Digest # 10 (1994)

EDUCATION

"PRODUCING SEMI-ILLITERATES"

by ASTRIT SALIHU

The dismantlement of the Yugoslav association meant the automatic breakdown of the unique
Federal educational system. This also conditioned the radical changes of the educational
system in Kosova. In Kosova these changes were followed by suspensions and suppressions
of the vital institutions of Kosova, and naturally, education. The Albanians in Kosova replied
to these impositions with the creation of the parallel system of government. Their
independence from the violently imposed Serbian system was best proven in education. After
the expulsion from the school premises, the educational process was organized in private
houses. Such a decision didn't only understand changing the premises, but it had to be
followed by functional organization of all the elements of the educational system; financing,
publication of school books, professional services in schools (pedagogical, psychological,
sociological, librarian and health care), meaning a completion of professional institutions that
are necessary or are indispensable for a minimal functioning of education. The disrespect of
the factors mentioned above, would take us to dangerous improvising with the most
important institution for society. As it seems, from the data available, something of the kind
is happening to our educational system. Since 1990, 2 thousand teachers have fled Kosova,
the number of the children in kindergartens has been reduced 85%, there is 10% less pupils in
elementary schools, which can't be explained as a decrease of the birth rate, there are 11%
less students in high schools and 52% in the University. Right now, there are 276 thousand
students in elementary schools, 73 thousand in high schools and 12 thousand in the
University.

A very important element and source of professional knowledge are school books. The
majority of those that have been published until now, maybe are not even to be re-published,
since they have to be controlled because of their ideologizing and politizing contents. The
independent labors in education meant that the ideological cleansing of books should have
started too. The first changes started in 1990. These changes were conditioned by the radical
changes which came after the Amendments to the Constitution in 1989. On June 26, 1990,
the then Assembly of Kosova took the posture that the Serbian laws should not be accepted,
which automatically meant that the curricula, as acts, wouldn't be accepted either. In 1990, the
Pedagogical Institute of Kosova elaborated the curricula based on the present circumstances
for all levels of education. They were adopted by the Educational Council of Kosova, and this
was taken as pretext by the Serbian authorities to close down the Albanian schools in Kosova.

According to the Director of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova, Halim Hyseni, until now,
the curricula have suffered changes four times, specifically for the subjects of Albanian
language and Literature, Social and Natural Sciences, History, and then radical changes in
Geography (demography and society), Philosophy, Sociology, Music and Art. All these
changes aimed at cleansing ideology from the text-books. The de-ideologizing of the books
has been done in some aspects. The first one is the pedagogical one, which understood the
removal of photographs and slogans which could be found in all books of different content.

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Then, it was done by removing some subjects such as Marxism, and its replacement with
Philosophy and Civics, whose content is the pedagogy on the basic human rights and
freedoms, the ethic and juridical aspects, and it was done based on the US model. The subject
of "Knowledge of Nature and Society" is removed and replaced by History of Albanian
people and National Geography in high schools, and "Geography of Kosova" in elementary
schools. The other aspect of the ideological cleansing was the intervention in determined
school-books of determined subjects. This was done on all the above mentioned subjects.

All these optimistic changes were done by the Pedagogical Institution, but didn't arrive to the
hands of the students in the form of a text-book. These changes are being delivered to the
students verbally, and this is the reason why, a fourth grade pupil can still find in his book of
"Grammar of the Albanian Language" examples such as : "Josip Broz Tito was born in
Kumrovec, in Croat Zagorje. Tito's father was Franjo..." or "Long live the heroes of the
International Brigades", as well as the illustrations of a small partisan. In the subject of
"Knowledge on Society" we wouldn't know which would serve as best illustration of
ideologizing children in the books they are still using, is it the Anthem of Yugoslavia (Hej
Sloveni) illustrated with the music pentagrams, that of the equality of nations and
nationalities or that the Capital Yugoslavia is Belgrade... The Mathematics book also has
simlar examples, such is the "length of the Brotherhood and Unity street", etc.

All of this can be explained with the difficulties of publishing text-books after the close-down
of the Institution for the Publication of School Books and Auxiliary Means, but also with the
lack of organization and institutionalization of our competent organs.

Such conditioned changes, or those detrmined by political processes, can't keep on going
without the legislative consultations and definitions. Even though the Republic of Kosova and
its Constitution have been declared, there are still no educational laws, because of the
non-constitution of the Parliament. This is why, until these acts are not approved, the laws of
1990, those of the Provincial Assembly of Kosova, will be still in power.

Education in Kosova is also facing the problem of the non-constitution of the governmental
organs and the non-completion of the communal (local) organs of government, especially the
educational inspection in the field. All of this results with the manifestation of deformations
in the educational plan. According to H. Hyseni, "it is especially worrying to have the
Ministry of Education not completed and the non-definition of the labor of the Republican
inspector of education as well as the Head-Inspector of the Republic". Without the definition
of these issues and their legislative regulation, nothing can be done in the aspect of
de-ideologizing, adaptation or enrichment of the educational contents. Such a thing can't be
achieved even with the transmission of new contents to the coming generations, whatever
changes they might be.

The quality of educational labor has not fulfilled yet the basic elements. The educational
process in Kosova is still subjugated to improvisations and lack of institutional organization,
even though it has been four years now since the Serbian authorities are trying to ban it.

The traditional-verbal systems are dominating in our labors.

Such a system is usually in function of acquaintance and repetition. "Needles theorization

dominate the educational process, whilst its practical side has been minimized. The curricula
are over-loaded, stereotypical and with out necessary instructions and orientations. There are

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many unnecessary generalizations, facts and historicism", claims Hyseni. If to all of this it is
added that there is lack of lab and experimental subjects (Chemistry, Biology, Physics), then
we can easily conclude that our students are weakened in the sense of professional training,
and even more, further education.

The indifferent posture towards education has not only pedagogical consequences, but also
political. The lack of organization of the political institutional life, such would be the
Parliament of Kosova and its Government in the first place, which would have to create
adequate mechanisms of function through laws and decrees, the lack of determination of
competencies, are reflected in our educational system through the decrease of the level of
professional training, standards and minimal criterions, by improvising. "I am fearing that we
will produce semi-illiterates if we keep on working with such a lack of responsibility in the
future". The lack of organization, of institutionalization, as well as the forcible
des-institutionalization caused by the Serbs, give the same results: the close-down of the
Albanian education. And this is can be proven by H. Hyseni's words, who said that "Serbia
can't close-down the Albanian education. Albanians are the only ones who can do it".

EDUCATION

THE SCHOOL BENCH ON THE DIPLOMATIC TABLE

by BATON HAXHIU

Year 1989. The intoxication of children in Kosova. The Faculty of Medicine of the University
of Prishtina is closed down under the pretext of institutional abuse. Then it was said that the
close-down was provisional. It was declared that putting hands of the University of Prishtina
meant the ignition of the Serb-Albanian conflict. The extremes were such, that this
institution was defined as the new Albanian myth. "Only the atomic bomb could expel us
from the buildings", claimed a University professor. The academic year threw us all on the
streets. Then, unable to enter the buildings, a conversation with the Serbian representatives
was organized, regarding this matter. The Vice-President of the Federal Government Kosutic,
initiated the conversations with Dr. Agani regarding education. At the same time, as the
conversation were going on, the Government of Yugoslavia sent a letter to the United
Nations, informing that the conversations with Albanians about education had started. On the
other hand, at the same time, all educational institutions were being closed down. The
Institution for the Publication of School Books and Auxiliary Means, the Pedagogical
Institution, etc. Afterwards, all the faculties were closed down too. One by one, all high
schools were closed down, apart from a few (in Gllogovc) where there were no Serbs. In
Kosova, there was a protest, and that was it. Now, something else was talked about. The
buildings do not make the institutions. It was said that the mind and the intellectual spirit
create the institutions. "The work should be continued anyway we can, and know how to",
were the appeals of the political "functionaries" of the Albanian parties.

Year 1994. The elementary school in Hade, a village close to Prishtina. Five years ago, it had
all the necessary professional cadre. From all the previous teachers, only one professional,
graduated from the University, remains. All the others are either asylum seekers or are doing
business. "The elementary education has gone 12 years behind, as was the position of the
Kosovan pupils in 1980. The high school education has gone back to the position it had in

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1977, whilst the University, with a decrease of 52% in the number of students, has gone back
21 years, or as the position in 1973", says the Director of the Pedagogical Institution of
Kosova. "All of these are consequences of the exodus and the impossibility to evidence all
pre-school children. This is why it is supposed that this year, compared to 1981, where there
were 196 thousand illiterates in Kosova, this number is close to 250 thousand". The last
statement of the Pedagogical Institution of Kosova regarding the whole matter, says: "The
Albanian education in Kosova, right now is facing the biggest crisis ever in the history of its
existence. This is the last moment to define this situation as objectively and scientifically as
possible. Education in Kosova is almost the only institution, since 1990, that in continuance
and consequence defends the sovereignty and subjectiveness of Kosova, and is the only
institution where the national independence has been preserved and protected." Based on
these facts, Serbia is making illiterates of Albanians, and taking them back to the position
they had in the sixties.

What characterized the period after 1992, was the interruption of conversations with the
Serbian party about Albanian education. The Albanian doses of the internationalization of the
Kosova issue became more difficult, because there was no possibility to speak about a
fundamental social and human problem. The Serbian party took great advantage of this
situation, because it came out before the public presenting itself as flexible in this educational
matter, but without touching its state-hood essence.

In relation to this problem, Halim Hyseni, Director of the Pedagogical Institution of Kosova
says that "...it is a very big problem to enlighten and analyze the situation in education. What
has internationalized the issue of Kosova is the matter of education as an area which is part of
the foundation of the human rights and freedoms, but our negligence and coordinating
malfunction have sterilized the problem of education and the sole status of Kosova".

As it was commented then, after the fifth meeting, Serbia, because of the diplomatic points,
was a little bit more tolerant in these conversations even though it was interested to postpone
the solution of the problem, because Serbia knew that the Albanian education had suffered
much damage and that 90% of high school students are outside their premises, which also
essentially affects the quality of studies. Also, 100% of all University students were outside
their premises and it was logical to have the conversations stalled. The failure of the
conversations was the result of Serbia's insisting on its statehood, and thus wanted to deny
Kosova the right to independently organize its life and education.

Accepting these conditions would mean that nothing could be done to internationalize the
global political issue of Kosova and degraded the political position of the status of Kosova,
because education was the only institution which resisted, functioned and worked.

"The self-organization and fragmentation of the Albanian issue was the reason why the
internationalization of the Albanian question decreased its level", says Hyseni. "There were
cases in which three Kosovan delegations met in Geneva, without consulting one another.
The interruption of these conversations has influenced the stagnation of the trend of the
internationalization of the issue of Kosova."

"Even though the mixture of this competencies is placed on a ideological plane, in this
circumstances however, education can't be separated from politics", says Zijadin Gashi,
Secretary of Education of Prishtina. From what has been said, an impression is created that
Albanians neither have a tradition of institutionalized life and that the political parties have

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de-functioned the work inside the educational organs. To tell the truth, they have accepted the
continuation of the heritage of the past and have disabled the mechanisms of transformation.
Silencing the problem of education and being self-satisfied with private houses, has brought
the political life and the internationalization of the Kosova issue, at the level of ethnic
territories.

"Until 1992, the problem of the internationalization had a positive trend, whilst after this year,
there is a clear stagnation", says Fetah Bylykbashi. "The main element is the interruption of
conversations in the framework of the Geneva Conference, conversations that gave no results
whatsoever. They were unsuccessful because it is very hard to separate the statehood issue
from the educational one. Second, Serbia considers Albanian students as hostages of its
politics. The political aim of Serbia is to eradicate the independence of the Albanian
education. Thirdly, the request to verify the curricula by Serbia, would only strengthen the
definite control over the autonomy of the Kosovan education."

Fetah Bylykbashi, director of the inter-communal institution of Prishtina sees the stagnation
of the internationalization as a result of our internal organization, insufficient cooperation
among subjects, the dark political life, the lack of internal activity, the lack of
institutionalization of our life on all levels, not using the Albanian collective brain, mixing up
competencies, and the lack of professional organization of each one, in his own specific area.

"In order to internationalize the educational issue, people should work systematically, and
those who do this, have to be experts, they must have political experience, they must know
well the filed of education, they must have authority, must speak foreign languages, etc." adds
Gashi.

The political sleep, as a diplomat who visited Prishtina some days ago, called our political
organization, made us forget the institutional organization on all levels. The convictions of
the public are that the creation of such a space has made movements and eventual protests to
take over the school building impossible.

"In this aspect, radical changes should be made", say our collocutors. "We have many
arguments to preserve the tense situation in order to have bigger international support.This
should be done in two ways. With our internal organization and the organization of protests,
to make pressure so, that Serbia would finally let go in this area. Because, it is an
undisputable right of the Albanians to go back to the buildings they themselves built. There is
no humane request than the one for education. Secondly, a group with no other task should be
created. This would be a group of experts that would deal with this issue only. will that be a
group of people that will move and go abroad, that will depend on us. The representation of
education in international meetings has been fragmented, not coordinated and it had
representatives who were not acquainted with educational problems. This is why Serbia can't
block our education, but this remains in the hands of the Albanians, alone.

A document of the Pedagogical Institution of Kosova determines the parameters of the

functioning of the educational process. The failures are often result of the non functioning of
the legitimate legislative organs and the executive institutions. "The consequences in
education are because of the impossibility of the functioning of the system for we have legal
vacuum in the sense of regulating determined issues", say Gashi. "But, even if the Parliament
has not been yet constituted, if the Government and the institution of the President would do
their job properly, this vacuum could be overcome. This is why there are difficulties to have

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compactness in all schools. An elaborate on active resistance should be made, aiming at
bringing back the students to the school premises. But, this will not be done without the
political solution of Kosova in general."

Based on created political circumstances, our collocutors think that Albanian education is in a
huge cross-road. The way out from this situation presupposes a bigger resistance and a dense
political activity which would stop the standstill.

"It should be also said that there are some deformations which cause difficulties in the
institutionalization of education: exaggerated individuality, no team work, nonprofessional
work, leadership, etc. These are those deformations which will seriously endanger education",
says Halim Hyseni. "We must have a strategy to take back the education premises. This was,
to us, a transition period, but I think that starting in September, we will have problems finding
private houses. We must be brave and fearless, and struggle for our rights."

Our collocutors think that there are two ways out from this situation: self-organization and
pressure the authorities. This is also the path to the internationalization of the educational
issue. If we don't achieve these elements, we will lose the morale, which is, nevertheless,
stable, say the teachers. The add: there is not loss of morale, but the level of organization to
make education function, had fallen down. "It is evident that the material issue will endanger
the school year. These are reasons that influence the quality of studies. There are no
educational means and the verbal communication is the only means of communication in
education", adds, Bylykbashi.

"The Ministry of Education has to be organized more in the sense of the defense of the school
and the institutionalization of life in general", says Zijadin Gashi, "and it also has to find a
way to finance education. The matter of finance must be regulated because the material basis
has influenced the exodus of the population. This must be done through special acts that
regulate the matter of education."

Halim Hyseni has objections to the non institutionalization of school. The resistance which
aims the preservation of the Albanian school was done institutionally. All schools have
supported the political decisions and have developed their activities independently, based on
the 1990 Constitution (of Kaçanik). All schools have been conserved and they have worked
based on the curricula approved by the Educational Council of Kosova.

It is true that institutionalization was on a higher level in schools, that in the educational
organs proper, which were supposed to lead the education in general. With the suppression of
the organs of Kosova, in July 1990, a large number of organs didn't function. There was no
work in the juridical regulation of education, because it develops all its activity based on the
1974 Constitution of Kosova and those laws, which until the approval of new laws, are still in
power. The laws approved then are not adequate now, because those laws were approved
based on the Federal Constitution of 1974, of Communist ideology. The approval of the new
Constitution should have allowed the adoption of laws and decrees that would make the
educational activity easier. This is also a reason why the schools can't have good
organization, because since 1990, a large number of managing organs in schools have the
status of temporary management, awaiting for new legal acts.

"The constitution of the parliament has been waited for", says Gashi, who is also an MP
elected in 1992. "But since this didn't happen, then at least the old Assembly should have kept

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on functioning. In these cases even the Government of the Republic of Kosova, based on the
Constitution, has the right to with decrees, provisionally regulate the problems in education,
up to the creation of favorable conditions. The institution of the President of the Republic is
also entitled to this, according to the Constitution. A special group of the Ministry of
Education, even in 1990, had already prepared the draft act on elementary and secondary
education. But since in 1992 new elections took place, we thought the parliament would
convene and that it would adopt these acts."

These vacuums, self-organization and the adoption of education by exclusive patronage of

political parties, eliminating the state-hood attribute from it, has lost orientation and
decomposed the regulations and hierarchical competencies. Such relationships, created
between the organs of Kosovan education and politics has influenced the activities of all
educational organs. "The mix up of the competencies has caused the creation of parallel
organs to the parallel organs", says Bylykbashi. "Political parties, for example, have created
parallel organs to the existing ones in education, under the excuse that allegedly nothing has
been transformed since the Communist system. We have no communication with the Minister
of Education and we don't have any relationships or harmonization of actions on this level. If
the things keep up this way, we won't be able to organize ourselves for the next school year",
claim our collocutors.

What concerns the most is the maximal passivity of the organs of the University to create new
cadres which might be necessary in the eventual Albanian-Serbian conversations. The
University blames the Government of Kosova for this, which is not engaged in creating
professionals. It is well known that we have no experts of International Law, neither experts
of border issues, diplomats, geo-politicians and many other experts that we need in this
precise moment. Nobody has thought of the fact that facing the experts of Serbia will be
necessary, thus Kosova has not invested in its own Republic. The fourth year has gone, and
no one even thought of the idea to send youngsters to study abroad to foreign Universities. It
is known what impression is that of a meeting between a doctor and a diplomat or the doctor
and historian-diplomat. The most important thing is to meet people, and we'll think about
cadres after we have suffered once again for not having learned from history.

EDUCATION

GETTING USED TO THE "SITUATION THAT WON'T LAST"

by DUKAGJIN GORANI

Leaning on the main wall, behind a one story house, somewhere in Kodra e Diellit (a
neighborhood in Prishtina), two women are doing their every day routine. The first one
washes the coffee cups with water that comes after midnight, whilst the other one is filling
out the certificates that prove graduation from high school and the introduction of the students
of the "Dr. Ali Sokoli" Medical High School, to intellectual maturity. The housewife and the
teacher of the Senior year, without any problems and in mutual accordance, begin and end
their every day engagement.

Some houses further up, are the Dean's Office of the Economical Faculty, the "Shtjefën
Gjeçovi" High School, the divided elementary school "Sami Frashëri" (to the us, Albanians),

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or "Josip Broz Tito", or something of the kind (to them).

The pedagogue of the Medical High School explains that the relationships teacher-student (or
vice-versa) have still remained the same, even after the usurpation and expulsion for the
school premises. "We have been working like this for over two years now", she says. " I think
that, however, success has been achieved, keeping education going on. We must understand
the students too...It is so hard to learn in (or get used to) these conditions."

The director of "Shtjefën Gjeçovi", the Machinery High School agrees with her. With pain he
speaks of the "dispersion of the children" as a lack of conditions and motivation to continue
education. "Many of them have gone abroad...The ones that are attending schools, might not
come to school on Tuesdays, for example. It is market day, and they go and sell things on the
market. That seems to be a durable motive. Maybe it is...The teachers too are facing a serious
situation".

How should we understand the educational system in Kosova? As something that will remain
the same always?

"We really hope that this situation won't last forever. We never thought it would have lasted
so long", is the unanimous answer of the asked, teachers in high schools and faculties,
regarding the "housing issue" of the Kosovan education. A professor explains: "Look, under
the excuse that this-won't-last- forever, the political parties the trade-unions and other
associations, almost excluded this issue from the agenda. We don't believe that there is no
money to provide schools with the necessary items, as are chairs, desks and black-boards.
This is ridiculous! As if we weren't noticing that so much money is spent buying cars, and in
the alleged "political marketing" of our political parties...".

Whether the issue of the Albanian education should be understood as something that could
last for some time or not, nobody knows. If the fate of the Kosovan education is part of the
general political misfortune, then its situation can be the authentic vision of the general
Kosovan "status quo". Expectation and the non-determination can be taken as a strategy of
the political game, but only of political parties. It seems as if such a thing can not be valid for
something as sensitive as is the educational system.

"Nobody is asking for luxurious cabinets", says a professor of Mathematics, "but it is

unbelievable that in the past two years, nobody has even tried to fix a wooden bench where
the children are sitting. It might be that this is a temporary situation. But not even one
bench...for over two years? See, last winter a tube of the sewage burst, and the whole
classroom (a room 3x4 sq. meters) was flooded. The students were forced to walk on bricks
and to keep their feet on them, so they wouldn't freeze. It was the middle of winter, damn it!
They even say that the situation in other towns and villages is even worse...".

The political parties are prompt to give updated information on the number of students,
teachers, on how many of them have been arrested, mistreated or killed. They explain that the
worst situation is that of education. "This should be understood as a consequence of
repression. The education which is constantly endangered in such way, is considered to be the
nest of our national movement...We too, as a political party, together with the government of
the Republic and the Education Fund are trying to do everything that is possible to improve
the (miserable, author's remark) situation of the students and teachers."

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Until now, "doing everything that is possible" for the Kosovan education means 40 DEM a
month for elementary and high school teachers and 180 DEM for the professors of the
University of Prishtina.

The regulation of the educational system in Kosova is of the governmental type, therefore the
malfunctioning of the governmental apparatus resulted with the deterioration of the level and
criteria, claim the responsible at the University. Other solutions, for the revitalization of the
educational segment must be sought. The Educational Funds, which serve only as services to
give out the salaries to the teachers, are not a complete solution. Maybe opening private
schools would be a more efficacious solution, but taking into account the material situation of
the majority of the pupils and students, as well as the actual political situation, it will be hard
to achieve anything in this aspect.

"You are journalists, aren't you? We are waiting for our certificates. I continued my
education this year too...but I don't believe I'll be here next year. I going to England. I heard
that it was still easy to enter the country..." said a high school senior. Or, "I don't know. I have
no job, I didn't want to go abroad - I decided to continue my studies at the Faculty of Law",
says the future college Freshman from Peja.

In the 24 years' of its existence, the University of Prishtina was always taken as the focus of
education, and as a ticket to the civilized society. The big wish to eradicate the rural
mentality, during the years became a necessary rite, meaning that without inscribing at the
University, you couldn't gain the status of a real city man. With the, proportionally, highest
number of students in the former Yugoslavia, and maybe in Europe, the University of
Prishtina "produced" thousands of youngsters holding academic diplomas. If in the past years,
the possibility of employment of the graduated Kosovans was minor, then the past four years
have proven that, for our cadres, the future will be even more difficult. The systematic
dismissals threw on the street even the little number of those who were still working. Today,
(unfortunately) all the preconditions make it clear, that the University diploma can easily be
turned in wasting time, especially knowing the (often) nebulous status of our University
center.

The conversations regarding education "with the other party", the only segment in which, in
general, has been any talks "between us and them", gave no results to the educational
dead-end. Two years after, the situation in education has not changed. And not only in
education. Nevertheless, however the conditions are difficult, and however disputable may
the status of the University be, the young Albanians don't stop inscribing, and even
graduating. It is hard to distinguish which pretext dominates in them on the occasion of
inscribing: is it the inertia of ambition to get a step higher in the social hierarchy; the devotion
to studies; or finally just for the heck of it...

The whole towns has turned in University", says a professor of Dentistry, Faculty of
Medicine. "The lack of interest to study is not noticeable, comparing it to the conditions we
have...When we started this way of educational continuance, a large number of students
almost gave up on further studies. It was very hard for them to see their teacher leaning on a
bench, in a private house, lecturing them. However, later they started coming back. It seems
as if they had gotten used to it. They understood that the professor was sharing their fate".

In times when the University was part of the educational system of Yugoslavia, the
relationship between the teachers and students, were often seen as reflection of the image the

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students had, that of the source of danger. However respected our professors might be, a
considerable part of them were, however, considered to be an extended arm of the
government. Now, both parties belong to the same team. The professor (neither the
University) don't have a privileged status any longer. This time, the respect towards the
teacher and the institution must be built on bases of scientific devotion and the real solidarity.

Even though in very serious conditions, the elementary and high schools, as well as the
University of Prishtina, are now fully in the hands of the students and professors. But, as one
our collocutors says, how strong are these hands for a qualitative education?

THE ALBANIAN ISSUE AT THE AMBASSADORS' CONFERENCE IN LONDON (IV)

THE LINE THAT DIVIDED THE PLAIN FROM THE STONES

by REXHEP QOSJA

It is incredible how the ethnic principle was so easily and harshly ignored, while the national
belonging of these towns was being determined, that is when the borders of Albania were set!

The Ambassadors Conference in London allowed the detachment of the ethnic and historical
lands of Albania in such an easy and unjust way, because the only Great Power which was
more or less interested to protect Albania, Austro-Hungary, didn't insist to determine the
borders between Albania on one hand, and Serbia, Montenegro and Greece on the other,
based on the ethnic principle! Even though the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador thought that
the inclusion of the regions where Albanians made up the majority of the population "was
likely, as much as it was reasonable", nevertheless "it didn't seem opportune to insist to have
these regions included in the future Albania", because of a simple and incompressible reason:
"that this would prove the legend that we don't wish Serbia good"! And thus, a dishonest,
without any doubt, diplomatic consideration towards Serbia, imposed by Russia, forced
Austro-Hungary to support injustice which caused tragic consequences to the future of the
Albanian people.

Even regions and towns of Southern Albania such are Çamëria, Preveza, Arta, Yanina, Korça,
Kosturi, Saranda, and others changed their "citizenship" several times, despite the fact that
Albanians made up the majority of the population: they were at times gifted to Greece and
then turned back to Albania. The Ambassadors of the Great Powers presented projects and
counter-projects, which sometimes placed these regions at the North of the Albanian-Greek
border and sometimes at the South.

It can't be said that the strategic, economic and cultural-ethnographic arguments, listed by the
Greek project, are precisely the arguments that have determined the final "nationality" of
these regions and towns. There is another argument which had never been mentioned in the
official part of the Conference, but was decisive to the non-application of the ethnic principle
while determining the Albanian-Greek border: the consideration of present Greece as heir of
ancient Greece. It can't be denied therefore, that the loan that the Western civilization
considers to have taken from Pericles, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Aesquile, Euripides,
Sophocles, Pythagoras and many other greek genius, was paid also with the very expensive
check of Albanian territories!

- 10 -
The final result of the London Conference, after eight months of agreements and
disagreements, was an extraordinary expansion, and this was probably not expected by
themselves proper, of Serbia, Montenegro and Greece and a restriction, in reality, even a
more extraordinary partition of Albania!

The Ambassadors' Conference in London gave Serbia the following: Kosova (10.690 sq.km)
comprised by Albanians as a majority, and Macedonia (25.713 sq.km), in whose Western
side, Albanians also made up the vast majority.

This meant that in the London Conference, Serbia was expanded for over 36 thousand
squared kilometres. Before the Russian-Turkish war (1876-1878), Serbia had an area of
37.700 sq.km, and after this war and the Berlin Congress it increased to 48.300 sq.km. After
the Balkans Wars and the London Conference, Serbia had gotten over 80.000 sq.km. The
lectors of this article will have in mind that after WWI, Serbia annexed Vojvodina (21.800
sq.km.), whilst after the wars against Croatia (1991-1992) and Muslims in Bosnia, which is
going on since 1992, there are many chances that it will evn more increase for some tens of
thousands of kilometres. This means that the 150 years' history of Serbia, is a history of
expansions by war and violent ethnic cleansing. Europe, in the majority of the cases, has
agreed to, by signature, all this ethnic cleansing and expansion! It is not a surprise, therefore,
that one of the Serb ideologists, Stojan Protic, had written in 1913: "Serbia, by going through
all sort of difficult experiences has grown and become so strong that it has reached its old
royal palaces in Skopje and Prizren, thanks to, in the first place, the sacrifice and wisdom of
its sons, their strong and clean Serb national feeling, thanks to Russia and `Jevropa'
(Europe)". On that ocassion, he also thanked "Jevropa" for the present expansions, and this is
to be proven soon.

The London Conference gave Montenegro over 7000 sq. km. of new territories with over 240
thousand inhabitants, in which Albanians are either the vast majority or the only population.
Before the Russian-Turk war (1876-1878), Montenegro had 4.700 sq. km., and after this war
and the Berlin Congress it will add 4.100 sq.km. and become a state with an area of 9.100
sq.km. After the London Conference and the Balkans Wars, it will come to 13.812 sq.km.
According to the statistical data of Montenegrin source, where the number of Albanians could
only have been reduced and never enlarged, in the territories which were conquered by
Montenegro during the Balkans Wars, there were 240 thousand inhabitants, out of which 150
thousand were Albanian Muslims and Muslims, 20-25 thousand were Albanian Catholics and
somewhere between 50-60 thousand were Orthodox Slavs.

As it was known, at the Berlin Congress, Greece had entered with a total of 51.860 sq.km.
With the expansions after this Congress and especially after the Ambassadors' Conference in
London, Greece had grown to 130.938 sq. km. The vast majority of the lands, in which
Greece had expanded were really Greek territories, but a part of them up North, were really
Albanian territories. After the Balkans Wars and the London Conference, Albania remains
with 28.565 sq.km. with 748.000 inhabitants. Which means that circa 29 thousand sq. km. of
the ethnic territories are divided and distributed between Serbia, Montenegro and Greece!
Present Albania is about 45% of the territory and about 40% of the population it had at the
eve of the London Conference.

So the conclusion is that, the London Conference didn't determine the Albanian borders, but
in reality divided Albanian territories between Serbia, Montenegro and Greece, with the help
of Russia and the Great Powers of Europe!

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This was a real crime perpetrated by Europe.

The Albanians didn't evade the tragic consequences of the defeat of Turkey and the division
of "its inheritance" among the Balkan states. And they couldn't do it because they were alone
and didn't belong to any of the big families of European people - Germans, Slavs, Latins;
because two thirds of it people were Muslims; because instead of Autonomy they didn't
declare themselves for independence on time, and because instead of fighting a insurrection
they didn't fight a liberation war against the Ottoman Empire.

All of those who have had the chance to cross the borders between Albania and Montenegro
at Hani i Hotit; between Serbia and Albania at Qafa e Vërbnicës or Qafa e Morinës; between
Macedonia and Albania at Qafëthanë; between Greece and Albania at Qafa e Kakavisë; all of
them could see that the borders of Albania were set precisely where its neighbors wanted
them to be. The neighbors got the fertile land, valleys, forests, green mountains, rivers- in
general, all Albanian fertile soil; whilst on the Albanian side there are only rocks going
downwards to the Adriatic Sea! For anyone who knows more or less the situation of the
Albanians and its neighbors - the territories and the demographic masses of each one of them-
in times of the determination of the borders, it is clear that the London Conference had
violated universal principles, norms and laws which the Great Powers had declared some time
ago, naming them principles, norms and laws that regulate the new European order. This
Conference was the tragic defeat of the ethnic principle on which the European states had
been created, as well as the principle of self-determination, as an indivisible part of it. In
reality, no principles, norms and laws had been respected apart form those of the interest,
alliances and the power. Not for the first time and not for the last time, naturally, was proven
how tragic it is to be lonely and small! The principles and criteria to make justice had been
changed, in order to favor the victors of the war against Turkey: Serbia, Montenegro and
Greece. In cases where the historical principle couldn't be applied, the Great Powers applied
the natural geographic principle; where the geographic principle couldn't be applied, the
strategic one was favored; where the strategic principle couldn't be applied, the cultural one
was applied; where the cultural one couldn't, the gravitation principle was applied; where this
one couldn't be applied, it was the principle of the victor of war that came in, the principle
which had really defeated all other principles and criterions, which had defeated the truth,
justice and the law in this Conference! In most often of the cases, the Great Powers took into
account the state-hood law of Serbia, Montenegro and Greece, dead many centuries ago, and
didn't take into account the alive ethnic right of the Albanians. The powers also took into
consideration the right of the Serbs, Montenegrin and the Greeks as victors over the Turks,
and the Albanians were under Turkish rule, but didn't take into account the vital interest of
the Albanians, which had never acknowledged Turkish occupation. The borders determined
by the London Conference were therefore borders imposed on a people which was not
fighting against its neighbors - they are subsequent borders. They are colonial borders in
Europe: borders which, because of this reason, penetrate the heart of the Albanians.

Even though there are almost no cases of perfect borders among states, the borders set
between Albania and its neighbors in the Balkans have caused grave political, social,
economic, demographic, strategic consequences for the Albanian people, and political
consequences for the Balkans in general.

Why is it so?

The borders determined at this Conference between Albania and its neighbors have divided

- 12 -
the Albanian territories in two, and they have also caused other natural, economic and social
divisions. When these borders were detrmined in London, in no occasion or in any way have
the political, economic, cultural, strategic nor communication interest taken into account.
This means that these borders deny the Albanians and Albania their vital interests. Looked
upon from the strategic aspect, the Albanians are not assured full control over their territory;
from the economic aspect, since the ethnic territories are divided, they can't create any
economic-territorial units, which could then be connected with other units in the state; from
the aspect of communication, these borders do to not allow regular and free circulation and
agreements between people living on different territories. These borders, without any
explanation, reason nor logic, apart from those of the strongest, have divided social and
custom structures which had never been separated before. These borders have split in half
Albanian tribes and social organizations such as the Kelmend, Kastrat, Hoti and Gruda: the
Kelmend and Kastrat tribes remain in Albania whilst Hoti and Gruda were given to
Montenegro. Before the Conference, Albanian locations were connected by roads which
could be passed in several hours, and from the Conference and on, it would take people
several days to come to the destination! These borders divided territorial, geographical and
natural entities; on one side of the border were some houses, and on the other side, some
other houses; on one side remained villages, on the other the pastures; on one side were
villages, and on the other the river; Thus, for example, on one side of the border were Gruda
and Hoti and on the other side were Shkodër, from where they used to provide themselves
always; on one side was Gjakova and on the other side was Krasniqja which used to provide
the first one with dairy products; on one side was Prizren and on the other side were Gashi
and Luma; on one side there was Dibra, and on the other were the mountainous areas that
provided it with salt, sugar, and other articles the families needed in villages.

The borders determined by the Conference placed fertile Kosova, Dukagjin, Pollog, Prespa,
Tuz, Shtoj, Plavë and Guci where the Albanians make up the only or the vast majority of the
population on one side, and rocky Albania on the other side!

The above mentioned reasons will be used by foreign historians, ethnographists, linguists,
publishers and politicians to claim that after the London Conference, Albania was not assured
the conditions of normal life. Albania remained as a chest without any of the extremities: it
was unable to have an independent economic, therefore a political life. Because half of its
territories and people remained outside its borders, Albania never could develop
economically nor could it become a democratic society- and this couldn't be denied in the past
82 years.

The borders determined at the London Conference have damaged very much the Albanian
people, because it has been placed in a very unequal situation compared to other people of the
Balkans, and it has not helped the regulation of the order of the Balkans in the historical
perspective. These borders didn't allow any conditions of security among the Balkan states:
the Albanians, Serbs, Montenegrins, Greeks, Macedonians and Bulgarian. The London
Agreement signed by Turkey and the Balkan Allies - Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria and
Greece on May 30, 1913, among others, had stated that from that day and on "there will
general peace and friendship between the Ottoman Empire on one side, and the sovereigns of
the Allies on the other, as well as between their heirs and citizens". Cynical prophecy! One
month after this agreement, the Second Balkans war started! Two years after, WWI burst, and
the Balkan people were found fighting in opposite sides, most probably because of the
borders that had been established in London. After less than three decades, WWII started,
most likely because of the dissatisfaction with the borders, and it, once again, placed the

- 13 -
Balkans states on opposite sides. The unnatural, unjust balance, which was established based
on the interests of the Great Powers, and not because of the order or justice and peace in the
Balkans, forced the people in the Peninsula to fight against each other! Since the London
Conference, tensions because of the borders - the hatred, the propaganda campaigns and new
military and political alliances were being exchanged among the neighbors as if they were
calendar seasons. The only party which was tragically affected by the Conference - Albania
had always been looked upon by its neighbors with distrust. Serbia, Greece, Montenegro
behaved towards Albania as an overplus country, as a undesired state in the Balkans. They
acted towards Albania as if the ones that owed Albania, wouldn't want to have the loaner
around!

Even though the London Conference acknowledged the independence of Albania, the
decisions of the Conference regarding the borders were considered to be a great deception for
the Albanian people. Why shouldn't they be considered so? More than half of Albania's
people and ethnic territories remained outside the border. It was a great deception for a
people that had suffered many deceptions in history. At it was such a big deception, which
was caused by a huge injustice towards it, by those from which it was not expected to happen.
They were deceived by France - the cradle of the Great Revolution which had offered the
world the Declaration on the Rights of the Man and Citizen, the idea of Freedom, Equality
and Fraternity among people. They were deceived by Italy - homeland of Garibaldi and the
second Fatherland of many Arbëresh people. They were deceived by Germany- the fatherland
of great thinkers, linguists, historians, scientists who had written in such a friendly way about
Albanians! They were deceived by England - the birthplace of Shakespeare and the
parliamentarian democracy! They were deceived by Europe, in general, the Judaic-Christian
civilization to which the Albanians once belonged, and were forcibly removed. They were
expecting justice, and got injustice, instead. They were expecting the creation of a national
state, and were given half of it instead! They had expected Peace, and were given insecurity,
instead! They had expected liberation from the several centuries long conquerors, and were
given new conquerors for half of their people. The Great Powers, the representative of the
most distinguished cultures and European civilization, had violated the vital interests of the
Albanian people, as if it didn't exist at all. Because of 8-10% of Slavs- Macedonians, Serbs
and Montenegrins, that could have remained in the Albanian state, they sacrificed 60% of
Albanians! The Great Powers never though of organizing a plebiscite and test the political
will of the population living in territories which were gifted to Albanians' neighbors. Thus,
they denied the legitimate rights of the Albanian people and had underestimated their political
will.

Now, 82 years after the Ambassadors' Conference in London, the well acquainted with the
decisions taken about the borders between Albania and its neighbors, will be shocked: How
was such a thing possible? How could the Great Powers behave thus towards a small people?
How could someone that had solved its own issue, so easily defeat the future of a whole
nation? Did the Great Powers ever think of the violence, pain, poverty, displacement and
death that they would cause the Albanian people with these borders? Did they plan to solve
the Albanian issue, or bury it?

If the Albanians had more than enough reasons to be angry about the partition of their lands
among three alien states, the leaders of Montenegro, Greece and especially of Serbia could be
unsatisfied for only one reason: because in the lands they had detached from Albania, there
were many, much to many Albanians. They would have to make a lot of effort to, whenever
they can and however they can, get rid of them!

- 14 -
EDITORIAL

MEMORIES' CAPTURE

by VETON SURROI

It was approximately this time three years ago (some three weeks less), when I was informed
that the US Secretary of State Baker was to visit the capital of the state in the abyss, Belgrade.
And, at the same time, I was invited to, as one of the three Kosovans, meet Mr. Baker, known
by his frequent diplomatic trips to the Near East and the former Soviet Union, and who had
become a symbol of the American diplomacy in its culmination, in times of the destruction of
Communism, when really the whole American cold war doctrine triumphing. His agile steps,
climbing up and down the stairs of the plane, as if proved the vitality of a policy, whilst with
his taste for good dressing and the way he crossed his legs as he sat, reflected the elegance of
the diplomatic steps of the victor at the heat. Thus he was in Belgrade, during our meeting.
He listened to what he had to listen, maybe from the most sympathetic delegation he had met
(since no word of intolerance nor a drum of war was heard), and expressed his sympathy for
the peaceful policy of the Albanians in Kosova. As we left the room, he approached me, as
the only one who spoke English in the delegation: "You know that you have our support".

Some days ago, I saw Mr. Baker on TV. Physically he had lost some of that diplomatic
vitality of his, but when I heard his words as interviewed, I again saw that the public had to
do with a person that will remain active in politics. Finally, the American public opinion has
had the chance to follow his point of view in the Los Angeles Times where he was offered a
column, and which is transmitted all over America. And, also, said mostly by analysts rather
than Mr. Baker proper, that he might be the most serious candidate of the Republicans in the
presidential elections in 1996.

I believe that these suppositions are not exaggerated, especially after being analyzed as of
today. I see from the smile of the ex chief of diplomacy, the careful measure of chances he
has, not only to become a candidate, but also win the elections. And, if there is political
instinct reflected in this gentleman, then that is one of a winner.

I don't know how will he look like after some time, when he must think thoroughly what is to
be of the former Yugoslavia. The moment when he left government, was ideal for him,
because since he left, the role of the US in the ex-Yugoslav crisis has diminished bceause of
the confusion, lack of orientation and hesitation.

Personally he could be happy that these things are not linked to his name; as a politician who
looks towards the future he is unsatisfied with the absence of the American leading role, as he
considers the present position of the only super-power in the world.

Some more time will have to pass until we see developments in the American policy. Maybe
in this time next year, we will know more exactly where is the positioning of the presidential
opponents in the strongest state in the world. It is not so serious that in the same time next
year we will still face the crisis, and that it won't be overcome even the day when the winner
of the 1996 presidential elections will be declared. And that then, we will see ourselves, as
capturers of memories along the way, bringing back the thought that Mr. Baker had promised
us something several years ago. Which, more or less, always means that memories are much
better that the tasted reality.

- 15 -
INTERVIEW

LUBOMIR FRCKOVSKI, MINISTER OF INTERIOR OF MACEDONIA

WE DISCOVERED THE ALBANIAN INVENTION

by ISO RUSI & SELADIN XHEZAIRI/Shkup

KOHA: There are some opinions about the situation in Macedonia, as the elections are
coming closer, the things are getting hotter. How do you see the development of the situation
from the distance of several months, is there a deterioration of the situation, or is this a wrong
impression?

FRCKOVSKI: Macedonia is more stable that six months ago, and much more stable than a
year ago, and of course the situation is much better than two years ago. We also have the
strengthening of the principles upon which the state is based on. Take for example weapons'
smuggling. One year ago the reactions were completely different and there were attempts to
politicize the action.

Now the things are much more relaxed. Once, politicizing was attempted but failed, because
we had proof, and it can't be denied. Such things should not be politicized, regardless of the
fact whether they are done by "yours" or "ours".

There have been changes regarding the massive asemblies. There is a division of labor. A
protest is one thing, and its limits are the rights of the others. In this concrete case, the police
is not there to harass someone, but to do its job.

Now, even though we had already two affairs, the public assemblies are developed without
any problems, even though they haven't decreased. There have been more social protests and
less political ones, which is an interesting phenomenon.

KOHA: Is there a tendency to use these social protests for political purposes?

FRCKOVSKI: I am not analyzing as a sociologist, but regardless of all, there are no negative
forecasts, because the functioning of the system is being done through the institutions in all
essential segments. I will give you an indicative example: when I came to the head of this
Ministry there were only 2,5% of Albanians employed, and now there are 4,7%. We think that
in the next two years, the adequate figure will be assured. In Western Macedonian
municipalities, they will make up 50% of the force.

KOHA: But how do you comment the fact that according to the data at our disposal, out of all
of those who applied, 90% of them were declared medically incapable for the job?

FRCKOVSKI: This is not important, for however you take things, the quota has to be
fulfilled by Albanians. It that going to be in the first, second or third opportunity, it is not
important.

If there have been mistakes during the medical check-up, it will be repeated. If the number is
not fulfilled, then the competition act will stay open until the quota is achieved.

- 16 -
The reaction of the people is unbelievable: in Tetovë for example, for 10 jobs there were 350
applicants, a fact that enables us to make a qualitative selection of people.

I shall also mention that last year we had employed three Albanian police-women. This year,
we have accepted 66 of them, and taking into account the Muslim background of the
community they come from, is an excellent result. Even though we have still not decided, we
will maybe increase the quota for Albanian girls too.

See, these things prove that the link to the institutions is different to the one any place in the
former Yugoslavia and even the whole region.

KOHA: Is this a trend that can change rapidly? How and when could it change for the worse?

FRCKOVSKI: It can change if the political atmosphere changes drastically, if there is serious
violation of legality. For example, it was said that the Ministry of Interior would fail in its
attempt to organize its internal structure. It worked out, because we were careful and
preserved the criteria for employment. The same thing happened with other ministries.

The census is another good thing to happen. It will relax some relations among the interested.

You know that while evaluating the stability of Macedonia, several sides made
miscalculations. First of all the Serbs underestimated the stability of Macedonia trying to
provoke inter-ethnic conflicts with the assistance of the Military Secret Service. It failed
while they were here, and now there is less chances for something of the kind.

KOHA: There was pressure on you Ministry, especially after the attempts of some of the
neighbors to be here.

FRCKOVSKI: The attempt of the implication of Albania here, had spectacular results, not
only for the stability of Macedonia but also the political experience of the Albanians in
Macedonia. One of the most important results is the debacle of Albania to interfere, and the
defeat it suffered. I also consider the serious danger coming from Serbia, who is trying to
re-install the fragile historic axis.

The Albanians tried to do something which they were not capable to do - to become center of
the so called Albanian issue in the region, and thus to directly use the political subjectivity of
the Albanians in Macedonia. They fialed. They played the wrong card. Now they don't know
what to do. Now they are trying to get out of it, and maybe by sacrificing Menduh Thaçi
(vice-chairman of the PPD, Tetova Congress). You see, the attack of Albania against the PPD
(Party for Democratic Prosperity) was so wild, thorugh the construction of accusing the PPD
leaders that they were Serbian spies who are accomplishing the Serbian plan of an inter-ethnic
conflict. Can you believe it?

KOHA: Maybe even you party helped the arbitration, when it came to the determination of
the registration of the party...

FRCKOVSKI: I think that our Ministry has objectively helped the solution of the problem, in
such way that the information about the implication of Albania was offered to several foreign
intelligence services which could verify them. We gave them details about weapons,
channels, current accounts, etc. The result was strong pressure on Albania, and I think they

- 17 -
deserved it. They were wrong in their evaluation, I guess because they don't have a strong
intelligence service. If you have a political evaluation and have no information, you might
make a huge mistake.

Not to be accused that we were inventing things, and we were accused, nevertheless, we
didn't want to make things even more difficult by freezing our relations with Albania, because
Albania is a very important neighbor and our interest is to have good relations.

KOHA: There is a counter-accusation that the weapons affair is really a division of the same
"sin", that is apparently that there were para-military units being formed in times of Nikola
Klusev, but at the end the Albanians were the only accused, whilst the other side remained
untouched by the police.

FRCKOVSKI: I have heard this accusation, and I have given my answer already once. This is
not something that started being organized in 1991, but seven or eight months ago before they
were arrested, or rather before 200 Kalashnikovs entered Macedonia. We tried to stop the
politicization of this matter and with full responsibility I state that this group was not linked
to any political group, not the PPD. On the contrary, you could the see group closing the
circle in a political-military organization, which becomes an organization from the
underground. But as things were proven, the connections inside become weaken, the ones
outside become stronger. This has been proven, and now it is over.

KOHA: Nevertheless the accusation is serious...

FRCKOVSKI: As you take it. They are accused of hostile activities and illegal possession of
weapons. But, the Government has requested international presence and monitoring during
the trial and asked the judiciary not to complicate the proceedings, so people wouldn't think
that all of it was prepared beforehand.

KOHA: All Albanian political parties claim that the weapons' affairs is politically framed up.

FRCKOVSKI: We have been listening the same story since the beginning. But no posture is
enough, facts and figures must be looked into. The trial, however it might develop, will give
this or that result and especially if there are international observers.

KOHA: Could you tell us what would a conflict on ethnic bases be here in Macedonia?

FRCKOVSKI: The inter-ethnic conflicts represent no determined danger. The tensions

regarding the elections will get over very soon. It is to be understood: in Macedonia there will
be tensions among people, but there is not enough energy for a conflict.

On the other hand, even though there is no real danger, Macedonia can be influenced by
Russia. Of course, historically, this is not done directly, because the Russian always pressured
their influence on us through Serbia and Bulgaria. Now there are chances for direct influence,
because of the diplomatic relations, but, incredible, the Russians are still with the Serbs.

The Russian influence. A big experience is that of Bosnia, it was their comeback to the scene,
through Serbia with double interest, for Russia and Serbia proper. The other plan can be seen
through the offer to mediate between us and the Greeks. The Greeks have already accepted.
The influence of the Russians in Macedonia would be specific - it wouldn't of the traditional

- 18 -
type as in Bulgaria and Serbia, but would cause an anti-Albanian and anti-Muslim
disposition. I believe that there is no chance for it to happen, because they didn't take
advantage of it when they were stronger and now the border between the American and
Russian interests is somewhere at the Serb-Macedonian border. Whatever, the Russian
influence is still on the Serbian-Greek functioning against Macedonia. Bulgarians are sort of
isolated. The main line is Athens-Belgrade, covered by Russian influence and this is not
actual to be achieved through Bulgaria, anymore.

KOHA: Will Zhirinovski come to Macedonia?

FRCKOVSKI: If I am asked, then NO! I'm the one gives the visas!

KOHA: What do you think about the elections? Will there be another option or will the
elections take place the way it is foreseen?

FRCKOVSKI:The elections will be celebrated, because the old electoral laws have been
corrected, and the majority of the laws has been approved by all parties.

KOHA: Will the law on electoral units change?

FRCKOVSKI: Citizenship will make this law clearer. It will be exactly known how are the
citizens of Macedonia distributed in electoral units. Until the first week of June, 99% of the
citizens will have either their ID cards of passports. According to our evaluation, there will
be between 900-2000 disputable cases, but this is a very low figure.

I'm not sure what will be of this law, because I don't know what the climate in the Parliament
will be. I suppose the elections will take place in a normal atmosphere, despite the tensions
and harsh political confrontations. The proceedings on the celebration of elections will be
much better than on the first ocassion: the European standards will be applied, there will be
no mistakes.

KOHA: Will the population census take place as foreseen?

FRCKOVSKI: I think it will. It is foreseen to be held from June 22 to July 6.

KOHA: What was the effect of all the conversations up till now, with Mr. Ahrens?

FRCKOVSKI: The effect is that all the fictive and real contests have become transparent.
You know, you had a list of 13-20 fictitious contests. Now we have identified seven points,
we have checked upon the solutions and whatever it should be done. There are two main
issues unsolved: the census and the reactivating of the Pedagogical Academy. Both this issues
were clarified by the Government: the census depended on the Government, and it is
organizing it. The Academy depends on the University and there, despite the objections,
things are going right. As far as I am informed, there will be another extraordinary inscription
notice to the Academy, and I think it will start working by autumn. This practically closes
down the disputes. Now it is a matter on quantity and not principle: the issue of education, the
use of national symbols and the media are pending. We have provided the funding for a TV
channel for the nationalities. You know that "Flaka e Vëllazërimit" has become a daily
newspaper, and teh government provided the money. Naturally, there is also the Law on
self-administration which can't become official because of the proceedings. But, de facto, the

- 19 -
situation is such that, for example, in Tetovë or Gostivar, the Albanians have the power in
their hands.

KOHA: Nevertheless, the municipality as such has no competency whatsoever!

FRCKOVSKI: Yes, but they have the power in their hands. This is interesting!

- 20 -