1

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
The study is all about cultural practices of Bukidnon Higaunon tribe in the past as it is
practiced in the present. The Higaunon people live in the northern regions of Mindanao. The
Higaunon overall population is estimated between 10,000 and 30,000. For most of the Higaunon
people, farming is the most important economic activity for their subsistence. The Higaunon
people produce a variety of agricultural products.

On the backyards of their houses and

alongside the hills, the Higaunon grow a variety of vegetables (white beans, onions and others),
spices, rice and other corn. Occasionally, the Higaunon hunt on among others wild pigs,
amphibians, wild birds and gather other food products from the forest such as tiger grass and
timber.
In the last few decades the peaceful way of living of the Higaunon has been threatened by
several circumstances. The threats were caused by the activities of big logging companies, the
arrival of immigrants from other islands and the conflicts between the national army and armed
groups in the region where the Higaunon live.
It will also seek for the strategies use by the tribe to withhold their practices as well as
their hopes and aspiration. Philippine Constitution of 1987, Chapter 1, section 2, mentioned that
the state shall recognize, respect and protect the rights of the indigenous people and to preserve
and develop their cultures, traditions and institution. In Re- public Act (RA) 8371, known as
Indigenous Peoples Rights Act, defined indigenous people as a group of homogenous society,
who have continuously lived as an organized community on communally bounded and possessed

land used as their abode, sharing common bonds of language, customs, culture, traditions and
indigenous religions, become historically differentiated from the rest of the Filipinos.
Annaya (2004) also added that there will be descendants of pre-invasion inhabitants of
lands now dominated by others; they are culturally distinct groups that find themselves engulfed
by other settler who encroach their lands. Report from United Nation Educational, Social and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO, 2001). It also mentioned that many rights of our indigenous
people have been disregarded and there is a difference between indigenous group and the general
population exists. This was played a major factor of contributing to social marginalization,
poverty and dispossession of indigenous people. As supported by Dean (2003), while the human
rights of the indigenous people are continued to be neglected, these include cultural and
linguistic preservation, autonomy, environmental degradation, incursion and discrimination.
Furthermore, the interaction of indigenous and non-indigenous societies throughout the
history has been complex, ranging from outright conflict and subjugation of mutual benefit and
cultural transfer. In the article published by Indian Ancestry (April 14, 2014), it was mentioned
that many of the indigenous people, their language and culture face a questionable future. The
relatively rapid decline in language diversity parallels the decline in cultural diversity. These
changes are due in part to the product of historical relationships, global economic development
as well as cultural beliefs that rationalize or justify actions that have served certain cultures at the
cost of others.
As supported by Niezen (2003), that globalization relocates indigenous people, deny
indigenous knowledge, eliminate indigenous languages, impose a gray uniformity on all of
humanity, stifling and suppressing the creative cultural energies of those who are most

knowledgeable and prescient about the forces of nature. Nakashima (2000) explained that the
indigenous knowledge that is passed from generation, usually by word of mouth and cultural
rituals and has been the basis for agriculture, food preparation, health care, education,
conservation, and the wide range of other activities that sustain the societies in many part of the
world. Today, there is a grave risk that much of the indigenous knowledge is being lost, along
with it, valuable knowledge about ways of living sustainably.
Lutz (2014) mentioned that the indigenous people who want to be recognized for who
they are as distinct groups with their own unique cultures. They want to enjoy and pass on to
their children their histories, languages, traditions, modes of internal governance, spiritual
practices, and all else that makes them who they are. They want to be able to pray on their
ancestral lands and live without interference from other people.
The Higher Education Act of 1994 mandating the Commission on Higher Education to
undertake the task of ensuring and protecting the historical and cultural heritage of Filipinos, yet
there is still a dearth of such endeavor as evidence of the lack of initiatives undertaken by
different agencies both local and national. DepEd Order Number 62, s.2011 known as National
Indigenous Peoples Educational Framework, section 15.c. stated that documentation and
research activities by Indigenous People (IP) on their own history, knowledge, practices and
other aspects of cultural heritage shall be encouraged and supported by DepEd as means of
enriching the learning re- sources available to IP communities and the educational system at
large.

Statement of the Problem

The Higaunon tribe is not so known tribe in Mindanao, that which located to Barangay
Can-ayan Malaybalay City, Bukidnon they may believe to be possessing rich tradition. Thus,
initiating curiosity to learn and will document their beliefs and practices, most importantly their
communication strategies and the best medium use in handling their culture to the next
generation.

This study aim to answer the following questions:

1. What are the existing cultural practices among the Higaunon Tribe?
2. What are the methods of transmitting the Higaunon Tribes cultural practices to the subsequent
generation?
3. What were the problems encountered during the process of transmission?
4. What are the challenges affecting the conservation of the Higaunon tribes culture?

Objectives of the Study

With the general objective of identifying the communication strategies of the Higaunon
tribe in transmitting their cultural practices and the best medium use as well, the study
specifically aim to:
1. Identify the existing cultural practices of the Higaunon tribe.
2. Identify the methods of transmitting the cultural practices of the Higaunon tribe.
3. Identify the problems encountered during the transmission.
4. Identify the challenges affecting conservation of the Higaunon tribes culture.

Importance of the Study

This study may and will serve as a reference as it will enrich ones knowledge about the
Higaunon tribe and their respective cultural practices. This will also justify the vital role of
communication in transmitting culture. The study will also encourage designing a program for
the preservation, protection, conservation of the culture, beliefs and practices and for the
designing of community improvement plan with the tribal leaders of the community.
According to Barndahard (2008), though the culture of Indigenous people undergone
major upheavals, many of the core values, beliefs and practices have survived and are beginning to be recognized as having an adaptive integrity that is as valid for todays generation as
it was for generations past. Furthermore, communication students, practitioners, and/or
researchers may adopt and will use the insights of this study for better and effective information
dissemination.

Scope and the Limitations of the Study

This study will be focuses in the communication strategies that which practice by the
Higaunon tribe of Can-ayan Malaybalay City, Bukidnon in passing their cultural practices to the
young generation. The respondents were the members of the society especially the elders as the
key informants, and the youths of the Higaunon tribe. The study will be conduct from the period
of January to March 2014 at Barangay Can-ayan Malaybalay City, Bukidnon. The study site may
cover the area of Malaybalay City, Bukidnon particularly Barangay can-ayan. It takes
approximately 4-5 hours to travel by land from Cagayan de Oro City. Malaybalay City is in
between of the Municipality of Impasug-ong and Valencia City, Bukidnon.

Although the

Higaunon natives are extended to other parts of the municipality and province, I chose this
community for it is perceived that the culture, beliefs and practices of Higaunon culture are still
rich, intact and somehow not yet acculturated by migrants. According to Local Government Unit
of Malaybalay City Higaunon tribe is also the group of people who exhibited a rare, beautiful,
unique and distinct culture of man worthy for cultural admiration.

Operational Definition of Terms

Higaunon A group of people, this term will be used as the name of the group in the study.
They are Indigenous People who are residing in Barangay Can-ayan Malaybalay City, Bukidnon.
Then - The word is the description of practices of the Higaunon tribe in the past.
Now - The word will be used as the description of practices of the Higaunon tribe at the present
time.
Ethnography- Qualitative research design aimed to provide in-depth description of everyday
life and practice that includes cultures, routines and beliefs of group of people living in a certain
community, Hoey (2013).
Youth -The period of life in between childhood and maturity. In this research youth will be used
as the young members of the Higaunon tribe.
Art skill acquired by experienced. In this research the word will be use us the skills of the
living tribe in Can-ayan Malaybalay City Bukidnon.
Skill ability to use ones knowledge effectively in doing something or acquired ability. The
word skill will be use as the term in acquiring something that which individual have the
capacity to do something in there own master in field.
Culture the act of developing education and training or customary beliefs, social forms, and
material traits of a racial, religious, or social group. The term will be use in this study as the act
of developing education and training or customary beliefs, social form, and material traits of a
racial, religious, or social group of the tribe.
Community This term will be used as the study in the body of people who are living in the
same place under the same laws.

Tribe The term will be used as a group of persons having their common character, occupation
and interest in the community.
Practices The term will have been use to an actual performance or customary action of the
tribe.
Preserving The term will have been use as to keep safe or protect something that is valuable in
the community.
Ritual The term will have been use as the form of conducting ceremony in the specific place
and time that which the Datus will lead the ceremony.
Datu This term will have been use as one of the masters of the tribe, and the respected persons
of the tribe or official.
Communication Strategy This term will be used as one of the technique that which the tribe
use to remain their ancestral domain.

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CHAPTER II
Review of Related Literature
The Tribal Philosophical Thoughts of the Higaunon of Iligan City, Philippines
Studies on tribal philosophical thoughts are rare or non-existent in a Philippine society
that included over a hundred tribes. This study brings into mainstream Philippine philosophy the
thoughts of the Higaunon tribe regarding space and time, being and the self, ethics, and
epistemology. Descriptive qualitative method was employed in this study. Higaunon stories from
their culture and past were gathered through interviews with authoritative tribal leaders and
shamans. Analysis was substantiated through community immersion and regular interaction with
the tribal leaders so that structures of their thoughts can be revealed and considered as
philosophical.
The study found that the Higaunon consider space and nature as equally important as
human beings, and duration instead of time prevails in their stories. Their being is found in the
will of the Magbabaya, their one God.
Their concept of self-works under a tripartite structure that enables the learning of the past to be
manifested in the projection of a future and in decision-making in the present.
Decision-making is connected to their ethics, which essence is called Ginagawa, the
source of love, compassion and judgment. The individual judges present circumstances and acts
on them in the exercise of themselves as weighing scales referred as Gantangan. In terms of
leadership, the Datu becomes Batasan Adansil, the exercise of Gantangan through tribal

11

leadership. Epistemology is taken from human engagements and is kept within tradition by the
Baylan. The study concludes that tribal philosophical thoughts are indeed viable and the
Higaunon is a good example of it.
The Stories
The first oral account was entitled Nanangun ho Alagasiya about a time when giants still
roam Mindanao. It tells the story of a tribal leader and a shaman who used their wits instead of
their power to defeat a brutal giant bent on destroying a Higaunon settlement. The second one
was Ambawa; about a rat that was blinded by his delusion to sing the most beautiful song that he
failed to observe his surroundings, which resulted to his failure to learn the said song and
eventually to his death. There was also a narrative titled Kaboli-Boli, a man who was obsessed
with this self-worth that he projected his value towards his own feces.
Another narrative was Su Pino ha Datu daw Su Pito ha Pipinditon, which was about the
challenges met by seven Higaunon warriors as they were tested by a rival tribal leader. The
triumph of the warriors became possible only with the help of their old and wise father, who was
their tribal leader. The next story was Kalimanggud, which was about a caterpillar, challenged by
a snake in terms of beauty. The caterpillar won when he became a butterfly. The sixth was a
narrative on the Higaunon ancestor named Baybayan, whose lineage came from the shamans that
fought the Spaniards during the Spanish conquest of Mindanao. Next was the story about Apo-a
Pamulaw, a kind-hearted tribal leader who welcomed both the Muslims and the Spaniards in his
domains. Then there was the story of Bata Buling, a despised man known as dirty since
childhood but became surprisingly strong and eventually turned out to be a very capable leader.
Mantaw-antaw was a story of a man who was warned by Magbabaya (god) of a great flood

12

coming from a river near their domain. The last narrative was Su Tultulanon ho Tambacan, a
story of how the Higaunon ancestor Lungkayaw defeated and massacred a group of Iranun
pirates about to raid their land. Shaman Sangcoan also included the Higaunon story of the
creation of the world and of man, but this will be discussed in a later section.
The most obvious observations that one can get out of these stories are that they are not
definite in time and space, and that chronology does not matter at all. In the telling of these
stories, there was no attempt to arrange them in a chronological manner the same way history
arranges dates and events in a chronological timeline. However, what is important here is that
truth is not a subject of verification but that of tradition. When the researchers asked whether
these stories did happen, the shaman Eladio Sangcoan answered that they did. Since these stories
existed for generations, they are beyond questioning.
Space and Time
Placing the stories in a synchronic manner manifests outright the absence of the modern
and contemporary conception of time, and the prevalence of human experience within space
rather than the space itself. Contemporary society is much accustomed to tracing space in
relation to time that the researchers felt great discomfort when these stories ended up not having
definite time and specific locations. The Higaunon place emphasis on the experiences that
occurred in space and see duration in it rather than subjecting it to time.
Phrases like "in the neighboring land" and "on the top of the mountain" (in the
Alagasiya), "faraway places" (in Ambawa), "two kingdoms facing each other" (in Su Pino ha
Datu daw Su Pito ha Pipinditon), "the wide plain" (in Kalimanggud), "the world specifically to
the mountains" (in the Baybayan), "Spaniards from the north" (in the story of Apo a Pamulaw),

13

"In the midst of a thick forest in a mountain" (in Bata Buling), and "on this world" (in the story
Mantaw-antaw) offer the observer with a glimpse of the Higaunons understanding of space.
The Higaunon accepts the benevolence of the natural world. There was no need to ask
metaphysical inquiries on the nature of space, for it is merely accepted as such, as nature. Space
is a givenpart of creationwhat is relevant are the things done on and in it. It is enough to
point to a general understanding of the where, without giving weight to the where exactly
because the relevance is on the meaning of the events. Specific locations are not relevant to the
telling of stories. Chronological reality is fundamentally absent when recalling past events
considered relevant by the Higaunon.
When Kaboli Boli saw a fly on his feces, it is not on this disturbance in space that made
him angry. The elements of space, particularly his feces, are only given meaning by his fondness
for his life; for space is, according to Kaboli Boli, connected to my entrails, the very entrails
that I woke up with in this world. It was not dirty inasmuch as it was part of him. In this story,
like many others, space is a mere background. Because space, within which nature settles almost
in static, is created by the deities, it is alienated from active participation in most of the stories.
The same thing can be said when the tribal leader Bataay set a trap against Alagasi the
giant. The agong (gong) that the giant was so fond of found a twin in space in the shape of a
beehive, which coincidentally appeared provided by nature for the triumph of the hero. When
Ambawa went on his quest for a song, one is not offered a sense of direction at all. It was only
when the Pugo (an owl) specified a place that space arrived unfortunately to the ruin of Ambawa.
He was instructed not to go to certain place, yet he did. It was the cause of his death.

14

The modern and contemporary understanding of time found no position in any of the
stories. The sense of duration, not the sense of time, mimics the Higaunon understanding of
duration in space. This is not surprising since the Higaunon did not develop a calendar as
extensive as that present in some sophisticated ancient societies. Duration in a day is determined
using the position of the sun and the direction of shadows.
They do not tell time nor have any understanding of it the same way as most people today
would (K. F. Demeterio, personal communication, January 14, 2013). Longer durations are
measured through the phases of the moon (E. Sangcoan, personal communication, October 26,
2012). The sun and the moon played its role in knowing that certain duration in space has
occurred. The glaring consequence of these views on space and time are as follows. Since space
is alienated from human
activity (space considered as an entity in the background, not as human possession or
subject to human control), treated as sacred and as belonging to the proper domains of the deities
rather than that of humans, private ownership of land became impossible. Ang Lumppad
(nature) is a creation of the deities and so are human beings; thus, it is difficult for the Higaunon
to imagine that a creation can own its fellow. Many of the Datu during their meeting, where the
researchers were invited as guests, emphasized that they do not worship nature. Instead, what is
mistaken by modern man as nature worship is the Higaunons proper gesture of respect to the
natural world that stand co-equal in dignity with human beings Sama rana sa murespeto ka sa
tag-iya sa balay nga imu bisitahon o kanang murespeto ka sa mga butang nga dili imoha (That
is the same when you respect the owner of the house you are visiting or when you respect
properties that are not yours) (K. L. Sangcoan, personal communication, January 12, 2013).

15

Being and the Self

There are two realms in the interpretation of reality by the Higaunon. The concept of space and
time presented above composes what the Higaunon believe to be the material realm, which is
signified simply as Lumppad (nature). The spiritual realm, signified as Baya, is the realm beyond
space and time.
Before the Lumppad came to be, the Magbabaya resided within the Baya. The
Magbabaya is so powerful that it exists in- and for- itself. Nagpuyo siya didto sa iyang
kaugalingong kagahum (The Magbabaya resided in its power) (K. F. Demeterio, personal
communication, January 14, 2013). Then within this power, the Magbabaya created from within
itself: Magbabaya Nangadun, Magbabaya Luminimbag, and Magbabaya Nananghaga. The
Magbabaya Luminimbag then created the Lumppad through the Hulmahan Agpangan, words in
dreams used in the paghulma sa kalibutan (moulding of the world) and in the pagbuhat sa
tao (creation of humans). This happened within the spiritual realm called Limbagan (the place
where everything is created).
After nature took shape upon creation, the Magbabaya Luminimbag then created the first
humans, known as Natanyag and Natanghaga. They were neither male nor female. The
Magbabaya Nangadun was responsible for providing faces and appearance to all creatures. The
Magbabaya Nananghaga was responsible for giving names to all of creation. In these early
moments of human existence, the Baya and the Lumppad were not far apart that if someone
exists in the Lumppad he or she could reach and feel the Baya with his or her arms. (E.
Sangcoan, personal communication, October 26, 2012). Thus, there existed the spiritual realm of
the Baya and the material realm of the Lumppad.

16

This was where being began. The will of the absolute and eternal Magbabaya held
sway among all creations, all of Lumppad. The Magbabaya provides meaning for everything,
including the meaning of existence. To be is defined by the Magbabaya. As for the early
humans, Natanyag and Natanghaga, they were offered the fruits of the Kalintubo, the Tree of
Life in the Baya. They were to eat from the fallen fruits of the Kalintubo. From such fallen fruits
the immortality of the two were secured, including eternal bliss. They were prevented from doing
only one thing, to get the fruit from the tree itself and to eat it. Nevertheless, the Magbabaya
wanted to test the capacities of the two by sending entities to tempt them in getting the fruit from
the Tree of Life. Unfortunately, they disobeyed the Magbabaya and committed the first sala
(fault or inappropriate behavior). There and then started their lives as woman and man (nagsugod
ang kinatao sa bae og laki) (E. Sangcoan, personal communication, October 26, 2012).
They were no longer provided the fruits from the Tree of Life and they became mortals
and suffered the finite nature of existence just as the rest of Lumppad. All their descendants shall
then become mortals too. The Baya began moving away from the Lumppad until its gap can no
longer be fathomed. Thus, began mans becominggiven the freedom to choose a life of his
own with purpose unknown and with immortality gone. The self is comprised by the being
provided for by Magbabaya and human actions. This story of the beginning of everything
demonstrates well the structure of the mind of the Higaunon Baylan. Being and self are defined
in two realms. Being as the nature of existence provided for by the Magbabaya, and the self
as the nature of existence within the world or mans world hood, the self that can determine the
I.
Being is the role already acquired by birth. The lines of Datu and Baylan are already
determined by the Magbabaya, so one can be born following the footsteps of those who became

17

Datu or Baylan in the clan or one is simply born to a common family. A Higaunon, in a sense, is
thrown into the world by the Magbabaya and he or she has no dictates over which family he or
she is born with. The Higaunon is molded by the Magbabaya to existence, but destiny is
limited to the circumstances the Higaunon find himself or herself in. Mantaw-antaw cannot go
against circumstances provided by the Magbabaya. The fact of the Higaunons existence is no
longer necessary to inquire, the same way, as there is no need to ask the essence of space or
nature. Inquiries on the nature of things, such as those in metaphysics, cannot change the fact
of ones existence. This is the Higaunons being.
The Self or Kagwolong is the understanding of the Higaunon individual of his or her
role in Higaunon society (being) and awareness of his or her actions that resulted into choices of
what he or she can become (becoming). The Higaunon sees himself as a creature of the
Magbabaya, acknowledges his being upon recognition of the clan circumstances he found
himself in, and then determines his becoming by creating the path of his career. It is through this
engagement in the world that Kagwolong is weighed. Though in the spiritual realm one may
assume that the Magbabaya values its creation, in the material realm the action and engagement
of the Higaunon individual determines the worth and value of the individual.
In a personal conversation with Baylan Dionesio Sangcoan, he complained about a
distant relative of his who ruined his path by going against his parents and the clan, dropped out
of school, and became a drug addict. (Kanang in-ana nga tao, nahulog nga walay bili) Mas
maayo pa magbuhi og iro, sa saktong pagka storya (A man like that is worthless. It is better to
raise a dog, practically speaking). So when the researchers asked if the value of the individual is
already set, or that one must prove value through actions, he agreed on the latter. (D. Sangcoan,
personal communication, October 27, 2012).

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The becoming of the self can be viewed in a tripartite structure. First, the Kagwolong, the
identification of the Higaunon of his or her self and everything that happened to the self as it
stands in the present. The Kagwolong includes all human engagements that the Higaunon
undertook and the role (being a tribal leader, a shaman, a farmer, etc.) the Magbabaya set for
him. The Magbabaya determines a Higaunons being. Then second, the Higaunon, by looking at
his engagement in the world and by understanding the role the Magbabaya set for him, utilizes
his Kagwolong to project a future for himself or herself. In any given moment, the Higaunon
looks at his past and his role and weighs it to project future outcomes of his choices.
Long before Islam and Christianity influenced the Higaunon, the bases of their lives were
actual engagements in the world and not scriptures and texts. The Higaunon used their lives and
its connection with nature (its involvement in the world) as the source of its decisions and
choices. They never needed any book whatsoever.
However, just as the Magbabaya tested Natanyag and Natanhaga, so are the Higaunon
tested with its ability to weigh situations every day. Mao nang dili mawala sa ato ang pagsulay
(that is why we always face trials in life) (E.Sangcoan, personal communication, October 26,
2012). Thus, the third is that the present continues to provide trials for the self in order for it to
make choices. A consequence of the first sala (fault), the Higaunon must face trials and act on
different situations. The self must act under a sense of propriety. Its Kagwolong is already
provided by its being and by its past, it has the ability to project future outcomes, but it must
learn to weigh the present. This act of weighing is what comprises Higaunon ethics.

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Ethics
At the heart of Higaunon ethics is the concept of balance. In the stories, this is a repeating
theme. The great devourer giants Alagasi and his family were made to pay for their crimes by the
Datu Bataan using their weakness as the source of their downfall. Their lack of wisdom made
them devour their servants, and that lack of wisdom resulted to an unbalance.
The same lack of wisdom was used for their death. Ambawa was made to realize that
gaining something means losing something. He gained a song, but lost something in return.
When he succumbed to his whims by doing what was forbidden, he lost the song and eventually
his life. Kaboli Boli by defecating caused an unbalance in his surroundings. A fly came for his
feces but it also invited the curiosity of a chicken, which got the attention of a dog, which in turn
got the attention of a boar. Since Kaboli Boli gained satisfaction in his action, he must realize
that if he values his feces extraordinarily then he must guard it. His anguish ended only upon this
realization. The seven warriors on the other hand were made to realize by the Pino ha Datu that
the arrogance and strength of youth must be complemented by the wisdom and knowledge of old
age.
They are strong that is true, but since they lack wisdom, they endangered themselves and
was only saved through their loving brother who learned from their wise father, who in the
beginning of the story they agreed on burying alive as he was old and already a nuisance. Agyu,
Baybayan and the Spanish Missionary who courted Agyus sister, despite having been granted a
place in Baya, still requested to return to Lumppad. It was granted but the three returned as
Dwata (nature spirits) in exchange.

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This give-and-take structure, which echoes the fate of Natanyag and Natanghaga, and the
occurrences of unbalance because of the whims of humanity, is a good demonstration of the
concept of Ginagawa (balance). There is balance in nature that is required to be kept, and this
balance resembles the perfection, the oneness, of the creation of the Magbabaya. The Apo-a
Pamulaw, for example demanded respect from the Spaniards for they are all created by a
common God. Ginagawa is intrinsic in creation and as such is part of the Kagwolong of the
Higaunon existence. To deny the Ginagawa is to deny oneself as being Higaunon thereby causing
unbalance. In ethical judgment, the Ginagawa becomes the concept of Gantangan (weighing or
scaling), wherein the Higaunon weighs the circumstances of his lifeor, in the case of the Datu
during times of settling conflicts, weighs arguments and decides upon them. This system of
weighing and keeping balance is called Batasan Adansil
. The Batasan Adansil adjusts in every situation, uses the past as a guide for judgment and
exercises the Gantangan to weigh things down and deliver justice. Judgments passed are
recorded in memory and oral tradition and becomes part of the Kagwolong of the Datu in times
when the Datu becomes Batasan Adansil, meaning the system of justice. Thus, the Batasan
Adansil is thus a role played by the Datu in exercising judgment. In this instance, the Datu also
becomes Gantangan in a political sense, for his decision becomes part of conventions that found
expressions in oral tradition. In most cases, decisions are always towards keeping Ginagawa.
There are hundreds of examples in this, but the Higaunon Datu and Baylan treat them as a
compendium of laws already beyond the scope of this paper.
Human engagement is thus the dynamic process of becoming in the mandates of his or
her being. The very nature of the Higaunon self is directly connected to the foundations of his or
her ethics. In the decision-making process, the Datu observes as a Gantangan, as Batasan

21

Adansil, in the moment, and projects possibilities of decisions and its outcomes from
Kagwolong.
Education, Indigenous Knowledge and Tradition in focus at Manila Conference
The indigenous peoples cultures in Philippines are the 17 tribes from Luzon, 27 from
Mindanao and four from the Visayas Island. Their traditional clothes, dances, implements and
crafts, languages and chants are a living witness of their enduring cultural tradition.
Governor Miguel Dominguez (Province of Sarangani) spoke of building partnerships in
Education with LGUs (local government units). He said it was time to maximize our competitive
advantage and reverse the condition of the marginalized. He stressed that culture should not be
written out of curriculum development and we should promote an appropriate curriculum and a
culture-based education system informed by a survey of local needs. He believes that kind of
education would enhance economic development in the area.
The economic phenomena of the informal sector as well as poverty contributing to the
peace and order problems were just some of the key issues highlighted by Silvano B. Maranga,
Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) Region 10 Director. The
Philippines TESDA is similar to Australias TAFE a government agency providing technical
education and skills development programs. TESDAs focus is micro-enterprise development,
with a will to support jobs. Board members are drawn from broad sectors: women, labour,
industry and church, encouraging community based training for enterprise development.
Maranga would like existing local skills, such as loom weaving, woodcraft and smithing, to be
encouraged and recognized.

22

As an example of local industry, Datu Mampahaluna from the Higaonon tribe in

Mindanao came up to the stage and invited a few people from the audience to sample Agkod,
their local wine made from ginger and rice. He said this is something that can be developed in a
commercial environment. The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act passed in 1997 was a good start to
protect indigenous peoples. This law acknowledged indigenous peoples right to their ancestral
domain, called for the peoples protection and empowerment, recognized their capability for selfsustenance and the right to preserve indigenous cultural tradition.
Senator Jamby Madrigal, Chair of the Senate Committee on Cultural Communities,
however, warned that we may find these rights eroded if we are not vigilant. She said that under
this administration, the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), an independent
body created to oversee this law, was subsumed under the Office of the President.
The protection of ancestral land, flora and fauna and community living may be under
threat, she said, because NCIP was placed as an agency attached under Land Reform. Implicit in
this restructure is the suggestion that indigenous peoples are willing to accept land reform.
Why land reform, she asked, when indigenous peoples already own their land? Now that people
in high places have used up resources, they want to move into other untapped land.
The Cultural Past of Indigenous People
Manobo tribe is one of the populous indigenous groups of people in the island of
Mindanao, Philippines and that includes the Agusan Manobo tribe in the province of Agusan del
Sur, Cembrano (2013). Moreover, the areas inhabited by manobos covers from the Pantaron
Mountain Range of Bukid-non and Davao del Norte provinces to the west and to the east is the
Diwata Mountain Range. At the heart is the great Agu- san River. It runs from the south at the

23

Municipality of Sta. Josefa and winding to the north going to Butuan City to the mouth of
Butuan Bay. Furthermore, the aborigines of Agusan were the ancestors of the present-day
Mamanwas who were driven to the hinterlands by the waves of Malay immigrants from nearby
Borneo, Celebes and Malaysia. The Province of Agusan del Sur has five groups of Indigenous
people, the Aeta, Mamanwa, Bago- bo, Banwaon, and Agusan Manobo. Among the five existing
tribes in the province, only Agusan Manobo, Banwaon and Higaonon tribes are distinctly
identified since they live along the National Highway and river towns going to Davao del Norte
while others live in the town of Esperanza towards the boundaries of Misamis Oriental, Surigao
and Bukidnon.
The same author said, archeological research found out that in Maug, Prosperidad, at the
eastern part of Agusan val- ley, points to the emergence of the Paleolithic period. Moreo- ver a
linguistic reconstruction study revealed that the proto- Manobo language was spoken in the
northeastern Mindanao about 500 AD or 1,500 years ago. On the other hand, the monobos have
their own dialect, which is a mixture of a native dialect and an acquired foreignlanguage.
The Agusan Manobo calls their language Minanubu, and is one of the Manobo languages
that still have a large number of speakers. It has four dialects: Umayam, Adgawan, Surigao, and
Omayamnon. The name Manobo, according to De leon ( 2006), is influenced by the Malay River
People. These people are called Mansuba, from the word Mansuba, the malayan term for river.
Therefore, Mansuba literally means people living near or in the river (most of them live on
floating houses). Later on, Mansuba is shortened to Manuba, which eventually took its masculine
gender which is Manobo.

24

According to Jushua Project (2014), the most common life- style of the Manobo is that of
rural agriculture. Unfortunately, their farming methods are very primitive. Some of the farm- ers
have incorporated ploughing techniques, while others have continued to use the "slash-and-burn"
method. Other Manobo living in other areas of the province use a farming system called kaingin.
This is a procedure in which fields are allowed to remain fallow for certain periods of time so
that areas of cultivation may be shifted from place to place. More- over, social life for the
Manobo is patriarchal (male- dominated). The head of the family is the husband.
Moreover, polygyny (having more than one wife at a time) is common and is allowed
according to a man's wealth. However, among the other group of Manobo, most marriages are
monogamous. The only exception is that of the powerful datus (headmen). The political
structures of the Manobo groups are all quite similar. A ruler, called a datu, is the head of the
group. Beneath him are the royal and non-royal classes. Only those people belonging to the royal
classes can aspire to the throne. Those belonging to the non-royal classes are under the power
and authority of the royal classes. Each class is interdependent on the others. The political
aspects of life are often integrated with the social aspects. For example, many social events, such
as weddings, require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation for marriage, both the
bride and the groom must use the local datu (headman) to make all of the arrangements.
Religious Beliefs of the Manobo
The religious beliefs of the Manobo revolve around the concept of many unseen spirits
interfering in the lives of humans. They believe that these spirits can intrude on human activities
to accomplish their desires. The spirits are also believed to have human characteristics. They are
both good and evil in nature and can be evoked to both anger and pleasure. While the religious

25

practices of the Manobo vary slightly, there seems to be at least one common thread linking them
together. Each culture believes in one "great spirit." This "great spirit" is usually viewed as the
creator figure. As the various Manobo groups have been separated, the religious beliefs of other
peoples have influenced them somewhat. However, the Manobo have often incorporated these
new practices into their belief system, rather than abandoning their practices and being converted
to new religions.
Initiation of Rituals
The initiation of rituals involves separating neophytes (initiates) from everyday social life
and forcing them to pass a luminal state in which the boundary of the human social world seems
to blur. The ritual communication is established between human beings and non- human beings
such as spirits, divinities, and the spiritual owners of natural species, subjectivities that inhabits
animal bodies and plants and so on all that is endowed with different capacities.
(Sztutman, 2008)
Furthermore, humans know that much of what they possess- what we call culture- was
not merely invented by them but taken during mythic times, from other species not seen since
distant past. To celebrate, an intense network of repayments above all of food and drink but also
on some occasions songs and artifacts is set in motion. Supported by Cole (2013), rituals are a
means of praying to the Great Spirit and sacrificing oneself while retaining a direct contact with
the tree of life.
In the study conducted by Buenconsejo (2005), the Manobos believed in the myth that
Spirit interacts with human beings. Manobos belief in these beings perpetuates the idea that the
cosmos where the human being lives is a place where they survive because human beings share

26

and exchange gifts, not only with spirits but among themselves. The Manobos distinguished
between diwata, witches and the disembodied souls of deceased humans (umayad). They
maintain these fundamental categorical distinctions between supernatural beings. In fact the
action of the spirits conceptually separate from anti- social sorcery (kumetan), spirit mediums
can only heal illness caused by a member of a class of spiritual beings, compatible to human
interventions, while victims of sorcery must be treated with other methods involving magical
substances and talisman.
Moreover, there are several classes of spirits being recognized by Manobos based on their
relationship to human com- munities. The three main categories are unsocial (indifferent to the
world of humans), bounded (tawaganen) and unbounded (baylan) spirits are further
subdivided into dozens of subtype based on appearances, behavior, associated natural features
and other factors. Bounded spirits are generally attached to particular sites in the environment
while un- bounded are spirits capable of becoming spirits familiars, diwata most likely to take an
active role of human affairs.
Manobos Divination and Healing
Manobos divination and healing involved spirit mediums, musical performances and
usually the sacrifice of domestically pigs or chickens. These rituals are de- signed to solicit
benevolent pity from spirits by offering them songs, drum and gong music, consumable
substances (betel nuts, tobacco, and foodstuff) and burnt sacrificial gifts (sinugbahan). Some of
the rituals that Manobo performed are inajew (a spirit possession healing ceremony), tukey
(incantation rite) and hihinang (a hybrid commemorative ritual involving the use of Visayan
language and western style table).

27

In the study conducted by Cembrano (2013) among the Manobo of Northeastern

Mindanao, one of the rituals called of pamaliskad (ordination) of the datu is done by taking all
the heirlooms like sword, spear, bronze bracelet and baylans skirt and placed in the altar called
buggusan or angkuw. The deities are believed to come down, laden with boiled boar head and
tail, a cluster of betel nuts, a spray of palm betel flowers, sugar cane, taro plant and a chicken.
The drum and gong are beaten to summon the spirits. The installing datu summons also the spirit
of the earth. The invited leaders do the same calling the spirits of their clans. During the trance,
the baylan and the chieftain express the wishes of their ances- tors and the Mambabaja. The new
datu is bestowed with a timuso (bronze bracelet). He must wear also the sinugbahan (heirloom)
to protect them from any harm and as a symbol of leadership. The sacred sword is also handed
down to the in- coming datu. The ceremony is believed to ward off evil spirits. The datu elevated
to a high position is entrusted with tangkuyo (headcarp) of the ancestor leader. The symbol of
wisdom and power is decorated with boar and horse hair, crocodile teeth. The tamed chief spirit
and turban can warn him of any danger and protect him from any harm.
The Study Conducted by Tomaquin (2013)
Among the Tambajon or baylan of Manobo-Mamanwas of Surigao province, they are
believed to be charmers and an herbalist. It is thought that they have several charms. It is a
popular belief among the Bisaya/lowlanders population that they are endowed by the power of
barang, a curse or simply a form of sorcery. The Maman was generally are peace loving. They
are unassuming and tend to settle their conflict peaceful- ly. The Tambajon/Baylan, in some
extent is a peacemaker, if the Datu seeks his services. Tambajon/baylan is an institution of
Mamanwa society. It holds the community and provides its solid framework of the society. He is

28

a protector of their indigenous religion. As an herbalist, his knowledge of indigenous/ traditional

medicine is exemplary including the knowledge in treating or curing snakebites.
The Tambajon then is a healer religious expert. He is an intermediary between the
Diwatas and the settlement. The Tambajon/baylan becomes through his own effort or through a
visionary experience. He is an ex- pert of the indigenous prayer, (Tud-om), the Mamanwa sham
-an, whose influence of culture is noticeable. He is highly respected in his spirituality as

intermediary to the temporal world to the Paradise (Katahawan). The Tambajon/Baylancan

directly received communication from Tahaw, as the Maman- was believed. He is the most
sincere person in the village for he led the Kahimonan with deep respect to Tahaw.
He is expert in the Mamanwa oral tradition and is endowed with wisdom of the Tud-om
and the code of religious vow of the Tambalons or the Binaylans. Moreover, of the same author,
another religious ceremony of Manobo-Mamanwas is the pagsangkalanlan. When someBody is sick in the village, it is believed that it is brought by Habang, thus be treated in
the ceremony. For several weeks the Mamanwas gather salted meat of wild pigs (usually uncooked). They are going to store up it in bamboo internodes. They are going to combine it with
starch from a lumbia tree. Then they will cook it. While cooking, they will dance around the
preparation and should become strident. The ritual dance is called binangazozo. After they were
done dancing, they will get a tungkayan, a wood or stick used in beating the gimbar (drum made
of the skin of iguana). After that the baylan/sarok guided the communal prayer, the banquet and
merriment will go on followed by eating accompanied by drumming the gimbar. The spirit that
gives sickness will be cast out in the ceremony.

29

Another practice by Manobo-Mamanwas is the ceremony of hunting aimed at inviting

Tama, the diwata of the forest. If Tama is pleased, he will release wild pigs and deers. The belief
that Tama as the Anito in-charge or herder of hunting animals is clearly noticeable. In the
ceremony, the sa- rok/sukdan/baylan is assisted by female tambajon. The main Tambajon
followed by the minor one first performs the spiritual dance (Katahawan). After they are done,
the rest of the participants will join. A single gimbar/drum is the only instrument used is the
ceremony. It is expected that after the dance, request are made to the gods, the main
sukdan/baylan trembles or in the state of trance. He should be brought to the constructed altar
with a boar. After the main sukdanis done with his prayers, and the minor Tambajon finishes
his/her dance, the main sukdan/baylan will get a spear and pierces or kills the boar. After which
prayers of wish and supplications/petitions are offered to supreme god Tahaw.
Then, the blood of the boar is scattered to the ground. The community will bring young
coconut leaves for the blessing of the main baylan afterwards. The members of the community
will pass by in the constructed altar to be cured of possible illness. Afterwards, they will butcher
the pig, cook it and then the whole community will share with it. The same author, another
related ceremony offered to Tama is releasing a hen in the forest. The ritual is performed in order
for hunting/game to be successful. Tama release iguana, deer, and pigs in the forest. In this
ceremony the blood of the wild pig was scattered /sprinkled in the specified area in the Kaingin,
for Tama to hear the wishes of the tribe. Untouched by the influences of Spanish colonialism, the
Ifugao has also a unique culture. They value kinship, family ties, religious and cultural beliefs,
according to Barton (2007).
They're unique among all ethnic groups in the mountain province, not only for their
interesting customs and traditions but also for their narrative literature such as the hudhud, an

30

epic dealing with hero ancestors sung in a poetic manner. Moreover, another feature unique to
the Ifugao is their woodcarving art, most notably the carved granary guardians bului and the
prestige bench of the upper class, the hagabi. Houses were well-built, characterized by as a
square with wooden floors, windowless walls, and pyramidal thatch roofs. Elevated from the
ground by four sturdy tree trunks, they feature removable staircases that were hoisted up at night
to prevent entry by enemies and/or wild animals. Lastly, their attire remains traditional for male
Ifugao, donning the wanno or g-string; there are six types of wanno which are used depending on
the occasion or the man's social status. Ifugao women, on the contrary, wear tapis, a wraparound
skirt; there are five kinds of skirts worn, depending on the occasion and/or status of the
woman/girl.
On the other hand, another beautiful practice of one of the tribes of the Cordillera
Mountain, the Bontoc or Igorot, has wedding rituals that usually spans several days, as
document- ed by Bigornia (2011). It starts with the delivery of the faratong (black beans) from
the girl to the bachelor signifying the brides intentions to marry. Afterwards, the brides family
sends out what is known as the khakhu (salted pork) to the grooms family. This is countered by
the sending of sapa (glutinous rice). These food items are distributed to their respective family
members, including their relatives. An important rite called insukatan nanmakan (exchange of
food) follows. Here, one of the grooms parents, after receiving an invitation, must go to the
brides house and have breakfast with them. Later, the grooms parents also invite a brides
parent for a similar meal. The next step is the farey. The bride and a kaulug (girlfriend) will visit
the house of the groom. This is when they start entering each others houses. They will have to
leave immediately also, but they will be invited again on the following morning for breakfast.
This is the start of the tongor (to align).

31

The next day, the brides parents, bearing rice and salted meat, will go to the grooms
house for the kamat (to sew tight). A kaulug of the bride and the grooms best friend is likewise
invited. The evening will be the start of the karangor the main marriage ritual. This is when the
bride and groom are finally declared as a couple to the whole community. The following
morning is the putut (to half). Here, only the immediate relatives are invited for breakfast,
signifying the end of the ritual. Two days after the putut, the couple can finally live as husband
and wife, but may not sleep together for the next five days, known as the atufang period.
The atufang serves to validate the marriage. The groom is instructed to bathe in a spring,
taking note of every detail that comes his way, such as the characters he meets, weather changes,
among others. Should anything peculiar occur, he must make his way to the mountain to cut
some wood. The bride, on the other hand, is sent off to weed in the fields. Any untoward
incidents serve as warnings that the new couple must postpone their living together or
mangmang. The final stage of the atufang involves covering smoldering charcoals with rice
husks overnight. The marriage is considered null and void if the fire goes out the morning after.
The final step is the man manok where the brides parents invite the groom and his
parents and declare that the groom could officially sleep with the bride. This signifies the end of
the marriage ritual for most Igorots. An optional lopis (a bigger marriage feast) could be done
should the couples finances allow.
The Burial Noted in the Province of Davao
In the past centuries one of the tribes in Mindanao, the Manobos living in the hinterland
of Davao Provinces, has practices in burying their dead. According to Administrative Office of
Davao Sur Province (2003), the dead were either laid on a platform built beside a tree, or

32

wrapped in a mat and bamboo slats and hung up a tree. After the funeral, the relatives of the
deceased abandon their dwellings and clearing. Manuel (2003) said that in the 20th century, as
the United States colonial government introduced the abaca plantation system, the Manobos
abandoned the practice of tree burial and shifted to burying their dead under their houses.
He said with the new burial practice, the Manobos no longer abandoned their dwellings
and continued with the cultivation of their clearings. Wakes among the Ata-Manobos, the tribe
occupying the forest areas straddling parts of Davao City and the towns of Talaingod and
Kapalong in Davao del Norte, are the only occasion where antuk (riddles) are taught by the
elders to the young people.
Industan (2005), narrated, that the tribe believes that teaching antuks in occasions other
than the wake would lead to misfortunes or bring bad luck to the entire community. In an AtaManobo wake, a widowed husband usually lies beside his deceased wife while relatives and
friends sit around them. Some pass the time telling the riddles while others chant. During the
wake chanting (uwahingan), singing, dancing, playing instruments (tagungguan) are con- ducted
to alleviate the pervading grief. Moreover, another belief in the spirit world of the Tboli natives,
one of Mindanaos most colorful tribes living around Lake Sebu, a person is believed to be a
composite of body and spirit, as noted by ethnography. The Tboli believes that the spirit
leaves the body when it is asleep and returns to awake it. Death happens when the spirit leaves
the body permanently, or is taken away by an evil spirit called busao. The body is laid on a boatshaped wooden coffin tightly sealed with a tree resin to prevent the odor of the decomposition
pro- cess. A Tboli wake may last from a week to five months but if the dead is highly respected
by the community, his or her wake may last for a year. At the end of the wake, the wooden coffin
will be placed over a fire but the fluid that oozes through the burning wood is collected and used

33

as sauce for their sweet potato meals. In this manner, they believe the desirable qualities of the
deceased will pass on to them. It is also noted that Tbolis has no specific burial ground so they
bury the dead anywhere. But the interment is done only at night and that after the burial; the
community partakes of a feast and leaves portions of the food in the grave.
After the feast, the deads possessions are destroyed. After the burial, the mourners
perform rituals to cleanse and rid themselves of evil spirits. The mourners jump over two swords
fixed on the ground and later purify themselves in the river or any body of water.
Timoquin (2013) reported, the Dakula or Datu has a direct authority in maintaining peace
in the village. He is assisted by the elders (Malaaser) and his advisers, the Baylan/Tambajon. He
is obliged to pacify or solve the conflict and will make sure it can be pacified so it will not be
forwarded to the Barangay captain. In settling conflicts, it is their practice to call the attention of
the parties in conflict. Both are allowed to express their sentiments which are listened to and
thoroughly considered. After weighing the reasons, the datu offers solutions or verdict. A guilty
person has to pay a fine, usually a pig. The pig should be slaughtered and a cup of blood should
be consumed by the guilty party as a sign of guilt. In cases of murder, it should be forwarded to
the municipality or to the police. In cases of conflicts between Mamanwa and Bisaya, it is
barangay chairman who will have the jurisdiction of the case. Collectively, the farm field of the
Mamanwa such as one in Siba- hay is managed by the Dakula, which he subdivides among the
community members. The same is practiced in Burgos and Hetaob, Manganlo and Lake Mainit.
There are customary laws they observed like paying respect to civilians and military authorities
and the laws of the land. They always provide an avenue in conducting the kahimonan at least
four times in a year.

34

They respect the hunting rights of other tribes. They respect personal property. They
avoid stealing, each should offer suggestions on how to solve village problem. They respect the
elders and parents. They respect everyone in the village. They share food and meat gathered from
hunting with the rest in the community. They respect women and children. The Dakula maintain
the peace of the place with the assistance of the Malaas. A guilty party will offer fines or
Mangangade which is in a form of cash or property. In case there is a severe offense, the penalty
will be a forced labor. Forced labor will be demanded by the relatives of the aggrieved party. The
guilty party is also required to give a piece of land to the victim in cases of severe act of offense
such as murder. The settlement will be done in the house of Dakula.
The Political Organization of the Mamanwas
The political organization of the Mamanwas traditionally is a band type according to
Jocano, (1996). A band usually consisted of 20-90 households. There is a loose tie in the band for
there is no social stratification. The settlement or band is headed by a Dakula, equivalent to
Manobo Chief or Datu. Though his authority is informal, he exercises tremendous influence of
the settlement. Sanctions, such: as expelling from the band if there is a violation of tribal norms
is seen as very effective.
Another practice of Ifugao people when they harvest rice, as mentioned by Naganag
(2013), the rice land owner butcher a big cow or water buffalo and invite all the harvesters in the
community to harvest. Each one will be fed and each harvester will bring home slice of meat
when they retire at the end of the day. The pieces of meat are being held together by small pieces
of bamboo. The size of a bundle is as big as a full-grown mans three fingers held together. If the
bundle in the kaingin is bigger, it is as big as a mans risk.

35

The rice harvester will stick to their lane until the end of the day. There is no swapping or
interchanging of positions or destination or station. Changing station will decrease the harvest.
The harvest is usually gathered before noon or lunch break. One will gather all the bundled rice
and arrange them by path.
Habbiling (2008), harvest season calls for grandiose thanksgiving feasts, while the
concluding harvest rites "tungo" or "tungul" (the day of rest) entail a strict taboo of any
agricultural work. Partaking of the rice wine (bayah), rice cakes, and 'moma' (mixture of several
herbs, powdered snail shell and betel nut/ are coline: and acts as a chewing gum to the Ifugaos. It
is an indelible practice during the festivities and ritual activities. After the bountiful harvest, the
Ifugao hold a ritual to mark the end of the harvest season. The punnuk, a post- harvest ritual, is
performed by residents of some towns in Mountain Province, (Amores, 2014).
In addition, a day before the punnuk, a houwah (thanksgiving rite) is performed by the
mumbaki (native priest), along with the reading of the bile of a chicken for good omen, and the
offering of bayah (rice wine) to the gods and deities. The next day, the punnuk is declared by a
dumupag, a female agricultural leader who holds the social position and respect in the village.
The punnuk is a thanksgiving ritual after a bountiful rice harvest. This signals that people can
now be free to do other things that were earlier prohibited during the harvest ritual. For instance,
no eating of fish or shells from the river, no eating of leafy vegetables from the terraces or
planting in the gardens and other heavy manual tasks.
Hungduan children forge a bond by joining community festivals and rituals tied to Ifugao
provinces rice cycle. From the rice terraces, a group of children, teenagers, adults and elders
lines up dressed in their native attire: The men in their wanoh (loincloth) with their pongot

36

(headdress) and the women in their tolge (native skirt). They carry the dongla, the principal
sacred plant of Ifugao, and the kinaag (a monkey-like scarecrow made of rice stalks) in a
procession heading to the nearby river. As they walk down in terraces, the participants and
spectators cheer and challenge each other to play the guy yudan (tug-of-war). The pakid, a
long wooden pole with a hook, is pulled by each group from the opposite end. The players from
each village are a mix of men and women, children and elders, with their bodies half-soaked and
resisting the strong current of the river. They believed that the winners of the game would have a
bountiful supply of rice, while the loser would experience scarcity throughout the year.
The guyyudan is also regarded as a form of entertainment for residents as they celebrate
the lifting of the prohibitions at the end of the harvest season. At the end of the guyyudan,
villagers throw the kinaag and then the dongla into the river to symbolize that all misfortunes,
pests and sick- ness will be washed away.
Manobo-Mamanwa is called hongod- god (Tomaquin, 2013)
Manobo-Mamanwa is called hongod- god (Tomaquin, 2013) this ceremony is done when
planting doma or root crops (camote, kalibre, karlang, ube, palaw, etc.) After clearing the
kaingin/slush and burn farming,a nursing Mamanwa mother would institute the first planting.
She should carry on her back the infant because it is believed that by doing so, harvest will be
plentiful. Since Mamanwas believed in the presence of Diyatot and Anitos, (part of the spirit
world) who usually dwell in the balete and tuog trees, during their kaingin farming, these balete
trees were spared. The saruk/tambajon/baylan should conduct a ritual so that the Diyatot and
Anitos will not be angry of the kaingin. Moreover, they believe that there are two types of

37

Anitos: the Mara- diyaw and Mataro (Good and bad). The good ones promote good harvest of
the kaingin and kamotihan. The bad ones give illness or sickness.
The Manobo of Cotabato, as stated by De Jong (2010), the Samayaan is a native ritual in
which omens is read in connection with the various stages of the farming cycle: clearing,
planting, growing, and harvesting. The first day of the planting season marks the beginning of
the Manobo year; the last day of harvesting is the ending. Cultivating rice and corn has been and
still is a part of the Manobo way of living, some Manobo villages have shifted to the cultivation
of coconut for copra export. Corn and rice are planted in the month of February, the corn is
harvested in July but rice takes longer to grow and is harvested four months later. When the trees
start to bloom, the Manobo hunter will wait for the coming of the bees that will led him to their
bee hives. The hunt for bees is the basis of the traditional bee-hunting dance. To pray for a
successful hunt by the only bee hunters are allowed to sing a traditional song titled Manganinay,
this hymn is sung in honor of Panayangan, the god of the bee hunt. The song must be proclaimed outside the house, singing it inside will cause the house to burn down.
Throughout the year, the elders of the Manobo tribe are looking for the star-lit sky to
determine the season of planting, harvesting, fishing and hunting. Each star can bring a different
message and will guide the tribal group in their traditional way of living. This practice is called
Pamiteun, the Manobos' indigenous way of understanding the stars. Nowadays only the members
of the older generation of farmers will continue to use the Pamiteun but they are passing the
knowledge to the present generation, to learn the old way of living, keep their culture and
traditions alive and deepen their consciousness about their own culture.

38

The history of the past amused the present time and some of the practices still hold of the
present. The Manobo came from Mamanwas who were driven to hinterland until they reached to
forestall area of Agusan through Agusan River. Other groups of indigenous people have their
own myths and practices like planting and harvesting, arts and literature, wedding, burials with
corresponding rituals for they are the expression of their lives. Spiritual beliefs are the basis for
traditional Indigenous rituals and laws, and those beliefs and laws are demonstrated through
ceremonies and rituals. Cere- monies are an important way for Indigenous people to
communicate with their spirits, and to learn the cultures law. The spiritual life of traditional
Indigenous people is based on the creation time, a time when Ancestral Beings brought the land
to life, creating people and other living things.
There are still many rituals, beliefs and practices that indigenous people both local and
foreign practiced today not mentioned in this study. However, those mentioned practices
supported that rituals are done to demonstrate that Agusan Manobo people believed in Supreme
Being and that their fate has something to do about what they believed.

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Theoretical Framework
The research focuses on social learning theory by Albert Bandura because it emphasizes
the importance of observing and modeling the behaviors, attitudes, and emotional reactions of
others. Social learning theory talks about how both environmental and cognitive factors interact
to influence human learning and behavior. It focuses on the learning that occurs within a social
context. It considers that people learn from one another, including such concepts as observational
learning, imitation, and modeling (Abbott, 2007).
According to the Datu arbitrator and chanter, knowledge exists on the face of the earth
and other elements of nature. In order to acquire this knowledge, a person simply needs to
recognize the existing patterns, symbols and meanings that define knowledge. The symbols that
are define of various aspects of Higaonon way of learning. In regulating the management of
biological diversity, it is necessary to define the integrity of nature in relation to the integrity of
the knowledge and culture of the people. Effective management of biological diversity will result
only when the indigenous knowledge that directs the survival of the culture of the people is also
preserved and protected.

40

Conceptual Framework of the Study

The conceptual framework of the study indicates the promotion of the survival of the
indigenous culture in a way of transmitting cultural practices of the Higaonon community that is
defined through a clear understanding of the elements and structures of the personality and
identity.
Dependent Variable
Socio Economic Factor
jd

Age
Gender
Rank of the society

Media exposure
Technology
beliefs
Interpersonal
communication

Independent Variable
The protection,
preservation and
survival of the
indigenous culture,
traditions and
institutions of the
indigenous peoples
are a great challenge
in the course of
change and
modernization.

Figure 1 shows the Schematic Diagram, showing the relationship between dependent and
independent variables.

41

Hypothesis of the study

In order to full the objectives of the study, the following hypothesis are formulated:
1. The socio-economic factors such as age, gender, and rank of the society do not affect the
adaptation of the ancestral domain of the respondents of Barangay Can-ayan Malaybalay
City, Bukidnon.
2. Media exposure of Higaonon tribe from beliefs, technology and to the Interpersonal
communication, do not affect their values of life.

CHAPTER III

42

Methodology
Locale and Time of the Study
The study will be conduct from the period of January to March 2014 at Barangay Canayan Malaybalay City, Bukidnon (shown at Figures below). The study site covers the area of
Malaybalay City, Bukidnon particularly Barangay Can-ayan. It takes approximately 4-5 hours to
travel by land from Cagayan de Oro City. Malaybalay City is in between of the municipality of
Impasug-ong and Valencia City.

Figure 1. Map of Barangay Can-ayan Malaybalay City, Bukidnon

43

Figure 2. Map of Bukidnon composed of 20 municipality and 2 cities

Respondents of the Study

44

The respondents of the study will be specifically Higaonon tribe especially elders
who possess rich knowledge and are still practicing their cultural beliefs and practices, and other
members of the society that may also supplement significant ideas that may help in identifying
and/or comparing the Higaonon tribe cultural practices, now and then. The participants were
chosen as pure Higaunon in blood and residents of the research setting. Youths may also include
in the interviewee to measure their awareness on their tribes cultural practices.
Data Collection
The data gather will be the cultural beliefs and practices of the Higaonon tribe, their
communication strategies and the best medium use in transmitting their cultural practices and the
changes brought about by the mainstream society and/or by any new belief and practices
introduce to the Higaonon tribe. The awareness of the youth concerning their cultural practices
may also be record. Key informants interview will also be used in gathering data. The
communication language to be use will be vernacular as a medium of communication because
the interviewer can neither speak nor understand Higaonon and thus it is the most convenient and
most appropriate for both the interviewee and interviewer.
Specifically, the snowball sampling or chain sampling method will be used in selecting
the informants in this study. Michael Patton (1990:183) defines this, as one that identifies cases
of interest from people who know what peoples case are information rich, that is good examples
for study, good interview subjects. Setting the stage for cultural immersion, the researcher will
or may stay so that he/she can gain entrance to Barangay Can-ayan Malaybalay City, Bukidnon
where some of the Higaonon settled. The researcher will be or may stay for several days in the
said community. The middle stages of the ethnographic method involved gaining informants,
using them to gain yet more informants in a chaining process, and gathering of data in the form

45

of observational transcripts and interview recordings. In this case, 20 Higaonon (10 male and 10
female within the age bracket) were the subject of the study will allow for examining the gender
and age dimensions of their notions on health as well as to the communication strategies in
transmitting culture among the Higaonon tribe.

Data Analysis
Data analysis may and will precede using the content analysis, a process of identifying
and categorizing the primary patterns or categories of information that which will portrays from
the responses (Patton, 2002:453). Patterns of similarities and differences will also identify and
categories will also be described. The conversation and observations are going to record using
video tape, recorder and audio recorder. The researcher will also transcribe in support of the
records that will be taken during the focus group discussion and interview.

APPENDIX A. Communication Letter

46

Central Mindanao University

College of Agriculture
DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION
Musuan Maramag, Bukidnon

March 01, 2015

Datu Benjamin S. Omao, Sr.

IP Mandatory Representative/ City Councilor
Malaybalay City, Bukidnon

Good day sir,

I am Mishel Caren S. Castilla, a 4th year student of Bachelor of Science in
Development Communication (BSDC) at Central Mindanao University (CMU).
Presently, I am conducting my Research study entitled, Communication Strategies in
Transmitting Culture among Higaunon Tribe of Barangay Can-ayan Malaybalay City,
Bukidnon.
In line with this, I would like to plea from your good office for an assistance
and/or accommodation for an interview on the issues that will supplement my objectives.
My respondents would be the member of the Higaunon tribe or the key
informants of your tribe / Higaunon elders, youths, and some past and present Barangay
officials. The conduction will start on February- March 2015. Your participation in the

47

study will be very much appreciated. Please contact me at mobile number 0915-9701192.

Thank you very much! A blessed summer!

Truly yours,
Mishel Caren S. Castilla

NOTED BY:

Adviser

48

Appendix B. Interview Schedule

INTERVIEWEE:

OCCUPATION:

DATE:

AGE:

Guide Questions:
1. What are your tribes existing cultural practices in terms of the following?
a.
b.
c.
d.

Wedding celebration
Agricultural practices
Healing practices
Thanks giving rites

2. Do you resist from the introduction of new ideas or of new culture in your society?
a.If yes, why?__________________________________________________
b.If no, why not?________________________________________________
3. How is the Higaunon culture communicated to the younger generation?
_____

through books _____ through computer _____ through spoken words

4. What were the encountered problems during the transmission of the cultural practices to the su
bsequent generation?
_____ Lack of interest from the younger generation
_____ Lack of communication between the elders and the younger generations
_____ resistant heir
5. What are the differences of the Higaunon culture from past to present?
6. What are possible reasons for the changes in the cultural beliefs and practices of your tribe?
7. In what way do you think you could preserve the good culture of your tribe?

Appendix C. Guide Question for the Higaunon Tribe

INTERVIEWEE:

OCCUPATION:

49

DATE:

AGE:

Guide Questions:
1. Are you aware of your cultural practices?
_____ Yes _____ No
2. What are the cultural practices that you are aware of in terms of the following?
a. Wedding celebration
b. Funeral rites
c. Agricultural practices
d. Healing practices
e. Thanksgiving ceremonies
3. Do you appreciate the said cultural practices?
_____ Yes, why? ______________________________________________________
_____ No, why?_______________________________________________
4. Do you resist from the introduction of new ideas or of new culture in your society?
_____ Yes, why? _____________________________
_____ No, why not?___________________________________________________
5. In what way do you think you could preserve the good culture of your tribe?

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