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RC 10
RC 10
bits of human cultural behavior with bits of genetically programmed animal beha
vior. True, humans are animals; they share certain anatomical features with othe
r animals, and some items of human behavior may seem analogous to the behavior o
f other animals. But such analogies can seriously mislead if we fail to look at
the context of a particular item of behavior. Thus one ethologist compares the p
resentation of a twig by a cormorant with gift-giving in humans. Yet the cormora
nts twig-presentation simply inhibits attack and is comparable to other appeasemen
t rituals found in many species. Human gift-giving differs in form and purpose n
ot only from culture to culture, but within the same culture in various social c
ontexts. Everything significant about it derives from its social context. Thus,
ethologists can accomplish littlebeyond reminding us that we are animalsuntil they s
tudy humans as cultural beings.
17.
The author is primarily concerned with
(A) demonstrating the usefulness of ethology in discovering the behavioral limit
s within which humans operate
(B) objecting to the degradation of humanity implicit in the ethologists equatio
n of humans and animals
(C) pointing out the dangers inherent in comparing highly dissimilar species, su
ch as humans and cormorants, rather than similar ones, such as humans and apes
(D) refuting the idea that the appeasement rituals in human cultural behavior ca
n be profitably subjected to ethological analysis
(E) arguing that the ethologists assumption that human behavior can be straightfor
wardly compared with animal behavior is invalid
18.
The author believes that gift-giving in humans
(A) is instinctive behavior
(B) is analogous to appeasement rituals in other animals
(C) is not an appropriate subject of study for ethologists
(D) must be considered within its social context to be properly understood
(E) may be a cultural remnant of behavior originally designed to inhibit attack
19.
The authors attitude toward contemporary ethologists can best be described
as
(A) puzzled
(B) conciliatory
(C) defensive
(D) amused
(E) disparaging
20.
Which of the following statements from a report on a cross-cultural stud
y of gift-giving would, if true, most strongly support the authors assertions conc
erning human gift-giving?
(A) In every culture studied, it was found that some forms of gift-giving are ac
ts of aggression that place the receiver under obligation to the giver.
(B) Most governmental taxation systems differentiate between gifts of property g
iven to children during a parents lifetime, and a childs inheritance of the same pro
perty from a parent dying without a will.
(C) Some gift-giving customs have analogous forms in nearly every culture, as in
the almost universal custom of welcoming strangers with gifts of food.
(D) In North America, generally speaking, money is an acceptable holiday gift to
ones letter carrier or garbage collector, but is often considered an insult if gi
ven to ones employer, friends, or relatives.
(E) Some gifts, being conciliatory in nature, indicate by their costliness the d
egree of hostility they must appease in the recipient.
Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties
than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning
. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular
biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids an
d expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and le
arning seemed to be block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production
of protein. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that co