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A Close Examination of The Pseudo-Aristotelian Mechanical Problems. The Homology Between Mechanics and Poetry As Technē
A Close Examination of The Pseudo-Aristotelian Mechanical Problems. The Homology Between Mechanics and Poetry As Technē
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history:
Available online 4 January 2012
Keywords:
Aristotle
Mechanics
Poetry
techne
History of science
Ancient Greek philosophy
a b s t r a c t
The pseudo-Aristotelian Mechanical Problems is the earliest known ancient Greek text on mechanics, principally concerned with the explanation of a variety of mechanical phenomena using a particular construal
of the principle of the lever. In the introduction, the authorthought to be an early Peripateticquotes
the tragic poet Antiphon to summarise a discussion of the techne-physis (art-nature) relationship and
the status of mechanics as a techne. I argue that this citation of a poet is an Aristotelian cultural signature,
intended to guide its readers towards a better understanding of the nature of mechanics as expounded in
the Mechanical Problems. By analysing several instances where Aristotle cites Antiphon (as well as other
tragic poets) in the Aristotelian corpus, I propose that both the author of the Mechanical Problems and
Aristotle use poets for the purpose of persuasion. This is in turn explained by understanding the homologous relationship between mechanics-as-techne (according to the author of the Mechanical Problems)
and poetics-as-techne (according to Aristotle) in terms of their shared status as poietike techne (productive
art) and claims to universal knowledge. A nal facet of the proposed relationship between mechanics and
poetry is hypothesised on the grounds of their mimetic nature.
2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
When citing this paper, please use the full journal title Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
1. Introduction
The pseudo-Aristotelian Mechanical Problems (MP) is considered
to be the rst surviving ancient Greek text on mechanics.1 In the
introduction the author presents the focus of the text as questions
of a mechanical kind, in particular, those which are connected with
the lever.2 He remarks that the phenomena observed in the balance
can be referred to the circle, and those observed in the lever to the
balance; while practically all the other phenomena of mechanical
motion are connected with the lever.3 Thus the authors method
of analysis is dened: mechanical phenomena may be explained
by a consideration of the properties of the circle. Working with the
observation that by using a lever a great weight can be moved with
0039-3681/$ - see front matter 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.shpsa.2011.12.015
301
302
2.1. Authorship
The MP has traditionally been included in the Aristotelian corpus but there has been considerable debate over Aristotles (384322 BCE)18 status as the author. The conclusion of most modern
scholars is that it is almost undoubtedly not by Aristotle.19 As a consequence, the text has been dubbed pseudo-Aristoteliani.e., it was
at some point incorrectly attributed to Aristotle and thus entered the
Aristotelian corpus, as we now know it.20 The ancient biographer
Diogenes Laertius (. c. 200-250 CE) lists a book on mechanics in
his catalogue of works by Aristotle, as well as two books of problematapotentially referring to some early form of the MP and pseudoAristotelian Problems, respectively.21 As previously stated, it has
been suggested that the Problems may have had its origin in Aristotles hand before reaching its notebook form. Diogenes testimony suggests either that the MP may have had a similar origin,
or that confusion over Aristotles authorship already existed for
Diogenes and his contemporaries by the third century CE.22 In the
absence of any rm conclusions concerning the origins of the MP,
it is of most importance that the text had (and still has) a long history of association with Aristotle.
Interest in the authorship of the MP continues and modern
scholars have approached the question from several different angles. For instance, some have attempted to reconcile the physical
and/or philosophical ideas that underpin or may be inferred from
the content of the MP with those found in other works more rmly
attributed to Aristotle.23 Generally speaking, the conclusion of these
analyses is that the text is, at least to some degree, Aristotelian.
Bottecchia Deh (2000) offers a survey of both ancient and contemporary ascriptions of the text, concluding that it is not possible to
dismiss all points of uncertainty concerning Aristotles authorship
(pp. 27-51). Bottecchia Dehs conclusions represent the general
consensus and De Groot (2008), among others, has proposed the
working assumption that the text may well belong to a student of
Aristotles school, potentially within fty years of Aristotles oruit
(pp. 45).24 Berrymans (2009) recent review of the scholarship,
although brief, suggests Straton of Lampsacus (c. 287-269 BCE)
head of the Peripatetic school after Theophrastus (c. 372/370-288/
286 BCE), himself the successor of Aristotleas the author (pp.
108). But this remains a suggestion.25
Winter (2007), however, has argued that Vitruvius (. 1st century BCE) used the MP as a source for book X of On Architecture
but includes neither Aristotle nor Straton in his list of sources on
machines. By exhausting Vitruvius source list, Winter concludes
that Archytas of Tarentum (. 4th century BCE) is the true author
(pp. iv-ix). This claim is difcult to assess; Winter offers no evidence for the claim that Vitruvius knew (and was correct about)
who the author of the MP was. Considering that confusion over
18
the true author already existed in antiquity, I will work on the basis
that the author of the MP was an early Peripatetic.26
2.2. The Peripatetic school
Assuming that a member of the early Peripatetic school wrote
the MP, it is important to account for the social environment and
philosophical context in which the text was produced. Aristotle
lectured students in his school who also knew of his esoteric works
(or school treatises), which now comprise the Aristotelian corpus.
Furley (1996) points out that a library was built under Theophrastus headship and that foundations were laid for systematic, cooperative research into nearly all the branches of contemporary
learning (pp. 1141). The Peripatetic school constituted an environment where ideas were shared and the works of others were
discussed. Evidence of this is the tradition of doxography encouraged by Aristotle and taken up by students such as Theophrastus,
in which students drew upon the opinions (doxai) of other philosophers and philosophical schools.27 As a consequence, the author of
the MP would have not only been well acquainted with the philosophy of Aristotle, in all its manifestations, but also of the thought of
his contemporaries. This is an important point and will serve as a
lens through which the reference to Antiphon in the introduction
of the MP may be understood.
3. Why quote a poet?
3.1. The identity of Antiphon
Antiphon was an unexceptional name in Classical Athens and
there has been considerable scholarly debate over the identity behind references made to this name.28 Typically, Antiphon may relate to three possible identities: (i) Antiphon of Rhamnus the
orator, (ii) Antiphon of Athens the sophist, and (iii) Antiphon the tragic poet (all 5th century BCE).29 It is tempting to assume the Antiphon referred to in the MP is the tragedian, considering the
authors use of the moniker poet. However, Aristotle (and others
in antiquity) knew of Antiphon (ii) for his ability as a geometer, particularly for his famous attempt to solve the problem of squaring the
circle.30 Considering that a large proportion of the MP is devoted to
answering mechanical questions by means of geometric proof, the
invocation of Antiphon (ii) would align with the mathematical nature of the text and offer a potential answer as to why Antiphon is
cited.
A degree of confusion over the identity of different Antiphons
appears to have also existed in antiquity. For instance, Brown
(1996) states that stories concerning the tragic poet were ascribed
to Antiphon (i) in the ancient biographical tradition (pp. 112).
Unless otherwise stated, all dates are taken from Hornblowers & Spawforths (1996) Oxford Classical Dictionary.
E.g., Hett (1936, pp. 329), Barnes (1984, Note to the reader), and Nussbaum (1996, pp. 166).
20
For an introduction to the historical signicance of this label, see Kraye et al. (1986).
21
Diogenes Laertius Lives of Eminent Philosophers (V.26).
22
The origin(s) of Diogenes catalogue is a controversial issue. For now it should be noted that Diogenes drew his catalogue from (at least) secondary sources and the degree of
scrutiny he was able to apply is unclear. Nonetheless, some suggestive points may be drawn from Diogenes catalogue. Long & Sharples (1996, pp. 475). Cf. Dring (1956) & (1957,
pp. 67-69, & 466-467).
23
E.g., see De Groot (2008, pp. 43, & 45n.5-8) for a brief bibliography of scholars who compare the MP with Aristotles Physics.
24
Cf. Berryman (2009, pp. 107) and Hett (1936, pp. viii).
25
Bodnr (2011) has recently argued, predominantly on doctrinal grounds, against the assertion that Straton is the author of the MP. His discussion makes apparent the
possibility that the author may not have been an early Peripatetic at all, and that a more thorough analysis of the manuscript tradition is required before such claims can be
readdressed with any certainty. However, for my purposes this is not a serious concern. What I hope to argue is that the authors understanding of mechanics-as-techne resonates
with the Aristotelian notion of poietike techne, and thus that the authors conception of mechanicswhoever they may have beenwas in this sense Aristotelian.
26
Winters paper remains un-cited in all other literature on the subject and, to the best of my knowledge, no other scholar has engaged with his claim.
27
Taub (2008, pp. 16-17) and Schoeld (1996, pp. 1170).
28
Avery (1982, pp. 145n.1).
29
Gagarin (1996, pp. 111), Taylor (1996, pp. 112), and Brown (1996, pp. 112).
30
Classied by Thomas (1939) as one of three notorious problems of ancient Greek geometry (pp. 308-315). Aristotles knowledge of this association is apparent in both the
Sophistical Refutations (172a7) and the Physics (185a17).
19
303
31
Pendrick makes his claim for the differentiation of the tragic poet from Antiphon (i) on the grounds that (i) was put to death at Athens in 411 [BCE] on a charge of treason,
whilst there is a widespread ancient tradition that claims the poet was executed by Dionysius in Syracuse. Snell (1971) does also list the particular quotation in question as an
uncertain fragment of the tragedian Antiphon (pp. 194-196). Cf. Avery (1982) for an example counter-argument.
32
For instance, Williams (2009) decides to take a neutral stance on the issue until more evidence can be presented (pp. 69).
33
Pressler (2002, pp. 779).
34
On the known content of Antiphons tragedies see Webster (1954, pp. 299).
35
Aristotle Rhetoric (1379b13-15).
36
Aristotle Eudemian Ethics (1239a35-37).
37
See also 1399b27.
38
[Aristotle] MP (847a2021).
39
Aristotle Nicomachean Ethics (1139b5-11). Other cases exist of a similar form. For instance, Aristotle cites Agathon again in the Nicomachean Ethics as part of a discussion of the
distinction between action and production, and art and nature (1140a16-20).
40
Similarly, the observation of the principle of the lever acts as an example for the author of the MP: [Aristotle] MP (847b11-15).
304
tative style of Aristotle as detailed in Sections 3.2 and 3.3, but also the
quotation of a poet to summarise that authors opinion of the human
use of art (techne) ts rmly within the Aristotelian notion of poetry
as a productive science. By quoting Antiphon, the author of the MP
activates his readers awareness of Aristotles classication of knowledge, within which poetry as poietike techne aligns directly with the
subject matter of the text: mechanics.
Another signicant comparison may be drawn between the
invocation of Antiphon in the MP and Aristotles classication of
knowledge. In his initial statement of the structure of the sciences
in the Posterior Analytics, Aristotle creates a two-tier system: to the
lower tier belong sciences that present empirical factsoptics,
mechanics, harmonics, and star-gazing. The subjects of the upper
tierconsisting of geometry, solid geometry, arithmetic, and
astronomyoffer explanations for these facts via mathematical
demonstration. He explains that the relation of optics to geometry,
and mechanics to solid geometry, and harmonics to arithmetic, and
star gazing to astronomy is one of subordination. Thus Aristotle remarks: . . . it is for the empirical scientists to know the fact and for
the mathematical [scientists] to know the reason why (79a3-5).
Aristotle then deploys another dichotomy between the universal and the particular. Just as the mathematician may not know of
the particular fact in question, he may still be capable of explaining
it: just as those who consider the universal often do not know
some of the particulars through lack of observation (79a5-7).45
He justies this statement with the assertion that mathematical objects, although capable of representing particular objects, are themselves something different in substance to the objects they
represent (79a7-8). Thus Aristotle conceived of both mathematics
and poetry as offering universal knowledge.
As I have discussed, the problems in the MP are often solved by
means of geometric proof. Take, for instance, problem twenty-four,
which contains the paradox known as Aristotles wheel. Forsters
translation describes a circle (kyklos) that rotates about its centre
(kentron), and travels along a path (gramme). This translation suggests that the author of MP approaches the paradox in (abstracted)
mathematical terms alonesuch as circles and pathsrather than
more tangible, physical termssuch as wheels and axles. But kyklos has a plurality of potential interpretations, including a circle,
any circular body, circular motion, and sphere.46 On this basis
alone, the authors use of kyklos is ambiguous. However, some light
may be shed on the use of these terms in the MP with reference to
other mathematical and mechanical authors in antiquity.
In the same way as the author of problem twenty-four of the
MP, Euclid (. c. 325-250 BCE) uses kentron to describe a centre
in his mathematical denition of a circle (kyklos) in the Elements.47
However, Heron of Alexandria (. 62 CE) uses tympanon to describe a
toothed wheel or roller and axon (axle) to refer to the centre
around which a tympanon rotates.48 Importantly, Heron describes
the tympana within a physical machine that use different sized cogs
in order to lift a weight by connection with a handle. It seems clear
that Heron is here describing something physical whereas the author
of the MP, like Euclid, describes mathematical (or, more specically,
geometric) objects.49 Thus, not only is problem twenty-four of the
MP solved with geometry but the authors language is distinctly
mathematical.
305
of technechose to invoke the poet Antiphon. Furthermore, the representative or mimetic quality shared between both poetry and
mechanics goes some way to reafrm this view.
Aristotle thought that lecture audiences have clear expectations
of their lecturer:
Some people do not listen to a speaker unless he speaks mathematically, others unless he gives instances, while others expect
him to cite a poet as witness.54
Apparently, the author of the MP shared Aristotles thoughts
about his audience, as well as some of Aristotles views on poetry
regarding its argumentative utility and its relation to mechanicsas-techne, as demonstrated by this reading of the Mechanical
Problems.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Liba Taub for her unwavering support,
encouragement, and contributions to this paper; Laurence Totelin
for her enthusiasm and input; G. E. R. Lloyd for his useful comments; and all those who attended and discussed an earlier version
of this paper at the 2010 Workshop on Ancient Greek and Roman
Medical and Scientic Writing, hosted at the University of
Bamberg; I should also thank the Arts and Humanities Research
Council for funding this research.
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