IS THE TELEVISION LANDSCAPE DOMINATED BY PUBLIC SERVICE OR COMMERCIAL TELEVISION?

- ITALY

COURSE: EUROPEAN MEDIA SCENE

PROF. JORIS VANDERPOORTEN GROUP J CLEYMANS JRMY GONZALEZ ANTHONY HOROBE CLAUDIA VAMANU ALEXANDRA
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CONTENT

I.

Introduction: Television in Italy (Cleymans Jrmy)

II. Current situation: Berlusconis influence on television

(Horobe Claudia and Vamanu Alexandra)

III. Case study: Videocracy (Gonzalez Anthony)

IV. Conclusion

I. Introduction: Television in Italy

The evolution of Italian Television

The early years: 30's - 50's
Television in Italy was introduced in 1939, when the first experimental broadcasts began. However, this lasted for a very short time: when fascist Italy entered World War II in 1940 all transmissions were interrupted, and were resumed in nine years after the end of the conflict, on January 3, 1954. The state-owned RAI was invented in 1954: Radiotelevisione italiana. Today it is composed of three generalist channels, two semi-generalist channels and nine thematic channels. The objective of 50's Italian TV was to educate Italys population and try to solve the commu nication difficulties posed by the unintelligible dialects in the whole country. Such was the prevalence of dialects that many Italians literally could not understand each other. television had to do with the unification of the country back in 1871. From the 50's to around the end of the 70's programming was designed to both unify the country and overcome what some considered as being Italian ignorance. This goal was partially achieved because there werent a lot of Italians anymore that could only speak their own dialect. Back in those days TV programming was intellectual and informative and powerful minds were involved in creating informative broadcasts. In those days, Italians watch an average of around 6 or 7 hours of TV a day, which is a lot for a country with a sunny weather. The influence of Italian TV has been so powerful that Italians stopped bothering with things like books and newspapers, and instead relied on TV as their primary source of information. The beginning of Italian

Auditel, the 80s and the downfall of television

On the subject of information on Italian TV, an Italian audience monitoring body, called Auditel, is responsible for measuring viewing figures based on a meter distributed to 5.000 Italian families which make up as total of 14.000 actual viewers. While the company is supposed to be independent, Auditel has come under criticism for using a statistical methodology that does not accurately represent true viewer numbers. Somehow statistics show that the sample of 14.000 people can reflect the actual viewing habits of up to 15 million Italians.
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For example: the reality show L'Isola dei Famosi. Although Auditel says that millions watch this commerical and cheap offering, strangely, not many real people will actually admit to having seen it. Commercial TV-channels used these figures to continue to broadcast that kind of programs. It is said Auditel had been bribed by politicians to manipulate these statistics even though there are no proves for that. In 1978 Silvio Berlusconi founded the commercial organization called Mediaset and in 1985, the Decreto Berlusconi became law, allowing the Berlusconi channels to broadcast nationally bums and breasts television which continues today. Prior to the emergence of Berluscovision, RAI had simply become too boring and too informative and had not bothered to try and entertain Italian TV viewers, which was why the Berlusconi approach, with its glamorous showgirls and their skimpy clothes took over the Italian living rooms. RAI answered the Berluscovision challenge by dumbing down its own programming in an attempt to reconquer their lost share and the battle has led to todays hideous quality of Italian TV today. Only Italys RAI 3 channel has managed to maintain a little bit of television with an intellectual character, but even this channel has started to broadcast a variety of soaps and reality shows.

II. Current situation: Berlusconis influence on television

Today it is almost impossible to discuss about the Italian media without mentioning Silvio Berlusconi. Who is Silvio Berlusconi? The communication field met Silvio Berlusconi for the first time in 1980, when he founded Canale 5 and created Mediaset Group. For years later, Berlusconi already added other two channels: Italia 1 and Rete 4, thereby gaining the monopoly in the private broadcasting sector. Since the 1990's, Berlusconi has big influence in the Italian media and also politics. He owns the Italian publishing house, Mondadori and the film distribution company Medusa which gives him enough power to convince people to be on his side.

What was his purpose?

To win grant favors, to influence media laws to be approved in his favor, protecting his personal interests. Berlusconi offered different positions in his media group to those who supported him and eliminated those who were against him. An example that can be mentioned is about the comedian Daniele Luttazzi and the journalists Enzo Biagi and Michele Santoro. Media control gives Berlusconi enough power to manipulate information in a manner that him and his partners approve. These acts violated the audience right to be well informed. Because Berlusconi controls 90 percent of Italian television, journalist unions opposed his political influence: "We hope we are not dealing with another crackdown on the power of information".1 The latest controversy surrounds the dismissal of one of Italy's most popular and respected anchorman, Enrico Mentana, from the nightly newscast on the Berlusconi-owned Channel 5.

Tracy Wilkinson, Italy's prime minister accused of manipulating media outlets. Critics say TV anchor's removal was attack on independent reporting, Los Angeles Times, 2004.
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After 13 years in the job, Mentana was given other duties and replaced by the editor of a Berlusconi-owned magazine. A big controversy took place in 2004, when the anchorman Enrico Mentana from the nightly newscast on Channel 5 was replaced by editor of a Berlusconi-owned magazine. Mentana was the third best newscaster who was dismissed from television since 2001, when Berlusconi came to power. A satire program that criticized the prime minister was cancelled after one episode, for this reason the president of RAI, Lucia Annunziata quit and affirmed that Berlusconi filled up the broadcast network mailbox with requests. "Silvio Berlusconi's conflict of interests as prime minister and at the same time owner of a media empire continued to affect the independence of the broadcasting sector," said the organization in a report released in 2004.2 An example of Freedom of Press in Italy is given lower.

Idem.
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"The Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe, believes that the "Gasparri Law" on the reform of the broadcasting sector may not effectively guarantee greater pluralism simply through the multiplication of television channels in the course of digitalization."3 The Assembly also thinks that the law allows Mediaset to extend more and it gives market players to have a monopoly in a given sector without achieving the antitrust limit in the system of communications.

Because of the power that Berlusconi had in politics as head of government, he also influenced RAI, which it is a public organization and the main competitor of Mediaset. About 90% of the television audience was commanded by RAI and Mediaset, giving Berlusconi a lot of control in the Italian media. A proof of the big dominance in the Italian media is that there is no other European broadcaster which dominates so much.4 The media pluralism was affected and the television market was seen as an anomaly because of the duopoly. Even if the dominant position of RAI was noticed by authorities and was anticonstitutional along with three television channels of Mediaset, the parliament approved the Berlusconis decree which allowed him broadcasting and violating the antitrust limits until a new legislation will be adopted. RAI was known as an important medium which always presented the political situation in Italy, but internal pluralism was changed when the channel switched from the dominant political ideologies from the past, to the present political system. The Parliamentary Assembly was concern about the journalist situation. The president of RAI left the channel together with one of the most popular journalist in the country as a protest for the political influence in media.
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Parliamentary Assembly, Monopolisation of the electronic media and possible abuse of power in Italy, 2004, http://assembly.coe.int/ASP/XRef/X2H-DW-XSL.asp?fileid=17237&lang=EN (November 2013). 4 (2010, December 16). The glory of Berlusconi - Like its founder, Mediaset is tacky, unfairly advantagedand resilient. The Economist. Retrieved November 23, 2013 from http://www.economist.com/node/17732923.
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Even if the printed media in Italy always provided a greater pluralism and political balance than broadcasting sector, the majority of Italian people use television as a medium of information. The main edition of Canale 5s news program has an average audience of about 7 million viewers, compared with RAIs 8 million viewers of TG 1.5 A big problem is represented by the negative image that Italy have because of Berlusconis strange association between media and politics. The Council of Europe is severely concerned about the future of the independent media in democracy. From the beginning of Berlusconi's political career, he started to create an empire using human resources from his businesses. He took advantage of all people that could help him to open doors in media for politics. This was a political consequence of media concentration. When he founded Forza Italia party, he also used all his connections to transfer employees from his Fininvest organization. Rete 4 helped Berlusconi to create a positive image, presenting his own point of view in a dramatic manner, placing the others opponents in an inferior position. In addition, even if Rete 4 has a relatively small audience it has also a female audience who are already on Berlusconi's side. On the other hand, RAI it was also known for its anti-Berlusconi attitude. Berlusconi used his television empire to assure positive negotiations for him, instead of using it for propaganda. This was one of the reasons why Berlusconi was more powerful than his opponents, because no other politician had his resources. Another reason why he was considered so powerful, is that he could offer favorable publicity and support the other politicians, in return of their collaboration. He also offered jobs and business opportunities, gaining people on his side. Despite the dominance of Berlusconi, he had a lot to win because of the competitor's mistake to put him in the center of attention. During the candidacy for Prime Minister every mass media and politician tried to discredit him but all they did was to make him look like a victim and as an open person that accepts his mistakes. RAI helped Berlusconi to build a connection with his voters, knowing that Italian people don't always make a difference between personal and community interests.
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http://www.agcom.it/Home.aspx
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Mediaset Italia is now available in several cable operator grids of Romania, such as NextGen (Romtelecom), Channel S, Ines Group and TV Sat 2002, and the company's plans, as they were presented by Project Manager Paola Santiago Haas, are to expand on major platforms in Romania. Some of Berlusconi's television stations, including Channel 5 aired in Romania until the mid90's, with the entry of the Copyright Act (Act no.8/1996). For several years, the Italian company began to explore the market in Romania, trying to negotiate with the major operators.

File:Flickr NewsPhoto! Italianen protesteren in Amsterdam.jpg http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Rapporto_freedom_Press_sintesi_1980-2008_Italia.png

III. Case study: Videocracy

"Life can be wonderful, like television." Silvio Berlusconi

Its not a question of ideology, its a question of lack of values, lack of morality. Italy has become a country where words dont work anymore. Videocracy means the power of the image. (Director) Erik Gandini

Erik Gandinis Videocracy is an intriguing and distressing documentary film that explores Silvio Berlusconis media empire, and the deep impact that it has had on Italian society and culture. Gandinis investigative endeavour was released in 2009, but the trailers were blocked on the si x main Italian television channels, which are controlled by Berlusconi. It was a tacit form of censorship aimed at obstructing Videocracys popularity, the alleged reason for doing so being that it was offensive to Berlusconis reputation. This backfired completely as the block created mass-hype about the film, and when it was screened at the Venice Film Festival it was received by a huge audience and accolades. The film is ostensibly about Berlusconis TV empire, built upon reality shows, and the omnipresent chauvinistic, sexified focus on scantly dressed women, which has in turn created a ubiquitous obsession with celebrity culture. The film explores this media-led hysteria in which image and appearance are everything, and most important of all the gate to money, power and fame. Gandini also focuses on the fact that in Berlusconis case, the image and power he built through his TV empire allowed him to enter the world of politics and run a three month political campaign that got him elected as Italian prime-minister for the first time. But Gandini goes further; he wants to find out just how deeply this screen-obsessed culture has penetrated Italian consciousness. The film begins with afflictive scenes of scantily dressed Italian show-girls, with dark music accompaniment in the background. The first character explored is Ricky, a tragic young factory worker from the north of Italy whose dream is to make it big on TV. He sees himself as a mix between Ricky Martin and Van-Damme, but despite countless auditions for programmes and shows, all he can ever get is work as an audience-filler. He blames his inability to make it big on the fact that
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he is a man; and men in Italy, in his opinion, have a lot harder time becoming famous than women. For Ricky, TV is the only chance of breaking away from the sad realities of Italys socio-economic barriers, the only chance of being someone that means something. The film moves on to look at Sardinias Costa Smeralda, the coastal area that is Italys ultimate VIP capital. Lele Mora, Italys top celeb agent and Berlusconis close friend is interviewed at his lush villa, where he reveals his praise for Berlusconi and his obsession with Mussolini. During the interviews his vast poolside and garden are inhabited by Big Brother and Im a Celebrity Get Me Out of Here stars who have made it big thanks to Moras power to transform people into VIPs. The final character that Gandini investigates is the squalid paparazzi boss Fabrizio Corona. Corona was once Moras right hand man, but his mon eyobsession led him to become the man with a monopoly over paparazzi in Italy. He however, does not usually sell compromising images to gossip magazines, he blackmails the very celebrities in the photos and sells the images back to them for extortionate prices (which shows just how much image matters, and costs, in Italy). He defines himself as a modern Robin Hood, one who steals from the rich, to give to himself. All throughout the film, snippets are shown of the programs that Berlusconi has fostered throughout the years, mindless reality shows, programs where mother-in-laws choose the perfect wife for their thirty-something sons based on how well they clean the house, and how good their cooking is. Whatever the shows, women are objects and ornaments, their bodies talking to the minds of Italy, their mouths not saying much. Videocracy is a poignant analysis of Italy and the principles that guide it. Berlusconi receives criticism daily for his dodgy fiscal dealings and most recently for the sex scandals he is involved in. Videocracy however digs far deeper as it successfully attempts to uncover just how powerful Berlusconi is, and the devastating effects that his empire has had on the minds, lives and aspirations of Italians. Gandini says You get a picture of a generation which is very very obsessed by brands, by their own appearance, not interested in politics so much, nor in the world... You have a country which is culturally caught in a bubble of values which are what I call a videocracy, where image is everything. Gandini explores how Berlusconis thirty year monopoly over TV broadcasting, his ownership of important newspapers and the most popular gossip magazines (of which 120 million are sold annually in Italy) has created a society in which the lines between reality and fantasy have become strangely blurred and warped.

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The role of womenThe relationship between politics and media

The decline in moral values (Fabrizio Corona, paparazzo / Lele Mora, celeb agent)

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IV. CONLUSION

1. Nowadays Italian politicians have been using TV channels to bolster their positions with propaganda campaigns. So today we can conclude that there are two major television organizations in Italy that control the whole television landscape: the state-owned RAI and the commercial television company of Mediaset. But both stations are strongly corrupted and manipulated by the Italian politicians.

2. During Berlusconi's politico-media control, the voice of journalist was diluted. The battle between newspapers and broadcasts which were for and against him put the journalism on the back foot for almost twenty years.

3. Without television and the mass trash-culture that it broadcasts daily to millions of Italians, this form of control over the consciousness of Italians, and silent guidance of their desires, would not have been possible. This documentary shows the similarity between public television and private television. While the public service needs to increase knowledge and culture. In Italy, it recedes to the excesses of private television. This thing has been possible because of of one man: Berlusconi. Direct or indirect way, it influences the content of television. It is a political and media problem that is causing this situation. Still today slippages are numerous. Recently a mother learned the rape and death of her daughter live in prime time. Television, it is a tool of alienation that can also serve as propaganda (advertising campaign). This is not television that is to blame. These are the links between politics and media are a control. But who really wants?

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Naravane, V. (2011, February 10). Corruption: is Italy a step ahead?. thehindu.com. Retrieved November 23th, 2013, from http://www.thehind u.com/opinion/lead/corruption-isitaly-a-step-ahead/article1165279.ece Emmerson, A. Early Television in Italy. websitehome.co.uk. Retrieved November 23th, 2013 from http://s206301103.website home.co.uk/database/it.tv.htm Roe, A. (2008, October 7). Once Upon a Time Italian TV was Good. italychronicles.com. Retrieved November 23th, 2013, from italychronicles.com/once-upon-a-time-italian-tv-wasgood/ Aresu, A. Principal TV Stations in Italy. lospaziodellapolitica.com. Retrieved November 23th, 2013 from http://www.understan dingitaly.com/profile-content/media.html Wilkinson, T. (2004, November 30). Italy's prime minister accused of manipulating media outlets. Critics say TV anchor's removal was attack on independent reporting. http://articles.baltimoresun.com. Retrieved November 23th, 2013 from

http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2004-11 minister-newscast

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Parliamentary Assembly. (2004, June 24). Monopolization of the electronic media and possible abuse of power in Italy. http://assembly.coe.int. Retrieved November 23th, 2013 from http://assembly.coe.int/ASP/XRef/X2H-DW-XSL.asp?fileid=17237&lang=EN (2013, February 13). Italy profile. bbc.co.uk. Retrieved November 23th, 2013 from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-17433146 Mancini, P., & Hallin, D. (2001, July 18). Italys television, Italys democracy. opendemocracy.net. Retrieved November 23th, 2013 from http://www.opendemocracy.net/media-publicservice/article_59.jsp

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(2010, December 16). The glory of Berlusconi - Like its founder, Mediaset is tacky, unfairly advantagedand resilient. economist.com. Retrieved November 23th, 2013 from http://www.economist.com/node/17732923 Casarosa, F. (2010, October). Background information report. Media policies and regulatory practices in a selected set of European countries, the EU and the Council of Europe: The case of Italy. mediadem.eliamep.gr. Retrieved November 23th from http://www.mediadem.eliamep.gr/wp-content/uploads/2010/05/Italy.pdf

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