SERBI AN ACADEMY OF SCI ENCES AND ARTS

MACEDONI AN ACADEMY OF SCI ENCES AND ARTS

SASA Special Editions
Homage
to
MILUTIN
GARAANIN
Editors-in- C h i e f
N i k o l a T a s i
C V E T AN G R OZDANOV
B E L GR ADE 2006
Nade Proeva
THE ENGELANES /ENCHELEIS AND
THE GOLDEN MASK FROM THE TREBENITE CULTURE*
O
ne of the topics that Professor M. Garaanin had
reviewed near the end of his long scholarly cur-
riculum was the problem of the golden funerary masks
from the Trebenite culture, which, at the present state of
the problem1, can be positively attributed to the tribe of
the Engelanes /Encheleis.
While delving into this academic conundrum, and
faced with numerous interprtations of the purpose
of these masks, professor Garaanin has opted for the
explanation that these funerary masks were primarily
used to emphasize the grade and status, i.e. that they
belonged to the Enchelean chieftains.2 One must, how-
ever, not forget that professor Garaanin was mainly
aiming at proving the correctness of his interprtation
on the masks' symbolism of status; therefore, his arti
cle fell short of discussion on the ethnie background of
the tribes that had employed this ritual. Moreover, he
hastily noted but one out of many interprtations of the
origin of the Engelanes / Encheleis and thus gave the
impression that this interpretation had been widely ac-
cepted by scholars worldwide; unfortunately, there was
no mention of other, often vastly divergent, opinions.
Bearing in mind that this academic question remains
open, as well as the fact that there still are many diver
gent interpretations of the ethnicity of the Engelanes /
1 Trebenite culture is a term coined by V. Lahtov (Das Problem der
Trebenite-kultur, Ohrid 1965, Zusamenfassung pp. 179-208); his
analysis, however, inciuded almost the entire territory of ancient
Macedonia. On the other hand, R. VASI (The early iron age groups in
Yugoslavia, Beograd, 1975.. Summary pp. 121-142, p. 110111 ) speaks
in more precise terms, limiting the term to the cultural group dwell-
ing around the present-day Ohrid.
1 M. Garaanin, "Zur Deutung der Masken in reichen grabern aus
Mazedonien", Godinjak CBI 28 (1991-7), 59-65 (Zusamenfassung
66- 68).
2 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, Oxford 1967, p. 439.
Encheleis (even by a same author, the most prominent
being Hammond, see below), I felt that it would be ap-
propriate to scrutinize once more all the interpretations
proposed, on account of several different types of sourc
es (instead of only one, as it has usually been done so
far3). I would also aim at presenting a synthetic account,
chiefly devoted to the ethnicity of the Engelanes, but also
touching upon the problem of the funerary masks.
The Engelanes / Encheleis, the oldest attested tribe
in north-western ancient Macedonia, dwelled near the
present-day Ohrid. In the nearly same territorial span
- from the Ohrid region in the south, up to Polog in the
north - but much later, beginning from the second century
BC, our extant ancient sources mention the Dassaretae. The
question of their ethnic stock has often absorbed fellow
scholars, resulting in several differing theories on their
ethnicity: thus, there are theories advocating Illyrian
origin4, a Macedonian3, a "later-Illyrised autochthonous
3Thus, archaeologists are mainly commenting archaeological finds,
using the written sources only as a support of their interpretations;
the classical philologists and the historians, on the other hand, com
ment exclusively the written sources. This practice is very well il-
lustrated by the lengthy article of R. Katii, who managed to col-
lect and present the totality of ancient and Byzantine sources on the
Boeotian and the "Illyrian" Encheleis, but without taking stance on
their origin; Cf. R. Katii, "Enhelejci", Godinjak CBI XV/13 (1977),
5-80: Zusamenfassung: Die Encheieer, 81-82.
4It seems superfluous to remark that this position is, almost without
exception, advocated by Albanian scholars, as well as various schol-
ars - especially linguists - from the nineteenth and early twentieth
century. On older works, see A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier
I, Wien 1957, p. 135, s.v. Encheieai, p. 110,. s.v. Dassaretae; on the
kingdom of the Encheleis, see P. Cabanes, Les Illyriens de Bardyllis
Genthios, 1V-II sicle avant J.-C., Paris 1988, 50. From contemporary
scholarship advocating Illyrian origin of the Engelanes, see N. G. L.
Hammond, A history o f Macedonia I, Oxford 1972, 422.
5 A . J. R. WACE & A. M. Woodward, ABSA 18 (1909), 167: Fr. Geyer,
in PW/RE XIV (1938), s.v. Macedonia, col. 638-771, col. 653 Dassare-
HOMAGE TO MILUTIN GARAANIN 561
NADE PROEVA
tribe"b, an Epirote7, or a Brygian tribe8; some scholars tend
to see a tribe of "later-Illyrised Epirote" origin9, others speak
of "profoundly Illyrised Boeotian settlers"10, and so forth.
The list appears to be endless.
Until the 1950s, the interpretation advocating the Il-
lyrian origin of the Encheleis and the Dassaretai gained
the widest acceptance11; this interpretation stood well
until scholars, faced with many allegedly impenetrable
problems of a similar kind, began to pay doser attention
to the epigraphic and archaeological evidence. Owing
much to the authority of F. Papazoglou, Yugoslav schol
ars have almost unanimously opted for the Illyrian ori
gin of the Dassaretai, the tribe that had inherited the ter-
tis; N. Proeva, "Enchlens - Dassartes - Illyriens, sources littrai
res, pigraphiques et archologiques", in lllyrie mridionale et l'Epire
dans l antiquit II, Clermont-Ferrand 1990, Paris 1993,193 sqq.
6 F. Papazoglou, "L'organisation politique des Illyriens l'poque
de leur indpendance", in A. Benac (d.), Sur les Illyriens l'poque
antique V/2, Sarajevo 1967, 26: "Certains sources les distinguent [sc.
the Encheleis] des "Illyriens", ce qui permet peut-tre de supposer
qu'il s'agit d'une population prillyrienne, assimile aux Illyriens
proprements dits."; Eadem, "Les royaumes d'Illyrie et de Dardanie",
in Les Illyriens et les Albanais, colloques scientifiques XXXIX/10, Beo
grad, 1988, 178, n. 20: "...tandis que les Enchlens n'taient pas,
selon toute apparence, des Illyriens.''
7 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, 458.
8 W. Pajkowski, "Wer waren Illyrii proprie dicti und wo siedelte
man sie an?", Godinjak CBI XVIII/16 (1980), 124-128, claims that
the Engelanes are a part of the Illyrii proprie dicti (p. 136), while the
Dassaretai are Brygian, page 127.
9 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, 466: "...the Enchelei themselves had
a Greek name, but were probably Illyricized."; M. B. Hatzopoulos,
"Limites d'expansion macdonienne en lllyrie", in lllyrie mridio
nale et l'Epire dans l antiquit, vol. I, Clermont-Ferrand 1984, Paris
1987, 82, n. 15 accepts the opinion of Hammond, A history o f Mac-
edonia I, 94 on the Chaonian, i.e. Greek origin of the Dexari, identi-
fied with the Dassaretae, later also including the Engelanes. Note,
however, that the article of M. Hatzopoulos unfortunately includes
geographical inaccuracies and arbitrary claims, e.g., the author
equates the northern frontier of Lyncestis with the Greek-Yugoslav
[i.e. Macedonian] border (page 82, note 15) although it is common
knowledge that Heracleia Lyncestis is located in close vicinity of the
modern-day Bitola, in the Republic of Macedonia; the author also
locates the Paeonian city of Audaristos (or Eudaristos) in Pelagonia
(page 84); the fort of Sarnuntum, in Dardania (?) is equated without
justification with the city /oronym Sarnous and located in the vicin
ity of Debrete, near the present-day Prilep, although it is clear that
Sarnuntum laid on the Via Egnatia, etc.
10 N. Theodosiev, "The dead with golden faces. II: Other evidence
and connections", Oxford Journal o f Archaeology 19.2 (2000), 178; on
the same page, the author dismisses the theory of V. Sokolovska
("Who was buried in the Trebenita cemetery", 1997, p. 25, in
Macedonian) that the Boeotian Encheleis migrated to Illyria.
11 A. Philippson, PW/RE IV/2 (1901), s.v. Dasaretis, col. 2221-2222;
Id., PW/RE V/2 (1905) s.v. Encheleis, col. 2549.
ritory of the Engelanes /Encheleis centuries later. In fact,
a "properties transfer" of a kind took place, similar to
the one mentioned above: the historians and the archae-
ologists transferred the alleged origin of the Dassaretai
to the Engelanes / Encheleis, although F. Papazoglou
herself never equated the Engelanes and the Illyrians.12
On the other hand, N. G. L. Hammond, drawing
much from Strabo's work (itself based of Hecataeus' Ges
periodos, including a description of the Adriatic coast)
argued in favour of Epirote ethnicity.13 However, it is
worthwhile noting that, while Hecataeus does indeed
list the tribes in the interior, he neither mentions Epirus,
nor speaks of Epirote tribes; in fact, we could hardly
find a Greek author predating the fourth century BC,
who would know of "Epirus" as a toponym. Further-
more, until that time, neither were the Epirote tribes
called "Epirote" in particular. Hecataeus happens to be
the main source - or, at least, one of the main sources
- for Strabo's work; but it is Strabo, not Hecataeus, who
uses the terms "Epirus" and "Epirote tribes". To trans
fer Strabo's terminology back into the times of Hecat
aeus - who explicitly speaks of Chaones and Molossoi
- would be, in the mildest of terms, a very questionable
practice.
As usual in ancient times, Greek authors have adapt-
ed the name of the tribe to the Ionian dialect; the Enge
lanes thus became the Encheleis, a name subsequently
adopted by modern scholars. A passage by Stephanus of
Byzantium, himself quoting Mnaseas, testifies that "the
Engelanes and the Encheleis are the same tribe", con-
firming that the usual form is, in fact, an adaptation of
the original name. Indeed, the concordance of ancient
Macedonian g and ancient Greek ch being common lin-
guistic knowledge, we can safely assume that "Engel
anes" was the autochthonous, Macedonian form, thus
being the more correct usage. By adopting this usage, we
will be able to make a clear difference between the En
gelanes and the Boeotian Encheleis. This is, also, a very
important due for investigating the ethnic stock of the
tribe. Furthermore, our earliest extant written sources
never include the Engelanes among the Illyrian tribes;
12 See above, note 6. It is notable that the majority of Bulgarian
scholars quote the opinions of F. Papazoglou and M. Garaanin on
this problem quite differently from the way the authors expressed
themselves, even attributing an opinion of Thracian origin to M.
Garaanin; the latest example of this practice being Thracia 11, Ser-
dicae 1995, p. 201, notes 46 & 47.
13N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, 458: (c) The description of the Interior
of Epirus, sqq.
562 HOMAGE TO MI LUTI N GARAANI N
THE ENGELANES / ENCHELEI S AND THE GOLDEN MASK.
on the contrary, they are always mentioned apart from
the Illyrians.
The first ancient author to explicitly mention the
Encheleis / Engelanes was Hecataeus, the sixth cen
tury BC author of a now lost periegesis (Periodos Ges);
the same piece of information - that they neighboured
the Chaonian Dexari - was also noted in the Ethnica of
Stephanus of Byzantium.14Indeed, the Chaones dwelled
near the northern frontier of Epirus; this is, however, the
only known occurrence of the term Dexari.
From the fifth century BC onwards, the Engelanes
are gradually associated with the Phoenician legendary
hero Cadmus and the Cadmeians. In the fifth century
BC, Herodotus, mentions15 that Theban Cadmeians
found a shelter with the Encheleis / Engelanes; again,
Diodorus Siculus, an author from the first century BC,
mentions that the Encheleis / Engelanes took the city
of Thebes, causing the Cadmeians to seek refuge with
the Illyrians.16 Apollodorus, writing in the first or sec
ond century AD, informs that the Encheleis /Engelanes
waged war against Illyrian tribes.17 Finally, in a passage
concerning a Delphic oracle, Herodotus mentions the
Encheleis /Engelanes along with the Illyrians18, but does
not claim that they are actually Illyrian. M. Sui argues
that the reason behind Herodotus' differentiation is that
the Greeks knew of the Encheleis /Engelanes before ac-
quainting themselves with the Illyrians.19 However, this
argument must be dismissed, as in that case the gen
eral ethnonym for the assumed group of related tribes
would be Encheleis - the name of the first known tribe, as
usual in antiquity - and not Illyrioi.20 His interpretation
of the expression "the Illyrian and the Enchelean army"
as a hendiadyoin21 has been dismissed by R. Katii, as
the passage mentioned above clearly indicates that they
fought against each other.22 There is, furthermore, a note
14Hecat. apud Steph. Byz., s.v. Dexaroi, cf. K. Muller, Fragmenta His-
toricorum Graecorum (FHC), Paris 1874, fr. 73; F. Jacoby, Fragmente der
Griechischen Historiker (FGrHist), Berlin 1923, fr. 103.
15 Her. V, 61.
Diod. XIX, 53.3-5.
17Apoll. Bibl. V, 5.4.
18 Her. V, 43.
19 M. Sui, "Istonojadranska obala u Pseudo-Skilakovu Periplu",
Rad JAZU 306 (1955), 145, a scholar article that, unfortunately, has
no foreign language summary.
20 Thus, the Romans named the Hellenes Graeci by the name of the
tribe Graikoi, which they first met when entering Greece.
21M. Sui, "Illyrii proprie dicti", God. CB/XIII/11 (1974), 184: Rsum,
194-196. Hammond, Epirus, 466 n.1 interprets this information by
Herodotus as enlisting the Encheleis among the Illyrians.
22 R. Katii, "Die Encheleer", p. 22, n. 33, as well as p. 24.
of Euripides23 on the attack of a mixed barbarian army
on Delphi; this mixed barbarian army are, obviously, the
Illyrian and Enchelean armies mentioned by his con-
temporary Herodotus, who explicitly states that "as for
the oracle... I am well assured (oida) that it did not mean
them, but the Illyrians and the Enchelean host."24
The Encheleis /Engelanes are usually categorised as
Illyrian from the second half of the fourth century BC
- the first author being Pseudo-Skylax25- a time that co
incides with the increased Greek interest in the Adriatic
coast. At this time, the Illyrian State was in full vigour;
having in mind that the Engelanes, fell under Illyrian
authority every time the Illyrians were strong (or every
time Macedonian central power debilitated), it is very
understandable that our sources began to list them as an
Illyrian tribe. The account of Herodotus, who spoke of
Cadmeians coming to shelter with the Encheleis /Enge
lanes was conveniently altered by the times of Pausani-
as, who informs us that the shelter had been given by the
Illyrians26; however, in a different passage, Pausanias
remarkably adds: "the Illyrians, who used to be called
Encheleis".27 In the same manner, Apollodorus' infor
mation on Cadmus helping to the Encheleis /Engelanes,
who at the time fought against the Illyrians, was consid-
erably changed by the time of Stephanus of Byzantium,
who speaks of help given to the Illyrians.2S Indeed, by
the time of Stephanus, the term lllyria practically devel-
oped into an administrative term equalling Illyricum; it
is understandable that, quoting Mnaseas, he adds that
the Engelanes were "a tribe in lllyria" - not "an Illyrian
tribe".29
As ancient evidence has shown, there is little doubt
that the Engelanes are a separate tribe, which can nei
ther be listed, nor treated as Illyrian. The only excep
tion to this is Appian's Genealogy, referring to Encheleus
23 Euripid. Bacchae, 1356.
24 Her. IX, 43.
25 Ps.-Scylax 24-25.
2hPaus. IX, 5.3.
27 Paus. IX, 5.13.
28 Etym. Magn., s.v.
29 This generic term precedes Stephanus, as the ancient - especially
Greek - authors knew little of the ethnic stock of the tribes in the
interior of the Balkans until the Roman occupation; one could even
say that the interior of the Balkans presented a terra incognita. Note,
also, that Roman authors, with a much better knowledge of the inte-
rior than the Greeks, coined the expression Illyrii proprie dicti, "Illyr-
ians in the narrowest sense", knowing that the province of Illyricum
included tribes other than Illyrian. However, the wider administra
tive term, Illyrians, was commonly accepted.
HOMAGE TO MI LUTI N GARAANI N 563
NADE PROEVA
as a son of Illyrius - a genealogy that, as Appian himself
mentions, he liked the most30, and which was obviously
used to validate the aggressive policy of the Roman re
public by including barbarian tribes into Graeco-Roman
mythology.31
The Engelanes/Encheleis and the Illyrians were con
nected through mythological discourse: as per Apollo-
dorus, the Encheleis /Engelanes will triumph against the
Illyrians only if led by Cadmus32 - which eventually oc
curred; subsequently, Cadmus was designated a ruler of
the Illyrians, and it is at this point in his life that Harmonia
gave birth to his son Illyrius. In a passage by Euripides, the
god Bacchus foretells that Cadmus and Harmonia will be
transformed into serpents and transferred to the Elysian
fields - the final resting place of the blessed - as Cadmus
led a mixed barbarian army (presumably of Illyrians and
Engelanes) into looting the sanctuary at Delphi.33 How
ever, by the second century BC (i.e. in the account of Philo
of Byblos), the mix is gone: the myth of reptilic transfor
mation is linked only to the Illyrian tribes on the Adriatic
coast, as that is the location of Elysian Fields according
to Greek mythology. This indicates that, by that time, the
difference between the Engelanes and the Illyrians was
lost - an obvious fact, considering Pausanias' account on
the "Illyrians, called Encheleis"34, virtually unison with
Herodotus' information on the Cadmeians who found
shelter with the Encheleis.35 The same goes with their
graves, located at the banks of the Illyrian river. Apollon
ius of Rhodes, in the third century BC, is the only author
that records both traditions: the graves are on the banks of
the Illyrian river36, near the Encheleis /Engelanes.37
30Appian. III. IX, 2.
31 Illyrius is, thus, the son of Polyphemus the Cyclop and Galatea the
Nymph (presumably meaning that Illyrius is Greek); his brothers are
Celtus and Galatus; Illyrius' sons are eponymes of non-Illyrian tribes,
not mentioned in the Macedonica - the fifth book, containing episodes
from Illyrian history (i.e. the Roman-Illyrian wars). R. Katii ("Die
Encheleer", p. 34) thinks that the genealogy was mainly tailored with
respect to the notion of the original Roman province of Illyricum; also
M. aelj-Kos, "Mythological stories concerning Illyria and its name",
Illyrie mridionale et l'pire dans l'Antiquit, Acte du IV coll. Int. 2002
(2004), p. 502, gives an explanation on the unmentioned tribes in the
province of Illyricum (p. 503). Therefore, the opinion of Hammond
(A History of Macedonia I, p. 422) - that this genealogy goes back to the
times of Greek colonisation - must be dismissed.
32Apoll. Bibl. V, 5.4.
33 Eurip. Bacchae 1330-1339.
34 Paus. IX, 5.3.
35 Her. V, 61.
36 R. Katii, "Illyricus fluius", Adriatica praehistorica et antiqua, Mis
cellanea G. Novak, Zagreb 1970, 385-392.
37Apolloni Rhodii Argonautica IV, 516-518.
The Engelanes are mentioned for the last time in Poly
bius' account of Philip V's actions against Scerdilaidas of
the Illyrians, which took place in 217 BC in Dassaretia -
the author, obviously, being a contemporary of the events.
This piece of information gives credibility to Strabo, who
notes38that that the Encheleis /Engelanes were also called
Dassaretae - a widely accepted emendation of the term
Sessarethii, which actually stood in the text.39 Having this
in mind, some scholars identify the Dexari with the Das-
saretai40; this is dismissed by R. Katii, on the grounds
that the Chaonian tribes are never listed among Illyrian
tribes.41 The last mention of the Dassaretae goes back to
the mid-first century AD: Pomponius Mela42 isolates them
from the tribes whom "proprie Illyrios vocant". This is
an indication that the Dessaretai (and, subsequently, the
Engelanes) are not Illyrian, as well as a clue against some
theories that the nucleus of the Illyrian state was situated
in the Ohrid region.43
After the ancient writers included them among the
Illyrians in the widest sense - as they have done with
the legend of the graves of Cadmus and Harmonia
- the presumed location of the Engelanes was conven
iently moved to the west, towards the Adriatic - or,
more precisely, between Epidamnus /Dyrrhachium and
Buthoe.44 As Greek knowledge of the world increased,
the west frontier of the world as they knew it moved
even more westwards; accordingly, westwards followed
the Underworld, as the World of the Deceased was lo
cated where the Sun sets.45 Pseudo-Skylax46 was the first
38 Strab. VII, 7.8.
39N. G. L. Hammond, A history of Macedonia 1,466-7, n. 2, dismisses the
equation of the Encheleis and the Sesarethii (=Dessaretii, Dasaretae).
40 N. G. L. Hammond, A history o f Macedonia I, 94.
41 R. Katii, "Encheleer", p. 8. This identification was dismissed as
early as G. Z i p p e l , Die romische Herrschaft in Illyrien bis auf Augustus,
Leipzig 1877, p. 13.
42 Pomp. Mella II, 54-56.
43 The "Illyrians in the narrowest sense" dwelled on the coastline
of the Adriatic, between the cities of Epidauros and Lissos, cf. R.
Katii, "Illyrii proprie dicti", iva Antika 13-14 (1964), p. 87-97.
This was dismissed by F. Pa pa z o g l o u , Historia 14 (1965), p.177-179;
the author reckons that they had to be closer to Macedonia, while
M. Sui ("Illyrii proprie dicti", Godinjak CBI 12 (1975), p. 179-196,
supposes they inhabited southern Albania.
44 Virgil informs us that - at the time when Cadmus crossed the
frontier of Macedonia - Harmonia gave birth to Illyrius near the
Illyrian river (Aeneid, Scholia Vaticana, I, 243).
45In Greek mythology, the Underworld was usually connected with
the Adriatic coast, more specifically with the coastline of Epirus (the
underground rivers Acheron and Cocytos, the Necromanteion).
46 Ps.-Skylax, Periplous 24: "there lie the gravestones of Cadmus
and Harmonia."
564 HOMAGE TO MILUTIN GARAANIN
THE ENGELANES / ENCHELEI S AND THE GOLDEN MASK.
ancient author to locate the gravestones of Cadmus and
Harmonia in the interior, near the river Arion (obviously
the Drilon).47 Eratosthenes located them - vaguely, one
might add - between the Drilon (the present-day Drim /
Drin) and the Aous (the present-day Vojua /Vijos), riv
ers far off in any case.48 In book XXII of his now-lost His
tory49 written in the third century BC, Philarchus is the
47 On the different interpretations of the name of the river, see R.
Katii, "Encheleer", 40.
48 These sources are analysed by R. Ka t i i , "Encheleer" 38-44.
49 Apud Athen., Deipnosoph. 11.6, p. 462b; cf. Jacoby, FGrHist 2 A 81,
fr. 39.
only source putting forth a specific toponym - Cylices -
for the graves; although there is no closer information on
the location, it is safe to assume that we would be, once
more, looking at the Drilon.50 This is favoured by a piece
of evidence by Strabo, who locates the Encheleis /Enge-
lanes near Lake Lychnidus (present day Lake Ohrid),
adding that this area includes sites from the legend of
50 M. aelj-Kos ("Famous Kylikes in Illyris", Historia XLII/2 (1993),
247-251) identifies this toponym with Procopius' Kilikai (De aedif.
4.4) and presumes that the narrative follows a geographical ap
proach, thus locating it on the bank of Drilon river; such location is
in accordance to the other data in the sources.
HOMAGE TO MI LUTI N GARAANI N 565
NADE PROEVA
Cadmus.51 Furthermore, an epigram written by Chris-
todorus in the fifth or the sixth century AD celebrates
Cadmus as the founder of Lychnidus.52 The entirety of
mythic evidence on Cadmus and Harmonia is notably
connected to the stream of the Drilon from Lychnidus to
Buthoe - a hint at the area inhabited by the Engelanes.53
It is beyond doubt that an analysis of the numerous ac
counts and mentions of the Engelanes/Encheleis in the
written sources would result in determining their geo
graphic nucleus with a reasonable level of accuracy.
The first to mention the Engelanes in terms of geog
raphy was Hecataeus, who locates them on the north
western frontier of Epirus, near the Chaones; in the third
century BC, Apollonius of Rhodes notes that that they
dwell around the Ceraunian Mountains54, coinciding
with the location of the gravestones of Cadmus and Har
monia.55 Pseudo-Skylax locates the Ceraunian Mountains
in Chaonia, on the Epirote border.56 On the other hand,
Pseudo-Skymnos, in the late second century BC, puts the
Encheleis /Engelanes near the Brygians, them living in the
interior near Dyrrhachium37, i.e. to the west of the Taulan-
tii. Speaking of the events from 217 BC, Polybius notes
that Philip V conquered for the second time the Engela
nes near Lake Lychnidus58; this is confirmed by Strabo,
who puts the Engelanes between the Brygians and the
upper-Macedonian Lyncestae, adding that the Engelanes
are also called Sessaretae /Dessaretae.59 This piece of in
formation clearly shows that the Engelanes dwelled north
of the Epirote border, towards the upper flow of Drilon
in the north - a bit of evidence completely adequate to
our knowledge of the territory of the Dassaretae. In time,
the name Dassaretae prevailed, as shown by the parallel
mentioning of both tribes (Dassaretae and Illyrians) by
51 Strab. VII, 7.8.
52Anth. Palat. VII, 697.
53 Pliny (NH III, 139) is alone in testifying that the Encheleis /Enge
lanes were a Liburnian tribe, which is opposed to every other piece
of information about them, thus being an obvious error. Supported
by Katii, "Encheleer", p. 61.
54 Scholia in Apollonium Rhodium vetera IV, 507.
55Their gravestones are also located near this mountain by Dionisius
Periegetes (second century A.D.) in his Description of the Oecumene;
also, see the twelfth-century commentary of Eustathius of Thessal-
onica, containing data also adopted by Avian and Priscian in the
fourth century A.D. (C. Muller, Geographi Graeci minores II, p. 127).
56 Ps.-Skylax 26.
57 Ps.-Skymnos, Perieg. 437-438; cf. PW/RE III A, s.v. Bryges, col.
672-675.
58 Polyb. V, 108.
59 Strab. VII, 7.8.
Pomponius Mela in 2.54-56.60 This corpus of evidence
shows that the Engelanes, i.e. the Dassaretae, were a tribe
neighbouring the Illyrii proprie dicti, a fact that facilitated
errors in judgement, and which perfectly explains their
inclusion in the list of Illyrian tribes.
As we have seen, the extant written sources give
credit to the observation that the tribes in question can
not be Illyrian; this can be verified and confirmed by
onomastic data. Onomastic researches in the western
part of the Republic of Macedonia61 have resulted in a
fairly small number of proper Illyrian names (only four
out of fifty names, found on inscriptions in the Ohrid /
Struga region, were usually categorised as Illyrian; only
two out of twenty on the inscriptions from the surround
ings of Kievo and Polog).62 Moreover, a part of these
personal names, previously thought Illyrian, appear to
have numerous analogies in Asia
Minor - a fact in favour of them being attributed to
the Brygians63, a tribe attested as well in
this part of Macedonia. Therefore, we may confi
dently assume that we are dealing with Brygian - i.e.
after the process of ethnogenesis had finally finished,
with Macedonian tribes.64
The archaeological evidence stays completely in line
with this interpretation. It is very important to stress that
the material culture along the flow of the Devoll river in
southern Albania, i.e. in the area inhabited by the Enge
lanes /Dassaretae, is thoroughly different from the Mati
culture, north of the valley of Shkumbin river, in an Il
lyrian-inhabited area; the differences are noticeable ever
since the end of the Bronze Age, (the Maliq C-D group)
and much more in the Iron Age65; this culture has been
60 N. Proeva, "Enchlens - Dassartes - Illyriens", p. 197.
61 Due to the lack of an epigraphical corpus from the Albanian part
of Enchelean territory, this statistic is based on the inscriptions from
the western part of the Republic of Macedonia.
b2 A list of the names in N. Proeva, "Enchlens - Dassartes - Il
lyriens", p. 198-9.
63 F. Papazoglou, "Structures ethniques et sociales dans les rgions
centrales des Balkans la lumire des tudes onomastiques", Actes
du VIIe congrs international d'pigraphie grecque et latine, Bucareti-
Paris 1977, p. 151-169.
64 On these problems, see N. Proeva, "Enchlens - Dassartes - Il
lyriens", p. 197-8, as well as Les tudes sur les anciens Macdoniens
(Rsum, pp. 269-278), Skopje 1997, ch. VI.
65M. Garaanin, "Formation et origins des Illyriens", in M. Garaanin
(d.), Les Illyriens et les Albanais, XXXIX/10, Beograd 1988, p. 104-5.
Thus, on page 131 the author argues that, considering these facts,
the Illyrian stock of the population in this area is at least formally
questionable.
566 HOMAGE TO MI LUTi N GARAANI N
THE ENGELANES / ENCHELEI S AND THE GOLDEN MASK.
tagged Boubousti-Tren.66 Although professor Garaanin
had noted the different material cultures south and
north of the Shkumbin river in an admirable manner, he
was mislead by the widely accepted opinion that the ar
eas south of the river were inhabited by the Illyrii proprie
dicti and went on to explain the distinctions by influenc
es from the Greek world.67 A. Benac, on the other hand,
gives more attention to the fine matte-painted pottery of
the so-called "Devoll style", found from the watershed
of the Devoll river, by Korce, around Lake Ohrid, at Bou-
bousti in the upper Haliacmon basin (Orestis): as this
type of pottery is atypical of the Illyrian culture, Benac
associates it with the Dassaretai.6SThe Bronze Age mate
rial culture from southern Albania was usually attribut
ed to the Greeks69, as Boubousti-Tren was to Illyrians.70
However, both the Maliq C-D and the Boubousti-Tren
cultural groups have close relations in the material cul
ture of Pelagonia71, while differing from material culture
in Illyrian areas - the boundary between the two cultural
entities being on the Shkumbin river. This is another sol
id piece of evidence that the ancient tribes that dwelled
around Lake Ohrid (known in earlier time by the name
of Engelanes /Encheleis, later as Dassaretai) cannot be
classed as belonging to the group of Illyrian tribes.
Another site deserving a mention is the necropo
lis between the villages of Trebenite and Gorenci. It is
contemporary with our written sources, being in active
use from the seventh, until the fourth or even third cen
tury BC. So far, archaeologists have discovered a total
of fifty-six graves72; however, the thirteen rich, so-called
66 W. A. Heurtley, Prehistoric Macedonia, Cambridge, 1939, cat. nos.
459^67; M. Korkuti, "L'agglomration prhistorique de Tren", Iliria
I (1972), p. 38- 4 2.
67 M. Garaanin, op. cit., p. 131.
68 "Le culte des morts dans la rgion illyrienne a l'poque prhistori
que", in A. Benac (d.), Culture spirituelle des Illyriens, symp. Herceg-
Novi 1982, Sarajevo, 1984, p. 146-7, rsum p. 150-152.
69W. A. Heurtley, Annual BSA XXVIII (1926-7), p. 191; N. G. L. H a m
m o n d , Macedonia I, p. 405-407.
70 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, p. 313, as well as several Albanian schol
ars: M. Korkuti, p. 63 in Les Illyriens et la gense des Albanais, Tirana 1971;
Zh. An d r e a , "La civilisation des tumuli du bassin du Kore et sa place
dans les Balkans du Sud-Est", Studia Albanica IX/2 (1972), p. 196 calls it a
"southern Illyrian" group; F. Prendi, "Un aperu sur la civilisation de la
premire priode du fer en Albanie", Iliria 3 (1975), p. 128.
71 M. Garaanin, op. cit., p. 116-117. On the material culture in Pel
agonia, see the account of R. Vasi, "Pelagonija" in S. Gabrovec (ed.)
Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, Sarajevo, 1987, p. 712-72-723.
' 2 A summary of the excavations and of older works in R. Vasic,
"Ohridska oblast", in S. Gabrovec (ed.) Praistorija jugoslavenskih ze-
malja, Sarajevo, 1987, p. 724-733.
"princely" graves stimulated a special interest among re
searchers. Going back to the sixth and fifth centuries BC,
these princely graves hid a rich inventory in funerary ob
jects - black-figured vases, golden and silver jewellery, sil
ver vessels, bronze craters, bronze weapons, as well as five
masks, bracelets and sandal soles made of gold foil. Many
questions that emerged since the discovery of these rich
graves have already been elucidated, the major ones being
the identity of the deceased and the origin of the objects;
however, there is an ongoing discussion on the origin of
the specific burial customs involving golden masks. It has
been cleared out that the bronze vessels - although not
used in Greece until Hellenistic times73due to the different
social system of poleis, opposed to barbarian kingdoms -
were actually made in Corinth (e.g. the craters from grave
no. 8, ornate with a frieze of horsemen or cows), Corinthian
colonies in the north-west or on Chalcidice (where a spe
cific, "Chalcidicean" style emerged, especially pertaining
to bronze vessels), or the colonies in southern Italy.74 On
the other hand, the silver rhythons and skyphoi, aimed at
local aristocracy, were of Ionian-Persian style75; this, once
again, sheds light on the relations between Macedonia
and the Eastern Mediterranean, but also confirms an early
practice of adoption and imitation of the imported vessels
by local artisans.76 The composite style jewellery, mainly
in filigree, is a product of Chalcidicean artisans, but it was
tailored bearing in mind the lifestyles and likings of the
local population (e.g., the ring-headed pins with stylised
palmette ornaments, similar to the ornaments on Philip II's
sarcophagus; the pins with stylised opium poppy berries
- papaver somniferus, etc).
Due to the lack of analogies for the custom of covering
the face of the deceased with a gold mask, the gold-plat
ing of the bare parts of the body, as well a lack of analogies
to the findings in particular, scholars in the past have usu
ally tended to attribute this necropolis to the Illyrians.77
However, in the early 1990's, archaeologists discovered a
sixth-century BC necropolis at Sindos (Tekelievo)7S near
73 C. Rolley, Les bronzes grecs, Fribourg 1983, p.132.
/4 C. Rolley, op. cit., p. 142; R. Va s i , "Greek Bronze Vessels found in
Yugoslavia", iva antika 33.2 (19S3), p. 188-9.
/5 Lj. Popovic, "La vessele d'argent de la ncropole de Trebenite
(rsum)", iva antika 8 (1953), p. 154.
76 B. Barr-Sharrar, "Eastern Influence on the Toreutic art of Macedo
nia", Ancient Macedonia IV, Thessaloniki 1986, p. 79-81.
/7 A practice recently dismissed by Bulgarian researchers, attribut
ing the necropolis to the Thracians; L. Konova, "The necropolis from
Trebenite - studies and problems", Thracia 11 (1995), p. 197, 201-201.
/fi , , . . , Athnes 1985.
HOMAGE TO MI LUTI N GARAANI N 567
NADE PROEVA
Salonica. The graves, as well as the funerary inventory,
bear an explicit resemblance to the ones from the ne
cropolis at Trebenite /Gorenci near Ohrid, in the habitat
of the Engelanes. The necropolis at Sindos is located in
Amphaxitis, a strip of land inhabited by Paeonian tribes,
themselves impossible to characterise as Illyrian.79 Con
cerning the fact that the material culture, as well as the
funerary ritual, is nearly indistinguishable from the one
in Gorenci /Trebenite, it becomes clear that the tribes
discussed in this article share identical cultural and reli
gious traits; this is of utmost importance, as the Sindos
necropolis, located in the heart of ancient Macedonia,
can by no means be categorised as Illyrian.
This observation is supported by other archaeologi
cal findings. The discovery of a Macedonian-type tomb80
from the third century BC in the village of Dolno Selce
near Pogradec, on the Albanian side of Lake Ohrid81,
yielded a military bronze clasp with the iconography of
an equestrian with Macedonian weapons killing a bar
barian, presumably a Celt.82 The clasps discovered in Il
lyrian areas83, compared to the one discovered in Dolno
Selce, remarkably differs by the trapezoidal form, the
artistic style, the clearly discernible horror vacui alien to
Macedonian art, as well as by the depicted weaponry.
As for the three rectangular clasps from the Gostilj ne
cropolis near Lake Skadar (Scutari), on the territory of
the Illyrian Labeati - A. Jovanovi interprets them to be
a result of pure Macedonian propaganda, aimed at at
tracting the Illyrians into an anti-Roman coalition.84 The
difference in the ornaments and the clothing - a reflec
tion of the social system in the Iron Age - can be noticed
in the Mati culture, which is Illyrian beyond any doubt,
compared to the Kui i Zi (Korce) in the lower basin of
the Devoll river, attributed to the Engelanes.85
Thus, if we agree that the religious and cultural traits
in a tribe have a key role in determining its ethnic stock,
the Engelanes cannot be defined as an Illyrian tribe, as
shown by the analysis of the written sources and the
onomastic data.
The discovery of the first two golden masks at Gor
enci /Trebenite had not only been of key significance
but also astounding; however, it made scholars face a
new brainteaser.86 Until that time, no golden masks
were discovered at any of the classical sites attributed
to autochthonous Balkan tribes or peoples (be it Greeks,
Thracians87, Illyrians or other). Moreover, it was a con
ventional practice - with but a few exceptions - to add
the Macedonians to the list of Greek tribes; thus, there
was no option left but to attribute the masks unearthed
to their eastern neighbours - the Illyrians, although their
boundaries - mainly due to insufficient sources and lack
of research - were not yet determined with a satisfying
level of accuracy. However, the traits of the funerary cult
present at Sindos are neither Illyrian88, nor Greek89; in
fact, they are highly important for the definition of the
material culture of the dwellers of Trebenite and its sur
roundings - and not less for determining their ethnic
stock.
It is a notable fact that, so far, no funerary golden
masks have been discovered on classical Greek territory.
The sole fortuitous finding of a golden mask of Boeotian
origin, lacking any contextual data and very doubtful in
79 V. Sokolovska (see note 10), tries to define the Engelanes and the
Dassaretae as Paeonians; this attempt, however, provoked neither
reaction nor support. Note that the book in question bristles with
contradictions unworthy of comment, as well as with a selective
(not to say ignorant) approach to scholar literature.
80 This is the only Macedonian-type grave on Albanian territory
- a very notable fact, bearing in mind that except in Macedonia,
Macedonian-type graves can be found only in areas that fell under
Macedonian political domination.
81 N. Ceka, "Les tombes monumentales de la Basse Selce", lliria IV
(1976), p. 367-369.
82 D. Rendi-Mioevi, "L'art des Illyriens l'poque antique (Rsum
pp. 78-80), in A. Benac (d.), Culture spirituelle des Illyriens, p. 76.
83 Dj. Basler, CZM XXIV, Sarajevo, 1969, tombe 30, p. 29, Pl. II (Gos
tilj necropolis); Z. Mari, GZM, XXVII/XXVIII, Sarajevo, 1972/72, p.
257/8, Pl. I (Oanii near Stolac).
84 "Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Grtelplatten vom illyrishen
Raum", Godinjak CBI XXVII/25 (1989), p. 123-130, zusamenfas-
sung, 131-133.
85 B. Teran, "Die Tracht als kennzeichnendes element der altereeisen-
zeitlichen gesellschaftsgruppen zwischen Drim und Devoll", zusamen-
fassung, in A. Benac (d.), Culture spirituelle des Illyriens, p. 211.
86 Some even spoke of foreigners - Celtic warriors buried with the
spoils from Delphi, cf. B. ajkanovi, RIEB II (1936), p. 137-148.
87 The golden mask - phiale discovered in 2004 near ipka weighs
673 grams; it is, however, of a completely different type and obvi
ously made with a different purpose in mind. In order to give an
interpretation of this discovery, one has to wait for the complete
publication. At this time, only the field report is available: G. Kitov,
"Rich grave in Svetitsa tumulus" (summary, p. 426), in Studia Ar-
chaeologica Universitatis Serdicensis, suppl. IV (2005), p. 422-3.
88 Dismissed by V. Popovic, "Sur l'origine des objets grecs ar
chaques de la ncropole de Trebenite et le problme des masques
d'or" (rsum, p. 30), Starinar, XV-XVI, 1964/65, p. 26; the Illyrian
theory was also advocated by N. Vulic, Rev. Intern. Etudes Balkani
ques, I (1934), p. 134.
89 Dismissed by V. Popovic, "Les masques funraires de la ncropo
le archaque de Trebenite", Archaeologia Iugoslavica V (1964), p. 39.
568 HOMAGE TO H1LJ T1N G ARAS AN IN
THE ENGELANES / ENCHELEI S AND THE GOLDEN MASK.
dating (now in the Ashmolean Museum), is insufficient
to prove the Greek origin of the golden masks funerary
custom - in spite of N. Theodosiev arguing that it was
adopted by the Engelanes after the alleged Boeotian-
Enchelean influx.90 Furthermore, we have the methodo
logical faux pas of correlating the masks of Trebenite
culture with the masks from Mycenae91, despite the
enormous ethnic, cultural and chronological differences
between them. The Mycenaean masks are older by no
less than a millennium; furthermore, they are attributed
to the Achaeans, a people with a social system and cul
ture vastly different from the classical population of the
Peninsula, including the ancient Greeks.92
On the other hand, funerary masks or gold foliage
covering the eyes and the mouth of the deceased - a sort
of "reduced" masks, actually - have numerous attesta
tions on the entire territory of Macedonia - in Beranci
(Petilep) near Bitola93, Aiane94, Pella (still unpublished),
around Gevgelija95; in the south, following the Vardar
valley (Mikro Karaburnu, Chaushica, Zejtinlik)96 down
to Sindos (Tekelievo) near Salonica97, Amphipolis98,
90 N. Theodosiev, "The dead with golden faces: Dassaretian, Pela-
gonian, Mygdonian and Boeotian funeral masks", Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 17.3 (1998), 355-6. Beside the dated references on Pelago-
nian origin and onomastics - described, in a nineteenth-century fash
ion, as Thraco-Illyrian (p. 348-9) - there are further inaccuracies, e.g.
the village Beranci is rendered as Beranats (p. 348).
91 The Mycenaean origin being convincingly dismissed by V. Po-
povi, "Les masques...", Archlug V (1965), 36-38; the author argues
that the custom of using funerary masks in Mycenae was actually
adopted from Egypt via Crete. This theory is still advocated by some
scholars, e.g. Lj. Konova, "The necropolis from Trebenite - studies
and problems", Thracia II (1995), pp. 195,198.
92 A number of Bulgarians scholars (A. Fol, M. Taeva-Hitova) claim that
several elements of the Mycenaean culture still existed as a consequence
of the Mycenaean-type society, itself existing at least until the sixth cen
tury BC (see Thracia 11 (1995), p. 195, n.) - a quite objectionable theory.
931. Mikuli, "Pelagonien in lichte der archologishen Funde", Sko-
pje-Beograd 1966, zusamenfasung pp. 88-96, Pl. XII.
94 G. Karamitrou-Mentesidi, Aiani, Athens 1996, p. 37, im. 19.
95 Three crumpled gold foils (two smaller and one larger, approx. 4
x 6 cm) were found on a poorly preserved skull in grave 4 at the site
of Biov Javor, between the villages of Smokvica and Marvinci (Ido-
menai) on the right bank of the Vardar. I was acquainted with this
unpublished discovery by my colleague, Boban Huseinovski from
the Museum in Gevgelija. My sincere gratitude goes to him.
96 P. Amandry, Collection H. Stathatos, les bijoux antiques, Strasbourg
1953, p. 39.
97 This necropolis has also been published partially. From the total
number of 121 graves, a published catalogue presented representa
tive objects from only 36 graves; see the catalogue of the exhibition,
, Athens 1985.
9SD. Lazaridis, Amphipolis, Athenai 1993, p. 73-75 (in Greek).
Chalcidice (incerto loco)99, Vergina100, as well as Gorenci /
Trebenite (see map). The first two findings from Gorenci
/Trebenite had been accidental. The masks were discov
ered in 1918, during military operations by the Bulgarian
army, which occupied this part of Macedonia; hence, their
current location is the Archaeological Museum in Sofia.101
Serbian archaeologist N. Vuli proceeded with archaeo
logical excavations on the site from 1930 to 1934102; this
yielded two more masks, currently in the National Mu
seum in Belgrade.103 In 2002 - eighty-four years after the
first findings - a team of excavators from the Museum of
Ohrid, led by archaeologist P. Kuzman, unearthed a rich
grave, containing another funerary mask, at the site of the
Samuilova fortress in Ohrid.104 Based on the fact that no
funerary masks have been noted on Greek-inhabited terri
tory in Classical times, one can argue that the golden masks
are not a trait of the Greek funerary cult. Another trait of
the Macedonian funerary ritual - the tripod for a posthu
mous feast - is also unknown to classical Greek practice,
using only a funerary bed, the kline. These two traits - the
funerary masks and the tripod - speak loudly in favour of
two different sets of funerary customs.105 The funerary rit
ual being one of the most important elements of religious
practice - itself, besides language, the most important el-
99 P. Amandry, op. cit., p. 3 5 - 6 , Pl. XIX-XX 9 (Trilophon or Mesimer).
100 Sole of golden sandals, in a grave dating from 4 7 C M 6 0 BC.
101 B. Filow-Schkorpil, Die Archaische Nekropole von Trebenishte am
Ochrida-See, Berlin-Leipzig, 1 927.
102 After the division of Macedonia among the four independent
Balkan states, most of the Ohrid region fell to the lot of the Kingdom
of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes; 2 2 villages were given to Albania.
103 H. , " ", -
XI (1932), p. 1 sqq; Id., "
", LXXVII (1933), 87-96 (103); Id
"Das neue Grab von Trebenischte", Arch. Anzeiger III/IV ( 1 9 3 0 ),
pp. 2 7 6 - 2 7 9 ; Id., "Ein neues Grab bei Trebenischte", Jahreshefte d.
Ost. Arch. Inst. 2 8 ( 1 9 3 2 ) , pp. 1 6 4 - 1 8 6 , fig. 1; Id., "Neue Graber bei
Trebenischte", Arch. Anzeiger 1 9 3 3 , pp. 4 5 9 - 4 8 6 ; Id., "La ncropole
archaque de Trebenishte", Revue archologique, 6eserie, 3 (1934), pp.
26-38, fig. 15, Pl. I, 1; B. Filov, "Le nouveau tombeau de Trebenite",
IBAI VII (1932/33), Sofia (rsum); Id., "Nouvelles trouvailles de
Trebenite", IBAI VIII ( 1 9 3 4 ) , Sofia (rsum); on the finds currently
in the Belgrade Museum, see Lj. Popovi, "Catalogue des objets
dcouverts prs des Trebenite au Muse Nationale de Belgrade",
Antika I ( 1 9 5 6 ) ; Lj. Popovi, Corpus vasorum Antiquorum (Serbie et
Montngro), Muse National - Belgrade, fasc. 1, Belgrade, 2 0 0 4 , Pl.
8 nos 1 - 3 , Pl. 11, nos 1 - 2 .
104 Still unpublished, except for articles in the daily press.
105 These traits of utmost importance were indicated by the promi
nent French scholar Claude Rolley after the discovery of the Sindos
necropolis, cf. Cl. Rolley, "Du nouveau sur la Macdoine antique",
Archeologia 188 (1984), p. 37.
HOMAGE TO MI LUTI N GAR.AANI N 569
NADE PROEVA
ement for determining the ethnic stock of the tribes - it
becomes clear that the Engelanes were a tribe of Macedo
nian origin.
The purpose of the masks was funerary106; in more spe
cific terms, the funerary cult involved covering the deceased
(especially the revealed parts of the body: the face, the
palms, the feet, etc.) with masks, gloves, sandals, rhomboid
gold leaflets, with the apotropaeic capacity of gold in mind.
Many interpretations on the origin of this practice have so
far been put forth. V. Popovi argues that the custom of fu
nerary foliating was Egyptian, adopted in Mycenae - but
also in Macedonia - via Crete in the times of Cretan thalas-
socracy (ninth to seventh century BC)107 and spreading in
the interior along the Via Egnatia. Concerning the adop
tion of an Egyptian practice in Mycenae, this hypothesis is
convincing enough, having in mind the closely dated finds
as well as the rarity of Mycenaean golden masks - possi
bly no more than a highly fashionable trend, as the author
has well noted.108 However, the hypothesis is unfitting to
the situation in Macedonia due to the enormous chrono
logical gap and the continuously growing number of finds.
Not only are the funerary mask findings in Macedonia
the most numerous in the Balkan Peninsula, but the
context of their discovery - the funerary ritual, the grave
constructions, the funerary material - remains the same in
every occasion, a fact that clearly points to the origin of this
custom.109
We can conclude by stressing that making use of
traits from communities remote in time and territory,
thorn out of the context110, in order to give interpretation
106 A signification of rank can certainly not be dismissed; it should
not, however, be given primary importance.
107 P. Amandry, op. cit. 36-40; V. Popovi, in Starinar XV-XVI
(1964/65), p.23-28; Id., Archlug V, 1964, p. 3 2 ^4 , in particular p. 38;
R. Vasi, in Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, p. 732.
108 y Popovi, Archlug V, 1964, p.38.
109 N. Theodosiev dos not find this argument solid enough to at
tribute the necropolis to the Macedonians (N. Theodosiev, AOJ,
1998, p. 353); this is, in the mildest of terms, a curious position,
probably aimed at proving the Thracian origin not only of the cus
tom, but also of the tribes dwelling in Macedonia (p. 354). The au
thor goes on to claim that non-Greek Pelasgians and Thracians were
assimilated by Boeotian newcomers, thus making the custom Thra
cian. Theodosiev goes even further in speculating that the Boeotian
mask, dating from the seventh or sixth century BC by his opinion,
could even belong to a Thracian aristocrat (p. 356).
110 Thus, N. Theodosiev, OJA 17/3 (1998), pp. 345-364, using Etrus
can, Celtic, Cretan, Mycenaean and Luristani examples, incompat
ible analogies with votive golden panel applications, and, lastly, an
enormous time span going from Minoan to Roman times. An al
leged mask, bearing an inscription of king Dropion (V. Sokolovska
of a certain custom is a methodologically unacceptable
practice; even more, in this case, instead of helping to
the solution of the problem, it even worsens the situa
tion.111 Therefore, it seems that the most logical - and,
accordingly, the most acceptable - interpretation is the
one of convergent customs, i.e. an independent, conver
gent solution to a similar or an identical problem, occur
ring on territories or in habitats with minimum chance
of contact. In ancient Egypt, golden masks covered the
faces of the most powerful and the wealthiest members
of the society - the deified pharaohs; in Macedonia - not
only in the Ohrid region - gold covered the bodies of the
most prominent members of the community, the local
chieftains from the sixth and fifth centuries BC - before
the unification of the kingdom by the most powerful lo
cal dynasty, the Argeadai.
NADE PROEVA
Faculty of Philosophy
University of SS Cyril and Methodius
nproeva@hotmail.com
& I. Mikuli, The icon of king Dropion, Macedoniae Acta Archaeo-
logica 11 (1987-89), 1990, pp. 103-109, summary p. 110) appeared
among collectors in Skopje under suspicious circumstances; al
though bought by collectors, it has never been set on show by the
Archaeological Museum in Skopje because of subsequent informa
tion about a possible forgery. The experts from the Museum have
later come across and inspected an identical object in possession of
the same collectors - a strong argument against the authenticity of
both "finds"; one should add the unintelligible lower part of the
inscription. Having all this in mind, the arguments of Theodosiev
(op. cit., p. 357) in favour of alleged Paeonian words have to be dis
missed as arbitrary.
111 These improbable analogies have probably puzzled even the au
thor himself (N. Theodosiev), who does not seem to have a particu
lar, integrated opinion. Thus, concerning the masks from the Balkan
Peninsula, he allows Celtic, Etruscan and Achaemenid influence
(op. cit. p. 360). N. Theodosiev has written once more on this prob
lem (OJA 19.2 (2000), pp. 175-210), concluding that these cultural
traits "were not signs of specific ethnicity and particular tribal iden
tity... but testify to the strong interrelations and interaction between
ethnically different people, who inhabited these Northern Balkan
lands in antiquity" (p. 204). The same opinion, although in a more
constrained manner, is expressed by Lj. Konova (Thracia 11 (1995),
p. 202); the author formulates a new designation - "Thraco-Mac-
edonian" and "Thraco-Illyrian" - for the region of Trebenite, fol
lowing, however, a rather erroneous and surpassed denomination.
570 HOMAGE TO MILUTIN GARAANIN