Contemporary Armenian Community in Tbilisi

Author(s): Satenik Mkrtchian

Source: Iran & the Caucasus, Vol. 13, No. 2 (2009), pp. 299-310
Published by: Brill
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brill

Iranand theCaucasus 13(2009)299-310

Contemporary

Armenian

Community

in Tbilisi

Satenik Mkrtchian
Institute
and Ethnography,
ofArchaeology
AcademyofSciences,Armenia
Abstract
This paper seeks to present a comprehensive picture of theArmenian communityof
Tbilisi, based on extensive ethnographic field-workcarried out in Tbilisi during
2006-2008.The paper aims to explore the followingmain aspects of the Tbilisi Ar
menian community:a) a briefhistoryof the community'sformationand itscurrent
social-demographic

situation,

and b) the community's

structure

and agents.

In addi

tion, the followingquestions will be addressed:What are the currentproblems and

challenges faced by the community today (how the community actors see these
challenges and what approaches they have to address the issues)? How do Tbilisi

Armenians

perceive

Armenia?

Components

of the

of the Armenian

identity

com

munity inTbilisi also will be addressed, such as ceremonial and holiday traditions,
and

symbols,

so on.

Keywords
Armenians

in Tbilisi,

Relations,

Armenian-Georgian

A Brief History of the Armenian Population

History

and

Identity

inTbilisi1

The history of the Armenian population of Georgia began very early.

Our information about the firstArmenian settlements in Georgia dates
back to the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th centuries. There was
also an ancient community in the city of Tbilisi (Abrahamyan 1964: 93
94).
Migration of Armenians to Tbilisi began to increase especially after
the fall of the Bagratuni state in Armenia and the seizure of its capital
Ani by the Byzantines (Abrahamyan, ibid.: 96; Muradyan
1988: 11; Ay
1
HistoricallyTbilisi was called inArmenian Tp'lis,until 1936 itwas Tiflis;today,
the officialname of the city is Tbilisi.The naming Tiflis is quite commonlyused by

Armenians

nowadays,

observably

? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden,

more

than by Georgians.

2009

DOI: 10.1163/157338410X12625876281226

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300 S.Mhrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310

vazyan 2003: 543-545). The Armenians participated in the political, eco
nomic, and cultural life of the country. They had their distinct role in
the formation of the Georgian statehood.
During the 1170s, there were so many Armenians in Georgia that an
Armenian Diocese with its centre inTiflis was established (Abrahamyan,
ibid.: 97).
Armenians

continued tomigrate to Georgia in the 14-18th centuries,

and this process increased significantly during the early 18th century.
At the end of the 18th century, out of the total population of Tiflis,
1929:
20,000 inhabitants, 12,000 were Armenians
(Polietkov/Natadze
30). In this period, many Armenian churches and other places of wor

shipwere built inTbilisi (Ayvazyan2003: 543).

In the beginning of the 19th century, some Armenian residents were

second and third generation descendants of immigrants and were offi
cially classified as "locals".2

At the end of the 18thcentury,

Tiflissuffered
under the ruleof Shah

Khan. The city was completely burnt to the ground.

Agha-Mohammad
19th
the
century, epidemics frequently occurred (1802,
Throughout
with
1811,1830,1847)
negative impact on the overall population growth
In
2005:
1817, the Armenian population constituted 75,6%
99).
(Sargsyan
in Tiflis. This figure decreased gradually: in the
of the total population
1830s to 65%, 1850s to 54% (Polietkov/Natadze:
30), and in 1886, ac

cording to the official statistics, to 47,7% (Xaxanov 1898: 553), and made
1990: 29,30). Indeed, in the
up only 36,4% in 1899 (Ancabadze/Volkova:
second half of the 19th century, the Armenians no longer had a majority
in the city,merely a plurality (Suny 1994:116). According to a 19th cen
tury source, Georgians were mainly peasants and landowners, while the
Armenian population was mainly involved in trade and crafts, and,
therefore, concentrated in the cities (Xaxanov 1898: 553).
Thus, the Armenians, which had lived in Tbilisi from an early period,
formed a significant presence in the 19th and 20th centuries in com
parison with other ethnic groups, and possessed a superior position and
in the economic,
active participation
and cultural
socio-political,
spheres as well. In 1844, there were 21 Armenian churches with 65

priests inTbilisi.By the end of the 19thand beginningof the 20thcen

turies, 62% of Tbilisi's trade and industrial enterprises belonged to Ar

menians
(Ayvazyan 2003: 545), with one half of large enterprises, and

most of the largestbeingArmenian (Suny 1995: 118). Since the 40s of

2
For details about Armeniansmigration to Tbilisi, see Ancabadze/Volkova 1990:

33-36.

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s.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310 301

the 19th century, Armenian mayors succeeded one another in Tiflis. In
1841, the firstmayor of the city became Izmirov; his successors were
Khatisov (Khatisyan), Ter-Grikurov, Shadinov, Pridonov, Galutev, Sara
jev, E. Artsruni. The latter donated his personal library (currently the

PublicLibraryofTbilisi) toTbilisi,and themayor Khatisyandonatedhis

house to the city,where theCityhall ofTbilisi is currentlylocated (Ay
vazyan 2003: 546).
During this period, Tbilisi was considered a "peculiar" Armenian po
litical centre as well (e.g. the formation of the Armenian Revolutionary
Federation political party in 1890, National Board of Trustees cared for
the people and orphans rescued from the Genocide, etc.) (Ayvazyan
2003: 544). In the 19th century, Tbilisi was the centre of the East-Arme

nian enlightenment,

literature, and culture.

Current Statistics
According to the 1959 census, Armenians constituted 21,3 % of the
population of Tbilisi. In 1970, they made up 16,9% and in 1979?14,5%
(52,767 people) (Ayvazyan 2003: 545). Historically, Georgia has always
been a multi-ethnic country. Different ethnic groups lived there for
centuries and had a significant role in the development of Georgian cul
ture. Georgians traditionally constituted only a larger minority, in fact.

However, by the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries,
the number of ethnic Georgians began to grow, most rapidly during the
Soviet period.
In 1991, after Georgian independence was restored, its ethno-de

mography changed. According to official data, the population of Georgia

decreased, mainly as a result of emigration. The majority of those who
left the country were representatives of ethnic minorities. The number
of ethnic minorities decreased two-fold, while the number of Georgians
decreased by only 3% (Minasyan 2006: 11, 14). According to the 2002
constituted 7,6 % (82,600 people)
of the total
census,3 Armenians
population of Tbilisi, 33% of the total number of Armenians in Georgia
(248,900 people). In 2002, Georgians constituted 84,1% of the population
of Tbilisi, while other ethnic-minorities (Azerbaijanis, Russians, Kurds,
Ukrainians, Greeks, etc.) together formed 8,3% of the city population
(Culadze/Maglaperidze/Vadackoria

2004:162).

3
The last census inGeorgiawas recorded in 2002,where the population data of
Abkhazia and Tckhinvalwere not involved.

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302 5.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310

Community Structures and Agents
At present, the Tbilisi Armenian community life lacks an umbrella
structure and is not controlled by any existing structures: the Church,
NGOs, cultural centres, or any other agency. In reality, various Arme
nian cultural, educational, and spiritual centres exist, but there is no

"central governance" for the community.

The main concern of community actors (those Armenians of Tbilisi
who are somehow engaged in the organisational,
ideological, financial,
or practical activities of the community) is the fact that the community
is split into different groupings, individuals, and organisations, and in

is very low (Vardanyan 2006: 98).

in
recent years show that there is a tendency for
Developments
communal structures to consolidate around the Diocese of the Arme
nian Apostolic Church in Georgia, however, the Armenian organisations
and entities are of different natures and are autonomous.
ternal consolidation

In the opinion of community actors, very few Armenians, about 0.5%

in communal struc
(some 500), living in Tbilisi regularly participate
tures.

A union named Kane ("The Call") was established in the capital of

independent Georgia in 1992-1993, following the collapse of the Soviet
Union. People working there "were doing their best to remain Arme
nian and maintain things Armenian11. Later, the "Union of Georgian Ar
menians", which was particularly important in uniting the Armenian
community in the post-Soviet Georgian Republic during the 1990s and
offering an urgent response to the "Armenian issues" of the time, was
formed. During the last 3-4 years, new manifestations
of public activi
in the community mainly in the form of Non
governmental Organisations. Officially, 30 Armenian NGOs are regis
tered inTbilisi, but only few of them are active (Vardanyan 2006:100).
The NGOs finance their own activities through members' volunteer
ties have been observed

efforts, small individual donations, or the partial support of the Arme

nian Diocese. Their organisational
capacities and fundraising opportu
nities are insufficient to receive financing from bodies fostering civil
society or to be eligible for grants to bankroll their operations. Addi

tionally, Armenian NGOs stillmiss the civic issues and advocacy in their
functioning.
In Tbilisi, the NGOs currently operate in parallel with traditional
mechanisms
and structures?the
Church, the theatre (the Tbilisi State
Armenian Dramatic Theatre), schools, mass media, and cultural groups
(Vardanyan

2006:102).

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5.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310 303

The Church
Traditionally, in Tbilisi, the Armenian Diocese had its definite role in
preserving Armenian identity. At present, two churches are functioning
in the city, St. Gevorg and St. Echmiadzin. The St. Gevorg church in Tbi
lisi serves as a "centre", "a little Armenia" for Tbilisi Armenians. The
church serves as "a place formeetings and gatherings", "where all are

Armenian, everyone speaks Armenian, and on Armenian issues" (field

work materials).
Sunday Liturgy is at 11:00 am, after which the yard
around the church is packed.
In recent years, the activities of the Armenian Diocese
in Georgia
a
and its cultural-educational
have
programmes
performed
key role in
bringing young people together. The Blagonravov
family residing in
Russia has taken the responsibility of patrons of the church of St.
Gevorg, and they are not the only example of such practice. The Diocese
has issued a magazine, Norashen, from 2006 to 2009. Thanks to the

"chronicle" of the Diocese in Norashen, the activities and mission of the

Diocese have become more transparent and accessible to a wider group
of people. However, the Diocese currently has several legal problems
(see below).

The Theatre
The Petros Adamyan Tbilisi State Armenian Dramatic Theatre is
unique in being the only state-funded Armenian theatre outside Arme
nia. Besides Georgian state financing, the theatre has received support
from the Armenian Government at various times since the collapse of

In 2006, the theatre celebrated its 150th anniversary under

the patronage of the Prime Minister of Armenia, Andranik Margaryan.
The role of the theatre was described in one of the articles in Norashen:
"For Virahays [Georgian Armenians] the Theatre is a piece of Armenia
with its performances and other events intended to preserve Armenian
ness" (Manukyan 2006: 26). The theatre is considered an "Armenian
the USSR.

speaking environment" (one of the young Tbilisi

go there rather to hear Armenian spoken"), a
symbol for Tbilisi Armenians. In the forum portal
ans at www.armenia.ge, community actors post
community to purchase

Armenians related: "I

cultural centre and a

for Georgian Armeni

messages
urging the

tickets and support the theatre

Armenian Schools
Armenian schools have become "Armenian centres" in parallel with
(and as a result of) their educational functions, acting as significant
points of culture, identity, and the transfer of historical memory. Ar

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304 S.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310

history is taught during literature classes, though it is not in
cluded in the school curricula, and events dedicated to famous Arme
nian poets and writers are organised. Many communal events are ar
ranged by and for the school staff,pupils, and parents. Currently, eight
Armenian and Armenian-Russian mixed public schools are in operation.

menian

The number of the studentbody is small (ArmenianN 5 and N 104

schools have 100 and 160 pupils in 2006, respectively, the others?even
less). According to the Ambassador of Armenia to Georgia, only one in
every 40 Armenian students attends an Armenian school in Tbilisi (Ha
rutyunyan 2006). For comparison, before the 1950s, some 40 Armenian
schools operated

in Tbilisi (Ayvazyan 2003:546).

In 1996, the St. Eghya Sunday school affiliatedwith the Church

started with 10 students, reaching 80 students in 2005. In its 10th year,

1,000 Armenians became literate in Armenian through the Sun

about

day school's efforts. Since 2006, the Armenian Cooperation Centre in

Georgia (ACCG), one of the Armenian NGOs currently actively operating
in Tbilisi, has also been offering Armenian language courses, though as
the president of the organisation noted, the number of the students is
not large.
The main Armenian language printed media in Tbilisi are the official

Vrastan, and the diocesan monthly magazine

weekly newspaper
Norashen (since 2006), in addition to some local newspapers, such as Are
vzk, Vank in Armenian, as well as Nor Serund and Multinational Georgia in
Russian.
at 4:00 pm an Armenian TV
Since December 2003, each Wednesday
25-30
is broadcasted on the Geor
minutes,
programme, Moambe, lasting
on
TV
with
Public
The
programme includes news
repeats
gian
Sundays.
on
information
famous
community figures, interesting and ex
updates,
traordinary people, "without any politics and news from Armenia" or
2007: 13). Be
the Diaspora (Vardanyan, 2006: 115-116; Ter-Baldasaryan,
Armenian
the
sides this state financed Armenian-language
programme,
in
Now
state
Armenia's
Tbilisi
could
watch
official
channel.
population

they watch also Shant TV through satellite broadcasting. However, not

everyone can afford satellite television, some do not like the content of
the programming, and others do not see it as a necessity. In addition,

many Tbilisi Armenians

hardly understand

the Armenian

of the pro

grammes.

Currently, a five-minute Armenian news bulletin is broadcasted on

102.5 FM. In 2005, the first website for and about Tbilisi Armenians
{wmv.armenia.ge) was launched by the ACCG. Some cultural (dance and

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s.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310 305

groups also function in Tbilisi. Armenian schools also have their
groups. In addition, a tiny choir exists at the church of St. George.
Over recent years, another cultural unit was born, the Gari Davtyan
Family Theatre-Museum where puppet shows are performed and other
community events are organised.

music)

Current Problems and Challenges

for the Community

The first key issue considered by community activists and leaders is the
isolation of community members (i.e. ordinary people), as well as the
lack of coordination in the activities of the organisations and associa

tions. As one of the young actors of the community mentioned, there is

no communal life as in traditional Armenian Diaspora communities,
"maybe because many of us feel at home here as Armenians and con
sider this city as our OWN" (fieldwork materials). Another young leader

described the issue in the following terms: "We should strengthen ties
with Armenia and start relationships with other Diaspora groups and
Artsakh (Karabakh), and integrate into the world Armenian network. It
is our fault ifwe are not known in the world. Ifnot for Javakhk, no one
even remember the Armenians in Tbilisi. Our community would
gain visibility, ifwe managed to arrange mass events with wide partici
pation by ordinary people there" (fieldwork materials). Other activists
in Tbilisi who would support
stated: "There are no rich Armenians
or
structures
to work more effectively"
life
funds
for
donate
community

would

(fieldwork materials). Moreover, the Armenian population faces the so

cio-economic problems of all former Soviet countries. In addition, the
in Tbilisi has decreased considerably, and
number of the Armenians
many representatives of the business and art and the intelligentsia have
left the country.
Another set of problems and challenges relates to the "loss of the
Armenian Tiflis" or "traces of the Armenian impact on Tiflis". Some
community actors recommend that more attention is paid on publicis
ing the former wealth and power of Armenians in Tiflis. They also men
tion that something should be done to preserve their history, (official
documents, certificates, photos, and other items in private archives),
not only of separate houses/buildings
and families, but of institutions.
For example, the recent much-talked-of case in the Armenian press re

lated to the house of Hovhannes Tumanyan,

the famous Armenian
writer, in Tbilisi, which had been sold to a private owner (for details, see

Harutyunyan2009).They also believe thatthenumberof those feeling

is gradually dwindling. People are not even
"proud to be Armenian"
aware of their "rich and heroic Armenian history", and there is a need

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306 5.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310

to organise PR and publicity campaigns, "or else in a period of time
many of us will deny our origin" (fieldwork materials).
issue faced by the community today is the
The most prominent
situation of the Armenian schools. They are becoming
less and less

popular for the Armenian population in Tbilisi and, as a result, now face
additional financial difficulties in light of reforms under which the
budget is calculated on the basis of the number of pupils being taught.
To this is added the great problem of recruiting a new generation of
teachers. One faction of community activists sees the solution in re
cruiting more students to rehabilitate the prestige of the Armenian
schools. However, the majority understands the issues faced by parents
(e.g. the inability of the Armenian school network to provide possibility

to enter universities inside Georgia). Community activists expect the

Armenian Government to provide support in solving this issue and, in
fact, itdoes help by supplying books and other materials.
The Armenian Diocese has a problem regarding its official status, as
in Georgia, and has petitioned for the re
other religious denominations

turn of about six Armenian churches, five out of which are situated in
Tbilisi. This issue has been on the agenda of official Armenian-Georgian
relations. However, recently one more episode of a vivid dispute over
St. Norashen, one of those five has occurred.
Various community activists also cited "anti-Armenian publications
in several mass media outlets" (Bostanjyan 2006: l) and acts of discrimi
nation against their minority status (e.g. the scandal surrounding a
"xenophobic declaration" by the Member of Parliament Beso Djugeli in
Mnogonacional'naya Gruziya monthly, N 6 (70), June 2007: l).
Solutions to the problems and challenges that the Armenian com
munity of Tbilisi is facing are seen in the active participation of and
support from "Mother Armenia". It is often stated that the community
needs Armenia: "Without the support of Mother Armenia and the Dias
pora we are lost. All the Diaspora supports Armenia, and Armenia has to
support us" (fieldwork materials). Community members at various lev
els expect more serious and sizeable support and attention on the part
of the Armenian Government; some note that this will be possible only

a strong, developed country. Also, the level of

in the Georgian economy is considered to be
a great potential.
is
there
low,
quite
though

when Armenia becomes

Armenian participation

ARMENIA INTHE PERCEPTIONOFTBILISI-ARMENIANS

Perceptions and feelings regarding Armenia among young Armenians in
Tbilisi are quite different, starting from the concept of Armenia as a

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s.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-3103 07

"neighbour" of Georgia to the concept of Armenia as a "homeland".
is quite a common designation
"Historical homeland"
of Armenia
among the Tbilisi Armenian population, while Georgia is considered as
"home country". Sometimes "Armenia" and the "Republic of Armenia"
are uncoupled
from one other, Armenia being considered a broader
phenomenon: "It embraces traditions, people, history, and the Church".
As Russian speakers (attached to Russian culture and education), many
young Tbilisi Armenians lack a strong emotional attachment to either
Armenia or Georgia and have only a vague feeling of a home country: "I
consider Armenia as a historical homeland. I am not native anywhere.
Everywhere I am a little alien?in Armenia, in Russia, in Georgia. I am

an Armenian with a Russian education who speaks Russian and lives in

Georgia. I am caught between three fires" (fieldwork materials). An
other perception is diametrically opposed to the preceding and views
both countries as related and interconnected: "It is a stupid question to
choose which of these two is one's home country, as when a child is
asked which parent he (she) loves more"

(fieldwork materials).

Some Components of Identity

April 24, the Memorial Day of the Armenian Genocide and the celebra
tion of Sayat Nova Day (Vardaton "Holiday of Roses") are significant for
the local and pan-Armenian dimensions of Tbilisi Armenian identity.
Vardaton4 is a very popular holiday among Tbilisi-Armenians
and is
on
in
at
the
last
the
of St.
celebrated
church
May,
traditionally
Sunday
in
Nova
is
Armenian
buried.
the
where
Tbilisi,
Gevorg
Sayat
Formerly,

population of Tbilisi celebrated the holiday at a bigger square called

Maidan,"the heart of Tiflis". There is no need to advertise the celebra

tion: people traditionally come and listen to the songs and poems of
Sayat Nova and hear speeches by community leaders and artists, as well
as guests from Armenia and Georgian representatives. Community ac
tors consider this as a special holiday for Tbilisi Armenians and regret
that it has lost its larger dimension as a holiday for the whole city of

Tbilisi. Correspondingly,
Sayat Nova and the idea of multicultural,
are quite common symbols
multi-ethnic
and peaceful co-existence
in
Armenians
Tbilisi, especially among the older generation.
among
The commemoration
of the Armenian Genocide
(and April 24 as
Memorial Day) is crucial for Armenian identity both in Armenia and in
4
For the firsttime itwas celebrated in 1913with the initiativeof famousArmen
ian and Georgian

writers

H. Tumanyan.

G. Bashinjaghyan,

I. Grishashvili,

and

I. Ime

dashviliwith the participationof 40 ashugs toglorifySayat Nova.

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308 S.Mkrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310

the Diaspora with various levels and forms of representation. However,
among Tbilisi Armenians, it is not a central component of their identity,
and the Memorial Day events, too, are not widely attended. However, in

recent years, young Armenian leaders and community representatives

have been trying to make these events larger, organising a protest
demonstration infront of the Turkish Embassy in Georgia in addition to
the other events traditionally arranged by community agents. The or

ganisers had to make many announcements and devote much effort to

encourage people to take part in these events.
Tbilisi Armenian identity has another local dimension, quite wide
consciousness
of the "Armenian Tiflis" and
spread and intense?the
once
Armenians
of
the
pride
enjoyed and their ownership of
glory

property and investment in Tiflis (e.g. they can list the beautiful con
struction of the centre of Tbilisi owned or built by Armenians, Arme
nian Mayors of the city, Armenian artists of those times, etc.). One
group of community leaders and activists regards it as imperative to
this idea and sense of consciousness
among
promote and popularise
in Tbilisi, while the other considers that this feeling has be
like "delirium" formany Tbilisi Armenians, and they should
shift to the current "sad" realities. Correspondingly, the city of Tbilisi as
an entity to identify with is quite a common feature for Tbilisi Arme

Armenians
come more

nian identity. Thus, formany Tbilisi Armenians it is very important and

emotional to be "Tbilisian"/"Tiflisian"
("Tiflisec'i"), and "a native of
or
Armenian
rather
than
Tbilisi",
Georgian citizenship. Corre
holding

symbolsofOld Tbilisi (Tiflis)are quite commonand popular

spondingly,

in the homes of Tbilisi Armenians. In contrast, one seldom sees images

ofMt. Ararat among them, especially in the case of the older and middle
generation. Only recently, a shop called "Ararat" was opened, reported
by the owner to be "symbolic", in Havlabar (a region surrounding the
Avlabari square in Tbilisi, perceived as "Armenian corner" of Tbilisi)
right across from the Armenian theatre to sell food and drinks produced
inArmenia.5 A young Tbilisi Armenian

in an internet forum commented

on themission of the shopwith the followingwording: "I hope this

shop, "Ararat", will raise something in them?the Armenians who think
of Ararat as a cognac" (www.armeniage/forum/; posted: Sat Oct 21, 2006
11:29 am). It seems also symbolic: Tbilisi Armenian artists only recently

5
Though the shopwas quite popular and had enough clients (not onlyArmeni
ans, but also others interestedinArmenian cognac and confectionsof Grand Candy,
an Armenia-based factory,ithas also been soon closed, themain reason ofwhich
seems to be the fact that the owners were not entrepreneurs and had not enough
resources to keep itas business fora longperiod.

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S.Mhrtchian/ Iranand theCaucasus 13 (2009)299-310 3 09

began to paint Ararat, and these paintings have not been sold much.
Here also, we should go back to the local and pan-Armenian dimensions
and mention that symbolically, nearly simultaneously the closing of the
"Ararat" shop, another shop called "Sayat Nova" was opened near the
St. Gevorg Church. That is to say, the pan-Armenian symbol "Ararat",

being not very popular has made way for the local symbol "Sayat Nova".
This shop offers both Armenian and Georgian souvenirs and some
brand-items like Armenian cognac, Georgian wine, paintings, gift-cards,
and so on. A monument to Sayat Nova and dedicated to the "friendship
of Armenian and Georgian peoples" was put in the Maidan square in
2009. There are two "Armenian corners" inseparable from the Tbilisi

identity. Khojivank cemetery and Havlabar are worth men

in
terms
of the Armenian community and the components that
tioning
make up the description of Tbilisi Armenian identity.
In Khojivank cemetery, the official name of which is "Pantheon of
Armenian Writers and Public Leaders", many famous Armenian writers
are buried, such as Raffi, Hovhannes
Tumanyan, and Gabriel Sun
Armenian

dukyan. The cemetery has a long and dramatic history starting in the
17th century and now being much smaller than it used to be. The place
has been very popular among Armenians in Tbilisi and is considered a
place of worship, especially by older generation.
is a district surrounding the Avlabari square
Havlabar, as mentioned,

in the central part of Tbilisi where the Armenian's of Tbilisi have tradi
tionally resided. In Tbilisi, it is popularly known as "little Armenia on
the hill" with its so-called Italian yards of old private houses, many of
which now face abandonment by their inhabitants because ofmigration
and the need for renovation.

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