prepared by Dr.

Jo Myers Thompson, December 2009

Groups Living Inside the Park Salonga Boundaries

The draft document <PARC NATIONAL DE LA SALONGA - PLAN GENERAL DE GESTION 2010- 2020> correctly identified two groups of people living within the park boundaries. The two groups are distinct and separate from each other and must be managed with very different approaches and goals. The groups are : 1) Kitawalist religious society 2) Iyaelima ethnic group I will first present information describing each group and then propose strategies that respond to the '10 year strategic plan.' It is very imperative to comprehend the significant differences between the groups.

Kitawalist religious society :

Inside the park, the Kitawalist religious sect has a population of 5,000 - 7,000 people (estimated by WCS, 2003), comprised of many different ethnic groups (Mongo, Kongo, Luba, etc.). Their language of communication is Lingala. They reside in a single village complex (Kitawala), located just inside the eastern park border, laying west of the Lomela River, within Secteur Yokelelu of the North Block (Administrative Zone Bokungu, Province Tshuapa). The Kitawala society can be traced back to its origin in the American Jehovah's Witness group. It was introduced to Africa in about 1906, when American Jehovah's Witnesses arrived in South Africa, via Capetown. Migrant miners then spread the movement through southern Africa and entered Katanga Province around 1923. The publishing branch, used worldwide by Jehovah's Witnesses, is the ' Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society.' Their literature, with the publishing stamp of 'Watch Tower', was distributed widely. Once the members reached Katanga, the name 'Watch Tower' was altered in local translation, and became "Kitawala" (a corruption of the local word for "tower"). In the Congo, their anti-establishment beliefs spread quickly. During the 1940s, the society transformed into an extremist, synthesis of African and Christian elements, promoting an antisocial and insubordinate attitude. The society message was so fanatical (apolitical and anti-authoritarian) that in 1949 the worldwide 'Jehovah's Witness / Watch Tower' movement formally renounced the Kitawalists. Kitawalists remain hostile to all forms of authority. They have been accused of preaching civil disobedience. After Independence, government efforts to centralize the
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prepared by Dr. Jo Myers Thompson, December 2009

Groups Living Inside the Park Salonga Boundaries

state were in direct contradiction to the Kitawalist teachings and beliefs. The consequence was conflict between the state and the Kitawalists ; and the eventual withdrawal of the Kitawalists into inaccessible regions. Since Independence, entire Kitawala communities have moved into the deep forest, in order to escape any contact with civil authorities. In 1970 during the state's attempt to complete a national census, some of the Kitawalists (then living in Equateur Province), withdrew from civilization and relocated deep into the forests of the park Salonga, where they have since lived in isolation from the state and their fellow national citizens. The Kitawalists are a counterstate, and considered to be subversive against the state. The Kitawalistes belong to a decentralized, national, syncretic, religious sect. They also reside elsewhere across the country. They have rejected the state's efforts to bring them into the main stream of national life. The Kitawalists have continued to deny the validity and legitimacy of the state's authority. They refuse to vote; do not respect symbols of the state (like the flag), decline to pay taxes; and failed to present themselves for national censusing. They do not recognize the validity, legitimacy, or existence of any state entity, including the park. Thus, they are a threat to law and order. Their practices have severe negative implications for conservation. The results of surveys, conducted during the 2003/2004 ICCN/MIKE/WCS large mammal inventory, found that there were no bonobo nests near the Kitawala village. The WCS study revealed that the inventory block associated with the Kitawalists had the highest index of hunting within the entire park, including both North and South blocks. This suggests that the Kitawalists may produce intense threat to the integrity of the park and / or may provide an opening to outsiders, who then come into the park to illegally poach.

Iyaelima ethnic group :

The Iyaelima are a population of 2,339 people (exact census by Lukuru Project, 2006), unevenly distributed across eight villages, located linearly along the path from Anga to Mundja, and entirely living within Secteur Anga of the South Block (Administrative Zone Dekese, Province Kasai Occidental). The Iyaelima have lived on their ancestral land since before written history. The land they occupy inside the park Salonga, is their only location. They do not exist outside that limited territory, which is entirely inside the park boundaries. They define themselves by that land. Their land, inside the park, is who they are. They identify
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Groups Living Inside the Park Salonga Boundaries

themselves as being characterized by the region. Their ancestors are buried in this land. It is very important to understand that, during the development of the park, accommodations were always made for the Iyaelima to remain permanent in that location. This map shows the park design after it was expanded to include the South Block :

Note that the south block excludes the Iyaelima territory. This draft of the proposed park did not incorporate the Iyaelima territory inside its boundaries. Finally, in a conscious attempt to designate a protected area greater in surface area than the Belgian state, President Mobutu expanded the park boundaries to the present description and included a Zone of Occupation for the Iyaelima. This map illustrates the boundaries of the South Block of Salonga National Park as illustrated in the World Heritage Nomination Form submitted to UNESCO, March 1988. The final version provided a corner of the park south of the Lokolo River, zoned for human occupation and use, to accommodate the permanence of the Iyaelima.
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prepared by Dr. Jo Myers Thompson, December 2009

Groups Living Inside the Park Salonga Boundaries

Zone of Occupation Iyaelima. Land claim petitioned by the Chef de Coutumier, Isolu.

Following the IUCN 'Protected Areas Category System' management type, the designation of National Park is a natural area selected a) to protect the ecological integrity of the ecosystem; b) to exclude exploitation or occupation that might be detrimental to this protection; and c) to provide a foundation for spiritual, scientific, educational, recreational and visitor opportunities that are environmentally and culturally compatible. Due to the vastness of the park, it is largely inaccessible except for the extensive network of river routes. The Lokolo, Lokoro, and Lula Rivers, provide the primary access routes into and out of this region of the park, in the southern block. Bushmeat traffic flows out of the park along the rivers that make the southern boundary of the park. Inside the park, the Lokoro River flows through the center of the Iyaelima territory and the Lokolo River is in the northern part of the Iyaelima territory. Thus, the Iyaelima are the first line of defense at these access routes inside the park.
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prepared by Dr. Jo Myers Thompson, December 2009

Groups Living Inside the Park Salonga Boundaries

The numerous changes to the boundaries of the park, by the government during its creation, have led to the many misconceptions and miscommunication of park parameters. This has resulted in some animosity and conflict between the resident Iyaelima and the park personnel. The original conservator of the sector (Conservateur Tatela) communicated that the road bisecting the Iyaelima territory was the park limit; land southwest of the road was outside the park limits. The Iyaelima still perceive that they are entitled to hunt legally and to plant their agriculture fields southwest of the road, on land that they consider to be outside the park. This inconsistency in past and present communication about park boundaries and the application of punitive measures and law enforcement has led to confusion, disputes and infractions that resulted in the incarceration of Iyaelima. The Iyaelima do recognize the authority of the state and of ICCN. The Iyaelima host ICCN Patrol Posts in four of their villages : Iyamba, Luapa, Ila, and Bosandja. Park personnel and their families live amongst the Iyaelima. The Iyaelima understand that it is illegal for them to transport meat to markets outside the park (to the centers at Oshwe, Dekese, Ilebo, Lokolama, and Mweka) and merchants are restricted from coming into the park; merchants are not permitted to bring merchandise to the Iyaelima. When engaged in collaborative communication, the Iyaelima are able to identify the principal routes used for access, by outsiders, to their section of the park. These access routes are used by people from Ilebo and Oshwe (the Bungimba military post) to poach from the park. The principal access routes generally intersect at the village of Losalanga, outside the park but traverse through the Iyaelima territory. The Iyaelima do not have the law enforcement authority to take action against outsiders who illegally poach in the park, but they are in a critical position to monitor and to know about what is happening. The Iyaelima do actively practice traditional conservation. They avoid the use of toxic plants in the rivers. Their Chief sets a period of time when the people cannot use a part of the forest. They believe that the conscious rotational use of certain forest areas, either seasonally or annually, allows the animals to return; thereby eliminating the need for the hunters to go farther into the forest. They space the locations of their hunting camps to permit corridors, from where animal populations can draw to replace those lost during the hunting season. They honor sites that they believe are inhabited by the spirits of their ancestors, the spirits of the water, and the spirits of the forest. These special sites, and the corresponding forest blocks, are not occupied or used for hunting and serve as a reservoir for wildlife populations. Their practices have important positive implications for conservation. The results of surveys done during the 2003/2004 ICCN/MIKE/WCS large mammal inventory, found some of the highest concentrations of bonobo nests near the Iyaelima villages. In fact, the study findings indicated that within the area occupied by the Iyaelima, there may be up to five times more bonobos than in other secteurs of the park.
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Groups Living Inside the Park Salonga Boundaries

Additionally, the WCS study revealed that the inventory block associated with the Iyaelima had the lowest index of hunting within the entire part, including both blocks.

Proposed Strategies that respond to the '10 year strategic plan'

The Kitawalists must be approached through a well orchestrated outreach process. The ultimate goal for the 10-year plan should culminate in their relocation outside the park. But, this needs to be phased in by first bringing them into discussions. The Kitawalists need to be informed and educated about the park. A 'third-party' mediator needs to conduct an in-depth investigation (fact-finding) about the Kitawalists living inside the park. There needs to be an official mechanism for 'binding arbitration'. The arbitration must have the agreement from both parties (the state / ICCN and the Kitawalists) that any decision will be binding for all parties. The 'third-party' mediator then reviews the facts and makes a final decision.

In agreement with the IUCN Protected Areas Category System, integration of the Iyaelima into the management of SNP will permit occupation that might be beneficial for protection and will provide an opportunity for traditional land use that is culturally compatible. A study in 2001 by Bruner, et al., found that the number of people living inside a park did not correlate significantly with success and effectiveness of protection. In the Iyaelima region of the park, it is the resident human presence that offers the best option for bonobo conservation. Here a scientifically proven association exists between human presence and rate of human activity, paired with bonobo density and abundance. Some examples of indigenous practices of the Iyaelima that might be integrated into planned management for the conservation of bonobos include: -- local community decisions about what animals to protect / taboo; -- seasonal area rotation of hunting and fishing areas; -- local taboos against hunting and eating of select species; and -- knowledge about bonobo presence and population ecology for increased value from tourism or for focus of scientific research. Effective monitoring of factors likely to impact bonobos, such as organized commercial poachers, can best be performed by the people in residence who feel a sense of ownership of their traditional land. As recruitment efforts are underway, it would be advisable for ICCN to target Iyaelima recruits to post throughout the park. Ethnicity is an important factor in cooperation between park enforcers and residents. Affirmative action hiring - actively selecting recruits from the Iyaelima - would actually improve the capacity of ICCN to protect the
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prepared by Dr. Jo Myers Thompson, December 2009

Groups Living Inside the Park Salonga Boundaries

park. Partnering local people as park employees would foster a more compatible relationship and joint focus on conservation. During past periods of national or regional conflict, the Iyaelima stayed to protect their ancestral land. Their presence in the site and knowledge of the region offers the critical opportunity to achieve a meaningful presence and successful protective action across this region of the park. In order to protect and to monitor the region, ICCN must ensure non-enforcement contact between ICCN and the Iyaelima. Cooperation with and understanding of the local people and community-based conservation efforts are required to bolster the national capacity for protecting the park and its bonobos. By considering and utilizing conservation knowledge and traditional practices that regulate the Iyaelimas relationship with natural resources, central government may augment their strategy to reach adequate protection levels. By incorporating the Iyaelima into the management structure, conservation efforts can be strengthened and expanded. Given the size of this park and inaccessibility of critical wildlife populations, the ICCN currently has difficulty achieving a meaningful presence and successful protective action across the extent of the park. Current, Iyaelima represent only 2 % of the park staff. Only three Iyaelima are employed by the park, two of whom are working outside Iyaelima territory. This needs to change and Iyaelima need to be integrated into the management effort. The principal threats to the survival of bonobos in the park include : commercial poaching by communities bordering the park and organized bands of poachers endorsed by military authorities coming from outside the park. Hiring Iyaelima to build local ICCN capacity and to improve monitoring for regional protection of their ancestral land, would benefit conservation by integrating them into the management structure instead of keeping them outside it. Recognizing and engaging the local people is essential to assure the successful management of this site and conservation of the bonobo. Integrating traditional local land use practices may have implications for a patchwork of conservation approaches weaved together for a range-wide conservation strategy. We advocate the dissemination of local knowledge as a way to provide for bonobo conservation. It is now up to the management committee to create a mechanism in which the Iyaelima can maintain their traditional lifestyles without demographic expansion or increase, their land use practices with traditional technology, and some level of control over the management of the area.

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