TELANGANA MOVEMENT NEED FOR A NEW PARADIGM

Statehood for Telangana remains elusive despite decades of struggle articulated in

various ways.

In the current phase, which is close to good twelve years, the

movement has seen its high and low; ebb and flow and peaks and troughs. The
statement of Union
T. Vivek

Vivek

Home Minister on December 9 th 2009 marks a

watershed in the history of the struggle. It meant recognition of a democratic and

constitutional demand of people of Telangana for de-merger from the State of Andhra
Pradesh. It also meant that the aspirations of people of Telangana were legitimate and
deserved consideration. However, the statement turned out to be a pyrrhic victory for
Telangana people and was short lived. While it took as many as nine years for the
entire Telangana society to get to December 9th 2009, its reversal was achieved by the
scheming Seema-Andhra leaders in about as many days.

Since then people of

Telangana have been hoping against hope for fulfilment of the policy statement made
on that historical day. As things stand the wait seems indefinite and eternal. It is
therefore instructive to delineate, characterise and evaluate the movement.
The current phase of the movement is a studied one unlike the one that took
place around 1969-70. This time round the renewed demand for statehood is based on
objective data, compelling inferences and cogent reasons. Academic research and
seminal discussions preceded the launch of the movement. Though initially it was
projected as an issue of distortions and discrimination in the development of the
region, in course of time it was escalated to an issue of self respect of the people of
the region. Telangana citizens organized themselves into civil society groups and a
large number of Joint Action Committees (JACs) representing various shades of
Telangana society came into existence. However the response of politicians and
political parties was and continues to be lackadaisical.

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Inasmuch as a large number of citizens are carrying on the movement it has

truly acquired the character of a civil movement. However, since the resources of
citizens are meagre the movement has been witnessing long pauses. The agitation
programmes are mainly passive in nature. Save for the Million March (which is
actually a misnomer as only a few thousands participated) and Rasta and Rail Rokos
now and then, most of the time it was either vanta vaarpu, hunger strikes or bandhs.
However mention must be made of Sakala Janula Samme which was again largely
confined to participation of employees only. As can be expected from the nature of
these programmes they have only exposed failure of the State and Governance to
negotiate a political demand. These programmes have had little or no impact on those
forces that were mainly responsible for the reversal of the December 9 statement.
Further it is apt to characterise the paradigm of the movement as passive and self
inflicting intended to appeal to the conscience of a parliamentary democratic system
that had long forgotten its values and ethics. Individuals working the system have
become so insular that even highest form of sacrifice such as self immolations and
suicides in large numbers (as many as 890 as on date) had failed to stir the conscience
of the Congress High Command and other political parties at the State level. It did
not have even slightest impact on those economic (read exploitative capitalist) forces
that control the levers of political power. Neither did it prevent transfer or diversion
of Telangana resources such as land and water nor did it deter the contractor turned
politician class from carrying on their political and commercial activity in the
Telangana region. On the contrary a large number of activists accused of offences
they have not committed are facing trial. It is reported in a Telugu daily newspaper
that an activist committed suicide unable to meet the cost of protracted trial. Sad
indeed!
The political class in Telangana, save a few Members of the Parliament, has by
and large remained indifferent. If at all they reacted to the aspirations of the people it
seemed more like a charade. Despite repeated rejection of candidates belonging to the
Congress and TDP in the various by-elections held during the current phase of the
movement, there is no change in the outlook of these parties. Both these parties suffer
from prevarication and Orwellian double think. Therefore it would appear that a
decisive step towards Telangana is possible only when a situation that leads to
political compulsion arises. At the time of writing this article one more round of by2 of 4

elections are scheduled in the State. All energies of Congress are directed against the
scion of Late Y.S.Rajashekhar Reddy who floated a party after his father. The current
thinking in political circles and public in general is that he will win majority of
seventeen (17) Assembly seats. Should that happen the Congress High Command
will seriously consider the chances of partys survival in the State and will try to
salvage the situation by conceding Telangana demand. This theory on the face of it
seems plausible, though it is a moot question whether Congress will win the hearts of
Telangana people who will ensure victory of partys candidates in the 2014 general
elections! Further, should the outcome of these elections catalyze the process of
Telangana Statehood it would indeed be a commentary on the paradigm of Telangana
movement. Should the Congress High Command concede Telangana because YSRCP
decimates Congress, it would be ignominious to the souls that we lost.
To a perceptive observer the Telangana Sangarsh is feeble, protracted and
lacking in precipitate action. The programmes which comprise the movement have
strained the meagre resources of the civil society while the political class remained
unaffected.

Even while activists decry the exploitative character of the Seema-

Andhra rulers and the pernicious influence of Seema-Andhra enterprise their films,
hotels, corporate schools, hospitals and transport business continue to thrive. Being
left with no alternative, Telangana citizen continues to patronize Seema-Andhra
enterprise. Even as simple a call as boycott of Seema-Andhra movies is wanting. It is
indeed intriguing why rejuvenation of economic forces of Telangana has not been
thought of and integrated with the movement. Those steering the movement, for
some strange reasons, glossed over developing alternatives which could sustain it. No
attempt is made to reorganise the latent or suppressed potential of Telangana society.
Therefore nirman (providing alternatives) is imminent to sustain the movement.
Role of NRIs
The case of Telangana amply demonstrates a crisis of credibility of
Parliamentary Democracy in India. The U.S.A. is the only other biggest democracy
in the world. It is widely recognised as a champion of democracy. Telangana NRIs
may try and raise the issue of Telangana, through channels considered appropriate and
effective, as a case of assault on democracy and its institutions. Secondly, the current
phase of movement has not addressed many local issues of urgent nature but harped
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on achievement of Statehood for Telangana as panacea for all the ills. Achievement
of Telangana can only be an ideal. People who have been suffering for long need
succour for urgent problems. There are not many examples of civil society or NGO
groups working in this direction though occasionally a political party (TRS) has taken
up certain issues of local importance perhaps impelled by political considerations. It
would be useful to take up local issues through non-governmental initiatives
integrating the need to achieve statehood as a permanent solution. One needs to
quench the thirst of parched throats by providing water, though imparting skill to sink
a well may be an ideal long term solution! Third, the Telangana diaspora may make
forays into economic enterprise to end the strangulating monopoly of Seema-Andhra
enterprise in the Telangana region. Investments in health, education and infrastructure
should be seen as an opportunity to break the stranglehold of Andhra enterprise and as
a means of ending bias against the Telangana youth in employment.
Post Script
A twin programme of Sangarsh & nirman should be pursued to sustain the
movement.

A programme of economic boycott of Seema-Andhra products and

services (not buying Ambica Durbar batti; not patronizing their hotels, not watching
Telugu movies in movie halls etc.) will certainly send the message of Telangana
statehood demand loud and clear to those forces that are obstructing the process. At
the same time, Telangana economic forces need to come together and provide the
much needed alternative to the Telangana citizen.

One need not have any

apprehensions about the efficacy of economic boycott in the contemporary world of

global economy if one cares to know the success story of similar campaign in
Chattisgarh which became a separate state carved out of Madhyapradesh. The need of
the hour is to think out-of-the box to steer the movement to its logical and natural end.
We have tremendous energy which should be allowed to converge and coalesce to
create synergy. Telangana will sure be a reality.

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