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Business Ethics Submission On Grasim Industries Case
Business Ethics Submission On Grasim Industries Case
plantation nearby. But now that he has nothing else to do, he handles most of the work
himself. Says Ali: "Many workers like me who had bought land near Mavoor have got rid
of their agricultural labourers, creating tension."
The frustration of the town's residents was evident recently when panchayat officials,
doing their rounds to collect local taxes, were roughed up by an irate mob. In the last two
years, five factory workers have committed suicide. Among them was Moosa Koya, a
rigger, whose case illustrates the present social tensions. Ayesha Kutty, his wife, says the
problem arose as their oldest daughter, married six months before the strike, had to take
her in-laws four gold coins in addition to what had already been given. When the factory
closed and Koya failed to deliver, her in laws sen t her home in disgrace. Her father
looked for alternative work, and finding no way out, took his own life.
The Grasim management has, however, continued to provide electricity and water to its
workers' quarters. It has also kept open a higher secondary school rated as one of the
best in the district. Says employee N.P. Narayanan: "Some of us are forced to continue
living in Mavoor for the sake of our children's education." But while the school is open,
medical facilities to workers have been withdrawn.
Most Mavoor citizens blame the local union leaders for the current stalemate. From the
early '80s onwards, the factory has been beset by innumerable strikes, organised by
dozens of trade unions of varying political hues. Whenever a strike was settled, workers
alleged that union leaders had sold out to the management.
Eventually, a new union became dominant - the Gwalior Rayon Organisation of Workers
(GROW) - which was formed in 1984, and headed by A. Vasu, a former Naxalite leader.
The last strike was instigated by GROW, and quickly turned violent, forcing the
management to close the gates. Says Vasu: "All the unions have formed a united front,
and this time we are determined to get all our demands fulfilled." The demands include
the immediate payment of bonus at a higher rate from 1982 to 1985, permanent
employment to nearly 600 workers, and a long-term agreement on the wage structure.
The management refuses to concede these, arguing their stand is linked to government
policy on raw material supplies. The factory, which has a production capacity of 200
tonnes per day, needs 3.6 lakh tonnes of raw material - mainly eucalyptus and bamboo annually, to work at full capacity. When production began in 1963, the company bought
30,000 acres of forest land from a former prince. But in 1971, the Kerala Government
nationalised private forest land. R.N. Saboo, executive president of the Mavoor unit, says:
"When we initially started in 1959, we had an agreement with the Government which
said that forest land would not be nationalised for 60 years. We won our case against
nationalisation in the high court, but lost in the Supreme Court."
The unit then had to depend on raw materials from neighbouring states. But later, these
states banned the inter-state movement of bamboo and eucalyptus to protect their own
industries. To top it, say management sources, the state Government started diverting
raw materials from Grasim to the newly set up Hindustan Paper Corporation (HPC) at
Veloor. With the Government supplying only a third of the raw material required, say
factory officials, capacity utilisation slumped.
As Saboo says: "Over the last five years, our Kerala operations have resulted in a loss of
Rs 21.39 crore." He also bitterly criticises the government policy of providing HPC raw
material at Rs 12 per tonne, while he pays Rs 550 per tonne, adding that in Tamil Nadu,
the rate is Rs 150 per tonne. But, he says the company's request for the supply of raw
material at Rs 220 per tonne has had "some positive response" from the state
Government.
In the last assembly elections, Chief Minister E.K. Nayanar promised that a victory for his
Left Democratic Front would lead to the Mavoor unit's reopening. That hasn't yet
happened, but Industry Minister K.R. Gowri says: "We are doing our best," and the
workers' demands as also the raw materials issue are being sorted out. Till that happens,
Mavoor stands as a sorry symbol of strident unionisation and warped government policy.
Reference:
1. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/following-grasim-industries-closure-once-richmavoor-turns-slowly-into-a-ghost-town/1/337405.html
2. http://www.thehindu.com/2001/07/08/stories/0408404z.htm