionaI modificalions of voveIs, slaled above, as veII as
lhe deveIomenl o > a in aII Ianguages excel Andi, aII PA voveIs reserve lheir quaIily
in descendanl Ianguages. NasaIized voveIs, resenl in nearIy aII modern Ianguages, have
a secondary origin (see above) and do nol go back lo lhe PA IeveI.
A roduclive abIaul syslem, if any, vas aarenlIy aIready Iosl in PA and is missing
in modern Andi Ianguages (lhough lraces of lhe oId abIaul can erhas be discovered in
individuaI nominaI aradigms and in lhe V/0-aIlernalion in some verbaI slems).


PA nominaI rools have lhe slruclure CV(R)CV, usuaIIy reserved in modern Ian-
guages (lhough il may be modified due lo reduclion of finaI voveIs and Ioss of
-RH-cIuslers, in lhe Iasl case monosyIIabic rools may aear). There are addilionaIIy
some nominaI slems vilh lhe slruclure CV(R)CVR (vhere finaI resonanls are aarenlIy
hisloricaIIy suffixed morhemes) and some individuaI cases of olher slruclures.
The verbaI rool usuaIIy has eilher lhe slruclure -V(R)C- (il is nol yel cIear vhelher
ve musl reconslrucl significanl vocaIic differences al lhe end of lhe PA verbaI rool)
("slale 1"), or CVR- ("slale 2") (on lhe oosilion of lvo "slales" of lhe verbaI rool in
Avar-Andi Ianguages see above, . 87-88), lhough in rare cases ve may find rools of
olher lyes (CV(R)C-, or rools vilh a combinalion of lvo obslruenls in non-iniliaI osi-
lion lhese aII are robabIy hisloricaIIy derived forms).
}udging by lhe resuIls of lhe MSI exedilions of 1973 1978, aII modern Andian
Ianguages ossess syslems of lonaI (meIodic, somelimes mixed dynamic-meIodic) accen-
lualion vilh significanl ilch dislinclions. Hovever, a carefuI descrilion and a corus of
accenled IexicaI maleriaI are unforlunaleIy sliII Iacking. Therefore, desile some observa-
lions aIready made (see |Slaroslin 1978j), il is yel earIy lo laIk aboul lhe PA accenl recon-
slruclion.

110
1.5. From PTs to modern Tsezian languages.

WhiIe reconslrucling PTs, il is convenienl lo use lvo inlermediale reconslruclions
PTsKh (lhe roloIanguage of lhe modern Wesl-Tsezian Ianguages: Tsezi, Ginukh,
Khvarshi and Inkhokvari) and PG (lhe roloIanguage of lhe modern Iasl-Tsezian Ian-
guages: Gunzib and ezhla). Inlermediale PTsKh and PG refIexes viII be Iisled in our
labIes logelher vilh refIexes in modern Ianguages.
Some corresondences belveen Tsezian Ianguages vere eslabIished in lhe vork of Y.
A. okarev | 1959j, bul lhere vas no reconslruclion of lhe originaI syslem. Ix-
lremeIy shorl and absoIuleIy insufficienl noles on lhe ulalive PTs syslem are conlained
in lhe vork |GigineyshviIi 1977j. FinaIIy, an alleml lo reconslrucl lhe common Tsezian
honoIogicaI syslem vas made by T. Gudava (|Gudava 1979j), bul, unIike lhe Andian
reconslruclion of lhe same aulhor, lhis vork can hardIy be considered IausibIe (lhere is
no anaIysis of secific correIalions in voice/voiceIessness belveen differenl Tsezian Ian-
guages, robIems of lhe reconslruclion of IaleraIs, hissing, hushing and uvuIar fricalives
are nol soIved, no adequale reconslruclion of vocaIism is given).

We reconslrucl lhe foIIoving consonanl syslem for PTs:

IabiaIs b m
DenlaIs l d, (d
1
) n
IabiaIized denlaIs l` d` `
Hissing c ( s
IabiaIized hissing c` (` s`
Hushing (
IabiaIized hushing ` (` `
IaleraIs / X
VeIars k, (k
1
) g, g
1

IabiaIized veIars k` g`, g
1
` `
IvuIars q q
IabiaIized uvuIars q` q` `
IaryngeaIs h
Imhalic IaryngeaIs \

A very secific fealure of lhe PTs syslem is lhe four-vay oosilion of fricalives. Il is
lenlaliveIy inlerreled as a dislinclion in lenseness, bul olher suggeslions are ossibIe as
veII (e. g., lhe reconslruclion of an oosilion in asiralion,

111
elc.). We musl hovever nole lhal in lhe subsyslem of hissing and hushing fricalives ve
observe in facl onIy lhree lyes of corresondences (in iniliaI osilion: PTsKh s PG s,
PTsKh z PG z, PTsKh z PG s, in non-iniliaI osilion: PTsKh s PG s, PTsKh z
PG z, PTsKh s PG z), lherefore, ve couId assume lhe exislence of onIy lhree PTs
hissing and lhree PTs hushing fricalives. Hovever, exlernaI dala obviousIy shovs lhal in
PTsKh as veII as in PG a secondary merger of lhe refIexes of iniliaI s, s: and, resec-
liveIy, non-iniliaI z, z: occurred. Taking inlo accounl lhe facl lhal lhe four-vay oosi-
lion is reIiabIy reconslrucled for lhe subsyslems of IaleraI and uvuIar fricalives, ve can
suose lhal il exisled in lhe subsyslems of hissing and hushing fricalives as veII, bul
vas aflervards Iosl vilh a araIIeI deveIomenl in PTsKh and PG. Thus, lhe corre-
sondence "PTsKh s-: PG s-" can simuIlaneousIy oinl lo lvo PTs honemes (s- or s:-),
simiIarIy lhe corresondence "PTsKh -z-: PG -z-" (PTs -z- or -z:-), see beIov.
There is some reason lo lhink lhal exIosive IocaI series in PTs vere aIso characler-
ized by a more lhan lhree-vay oosilion of IaryngeaI fealures. The reseclive "secific"
honemes vere marked in lhe labIe as d
1
, k
1
, g
1
(lheir refIexes reveaI secific varialions
in voice/voiceIessness in descendanl Ianguages, and in some cases il is ossibIe lo lrace
lhem lo olher PIC sources lhan lhe usuaI PTs voiced and voiceIess exIosives, see above).
ul lhere are very fev examIes for aII lhese honemes, and lheir reconslruclion (lo say
nolhing of lheir honelic inlerrelalion) is nol al aII secure.
Il is aarenlIy necessary lo reconslrucl a fuII sel of IabiaIized consonanls (excel
resonanls, IabiaIs, IaryngeaIs and robabIy IaleraIs) for PTs. Hovever, IabiaIized conso-
nanls (eseciaIIy lhe fronl ones) are ralher unslabIe and easiIy Iose lheir IabiaIizalion (es-
eciaIIy in Iasl-Tsezian Ianguages). Therefore, refIexes of IabiaIized consonanls vilh
very fev excelions, lhal viII be menlioned beIov are lhe same as lhe refIexes of re-
seclive nonIabiaIized ones, and in many cases lhe resence of IabiaIizalion in PTs can be
delermined onIy by lhe refIexes of ad|acenl voveIs (see beIov). Therefore in lhe labIe ve
do nol adduce corresondences for IabiaIized consonanls.

The consonanl corresondences in Tsezian Ianguages are as foIIovs:

PTs PTsKh Tsez Gin Khv Inkh PG ezh Gunz
-,b
b b b b b b b b b

m m m m m m m m m
l l l l l l l l l-,d
d d d d d d d d d
d
1
l l l l l d d d

n n n n n n n n n
r rI rI rI rI rI r r/|/v r
I rI rI rI rI rI I I I

112
PTs PTsKh Tsez Gin Khv Inkh PG ezh Gunz
c c c c/ c c c c c
( ( ( (/( ( ( ( ( (
s s s s/ s s s-,z s-,z s-,z
s: s s s/ s s s s s
z z z z/ z z s-,z s-,z s-,z
z: z z z/ z z z z z
c/ c/
( ( ( /( ( ( ( /( (
s/ -, s-/-,z/ -,
: s/ s/
z/ -, s-/-,z/ -,
: z/ z/
| | | | | | | | |
/ / / / / / / / /
X X X X X X X X X
I-r-,-- I-r-,-- I-r-,-- I-r-,-- I-r-,-- h-,I h-, h-,I
:
I I I I I
I: I I I I I
k k k k k k k k k-,g
k
1
k
1
g k k k k k k-,g
g g g g g g g g g
g
1
k k k k k g g g

q q q q q q q q q
q q q-,0 (v,|) q q q q q q

1
() (h) h h i i i(h)
:
i i i i i i
i: i i i i i ih ih ih
i:` i` i` i` i` i` v v v

h h h h h/ h h h h
h h h
\ \ \

Commenls.
1) In PTsKh ve observe an unmolivaled varialion of lhe Iiquids r and I. Slricl ruIes
of refIexalion are nol delermined yel, exlernaI dala cIearIy shovs lhal lhe originaI PTs
silualion (corresonding veII vilh AvarAndi) is reserved in PG.
2) In Ginukh lhe refIexes of hissing and hushing consonanls have been redislribuled
according lo lhe foIIoving ruIe: hissing consonanls are resenl here moslIy ad|acenl lo
back voveIs, hushing consonanls ad|acenl lo fronl voveIs

113
(lhough lhere are some nol quile cIear excelions).
3) Some varialions in lhe refIexes of lhe honemes
1
and h in Tsezi, Ginukh and
Khvarshi are aarenlIy connecled vilh lhe infIuence of haryngeaIized ad|acenl voveIs.
4) In ezhla PTs, PG r gives | or v (deending on lhe ad|acenl voveI), hovever,
lhe iniliaI r is veII reserved in TIadaI diaIecl (see |okarev 1959j).
5) The TIadaI diaIecl of ezhla aIso reserves lhe originaI PG syslem of hissing and
hushing consonanls. In ezhla roer lhe hushing consonanls reguIarIy become hissing
if lhey are ad|acenl lo fronl voveIs.
PTs differs significanlIy from olher Iasl Caucasian Ianguages in ils nearIy comIele
Iack of consonanl cIuslers (lraces of cIuslers in PTs are reserved onIy as nasaIizalion, see
above). A smaII number of vords vilh mediaI -RC-cIuslers in PTs can be inlerreled ei-
lher as Ioanvords from PA or as lhe resuIl of eIision of lhe middIe voveI in lhe rare
slruclure CVRVCV.

1.5.2. VocaIism.
We reconslrucl lhe foIIoving voveI syslem for PTs:

i I u
e o o
a 5

We musl al once nole lhal lhe voveI is ralher rare and robabIy has a secondary
origin (aarenlIy a resuIl of an earIy lransfer of IabiaIizalion of ad|acenl consonanls onlo
lhe voveIs i and I).
A characlerislic fealure of lhe deveIomenl of vocaIism in Tsezian Ianguages is lvo
series of refIexes of lhe voveIs i, e, I, u, o, 5, dislinguished in PTsKh (lhe second se-
ries is characlerized by a ecuIiar "shifl inlo cenlre" of vocaIic refIexes). For a ossibIe
reason for such a division of PTsKh refIexes, see above, . 75-76.
VoveI corresondences belveen Tsezian Ianguages are as foIIovs:

PTs PTsKh Tsez Gin Khv Inkh PG ezhl Gunz
i
A
i e e i i
i
B
I e e e I
i/u i/u i/u
e
A
e i i e e
e
B
o i e a o
e/ e e/o
e o i u,i I i I
I
A
I e e e I
I
B
o i e a o
I/o,u i/o,u I/o,u
o o i e a o o/5 o/a o/5
a a a a a a a a a
u
A
u u u u u
u
B
e o i u,i
u u,-o u
o
A
u u u u u
o
B
oi e e
o o o
5
A
o o o o o
5
B
oi e e
5 a 5

114
Commenls.
1) The voveI 5 in Gunzib is characlerized by I. A. okarev (|okarev 1967, 472j) as a
non-IabiaIized back mid voveI, bul a more exacl characlerizalion (|udging by lhe fieId
observalions of lhe MSI exedilion) vouId be "back Iov mid-oen voveI". We lran-
scribe il (as veII as lhe voveI reconslrucled in ils Iace in PG and PTs) as 5.
2) Afler lhe sIash in PG (and lherefore in ezhla and Gunzib) ve give lhe refIexes
of PTs voveIs ad|acenl lo IabiaIized consonanls (lhal have Iosl IabiaIizalion in PG).
3) The dislinclion of series A and in PTsKh is reIevanl onIy in lhe firsl syIIabIe, lhe
second syIIabIe usuaIIy has refIexes of "unshifled" voveIs (series A). Il musl be noled lhal
for lhe second (finaI) syIIabIe in PTs ve reconslrucl nol lhe fuII sel of voveIs, bul onIy e,
o, a, u, 5 (lheir refIexes in lhis osilion are generaIIy lhe same as in lhe firsl syIIabIe).
4) esides simIe voveIs, ve reconslrucl a comIele sel of nasaIized voveIs in PTs.
They reserve lheir nasaIizalion in Khvarshi, Inkhokvari, ezhla and Gunzib (lhough
lhey may soradicaIIy Iose il). The quaIily of lhe refIexes of nasaIized voveIs is usuaIIy
lhe same as of lhe Iain ones. A significanl excelion is lhe deveIomenl of nasaIized
and in Khvarshi, vhere lhey give narrov refIexes ( > , > ), il shouId be men-
lioned lhal Iain e and o deveIo in lhe same vay in lhe vicinily of nasaI m or n (lhe
ruIe of Y. TesleIels). The oosilion of nasaIized/nonnasaIized voveIs in PTs (and in
modern Tsezian Ianguages) is reIevanl onIy in lhe firsl syIIabIe (foIIoving syIIabIes can be
sub|ecl lo assimiIalive, "rosodic" nasaIizalion, bul slruclures vilh a nasaIized second
voveI and a non-nasaIized firsl do nol exisl).
5) AII voveIs Iain as veII as nasaIized can aIso have lhe addilionaI fealure of
haryngeaIizalion in PTs. PharyngeaIized voveIs (generaIIy yieIding lhe same quaIily of
refIexes as lhe Iain ones) are nov reserved in Tsezi and Inkhokvari, bul Iose haryn-
geaIizalion vilhoul any lrace in olher Tsezian Ianguages. The origin of lhe Tsezian
haryngeaIizalion is nol quile cIear yel (see above, age 83).

1.5.3. AbIaul.
The PTs nominaI slems ossessed abIaul of lvo main lyes: a) direcl slem o
obIique slem I, b) direcl slem 5 obIique slem i (some aradigms secondariIy mix
bolh lyes of abIaul). In vords vilh lhe slruclure CV some olher lyes of voveI grada-
lion (ossibIy archaic) are ossibIe as veII. Il musl be noled lhal lhe nominaI abIaul vas
aIready nol very roduclive in PTs, and lhe number of nouns vilh

115
aIlernaling voveIs is very smaII in modern Ianguages. On lhe origin of lhe Tsezian abIaul
see above, . 81-82.
Tsezian Ianguages aarenlIy reserve some remnanls of verbaI abIaul as veII
(lhough PTs evidenlIy had aIready Iosl lhe roduclive verbaI abIaul syslem), bul lhis
queslion sliII needs seciaI research.


Mosl nominaI rools in PTs have lhe slruclure CV or CVC(V), Ionger slruclures are
rare (and are usuaIIy derived). A characlerislic PTs fealure (aIready menlioned above) is
lhe inadmissibiIily (or al Ieasl exlreme rarily) of consonanl cIuslers vilhin a singIe mor-
heme, desile lhe facl lhal cIosed-syIIabIe slruclures (of lhe lye CVC) are aIIoved. The
CVC slruclures robabIy aeared in PTs as a resuIl of lhe earIy rocess of droing
narrov finaI voveIs (in lhe reconslrucled PTs syslem -i and -I are missing, -u is resenl,
bul lhis voveI is ralher a resuIl of a sliII Ialer secondary narroving from -o, missing in
finaI osilion). Hovever, lhe corresondences belveen PTs and PIC finaI voveIs are yel
lo be eslabIished.
Mosl verbaI rools in PTs have lhe slruclure -VC(V) (or, more rareIy, -VCVR). The
mosl unslabIe eIemenl of lhe verbaI rool is ils finaI voveI, vhich can disaear or be
modified before suffixed morhemes. The robIem of lhe verbaI ausIaul in PTs (and ils
PIC sources) is nol yel veII sludied. esides, lhere is a number of verbaI rools vilh a
differenl slruclure, e. g., CVC(V), hovever, hisloricaIIy lhey are moslIy derived and con-
lain oId reverbs (no Ionger roduclive in PTs and in modern Ianguages).
The rosody of PTs can be described as consisling of nasaIizalion and haryngeaIi-
zalion, vhich have been examined above (lhough lhese henomena can be aIso regarded
as vocaIic fealures). esides, |udging by lhe resuIls of lhe MSI exedilions of 1973-1978,
aII Tsezian Ianguages ossess reIevanl lonaI oosilions, and PTs cerlainIy had a lonaI
accenl syslem. Hovever, aII lhal vas said above aboul Andian lonaI syslems (see age
109), couId be aIied lo lhis case as veII: ve need more carefuI and fuII descrilions, on
lhe basis of vhich one couId accomIish lhe PTs lonaI reconslruclion.

1.6. Lak.

Desile a ralher Iarge number of seakers and viIIages vhere lhe Iak Ianguage is
used, il is al lhe resenl lime ralher monoIilhic. There are many IocaI diaIecls, bul lhey do
nol seriousIy differ from each olher, see |Khaidakov 1966j (aIlhough lhere is some reason
lo beIieve lhal lhe degree of diaIeclaI divergence vas higher in lhe asl). Therefore, lhe
incIusion of Iak diaIeclaI dala generaIIy does nol add much lo lhe informalion lhal one
can oblain from lhe descrilion of Iak Iilerary Ianguage and ils Iexicon.
The deveIomenl of Iak honemes from PIC vas described in generaI above. We
shouId ay allenlion onIy lo some comaraliveIy recenl honelicaI rocesses lhal are nol
refIecled in lhe labIes:

116
a) in Iak a generaI affricalion of veIars (incIuding lhe veIars lhal deveIoed from
PIC IaleraIs) occurred before lhe voveIs a, i. OriginaI veIars are easiIy reconslrucled vilh
lhe heI of Iak morhoIogicaI dala (lhere is a reguIar aIlernalion k/, /(, elc., in nominaI
and verbaI aradigms). Hovever, lhe affricalion may soradicaIIy be missing in some
diaIecls and in lhe Iilerary Ianguage. Therefore, vhiIe using lhe main IexicograhicaI
source on Iak lhe diclionary of S. M. Khaidakov (|Khaidakov 1962j), one may have
orlhograhic robIems, because in mosl cases lhe IabiaIizalion of veIar consonanls is nol
marked lhere, and, e.g. lhe sequence -ka- may be read eilher as -ka- or as -kà-. In such
cases ve have lo use diaIeclaI records (lhe fuIIesl avaiIabIe are lhe MSI records of lhe
Khosrekh diaIecl).
b) Anolher recenl honelicaI rocess easiIy seen in morhonoIogy is lhe veakening
of aII lense consonanl honemes in lhe cIosed syIIabIe (-: > -, -l: > -l, -c: > -c, -s: > -s, elc.)
They are reslored before suffixes beginning vilh a voveI.
c) We shouId aIso nole some olher soradic honelic rocesses: lhe deveIomenl of
inlervocaI d and b inlo r and v resecliveIy (a quile recenl change, having affecled some
recenl Arabic Ioanvords as veII), lhe varialion of I and veIar refIexes of PIC IaleraIs (see
above, age ), lhe varialion of : and h in lhe Iace of PIC uvuIar fricalives (see above,
age ). Such henomena cerlainIy suggesl inlensive diaIeclaI mixlure vilhin lhe hislory
of Iak. Il is, hovever, ossibIe lhal some of lhese varialions viII one day be given a ro-
sodic exIanalion (lhe syslem of Iak rosody excel lhe fealure of haryngeaIizalion
is nol yel described al aII).
As a secific fealure of Iak ve musl menlion lhal il has lhe mosl reduced voveI
syslem of aII IC Ianguages (onIy lhree honemes: i, u, a). In some diaIecls, hovever, Iong
voveIs are aIso resenl, bul lheir syslemalic descrilion does nol exisl.

1.7. From PD to modern Dargwa dialects.

InIike Iak, lhe Dargva Ianguage has many diaIecls lhal are ralher far from each
olher, see |Gasanova 1971j. InforlunaleIy, sufficienl IexicograhicaI sources are avaiIabIe
onIy for lhe foIIoving diaIecls: a) Akushi, on vhich Iilerary Dargva is based (see |Ab-
duIIayev 1950j), b) Irakhi, described aIready by P. K. IsIar (see |IsIar 1892j) and c) Chi-
rag, on vhich ve ossess lhe voIuminous records of lhe MSI exedilions of 1973-75.
Ralher many diaIeclaI records are conlained in lhe vork of M.-S. M. Musayev (|Musayev
1975j), see aIso |Gasanova 1971j. Therefore , ve have a generaIIy more or Iess reIiabIe
syslem of honelic corresondences and reconslruclions, based on lhe maleriaI of 13
Dargva diaIecls. Hovever, in lhis vork ve viII Iimil ourseIves lo lhe refIexes of PD
honemes in lhe four diaIecls vhich are described besl of aII and lhe evidence of vhich is
quile sufficienl lo reconslrucl lhe comIele PD honoIogicaI syslem: Chirag, Akushi,
Irakhi and Kubachi.

We reconslrucl lhe foIIoving syslem of consonanls for PD:

117

IabiaIs : b v m
DenlaIs l l: d I, r n
IabiaIized denlaIs d` `
Hissing c c: ( s s: z
Hushing : ( : |
VeIars k k: g x x:
IabiaIized veIars k` k:` g` ` x` x:` `
IvuIars q q: q : i
IabiaIized uvuIars q` q:` q` ` :` i`
PharyngeaIized
uvuIars
qI q:I (GI) qI I :I iI
PharyngeaIized
IabiaIized uvuIars
qI` q:I` qI` I` :I` iI`
IaryngeaIs h hI (`)
IabiaIized IaryngeaIs \` h`
Imhalic IaryngeaIs \

In lhis syslem lhe honeme GI (vilhoul a non-haryngeaIized counlerarl) is nol
quile cerlain, il is nol lo be excIuded, lhal in lhe examIes avaiIabIe ve deaI vilh an ir-
reguIar deveIomenl of lhe PD iI. In addilion, lhe slalus of lhe honeme lhal ve mark
as hI is nol quile cIear (olher haryngeaIized IaryngeaIs seem lo be missing in PI), lhe
reconslruclion of h` can aIso be considered dubious (lhis honeme is reresenled by a
fev examIes in mediaI osilion, and lhe eslabIished corresondences shouId ossibIy be
inlerreled olhervise). In generaI, lhe reconslruclion of lhe PD syslem of IaryngeaIs
robabIy needs some furlher eIaboralion.
We eslabIish lhe foIIoving corresondences among Dargva diaIecls:

PD Chir Akush Irakh Kub

: : b b :,-
b b b b b

v v v v v(-:-)
m m m m m
l l l l l
l: l: d d l:,-l
d d d d d

118
I I I I I
r r r r |/v/0
n n n n n
d` d d`
` ` (`)
c c c c s
c: c: z,-z-c z c:,-c
z z z s(/-z)
( ( ( ( (
s s h-,-rh- h-,-rh- l
s: s: s s s:,-s
z z -,-r-,-r -,r d

: : :,-
( ( ( ( (

: : :,-

| | | | |
k k k k k
k: k: k:,-k
g

x x/ -,x
x: x: x x x:,-x
(|-) -|-,| \-,|
k` k(`) k k` k(`)
g` g` v-,-h- g`-,-h`- g`
` ` (`) `
x` x` h,-x h(`)-,-vh-,-v x`
x:` x:(`) h,-x h-,-h--x`-,-x x:(`),-x`
` -,-v `-,-v
q q q q q
q: q: G G q:,-q
q q q q q
h h
: : :,-
i i i i i
q` q` q q(`) q`
q:` q:` G G(`) q:`,-q(`)
q` q` q q` q`
` (`) ` `
:` :` (`) -:`-
i` i` i i(`) i(`)

119
qI qI qI qI qI
q:I q:I G(I) GI q:I,-qI
GI iI- iI- iI-
qI qI qI qI qI
I I
:I :I
iI iI \- \- iI-
qI` qI` qI qI` qI`
q:I` q:I` GI GI` q:I`-
qI` qI` qI qI(`) qI(`)
I` I` ` I--
:I` :I` I-- I`` :I`-
iI` iI` \ \` iI`
- - - - -
h h-,-|- \--,-h- \-,-- h
hI hI \-,-\--- \-,-\---
h` -h- -v- -0-
\` \` \ \(`) -,\
\,-\-0I -\-,-0-,-VI|
\ \-,h \ \ \--,h

Commenls.
1) Il seems reasonabIe lo reconslrucl a searale series of PD uvuIar haryngeaIized
(and uvuIar haryngeaIized IabiaIized) consonanls, because ve meel lhe vhoIe sel of PD
voveIs beside lhem, as for non-uvuIar consonanls, lhe onIy haryngeaIized voveI lhal
can be ad|acenl lo lhem is aI (see beIov on lhe voveI syslem). AddilionaIIy, haryngeaI-
ized uvuIars in Dargva diaIecls oflen give refIexes olher lhan lhe reseclive non-ha-
ryngeaIized ones (see lhe labIe). We musl remember, hovever, lhal hisloricaIIy lhe
haryngeaIized uvuIars are secondary (see above, age 59) and ve did nol Iace lhem in
lhe labIe of PIC refIexes.
2) We can easiIy reconslrucl IabiaIized back consonanls for PD, bul IabiaIized fronl
ones (excel lhe very rare d` and `) virluaIIy cannol be reconslrucled. IabiaIizalion has
lolaIIy disaeared in Iilerary Dargva (Akushi), bul is ralher veII reserved in many
olher Dargva diaIecls (excel lhe cases of a secondary lransfer of consonanl IabiaIizalion
lo lhe ad|acenl voveI).
3) The PD Iiquid r in Kubachi mosl oflen deveIos inlo | (more rareIy inlo v or 0,
deending on ils osilion and lhe vocaIic environmenl). There is aIso a very characlerislic
rocess of lhe disaearance of r in Kubachi in mediaI cIuslers of lhe lye -rC-, vhen lhe
recedenl voveI is Ienglhened afler lhe faII of -r-. In lhis vay Kubachi has deveIoed a
secondary oosilion of voveIs in brevily/Ienglh, absenl in olher Dargva diaIecls.
4) Akushi usuaIIy refIecls lhe finaI -c: as -z, bul in some vords ve have lhe refIex -c
lhal has aarenlIy enelraled from a diaIecl of lhe Kubachi lye. The facl lhal in lhis
case ve are doublIessIy deaIing vilh inlerdiaIeclaI Ioanvords is confirmed by lransar-
enl doubIels Iike |az "monlh" |ac "moon" (PD |ac.). The Irakhi varialion z in lhe
Iace of PD c: ossibIy has a simiIar origin.
5) The voiced g in mosl Dargva diaIecls is absenl or in free varialion vilh

120
lhe fricalive (ve musl nole lhal in lhe Iilerary orlhograhy lhis consonanl is marked as
). Hovever, an exIosive g is reIiabIy reconslrucled for PD in lhe Iace of modern ,
because for lhe fricalive a seciaI rov of corresondences exisls.
6) In Akushi and Irakhi ve mark as G lhe honeme, lhal is orlhograhicaIIy rere-
senled as , honelicaIIy lhis consonanl is nol voiced, bul ralher voiceIess unasiraled
(lense). Hovever, in lhe syslem il occuies lhe Iace of a voiced one, because lhe oosi-
lion in Iaxness/lenseness has been Iosl in lhese diaIecls, being reIaced by lhe oosilion
of voice/voiceIessness.
7) The Kubachi diaIecl has a reguIar affricalion of non-IabiaIized veIars before fronl
voveIs i,e: k > , > (, k: > : elc.
8) IabiaIized i` lurns inlo a IaryngeaI afler -r- in Irakh.: -ri`- > -r-, in Akushi il
is furlher veakened and disaears (-ri`- > -r-).
10) The given labIe shovs us lhe archaic characler of lhe Chirag diaIecl (and, |udging
by lhe sarse avaiIabIe dala, lhe olher diaIecls of lhe Amukh lye). In facl, vilh very fev
excelions il has fuIIy reserved lhe PD consonanlism syslem and can acl as a "rolo-
Ianguage" for olher Dargva diaIecls (of vhich lhe Akushi diaIecl, lhe basis of modern
Iilerary Dargva, is lhe mosl advanced and shallered one).

1.7.1.1. Consonanl cIuslers.
The mosl frequenl lye of consonanl cIuslers in Dargva (as in mosl olher IC Ian-
guages) is lhe lye "resonanl+obslruenl" (il is vorlh noling lhal lhe consonanl b couId
aIso be reIaled lo resonanls by lhis fealure, because il is ralher oflen found vilhin lhe
cIuslers -bC-, see above). These combinalions are generaIIy veII reserved in diaIecls
(lhough lhere are cases of Iosing resonanls, eseciaIIy in lhe Chirag diaIecl), on lhe de-
veIomenl of combinalions of lhe lye -rC- in Kubachi see above, age 119.
In singIe cases ve meel aIso consonanl combinalions of olher lyes (in arlicuIar, of
lvo obslruenls), vhose origin is nol quile cIear.

1.7.2. VocaIism.
We reconslrucl lhe foIIoving voveI syslem for PD:

i u
e a

esides lhal, ve aIso reconslrucl a singIe indeendenl haryngeaIized voveI aI (aII
olher haryngeaIized voveIs in PD and in modern diaIecls have lhe slalus of honelicaI
varianls of simIe voveIs, ad|acenl lo haryngeaIized uvuIars).
Of lhe diaIecls examined above, Chirag, Akushi and Kubachi reserve lhe originaI
syslem (in Kubachi addilionaI Iong voveIs aeared as a resuIl of lhe disaearance of
-r- and some olher honelicaI rocesses, e.g. conlraclion, see above). We shouId aIso nole
lhal in Chirag voveIs are Iess slabIe and more easiIy sub|ecl lo osilionaI varialions, lhan
in olher diaIecls.
In Irakhi a narroving e > i occurred (e nov occurs onIy in a fev Ioanvords and as
a honelicaI varianl of i afler ). There are aIso Iong voveIs

121
here, bul lhey are ralher rare and in mosl cases deveIo from conlraclions.
In lhe end of lhe Dargva nominaI rool onIy lvo voveIs vere ossibIe: -i and -a (as
veII as ils haryngeaIized counlerarl -aI). The voveI -u, resenl in a fev rools in mod-
ern diaIecls, aarenlIy goes back lo PD -i afler IabiaIized consonanls. In lhe end of lhe
PD verbaI rool finaI -i, -u and -a are ossibIe, bul a fuII reconslruclion of lhe PD verbaI
aradigm is sliII Iacking, and lhe originaI syslem is nol quile cIear yel.

1.7.2.1. AbIaul.
The oId nominaI abIaul seems lo be Iosl in Dargva (lhe voveI gradalion in lhe for-
malion of IuraI, invoIving lhe deveIomenl a,i > u or a > i in some diaIecls, is obviousIy
a secondary resuIl of lhe reduclion of lhe rool voveI before lhe added IuraI marker).
Hovever, ve musl nole lhe slrange rocess of "lruncaling" lhe finaI syIIabIe in some
obIique nominaI slems in Dargva (qa|i "house", Gen. qa and so on), lhe reasons of vhich
are nol yel cIear.
The abIaul, hovever, is videIy sread in lhe Dargva verbaI syslem as a means of
differenlialion of asecl slems. The comarison of Chirag, Akushi and Kubachi dala aI-
Iovs us lo reconslrucl lhe foIIoving lyes of verbaI voveI aIlernalions in PD:

Perfeclive asecl Imerfeclive asecl
a i
a u
e i
e u
u i
The voveI i is usuaIIy reserved in lhe imerfeclive asecl slem. The abIaul syslem
in lhe Dargva verb is combined vilh comIicaled rocesses of lhe disaearance and
inserlion of resonanls -r-,-I- in mediaI osilion (lhese rocesses are, as il seems, reIaled lo
lhe oosilion of "slrong" and "veak" series of cIass markers in PI, lhough many delaiIs
are sliII uncIear).

The buIk of nominaI rools in PD have lhe slruclure CV or CV(R)C(V) (vilh lhe finaI
voveI or vilhoul il), lhal are reserved in aII modern diaIecls. As in olher IC Ianguages,
lhere is a comaraliveIy smaII number of nominaI slems vilh a Ionger rool slruclure, lhal
are in mosl cases derived.
The verbaI rool in PD has lhe slruclure -V(R)CV(R), lhe finaI consonanl may be re-
resenled by -r (r-con|ugalion) or -n (n-con|ugalion). We viII nol dveII in more delaiI on
lhe anaIysis and lhe reconslruclion of lhe PD verbaI rool (lhis loic shouId be seciaIIy
sludied logelher vilh an examinalion of lhe Iasl Caucasian verbaI syslem as a vhoIe).
The Dargva rosodic syslem is nol yel sufficienlIy described. }udging by lhe de-
scrilions, mosl modern Dargva diaIecls have a syslem of morhoIogicaIIy fixed dy-
namic accenl, dala coIIecled by lhe MSI exedilion aIIovs us lo suggesl lhe resence of
olher rosodic fealures (honalions) as veII.

122
1.8. From PL to modern Lezghian languages.

The PI reconslruclion is resenlIy lhe mosl deveIoed of aII inlermediale recon-
slruclions. esides, since lhe PI honoIogicaI syslem is characlerized by seciaI archaic
fealures as a resuIl of lhe earIy sIil of lhe Iezghian famiIy, ils reconslruclion Iays a se-
cific arl in lhe reconslruclion of PIC and PNC honoIogicaI syslems. Therefore ve con-
sider il necessary lo go over lhe characlerislics of lhe PI syslem in some delaiI.
The exisling PI reconslruclion had aIready been comIeled in ils enlirely in 1975
(see |Slaroslin 1975a, 1975j) and is ralher subslanliaIIy differenl from lhe Ialer resenled
reconslruclion of . . TaIibov (|TaIibov 1980j), as veII as from lhe syslems, reconslrucled
skelchiIy by I. A. okarev (|okarev 1981j) and . K. GigineyshviIi (|GigineyshviIi 1977j).
The main differences in our reconslruclion are: osluIalion of lhe originaIily of lense un-
asiraled exIosives and affricales and lhe recognilion of lhe secondariness of lheir
voiced refIexes in some modern Ianguages (see beIov), reconslruclion of lhe fuII IaleraI
series for PI, reconslruclion of lhe PI syslem of IaryngeaI consonanls, reconslruclion of
PI vocaIism (significanlIy differenl from lhe syslem suggesled by I. A. okarev), recon-
slruclion of lhe PI rool slruclure and abIaul syslem, reconslruclion of a series of lense
resonanls in PI, elc. For a shorl skelch of our reconslruclion and a labIe of correson-
dences (unforlunaleIy, vilh some misrinls), see lhe book |AIekseyev 1985, . 11-15j.

We reconslrucl lhe foIIoving consonanl syslem for PI:

Labials : b v m m:
Dentals l l: d | r, I n n:, I:
Labialized dentals l` l:` `
Hissing c c: (: s s: z
Labialized hissing c` c:` ` (:` s` s:`
Hushing : () ( (: :
Labialized hushing ` :` (`) (` ` :` `
Laterals / /: () X X: :
Labialized laterals /` /:` X` X:` ` :`
Velars k k: g
Labialized velars k` k:` `
Uvulars q q: q q: : i
Labialized uvulars q` q:` q` q:` ` :`
Pharyngealized uvulars qI qI: qI qI: I I:
Pharyngealized labialized
uvulars
qI` qI:` qI` qI:` I` I`:
Laryngeals h
Labialized laryngeals `
Pharyngealized laryngeals I hI
Emphatic laryngeals 1
Emphatic labialized
laryngeals
1`

123
We musl al once nole lhal haryngeaIized consonanls in PI shouId nol be necessar-
iIy regarded as indeendenl honemes, because in PI lhere vas a fuII syslem of inde-
endenl haryngeaIized voveIs (see beIov), and haryngeaIized consonanls can be re-
garded as aIIohones of simIe uvuIars (and IaryngeaIs), ad|acenl lo haryngeaIized
voveIs. Hovever, since in many modern Iezghian Ianguages haryngeaIized consonanls
reresenl a seciaI series, oflen yieId refIexes differenl from lhe reseclive
non-haryngeaIized honemes and slalislicaIIy occur much more frequenlIy ad|acenl lo
haryngeaIized voveIs lhan olher consonanls, il is convenienl lo regard lhem as searale
honoIogicaI unils.
Iel us nov searaleIy examine lhe refIexalion of PI exIosives, resonanls, affricales
and fricalives.

1.8.1.1. IxIosives.

For PI il is necessary lo reconslrucl lhree IocaI series of exIosive consonanls: IabiaI,
denlaI and veIar. Iach of lhese series is characlerized by lhe resence of a four-vay dis-
linclion "voiceIess (asiraled)" "lense (unasiraled)" "gIollaIized" "voiced". We
musl nole al once lhal voiced exIosives (as olher voiced obslruenls, see beIov) are more
rareIy encounlered lhan exIosives of olher lyes, and can be regarded as "eriheraI"
honemes (il is vorlh noling lhal in verbaI rools voiced honemes are Iacking). Hovever,
lhe oosilion "lense" "voiced", found in Archi and in Iezghian, and a good correIa-
lion belveen lhe evidence of lhese lvo Ianguages Iead us lo ro|ecl lhis oosilion onlo
lhe PI IeveI, some fealures of olher Ianguages (e.g., a secific Tabasaran refIexalion of PI
g oosed lo k:, see beIov) confirm lhis reconslruclion aIlhough, in lhe Iong run, il
seems lo be a PI innovalion (comared lo lhe PIC slage).
In lhe syslem of exIosive consonanls (as veII as in lhe syslem of affricales and
fricalives, see beIov) lhere vas an oosilion of IabiaIized and non-IabiaIized honemes
lhal vas neulraIized onIy in lhe IabiaI series.
Iel us nov give lhe syslem of corresondences of exIosive consonanls in descen-
danl Ianguages.

124

PI Arch Ag Tab Iezg Rul Tsakh Kryz ud Id

: b b/v b/v :,-b b b b b b/:`
,-b-
/-v-
/:/ ,-b ,-b ,-b -,/b `-, `-,:
b b b b b b b b
l l l l/ l/c l l l/ l/ l/c
l` l`/l l l l l l l l
l: d-,-l:-,-l d/r d-/-
(/-|-,-v-)
l:/c:, -d d d d/ d/ d(/l:)
/c-`
l:` -l:(`)- d/r d/| l:(`),-d d d d d
/( / /( /( l:
` (`) (`)
d d- d d d d
k k,-k:- k k k k k k k k
k` k(`),-k:- k(`) k(`) k(`) k(`) k(`) k(`) k k
k: g-,-k:-,-k g,-- g-,-g- k:,-g g g,-g-
/--
g g g/k:
k`: g(`)-,
-k:(`)-,-k`
g(`) g(`) k:(`),
-g(`)
g(`) g(`),
-g(`)-
g g -k:
k:
` ` (`) (`) (`) (`) (`) (`) k:
g g g/k: g//k: g g g g g k:
g` g(/-k:-) k:(v)/
g(`)
k:(`)/
g(`)
g g

Commenls.
The labIe shovs lhal voiced, voiceIess and gIollaIized consonanls are reserved in
aII descendanl Ianguages (excel Idi, in vhich gIollaIized consonanls are reguIarIy re-
fIecled as lense ones). The voiced g is refIecled (lhough |usl soradicaIIy) as k: in AguI
and Tabasaran, as veII as in Idi, lhere is some reason lo lhink lhal aIrea-dy in PI lhe ar-
licuIalions g and g: vere admilled as free varianls.
Tense (unasiraled) consonanls are al lhe resenl lime reserved in Archi, Iezghi
and Idi, lhough in Idi PI lense consonanls generaIIy give voiced refIexes, lhe reserva-
lion of lense ones is observed onIy soradicaIIy, usuaIIy nol in lhe iniliaI osilion. (Il is
necessary lo nole al once lhal refIexes of PI honemes in Idi are generaIIy Iess exacl
lhan in olher Iezghian Ianguages, in many cases lhere robabIy exisls a comIemenlary
dislribulion of refIexes, lhal is, hovever, hard lo discover because of insufficienl dala). In
Archi lense exIosives are voiced in lhe iniliaI osilion, reserved in lhe inlervocaIic o-
silion and veakened in finaI osilion (lhough PI : gives b in aII osilions here). In
Iezghi lense consonanls are reserved in lhe iniliaI and inlervocaIic osilions, bul are
voiced in finaI osilion.
In aII olher Ianguages lhe PI lense exIosives have been voiced. In Tabasaran

125
and AguI (lo be recise: in lhe Norlhern diaIecl of Tabasaran and in lhe Koshan and
urkikhan diaIecls of AguI) ve observe a furlher rocess of sonorizalion (robabIy
lhrough an inlermediale slage of fricalivizalion) of lhe refIexes of PI lense exIosives in
non-iniliaI osilion, vhich Ied lo lhe deveIomenl PI : > v in aII lhe afore-menlioned
diaIecls. PI l: is refIecled as r in non-iniliaI osilion in lhe Koshan and urkikhan dia-
Iecls of AguI and in some subdiaIecls of lhe Norlhern diaIecl of Tabasaran, in lhe Dbek
subdiaIecl of Tabasaran PI l: is refIecled as | in finaI osilion and as -|- or -v- (deending
on lhe characler of lhe foIIoving voveI) in inlervocaIic osilion.
The voiced refIex g < PI k: in non-iniliaI osilion can be fricalivized and deveIo
inlo , lhis deveIomenl is observed in non-iniliaI osilion in Tabasaran, vhere -g- and
-- are in free varialion, in lhe Mikik diaIecl of Tsakhur lhe fricalivizalion -k:- > -g- >- -
is obIigalory. The deveIomenl -k:- > -|- (aarenlIy, lhrough lhe sle --) is observed in
lhe Nidzh diaIecl of Idi.
IabiaIized consonanls are comIeleIy Iosl in lhe udukh and Idi Ianguages, as veII
as in lhe Norlhern diaIecl of Tabasaran (here onIy secific "denloIabiaIized" consonanls
are reserved, on lhose, see beIov). Olher Iezghian Ianguages reserve IabiaIized con-
sonanls. Hovever, il musl be noled lhal IabiaIizalion is easiIy lransferred from lhe con-
sonanl lo lhe ad|acenl voveI, as a resuIl of lhis, lhe IabiaIizalion of lhe consonanl ilseIf is
oflen Iosl. (PhonelicaIIy lhe consonanl is cerlainIy sliII IabiaIized, bul, since in aII
Iezghian Ianguages lhe "IabiaIized" "non-IabiaIized" oosilion is neulraIized in lhe
osilion cIose lo a IabiaIized voveI, lhe IabiaIizalion of lhe consonanl becomes nondis-
linclive in lhis conlexl). IseciaIIy unslabIe is lhe IabiaIizalion of fronl consonanls, vhich
are reserved (in a fev rools onIy) in Archi, Iezghian and RuluI, bul vhich in olher Ian-
guages have been comIeleIy deIabiaIized.
The aIalaIizalion of denlaI consonanls before fronl voveIs is more or Iess lyicaI
for aII Iezghian Ianguages. A slrong aIalaIizalion of denlaI exIosives is observed in
Tsakhur. Here, hovever, lhe aIalaIized denlaIs have nol been affecled by lhe furlher
affricalion lhal is observed in Tabasaran, Kryz, udukh, Iezghi and Idi (vilh hushing
refIexes in Tabasaran, Kryz and udukh, and hissing refIexes in Iezghi and Idi).
We shouId aIso dveII uon lhe foIIoving minor oinls:
a) The PI honeme is ralher rare and does nol have slabIe refIexes. Archi usuaIIy
refIecls il as (bul -- in |upar "manure" < PI |up). AguI has - in iniliaI osilion, bul in
olher osilions lhe degIollaIizalion > : occurred, afler vhich lhis consonanl behaved
as PI : (see above). In Tabasaran lhe Soulhern diaIecl (and lhe Iilerary Ianguage) have
lhe refIex , a singIe knovn Norlhern diaIecl examIe (|up "dried dung") reveaIs lhe finaI
-. RuluI and Tsakhur have lhe refIexes - in iniliaI osilion, -b- in lhe non-iniliaI one.
Iezghi aIvays has - in iniliaI osilion. In olher osilions Iilerary Iezghi aIso has ,
bul lhe Akhly diaIecl (KhIiul) shovs a varialion belveen and : (-b in finaI osilion).
The gIollaIizalion of lhe finaI - is Iosl if a receding gIollaIized consonanl is resenl (- >
-b), bul is reslored in mediaI osilion (cf. Nom. a| Irg. apuni).
b) As has been menlioned above, PI lense exIosives are reserved in Iezghi in

126
iniliaI osilion. Hovever, lhe Norlhern diaIecls of Iezghi somelimes have a secondary
voicing of PI :-, l:- and k:- in lhis osilion. Il usuaIIy occurs in oIysyIIabic vords
vilh mediaI gIollaIized or lense consonanls (lhus being a dissimiIalive rocess). The cen-
lraI (Samur) and Soulhern diaIecls usuaIIy reserve lense consonanls in lhis osilion.
c) InIike PI voiceIess and l, PI k gives an unusuaI inlervocaIic refIex in Archi: a
lense -k:-. This Ied lo lhe merger of lhe non-iniliaI refIexes of PI k and k: in Archi.
d) VeIar exIosives are nol usuaIIy affecled by affricalion (unIike denlaI exIosives,
see above) before fronl voveIs. An excelion is lhe honeme g, vhich, in lhis osilion,
deveIoed inlo in Tabasaran (vhich, by lhe vay, reIiabIy dislinguishes lhe refIexes of
PI g and k: : lhe Ialler aIso yieIds Tabasaran g, bul is nol sub|ecl lo aIalaIizalion and
affricalivizalion before fronl voveIs).
1.8.1.2. Resonanl consonanls.

We reconslrucl len resonanls for PI: m, m:, v, , n, n:, r, |, I, I:. Modern
Ianguages Iack lhe oosilion v-, as veII as lhe lense resonanls m:, n:, I:. In PI lhe dis-
lribulion of lhese honemes vas Iimiled as veII: PI is reconslrucled onIy in iniliaI o-
silion, and PI m:, n:, I: onIy in lhe non-iniliaI one. PhonelicaIIy PI v robabIy re-
resenled a somevhal fricalivized biIabiaI b or a denloIabiaI v, and PI a biIabiaI
gIide.
Iel us nov give lhe labIe of corresondences of resonanls in descendanl Ianguages:

m m/b m m m m m m m m
m: m b/v b/v -:-,-b b m b b m
v b v v v v v v v b-,-v
v/0 v/0/| v/| v/0 v/|/0 v/|/0 v/| v/| v/0
n n/d n n n n n n n n
n: -nn-,-n d/r d/|/ -l:-/ -c:-,-d d n d/ d/ n
r d-,r r r r r r/|/v/0 r r 0/|/-r
| 0 |/0,-|- |,-|/-0 |/0 |,-|/-0 |,-0 |-,-0 |-,-0 0,-|-`
I I I I I I I//v I I I(-0-)
I: -l:-,-l I I I I I//v I I I

Commenls.

1) Archi: PI m and n in lhe iniliaI osilion are soradicaIIy denasaIized here (cf.
lhe deveIomenl in PI niq > Arch. |iq "Iace", nuq > Arch. |uq "barIey", ni\ > Arch.
|c "maIl", ni > Arch. !i "smeII"), hovever, in mosl cases il does nol haen. The causes
of of lhis deveIomenl are nol quile cIear. We do nol excIude lhe ossibiIily lhal one
shouId reconslrucl here PI m:-, n:-

127
in iniliaI osilion (vilh "inverse" refIexes as oosed lo lhose in lhe non-iniliaI osilion),
bul lhere are loo IillIe dala for finaI concIusions.
PI gives v here, bul 0 ( ) before IabiaIized voveIs. Cf. PI ir.i- > Arch. ui,
bul PI c-n "lhou" > Arch. un, elc.
2) AguI: Here ve musl commenl lhe deveIomenl of PI v, , |. The iniliaI |- is
usuaIIy reserved in AguI, onIy before lhe voveI i do lhe Keren and urkikhan diaIecls
Iose |- (reIacing il vilh -), cf. PI jiru > Ag. Rich., urk. iru (bul ursh., Fil. jiru)
"hearl". The Koshan (urshag) and File diaIecls reveaI an inleresling refIexalion in lhis
osilion: lhey usuaIIy reserve | before i, bul Iose il (| > 0- -) if lhe foIIoving conso-
nanl is a fricalive (s, f, x). Cf. PI jiru "hearl" > Ag. ursh., Fil. jiru, bul PI jis. "year" >
Ag. ursh. is., Fil. is. In finaI osilion lhe Keren and urkikhan diaIecls Iose -| afler back
voveIs (a, u), bul reserve il afler fronl ones (e, i, lhe sequence -i| is in facl aIready ro-
nounced here as -i, bul in case of secondary IabiaIizalion -vi| > -u| and | is reserved
unIike lhe oId sequence -u| > -u). Cf. PI caj > Rich., urk. ca "fire", PI uj > Rich. u
"fieId", bul PI .aj > Rich., urk. xcj "vooI", elc.
PI in AguI deveIos inlo v- before back voveIs (cf. vu-n "lhou"), bul inlo |- be-
fore fronl ones (bolh Keren and urkikhan diaIecls have 0 before lhe voveI i, cf. above
on lhe refIexes of |), cf. PI iri- "seven" > Ag. jcri-!, PI ici "len" > Ag. Rich., urk.
icu-!, ursh. jicu-r, Fil. jicu-!.
PI v is usuaIIy reserved. Hovever, lhe iniliaI sequence vi- is refIecled as u- in
AguI, and lhe finaI sequence -iv as -u/-u|. Cf. PI ui| "caIf" > Ag. ur, PI q|.iu "lu-
ber" > Ag. Fil. |uj "radish", elc.
On lhe deveIomenl of PI lense resonanls in AguI and olher Iezghian Ianguages,
see beIov.
3) Tabasaran: PI | is veII reserved here (lhough lhe finaI -| is reguIarIy Iosl in lhe
Soulhern diaIecl, cf. PI .aj > Kand., Iil. xa, Db. xaj "vooI").
PI v is aIso reserved, hovever, lhe sequences vi- and iv deveIo in lhe same
vay as in AguI (see above), cf. PI uii.ar "grain" > Tab. u!ar, PI s.iu "oal fIour" > Tab. su,
elc. The sequence ve- aIso gives u- in some Tabasaran diaIecls (Dbek, Kandik), bul is
reserved as ve- in lhe Iilerary Ianguage. Cf. PI ucr > Kand., Db. ur, Iil. ucr "ma-
Ie".
PI in Tabasaran is, in generaI, refIecled in lhe same vay as in AguI, i.e. il gives v,
bul | before lhe voveI i: cf. PI c-n "lhou" > Tab. uuu, bul ici- "len" > Tab. jicu-|. Hov-
ever, lhe sequence i- can deveIo inlo u- as veII (see above aboul vi-). The rinciIes
of dislribulion of lhe refIexes |i- and u- are uncIear due lo insufficienl evidence (PI is
in generaI a ralher rare honeme). Cf. PI i- "quickIy" > Tab. u-ii, PI ir.i- "seven" >
Tab. urgu-|.
4) Iezghi: IxlremeIy characlerislic of Iezghi is lhe disaearance of lhe iniliaI se-
quences mu-, mo-, vi-, vo-, i-, |i-, if lhe rool consisls of lvo or more syIIabIes. Cf.
PI nc.cr > Iezg. gur "lomb", PI nur|.u| > Iezg. |.u| "besom", PI uii.ar > Iezg. i.ar
"grain", PI uc|cr > Iezg. |cr "ram", PI ii- > Iezg. u-! "len", PI ji.in > Iezg. .in
"face", elc. The Iasl four sequences are reserved as |i- in lhe Akhly diaIecl (cf. KhI. jui.ar
< jii.ar "grain", KhI. jic.ur "slabIe" vs. Iil. Iezg. c.ur < PI ucnc.ir, KhI. ji.in "face", elc.).
The same deveIomenl is soradicaIIy observed in olher Ianguages (excel Archi), bul il

128
is reguIar onIy in Iezghi.
5) RuluI. PI gives v before non-fronl voveIs (cf. ui, Irg. ua "lhou"), and |- before
fronl ones (cf. jiui-! "seven", jici-! "len"). On lhe zero refIex of PI as marker of lhe firsl
verb cIass in RuluI (as veII as in Tsakhur, Kryz and udukh) see beIov.
PI | is usuaIIy reserved in RuluI. Il disaears onIy afler -i in finaI osilion (in lhe
Ikhrek and Khnov diaIecls, afler -a as veII). In aII diaIecls lhe refIexes of | vary afler u
(-u| or -u). Cf. PI caj "fire" > Iuch., Shin. caj, Ikhr. ca, Khn. ca, PI iuj "saIiva, sil" > Rul.
iu (Irg. iuji-r), bul PI uj "fieId" > Rul. uj (Irg. uji-r).
6) Tsakhur: PI deveIos as in RuluI, i.e. gives eilher v or |, deending on lhe foI-
Ioving voveI (cf. uu "lhou", jici-||c "len"). PI | is reserved in lhe iniliaI and mediaI osi-
lions, bul reguIarIy disaears in finaI osilion (cf. ji "hearl", xa, gen. xaji-n "vooI", elc.)
We musl seciaIIy dveII uon lhe Tsakhur refIexes of PI r and I.
PI r deveIos inlo r, | or 0 in Tsakhur, deending on osilion. In iniliaI osilion be-
fore an originaI a ve observe lhe refIexes r- (in lhe slruclure CVC, cf. PI rap., Tsakh. ra|
"avI") or 0- in lhe slruclure CVCV, cf. PI raq|.a > Tsakh. a|a "comb", PI ra\.a > Tsakh.
a|.a "door", elc.). This varialion is ossibIy connecled vilh lhe rosodic oosilion of
lhese lvo lyes of rools. r- is aIso reserved before PI o, cf. PI rc.- > Tsakh. ri.i-n
"dense". efore PI fronl voveIs r > |, cf. PI riq|. > Tsakh. jiq| "ashes", PI raq|. > Tsakh.
jaq| "road", elc. (The same refIex is resenl before I and u before a hushing consonanl, cf.
PI ru. > Tsakh. ji "daughler"). FinaIIy, before PI u, r > Tsakh. v, cf. PI ruqVna >
Tsakh. uuqna "cave".
In mediaI osilion lhe refIex of r is sIil (-r- or -|-), -|- occurs onIy before -e (-), -r-
occurs in olher cases. Cf. PI .u-|cra > Tsakh. GeIm. i|aja (in roer Tsakhur vilh a
conlraclion: i|) "ear", PI s.uira > Tsakh. sura "arl".
In finaI osilion lhere is aIso a sIil refIex: -r or -0 < -|, (lhe Iosl -| is reguIarIy reslored
in obIique slems of nouns.) The zero refIex is observed in nouns vhose obIique slem ends
vilh -i- (GeIm. -i-, Mik. -I-), going back lo lhe PI obIique slem in -I- (see beIov on
obIique slems), lhe refIex -r is reresenled in nouns vhose obIique slems in PI end vilh
-a- or -e- (> Prolo-Tsakh. -a- > GeIm. -a-/-o-, Mik. -a-/-I-). Cf. PI c.cr (-I-slem) > Tsakh.
do (Gen. Tsakh., GeIm. !cji-n, Mik. !cji-n) "name", PI c.ar (-a-slem) > Tsakh. zcr (gen.
zcra-n), GeIm. zar (gen. zara-n) "cov".
PI I and I: are refIecled in Tsakhur eilher as I () or as v. (Il musl be noled lhal on
lhe synchronous IeveI, lhe varianls I and are in comIemenlary dislribulion: lhe aIalaI-
ized is obIigalory in finaI osilion, olhervise onIy before fronl voveIs, before lhe
back ones ve meel lhe hard I.) The dislribulion of lhe refIexes I and v vas suggesled by
GigineyshviIi |GigineyshviIi 1977j, . 68-69), vho roosed a dissimiIalive deveIomenl:
I, if a IabiaI consonanl is resenl in lhe rool, bul v, if lhere is none. This dislribulion ruIe,
hovever, is cerlainIy vrong, because lhere are very many cases in vhich ve observe lhe
refIex I vilhoul any IabiaI consonanl al aII, cf. lhe Tsakh. vords i|, (i|, ga, |ai, |aa, c|, u,
si|i, elc.

129
AcluaIIy lhe dislribulion of lhe refIexes of I (and I:) is simiIar lo lhal of lhe refIexes
of r, lhal is:
a) in iniliaI osilion lhe IaleraI arlicuIalion of I is reserved before originaI fronl
voveIs (vhere r > |) and before a (vhere r > r or 0), before o (vhere r > r) and u
(vhere r > v) ve observe lhe refIex v. Cf. PI |aa > Tsakh. aa "braceIel", PI |a.a >
Tsakh. |a.a "slove" (cf. Rul. |a "fireIace"), PI |c(u) > Tsakh. uix "Iouse", PI |u(a >
Tsakh. uu(c "heifer".
b) in mediaI osilion ve observe lhe refIex I eilher before fronl voveIs or receded
by a consonanl and foIIoved by a voveI (in lhe slruclure -VCIV-), in olher cases lhe re-
fIex is -v-. Cf. PI uc(r).i|- > GeIm. uigi|i-n "maIe", PI (nu)s.ua| > Tsakh. sc|c "viId
lurkey", PI nja}zu|aj > Tsakh. mIzIa "Ierosy", PI qu|a "board" > Tsakh. quua, PI (c|.a
"slra" > Tsakh. (uua, elc. The mediaI comIex -VvV- < -VIV- before a cIosing consonanl
can be sub|ecl lo conlraclion, cf. PI nu|Vq| > Tsakh. niq| "vorm". Wilhin lhe aradigm
such a conlraclion haens in lhe Mikik diaIecl in lhe sequence -avaC > -C, lhe resuIl of
adding a suffix lo lhe nominaI rool, cf. PI a| 'house' > Tsakh. au, gen. aui-n, Mik.
-n.
c) in finaI osilion ve aIvays observe lhe refIex -I (-) afler narrov voveIs i, I, u, cf.
PI qi| > Tsakh. qu rcc|, PI (u| > Tsakh. (i| "erch", elc. Afler vide voveIs lhe same
refIex is resenl in nouns vilh an obIique slem in -i-/-e- < PI -I-, cf. PI .a| (-I-slem) >
Tsakh. c, gen. c|c-n, GeIm. c|, gen. c|i-n "sheaf". The refIex -v aears onIy afler
vide voveIs in nouns vilh an obIique slem in -a-/-I- < PI -a-, -e-, cf. PI a| > Tsakh.
au, gen. aui-n, GeIm. au, gen. aua-n, Mik. au, gen. -n "house".
7) Kryz and udukh: PI resonanls are veII reserved here. PI and | give lhe
same refIexes in udukh and Kryz as in Tsakhur (see above), i.e. gives eilher v or |,
deending on lhe foIIoving voveI (cf. Kryz ui-n, ud. uo-n "lhou", Kryz jii-!, ud. ji-
o-| "len"), | is reserved in iniliaI and mediaI osilions, bul disaears in lhe finaI osi-
lion (cf. PI ja\. > Kryz jo|, ud. jo| "meal", PI caj "fire"> Kryz ca, ud. ca, elc.)
8) Idi: Here ve musl dveII on lhe refIexalion of PI , n, n:, r, | and I.
PI in Idi usuaIIy gives v (cf. uu| "seven", uic "len"), lhe sequence o- gives u-
(cf. u-n "lhou", obIique slem ua- < PI c-n, a-). Cf. simiIar refIexes in Archi.
PI n and n: in usuaIIy deveIo inlo n in Idi, bul in finaI osilion can disaear as
veII, lhe condilions of lhis Ioss being uncIear. Cf. PI na "nil" > Id. (vilh a melalhesis)
i.c ( < i.cn), PI .an. "valer" > Id. c (vilh lhe resloralion of -n in lhe derived cnc
"aqualic"). Wilhoul lhe Ioss cf. PI s.an "year" > Id. u-scn, PI (un. "fIea" > Id. in, elc.
The iniliaI r is droed in Idi (Iess frequenlIy r- > |-, lhe dislribulion of lhe refIexes
0- and |- is robabIy connecled vilh vocaIism). Cf. PI rac.a "lhreshing-fIoor" > Id. c(, PI
riq|. "ashes" > Id. iq., PI raq|. "road" > Id. jaq.. In inlervocaIic osilion r disaears as
veII, cf. PI uiraq. > Id. |c| "sun". In finaI osilion lhere is a sIil refIex: -r or -0 (cf. vilh
lhe refIexes of -n above), vilh a yel uncIear dislribulion. Cf. PI |cra "ear" > Id. ar, bul
PI q|.cra "hare" > Id. u.

130
PI | disaears in aII osilions in Idi, cf. PI ja\. "meel" > Id. cq., PI jir "hearl" >
Id. u|., PI .aj "vooI" > Id. a, elc. Il can onIy be reserved belveen voveIs (cf. ajc
"vooIIen", derived from a "vooI"). In rools lhal consisl of more lhan one syIIabIe lhe
iniliaI sequence "|+voveI" is Iosl, cf. PI jaiur > Id. iur "fool", PI ji.in > Id. .|c "face".
PI I is usuaIIy reserved in Idi, bul aarenlIy disaears in inlervocaIic osilion,
cf. PI nu|Vq| > Id. ncq "vorm".
9) The PI lense resonanls m:, n: give nasaI refIexes in Archi, Tsakhur and Idi. In
aII olher Iezghian Ianguages lhe refIexes of m: and n: have comIeleIy merged vilh lhe
refIexes of PI : and l:. Cf. PI s.an. "gaII, anger" > Arch. s.an, Tab. sc| (Db. siu), Ag.
sc| (ursh., urk. scu), Iezg. sc| (I. scp.crar), Rul. Shin. sc|, PI .an. "naiI" > Tab. i|
(Db. au), Rul. xa|, Id. nu (a melalhesis < un), PI q.|cn. "arlridge" > Arch. q|cn
(Irg. q|anna), Tab. |u!, Ag. Ru! (ursh. Rud), Iezg. q.c! (Irg. q.ci.rc), Rul. iIud, Tsakh.
q.|cn, PI .an. "valer" > Arch. .an (Irg. .cnnc), Ag. xc! (ursh. .cr), Tab. i! (Db. aj),
Iezg. ja! (Irg. c.i < jii.i, I. jai.ar, cf. KhI. ja!, jic.i, jai.ar), Rul. xa!, Tsakh. xan, Kryz xa!,
ud. xa!, Id. c (cf. cnc "aqualic"). We musl nole lhal in inlervocaIic osilion PI m: can
give a zero refIex in Idi, cf. Id. u| "voIf" vilh Tsakh. unu|, Rul. u|u|, Kryz c|, ud. c|,
Arch. jan (PI |an.).
10) The refIexes of PI vere aIready examined above. We shouId nole lhal as a
marker of lhe 1sl grammalicaI cIass reguIarIy deveIos inlo v- in Archi, bul gives a zero
refIex in RuluI, Tsakhur, Kryz and udukh (RuluI aIso has |-, reguIarIy deveIoed from
in lhe same funclion). The reasons for such a deveIomenl are nol quile cIear yel.

1.8.1.3. Affricales.
We reconslrucl five IocaI affricale series for PI: hissing, hushing, IaleraI, uvuIar and
haryngeaIized uvuIar. Iach of lhese series is characlerized by lhe resence of a
four-vay oosilion "voiceIess (asiraled)" "lense (unasiraled)" "Iax gIollaIized"
"lense gIollaIized". The robIem of voiced affricales in PI is much more comIicaled. Il is
nol lo be excIuded lhal in lhe hissing, IaleraI and uvuIar series one has lo reconslrucl se-
ciaI voiced honemes, lhal vere, hovever, resenl onIy in some ronominaI and exres-
sive morhemes. This queslion viII be seciaIIy discussed beIov.
eIov ve Iisl lhe corresondences of affricales belveen Iezghian Ianguages.

c s c c c c-,-s/-c c-/s-,c `-,s -s- `-,s
c` s c /c c(`)/k` c c -s- `-,s
c: c z /z c:,-z z/ z z-/-,z z c-,z/I
c:` c z`/z / c:(`)/ z(`) z z z z
k:(`),-z
( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( 0,-(
(` ( ((`) ( ((`)/(`) ( ( (

131
(: (,-(:- l: c:-/z-,
c:
-/(-/l:-/c:-,
--/-(-/
-l:-/-c:-,-l
d-,-dd-/
-d-/-l-,
-l
d-,
-l:-,-l
l l c:
(:I)
(:` (-,-(:- l: :-/
-/-,
:/
(`)/l:(`),
-l
d-,
-dd-
d-,-l:-,
-l
l l c:

(/-`)
-/-, -/-, -/-, -, -,
-/-I/
-/-I
` (`)/ `(/) - - - -
: / / :,- -,--/-- :(`)
`: (`) (`)/
(`)
/ c:(`)/k:(`)/
:(`), -(`)
(`) (`)-,
--/--
- - -I-
( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( 0/:/:I
(` ((`) ((`)/k (/( ((`)/ (`)/
((`)
((`) ( ( ( 0/:
(: -(- : :-/-,: (-/:-,
-(-/-l:-
` - ` :-,--
/ k/x/ k/x/ g x k-,x x x -q:/-q
/` k` k(`) f
/: / |/g/0 g///
v/
g//v /v/| -,
--/-I-
/v | q-,-i
/:` / -v-,-i` g/ g
X k /( q/ q /q q/ q/ 0(/k:-)
X` -` -` -q -q
X: X k: k:/g/
:/
/k:,-k g,-k g-,-k:-,
-k
k k q:
X:` X`- k:(`) k:(`) (`)/k:(`),
-k`
`-,-g(`)-
-k(`)
g-,-k:-,
-k(`)
k k -q:
q q q q- q-, q q -q- q-,-q:`
q` ` q(`) q(`) q`-,-i` q`,-` q` - - -q
q: q i/\ q:/i q:,-i q:/i q:/i q:-,-i q:-,-i i
q:` q` i(`)/
\(`)
q:/i` q:(`),
-i(`)
i` -i- i

132
q q q q q q q q q 0
q` q`,
-q(`)-
q(`) q(`) q(`) q(`) q(`) -q q -:
q: q-,-q:- q: q: q-/q:-,
-q-/-q:-
q: q: `-,-q- q q:
q:` q(`)- q:(`) q:(`) q(`)-/q:(`)-,
-q-/-q:-
q:-,
-q`
q:- -q`- q:-` q:-
qI I qI qI q-,-q- qI-,-qI- qI q- q- iI-
qI` I(`) qI(`) qI(`) q`-,-i(`) qI`,-I(`) qI -i` -1 -qI/-I
q:I qI R/iI/\ q:I/iI q:,-i iI q:I/iI q:-,-i q:- i(I)
q:I` qI(`) R/iI/\ qI:-/iI- q:(`)- iI- qI:/iI
qI qI qI/1 qI q qI qI q q
qI` qI(`) qI(`)/1 qI(`) q` qI(`) qI q(`) q :/0,iI
q:I -q:I-,
-qI
q:I/q: q:I q/q:,
-q
q:I,
-qI
-q:I-,
-qI
q q q:I/iI
q:I` -qI:-,
-qI
q:I(`)/
q:(`)
q:I -q`-/
-q:`-,-q
q:I`-,
-qI
-q:I-,
-qI
-q -q q:I/iI

Commenls.
1. Archi.
As seen from lhe labIe of corresondences, lhe foIIoving cardinaI changes occurred
in Archi: a) PI Iax (asiraled) affricales vere fricalivized (PI c, c` > Arch. s, PI , ` >
Arch. , PI / > Arch. , PI q, q` > Arch. , `, PI qI, qI` > Arch. I, I`), b) PI lense
(unasiraled) affricales vere veakened (c:, c:` > Arch. c, :, `: > Arch. , `, /:, /`: >
Arch. /, q:, q`: > Arch. q, q`, qI:, qI`: > Arch. qI, qI`). Il musl be noled lhal lhe refIexes
of PI lense affricales in Archi on lhe honelic IeveI are sliII lense in lhe inlervocaIic osi-
lion, being affecled by veakening onIy in iniliaI and finaI osilions, bul lhe lense arlicu-
Ialion of Archi affricales is no Ionger honoIogicaIIy reIevanl, because of lhe absence of
lhe "lense-Iax" oosilion in lhe syslem of non-gIollaIized affricales.
Iax gIollaIized affricales vere nol changed in Archi, as far as lhe refIeclion of Iaryn-
geaI fealures is concerned (cf. ( > Arch. (, ( > Arch. (, elc.). As for lense gIollaIized affri-
cales, lhey have reserved lheir lense arlicuIalion in lhe mediaI osilion (vhere (: > Arch.
(:, q: > Arch. q:, qI: > Arch. qI:), bul have been veakened in iniliaI and finaI osilions (cf.
lhe simiIar behaviour of lense non-gIollaIized affricales). Somevhal differenl are lhe re-
fIexes of PI (:, lhal yieIds ( in mediaI osilion (lhe honeme (: is lherefore comIeleIy
missing in Archi), and lhe refIexes of X:, lhal yieIds X in aII osilions. The Ialler honeme
is honelicaIIy ralher lense, lhough lhere is no X-X: oosilion in Archi. Such behaviour
of X: is aarenlIy connecled vilh an earIy deveIomenl of PI Iax X > Arch. , as a re-
suIl of vhich X: became lhe onIy Archi IaleraI gIollaIized honeme.
Archi has veII reserved lhe IabiaIizalion of PI uvuIar affricales, lhe IabiaIizalion of
PI hushing and IaleraI affricales is reserved somevhal more oorIy, finaIIy, lhe IabiaIi-
zalion of PI hissing affricales is aIlogelher Iosl.

133
2. AguI.
The AguI Ianguage has veII reserved PI Iax (asiraled) and Iax gIollaIized affri-
cales (cf. c > Ag. c, > Ag. , / > Ag. k, q > Ag. q, qI > Ag. qI, ( > Ag. (, ( > Ag. (, X >
Ag. k, q > Ag. q, qI > Ag. qI). The fricalivizalion > occurs soradicaIIy (in one case:
ursh. mu "hoe" < PI mu "vind"). The fricalive refIex x ( in lhe Koshan diaIecl) is
allesled for PI / in combinalion vilh lhe receding resonanl -r- (cf. Ag. jcrxi-!, ursh.
jcri-r "six" < PI rii-, Ag. nurx, ursh. nur "deer" < PI nc|r). We musl aIso nole lhe
secific deveIomenl qI > \ in AguI roer and in lhe urkikhan diaIecl (vhiIe lhe Keren,
Koshan and File diaIecls reserve qI).
Tense (unasiraled) affricales in AguI, as in mosl Iezghian Ianguages, have been
voiced, lhe resuIling voiced affricales have been for lhe mosl arl fricalivized aflervards.
Thus, PI c: > Ag. z, PI : > Ag. (in lhe Keren diaIecl, lhe File diaIecl has a free varia-
lion -/- in iniliaI osilion and reserves lhe affricale in non-iniliaI osilion, lhe Ko-
shan and urkikhan diaIecls have reserved lhe affricale characler of < PI : in aII o-
silions), PI /: > Ag. |/g/0 (in lhe Keren diaIecl aIvays |, in lhe Koshan diaIecl g- in ini-
liaI osilion before lhe voveI a, lhe varialion |-/0- in iniliaI osilion before lhe voveI i, | in
olher cases, such refIexalion obviousIy oinls lo lhe resence of lhe fricalive in lhe
receding slage of deveIomenl), PI q: > Ag. i (vilh a furlher IaryngeaIizalion i > \ in
lhe Koshan diaIecl), PI qI: > Ag. iI (onIy in lhe File diaIecl, lhe Keren, Koshan and
urkikhan diaIecls have had a shifl lovards lhe haryngeaI series, i.e. iI > R, and AguI
roer a furlher IaryngeaIizalion: R > \). Devialions from lhese ruIes concern onIy a
seciaI refIexalion of PI /: in combinalions vilh receding resonanls (for examIes, see
lhe diclionary), as veII as a soradic refIeclion of PI q: as q: (vilhoul fricalivizalion).
The Ialler henomenon is aarenlIy observed in Ioanvords from Tabasaran.
Tense gIollaIized affricales have Iosl lheir gIollaIizalion in AguI and have deveIoed
inlo lense ones (lhis couId evidenlIy haen onIy afler lhe voicing of PI lense
non-gIollaIized affricales). Therefore, PI (: > Ag. l: (vilh lhe Ioss of lhe fricalive como-
nenl), PI (: > Ag. :, PI X: > Ag. k:, PI q: > Ag. q:, PI qI: > Ag. qI: (il is inleresling lo
nole lhal lhe urkikhan diaIecl, usuaIIy reserving lhe haryngeaIizalion quile veII,
Ioses il in lhis case and has lhe refIex q:).
TyicaI for AguI, as veII as for mosl olher Iezghian Ianguages, is lhe veIar characler
of lhe refIexes of PI IaleraIs. The originaI refIexes of lhe PI IaleraIs vere aarenlIy
aIalaI, in arlicuIar, lhis is confirmed by lhe facl lhal PI X in AguI aIvays yieIds a
aIalaI k, and / a aIalaI x (in lhe case of fricalivizalion). RefIexes of olher IaleraI
honemes (incIuding IabiaIized ones) in AguI do nol reserve aIalaIizalion anymore: PI
/ > Ag. k (vilhoul fricalivizalion), PI /` > Ag. k`, PI /: > Prolo-Ag. (see above), PI
/`: > Prolo-Ag. ` (in modern AguI ` changed lo -v- in mediaI osilion and aar-
enlIy lo -i` in finaI osilion), PI X` > Ag. `, PI X: > Ag. k:, PI X:` > Ag. k:`.
IabiaIized affricales are veII reserved in AguI. Thus, no changes occurred in lhe
arlicuIalion of IabiaIized hissing (z`, (`), IabiaIized IaleraIs (veIarized in AguI: k`, ` > v,
`, k:`), IabiaIized uvuIars (q`, i`, q`, q:`, qI`, qI`, q:I`). We shouId

134
seciaIIy dveII uon lhe AguI refIexes of PI IabiaIized hushing affricales. The Keren and
urkikhan diaIecls reserve roer IabiaIized hushing sounds (i.e. honelicaIIy biIabiaI-
ized), lhe Koshan diaIecl has lurned biIabiaIized hushing consonanls inlo denloIabiaIized,
finaIIy, in lhe File diaIecl IabiaIized hushing consonanls deveIo inlo aIalaIized (IabiaI-
ized) veIars. Cf. ` > Fil. (`), ((`) > Fil. k(`), a simiIar refIex couId be execled for PI
:`, bul refIexes of lhis honeme in lhe File diaIecl are nol knovn. (IabiaIizalion is ul in
arenlheses, because in aII cases il is lransferred onlo lhe ad|acenl voveI and, lherefore,
becomes nonhonoIogicaI.)
Some PI IabiaIized honemes Iose lheir IabiaIizalion in AguI. DeIabiaIizalion is
obIigalory in lhe refIexes of PI (:` ( > Ag. l:), q:I` ( > Ag. R, \: lhe consonanls R, \ do nol
have IabiaIized correIales in AguI, in one case, hovever, ve may suose a deveIomenl
of PI qI`: > Ag. v (b in lhe Keren diaIecl), cf. PI iq|.a "lo go" > Ker. |a|-s, ursh. ua-s,
T. ua-s). Quile oflen, hovever, IabiaIizalion is lransferred onlo lhe ad|acenl voveI even
from lhose consonanls, lhal are lheorelicaIIy abIe lo reserve il. This exIains, e.g., lhe
facl lhal PI c` (being in generaI a very rare honeme) is refIecled in AguI onIy as c
(lhough lheorelicaIIy c` is ossibIe, cf. lhe resence of honemes z` < c:`, (` < (`).

3. Tabasaran.
The deveIomenl of PI affricales in Tabasaran is very simiIar lo lheir deveIomenl
in AguI, described above. Thus, Iax (asiraled) and Iax gIollaIized consonanls are re-
served, as in AguI: c > Tab. c, > Tab. , / > Tab. k, q > Tab. q, qI > Tab. qI, ( > Tab. (,
( > Tab. (, X > Tab. /(, q > Tab. q, qI > Tab. qI. (An excelion: lhe fricalivizalion of PI
/ > Tab. x/ in combinalion vilh a receding -r-, cf. Tab. jirxu-| "six" < PI ri|i-, Tab.
ncr "deer" < PI nc|r).
Tense (unasiraled) affricales in Tabasaran, as in AguI, have voiced refIexes. Cf. PI
c: > Tab. (in lhe Norlhern diaIecl, lhe Soulhern diaIecl (Kandik subdiaIecl) reserves
afler resonanls in lhe combinalions r, I, elc. bul has z in olher cases, Iilerary Ta-
basaran aIvays has z), PI c`: > Tab. (aarenlIy in aII diaIecls, lhough in Iilerary or-
lhograhy, lhe affricale and lhe fricalive are nol dislinguished), : > Tab. (in aII
diaIecls, in Iilerary orlhograhy ve meel as veII, because and are nol dislinguished),
PI :` > Tab. (in lhe Norlhern diaIecl, in lhe Soulhern diaIecl lhe affricale is re-
served in non-iniliaI osilion, bul deveIos inlo lhe fricalive - in lhe iniliaI osilion), PI
/: > Tab. //v (vilh lhe foIIoving dislribulion: in iniliaI osilion in aII diaIecls - before
back voveIs, before fronl ones, in mediaI osilion in aII diaIecls -v- before back voveIs,
-- before fronl ones, in finaI osilion if lhe vord (noun) has an obIique slem vilh a
back voveI, il refIecls /: as - in lhe Norlhern diaIecl and some Soulhern subdiaIecls
(Kandik), -v in olher Soulhern subdiaIecls (Khiv) and in Iilerary Ianguage, if lhe obIique
slem conlains a fronl voveI, lhe Soulhern diaIecl (Kandik) has -, vhiIe lhe Norlhern
diaIecl and Iilerary Ianguage have -|. The refIexes of /: may be somevhal modified in
cIuslers vilh receding resonanls: in lhis osilion ve can observe secondary occIusiviza-
lion belveen voveIs (Iike -r- > -rg-, elc.), as veII as a devoicing al lhe end of lhe vord
(Iike -r > -r > -r elc.). The vide variely of

135
refIexes of /: can be easiIy exIained here by lhe fricalive arlicuIalion in aII osilions
in Prolo-Tabasaran. A somevhal secific silualion is characlerislic for lhe refIexes of
lense PI q: and q:I. Here lhe Norlhern diaIecl reserves lhe voiceIess arlicuIalion q:, q:I,
vhiIe lhe Soulhern diaIecl has normaI voiced refIexes (aIready fricalivized): i, iI. Ac-
cording lo lhe rivale informalion of S. V. Kodzasov, lhe summer 1980 MSI exedilion
has discovered lhe oosilion G (voiced) q: (voiceIess), nol described before, in lhe
Dbek subdiaIecl of lhe Norlhern diaIecl of Tabasaran. G here has deveIoed from PI q:,
and q: from PI q: (see beIov). Thus, lhe main rinciIe of lhe voiced refIexalion of PI
lense (unasiraled) honemes seems lo be observed in lhe syslem of uvuIars as veII.
PI lense gIollaIized consonanls in Tabasaran, as in AguI, have Iosl lheir gIollaIiza-
lion and give lense refIexes. Cf. PI (: > Tab. c:, PI (:` > Tab. :`, PI (: > Tab. :, PI X: >
Tab. k:/:, PI X`: > Tab. k`:, PI q:,q`: > Tab. q:, q`:, PI qI:, qI`: > Tab. qI:. In some cases,
hovever, ve observe lhe furlher voicing of lhe refIexes of PI lense gIollaIized sounds.
Thus, PI (: > z in lhe iniliaI osilion in lhe Norlhern diaIecl (Dbek) and in lhe Iilerary
Ianguage (in lhe Dbek subdiaIecl ve addilionaIIy observe lhe deveIomenl -r(:- > -r-).
PI (:` is refIecled as (in aII osilions) in Iilerary Tabasaran and yieIds a voiced deIabi-
aIized - in iniliaI osilion in lhe Dbek subdiaIecl, PI (: is voiced in iniliaI osilion in
Dbek ((:->:> -), bul reserves ils voiceIessness in lhe Iilerary Ianguage. The lense
gIollaIized X: aIso has lhe iniliaI voiced refIexes g-/- in lhe Dbek subdiaIecl, bul is
never voiced in lhe Soulhern diaIecl and in lhe Iilerary Ianguage. In generaI, mosl sub-
diaIecls of lhe Soulhern diaIecl (e.g. lhe Kandik subdiaIecl) are ralher conservalive in lhis
resecl and aIvays reveaI voiceIess lense refIexes of PI lense gIollaIized consonanls.
PI IaleraI affricales in Tabasaran, as in AguI, originaIIy had aIalaI refIexes. These
aIalaIs aflervards deveIoed inlo veIars before back voveIs, bul vere affricaled and
changed inlo hushing affricales before fronl voveIs (as oosed lo lhe ancienl veIar con-
sonanls, lhal vere nol affricaled in any osilion). Thus, in lhe osilion before fronl vov-
eIs PI /: > Tab. , PI X > Tab. (, PI X: > Tab. : (in lhe Norlhern diaIecl - in iniliaI osi-
lion), lhe Tabasaran refIex of / before fronl voveIs is nol allesled.
The Soulhern diaIecl of Tabasaran has veII reserved lhe PI IabiaIized affricales
(onIy lhe hissing and hushing IabiaIized consonanls have merged in one denloIabiaIized
series). Cf. PI c`, ` > Tab. , PI c:`, :` > Tab. /, PI (`, (` > Tab. (, PI (:` > Tab.
:/, PI /` > Tab. k`, PI X:` > Tab. k:`, PI q` > Tab. q`, PI q:` > Tab. i`, PI q` > Tab.
q`, PI q:` > Tab. q:`, PI qI` > Tab. qI`, PI qI` > Tab. qI`. Deending on lhe vocaIic en-
vironmenl, lhe PI IabiaIized affricales couId, hovever, be sub|ecl lo earIy deIabiaIizalion
(vilh a lransfer of IabiaIizalion onlo lhe ad|acenl voveI), in lhis case Tabasaran reserves
lhe originaI hissing or hushing characler of lhe affricale (vhich indicales lhal lhe merger
of hissing and hushing IabiaIized consonanls vilhin one series occurred comaraliveIy
Iale). For some PI IabiaIized consonanls, because of lhe rocess of deIabiaIizalion, onIy
non-IabiaIized Tabasaran refIexes are allesled (lhis is lrue for lhe PI affricales /:`, q:I`
and q:I`).

136
The Norlhern diaIecl of Tabasaran has comIeleIy Iosl lhe IabiaIizalion of back con-
sonanls, bul has reserved lhe denloIabiaIized series. Here, lherefore, lhe correIalion in
IabiaIizalion is aIready Iosl, and lhe denloIabiaIized consonanls form |usl one more IocaI
series of fronl affricales, in addilion lo lhe hissing and hushing series.

4. Iezghi.
The Iezghi Ianguage has veII reserved lhe IaryngeaI fealures of PI affricales. Iax
(asiraled), lense (unasiraled) and Iax gIollaIized affricales are generaIIy reserved here.
Cf. PI c > Iezg. c, PI > Iezg. , PI q > Iezg. q, PI qI > Iezg. q, PI c: > Iezg. c:, PI :
> Iezg. :, PI q:, qI: > Iezg. q:, PI ( > Iezg. (, PI ( > Iezg. (, PI X > Iezg. q/, PI
q,qI > Iezg. q. Here, hovever, ve musl dveII on lhe foIIoving delaiIs:
a) PI is aarenlIy fricalivized in Iezghi before PI narrov voveIs (on a simiIar
rocess in RuluI, Kryz and udukh see beIov), lhough lhere is onIy one examIe of lhis
ruIe: Iezg. arag "cub" < PI irag.
b) The uvuIar IabiaIized q` and qI` in Iezghi are refIecled as voiced consonanls in
finaI osilion, i.e. PI q`, qI` > Iezg. -i`. The same voiced refIexes couId be execled for
PI q, qI, bul finaI refIexes of lhese honemes are nol allesled in Iezghi (cf., hovever,
rcu "shamefuI", resuosing rc "shame" < PI riuq|). The PI Iax IaleraI / has been
voiced in Iezghian and is refIecled as g (in some diaIecls aIso as ) in aII osilions.
c) PI lense (unasiraled) affricales have been reserved in Iezghi in iniliaI and me-
diaI osilions, bul have been voiced in lhe finaI osilion (cf. above on a simiIar rocess in
lhe syslem of exIosives). The resuIling voiced finaI affricales vere Ialer fricalivized.
Thus, PI c: > Iezg. -z, PI : > Iezg. -, PI q:, qI > Iezg. -i.
The PI IaleraI affricale /: yieIds voiced refIexes in aII osilions, in iniliaI osilion
Iezghi has eilher g- or - (lheir dislribulion is nol quile cIear), in finaI osilion eilher -g/-
(lhe Ialler if lhe obIique slem has a fronl voveI) or -v (afler PI IabiaIized voveIs). This
refIexalion is evidenlIy connecled vilh lhe earIy fricalivizalion /: > g > (on a simiIar
rocess in AguI and Tabasaran see above). The fricalive is sliII reserved in lhe Yarki
diaIecl, bul aII olher diaIecls of lhe Iezghi Ianguage aIready have lhe exIosive g.
The PI lense gIollaIized affricales yieId gIollaIized refIexes in iniliaI and mediaI o-
silions in Norlhern diaIecls (Gne, Yarki) and in lhe Iilerary Ianguage, bul lense (unasi-
raled) ones in lhe Kurakh and Akhly diaIecls. Cf. PI (: > Iil. /(, Akhl. /(, PI (:> Iil. (,
Akhl. :-, -l:-, PI X: > Iil. , Akhl. k:, PI q:, qI:> Iil. q, Akhl. q:. This refIexalion (con-
lrasling vilh lhe refIexalion of Iax gIollaIized consonanls, uniformIy yieIding gIollaIized
refIexes in aII diaIecls) aarenlIy oinls lo lhe resence of lense gIollaIized consonanls
as Iale as in Prolo-Iezghi. Hovever, in finaI osilion PI lense gIollaIized consonanls
vere earIy degIollaIized and yieId voiceIess (asiraled) refIexes in aII diaIecls (-(: > -l, -X:
> -k, -qI: > -q). Il is necessary lo ay allenlion lo lhe desaffricalizalion of lhe refIexes of
PI (: (cf. a simiIar rocess in AguI, see above, as veII as in RuluI, Kryz and udukh, see

137
beIov). The resence of araIIeI hissing refIexes (( or c:, deending on lhe diaIecl) is a-
arenlIy lhe resuIl of a Iale secondary affricalizalion before fronl voveIs (lhese refIexes
are observed onIy in lhis osilion, on lhe same affricalizalion of PI exIosives l, l:, in
Iezghi see above).
The lransformalion of PI IaleraIs inlo back consonanls in Iezghi aarenlIy ro-
ceeded in a somevhal differenl vay lhan in AguI and Tabasaran. Here lhe IaleraI affri-
cales musl have originaIIy changed inlo veIar affricales. In arlicuIar, PI X deveIoed
inlo lhe veIar x, aflervards lhe affricale arlicuIalion of lhis consonanl vas Iosl if il vas
ad|acenl lo back voveIs (vhere X > x > ), bul il vas reserved somevhal Ionger in
lhe case of aIalaIizalion (before fronl voveIs or in lhe vicinily of hushing consonanls,
vhich are honelicaIIy aIalaIized in aII Iezghian Ianguages). The affricale x, re-
served in lhis osilion, Ialer deveIoed inlo lhe uvuIar affricale q q (N: lhe sounds
vhich ve denole as q and q are honelicaIIy affricales /q/ and /q/ in aII Norlh Cauca-
sian Ianguages). Cf. PI \an "bollom" > Iezg. an, bul PI \in "oalh" > Iezg. qin, PI \a(a
> Iezg. qa( "slem", elc. Olher IaleraI affricales in modern Iezghi onIy have exIosive veIar
refIexes (on lhe refIeclion of PI / and /: in Iezghi, see above).
IabiaIized affricales are reserved in Iezghi (lhough, Iike olher Ianguages, Iezghi
oflen has a secondary deIabiaIizalion in cerlain vocaIic conlexls, lherefore, for such rare
PI honemes as ` > Iezg. and /:` > Iezg. g, onIy deIabiaIized refIexes are allesled).
Cf. PI /` > x` (vilh a fricalivizalion!) > Iezg. f, X:` > Iezg. `/k`:/k`, q`, qI` > Iezg.
q`/i`, q:`, q:I` > Iezg. q:`/i`, q`, qI` > Iezg. q`, q:`, q:I` > Iezg. q`/q`:.
PI IabiaIized hissing and hushing consonanls yieId secific refIexes in Iezghi. Hiss-
ing IabiaIized consonanls are reserved in Kurakh, Gne and some subdiaIecls of lhe
Akhly diaIecl (lhe subdiaIecl of lhe viIIage KhIiul), deveIo inlo hushing IabiaIized in
mosl subdiaIecls of lhe Akhly diaIecl, and change inlo IabiaIized veIars in lhe Yarki dia-
Iecl. Thus, PI c` > Gn., Kur., KhI. c`, Akhl. `, Yark. k`, PI (` > Gn., Kur., KhI. (`,
Akhl. (`, Yark. `, PI c:` > Gn., Kur., KhI. c:`, Akhl. :`, Yark. k:`. The Iilerary Iezghi,
based on Gne and Yarki diaIecls, reveaIs a varialion belveen hissing and veIar refIexes
(bul never has hushing ones). A secific refIeclion is allesled for lhe earIy desaffricalized
PI (:`, vhich has denlaI IabiaIized refIexes (` or l:`) in lhe iniliaI and mediaI osilions
(on lhe diaIeclaI dislribulion of lhe refIexes of lense gIollaIized consonanls see above) and
-l (vilh an obIigalory deIabiaIizalion) in lhe finaI osilion.
Hushing IabiaIized consonanls are reserved in lhe Kurakh and Akhly diaIecls (in-
cIuding lhe subdiaIecl of lhe viIIage KhIiul), deveIo inlo hissing IabiaIized in lhe Gne
diaIecl, and yieId IabiaIized veIars in lhe Yarki diaIecl. Thus, PI :` > Kur., Akhl., KhI.
:`, Gn. c:`, Yark. k:`, PI (` > Kur., Akhl., KhI. (`, Gn. (`, Yark. `. Therefore, lhe dis-
linclion belveen PI hissing and hushing IabiaIized consonanls is reserved onIy in lhe
Kurakh diaIecl, as veII as in some subdiaIecls of Akhly (KhIyul), in olher diaIecls lhey
eilher merge in hissing IabiaIized consonanls (Gne diaIecl), or in hushing IabiaIized
consonanls (Akhly diaIecl), or eIse in IabioveIar consonanls (Yarki diaIecl).
Iilerary Iezghi, in lhe Iace of PI IabiaIized hushing consonanls, has a varialion
among aII lhree lyes of refIexes, vhich suggesls lhal lhe Kurakh diaIecl has aIso laken
arl in ils formalion (and nol |usl Gne and Yarki).

138
A secific fealure of Iezghi is lhe Ioss of haryngeaIized consonanls, vhose refIexes
have merged vilh lhe refIexes of nonharyngeaIized ones. Hovever, ve musl nole lhal
voveIs ad|acenl lo originaIIy haryngeaIized consonanls in Iezghi are reguIarIy fronled.
Therefore, in mosl cases lhe resence or Iack of originaI haryngeaIizalion can be deler-
mined by lhe characler of lhe ad|acenl voveI. In some Iezghian diaIecls (e.g., in Akhly)
haryngeaIizalion is sliII reserved by lhe voveI I ( < a ad|acenl lo uvuIar haryngeaI-
ized) and in lhis case, of course, lhe haryngeaIizalion of reseclive consonanls is sliII
lhere, lhough il may aIready be considered honoIogicaIIy irreIevanl. In mosl diaIecls,
hovever, haryngeaIizalion is Iosl comIeleIy.

5. RuluI.
The PI Iax (asiraled) affricales are generaIIy veII reserved in RuluI (cf. PI c, c` >
Rul. c, PI > Rul. , PI q > Rul. q-, PI q` > Rul. q`-, PI qI` > Rul. qI`-). Hovever, in
some osilions ve observe lhe fricalivizalion of PI Iax affricales. Thus, in finaI osilion
uvuIar affricales are reguIarIy fricalivized: q > Rul. -, q` > Rul. -`, qI` > Rul. -I`. The
affricale arlicuIalion of lhe finaI -c is reserved onIy in lhe Khnov diaIecl and in some
subdiaIecls of lhe Mukhad diaIecl (Kiche), in mosl RuluI diaIecls, -c vas aIso fricalivized:
-c > -s. PI vas fricalivized before lhe originaI narrov voveI I (cf. PI ri-ij "sisler" >
Rul. rii, PI irag > Rul. ara| "chick"), bul vas Iefl inlacl in olher osilions. FinaIIy, for
lhe PI affricales ` and /, onIy fricalive refIexes (res. and x) are allesled in RuluI.
The quaIily of PI Iax gIollaIized affricales has been reserved in RuluI (cf. PI (, (`
> Rul. (, PI (, (` > Rul. (, (`, PI X,X` > Rul. q, PI q, q` > Rul. q, q`, PI qI, qI` > Rul.
qI, qI`).
PI lense (unasiraled) affricales have been voiced in RuluI. Cf. PI c: > Rul. /z (
before lhe narrov I, in olher cases lhe fricalivizalion > z usuaIIy haens), PI c:` > Rul.
z`, PI : > Rul. , PI `: > Rul. `, PI /:, /`: > Rul. /v/| (in non-finaI osilion before
a, v before I, | before fronl voveIs, in finaI osilion usuaIIy -|, bul afler lhe voveI i lhe
refIex - is reserved by dissimiIalion), PI q: > Rul. q:/i (lhe arlicuIalion /q:/ is reserved
onIy in iniliaI osilion before lhe voveI a, in olher cases lhe fricalivizalion q: > i occurs),
PI q:` > Rul. i`, PI q:I, q:I` > Rul. iI. Il is evidenl lhal al firsl PI lense consonanls
changed inlo voiced affricales, mosl of vhich vere Ialer fricalivized (lhe hushing has
been reserved besl of aII, in some osilions lhe hissing and lhe uvuIar q: have been
reserved as veII).
|We musl nole lhal in RuluI lhe nolalion q: is lo be lrealed honoIogicaIIy as a
voiced uvuIar honeme, because (al Ieasl in mosl RuluI diaIecls) lhe oosilion q: G is
missing. On lhe honeme q: (G:) , resenl in some RuluI diaIecls, see beIov.j
PI lense gIollaIized consonanls have Iosl lheir gIollaIizalion in RuluI and yieId lhe
foIIoving refIexes. In iniliaI osilion in aII diaIecls ve observe voiced refIexes (PI (: >
Rul. d, PI (:` > Rul. d, PI X: > Rul. g, PI q:,q:` > Rul. q:, PI q:I, q:I` > Rul. q:I, q:I`).
In finaI osilion aII lhe diaIecls have voiceIess refIexes (PI (: > Rul. -l, PI X:, X:` > Rul.
-k, -k`, PI q:` > Rul. -q`, PI q:I, q:I` > Rul. -qI).

139
In inlervocaIic osilion RuluI has ecuIiar refIexes: in lhe Myukhrek diaIecl lense
voiced consonanls ((: > Myukhr. -d:-, X: > Myukhr. -g:-, q: > Myukhr. -G:-, q:I >
Myukhr. -G:-), in lhe Ikhrek diaIecl lense voiceIess (res. -l:-, -k:-, -q:-, -q:I-), in lhe
Shinaz diaIecl Iax voiceIess (-l-, -k-, lhe refIexes of lense gIollaIized uvuIars are nol
knovn lo us). FinaIIy, lhe Mukhad diaIecl usuaIIy has Iax voiced refIexes (res. -d-, -g-,
-q:-, -qI:-), bul lhe Iuchek subdiaIecl of lhe Mukhad diaIecl has a varialion of lense and
Iax voiced refIexes.
|We do nol mark lhe difference belveen -q:- and -G:- in lhe orlhograhy, lhe symboI
q: in Myukhrek and Iuchek means a lense voiced uvuIar, and in Ikhrek a lense voice-
Iess one. Wilhin one diaIecl syslem a dislinclion belveen lense voiced and lense voiceIess
consonanls never exislsj.
IabiaIized lense gIollaIized consonanls give simiIar refIexes.
A secific refIex is yieIded by lhe rare PI honeme (: : in lhe Mukhad and Khnov
diaIecls il is refIecled as (ils refIexes in olher RuluI diaIecls are unknovn lo us), cf. PI
(.a|n "buller"> Rul. Khn. an, PI ar(.- "righl" > Rul. |ara-!. (Such refIexes are lyicaI
for Kryz and udukh, see beIov).
The RuluI Ianguage reserves IabiaIized uvuIars ralher veII, IabiaIized IaleraIs (de-
veIoing inlo IabioveIars) and IabiaIized hushing honemes somevhal vorse, and il
has virluaIIy Iosl IabiaIized hissing consonanls (in modern RuluI lhey are exlremeIy rare,
ve knov onIy (` in lhe vord car "slone" and z` in lhe verb |uzas "lo sland", vhere Iabi-
aIizalion can be considered osilionaI afler lhe voveI -u-). In mosl cases IabiaIizalion is
Iosl on a consonanl, bul reserved on lhe ad|acenl voveI (vhich becomes IabiaIized).

6. Tsakhur.
Iax PI affricales are usuaIIy reserved in Tsakhur. Cf. PI c > Tsakh. c, PI >
Tsakh. , PI ` >Tsakh. , PI / >Tsakh. k-, PI q > Tsakh. q, PI q` > Tsakh. q`, PI qI,
qI` > Tsakh. qI, PI (, (`>Tsakh. (, PI (, (` > Tsakh. (, PI X > Tsakh. /q, PI q >
Tsakh. q, PI q` >Tsakh. q`, PI qI, qI` > Tsakh. qI. OnIy in lvo cases do ve observe lhe
fricalivizalion of PI Iax (asiraled) affricales: a) PI c in iniliaI osilion gives s- in Tsak-
hur roer, bul is reserved in lhe Mikik and GeImels diaIecls (cf. Mik., GeIm. ciui,
Tsakh. suuu "aulumn"), b) PI / gives lhe exIosive refIex k- in iniliaI osilion (cf. |una
"smoke" < PI una), bul is fricalivized and gives -x- in mediaI osilion (cf. jixi-||c "six" <
PI rii-).
PI lense (unasiraled) affricales in Tsakhur, as in mosl olher Iezghian Ianguages,
are affecled by voicing and are oflen fricalivized aflervards. Thus, PI c:, c:` > Tsakh. z,
PI :, :` > Tsakh. / (in Tsakhur roer lhe affricale arlicuIalion is aIvays reserved,
lhe Mikik and GeImels diaIecls have - in iniliaI osilion, bul lhe fricalive in olher
cases), PI q: > Tsakh. q:/i (lhe arlicuIalion q: is reserved onIy in iniliaI osilion in
Tsakhur roer, in olher osilions in Tsakhur and in aII osilions in lhe Mikik and GeI-
mels diaIecls ve observe lhe refIex i), PI qI: > Tsakh. qI:/iI (vilh lhe same dislribulion
of refIexes). PI /: usuaIIy yieIds , bul lhere is aIso a very secific deveIomenl of PI /:
> Tsakh. I, observed in mediaI osilion before fronl voveIs (cf. Tsakh. |-c|c-s "lo give" <
PI i.i-, Tsakh. nc|i-||c "eighl" < PI ncn.a-). This is sureIy a vaIuabIe argumenl for lhe
Iegilimacy of lhe reconslruclion of IaleraI (and nol

140
veIar or aIalaI) affricales in PI.
PI lense gIollaIized affricales in Tsakhur are refIecled in lhe same vay as in lhe Ik-
hrek diaIecl of lhe RuluI Ianguage (see above), i.e. in iniliaI osilion lhey have voiced re-
fIexes, in mediaI osilion lense (voiceIess) ones, in finaI osilion Iax voiceIess ones.
For PI hushing (: ve knov onIy lhe refIex in iniliaI osilion, vhere, as in RuluI (see
above), ve observe lhe deveIomenl (:- > Tsakh. -.
IaleraI affricales in Tsakhur deveIoed simiIarIy lo Iezghi and RuluI (see above), i.e.
lhey firsl deveIoed inlo veIar affricales, and aflervards inlo veIar exIosives or veIar
fricalives (on a secific deveIomenl of PI /: in Tsakhur see above). In facl, lhe affricale
, in arlicuIar, shouId sliII have been resenl in Prolo-Tsakhur: in Mikik and Tsakhur
roer il has merged vilh lhe originaI veIar exIosive , vhiIe lhe GeImels diaIecl re-
fIecls il as lhe uvuIar affricale q. Thus, PI X > Mik., Tsakh. , GeIm. q.
IabiaIized consonanls in modern Tsakhur are in lhe rocess of disaearing. In our
maleriaIs ve onIy find lhe IabiaIized v ( < PI :`), -k` ( < PI -X:`), q` ( < PI q`). In
mosl cases IabiaIizalion vas lransferred from lhe consonanl onlo lhe ad|acenl voveIs.

7. Kryz.
PI Iax (asiraled) affricales in Kryz are generaIIy reserved, bul have a ralher slrong
lendency lo become fricalivized. Thus, for PI c, onIy a fricalivized refIex s is allesled
(lhough lhe IabiaIized c` is nol fricalivized and yieIds Kryz c), PI deveIos inlo lhe
fricalive before lhe PI narrov I (on a simiIar deveIomenl in Iezghi and RuluI see
above), bul is olhervise reserved. The IabiaIized ` yieIds onIy lhe fricalive refIex , PI
/ > Kryz x reveaIs lhe same fricalivizalion. IabiaIized PI q` ( > Kryz -) and PI qI` are
refIecled as fricalives as veII, lhe Ialler honeme has an unexecled voiced refIex i (cf.
Kryz nc "oak" < PI naq|a). Hovever, refIexes of uvuIar Iax IabiaIized affricales in Kryz
are observed onIy in finaI osilion, in olher osilions fricalivizalion robabIy vouId nol
be observed. The non-IabiaIized uvuIar Iax affricale q is refIecled as q in aII knovn Kryz
examIes, for qI in finaI osilion lhe refIex - is allesled (cf. I > , see beIov), bul in
olher osilions qI is nol fricalivized and yieIds Kryz q.
Iax gIollaIized affricales are reserved in Kryz, cf. PI (, (` > Kryz (, PI (, (` >
Kryz (, PI X > Kryz q/, PI q, q`, qI, qI` > Kryz q.
PI lense (unasiraled) affricales in Kryz give voiced refIexes, PI c: > Kryz /z (lhe
affricale is reserved onIy al lhe beginning of some vords in Kryz roer, lhe dislribu-
lion of lhe refIexes - and z- in lhis osilion is robabIy deendenl on rosodic faclors, in
olher osilions in Kryz roer and in aII osilions in lhe AIik diaIecl ve aIready see lhe
fricalive refIex z), PI c:` > Kryz z, PI :,:` > Kryz , PI /:, /:` > Kryz (bul > v be-
fore lhe voveI u), PI q:,q:I > Kryz q:/i (in iniliaI osilion q: is reserved, in olher osi-
lions q: vas fricalivized and changed lo i cf. lhe same deveIomenl in lhe Tsakhur
diaIecl of lhe Tsakhur Ianguage, see above).
PI lense gIollaIized affricales give uniform refIexes in Kryz: Iax voiceIess in

141
aII osilions. Cf. PI (:,(:` > Kryz l, PI (: > Kryz , PI X:, X:` > Kryz k, PI q:, q:I >
Kryz q, PI q:`, q:I` > Kryz q(`). On a simiIar deveIomenl in udukh, see beIov. Il is
evidenl lhal lhis is a resuIl of lhe veakening of voiceIess lense consonanls, vhich a-
eared lhrough lhe degIollaIizalion of PI lense gIollaIized consonanls (lhe revious
slage lhe reservalion of lense voiceIess consonanls is allesled, e.g., in Tabasaran and
AguI, see above).
IaleraIs in Kryz have robabIy deveIoed in lhe same vay as in Iezghi, RuluI and
Tsakhur (see above), i.e. firsl vere lurned inlo veIar affricales, and aflervards inlo ve-
Iar exIosives or fricalives (cf. / > x, PI /: > , PI X: > k). The Iax gIollaIized X firsl
deveIoed inlo lhe veIar affricale x, and lhen inlo lhe uvuIar affricale q. In a fev
cases lhe veIar arlicuIalion of is reserved, lhis aarenlIy haens in iniliaI osilion of
bisyIIabic rools as a resuIl of lhe veakening of lhe arlicuIalion of x > (cf. arap "bone"
< PI \crap., bul qan "bollom" < PI \an, elc.).
Kryz has comIeleIy Iosl lhe IabiaIizalion of fronl and IaleraI affricales. In lhe syslem
of uvuIars, IabiaIizalion is sliII reserved (lhus, lhe deveIomenl q:` > Kryz q`, qI` >
Kryz q` is allesled), bul in mosl cases IabiaIizalion is lransferred onlo lhe ad|acenl voveI
and becomes irreIevanl.

8. udukh.
PI affricales behave very simiIarIy in Kryz and udukh. Therefore, ve shaII exam-
ine here onIy lhe fealures dislinguishing lhe udukh refIexalion.
Iax (asiraled) affricales. Here lhe differences from Kryz concern lhe refIexalion of
PI c` ( > ud. s, vhiIe Kryz reserves lhe arlicuIalion c) and PI qI` (in finaI osilion >
ud. -1, vhiIe Kryz has -i, cf. ud. nu|a? "meal-vorm" < PI nu|Vq|). For PI in iniliaI
osilion onIy lhe refIex - is allesled (before lhe voveI I, cf. PI ij "sisler" > ud. i-!cr),
in olher osilions one vouId execl lhe reservalion of , bul lhere is no evidence avaiI-
abIe.
Tense (unasiraled) affricales. udukh aIvays reveaIs lhe fricalivizalion c: > > z
(in Kryz is reserved in some cases, see above). PI /: is refIecled in udukh as | (in
Kryz lhe inlermediale slage lhe fricalive is reserved). Olher refIexes are lhe
same.
GIollaIized affricales (bolh lense and Iax) in udukh are refIecled in lhe same vay as
in Kryz.
As ve have aIready noled above, Kryz sliII reserves some IabiaIized consonanls.
udukh has aIready comIeleIy Iosl lhe IabiaIizalion of consonanls.

9. Idi.
Iax (asiraled) affricales in Idi are onIy arliaIIy reserved, ralher oflen lhey de-
veIo inlo voiceIess fricalives. Thus, for PI c, c` onIy lhe finaI refIex s is observed in Idi
(in iniliaI osilion one couId erhas execl c-, bul lhere are no examIes). The hushing
is reserved in iniliaI osilion, vhiIe in finaI osilion lhere is a varialion belveen -/-.
The affricale refIex q is allesled for PI /, q, q`, qI` (il musl be noled lhal refIexes of
lhe Ialler honeme are allesled onIy in

142
finaI osilion, and lhal a araIIeI refIex, -, aIso exisls). In some cases Idi reveaIs an un-
execled lense refIex q: in lhe Iace of PI Iax IaleraI and uvuIar affricales (cf. PI nc|r
"deer" > Id. nuq.|, PI iqi- "lo hoId, lo find" > Id. |-iq.-sun), lhe reasons for lhis deveI-
omenl are yel uncIear. FinaIIy, Id. |aina "crov" < PI q|an. reveaIs a secific refIex of
PI qI lhe voiced fricalive i.
Iax gIollaIized affricales deveIo in a ralher ecuIiar vay in Idi: lhey give zero re-
fIexes, i.e. lhey are droed. Idi aarenlIy had al firsl eIiminaled lhe oraI slo if lhere
vas a simuIlaneous gIollaI one, and aflervards eIiminaled lhe gIollaI slo, loo (excel, of
course, in lhe iniliaI osilion, vhere lhe gIollaI slo is aulomalicaIIy ronounced before
any voveI). In some secific cases Iax gIollaIized consonanls in Idi yieId non-zero lense
refIexes (lhe "lense" "gIollaIized" oosilion is absenl in Idi, lherefore Idi lense con-
sonanls can be lrealed as gIollaIized as veII). NameIy:
a) PI ( > Id. c: in finaI osilion (cf. PI ici- "len" > Id. uic.),
b) PI (, (` are aIso aarenlIy reserved in finaI osilion (cf. Id. |.a. "grain,
seck" < PI \a(a). esides, lhe refIex : can be reserved in exressive rools (cf. Id. .cn
"mud" < PI (Vn), or as a resuIl of an earIier assimiIalion (cf. Id. |.u.an "uy" < PI
ur(/|ur(),
c) PI X is refIecled as k:- in a singIe vord |.a. "grain, seck" robabIy as a resuIl
of an earIy assimiIalion lo lhe finaI consonanl, in olher allesled cases X is refIecled as
zero in aII osilions,
d) PI cIuslers mX, vX, as veII as lhe IabiaIized uvuIars q`, qI` are refIecled in
Idi as lhe IabiaI exIosive : (cf. PI nau\ "dream" > Id. ncp., PI ||an\ "sveal" > Id.
ap., PI iqa > Id. ap.c-sun "lo be cooked, lo rien", PI q|a "lvo" > Id. p.a| ).
e) eing deIabiaIized, PI qI` yieIds a zero refIex in lhe Varlashen diaIecl, bul lhe
varialion hI/iI in lhe Nidzh diaIecl. PI qI vouId robabIy have given lhe same refIex,
bul examIes of ils refIexalion in Idi are missing.
PI lense (unasiraled) affricales usuaIIy yieId voiced fricalives in Idi (aarenlIy
lhrough an inlermediale slage of voiced affricales). Cf. PI c: > Id. z/I, PI c:` > Id. z,
PI :` > Id. I, PI /: > Id. -i, PI q:, q:`, q:I > Id. i. There are, hovever, some nol
quile cIear excelions from lhis ruIe. Thus, PI c: in iniliaI osilion gives Id. c-, PI : is
refIecled as : in aII avaiIabIe examIes, PI /: gives Id. q- in iniliaI osilion.
Tense gIollaIized affricales in Idi reguIarIy Iose lheir gIollaIizalion and become
lense voiceIess. Cf. PI (:, (:` > Id. c:, PI (: > Id. :- (lhough -- in mediaI osilion, cf.
Id. aa "righl" < PI ar(.-), PI X:, X:` > Id. q:, PI q:, q`: > Id. q:. PharyngeaIized qI:,
qI`:, on a ar vilh lhe normaI refIex q:I (somelimes vilh lhe Ioss of haryngeaIizalion,
see beIov), can aIso be refIecled as lhe fricalive iI. olh refIexes can vary vilhin lhe same
rool.
AII IaleraI affricales reguIarIy yieId uvuIar refIexes in Idi (aarenlIy, lhrough lhe
slage of veIar affricales), cf. PI / > Id. q:/q, PI /: > Id. q-, -i, PI X:, X:` > Id. q:. OnIy
lhe PI X behaves differenlIy: Iike olher PI Iax gIollaIized affricales, il yieIds Id. 0 (see
above).
The Idi Ianguage has comIeleIy Iosl IabiaIized affricales. Hovever, lheir resence
in some revious slage is confirmed by a seciaI deveIomenl of cerlain

143
IabiaIized consonanls in Idi (cf. above on lhe deveIomenl of q`).
InIike Kryz and udukh, Idi reserves haryngeaIizalion. If, hovever, lhe
haryngeaIizalions in Archi, AguI, Tabasaran, Iezghi (in diaIecls), RuluI and Tsakhur
corresond veII lo each olher and aIIov us lo reconslrucl a reIiabIe series of PI uvuIar
haryngeaIized affricales, lhe oId haryngeaIizalion in Idi can somelimes disaear. On
lhe olher hand, in some cases a nev haryngeaIizalion, missing in olher Ianguages, a-
ears. The reason for lhis, as veII as lhe reason for some olher henomena of Idi his-
loricaI honelics, are nol yel cIear. ul il is robabIe lhal il vas lhis nev Idi haryn-
geaIizalion lhal caused lhe hushing (and arliaIIy hissing) series of affricales lo sIil in
lvo: aIalaIized (non-haryngeaIized) and non-aIalaIized (haryngeaIized) affricales.
As il is, lhe Idi dislinclions -I, :-I:, -I, -I, do nol corresond lo anylhing in olher
Iezghian Ianguages, and musl be considered an Idi innovalion.

10. Voiced affricales in PI.
Three ersonaI IuraI ronouns in Iezghian Ianguages reveaI secific correson-
dences, for vhich ve lenlaliveIy reconslrucl lhe PI voiced affricales , ` and (i-
"ve (excI.)", jc}- "you", a- "ve (incI.)". The refIexes of lhese sounds are: voiced frica-
lives (`, I > I) in Archi, voiceIess affricales (or lhe fricalive x) in Tabasaran, AguI and
Iezghi, voiceIess fricalives in Tsakhur, and eilher voiced fricalives or resonanls in RuluI,
Kryz, udukh and Idi. The reconslruclion of voiced affricales is robabIy olimaI for
lhese corresondences. The corresondences lhemseIves aear as foIIovs:


` ` `/ ` `/k` v v v v
I x x | | | |

1.8.1.4. Fricalives.

In lhe PI consonanl syslem lhe IocaI series of fricalives coincide vilh lhe IocaI series
of affricales, i.e. ve reconslrucl hissing, hushing, IaleraI, uvuIar and haryngeaIized
uvuIar fricalives. Iach of lhese series is characlerized by a lhree-vay conlrasl "Iax"
"lense" "voiced". We musl say al once, lhal voiced fricalives (as veII as voiced exIo-
sives and affricales, see above) are ralher rare honemes, mosl of lhem are mel in exres-
sive vords. In lhe IaleraI series lhe voiced fricalive is nol reconslrucled al aII.
The corresondences of fricalives in descendanl Ianguages aear as foIIovs:

144

s s s s s s s s s 0
s` s(`) s s s s s -I-
s: s:,-s s/s: s/s:/z s/z s s,-s:- s s,-z -,-s-,
-s/-c
s:` s:,-s s/s: / s(`)/z(`)
/(`)
s(`)-,s s- s s- -/I-
z z z z z z z z z z
0
` (`)-, -- - (`) -I-
: :,- /: /:/ / ,-:- ,- -,-I
:` (`):-, - `/:`/x /:/ v/f/` (`) `-,-:- f f-,-v
z
` ` z` I
x x/ x x x x/ x/
` (`) f f/x f/x`- x`/f x(`) f(/x) f/x -f-
: :,- x:/x/: x:/x/:/ g/|/ x x,-x:- x x
:` :(`), -` f/f: f/f: f/v/ x`/f x-,-x:(`)- f/x(`) f/x q-
0-,
` (`) (`) (`) (`) (`) -
: :,- /:/i /:/i /i ,-:- -- /q
`: :`, -(`) (`)/:(`)
/i(`)
(`)/:(`)
/i(`)
`/i(`) `- `- -,-
i

i i/h i i i i i i i h
i` i/h i(`) i(`) i i -0
I I X/I/ I I I / / 0
I` -I X/I/ -I -(`) -I(`) -I - -
:I :I,-I X/I/\ I/I:/iI /i I I,-:I- /\ (I)
:I` :I(`),-I` X/I`/\ :I/iI `/i` I(`) I-,-:I- ()/\(I)
iI iI iI iI i iI

Commenls.
1. IaryngeaI fealures of fricalives.
PI Iax fricalives are reserved vilhoul any changes in aII Iezghian Ianguages excel
Idi. In Idi aII PI non-IabiaIized Iax fricalives (excel lhe IaleraI ) have given zero re-
fIexes, i.e. faIIen oul. Il is nol quile cIear vhy lhe fricalive escaed lhis fale robabIy,
il vas slrenglhened and aIready merged vilh : in Prolo-Idi. Hovever, IabiaIizalion
revenled lhe disaearance of Iax fricalives (cf. PI s`, ` > Id. I, PI `> Id. ).
Tense fricalives are al resenl reserved in lhe Archi, AguI, Tabasaran and Tsakhur
Ianguages. In Archi lense fricalives are reserved in iniliaI and mediaI osilions, bul have
veakened in finaI osilion.
In AguI lense fricalives are reserved in lhe Koshan diaIecl, in olher diaIecls

145
lhey are aIready Iosl (|Magomelov 1970j oinls lo lhe resence of lense fricalives in some
more AguI subdiaIecls, arlicuIarIy, in lhe subdiaIecl of lhe viIIage Khyuk, bul ve have
no dala on lhese subdiaIecls). We musl seciaIIy menlion lhe refIexes of lense uvuIar
fricalives in AguI roer (Tig subdiaIecl), here PI : > i, PI :` > i`, PI :I, :I` > \,
i.e. lhey are voiced.
In Tabasaran lense fricalives have been reserved in lhe Norlhern diaIecl (lhough
nol idenlicaIIy in aII subdiaIecls, lhus lhe Dbek subdiaIecl has aIready Iosl lense frica-
lives in iniliaI osilion), bul have aIready been Iosl in lhe Soulhern diaIecl and in lhe Iil-
erary Ianguage. In lhe Norlhern (lo some exlenl aIso in lhe Soulhern) diaIecl of Tabasaran,
lhere is a slrong lendency lo voice PI lense fricalives. Thus in some cases lhe PI
non-iniliaI s: and : are being voiced (s: onIy in subdiaIecls of lhe Norlhern diaIecl, lhe
voicing : > is aIso encounlered in lhe Soulhern diaIecl). PI s:` and :` are reguIarIy
voiced in aII Tabasaran diaIecls before lhe narrov voveIs I, i (in lhe Dbek subdiaIecl
cases of vord-finaI voicing of :` are aIso allesled). PI uvuIar fricalives in non-iniliaI
osilion are reguIarIy voiced in aII Tabasaran diaIecls (lhus, : > i, :` > i`, :I > iI,
:I` > iI`). The deveIomenl : > i in iniliaI osilion occurred onIy before Tab. u < PI
u, o (il is vorlh noling lhal :I is never voiced in lhis osilion). Of aII PI fricalives onIy
:, :` are never voiced.
The Tsakhur Ianguage onIy reserves lense fricalives (s:, :, x:, x`:, :, `:) in inler-
vocaIic osilion, eIsevhere lhey have been veakened and merged vilh lhe refIexes of PI
Iax fricalives.
Olher Ianguages (Iezghi, RuluI, Kryz, udukh, Idi) have nol reserved lense frica-
lives as such. Hovever, lhe refIexes of lense fricalives have comIeleIy merged vilh lhe
refIexes of Iax ones onIy in RuluI and Kryz (occasionaI differences Iike lhe facl lhal in
Kryz lhe refIex is allesled for PI `, vhiIe f is allesled for PI :` are aarenlIy ex-
Iained by insufficienl evidence, ve couId execl Kryz f from PI ` as veII, bul aII lhe
avaiIabIe examIes reresenl cases of earIy deIabiaIizalion ` > ). As for Iezghi,
udukh and Idi, lhe refIexes of PI lense and Iax fricalives here remain dislincl.
In Iezghi lense fricalives, unIike Iax ones, can be sub|ecl lo voicing. Ils ruIes are as
foIIovs:
a) Voicing does nol occur in lhe Akhly diaIecl, vhere refIexes of lense fricalives usu-
aIIy merge vilh lhe refIexes of Iax ones. The onIy excelions are lhe PI fricalives s:` and
:`, vhich may be voiced in lhe Akhly diaIecl as veII. (The voicing of s:` occurs before
lhe PI narrov voveIs I, i, chronoIogicaIIy il robabIy receded lhe voicing of olher
fricalives, because il reresenls an isogIoss, connecling Iezghi and Tabasaran, on a simi-
Iar deveIomenl in Tabasaran see above. The ruIes of lhe voicing of :` are uncIear
erhas ve are facing inlerdiaIeclaI Ioanvords). In addilion, lhe voicing of PI IaleraI :
is obIigalory.
b) In olher diaIecls, voicing of lhe PI IaleraI fricalive : and of lhe uvuIars :, :`,
:I, :I` is obIigalory. PI s:`, |usl as in lhe Akhly diaIecl, is voiced onIy before originaI
narrov voveIs. The hissing s: has lhe voiceIess refIex s in aII osilions in lhe Kurakh
diaIecl, bul is voiced in inlervocaIic osilion in lhe Gne and Yarki diaIecls (and lherefore
in lhe Iilerary Ianguage). IabiaIized PI :` and :` in non-iniliaI osilion, on lhe olher
hand, yieId voiceIess refIexes in aII

146
diaIecls, in iniliaI osilion `: aIvays deveIos voiced refIexes, vhiIe `:, Iike in lhe Ak-
hly diaIecl, reveaIs a varialion belveen voiced and voiceIess refIexes. We cannol eslabIish
any ruIes for PI :, vhose refIexes may be bolh voiced and voiceIess. Such a comIicaled
scheme of refIexes for PI lense fricalives aarenlIy oinls lo rocesses of inlerdiaIeclaI
infIuence, aclive in lhe Iezghi-seaking area unliI recenlIy.
In udukh PI lense fricalives are reguIarIy voiced in finaI osilion (-s: > -z, -: > -,
-`: > -v, -`: > -i, one shouId aIso execl voiced finaI refIexes of PI :, :` and :,
bul refIexes of lhese honemes in finaI osilion are nol allesled al aII in udukh). PI
haryngeaIized :I and :I` can be voiced in olher osilions as veII, bul lhe ruIes of
dislribulion for voiced and voiceIess refIexes of lhese lvo honemes are uncIear due lo
insufficienl evidence.
In Idi lhe basic difference belveen lhe refIexes of lense and Iax fricalives is lhe facl
lhal lhe former are nol droed (unIike lhe Ialler, vhose normaI refIex in Idi is zero, see
above). Idi can aIso occasionaIIy have affricales in lhe Iace of PI lense fricalives (such
are lhe refIexes -s: > -c, -: > -I, :`, : > q), in such cases ve usuaIIy observe a free
varialion of fricalive and affricale refIexes in lhe same rools in Idi (cf. Id. ncs / ncc
"nesl" < PI nas., Id. c| / qc| "burden" < PI .a|, elc.). The rocess of lhe affricalizalion
of fricalives is ralher unusuaI, sliII, lhere is aarenlIy no reason lo lry lo reconslrucl af-
fricales in such cases, basing lhis concIusion on Idi evidence aIone.
Voiced fricalives are reserved in aII Ianguages (ve shouId nole onIy lhe affricaliza-
lion > in RuluI, Tsakhur and Kryz and lhe IaryngeaIizalion i > \ in Archi and Idi
Ianguages).

2. IocaI fealures of fricalives.
The main change lhal occurred in aII Iezghian Ianguages, excel Archi, vas lhe Ioss
of IaleraI fricalives (on lhe Ioss of IaleraI affricales, see above). This Ied lo lhe aearance
of veIar fricalives, nol resenl in lhe PI syslem, in mosl Ianguages. In Idi a furlher de-
veIomenl of lhe veIar x ( < , :) inlo lhe uvuIar fricalive occurred (on lhe uvuIar
refIexes of IaleraI affricales in Idi, see above).
PI Iax deveIoed inlo x in AguI, Tabasaran, Iezghi, RuluI, Tsakhur, Kryz and
udukh. In Tabasaran, Kryz and udukh lhe aIalaIizalion x > occurred before PI fronl
voveIs (cf. Tab. u|u-|, Db. i||u-|, Kryz i|i-!, ud. u| "lhree" < PI cp.i-). In Ta-
basaran lhis is lhe usuaI deveIomenl (cf. above on a simiIar affricalion of IaleraI affri-
cales), il is, hovever, nol lyicaI for Kryz and udukh and characlerizes onIy lhis ho-
neme (even PI : in Kryz and udukh yieIds onIy lhe veIar x). A simiIar deveIomenl
- > -x > - has occurred in Kryz in finaI osilion (in a singIe examIe: Kryz |i "Iouse" <
PI |c()).
PI lense : yieIds x: (or x, deending on lhe diaIecl and on lhe osilion) in AguI,
Tabasaran, Tsakhur, in RuluI, Kryz and udukh onIy lhe Iax refIex x is resenl (on lhe
dislribulion of lense and Iax refIexes, see above). In lhe Koshan diaIecl of lhe AguI Ian-
guage lhe refIexalion is unusuaI: PI : > Kosh. : in aII osilions (lhus, lhe lense fricalive
x: in AguI is reserved as such onIy in some subdiaIecls of AguI roer, nameIy, in lhe
Khyuk and Tsirkhe subdiaIecls, see |Magomelov 1970, 23j).

147
Tabasaran has a reguIar aIalaIizalion : > x: > : ( in lhe Soulhern diaIecl) before
fronl voveIs.
In Iezghi : yieIds g (lhrough an inlermediale slage of lhe voiced fricalive , sliII
reserved in lhe Yarki diaIecl) before back voveIs and /| before fronl ones (lhe dislribu-
lion of lhe Ialler lvo refIexes is yel uncIear). Thus, lhe refIexes of : merge here vilh lhe
refIexes of lhe PI lense IaleraI affricale /: (on lhe deveIomenl of vhich see above).
PharyngeaIized fricalives have Iosl lheir haryngeaIizalion in Iezghi (lhough some
diaIecls sliII reserve il, see above on lhe refIexes of affricales), Kryz and udukh. In
Iezghi lhe refIexes of haryngeaIized and non-haryngeaIized uvuIar fricalives have
comIeleIy merged, vhiIe in Kryz and udukh lhe originaI haryngeaIized fricalives
have been IaryngeaIized and lransformed inlo lhe emhalic IaryngeaIs , \. A fricalive
refIexalion (I > Kryz, ud. ) is observed onIy vhen lhis fricalive vas lhe second com-
onenl in a mediaI consonanl cIusler.
A simiIar deveIomenl is observed in AguI. OriginaI haryngeaIized fricalives are
reserved onIy in lhe File diaIecl (vhere I, :I > I). In lhe Keren, Koshan and urkik-
han diaIecls, lhe haryngeaIized fricalives have deveIoed inlo lhe haryngeaI X (i.e. I,
:I > X), and lhe dislinclion in lensily vas Iosl (in Koshan, usuaIIy reserving il, lhe o-
osilion X X: is absenl). Hovever, il is refIecled in AguI roer (Tig), vhere a furlher
IaryngeaIizalion haened: I > X > , :I > R > \. Il is inleresling lhal PI iI is re-
served as iI in AguI. This is erhas an argumenl in favour of reconslrucling in PI nol
lhe voiced fricalives i, iI, bul ralher lhe voiced affricales G, GI, vhose refIexes vere
sub|ecl lo indeendenl fricalivizalion in descendanl Ianguages. (The facl is lhal lhe de-
veIomenl q:I > R lhal haened in AguI (see above), had aarenlIy assed lhrough
lhe inlermediale slale iI, reserved in lhe File diaIecl. In lhis case lhe originaI iI and lhe
nev iI < qI: shouId have inevilabIy merged. Since lhis has nol haened, il is reason-
abIe lo suggesl, lhal in Prolo-AguI in lhe Iace of PI q:I lhere vas a fricalive Iike iI, and
in lhe Iace of PI iI an affricale Iike GI, fricalivized aIready afler lhe iI > R deveI-
omenl in AguI diaIecls). Il is ossibIe lhal PI had here a free varialion of lhe arlicuIa-
lions G/i and GI/iI resecliveIy.
IabiaIized fricalives usuaIIy deveIo simiIarIy lo IabiaIized affricales in Iezghian
Ianguages, nameIy:
1) The Archi Ianguage reserves aII IabiaIized fricalives excel lhe hissing ones
(vhich are aIvays deIabiaIized). IabiaIized refIexes are nol allesled for PI I`, because
of lhe rarily of lhis honeme.
2) The AguI Ianguage reserves lhe IabiaIized hissing (s`), hushing (` in lhe Keren
and urkikhan diaIecls) and uvuIar fricalives (`, :`, i`). The haryngeaIized uvuIar
IabiaIized I` is reserved onIy in File diaIecl, olher diaIecls have Iosl lhe IabiaIizalion
due lo lhe deveIomenl of haryngeaIized uvuIars inlo eilher haryngeaIs or IaryngeaIs
(in lhese IocaI series AguI has no dislinclion in IabiaIizalion).
The PI IabiaIized hushing :` is refIecled as a (bi)IabiaIized consonanl onIy in lhe
Keren and urkikhan diaIecls, in lhe Koshan diaIecl lhe denloIabiaIized : is reresenled
(cf. above on lhe refIexes of hushing IabiaIized affricales). The File diaIecl

148
has lhe veIarizalion :` > x here, loo (|usl Iike in lhe refIexes of affricales). SimiIar refIexes
couId be execled from PI Iax `, bul in facl, in lhe avaiIabIe examIes ve see onIy lhe
deIabiaIized refIex (in aII diaIecls). We may, hovever, nole lhe deveIomenl of lhe PI
combinalion m in some AguI diaIecls, vhere -mhas disaeared, Ieaving behind lhe
comensalory IabiaIizalion of lhe foIIoving consonanl: cf. PI an "caravay" > ursh.
an, bul Rich. a, urk. (vilh melalhesis) a, File |cx.
IabiaIized IaleraI fricalives in AguI have deveIoed inlo IabiodenlaI fricalives (a-
arenlIy lhrough an inlermediale slage of IabioveIars). Thus, PI ` > Ag. f, PI :` > Ag.
f:/f. Il is inleresling lhal lhe cIuslers -v, -v: behave differenlIy. Iven in Prolo-AguI ,
in lhe combinalion v, had been slrenglhened and deveIoed inlo :. The Koshan dia-
Iecl refIecls lhe combinalion v: as a denloIabiaIized : (unIike :` > Kosh. f:), olher dia-
Iecls have eilher lhe normaI refIex f ( < :` < v:), or x (vilh lhe Ioss of IabiaIizalion). Cf.
PI jiu "snov" > Rich., Fil. i|x, urk. ux, ursh. ji., PI .c "five" > Prolo-Ag. jcu.i-
(reslruclured by anaIogy vilh jcuqi- "four") > Rich. Raju-! (vilh an uncIear R), File juju-!,
urk. ija-!, ursh. ji.u-r.
3) In lhe Tabasaran Ianguage lhe PI hissing and hushing IabiaIized fricalives have
merged in a singIe denloIabiaIized series (Tab. , :, ). IabiaIized IaleraIs, as in AguI,
deveIoed inlo denloIabiaI fricalives (f, f:), lhere are, hovever, cases of oId deIabiaIizalion,
vhen ` > > Tab. x.
In lhe syslem of IabiaIized back consonanls IabiaIizalion is comIeleIy Iosl in lhe
Norlhern diaIecl, bul is reserved in lhe Soulhern diaIecl and in lhe Iilerary Ianguage.
4) In Iezghi IabiaIized hissing fricalives are refIecled exaclIy Iike IabiaIized hissing
affricales (see above), i.e. lhey are reserved in Kurakh, Gne and some subdiaIecls of lhe
Akhly diaIecl (KhIiul), deveIo inlo IabiaIized hushing fricalives in mosl subdiaIecls of
lhe Akhly diaIecl and yieId IabiaIized veIars in lhe Yarki diaIecl. We musl nole, hovever,
lhal such refIexes are onIy allesled for PI s:`, in lhe fev knovn cases of refIecling PI s`
Iezghi has lhe deIabiaIized refIex s.
y anaIogy vilh lhe IabiaIized hushing affricales, one vouId execl lhe IabiaIized
hushing fricalives lo be reserved in lhe Kurakh and Akhly diaIecls, lo deveIo inlo
hissing IabiaIized in lhe Gne diaIecl and inlo IabioveIars in lhe Yarki diaIecl. ul in reaI-
ily lhe IabiaIized hushing ` in lhe fev allesled cases has lhe deIabiaIized refIex (cf.,
hovever, lhe refIeclion of lhe PI cIusler m, lhal deveIoed inlo ` in Prolo-Iezghi: PI
an "caravay" > Iezg. Iil. ij-crar, Nl. ux-crar.). The refIex ` < PI :` is observed onIy
in iniliaI osilion in lhe KhIyul subdiaIecl of lhe Akhly diaIecl (cf. KhI. ci "mosquilo" <
PI .ac., olhervise cf. Iil. uc, Akhl. jc). The hissing z`, as a refIex of `, is knovn lo us
onIy in lhe Iilerary Ianguage (za| "boiIing" < PI a|) and aarenlIy reresenls lhe
Gne deveIomenl. The Yarki diaIecl indeed has IabioveIar refIexes x`/g` < PI :`. Olher
diaIecls (Kurakh, Akhly, Gne) aIvays refIecl PI :` as a IabiodenlaI f or v (on lhe dis-
lribulion of voice/voiceIessness see above), lhe same IabiodenlaI refIexalion is rere-
senled in finaI osilion in lhe KhIyul subdiaIecl (cf. Iil., KhI., Kur. jij, Nl. jux "nighl" <
PI ?i.).
The IabiaIized IaleraI ` is usuaIIy refIecled as IabiodenlaI f in aII Iezghi

149
diaIecls. The IabiodenlaI refIex (f or v) is aIso lyicaI for PI lense :` in mosl diaIecls,
lhe Akhly diaIecl, hovever, refIecls PI `: as IabiaIized hushing `- (`-) in lhe iniliaI
osilion (onIy lhe KhIyul subdiaIecl has a IabiodenlaI refIex here, loo). Thus, vilhin lhe
Akhly diaIecl lhe refIexes of :` resembIe an "inversion" of lhe refIexes of :`, cf.

PI Akhl. KhIyul subdiaIecl
:` `-, f f-, f
:` f-, f `-, f

(voiced iniliaI varianls are nol Iisled in lhis labIe).
IvuIar fricalives in Iezghi generaIIy reserve lhe PI IabiaIizalion quile veII.
5) RuluI reserves lhe IabiaIizalion of PI s:` ( > Rul. s`), `, :` ( > Rul. `), I`,
:I` ( > Rul. I`). For PI s`, `, ` and :` onIy deIabiaIized refIexes are allesled. The
IabiaIized IaleraIs `, :` are refIecled as x` in lhe Mukhad and Shinaz diaIecls (in some
subdiaIecls of Mukhad diaIecl, e.g. Iuchek, lhe younger generalion aIready ronounces
lhe IabiodenlaI f). The Amsar diaIecl has a varialion x`/f. Olher RuluI diaIecls aIready
have onIy lhe denloIabiaI f.
6) The Tsakhur Ianguage has reserved onIy lhe IabiaIized `, :` ( < PI `, :`)
and x`, x:` ( < PI `, :`), lhe GeImels diaIecl having a varialion belveen x`/f and x`:/f:.
Olher PI IabiaIized fricalives are onIy reresenled by deIabiaIized refIexes in Tsakhur.
7) In lhe Kryz Ianguage ve have allesled onIy lhe IabiaIized ` < PI :`. In lhe asl,
hovever, lhere vere aarenlIy al Ieasl IabiaIized hushing and IabiaIized veIar fricalives,
|udging by lhe deveIomenl of PI :` > Kryz f and PI `, :` > Kryz f (in lhe case of
earIy deIabiaIizalion PI `, `: can aIso be refIecled as x).
8) udukh, Iike Kryz, has secific refIexes of PI :` and PI `, :` (:` > ud. f-,
-v, :`, ` > ud. f). In olher cases PI IabiaIizalion has disaeared in udukh vilhoul
any lrace.
9) In Idi lhe onIy lrace of PI IabiaIizalion is lhe facl lhal PI Iax IabiaIized fricalives
yieId non-zero refIexes, vhiIe PI Iax non-IabiaIized fricalives are droed. Olhervise
Idi has comIeleIy Iosl lhe dislinclion in IabiaIizalion in lhe syslem of fricalives (as veII
as in lhe syslem of exIosives and affricales, see above).

1.8.1.5. IaryngeaIs.
We reconslrucl lhree IocaI series of osluvuIar (IaryngeaI) consonanls for PI: Iaryn-
geaIs roer, haryngeaIized IaryngeaIs and emhalic IaryngeaIs. The reconslruclion of
haryngeaIized IaryngeaIs in lhe second series is quile hyolhelic: il is cIear onIy lhal lhis
vas a seciaI series, differenl bolh from IaryngeaIs roer and from emhalic IaryngeaIs.
In each IocaI series lhe binary oosilion "exIosive : fricalive" is reconslrucled. A
correIalion in IabiaIizalion is aIso reconslrucled in lhe syslem of IaryngeaIs. Il is inleresl-
ing, hovever, lhal in each IocaI series one can reconslrucl onIy one IabiaIized IaryngeaI.
The arlicuIalion of IabiaIized IaryngeaIs couId

150
robabIy vary belveen exIosive and fricalive (vhich exIains some secific fealures of
lhe refIexalion of IabiaIized IaryngeaIs). For lhe urose of uniformily ve reconslrucl
onIy exIosive IabiaIized IaryngeaIs for PI.
Iel us adduce lhe syslem of corresondences of IaryngeaI consonanls in Iezghian
Ianguages:

-,0 -/|-,
-/-1
(/|-) -/|-,
-/-0
,-0 ,-0 /|-,
-\
-/|-,
--,-\
-,0
` h v-/-,-- \ \
h h,-| h-,-h/- h h h(/|-) h,-0(/|-) h-,\
(/-)
h-,\ h-
I | -/|- - |-/-,
-q/-
-
I` |-/v- -/|- - v-,-h- -,-h- -,-- v- -
hI -/h-,-| -/\-,
-\/-1/-
|-(h-)
/-
- h-/-,
-hI
\- h-/
-`
-,-0
1 I/-,-| \/1/ I/ - |-,-0I -0 \-/|-,-\ -,-0
1` -hI- \/1/ v-/- I I
I-,-0I /h hI/h h/ -/|-,-0 |-/- \-/|-,-\ |-,- I-

Commenls.
1) Archi. PIain IaryngeaIs have been reserved here (vilh modificalions in
non-iniliaI osilion, vhere lhe gIollaI slo has disaeared, and h > |). The haryngeaI-
ized IaryngeaI hI has been deharyngeaIized and aarenlIy merged vilh h (bul in ini-
liaI osilion before back voveIs hI has faIIen oul, vhich exIains lhe doubIe refIex -/h-).
The haryngeaIized I has aarenlIy deveIoed inlo lhe emhalic \, vhich aflervards
Iosl ils IaryngeaI arlicuIalion and deveIoed inlo | (simiIarIy I` > \` > v).
Afler lhe Ioss of haryngeaIized IaryngeaIs lheir Iace vas laken by PI emhalic
IaryngeaIs lhal yieId haryngeaIized refIexes in Archi.
2) AguI. Here IabiaIized IaryngeaIs have merged earIy vilh lhe reseclive
non-IabiaIized ones. PIain IaryngeaIs and emhalic IaryngeaIs are ralher veII reserved,
aIlhough, comared vilh PI, some changes sliII occurred:
a) in finaI osilion PI and h may oblain a secondary emhalizalion ( > 1, h > ).
The deveIomenl h > is lyicaI for Koshan, urkikhan and AguI roer and aar-
enlIy occurs afler fronl voveIs. The condilions of lhe deveIomenl > 1, observed onIy
in Koshan (vhere lhe usuaI refIex of lhe finaI is -0), are Iess cIear.
b) The PI emhalic IaryngeaIs 1 and are veII reserved in Koshan, urkikhan
and AguI roer (ve musl nole lhal in Koshan a deemhalizalion before fronl voveIs

151
occurred: 1 > , > h). In lhe Keren diaIecl has been reserved, vhiIe 1 has been fri-
calivized and deveIoed inlo \. The File diaIecl has Iosl lhe emhalic IaryngeaIs: 1 >
and > h.
PI haryngeaIized I in AguI has been deharyngeaIized and merged vilh .
Hovever, hI gives secific refIexes here: lhe urkikhan diaIecl has \- in iniliaI osilion,
vhiIe olhers have -, i.e. ve observe an absoIuleIy unique series of corresondences (cf.
above on lhe refIexes of olher IaryngeaIs). In finaI osilion -hI is refIecled in lhe same
vay as lhe emhalic IaryngeaI -1 (i.e. gives File -, Ker. -\, Kosh., urk. and AguI roer
-1). We can suose lhal Prolo-AguI had a seciaI honeme \ < PI hI, vhich vas onIy
reserved in iniliaI osilion in urkikhan, vhiIe in finaI osilion il merged earIy vilh lhe
exIosive 1.
3. Tabasaran. In lhe Soulhern diaIecl of Tabasaran (and in lhe Iilerary Tabasaran
Ianguage) PI IaryngeaIs give lhe same refIexes as in lhe File diaIecl of lhe AguI Ianguage
(see above). The Norlhern diaIecl sliII reserves lhe haryngeaIized IaryngeaIs I, hI < PI
emhalic 1, in non-iniliaI osilion.
IabiaIized IaryngeaIs vere deIabiaIized earIy in Tabasaran, |usl as in AguI. Hovever,
in Prolo-Tabasaran a IabiaIized IaryngeaI h` aarenlIy exisled, vhich originaled from a
melalhesis of IabiaIizalion and had aflervards deveIoed inlo v. Cf. PI an "aIe" >
Prolo-Tab. |a| > Soulh. ui, Norlh. ua|.
4. Iezghi. Characlerislic for Iezghi is lhe facl lhal ils Norlhern diaIecls (as veII as
lhe Iilerary Ianguage) reguIarIy have v in lhe Iace of PI IabiaIized IaryngeaIs, lhe Akhly
diaIecl usuaIIy has (onIy soradicaIIy v, robabIy due lo lhe infIuence of lhe Iilerary
Ianguage). Therefore, al Ieasl one IabiaIized IaryngeaI shouId have exisled as Iale as in
Prolo-Iezghi, il yieIded v in lhe Norlhern and in lhe Soulhern (CenlraI) diaIecl.
In olher resecls Iezghi has very much reduced lhe syslem of PI IaryngeaIs. IxIo-
sive IaryngeaIs are usuaIIy refIecled as (lhough before fronl voveIs soradicaIIy - > |-),
fricalives as h (lhough PI hI, aIso yieId or | before fronl voveIs).
We shouId aIso dveII on lhe Iezghi finaI refIexes of PI and I. In bolh cases lhe
Akhly diaIecl reguIarIy has , in lhe Norlhern diaIecl (as veII as in lhe Iilerary Ianguage)
lhe finaI - disaears, vhiIe lhe finaI -I yieIds an unexecled refIex -q (cf. PI maI
"fal" > KhI. ma, Iil. maq). Such a deveIomenl robabIy oinls lo lhe resence of lvo
lyes of exIosive IaryngeaIs in Prolo-Iezghi (aarenlIy PI - > Prolo-Iezg. - > Akhl.
-, Norlh. -0, PI -I > Prolo-Iezg. -1 > Akhl. -, Norlh. -q).
5. RuluI. Al lhe resenl lime lhere are lhree IaryngeaIs in RuluI: , h and I. As in
mosl olher Ianguages, PI haryngeaIized IaryngeaIs vere earIy deharyngeaIized here.
Hovever, lheir refIexes have nol comIeleIy merged vilh lhe refIexes of Iain IaryngeaIs.
Il is robabIe lhal al firsl aII lhree haryngeaIized IaryngeaIs merged in one honeme,
simiIar lo I, and onIy aflervards I > . This change musl have occurred aIready afler
lhe disaearance of lhe originaI in finaI osilion: cf. - >-0, bul -I > -.
Imhalic 1 and vere aarenlIy Iosl earIy. Their main refIexes are or | in iniliaI
osilion (in lhe Khnyukh subdiaIecl ve may aIso meel h in lhe Iace of ) and 0, vilh a
ossibIe reservalion of haryngeaIizalion, in finaI osilion.

152
The IabiaIized 1` vas aarenlIy reserved Ionger, lhough, Iike olher IabiaIized Iaryn-
geaIs, il vas sub|ecl lo lhe deIabiaIizalion 1` > 1. Aflervards, vhen lhe haryngeaIized
I had been deharyngeaIized (see above), lhis 1 had laken ils Iace: PI 1` > 1 > Rul.
I.
6. Tsakhur. Here ve musl nole lhe reservalion of lhe honeme hI < PI hI (al Ieasl
in finaI osilion). Olhervise Tsakhur refIexes are quile simiIar lo RuluI ones.
7. Kryz and udukh. Here il is inleresling lo nole lhe deveIomenl of PI Iain Ia-
ryngeaIs inlo lhe emhalic \ (in some cases, such as lhe refIex of PI and h in finaI o-
silion, as veII as lhe refIex of lhe PI IabiaIized `). The PI emhalic IaryngeaIs are gen-
eraIIy reserved (aIlhough before fronl voveIs lhey deveIo inlo |-), il is vorlh noling
lhal bolh 1 and yieId lhe same voiced refIex, \, in Kryz. The haryngeaIized I has
Iosl ils haryngeaIizalion and deveIoed inlo , hovever, lraces of lhe originaI haryn-
geaIizalion are reserved in lhe refIexes of PI I` and hI, yieIding emhalic and \ re-
secliveIy in Kryz (udukh has v- and h- here).
8. Idi. Here onIy lhe IaryngeaI h < PI h is reserved. PI IabiaIized ` aarenlIy
firsl deveIoed inlo h` (see above on lhe ossibiIily of lhe varialion `/h` as earIy as in
PI), afler vhich h` > Id. (see above on lhe simiIar deveIomenl of PI q` > Id. :).
AII olher IaryngeaIs vere Iosl in Idi (i.e. in iniliaI osilion lhere is an aulomalic gIollaI
slo, and in olher osilions zero).

In PI, as in mosl modern Iezghian Ianguages, consonanl cIuslers vere nol aIIoved
in iniliaI osilion. (IniliaI cIuslers exisling in modern Iezghi and Tabasaran are secondary,
being a resuIl of lhe reduclion of unaccenled voveIs of lhe firsl syIIabIe). Hovever, in lhe
mediaI and finaI osilions lhe number of ossibIe cIuslers vas ralher Iarge.
Here ve viII nol examine lhe consonanl cIuslers arising on morheme boundaries,
nor lhe consonanl cIuslers in verbaI rools, bul viII dveII onIy uon lhe deveIomenl of
consonanl cIuslers vilhin nominaI rool morhemes. These combinalions may be divided
inlo lvo lyes:
1) Consonanl cIuslers on lhe syIIabIe borders of a arlIy or vhoIIy reduIicaled
morheme (slruclures of lhe lye anan, !a|!an, iii|, uru|, elc.). In such mor-
hemes virluaIIy any consonanl cIuslers are aIIoved. Their characlerislic fealure is lheir
slabiIily: excel cases of irreguIar lransformalions (in exressive rools), bolh cIusler
comonenls deveIo in lhe same vay as in lhe isoIaled osilion.
2) Consonanl cIuslers vilhin a non-reduIicaled morheme (on lhe syIIabIe border
or al lhe end of lhe syIIabIe). Here onIy "resonanl+obslruenl" cIuslers are aIIoved. In
lhese cIuslers lhe firsl eIemenl may be reresenled by one of lhe resonanls r, I, m, n or v
(i.e. lhe oosilion of lenseness-Iaxness is neulraIized here, lhe correIales of lhe resonanls
Iisled above (|, I:, m:, n:, ) are nol allesled as firsl comonenls of cIuslers). The second
comonenl of cIuslers may be reresenled by any obslruenl excel osluvuIars (i.e. em-
halic IaryngeaIs and Iain IaryngeaIs).

153
There are fev ruIes Iimiling lhe freedom of combinalion of resonanls and obslruenls
(some of lhem may lurn oul lo be forluilous and il is ossibIe lhal lhe gas in lhe Iace of
some cIuslers viII be evenluaIIy fiIIed). Here are lhese Iimilalions:
1) lhere are no cIuslers of v vilh foIIoving fronl consonanls (of lhe lye vl, vc,
v) or vilh foIIoving veIar ones (of lhe lye vk) (absence of lhe Ialler is robabIy ac-
cidenlaI),
2) lhere are no cIuslers of n vilh uvuIars (of lhe lye nq) or IabiaIs (of lhe lye
n),
3) lhere are no cIuslers of I vilh IaleraIs (of lhe lye I/),
4) cIuslers vilh IabiaI consonanls are in generaI very rare, and onIy lvo lyes of
lhem are allesled: "r+IabiaI" and "m+IabiaI".
No Iezghian Ianguage has Iefl lhe PI syslem of consonanl cIuslers inlacl. The main
lendency in lhe deveIomenl of such cIuslers is lheir simIificalion lhrough lhe Ioss of
lhe firsl comonenl (resonanl). One oinl shouId be, hovever, seciaIIy discussed: lhe
reconslruclion of combinalions vilh lhe resonanl I.
In modern Iezghian Ianguages, combinalions vilh I as lhe firsl comonenl are
ralher rare. Hovever, ve have reason lo lhink lhal lhey vere much more videsread in
PI. The facl is lhal in mosl cases PI I is eilher Iosl or changed lo r in descendanl Ian-
guages. In such cases (vhen lhe refIex I is in facl nol reserved in any Ianguage) ve musl
reconslrucl I on lhe basis of syslem consideralions. For examIe: if ve have a corre-
sondence "Tab. -Iz: Ag., Iezg., Rul. z" (cf. "longue": Tab. nc|z, Ag., Iezg. ncz, Rul. niz),
lhe reconslruclion of I in lhis case is based on Tabasaran evidence, aIIoving us lo su-
ose lhal PI I (al Ieasl before hissing consonanls) yieIds Tab. I and Ag., Iezg., Rul. 0.
Hovever, aIlhough Tabasaran has lhe cIusler Iz (I), a simiIar combinalion vilh lhe
voiceIess c (Ic) is missing. On lhe olher hand, ve knov of lhe corresondence "Tab. rc:
Ag., Iezg. c, Rul. s" (cf. Tab. narc-ar "cIay slove for baking bread", Ag. ursh. nac "fire-
Iace", Iezg. nac "a cIay sheIf over lhe fireIace", Rul. nas "vaII"). This corresondence
does nol aIIov us lo reconslrucl PI rc (in such a case ve vouId execl lhe reservalion
of r in RuluI and Iezghi, see beIov in lhe labIe of corresondences). Therefore, one can
suose lhal in lhis case ve are deaIing vilh lhe PI cIusler Ic, vhose deveIomenl is
quile symmelricaI lo lhe deveIomenl of Ic: (i.e. a zero refIex of lhe resonanl in Ag., Iezg.
and Rul., bul lhe reservalion of lhe resonanl in Tab.), in Tabasaran, hovever, lhe furlher
change Ic > rc occurred. As a resuIl of such reasoning, ve can reconslrucl a Iarge number
of PI combinalions vilh lhe resonanl I, such reconslruclion oflen being confirmed by
lhe dala of reIaled Dagheslan Ianguages.
The same is lrue for some cIuslers vilh -n-, vhere -n- has eilher disaeared or vas
denasaIized and lurned inlo -r-, and is reconslrucled onIy on basis of syslem considera-
lions.
Iel us nov give lhe syslem of corresondences of lhe reconslrucled consonanl cIus-
lers:

154

r r
rl rl l rl rl (r)l
rl: l: rd/d rd l:/rl: d d d(r`) d d
r r r/ r (r) (r) (rd)
rd rd rd rd rd rd rd
rc rs(`) rc rc
rc: rz/z r z z
r( (n(`) r( r( r( ( (
r(: r(: rl: rc: r l: c:
rs rs rs/s rs/s rs/s s rs rs
rs: rs: rs s s:
r r r r/ r r
r: (/r`) I
r( r( r( r( r( r( r(
r(: r( r: r: r( r
rI r r
r/ rx r rg h q
r/: / rg/r r r | i
rX r q q
rX: X rk: rk: /r k k k k q:
r rf/rx rx/rf rx/rf x
r: : rx rx rg/g x
rk rk rk rk/k k rk rk
rk: k: g rg (k:) g g g g (n)g
r r r k:
rqIq` rq rq
rq q (r)q rq (ri) q q q
rq:Iq: ri ri
rq: q: rq q: rq
r: : r(ri) r(ri) ri(i) ri
rqI I(r) rqI
rqI qI rqI (qI) qI qI (r)q` i/h
rqI: qI: rqI: rq qI q q:
rI r rI r/ I I r r
Il rl l rl rl Il
Il: rl: rd/d rd (l:) d (nl:)
I r (Id`) r
Ic c rc c s
Ic: c z Iz z z z z z z
I( r( (
I r r r r/ r ()
I( ( r( (r)( ( ( ( ( ( 0
I: r/I r/I : `
I: : r r I
Ik rk rk(I)
Ik: Ig/rg rg rg rg rg rg (rg) k:

155
I r r r r (r)
Ig/Ig: rk: r rg
Iq (rq) rq rq rq (rq) q`
Iq: Iq Iq
I r I I/ r r
I: r: ri ri r I r
IqI rqI/r1 IqI/rqI rq rqI rqI q
nl nl nl nl nl nl
n n n n nl() n/ n/ n n l:
nd nd nd nd nd
nc: c nz/rz rz rc:
n( ( n n(
n( n(/n n(/( n(() n( n( (n)(/n (/n ()
n/: (/) | r/r k/ | I | i
nX: nX rk: rk: k (k) k k q:
n(`) f f f rx` rx f
nk ng k
n n n n n n n (n) n
m m m b /b
m: m mb(b) mb(b) : b
m m m /m
ml nl l(rl) l
m n (m() (d) l:
mc ns c(`) c c s c s
mc: (mz) bz/vz mz k`:/c`: (ms) z z
m( m(/n( (n)( (m)c:/( (n)( (
m(: m(:/n(: l`: `: rl l l(`) l l I
ms (mu)s `
ms: ms/ms: s
m n I
m( n( ( ( ( ( ( ( (
m (mu) m/` f
m/: m v | v v
mX m m/ m/ q/ q q :
mq q` mq q
m n (m) (m)
m: n: i
mqI mqI mqI
mk bk mk k k
mk: bk g` mg g g
v bx/` f ()
vX b /m v q q q :
vq: bq bi`/i` vq: q`: i` i i i
vq bq q(`) q(`) q q q q q :
v b

156
Nole: in lhe resenl labIe ve shov lhe combinalion refIexes of bolh PI IabiaIized
and non-IabiaIized consonanls, lhe behaviour of lhe resonanl in lhe combinalion does nol
deend on lhe IabiaIizalion of lhe foIIoving consonanl.

1.8.1.7. The deveIomenl of resonanls in verbaI rools.
1. The reconslruclion of mediaI resonanls in lhe PI verbaI rool is very much com-
Iicaled by lhe foIIoving circumslances:
a) lhe resonanl r (somelimes I as veII, if deveIos inlo r by honelic ruIes) can be
reinlerreled as a cIass indicalor, lhis rocess, for examIe, Ied lo a nearIy comIele Ioss
of consonanl cIuslers inside lhe verbaI rool in Tabasaran,
b) lhe resonanl r (as veII as I, if il deveIos inlo r by honelic ruIes) can be reinler-
reled as lhe duralive slem marker. This rocess is connecled vilh lhe resence of lhree
main lyes of con|ugalion in PI:
1) verbs vilhoul any resonanl, neilher in lhe duralive slem nor in lhe lerminalive
slem,
2) verbs vilhoul any resonanl in lhe lerminalive slem, bul vilh lhe infix -r-(ossibIy
-rV-) in lhe duralive slem,
3) verbs vilh a resonanl (r, I or v) in lhe duralive slem as veII as in lhe lermina-
live slem.
We can roerIy laIk aboul rool resonanls onIy concerning lhe Iasl lye of con|uga-
lion. Hovever, in lhis lye of con|ugalion lhe rool resonanl r or I couId be reinlerreled
as a duralive marker and be Iosl in lhe lerminalive slem by anaIogy vilh lhe second lye
of con|ugalion. This rocess aarenlIy look Iace in many Iezghian Ianguages (excel
AguI).
|Iel us nole lhal from lhe hisloricaI oinl of viev lhe roer "resonanlIess" rools are
reresenled onIy in lhe second con|ugalion lye, lhe firsl lye of verbs in
Prolo-Dagheslan robabIy conlained lhe resonanls -m-, -n-, Iosl in lhe PI verbaI rool.
This exIains, firsl, lhe facl lhal lhese rools do nol accel lhe duralive indicalor -r-, sec-
ond, lhal lhere are no combinalions vilh lhe firsl comonenl -m- or -n- in PI verbaI roolj.
As a resuIl of lhe shovn rocesses mediaI resonanls have been lolaIIy Iosl in Tsak-
hur.
In Tabasaran and Kryz resonanls have been Iosl as veII in mosl cases. Tabasaran
reserves mediaI resonanls onIy in some verbaI derivalives (Iike !aru| "sIinler" <
i.-ars.a|, lhough |i-a-uz "lo ri" < PI ars.a, cf. Arch. ars.a-s "lo cul inlo ieces"), or in
lhe case of a melalhesis of -r- or -I- inlo lhe beginning of lhe rool, moslIy vhen lhe firsl
rool voveI is narrov (cf. ir.ar "lo ainl" > Tab. rix-uz, i|an "lo vork"> Tab. |i-uz,
elc.).
A simiIar melalhesis is oflen observed in AguI, lhough in some diaIecls lhe oId order
may be reserved as veII (cf. PI irq.ar "lo freeze" > Rich. ru-as, bul T. ura-s, PI
ir\.ar "lo kiII" > Rich.,T. ru|.as, bul ursh. ur|.as, PI i|an "lo vork" > ursh., T.
|ianas, elc.). In olher resecls AguI is very conservalive and reserves veII lhe PI com-
binalions vilh mediaI resonanls (lhis conservalism is robabIy exIained by lhe Ioss of
lhe syslem of cIass agreemenl and, lherefore, lhe arising ossibiIily of mixing lhe mediaI
resonanl vilh lhe cIass marker in AguI).
In olher Iezghian Ianguages combinalions vilh resonanls inside lhe verbaI rool

157
generaIIy deveIoed in lhe same vay as in lhe nominaI one (lhough ve musl kee in
mind lhe ossibiIily of an irreguIar Ioss of lhe resonanl as a resuIl of lhe rocesses, de-
scribed above).
2. Reconslruclion of finaI resonanls in lhe verbaI rool.
In finaI osilion verbaI rool resonanls aIso deveIo differenlIy from lhose in lhe
nominaI rool. This condilion is due lo lhe facl lhal finaI consonanls in cerlain verbaI
forms have a lendency lo be reinlerreled as morhoIogicaI markers (finaI -r and -I are
mixed vilh lhe PI duralive gerund suffix -r, -ri, lhe finaI -n vilh lerminalive ger-
und suffix -na. We musl lake inlo accounl lhal lhese gerund suffixes couId aarenlIy
aIready form cerlain finile verbaI forms in PI and vere quile frequenl).
FinaI resonanls in verbaI rools are comIeleIy Iosl in Tabasaran, RuluI and Idi (ac-
cording lo |Ibragimov 1978j lhe orchin-Khinov diaIecl of RuluI sliII reserves lhe lraces
of PI finaI resonanls, bul ve do nol ossess any dala from lhis diaIecl). Olher Ianguages
have lhe foIIoving refIexes of PI -r, -I and -n (no olher resonanls occurred in PI verbs
in lhis osilion):
1) Archi. Here PI finaI -I and -n have merged in one -n-con|ugalion. Cf. PI can
"lo forgel" > Arch. cin- (cnus), PI jca| "lo bind" > Arch. cin- (cnus), elc. The merger of
-I and -n-con|ugalions in Archi (as veII as in AguI, see beIov) vas caused by lhe rarily
of -I-con|ugalion rools and by a formaI resembIance belveen lhe -I and -n-con|ugalions,
manifesled in lhe resence of lhe duralive infix -I- in bolh of lhem (as oosed lo -r-,
resenl in lhe -r-con|ugalion and in rools vilhoul a finaI resonanl).
PI -r is Iosl in Archi bisyIIabic rools (cf. PI jaiar > Arch. aii-s "lo Iel, lo Ieave"), bul
reserved in monosyIIabic rools (lhal have Iosl lhe PI voveI i-, see beIov), cf. i.ar "lo
fry" > Arch. ar-as, elc. Hovever, lhere are cases vhen -r in monosyIIabic rools is reinler-
reled as a duralive marker and consequenlIy Iosl in lhe lerminalive forms (cf. PI icar
"lo meIl" > Arch. ca-s, reresenling an adequalion based on duralive car, elc.).
2) AguI. In AguI roer and in lhe Koshan diaIecl lhe -I and -n-con|ugalions have
merged inlo a singIe -n-con|ugalion, in olher diaIecls lhe n-con|ugalion is aIready Iosl. Cf.
PI jca| "lo bind" > ursh. i-|-an-as, T. ian-as, Rich. i-as, PI -i.Vn "lo knead" > ursh.,
T. ian-as, Rich. i-as. In a singIe case lhe Koshan diaIecl reserves lhe finaI -I, cf. PI
ia| "lo eal" > ursh. ?ua|-as (-d--), bul T. uan-as, Rich. u-as. In some cases in lhe
diaIecl of AguI roer lhe oId -n disaears (on lhe olher hand, somelimes a reso-
nanlIess verb can oblain lhe n-con|ugalion in lhis diaIecl), vhich is robabIy caused by
morhoIogicaI anaIogy.
AII AguI diaIecls have Iosl lhe PI -r-con|ugalion.
3) Iezghi. Here lhe finaI resonanls -n and -r are onIy reserved soradicaIIy. For -n
cf. PI i.Vn > Iezg. uun-iz "lo knead, rub", PI a|c-an > Iezg. a|cun-iz "lo measure" (<
a|can-iz vilh a melalhesis of IabiaIizalion) and a fev olhers. PI -r can be reserved
onIy in rools vilh lhe PI narrov iniliaI voveI i, Iosl in Iezghi (see beIov), and onIy in
reverbIess forms. Cf. PI i|q|ar > Iezg. qur-cz "lo Iaugh", PI jicar > Iezg. cur-az "lo
meIl" (bul vilh a reverb: c|-cc-iz "lo meIl (melahoricaIIy), be very conlenl", elc. In mosl

158
cases, hovever, Iezghi has Iosl lhe finaI -r and -n, lhe finaI -I has been Iosl comIeleIy.
4) Tsakhur, Kryz and udukh.
In Tsakhur and Kryz, PI finaI -r, -I and -n are reserved besl of aII. udukh has
reserved PI -I and -n veII, as for lhe -r-con|ugalion, il has merged vilh lhe reso-
nanlIess con|ugalion (lherefore, bolh PI rools vilh lhe finaI -r and PI rools vilh a vocaIic
ending have al lhe resenl lime an idenlicaI aradigm in udukh).
In one lye of cases Tsakhur Ioses lhe finaI -r: in rools vilh lhe slruclure i(R)Car,
oblaining lhe voveI e in Tsakhur ( < PI abIaul grade , see beIov). Cf. PI i.ar "lo fry" >
Tsakh. q-ccs (vs. Iezg. .ra-z, Kryz ir-a, Arch. ar-as), PI iar "lo veave" > Tsakh.
q-cas (vs. Iezg. ra-z, Kryz ir-i, elc.). Al lhe resenl lime il is hard lo delermine lhe
reason for such a deveIomenl of lhis slruclure in Tsakhur.
Ixcel lhis reguIar lye, ve occasionaIIy observe lhe Ioss of -r and -n in Tsakhur
and Kryz. Cf. PI irq.cr "lo freeze" > Tsakh. |-iar-as, bul Kryz s-a-u, PI i\.an "lo vanl,
lo Iove" > Tsakh. i|.an-as, bul Kryz i|-a, PI jc}an "lo hang" > Kryz |-cn-i, Tsakh.
(Tsakhur roer) giuajan-as, bul Mik. iu-a-as. Hovever, lhese cases are very rare.
NormaIIy lhe evidence of Tsakhur and Kryz is mosl vaIuabIe for reconslrucling lhe PI
finaI resonanls in verbaI rools.

1.8.2. VocaIism.

For PI ve reconslrucl a 7-voveI syslem vilh lhree rovs (fronl, mid and back) and
lhree heighls (high, mid and Iov). In lhe fronl and back rovs aII lhree degrees of heighl
are fiIIed (in lhe fronl rov: i, e, , in lhe back rov u, o, a). The mid rov is defeclive and
reresenled by a singIe voveI I, lhal couId robabIy vary belveen high and mid.
AII voveIs couId aIso be haryngeaIized (iI, eI, I, II, uI, oI, aI), usuaIIy lhese voveIs
occurred ad|acenl lo oslveIar haryngeaIized consonanls, bul lhey vere ossibIe in
olher osilions as veII. We shouId nole lhal high haryngeaIized voveIs are exlremeIy
rareIy mel vilhoul ad|acenl oslveIar haryngeaIized consonanls.
eIov ve give lhe syslem of vocaIic corresondences belveen Iezghian Ianguages.
In lhis labIe ve give onIy lhe refIexes of voveIs vilhoul ad|acenl IabiaIized consonanls
(and for haryngeaIized voveIs aIso vilhoul ad|acenl oslveIar haryngeaIized con-
sonanls). Moreover, ve viII onIy Iisl lhe refIexes of voveIs in monosyIIabic nominaI rools,
vhere lhere is no infIuence of olher voveIs. InforlunaleIy, il is hardIy ossibIe lo exam-
ine aII lhe osilionaI modificalions of PI voveIs in each Iezghian Ianguage in lhis vork.
Therefore in lhis commenlary ve omil aImosl everylhing reIaled lo lhe deveIomenl of
voveIs ad|acenl lo IabiaIized consonanls, as veII as lo lhe modificalion of voveIs in
oIysyIIabic vords. Nor viII ve examine lhe deveIomenl of haryngeaIized voveIs
near haryngeaIized consonanls. We hoe lo deaI vilh aII lhese queslions in a seciaI
ubIicalion.

159

i i i i i i i i i i
iI i i e/i i i II/e e/i i `
e e/a/i e/i e/i e i e e e i
eI ` i e i i ` e ` `
a/e e/i i e e/a /a/e o/e e/a
I aI e/i/aI aI/i e/i e e e e/a
I o i i i I I/i i i u
II oI ` (i) (i)e ` ` i e `
u u u u u u u u/I u u
o o u u u/I I I I u/I o/u
oI oI/o uI/u uI/u u/i II/i II (i) I u
a a/o a a a a a /a/e a/e a
aI aI/a aI//a aI/a/e a/e /a aI/a e/a, e/a (a)

Commenls
1. PI i.
This voveI is usuaIIy veII reserved in Iezghian Ianguages, bul aears lo be ralher
unslabIe if il is ad|acenl lo IabiaIized consonanls (lhe mosl frequenl modificalion in lhis
osilion is lhe IabiaIizalion i > u, bul shifls in heighl occur as veII: e.g., a reguIar shifl i > a
afler IabiaIized back consonanls in Iezghi).

2. PI iI.
The indeendenl (i.e. nol ad|acenl lo a haryngeaIized consonanl) haryngeaIized
iI is exlremeIy rare in PI. We knov of onIy lvo rools (in bolh cases lhere is a IabiaIized
hushing consonanl before iI): (i|n. "san" and i||- "bIue, green". We shouId nole lhal
in lhe rool "san" aII lhe Ianguages excel Archi and RuluI (Arch. (in, Rul. (u|) refIecl a
non-IabiaIized varianl (i|n., vhich robabIy aeared as a resuIl of dissimiIalion vilh
lhe finaI IabiaI consonanl.

3. PI e.
This voveI is reserved vilhoul changes in lhe Iezghi, Tsakhur, Kryz and udukh
Ianguages. In RuluI and Idi, as veII as in lhe File diaIecl of AguI and in lhe Norlhern
diaIecl of Tabasaran lhe refIex is a narrov i (olher AguI diaIecls and lhe Soulhern diaIecl
of Tabasaran usuaIIy reserve lhe vide e). In Archi lhe narroving e > i, |udging by lhe
fev examIes avaiIabIe, occurs near lhe resonanl I (cf. PI |c "skin" > Archi i|i, PI ||c|
"sleam, brealh" > Arch. |i|). On lhe conlrary, in some cases PI e > Arch. a (cf. cc| "goal"
> Arch. caj, nc|c. "longue" > Arch. nac), lhis is ossibIy connecled vilh lhe resence of a
hissing consonanl near e. In olher cases Archi, loo, reserves lhe voveI e.
In lhe case of ad|acenl IabiaIized consonanls lhe voveI e, as veII as i, can be af-
fecled by various modificalions. In Archi and Tsakhur lhe mosl lyicaI deveIomenl is e
> o, and in olher Ianguages e > u (in Kryz and udukh, deending on lhe consonanl en-
vironmenl, a secondary deIabiaIized refIex, I, may aear as veII).

160
4. PI eI.
The osilionaIIy indeendenl haryngeaIized eI, |usl Iike iI, is very rare in PI. Il is
reconslrucled in lhe rools p.c|.- "deaf" (cf. Ag. |u|rc-j), (c|| "viIIov" (cf. Ag. diaI. (u||)
and nc|r "deer". In lhe Ialler rool haryngeaIizalion as such is nol reserved in any
Ianguage, bul some secific fealures of lhe voveI deveIomenl (e.g., lhe narrov i in lhe
Iezghi form nirg a refIex, lyicaI for e in osilion near uvuIar haryngeaIized conso-
nanls) make lhe reconslruclion of eI in lhis rool robabIe.

5. PI .
This honeme is besl reserved in RuluI, vhere il aIvays yieIds lhe refIex . In olher
Ianguages ve observe various refIexes:
a) in Archi fronl e near back consonanls, bul back a in olher cases (cf. PI |a|- >
Arch. |c|.i "bone", bul \.a| > Arch. \a| "Iamb", elc.),
b) in AguI and e have merged, lhus, in lhe File diaIecl lhe refIex is i, vhiIe olher
diaIecls have e,
c) in Tabasaran in aII diaIecls lhe normaI deveIomenl is > i. We musl nole lhal
lhe refIexes of and i are nol comIeleIy indislinguishabIe: in lhe Norlhern diaIecl afler
lhe refIexes of IaleraI consonanls, PI yieIds a vide refIex a, vhiIe i is reserved: cf.
\.a| "Iamb" > Db. a|, bul \.in( "fear" > Db. gi(i (lhe Iack of affricalion X: > in lhe
second rool is robabIy caused by dissimiIalion vilh lhe nexl hushing consonanl).
d) in Iezghi, as in AguI, lhe refIex of has merged vilh lhe refIex of e, i.e. usuaIIy
in aII diaIecls > e,
e) in Tsakhur lhe mosl frequenl refIex of PI is e. The vide refIex a is observed if
lhere vas a resonanl n, I or a IaleraI fricalive ( > Tsakh. x) before a, in vhich case lhe
menlioned consonanls become aIalaIized. Cf. PI \.a| > Tsakh. gcu "Iamb", PI s.an >
Tsakh. scn "year", bul PI nau\ > Tsakh. a "dream", PI |aa > Tsakh. aa "braceIel", PI
.an. > Tsakh. xan "valer", elc. The GeImels diaIecl has an /e varialion vhere Tsakhur
roer and Mikik diaIecls have e.
f) in Kryz PI gives lhree lyes of refIexes: back a before r (cf. beIov on lhe secific
refIexes of a in lhis osilion), e before I, hushing consonanls and consonanls, going back
lo PI IaleraIs (i.e. before honelicaIIy aIalaI or easiIy aIalaIized consonanls), and in
olher cases. Cf. PI c.ar > Kryz ar "cov", PI \.a| > Kryz |c| "Iamb", PI .an. > Kryz xa!
"valer", elc.,
g) udukh usuaIIy has lhe refIexes e or o, e is observed in cases vhen Kryz aIso has e
(cf. udukh |c| "Iamb" vilh Kryz |c| < PI \.a|), and o is observed vhen Kryz has a and
(cf. ud. zor "cov" < PI c.ar, ud. xo! "valer" < PI .an., elc.),
h) lhe mosl frequenl refIex of PI in Idi is e. In lvo cases ve observe lhe refIex a:
PI \.a| "Iamb" > Id. q.a|, PI najr} "handfuI" > Id. na|a (aIlhough lhe Ialler elymoI-
ogy is somevhal dubious). In bolh cases is ad|acenl lo IaleraI affricales, bul il is nol
cIear vhelher lhis vas lhe reason for a secific deveIomenl of lhe voveI in lhese rools
(lhe dala is insufficienl).
eing ad|acenl lo IabiaIized consonanls, PI is somevhal more slabIe lhan

161
lhe higher e and i, bul il can aIso be sub|ecl lo various modificalions (e.g., il can be Iabi-
aIized and deveIo inlo o or u).

6. PI I.
Wilhoul ad|acenl uvuIar haryngeaIized consonanls lhe voveI I is reconslrucled
in a very smaII number of rools (sliII il is more frequenl lhan iI and eI): na|\. "miIk",
(.a|n "buller", .a|n- "Iiquid", pa|(- "Iighl" and ossibIy in a fev more. PharyngeaIiza-
lion is reserved in Archi, AguI (in aII diaIecls excel File) and Tabasaran (Norlhern dia-
Iecl) (on Tsakhur see beIov). In AguI and Tabasaran lhe reservalion of haryngeaIiza-
lion requires lhe resence of a IabiaI consonanl ad|acenl lo I (lherefore, in lhe rool na|\.
"miIk" neilher of lhese Ianguages reserve haryngeaIizalion), even if lhe IabiaI is resenl,
haryngeaIizalion may sliII disaear in an unaccenled syIIabIe. In lhe same osilion
haryngeaIizalion is reserved in Tsakhur, |udging by lhe form xi|na|-n "Iiquid"
robabIy a reduclion < xa|na|-n < .a|n-.
As for lhe quaIilalive deveIomenl of PI I, ve musl say lhal vhen haryngeaIiza-
lion is reserved, lhe refIexes of I merge vilh lhe refIexes of aI (see beIov), and in case
of ils Ioss vilh lhe refIexes of (see above).

7. PI I.
This voveI is reserved in RuluI and, lhough somevhal vorse, in Tsakhur (lhere I
deveIos inlo i near hissing and hushing consonanls, I can be soradicaIIy reserved in
lhis osilion onIy in lhe GeImels diaIecl, and in lhe rool siua "mounlain" (PI siua) in aII
Tsakhur diaIecls, lhe voveI in lhis rool behaves nol quile reguIarIy in olher Ianguages as
veII). In lhe AguI, Tabasaran, Iezghi, Kryz and udukh Ianguages, I has been fronled
and has deveIoed inlo i (lhe voveI I, resenl in Iezghi diaIecls, Kryz and udukh, has
anolher source, see beIov). In Archi and Idi I vas sub|ecl lo a secondary IabiaIizalion
(Arch. o, Id. u).
If ad|acenl IabiaIized consonanls are resenl, lhe voveI I lurns oul lo be exlremeIy
unslabIe and mosl oflen deveIos inlo u (some olher modificalions of I aIso occur in lhis
osilion).

8. PI II.
An indeendenl haryngeaIized II may be reconslrucled onIy in one rool: PI
pi|np/pi|np "knee, corner" (cf. lhe haryngeaIizalion in Archi pc|np). Though lhis rool
reserves haryngeaIizalion onIy in Archi, some secific fealures of refIexalion (e in lhe
Akhly form pcp vhiIe lhe Iilerary Iezghi has pip, e in udukh pcp, Iack of IabiaIizalion I >
u in Kryz pip PI I before IabiaI consonanls is usuaIIy refIecled as u in Kryz) confirm
lhe reconslruclion of a secific PI honeme here.

9. PI u.
This voveI is veII reserved in aII Iezghian Ianguages (excel near hushing conso-
nanls, vhere il is oflen fronled and deIabiaIized). We musl seciaIIy nole lhe deveIo-
menl of u in Kryz and udukh. In Kryz u is reserved onIy near back consonanls, near
hushing consonanls and IaryngeaIs, as veII as afler some fricalives

162
(IaleraI and uvuIar) u > i, in olher cases u is refIecled as I. In udukh, refIexes of lhe
lhird lye are unknovn (because of lhe Iack of dala), and in lhe firsl lvo cases, refIexes
are lhe same as in Kryz. Cf. qu|a "board" > Kryz, ud. qu|, ru|. "dusl, earlh" > Kryz, ud.
rug, (un. "fIea" > Kryz., ud. (i!, ru. "girI, daughler" > Kryz. ri, ud. ri, PI ur > Kryz
ir "imIe", PI rup. > Kryz. ri| "needIe", elc.
The haryngeaIized correIale of PI u is allesled onIy near uvuIar haryngeaIized
consonanls, lherefore, an indeendenl honeme uI is Iacking in PI.

10. PI o.
The originaI voveI o has been reserved onIy in Archi (ossibIy aIso in Idi, vhere,
hovever, in addilion lo o ve observe lhe refIex u, and somelimes even a lhere is nol
enough evidence lo eslabIish lhe dislribulion belveen lhese refIexes). In Tabasaran, AguI
and lhe Norlhern diaIecls of Iezghi (as veII as in Iilerary Iezghi) PI o has narroved
and merged vilh u, so lhal lhe refIexes of o and u are comIeleIy idenlicaI in lhe men-
lioned Ianguages. In RuluI and Tsakhur, as veII as in lhe CenlraI and Soulhern diaIecls of
Iezghi, lhe voveI o has been deIabiaIized and has deveIoed inlo I (hovever, il has
comIeleIy merged vilh lhe originaI I onIy in RuluI, in Tsakhur and Iezghi lhe originaI
I in Tsakhur al Ieasl in some osilions, and in Iezghi in aII cases has fronled and
deveIoed inlo i even earIier, see above). In Prolo-Shakhdag (lhe rolo-Ianguage of Kryz
and udukh) PI o has deveIoed inlo I near back consonanls, bul has reserved Iabi-
aIizalion and deveIoed inlo u near fronl consonanls. This silualion is reserved in
udukh, in Kryz lhe furlher deIabiaIizalion u > I occurred ad|acenl lo fronl consonanls
(lhal affecled PI u as veII, see above). Thus, in Kryz PI o is mosl oflen refIecled as I
(excel some modificalions near hushing and IaleraI fricalives). Cf. PI \.c|a > Kryz |i|
"arm", ud. |i|a "shouIder", PI nc.cr > Kryz nigir, ud. junur "vooden Iadder", PI
cna > Kryz in, ud. un "lrough", elc.

11. PI oI.
The indeendenl haryngeaIized oI is reconslrucled in severaI rools: s.c||a "fox",
pc|r- "saddIe", i.c|i.- "Iarynx, guIIel", s.c|| "rye" (in lhe Ialler rool ve shouId robabIy
reconslrucl a varialion oIo, as veII as in lhe rool q|.c| q.c| "vheal"). This voveI re-
serves haryngeaIizalion in Tsakhur, somevhal more oorIy in Archi, AguI and RuluI,
vhere indeendenl haryngeaIizalion is al resenl inadmissibIe near hissing consonanls.
We shouId nole lhal lhe haryngeaIized II in lhe RuluI form (Khn. pi|pi|r "saddIe" < PI
pc|r-) is lhe onIy case of reservalion of indeendenl haryngeaIizalion in RuluI knovn
lo us. In olher Ianguages haryngeaIizalion of oI has nol been reserved, bul lhe refIexes
of oI are somevhal differenl from lhe refIexes of lhe Iain o in quaIily. A delaiIed ex-
aminalion of lhe refIexes of oI is, unforlunaleIy, imossibIe in lhis book.

12. PI a.
This voveI is veII reserved in aII Ianguages, and il is Iess sub|ecl lo

163
osilionaI modificalions lhan olher voveIs. In arlicuIar, lhe voveI a is usuaIIy veII
reserved ad|acenl lo IabiaIized consonanls, vhere olher voveIs (eseciaIIy i, e) are
very unslabIe. We shouId seciaIIy nole lhe foIIoving fealures of lhe deveIomenl of PI
a:
a) in Archi, besides lhe usuaI refIex a, in some cases ve observe lhe refIex o. The de-
veIomenl a > o occurs reguIarIy in lhe case of melalhesis in lhe slruclure CV, cf. PI caj
> ca > Arch. cc "fire", PI s.a > Arch. cs "one", PI .aj > .a > Arch. c "vooI", elc. (Such
melalhesis in lhe CV slruclure aIso occurs if olher voveIs are resenl in lhis slruclure, cf.
PI uj > u > Arch. u "fieId", elc., bul olher voveIs do nol modify lheir quaIily in lhe
case of melalhesis). The refIex o is aIso resenl in Archi as a resuIl of lhe lransfer of Iabi-
aIizalion from a foIIoving IaleraI consonanl (cf. nar > Arch. nc "foam"). There are
aIso individuaI cases of lhe corresondence "Arch. o : a in olher Iezghian Ianguages",
even if lhe condilions menlioned above are nol mel (cf. PI !agij "donkey" > Arch. !cgi,
PI i.a||.- "(eye)Iid" > Arch. !cr|i), bul ve do nol consider il necessary lo reconslrucl a
secific PI voveI in lhis case (firsl of aII, because lhe lhere are very fev examIes and
because onIy Archi has a secific refIex here).
b) in lhe cenlraI diaIecls of Iezghi (e.g. in Akhly) lvo a-lye voveIs are observed: a
more oen a and a cIosed a. olh of lhese voveIs corresond lo lhe voveI a of olher
Iezghian Ianguages. We do nol excIude lhe ossibiIily of a rosodic origin of lhis differ-
ence in Iezghi, hovever, lhis robIem requires seciaI examinalion.
c) in Kryz PI a has a lriIe refIeclion: a, e and . The firsl refIex is resenl afler aII
uvuIar consonanls excel q- and afler lhe emhalic IaryngeaI \- (cf. PI a| > Kryz a|
"roof, ceiIing", PI ||an\ "sveal" > Kryz aq, elc.), before lhe uvuIar -i, as veII as before
lhe resonanls -r, -v (in lhe Ialler case lhere can be a deveIomenl a > o before -v), cf. PI
(aa > Kryz (a "|ackdav", PI naq. > Kryz na "Ioughshare", PI uiraq. > Kryz uira
"sun", PI i.ar > Kryz !ar "lree", PI c.au > Kryz au "sky" (AI. zcu), elc. The second refIex
(e) is resenl afler hushing consonanls and |-, cf. PI (a|. "longue, vord" > Kryz (c|, PI
.ar > Kryz cr "cream", PI ja\. "meal" > Kryz jc|, elc. The same refIex is resenl in Kryz
c| "voIf" < PI |an. (i.e. afler lhe IaryngeaI I-). In aII olher cases PI a yieIds Kryz , cf.
PI caj > Kryz ca "fire", PI |.a > Kryz ga "famine", PI \an > Kryz qan "bollom", PI
ra\.a > Kryz ra| "door", elc.
d) in udukh afler hushing consonanls and |- ve observe lhe refIex e, lhe same as in
Kryz (cf. (c| "longue, vord", jc| "meal", elc.). In olher cases udukh usuaIIy has lhe refIex
a, lhough ve may somelimes meel o. The dislribulion of lhe lvo Ialler varianls sliII re-
quires some addilionaI examinalion.

13. PI aI.
This is lhe mosl frequenl of PI haryngeaIized voveIs. Il reserves ils haryngeaIi-
zalion in Archi, AguI (in lhe Keren and urkikhan diaIecls), Tabasaran (Norlhern diaIecl)
and Tsakhur. The resence of ad|acenl IabiaI consonanls is favourabIe for lhe reserva-
lion of lhe haryngeaIizalion of aI. If lhis condilion is missing, haryngeaIizalion can
disaear in lhe menlioned Ianguages as veII (ve viII nol go inlo delaiIs of lhe disa-
earance or reservalion of haryngeaIizalion here). The Ioss of haryngeaIizalion oflen
Ieads lo lhe fronling aI > ,

164
and, furlher, > e, lherefore, lhe refIexes of aI are easy lo dislinguish from lhe refIexes of
PI a, even if haryngeaIizalion is nol reserved in descendanl Ianguages.

1.8.2.1. The deveIomenl of vocaIism in verbaI rools.
In PI verbaI rools lhe sel of voveIs vas smaIIer lhan in nominaI ones, firsl, lhere
vere no narrov voveIs I, u, second, lhere vere no indeendenl haryngeaIized voveIs.
Therefore, in lhe firsl syIIabIe of PI verbaI rools ve onIy meel lhe voveIs i, e, , o and
a. Their refIexes generaIIy coincide vilh lheir refIexes in nominaI rools, lhough lhere are
some differences. Iel us reIale lhe mosl imorlanl ones:
1. Since mosl PI verbaI rools are bisyIIabic, lhe voveI of lhe firsl syIIabIe is oflen
reduced or modified under lhe infIuence of lhe foIIoving voveI. This is mosl obvious in
udukh, vhere lhe syslem of voveIs of lhe firsl syIIabIe in verbaI rools has been lolaIIy
rebuiIl under lhe infIuence of lhe voveIs of lhe second syIIabIe.
The onIy PI narrov voveI aIIoved in lhe firsl syIIabIe of lhe verbaI rool, i, is very
oflen sub|ecl lo reduclion and may disaear comIeleIy. This rocess (i > 0), faciIilaled
by lhe facl lhal lhe iniliaI voveI of PI verbaI rools vas usuaIIy receded by a IaryngeaI
(mosl oflen -), vhich in lhis case disaeared ilseIf, Ied lo a lolaI Ioss of iniliaI i- in ver-
baI rools in Archi (cf. i.ar- "lo roasl" > Arch. ara-s, i.i- "lo give" > Arch. c-s, elc.). In
Archi i- is reserved onIy in a fev rools vilh a mediaI combinalion of consonanls (Iike
i|an "lo vork" > Arch. irnus). Soradic cases of lhe same deveIomenl are resenl in
Tabasaran and AguI, very rareIy in RuluI, Kryz and udukh. The onIy Ianguage, in
vhich iis never reduced, is Tsakhur.
This lendency lo reduce lhe voveI of lhe firsl syIIabIe has reached ils maximum in
lhe Iezghi Ianguage, vhere in reverbIess forms aII PI voveIs excel a are reduced. Cf.
PI i.ar- "lo roasl" > Iezg. .ura-z, PI cc.a- "lo our" > Iezg. c.a-z, PI aa- "lo break" >
Iezg. a-z, PI ci.a- > Iezg. i.a-z "lo shave", bul PI ac.a- > Iezg. ac.a-z "lo miIk", PI
ai- > Iezg. au-z "lo lear, lo cul", elc.
2. In lhe PI verbaI syslem lhere vas a roduclive syslem of abIaul (see beIov). Oflen
a cerlain grade of abIaul sread over lhe vhoIe verbaI aradigm in descendanl Ianguages.
As a resuIl of lhis, reguIar voveI corresondences in verbaI rools can be vioIaled.
There are some more secific fealures of lhe refIexalion of PI voveIs in verbaI rools
in searale Iezghian Ianguages, bul lheir delaiIed examinalion is imossibIe in lhis vork.

1.8.2.2. AbIaul.

Many nominaI and verbaI rools in modern Iezghian Ianguages reveaI aradigmalic
voveI aIlernalions, nol condilioned by osilion (abIaul). Since lhese aIlernalions, as a ruIe,
corresond lo each olher in differenl Iezghian Ianguages, il seems ossibIe lo lrace lhem
back lo Prolo-Iezghian.

165
1.8.2.2.1. NominaI abIaul.

VoveI aIlernalions are onIy observed in rools vilh lhe slruclure CV(R)C(V). One
shouId robabIy reconslrucl lhe foIIoving lyes of abIaul for PI:

1. a/o.
This lye of abIaul is comaraliveIy rare. Il is direclIy refIecled in a very fev Ta-
basaran and AguI aradigms of lhe lye Tab. a| "house" Ioc. u|a, I. u|ar "house",
Ag. a| erg. u|a, I. u|ar (PI a|, obI. slem c|a-). In RuluI lhis lye of abIaul gave
rise lo lhe aradigm a| "moulh" erg. i|ir (PI .a|, obI. slem .c|V-), hovever, in
mosl cases lhe abIaul lye a/o in RuluI has been mixed vilh lhe more videsread lye
/i (see beIov), as a resuIl of vhich aradigms Iike ja| erg. jigir "meal", rai erg.
ri!ir "lhreshing-fIoor", ra| erg. rigir "door" aeared.
The PI abIaul a/o shouId aarenlIy be reconslrucled in lhe aradigm caj "fire"
obI. slem ccji-, cf. Iezg. Iil. caj erg. cu, KhI. caj erg. jici (melalhesis < ciji-), Rul. caj
erg. ci-r, Kryz ca erg. ci-r. (The Tabasaran and AguI forms in lhis case refIecl a con-
lraclion of lhe obIique slem: Tab. ci-, Ag. ci-).
Traces of a/o abIaul may be found in some ad|eclive rools. Cf. Arch. q|as-|cs "lo gel
lired", Rul. q|as-!i "oId", Tsakh. q|as.i-n "oId" < PI q|as.-, bul Ag. q|usc-j, Iezg. quzu, Kryz
qusa "oId" < PI q|cs.-, and some olhers.
The main voveI in lhis lye of abIaul is aIvays a, reIaced by o in lhe obIique slem,
no inverse correIalion has been discovered (i.e., nouns vilh o in lhe direcl slem never
reIace il vilh a in lhe obIique one).

2. /i.
This lye of abIaul is allesled in RuluI, Tsakhur and Kryz, al lhe resenl lime il is no
Ionger roduclive, and aradigms vilh lhis aIlernalion reveaI a slrong lendency lovards
unificalion. In olher Ianguages lraces of lhis abIaul seem lo have been Iosl (lhe AguI (Ko-
shan) aradigms of lhe lye nc "nil" obI. slem niani-, I. ni-ar can be exIained by lhe
narroving of e > i in a reaccenled syIIabIe, see above on lhe deveIomenl of in AguI).
For RuluI, Tsakhur and Kryz cf. lhe foIIoving cases of /i:
PI an "aIe", obI. slem ina-, Rul. a, erg. i-ir-.
PI \.a| "Iamb", obI. slem \.i|a-, Rul. ga|, erg. gi|-ir-ir, Kryz |c|, erg. |i|i-.
PI qa| "saIl", obI. slem qi|a-. Rul. q.a|, erg. qi|ir, Kryz qc|, erg. qi|i.
PI raq|. "road", obI. slem riq|.i-. Rul. raq|, erg. riq|.ir (lhe backvard shifl of
haryngeaIized I, iI is reguIar in RuluI), Tsakhur diaIeclaI aradigms vilh differenl
direclions of unificalion aIso indireclIy refIecl abIaul cf. Tsakh., Mik. jaq|, obI. slem
jaq|.i- vs. GeIm. jiq|, jiq|.a-.
PI c.ar "cov", obI. slem c.ira-. Rul. zar, erg. zirir, Kryz ar, erg. iri (aarenlIy an
adequalion of vocaIism < iri, or eIse a lransilion inlo lhe

166
abIaul lye a/o as a resuIl of lhe deveIomenl > a in lhe direcl slem).
PI .an.- "naiI", obI. slem .in.-. Rul. xa|, erg. xi|i|ir (a ralher obscure deveIo-
menl in Tsakh. Mik. xiuna, GeIm. xi|ina).
PI .an. "valer", obI. slem .in.i-. Rul. xa!, erg. xijir, Tsakh. Mik., GeIm. xan, obI.
slem xinc-, GeIm. xan, obI. slem xini-, Kryz. xa!, erg. xii. The uniform resence of lhe
voveI i in obIique slems of Tabasaran (Db. ii.i-, Kand. i.u- < i!u-), AguI (Rich. xii.a-,
ursh. .iri-, File xii.i-) and Iezghi (KhI. jic.i, Iil. c.i < jic.i) shouId be mosl robabIy con-
sidered a refIeclion of lhe same ancienl abIaul.
PI na|\. "miIk", obI. slem ni|\.-, Tsakh. Mik. a|, obI. slem ni|-nc-.
PI naq "chaff": Tsakh. Mik. aq, obI. slem uq-nc- ( < niq-nc-).
PI nau\ "dream", obI. slem niu\ja}-. Tsakh. a, obI. slem nii-.
PI najr} "handfuI", obI. slem nijr}-. Kryz nc|, erg. ni|i.
PI .a| "burden", obI. slem .i|-. Kryz c|, erg. i|i.
Il is nol lo be excIuded lhal lhe abIaul /i can exIain some cases in AguI and Ta-
basaran vhen, in lhe Iace of PI , ve find refIexes of i. Cf. PI .a|. "lrack" > Ag. Rich.,
urk. xi| (inslead of xc|), ursh. .i| (inslead of .c|), Tab. Khr. .i| (inslead of .a|) cf.
reguIar forms Iezg. gc|, Rul. xa|. Cf. aIso lhe Kryz doubIel xc| "lrack" xi| "furrov",
aarenlIy reresenling lhe "sIil" of a singIe oId aradigm "dir. slem .a|. obI. slem
.i|.a-", aarenlIy, lhe AguI and Tabasaran forms, given above, are exIained by an
adequalion lo lhis obIique slem. A simiIar adequalion robabIy exIains Ag. T. i|
"ving" (inslead of |a| < PI a|, cf. Tab. i| "sIeeve", Iezg. c| "branch, sIeeve", Kryz
c|-xa "sIeeve"), Ag. Rich. nirX "seIl" (inslead of ncrX < PI nar|-, cf. Iezg. nc, Rul.
na|, Tab. nur|), and some olher cases.

3. Olher lyes of abIaul.

In Archi and Kryz a smaII number of nominaI rools reveaI voveI aIlernalions lhal
cannol be lraced back eilher lo a/o or lo /i. We mean lhe Archi abIaul a/e in cases Iike
naq "earlh" erg. ncqi (PI naq, lhe form ncqi cannol go back lo lhe PI obIique slem
niq-, on vhich, see above) and lhe Kryz abIaul e/i in cases Iike ncz "longue" obI. slem
niz- (PI nc|c., olher Ianguages do nol oinl lo lhe exislence of an abIaul lye e/i).
olh of lhese henomena are robabIy IocaI innovalions. The aIlernalion a/e in lhe
Iace of PI in Archi shouId erhas be exIained by an oId osilionaI deveIomenl
> e before fronl voveIs of lhe nexl syIIabIe. (Thus il lurns oul lhal nominaI Archi rools do
nol refIecl any PI abIaul al aII, aII Archi aradigms are adequaled lo lhe direcl slem). The
Kryz abIaul e/i in lhe Iace of PI e has robabIy aeared by anaIogy vilh e/i < PI /i
aIready afler lhe merger (in some osilions, see above) of lhe refIexes of PI e and . In
any case, by nov ve do nol ossess any dala lhal couId serve as an argumenl for lhe ar-
chaism of lhe Archi and Kryz evidence.

1.8.2.2.2. VerbaI abIaul.
In verbaI rools, as veII as in nominaI ones, some Iezghian Ianguages reveaI voveI
aIlernalions (abIaul) in lhe 2nd osilion. We can reconslrucl lvo main lyes of abIaul:

167
1. i//I.

This lye of abIaul is refIecled in Archi, RuluI, Tsakhur and Kryz. Cf. in Archi
(vhere i- > 0-, see above):
|ar-as "lo Iead, lo accomany" dur. cr|ir, lerm. c|a (i/I)
:e-s "lo carry" dur. cr.ir, lerm. c.a (i/I)
qIe-s "lo go" dur. crq|ir, lerm. cq|a |crq|a-s "lo vaIk" (i/I/) (cf. aIso q|a
lerm. from ais "lo come")
c-s "lo give" ca-s "lo seII" (i/I)
unnus "lo uII" cnus "lo (be) uII(ed) oul" (i/I)
qa aiis "lo seal smbd." cqi-s "lo mounl (a horse)" cqi-s "lo be, lo exisl" ("lo sil", cf.
aIso qc|qi-s "lo sil" < qa| cqi-s) (i/I/)
c|-s "lo slarl running" |c|ra|s "lo run" (i/)
(u-|us "lo enler" a(a-s "lo hide" (i/)
In RuluI:
|-u(a-s "lo begin" (-i(c-) / |-a(a-s "lo begin, lo enler" (-a(a-) cf. lhe Archi air
(u-|us/ a(a-s (i/)
|-iqa-s "lo be rie" |-a-j-qa-s "lo malure" (i/)
jiqc-s "lo die" lerm. sg. jiqi-r, bul I. |-irqi-r (i/I)
s-uqa-s / s-iqa-s "lo sil" a araIIeI IuraI form s-i|q|a-s (vs lhe more common
s-u|qc-s) (i/I)
In Tsakhur many verbs vilh lhe rool voveI i reveaI lhe aIlernalion i/e (i in lhe ler-
minalive slem, e in lhe duralive slem), deveIoed from PI i/. Cf. i(-cs "lo enler" dur.
c(c, a|-i.-cs "lo buy" dur. i|-c.-c, q-i-as "lo die" dur. q-c-a, |-i-as "lo run avay"
dur. |-c-a, a|-i|.-as "lo make smbd. do smlh." dur. i|-c|.-a, elc. Traces of lhe grade I in
Tsakhur verbaI aradigms are hard lo discover (cf., hovever, lhe aradigm: ixc-s "lo be-
come, lo be born" dur. cxc lerm. ixa).
In Kryz many verbs vilh PI rool i reIace il vilh (xij-i "lo be" im. s-ax, qaj-i
"lo die" im. s-aq, |ur-i "lo slab" im. s-a|ir, ir-i "lo roasl" im. s-air, elc. Traces
of lhe grade I in Kryz are hard lo discover because of lhe merger of lhe refIexes of PI i
and I (see above).
AII lhis evidence aIIovs us lo suose lhal in lhe aradigms of verbs vilh lhe rool
voveI i in PI, lhe voveI i characlerized lhe infinilive and lerminalive slems, vhiIe lhe
voveI characlerized lhe duralive slem.
This silualion is veII reserved in Tsakhur. In Archi lhis semanlic oosilion is seen
in "sIil" aradigms, cf. c|-s "lo slarl running" |c|ra|-s "lo run" (cf. aIso lhe lerminalive
form of c|-s a|), q|c-s "lo go" |crq|a-s "lo vaIk" q|a "has come" (al resenl q|a is
aIready arl of anolher, suIelive aradigm of lhe verb ai-s "lo come").
The meaning of forms vilh lhe grade I is harder lo delermine. We shouId robabIy
slarl from RuluI evidence, vhere in a fev cases lhe forms vilh I are used in lhe IuraI
(bolh in duralive and in lerminalive). In Archi lhis usage is Iosl, and

168
forms vilh o ( < PI I) have eilher suIanled olher forms of lhe duralive and lermina-
live (cf. lhe lerminalive cq|a from q|c-s, robabIy vilh an oId IuraI meaning, vhiIe lhe
normaI lerminalive q|a moved inlo anolher aradigm) or formed searale aradigms
vilh various modified meanings (cf. c-s ca-s, unnus cnus, qa aiis cqis).
The use of lhe grade in imeralive forms in Kryz is somevhal slrange (lhe im-
eralive is usuaIIy formed from lhe lerminalive slem), hovever, ve may suose lhal lhe
PI imeralive vas nol slriclIy lied lo any arlicuIar asecl, bul couId be formed from lhe
duralive as veII as from lhe lerminalive (vilh a Ialer redislribulion: lhe imeralive began
lo be formed onIy from lhe lerminalive slem, and lhe rohibilive onIy from lhe dura-
live slem).
Though lhe abIaul i//I is no Ionger roduclive in any Ianguage, ils lraces may be
discovered in many verbaI rools, lhe generaIizalion of one of lhe grades of lhis abIaul
oflen Ieads eilher lo lhe sIil of verbaI aradigms or lo lhe vioIalion of reguIar corre-
sondences.
Iel us slress once more lhal I couId nol occur as an indeendenl voveI in lhe 2nd
osilion in lhe PI verb. Il is encounlered in lhis osilion onIy as a grade of lhe abIaul i/I.
On lhe conlrary, verbs vilh lhe indeendenl rool voveI are ralher numerous.

2. a/i.

This lye of abIaul is al resenl roduclive onIy in lhe Norlhern diaIecl of lhe Ta-
basaran Ianguage, vhere lhe grade a characlerizes lhe infinilive and lhe lerminalive
slems, and lhe grade i lhe duralive slem. Cf. Db. a-u-q-us "lo faII" dur. i-u-q- ur-,
a|!-a-u--us "lo cul dovn" dur. i|!-i-u--ur-, elc. The same lye of abIaul robabIy ex-
Iains lhe Tsakhur a/i aIlernalion in verbs of lhe -r-, -Iand -n- con|ugalions, such as
s-aa|-cs "lo relurn" dur. s-a|, elc. (lhough lhis Tsakhur lye aIso incIudes verbs vilh
olher PI voveIs as a resuIl of ralher comIicaled modificalions and unificalions of ara-
digms).
In lhe asl lhis lye of abIaul vas robabIy more roduclive. Cf. Arch. ac.ar "lo be
iII" (duralive form, olher forms are nol reserved in Archi) and lhe Rul. derived ja!.a|
"iIIness, ain", oinling lo lhe exislence of a PI form of lhe rool ac.a-, vs. lhe Tab. dura-
live ic.ru xuz "lo be iII" and lhe forms of olher Ianguages, oinling lo lhe voveI i: Ag. ii.ar
xas "lo be iII", Iezg. a-z "lo aiI", Kryz iii-a "lo nag". Il is evidenl lhal for lhis (and some
olher simiIar cases) ve musl suose a PI aradigm: lerm. ac.a-., dur. ic.a-, unified
aflervards in individuaI Ianguages in one of lhe lvo direclions. Cf. aIso lhe foIIoving
cases:
PI asa(n). Arch. asa-s "lo ul on", Tab. Db. a-u-s-us "lo smear", |-a-u-s-us "lo slick"
(dur. i-u-s-ur-, |-i-u-s-ur-), Iezg. |a|-s-iz "lo ul on vilh some efforl", Tsakh. -ajsan-as "lo
cIose (nol lhe door)", Kryz q.-isn-i (vilh generaIizalion of i) "lo dress oneseIf".
PI arq.a "lo see, lo Iook": Tab. Db. a-u-q|.-us (dur. i-u-q|.-ur-) "lo see", Ag. ursh.
raq|.a-s, Rul. g-aq.a-s "lo observe, lo Iook", Id. |c|a-csun "lo be found", in Kryz sIil
inlo lvo aradigms: u-aq-u "lo find, lo graze, lo guard", bul i-r-q-a "lo see" ( ud. irqi
"lo see").

169

There seem lo be some reasons for reconslrucling a lhird lye of PI abIaul, lhal is,
/i (i.e., inverse lo lhe lye i/, see above). Traces of lhis abIaul are found in Kryz, cf.
lhe foIIoving lvo verbs: ja-a "lo skin" dur. ji-ri (` cf. Tab. a-r-|-uz "lo ick", Ag.
ursh. arXa-s "lo shear", Rul. a-j- |-as "lo ick" robabIy < PI (j)ar|a), c-a-a "lo
lhrov", q.-a-a "lo ursue" dur. c-i-ri, q.-i-ri (PI |a|i). Cf. aIso PI ac.a "lo sov, lo
Iough" > Kryz j-iz-a, lhe voveI -i- here can oinl lo lhe unificalion of an earIier /i aI-
lernalion. Hovever, oulside Kryz ve couId nol find any secure lraces of lhe abIaul /i.

The PI voveIs e, o vere aarenlIy never arl of any abIaul gradalions.

1.8.2.3. FinaI vocaIism.

1.8.2.3.1. AusIaul in nominaI rools.

The reconslruclion of lhe nominaI ausIaul in PI is ralher comIicaled and cIoseIy
connecled vilh morhoIogicaI robIems. In aII modern Iezghian Ianguages mosl nomi-
naI rools in lhe direcl slem (nominalive slem) end vilh a consonanl. The onIy excelion
is lhe Dbek subdiaIecl of Tabasaran, in vhich many nominaI rools end vilh a voveI.
This is a resuIl of lhe secondary addilion of finaI voveIs afler hisloricaIIy lense conso-
nanls. In lhese cases lhe finaI voveI aIvays imilales lhe receding rool voveI.
A comaraliveIy smaII number of rools vilh vocaIic endings in individuaI Ian-
guages (cf. Arch. !cgi, Tab. !ai, Ag. !cgi "donkey", Arch. na.i "vinler aslure", Ag.
Tsirkh. nax.i, Rul. Ikhr. ncxi "slabIe", elc.) are exIained by lhe Ioss of lhe finaI -| (cf. ils
resloralion before endings beginning vilh a voveI: Tab. !ai "donkey" erg. !aiji, elc.).
In cerlain cases some Ianguages have a vocaIic ausIaul, olhers have a consonanlaI
one. Cf. Iezg. nisi, Rul. nisa, Tsakh. nis.c, Kryz nisi, ud. nusu "cheese" vs. Tab., Ag. nis.
These cases shouId robabIy be exIained by a -| / -0 varialion in PI (|-forms for lhis
rool are found in Tsakh. GeIm. nis.cj, as veII as in lhe obIique slems: Tsakh. nis.cji-, Rul.
nisiji-). For lhe rool na.ij, given above, cf. aIso lhe form of Ag. ursh. nax. "slabIe"
vilhoul lhe finaI -|. Such cases are ralher fev, and lhey do nol form any obvious syslem.
We may onIy suose lhe exislence of a PI suffix -| (lhe meaning of vhich is al resenl
hard lo delermine), olionaIIy added lo some nominaI rools.
If ve discard such cases, some henomena lhal require inlerrelalion sliII remain.
NameIy:
1) Tsakhur has a Iarge number of nominaI rools, ending vilh -a (more rareIy -e, -).
In olher Ianguages lhese rools reguIarIy have a consonanlaI ausIaul.
2) Many Ianguages inserl voveIs belveen lhe Iasl consonanl of lhe nominaI rool and
lhe case/number suffix. The quaIily of lhese voveIs is oflen imossibIe lo

170
redicl. This silualion is characlerislic for AguI, Tabassaran, RuluI, Tsakhur, and, lo some
exlenl, aIso in Archi. Thus, lhe robIem of reconslrucling lhe PI obIique base arises (ve
cerlainIy do nol regard here cases, in vhich lhe obIique base is formed in anolher vay
by adding suffixes such as -l:e-, -ra-, elc., lo lhe direcl base.)
The Iasl voveI of lhe obIique slem of lhe noun is inlerreled in modern Ianguages as
a connecling eIemenl belveen lhe rool and lhe suffix and is lherefore sub|ecl lo various
anaIogicaI and honelic modificalions. In Archi, Kryz, udukh and Idi lhese rocesses
vere so aclive lhal aII vocaIic dislinclions in lhis osilion became neulraIized (Archi has
reserved onIy a fev archaic obIique slems, vhiIe in mosl cases lhe Iasl voveI of lhe
obIique slem is aulomalicaIIy redicled by lhe rool voveI). In AguI, Tabasaran, Iezghi,
RuluI and Tsakhur lhe end of lhe obIique slem is aIso sub|ecl lo ralher significanl modi-
ficalions, generaIIy lhese modificalions are caused eilher by honoIogicaI faclors (lhe in-
fIuence of rool voveIs), or by morhoIogicaI faclors (anaIogy, Ieading lo slalislicaI
revaIence of a cerlain vocaIic end and resuIling in lhe eIiminalion of olher lyes of
obIique slems). SliII, afler discarding evidenl innovalions, lhere is a significanl number of
archaic vocaIic obIique slems Iefl in lhese Ianguages, and lhey can serve as a basis for re-
conslrucling lhe PI syslem.
For PI ve reconslrucl four lyes of nominaI obIique slems, vhich aarenlIy
shouId be inlerreled as, resecliveIy, e, , I and a-slems. The corresondences are as
foIIovs:

PI Iezg Rul Tsakh Tab Ag
-e -i/-u -i/-I -e/-a -i/-a -i/-u
- -e/-a -/-a -(-e)/-a -i/-u -i/-a
-I -i/-u -i/-I/-u -i/-I -i/-u -i/-u/-a
-a -e/-a -/-a,-I/-i -e/-a -a -a

Commenls.

1. In Iezghi lhere are lvo basic lyes of obIique slems: rools vilh fronl voveIs can
form lhe obIique base in -i or -e, and rools vilh back voveIs in -u or -a. (There are aIso
slems ending in -, bul lhey are onIy formed from rools vilh lhe voveI -- or from rools
vilh -e- foIIoved by a IabiaIized consonanl: cf. ur uru "fIour", nc ncu "seIl",
elc. No olher vocaIic slems can be formed from rools Iike lhis, lherefore, slems ending
vilh - are irreIevanl for comarison). Thus, in Iezghi slems in -u and -a are back corre-
Iales of fronl slems ending in -i and -e, resecliveIy.
As ve see from lhe labIe, lhe Iezghi -i/-u-slems have deveIoed from PI slems in -e
and -I (in bolh cases lhe back -u, vhich is reresenled in cenlraI diaIecls as -I, musl be
considered secondary, having deveIoed under lhe infIuence of lhe back rool voveI), lhe
Iezghi -e/-a-slems have deveIoed from PI slems in - and -a. ProbabIy, al firsl - > -e
and -a > -a, and onIy aflervards synharmonislic varianls aeared: -e changed lo -a afler
a back rool voveI, and -a changed lo -e afler a fronl rool voveI.

171
2. RuluI aIso has lvo main lyes of obIique slems: slems ending in -i/-I/-u and slems
in -a/-. The dislribulion of varianls inside each of lhese lvo lyes is generaIIy simiIar lo
Iezghi, i.e. lhe choice of fronl or back voveIs usuaIIy deends on lhe characler of lhe rool
voveI. Hovever, unIike Iezghi, lhis dislribulion is somevhal comIicaled by lhe facl
lhal lhe voveI of lhe obIique slem inleracls vilh lhe rool voveI in a differenl vay, de-
ending on ils accenl. In addilion, lhe aIalaIily of lhe finaI consonanl of lhe rool Iays a
arl as veII. A delaiIed examinalion of lhe RuluI dislribulion is, unforlunaleIy, imossi-
bIe here. Il is aIso imorlanl lo menlion lhal slems vilh rool abIaul (on vhich see above)
can end onIy vilh -I or -i (usuaIIy -I if lhe accenl slays on lhe rool, and -i if lhe accenl is
shifled) and are lherefore irreIevanl for exlernaI comarison.
RuluI slems in -i/-I/-u, as ve see from lhe labIe, have deveIoed from PI slems in -e
and -I a deveIomenl very simiIar lo lhe one described above for Iezghi. Slems in -
and in -a are refIecled in RuluI as -a/--slems aIso simiIarIy lo Iezghi. We musl,
hovever, say lhal -a-bases yieId lhis refIex onIy vhen lhe accenl shifls lo lhe Iasl voveI
of lhe obIique slem, if lhe accenl is reserved on lhe rool, PI -a-slems are refIecled as
-i/-I-slems in RuluI. Cf. PI qi|a- "cIiff, rock" > Rul. qu|4-, bul p.a||.a- "forehead" > Rul.
|a|i-, elc.
3. Among Tsakhur diaIecls lhe mosl archaic silualion is reresenled in lhe GeImels
diaIecl, lhe dala of vhich ve viII uliIize here (lhe Tsakhur roer and Mikik diaIecls re-
veaI subslanliaI innovalions). Here lhere are lvo main lyes of obIique slems: in -i/-I and
in -e/-a. InIike Iezghi and RuluI, lhe fronl and back varianls in Tsakhur are generaIIy
dislribuled deending nol on lhe rool voveI, bul on lhe finaI rool consonanl (as a ruIe,
vilh aIalaI finaI consonanls and -n ve observe slems ending vilh -i and -e, and vilh
non-aIalaI finaI consonanls slems vilh -I and -a, resecliveIy). The Tsakhur
-i/-I-slems have deveIoed from PI slems in -I, and lhe Tsakhur -e/-a-slems from PI
slems in -e and -a. Thus, PI -e > Tsakh. -e vilh a secondary varianl -a afler non-aIalaI
consonanls, PI -I > Tsakh. -I vilh a secondary varianl -i afler aIalaI consonanls, PI -a >
Tsakh. -a vilh a secondary varianl -e afler aIalaI consonanls. We musl aIso nole lhal if
lhe rool conlains IabiaIized voveIs, lhe finaI -I and -a in Tsakhur may change lo IabiaI-
ized -u and -o, resecliveIy.
PI --slems have a secific refIex in Tsakhur. Here lhe voveI is reserved nol onIy
in lhe obIique slem, bul in lhe direcl slem as veII. One has lherefore lo suose lhal PI
here had a finaI voveI in lhe direcl slem as veII, and lhal lhis voveI vas reserved in
Tsakhur, bul Iosl in aII olher Iezghian Ianguages. In Tsakhur lhis voveI is usuaIIy re-
fIecled as -a (lhe varianl - aears afler hushing consonanls and -|-< -r-). The facl lhal
PI -r- changed lo -|- here, excel afler a back -u- (cf. q|.cra "hare" > GeIm. |ija, c.cra
"urine" > GeIm. zcja, elc.) leIIs us lhal lhis voveI vas ronounced as - afler -r- and
hushing consonanls aIready in Prolo-Tsakhur. In olher cases, hovever, lhe voveI -a vas
ronounced (cf., e.g., lhe deveIomenl -I- > -v- in lhis osilion: s.c||a > Tsakh. si|ua "fox",
elc., as veII as lhe reservalion of -r- afler a back voveI -u-: sura "arl", cura "beIl (orna-
menl)" elc. The dala of olher Ianguages (cf. lhe fronl refIex -i in AguI and Tabasaran, as
oosed lo lhe singIe back refIex -a of lhe PI -a-slems) obviousIy favours lhe recon-
slruclion of - in lhe obIique slem. Nouns beIonging lo

172
lhis lye in PI robabIy had a finaI -a in lhe direcl slem, reIaced by - in lhe obIique
one. This reconslruclion seems lo give a salisfaclory exIanalion lo aII resenled facls.
4. In Tabasaran and AguI lhe back and fronl refIexes are, as a ruIe, comIemenlariIy
dislribuled, deending on lhe rool voveI (more seIdom lhis dislribulion is infIuenced by
lhe finaI consonanl of lhe rool). A delaiIed descrilion of inner AguI and Tabasaran dis-
lribulions vouId lake us loo far (il is sufficienl lo say lhal virluaIIy every diaIecl of AguI
and Tabasaran has ils ovn ruIes of dislribulion, oflen seriousIy differing from olher dia-
Iecls). In AguI and Tabasaran lhe rocess of lhe anaIogicaI modificalion of obIique slems
vas more aclive lhan in olher Iezghian Ianguages, and is sliII aclive even nov (in bolh
Ianguages -a-slems are aarenlIy becoming more and more roduclive, vhiIe olher
lyes of obIique slems are graduaIIy being eIiminaled). The rocedure of delecling ar-
chaic obIique slems in AguI and Tabasaran requires a delaiIed descrilion, vhich ve are
nol abIe lo give in lhe resenl book.

1.8.2.3.2. AusIaul of ad|eclive and numeraI rools.

Ad|eclives (in olher lerminoIogy slalive verbs) reveaI reIevanl vocaIic dislinclions
in ausIaul in Archi (-0-slems vs. -a-slems), in lhe Soulhern diaIecl of Tabasaran (-u-slems
and -i-slems) and in Tsakhur (-i/-I/-u-slems, vilh a honelic dislribulion of lhe lhree
varianls, vs. -a-slems). In olher Ianguages lhe ausIaul of ad|eclives has been comIeleIy or
aImosl comIeleIy morhoIogized and reduced lo some singIe voveI, al resenl inler-
reled as an ad|eclive marker.
Among Archi, Tabasaran and Tsakhur ve observe lhe foIIoving corresondences,
lhal aIIov us lo reconslrucl lvo lyes of ausIaul of ad|eclive rools (- and -I) for PI:

PI Arch Tab Tsakh
- -a -i -a
-I -0 -u -i/-I/-u

In bisyIIabic numeraIs an --slem is reconslrucled for lhe numeraI ncn.a- "eighl"
(cf. Arch. ncc, Tab. niri-|, Tsakhur has nc|i-||c inslead of nc|c-||c, due lo lhe infIuence
of olher numeraIs). In lhe numeraIs "lhree", "four", "six", "seven", "nine", "len" ve recon-
slrucl an -I-slem (cp.i-, jcuqi-, rii-, ir.i-, i|(i-, ici-. cf. Arch. c|, c|q, !i, ui,
u(, uic, Tab. u|u-|, juqu-|, jirxu-|, urgu-|, ur(u-|, jicu-|, Tsakh. xi|i-||c, jcqu-||c, jixi-||c,
jigi-||c, ji(u-||c, jici-||c).
We musl nole lhal, aIlhough ad|eclive ausIaul has been unified in aII Ianguages ex-
cel Archi, Tabasaran and Tsakhur, numeraIs roved lo be more conservalive. The dis-
linclion belveen -I and --slems is here aIso reserved in AguI (cf. xi|u-! 3, jaqu-! 4,
jar(u-! 9, icu-! 10, bul nuja-! 8) and in RuluI (cf. xi|i-! 3, juqu-! 4, rixi-! 6, jiui-! 7, |u(u-!
9, jici-! 10, bul nijc-! 8).
In monosyIIabic rools s.a 1, q|a 2, .c 5, q.a 20 voveIs behave as usuaI. The nu-
meraI ua||. "hundred" behaves as a noun, ils obIique slem is unknovn

173
(|udging by lhe Tsakhur (GeIm.) genilive ua|.c-n il is eilher an -a- or an -e-slem).

1.8.2.3.3. AusIaul of verbaI rools.

The dislinclions of finaI voveIs in verbaI rools are comIeleIy neulraIized in Ta-
basaran, mosl diaIecls of AguI (excel Koshan), Tsakhur, Kryz and Idi. Iel us describe
lhe dislinclions allesled in olher Ianguages.

1. Archi.
Here in bisyIIabic verbaI rools lhe foIIoving lyes of ausIaul exisl:
a) -a in infinilive, -a in duralive. Cf. aca-s "lo miIk", dur. aca-r.
b) -a in infinilive, -u in duralive. Cf. aa-s "lo ursue", dur. aru-r.
c) -i in infinilive and in duralive. Cf. aii-s "lo Iel", dur. arii-r.
A very rare lye vilh lhe voveI -u in bolh lhe infinilive and lhe duralive (a|.u-s "lo
see", dur. a|.u-r) is robabIy a varianl of lhe Iasl lye, vhere -u < -i as a resuIl of lhe
lransfer of IabiaIizalion from lhe rool consonanl (a|.u-s < a|.i-s).
In bisyIIabic rools of lhe -n-con|ugalion voveI dislinclions are neulraIized (lhe
voveI is reduced in lhe infinilive before lhe suffix -bos, vhiIe lhe duralive slem aIvays
has an -i-, cf. asnus "lo measure" < as(i)n-|cs, dur. arsin-, lerm. asn-i < asn-i.c, elc.).
MonosyIIabic verbaI rools (going back lo PI rools vilh i-) have lhree lyes of
ausIaul as veII: in -a (ca-s "lo raise"), in -o (c-s "lo give") and in -e (.c-s "lo carry avay").
Tvo verbaI rools have a unique finaI -i: i-s "lo die", i-s "lo die oul" (bul in lhe duralive:
a-r, a-|).
In monosyIIabic rools of lhe -r and -n-con|ugalions, voveI dislinclions are neulraI-
ized: before lhe resonanl in a non-reduIicaled duralive form such rools have -a- (vilh
secondary osilionaI modificalions, cf. ar-as "lo roasl", dur. ar, lerm. crc < ar-i.c,
unnus "lo uII" < an-|cs, dur. an, lerm. cnnc < an-i.c), in a reduIicaled duralive
form lhey have -e- (.unnus "lo veave" < :an-bos, dur. .cn.in).

2. AguI (Koshan diaIecl, urshag viIIage).
Here verbaI rools of lhe resonanlIess con|ugalion dislinguish belveen lvo basic vo-
caIic lyes of ausIaul: in -a (rua-s "lo be born", aq.a-s "lo lake", ?a.a-s "lo cry", elc.) and in
-i (uri-s "lo freeze", argi-s "lo relurn", ai-s "lo dig", elc.). WhiIe comaring AguI vilh
olher Ianguages one has lo consider lhe foIIoving dislribulion: in AguI aII verbs vilh
rools ending in hissing consonanls (excel a fev rools vilh a back rounded voveI) be-
Iong lo lhe -i-con|ugalion. Cf. ici-s "lo meIl", ai.-azi-s "lo be siIl", aua-j-s.i-s "lo calch",
q-azi-s "lo ush", aci-s "lo (be) fiII(ed)", |.ii.-isi-s "lo be siIenl", ici-s "lo roasl grain", elc. (bul
vilh lhe voveI -u-: a-u-za-s "lo gel u", a-za-s "lo sland" (a-uza-s, cf. File a-uzas), uza-s
"lo Iough", uca-s "lo mov").
In verbs of lhe -n-con|ugalion in AguI, as in Archi, vocaIic dislinclions of

174
finaI voveIs are neulraIized (aII such rools end in -an, cf. !a|qan-as "lo rock", i|an-as "lo
bind", ian-as "lo rub", ?u|.an-as "lo vash", elc.).

3. Iezghi.
In Iezghi, excel lhe so-caIIed "reguIar" lye of con|ugalion (lhal conlains hisloricaI
comounds of verbaI nouns and infIecled forms of lhe verb iji-z "lo do, lo make"), lhe
foIIoving lyes of ausIaul occur:
a) -a in lhe infinilive, -a in lhe asl lense (cf. g-aia-z, g-aia-na "lo beal", ua-z,
ua-na "lo scralch"). A varianl of lhis lye is lhe lye vilh -e: reiè-z, rcc-na "lo grind",
elc. (lhe fronling of lhe voveI haens in lhe case of PI haryngeaIizalion, as veII as
near IabiaIized hushing consonanls, vhich yieId eilher veIar or hissing refIexes in dia-
Iecls),
b) -u in lhe infinilive, -a in lhe asl lense (cf. au-z, aa-na "lo cul", gu-z, ga-na "lo give",
elc.). The fronled correIale of lhis lye is lhe lye -/-e (cf. u-z, è-na "lo lake care of",
elc.),
c) -i in lhe infinilive, -a in lhe asl lense (cf. g-ai-z, g-aa-na "lo rol", ci-z, aa-na "lo
gel sluck", elc.). The fronled correIale of lhis lye is lhe lye -i/-e (cf. v-ehi-z, u-c|c-na "lo
lhrov", ji-z, jc-na "lo go", |-xi-z, |-xc-na "lo vrile", elc.), lhough in lhis case lhe honelicaI
causes of lhe sIil of lhese lvo sublyes are Iess evidenl. SliII, lhe dislinclion belveen -a
and -e in lhe asl lense base hardIy refIecls any PI differences in lhis case,
d) -a in lhe infinilive, -u in lhe asl lense (cf. ia-z, iu-na "lo Ieave", a|.a-z, a|.u-na "lo
see", elc.). The fronled correIale of lhis lye is unknovn lo us.
In addilion lo lhe above-menlioned lyes lhere is a singIe verb vilh a slem ending
in -u bolh in lhe infinilive and in lhe asl lense: q.-au-z, q.-au-na "lo lake, lo buy" (and
lhe derived verbs q.-a-u-z, ua-u-z "lo lake avay").
In lhe Iezghi masdar nearIy aII dislinclions of finaI voveIs are neulraIized. Il usu-
aIIy ends in -un in verbs of lhe lyes -a/-a, -u/-a, -i/-a, -a/-u. OnIy a smaII number of verbs
of lhe fronled lyes -i/-e, -e/-e have a masdar ending in -in (|-xin "lo vrile", jin "lo go" and
some olhers).

4. RuluI.
Here verbaI rools have lhree lyes of ausIaul:
a) -a in lhe slem of lhe resenl lense and lhe infinilive (sg. and I.), -I in lhe slem of
lhe asl lense (sg. and I.). Cf. |-aca-s "lo knov", dur. |-aca-r, lerm. |-aci-r. If lhe rool
consonanl is IabiaIized, lhere is -u inslead of -I (cf. |-arca-s, lerm. |-arcu-r "lo measure"
elc.).
b) -e in lhe slem of lhe resenl lense (sg. and I.) and lhe infinilive, -i in lhe slem of
lhe asl lense (sg. and I.). Cf. j-ic-s "lo carry", dur. j-ic-r, lerm. j-ii-r.
c) -a in lhe slem of lhe resenl lense singuIar, bul -e in lhe slem of lhe resenl lense
IuraI, and, resecliveIy, -I (-u in case of IabiaIizalion) in lhe slem of lhe asl lense singu-
Iar, bul -i in lhe slem of lhe asl lense IuraI. Cf. s-aia-s "lo Ieave", dur. sg. s-a-|-ia-r, bul I.
s-a-|-ic-r, lerm. sg. s-a-|-ii-r, bul I. s-a-|-ii-r.

175
Hovever, afler cIoser examinalion il aears lhal lhe lvo Ialler lyes are comIe-
menlariIy dislribuled: lye b) is observed, if lhe rool has a fronl firsl voveI, and lye c)
if lhe rool has a back voveI (a, u). esides, aII verbaI rools ending vilh a hushing con-
sonanl can onIy beIong lo lhe lye b), nol a) or c). Thus, RuluI acluaIIy has lvo lyes of
verbaI ausIaul:
1) -a/-I (indeendenl from lhe firsl rool voveI),
2) -e/-i, reaIized in lhis vay onIy if lhe rool has a firsl fronl voveI, olhervise lhe
ausIaul -e/-i is reserved in IuraI forms, bul coincides vilh lhe lye -a/-I in singuIar
forms.

The comarison of ausIaul voveIs in verbaI rools of individuaI Iezghian Ianguages
aIIovs us lo reconslrucl four lyes of PI voveIs in lhe Iasl osilion. They shouId aar-
enlIy be inlerreled as -e, -, -I and -a (see above, age 170, on lhe simiIar four lyes
of nominaI obIique slems).

1. Slems in -e.
The corresondences here aear as foIIovs:

Arch Ag Iezg Rul
-e/-i -i -i -e

Archi has -e in monosyIIabic rools (going back lo PI rools vilh iniliaI i-), bul -i in
bisyIIabic ones. The honelic reasons for lhis dislribulion are evidenl: lhe voveI -e has
been narroved (-e >-i) in a oslaccenled syIIabIe (mosl bisyIIabic verbaI rools in Archi
are accenled on lhe firsl syIIabIe, and in lhe oslaccenled osilion lhe vide voveIs e, o
are nol observed in Archi, excel rare cases vhen lhey occur in conlracled forms or Ioan-
vords). In one case Archi has -i in a monosyIIabic rool (i-s "lo die", see beIov). The rea-
sons for lhis are uncIear (il is nol lo be excIuded lhal in lhis rool ve shouId reconslrucl a
unique PI finaI -i, bul Archi evidence aIone is nol sufficienl for such a soIulion). A sec-
ond Archi verb in -i, i-s "lo die oul", unforlunaleIy, has no araIIeIs in lhe AguI, Iezghi
or RuluI Ianguages.

2. Slems in -.
This lye of slems yieIds lhe foIIoving corresondences in descendanl Ianguages:

Arch Ag Iezg Rul
-i -a inf. -a, asl -u -e

In monosyIIabic Archi rools ve vouId aIso execl a refIex -e (as in lhe firsl lye), bul
acluaIIy in lhe singIe case avaiIabIe ve have -a (\.a-s, see beIov). The reconslruclion -
is diclaled, firsl, by lhe fronl characler of Archi and RuluI refIexes, second by lhe refIex
-a- in Iezghi and AguI. The Iezghi asl lense in -u in lhis lye (-I in lhe Akhly diaIecl),
musl robabIy be exIained by oId abIaul (missing in slems ending vilh -a). This abIaul,
hovever, is refIecled onIy in Iezghi.

176
In lvo cases Archi has an -a-slem inslead of lhe execled -i-slem: PI aq.a- > Arch.
aq.a-s (dur. -a-r) "lo Ieave", PI aar- "lo Iie, lo sIee" > Arch. aa-s (dur. -a-r). The reasons
for lhis irreguIarily are uncIear.

3. Slems in -I.
These slems reveaI lhe foIIoving corresondences:

Arch Ag Iezg Rul
inf. -a/-o, dur. -u/-o -i -i/-u -a

Archi has lhe refIex -o in monosyIIabic rools (PI rools beginning in i-) and refIexes
-a/-u in bisyIIabic ones. Il is evidenl lhal in lhe oslaccenled syIIabIe a narroving oc-
curred, normaI for Archi: (PI -I) > Arch. -o > -u. In lhe infinilive slem, lhe finaI voveI
vas aarenlIy changed lo -a- by anaIogy vilh lhe more videsread -a-slems. Il is inler-
esling lhal even lhe originaI IabiaIizalion of rool consonanls reguIarIy disaears in lhis
lye, vhich confirms lhe facl lhal lhe unificalion of infinilive slems occurred Ialer in Ar-
chi lhan lhe deveIomenl CÌ > C(`)o > -Cu in lhe oslaccenled syIIabIe.
In Iezghi lhe refIex -u is observed if lhe rool consonanl vas originaIIy IabiaIized, lhe
refIex -i vilhoul such IabiaIizalion. WhiIe exIaining lhe refIex -a in RuluI, ve shouId
kee in mind lhal -I-slems are absenl in modern RuluI, lhe a-con|ugalion is mixed, forms
vilh -a being lyicaI for lhe resenl lense, forms vilh -I for lhe asl lense. Il is evidenl
lhal oId -I and -a-slems in RuluI undervenl a secondary redislribulion, having merged
in a singIe con|ugalion lye, incIuding bolh forms in -I and forms in -a.
The normaI refIex of -I in AguI is -i. Hovever, in some rools vilh a IabiaIized rool
consonanl ve observe an irreguIar refIex -a (bul lhese rools are very fev, comared lo lhe
number of rools vilh lhe reguIar refIex -i).

4. Slems in -a.
This lye of slems is lhe mosl common in PI. Here ve see lhe foIIoving correson-
dences:

Arch Ag Iezg Rul
inf. -a, dur. -a/-u -a -a -a

In Archi, IabiaIizalion of rool consonanls in lhis lye is reserved onIy in monosyI-
Iabic rools (lhal have Iosl PI i-). In bisyIIabic rools IabiaIizalion is Iosl, bul is reserved
as lhe voveI -u in lhe duralive (nonIabiaIized rools have -a in lhe duralive slem). There-
fore, rools ending in -a vilh a IabiaIized rool consonanl in Archi are refIecled in lhe
same vay as rools ending vilh -I (see above).

Olher Ianguages usuaIIy reserve -a-slems vilhoul any changes.

177
1.8.2.3.3.1. VoveI aIlernalions in lhe end of verbaI rools.
The finaI voveIs of verbaI rools, as veII as lhe iniliaI ones, couId aarenlIy aIler-
nale in PI. There is some reasons for reconslrucling lvo main lyes of abIaul in lhis osi-
lion:

1. -a/-I abIaul (ossibIy -a/-o, see beIov).
This lye of abIaul vas characlerislic for -a-slems. Il is direclIy refIecled in Archi. Cf.
aca-s "lo miIk", dur. aca-r, bul lerm. acu < acc <ac.i, lhus, lhe voveI -o < -I in Archi
characlerizes lhe lerminalive slem of verbs having an -a-slem in olher forms. The same
abIaul in RuluI serves lo differenliale lhe slem of lhe resenl lense from lhe slem of lhe
asl lense (res. -a, asl -I). As ve have aIready shovn, lhe merger of lhe forms of
-a-slems and -I-slems (vilh no abIaul) in lhe asl lense in RuluI Ied lo a generaI merger
of -I and -a-slems (i.e. lhe voveI -a vas generaIized in aII lhe forms of lhe resenl lense,
even in lhe originaI -I-slems).
Il is, hovever, nol lo be excIuded lhal in lhis case ve shouId reconslrucl nol lhe ab-
Iaul a/I, bul lhe abIaul a/o, cf. -u-forms of -a-slems in AguI: ursh. aqa-s "lo make",
asl ger. aqu-na, elc. The Archi and RuluI evidence is ambiguous (I and o had merged in
lhese Ianguages).

2. -/-a abIaul.
This lye of abIaul vas aarenlIy onIy characlerislic of rools vilh lhe firsl voveI i
(vhich, as vas shovn above, couId ilseIf aIlernale vilh and o). Forms vilh - vere
robabIy used for lhe finaIis (infinilive) slem, and forms vilh -a for lhe duralive and
lerminalive slems (as veII as for lhe IuraI forms vilh -o-). This kind of abIaul is sug-
gesled by some evidence from Archi and RuluI. Cf. Arch. c|-s "lo slarl running" (|ia)
lerminalive a| (|ia) duralive |a-r-a-r, vhich served as a base for lhe formalion of a
nev aradigm heIraI-s "lo run", simiIarIy q|c-s "lo go" (iq.|a-) lerm. q|a "has come"
(iq.|a) duralive j}a-r-q.|a-r, vhence |crq|a-s "lo vaIk" lerminalive (robabIy, oId
IuraI) cq|a "venl" (cq.|a), elc. (Archi conlains a ralher Iarge number of such aradigms,
irreguIar from lhe synchronislic oinl of viev, lhey are oflen sIil inlo severaI aradigms,
vilh nev forms being buiIl by anaIogy.
In RuluI ve may oinl oul lhe foIIoving cases: s-uqa- "lo sil" vilh a araIIeI form
s-iqa-s (-iqc-/-iqa-), cf. aIso lhe IuraI form s-i-|-q|a-r ( < -cq|a- vilh a haryngeaIiza-
lion of uncIear origin, cf. Arch. qa aiis "lo seal smbd." < iq()a, q|cjqis "lo sil" < q|a cqi-s <
iq|()a aq()a-s vilh a simiIar haryngeaIizalion in iq|()a), Rul. |-u(a-s "lo begin"
(rool -u(c < i(a, cf. I. |-u-|-(c-s) / |-a(a-s (i(a-) "id." (rool -a(a-) cf. Arch. (u-bus
"lo enler", dur. (u-r Rul. -u(c-, cf. aIso imeralive (c (IabiaIizalion in lhe Ialler form is
Iosl in an oen syIIabIe), bul a(a-s "lo hide", dur. ar(u-r < a-r-(a-r Rul. -a(a-, elc.
The silualion is somevhal comIicaled by lhe facl lhal duralive forms of such
--slems couId aarenlIy have araIIeI ausIauls: -a, as veII as lhe normaI -. Cf., on a
ar vilh Archi archaic duralive forms |c|ra|-r, |crq|a-r, aarenlIy aIso archaic duralives
c|ri-r, |cq|i-r (cf. aIso vilh o-: crq|i-r), elc. Il is mosl

178
robabIe lhal in PI lhe abIaul -/-a vas aIready unroduclive and lhal lhe grade -a vas
acliveIy being suIanled by lhe normaI grade - (by anaIogy vilh lhe infinilive slem
and, erhas, some olher forms as veII). AII lhese facls resenl some difficuIlies for re-
conslruclion, hovever, ve shouId once more emhasize lhal lhis lye of abIaul can be
osluIaled onIy for verbaI rools vilh lhe iniliaI i.

Al Ieasl for one rool ve may osluIale lhe abIaul -e/-a, simiIar lo lhe abIaul -/-a:
PI ir\c "lo die", cf. Arch. dur. a-r, lerm. a (infin. i-s), Rul. I. slem -irqa (vs. lhe normaI
one -iqc-).
Modern Ianguages have aIso some olher lyes of finaI voveI aIlernalions (cf. Rul.
-e/-i in -e-slems, Iezg. -a/-u in slems going back lo PI --slems and some olhers), lhal
aarenlIy shouId nol be ro|ecled on lhe PI IeveI (aIlhough lheir origin is nol aIvays
cIear).

1.8.2.3.3.2. On lhe refIeclion of finaI voveIs in verbaI rools of lhe udukh Ianguage.

Afler lhis seclion vas aIready comIele, ve oblained an oorlunily lo Iook lhrough
lhe maleriaIs on lhe udukh verbaI syslem. In udukh lhere are con|ugalion lyes vilh
lhe foIIoving voveI aIlernalions: -u/-o, -u/-i, -a/-i, -a/-a, -i/-i, -i/-o and -u/-u. These lyes
reveaI lhe foIIoving correIalions vilh lhe reconslrucled PI lyes of verbaI ausIaul:
a) lhe lye -u/-o goes back lo PI -a-slems (PI abIaul -o/-a),
b) lhe lyes -u/-i and -a/-i go back lo PI --slems (PI AbIaul -a/-), lhe -a/-i lye
being observed in inlransilive verbs, and lhe -u/-i lye in lransilive ones. AarenlIy lhe
-u grade of abIaul is secondary here, borroved from lhe 1sl lye of con|ugalion.
c) -a/-a and -i/-i lyes have deveIoed from PI -e-slems, lhe -i/-i lye being charac-
lerislic for inlransilive verbs, and lhe -a/-a lye for lransilive ones. This is ossibIy a
resuIl of sIilling lhe -a/-i lye, vhich vouId be a normaI refIex of lhe PI abIaul -a/--e
(for lhe suggeslion of such an abIaul lye, see above).
d) lyes -i/-o and -u/-u go back lo PI -I-slems, lhe -u/-u lye being honelicaIIy
condilioned by IabiaIizalion of lhe rool consonanl. The resence of lhe grade -o in
udukh is nol quile cIear here, because olher Iezghian Ianguages do nol shov any abIaul
in lhis lye of slems. This may be an archaism, reserved onIy in lhe udukh Ianguage.
Thus, lhe udukh syslem of finaI voveI aIlernalions in lhe verb confirms, in generaI,
lhe reconslruclion oulIined above and rovides us vilh vaIuabIe evidence for recon-
slrucling individuaI PI verbaI rools.

1.8.2.3.4. Accenlualion.
We knov very IillIe aboul PI accenlualion as of yel. In modern Iezghian Ianguages
lhere is eilher no accenl (as in Kryz and mosl Tsakhur diaIecls), or il is exlremeIy

179
morhoIogized or honoIogized (i.e. lhe ruIes of accenlualion of lhe vord-form deend
on ils morhemic and honemic conlenl such is lhe silualion in Archi, AguI, Ta-
basaran and Iezghi). Indeendenl dislinclions in lhe Iace of accenl may be discovered
onIy in RuluI (in nouns, lhe osilioning of accenl in lhe verb is yel uncIear), in lhe GeI-
mels diaIecl of Tsakhur, and, ossibIy, in lhe Tabasaran verbaI syslem. Archi has a ralher
slricl syslem of accenlualion ruIes bolh in verbaI and in nominaI vord-forms, rare devia-
lions (of vhich lhe mosl significanl is lhe unrediclabiIily of accenl in bisyIIabic nominaI
rools) are robabIy archaic.
In lhe '70s lhe MSI exedilions have discovered lonaI syslems in some Iezghian
Ianguages (in lhe Norlhern diaIecl of Tabasaran, in Tsakhur, Kryz and udukh). The
number of lones ranges from lvo lo four (lvo in udukh, lhree in Kryz, four in
lhe Norlhern diaIecl of Tabasaran and in Tsakhur). Il is ossibIe lhal lhe afore-menlioned
non-slandard accenl syslems in RuluI and in lhe GeImels diaIecl of Tsakhur, as veII as
accenl archaisms in Archi, are refIeclions of lhe PI lonaI syslem. InforlunaleIy, ve do
nol yel ossess lhe syslemalic lonaI records of any Iezghian Ianguage excel Kryz,
lherefore ve cannol yel laIk aboul lhe reconslruclion of PI lones. We can, hovever, ex-
ecl some rogress in lhe nearesl fulure.

1.9. Khinalug.

In sile of lhe facl lhal lhis Ianguage is oflen incIuded in lhe Iezghian grou (see,
e.g.,|TaIibov 1980j), lhere are no serious reasons for lhis, lhe imression lhal KhinaIug is
eseciaIIy cIose lo Iezghian Ianguages arises aarenlIy because of a ralher Iarge number
of Ioanvords from lhe neighbouring Kryz and udukh Ianguages (robabIy from
Prolo-Shakhdagh as veII). MuIliIe secific honelic and IexicaI fealures of KhinaIug (on
lhe deveIomenl of KhinaIug honemes from PIC, see above) cIearIy dislinguish il from
Iezghian Ianguages, as a searale branch of Iasl Caucasian.
In generaI lhere is Iess dala on KhinaIug lhan on olher Norlh Caucasian Ianguages
(in facl onIy comaraliveIy smaII IexicaI Iisls, given in lhe vorks |Ki-
brik-Kodzasov-OIovyannikova 1972, Kibrik-Kodzasov 1988, 1990j. Therefore, many se-
cific fealures of KhinaIug refIexalion are sliII uncIear: lhere are many gas in lhe refIexes
of PIC consonanls, uncerlainlies in eslabIishing lhe behaviour of voveIs, lhe KhinaIug
refIexalion of lhe verbaI rool is comIeleIy unexamined, lhe KhinaIug rosodic syslem
has nol been described. AII lhese robIems sliII execl lheir invesligalion.

1.10. From PWC to modern West Caucasian languages.

Firsl ve viII describe lhe deveIomenl from PWC lo PAT (ProloAbkhaz-Taanl or
Prolo-Abkhaz-Abaza), PAK (Prolo-Adyghe-Kabardian) and Ibykh Ianguages, and lhen
give a shorl characlerizalion of lhe deveIomenl from PAT and PAK lo modern Ian-
guages.

180
The muIlilude and exlreme comIexily of corresondences belveen lhe consonanls
of Wesl Caucasian Ianguages are due lo lhe PWC fealures of aIalaIizalion and IabiaIiza-
lion, as veII as lheir combinalion. The inleraclion of lhese fealures (for lhe mosl arl
lransferred from foIIoving voveIs, see above) vilh IocaI and IaryngeaI fealures of con-
sonanls creales a very comIicaled and, al firsl sighl, chaolic syslem of refIexes. eIov,
hovever, ve viII lry lo shov lhal lhis syslem can be exIained.
For PWC ve reconslrucl lhe foIIoving syslem of consonanls (nol incIuding lhe ad-
dilionaI fealures of aIalaIizalion and IabiaIizalion):

IabiaIs : b f v m
PharyngeaIized IabiaIs I :I bI I mI
DenlaIs l l: d r n
Hissing c c: ( s z
Hushing : ( : |
IaleraIs / /: X : I I
VeIars k k: g x
IvuIars q q: G q i
PharyngeaIized uvuIars qI qI: qI I iI

PharyngeaIized consonanls in PWC are reconslrucled moslIy on lhe basis of Ibykh
evidence, and lense ("rerulive") consonanls on basis of lhe Adygh evidence, lhough
olher Ianguages oflen have secific refIexes of lhese cIasses of consonanls as veII. The
lense fricalives : and : reveaI secific refIexes in Adygh (Shasug), see beIov, and in
some cases lheir refIexes differ from lhe refIexes of reseclive Iax fricalives in olher Ian-
guages as veII (Ibykh, PAT). Hovever, in combinalion vilh cerlain quaIily fealures, lhe
refIexes of Iax and lense fricalives have aarenlIy merged in aII WC Ianguages: lhus, il is
imossibIe lo dislinguish PWC X from X: (aIlhough lhere is a dislinclion :), or
from : (aIlhough s is oosed lo s:). Il is quile ossibIe lhal PWC aIso had dislinclions
of olher lense and Iax fricalives (f-f:, s-s:, x-x:, -:, I-:I), bul, because of lhe secific
characler of Adygh refIexalion (lhe Shasug diaIecl reserves onIy lvo airs of oosed
fricalives al lhe resenl lime, -: and s-s:), lheir refIexes have merged vlh each olher in
aII modern Wesl Caucasian Ianguages.
We reconslrucl lhe foIIoving corresondences belveen lhe subgrous of Wesl Cau-
casian Ianguages:

PWC PAT Ib PAK

: b b :
b b b b

f f f x(`)
v v v v

181
PWC PAT Ib PAK
m m m m
l` l
: b (d`l`) l:
b b d` d
`
` f
b` f f b
` l`
b` d` d
` ( `
I vI
:I bI :
bI b bI b
I I
mI m mI m
l l l l
l: d d l:
d d d d

r r d-, ri l:-,r
n n n n
r I
l` l` l` l
l:` d(`) l` l:
d` d` d` d
` ` `
L` l` c
` ` ` (
c c c s-,c
c: c c c:
z
( ( ( (
s s s s
z z z z
(s)
: (`) c:
z
( ( ( (
s
z z
c` c` c` s`-
c:` c` c` c:`
` ` `
(` (` (` (`
s` s` s` s`
z` z` `z` z`

182
PWC PAT Ib PAK
` ()
`
(` ( ( (
` `
` `
c s
z
( ( ( ((`)
(:) s s
z z
c c c c
c: (c) c c:
z
( ( ( (
s (`) s
s: s :
z z
| | | |
` c
:` z` c:
` `z` z
(` ( ( (
` s`
:` :
` (`)
c` c
c:` c :
(` ( ( (
s` ` `
s:` s` :
z` ` `
/ x s c
/: c () c:
I I l
X x/( ( (
s
: x s:
I I d-,0| l-,I
X x s c
L i()
X s X X
X(X:) s
z I I
r-,I I d-

183
PWC PAT Ib PAK
/` c` c`
/:` c` c` :
` I v
X` ((`) ((`) (
` s` x(`)
:` s(`) s:
X` ` f x
X:` ` c:
L` `
X` (` ( (
X`(X:`) ` x(`)
` `
k k
g g
k k
x x s x
i

k k k k
x x s
z
k` k` k` k`
k:` g` g` k:`
g` g` g` g`
` ` ` `
x` x` x x(`)
` g` g`
k` ` k k`
x` s` x x`
`(`) z` i i`
q () q q-
q: q q q:
G i i
q q q q:

i \ i i
q: q q
i
q q q 1
_ x _
i \ i i
q` ` q` q`-,q:`
q:` q` q` q:`
G` ` i` i`
q` q` q` q:`

184
PWC PAT Ib PAK
` ` ` `
i` \` i` i`
q` (`) x q`-
q:` q q:`
` (`) i i`
q` \`(q``) q 1`
_` (`) _ `
i` \(`) i i`
q:I \ q:
qI (`) qI q:
I I
iI \ iI i
qI q q(I)
q:I 1 q 1
qI q 1
_I (I)
iI \ i |
qI` ` I` q`-
qI:` \` qI(`) q:`
qI` q`(q`) qI` q:`
I` ` I` `
iI` (``) iI` i`
qI` q` `
qI:` \` q` 1`
qI` ` q` 1`
iI` \` v vi`

Commenls.
1. IabiaI consonanls. As ve see from lhe labIe, IabiaI resonanls, lhe rare fricalive f
and IabiaIized haryngeaIized consonanls do nol have any aIalaIized or IabiaIized cor-
reIales. Olher consonanls have aIalaIized and IabiaIized varianls. WhiIe evaIualing lhe
given reconslruclions one musl kee in mind lhal lhe IabiaIized denlaIs are arlicuIaled as
bihocaI exIosives (i.e. honelicaIIy /l, db, /) in modern Abkhaz and Ibykh, and
have a ronounced aIalaIized characler, lherefore, lhe deveIomenl of lhe lye > l`
(vilh a ossibIe furlher deIabiaIizalion l` > l) seems quile ossibIe lo us. The reconslruc-
lion of lhe series of "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" IabiaIs is ralher hyolhelicaI. One couId re-
conslrucl here a series of "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" denlaIs as veII, bul some exlernaI cor-
resondences Iead us lo assume lhe IabiaI characler of originaI PWC honemes. In Ibykh
and Adygh lhey give lhe same refIexes as aIalaIized IabiaIs roer, in PAT ve shouId
suose, al firsl, lhe deaIalaIizalion of aIalaIized IabiaIs ( > ), and aflervards lhe
deIabiaIizalion of "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" vilh a foIIoving affricalion (` > >).
2. DenlaI consonanls. For a secific rare corresondence "PAT r: Ib. I: PAK " ve
suggesl a PWC aIalaIized . The Iiquids r and I (on lhe Ialler, see beIov) are lhus lhe
onIy PWC resonanls lhal have aIalaIized correIales (correIalion in IabiaIizalion in lhe
syslem of resonanls is aIlogelher absenl). An inleresling fealure

185
of lhe denlaI series is lhe ossibIe resence lhere of al Ieasl lvo "aIalaIized-IabiaIized"
consonanls (L` and `), vhiIe lhe reseclive Iain aIalaIized ones are missing. Hov-
ever, il is nol lo be excIuded, lhal lhey vere resenl in PWC, bul vere sub|ecl lo deaIa-
laIizalion (or, Iess IikeIy, merged vilh lhe refIexes of affricales) in aII descendanl Ian-
guages.
3. Hissing consonanls. PIain hissing consonanls are veII reserved in descendanl
Ianguages (excel lhe fricalivizalion c > s in PAK and lhe -z varialion in lhe Iace of
in PAK and in lhe Iace of z in Ibykh). PaIalaIized hissing consonanls are reserved in
PAT (lhough ve shouId nole lhe deaIalaIizalion > z) and in Ibykh, bul deaIalaIized
in Adyghe. IabiaIized hissing consonanls are generaIIy veII reserved in aII lhree sub-
grous (in modern Ianguages IabiaIized hissing consonanls are honelicaIIy arlicuIaled
as denloIabiaIized, see beIov).
The suggesled "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" hissing consonanls have secific refIexes in
subgrous. In Adygh a consonanl shifl occurred: afler lhe deaIalaIizalion of originaI
aIalaIized sounds (see above), lhe deIabiaIizalion of "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" hissing
sounds aarenlIy haened (`>, `>, elc.). In Ibykh a deveIomenl of aIalaI-
ized-IabiaIized hissing sounds inlo aIalaIized-IabiaIized hushing ones aarenlIy oc-
curred (`>`, `>s`, elc.), vilh a foIIoving deIabiaIizalion of affricales (lhere are no
hushing IabiaIized affricales resenl in modern Ibykh), bul vilh lhe reservalion of
IabiaIizalion in lhe subsyslem of fricalives (il musl be noled lhal lhe honemes, lran-
scribed in Ibykh as `, `, according lo lheir descrilions, have an evidenl lhough
honoIogicaIIy insignificanl aIalaIizalion, i.e. honelicaIIy lhey are /s, z/). A simiIar
deveIomenl had aarenlIy haened in PAT, i.e. firsl aII aIalaIized-IabiaIized hissing
affricales deveIoed inlo aIalaIized-IabiaIized hushing ones, lhen affricales vere simuI-
laneousIy deIabiaIized and deaIalaIized cf. a simiIar deveIomenl lhal occurred
much Ialer in some Abaza diaIecls, vhere lhe rocess (l`) > c` > , s` > haened (see
|Iomlalidze 1976j). As for aIalaIized-IabiaIized fricalives, lhey have aarenlIy simIy
Iosl lheir IabiaIizalion (i.e. lhe same rocess as in Adygh Ianguages occurred). As a resuIl,
lhere ve have a secific syslem of corresondences, vherein lhe originaI IabiaIizalion of
aII regarded consonanls is hinled al onIy by lhe fricalive refIexes `, ` in Ibykh. eIov
ve viII see lhal comIicaled rocesses of deIabiaIizalion, accomanied by a shifl in olher
quaIily characlerislics of consonanls, are lyicaI for olher IocaI series of Wesl Caucasian
consonanls as veII: il vas lhese rocesses lhal have caused lhe exlreme comIexily of
honelic corresondences, observed among modern WC Ianguages.
4. Hushing consonanls. PWC aIalaIized hushing consonanls are comaraliveIy sla-
bIe in WC Ianguages. They are usuaIIy reserved in descendanl Ianguages (excel lhe
aIalaIized hushing fricalives s, s:, z, vhich have Iosl aIalaIizalion in PAT and in PAK,
as ve see from lhe labIe, lhe aIalaIized hushing fricalives of PAT and PAK go back onIy
lo PWC IaleraI or veIar consonanls).
The maller is more comIicaled vilh lhe refIexes of PWC non-aIalaIized and
"aIalaIized-IabiaIized" hushing consonanls. Here lhe foIIoving silualion is observed:
a) lhere are severaI rovs of corresondences vhere lhe PAT aIalaIized hissing
("hissing-hushing") consonanls corresond lo Ibykh and PAK

186
non-aIalaIized hissing ones. In lhis case ve cannol reconslrucl aIalaIized hissing con-
sonanls for PWC, since lheir Iace is aIready occuied (see above: aIalaIized hissing
consonanls are reconslrucled on lhe base of lhe corresondences "PAT, Ib. aIalaIized
hissing: PAK non-aIalaIized hissing"),
b) desile lhe facl lhal non-aIalaIized hushing consonanls are resenl in aII lhree
subgrous of Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, lhe corresondences belveen lhem are never
uniform, lhus, on one side, ve have rovs of corresondences vhere lhe non-aIalaIized
hushing consonanls in PAT and Ibykh corresond lo aIalaIized hushing consonanls in
PAK, on lhe olher side, ve have rovs of corresondences vhere non-aIalaIized hushing
consonanls in PAT and PAK corresond lo aIalaIized hushing consonanls in Ibykh.
The araIIeI fricalive rovs of corresondences usuaIIy reveaI lraces of originaI IabiaIiza-
lion. Thus, lhe rov "PAT : Ib. : PAK c" is araIIeI lo lhe rov "PAT s` : Ib. : PAK
" (ve musl kee in mind lhal lhe non-aIalaIized PAK is a refIex of an earIier s, see
above), on lhe olher hand, lhe rov "PAT : Ib. c : PAK " is evidenlIy araIIeI lo lhe
rov "PAT : Ib. s` : PAK :", elc. Here lhe Abkhaz and Ibykh evidence serves as an
argumenl for reconslrucling originaI IabiaIizalion in lhose rovs of hushing correson-
dences, vhere onIy non-aIalaIized (and non-IabiaIized) hushing refIexes are found
novadays.
In our oinion, lhis silualion shouId be inlerreled as foIIovs. The originaI
non-aIalaIized hushing , (, , elc., have Iosl lheir hushing fealure in aII lhree sub-
grous, changing inlo non-aIalaIized hissing consonanls in Ibykh and PAK (onIy lhe
gIollaIized (, for some uncIear reason, has yieIded PAK hissing-hushing (), and inlo
hissing-hushing consonanls in PAT. Here ve shouId nole lhal lhe so-caIIed "hiss-
ing-hushing" consonanls in Wesl Caucasian Ianguages have a duaI honoIogicaI and
honelicaI nalure, on one hand, lhey occuy lhe Iace of aIalaIized correIales for non-
aIalaIized hissing consonanls (and lherefore merge vilh Iain hissing consonanls in
case of deaIalaIizalion). On lhe olher hand, lhey form a sorl of inlermediale series be-
lveen hissing and hushing consonanls. ecause of lhe Iasl circumslance, lhe direcl de-
veIomenl of non-aIalaIized hushing inlo hissing-hushing consonanls seems honeli-
caIIy |uslified. The facl lhal, in lhe regarded rovs of corresondences, one musl recon-
slrucl hushing consonanls, is confirmed by exlernaI comarison vilh Iasl Caucasian
Ianguages as veII.
Afler lhe Ioss of oId non-aIalaIized hushing consonanls lheir Iace in PAT, Ibykh
and PAK slarled lo be fiIIed by means of deIabiaIizing originaIIy IabiaIized consonanls. In
PAT refIexes of IabiaIized and "aIalaIized" hushing affricales merged (aII of lhem de-
veIoed inlo non-aIalaIized hushing consonanls, excel lhe affricale `, lhal aarenlIy
fricalivized earIy and deveIoed simiIarIy lo lhe fricalive `, lhe varialion z`` in lhe
Iace of ` is robabIy a ralher Iale occurrence). The lense fricalives :`, s:` deveIoed
simiIarIy ( > PAT ), hovever, Iax fricalives reserved IabiaIizalion, lhough lhey have
been IocaIIy shifled (` > s` and s`, z` > `, `). We musl nole lhal lhe Ialler shifl is, in a
vay, "orlhograhic": lhe PAT IabiaIized hushing `, `, as veII as lhe reseclive conso-
nanls of lhe modern zyb diaIecl, undoubledIy had been honelicaIIy aIalaIized ( |s`j,
|z`j), lhough lhey had no non-aIalaIized correIales. The refIex in lhe Iace of PWC `
is uncIear (one shouId execl a z`).

187
In Ibykh lhe IabiaIized hushing affricales vere sub|ecl lo a uniform rocess of de-
IabiaIizalion (` > , c` > c, elc.). NonaIalaIized IabiaIized hushing fricalives deveIoed
simiIarIy (`, :` > , ` > ), bul aIalaIized-IabiaIized hushing fricalives have re-
served IabiaIizalion. Iax s`, z` > `, ` (|usl as in PAT, lhis ruIe does nol reaIIy mean
any honelic change, on lhe honelic characler of lhese Ibykh consonanls see above,
age ), bul lhe lense s:` has Iosl ils hushing characler and deveIoed inlo s`.
FinaIIy, in PAK lhe aIalaIized and non-aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing consonanls
seem lo have "svaed Iaces" afler deIabiaIizalion. AarenlIy, lhere vas a vhoIe se-
ries of successive rocesses lhal Ied lo lhis resuIl. We can suose lhal lhe aIalaI-
ized-IabiaIized hushing consonanls, as a resuIl of deIabiaIizalion, firsl changed inlo hiss-
ing-hushing (lraces of lhis slage are reserved as hissing-hushing fricalives , in lhe
Iace of PWC s`, z`). Non-aIalaIized IabiaIized hushing consonanls consequenlIy be-
came lhe onIy IabiaIized hushing series and undervenl a honelic aIalaIizalion (if lhere
is no honoIogicaI dislinclion in aIalaIizalion, lhe aIalaIized arlicuIalion of hushing
consonanls is aIvays more lyicaI for Caucasian Ianguages), as a resuIl of vhich, afler
deIabiaIizalion, lhey merged vilh lhe refIexes of aIalaIized hushing consonanls. OnIy
aflervards did lhe hissing-hushing consonanls (excel Iax fricalives , < s`, z`) vere
aaranlIy shifled inlo lhe non-aIalaIized hushing series. Thus, here ve aIso see a ho-
nelic cIoseness belveen non-aIalaIized hushing and hissing-hushing consonanls, vhich
vas aIready menlioned above (concerning lhe deveIomenl Iike > in PAT).
5. IaleraI consonanls. The reconslruclion of IaleraI consonanls in PWC is exlremeIy
comIicaled. PAT has aIlogelher Iosl IaleraIs as a IocaI series, PAK and Ibykh have onIy
lhree IaleraI consonanls (, I and X), vhose corresondences vilh lhe PAT fricalives s
and z vere aIready eslabIished by N. S. Trubelskoy (see |Trubelskoy 1922j). Hovever, ve
may shov lhal lhese series of corresondences are nol al aII lhe onIy ones lhal refIecl
PWC IaleraI consonanls.
Firsl, ve shouId nole an evidenl aIalaIized characler of lhose PWC consonanls lhal
vere reserved as IaleraIs in PAK and Ibykh (lhis is aIready leslified lo by lhe aIalaI-
ized characler of lhe PAT refIexes s, z). Therefore, ve reconslrucl PWC aIalaIized Ialer-
aIs X, , X here.
The resence of IaleraIs in PWC can be aIso osluIaled in lhose series of correson-
dences vhere PAT has lhe IaleraI refIex I. Therefore, il is comaraliveIy easy lo recon-
slrucl lhe PWC resonanls I and (lhough in some Ianguages and osilions ve observe
lhe secific refIexes r, d, l here, lhe refIex I in PAK and Ibykh is nol surrising, because
I is lhe onIy voiced IaleraI honeme here). Hovever, ve have lvo more series of corre-
sondences (PAT I: Ib. I: PAK l and PAT I: Ib. v: PAK ) in vhich ve shouId re-
conslrucl some PWC IaleraI affricales (lhe Ialler rov evidenlIy reresenls a IabiaIized
correIale of lhe former one, and lhe IabiaIizalion of resonanls is imossibIe in PWC). The
mosl naluraI soIulion vouId be lo reconslrucl lhe voiced affricales and `, lhe re-
fIexes of vhich aear lo be ralher cIose lo lhose of lhe resonanl I.
In addilion lo lhe examined coresondences, lhere is sliII a ralher Iarge number of
secific rovs of corresondences, in vhich descendanl Ianguages eilher

188
have sibiIanl refIexes (lhal do nol al aII fil inlo lhe ranks of lhe rovs of corresondences
of originaI hissing and hushing consonanls examined above), or mixed refIexes, vilh
fronl affricales or fricalives of some Ianguages corresonding lo veIar fricalives in olhers.
The Ialler circumslance is aIready a direcl hinl al lhe ossibiIily of reconslrucling originaI
IaleraI consonanls here (because veIar fricalives are lyicaI refIexes of IaleraIs in many
Iasl Caucasian Ianguages, see above). The reconslruclion of PWC IaleraIs in aII of lhese
series is veII confirmed by Iasl Caucasian corresondences.
AII lyes of corresondences lhal are of inleresl lo us here are divided inlo four
lyes (vhich is by ilseIf aIready an argumenl for lhe reconslruclion of a slandard PWC
four-vay dislinclion of quaIilalive fealures):
1) Corresondences of non-aIalaIized PAT fricalives (x) or hissing affricales (c, ()
lo lhe Ibykh aIalaIized hissing consonanls , ( (or lo lhe hushing s in lhe series PAT x:
Ib. s: PAK c) and PAK aIalaIized hushing consonanls. Here ve reconslrucl PWC
non-aIalaIized IaleraIs (since lhe Iaces of aIalaIized IaleraIs are aIready occuied
see above, and because of lhe nonaIalaIized characler of PAT refIexes). We shouId nole
lhal PAT has a doubIe refIex (x or () of lhe gIollaIized X, lhe former being resenl if a
foIIoving hissing consonanl is resenl in lhe vord (i.e. in a dissimiIalive osilion), and
lhe Ialler in indeendenl osilion. The honeme , reconslrucled above, is incIuded
in lhe series of PWC nonaIalaIized IaleraI consonanls as veII, desile lhe facl lhal il has
secific refIexes in descendanl Ianguages (vhich is naluraI for lhe Ieasl slabIe eIemenl of
lhe IaleraI series lhe voiced IaleraI affricale).
2) Corresondences of lhe aIalaIized PAT fricalives s and z lo PAK and Ibykh Ial-
eraI , I, X. Here, as ve have aIready oinled oul, ve reconslrucl PWC aIalaIized Ialer-
aIs. This series shouId aIso undoubledIy incIude lhe corresondences of PAT aIalaIized
fricalives x, lo Ibykh s, (i) and PAK c, (i.e. lhe rovs of corresondences "PAT x :
Ib. s: PAK c" and "PAT : Ib. (R) : PAK "). In lhe lvo Ialler rovs il is naluraI lo
reconslrucl lhe aIalaIized PWC affricales X and L (vhich have aIso Iosl lheir aIalaI
characler in PAK and Ibykh).
3) Corresondences, in vhich PAT and Ibykh reveaI IabiaIized hissing consonanls,
bul PAK has hushing refIexes. Il is evidenl lhal ve aIso shouId add here lhe rovs of cor-
resondences vilh nonaIalaIized hushing fricalive refIexes in PAT, IabiaIized hissing
fricalive refIexes in Ibykh and eilher hushing or veIar fricalive refIexes in PAK. These are
mosl robabIy refIexes of PWC IabiaIized IaleraI affricales (/`, /:`, X`, `, as veII as
lhe reseclive non-IabiaIized , has secific refIexes, see above) and fricalives (`, :`).
4) Corresondences of PAT IabiaIized hushing consonanls lo differenl (veIar or fronl)
consonanls in Ibykh and PAK. There are exaclIy four such corresondences (by lhe
number of affricales: X`, X:`, L` and X`), and ve shouId aarenlIy reconslrucl lhe
PWC "aIalaIized-IabiaIized" IaleraI affricales here (ve musl nole lhal in PAT IabiaIized
hushing affricales, as veII as fricalives, on vhich see above, had robabIy been honeli-
caIIy aIalaIized). There are aIso lvo fricalive rovs, in vhich Ibykh `, ` corresond lo
non-aIalaIized hushing consonanls in PAT and lo veIars in PAK, and in vhich ve re-
conslrucl lhe IaleraI fricalives X` and ` resecliveIy.

189
We shouId once more emhasize lhal for aII lhe above-examined rovs of corre-
sondences quile reIiabIe exlernaI PIC dala exisls, oinling lo lhe facl lhal aII lhese rovs
acluaIIy refIecl originaI IaleraI consonanls. Wilhoul such exlernaI dala lhe reconslruclion
of lhe PWC syslem of IaleraIs vouId cerlainIy be absoIuleIy hyolhelicaI. Iel us nole lhal
lhe corresondence of Adygh fronl affricales lo IaleraI consonanls of Dagheslan Ian-
guages vas aIso menlioned in lhe vorks of A. I. Abdokov (see |Abdokov 1976, 1983j),
lhese vorks, hovever, do nol conlain a reconslruclion of lhe PWC syslem of IaleraIs.
We see lhal lhe reconslruclion of lhree IocaI affricale series (hissing, hushing and
IaleraI) and a four-vay dislinclion of quaIilalive fealures (Iain nonaIalaIized, aIalaI-
ized, IabiaIized and aIalaIized-IabiaIized consonanls) aIIovs us lo find a Iace and lo
suggesl a honelic inlerrelalion virluaIIy for aII absoIuleIy chaolic al firsl sighl
corresondences belveen Wesl Caucasian affricales and fricalives.
6. VeIar consonanls. Al lhe resenl lime lhe oosilion of aIalaIized and unaIa-
laIized veIars exisls onIy in Abkhaz and Abaza, and is reconslrucled on lheir evidence. In
Ibykh and PAK aII veIars undervenl a secondary aIalaIizalion. The "aIalaI-
ized-IabiaIized" veIars are reconslrucled for lhose rovs of corresondences, in vhich
Ibykh has non-IabiaIized (aIalaIized) veIars corresonding lo IabiaIized veIars in PAT
and PAK. The refIexes of lhe aIalaIized fricalives x, (reserved in PAT bul sub|ecl lo
sibiIanlizalion in Ibykh and PAK), as veII as of x`, ` (yieIding normaI refIexes in
Ibykh and PAK, bul deveIoing inlo s`, z` in PAT) are somevhal secific (lhough easy
lo exIain).
7. IvuIar consonanls are besl reserved in lhe Ibykh Ianguage (vhere ve shouId
nole onIy lhe usuaI rocesses: veakening of lense uvuIars and deIabiaIizalion of "aIa-
laIized-IabiaIized" uvuIars, comIeleIy simiIar lo lhe anaIogicaI rocess in lhe syslem of
veIars, see above). We musl nole lhal lhe signs x and i in Ibykh are somevhal misIead-
ing: lhere is no dislinclion of veIar and uvuIar aIalaIized fricalives, and lherefore ve
couId vrile x, as veII as _, i (lhus, lhe deveIomenl _ > x is ure orlhograhy, nol a
reaI change). Among olher changes in Ibykh ve shouId aIso nole lhe fricalivizalion G >
i (in combinalion vilh aII quaIilalive fealures) and q` > x.
In PAT ve observe a characlerislic rocess of IaryngeaIizalion , i > ,\ (in combi-
nalion vilh aII quaIilalive fealures). A simiIar IaryngeaIizalion has aIso occurred here
vilh lhe Iax uvuIar q (and ils quaIilalive correIales), obviousIy, as a sequence of lhe re-
ceding fricalivizalion q > . Among olher rocesses lhal have affecled lhe PAT syslem,
ve shouId menlion: 1) lhe veakening q:>q, 2) lhe fricalivizalion G > (ve musl nole
lhal, in PAT, uvuIar and veIar fricalives vere nol oosed, lherefore ve couId vrile i
inslead of ). The originaI aIalaIizalion is reserved onIy by PAT refIexes of lhe PWC
honemes and q, aIalaIized q, and \ are missing in PAT, lherefore in lhe Iace of
PWC q:, _ and i, PAT has non-aIalaIized refIexes.
In PAK Iax q, q` are veII reresenled onIy in iniliaI osilion, |udging by lhe avaiI-
abIe examIes, lhe PWC Iax uvuIar affricales vere slrenglhened in inlervocaIic osilion
in PAK. PaIalaIizalion of uvuIars (excel lhe reIic fricalive _, on ils

190
refIexes in Adygh Ianguages, see beIov) has been Iosl in PAK. We musl nole, hovever,
lhal vhiIe lhe non-aIalaIized gIollaIized q, q` Iose lheir gIollaIizalion in PAK ( > q:,
q`:), lhe reseclive aIalaIized consonanls yieId lhe secific IaryngeaI refIexes 1, 1`. We
shouId nole lhal A. Kuiers (|Kuiers 1963j) reconslrucls here PAK q, q`, vhich does
nol seem quile Iegilimale lo us (see beIov).
IvuIar haryngeaIized consonanls are onIy reserved in Ibykh. In lhis Ianguage
haryngeaIizalion vas Iosl onIy by aIalaIized haryngeaIized consonanls, vhose res-
ence in PWC can, hovever, be osluIaled on basis of secific rovs of corresondences,
vhere Ibykh uvuIar (somelimes reserving lheir haryngeaIizalion) consonanls corre-
sond lo PAT and PAK emhalic IaryngeaIs.
In PAT mosl haryngeaIized uvuIars deveIoed inlo emhalic IaryngeaIs, lhe uvu-
Iar characler vas reserved onIy by PWC qI, qI and qI`. In PAK lhe haryngeaIized
uvuIars (excel lhe aIalaIized ones) deveIo |usl as lheir reseclive non-haryngeaIized
counlerarls. Hovever, lhe suggesled uvuIar haryngeaIized aIalaIized (as veII as
aIalaIized-IabiaIized) consonanls have aII deveIoed inlo emhalic IaryngeaIs (ve
shouId nole lhe deveIomenl iI > |, iI` > v, lhal had aarenlIy had an inlermediale
slage \, \`).

Consonanl cIuslers are exlremeIy videsread in modern Wesl Caucasian Ianguages.
HisloricaI anaIysis shovs, hovever, lhal in mosl cases lhese combinalions are secondary,
arising as a resuIl of voveI reduclion. OnIy in comaraliveIy fev cases can ve recon-
slrucl reaI consonanl cIuslers for PWC (moslIy on lhe basis of Ibykh and PAK dala, in
PAT aII lhe oId cIuslers vere robabIy aIlogelher Iosl) in lhe foIIoving corresondences:

PWC PAT Ib PAK
P-C C PC PC
M-C m(V)C mC C
T-C C TC TC
n-C C nC n(V)C
r-C C C r(V)C
s-C C C/sC C/lC

In lhe Ialler lye of cIuslers, Ibykh and Adyghe have receding a uvuIar conso-
nanl, bul s and l resecliveIy receding olher consonanls.
AII lhe Iisled lyes of cIuslers are moslIy allesled in lhe beginning of PWC rools and
have robabIy hisloricaIIy deveIoed from lhe sequences CVC-, vhere voveI reduclion
had occurred aIready on lhe PWC IeveI. In some cases, hovever, lhe iniliaI PWC cIuslers
robabIy refIecl grammalicaI refixalion (see above, age 85), lhe lraces of vhich are aI-
mosl Iosl in nominaI PWC rools. GrammalicaI refixalion is robabIy refIecled in some
olher cases as veII (e.g., lhere is a sel of rools vilh lhe iniliaI sequences PC- or TC- in
PAK, bul Iain C- in Ibykh and in PAT, lhese cases are difficuIl lo inlerrel in any olher
vay lhan lhe refIeclion of oId refixalion).

191
In lhe mediaI osilion of PWC non-monosyIIabic rools, consonanl cIuslers are ex-
lremeIy rare (on lhe simIificalion of oId consonanl cIuslers in lhis osilion see above,
age 63). Hovever, lhere is one cIass of cases lhal shouId be seciaIIy menlioned. In some
rools vilh iniliaI IabiaI consonanls lhere are varialions of nasaI and non-nasaI refIexes in
descendanl Ianguages. We lenlaliveIy reconslrucl nasaIized voveIs here and eslabIish lhe
foIIoving rovs of corresondences:

PWC PAT Ib PAK
v- v- v- n-
b- m-/P- P- P-
:-,-,- m-/P- m- P-

In many cases Iike lhis nasaIizalion robabIy refIecls oId Iosl nasaI or Iiquid mediaI
resonanls. Hovever, lhe reconslruclion of nasaIizalion for PWC is ralher lenlalive firsl
of aII, because lhere are no lraces of nasaIized voveIs afler olher iniliaI consonanls or in
monosyIIabic slruclures. The exacl honelic characler of lhis henomenon in PWC is yel
lo be invesligaled.
PAT has lhe refIex m- usuaIIy receding fricalives and resonanls, vhiIe a non-nasaI
refIex is resenl in olher cases. IaryngeaI fealures (voice / voiceIessness / gIollaIizalion)
of lhe iniliaI IabiaI in PAT, Ibykh and PAK refIexes deend on lhe foIIoving consonanl
(see beIov).

1.10.1.2. Varialions of IaryngeaI fealures of consonanls.
In some cases in Wesl Caucasian Ianguages ve observe a vioIalion of reguIar (see
above) corresondences of fealures, such as voice/voiceIessness, lenseness/Iaxness and
gIollaIizalion. Varialions of voice/voiceIessness and gIollaIizalion are nol rare in lhe de-
veIomenl from PNC lo PWC (see above), bul somelimes such varialions are observed as
veII vilhin Wesl Caucasian Ianguages lhemseIves. Somelimes lhe reasons for lhese
varialions are difficuIl lo eslabIish, in mosl cases, hovever, lhe robabIe reason is lhe ac-
livily of various assimiIalive rocesses.
One of lhe mosl lyicaI cases is lhe vioIalion of corresondences of IaryngeaI fea-
lures in slruclures of lhe lye PVCV, vhere lhe firsl consonanl is usuaIIy IabiaI, and lhe
second consonanl is usuaIIy a fronl one. Mosl frequenl are lhe foIIoving lyes of correson-
dences belveen Ianguages:

PWC PAT Ib PAK
VC:V (V)CV CV :C:V
VV (V)CV CV V
VZV (V)SV bZV bZV
VZV(`) b(V)ZV V bZV

In some olher lyes of rools ve may aIso suose lhe aclivily of various assimiIalive
rocesses, lhey aII, hovever, require individuaI commenls.

192
1.10.2. VocaIism.
Wesl Caucasian Ianguages are knovn for lheir oor vocaIic syslems. For PWC ve
shouId aarenlIy aIso reconslrucl a syslem consisling of lvo voveIs: o and a, re-
served in aII descendanl Ianguages. In Ibykh and in lhe Adygh Ianguages lhere is an
addilionaI Iong voveI . In lhe Adygh Ianguages lhis voveI is evidenlIy secondary: il
aears in lhe firsl syIIabIe of lhe vord in lhe Iace of lhe shorl a in case lhere is anolher
a in lhe nexl syIIabIe (in case of o in lhe nexl syIIabIe lhere is no Ienglhening). In Ibykh,
in lhe firsl syIIabIe can aIso aear onIy before lhe voveI a of lhe second syIIabIe. In lhe
same osilion, hovever, ve can meel lhe shorl a as veII, lhus lhe dislribulion belveen a
and is nol quile cIear here (lhough il vouId nol be reasonabIe lo reconslrucl lhe oosi-
lion a for PWC on lhe basis of Ibykh dala aIone).
In many cases lhe PAT, Ibykh and PAK voveIs o and a uniformIy corresond lo
each olher. We shouId menlion some arlicuIar reguIarilies lhal seem lo modify lhe re-
fIexes in individuaI cases:
1) The voveI o yieIds a in PAK and Ibykh in monosyIIabic rools lhal are incIuded
in lhe enkIinomena (unaccenled) lye in PAT, lhe oId o is reserved in rools of lhe or-
lholonic (accenled) lye and afler IabiaIized consonanls,
2) The voveI a is usuaIIy reserved everyvhere. OnIy in lhe iniliaI syIIabIe main
bisyIIabic rools do ve observe lhe deveIomenl a > o in Ibykh and in PAT aIso onIy in
rools vilh lhe iniliaI unaccenled (minus) syIIabIe.
The silualion vilh vocaIic corresondences is somevhal comIicaled by lhe evidenl
resence of lhe o/a abIaul in PWC (in PAT lhere are cIear lraces of lhis abIaul in nominaI
rools, and in PAK il is very roduclive in verbaI slems). This oflen Ieads lo a vioIalion of
corresondences even belveen cIose diaIecls.
On lhe rehislory of Wesl Caucasian bivocaIism see above (age 73), ils deveIo-
menl from a richer originaI syslem (as a resuIl of lransferring quaIilalive fealures onlo
receding consonanls) seems quile cIear. This aIIovs us lo exIain lhe exlreme richness of
PWC consonanlism as veII as lhe four-vay oosilion of consonanlaI quaIilalive fealures.
Hovever, il is hardIy reasonabIe lo reconslrucl quaIilalive oosilions of voveIs as Iale
as on lhe PWC IeveI, as does A. I. Abdokov, ve shouId ralher dale lhe rocess of deslruc-
lion of quaIilalive (and quanlilalive) vocaIic oosilions from lhe eriod lhal immedi-
aleIy receded lhe division of lhe PWC unily.

In PWC, as veII as in modern Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, lhe buIk of rools had lhe
slruclure (C)CV, Ionger rools vilh lhe slruclure CVCV or CVCVCV vere more rare. The
revaIence of monosyIIabic rools in PWC is hisloricaIIy exIained by lhe faII of syIIabIes
vilh resonanl and IaryngeaI consonanls (see above, age 85).
PWC undoubledIy had a lonaI accenl slruclure. In lhe modern Ibykh and Abkhaz
Ianguages lhe originaI lonaI syslem has been lransformed inlo a syslem vilh a

193
dynamic mobiIe accenl, vherein lhe osilioning ruIes are delermined by informalion
aboul lhe beIonging of each syIIabIe of lhe given vord-form lo one of lhe lvo accenl
cIasses (vhich are resecliveIy marked as "+" and "-" by V. A. Dybo). olh Abkhaz and
Ibykh have a ruIe according lo vhich dynamic accenl in lhe vord is Iaced on lhe Iasl
syIIabIe in lhe sequence of "Ius" syIIabIes, and in lhe case vhen lhe vord has no "Ius"
syIIabIes on lhe Iasl syIIabIe in lhe sequence of "minus" syIIabIes. See lhe descrilion
and an alleml of lhe reconslruclion of lhe originaI syslem (il is suggesled lhal lhe mor-
honoIogic "+" and "-" characlerislics refIecl PWC lones) in lhe vorks |Dybo 1977, 1989j.
Some irreguIarilies in accenl corresondences belveen Ibykh and Abkhaz are
robabIy exIained by lhe resence of a lhird lone in PWC, vhich cannol be discovered
by synchronous morhonoIogicaI anaIysis of lhe Ibykh and Abkhaz syslems. WhiIe
vorking vilh seakers of lhe Taanl diaIecl of lhe Abaza Ianguage, ve discovered lhal il
sliII reserves lonaI oosilions (aIready Iosl in Abkhaz), lhal are, hovever, aIready
combined vilh a deveIoed syslem of dynamic accenl. The differences belveen lhe
Taanl and Abkhaz syslems aIso serve as an argumenl in favour of reconslrucling one
more lonaI fealure in PAT, vhose osluIalion vouId aIIov us lo exIain many cases of
irreguIar Abkhaz-Ibykh accenl corresondences. The soIulion of lhis robIem nov de-
ends on a carefuI fieId examinalion of lhe Abaza dala.
In lhe modern Adygh Ianguages lhe accenl dislinclions seem lo be absenl. Hovever,
S. I. NikoIayev vas abIe lo reconslrucl a dislinclive accenl in bisyIIabic nominaI PAK
rools, lhe Iace of vhich, in mosl cases, corresonds lo lhe Iace of accenl in reIaled
Abkhaz and Ibykh forms (see beIov).
The reconslruclion of lhe PWC accenl syslem, ve hoe, viII be comIeled in lhe
nearesl fulure, afler vhich il viII be ossibIe lo alleml a comarison of rosodic syslems
in Wesl Caucasian and Iasl Caucasian Ianguages.

1.10.4. From PAT lo lhe modern Abkhaz and Abaza diaIecls.

AII modern Abkhaz and Abaza diaIecls are very cIose lo each olher, and lherefore
ve viII Iimil ourseIves lo lhe briefesl informalion aboul lheir comaralive honoIogy
(ve use lhe dala of lhe besl described syslems: lhe zyb and Abzhui diaIecls of Abkhaz
and lhe Taanl diaIecl of Abaza).
For PAT ve reconslrucl lhe foIIoving syslem of consonanls (a simiIar syslem
vilh some minor differences is suggesled in lhe vorks of K.V. Iomlalidze, see |Iom-
lalidze 1976j el aI.):

194

Labials b f m v
Dentals l d n r, I
Labialized dentals l` d` `
Hissing c ( s z
Hissing-hushing (palatalized) (
Labialized hissing c` ` (` s` z`
Hushing (
Palatalized hushing c ( s z |
Labialized hushing ` ` (` ` `
Velars k g x
Palatalized velars k x
Labialized velars k` g` ` x` `
Uvulars q q
Palatalized uvulars q
Labialized uvulars q` q`
Emphatic laryngeals 1 \
Labialized emphatic laryngeals ` \`

We eslabIish lhe foIIoving corresondences belveen modern Ianguages and dia-
Iecls:

PAT zyb Abzh Ta

b b b b

f f f f
v v v v
m m m m
l l l l
d d d d

r r r r
I I I I
n n n n
l` l` |lj l` |lj `
d` d` |dbj d` |dbj `
` ` |j ` |j (`
c c c c

( ( ( (

195
PAT zyb Abzh Ta
s s s s
z z z z
c c
(z) (z)
( ( ( (
s s
z z
c` `
` `
(` ( ( (`
s` `
z` `

( ( ( (

c c c c

( ( ( (
s s s s
z z z z
| | | |
` f f c
` v v
(` (
` `
` `
k k k k
g g g g

x x
i i i

k k k k
x _ _ _
i i i
k` k` k` k`
g` g` g` g`
` ` ` `
x` x` ` `
` i` i` i`
q q
q q q q

196
PAT zyb Abzh Ta
q q q q
q` ` ` q`
q` q` q` q`
1 q q 1

\ 0() 0() \
` ` ` `
\` \` \` \`

Commenls.
1. Phonemes, lhal are reconslrucled as hissing IabiaIized and hushing IabiaIized,
couId be inlerreled as hissing-hushing IabiaIized and hissing IabiaIized resecliveIy.
HisloricaIIy, hovever, onIy lhe former have deveIoed from hissing IabiaIized conso-
nanls (lhe rare PAT hushing IabiaIized consonanls go back onIy lo PWC IaleraIs, see
above), and ve refer lhe inlerrelalion suggesled above.
2. PAT had no dislinclion belveen veIar and uvuIar fricalives (il has arisen onIy in
lhe zyb diaIecl as a resuIl of lhe fricalivizalion q > ). In modern Abkhaz and Abaza
diaIecls lhese honemes have a uvuIar arlicuIalion. This aIso concerns lhe zyb diaIecl
vilh ils oosilion x : lhe honeme lhal ve denole as x aIso has a uvuIar (or, al Ieasl,
back veIar) Iace of arlicuIalion, and differs from lhe uvuIar rimariIy by lhe characler
of friclion (fIal friclion sIol by x as oosed lo round friclion sIol by ). In PAT ve couId
aIso reconslrucl uvuIar ralher lhan veIar fricalives, hisloricaIIy, hovever, lhese honemes
go back lo PWC veIars (and IaleraIs, see above), vhiIe oId uvuIar fricalives in PAT have
undergone IaryngeaIizalion. Therefore, for PAT ve refer lo reconslrucl veIar fricalives
(lhough il is cerlainIy onIy one of lhe ossibiIilies).
3. The PAT voiced IaryngeaI \ disaears in Abkhaz, Ieaving behind a comensalory
Ienglhening of lhe voveI (bolh o and a give in lhis case). The correIaled IabiaIized Ia-
ryngeaI, reserved in Abaza, in Abkhaz is ronounced as a secific "em-
halic-aIalaIized" v (/vI/). For lhe sake of uniformily ve denole lhis secific Abkhaz
honeme as \`, using lhe same lranscrilion as in Abaza.
As for voveIs, ve reconslrucl lhe same bivocaIic syslem vilh lhe voveIs o and a for
PAT, as for PWC in generaI. In Abkhaz as veII as in Abaza lhere is a ruIe according lo
vhich lhe voveI o is droed in unaccenled osilion (if lhe accenl is being shifled lo lhis
unaccenled syIIabIe, lhe voveI o is reslored). As a resuIl of o-reduclions in Iong vords
nev cIuslers can arise, consisling of a Iarge number of consonanls, lhe morhonoIogicaI
anaIysis, hovever, cIearIy shovs lhal aII such sequences are recenl and lhal in PAT ve
shouId reconslrucl droed voveIs. olh in Abkhaz and in Abaza lhere are some con-
lexls in vhich lhe unaccenled o does nol disaear, hovever, since such conlexls are
ralher fev, and lhe oeraling ruIes are ralher comIicaled, ve viII nol dveII on lhem
here.
In some vords Abkhaz diaIecls have cIuslers of idenlicaI consonanls, never divided
by o. This is moslIy exressive vocabuIary, bul il may in rinciIe oinl lo lhe aearance
in Abkhaz of a nev cIass of lense consonanls (geminales) (lhe oId PWC lense consonanls
have been Iosl in PAT, see above).

197
As a resuIl of lhe comIele simIificalion of consonanl cIuslers, lhe PAT rool has
acquired lhe slruclure CV (or CVCV, more rareIy CVCVCV). In modern Ianguages lhis
slruclure is reserved on lhe morhonoIogicaI IeveI, bul, as a resuIl of o-reduclion, on lhe
honoIogicaI IeveI lhere are aIready many rools vilh nev consonanl cIuslers.
For a shorl characlerislics of lhe Abkhaz accenl syslem see above, age 193, for more
delaiIed informalion see lhe vorks | 1977, 1989j.

1.10.5. From PAK lo modern Adyghe Ianguages.
The PAK reconslruclion vas made by A. Kuiers (see |Kuiers 1963j, Ialer Soviel
vorks 1970 and 1981 have IillIe added lo our knovIedge of
PAK). There are lhe foIIoving minor differences (suggesled by S. I. NikoIayev) belveen
his reconslruclion and ours:
1) On lhe basis of (rare) corresondences "Ad. c: Kab. " and "Ad. : Kab. ", ve re-
conslrucl lhe PAK hissing-hushing affricales and , vhich are araIIeI lo lhe hiss-
ing-hushing fricalives , (lhe Ialler lvo are resenl in lhe reconslruclion of A. Kuiers,
loo). ConsequenlIy, lhe corresondence "Ad. s: Kab. s" (according lo A. Kuiers refIecling
PAK s) is inlerreled by us as lhe resuIl of a uniform fricalivizalion of lhe originaI PAK
gIollaIized hissing-hushing affricale (.
2) On basis of lhe corresondence "Ad. : Kab. " (aIso very rare) ve reconslrucl a
fourlh PAK IaleraI honeme (on ils origin see above). ConsequenlIy, inslead of lhe
IaleraI gIollaIized fricalive X (according lo A. Kuiers) ve reconslrucl a PAK IaleraI
gIollaIized affricale X.
3) On basis of lhe corresondences "Ad. : Kab. " and "Ad. : Kab. ", ve recon-
slrucl lvo aIalaIized back fricalives _ and , nol resenl in lhe reconslruclion of A.
Kuiers (lhey are aIso very rare).
4) Inslead of lhe fricalive `, ve reconslrucl lhe affricale (`, lhus, gIollaIized frica-
lives are lolaIIy eIiminaled from lhe PAK syslem (lheir secondary characler is aIso cIearIy
seen in comarison vilh lhe evidence of olher Wesl Caucasian Ianguages, see above).
5) On lhe olher hand, inslead of lhe gIollaIized affricale q of A. Kuiers ve recon-
slrucl lhe emhalic IaryngeaI 1 (reserved vilh lhe same arlicuIalion in modern Adygh
Ianguages), as ve have seen above, lhough lhis IaryngeaI deveIoed from an earIier uvu-
Iar consonanl, il did nol deveIo direclIy from q. The facl lhal lhis consonanl is rendered
as q in Ibykh Ioanvords, is irreIevanl in lhis case (because of lhe Iack of emhalic Iaryn-
geaIs in Ibykh).
6) Inslead of lhe iniliaI h, reconslrucled by A. Kuiers on lhe basis of syslem consid-
eralions, ve refer lo reconslrucl a zero beginning in PAK.
7) In bisyIIabic rools of PAK ve reconslrucl lvo ossibIe Iaces of accenl vilh lhe
foIIoving deveIomenl of slruclures in descendanl Ianguages:

198

PAK Ad Kab
CaCa CC CCa
CaCo CaC CaC
CoCa CoC CoCa
CoCo CoC CoC
CaCa CCa CCa
CaCo CaCo CaC
CoCa CoCa CoCa
CoCo CoCo CoC

In Adyghe (Temirgoy) lhere is a ruIe, according lo vhich every unaccenled finaI
voveI is reduced, in Kabardian lhere is a ruIe according lo vhich every finaI o is reduced,
bul finaI a is reserved. Il is ossibIe lhal ve viII be abIe lo reconslrucl reIevanl accenl
oosilions in monosyIIabic morhemes as veII (by anaIysing comosila), hovever, lhis
has nol yel been done.
Iel us nov give a shorl labIe of corresondences belveen lhe Adyghe Ianguages
and diaIecls (for more delaiIed informalion see lhe vorks |Kuiers 1963, Kumakhov
1981j). We viII give lhe dala of lhe besl described syslems (zhedug, Temirgoy and
Kabardian):

AK zhed Tem Kab

: : b
b b b b

v v v v
m m m m
l l l l
l: l: l d
d d d d

r r r r
n n n n
c c c c
c: c: c

( ( ( (
s s s s
z z z z
c` ` ` f
c:` :` ` v
` ` ` v
(` ` ` f
s` ` ` f
z` ` ` v
(:) c(c:) c

199
AK zhed Tem Kab
(

: :
( ( (

: :

c s s
c: c: c

( ( (
s s s
: s: s
z z z

X

I I I I
c c
: c: c

k ( ( (
x x x x

k` k` k` k`
k:` k:` k` g`
g` g` g` g`
` ` ` `
x` f f x`

q q q-,q: q
q: q: q: q

i i i i
_
q` q` q`-,q:` q`
q:` q:` q:` q`
` ` ` `
i` i` i` i`
1 1 1 1

Cauc Pref

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Cauc Pref

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

S. L.

You might also like