The Fenian Movement in The United States: 1858-1886, William DArcy

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT

in the
UNITED STATES: 1858-1886

~ ;!lissedation
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
OF THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE
REQUIREMENTS
FOR
THE
DEGREE
OF
DOCTOR
OF
PHILOSOPHY
BY
WILLIAM D'ARCY, O.F .M.CoNV.
THl
;ATHOLlC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

WASHINGTON, D. C.
1947
Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ
I.
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT

IN THE
I,
-,.
-~
~t',~
THE- CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT

in the
!,.
!}isstdation
SUBMITl'ED TO, THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
OF THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE
DEGREE
OF DOCTOR
OF
PHILOSOPHY
BY
WILLIAM D'ARCY, 0.F.M.CoNv.
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

WASHINGTON, D. C.
Imprimi Potest :.
CYRILLUS 0RENDAC, O.F.M.CoNv.
Delegatus Provincialis,
Syracusis, in Neo Eboraco, die XV Januarii, 1947.
Nihil Obslat:
JOANNES J. COLI.INS,
Censor Librorum,
Rensselaer, in Neo Eboraco, die VI Februarii, 1947.
Imprimatur:
+ EDMUNDUS
F.
GIBBONS,
D.D.,
Episcopus Albanensis,
Al~i, in Neo Eboraco, die Vl Februarii, '1947.
This dissertation was conducted under the direction of

Professor Charles C. Tansill, and was approved by the
Reverend Wilfrid Parsons, S.J., and the Reverend John
Tracy Ellis, as readers.
COPYRIGHT
1947
BY
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS
Printed in the United States of America by

Heidelberger's Print Shop, Utica, New York
., ..
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To My Mother and Father

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PREFACE
Eighty years ago a band of Irish-Americans attempted to conquer Canada as the prelude to the invasion and liberation of
Ireland from English rule. These men were members of the
Fenian Brotherhood, an organization which began in New York
in 1858. In Ireland a kindred society known as the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood was secretly recruiting members to take the
field when the signal for action was given.
Following the famine years in Ireland, 1846-47, the tide of
Irish emigration to the United States reached trexitendous pro
portions, transplanting to our shores the ancient Irish grievances
against British rule. Hundreds of thousands of Irish-Americans
bore arms in the Civil War and it was from among these veterans
that the Fenian Brotherhood hoped to recruit its fighting forces.
Conditions in the United States were favorable to the Fenian
cause. England's unneutral conduct during the Civil War in
building and outfitting privateers for the Confederacy, of which
the ''Alabama'' was only one of several, left a residue of ill
feeling between the two countries. The turbulent political situation in the United States during the years immediately following
the Civil War favored the ambitions of the Brotherhood. The
radical Republicans espoused Fenianism in order to embarrass
the administration of Andrew Johnson, while the Democrats
continued their traditional policy of cajoling the Irish vote,
with the result that for several years the anomalous condition of
allowing armed expeditions to be raised for the invasion of a
country with which the United States was at peace was winked
at.
This study is an attempt to explain the Fenian Brotherhood
in that setting. To this end the diplomatic correspondence between the United States and Great Britain for the years 1865-70,
has been studied carefully, and the papers of the principal
political figures of those days searched to ascertain their attitude
to Fenianism. The Public Archives of Canada at Ottawa yielded
a veritable mine of information on Canadian reaction to this
threat at their door.
ix
Preface
'l'he writer wishes to express his gratitude t,o Mrs. Eifoen

McGowan, daughter of Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, for allowing
him to search for and retain Fenian material found in the huge
collection of her father~ papers. William M. Sweeny graciously
allowed the writer to study the papers of his father, General
Thomas W. Sweeny. The late James F. Kenney, of the Public
Archives of Canada gave generously of his time in helping the
writer gather all the material in that vast Canadian depositary
pertaining to Fenianism. The staffs of the Manuscripts Division
of the Library of Congress; National Archives;, Houghton
Library of Harvard University; Essex Institute, Salem Massachusetts; New York Public Library; American Irish Historical
Society; Baltimore Cathedral Archives ; and the Public Archives
of Can~da were unfailing in :their courtesy. To the Misses Mary
and Beatrice Colwell, Mrs. Mary Valek, Mrs. Perry Martin and
Miss Jean Hacker the writer wishes to give public acknowledgment of his thankfulness for the typing of the dissertation..
To Professor Charles C. Tansill, under whom this work was
completed, the writer owes a great debt of gratitude. It was due
to his cogent criticism and able direction that this work escaped
many pitfalls. The many helpful suggestions offered by the
Reverend Doctors John Tracy Ellis and Wilfrid Parsons, S.J.,
who read the work in manuscript are deeply appreciated. Any
deficiencies, literary or historical, are to be attributed to the
writer.
William D'Arcy, 0. F. M. Conv.
St. Anthony on Hudson
Rensselaer, New York
February 6, 1947.
'l'ABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
They Buried Terence McManus ...................................................
II
The Fenians And The Civil War ................................................
21
III
The F-enians Prepare For Acti,on ................................................ 47
IY The Fenians Gird For Battle '----- 99

Y
The Fighting Irish Take The Field ---- 142
YI
The Politicians Steal The Ball ..................~....:.....-- 182
VII ' Anchors Aweigh ;For The Fenian Fleet ................................. 228
VIII The Saxon Shilling Does I ts Work ............................................. 279
IX
Final Fenian Assault On The British Empire ............... 329
Burn Everything That Comes From England But

Her Coal ......................................................................................................... 370
Bibliography ................................'........................................................_......... 412
Index ------- 429
xi
ERRATA
Page 19, footnote 47 for Frances read .Francis
Page 26, line 22 for trails read trials
Page 40, line 17 for promise.'! read promise
Page 49, line 35 for herierchy read hierarchy
Page 51, footnote 13 for Oitzen read Oitwm
Page 79, footnote 72 for MacDonald read Macdonald
Page 85, line 22 for .of read or
Page 86, line 16 for number read member
Page 87, footnote 89 for Cavanagh read Kavanagh
Page 93, footnote 99 for advise read advice
Page 154, line 1 for Rouse 's Point read Rouses Point
Page 193, line 34 for 51 read 31
Page 229, line 35for Generaal read General
Page 325, line 3 for Rouse's Point read Rouses Point
xii
CHAPTER I
THEY BURIED TERENCE MCMANUS
Ireland in the 1840 's was seething with di~ontent. The leadership of the aging Daniel O'Connell was being questioned by a
rising gvoup of young men who chafed under the restrictions of
his moral-force agitation. Convinced that his policy was a failure, they seceded from the Repeal Association . in 1846 and
organized the Young Ireland movement which advocated physical
force as the only means to secure Irish independence. The Irish
famine of 1846-47 accelerated the plans of the Young Irelanders,
who saw in the emigration of thousands of their countrymen the
gradual depopulation of their country and the consequent weakening of any revolutionary activity. The abortive uprising of
1848, quickly suppressed by the British, was the result of their
efforts. 1 The leaders of this feeble attempt were. William Smith
O'Brien, Thomas Francis Meagher, John Martin, Maurice
O'Donoghue, James Stephens, John O'Mahony, Michael Doheny,
Thomas D 'Arey McGee, John Dillon, Richard O 'Gorman, and
lastly Terence Bellew M'CManus, who had hastened from Liverpool to join in the rising. 2
The failure of 1848 seattered the Young Ireland leaders over
the globe. Martin, Meagher, 0 'Brien, and McManus were transported to Australia, while Dillon, 0 'Gorman, McGee, Doheny,
O'Mahony and Stephens succeeded .in escaping, with all but
Dillon eventually reaching the United States. 8 These defeated
men took with them a quenchless hatred of Great Britain.
1 In English papers this was referred to as the rebellio~ of the widow

McCormack's cabbage garden.
John Mitchel, son of a Presbyterian minister, edited the United Irishman, the incendiary tone of which resulted in his transportation to Australia before the uprising.
John O'Leary, Recollections of Fenians and Feniaiiism (London, 1896),
I, 78.
1,
,'k:-
Tke Feni<m, Movemen.t tin tke United States: 1858-1886
In 1852 Meagher and McManus escaped from Australia and

made their way to the United States.' McManus settled in San
Francisco and lived in obscurity until his death in 1861. Ireland,
which after the failure of 1848 had been likened to a corpse on
a dissecting table, had been reanimated in the intervening thirteen years, and his funeral in Dublin became the rallying point
for an Irish demonstration in which 50,000 persons marched in
the funeral procession to Glasnevin Cemetery. The story of this
reanimation can only be understood by first tracing the activities
'
of several of the Young Ireland leaders.
New York became the haven of most of the Irish rebels who
fled Ireland after the fiasoo of 1848. That city had already
begun to experience the influx of Irish immigrants who settled
there by the thousands during the succeeding decades. They
formed the nucleus of an organization eager to renew the ageless
conflict with Great Britain. All that was needed was a leader,
a man who could unify the factions beginning to form among
the Irish. When the electrifying news reached New York that
John Mitchel had escaped from Australia and was on his way
to New York, the survivors of the rising of 1848 instantly recognized in him their anticipated leader. 5 In October, 1853, the New
York Herald published the following pertinent paragraph:
Last night a meeting of the Irish Clubs of '48, who are now
resident in this city, was held .... when it was resolved that
a committee of five members .... be formed to draw up an
address to be presented to John Mitchel at the earliest
moment possible that he can be seen after his arrival in this
city. It was further resolved that a committee of three should
be appointed to communicate with the organizations in this
Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, Four Years of Irish History, 1845-1849
(New York; 1882), p. 772.
There was a fund raised in New York in 1848 for the defense of the
Irish prisoners. Thomas Addis Emmet and Horace Greeley were among
those who raised the money, called the Irish Directory fund. Later some of
this money was used to assist the Irish patriots to escape from Van
Dieman's Land. For account of this organization cf. New York Herald,
December 21, 1853.
They Buried Terence McManus
city respecting the public demonstration that it has been

proposed to offer on his expected ,arrival. The following
resolution and preamble were likewise agreed to. Whereas,
information having been received of the escape from exile
of our true and trusted chief, John Mitchel, who is daily
expected to arrive in this city ; and whereas we, the Friendly
Club of Irish Confederation of '48, who received from his
pure lips the first teachings of pure republicanism, claim
:him as our teacher and glory in being his disciples, being
proud of him in his bondage as we are joyful at his escape,
therefore, Resolved, in anticipation of his arrival, we make
arrangements whereby we can renew to him those pledges
of love for his person and confidence in his principles which
we first made in Ireland in 1848.6
Mitchel arrived in New York on November 29, 1853, and
immediately announced his intention of starting a paper devoted
to Irish interests. The New York Herald, quick to scent trouble,
saw in the new journalistic venture an opportunity to humble
James McMaster, editor of the Freeman's Journal, who was
regarded as the spokesman of Archbishop John Joseph Hughes.
a
The Herald referred to the outstanding talents of l\fitchel
journalist and then remarked: ''We are persuaded that he could
not employ them better than in a journal which should advocate
here the cause of Irish independence ..... We should like to pit
John Mitchel against the Abbe McMaster in the advocacy of
Irish wrongs and Irish rights. " 7
as
Mitchel's paper, the Citizen, made its appearance on January

7, 1854. Within a short time the editor had become embroiled in
a controversy with Archbishop Hughes. In his columns he upheld
the right of the inhabitants of the Papal ,States to rebel against
the Pope and he also expressed a warm liking for a plantation
in Alabama stocked with fat, healthy Negroes. 8 The archbishop,
who wielded a caustic pen, was quick to reply, and the columns
of the Freeman's Journal and the Citizen resounded with the
New York Herald, October 22, 1853.
Ibid., December 6, 1853.
Citizen, March 11, 18, 1854.
The Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-1886
verbal barrages of the two. In August Archbishop Hughes writing under the name of "Philo Veri tas," denounced Mitchel in
a letter to the New York press :
I need not repeat the name of the individual. He is already
but too well known as th~ representative of an Irish tribe
whose hearts have apostatized from the honored creed of
their country, but whose lips have not yet mustered the bad
courage ,to disavow the faith of their forefathers. 9
Mitchel's rejoinder was to accuse Hughes of being in favor of
burning heretics. 10 fu launched a vigorous criticism of the archbishop in his Citizen beginning at the end of August. Not a
Catholic, Mitchel did not stand in awe of Hughes as did the
majority of his subscribers:
I mean to say then, Bishop, that your Grace, and the whole
hierarchy of your Church, and the priesthood .of it, too, so
far as the hierarchy can control it, is an enemy of Irishmen,
to the rights, the manhood, and the very lives of Irishmen
.... I accuse them of having twice, in '98 and '48 delivered
over the Catholic people of Ireland .... Therefore no terms
are to be kept with such inveterate and treacherous enemies
.... Nay more, that the Irish here will be good and loyal
citizens of this Republic in the exact proportion that they
cut themselves off, not from Religion, but from that political
corporation which you call the Church of God.11
The opening of the Crimean War in March, 1854, was
regarded by the exiled Irish in New York as the opportunity
to strike for Irish independence. England's difficulty it was
hoped, would prove Ireland's opportunity, and Mitchel in a
letter addressed to the '' Survivors of Irish in Ireland under
Forty Years of Age,'' sounded the call to action :
New York Daily Times, August 5, 1854.
Citizen, August 12, 1854_
11 Ibid., September 9. 1854; cf. also August 26, September 2, 1854. For
Archbishop Hughes' answer see Freeman's J ounial, September 30, 1854.
Hughes had defended the right of the Irish to rise in 1848.
_1
~-ft"_.
.
,.f:t,..
They Buried Terence lYicManiis
And they ask no more at present than to be assured that certain Irishmen in New York, men who have the nearest.and
dearest interest in the Cause, have resolved, if a fair occasion arise, to avail themselves of it, and ask a sufficient
number of you to help them. You will not be in a position
to help if you are in rrurkey, wearing the red coats of British soldiers. 12
The outcome of this letter was the organization of the first
definite pre-Fenian society in New York on April 13, 1854. This
was called the ''Irishmen's Civil and Military Republican
Union," and it had fo1 its object the liberation of Ireland from
the oppression of England. The members of the union planned
to raise funds :for the purpose of aiding those who, within the
next two years, should engage in any well-planned struggle for
Irish freedom. 13
Mitchel took a leading part in this society, and fifteen years
later he told of his efforts to interest the Russian consul in New
York and the Russian minister in Washington in a plan to send
military supplies to Ireland. 14 It was hoped that this aid by
Russia would result in the independence of Ireland and a consequent weakening of England, then engaged in the Crimean con. flict with the Czar's government. Nothing came of these negotiations, and the organization collapsed. Mitchel's views on
slavery and his criticism of Archbishop Hughes resulted in a
drop in the circulation of the Citizen and he announced his
relinquishment of the paper at the encl of 1854, saying: '' The
'Alabama Plantation' swept off ten thousand readers at one
blow. Archbishop Philo V:eritas with his pastoral crozier, drew
away a few thousands more.'' 15 A short time later Mitchel moved
to Tennessee. 16
Citizen, April 1, 1854.
New York Herald, April 14, 1854.
"New York Irish Citizen, July 31, August 7, 1869. This paper was
founded by Mitchel on October 12, 1867.
"' Citizen, December 30, 1854.
1 Herald, December 29, 1854; Boston Pilot, January 6, 1855. The editorship of the Citizen was then undertaken by John McClenahan. Mitchel
12
13
The Emmet Monument Association was the successor of. the

Irishmen's Civil and Military Republican Union. The name of
the association was no doubt suggested by the closing passage in
Robert Emmet's speech in the dock: "When My Country takes
her place among the nations of the earth, then, and not till then,
let my epitaph be written.'' This association, organized in the
early part Of 1855, had for its object the invasion and liberation
of Ireland. Its members drilled once a week and every member
was expected to be ready to serve at a moment's notice. 17 These
activities aroused the active opposition of the Citizen, which
warned its readers on March 11: "We advise you to be cautious.
What you indicate does exist; but an attempt is being made in
Gertain quarters to turn it to account for selfish purposes. The
one thing needful is to arm and drill, and induce other Irishmen
to do likewise. Everything beyond this is premature as yet.''
Again on March 31 it cautioned: "You ask our candid opinion
about a certain patriotic banking project recently set afloat in
New York, and intended to ramify in Boston and other parts of
the United States. We have received a s~milar communication
from Philadelphia in relation to a Circular sent there by the
self-constituted Directors.'' McClenahan, editor of the Citizen,
repeatedly ridiculed the association and expressed his opposition
to its program.
The outstanding leaders in the Emmet Monument Association
were John O 'Mahony 18 and Michael Doheny. 19 While the Crimean War was still in progress these men, following the example
of Mitchel, endeavored to secure the help of Russia in behalf
of Ireland. Thomas Clarke Luby wrote many years later:
began publication of the Southern Citizen, a pro-slavery journal in October,
1857. He transferred it to Washington, D. C., in 1858.
17 Joseph Denieffe, Recollections of the Irish Revolutio1101y Brotherhood
(New York, 1904), p. 1.
' 0 Son of a gentleman farmer of Limerick, O'Mahony escaped to Paris
after the failure. He lived there with James Stephens until he heard of the
arrival of John M.itchel in the United States. He left France and arrived
at New York in January, 1854.
1 ' Doheny was a lawyer in New York.
eI~.''
Fenian
Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ
They Buried Terence .McManiis
They succeeded in opening up negotiations with the Russian

Consul in New York, with a view to procuring from the
Russian Government transportation to Ireland for 2000 men
and arms for 5000 more. The Consul in New York, not the
Ambassador in Washington, was the proper person to approach in a secret and delicate negotiation of this nature. A
memorial, embodying the requirements of John O 'Mahony,
Michael Doheny and the other leaders of the Emmet Monument Association was engrossed and handed to the Russian
Consul. . . . That functionary. lost no time in forwarding it
to the government of his imperial master; but unluckily the
peace of Paris, in the early part of 1856, nipped the promising negotiations in the bud. 20
To offset the opposition of the Citizen, Doheny started a paper
of his own, with the curious title of the Honest Triitk. 21
While the Emmt Monument Association was struggling to
acquire members, hints of the establishment of a rival organization to effect the liberation of Ireland began to appear in the
Citizen, beginning with the following statement :
We have received numerous letters suggesting plans for the
redemption of Ireland, at this crisis in her fate, and others
enquiring about any organization or organizations that may
exist for that consummation. We must be excused, when we
say we cannot prematurely discuss those matters in the
Citizen, Suffice it to say that we hope soon to have something of a tangible nature to lay before such Irishmen as
have faith in the regeneration of Ireland, and all who sympathize with her sufferings and her hopes. 22 .
20
r>';
\/
New York Irish. World, March IO, 1877.
21 Boston Pilot, March 24, 1855. McClenahan, of the Citizen, suggested

the Damned Lie as a more appropriate title. Cf. Citizen, December 15, 1855.
McClenahan discharged one of his employees whom he accused of copying
the names of the Citizen's subscription list for Doheny. The discharged
man, Richard Lalor, was later editor of the Irish News, begun by Thomas
Francis Meagher in 1856.
02
July 7, 1855.

~
The Fenian Movernent in the United States: r858-r886
An invitation to form a society dedicated to the liberation of

Ireland was issued in the Citizen on July 28:
I wish to ask my fellow Irishmen in America what they purpose doing for the redemption of Ireland?. . . . The Saxon
vampire, to be sure, may have sucked the sap of the land, as
he did the blood of your fathers;. but the land is still thereyour mountains are yet untouched-your streams are purebut, what is more, that God who beheld its sufferings during the last 700 years begins now to give you the most unequivocal signs that your tyrant foe is humbled, and that
now or never is the day of vengeance. The power of England
is crushed forever. Never will she lift her head again. The
braggart bully is now the cringing beggar of France, and
France, no matter which side may come off victorious in
this war, will keep England bridled in secula. . . . He sent
you in short to learn the mode and the means of setting your
country free. In your hands it is, then, and God will hold
you to a strict account if you misuse it. Thousands of brave
Irish hearts in America are palpitating and longing to smite
the tyrant made drunk with the blood of their fathers ....
Let public meetings be called by the Irish in every city and
town throug'hout the Union. Let each meeting in turn appoint three delegates to a special meeting in the captital of
each state. Let the assembled delegates in each capital, at
their meeting select say three men or five from amongst
them to meet in one particular city, and then let them go to
business. From them, accredited by the Irishmen of each
state, a Directory could be formed and a Provisional Government for Ireland.
The Massachusetts Irish Emigrant Aid Society was the direct
outcome of this letter. This society held a convention in Boston
on August 14, 1855. Its purpose was to furnish the means whereby the "emigrants" might return to their native land to liberate
her from the British yoke. It was the first convention ever held
in the United States for that purpose and at its sessions the
following proclamation was issued :
In view of the entangling alliances between the despots of
Europe, we believe that the good time so long promised has
'
\.
''
They Buried Terence McManits
arrived when England's difficulty has become Ireland's opportunity, we .... have convened a general delegation of the
true and trusted sons of Ireland, resident in this State, to
take counsel, deliberate, and decide upon the speediest and
most effectual means of concentrating and directing the energies of our fellow countrymen in a course of action ....
tending to ensure the success of the cause of liberty in our
,native land. 23
The Boston Pilot branded the founders of this society as the
allies of l\fazzini and Kossuth and considered it a plot of the
British whereby they could secure recruits for the Crimean
War. 24 Another convention was held in New York City in December in which Robert Tyler, son of the former President, was
elected President. Members of the Emmet Monument Association
were present and the proceedings were enlivened by a quarrel
between Doheny and his old enemy McClenahan of the Otitizen.
Doheny accused McClenahan of being a British spy and said
that within an hour of the close of the convention he would be
closeted with the British consul in New York, revealing to him,
for a price, the secrets of the society. 25 This was the first instance
in a long series of events, wherein Irish-Americans with thB
same aspirations were often too quick to ascribe any disagreement between them to the lure of British gold.
The Emmet Monument Association continued to hold meetings
throughout the early part of 1856. Irish-Americans, no doubt,
developed the reputation for pugnacity through newspaper
accounts such as the following:
This Society [Emmet Monument Association] met last evening at the Tabernacle, and after an address was read and
some resolutions were adopted, the meeting broke up in a
row. Speeches were made by Oliver Byrne, Mr. O'Mahony,
l\fr. James Huston, and Colonel Doheny. There were several
23
Citizen, August 25.
" September 15.

"'New York Tribune, December 7.
Tke Fenian Moveme1it in tke United States: 1858-1886
10
personal encounters and a charact.eri.stic disturbance generally. 20

The Crimean War ended in March, 1856, and with it perished
the hopes of the Irish revolutionists for an early invasion of
Ireland. John O 'Mahony then retired from active participation
in the Emmet Monument Association to devote himself to the
work of translating Geoffrey Keating's History of Irel(JIYl,d from
Gaelic into English. 27
Late in the autumn of 1857, Owen Considine arrived in Dublin
from New York bringing with him a communication for James
Stephens signed by O'Mahony; Doheny, James Roche, and Oliver
Byrne. 28 Considine also carried a private letter from O''Mahony
to Stephens. The letter expressed confidence in Stephens and
called upon him to form an organization in Ireland that would
secure Irish independence. 29 These men realized that an organization founded in the United States for the liberation of Ireland
would be useless without a kindred organization in the mother
country. Stephens agreed to undertake the task after laying .
down certain stipulations. On January 1, 185S, he wrote to
. Doheny as follows :
Presuming the information given by Mr. Considine to be
correct, I proceed to state the conditions on which I can
accept the proposed co-operation of our transatlantic brothers, and the great personal responsibility devolving on myself. Lest you should have over-rated my capability and influence, it may be well to inform you what I am convinced
I can do in a given time, always provided you are prepared
to comply with my conditions, which I believe essential.
Bearer of this letter leaves by tonight's mail, and I undertake to organize in three months from the date of his return
here at least 10,000 men, ,of whom about 1500 shall have firearms and the remainder pikes. These men, moreover, shall
be so organized as to be available (all of them) at any point
Ibid., January 12, 1856; Boston Pilot, January 19.
"'This work was published by P. M. Haverty (New York, 1857).
Stephens had returned to Dublin from Paris in 1856.
29 O'Leary, Recollections ... , Ji, 78.
20
\.
1
~
They Buried Terence Mcllfanus
11
in twenty four hours notice at most. It must be needless to

say that such an organization as this represents the whole
body of Irish Nationalists-even the indifferent would be
inevitably drawn to us, the start once given. Nor do I hesitate to assert that, with the aid of the 500 brave fellows you
promise, we shall have such a prospect of success as has not
offered since-I cannot name the epoch of our history. Now
for the conditions. The first is money. There is a slight reproach in m~ words when I say you ought to have foreseen
this, knowing us, and that we are without means, and that
the men of property are not with us. You would have shown
a wise foresight by sending us the nerves of organization as
of war. I shall be able to borrow enough to go on with the
work till I hear from you; that is,.on a limited scale, and at
great inconvenience to myself and friends, but anything like
delay on your part will not only retard its progress, but
otherwise injure the Cause and should you be unable to come
into my terms, the business must be given up altogether. You
must then be able to furnish from 80 to 100 pounds a month
dating from the departure of bearer f!'om New York. Had I
a casting vote in your council, I should, moreover, suggest
you sending 500 men unarmed to England, there to meet an
agent who should furnish each of them with an Enfield rifle.
This, of course, would involve considerable expense; but
were it possible it would so stave off suspicion that we might
fall on them altogether by surprise. Of course, too, this
money should come from you, and I beg of you, if possible,
to raise it and act on my suggestion. A few words as to my
position. I believe it essential to success that the centre of
this or any similar organization should be perfectly unshackled; in other words, a provisional dictator. 80
The bearer of this letter was Joseph Denieffe, who arrived in
New York during the latter part of January, 1858, and delivered
the message to a committee consisting of Doheny, 0 'Mahony,
Michael Corcoran, James Roche, and Patrick O 'Rourke. At that
time it was extremely difficult to raise money for any purpose
as the Panic of 1857, in the United States had. thrown many of
the Irish laborers out of employment. Nevertheless, by the beginning of March, $400 had been raised. Denieffe returned to
80
Denieffe, Recollections . .. , p. 159.
The Fenian Movement in the United S.tates: I858-I886
12
Dublin on March 17, 1858. On the same evening the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood was formed by James Stephens, the
American counterpart of which was later called the Fenian
Brotherhood. 81
Dissatisfied with the poor response to his pecuniary demands
on the part of the brotherhood in New York, Stephens came to
this country in the autumn of 1858. At a meeting held in Tammany Hall, 0 'Mahony was appointed to head the Brotherhood
in America. 32 Stephens then went to Knoxville, Tennessee, to
solicit the help of Mitchel, who years later wrote this account of
his meeting with the Irish revolutionist:
About two weeks before our migration [transfer of the Souther Citizen from Knoxville to Washington], a gentleman
appeared at our door who announced himself as James
Stephens. I had never seen him before, and knew him only
as having turned out with Smith O'Brien in 1848 with his
pike in good repair. Glad to see an Irishman of such antecedents at Knoxville; and for two days he remained with us,
telling me romantic tales of his armed, sworn, organized
forces in Ireland. All he wanted was that I should publicly
call on my fellow countrymen in America for money, and
more money, and no end of money to be remitted to him for
revolutionary purposes. 38
Mitchel declined to join in any public appeal for money but gave
Stephens fifty dollars. Before his return to Ireland in January,
1859, Stephens officially delegated O 'Mahony as the:
supreme organizer and Director of the Irish Revolutionary
Brotherhood in America. With him alone as chief Centre
shaH any communication be held from home, and I hereby
notify to the members of the Brotherhood, that any one
writing to Ireland after having been made acquainted with
this order, shall be looked on and treated as a traitor. This
order is strictly carried out in Ireland, so that any member
Ibid., p. 25.
Letter of O'Mahony to Boston Pilot, January 27, 1866.
88 William Dillon, Life of John Mitchel
(London, 1888), II, 118-19;
Irish Citizen, December 25, 1869.
81
32
They Buried Terence Mc11lanus
13
in America receiving a letter from any body professing to be

a member in Ireland, is bound to make known to authorized
Centre here the name of such correspondent, that the men
who trusted him may know they have to do with a perjurer,
between whom and the traitor there can be no real difference with us at present. 34
Sometime between January and April, 1859, O'Mahony decided
to call the American branch of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood the Fenian Brotherhood. This is evident from a letter
Stephens wrote to him on April 6, in which he said:
The contemplated modification of our body, as well as the
still more important step spoken of to you and friends the
night before I left New York, you are henceforth to look
upon as facts. I need scarcely say, however, that it will be
wise to limit the knowledge of such a fact as the latter to
such men as Doheny, Roche, Cantwell, etc., and to command
all parties to whom such information is given to observe
secrecy-not whispering it to the very air, without special
permission from you. 35
"Document in writer's possession. These documents will hereafter be
cited as O'Mahony Papers. Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa came to the United
States following his release from an English prison at the end of 1870.
An ardent revolutionist, he had been taken in the raid on the offices of the
inflammatory Dublin Irish People, in the fall of 1865. He was the last
president of the Fenian Brotherhood, and as such came into possession of
the original cash books, the Fenian Military Roster, account books, and
literally thousands of letters which passed between the leaders of the
Brotherhood in the United States and the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood
in Ireland. Following his death in 1915 all the documents pertaining to the
Fenians as well as a mass of personal correspondence were deposited in
twenty-two barrels and trunks in the cellar of his home on .Staten Island,
New York. There they lay until 1944 when his daughter, Mrs. Eileen
:McGowan, allowed the writer to sift the material and retain the documents
pertaining to Fenianism. As Rossa always used the term "O'Mahony
Papers" when referring to this collection it has been retained .
.. James Cantwell was living in Philadelphia at the time. During 1860-61,
he was O'Mahony's agent in Paris. He later returned to Dublin where he
operated the Star and Garter Hotel. In 1864 he was nominated American
consul at Dublin but the nomination was withdrawn when his Fenian
\.
14
The Fenian Movement in the United States: r858-r886
'l'he ''more important step'' spoken of by Stephens was the

scheme originated by the Fenians to raise money. It was revealed
in an invitation published in the New York Herald early in
January, 1859:
You are respectfully and earnestly requested to attend a
meeting of gentlemen friendly to the cause of the young
men now imprisoned in Ireland, which will take place at
'l'ammany Hall, on Friday, the 14th inst. ... The object of
the meeting is to consider what action should be taken in
respect to the events now taking place in Ireland.'' 36
This communication was signed by O 'lVIahony, Doheny, and
Corcoran, and resulted in the formation of the Irish Patriotic
Defence Fund. It was understood by the majority of contributors that the funds raised would be used in the defense of the
mn who had been taken after the failure of the Phoenix conspiracy in Ireland during the previous year. The leading IrishAmerican pap.ers of New York announced it as being for that
purpose and contributions were made. 87 In June, Patrick J.
'Meehan, editor of the Irish American, became suspicious of the
intentions of the organizers of the fund and demanded an
explanation. H.e was told that the money raised was never
intended for the purpose of defending the prisoners in Ireland. 38
Contributions ceased after this disclosure and charges of traitor,
activities were made known to Secretary of State Seward by the acting
consul . at the time, who characterized him as the proprietor of a petty
groggery. West did .not act from pure disinterestedness because on April
23, 1864 he applied for the position.
Letter reprinted in O'Donovan Rossa, Rossa's Recollections, 1838-1898
(Mariner's Harbor, New York, 1898), p. 269.
O'Mahony received the inspiration for the name while translating Keating's History of Ireland. Fion McCuol, according to that work, was the
commander of the Feonin Erin, or Irish Militia. As the Feonin Erin was
organized to assure Ireland's independence in pre-Christian times, so the
Fenian Brotherhood was instituted to reestablish it. Cf. Irish Americaii,
June 26, 1858, for article by O'Mahony on old Fenian militia.
January 15, 1859.
s, Irish American; Irish News, January 22, 1859.
Irish American, January 20, 1866.
. \:
They Buried Terence McM<Mlltts
15
scoundrel, and British spy were hurled at Meehan through the

columns of the Phoeni.x, a weekly Fenian paper begun by
O'J\fahony on June 3, 1859.
This Fenian Brotherhood, organized in April, 1859, could be
defined as an organized body of men devoted to a system of
political, financial, and military action on the part of the Irishmen of America, aiding and co-operating with an allied body
of revolutionists in the British Isles, for the purpose of gaining
the independence of Ireland. At first confined to New York
City, the original plan of O 'Mahony was to ,extend the brotherhood to other parts of the United States. Writing on this subject
in Apr}l, 1859, he said:
It is but natural that our progress should be slow at first,
particularly as our finances do not yet warrant us in sending round agents to the different centres of the Irish American population. Neither have we at our disposal in the country the right kind of man to send forth as our. representative. I could not myself be absent from this for many days
without injury to the movement .... We must calculate upon
a certain amount of opposition from some of the priests. I
do n,ot, however, consider it judicious to come into collision
with them openly. Those who denounce us go beyond their
duty as clergymen .... Boston is the best city I have o:ri. my
roll. In it a full centre is now almost completed .... Branches
of our society have also been started in Vermont, Maine, and
Connecticut. From Pennsylvania I have received a most satisfactory communication from the railroad men. If the plan
proposed by them is carried out, it will bring overwhelming
numbers into our ranks. In Milwaukee and Chicago, I expect
that great things will be done. 39
Progress was slow during the early days of the Fenian Brotherhood. partly on account of the failure of the revolutionary
societies in New York which preceded it. The hopes of the Irish
for the early liberation of Ireland had been raised to a high
degree during the Crimean War and they dreaded another
disappointment. Added to this apathy was the hostility of the
89
Letter reprinted in Rossa, Reco,llections . , pp. 300-3.
1.-
16
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United S.tates: r858-r886
New York press. It was not until near the close of the Civil War,
when feeling was running high against England, that the tone
of the press changed.
The first envoy sent to the United States by Stephens was
John O'Leary 40 who arrived in New York in May, 1859. He
was sent by O 'Mahony on a tour through the Middle West to
organize circles of the brotherhood. The result of his efforts
was recounted in a letter he wrote to O 'Mahony from Toledo :
I arrived in time for the Sunday meeting in Chicago. Right
well pleased with all these men; met amongst them some of
the finest fellows I have seen in America .... I have little
doubt we can count on the whole state of Wisconsin .... How
have the clubs established in New Hampshire and Massachusetts progressed? .... Nothing new I dare say from Europe.
God this is terrible. The crash to be expected on the continent Lord knows how soon and nothing to tell that Ireland
still holds her ground. May all the devils in hell lay hold of
those who kept those rascally dollars from us. 41
O'Mahony's efforts for the remainder of the year were directed
toward the organization of military regiments and companies.
In the Phoenix of November 19, forty such were enumerated as
then connected with the Brotherhood in the different states.42
The Irish-American newspapers of the time contain frequent
references to the organization of these Irish military companies,
among which were the Phoenix Brigade, Corcoran 's Irish Legion,
Irish Brigade, 0 'Mahony 's Guards, and Emmet Guards. Thousands of enthusiastic young Irishmen joined them in order to
prepare for the day of reckoning with their ancient foe.
But signs of dissatisfaction with the leadership of Stephens
appeared in Ireland in 1860. '):'he revolutionists there, with the
' Although not a Fenian, O'Leary was active in its councils. He was one
of the editors of the Dublin Irish People, 1863-65; served five years in an
English prison for treason felony. Cf. Irish News, May 7, 1859, for account
of his arrival, although he was supposed to be a secret envoy of Stephens.
1 O'Mahony Papers. Letter dated June, 1859.
.. "Fenianism-By One Who Knows," Contemporary Review, XIX
(1871-72), 304.
They Buried Terence MCJl!lanus
17
impetuosity of their race, were demanding that a blow for Irish

freedom be struck immediately. This incipient revolt threatened
to spread to the United States and endanger the leadership of
0 'Mahony. The prompt action of a score of Irish leaders headed
by Thomas Clarke Luby and Charles Kickham, when they published a letter reiterating their confidence in the principles of
Stephens and O 'Mahony, served to pacify the malcontents. 48
The frequent demands for money made by Stephens induced
0 'Mahony to go to Ireland to satisfy himself as to the disposition
of the funds and the progress of the movement on the other side.
.According to the original plan agreed upon by the two cofounders, 0 'Mahony was to unite and organize the Irish element
in .America and to concentrate its moral and material forces
towards the overthrow of British rule in Ireland. This was to
be done openly in this country. However, as the aid of the Irish
people in Ireland would be indispensable to the success of any
attempt at revolution, the arming of an allied and co-operative
organization, known as the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood,
was deemed the most important object in the Fenian program.
The understanding was that the I.R.B. should be organized
secretly, and that its members should be subject to strict military
rules with James Stephens as its leader and chief. .As soon as
both these organizations should have acquired sufficient extension, discipline, and resources, it was hoped that they would be
able to embrace some opportunity for a combined onslaught upon
the common enemy. But if their resources proved inadequate
for this venture it was believed that both branches of the brotherhood should be kept in a constant state of preparedness so that
advantage could be taken of England's difficulties with foreign
countries. By making their own opportunity was meant the
landing of a sufficient supply of arms and disciplined men in
Ireland. England's engagement in some foreign war should at
some proper moment present the opportunity from without.
Until either occurred the Irish revolutionists at home were to
do nothing more than organize, arm to the best of their ability,
watch, and bide their time.
48
Denieffe, Recollectfo11s . .. , p. 163; Rossa, Recollections . .. , pp. 296-98.
18
Tke Fenian M.ovement in tke United States: I858-I886
At a meeting between O 'Mahony and Stephens in Dublin in

the latter part of 1860, a definite understanding was arrived at
with respect to the amount -0f American aid that would justify
an uprising of the Irish people. It was agreed upon that at least
5000 disciplined men with competent officers were requisite as
a nucleus for the army of liberation, and a supply of at least
50,000 rifles or muskets was to be put immediately into the hands
of the insurgents. 0 'Mahony thought it possible to procure that
amount of assistance within a g_iven time, but before he reached
the United States the Civil War had broken out44 This news
came as a disastrous bl-Ow to O 'Mahony who saw the most zealous
of the young Fenians swept into war. The Irish-American newspapers looked upon the Civil War as a disaster, in which many
young Irishmen would be killed who might well be fighting for
a better cause :
The first enemies the 69th will encounter will, in all probability, be Irishmen, some of them their own relatives, all of
them their friends, all of them owning the same country,
the same aspirations, the same dear, fond hope. What a spectacle this is. There they stand in the death grip of one another, thousands of miles from the land which it would be
their common pride to defend, and their common honor to
die for .... Again, many of the promoters of the war, many
of those who now '' feel good'' towards the Irish are the very
men with whom '' no Irish need apply'' was a canon of
faith. 45
Something was needed at this time to keep the Fenian Brotherhood before the eyes of the Irish-Americans.
The death of
Terence McManus in San Francisco in January, 1861, was used
.by them as a Fenian demonstration. McManus was not a Fenian,
but having been a participant in the uprising of 1848, and
having died so far away from his native land it was determined
.. O'Mahony article in Irish People, December 5, 1868.
'" Boston Pilot, May 4, 1861, reprinted from the Phoenix: The sixtyninth was commanded by Colonel Corcoran who endeared himself to the
Irish by refusing to parade his regiment in honor of the visiting Prince
of Wales in October, 1860. Cf. Irish American, October 20, 1860.
They Biwied Terence McManiis
19
to return his body to Ireland for burial. An active group of

Fenians in San Francisco conceived _the idea which was taken up
by the other Irish societies throughout the country. 46 The body
. was brought across the country to New York and in the large
cities demonstrations were staged by the Irish advocating the
independence of Ireland. In New York the Fenian Brotherhood
took charge of funeral arrangements. An '' obsequies committee''
was formed consisting of O 'Mahony, Meagher, and Doheny.
Meagher was delegated to wait on Archbishop Hughes and make
arrangements for Mass in St. Patrick's Cathedral. The archbishop attended the Mass and preached a sermon, upholding the
right of an oppressed people to struggle for their liberation. 47
On September 18, the remains of Mcl\'Ianus were placed aboard
the steamer ''Glasgow'' for the trip to Ireland. In Dublin, the
refusal of Archbishop Cullen to allow Mass to be said for
McManus did more than anything else to strengthen the Irish
Revolutionary Brotherhood. In the eyes of the Irish people they
became patriots, persecuted by the Church for their efforts to
liberate Ireland. 48 The funeral cortege which marched to Glasnevin Cemetery was seven miles long. 49
., Boston Pilot, May 25, 1861.
"Ibid., September 21. The sermon is reprinted in Michael Cavanagh,

Memoirs of Thomas Frances Meagher (Worcester, Mass., 1892), pp.
419-22. Archbishop Hughes was from the same town in Ireland as
McManus, which probably influenced him to take part in the obsequies. He
had been warned the previous year by Archbishop Cullen of Dublin to
beware of the "Phoenicians." as the Irish prelate called the revolutionists
in Ireland.
Archbishop Cullen was in Rome as rector of the Irish college during .the
revolt against papal authority there in 1848. Witnessing the excesses of
the Carbonari, in later years he opposed any movement in Ireland which
aimed at liberating that country by force. He saw in the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood an Irish adaptation of the secret societies on the. continent. The Fenians attributed his opposition to a malady which they called
"Carbonari on the brain."
Denieffe, Recollections . .. , p. 70.
20
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United States: I858-I886
The American Fenians were represented at the McManus

funeral by Michael Doheny, Francis W elply, and Michael Cavanagh fr-0m New York; Colonel M. D. Smith and Jeremiah Kavanagh, from San Francisco ; and John Mahony from Philadelphia.50 On their return to this country in January, 1862, they .
lectured before enthusiastic crowds in the centers of Irish p-0pulation. Resolutions were adopted expressing the willingness of
the Fenians to shed the last drop of their blood for Ireland. 51
The accounts given by the delegates of the thousands of enthusiastic revolutionists in Ireland waiting for the opportunity to
strike for freedom spurred the Irish in the United States. The
hope of conflict between the United States and Great Britain
in the near future encouraged the y.oung Irishmen to acquire
proficiency in the use of arms. The tempting, bait of American
assistance in realizing their aims dangled before their eyes and
the Irish responded with enthusiasm.
O'Mahony article in Irish People, December 5, 1868.

111 Irish American, February 15, 1862.
CHAP1'ER II
THE FENL\N8 AND THE CIVIL WAR
On November 8, 1861, Captain Charles Wilkes, in command

of the '' San Jacinto, '' intercepted the English mail steamer
"Trent" in the Bahama Channel and sent Lieutenant Fairfax
on board with an armed guard which seized and removed James
M. Mason and John Slidell, two Confederate envoys on their
way to Europe. They were taken aboard the "San Jacinto" and
conveyed to Boston where they were imprisoned. This arrest on
the deck of the British steamer on the high seas caused widespread indignation in England. The belligerent status of the
Southern Confederacy had already been recognized by O-reat
Britain, and the British government made a demand for the
release of the Gonfederate envoys. The Union forces had suffered
a stunning defeat at Bull Run on July 21. 1861, a.ncl the delusion
of a thirty-day campaign to crush the Confederacy had vanished.
Lincoln wisely acceded to the British demand; l\Iason and Slidell
were delivered to the British ship "Rinaldo" on January 1, 1862.
The-Fenians hoped for trouble between the United States and
Great Britain over the "Trent" incident. 1 They were. sorely
disappointed when the matter was peacefully settled, but they
now took a new interest in the Union cause. Service in the Union
Armies would train young Irishmen in the arts of war and prepare them for eventual conflict with England. After January,
1862, there was a marked increase in the number of Irish regiments organized, staffed, and manned mainly by Fenians.
O'Mahony stated that fifty branches of the brotherhood had
become extinct through the enlistment of their members. 2 The
depletion of the ranks of the Fenians served to increase the
friction between O 'Mahony and Stephens which had been
1 Philip H. Bagenal. The American Irish and Their Influence on Irish
Politics (London, 1882}, p. 147.
2 Irish American, February 11, 1865. O'Mahony's address to
Second
Fenian Congress.
21
22
The Fenian M~v&ment <i,n the
United States: r858-r8'86
developing for some time. Although they had been cmq.paniions

in arms in the rising of 1848 and had liv~d together .in Paris
for four years, a feeling of suspicion and distrust -arose between
them. This inability of the Fenian leaders to lay aside petty
differenc-es and to labor for the common goal proved fatal in
the end. The outbreak of the Civil War served only to postpone
the rupture for five years. The chief complaint on the part of
Stephens and the I.R.B .. was that the American branch was not
living up to its promises to the "men in the gap," as the revolutionists in Ireland were called.
As early as 1860 'o 'Mahony received glowing reports from

Stephens on the progress of the I.R.B. in Ireland. Accompanying
thes_e reports were letters reproaching the American leader for
his slowness in remitting the '' sinews of war.'' 0 'Mah-0ny began
in that year to send envoys to Ireland to check o:;,. the truth of
Stephens' acoounts of the progress made. The first 'em~ary
sent_
Edward Boyle, who arrived in Ireland in August, 1860.
His report confirmed the optimistic stories given out by Stephep.s:
was
I immediately waited on Mr. Daly8 who .... introduced me

to several of our friends. They all report very favorably.
Our house is flourishing rapidly; we will soon be prepared
to declare a very handsome dividend. What we are most in
need -0 now is American capital, say three thousand a
month. I' think if we had that it would put us right on our
feet. The manufactories here are very extensive. They have
plenty of workmen but they want some scientific managers,
say a couple of thousand and these ''Bosses" should bring
their tools with them. I find here. . . . very poor machinery
and they cannot work to .... compete with other "Nations"
till they get money from America. I find the materials here
are first rate for manufacturing purposes. . ... l find the
raw material perfect, ready to be manufactured and sent
out into the market; but their knowledge is very imperfect
and all they want are some "Late Irish Yankees" to teach
them how to work .... to the best advantage. I saw our
friends in Dublin ; they are examining the books of the
One of several aliases assumed by Stephens.
\
The Fenians and the Civil War
23
establishments and they will soon show a very fair profit

whi~h wiIL be perfectly satisfactory to ,the stockhol~ers.4
AH the_ letters entrusted to the mails were written in this
guarded manner. Some. of Stephens' letters, which numbered as
, many as f.orty pages, were delivered to O 'Mahony by special
messengers sent from Dublin for that purpose.
The next envoy was the Reverend Edmund O 'Flaherty, a
Catholic priest of Crawfordsville, Indiana, one of the earliest
and most ardent Fenians. It was through his endeavors that
Indiana, until 1863, was known as the banner state of Fenianism. His trip was made in 1861 and his report to O'Mahony was
detailed:
I have travelled through a large portion of the three provinces, Leinster, Munster, and Connaught, where I made ~e
acquaintance not alone o~ many of the leaders of, the moveme:t, but also of n-0 small number of the Rank and File.
The result of my observations among them is, I am happy
to say, most satisfactory, encouraging and hopeful. It is
cheering, indeed, for us to know that there is now formed on
the Irish soil the material and nucleus of a grand National
Army which is in course of organization for the liberation of
our native land .... I found the men of the Irish Army (for
by this name shouJd we call it) neither noisy brawlers or
enthusiasts; but on the contrary calm and collected patriots,
doing their work quietly and surely .... I found this to be
true of the men of Dublin, Carlow; Wicklow, Kilkenny,
Waterford, Tipperary, Cork and Kerry, and, in fact, of all
places that I visj.ted.. I saw everywhere men actuated by the
same spirit, devoted and undaunted, preparing themselves
for that day when they shall strike for the freedom ofold
Ireland. They are fully aware of the importance of the contest and of the great issues involved therein-th~ magnitude
of the perils to be encountered and the high value of the reward in case of victory, tqgether with the disastrous e:ffeots
of 'defea.t .... I thank God that such men are to be found in
Ireland, and this bri_ngs me to say a few words of the duties
O'Mahony Paperi;. Letter dated August 8, 18@. The guarded manner
in which these,! reports were made was to allay t4e :Suspicions of the British~
-:-.-.-
l
,.'
24
The Fenian Move>inen,t in the United States: r858-t886
of all true Irishmen both here and elsewhere towards them.

I must tell you candidly ( and let it be known throughot
these States) that the Irishmen in America have not done
their duty towards this movement .... I mean to say they
have not proved themselves to be the "Tower of Strength''.
which they ought to be, and might lie, to our brethren in
Ireland. Men here cannot be aware of the difficulties and
dangers attending the organization of the country .... Hence
the necessity of sustaining them from this side, and to sustain them and to carry out successfully this movement we
must be prepared to give our means and if necessary our
heart's blood. I grieve to say that there has been hitherto too
much spasmodic patriotism in this country, that is, we love
our country but by starts. I also grieve to find that of the
branches of our society, organized throughout the states,
several have seemingly died out and that many others are in
a languishing condition. Now I must tell our friends candidly that it is their negligent n;i.ode of proceeding-their periodical fits of action and inaction that have clogged the
wheels of the movement in Ireland. Many of them excuse
themselves by saying, ''oh, we have given so and so-we have
been members so long-we see no sign of work done-we do
not see things coming to a. point"-and so they fall off.
Others again ''.we will do all, and volunteer om; own lives,
if required, when the contest has once commenced." I must
tell you that such men as those are the greatest drags upon
the oi:ganization. I find again, since my return some who
say, "when England gets embroiled in the present American
co:i;i.test,' then will be Ireland's opportunity;'' whilst others
tell us to "wait till the war is over here and we shall then
see what an Irish force will be available for our cause.'' I
say to the first class of those expectants, that it is not likely
that England will embroil herself with America in this unhappy contest; and that even if she were to do so, it would
avail us nothing, unless the work of organization were previously done in Ireland, and our countrymen both at home
and here thereby prepared to take the advantage of the
chances of freedom that such an event ought to afford them.
The liberation of Ireland will not come through invasion
alone. Invasion was tried most unsuccessfully before now.
. At the present time, it might also end in disaster if it should
find Ireland unprepared. Yet a while "help from without"
can be applied but in one way and that way is indicated by
Tke Femans and tke Civil War
, 25
the Executive of the organization. 'l'o the second class, I say,

that their conduct is similar to tha,t of the fool in the fable,
"waiting till the river should flow by." I would also remind
them that another famine impends over Ireland-the result
of a wet summer and harvest. This means another extermination of the people. If matters go on thus much longer there
will be no Irish Nation for us to free. If we are to redeem
,our country, we must do it soon, or not at all .... The thorough organization of the strength of the Irish people.at home
depends upon our exertions here. If we had an active, zeal,ous society of 50,000 men in this country, 10,000 of that
number being a military force, and all contributing means
to organize and arm our countrymen in Ireland, six months
would see the completion -0f the wor,k: of preparation. The
first movEi then be made. The second would quickly follow
and then, the contest, a Great and Good God helping us. I
now leave our cause in the hands of her patriot sons in
America-a cause which no man on this continent has more
at heart. than yourself. I trust then that the States will rally
round you. I tell them .... that the freedom of their country
is in their hands if they will but co-operate with you actively, earnestly and continuously. If they work they will get all
the power :required and Ireland must be free. If they fail
in their duty, to God and their country, then is Ireland
doomed. 5
0 'Mahony was a pure-souled patriot . in whom burned an

ardent love for Ireland. This is only one of. many heart-rending
letters received by him pleading for immediate action on the
part of the American Fenians. What the Irish branch -of the
brotherhood overlooked was the fact that the Irish in America
were poor. The panic of 1857 had depleted their small savings,
and they had little to send abroad. With famine threatening,
bread became more important than guns. 0 'Mahony was also ,
shackled by the active opposition_ of influential Irish-Americans.
This is patent from a letter written by him to Father O 'Flaherty
on November 9, 1861:
Ibid., Dated October 5, 1861.
,,.
~.
26 ' The lJ'eniO/YI, Movemen,t in the United States: I858-I886
'
(
The weight of almost everything is thrown upon my shoulders, so that I have not only to think, write and diplotnatize
for the organization, but I must in many instances do the
duty of the subordinate officers, or the work will not be
done or, if done,' done badly. I feel this the more now, as
vast numbers of my best men have gone to this infernal war,
while not a few of them have gone home to Ireland .... I
need men with me like yourself, who are anxious to see the
work done as I am myself and who, if I should fail in my
duty or die, the affair undecided, would carry it out themselves to its legitimate end. I have striven for this all along,
but in very, very-few instances have I succeeded. I attribute
my failure to, many causes such as, the apathy, if no w_prse,
of Young Ireland,6 and the hostility of its flunlries wherever
they are-the opposition of many of the priests-the malignity and lies of the leaders of a certain body, powerful in
numbers and brute force in this city, who have been all along
stabbing me i:i,nd the I.R.B. in the dark, wherever their correspondence has reached.7 Now under those circumstances
my friends must be on the alert and prove at least as active
,
_as their enemies or we cannot go ahead. 8
Added to the trails of O 'Mahony from opposition in this
country was the constant demand of Stephens for more money.
On April 7, 1862, in acknowledging the receipt of money he
said:
In a letter written in 1864, O'Mahony mentioned Mitchel, Meagher,
Dillon, O'Gorman, Martin, Smith O'Brien as having nothing to do with
Fenianism. As all these were Young Irelanders, he doubtless had them in
mind. The Fenians regarded the majority of the Young Ireland leaders as
aristocrats, while they, in tum were regarded as levellers. Richard O'Gorman was singled out by Stephens in many of his letters as a target for his
attack. He referred to O'Gorma.n as a miserable hybrid. Cf..also Irish
People, December 14, 1867.
Probably referring to the Irish American. Patrick J. Meehan, editor of
the paper, had antagonized O'Mahony in 1859 when the Fair Trial Defense
Fund was being raised, ostensibly for the defense of the prisoners taken
in the Phoenix conspiracy oi 1858. When Meehan showed that the money
was not being used for that purpose he was assailed as a "felon setter" by
O'Mahony; the name of 'the fund was changed to Fenian Fund.
" O'Mahony Papers.
I
i
Tlte Fenians Oll'l,d the Civil War
27
One hurn!red and thirteen pounds from the whole American

organization in a whole year! I should look on this as a small
sum monthly, dating' from the first month after you received the news of the McManus demonstration here. Our
friends at this side cannot understand their transatlantic
brothers, and, without a speedy and a very marked improvement, they will come to believe their hopes from America
utterly delusive. They are aware that business has been very
bad for the last year; but, deeming it flourishing compared
to what it has been here, yet knowing that far more money
has been subscribed here than I have received from your
side, they naturally conclude, either that the organization
yonder is very limited, or that the members of it are not in
earnest. They wonder, too, why those friends of ours who
have joined the Army don't continue to subscribe, and, from
the fact of their not doing so, question their willingness to
come over to fight here. It would pain you to hear all that
is said about the American branch, and to know that I cannot conscientiously defend the conduct .of our brothers yonder, especially since the Funeral. It would also pain you to.
see how my friends here receive the announcement of a.
money order for ten pounds. The fact is, I had much rather
you would never send such a sum .... You must be aware of
the danger inseparable from my movements since the Funeral, and that the sole means of avoiding this danger can
be found in a fair supply of money. On the other hand,
,never has action been so imperatively called for .... I must
go through the old bands, in order to remove doubts, scruples-the manifold weakness resulting from the unutterable
baseness of the Felon setters .... Had I the frame-work I
desiderate, with 80,000 to 100,000 filled up, they might set,
denounce and curse till their dogs' souls were howling in
Dantean pits. My conviction is that our safety depends on
the speedy accomplishment of this work or the forbearance.
of the government. If not speedily accomplished, our ti:ansatlantic brothers alone shall be to blame ; so that, should I
be arrested and the cause lost, the shame and remorse shall
all lie at their door-they shall have outdone the Felonsetters; abandoned us in our hour of need ..... On the other
hand, our numbers are, ill all places I have heard from,
increasing; in some places, the increase is next to incredible.
Thus, a center who, three months ago did not count 100 men,
sent me, last week, a return for 820 .... Centres who were
28
Tke Fenian Movemen-t in ,the United States: r858-1886 .
appo~nted only a few months ago now count their men by

. the hundred. The Dublin organization . . has nearly tripled
within the Jast three months. We are S(? thoroughly master
of this city, that, in the event of a public meeting of the
eriemy, we can. take them over and flog them through the
streets .... If John Mitchel, Willi11m Smith O'Brien, the
O'Donohue, and all that fry, were to meet here tomorrow
against our wish, we could do anything we liked with them. 9
Despite these glowing accounts of progress in Ireland and
tb,e promises of greater development if only more funds we-re
forthcoming from America, remittances continued to be small
during the remainder of 1862. Michael Doheny died in April
of that year and thus was lost one of the leading spirits of the
movement in its early days. 10 Other Fenian leaders were- actively
engaged 1n the American Civil War. Michael Corcoran organized
the 164th. Regiment of New York State Volunteers known as
the Irish L~gion, and O'Mahony organized the O'Mahony_
Guards, the First Regiment of the Phoenix Brigade, and. served
three months at Elmira, New York, guarding Confederate
prisoners.11 Thus for a time the active organization of the brotherhood ceased with the leading officers having entered the
armed forces of .the Union ..
,
On. the Pacific Coast, an active Fenian body existed in San

Francisco. The great distance separating them f~om the Fenians
in the Middle West and the East precluded any active participation, in the military plans of the brotherhood. The two. main
spirits in California F.enianism were Jeremiah Kavanagh, one
of the delegates sent to Ireland for the McManus fune_ral, and
Thomas M-0oney. The latter edited a paper, Mooney's Oaliforri,a
Express, notorious for its incendiary articles. A Fenian organ,.
the Express published each week a "Hue and Gry," giving the
Ibid.
' Cf. Irish People, May 19, 1866, for biographical sketch of Doheny.
"Boston Pilot, January 11, 1862; .O'Leary, Recollections .. . , I, 1957

J-:_
The Fe1iians and. the Civil War
29
names of accused '' felon setters'' in Ireland, and offering

attractive rewards for their elimination. 12
The, friction between Stephens and O 'Mahony was increased
by the activities of the American Fenians during 1862. De.spi,te
the pleas of the Irish leader for increased amounts of the "sinews of war,'' funds were raised by the Fenians here for .an
entirely different purpose-the relief of poor people in, the
parish of Reverend Michael Lavelle in Bantry, Ireland. The
organizer of this campaign was Father O'Flaherty. By this
charitable work the brotherhood gained a friend in John McHale,
Archbishop of Tuamy who ~ote O 'Flaherty:
t?
I am in receipt of your kind' letter conveying bank orders
for forty pounds sterling for the relief of the suffering poor
of our :country. Will you be kind enough to assure those
persons who exerted themselves in making the collection that
to them in a particular manner, and the charitable Brother- ,
hood, we tender our best thanks for the zeal and devotion in
the cause of our starving people. 18
During the rest of the year more than a thousand dollars was
raised for this purpose.14 This was laudabfo work, but it was
not preparing the brotherhood for the day of reckoning with
their ancient foe.
12 A. M. Sullivan, New Ireland (New York, 1878), p. 314. The Fenians
of San Francisco passed the following resolution: "Resolved, That we
recognize in the Rev. Father Lavelle, of Ireland, and John O'Mahony, of
New York, the exponents of our aims and depositaries of our c'onfidence,
arid we hereby tender to them the promise of material aid in any emergency' that may arise in the affairs of Ireland." San Francisco Express,
December 13, 1862. The Irish People, September 21, 1872 said of the same
Mooney: "Notorious thief, Mooney, who swindled the credulous Irish of
San Francisco of their hard earned savings, and then quietly decamped for
fear of being lynched, has turnecj up in Dublin as a lecturer."
13 Irish American, June 7, 1862. Lavelle had taken an active part in the
McManus funeral in Dublin. The kind words of Archbishop McHale for
the Brothe.rhood were regarded by the Fenians as a vindication against the
denunciations of Archbishop Cullen.
"For list of contributors see Irish American, April 22; May 9; June 5;
July 19, 27; August 23, 30; October 30.
:.\~
,,,_
Tke Fenian Mov&nte11Jt in the Uni.ted States: 1858-1886
30
Stephens, fuming in Dubli:, determined to send an emissary

to th~s country to bring O 'Mahony to task and to begin a drive
for new recruits. The mari selected was Thomas Clarke Luby,
who arrived in the United States on February 25, 1863. Stephens
empowered him, if necessary, to suspend, supersede or depose
O'Mahony. 15 For five months he traveled throughout the East
and Middle West, covering .nine states and the District of
Columbia. On Mlay 6, he wrote his wife:
I have spoken a second time in Philadelphia. I have also
spoken well in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and well in Crawfordsville, Indiana. I spoke yesterday. . . . at Greencastle,
and at Indianapolis .... Tomorrow morning I set out with
Father O'Flaherty, who, since yesterday week, has been
either my kind host or travelling companion, for Danville,
in the state of Illinois, where we expect to meet some friends
.... Three or four more places in New Y:ork and Boston and
then start for Ireland. 16
Luby also visited camps of the Union Army, and addressed
large numbers of Fenian officers arid men:
I remained in General Corcoran 's camp 17 till the seventh
day after the commencement of active hostilities there .....
Corcoran was most anxious to get John O'Mahony and me
out of harm's way .... but-we held our ground until we were
able to finish our business by holding a nocturnal meeting
of the officers. It speaks highly for Corcoran s patriotism
1
O'Leary, Recollections . .. , I, 207.
" Report of the Proceedings . .. of tlze Special Com mission . .. f 01 the Trial
of Thomas Clarke Luby and Others for Treason Felony, commencing
November 27, I865 (Dublin, 1866).
These letters were used as evidence against Luby in his trial. They were
seized by the authorities in Ireland when his home was searched after the
suppression of the Irish People in September, 1865. Cf. also Richard Pigott,
Persqna./ Recollections of an Irish National Journalist (Dublin, 1882),
p. 1,25.
" Corcoran
W<l;S
then at Suffolk, Virginia.
'I
The Fenians and the Civil Wat

,
31
that at such a time he managed to get the officers together
for our purpose;1 8

It was during this visit ,of Luby's that an unfortunate incident
occurred. Corcoran shot and killed a Lieutenant Colonel Edgar
Kimball in a dispute. which arose between the two over the
countersign. 19
- Luby returned to Dublin in July, taking with him about 100
for the brotherhood in Ireland. Stephens was dissatisfied with
this amount, as well as with reports of dissension among the
American Fenians. To raise funds he determined to start a
newspaper advocating' Fenian principles, and his journalistic
venture, the Irish People, was launched on November 28, 1863.
In a letter to O 'Mahony he gave the reasons which prompted
what proved to be a foolhardy move :
Our newspaper project is p11ogressing wonderfully. This
tells well for the feeling of our friends here. In fact, it is
looked on as little short of a miracle to raise 10,000 pounds
for such a purpose at present. And yet I am next to sure of
having that amount on hand in time to bring out the paper
on the last Saturday of this month. The paper will ,be of
inestimable service, so much so that, had I failed in working
it out, the cause would have been lost. For three-four-five
times the lunds furnished hitherto by you would no longer
suffice to prevent a crash. -The paper will cost us from 1500
, to 5000 pounds a year. It will, I need not say, be a useful
weapon of attack and defense. It will, also, of course, be a
powerful organ of propagandism: .... Still it has such serious disadvantages that, had you been able to supply the
necessary funds_, I should n,ever have had anything to do
with it. I found it, then, through sheer necessity. But, having
consented to fomi.d it at all, you may rely on its being such
a paper as this country has never seen. I trust the letter' to
18
Report of Proceedings .... of the Special Commission .... ,
19 "Transatlantic
Fenianism," Blackwood's Magazine, May, 1867, pp.
590-606. This is a bitter account of the incident. Cf. also O'Leary, Recollections . .. , I, '1IJl.
32
The Feni Movem,en,t in the United States: 1858~1886
. Charles Ki~kham 20 has been received, and that you have

read it. I asked him, in that letter, to have General Mea~
gher 21 and you set about raising 500 pounds for me, but I
should, not be able to procure what, I required, here. From
what you had said about the General in your letters, I wa's
justified in looking for serious help from him and you in a
matter of. such vital importance. 22
But O'Mahony had troubles of his own to face in the United

States and he was in no position to help Stephens in his newspaper projct. On September 5, twenty officers of the brotherhood petitioned him to call a general convention to settle the
many difficulties which had arisen. 23 The leading spirits of this
20 Charles J. Kickham, the ablest literary man connected with the Fenian
movement, was sent to the United States in the summer of 1863.
"1 Thomas Francis Meagher, although active in Irish American affairs,

did_ not join the Fenian Brotherhood until July 11, 1863. He was initiated
by O'Mahony, the story of which is told in the United Irishman, _October
-16, 1886. He never was an enthusiastic Fenian, being more a disciple of
Mitchel. An interesting account of the influence thought to be wielded by
Meagher on Irish-Americans is found in the following: "I am glad to ob'serve that our esteemed friend General Meagher is about to receive the
honor of a command, which he so well deserves. It has long since occurred
to' me, that in compliment for his valuable services, and those of the Irish
soldiers generally, it would be a fitting acknowledgment on the 'part of our
Government, to select some desirable portion of our territories and call it
"New Ireland," of which no doubt General Meagher would in due time
be elected Governor: if desirably. located as to climate I believe it would
be a point d' a,ppuit for Irish emigrants, to which they would flock in thousands,. and thus regene-rate themselves in a country, and on a sod they
could call their own; under a government as free as the air they breathe."
William West to Secretary William H. Seward, November 28, 1863, Consular Despatches, Dublin, Vol. IV, MS Dept. of State, now housed in the
Nati~nal Archives, Washington, D. C.
22
O'Mahony Papers. Letter dated October 4, 1863.
""Proceedings of the First National Convention of the Fenian Brother~

hood (Philadelphia, 1863), .p. 1.
The Fen-ians and the Civil War
33
request were James Gibbons, 24 of Philadelphia, Centre2 of the

circle there and Michael Scanlan, of Chicago. 20 0 'Mahony com
plied with this request by summoning a convention to meet in
Chicago on November 3, the body to be composed of the centres
of circles and one elected delegate from each circle.
Until then O'Mahony was a deputy of Stephens, but being a
sensitive man and resenting the accusations of his chief he re
solved to declare his independence. This determination was made
clear in a letter he wrpte to Kickham, who was in America at the
time. The letter is dated October 19 :
The accompanying documents will give you some idea of the
changes I deem necessary to be adopted at our forthcoming
Cnvention .. . .. I am discontented with Stephens' treat
ment of myself. Having long used my name and my person
as a shield against his private enemies and the enemies of
the organization, he has been for sometime past making a
scapegoat of me among his partizans and blaming me for
shortcomings that were inevitable consequences of his own
desertion of me during the most trying crises of the Ameri
can organization. Lately, moreover, he has given counten
ance, if not instructions, to certain parties in this city, who
have interfered with my action and maligned my motives
and my character, thus doing all that in him lay to. prevent
me from accomplishing the very results for whose non-per
formance I am blamed by him. To this interference with my
functions I can no longer submit. Neither can I submit to
dictatorial arrogance on his part ...... As chief officer of
the American organization, my powers must be put upon an
even keel with his authority over the Irish. I will no longer
,. Gibbons joined the Brotherhood in 1859. A printer in Philadelphia,
Gibbons played a prominent part in Fenian affairs for many years.
25 A Centre was the head of a Circle. Until 1863 no definite number of
members was required to constitute a Circle, although fifty was advised
as the minimum. State Centres were appointed by the Head Centre, O'Ma
hony. Local Centres were elected by members of the local Circles.
26
Scanlan was a member of the Brotherhood since 1859. In 1867 he
founded the Irish Republic, a Fenian paper. It dragged out a precarious
existence in New York and Washingto. Scanlan was also a popular poet
among Irish-Americans.
34
Tks F6'f//UJ/n M ~
mtAe Umte<J States: 1858~1886

.
consent to be accountable to him for my official conduct. We

must tre.at as equal to equal, when it is' necessary for us to
treat at all, and as the presid,ing officers of equal and independent organizations-organizations mutually aiding each
other and closely allied, through their respective executives, .
but still distinct in their government and internal management. One great advantage to be derived from this is, that
it will put the Fenian ~rotherhood., beyond the reach of
hostile ph.urchmen. Becoming an American association and
basing our rigp.t of action upon our privileges of . American
citi,zens and keeping within the laws -of these states, we can
place ultramontane plotters against human freedom in a
. very awkward predicament and a very unsafe 9ne for them,
.if they presume to assail us. The pretext of" Secret Society' (
being taken away from them, they will be forced to assail us
as a, .political organization. They must avow that the papacy has made common cause with the tyrants of Europe to put
down republican propagandism, and that even Catholic Ireland must be sacrificed to Protestant England, lest the recoil of her resurrection mighf shake the despotisms of the
old continent and among them that of Rome. According to
the laws of America, the Fenian Brotherhood is a strictly
legai and constitutional body ..... We are free and sovereign
citizens of the American. republic and priests would be as
much justified in attempting to control our votes as such
and of making us their political tools in the internal affairs
of the Union, as in pre~entiilg us from taking whatever
me&.l!lures we deem right for the liberation of any oppressed
nation under the sun. Were we to submit to their dictation
in such a case, Knownothingism would become a patriotic
virtue and our American-born fellow citizens might justly
declare us to be unworthy of co-partnership in the National
Sovereignty. We would be mere subjects of England,
through political adherents of Dr. Cullen2' or of the Monarch of Rome28 while our priests instant of being ministers
of religi,on, would become the emissaries of foreign despots.
They are too wily to give any flagrant cause to be considered
in this light. The Americans are too ''wide awa;ke'' to allow
them to be r.eally so. 1'his, and _it is a great one, churchmen
" Catholic Archbishop of Dublin.
~
Pope Pius IX.
.'
The J!enians O!Ml, the Oivil War
,35
being our most formidable enemies, will be a benefit to be

derived from having the Fenian Brotherhood independent
of our fellow laborers in Ireland, where the organization
must be "secret" for some time to come. Here, all th~ good.
effects of secrecy may be realized by having none but the
executive ,officers in communicatioti with our Irish Brdthers.
The priests may assail those officers personally, if they
please, as connected with secret societies in other countries.
But an association of American citizens has a right to employ any person it pleases to transact its lawful business,
and, the business of the Fenian Brotherhood being to 'free
Ireland, its executive corps maY. be legitimately empowered
to treat with all parties likely to forward that object, whether those parties be President Lincoln and his cabinet, the
Emperors of Russia and France, or the members of the Irisn
Revolutionary Brotherhood in Ireland, or the ~ds in Par_i~29
Up ~o the time when O'Mahony wrote those words the Catholic
Church in this country had taken :r;io official notice of the bro~
therhood. Only when reports of the conv:~ntion were published
did some of the bishops attack it as a secret society. Later events
were to prove that the collapse of the brotherhood was brought
about, not by the opposition of the American hierarchy, but by
the inability of the Fenians to bury petty jealousies and differ-
ences of opinion in their striving for a common goal. A fatal
weakness of the movement was the inability of its members to
recognj.ze and admit an honest disagreement. A difference of
opinion was branded as treason and the culprit accused of selling out to "British gold.I'
1.-
O'Mlahony's recommendations of changes to be made in the

machinery of the Fenian Brotherhood fill three pages. He wished
the brotherhood to be placed on a basis more in accordance with
the habits and customs of the United States. The Head Centre
must hold his office by election and the tenul'.e of office must be
terminable within a fixed period. Regarding the executive ,and
financial departments of the brotherhood, he said:
O'Mahony Papers.
I
'
36
The Fenian 1liovemen,t a'.n the l!nitrd States: 1858-1886
The executive and financial departments mqst, also, be separated henceforth. A Central 1'reasurer must be appointed
with whom all funds must in the first instance, be lodged
and whose function it will be to pay out certain defined
sums monthly, the first and largest to be forwarded to the
C.E. of the I.R.B. 30 , the next to be paid to the H.C.F.B. for
the maintenance of his official staff and for local contingen~ies ..... Finally both the C.E.I.R.B. and the H.C.F.B.
must in all financial matters be henceforth accountable to a
Convention of the F.B. assembled yearly or half yearly .....
In all his official acts the H.C.F.B. must be accountable
thereto; but to no other party .... : In order to be a perfectly free agent .... I have here~rith sent you my resignation as
an officer of your c~mmand, a thing implied by my acceptance of an appointment from you. 31
'!.'he convention met in Chicago November 3, 1863. There were
eighty-two delegates present, representing twelve states, the
District of Columbia. and the Armies of the Cumberland, Potomac, arid Tennessee. 3 " Until then Fcnianism had made little
progress in the East. the stronghold being Indiana, 33 Illinois,
and Ohio. The principal task of the three day convention was
the drafting of a constitution embodying the principles set forth
by O 'Mahony in his letter to Stephens. 1'he Fenian Brotherhood
was declared a fixed and permanent institution in America
which would continue its labors until successful. 34 They resisted
"all interference ..... especially on the part of those who may
claim to represent or receive instructions from any foreign potentate or official whatsoever.' ' 3 " An annual convention was ordered
30 Chief Executive of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood. Also known
as Central Executive.
31 O'Mahony Papers. Letter dated October 19, 1863.
32 The most prominent Fenian in \Vashington for many years was ~ichard Oulahan, father of Richard V. Oulahan, who later won fame as chief
correspondent of the New York Times in Washington.
33 Indiana was known as the "banner State of Fenianism," due to the
efforts of Father O'Flaherty, who died in August of that year. Had he
lived he would have been forced to make a difficult decision.
"Proceedings of t!te First Come11tio11 ... , p. 40.
"Ibid.
The Fenians and the Civil War
37
to be held each November until the independence of Ireland was

established. The election of a head centre, central council, central treasurer, and assistant central treasurer for the ensuing
year was decreed. 0 'Mahony resigned on the last day, was renominated and elected unanimously. 86
It was urged that :
the younger members of the several Circles of the Fenian

Brotherhood be instructed to apply themselves sedulously to
the study of military tactics and the use of arms, and to organize themselves into companies for the purpose of drilling,
so as to be prepared to offer their services to the United
States Government, by land or sea, against England's
myrmidons in that event. 87
The central council of five was nominated by O 'Mahony and
elected by the delegates. It consisted of James Gibbons, 38 General
Michael Corcoran, Colonel Matthew Murphy, Richard Doherty,
and Michael Scanlan. They formed the cabinet which the head
centre was to consult in important matters. The convention went
on record as denying charges that it was a secret society and
published the general pledge of membership in the brotherhood:
1................................................................................... solemly pledge my sacred
word of honor as a truthful and honest man that I will labor
with earnest zeal for the liberation of Ireland from the yoke
of England and for the establishment of a free and independent government on Irish soil; that I will implicitly obey
the commands of my superior officers in the Fenian Brotherhood, that I will faithfully discharge the duties of my membership as laid down in the constitution and bylaws thereof;
that I will do my utmost to promote feelings of love, harmony, and kindly forbearance among all Irishmen; and that
Chicago Tribune, November 6, 1863, devoted five columns to the
proceedings.
"Ibid.
ss A resolution was passed ordering 20,000 copies of the proceedings to
be printed by Gibbons. In 1865, when the split occurred, Gibbons was
accused by the O'Mahony wing of making an. enormous profit on the job.
- ............
---~
38

I will foster, defend and propagate the afore-said Fenian
Brotherhood to the utmost of my power.89
One resolution called attention to the thousands of well-trained

Irish-American soldiers and able officers who were longing to
strike for the freedom of their fatherland. The assembled delegates exhorted their brothers in Ireland not to emigrate but to
'' gird their Loins, silently and sternly for the inevitable struggle
that is approaching, and to avoid all public meetings and electioneering delusions. ''40 The publication of three resolutions of
the oonvention was suppressed as they concerned Stephens and
the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood:
We .... do hereby proclaim the Republic of Ireland to be
virtually established; and moreover, that we pledge ourselves to use all our influence, and every legitimate privilege within our reach to promote the full acknowledgment of
its independence by every free government in the world. 41
The other two resolutions proclaimed Stephens as the representative :0f the Fenian Brotherhood for Europe and organizer of
the Irish people, and entrusted to Kickham the two preceding
resolutions for delivery to Stephens.42
The proceedings of the convention were published in the
Freeman's Jour'f/JOJ,, an influential Catholic weekly of New York
City, ably edjted by James A. McMaster. He came to the support
of the brotherhood and saw nothing in its aims contrary to the
89 Irish American, November 21, 1863. The oath taken by members of the
I.R.B. was equivalent to this. Cf. O'Leary, Recollections ... , I, 120-21.
' Irish
41
American, November 21, 1863.
Special Commission ... , Trial of Thomas Clarke Luby, pp. 219-20.
.. Ibid. The first Irish informer in the I.RB., Pierce Nagle, was present
at this convention. He played a prominent part in the I.RB. ; he worked
in the office of the Irish People and at the same time was in the pay of
the British Government. His evidence at the trials in 1865 secured convictions for the Crown. Cf. also Irish People, December 5, 1868, for article by
O'Mahony.
(
I
Tke F'enians and tke Civil War
39
teachings of the Catholic Church. 43 Within three months, however, two Catholic bishops, James Duggan, of Chicago, and
James Wood, of Philadelphia, issued circular letters condemning the Fenians as a secret society in the sense understoo.d by the
Catholic Church; then McMaster changed his mind. 44
Stephens resented the action of O 'Mahony in declaring his
independence and he also detected in the resolutions adopted by
the Chicago convention a tendency to dictate to the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood on the policy to be adopted. 45 The policy
proposed by O 'Mahony and adopted by the convention was also
opposed by a group of Fenians in the Mid-West, impatient to
strike for the freedom of Ireland. 0 'Mahony 's policy-that of
waiting for the proper opportunity-was regarded by them as
dilatory and in this view they were supported by Stephens.48
They were known as the '' men of action'' and they referred to
0 'Mahony as a '' drag chain.' '47
In order to put pressure on the American head centre for
speedy action, the Chicago Fenians decided to hold a Fenian fair
in that city. Henry O 'C McCarthy was dispatched to Ireland to
purchase and collect goods. The funds realized from the fair
were to be used to purchase the "sinews of war." McCarthy, a
man of ability, collected a large assortment of prizes, harps, old
battle flags, old books and letters, weapons belonging to Wolfe
Tone, Emmet, Fitzgerald and other Irish her.oes. 48 The San
Francisco Fenians resolved to contribute a gold brick and a few
silver ones, and Miles Sweeney gave $1000 to buy arms for Irish
patriots. 49
.. September 12; November 28, 1863.
"Ibid., February 13, 1864.
.. Stephens attributed the split in the F. B. to this action of the convention. See New York Daily News, June 17, 1866, for speech he made at
Jones Wood.
Irish People, December 5, 1868.
"Term used by Stephens in a letter to Luby and produced at the latter's
trial in 1865. Reprinted in Irish American, December 30, 1865.
Freeman's Journal, January 16, 1864. The fair was officially called the
Grand Irish National Fair.
Ibid., March 12, 1864.
40
The Fenian Mov&m.ent fo the United States: 1858-1886
While in Ireland McCarthy .invited Stephens to attend the

fair-doubtless with the intention of forcing the issue with
0 'Mahony. The Irish leader accepted the invitation and before
leaving Ireland he commissioned Luby, O'Leary, and Kickham
a "committee of organization .... with the same supreme contr-01
over the home organization .... as I have experienced myself.' ' 60
Stephens attended the fair which opened on March 28, 1864, and
continued.for one week. It was judged a great financial success
though no report was given of the proceeds.
Immediately after the fair Stephens embarked on a long tour
of the states, organizing circles. For this purpose he was given a
letter of introduction by O 'Mahony, as he was known to but few
in this country. He travelled under the name of James Daly. 61
Stephens was a good organizer and the number of circles increased rapidly as he painted a glowing picture of the prepara
tions rapidly being made to strike the shackles from Ireland.
His promises of "war or dissolution in 1865" was popular with
the Irish-Americans, as the Celtic mind was impatient for quieik
results and peculiarly unable to understand the necessity of
thorough preparation.
Stephens also made a tour of the Union Armies, as Luby had
done the year before, but on a much larger scale. Armed with
passes from high ranking officers he dev.oted much time to- the
. Army of the Cumberland. He stated his object to be the enlistment of the Irish soldiers for a future invasion of Ireland. To
these recruiting drives of Stephens may be attributed the large
numbers of former officers of the Union Army who made their
way to Ireland at the close of the Civil War. His letters to
O'Mahony from the different cities he visited illustrate the confirmed optimism of the man. From St. Louis he wrote on
April 28:
I everywhere met considerable bodies of men, all, or nearly
all, animated by. a good spirit and willing to act generously
"Letter produced at Luby's trial. Cf. Special Commission ... , p. 1028.
Dated March 9, 1864.
1 Ibid., p. 1031, ietter dated April 12, 1864.
The F'enians and the Oiw War
41
'
and energetically ..... by pressing hard and steadily
on my
footsteps, the wor)r here will take immense proportions by
the fall-just when the last effort must, perhaps, be made..
And made it must be, should that "difficulty" arise. Brother, you can have 100,000 men in our ranks by the time I
say, and, between this and then, you can raise as much money as, with the arms, collected, will make our success as certain as anything human can be before its accomplishment.
Don't say any more that I exaggerate, I am convinced I do
not and that I am in no way carried away by my zeal or
enthusiasm. Trust me, I know men pretty well by this "time
..... It is made clear to me, everywhere I go, that masses
of our race are now turning their hearts towards tli.e old
land-panting after it with feelings unfelt by them before
..... In the small town -0f Peoria 1455 dollars were subscribed by some fifty or sixty men, I met there at a single
meeting ..... Quincy, where all are poor men, 505 dollars
were subscribed ..... On the whole, i have no doubt that the
American Branch will be very powerful by the fall, and that
we can, from it alone, get almost all we now require, in order
to meet the enemy with a fair chance at least, not to say the
certainty of success ..... I leave .... for Alton and on Sunday I shall be in Springfield and .... back to Chicago. 52
On May 20 he wrote a long letter from Nashville, Tennessee;

describing the results of his trip through that state. 58 In another
he told of the growth of the brother!iiood in Cincinnati which
would soon number a thousand men. He also warned O 'Mahony
against Jam.es McDermott, a profossed Fenian who was lecturing for the Fenian cause. 64 From Chicago, on June 1, Stephens
stated that he would address circles in Milwaukee, Detroit,
.. O'Mahony Papers.
Ibid.
"This letter, originally among the O'Mahony Papers, was lost many
years ago. Reprinted in Denieffe, Recollections . .. , pp. 184-86. This McDermott was the notorious "Red Jim," who was made Knight of St. Sylvester
by Pope Pius IX for alleged heroism while serving in the papal brigade.
McDermott had the friendship of O'Mahony,. who was easy prey for
sycophants and flatterers. For account of McDermott's career as informer
in the 1880's see F"merty's Chicago Citisen, June 9, 1894.
18
I.
42
Tke Fervi,a,r,,,Movw,,e"':~
ir,,
tke Ur,,ited States: 1858-1886
- Toledo, Sandusky,. Tiffin, Cleveland, and Buffalo, before ~-,

turning to New York. His estimate of the strength of American
'Fenianism is learned from a letter he wrote in December of that
year:
I ,
-The first serious shoek I , received was in Chicago ..... I

allude to my having first learned .... that the Fenian B'ro- ,
therhood was but 10,000 strong ..... I had given the Brotherhood credit for some 50,000 meri, 65 and I was aware that the
number was generally estimated at a far higher figui_:e. 58
In New York, O'Mahony an~ Stephens agreed on a plan of
action to speed the day when the "men in the gap," amply supplied with the '' sinews of war'' would strike for freedom. This
plan was drawn up by Stephens:
I'
The feeling. of the men in Ireland is, that even this year we
should take .the field, if England be at war; and, whether
England be ai war or not; we must fight next year. In view
o,f an event involving, not only the success or failure of our ,
cause but the very life of the Irish race, it must be clear to
all how important and sacred are the 'duties that devolve on
us, .... Mr. Daly deems certain arrangements essential to the
fullest extension and thorough action of our body. He has
submitted his views for my endorsement. 67 With the approYal of the Central Council, I propose to carry out Mr. Daly's
views .. They are chiefly as follows :
1. The appointment of a Deputy Head Centre. Either this
officer' or myself, should be always moving through the
organization ..... I have appointed Mr.. Henry O 'C
McCarthy to this office.
2, The appointment of Deputy St~te Centres. As these

officers should. devote all their time to the organizationvisiting and addressing the Circles already established
A glaring wealmess of the whole movement was the exaggeration of
its l~ders in estimating the numerical strength of the brotherhood. They
resembled Falstaffs men, "some fifty thousand grown out of a fifth part...
'"O'Mahony Papers.
'~, The agreement is in, Stephens' handwriting.
The F'enians
om,d,
the Civil War
43
and founding new ones,-ai:J.d so, would have to abandon their business altogether, it follows, as a matter of
course, that they should be paid in order to live. Their
salaries, however, would be no additional expense to the
members of the organization. They should be paid out
of the Central Fund ..... The Head Centre, or his
Deputy, and State Centres should appoint these officers.
3. Direct communication between the State Centres 'and
Centres in good standing and Ireland, in the matter-of
the call for funds made by M'r. Daly. It is on this call
that the men in Ireland must rely, to a great extent,.
for money and arms to enable them to meet the comfog
struggle. With the spread of the organization, the plan
proposed by Mr. Daly if faithfully and energetically
carried out, will, he thinks, realize the expectations of
our brothers at home. You are aware that Mr. Daly b'as
engaged that an agent from Ireland would come
amongst us every month. 'l'hese agents would bring letters to the various Circles and take back your replies
..... These agents would be able to lecture publicly, as .
well as give you vital news; and in this .... would increase our strength.118
The number of circles increased rapidly durin.g the remainder
of 1:864. The paid organizers went about breathing threats of the
terrible vengeance to be wreaked on England when the day of
reekoning came. 59 No effort was made to hide the intentions of
the Fenians and the aims of the brotherhood were openly advocated:
In return for a contribution of five hundred and seven dollars from the Ninetieth Illinois Regiment, the editor of the
Fenian prayed that when the terrible d~y of reckoning with
England comes, God in His infinite goodness may vouchsafe
that these noble veterans may have the full measure of their
desire granted-to be in at the settlement. The men of another regiment are only waiting the termination of the
.. O'Mahony Papers. The agreement was signed ~ugust 2, 1864.
"Irish American, November 29, 1864, listed twenty-one new circles.
44
Tke Fenian Moveme nl ,in the United States: 1858-1886

1
.American war to flesh their bayonets in corpulent Mr.

Bull. 60
Shortly after Stephens' return to Ireland, 0 'Mahony sent
Philip Coyne61 abroad as his delegate. He was to examine the
situation there and collect full information as to the state of
preparedness. The annual convention was postponed from November to the following January in order that Coyne's report might
be presented to the del~ates. 62 He returne<;l in December bringing a forty page letter from Stephens to the members of the
central council. In this letter Stephens complained that
0 'Mahony was not observing the third article of the agreement
drawn up by them, namely, that funds were to be sent directly
to Ireland by the district and state centres. He then sounded
another call for action :
Let no man, for an instant, forget that we are bound to action next year. To forget this, and try to shirk or evade
the danger as if it might not be, would be not only the veriEtilt imbecility but the blackest crime. Mind this: there is no
alternative between battle or dissolution. And, as I have often said, I should deem the man a dreamer, a coward or a
knave who could lay" the flattering unction to his soul that
another move could ever more be made for Ireland .....
Brothers, .I ask you in the name of God, to believe that no
others, after us, can bring this cause to the test of battle and
that our battle must be entered on sometime in the coming
year; 68
80 All Year Round, June 4, 1864, p. 394. The Fenian 'referred to was
probably the Fenian Spirit, edited by John Warren in Boston in 1864. It
was a short-lived venture and no copies are extant.
01 O'Mahony Papers. A southern sympathizer during the War, Coyne
was allowed to return to St. Louis with the help of General Corcoran, who
interceded for him with the mi~itary authorities. Stephens wrote Corcoran
on October 4, 1863, asking him to do this.
'
.. Irish People, December 5, 1868.

.. O'Mahony Papers. Letter dated December 11, 1864.
Tke J!ervians and tke CiviZ War
45
Concerning the conven~ion which was to be held in, Cincinnati

the following January, Stephens said that the most important
thing to be considered was the raising of more money, to sustain
both the !risk People and the members of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood. He gave a sanguine picture of the numbers of
men in Ireland waiting for the command to rise in revolt. The
result of Coyne's investigation follows:
Reputed through Dublin---including the District of Dublin

proper, very small parts of Wicklow, Wexford and .Kildare,
the town and a good part of the county of Carlow, the City
and a good part of the county of Kilkenny with the main
part of the South Riding of Tipperary------28,729
Reputed through Cork, being a full report of that City and
county------15,536
,
Reputed through Belfast, being a full report of our strength
in that City, and, far as could be collected, of our numbers
in Ulster------6,283
Reputed for all Connaught------3,764
This gives a total, far as Mr. Coyne has gone, of over 54,000
men. I answered for 60,000 men when in America. Now,
some very important places have given no report-were not
asked to give one. I could easily have shown to Mir. Coyne
70,000 men, and besides t)lis, J answer for an additional
15,000 at least. So that we can now rely on an organized
power of from 80,000 to 85,000 men. Mr. Coyne can tell you
that, in every instance, the numbers were over what I told
him before we examined them. A great power, brothers. To
keep such a power firmly in hand requires a very large revenue. To keep it from utter dissolution will demand far .
larger supplies than I have ever yet received ... '.. Besides '
.the usual expenses -0f organization, I have established schools
. of engineering and musketry ..... You will pe glad to hear
that we shall be able to manufacture our own percussion
caps, cartridges and shells, and that, if you don't fail us, I
am confident of our being able to found our own cannon
..... Nothing shall be wanting if our American brothers do
their duty. 6_4
"Ibid.
1.
46
The Fenian Move>nient in the United States: r858-r886
. Coyne returned to New York at the end of December and the

second national convention of the brotherhood was summoned
for the week of January 15, 1865. The year just finished had
seen a growth in members 'despite th~ opposition of the Catholic
clergy, but it was .still small numerically, numbering not more
than 10,000 members. One of its co-founders was lost during the
year in the death of Brigadier General Michael Corcoran, who
: was killed in a fall from a horse. Of the original triumvirate of
American Fenianism, only O 'Mahony remained.
CHAPTER III
THE FENIANS PREPARE FOR ACTION
The Convention assembled at Cincinnati in January, 1865,

numbered 348 delegates/ representing 273 circles, an increase
of approximately 210 circles since the first convention. 2 Massachusetts had taken first place as the banner state of Fenianism
with delegates from thirty-six circles. New York numbered fortysix, of which twenty-five were in Manhattan. Illinois had twentyfour, Indiana twenty, the army and naVY twelve, and the :B.ritish
Provinces of Canada two. Altogether twenty-one states and the
territories of Oregon, Utah, Nevada, and Idaho were' repr~
sented. 3 In his address O 'Mahony sounded a war-like note :
Our fellow citizens will not forget that this 'Brotherhood is

virtually at .war with the oligarchy of Gr~at Britain, anil
that while there is no Fenian army as yet openly in the field
-such an army nevertheless exists, preparing and disciplining itself for freedom's battles, ambushed in the midst of
its enemies, watching steadily its opportunity and biding its
time ..... The Fenian Congress acts the part of a national
assembly of an Irish Republic. Our organized friends in Ire- .
land constitute its army. To divulge the position and
intended movements of ,an army, would be to defeat it. It
were, indeed, more conducive to success, if no publicity
whatever were given to the existence of our organization,
until all our preparations for an uprising of the Irish people
were completed. I have myself no objection to absolute secrecy iri revolutionary associations, provided their objects be
just, and their mode of attaining them be pure and honest.
But such secrecy would militate against the extension of the
Fenian Brotherhood, and prevent it from gaining an amount
of popular support sufficient for successful operations'.4 ,
1 Proceedings of the Second Nationa./ Congress of the Fenian Brothe1hood, held in Cincinnati, Ohio, January, r865 (Philadelphia, 1865), pp.
42-45.
Irish American, February 11, 1865.
Proceedings ... , pp. 16-23; cf. also Irislz ,American, February 11, 1865.
[bid.
' '
47
48
Coyne's report was read to the body, and although it gave a

most encouraging picture of the advanced state of preparations,
in Ireland, 0 'Mahony, who disbelieved in Stephens' pledge of
"war or dissolution in 1865," was not convinced that the time
was ripe for the issuance of the '' final call'' which was meant
to raise the necessary funds needed to assure the success of the
revolution. A tax was imposed upon the brotherhood to meet
the exigencies of the '' men in the gap'' and power was given by
a unanimous vote to O'Mahony, re-elected head centre, and his
central council to make the 'i final call,'' and to issue bonds of
the Irish Republic as soon as they should feel convinced that the
time for such action had come. 5 0 'Mah9ny had something to say
regarding clerical opposition :
The principal opposition encountered by the Brotherhood
during the past year, came from certain Catholic clergymen;
however, they do not seem to have done us much material
injury, considering the great progress we have made in so
short a time. We ought perhaps even to thank the Reverend
opponents for the publicity they gave to our association. It
has led many good men to read the acts of the Chicago Congress for themselves, to examine into our objects and Constitution, and to inquire what manner of men we are like.
The result has generally been in our favor. Unjust accusations, and unfounded vituperations, have often an effect
contrary to that intended by their originators. So it has
proved in our case. We are at la;st proof against any amount
of clerical abuse, provided we do nothing to deserve it. 6
It is certain that the opposition of the Catholic clergy had
little effect in dampening the enthusiasm of most of the IrishAmericans for Fenianism, particularly in the centers swelled
by the Irish immigrant tide, New York, Boston, Philadelphia
and Chicago. The memory of the famine in Ireland in 1846-47,
commonly attributed by the Fenians to a diabolical plot on the
Irish People, February 1, 1868, article by O'Mahony.
"Irish American, February 11, 1865; a resolution t!i,at the next convention be held in Ireland was passed unanimously.
The F'enians Prepare For Action
49
part of the British to exterminate their race, made their causethe liberation of Ireland-a holy one in their eyes. Clerical
opposition they divided into two categories; to the more charitably inclined, '' Father Tom'' was dabbling in politics, while to
the others he had succumbed to the lure of British gold. 7
7 In a circular letter to the American Catholic hierarchy, Archbishop
Martin John Spalding, of Baltimore, on October 28,. 1864, asked their
opinion of Fenianism in order that instructions might be asked of the Holy
See to assure uniform action on the part of the Bishops. It had already
been denounced by the bishops of Chicago and Philadelphia, and the archbishop of Cincinnati. Spalding; while Bishop of Louisville had instructed
his priests to administer the Sacraments to Fenians if they would promise
to abide by any future decision of the bishops or of the Holy See. Those
who counselled immediate condemnation claimed that the Society was not
only imprudent and dangerous, but that it fell under the Secret' Societies
condemned by the Pontifical Constitutions. Since it had already been condemned by the Irish bishops (cf. Irish American, June 21, 1862), they said
it was a work of justice and charity to warn the Irish-Americans against
a scheme to defraud them. The majority of the hierarchy counselled delay
because it was not evident that it was a secret society in the sense of the
Pontifical decrees. They argued that a public condemnation would give an
impetus to the movement because the leaders would use it as an argument
to convince the Irish that it was a move against Ireland, and in favor of
England. Many believed that the society was heading for dissolution if
nothing occurred to reanimate it. Another argument advanced against public condemnation was that it would result in the defection from the Catholic faith of many, particularly those whose patriotic ardor was stronger
than their faith. Although this letter, written in Latin, was strictly secret,
and addressed only to members of the hierarchy, the Fenians within a
short time learned its contents, and the phrase used by Spalding when he
was Bishop of Louisville. "Feniani non sunt inquietandi," [the Fenians are
not to be disturbed], was used by Fenians in exhorting their wavering
brothers to disregard the denunciations of individual bishops, particularly
Wood, of Philadelphia, whose English background made him automatically
suspect in their eyes. The replies of five members of the herierchy are contained .in the Baltimore Cathedral Archives. The Archives of the Archdiocese of New York contain no material on the Fenians. An empty folder
which once contained letters dealing with the movement was the only result
of a search.
On October 5, 1865, Wilkins, British consul at Chicago, wrote to Sir
Frederick Bruce, British minister to Washington: "I had occasion to call
'
50
The Fenian Movement ,in the United States: I858-I886
A final feature .of the Cincinnati convention was the increase

of the central council from five to ten members. The council
consisted of Henry O 'C McCarthy, of Chicago, president,8 William Sullivan,9 of Tiffin, Ohio; William Griffin, Madison, Indiana; Patrick Doody, Holyoke, Massachusetts ; Patrick Bannon,
Louisville, Kentucky; James Gibbons, of Philadelphia; Patrick
W. Dunne,1 Peoria, Illinois; Michael Scanlan, Chicago; William R. Roberts, New York; and Patrick J. Meehan,11 New York.
To accelerate the spread of Fenianism a group of central organizers was appointed by the council. These men were selected to
upon the Roman Catholic Bishop, who in course -of conversation referred
to this question [Fenianism], and I found that the information in his
possession was strikingly similar to that which I gathered myself. He told
me that the organization was spreading in Iowa but that it could be met
by as equally strong denunciation by the Roman Catholic Clergy there as
it has been in his diocese and at St. Louis and that he believed the organization in Chicago was effete for evil." Public Record Office, London,
Foreign Office 5, Vol. 1020. Transcripts of the British Diplomatic Correspondence are contained in the Manuscripts Division of the Library of
Congress. These transcripts will be cited as F. 0. followed by the volume
number. Had the Fenians known of the British Consul's conversation with
Bishop Duggan, they would have pointed to it as another triumph for the
"Saxon shilling." In the Baltimore Cathedral Archives cf. Wood to Spalding, November 2, 1864, 36-S-8; McCtoskey to Spalding, October 24, 1864,
35-D-13; Duggan to Spalding, September 23, 1864, 33-S-13; Purcell to
Spalding, September 7, 1864, 35-Q-11; Timon to Spalding, August 13,
1865, 36-F-15.
8 McCarthy died in July of that year.
Sullivan had been active in the Massachusetts Irish Emigrant Aid
Society in 1855.
10 Dunne was a liberal benefactor of the cause, donating $1000 to Stephens
when he visited Peoria in 1864. His son, Edward F. Dunne, was elected
Governor of Illinois, in 1913.
11 Meehan had been considered an enemy of the Fenians since the exposure of the Fair Trial Fund in 1859, although he did nothing to earn the
enmity, giving the Fenians liberal space in the Irish American from that
time. He joined the Fenian Brotherhood in New York in February, 1865,
and his paper became the acknowledged organ of that society. Cf. Irish
American. February 25, 1865.

~-
51
cover the states assigned them in organizing new circles. James

Brennan was appointed for the States of New York and New
Jersey; William J. Hynes 12 for New England; Patrick A. Collins, assistant central organizer of the New England States;
Captain P. F. Walsh for Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland; John F. Finerty,13 for Ohio and Indiana; A. L. Morrison
for Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, and Wisconsin ; Jeremiah Kavanagh
for California and the Pacific Coast. 14 These organizers succeeded in swelling the number of circles. 15 With the growth of
the brotherhood came a substantial increase in the funds received
by the central treasurer. A financial statement was issued
monthly listing the contributions of the circles. 16 The initiation
fee of one dollar, coupled with the dues of ten cents a week,
helped to swell the treasury considerably, but not as rapidly as
Stephens had anticipated.
The year 1865 was to be the year of action, but the '' sinews
of war'' were not being forwarded to Stephens in the large
amounts he had expected. On March 1, he acknowledged the
receipt of 605 and complained that the donations in Ireland
far exceeded those from America. Two days later he received
346 and he urged that: "Now more than ever our wants should
be met. 'Every effort should be made, on your side, to forward
the largest possible supplies. Yo"V' doing so will enable me to
increase the business of the house and keep it in thorough order.
On the other hand, a falling off at your side now would be certain ruin here. " 17 On March 18, he wrote:
12 Hynes was elected to the Forty-third Congress in 1872 as representative-at-large from Arkansas.
18 Later editor of Chicago Citzen; member of Congress from that city.
1 Ibid., April 15, lists sixty-seven new circles formed;
May 20, sixtyseven more. The organizers were paid $75.00 a month. O'Mahony opposed
the appointment of organizers. Cf. his article in Irish People, December
14, 1867.
1 Among the O'Mahony Papers are receipt books and many pages of the
cash book kept by the treasurer. The receipts of one four month period,
February 27 to June 29, show an average of $8000 receiyed monthly.
11 O'Mahony Papers.
.
52
The F'eniar,, Mooom.ent'tin the United States: z858-z886
In your letter of the 21st ult., you state the total amount of
money forwarded to me since the 30th of January. The sum
is one thousand, one hundred and fifty eight pounds, five
shillings and ten pence. I hereby acknowledge and confirm
the correctness of this statement. I have pleasure in adding
that, compared with previous receipts, excepting those from
the Chicago Fair, and f.or the time, the sum is a large one.
But it has been barely equal to our necessities ..... Our
requirements are increasing with the great extension of
trade. To inake this clear, I have only to state that our assets
are now one hundred and twelve thousand pounds. [Men]
Next month our calls will be so heavy that, unless the sum
now coming by hand be heavy, you will have to remit again
so as to reach me by the 15th of April. Still heavier will be
the calls for every month from May till we wind up. I trust
you have forseen this and shall be able to meet ev~rything.
I don't see that you can hav:e much difficulty in doing so,
my nephew having informed me that you do the sole business
of a city numbering 40,000 men. [members of the F.B. in
America] At five a head this number would give you double
what we want for this special purpose. 18
Stephens, committed to action that year, was due for a surprise. The day before his last letter, on March 17, the central
c~uncil, suspicious of Stephens' accounts of the 100,000 men
ready to take the field at twenty-four hours notice, delegated
Captain .Thomas J. Kelly to proceed to Ireland and make a
thorough investigation of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood.
His .instructions read:
At the end of three months, you will .... render a full report
in writing -of the state of the I.R.B., specifying in the said
report its constitution, mode of government, the manner of
persons whereof said government is composed, its military
strength, its financial resources and expenditures, and its
general _avai\ability for successful action within the present
year .... using your own military knowledge as your sole
guide in forming your opinion ..... If in your unbiased
judgment there should be no probability of successful action
'"Ibid.
The Fenians Prepa1e For Action
53
this year you will in that case return to these Headquarters

after the expiration of_ the months and present your report
in person to the Head Centre and Central Council. If, on the
other hand, you find matters to be by that time in such a
state of forwardness as to render a successful rising probable, or even possible without a foreign war, during the
present year, you will continue under the orders of the Chief
Executive ..... You shall receive the pay of Captain the
United States Army, which shall be paid to you by the C.E.
I.R.B.19
Not satisfied with one envoy, a month later a second military
man, General F. F. M!illen, 20 was dispatched to Ireland with
similar instructions. Kelly's first report of the strength of the
movement in Ireland was written on May 31, and was cleverly
disguised as a business letter :
I have been enjoying good health for some time past, and
have been gaining in flesh, so that now I have attained my
standard weight. I had the pleasure of counselling with our
friends the other evening, and the state of trade was represented to be in such a condition that all the available funds
of the firm were deemed to be essential immediately, and
that it would be too late for your house to invest after I had
made full reports in July. Of course I insisted on complying
with the directions your firm gave me to the fullest extent,
ail.though I am forced to the conclusion that from the immense emigration taking place we will lose our best customers
and workmen if we do not open the factory this fall. I know
Lost from O'Mahony Papers; reprinted in Denieffe, Recollections ... ,
pp. 186-87.
A list of salaries to be paid American officers in Ireland, according to
rank, was found on Stephens at his arrest in November, 1865. According
to that Kelly would draw $165 a month. Cf. Proceedings of Special Commission . .. , p. 1083. At this time the central council also voted to send
other military officers to Ireland to aid in the organization of the Irish
army. Cf. Irish People, February 1, 1868.
20 Millen was a soldier of fortune. He served in Mexico under Juarez,
and in 1861, by then a general, wrote O'Mahony from Vera Cruz that he
wished to join the Brotherhood.
1
54
The Fenian Movement
en the United States: I858-I886
that the Union must go to pieces after this year if work is

not supplied to the hands. I talk frequently with all hands
and I find that large numbers are remaining with the promise of employment. I do not see the wisdom of having made
the promise, without being certain that the resources were
ample. Yet the promise is made, and I am certain, judging
comparatively from what I have seen, can be realized if the
machinery can be furnished. Skilled mechanics are indispensable, more especially draughtsmen_ and designers. Thirty or
forty first-class can do the job. Mr. M. [Millen] is here at
work. I believe he has got a job in the city. When it was
made known that he too had a three months' job, and that
nothing could be determined on until after that time it had
a very depressing effect, inasmuch as work is meant, and
subsequent operations would run too far into the year. Yet
it may be all for the best. You have I suppose seen the
announcement of the Palmerston flax-cotton mills being put
in operation. I do not see why we too cannot make a footing
if the necessary capital can be raised. 21
Three weeks later, on June 21, Kelly wrote his report of the
three months investigation in Ireland. An interesting letter, it
revealed the optimistic spirit which prevailed among the members of the I.R.B. and warned the brotherhood that further delay
might result in the collapse of the movement:
Agreeably with instructions, I reported myself to Mr. Daly,
as soon as possible after landing, when he at once set me to
inspect the work in Dublin. The disadvantages under which
I gleaned my information here were very great, as extraordinary vigilance has been, and is lately exercised, and the
detectives appear to be untiring. Indeed on one occasion I
led the inspector of the wretches a walk of fully two miles,
to prevent his knowing my residence and having me "set",
and finally had to take a car twice to get rid of him. I can
now work more freely, having adopted several necessary precautions as to appearance and other matters. However, by a
good deal of_ planning and dodging I succeeded in seeing
21 O'Mahony Papers. Kelly was to play a prominent part in Fenian activities in Ireland and England during the next two. years.
The Fenians Prepare For Action
55
great numbers of all grades, here as well as in the neighboring places, and found the statements in almost all cases, as
to numbers, more than borne out, and that there were but
very few who did not avail themselves of all available
chances for acquiring the necessary information. Some Centres complained of the investigation bitterly, as indicating
a doubt of the correctness of their former reports to Mr. C.
[Coyne] which, I am informed by a reliable party, were
made on oath, as also that the plan of organization was
violated, in bringing together men who never knew of their
mutual relationship before. 22 Besides, there were some who
held positions under the government and other antagonistic
parties who were obliged to exercise the greatest amount of
care in meeting with the "suspects," to avoid being compromised, because it is by the inductive process the enemy's
agents acquire any knowledge of men or movements they
possess ; and they are by no means slow to use their information to deprive a ''suspect'' of his employment, more especially if the employer make "loyalty" any part of his capital.
Indeed the latter remark is applicable to a great number of
the Catholic clergy, and I have met, literally, hundreds of
men who were the victims of the grossest persecution on
their part. The preceding remarks apply almost without
change to Cork ..... Imagine, then, the difficulty I would
experience to pursue my investigation in such places, where
the Peelers unceremoniously begin to make arrests on suspicion, in order to have the privilege of searching-not to talk
of the probability of compromising some of our best men.
Yet, in the teeth of these difficulties the authorities here in
a great deal of Cork cheerfully put me in communication
with any part of their organization I chose to inspect. But
in both places, when there appeared to some of them, from
the fact of my investigation, a possibility of deferring the
work, I was not a little alarmed for the consequences.. It is
scarcely conceivable, unless witnessed with what eagerness
they look forward to business this year. I have been told by
22 In the I. R. B. .the Circle was analagous to a regiment; the Center or
A, equivalent to a colonel, chose nine B's or captains, who chose nine C's
or sergeants, who chose nine D's, who constituted the rank and file. In
theory the A was to be known only to the B's; a B to his C's; and a C
to his D's. Cf. O'Leary, Recollections ... , I, 84.
56
The F'eni,om, Moveime'fllt in the United States: 1858-1886

some of them that you promised by word and letter, it should
take place when the American troubles were ended, and they
have consequently staked everything on the prospect. Property commenced to be sold-rent is withheld. The promise is
out from Mr. Daly also that the work will take place. Men
from all parts of the country are unanimous on the point,
and have staked everything on the fulfilment of the promise.
Some have had as much money as would take them to America, and are spending it to stay at home, after having been
deprived of their employment. An inspection, then, having
any bearing on a possible postponement, if continued,
although it may be necessary to enable the Fenian Brotherhood to determine on the course it shall pursue in the matter,
would now (inasmuch as the work is a foregone conclusion)
be productive of more than a corresponding amount of harm,
for the reason that some of the best men in the undertaking
have assured they would not remain in the country a week,
but that they are certain the work will take place this year;
and if any set of chances or combinations prevent it, I am
convinced that there will be such another exodus as was
never seen since the time of Moses, leaving the present immense emigration entirely in the shade. The organization
cannot otherwise survive the month of December; and in
view of the fact that they assume all the responsibility of
success or defeat, if furnished with the tools and skilled
men, the most bitter imprecations will be heaped upon the
Fenian Brotherhood if they don't perform their part ..... I
am directed to make reports from observation only, and not
from hearsay; so that, having been put in communication,
in that sense, with Dublin and Cork only, I can report but
for those cities and their respective vicinities, although I
have seen men in authority from many other parts of the
country, and also their returns made on oath ..... Personally, I am so well satisfied, judging from all I have seen and
beard, of the correctness of the reports as to numbers and
discipline, and the ability of the men here to achieve success
if properly equipped and led, that, this will be done, now
that the war is over. I am determined to abide the issue if I
am not positively ordered to return by you.
The contingencies in our favor are immense. The knowledge possessed of the whereabouts of the immense stores of
material and supplies; the various local arrangements being
Tke Fen-ians Prepa1e For .A.ct-ion
57
made to seize them, the work done and being done within
the garrison 28 (a good deal of which I have seen) ; the fact
of about half the militia being ours; the immense organization lately done in England (sixty new centres being
appointed within two months) which can be so terribly used
for a diversion 24-all these, if properly used, and leaders
and means are furnished, leave but little doubt on my mind
as to the success of the project.
To sum up, then, as far as I have seen and heard the men
are preparing for work, and at present are fully adequate in
point of numbers, in my opinion, to the performance of their
task.
The question then resolves itself into that of whether the
Fenian Brotherhood will or can furnish arms, or the means
to purchase them, this year, together with sufficient officers
of experience to put the immense force into shape and fighting trim. This is all the mass of the men here ask to be
placed in the balance against the lives of those who are, all
of them that I have seen, determined to make the trial. Most
of them expect more or less ,of a "landing", but even a
merely nominal force would answer a good purpose-the
greater, of course, the better, if sufficient warning is given
as to the time of starting and the probable point of debarkation. If work is meant this year not a moment is to be lost,
as the delay of waiting for an official report from me would,
likely, defer the affair too far into the autumn, or rather
beyond the harvest, which, by the way, is one of the most
promising seen here for many years. As for organization
here, it is no longer a trouble. From all I know as well as
from what I hear I can compare it to nothing more forcibly
than to the growth of a rolling snowball. A hundred men
28 At that time John Devoy had the task of winning recruits among the
troops stationed in Ireland, a large part of whom were Irish. The story is
interestingly told in his autobiography, Recollections of an Irish Rebel
(New York, 1929), pp. 128-60. John Boyle O'Reilly was an officer in the
Queen's Royal Hussars at the time. Convicted of propagating Fenian doctrines, he was deported to Australia.
"' Kelly was to cause consternation in England two years later. At the
time this letter was written Ricard O'S. Burke was acting as Fenian purchasing agent in England, buying arms and sending them to Ireland..
58
The Fenian.Movement in the United States: I858-I886

can now be obtained with more ease than ten could two years
ago, and" all, as. I am told, because they are informed that
the work is to be this year. 25
This was certainly an optimistic report and was intended to

remove all doubts in the minds of the American Fenians. about
the readiness of the Brotherhood in Ireland to take the field
immediately. If this were not sufficient, it. was buttressed a few
days later by a report from Gen~ral F. F. Millen, second envoy
to be sent to Ireland :
The reason for not showing me at present the workings and
ramifications of the organization would seem to be a belief
on the part of Mr. Power [Stephens] that the missions of
Messrs Coyne and Kelly have rendered any further investigations, not only useless, but also dangerous: in the first
place by exposing ourselves to detection by the ever vigilant
authorities, and secondly, that so many repeated investigations have the effect of breaking the confidence of the centres and men in their leaders on account of the apparent
want of it in them by their American brothers ..... It
appears from what Mr. Power tells me that the Fenian
Brotherhood compromised itself to commence active operations immediately after the close of the American Rebellion,
that he foresaw its speedy termination, and therefore pledged
himself.- with the men here to active measures this present
year, for which contingency he now asserts he is ready, and
only awaits your making the final call on your side of the
water, collecting money and sending it here for the purchase
of arms and ammunition, or in absence of funds, then sending these requisites instead, as the Fenian Brotherhood has
repeatedly promised .doing. , ... I personally .... am willing
to set the chances of my life upon the issue, and would go
into action tomorrow if Mr. Power should think it necessary
..... It only remains to make the already mentioned final
call in America, apply the funds resulting therefrom to the
uses for which they are intended, and in God's name making
a beginning, if a't all possible, this present year. Should any
unforseen circumstances prevent us moving at the indicated
.. O'Mahony Papers.
59
time we would then be in a position to do so, without fail,

early next spring. I know that the collection of funds in
America, the purchase of arms and ammunition, and the
gradual introduction of them into the country, would occupy
a longer time than might at first be supposed. Besides which,
it must be remembered, as you yourself told m:e, that we are
running a race with emigration, and if we do not move soon,
we will have no men in the country to move with. Should it
be whispered among our friends here, that we will not be
prepared for action this year, or early next spring, I fear
that such of them as could leave the oountry would emigrate
en masse, and leave Ireland, at last literally, a grazing
ground for English beeves. 26
At the same time Stephens wrote a twenty-eight page letter to
0 'Mahony and the central council, 27 in which he excoriated them
for their delay and suspicions and pleaded with them for immediate action :
I was delighted to hear of Captain K's arrival. Remembering
the conversation I had with him .... at Chicago, about the
,formation of a signal corps, and your engagement to send
over experienced officers to go practically to work here, I
took it for granted that Captain K's was the first of these
officers, and that we were about entering on a new and most
hopeful period. You cannot possibly conceive what I felt on
learning the real nature of his mission ..... I considered
Captain K's mission the deadliest blow ever aimed against
us ..... It had been told to all that this should be the year of
action. I had told it to the chief friends here and they to the
men who looked up to them. I had told it to all I met in
America likewise, and many have given their money and
labor on the strength of that assurance. . ... I hold that the
honor of every chief man in our ranks is at stake on this
issue ..... The pledge given to the people must be redeemed.
Else the movement is lost, and with it. I am convinced, the
cause of our race for ever ..... About this time I had to go
Ibid.
These three letters were entrusted to O'Donovan Rossa, selected as
messenger to deliver them to New York.
2
21
60
The Fenian Movement in the United States: I858-I886
to England ..... Before leaving, however, I gave instructions

to have the Captain introduced to the heads of the Cork District. These two Districts, representing over 40,000 men,
would, I calculated, occupy the Captain fully till I caine
back ..... I spent five weeks between England and Scotland,
in which time I appointed 65 Centres ..... Had I been able
to give the necessary attention to our countrymen in England, Scotland and Wales, the work there would now represent at least 60,000 men ..... I beseech you all once more, as
you value your honor and the cause of your race, to give no
more occasion to these doubts, but to set to work now in
right earnest and make the final call ..... One or more parties should be chosen by you and sent to Paris, where any
ainount of money might be received without danger from the
government ..... AB we are already advanced in the year,
you should begin to forward the proceeds of the ''call'' as
fast as you get it in ..... Soon as the money begins to reach
Paris, you should also send one or more agents tQ EnglandTo Birmingham etc., where large quantities of war material
can be purchased. In these English towns we, also, should
have our agents, purchasing under your agents eyes, what
we long for more than all the riches of this earth. Weekly,
or daily if necessary, your agents, or ours, would go from
England to Paris for the money to make these purchases ..
. . . In this way, we could, by the month of October, get in
the full material for 100,000 men. This, including 300 cannon, could all be got for about 300,000 pounds. But a much
smaller sum would equip 80,000 men in a fair fighting way.
How much of this could you realize? For my part, if your
action had not given rise to doubts of your ability to realize
anything like promises, I could certainly procure rifles, powder, etc., for 50,000 men. Even now, I am confident if you
set to work at once, of being still able to fit out that number
fairly for the field. With regard to the number of fighting
men in our ranks, the 200,000 I answered for in America
would be much under the mark. I cannot give you the exact
number we now are ..... I assure you I have done my best
to be what I should be to men struggling with me in so high
and holy a cause, and for all my shortcomings I ask your
pardon ..... In any case, we shall square up all on the battlefield. 28
08
O'Mahony Papers.
The F'enians Prepare For Action.
61
With the end of the American Civil War in April, 1865, came
the mustering out of the thousands of Irish-Americans who had
fought in it. The contribution of the Fenians both in officers
and men was notable. Nearly all the officers of General Thomas
Francis Meagher's original and famous Irish Brigade, as well
as the Corcoran Legion, were Fenians. Colonel Thomas Mcivor,
of the Sixty-ninth of New York, was a member, as was Colonel
John H. Gleeson, of the Sixty-third, formerly of the Pope's
foreign legion which saw service in Italy. In the Corcoran
Legion alone, twenty-four Fenian officers were killed or
wounded in the bloody campaigns of 1864.29 The One Hundred
and Sixty-fourth New York was originally raised and officered
by Fenians who had graduated in the Ninety-ninth New York
State Militia, also known as the Phoenix or Fenian Regiment,
which sent over 1200 men into the army. In Milford, Massachusetts, out of a circle of 115 previous to the war, eighty enlisted
under their centre, Major Peard. In Connecticut one whole circle, about 200 strong volunteered, but as their state quota was
full, they finally went off with the Tenth Ohio Infantry. Two
thirds of the Ninth Massachusetts Infantry were Fenians. The
Douglas Brigade of Illinois, chiefly raised in Chicago, was also
in great part Fenian, as was the Brigade raised by Colonel
Mulligan, a leading Fenian killed in the early days of the war. 80
Besides the active Fenians there were enrolled in the Union
Armies about 200,000 Irish, either by birth or aspiration. 31 The
""One of the leading Fenians killed was Colonel Matthew Murphy, a
member of the central council.
30 Herald, May 5, 1865. A full pa.ge article on the Fenians marked the
beginning of the Herald's enthusiasm for them, which continued for over
a year. This article was written by Charles G. Halpine, who attained the
rank of lieutenant colonel in the war. He was well known as a popular
poet, writing under the name of Private Miles O'Reilly. Editor of the New
York Citizen, he died in 1868. The article also appears in his book,.Baked
Meats of the Funeral (New York, 1866), pp. 208-51.
81 Richard J. Purcell, an authority on this subject, estimated 160,000 men
of Irish birth and other thousands of the sons of refugees of older rebellions and the famine. Cf. his article "Ireland and the American Civil
War," Catholic World, CXV (1922), 72-84.
I,
The Jt1e1'iian Movement in the United States: I858-I886
62
emigration from Ireland during the war brought accusations

from the British on m-0re than one occasion that federal recruiting agents were busy in that country. 32 Several reports from
American acting-consul, William West, in Dublin to the Secretary of State, William Seward, seemed to lend substance to that
charge. On March 26, 1864, he wrote:
The government are on the alert; having spies in all directions who have made several attempts in disguise, by letter,
and otherwise, to commit me to a breach of the enlistment
act; and I learn, from a member of the Fenian Fraternity,
that they number in Ireland alone 82,000. The denouncement
of this Society in America by the R.C. Bishop of. Chicago,
and the defence and defiance of the Head Centre or President, of the United States Fenians, which was copied by the
press here has created quite a sensation, arid no doubt increased the nervous feeling of the Government as to the
safety of Ireland, and everything that would in the slightest
degree, tend to aggravate the malady, and the dai:iger resulting therefrom. 33
On April 2 he wrote that he had received many requests for a
free passage to America, chiefly to join the army. 34 On May 26
he said:
I lately forwarded a claim for the widow of the brother of
the R.C. Archbishop of Tuam for pay .due to her son
Matthew McHale, who died in our service. Like the late
Archbishop Hughes, he is a staunch friend of our country. 35
31 For typical accusations see Freen1an's Journal, April 25, 1863, for
extracts from I:.iverpool Albion and Cork Examiner.
38 West to Secretary Seward, March 26, 1864, Dublin Consular Desp.,
vol. IV, MS, Dept; of State. West's reports to Seward from January 7,
1863, to March 31, 1866 are in Volume 4 of the Consular Reports in the
Archives of the Department of State.
.. West to Secretary Seward, April 2, 1864, ibid.

38
West to Secretary Seward, May 26, 1864, ibid.
The .Fenians Prepme l!'or Action
63
The most significant report made by West shows that free tickets
were distributed in Ireland to certain classes of young Irishmen.
In this work West had an assistant in Brother Jerome Ryan who
was .sent to this country to interview Seward on a project West
1iad in mind:
I have requested him to see you and have a talk over the
emigration Bill and its working in Ireland, of which he
might be made a valuable agent, being of undoubted fidelity
and trustworthiriess : hi fact, you may repose any amount of
confidence in his honor and integrity, and if you gave him
a carte blanche to send any number and class of emigrants
you may designate from his district in Galway, he could
distribute your free tickets to hundreds and thousands, in a
quiet, satisfactory and judicious manner, allowing him a
small profit on each emigrant for his work of usefulness and
charity. 86
How many of these free tickets were distri.buted is not known
but the tide of emigration continued. The Catholic clergy naturally opposed a movement resulting in the depopulation of their
parishes. West acknowledged this opposition: '' The Catholic
Priesthood of Ireland .... are chagrined at their people flying
to our enlightened country, the freedom of which loosens the
bonds of mental slavery by which their faith enthrals them in
this land of ignorance and superstition.' ' 37
The Fenians took for granted that when the Civil War was
concluded a rupture would occur between the United States and
Great Britain. There is no doubt that this. belief was encouraged
by recruiting officers and government officialS. 38 Ill-feeling and
resentment towards England had grown in this country during
the war. It began with the recognition of the Confederate States
as a belligerent power and it increased when privateers for the
West to Secretary Seward, May 26, 1864, ibid.
West to Secretary Seward, October 6, 1864, ibid.
'""Fenianism in America," Bentley's Miscellany, LXIII (1868), 129-33,
N.A.; George T. Denison, The Fenian Raid on Fort Erie (Toronto, 1866),
p. 12.
36
87
The Fenian lllovement in the United States: I858-I886
64
South were built and outfitted in British ports, despite the protests of Charles Francis Adams, American minister to the Court
of St. James.
The Fenians made the natural mistake of construing the antiEnglish feeling as a pro-Irish sentiment. The Irish immigrants
were welcome in America because the country needed their labor
and they were especially welcome to the politician who found
their votes useful on election day. They were estranged from the
main body of Americans by their religion. The anti-Irish sentiment was certainly as strong as the anti-English, although there
was this difference. The one was directed against Irishmen, and
not against Ireland, while the other was directed against England, and not against Englishmen. It must be remembered that
a large part of the anti-slavery movement in the North was also
anti-Irish. The abolitionists claimed that emancipation was opposed by the Irish who feared competition in the labor market.
When the British government showed evident reluctance to
pay for the destruction wrought on the American merchant marine by British-built commerce destroyers, it was found that the
Fenians could be made useful in pressing the claims. The New
York Herald took the lead in stressing that fact:
We have to request Lord Palmerston .... whether it is the
immediate intention of her most sacred Majesty's advisers
to send over to us, without fuss, the amount of our little bill
for the damages inflicted on our shipping interests by the
Alabama," Florida, Georgia and other Anglo-rebel privateers.
We are not short of money just now, but would be obliged
. to Lord Palmerston for a settlement in gold without delay.
He knows the alternative, and if not, our Fenian developments may prove to him interesting reading. 39
The Irish-American newspapers also took for granted that the
end of the Civil War would mark the beginning of the battle for
Irish liberation :
0
May 5, 1865.
65
Our domestic broil, thank God, is almost at an end, and within our borders the blessings of peace, will, ere long, be experienced. But we are not, therefore, amongst the anxious
inculcators of the doctrine of "peace." On the contrary, we
take this opportunity to declare, in advance, in favor of the
"next war". There is a certain party "over the way" with
whom we have an account to settle. It has been running
longer than some people imagine ; but the last four years
have added so many and such heavy items to the bill, that
it cannot hold over any longer. We "go in," then, for bringing John Bull '' square up to the rack,'' and exacting restitution and retribution to the last iota. If any of our volunteers should be tired of fighting ( which we doubt, with such
a chance at the old pirate ahead), we will guarantee that "no
draft" will be needed to fill their places. For a dash at John
Bull they are ready, on both sides of the Atlantic, half a
million of the finest fighting material under the sun,-the
same that has given to the Union so many heroic defenders.
Let America but say the word and the "Union Jack," the
red flag of oppression and spoliation, goes down at once and
forever-before the banner of freedom. 40
Amid all this warlike talk and saber~rattling, the British
Government continued to receive information concerning Fenian
activities in this country. As early as November 12, 1863, the
British consul at Buffalo wrote to Lord Lyons, British minister
at Washington :
It is quite possible that .... the real object of this society
and the one which its leading organizers have in view is that
of using it for party purposes during the next presidential
election, at the North, and knowing no party cry more conducive to their ends, or more likely to suit the object they
have in view, they have adopted .... the worn out platform
of so-called Irish Independence. 41
The first informer in American Fenianism made his appearance in 1864. This man was probably Pierce Nagle, an Irishman
.. Irish American, March 25, 1865.
41 Hemans to Lord Lyons, November 12, 1863, F. 0. 5: 897
.. ,:. ..
The Fenian Movement ,in the Un-ited States: 1858-1886
66
who came to this country during the war armed with a letter of
introduction to O 'Mahony given him by Denis Dowling Miulcahy.
He remained in New York for some weeks. In 1865 he dem~nded
that he be sent home to fight. Three years later O 'Mahony wrote:
I instructed my secretary to ask him whether he had served
~n the American Army and become a practical soldier, during his sojourn in America. Upon his replying in the negative, I gave directions to have him informed that he could
not be sent home at the expense of the Brotherhood, as there
were already enough of undrilled Fenians in Ireland. This
ended the correspondence, nor did I hear any more about
the fellow till I was informed of his having got back to Ireland somehow, and that he was working in the Office of the
Dublin Irish People; 42
Nagle's career of usefulness to the British government began in
October, 1864, when the British consul at New York wrote Lord
Lyons:
As the information which had been furnished to me respecting the proceedings of the St. Patrick's Brotherhood,4 8 was
found to correspond to information on the same subject,
communicated to the Irish Government, you had been instructed by H.M. Government to remunerate my informant,
and were authorized to advance to me srich reasonable sums
as I might. consider proper to be paid to him, and directing
me to pay my informant accordingly, and to inform you of
the amount .... since the receipt of your despatch. I have
had two or three interviews with my informant, and in consideration as well of further information which he has undertaken to procure for me as remuneration I have paid to him
thirty pounds, and have agreed to pay him the further sum
of twenty pounds. 44
42
Irish People, March 21, 1868.
.. Although known as the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood in Ireland,

the name St. Patrick's Brotherhood was sometimes used by Irish nonFenians .
.. Archibald to Lord Lyons, October 12, 1864, F. 0. 5: 962
67
Nagle went to Ireland at the expense of the British Government

because on January 16, 1865, J. Hume Burnley, charge d'affaires at the British Legation in Washington, wrote. consul
Archibald at New York:
The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland does not feel that he ought
to sanction such a payment beforehand .... but that he ....
would be prepared to recommend a liberal reward for any
information of a special. kind likely to tend to the detention
of persons in Ireland engaged in such movements. 45
It was his information which led to the seizure of the prominent
Fenians connected with the Dublin Irish People and their conviction in the trials at the end of that year.
The first official protest from the British government concerning the Fenian activities in this country was made shortly
after the convention of January, 1865. Lord John Russell, in a
long instruction to Burnley, remarked:
Information which has reached Her Majesty's Government

leaves no room for doubt that an extensive conspiracy on the
part of the so-called Fenian Brotherhood is being openly
carried on in the United States, having for its object to promote rebellion in Ireland and to forward from the United
States assistance to the rebels in money, men and arms.
The accounts given in the public papers of what passed in
public meetings held in the United States for these avowed
objects, coupled with allusions to the means by which they
are to be carried out, must surely have attracted the attention of the Government of the United States, and Her Majesty's Government might reasonably have expected that
while the Government of the United States so loudly protests against the proceedings of Confederate Agents in this
country, which are conducted with the utmost secrecy, and
while it imputes blame to the British Government .for not
having put a stop to practices of which they have had no
"'Burnley to Archibald, January 16, 1865, F.0. 5: 1013. On November
25, Lord Lyons was authorized to spend 150 pounds a year for this service.
Cf. Lord Russell to Lord Lyons, November 25, 1864, F.O. 5: 942
68
The Fenian Movement tin the United, States: r858-r886

previous knowledge, and for not exerting powers of repression beyond the law, the United States Government should
at least have shown their disapprobation of such hostile declarations against the peace and security of the Queen's
Dominions.
On the contrary however, it is notorious that an officer
of the Army of the Potomac, Colonel J. H. Gleason, formerly
of the Irish Brigade, was recently allowed to absent himself
from his military duties for a period of twenty days by the
Secretary of War in order that he might have time to attend
one of the meetings of the Fenian Brotherhood held in Chicago; .... and more recently at New Orleans the Attorney
General, Lynch, of the New Free State, attended a local
Fenian meeting on the 28th January, and took an active
part in its proceedings.
Whatever may be thought of these public meetings as an unmistakable sign on the part of those who attend them of hostility to Great Britain, it might perhaps be difficult under
the Constitution of the United States to prevent or to interfere with such meetings. But the attendance of persons in
the Military or Civil Employment of the General Government of the Union, would seem to show that the Government
itself participated in these feelings of hostility to Great
Britain.
It becomes therefore my duty to say that her Majesty's
Government trust that the attendance of Military and Civil
officers in the employment of the United States Government
or of the State Governments at the meetings of the Fenian
Brotherhood will be disapproved by the Government of the
United States and will not in future be permitted. 46
'l'his protest gave Secretary Seward an opportunity to hint to

the British that the Fenians might be allowed to pursue their
course of action unless Great Britain was willing to admit and
rectify its unneutral conduct during the American Civil War:
.. Lord Russell to Burnley, February 25. 1865, F.O. 115 :432. The message was delivered to Seward on March 14.
69
Should they attempt to violate the neutrality laws in regard

to Great Britain, the laws of the United States, and regulations already sanctioned by the President, are ample to prevent the commission of that crime ..... I may properly add
that this government has no sufficient grounds to apprehend
that any such case will occur, unless renewed and systematic
aggressions from the British ports and provinces should defeat all the efforts of this government to maintain and preserve peace with Great Britain ..... I must be excused for
leaving unnoticed the allusions which your note contains in
regard to an assumed hostility of this government towards
Great Britain, and I pass over in the same manner the allusion which you have made to the many well founded complaints which this government has heretofore presented of
aggressions committed by British subjects against the peace
and sovereignty of the United States. This Government could
not consent to weaken those complaints, by entering .... into
an argument of recrimination. 47
Thus the foundation was laid for the part the Fenians were to
play in Anglo-American relations for the next five years.
The third Fenian envoy sent to Dublin during 1865 was. General William G. Halpin, 48 who was commissioned to the headquarters of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood in Dublin as
the official representative of the American Fenians. He was to
act as a special agent, independent of the Irish organization. His
reports were as enthusiastic as those of Kelly and Millen and he
urged the issuance of the '' final call.'' Another prominent Irish
revolutionist, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, arrived in New York
the early part of July bearing letters from Kelly, Millen, and
Stephens urging immediate action on the part of the American
Fenians.
41 Secretary Seward to Adams, Diplomatic Correspondence, I865, Part
II, pp. 103-4.
'" Halpin had been President of the Irish Emigrant Aid Society of Ohio
in 1855. Crampton, British Minister in Washington at the time had prosecuted the Society for violation of the neutrality laws. The Society was
revenged when Crampton was given his passport on charges qf enlisting
recruits for the Crimean War. Cf. New York Hemld, January 11, 1856.
70
The Fenian Movement in the United States: z858-z886
Despite these reports the central council resolved to send two

of its members to Ireland to make a thorough investigation. It
was agreed that their report would be absolutely final. The two
men selected by O 'Mahony and given the imposing titles of
"plenipotentiaries" were P. W. Dunne and Patrick J. Meehan.
Dunne was known as the most ardent advocate of the "immedi-
ate war or dissolution'' bloc, while Meehan was for war when
they were prepared, but not before. They were charged by the
council to make a strict investigation of the strength of the Irish
Revolutionary Brotherhood. The amount of arms and ammunition reported in their possession, the numbers, disc~pfme, and
determination of the organized revolutionary masses in Ireland
and Great Britain were to be calmly and dispassionately examined before the final decision was made.49
They landed in Ireland on July 22, 1865 and the thoroughness
of their investigation resulted in the issuance of the '' final call''
on August 5. 50 The report they sen't to O'Mahony corroborated
those of Coyne, Kelly, Millen, Halpin, and O'Donovan Rossa .
.It asked for 300 experienced officers to be sent to Ireland, and
money tp buy arms in England. 51 This was said to be all that
was needed to begin the fray with a good chance of success.52
An unfortunate incident occurred on the day the two "plenipotentiaries'' arrived in Ireland. Meehan was entrusted with
certain papers to deliver to Stephens, but lost them. Years later
the loss of those papers rose up, like Banquo 's ghost, to plague
hfm. To these '' lost documents'' was attributed the expose of
the Tunian movement in Ireland two months later, and to Meehan
was given the name ''Judas.'' Much importance was attached to
them in the minds ,of the Fenians and their loss was considered
a calamity. They were produced at the trial of Luby and the
.. Irish People, February 1, 1868.
Ibid., February 8, 1868.
11 Colonel Ricard O'S. Burke. was purchasing agent in England. He
played a prominent part in Fenian activities .in England in 1867.
""Irish People, February 1, 1868.
I~
.;/;
71
other Fenians and revealed nothing the Irish Government did

not already know:
1. I beg leave respectfully to present to you Messrs. P. W.
Dunne .... and P. J. Meehan ..... They are delegated to
you by the Head Centre and Central Council of the Fenian Brotherhood ..... They will also explain to you verbally the objects of their mission.
2. I enclose 500 pounds sterling.
3. It is with extreme reluctance I let our friend O'Donnell
[Rossa] leave me at this crisis. 53
The only calamity was the loss of the money. Wh~t the Fenians
did not know was that Pierce Nagle was rendering yeoman service to the authorities in Dublin CEStle. 14
'"Proceedings of Special Commission ... , pp. 118-19.
.. O'Mahony said three years later: "Their acquisition put the bloodhounds of the tyrants on the track of the Irish revolutionary leaders."
Irish People, February 8, 1868. The extent of the knowledge of the Fenian
conspiracy by the Irish Government is seen from the following report
of Daniel Ryan, superintendent of the Dublin metropolitan police force,
made April 10, 1865. "Referring to the report from the Constabulary at
Cork respecting Mr. Stephens departure from that place .... I have to report that I ascertained he arrived in Dublin about 9~ p.m. on the 6th. and
I have succeeded in tracing him to about 8 miles from the city and I hope
that this evening or tomorrow I shall have discovered his lodgings. I have
.... to state that if he has not already gone to England he will go there in
a few days for the purpose of visiting London and other parts of the
country to ascertain what progress has been made and how the Society
stands there as he has recently received from America an ample supply of
money to be applied to that special purpose. I have also been informed that
a Captain Kelly of the Army of the Cumberland has arrived in this
country by the latest mail from America and was received in Dublin by
Mt. Roantree of the Irish People office ..... Captain Kelly is in receipt of
the full pay of his rank (40 pounds per month) paid him by the Society
in America ..... His object is to make a' general tour of the country with
a view of becoming acquainted with all the A men or centres, and all the
B _men or captains of the Society ..... When he has completed his tour he
will take charge of the complement of Fenians alloted to him and remain
in this country as it is intended to have them all officered by Americans
_and for that purpose one officer from America will proceed here each
...::..1
I
72
In the meantime the number of Fenians leaving America to

go home for the impending battle began to increase. The IrishAmerican papers made no effort to hide this exodus:
The .... steamer "Caledonia" .... sailed from New York on
the 17th ult., with 225 passengers, the great majority being
Irishmen, returning to their native land, to spend their
greenbacks during the hot weather; and probably visit the
International Exhibition of the industry of all nations, now
being held at Dublin. 55
The British Government knew they were coming, but it had
difficulty distinguishing between those Irish-Americans who had
come merely for a visit and those who had come bent on mischief. Americans were distinguished in those days by the square
toed shoes and felt hats which they wore. 66
While these Fenians, principally officer veterans of the Civil
War, were proceeding to Ireland, the brotherhood here was making strenuous efforts to make the '' final call'' a huge financial
success. According to O 'Mahony, within two weeks after its
issuance :6000 were forwarded to Ireland. The money was sent
but was immediately seized by the British authorities. 0 ')fahony
sent the money to addresses in Dubli;n furnished him by Stephens.
He was unaware of addresses in Paris to which sums exceeding
:1000 sterling were to be sent. These addresses were known only
by Henry O 'C. McCarthy, who died during the summer of
1865. 57
month ..... A difference of opinion is said also to exist between Stephens
and the Heads in America, as they are disposed to put off the revolt in
this country until next year and he says he has pledged himself to his
country that it will occur in the present year and he must keep his word."
F.0. 115: 433. Kelly did not leave New York until March 19.
"Irish American, July 1, 1865.
"'West to Secretary Seward, September 10, 1865, Dublin Consular Desp.,
vol. IV, MS Dept. of State; this was also noted by Kelly in his letter of
May 31, in which he advised the Fenians coming to Ireland to change their
garb.
"Irish People, February 1, 8, 1868.
)'
73
The money. continued to pour into the Fenian treasury, but

not in the amounts anticipated by O 'Mahony. From the Cincinnati convention to December 10, 1865, $228,000 was raised by
the brotherhood in America. 58 The means employed were special
demands on the circles, mass meetings and picnics. The Fenian
orators at these mass meetings twisted the Lion's tail with a vengeance, rousing the enthusiasm and generosity of their hearers.
One of the most effective orators was William R. Roberts. A man
of wealth, and a member of the central council, Roberts had a
powerful voice and loved to use it. His style was imitated by
many of the Fenian orators and the following is a typical example:
When the red savage of the forest was goaded to glut his
instincts for havoc and blood, by the offer of a reward for
the scalp of the beloved wife, or the flaxen ringlets with a
bloody skin attached of some bright haired boy, the idol of
a fond and doting parent's heart, who was guilty of the
heinous crime of loving his country and her institutions
better than his imbecile majesty-or as the Americans christened him-the royal brute George III. Is there one who will
say that if half were united and well organized, they could
not sweep the Saxon cut throats from the face of the Island
( terrific cheers) ? .... Irish freedom is a boon worth waiting
and working for, and if we take the necessary time to
strengthen and mature our power, we can as certainly expel
British dominion from the soil of Ireland, as that the stars
are gleaming in the heavens tonight. 59
0 'Mahony, who disliked public appearances, also took to the

stump during the months of the "final call."
The time .... appears to be fast approaching when we must
cease talking and commence to do our work ..... They shall
know it when there is an army of Fenians drawn up in battle array to meet the minions of the tyrant ..... We must
give no notice to the enemy of when and where we may mean
18 Ibid., June 9, 1866.
Irish American, September 30, 1865.
The Fenian Movement iin the United States: 1858-1886
74
to commence our attack ..... Ere long there shall be an Irish

army on the Irish hill sides-ready to do battle for Irish
Independence and drive back from the green and sacred isle
of Erin those ruthless tyrants who have desolated our homes
and driven us wandering exiles over the whole earth. 60
As September progressed the Fenians were told that the day
of action was fast approaching:
We should not be surprised if we were called upon shortly
to record the establishment of the Republic of Ireland, by
the grace of God, free and independent ..... There are certain vessels, not a thousand miles from New York, that would
be-aye, that are,-ready enough to hoist the Irish flag, and
sail, as privateers, to sweep English commerce from the
seas. 61
The Fenians did issue letters of marque and reprisal under the
authority of the Irish Republic. They empowered the privateers
to:
attack, seize, take, and destroy the ships and other vessels
belonging to the inhabitants of Great Britain, or any of
them, with their tackle, apparel, furniture, and lading, on
the high seas, or between high and low water marks, and to
bring the same to some convenient port or ports, in order
that the Courts which are or shall be in our said Republic
appointed to hear and determine causes civil and maritime,
may proceed in due form to condemn said captures, if they
be adjudged lawful prizes. 62
0 'Mahony claimed that he received offers from .American shipowners in New York, Boston, and Philadelphia to fit out privateers for the cause as soon as the Irish flag would be raised over
80
Ibid., August 12.
61
Ibid., September 30.
62 O'Mahony Papers. There are many such letters of marque and reprisal
in this collection.
75
an Irish army capable of defending it even for a short time. 88

No such privateers were fitted out, although promises that they
would soon pe scouring British commerce from the seas were
common:
There will not be wanting Irish privateers, well armed and
equipped, and manned by Irish sailors, to sail from our
ports, a la the Alabama and Shenandoah from the English
harbors, to make English commerce their prey. There will
not be wanting fleet blockade runners to enter the harbors
of Ireland, well freighted with all the stores and means that
may be necessary for the carrying on of a war in Ireland.
Nor will there be wanting hundreds of thousands of soldiers,
trained and disciplined in the service of the United States,
to grasp their rifles once more, and march under experienced
captains, to do battle for the green graves of their sires, God
and their fatherland. 84
While these warlike preparations were being advertised, one
of the plenipotentiaries arrived in New York. P. W. Dunne returned with his report on September 22. 0 'Mahony summoned
a meeting of the central council, its fourth, to hear the report
and to plan new moves. The head centre issued an address on
the issue of the bonds of the Irish Republic and consulted the
council on the selection of a financial agent to reside in Paris,
to whom the "sinews of war" would be sent for the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood. Another step to be considered was procedure to be taken in case Stephens should be arrested, as disaster had overtaken the men. in Ireland.
By September 15, the authorities in Dublin Castle decided
they had sufficient evidence to warrant a raid on the offices of
the Irish People. The information supplied them by Pierce Nagle
showed that the movement was assuming serious proportions.
Accordingly on the evening of the fifteenth the pplice descended
on the Irish People, seized the presses, and dealt what proved to
.. Irish People, March 28, 1868.
.. Irish American, September 23, 1865
. 76
The Fenian Movement iin the United States: z858-z886
be a fatal blow to the Fenian cause. Stephens told the full story
in a letter to O 'Mahony the next day :
,
On last night, about nine o'clock, the Office was surrounded
by the police, acting on an order of the Privy Council. The
office was gutted and ten arrests made 65 One member of
the Council was amongst those taken. Today several other
arrests have been made, three others of the Council amongst
the number. Immediately after the forcing of the office, last
night (they broke open the door and carried off everything),
I heard what had happened, and that much-I might say
extreme feeling had been stirred up amongst our friends.
They sent a party in search of me, in order to know what
should be done. Had we been prepared, last night would
have marked an epoch in our history. But we were not prepared; and so, I had to issue an order that all should go
home. We have news by this day's mail that numerous arrests
have been made in Cork. No further intelligence has as yet
reached us from the Country. I should have mentioned that
the authorities took possession of the telegraph offices last
night. This, of course, has made our communications slow.
From what I have already written-detailed writing is out
of the question, if I am to catch this post--and what you can
learn from the public prints, you will see that the enemy is
in a rage, and striking like a madman. Like a madman, for,
far as I can yet see, he is much in the dark. Still, he is furiously in earnest, and every suspected person is certain of
being picked up. Tell our friends that their scepticisms, inquisitions, hesitations, and not any imprudence on our part
have brought us to _this. Mr. Meehan, especially, is universally blamed here. Of course, I cannot say how much he may
have injured us; but I know that his assumed knowledge of
men and things here has been calculated to do us serious
injury. It is much regretted that our friends at your side
ever saw the necessity of sending anybody here to know what
we were doing and tell us what to do. Now for some suggestions. In our opinion, an agent should be at once sent to Paris
and placed in communication with us. To this agent all large
... Among those arrested were John O'Leary, O'Donovan Rossa, Thomas
C, Luby, James O'Connor, and George Hopper, a brother-in-law of
Stephens.
~i
i
I
The F'emans Prepare F'or Action
77
sums of money should be made payable. Should John Mjtchel

be available ( and an effort should be made to have hiin so)
he is the man. This may cause some delay, but it should be.
short as possible. At the same time a thoroughly trustworthy
man should be sent over to me, bringing with him a sum, of
money not much short of, but not exceeding 5000 pounds.
This should be in notes, enclosed in an envelope: The bearer
need not necessarily know what he was bringing. Uncertain
as I am just now, as to who may be free tomorrow, I can
give you no address. But a true man is sure to turn up here
soon. Let him divest himself of the American as much as
possible. Well, long as I am free, I answer for everything.
But once you hear of my arrest, only. a single course remains
to you. Send no more money from the States. Get all you
can, though, and with it purchase all the war material you
can. Gather all the fighting men about you, and then sail for
Ireland. The heads here may be in the hands of the enemy,
and much confusion may prevail; but with a Fenian force
to rally them, be sure that overwhelming numbers shall be
with you. But this must be done before next Christmas, after
which da~e I would have no man risk his life or his money. 88
It was a simple matter to select a. messenger to proceed to
Ireland with the gold, as directed by. Stephens. Captain Laurence
O'Brien87 was sent to Dublin with 1000 in gold. The man selec. ted for the mission to Paris was probably John Joseph Corydon,
a trusted member of the Brotherhood since 1862.88 Both men
fulfilled their assignments satisfactorily.
.. O'Mahony Papers.
"' A Civil War veteran, O'Brien was arrested in 1867. He escaped from
Clonmel jail and returned to this country. In 1876 he helped organize the
"Catalpa" rescue of the Fenian prisoners from Australia. Cf. Devoy,
Recollections . .. , pp. 221-22.
.. Corydon turned informer in 1867. He had been secretary of a Fenian
circle in the Irish Brigade of the Army of the Potomac. When his regiment was disbanded he offered himself for service in Ireland. He was sent
to Ireland with messages for Stephens, and brought back answers from
him and Kelly. Due to his information the attack on Chester Castle,
organized by Captain John McCafferty, was. frustrated. Cf. Pall Mall
Gazette, April 27, 1867; Irish People, March 21, 1868; House Executive
78
The Fenian Movement -in the United States: 1858-1886
Stephens' suggestion that Mitchel be selected as. financial

agent presented difficulties. Mitchel was not available, languishing as he was in FortreSi:1 M<:mroe. He had lived in Richmond
during the war; contributed his pen as editor of the Richmond
Inquirer and Examiner; and lost two sons killed fighting for
the Confederacy. Immediately after the war he returned to New
Y:ork, where he obtained a position as editorial contributor to
the Daily News. He was denounced by the New York Triburt6
as a rebel and imprisoned. 69 The Fenians were probably given
the idea to seek his release by a letter appearing in the New
York Freeman's Journal, August 12, asking why they had not
apRlied for his release.
The man who effected this release was Bernard Doran Killian,
a Fenian from St. Louis, who approached O 'Mahony in early
October with a suggestion that he be sent to Washington to seek
the release of Mitchel. 70 0 'Mahony agreed with this plan and
Killian went to Washington, interviewed Secretary of State
Seward and President Johnson and obtained promises that
Mitc_hel would be released. He then went to Philadelphia where
the third convention of the Brotherhood was in session and
moved that a committee of three be appointed to visit the President and tender to him the thanks of the Fenians. Killian,
Stephen J. Meany, and Roberts were selected for this task.
Roberts delivered a flowery address of thanks and Johnson
responded, naming the time-the day after the adjournment of
tl!.e convention-when Mitchel would be released. 71
The fourth session of the central council had decided to revise
the constitution of the brotherhood despite the objections of
Document No. r57, 40 Cong., 1 Sess., Pt. 2; p. 80, wherein he is quoted as
saying he turned informer in order to expose a pack of swindlers.
.. New York Daily News, June 13, 1865, carried letter from Mitchel
defending his conduct.
Killian was active in Irish circles in St. Louis as early as 1860. Cf.
Boston Pilot, January 28, 1860.
n Killian's letters to O'Mahony written from Washington on the progress
of his interviews with Johnson are printed in Irish People, February 8,
1868; January 16, 23, 1869.
tI
I
79
0 'Mahony, who saw it as a move to curb his authority. It was

for this purpose that the third convention was summoned to
meet in Philadelphia:
You are hereby ordered to send delegates to represent you
at a Special Convention, to be held at Fenian Hall, Philadelphia, on Monday, October 16 ..... Each Circle is entitled to
one delegate, and to an additional one where they are in excess of one hundred members. No proxies allowed.
By order of the Central Council.7 2
The convention was attended by 600 delegates and attested
the growth of the Brotherhood since the close of the Civil War.
It had just begun its deliberations when a special envoy from
Dublin, Captain James Murphy, late of the Twentieth Massachusetts Infantry Volunteers, arrived with a message fr.om Stephens
to the effect that the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood was still
intact in all essential particulars, and that the recent arrests
had made the members more impatient than ever to commence
the intended insurrection. Murphy was instructed to chide all
laggards and to urge on the transmission of military men and
supplies without interruption or delay. 73
0 'Mahony claimed that the '' final call'' was realizing $7000
a day during the month of September, and that action, not
deliberation, was the order of the day. The central council, however, had decided on a drastic revision of the constitution in
order to shackle the authority of the head centre. The most important transactions were the abolition of the central council
and the title of head centre:
The Senate of the Fenian Brotherhood of the United States
and other portions of America shall be composed of fifteen
"Irish American, October 7, 1865. The following telegram was sent by
Thomas D' Arey McGee to John A. MacDonald on October 16: "Someone
should be sent to Philadelphia immediately." Cf. MacDonald Papers:
Volume I, Fenians, Public Archives of Canada.
'"Irish People, February 8, 1868.
80

Senators; they shall be nominated by a committee of two
from each state and district, elected by the delegates of each
state and district in Congress assembled ; and such nominees
shall be elected by a two thirds vote of said Congress. The
Senate shall choose from their body a permanent President,
who shall be Vice-president of the Fenian Brotherhood, and
in case of the death, impeachment, inability to act, or removal of the President of the F .B. of the U.S., shall act as
President of the F .B.
All propositions for raising revenue and fixing salaries of
officers and employees of the Brotherhood shall originate
in the Senate.
No salaried officer shall be a member of the Senate.
The Senate shall meet in perpetual session while in office.
No appropriation of money shall be made but by a vote of
the Senate of the Fenian Brotherhood. 74
All legislative powers .... shall be vested in a Congress of
the Fenian Brotherhood .... which shall consist of a Senate
and a representative body.
The Representatives shall be delegates chosen every year by
the Brotherhood in good standing, of the several states and
districts. Delegates shall be apportioned .... according to
their respective number of Circles, each Circle being entitled to one delegate for every hundred members, more or
less, but not less than ten, and one additional delegate for
a fractional part of one hundred members exceeding fifty
of such circle. 75
The weekly dues of each member shall not be less than ten
cents, nor shall the initiation fee be less than one dollar. 76
The executive power of the Fenian Brotherhood shall be
vested. in a President, who shall hold his term of office for
one year, and be elected for said term by a General Congress
of the Senate and House of Delegates. 77
"The Fenians Progress: A Vision, also the Constitution of the Fenian

Brotherhood (New York, 1865), pp. 70-91. N .A. There are no copies of
the proceedings of the third convention extant.
.. Ibid., p. 70.
Ibid., p. 85.
"Ibid., p. 72.
;----.
81
0 'Mahony was given the authority to appoint members of his

cabinet, with the approval of the senate. The new positions were:
secretary of war, agent of the Irish Republic, bond agent, and
corresponding secretary. The position of agent of the Irish Republic was to precipitate the fatal split in the Fenian Brotherhood which occurred less than two months later. Acoording to
the constitution: "the Bond Agent shall sign all bonds as Agent
of the Irish Republic, on receipt of voucher from the Treasurer
that the moneys therefor have been received by him.' ' 78 As secretary of war, O'Mahony appointed Brigadier General Thomas
W. Sweeny. 79 Patrick Keenan was appointed agent of the Irish
R,epublic, Michael J. Heffernan, corresponding secretary, Patrick A. Collins, bond agent, and Patrick O 'Rourke remained
acting treasurer. 80 The convention was a stormy one and the
friction between O 'Mahony and the members of the central
council was evident. The revision of the Constitution left O 'Mahony with shorn powers and a hostile senate with which to contend. The '' men of action'' had gained ascendancy over O 'Mahony and his "drag chain" policy.
The first business of the new senate after the convention
adjourned was the renting of a suitable building as the Fenian
headquarters. Roberts, Killian, and Sweeny hired Moffatt Mansion at a rent of $18;000 for eighteen months, to be paid in
advance, and $6,000 more to be lodged as security against
damages. 81 This building, located near Union Square, soon flew
the Fenian flag, the Harp and Sunburst, from its windows.
78
Ibid., pp. 86-87.
Sweeny had seen much service in the Mexican War, in which he lost
his right arm; he also served in the Indian wars and in the Civil War.
80 O'Rourke was foreman of the press room of the New York Tribune.
When Horace Greeley ran short of funds he turned the property into a
joint stock company. O'Rourke accepted shares of stock in place of cash
and later made a comfortable living on the interest, O'Rourke had been a
member of the Irish Emigrant Aid Society. Kortwright, British consul at
Philadelphia, kept Sir Frederick Bruce, British minister to Washington,
informed of the proceedings. Cf. F.O. 115: 449.
81 Irish People, February 29, 1868.
19
82
The Fenian Movernent in the United States: 1858-1886
John Mitchel had been released as President Johnson promised,

and returned to New York. He then joined the Fenian Brotherhood. and accepted the position of financial agent for the Fenians, to reside in Paris. 82 An interesting document contains the
instructions issued to Mitchel:
'l'he immediate object of your mission to Paris is to take
charge of the financial deposits of the Fenian Brotherhood
and to see that they be honestly and fairly disbursed in favor
of the I.R.B. It is the intention of the Fenian Brotherhood
that all monies which may be entrusted to you shall be paid
out from time to time to the order of James Stephens in such
sums as he may require for the purpose of conducting the
home organization. However, as in his present position, it
may be impossible for Mr. Stephens to give receipts in his
own handwriting for these sums, it will be sufficient for
you to get such receipts from agents duly accredited by
him. Should you not deem these sufficient safe-guards
against further contingencies, the payments made by you
to the agents of Mr. Stephens can be certified to by J. P.
Leonard or by George Doherty. Mrs. Leonard and Doherty
already know one of those agents, Dr. Edmund O'Leary,
who was to have taken to Ireland the last sum remitted him
6000 pounds sterling. You will, also, find before you in
Paris Dr. David Bell, 88 lately one of the members of the
Council of the .Irish Republic ..... He will inform you of
the address of other parties at home with whom you may
enter into relations, General F. F. Millen, Colonel William
G. Halpin and Captain Thomas Kelly, all of whom are now
in Ireland. The chief point is to keep a constant and complete
.. In a letter to John Martin, published in the Irish Citizen, February 29,
1868, Mitchel said: "The moment was exciting [immediately after the
Civil War], and many who had up to that time held aloof from these
organizations, then joined them. I, myself, was one of these; but when the
break up occurred here, and when I could no longer tell to which "Wing"
I belonged I quietly withdrew myself from both. Many excellent Irishmen
in the United States acted as I did."
88 A former Presbyterian minister of Belfast, Bell came to the United
, States in 1866 and the following year began publishing the Irish Republic,
a Fenian newspaper. Michael Scanlan was also connected with this paper.
83
supply, of money to the men working the revolution~ry organization of Ireland. The better to ensure this I shall if possible
send with a tried and trusty man who will open a certain
mode of communication between you and theID..
You will, also, have to disburse money for the legal ,defense
of the parties now in prison for revolutionary conspiracy.
In this. case, it will not be necessary for you to communicate
with Mr. Stephens but you can furnish whatever sums may
be needed through law agents or other parties publicly recognized as authorized to receive money on behalf of the prisoners. Should Mr. Stephens be arrested by the time you
reach Paris Colonel Halpin, Captain Kelly, General Millen,
and James Cantwell can put you into communication with
these if no other way presents itself.
These are your duties for the present as Financial representative of the Fenian Brotherhood. Your diplomatic duties
with the French or other European governments are left to
your own judgment. You have in this respect a carte blanche.
I know that you will let no opportunity be lost in advancing
the interests of Ireland and injuring those of her tyrant.
The practicability of an invas~on of Ireland from America
must also claim your most anxious attention. Reliable information must be sought by you and conveyed to me of the
amount of land and marine force of our enemies available
for the defense of their domination in Ireland. The possibility of procuring any quantities of arms and munitions of
war in France previous to or during an Irish insurrection
is a thing most useful to be well informed on. Leonard can
find out parties who may be able to give you information
on this subject.
I think I have now set down all that is required with respect
to your mission. Before concluding however, I wish to repeat
what I have often stated to you before that I consider a revolutionary organization in Ireland to be absolutely essential
to her liberation. It is the first grand requisite of success.
Without it even an American or a French war might fail to
free her. With a strong home organization even our contem. plated raid upon Canada, followed up by the landing of a
few thousand filibusters with arms, ammunition etc., might
effect all that we desire. To keep up the home organization
must then be our chiefest and greatest care. The supplies of
money for that purpose should be ample and unfailing even
though some of our remittances should run the risk of going
84
The Fenian Movemefl;t in the United States: z858-z886
astray. The Canadian raid I look upon as a mere diversion,

as far as regards our present action. Unless it drag the
United States into war with England it can only end in defeat to those that engage in it. But it is worth trying in the
hope that it may lead to such a war. The money you now
take with you shall be followed up closely by other and larger sums all of which you will lodge to your own credit as
soon as received in some Parisian bank to be drawn upon by
you at the requisition of the C.E.I.R. 84
An accompanying document appropriated $2000 to Mitchel for
traveling expenses for him and his family in going to Paris and
fixed his salary at $2500 a year in gold, to be paid quarterly. 85
The Canadian raid mentioned by O'Mahony had been decided
on at the convention. Killian, while at Washington negotiating
the release of Mitchel, had broached the subject to Seward and
Johnson. According to O'Mahony's account, Killian sounded
out the President and Secretary ,of State on the probable action
of the government in case a Fenian army were to seize upon and
hold some portion of the British territory lying north of the
Maine frontier simultaneously with the expected uprising of the
Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood in Ireland, with a view, in the
first instance, to the proclamation of an Irish Republic, and, in
the second, to the establishment of the St. Lawrence River as
the northern frontier of the United States. After an amiable
and confidential discussion of the case, as thus laid before them,
the President and Secretary of State are said to have replied
somewhat ambiguously, but significantly, to the effect that the
government would, in E!Uch a contingency, acknowledge accomplished facts. Killian reported this discussion to the Philadelphia
convention and when he returned to Washington with Meany
and Roberts to thank Johnson for the release of Mitchel, the
same answer was given them. 86
"'O'Mahony Papers. Document dated November 10. Mitchel took $60,000
with him to Paris. Cf. Irish People, February 29, 1868.
""Ibid .
.. Irish People, February 15, 1868, O'Mahony's account.
'
85
Whatever happened at those discussions it ~s certain that the

Fenians were led to believe that the .American government
would not interfere with their martial plans. Killian wrote
another letter to Seward on November 18, specifying the area
the Fenians were contemplating seizing:
It becomes a matter of great moment to the undersigned
whether or not you would feel at liberty to indicate an
opinion, unofficially, on the following points :
1. Whether, in your character of a citizen statesman, you
would 1-0ok with favor on the organization of a Republic
on the farther side of our North Eastern Boundary
Line and South of the St. Lawrence.
2. Whether or not you might detect, in such a political
fact, a solution of all, or nearly all, diplomatic embarrassments, and a final and fitter arbitrament of the
Maine Boundary Question, the freedom of the Lakes
and the superior merit of American vessels to the carrying trade of the world?
The bearer-Reverend Mr. Curly-is an American
citizen, worthy of trust, and will so apply any unofficial information or suggestion you may convey to him
by letter or otherwise. 87
No doubt this letter was written by Killian to get a definite

commitment from Seward, preferably in writing, that the government would look with favor on such a venture. Seward,
naturally, was too shrewd to be taken in by such a ruse and no
written answer was given. The answer made to the Fenian priest
agreed in substance with that given Killian because the Fenians
proceeded with their plans.

The British government was kept inf.ormed of the activities
of the Fenians. In August, a special agent, J. Edward Wilkins,
11 Bernard D. Killian to Secretary Seward, November 18, 1865, Miscellaneous Letters, MS. Dept. of State. These letters are bound in chronological order, two volumes each month. The Rev. Mr. Curley was a Catholic priest who continued to be quite active in Fenian circles. He was
chaplain at several Fenian conventions of the O'Mahony wing after the
split.
86
The Feni(Jlfl, Movement in the United States: 1858-1886
was employed to investigate Fenianism in the western states.

His report to F. 0. Adams, second secretary to the British Legation, is interesting:
There is no doubt that gatherings under the name of picnics
of no small dimensions have taken place throughout the West
since the termination of the War, and to such an extent as
to attract my particular attention and both in St. Louis and
Chicago I did all I could to find out if there was any element
in them which called for special remark by me to Sir Frederick Bruce ..... The impression left on my mind is that the
prominence which these meetings have assumed is entirely
owing to the present disorganized state of the Irish vote
party and that there is a scramble amongst politicians to
secure their votes in local elections, to feed their prejudices
and passions by an acknowledgment of their .wrongs. The
present number of Congress elected from Chicago attended
a Fenian meeting at Chicago. His ticket was Republican. I
~aw him a few days after I had seen the announcement of
his presence there in the newspaper, and said, ":M:r. Wentworth, what were you doing amongst my country-men who
you are always complaining of as claiming exemption from
the draft?'' His reply was '' I only went to tell them that
they had better fight for the country of their adoption before they invaded the land they ran away from.'' 'l'he fact
was that their vote turned the election ..... An Irishman is
not synonymous with Fenians. The Bishop of Chicago has
publicly and officially interdicted members of his church
from joining the brotherhood.ss
88 J. E. Wilkins to Adams, August 19, 1865, F.O. 115: 435. On October
5, Wilkins wrote on Fenian activities in Chicago: "It is true that individuals, but not in great numbers, some formerly officers in U. S. Regiments,
others citizens with avowed Fenian sympathies have taken tickets for
Europe, and some of them have taken their arms with them. The names
and description and history of these can be easily supplied, if require_d .....
Another idea which pervaded the public mind was that the leaders found
it necessary to make startling announcements of progress in order to keep
together the organization and prompt payment of the dues. For instance
the statement which has appeared in the papers that eight steamers had
already been purchased, I believe at Philadelphia, to convey the Volunteers
in the cause of Ireland is looked upon as one of these fabricated stories."
The Fenians Prepare For .Action
87
At the same time Archibald, the British consul :in New York,
kept the Canadian government informed of the Fenian intentions. On September 16, he wrote Lord Monck, Lieutenant-governor of Canada, that the Fenians were making every effort to
despatch men and arms to Ireland to aid the insurrection which
he said was planned for that autumn. He had learned that an
attack was planned on the Canadian frontier: "While I have
reason to believe that the efforts of the Fenians in this 0ountry
will be directed toward promoting insurrection in Ireland, at
the same time, reason to suspect that an attempt will shortly be
made to create disturbance on the Canadian frontier. " 89
This report was relayed to Bruce who was asked to bring it to
the attention of Seward. This he did on October 31, and Seward
neatly side-stepped the question:
Ibid. Pilots had been sent from Ireland to take charge of the naval expedi. tion expected to sail for Ireland. O'Mahony related the story of this
incident three, years later: "The promised Fenian pilots began to. arrive
from Ireland in New York ..... Within less than a fortnight from the
appearance of the first of them, no less than ten of these pilots reported
themselves at my headquarters ..... The thought that our brothers in
Ireland should have imagined our preparations here so far advanced as
to need so many of them was maddening to me, ).mowing as I did that it
must at least take several weeks before we could be able to employ even
one of them." Irish People, March 28, 1868. Mitchel, in his Irish Citizen,
August 20, 1870, told the same story of pilots arriving in this country to
guide into Irish harbors the vessels carrying the Fenian contingent.
'" Archibald to Lord Monck, September 16, 1865, Public Archives of
Canada, Series G. Transcripts in the Manuscripts Division of the Library
of Congress. The informer in this case may have been John Devanny who
was sent to Ireland by Archibald in 1867 to give evidence at the trial of
Stephen J. Meany. He admitted at the trial that he volunteered to give
information to the consul. Cf. House Executive Document No. I57 Part
2 . , p. 81. Archibald was later asked to ascertain the size of the Fenian
bank account in order to gauge their power for mischief. His report, written November 27, said that a few days before O'Mahony had called upon
a bank in New York with a check for the amount of between $5000 .and
$6000 in gold. Cf. Public Archives of Canada, Series G. p. 236. He was
correct in that because the Fenian cash book under date of November 21,
lists $5000 received that clay from Jeremiah Cavanagh and the California
Fenians.
88

Knowing the extreme delicacy of this question, and the reluctance of the Government on account of the importance
of the Irish vote in the impending elections, to be called upon for any official declaration in the Fenian proceedings, I
thought it more prudent to mention to Mr. Seward in conversation the substance of Sir J. Michel's despatch, adding
that .... I thought it advisable to let him know the intentions
imputed to the Fenians ..... Mr. Seward remarked that he
thought the Fenian affair was much exaggerated, and that
nothing would serve so much to give it importance as that it
has been the subject of official correspondence.
On that point I am inclined to agree with him though not
perhaps for the same reasons. If Mr. Seward were called
upon to make any formal declaration on this question, it is
very likely that he would accompany it with some expressions
of sympathy with the national aspirations which underlie
the movement, rather than lose for his party the support of
the Irish vote at this critical moment. A declaration so accompanied would be construed by the Fenians as being
favourable to their cause.
That such would be the case I infer from his anxiety to repudiate the charge made against him by the democratic papers on the strength of a statement in the London Times that
he had supplied information about the Fenians to Her
Majesty's Government.
Now a declaration of such a nature would be represented
by the Fenian agitators as favourable to them and by the
attention it would excite the Government would be more
embarrassed in taking measures to preserve quiet on the
frontier, should any measures for that purpose become
necessary. 00
The Canadian government had become cognizant of the Fenian threat early in 1865. On January 2 of that year John A.
Macdonald, attorney-general for Upper Canada, wrote:
' 0 Bruce to Lord Russell, October 31, 1865, F.O. 115: 438. Bruce wrote
his own despatches and his penmanship was atrocious. He evidently arrived
at his belief that Seward was anxious to conciliate the Irish vote because
the Albany Journal denied the allegation that Seward furnished information
to the British government. Thurlow Weed, Seward's friend and political
mentor, owned the paper.
89
The Government have gone very far in calling out 2000 men
without a rate of Parliament sanctioning the expense, and
I do not think that we could properly go to a greater expense from a mere dread of the Fenian conspiracy. I have
no doubt of the existence of the organization but I think the
prompt manner in which the Volunteers responded to the
call, and the certainty that men to any amount can be got
if required will be a sufficient check to their hopes ..... 91
Macdonald thought. that the calling out of the volunteers would
have a twofold effect. Not only would it satisfy the Unit.ed
States Government that Canada was in earnest in enforcing 'the
law but it ''will also be a salutary warning to the Fenian organization, which I believe, entre nous, to be contemptible in point
of numbers in Canada, although! have no doubt they are organized in a great many places, especially in the Western Sections
of the Province.' ' 92
In certain sections of Upper Canada a mild hysteria seized
some of the inhabitants who saw in the Fenian Brotherhood a
plot on the part of Canadian Irish Catholics to slay all Orangemen and seize the government. Friction between Orangemen
and Catholics, usually confined to two days each year-the
anniversary of the battle of the Boyne, and election day-became
more noticeable. Macdonald, whose championship of the Irish
Catholic minority was not pure altruism, commented on February 7, 1865 :
It is a matter of great regret to me that such an excitement
should exist among the Protestant inhabitants of Upper
Canada on the subject of the Fenian organization.
It has come to my ~owledge that in several instances besides those you mention the most unreasonable fear has been
caused by some most innocent and legal act of Roman Catholics-but I .do not see the way to prevent it.
I do not myself believe that the Fenian organization has
extended greatly in Upper Canada, but there is no doubt
Macdonald to Cockburn, January 2, 1865, Macdonald Letter Books,
VII, 165-66. Public Archives of Canada, hereafter cited as P.A.C. .
""Macdonald to John G. Brown, ibid., 172-73.
90
The Fenian Movement tin the United States: 1858-1886

that there are several Lodges scattered through the country.
This fact is known, and as all such matters are, has been
much exaggerated. All that can be done is to see that the law
is obeyed, and if any parties, no matter from what motives,
assail or molest the Roman Catholic population, then they
may rest assured that the Law will be carried into vigorous
effect for their protection. 93
The arrest of American Fenians in Ireland in September,

1865, prompted Macdonald to assign detectives to report on
their activities. Writing to Lord Monck on September 18, he
said: "I send you a letter from McMicken on the subject of
Fenians. I am watching them very closely, with his assistance,
and think that the movement must not be despised, either in
America or Ireland. I am so strongly of that opinion that I shall
spare no expense in watching them on both sides of the line". 94
Macdonald to Burke of Colborne, February 7, 1865; ibid., 263-64.
Macdonald received scores of letters during 1865 claiming that an uprising
of the Catholics could be expected at any moment. The following, written on December 26, 1864, is typical : "The Irish Roman Catholics are
organized and drilling in the To~ships of Arran, Brant, Greenock, Kincardine and Bruce in this County and a general rising is apprehended all
over the country." Cf. Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. I. On January 14,
1865, William Black,_ a member of the Frontier Police, wrote from Amherstburgh: "On Wednesday at 9Y, P.M. o'clock a bright light appeared
at an angle of fifteen degrees above the horizon it remained stainoniary
[sic] about five minutes and descended in fifteen the Romanists say it is the
evening star the Protestants say it is a Fenian signal in my opinion it was
controled by human agency .... A Mr. Hayes a tailor came to this place
on the eleventh of last month. He spent about $100 very freely the first
few days trying to Proseylite the French Canadians to Fenianism. He says
he was in Toronto the night the Orange Lodge was destroyed. The man
that lived next door to the Lodge was suspected and when about to be
arrested could not be found. I have wrote to Toronto for his description.'"
Macdonald Papers : McMicken Reports, Vol. I.
"' Macdonald to Monck, Sept. 18, 1865, Macdonald Papers : Letter Books,
VIII, 221-22. On September 22 Macdonald wrote to Gilbert McMicken:
"I hope you have employed Armstrong, and I now, in consequence of this
Fenian business, authorize you to employ five or six good men morethey should watch the whole frontier, in your beat. The Fenian action in
91
The problem of defending Canadian soil from possible Fenian

invasion harassed Sir John Michel who wrote Macdonald on
October 11, 1865 :
I should like very much to know, what means we have in
this country of resisting aggression beyond that afforded by
H.M. forces. These are so scattered that a raid of 5000
Fe.niia.n.s .... might do an infinity of damage, if I were not
prepared to act on a moment's notice; with a thoro' knowledge of the power I could wield, and how to get those powers
most speedily into action.
For instance, if a body of Fenians were to cross at Niagara, and Detroit have we any means of getting together in
4 or 5 days a body of men, independent of the soldiery-and
if we have, in what numbers, and how armed. I do not see
myself, that we have. 95
A few weeks later Michel wrote in the same vein to the Home
Office in London :
..... I hardly think after the bursting of the Irish Fenian
bubble that they will make any attempt on Canada; but,
still, so serious might be the eventualities of a collision with
American subjects that I do not deem it prudent not to take
every available step for the prevention of such possibility ..
. . . The proposed object of the raids is in aid of the Irish
cause: under the idea that they might be partially successful
and that the Fenians would then receive belligerent rights
from the United States, and thus embroil her with 'England.
Ireland is serious, and the Imperial Government seem fully alive to it. We
must not be caught napping. Keep me fully advised. Ibid., 259-60. McMicken, whose title was Chief Stipendiary Magistrate for the Western Frontier,
did as he was directed. "I will proceed at once to select S or 6 good men
for appointment as you direct. I think I will appoint 6 and station them
thus. Two each at Goderich and Sarnia and one each at Fort Erie and
Clifton. Two I have here and the others at Chicago and Cincinnati with
Armstrong make up the whole force." cf. McMicken to Macdonald, September 26, 1865, Macdonald Papers : McMicken Reports, V-ol. I.
"' Michel to Macdonald, October 11, 1865; Macdonald Papers: Fenians,
Vol. I.
The Fen,ian Movement in the United States: I858-I886
92
Now tho' this idea is of course fallacious, still it is one

with which the leaders of the movement might easily work
upon their demi-ignorant followers. As nothing can exceed
the weakness of our frontier, more especially in the Western
Peninsula and Upper Canada, an advance of 5 to 10;000
Fenians on many points of our frontier, more especially
from Detroit, would do much damage before they could be
checked.
The most vital, whilst attackable position in Canada is
Montreal, and therefore troops can never be moved to any
extent from that point, and we should have to depend in a
great measure on our hastily raised Western Volunteers,
which may amount to some 20,000. 96
The outcome of these numerous interchanges of opm1on resulted in a meeting of the committee of the executive council on
November 9, 1865. The report of the committee referred "to the
expediency of adopting measures to secure this Province against
any raids or predatory incursions that may be made during the
coming winter by the class of citizens of the United States
known as the Fenian Brotherhood.' ' 97 Macdonald, as Minister of
Militia called upon the government to take some precautionary
steps in the protection of the frontier from sudden raids or
marauding incursions. He stressed the importance of putting a
portion of the volunteer militia on active service to aid the regular troops. Macdonald recommended that nine companies of
the volunteer militia be called out at once for active service for
such time as they might be required. Privates were to receive
twenty-five cents a day. 98
Added to Macdonald's worries were the numerous counsels
and suggestions proffered by his friends. Thomas D 'Arey M\iGee
wrote on November 2, 1865, suggesting that '' a constant agency
at New York, filled with the very best men we can get, with an
understood system of cypher, is now become essential. The enemy
have their headquarters permanently there, and there ought to
Michel to Cardwell, October 23, 1865, P.A.C. G. 21, Vol. I.
Report of Committee of Executive Council, C 184, p. 1, P.A.C.
Ibid., pp, 2-6.
96
97
93
be no easier place in the world, for a good secret agent to do his

work in, than New York." 99 A week later Viscount Monck wrote
reassuringly :
I see the Fenians are keeping you on the qui vive but I am
not very apprehensive of anything serious arriving from
their proceedings-at the same time I have been for so many
months pelted with secret information as to their plans ....
that I may have become unduly s0eptical about them and in
either case the precautionary measures which you have
adopted are true wisdom. 100
The principal "pelter" of secret information spoken of by
l\fonck was Edward Archibald, British consul in New York.
From the summer of 1865 to the end of the Fenian threat in
1870, Archibald sent hundreds of letters concerning Fenian
activities to the government officials in Canada. Shortly after
the close of the Philadelphia convention he wrote :
.... I have endeavoured by all practicable means to obtain
l'eally accurate information of any important resolutions
which may have been adopted at the Convention. For this
purpose I procured two persons, in the guise of Fenians, to
visit O 'Mahony, and converse with him on the subject. He
and the other leaders are, however, very reticent, and are
using greater secrecy in their deliberations than heretofore.
0 'l\fahonv stated to one of the visitors .... that no line of
action had been positively decided on,-that every attention
.. McGee to Macdonald, Nov. 2, 1865, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol.
I. This advise was acted upon as R.N. Scott was appointed special agent
to New York. His first report on November 25 stated: "Their pretended

hope is now to realize a huge sum by the sale of their Bonds, which are
not likely to have much value in the stock exchange as they are payable
''Six months after the establishment of the Republic in Ireland" which
may be supposed to arrive about the time of the "Greek Kalends." Cf. Scott
to Macdonald, Nov. 25, 1865, ibid. See also Creighton to Macdonald, Nov.
9, 11, ibid., for accounts of alarming strength of Fenianism in New York
and Illinois.
"' Monck to Macdonald, Nov. 10, 1865; Macdonald Papers: Governor
General Correspondence, Vol. I.
94
The Feniom, Movemen,t ivn the United States: z858-z886

would now be given to the collection of arms and moneythe procuring of supplies of clothing and war material, the
enrolling of volunteers, and a g~neral preparation for action
at the proper time. He remarked that they did not heed the
arrests in Ireland-they expected them; but that they would
not for the present take any active steps with regard to Ireland ..... He admitted to the visitor, also, that the movement
of the organization would not, in the first instance, be in
the direction of Ireland, at least, until something further
had been done on this side.
By comparing the various statements of parties who beset
me with offers of information-and written communications
received by me--and noting other circumstances-I am
pretty well satisfied; first, that the scheme of an insurrection in Ireland is considered by the leaders themselves as
frustrated; and the further prosecution of it will for the
present, at all events, be abandoned ;-secondly, that, in order to encourage their co-conspirators in Ireland, and prepare the way for a possible future insurrection there, an
attempt will be made .... to make an incursion or raid into
Canada, and either with or without the co-operation of Fenians in the Province, to proclaim some sort of Provisional
Republican Government, in virtue of which piratical vessels
will be authorized to cruize for the destruction of British
shipping ..... The N1iw York Times, Mr. Seward's reputed
organ, denounces the Fenian movement as a bubble and a
swindle; and the prominence which it attracts in the public
newspapers is, as I before observed. owing to the political
uses to which it may be turned. After the state election which
will shortly take place and will be hotly contested, is over,
we shall see less in print respecting the Fenians. On the
whole, however, I think there is good ground to believe that
an invasion of Canada, or a raid of some kind into that
Province, is seriously contemplated by the Fenians. 101
101 Archibald to Michel, Nov. 1, 1865, G 3, Vol. II, P.A.C. Archibald was
subsequently knighted for his services during the years of the Fenian
activity. Concerning informers who supplied him with information, his
daughter wrote : "On more than one occasion he was the recipient of
letters bearing the sinister embellishment of a skull and crossbones, and
threatening his life if more of their secrets were divulged to the British
Government, and, at one period of the proceedings, it was considered
''
The Fen-ians Prepare For Action
95
The Canadian government did not depend solely on Archibald

for information concerning the Fenians. Scott, the detective
assigned to New York, reported on December 4 that he had a
long interview with Archbishop 1\foCloskey of that city. According to Scott "he has done very much to put it [Fenianism] down
and his organ '' The Tablet'' has been consistently opposed to
it. I was told by its editor yesterday that the leading Irish Catholics everywhere discountenance the agitation.' '102 At the same
time A. L. Galt, Finance Minister of the Province was in Washington for an interview with Secretary of State Seward:
Mr. Seward alluded to the subject of the Fenian Association.
He said to Mr. Galt that the U.S. Gov't was attentively
watching the proceedings of these persons, that it was his
belief that they had no real intention of invading Canada,
but that if they should attempt to make any attack on the
Province the U.S. Gov 't would be prepared at once to fulfill all their obligations as a friendly neutral power.
In reply to an observation of Mr. Galt 's regarding the
steps that might be taken for this end, Mr. Seward declined
to state what course the U.S. Gov 't would pursue, again repeating that they were prepared to fulfill all their national
obligations as required by law. 103
The lure of British gold was having its effect among New York
Fenians as Archibald wrote on December 20:
necessary by the American authorities that he should be constantly "shadowed," for his protection, by a detective. One can never be quite sure of
the bona fides of "patriots" who for a "consideration" sell to alien governments the intentions of their brotherhood, and hence, on those many
evenings when he was closeted in his library with "Mr. Richard" ( the
generic name for any "Informant") his wife and family passed an unhappy
hour, listening for the always dreaded sound of a pistol shot from the
next room." See Edith J. Archibald, Life and Letters of Sir Edward
Mortimer Archibald (Toronto, 1924), p. 170.
102 Scott to Macdonald, December 4, 1865, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians,
Vol. I.
103
Michel to Cardwell, December 11, 1865, G 21, Vol. I.
---96
Tke Fenian Moveme'fl;t in tke United States: r858-r886

Notwithstanding the dissensions which have taken place
there appears to be no slackening of preparations for belligerent action in some quarter ; and the earnestness with
which Roberts and his supporters proclaim their intention of
making an attack on Canada can not safely be considered a
mere pretense.
About a week ago a confidential clerk of O'Mahony's who
is also employed in the Office of the Secretary of War, F.
B., came to me and offered to sell me most important information, ( as he stated) but asked so large a sum that I declined to treat with him ..... I had one or two interviews
with him subsequently, and seeing that he was entrusted
with the correspondence of the War Department, and was
an intelligent young man, I determined, with the approval
of Sir F. Bruce, to offer him a sum on account, in the hope
of obtaining not only present but future information from
him. Having accordingly come to terms with him today, he
communicated to me a copy of a cipher letter addressed to
Patrick Butler, Esq., Montreal. .... I subjoin a copy of the
translation of this cipher message. At the same time he communicated and explained to me the cipher in use by O'Mahony and Sweeny with its key, which you will find herewith
enclosed. Assuming this to be the actual cipher used, the
acquisition of it may be made useful both in Canada and in
Ireland ..... On two occasions that. he called on me he had
j~st come from the Post Office holding in his hand a score
or more of letters for O'Mahony and Sweeny, with postmarks of various places in the West ..... The detective whom
I sent to the N. Brunswick frontier has reported from four
or five different places, that there is no ground for apprehending any raid on New Brunswick. He tells me, however,
he has obtained some information respecting Canadian movements, which he prefers to communicate to me verbally.
General Sweeny has associated with himself a Brig. General
Tevis .... a West Point Graduate and an able man, and who
served in Mexico ..... I enclose two printed circulars of
Sweeny and Tevis which, at all events, show that they have
commenced their move in a business like manner. My informant promises to give me copies of the muster rolls and returns thus far sent in. He says that he knows of 7,500 stand
of arms stored in two or three different places in this city,
purchased by O'Mahony, and for which my informant saw
i
{
I
(
I
The Pervians Prepare For Action,
97
the money paid. He showed me a letter of very recent date

yesterday, from an arms company offering to sell O 'Mahony
eight pieces of artillery.
He also informs me that a brother in law of Stephens
arrived here about a week since reporting Stephens to be
safe in France; and now on his way to New York .... There
is such an air of mystery still hanging about the whole
affair of Fenianism, that it is impossible to form a satisfactory estimate of its capability for anything like a serious
aggression upon Canada. I do not wish to repeat what may
cause unnecessary alarm ; but I think it well to recommend
that there be no relaxation of precauti-Ons and preparations,
until we can ascertain more clearly what these rascals actually intend to undertake. 10~
Reports came to Michel telling of thousands of Fenians in
Toronto ready to take the field at the first sign of a movement
from the American side of the frontier.10t1 In order to ascertain
the truth of these reports Patrick Nolan, formerly a member of
the Hibernian Benevolent Association, was employed as a detective. ms report is a classic:
The number of circles in Upper Canada is 17. 'l'oronto No 1,
Hamilton No 2, London, Stratford, St. Mary's, Whitby,
Cobourg, etc. In Toronto there are nine lodges, the largest
is No 1, 200 members, No 2, 100 members, the rest number
from 60 to 70 members each. Total about 650. M. [Murphy]
is the head centre. Thomas Sheeday is Secretary for Toronto,
J. O'Connor is a Captain of No 1, Thomas Hanton, Captain
of No 2, James Murphy, Captain of No 9 ..... There is not
the least danger of the Boys coming over here till after the
middle of March, that I am certain of ..... Capt Prince had
a lot of his men out in plain clothes some time ago watching
for the Fenians, they went to the Catholic Church to look
for them there, one of them thought he had a Lodge full one
night on Nelson Street, but it turned out to be an Orange
,.. Archibald to Michel, December 20, 1865, G 3, Vol. II. On December
22 Archibald reported to Michel that the detective had visited Portland,
Eastport, Lewiston, Calais, and Bangor in the state of Maine. Ibid.
' 00 Archibald to Michel, December 22, 1865, G 3, Vol. II.
98
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United States: r858-r88'5
Lodge. I think the Capt got tired of them telling lies, as

they are all on their beats now, 'rhe Government thinks .that
the Hibernian Society is all Fenians, it is a mistake, there
are not half of them Fenians. They have 2 oaths and there is
half of them will not take the second oath. 106
As the year 1865 ended it was obvious in the United States
that the government was anxious to conciliate the Irish vote.
The radical Republicans had already posted their storm-warnings in Congress. Led by Charles Sumner in the Senate and
Thaddeus Stevens in the House, they had shown that their policy in regard to the defeated Confederate States was diametrically opposed to that advocated by Lincoln and his successor,
Johnson. Facing a bitter fight against foes of the administration, it would be too much to expect that anything would be
done to alienate the Irish vote, which was a sizable bloc, particularly in the eastern states. With Democrats in bad repute in
the North where the saying "every Democrat is not a rebel, but
every rebel is a Democrat" was soon to be used, the Irish vote
was almost wholly Democratic. The administration, confronted
with the growing Republican ascendancy in Congress, was not
prepared to lose the support of the Irish vote by undue concern
over Fenian sword-rattling.
' 00 E. C. Burton [Nolan] to Mc:Micken, December 31, 1865; }.facdonald

Papers: McMicken Reports, Vol. lV.
CHAPTER IV
THE FENIANS Gmo FoR BATTLE
Away with speech, and brother, reach me down that rifle

gun.
By her sweet voice, and hers alone, the rights of man are
won.
Fling down the pen; when heroic men, pine sad in dungeons
~~
'Tis bayonets bright, with good red blood, should plead

before the throne. 1
After the Philadelphia convention optimistic reports continued
to arrive from Ireland concerning the resources of the Brother-
hood there. Despite the arrests that had been made, these reports
stated, the determination to strike before the end of the year
remained unshaken. William G. Halpin, American representative
on the Irish Military Council in Dublin wrote on October 6, that:
The arrests have added both to the numerical strength and
ardor of the people. The blood of the country is up and
nothing wanted but the implements of trade. L;it not our
friends at your side be cowed; everything is working well
..... For the future in sending persons over1 I would recommend that Scotland, Liverpool, Southampton, and such
other places .... be selected as ports of disembarkation ....
In addition to the arrest of Captain McCafferty and O 'Connell at Queenstown, Colonel Byron was arrested .... and
Colonel Leonard ..... Captain McGrath is still in Richmond
prison without trial. 2
Halpin also mentioned that many of the American officers had
spent their money and were impoverished and discouraged. 3
The "Fenian Marseillaise," New York Herald, January 26, 1866.
O'Mahony Papers.
This is substantiated. by a consular report from Dublin, October 1.4,
1865, w.herein West mentioned that the American Fenians there were
1
99
100
Stephens remained in hiding, but as long as he was at large

the possibility of an uprising taking place that year was a real
one. The Irish police, who had been trailing him since April,
finally captured him at his home on November 11. 4 The leaders
of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood and the members of the
military council still at large in Dublin met to deal with the
emergency. Dissatisfied with the lack of military preparations
in Ireland, they decided to select a military man to fill Stephens'
place temporarily. Present at the meeting were General F. F.
Millen, Colonels Michael Kerwin, 5 Denis F. Burke, 6 and William
visiting him daily and, "expect it is in my power to relieve them, and
return them, free of expense, to their native land ..... The impression is
that the consuls are obliged to send all American citizens home." During
the next four years one whole volume of West's reports deal exclusively
with the Fenian prisoners, viz., Volume 6, from September 15, 1865 to
June 3, 1869. which contains more than 700 pages of correspondence.
McCafferty had been in the Confederate Army as one of Morgan's Raiders
in the raids through Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio. The Fenian Military
Roster, which is in the writer's possession, states that he was captured and
escaped four times, and it refers to him as an active and ingenious soldier.
In 1867, McCafferty reappeared in Ireland under the name of William
Jackson. When O'Connell was arrested many letters addressed to Stephens
were found in his possession. Stephens, after his tour of the United States
in 1864, left these papers with O'Connell to bring to Ireland. They were
used in the trial of Luby and the other Fenians tried in November, 1865.
Lieutenant Colonel John W. Byron had been a major in the Eighty-eighth
New York Volunteers. He was ordered released September 26, on condition that the constabulary escort him to the ship. He refused this condition
and remained in prison until March, 1867, before accepting. McGrath was
released in October, 1865. Leonard had been a major in the Ninety-ninth
National Guards of New York.
Dublin Irish Times, November 13, 1865. Charles J. Kickham was also
arrested at the same time.
Kerwin rose to the rank of colonel during the Civil War, serving four
years with the Thirteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers. He went to Ireland
immediately after the Civil War. Arrested February 17, 1866, when the
, Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, he remained in prison until July of
that year, when he was released through the intervention of the United
States government. On his return to this country he continued active in
The Fenians Gird For Battle
101
G. Halpin, and Captain Kelly. Kelly was the choice of the centres of the Dublin district, but as he was the lowest ranking of
the military men, it was deemed unwise to elevate him over the
colonels and the general. The choice fell on Millen, who despatched a letter to O 'Mahony telling him that, despite the arrest
of Stephens the determination to begin war during Ghristmas
week remained unaltered. He also informed O 'Mahony that pilots
were on their way to New York and expressed confidence that
the auxiliary expedition would be ready to sail upon their arrival. 7 This letter was followed up a few days later by one from
Kelly telling of his plan to rescue Stephens. The rescue was
effected November 24. Two employoos of the jail, John J. Breslin and Daniel Byrne escorted the prisoner to an outer wall
where Kelly, John Devoy and others whisked him to safety. 8
The Brotherhood in the United States, committed to action
against Canada, began to organize its military branch. General
Sweeny, secretary of war, appointed Charles C. Tevis adjutant
general, with the rank of brigadier general. 9 An ambitious program was drawn up regulating the military branch. A board of
military examination consisting of three Fenian veterans of the
Irish affairs ; he later became police commissioner of New York City, and
pension agent for New York.
Burke served through the War with the Eighty-eighth New York
Volunteers. Arrested on February 17, 1866, he was released August 3 of
the same year. In the consular reports he was mentioned as one of the
prisoners in whom the American government took a special interest.
7 Irish People, March 14, 1868. A letter from Halpin to O'Mahony on
November 14, describing the arrest of Stephens, claimed that no ill effects
resulted and that an expedition from America was confidently expected.
This letter, missing from the O'Mahony Papers, is printed in Denieffe,
Recollections ... , pp. 203-5.
The story of this rescue and the consternation it caused in Dublin Castle
is told in Devoy, Recollections ... , pp. 77-87.
Charles Carroll Tevis, a graduate of West Point, claimed descent from
Charles Carroll. He went to Rome after the Fenian invasion of Canada,
and there tried to raise 1000 men to fight for the pope. When he tried to
interest American Irish in the idea a vigorous protest was registered by
the American Archbishops. Cf. Irish American, July 11, 1868.
102
The Fenian JJ!lovern,ent in the United States: 1858-1886
Civil War was established to examine all candidates to commissions in the army of the Irish Republic. One experienced
military man in each state was appointed to act as assistant
inspector general with power to organize the military branch of
the state and forward applications from candidates for commissions to the board of military examination. Subordinate
bureaus consisting of adjutant generals, inspectors general, quartermasters, subsistence, ordnance, engineers, medical and pay
departments were set up. All officers ordered for duty in Ireland or elsewhere were to be provided with transportation and
six months pay, three months of which were to be in United
States currency and three months in bonds of the Irish Republic.10 On November 20, further instructions were issued:
Each Centre of Circle will forward .... on the 10th, 20th,
and last day of every month a roll of fighting men ready
at a week's notice to take the field for the cause of Ireland.
In every Circle of the Fenian Brotherhood drills will be at
once commenced in the school of the soldier, of the company
and-where possible-of the battalion ..... On the muster
rolls will be noted the number of arms and accoutrements.
with their calibre and description ..... It is the wish of the
Secretary of War that each and every patriot should share
in the glory of the approaching struggle for freedom; his
inability to procure an outfit should deter no one. 11
While these preparations were proceeding apace, the inevitable
break-the bane of Irish efforts at organization-occurred.
Friction had existed for several years between O 'Mahony and
the majority of the members of the central council and later of
the senate. The dictato~ial powers he had enjoyed until the Chicago convention of 1863 were taken from him and the Philadelphia convention further restricted his authority. The Fenians
failed to realize that an effort to organize for revolutionary
10
The papers pertaining to the military organization of the Brotherhood
under the Secretaryship of Sweeny are in the possession of his son, William
M. Sweeny, Astoria, Long Island. Hereafter cited as Sweeny Papers.
11 Ibid.
103
activity cannot be carried out by democratic means. The split

occurred over the issue of the bonds of the Irish Republic. Patrick Keenan had been appointed agent of the Irish Republic with
power to issue the bonds. His resignation before the bonds were
issued precipitated the break. 0 'Mahony sent his own name to
the Continental Bank Note Company, of New York, to be engraved on the bonds. He justified his action by saying: '' I was
the only man at that time in America who was in direct communication with the organized revolutionists of Ireland, who
were organized by the Fenians of America as the Irish Republic
..... I would have betrayed my trust had I not signed them in
such an emergency.' ' 12
The reaction of the senate was speedy. Although it had adjourned after the Philadelphia Convention until January 2, it
met in special session on December 2, and summoned O 'Mahony
to appear before that body. The appointment of the bond agent
of the Irish Republic could be done only with the approval of
the senate and it was quick to assert its rights. 0 'Mahony's rejoinder was to brand any action of the senate as that of an
illegal assembly, since it had adjourned. 13 The senate then
branded the bond issue as fraudulent. 14 A factor entering into
this dispute was the salary attached to the office of agent. At
the Philadelphia convention it had been set at $1200, and as
0 'Mahony 's salary as president was $2000 a year, the senators
did not relish the prospect of both salaries going into the pocket
of the President. The break was made complete when the senate
deposed O 'Mahony on the following counts :
1. Violation of his oath of office; eleven specifications
2. Calumniating the Chief Executive of the Irish Republic

3. Calumniating the Senate and members of the Fenian
Brotherhood
12
13 Boston Pilot,
January 27, 1866; O'Mahony's address to the Fenian
Congress.
"New York Times, December 7, 1865.
104
Tlte Fenian Movem.en.t in the Unrited States: 1858-1886
4. Perfidy in impeding the objects of the Fenian Brotherhood.16

0 'Mahony responded by accusing the senators of being tools
of England, bought up by British gold to distract the Fenians.16
The headquarters of the brotherhood in the Moffatt M'ansion
were barred to the senate, and" both factions began a campaign
of vituperation in the press. In this verbal war, the senators
enjoyed the advantage of having the influential Irish American
advocating their cause. Meehan, its editor, was also a senator
and he pitched into O'Mahony with enthusiasm. The other IrishAm.erican and Catholic papers, notably the Freeman's Journal,
looked on the internal strife with satisfaction, hoping for the
speedy extinction of both wings in the manner of the Kilkenny
cats. 17 The Boston Pilot urged the Fenians to despatch a swift
craft to intercept the vessel which it thought would be used to
carry Luby and the other prisoners being tried in Ireland to
Australian captivity.18 The daily press, particularly of New
York, had predicted the split. The Times especially, had looked
on the Fenians with an unfriendly eye. On November 14, it observed: "We do not believe that the money is used for any other
purpose than getting notoriety and patent leather boots for a
set of idlers in this country ..... Not one tithe .... is used for
any other purpose than maintaining a set of scamps in idleness.''
The opposition of the Times was attributed to hostility to the
Irish race. 19 The New York Herald, which early espoused the
Freeman's Journal, December 16, 1865.
11 Ibid.
18 January 13, 1866.
16 In 1860 O'Mahony had challenged Henry J. Raymond, the editor of
the New York Times, to a duel for some remarks in the columns of the
paper. The Boston Pilot, September 29, 1860, called Raymond: "A tricky
tergiversator in facts, and a philosophic poltroon in principle ..... Mr. R's
hope for renown rests in his hatred of the Irish race. He is the worst
enemy to that people on the whole continent of America." In many cases
the sensitive Irish were apt to see in honest criticism hostility to their race
~~~
.
1
105
F-enian cause, looked on the split with regret and urged the Fenians to settle their differences and unite to strike a united blow
for Ireland. James Gordon Bennett, its editor, wished to draw
attention from the jibes being cast at the Democrats after the
Civil War. He saw an opportunity to do this by using the Fenians to administer a vigorous twisting to the Lion's tail. Horace
Greeley's Tribune probably used the Fenians to embarrass
Seward, a member of the political triumvirate of Seward, Weed,
and Greeley, which had collapsed in 1858.
Stephens remained in hiding in Dublin after his escape from
prison and still contemplated a rising during the last week of
December.. The "sinews of war" were sent to Mitchel in Paris
and transmitted to Ireland. Mitchel's financial report written
on April 7, 1866, revealed the following disbursements:
Dec. 7 Sent to Ireland by Captain Burke 1000 pounds, in
Bank of England notes, amounting in francs, with
cost of exchanging the money, to..............................25,150
Dec. 15 Paid to Captain Lawrence O'Brien, financial agent
of LR. by order from Kelly..........................................25,150
Do
Do ..........................................12,575
Dec. 16
Do
Do..........................................25,150 20
Dec. 19
This sum amounted only to $17,605, but it showed Stephens that,
although the Brotherhood in America had decided on a Canadian
raid, it still regarded it as diversionary and that the real blow
must be struck' in Ireland. News of the schism in America
reached Stephens a few days before Christmas and he promptly
wrote a scorching letter to O 'Mahony condemning the senate
lock, stock, and barrel :
To break with treason and baseness of all kinds, to brand it,
smash it-was the policy, and I rej,oice at your having made
it yours. The manhood of Ireland rejoices at it with me, for
it indicates the justice of their judgment regarding a wretch
whose advent to this country was an insult to our reason,
O'Mahony Papers.
106
Tke Fenian Movern.e11,t in the United States: I858-I886
manhood and patriotism. 21 Wishing to work harmoniously

with the Fenian Brotherhood, I put a curb on my temper in
the presence of this shallow knave, and even risk,ed my reputation in order to set him fairly with my friends. His professions and letter to you ( were they sent?) , together with
my representations, did away with much of the distrust and
indignation stirred up by his presence. But even before he
left the cloven hoof was again visible to all. He sneaked ,out
of the country. 22 Well I saved his lif.e, as I so often saved
that of his kindred carrion. Brand him now without pity. It
grieves me to hear that Michael Scanlan is in the ranks of
cowardice and treason. But whatever I may have once
thought of him, or anybody lse, the instant they prove false
to Ireland, I would lash them from me at once ..... Gut and
hack the rotten branches around you without pity. 23
This letter served only to make the breach complete and it may
serve as an example of the remarkable heat generated by the
Fenian leaders in their polemics against the rival faction. A few
days after the receipt of this letter another one reached O 'Mahony appointing him financial agent of the Irish Republic in
the United States with power to issue the bonds. 24
A race now began between the two wings to gain for themselves the support of the Fenians who clamored for action. In
this race the senate party had a decided advantage. General
Sweeny allied himself with the Roberts faction and his preparations gained momentum. In a circular issued on January 4, 1866,
he named the men to serve on the general staff and as inspectors
general in the various states. Fourteen of the latter were named:
Major John Delahunt, Wisconsin; General Thomas Curry, Missouri; Colonel Albert P. Morrow, Pennsylvania; Captain Maurice J. McGrath, Illinois; Major P. Phelan, Department of Manhattan; George O'Neil, Delaware; Colonel James Doyle, New
21 The wretch was Patrick J. Meehan, who lost the papers in Ireland in
Jttly of that year.
22 He remained in Ireland until October.
28 Irish People, January 20, 1866.
"Ibid.
107
York; John F. Scanlan, Department of ChicagQ; LieutenantColonel John G. Healy, Connecticut; Captain Timothy O'Connor~
Department of Shawmut, [Boston]; Captain John J. Daly,
Michigan; Captain Andrew Mahony, Florida; Colonel John
Balfe, Indiana; Captain T. R. Bourke, 25 Massachusetts. 26
Sweeny was fortunate that shortly after the Philadelphia convention $50,000 had been appropriated to him for the purchase
of arms, and $5000 for fitting out and equipping his military
staff. 27 Tevis was sent to Philadelphia to purchase arms from
the arnis company of Jenks and Mitchell and in a letter to
Sweeny on January 28, he reported progress in that direction.
A Colonel Doyle was sent on an inspection tour to Malone, New
York, and a number of other points along the Canadian fron-tier. 28
Meanwhile O 'Mahony had summoned a Fenian congress of his
wing to meet in New York on January 3. Attended by approximately 600 delegates the constitution drafted at Chicago was
readopted. The title of president was scrapped and O 'Mahony
was again given the title of head centre. Five men, J. J. Rogers,
Patrick Corbett, Patrick E. Sinnott, James McGrath, and Captain Tobin were named members of the central council. Ten of
the senators were expelled from the Brotherhood for perfidy and
other reasons. 0 'Mahony 's salary was fixed at $2000, that of the
secretary of Treasury, $1500, secretary of navy and military
affairs, $1500, and the secretary of civil affairs, $1500. Organizers were paid seventy dollars a month and expenses. The central
council, when in session, was allowed five dollars a day and
travelling expenses.
"'Bourke or Burke went to Ireland after the Civil War but returned in
October, 1865. In a letter from Halpin to O'Mahony, October 18, he was
branded as a deserter for leaving his post. He returned to Ireland in 1867
to participate in the threatened rising, was sentenced to death, but released
from prison in 1871.
2
Sweeny Papers.
"Irish People, February 29, 1868.

28
Sweeny Papers.
108
The Fenian Moveme11,t in the United States: z858-z886
The schismatic Senators failed to appear for the congress but

Secretary of War Sweeny presented himself and made a plea
for unity. He told the congress that months previous he had
appealed to O 'Mahony to ma;ke overtures to General Phil Sheridan to take command of the Fenian army. Sweeny, known as
the hero of the '' armless sleeve'' to his Fenian admirers,. was
well received by the O 'Mahony adherents, but his plea was rejected on the grounds tha.t he had never joined the Brotherhood. 29
The Reverend John Curley, a Canadian priest, became active
in Fenianism at this time. He and Edward O'Meagher Condon30
represented the Canadian Fenians at this congress and the priest
was thanked for lending dignity to the occasion. 31 It was this
29 Sweeny never took the Fenian oath. His case was similar to that of
John O'Leary who was active in the I.R.B., although not a member.
Archibald sent Michel the printed report of the O'Mahony convention. Cf.
Archibald to Michel, January 20, 1866, G 3 Vol. II, P.A.C. where he says:
"I look for a great weakening of the movement in this country by reason
of the rancorous feud which has sprung up between Roberts and O'Mahony.
But the diabolical industry with which the machinations of the Fenian
leaders have been carried on, testify their sincerity and earnestness in their
mad enterprise."
Condon joined the Fenian Brotherhood in New York in 1859. On his
return to Toronto he established a circle, which for a long time was the
only one in Cat1ada. Michael Murphy represented the Toronto Fenians at
the Philadelphia convention of 1865. Condon was destined to play a prominent part in the Manchester incident of 1867, when, under the name of
.Shore he was to be sentenced to death for his part in the rescue of T. J.
Kelly. Cf. Donahoe's Magazine, December, 1879, pp. 539-40.
1 New York Herald, January 11, 1866; Irish People, January 20, 1866.
At the same time that Roberts and Sweeny were setting forth on their
lecture tour Bishop John J. Lynch of Toronto was writing to Archbishop
Thomas L. Connolly of Halifax, Nova Scotia: "I would trespass upon
Your Grace with a few remarks on Fenians and Fenianism. I deplore its
existence as much as Your Grace and I deplore sincerely the causes which
gave rise to this vast organization. I look upon Fenianism as the suppuration of a deep chronic wound inflicted on Ireland. It has caused and will
cause yet great. troubles. A deep settled hatred for England throughout the
entire country and a sad estrangement of a vast number of Irish Catholics
Tke Fenians Gird For Battle
109
association of some priests with Fenianism that served to weaken

the effect of the denunciations hurled at the Brotherhood by the
Catholic hierarchy. With some priests, although few in number,
active in Fenian circles, it was argued that the opposition of the
bishops in the United States was prompted, not by religious
motives, but by the instigation of Archbishop Cullen, of Dublin,
who was regarded by the Fenians as being very acceptable to
the British Government.
One of the features of the congress was an armed guard com..
posed of members of the Ninety-ninth New York National Guard,
in battle array, who were delegated to secure the secrecy of the
deliberations by preventing interlopers, either British spies or
adherents of the senate wing, from entering. 32 The pla~s for
from their pastors, who have feirce [sic] denunciations (they say) for
Fenians and Fenianism, but scarcely a word of reproof for the exterminators of the poor, or its present effects. It is agreed on all sides that monstrous grievances exist in Ireland. They are proved day after day by the
tens of thousands of poor people who arrive in this country in rags and
destitution, surrounded by squalid children, with tears in their eyes and
indignation in their hearts against those who have exterminated them, to
give place to cattle. Those people and their children swell up the ranks of
Fenians and propagate Fenianism or hatred for their former rulers ....
All acquainted with the sacred ministry know the difficulties to induce
these poor people to forgive their land-lords ..... There is no Fenian organization that I know of in Canada, though there may be some sympathizers.
The Irish Catholics settled here do not wish for "annexation" which cannot give them better lands in a wilder climate, or a better soil or greater
commercial advantages ..... In self interest we should urge . for a remedy
of the grievances of Ireland, for we are already paying some of their
penalties. Our frontiers have to be guarded at the expense of over a million
dollars per annum; and many more millions will have yet to be expended
and perhaps many valuable lives sacrificed. I could never bring myself to
believe that any number of Irishmen could reenact the scenes of the French
Revolution of 1789. They are not so advanced in the schools of Robespierre
and Voltaire." Bishop John J. Lynch to Archbishop Thomas L. Connolly,
February 1, 1866, Archives of the Archdiocese of Toronto, Lynch Papers.
Supplied through the courtesy of the Reverend Henry Browne, a graduate
student at the Catholic University of America.
82 The New York Times, January 11, 1866, was indignant over this incident. O'Mahony was a Colonel in one of the regiments.
110
The Fenian Movement in the Untited States: 1858-1886
a diversionary raid on Canada were scrapped a.nd resolutions

endorsing war in Ireland and nowhere else were unanimously
adopted. The question of starting a newspaper to represent the
O'Mahony wing was also discussed at this time and the Irish
People, recognized by O'Mahony as the organ of the Fenian
Brotherhood, appeared on January 20. It was designed to counteract the influence of Meehan's Irish .American, which was enjoying undisputed reign in the dissemination of Fenian news.
The advent of the Irish People marked the beginning of a campaign of vituperation, recrimination, and ridicule which continued unabated for years, even after both wings had lost the
majority of their members.
The senate ,of the Roberts wing met on January 18. Speeches
made at that conclave claimed the support of two thirds of the
working Brotherhood and defied Stephens' threats to cut and
hack them into oblivion. 33 Following this meeting President
Roberts and Secretary of War Sweeny took to the stump, touring
the principal centers of Irish population, breathing fiery threats
against the hated Anglo-Saxon. Sweeny 's tour began with a
speech in Newark, New Jersey:
The General's plan was to make a warlike demonstration on
Ireland by way of Canada, and he declared his willingness
to submit that plan to any six general officers of the American army, and if any of the six decided against its feasibility, then he was willing to adopt any other calculated to
bring about the independence of his native land, which he
declared was the dream of his hoyhood. During his remarks
the General was interrupted frequently by a young man
named McDermott of New York (a follower of O'Mahony),
who was promptly ejected from the hall. 34
83 New York Herald, January 19, 1866.
.. Irish American, February 3, 1866. The young man referred to was
"Red Jim" McDermott, out on a heckling mission. Archibald saw two

motives for the lecture tour of Roberts and Sweeny: "first, to undermine
the position and influence of O'Mahony, and draw away his adherents,
and, secondly, to urge upon their supporters the necessity of an invasion
of Canada, as the most practicable, though indirect, means of promoting a
The F'enians Gird F'or Battle
111
Three days later the general delivered a war talk in Buffalo.

There he declared that if the Fenians would support the Roberts
wing they would witness the green flag waving over an army
of Iris~en such as the world had never seen. 86 On January 29
Roberts and Sweeny addressed an enthusiastic crowd in Cleveland. Sweeny promised that :. "Before the sun of July shall gild
the Emerald Isle with his rays, a note of joy will thrill the heart
of our native land.'' 86 Roberts said:
If you will purchase rifles for the arming of one hundred
thousand men who are ready to march with General Sweeny
at their head (cheers), you can annihilate your traditional
and actual enemy ..... With 50,000 men we can sweep
Johnny Bull into the sea. The plans are all made, the lin,e of
march laid out, and it rests with you whether it will ever be
taken up. 81
Roberts was adept at delivering speeches which aroused the

martial fervor of his Fenian listeners. The following is a passage
from one of his most successful utterances. It also revealed the
general outline of the Sweeny plan of operation :
If we can get a foothold on which to raise the Irish flag, we
shall be recognized. Let us repeat what is already history;
let us show that Irishmen can fight. 38 A government once
revolutionary movement in Ireland. In the Western States, and especially
at Chicago, this warlike policy is ardently popular." Cf. Archibald to
Michel, January 25, 1866, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
.. Buffalo Morning Express, January 27, 1866.
.. Ibid. At Cincinnati on January 31, the two leaders were escorted by an
armed band of 300 green-clad Fenian soldiers.
88 The Fenian Brotherhood undoubtedly strengthened the belief in the
United States that Irishman and pugnacity were synonymous. The newspapers of the time pictured every Fenian meeting breaking up in a free-forall, and commented on the Irish taste for battle. The following example
from the New York Times is typical: "The natural desire of an Irishman,
uneducated and youthful, is to oppose somebody or something, and the
natural enemy of the same individual is merry England." July 26, 1865.
\.
112
established, it will have the sympathies of every Irishman.

Irishmen in every quarter of the land seeing that we are
working instead of talking, the cause will go triumphantly
forward until there will not be left a single Saxon cutthroat.
Now what is the best route? Let that be decided on, then in
two months we shall get a foothold of our own, the Irish flag
will be raised, and Ireland, free Ireland, will be recognized
among the nations of the earth. (cheers) Then having secured so much, we will have more. Letters of marque will be
issued and reprisals will be made. We will hold men of
theirs, and this will give us great advantage. When they
undertake their old plan of hanging, we will be even with
them on that score. For every man they hang of ours, we
will suspend in a row five of theirs. 89
The O 'Mahony wing, committed to action in Ireland, had t~
face the difficulty of dealing with any units of the British
fleet which might stand in the way of sending men and supplies
to the '' men in the gap.'' The press, particularly in New York,
looked with skepticism on such a project. 40 A Fenian orator, J.
J. Hynes, neatly disposed of this problem:
There are 4,000,000 Irish people in America. Four million
at a dollar a head would fit out forty privateers with which
every red flag could be struck down. If every Irishman
would do his duty, the 17th of March would not be passed
without the green flag being raised and the red one compelled to be hauled down. 41
The sale ,of the bonds of the Irish Republic was expected to bring
hundreds of thousands of dollars into the treasury of the O 'Mahony wing. They were advertised in the Irish People beginning
on February 17, and were issued in denominations of ten, twenty,
fifty, one hundred, and five hundred dollars. 42
Irish American, February 3, 1866.
40
Herald, Citizen, February 3, 1866.
41 Irish People, February 10, 1866.
.. Many of these bonds are in the writer's possession. A picture in the
center depicts Erin pointing with her left hand to a sword lying on the
113
John Mitchel, in Paris disbursing the funds sent him by the

0 'Mahony wing, approved the action of the latter in breaking
with the senate. He warned O'Mahony, however, of the effects
of the rupture:
No doubt the real and sincere Irishmen who desir,e the success of our cause will rally around you and probably the
organization will be as strong as ever. In the meantime the
rupture in America has greatly injured our friends in Ireland, who were expecting, if not an armed expedition, at
least large supplies of money to purchase war material. I
told them immediately on coming over here that I thought
they need not expect an expeditionary rorce, which the
American government would never allow to start, the two
countries being at peace. I did not conceal also my own
strong conviction that an insurrection in Ireland without
such aid from America must fail. But James Stephens is,
after all the best judge of the exigencies of his own position
and you need not be surprized if you hear any day that a
decisive movement has been made. 48
The Roberts faction had been going steadily forward with
their preparations and to complete the plans the Fourth National Congress was summoned to meet at Pittsburgh on February
19. The principal figure at the congress was General Sweeny,
who laid before the delegates a report of his military plan of
ground. A Union soldier is kneeling to take the sword and depart for
Ireland, which is shown in the background. A harp and Irish wolfhound
complete the picture, which is flanked by pictures of Emmet, Wolfe Tone,
and other Irish heroes, according to the denominations of the bonds, which
were issued in $10, $25, $50, $100, and $500 denominations. Made by the
Continental Bank Note Company of New York, the bond reads : "It is
hereby certified that the Irish Republic is indebted unto................................................
or bearer to the sum 0... ........................... dollars redeemable six months after the
acknowledgment of the Independence of the Irish Nation with interest
from the date hereof inclusive at six percent per annum payable on presentation of this bond at the Treasury of the Irish Republic."
'3
O'Mahony Papers. Written January 27, 1866.
114
The Fenian Moveme11,t in the United States: r858-r886
operation. 44 This plan was adopted by a vote of forty-four to

four. In his report Sweeny said :
We have made large purchases of arms and war material.
If you are prepared to stand by us, we promise that before
the summer sun kisses the hilltops of Ireland, a ray of hope
will gladden every true Irish heart, for by that time we shall
have conquered and got hostages for our brave patriots at
home. The green flag will be flying independently to freedom's breeze, and we will have a base of operations from
which we can not only emancipate Ireland, but also annihilate England. 45
Two envoys from the O 'Mahony wing, Killian and the Fenian
priest Gurley, made their appearance in Pittsburgh to appeal to
the secessionists to re-unite with O 'Mahony. Professing to speak
for 813 circles loyal to O 'Mahony and Stephens, the two emissaries met with a scornful refusal. Curley was branded an unfrocked priest by a Pittsburgh paper. 46
This congress served to attract the allegiance of the Fenians
who were uncertain as to which faction they belonged. A promise
of acti,on in the near future earned for the Roberts wing the
title of "men of action." To offset this advantage O 'Mahony
summoned a military convention to meet in New York on February 22. The advance notices of this gathering outdid the warlike speeches delivered by the rival wing at Pittsburgh. Fenians
reading the O 'Mahony polemic could almost smell the powder
shortly to be expended against the foe :
Our brother is going into battle. Let us put a six shooter
into his hands-,or a rifle. Why should we not put him on a
44 Proceedings of the Fourth National Congress of the Fenian Brotherhood at Pittsburgh (New York, 1866), p. 12.
" Boston Pilot, March 3, 1866.
46 Pittsburgh Commercial, February 23, 1866. Curley was not unfrocked
but he certainly was not a great help to his Canadian bishop. The New
York Herald, as well as the Irish American gave comi;>lete coverage to this
convention.
115
level with the men he has to combat? He offers his lifrshall we withhold our money? Twenty thousand passengers
for Ireland fully equipped. The robbers may make off when
that loud cheer of welcome shakes the Island ..... Leaden
balls and the things to shoot them with, would make a good
ballast ; and as they might be useful for shooting corbies
and redshanks on the other side they ought to be carefully
stowed away in the hold. 47
At the military congress the military council considered the plan
of operation and it was decided to strike directly for Ireland,
casting aside all by-issues. The resolution adopted read:
\\
'
'
Resolved-That we, the naval and military representatives

of the Fenian Brotherhood in America, do solemnly pledge
,ourselves to use all our energies with fidelity and zeal to
concentrate the fighting faculties we possess for the whole
and sole purpose of making a direct attack upon English
domination in Ireland; t,o occupy it, to hold it, to possess it
for ourselves and the people, our brothoers at home, their and
our heirs, forever and ever, and to this we pledge our honor
and our lives. 48
The Canadian government was interested in the convention at
Pittsburgh. On February 20 McMicken wrote to Macdonald that
he had sent two of his best men to the convention with orders to
obtain the most detailed information regarding the Fenian intentions.49 One of the men sent was Patrick Nolan who reported
on March 5 : '' I sleep in one room with three Senators and two
Congressmen every night ..... Their full determination is to
organize immediately and make a strike for Canada if they can
arrest the Governor General [Lord Monck] D'Arcy McGee and
other Government Officers they will do it in lieu of the men
41 Irish People, February 17, 1866. Said the same paper fiercely on February 3: "The best prayer you can offer up is the music of a rifle."
48 Ibid., March 3, 1866. This resolution was signed by 118 Fenians, comptising 12 colonels, 44 captains, 26 lieutenants, and 36 sergeants.
.. McMicken to Macdonald, February 20, 1866, Private; Macdonald
Papers: McMicken Reports, IV, P.A.C.
116
that have been found guilty of treason in Ireland.'' 5 Clarke

Sullivan, the other Canadian detective at the convention was a
regular Milquetoast as he wrote : '' Oh Sir I feel as though my
place at present ought to be in Canada. P.S. Look out for inquiries concerning me by the Parish Priest at Windsor.' ' 51
The mayor () Detroit, M. J. Mills, wrote reassuringly to
McMicken:
In all sincerity I do not believe that your people have any
cause of alarm from Fenian invasion from this point .....

I have taken especial pains to inform myself about the Fenians here and as yet can ascertain nothing even to excite a
suspicion and frankly say that I regard it as all smoke .....
There is but a handful -of Fenians here out of an Irish population of about 15,000. I am informed that there are only
300 Fenians in the city. Our best class of Irishmen ignore
them entirely and the order does not embrace that I am
aware -0f a single influential Irishman. 52
I
)
,.1,)
From New York Consul Archibald wrote forebodingly :

Sweeny and Roberts are daily strengthening their position
and influence; and the Western Fenians are more earnest
and war-like than those in the Eastern States. For many
reaso.ns, and if only to sustain their credit with the Brotherhood, I think Sweeny and Roberts will make the attempt of
a hostile movement on some point of the Canadian frontier
..... A dealer in arms today informed me that he had
agreed to sell a lot of carbines and pistols to O 'Mahony. He
was given to understand that they were to be sent to Pittsburgh; but as it is proposed to send them, packed in flour
barrels, my belief is that Liverpool will prove to be their
real destination. . . . . Lectures and balls and gatherings of
all kinds are being held here to sustain the fervor of the
Brethren, and promote subscriptions,-and with fair success. The fever of this fanaticism is now at its height. 53
Nolan to McMicken, March 5,
1 Sullivan to McMicken, March
Mills to McMicken, March 13,
.. Archibald to Viscount Monck,
1866, Private, ibid.

15. 1866, ibid.
1866, ibid .
February 21, 1866, G 3, Vol. II, P.A.C.
Tf
,f/
117
In Canada the military situation of the Province was not regarded favorably by General Lindsey St. Gaul who wrote Michel:
The position of affairs on both sides of the frontier has materially altered-on one side 10,000 volunteers have been
called out; on the side of the Fenians it would appear that
their organization in the States daily gathers strength in
men and money, and shows a more audacious disregard of
what may be the intentions of the U. S. Government, and
it appears to me that if that Government puts off much
longer decided action, it becomes doubtful whether the
movement will not haV'e become too powerful for them ....
to cope with. 54
Canadian government officials received hundreds of letters
during the early months of 1866, all professing to give inside
information concerning Fenian intentions. They ranged from a
report that the Fenians, disguised as fishermen, were about to
make a sudden descent on the Maritime provinces55 to a report
that James Stephens was in hiding in a convent whence he hoped
to make his escape disguised as a nun. 56
,. St. Gaul to Michel, March 14, 1866, G 3, Vol. II, P.A.C.
The disposition of provincial troops was as follows :
Regulars Volunteers
2650
5000
Western Provinces
1500
6%
Kingston and the Line of St. Lawrence to Cornwall
3124
3500
Montreal and District to the South
2021
900
Quebec and Richmond
10,900
8491
St. Gaul proposed that gunboats of light draught be placed on the St.
Lawrence below Kingston and that some lake steamers be chartered and
fitted out as temporary gun boats. For elaboration of these views see
Viscount Moni:k to Cardwell, March 15, 1866, G 21, Vol. XXI, P.A.C.
""J. M. Vernon to Viscount Monck, March 9, 1866, G 3, Vol. II, P.A.C.
.. B. Reynolds to Viscount Monck, March 9, 1866, ibid. Reynolds was
editor of the Toronto Watchman. The reports of Francis Wilkins, acting
British consul at Chicago, claimed the Fenians, disguised as excursionists
118
While the two Fenian wings were busy with their preparations
for war, the O 'Mahony men looking toward Ireland and the
Roberts adherents buying arms for the Canadian venture, the
American diplomatic and consular representatives to Great Britain continued to transmit reports of increasing disaffection in
Ireland. As early as September, 1865, Charles Francis Adams,
our Minister to the Court of St. James, was instructed by Seward
to make a tour of Ireland and ga-qge the amount of unrest attributable to Fenianism. His report to Seward stated that Fenian.ism was spread throughout the southern and western parts of
Ireland. Commenting on the flood of emigration from Ireland
to the United States, he remarked:
One effect of this form of emigration is to leave in the midst
of the community a great and festering sore of disoontent.
Hearing the most exciting accounts of the prospects held
forth to them in America, and powerless to cross the gulf
that separates them from it, the tendency is to repine at
their fate and to lay the blame of it somewhere. Very naturally the Government comes in as the great object. The sense
of oppression is aggravated by the distinction of religious
faith which marks the Roman Catholic as of the servile class
as distinctly as the negroes are marked by difference of
color with us. Whatever their priests may have done in sowing the seeds ,of this distemper in former times, I believe
them free from all desire to disseminate it now. Emigration
in such numbers is not to their taste. The old impressions,
however, deriving constant support from American sympathy, retain their full force. Hence a singular result which
is making itself perceptible more and more.
This is the establishment of a secret organization having its
affiliations in both hemispheres. I refer to the Fenians. Of
its prec1se nature I have not taken much trouble to inform
myself. But I know enough to say that its basis is the popular hatred of the English rule, and its objiect to prepare the
were going to seize Rondeau Harbor, opposite Cleveland, the Welland

Canal, and a port on Lake Ontario near the Thousand Islands. Cf. Wilkins
to Monck, March 3, 1866, ibid.
Tke Fenw1ns Git-d For Battle
119
means of seizing the first favorable -Opportunity to throw

it off. 57
Adams was to be harassed by the Fenian problem for the remaining years he was to represent this country at the Court of St.
James, as hundreds of despatches and instructions testify.
The English press at first treated the Fenian development
facetiously. Ontl paper suggested: "We are perfectly able to
take good care of the Fenians at home, and if our brethren in
America would come together in a "fleet," instead of one by
one in passenger steamers, it would save the police a good d,eal
of trouble.'' 58 As the mynber of Americans wearing squaxe
toed shoes and felt hat.s became noticeable in Dublin, increasing
vigilance was exercised by the Irish government. -Arrests on
suspicion increased and acting-consul West in Dublin was appealed to by those imprisoned. Seward instructed Adams to
report on these arrests-and Adams' reply pictured the difficulty of distinguishing Fenians from peaceful Irish-American
tourists: ' 1 Adams to Secretary Seward, September 22, 1865, Great Britain, Despatches, Vol. 90 MS Department of State. Benjamin Moran, permanent
secretary at the American legation in London, kept a diary which furnishes
delightful reading. Benjamin, who was a b-ilious character, wrote on September 20, 1865 : "These insane Fenians are about to give us trouble by
their follies in Ireland. Already two so-called naturalized Americans have
been arrested in Dublin on suspicion of being concerned in the plots, and
both have applied to Mr. West for aid. He has appealed to Mr. Adams.
The cases require delicate handling." A week later he noted: "This morning there were several letters from Eastman at Queenstown about these
Fenians. Many of them claim to be Americans. They are a bad lot .....
West has been humbugged by a Gen'l. Millen, and allowed the fellow to
deposit papers with him, as well as to use his official envelopes! No wonder
we get in~o scrapes." Cf. Moran Diary, Manuscripts Division, Library of
Congress; Paul Cullen, Archbishop of Dublin, inveterate foe of Fenianism,
wrote a particularly strong letter to Archbishop Martin J. Spalding of
Baltimore excoriating the folly of the Fenians. Cf. Cullen to Spalding,
October 18, 1865, Baltimore Cathedral Archives, 33-0-6.
'" London Times, October 4, 1865.
-----120
The Fenian Movement in the Unrited States: I858-I886
There has been some difficulty in distinguishing between

the persons who have come to Ireland during the present
difficulties with regard to the purpose of their visit. That
many of them are more or less connected with the Fenian
organization, it is impossible to deny. The harder task is to
define thos,e who are not. 59
The trial and conviction of Thomas Clark,e Luby and the other
members of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood apprehended
in the raid on the Irish People the previous Sptember, served
only to increase the discontent of the revolutionary elements in
Ireland. As the number of Americans in Dublin grew with the
docking of every ship from New York, West's reports reflected
the atmosphere :
Ireland is now the land of ire, where angry passions rage,
and the almost daily discovery of fresh conspirators, pikes,
and ammunition, keep up the most intense excitement, in
which I have my critical and delicate part to perform,60 to
satisfy the demands and meet the expectations of our citizens involved in the suspicions of Fenianism, who have been
disarmed and arrested therefor, often from the mere and
isolated fact of their being American officers or soldiers. 61
The British government was cognizant of the increasing numbers
of American Fenians going to Ireland to participate in the
threatened insurrection. Drastic measures were needed to cope
with the situation and drastic measures were taken. The .Habeas
Corpus Act was suspended on February 17, 1866. Lord Russell
explained the necessity of this extraordinary step in Parliament
on that day:
,. Adams to Secretary Seward, December 28, 1865, Great Britain, Desp.
Vol. 91, MS Dept. of State.
60 West was only acting-consul. His reports emphasized his vigilance as
consul.
1 West to Secretary Seward, January 14, 1866, Dublin Consular Desp.,
Vol. IV, MS Department of State; Adams' despatch to Seward four days
later told of increasing uneasiness and discontent in Ireland and the spreading tide of Fenianism.
121
It may, I think, be true that had it not been for the civil war
in America, Ireland would have remained in peace and tranquillity at the present time, and the adoption of no extreme
measures would have been necessary. But towards the end
of the American war the Irish residents in America formed
themselves into a vast conspiracy. They collected a large
amount of subscriptions, and at one meeting alone it was
stated that .1,000,000 dollars were subscribed. Sometimes an
invasion of Ireland and at other times an invasion of Canada
were threatened. The purpose of this conspiracy was in th-efirst place to overthrow the Queen's authority in Ireland,
and in the next place to take possession of the estates of the
landed proprietors ..... After a time the denunciations
against England made at the meetings in America were
coUected and circulated by emissaries sent over from that
country to Ireland, where they began their course of operations. Their purpose was to enlist as many persons as possible, whether civilians or military, with a view to insurrection ..... I may add that by a long letter from the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, in which he details all the measures
he has adopted to put down this conspiracy, it appears that
his conviction is that the Fenian spirit still continues unsubdued; that there are a number of strangers in Ireland, about
500, engaged in treasonable practices and acting in different
bodies, and that it would be impossible for him to answer
for the peace of Ireland or the safety of Dublin, unless thie
Iris}). Government are armed with greater powers .... , A
great number of these persons who have come from America
to Ireland are by origin Irish, but have 'become citizens of
the United States; many of them took part in the late civil
war in America ..... Consequently; the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act will enable the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to lay his hands on these men, who are engaged in thie
same treasonable correspondence as those who have been
convicted by law, but who have hitherto evaded apprehen.sion.62
82 Ha11sard's Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, Commencing with the
Accession of William IV. Vol. CLXXXI, 659-62. The London Evening
Mail and Packet, February 17, 1866, said the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act was, "doubtless to secure some of the emissaries of American
Fenianism, who are now numerous in Ireland, and who are working with
122
The Fenian Movement in the Uwited States: r858-r886
Before the end of that day, according to the acting consul of

the United States in Dublin, there occurred the:
Arrest in Dublin alone, of not less than 150 persons, suspected of complicity with the Fenian conspiracy, numbers
,of them being adopted American citizens, and a few, I
believe, native born ..... The fact of their having come from
the United States, and belonging to its arm.y, being deemed
quite sufficient to justify their arrest. In fact, this arbitrary and extreme proceeding seems to have been specially
adopted in order to secure in jail all Americans in the country, without having to assign any cause for their committal,
the existing laws of the country being found inadequate to
the occasion. 63
Most of the Americans taken the first days after the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act served with distinction and held
high rank in the Unfon Armies. Arrested without warning, they
were unable to produce evidence of their naturalization. But
even such evidence would avail them little on account of the
British theory of indefeasibility of allegiance. That the British
still retained this theory was clear from the trials of the previous November and December. The judge then pronounced the
disastrous effect upon the people." Moran's comment in his diary is typical:
"This is nice. When we had a gigantic rebellion there was a howl at us
here for our course in suspending the Act, after a year's war. But here
they do it in a few months in consequence of the ranting of a few deranged
Irishmen." Cf. Moran Diary, February 17, 1866, Manuscripts Division,
Library of Congress. Archibald wrote : "Every step in the proceedings
adopted by Her Majesty's Government to uproot the conspiracy in Ireland,
serves only to increase the ardor and enthusiasm of the Brotherhood in this
country, and to furnish fresh incentives to meetings, harangues, and contributions." Cf. Archibald to Viscount Monck, March 3, 1866, G 3, Vol.
II, P.A.C.
68 West to Secretary Seward, February 17, 1866, Dublin Consular Desp.
Vol. IV, MS Department of State. He estimated twenty naturalized citizens
were apprehended in Dublin. William G. Halpin wrote West the next day
that forty citizens of the United States were arrested. In a letter of April
20 to Dublin Castle, West listed fifty-four Americans. Duplicates of letters
written by West and Adams were sent to Seward.
123
law of England to be that a nativ,e born subject could never

shake off his allegiance, and that even though he renounced it
in favor of a foreign power, it fastened on him again whenev,er
he returned to the land of his nativity, in any part of the United
Kingdom. 64
Adams readily recognized the difficulties inherent in the situation and he outlined them in a despatch to Seward :
One of the gravest difficulties presented to me in this proceeding grows out of the conflicting views of allegiance
entertained in the two countries. Here the courts adhere to
the old doctrine generally held in Europe, that it is indefeasible, We, on the other hand, maintain the absolute right
of expatriation ..... They [Fenians] are also astute enough
to be capable of contriving means of raising a complication
between the two nations out of the questions that may follow
from any abuse of the extraordinary powers of repression
now resorted to here. This would suit their views exactly. 66
When the news of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act
reached New York the enthusiasm of the Fenians adhering to
0 'Mahony reached a high pitch. A circular was issued from
headquarters :
The Habeas Corpus Act is suspended in Ireland!
Our compatriots are thus thrown into the field, and are,
doubtless, fighting as God gives them strength, at this moment.
Meet ! remember your promises ! and be prompt in your
assistance.
The Military Department of the Brotherhood will take
charg,e of your military contributions and mobilize them.
The Financial Department will strain every nerve to supply
the brave men in the ''Gap.''
Success depends upon immediate Action !
Let every man understand his duty. 66
"Ibid .
.. Adams to Secretary Seward, February 22, 1866, Great Britain Despatches, Vol. 91, MS Dept. of State.
60 Herald, March 2.
124
The Fenian Movemen,t in the United States: r858-r886
This circular was issued by Patrick J. Downing, secretary of

civil affairs. 67 At the same time O'Mahony announced a Fenian
rally to meet at Jones W,ood on Sunday, March 4. 68 This
announcement of the rally encountered the opposition of Archbishop John McCloskey who issued a circular letter to be read
at all the Catholic churches of the city on the day scheduled for
the Fenian gathering. The archbishop regretted the fact that a
very large class of Irish O'atholics were ignoring the counsels of
the clergy, whereas in times past they had always been noted for
their reverence and obedience to their priests. In opposing the
Fenian movement, the archbishop denied that he sympathized
with the English Government, but rather he sympathized in the
true spirit with Ireland. He begged the Irish to shun the rally
on the grounds that it was an open profanation of the Lord's
day, it would be regarded as a public scandal and it would outrage the feelings of the Christian community. 69 The appeal was
ineffectual as an estimated 100,000 Fenians and sympathizers
converged on Jones Wood to hear the Fenian orators apply
another Fenian knot to the tail of the British lion. 0 'Mahony
pleaded with the aroused Irish to replenish the Fenian treasury :
"What we want, now, is the means to procure arms, and to steer
home to fight the battles of Irish freedom. Then :we will want
allies, friends and sympathizers in America to cheer us on in the
1 Downing, one of the earliest and most active of the Fenians went to
Ireland in 1856 before the Emmet Monument Association became extinct
and commenced to drill and organize there in anticipation of assistance
from America. He helped to found the Phoenix Society there and later
returned to New York as an envoy of the I.RB. in March, 1860. He joined
the Tammany Regiment in 1861 and served through the Peninsular campaign and the Maryland ending with the battle of Antietam. Information
taken from the Fenian Military Roster.
O'Mahony to Secretary Seward, March, 1866, miscellaneous letters,

MS Dept. of State; Part I contains an invitation to Seward from O'Mahony
to attend the rally.
08
New York Herald, March 5, 1866. Whole first page devoted to the rally.
125
work" 7 Captain John McCafferty, 71 fresh from an Irish jail

where he had languished since September, 1865, addressed the
crowd on the strength of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood:
''We have now in Ireland an army of three hundred thousand
soldiers-an army the best disciplined the world ever knew. All
they require is arms and ammunition, and they expect the means
from you to purchase them.'' 72
Consul Archibald was depressed by the immense turnout at
Jones Wood and. his informers added to his cup of woe. According to them the Fenians were preparing to sink to new depths
of infamy:
From two or three different informants I received the report that systematic arrangements are being made to set
fire to London in several hundred places at the same time ;
and that .... Gr.eek Fire will be used. It is expected that, in
the confusion which will ensue, the Fenians may be able to
attack the prisons, and penitentiaries, as well as plunder
the Banks. I am told that the phrase '' strike at the heart of
the enemy,'' sometimes used by the leaders, means the burning of London. As arms appear to be sent from hence to
Liverpool and Glasgow in what represent packages of ordinary merchandise-:--more particularly in flour barrels, I beg
leave to suggest the expediency of some measures being
taken to probe such packages. 73
Archibald, with three informers on his payroll, now added. a
fourth. This man was known as Colonel Wheeler, late an officer
in the Confederate Army. The British consul sent him on a tour
' 0 Ibid.
" McCafferty was a native born citizen of the United States. When he
was brought up for trial in 1865 he applied for a jury de mediatate linguae,
which consisted of one half natives of the county in which the overt act
charged against him was committed and one half aliens, in this case
American citizens, who happened to be residing in the locality. The impossibility of procuring such a jury forced the British to release him.
"New York Herald, March 5, 1866.
"Archibald to Viscount Monck, March 6, 1866, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
126
The Fenian Movement in the United States: r858-I886
of the principal centers of Irish population. Wheeler's report

further alarmed Archibald:
He writes me from Buffalo to the effect that a large quantity of Enfield Rifles are stored at Chicago under the control -0f the State Centre-Scanlon-a rabid Fenian leader.
Wheeler speaks of having heard that 50,000 stand of arms
are in Chicago on Fenian account ..... He says that there
are two batteries of light artillery at Chicago also, with
which Sweeny intends to strike ..... Wheeler comes to me
from Sir F. Bruce and is well vouched for at Washington.
He has a Commission and Instructions from Sweeny to
recruit ..... It must be . . . . very prov-oking and harassing
to the people of Canada to be kept in a state of uncomfortable suspense by these audacious miscreants ..... The message of the U. S. Marshall .... was in regard to negotiations
of the O 'Mahony Fenians for the purchase of a steamer. 74
The sale of the bonds of the Irish Republic increased as a
result of the rally and donations began to arrive at Moffatt Mansion.75 O'Mahony, McCafferty, Patrick A. Collins, and other
Fenian orators proceeded on a speaking tour, heaping abuse on
the rival wing and pleading for money and supplies. The Roberts
party took the fight to Washington to lay their plans for a successful operation before the Fenians of that city. By this time
all pretense of secrecy regarding their plans was abandoned:
,. Archibald to Viscount Monck, Private, March 29, 1866, Governorgeneral Correspondence, G 14, Vol. XXVI. Wheeler's career as informer
was short-lived. When Michael Murphy, leader of Canadian Fenianism was
arrested Wheeler was ostensibly placed under arrest and lodged in jail with
him, in order to obtain information. He appeared for the prosecution at
Murphy's trial. For account of this comic episode see Toronto Globe, April
17, 20; May 3, 1866.
73 Irish People, March 10, 1866, listed $3000 received from the Ocean
Steamship Firemen's Protective Association; .$500 from Father Mathew's
Total Abstinence and Benevolent Association; $440 from employees of the
Fifth Avenue Hotel; $300 from the Boilermakers Association ; $1204 from
the Longshoremen's Union Protective Association.
Tke Fenians Gird For Battle
127
One of the speakers intimated that their plan of offensive

operations was to seize British Columbia with an army of
20,000 men, and having then got possession of a harbor on
the Pacific Coast, to send out privateers to sweep British
commerce from the seas. It was stated that General Sweeny's
plan of military operations had been submitted within the
last week to a military committee of forty, of whom nine
tenths served as officers during the late war, and that the
plan was unanimously endorsed. Over $100,000 was contributed to the cause at the close of the meeting. 76
The promise of impending action aroused interest on the part
of the daily press. The New York H eraZd did more than any
other paper to draw attention to the Fenians. It saw in the huge
rally of March 4, an indication that the Irish were learning to
distinguish between the secular and religious power of the
clergy. 77 When the Toronto GZobe 18 called on the United States
Government to bring to an end the proceedings of the Fenians,
and chided the press of this country for filling their columns
with inflammatory appeals to the people of this country to
wage war on Great Britain, the H eraZd asked if it were any
concern of the United States if England were worried over the
Fenian threat. 79 The press which encouraged the Fenian agitation at first favored the O 'Mahony wing and urged him to forego
his plan of striking in Ireland-rendered impracticable by the
recent arrests in Ireland-and strike instead at Canada. Halpine 's New York Citizen took the lead:
We strike at England, even in Ireland, when we strike the
Canadas. We can there gain a country in which to operate
and mature our future plans. Of all the Canadian militia,
it is safe to conjecture that three fourths are either enrolled
Fenians or in sympathy with the movement, while as to the
regular forces of the British army there-about 7,600-we
Boston Pilot, March 10, 1866.
" March 15, 1866.
March 9; also Montreal Gazette, March 8; Toronto Leader, March 9,
1866.
March 9, 1866.
128
could raise enough veteran soldiers of the Fenian order in

this city alone to send them whirling up to the North Pole,
or across the Atlantic to our step mother. We have reason to
believe that the sympathy of President Johnson and the
Secretary of War are with the Fenians; and under this
impression we bid Head Centre O 'Mahony good speed in his
early march on the Canadas. so
The Herald said on March 27 :
Unquestionably there is something of military system and
calculation, and some probability of success, to this RobertsSweeny plan of ,operations ..... As for the other scheme of
commencing this struggle .in Ireland, it appears to us that
if it ever was the right plan, the time for it has gone by ...
. . We have only to suggest that if the Fenians are not prepared to strike anywhere they had better settle up their
accounts, and stop their warlike assessments upon their
sympathizing countrymen.
George Francis Train made his appearance as an advocate of
Fenianism at this time. 81 He substituted for O 'Mahony at a
Fenian rally in Washington. The meeting, held in the assemblj,
rooms, resulted in the following resolution. "Resolved, that the
Senate concurring, the payment of the loan on the bonds of the
Irish Republic, $20,000,000 be and is hereby guaranteed to the
United States of America. " 82 No action was taken on this plan
to realize $20,000,000 as a war fund for the Brotherhood.
' 0 March 10, 1866. The same paper, March 24, suggested O'Mahony would
make a fine Secretary of State in place of Seward, who should be retired
to private life.
81 Train had won quite a reputation as a builder of ships and railroads.
He had installed railroad lines in England and Australia. For biographical
sketch of this eccentric character cf. Sidney Gum, "George Francis Train,"
Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1928-36), XVIII (1936),
626-27.
82
Boston Pilot, March 17, 1866.
129
The publicity given the Fenians, augmented by exaggerated

accounts of cart loads of arms and ammunition arriving at
O'l\fahony's headquarters, 83 tales of the organization of the Fenian Navy at Chicago, 84 committees consulting with President
Johnson on the propriety of recognizing Irish belligerency, 85 and
huge sums being contributed daily to the Fenian treasury 86-all
this caused concern in President Johnson's cabinet. On March
9, in the absence of Seward, the question of taking action against
the Fenians was discussed. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy,
mentioned in his Diary:
The pr.opriety of taking some action was generally concurred in, and Stanton rather pressed it. I proposed that
General Grant should be consulted ..... Stanton could see
no necessity of bringing Grant out ; a proclamation from
the President to put down these Fenian organizations was
what was required ..... I stated that the ,occasion and condition of the country and of our public affairs were such
that I thought it would be wise to have the public authorities fully heard, and all of them. The Irish element, I stated,
was a strong one and clannish, and if a movement against
an organization of theirs was to be made, I wished to see
others besides the President moving. 87
Thus individual .members of the cabinet advocated repressive
measures against the Fenians but no one was eager to shoulder
the responsibility. The suggestion of Stanton that Johnson take
the initiative in opposing the movement was regarded by Welles
as a move to place the President in an embarrassing position.
Stanton may, indeed, have had this in mind, in view of later
developments which resulted in his removal from office. Seward
83 Irish People, March 24, 1866.
"'Irish American, March 17, 1866.
"New York Herald, March 11, 1866. Killian was in Washington on
February 16, and asked for an interview with Johnson. Cf. Miscellaneous
Letters, February, 1866, Part I, February 16.
86 New York Herald, March 11, 1866, estimated the daily receipts of the
O':.VIahony wing at $40,000.
"Diary of Gideon Welles (New York, 1911), II, 450-51.
l31il
The Fenian Mov.e.me,nt in t:he Vnited States: r858-r886
was certainly not prepared to move against the FeBians as ,despateh.es from Adams told of British insistence on the doctrine
of indefeasibility of allegiance. In Parliament, the British government was accused of sluggishness in not protesting to Washington over the Fenian activities. Adams attributed this unwillingness to a sense of guilt on the part of the British arising from
activity in English shipyards on behalf of the Confederates.ss
As arrests in Ireland continued, Adams remonstrated with
Earl Clarendon, who had succeeded Lord John Russell as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He told him that unless these
naturalized Americans were released; or at least some reason
given for their detention, they might become objects of sympathy
in America, and thus add an American element to the Fenian
mov,ement. He also reminded Clarendon of the Southern Aid
Association in England during the war, which had for its object
the disruption of the Union. 89 Clarendon, in an instruction to
Bruce two days later, described the interview :
I told Mr. Adams ,that no British-born subject could ever,
or under any circumstances, renounce, or be absolved from,
his allegiance to his sovereign ..... I have to inform you
that Her Majesty's Government are advised that it would
be impossible that they should recognize any title in any
foreign power to interfere on behalf of natural born subjects of Her Majesty whom it may be thought necessary to
detain in custody in Ireland, on the ground that such natural born subjects have become by naturalization or ot~erwise,
entitled to rights of citizenship in a foreign country.00
On receipt of Ada.ms' d-espatch Seward laid down the policy
adopted by the Washington Government in treating the Fenian
question. He held that the questions which it involved affected
exclusively the political situation in Ireland as one of the United
Kingdom. If the naturalized Irish were to be treated as British
88 Adams to Secretary Seward, March 2, 1866, Great Britain Desp. Vol.
92, MS Department of State.
89 Adams to Secretary Seward, March 8, 1866, ibid.
90 Lord Clarendon to Bruce, March 10, 1866, F.O. 115: 449.
131
subjects, then the Fenian agitation must be regarded as a British

and not an American movement. Seward thought that neither
the character of the agitation, nor the condition of international
relations made it wise to denounce the Fenian proceedings so
long as they were confined to moral agitation; 91 Seward regretted
the fact that the British government had seen fit to raise the
issue at such a time:
Under the existing circumstances, the insisting by the British Government upon the discrimination mentioned, could
not but be regarded as manifesting a willingness to join
issue with the Government of the United States upon the
main question involved in the conflict. What advantages
would result from this precipitancy? Would it tend to disarm, or weaken, or disperse the class of persons who are
understood to be seeking to produce sedition and civil war
in Ireland, to have it known that a serious debate has
occurred upon it between the United States and Great Britain, without any good prospect of a peaceful and friendly
settlement. It is for Her Majesty's Government to consider
whether, the occasion which brings up the question is the
most suitable one, and whether the present time is th,e very
conjuncture which ought to be chosen for joining that issue,
or whether some other occasion and time might not be more
convenient for treating the question upon a good hope of
its adjustment ..... The United States will find themselves
,entirely unable to acquiesce in the course which is indicated
by the Lord Lieutenant's decision in the case of John H. and
Joseph Gleason, 92 and other British born, but naturalized
citizens of the United States ..... There has been no reservation on the part of the United States in regard to the
principle that the process of naturalization in this country
completely absolves the person complying with it, from
01 Secretary Seward to Adams, March 10, 1866, Diplomatic Correspondence, Part I, 1866.
Colonel John H. Gleeson was born in Tipperary. He served three years
in the Civil War with the Sixty-third Regiment, New York Volunteers. He
was released in July of that year. Captain Joseph Gleeson, also a Tipperary
man, served two years in the same regiment ; he was released with the
colonel.
132
The Fenian Moveme11,t in the United States: I858-I886
foreign allegiance, whoever may have been his sovereign,

and invests him with the right, equally with native born
citizens, to such protection and care of the Government of
the United States as it can; in conformity with treaties and
the law of nations, extend over him, wherever he may sojourn, whether in the land of his nativity, or in any other
foreign country. 93
Seward stressed the fact that British insistence would raise
the hopes of the Fenians that a serious disagreement between the
two governments would ensue. He enumerated two points on
which there was conflict ; the naturalization controversy and
questions of trade between the United States and the British
American Provinces, including the subject of fisheries. He feared
that delay in coming to a friendly understanding would be unpropitious at that time. 94 Adams showed this despatch to Clarendon and convinced him that to raise the issue ,of indefeasibility
of allegiance would serve but to add fuel to the popular feeling
against England then prevalent. Clarendon promptly issued instructions that the Fenians taken in Ireland, both naturalized
and native born citizens of the United States, should be gradu. ally released on condition that they return to the United States.
He wr,ote Bruce on April 14:
I trusted that both the state of Ireland and the prudence of
the Lord 'Lieutenant would prevent any difference between
Her Majesty's Government and that of the United States
upon a question involving a principle the discussion of
which, in c-onnection with Fenianism, it would be desirable
not to enter upon. 95
If O 'Mahony still had hopes of participating in the projected
insurrection in Ireland, despite the news of the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act there, these hopes were shattered by the
Secretary Seward to Adams, March 22, 1866, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
XX, MS Dept. of State.
,. Secretary Seward to Adams, March 31, 1866, ibid.
""Lord Oarendon to Bruce, April 14, 1866, F.O. 115: 450.
00
j Q ~ . .~
~r
~.<
:i
'
'
133
gloomy account sent them by John Mitchel, their financial agent

in Paris. Writing on March 10, he acknowledged the receipt of
a package of bonds of the Irish Republic which he had been sent
to dispose of in France. Up to that time he had received about
$46,000 to transmit to Ireland, and reported that continual dissatisfaction existed over receiving so little. He had little luck in
disposing of the bonds :
With regards to the Bonds of the LR., if the Society had
gone on harmoniously, and the Fenian Brotherhood were
still with strength unbroken, as when I left America, probably something could be done with them here. 1:ou are
aware that to put any bonds of a foreign loan upon the
market here requires previous authorization by the Government. That, I need hardly tell you, was not to be expected,
in the present relations of France and England. But perhaps
they might have sold privately. However, after the events
which have happened both in the United States and in Ireland, I see no chance of this. I have offered some to persons
whom I knew to be well affected to our cause, but in vain.
For the present therefor, the whole package of bonds remains unbroken in my desk. 56
In an interesting addition to this letter, intended only for O'Mahony, Mitchel gave his interpretatfon of recent events and prospects for the future :
I need not tell you dear O 'Mahony, how bitterly I have been
grieved by the shameful breakup of the F;enian Brotherhood. Its worst effect was not the cutting off of money supplies-it was the deconsideration of our cause in Americawhich sentiment of the Americans was what encouraged the
enemy to make this swoop upon all the Irish American citizens they could fina in Ireland. I make no doubt that Russell had consulted Adams before doing it, and that Adams
told him to go ahead-they were but Irish after all. It is
very weUfor Mr. Killian and others to express indignation,
which indeed they have a right to feel, at this open abandonment of the rights of naturalized citizens who had fought
06
Mitchel to O'Mahony, March 10, 1866. O'Mahony Papers.
134
for the flag, and all that. But it is what ought to have been
expected. And a fine situation those American Irish now
find themselves in, who fought for that flag with the expectation that as soon as the war was ended, they would be let
loose upon England !
But it is useless to look back upon the past. The movement
in Ireland is, I suppose, entirely stopped, and any combined
and intelligent insurrection quite impossible-though there
may be local outbreaks. I am not in possession of Stephens'
mind upon this matter. The last letter, but one, I had from
him, (beginning of January) was to ask my advice as to
whether the outbreak should begin then, within a day or
two, or be postponed for a month, when he said he was sure
of being much better provided with material. Now he knew
my opinion at the time he wrote-namely that without a
considerable expedition from America insurrection in Ireland was hopeless. I told him that I must decline to give any
advice now on that point-that he best knew both what his
resources were, and what engagements he had taken with
the multitude of Americans he had brought over, as well as
the many hundreds, perhaps thousands, of men he had induced to come from England and Scotland, abandoning
their business and appearing on the streets of Dubiin as
strangers having nothing to do, which could not fail to attract the attention of the police ..... Again he wrote to me,
a few days later, stating that neither he, nor anyone else in
the movement, thought for one moment of settling down
without a fight-that the question was only whether they
should fight then, or in the beginning of February-that he
had consulted his Centres, and laid everything before 'them,
and that it was agreed to wait till the beginning of February. It is now near the middle of March; and the Government has now (I supposit) made any respectable fight impossible. Stephens' friends are already laying the blame on
others, especially on you for not sending an expedition, or
at least for not furnishing an illimitable treasury ..... Also
the prompt action of the English Government was previously what they ought to have expected-what they ought
to have anticipated, by striking two months ago, if they were
to strike at all ..... l further find you to blame ( when the
Senate attacked you) in retorting hard names upon them,
135
and posting them as thieves. This made the breach irreparable, provoked their friends throughout the country to sustain them through everything-and added to the already
inevitable scandal of an '' Irish quarrel,'' which amused the
Americans, and encouraged the British to ride roughshod
over the Irish Republic. 97
In the meantime O 'Mahony had summoned the central council
on March 17. As word reached the O 'Mahony wing of the preparations being made by the Roberts adherents for their military
move, letters from bellicose Fenians reached the former, complaining of the delay in inaugurating hostilities and threatening to join the rival branch. Added to this discontent with
O'Mahony's policy were the many members of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood who fled to New York when the Habeas
Corpus Act was suspended. The session of the central council
was summoned to cope with this emergency and to determine on
a course of action. It was during this meeting that the ill-fated
Campo Bello venture was propos,ed by B. Doran Killian, whose
pet scheme it had been since the previous October. He had an
active supporter in Patrick A. Sinnott. 98 Killian claimed that
this small island, lying off the coast of Maine, was neutral
territory, claimed alike by Great Britain and the United States,
while no clear title to its ownership had been established by
either. It was proposed that the men engaged in its occupation
proceed to Eastport, Maine, without arms and in civilian attire,
so as to commit no overt violation of the laws of the United
States, while munitions of war, arms, and other supplies were
to be sent to the same place by a different route. Upon gaining
possession of the island, it was represented that an armed force
could be organized there either for the imm,ediate. invasion of
Ibid.
In 1860 Sinnott edited a short-lived Irish paper, the Adopted Citizen
in Providence, Rhode Island. In July, 1866, he had Stephens arrested in
Boston and sued him for $5000 for lectures given in the Fenian cause. That
same year he left the Brotherhood; started an ephemeral organization in
Boston known as the Annexation League. For biographical sketch of
Sinnott cf. Providence Journal, January 2, 1866.
91
98
I
136
The I!eni,an Movement in the Un.ited States: r858-r886
Ireland or for manning privateers to prey upon British commerce, and thus commence hostilities. 0 'Mahony consented to
this sudden movement and signed an authorization for Killian
to begin active preparations. 0 'Mahony was anxious to have
the Fenian flag unfurled on the Atlantic with as little delay as
possible, now that his wing had a naval force consisting of one
vessel. 09
One of the Fenian warriors who attended this session of the
central council found the lure of British gold irresistible because
Sir Frederick Bruce wrote to Clarendon on March 20 that he
had informed the Lieutenant governors of Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick relative to the Fenian plan to invade them.100 Henry
J. Murray, British consul at Portland, Maine, was instructed to
notify the vice-consuls at Eastport, Bath, and Bangor to report
on signs of Fenian activity in those towns. Murray's report
stated that Fenianism excited little interest in Portland. The
one Fenian circle there held a few meetings to which no importance was attached. The Irish population there were well employed and not inclined to offer their services for any filibustering expedition.101 The vice-consul at Eastport reported excitement in New Brunswick over the rumored raids.102 Murray's
informer at Eastport told him that a difference of opinion
existed there among the Fenians. His conclusion was that Fenianism in that region was of a very unimportant character. The
same. estimate was received from Bath, Bangor, and Eastport. 108
As the Roberts party was announcing its determination to
strike within a short time the O 'Mahony wing realized that to
earn the title of "men of action" they must take to the war path
as soon as possible. A circular issued by O 'Mahony on March 31
called for immediate shipment of men and war materials to the
09 A ship bought at Government sale. Cf. Irish People, February 3, and
May 12, 1866.
'
100 Bruce to Lord Qarendon, March 20, 1866, F.0. 115: 453.
01 Murray to Bruce, March 19, 1866. F.O. 5: 1063.
""' Murray to Bruce, March 19, 1866, ibid.
108 Murray to Bruce, March 19, 1866, ibid.
137
headquarters in New York. 104< This show of activity reawakened

the interest of the New York press which gave exaggerated
accounts of the movement. Typical was one in the Herald on
April 5:
On Monday night, at about 12 o'clock, B. Doran Killian
sailed an expedition for the capture of the Island of Bermuda, and on the following Tuesday night, at about the
same hour, Colonel P. J. Downing sailed at the head of
another expedition destined for the same place. Mr. Killian's
expedition was composed of three magnificent iron steamers,
with altogether three thousand desperadoes, all of whom had
been soldiers in the United States Army. Colonel Downing
had two steamers and 2500 men.
In the first week of April, Fenians began to depart f.or the
scene of operations, and they settled in Eastport, Lubec, Robbinston, and Calais, or encamped in small parties along the
Maine side of the St. Croix River. The island of Campo Bello,
belonging to New Brunswick, situated at the mouth of the St.
Croix in the entrance to Passamaquoddy Bay, was regarded as
ripe for conquest by the Fenians. As the number of strangers
increased in these small towns, Seward notified Attorney General
Speed of the projected invasion and he was assured that prompt
action would be taken, if necessary. 105 Secretary of the NavY
Welles ordered the United States steamer "Winooski" to proceed
from Philadelphia to Eastport immediately. 106 When the number
of Fenians at Eastport increased to 300, Killian among them,
breathing threats against British tyranny, the collector of customs at Eastport, Washington Long, telegraphed to the Treasury
Department asking that an experienc,ed military man be sent
there immediately to preserve order107 The same day a telegram
New York Herald, April 1, 1866.
Seward to Speed, April 12, 1866, Miscellaneous Letters, MS
1
Dept. of State.
106 Welles to Secretary Seward, April 13, 1866, Miscellaneous Letters, MS
Dept. of. State.
101 Long to Treasury Department, April 16, 1866, ibid.
104
" Secretary
138
was received from Governor Gordon of New Brunswick stating

that a steamer with men and arms had been chartered in New
York and was due to arrive in Eastport on April 17.108 MajorGeneral George Meade was ordered from Philadelphia to Eastport on April 16.109 The Fenian steamer, the '' Ocean Spray,''
loaded with 500 stand of arms arrived at Eastport on April 17.
Commander Cooper of the "Winooski" telegraphed Welles for
instructions. Stanton had suggested to Seward that Welles issue
orders that the cargo be seized, but the unwillingness of Welles
to assume responsibility is noted in his diary :
Colonel Seward came in with papers from the Secretary of
State, consisting of a note from Sir Frederick Bruce, inclosing two telegrams from Eastport in regard to arms on the
Spray, urging that the arms and the Fenians should not be
permitted to meet. These had been sent to Stanton, who had
returned them with a note .... suggesting that the Navy
could take some action. Seward wrote ..... that I could send
orders to restrain action, or another to that effect. I observe
that these men are very chary about disturbing the Fenians,
and I do not care to travel out of the line of duty to relieve
them. 110
Meade arrived in Eastport on April 19 with a company of artillery from Portland, which he stationed at Calais. He found
about 400 Fenians at Eastport and he reported a similar number
at Calais, and collections of strangers known to be Fenians at
Lubec, Pembrooke, and Robbinston. Killian asserted that his object was to go fishing on the banks and as the reciprocity treaty
was abrogated, he claimed the right to arm his parties in anticipation of Canadian opposition. Meade had the arms removed
from the "Ocean Spray" and deposited in Fort Sullivan.111
Gordon to Secretary Seward, April 16, 1866, ibid.
Secretary Stanton to Secretary Seward, April 17, 1866, ibid.
uo Welles, Diary . .. , II, 486.
ru Meade to Lt. Gen. Grant, April 19, 1866, Miscellaneous Letters. Cf.
also George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade (New
108
108
The F'enians Gird For Battle
139
That was the end of the grand plan to seize Campo Bello,
intended by the Fenians as a prelude to more violent action
against Great Britain. The wild scheme never had a prospect of
success. Besides the presence of the "Winooski," six British
warships rode at anchor in the vicinity of Campo Bello.112 Dependent on arms and supplies which never reached them, their
only warlike move was a descent on Indian Island, lying opposite
Eastport, on April 15, and the capture of the custom house
flag. 118 This feat was hailed by a Fenian journal as news that:
"Will cause th-e British lion to shake his sides and lash his tail.
Let him ! The spirit of liberty is abroad.'' 114 The Fenians spent
$40,000 on this fiasco, and bitter and disillusioned members
denounced O 'Mahony and Killian for the farcical outcome.
An interesting sidelight of this venture was the impetus it
gave to Canadian federation. In the autumn of 1865, Sir Arthur
Hamilton-Gordon, then Lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick,
visited the border towns to urge upon the inhabitants the wisdom
of taking pr-ecautionary measures against the Fenian threats. As
York, 1913), II, 285. Report of Major General George G. Meade to Secretary of War, October 12, 1866, in House Executive Document No. 3, 39
Cong., 2nd. Sess., pp. 42-43.
,.,. Fenian Raid, Nova Scotia Command, 1866-70. 0 1672 File CR Q 409,
P.A.C. There are more than 500 telegrams in this file which tell the story
of the ease with which this feeble attempt was frustrated. The majority of
the telegrams were sent to General Doyle at Halifax, Sir Frederick Williams at Halifax, Vice Admiral Sir James A. Hope, and Sir Arthur
Hamilton-Gordon. See also J. Vroom, "Fenians on the St. Croix," Canadian
Magazine, X (1898), 411-13.
Viscount Monck announced to Macdonald on April 10 the arrival of a
British fleet in the vicinity of Eastport. See Monck to Macdonald, telegram,
April 10, 1866, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, II, P.A.C.
:ua New York Herald, April 16, 1866. The custom house was burned down
and the collector of customs there, Robert Burns, received 750 from the
British Government for the damage as well as for services he rendered
Vice-consul Ker. Cf. F.O. 115: 463, Oct. 16, 1867.
21 Irish People, April 21, 1866. The New York Herald treated this farce
as a major military operation, with maps of Passamaquoddy Bay, Campo
Bello, and Eastport; first page headlines for several days. Cf. Herald,
April 11-21, 1866.
140
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United States: 1858-1886
the question of the confederation of the provinces of British

North America was then before the people, many were disposed
to laugh at the Fenian scare, believing it to be a political mov,e,
encouraged by the promoters of confederation in the hope of
influencing the electorate. The vote in New Brunswick at the
election in 1865 had been against federation, but the election in
May and June, 1866, reversed the result of the previous year. 115
The O 'Mahony wing was discredited by the fiasco at Campo
Bello and the usual charges that O 'Mahony and Killian were
deep in the pay of the British Government were hurled by irate
Fenians.116
Archibald had probably the best infarmation regarding the
actual extent of this operation as he received it directly from
'' Red Jim'' McDermott, notorious Fenian informer and confidant of O 'Mahony. He wrote on April 17:
. I h~ve had, of late, several interviews with, and communications from the Special Informant .... and have received
from him much useful information bearing upon the present
state and condition of the O 'Mahony faction. Although no
longer in the pay of the organization, he is in confidential
relations with O 'Mahony, and is consulted by him .....
Killian, O'Mahony's Secretary of the Treasury, planned the
expedition to Eastport with the view of seizing, or effecting
a landing on the Island of Campo Bello, under the singular
impression that it is debateable territory; and that this proceeding might, perhaps, lead to international disputes, and,
possibly, to war ..... Against this project Halpin entered a
written protest, more especially as Stephens had given or~
ders that nothing of this nature should be attempted; nor
indeed anything beyond raising money should be done, until
after his arrival here ..... The number of men which Killian
took with him from New York did not exceed 80 or 90. He
w Charles P. Stacey, "Fenianism and the Rise of National Feeling in
Canada at the Time of Confederation," Canadian Historical Review, XII
(1931), 238-61; J. Vroom, "Fenians on the St. Croix," Canadian Magazine,
X (1898), 411-13; New York Herald, June 23, 1866.
118 John Rutherford, The St?cret History of the Fenian Conspiracy, Its
Origin, Objects and Ramifications (London, 1877), I. 244-45.
"i
I
I
141
appears to have been joinoo. at Boston by some recruits under a rabid Fenian Centre, named P. A. Sinnott. From
Boston they proceeded, by way of Portland, to Eastport
without arms, other than revolvers and dirks, which most of
these men carry with them always ..... O'Mahony, as my
Informant tells me, has consquently beoome greatly dispirited .... on account of Killian's doings. Indeed, he suspects
Killian to be secretly in league with Mr. D'Arcy McGee.
No bonds are selling, neither is there any money ooming
into th~ 0 'Mahony Exchequer. A decided reaction has set
in, and the present state of affairs is most discouraging ...
. . The idea of an expedition to Ireland .... is now exploded
..... The six Irish pilots are still here ..... As regards the
position and prospects of the Sweeny-Roberts faction, my
Informant has no opportunity of obtaining correct intelligence.117
ur Archibald to Viscount Monck, April 17, 1866, G 3, Vol. II, P.A.C.

'lhis was one of the longest reports sent by Archibald.
\.Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ
CHAPTERV
THE FIGHTING !RISH TAKE THE FIELD
The O 'Mahony wing of the Fenians was discredited by the

fiasco at Campo Bello. The New York press ridiculed it, including the Herald, which a few weeks previous had given the story
such wide publicity. Only the Times was able to point out that
while the other papers were glorifying the work of the Fenians,
it had predicted a miserable failure for any undertaking it
might attempt. 1 The Roberts wing naturally rejoiced over the
failure of the '' Eastport Fizzle,'' as they called it. 2
Jam.es Stephens, safe in Paris after his escape from Ireland,
determined to come to the United States in an effort to restore
harmony. His principal reason for coming was to rededicate the
Brotherhood to action in Ireland and to assure a flow of money
to Mitchel in Paris. Mitchel's financial statement up to April 7,
the last one he made, showed that no funds had been received
by him since March 22. From the time he went to Paris as the
agent of the Brotherhood a total of 310,594 francs passed
through his hands, a sum amounting to $62,118-a far cry from
the huge sums originally promised to the '' men in the gap.' ' 8
The Campo Bello venture, hurriedly decided on, naturally cut
off disbursements to Paris. Mitchel, who disliked and distrusted
Stephens, probably knew he was going to America to displace
0 'Mahony as head centre. On April 7 he wrote:
Steph,ens leaves this, I believe on the 14th. I wish he had
gone by an earlier steamer as his presence must be very
much needed over there to give impetus to the movement
and strengthen your hands. But I hope there is no intention
of placing him at the head of the Fenian Brotherhood in
America. He says he does not wish this hinielf, and would
1 March 15, 24; April 12, 14, 17, 1866.
"Irish American, April 28, 1866.
8 O'Mahony Papers. On April 10, Mitchel aclmowledged the receipt of
57,058 francs, amounting to approximately $11,417.
142
The Fighting Irish Take the Field
143
not accept it-that he goes out chiefly to help to bring back

the Senate party to reason and sustain your position. He
tells me however that you have earnestly urged him to go
over, as you are yourself worn out. It is not to be wondered
at if the strain of the last few months has told heavily upon
you, both in physique and morale. Yet I trust you are to
remain at the head of the American organization. 4
On receipt ,of this letter O 'Mahony immediately moved to effect
a union of the two wings. On April 20, he designated William
G. Halpin, recently returned from Ireland, to act as his representative in this undertaking. Halpin wrote to William R.
Roberts, president of the senate wing the same day:
If we are honest in our intentions and asseverations we
ought to unite for the common good and let no personal

prejudices interfere between us. It will take all our united
efforts to overthrow the desperate enemy we have to contend with and lift our oppressed nation up to freedom and
happiness ..... I see no difficulty in the way of carrying
out General Sweeny's programme if we have a perfect
understanding. I much fear the result of either party attempting anything on their own account, while united they
can smite the enemy at different points. Mr. Stephens will
soon be here, and I think prudence would dictate a suspension of operations until he arrives.
This overture was rejected by Roberts on the grounds that he
was addressed as a private individual, and not as president of
the Fenian Brotherhood. Halpin then addressed his appeal to
General Sweeny who said he would only consider appeals which
came over the signature of O 'Mahony. 5 That ended the attempt
to unify the Brotherhood. The rift had grown too wide and the
mutual abuse indulged in by the rival wings during the past
five months had rendered reconciliation all but impossible. Men
Ibid.
These letters, m1ssmg from the O'Mahony Papers, are reprinted in
Denieffe, Recollections . .. , pp. 230-32.
\
144
The Fenian Movement in the United States: z858-r886
are not inclined to forget charges of dishonesty and treachery,

least of all Irishmen.
_In the meantime the plans of the Roberts wing were maturing.
On March 23, Tevis, adjutant general to Sweeny, wrote that he
was preparing 3000 muskets for shipment.6 He reported one man
ready to start with 700 in his regiment. These men were willing
to buy their own carbines, revolvers, or sabres. Sweeny's plan
was a thorough one and was laid down by him at the Roberts
convention in Pittsburgh in February of that year:
1. That the minimum force with which I would consent to
invade Canada should be 10,000 men.

2. Three batteries of artillery.
3. Each man should be furnished with 200 rounds of ammunition.
4. Each gun should be furnished with 500 rounds of fixed

ammunition.
And furthermore, that this personnel and material be

f.urnished in time for me to cross into Canada during
that season when the lakes and rivers are bridged with
ice. Otherwise, double that force would be necessary. 7
Obviously, Sweeny had been given until the following winter
to complete his plans f.or invasion, and the Pittsburgh convention
failed to reckon with any movement likely to be made by O'Mahony. The pitiful attempt at Campo Bello served to make the
name -of Fenian ridiculous, and an immediate clamor was raised
by the Roberts Fenians for speedy action. A. special session of
the senate met in New York on April 9, and heard a bellicose
speech by President Roberts. 8 Sweeny was summoned before the
senate and later said:
Sweeny Papers.
Ibid. Also printed as "Official Report of General Thomas W. Sweeny,

Secretary of War of the Fenian Brotherhood, and Commander in Chief of
the Irish Republican Army," Journal of American Irish Historical Society,
xxrrr (1924), 193-203.
Irish American, April 14, 1866.
145
On the 16th of April I appear(ld before the Senate, when

a resolution was passed urging me to immediate action;
every member voting in the affirmative. Taking this action
into consideration with the reckless pressure brought to bear
upon me by the several Circles to hasten me into premature
action, and the assurances of almost the entire organization
that unless I took the field at once, the dissolution of the
Brotherhood would be inevitable, I reluctantly yielded. 9
A call was issued for the '' sinews of war'' to be sent to
Sweeny ;10 bonds were issued to those who e,ontributed ten dollars or more to the Irish National War Fund,11 and an Irish
Sanitary Commission was started by the Fenian Sisterhood. This
organization was to receive lint and medicines for the prospective Fenian casualties on the battle field. As the New York
Herald said: '' They are ready to take the field themselves and
smooth the work of war for their soldier brothers.'' 12 A total
of 4,220 muskets were purchased from the Bridesburg Arsenal,
Philadelphia, and distributed among the Fenians. On May 3,
William M. O'Reilly, major of ordnance in the Brotherhood,
wrote Sweeny ,on the disposition of these muskets :
J. F. Scanlan, Chicago, Illinois, ............................................................
J. W. Fitzgerald, Cincinnati, Ohio,......................................................
Philip Breen, St. Clair, Schuylkill Co. Pa...............................
Samuel Mulvill, Bergen Point, New Jersey,..............................
Cornelius Finn ........................................ .............................................................
Peter Higgins, Cleveland, Ohio, ................................,...........................
John Egan, Elizabethport, New Jersey,..........................................
Ed. Fitzwilliam, Watertown, Massachusetts,..............................
P. J. Kelly, Newburg, New York,......................................................
John Nealon, Carbondale, Pennsylvania,....................................
rI
620
100
40
20
20
20
20
'20
40
80
Sweeny Papers.
Irish American, April 21, 1866.
11 Ibid., April 28, 1866.
12 April 30, 1866. The Fenian Sisterhood was never very strong. In 1867
at the Cleveland convention of the Roberts wing a proposal was made that
it be admitted to the Fenian Brotherhood. This the tight-lipped Fenians
rejected on the ground that women were unable to keep a secret.
10
146
M. J. Philbin, Pittstown, Pennsylvania,.......................................... 80

Bryon Fallon, Archibald, Pa., ............,..................................................... 20
P. Regan, Oswego, N. Y., .............................................................................. 480
Thomas McLean, Cincinnati, Ohio ...................................................... 480
W. Fleming, Troy, N. Y., .............................................................................. 480
C. I. King, Corry Pa.,.................................................................................... 20
D. McGowan, East St. Louis, 111.,...................................................... 40
Owen Gavigan, Auburn, N. Y.,- 40
P. O'Day, Buffalo, N. Y., ..............................................................................1:000
John Barret, Dunkirk, N. Y., .................................................................. 480
lVI. J. Cronin, Erie, Pa.,- 840
J. O'Farrell, Baltimore, Md., .................................................................. 100 13
Sweeny's original plan called for an outlay of $450,000, but the
acceleration of the plan of invasion made the realization ,of this
sum impossible; a little more than $100,000 was raised. 14 Efforts
were made to buy artillery at the government arsenal at Bridesburg, but neg,otiations fell through at the last moment. Sweeny
relied on capturing the artillery of the Canadian garrisons. 15
From Detroit came reports of Fenian strength there and the
good prospects of seizing Windsor, Ontario:
The facilities afforded for crossing at this place are very
good. A small tug can take over men enough in an hour to
capture the city and the companies there.
The Grand Trunk Railroad has its terminus in Windsor
..... Store houses in abundance and plenty of rolling stock
to, supply an army of 10,000 men with the necessary supplies. The feeling in Detroit is on the whole very good, and
.... many of the soldiers of the late army would rally to
our standard, provided they saw a good start made. 16
The comparatively large number of muskets sent to Buffalo
showed that one of the majm attacks on Canada was to be made
from that city. In order to avoid suspicion, the Fenians planned
13
Sweeny Papers.
"Ibid.
"Ibid.
1 Ibid.
147
to ship the arms and supplies to designated p,oints along the

border, the Fenian soldiers to travel there in civilian attire when
the order to attack was given. At Buffalo permission was granted
by the New York Central Railr,oad to store the guns, crated and
labeled as merchandise, in its warehouses. In order to get the
Fenian warriors across the Niagara River a contract was drawn
up with an owner of canal boats:
Boats are chartered to go to Canada for cargoes of ashes,
so that there will be no suspicion of their going over the
river. None of our men appear in the business at all, so
there can be no suspicion aroused by their being seen around
the boats. We are to pay $25 per day for the use of the boats
and the tugs are to be paid what they demand. 17
The arms sent to Buffalo were to be addressed to a fictitious
person on Lake Superior. A Fenian agent was to be ready in
Buffalo to claim them and have them stored aboard the tugs,
ready for the invasion. By May 10, the order was given to begin
preparations for action:
Colonels of regiments will immediately cause to be packed
all serviceabl,e army equipments and war material preparatory to transportation to the points of rendezvous of their
command. Colonels of regiments and commanders of detachments will immediately forward all war material to the
points of rendezvous, as follows :
The troops from New York and New Jersey to Buffalo.
The troops from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut to Dunkirk.
The troops from Pennsylvania to Erie.
The troops from Indiana and Tennessee to Sandusky City.
The troops from Ohio, Maryland, North Carolina, and Virginia to Cleveland.
The troops from Kentucky and Missouri to Toledo.
The troops from Illinois to Chicago.
The troops from Iowa and Wisconsin to Milwaukee.
The troops from Michigan to Port Huron.
17
Ibid.
148
The orders to move will be communicated by telegraph in

a few days. 18
In the meantime the Canadian government had been receiving
information from Alexander McLeod, a bookkeeper in Patrick
O'Day's auction room in Buffalo. Writing on February 28 he
said:
I am in the headquarters of the Fenian organization .....

The owner of the premises is Pat O 'Day an auctioneer. He
is an ignorant little Irishman, pretty well off ..... The auction room today is full of Irishmen, a number of officers
late of the U. S. Volunteers, are there just now. The discussion I am told is all about the intended attack on Canada.
Their talk is not sotto voce for I can almost hear them,
altho my door is shut and they near 50 feet from it. 19
Twelve days later McLeod was able to announce that:
My employers son a lad of 18 and a fe:qian came into the
office from the auction, where in the afternoon Fenians
must do congregate, and said Mr. P. 0 'Day o.ffers $1000 in
gold to any one that will bring him .D 'Arey McGee's head
..... The whole of the arms have been removed from
0 'Day's cellar and it is being fitted out for a drill room,
they had men clearing it out during friday and Saturday.
It is 125 in length by 60 wide, they can drill 200 men in it
at a time. 20
..
As the weeks went by McLeod's reports became more alarming:

There are now about 1000 stand of muskets here,-and revolvers. They (at least ten men) are busy lowering cases of
arms into the cellar. The empty cases are brought up and
piled in the auction store. Ammunition, military accoutrements and wagons are now ready in the city for an invading
Ibid., this was written by Tevis, the adjutant general.
McLeod to John Simpson, February 28, 1866, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians, II, P.A.C.
20 McLeod to J. Macdonald, March 12, 1866, ibid.
18
18
149
force of 5,000 men which is the contingent to move from

Buffalo very soon. I can't say when, I don't think the time
to advance is fixed yet,. some say in about a week, others
not until May. They will have a navy then, that will sweep
the lakes. These people are in earnest. 100 men of the 1st
U.S. Reserve Corps arrived last night. The F's say they will
get half of them and several officers. They have officers
enough here there are nine captains in the cellar and auction room at present, viz. Captains Bailey, Kelly, Fogarty,
Scanlan, Hoy, Byrne, and O'Neill ..... I am now about
fully convinced there will be an invasion ..... They have
Irish boarding houses selected for them, principally taverns,
and the board is $3 per week ..... The general attack is to
be made simultaneously on a line 1500 miles by at least
100,000 men at arms. 21
McLeod's final report described a Fenian drill he witnessed:
They brought me over to P.O'Day's store and I found there
the stern looks of six hundred muskets-full mounted and
in fine order as I ever saw, uniforms for the same amount
of men ..... These are all new muskets and all good, they
told me there would be a drill in the evening, I attended it
half past seven, there came out from the large drill room
that is near P.O'Day's store, where one hundred men drill
with ease, forty eight rank and file with a captain at their
head fit to take them any place and I was astouished to see
those men go through their drill as easy as if they were
drinking a glass, their double quick and charge brought
applause, it seems the whole city encourages them on. 22
21 McLeod to Macdonaid, March 19, 1866, ibid. At the same time Thomas
Condon was writing from Cincinnati: "After softening some of the leaders
of the Roberts men with punch and oisters I discovered that New Brunswick would be their place as they intend to take all the shipping they could
get there .... after that they would either go to Ireland or go back on
Canada." Cf. Condon to Macdonald, March 20, 1866, ibid.
22 McLeod to Macdonald, March 23, 1866, ibid. The reports of H. W.
Hemans, British consul at Buffalo, also reflected alarm during the early
months of 1866. See especially Hemans i:o Macdonald, March 20, 1866;
Hemans to McMicken, April 12, 1866; Hemans to General Napier, April
30, 1866, ibid.
150
Besides detectives in Buffalo and New York McMicken also

had men stationed at Fort Erie, Sarnia, Dtroit, Chicago, Goderich, Cleveland, and Lewiston. The reports from these men
stressed the importance of preparedness on the part of the
Canadian government. 28 The executive oouncil of C'anada had
instructed Viscount Monck to seek help from the mother country
in providing a larger naval force ,on the Lakes as a protection
against the Fenians. On April 28, Sir James Hope was instructed that: "within the limits fixed by the Convention .... of 1817
.... he should make. use of his men and guns in local vessels
up,on the Lakes in like manner as he has already been instructed
to use them on the Upper St. Lawrence." 24 On receipt of this
Blope requested the admiralty to supply him with three 80 horse
power gun vessels and six 60 horse power gunboats. 25 The num~
ber of royal troops was likewise increased in Canada as a result
of pleas made to London :
The Queen has been pleased to affirm of the lOOth Foot
being ordered from Malta to Canada to replace th 30th
Regiment to proceed to Jamaica, when its services in North
America can be dispensed with ..... The .Garrison of Malta
will thus be reduced by one Regiment, and by detaining the
Corps named in the margin in British North America you
will have four additional regiments at your disposal 26
While feverish preparations were being made by the Roberts
wing, Thomas J. Kelly arrived in New York with the news that
Stephens would follow shortly to restore harmony. Never one to
underestimate his powers, Stephens wrote confidently from
Paris on April 26:
28 McMicken to Macdonald, April 30, 1866, Macdonald Papers: McMicken
Reports, IV, 515-16, P.A.C.
.. Cardwell to Monck, April 28, 1866, GI, Vol. 163, P.A.C.; also Cardwell
to Monck, April 7, 1866, ibid.
.. Hope to Monck, May 1, 1866, C 185, pp. 74-75, P.A.C.
28 W. F. Forster to General Officer commanding the troops in B.N.A.,
April 27, 1866, C 185, p. 69, P.A.C. The four additional regiments spoken
of were the 15th, 16th, 25th, and 30th.
151
All these scandals are nearly at an end and only await my.
appearance, yonder, to die outright, and be forever forgotten. Tell all those dear to us that I go to the States to do
such work as shall quicken their frames with joy.. I know no
such thing as doubt and difficulties must go down before
me ..... I pledge my word that every Irishman who stands
in our way shall go down. 27
Stephens arrived ,on May 10, and the following day received and
accepted the resignation of O'Mahony, saying: "You not only
gave proof of weakness, but committed a crime less excusable
in y;ou than in any other man; for you should have known that
your project would have resulted .in our ruin.'' 28 Stephens
assumed the leadership of the wing dedicated to action in Ireland and appointed Thomas J. Kelly as his deputy. 29 The new
head centre summoned a mass meeting ,of the Fenians to meet
at Jones Wood on May 15, when he delivered a long speech on
the history of Fenianism and the purpose or which it was
founded. He announced his policy to be '' war in Ireland and
nowhere else,'' and he added, '' As surely as I address you today, we shall take the field in Ireland this very year"-a promise repeated by him on numerous occasions during the next five
months. 80 Of an arrogant nature, Stephens was unable to restore
harmony and within a few days of his arrival it was suggested
that he was a British spy. 81 Stephens was no spy, but about this
time another Fenian was placed on the payroll of the British .
government. The New York Times published an account of this
informer:
. A British official in this country, who occupies a very exalted position, stated not long since to a distinguished
United States General, whose Irish sympathies are very
strong, that one of the leaders of Fenianism in New York
"' O'Mahony Papers.
Irish People, May 19, 1866.
'"New York Herald, May 13, 1866.
80 Ibid., May 16, 1866.
81 Ibid., May 20, 1866.
18
152
suppUed him (the official aforesaid) with regular and minute information regarding the plans and projects of the
Brotherhood. A monthly report, in fact, is received at the
office of the gentleman from London. This report is drawn
up at the Fenian headquarters, and duly transmitted,
through the official, to the English Government. 32
This report was passed off by the Fenians as a typical example
of the hostility of the Times to the Irish race, but unfortunately
for them it was true .. In a report to Lord Stanley on August 7,
Bruce reported this addition to the list of informers :
With a view to obtain authentic information relative to the
Fenian Brotherhood and their plans I have employed since
the spring of the year a person who was an officer in the
so-called Confederate army, but is now reduced to a state
of the utmost poverty. He has been of great service to my!>elf and to the Canadian Government, and I have in the
course of the past few months given him on account of his
travelling expense at different times sums of money
amounting to 105 pounds, 19 shillings, 5 pence, for I am
still employing this person in order to test the truth of the
reports I receive of an intention on the part of the Fenians
to renew their attempts on the North American Provinces.
I have found the information he supplies, trustworthy. 88
The only man who fitted this description was Colonel Wheeler.
Another professed Fenian who made his appearance at this
time was Godfrey Massey who went under the name of Patrick
Condon. Posing as a former lieutenant-colonel in the Confederate Army, Massey was named central organizer of the O 'Mahony
branch in the states of Louisiana and Texas. Many letters from
him to headquarters in New York testifa~d to the zeal with which
he organized circles in those states, from the time of his appointment in November, 1865. High in the Fenian Brotherhood and
low in the esteem of New Orleans Fenians, Massey continued to
organize and lecture for the Fenian cause. In 1867 he was in
82
88
May 21, 1866.

Bruce to Lord Stanley, August 7, 1866, F.O. 115: 454.
The Fighting Irish Take the field
15;3
Ireland with the rank of prigadier general, comman~ing the

Fenian forces in that country. He had himself arrested at Kerry
and in the trials that followed that unfortunate attempt at revolution he was the star witness for the government against his
former comrades in arms. 34 With the help of Wheeler and other
informers in New York, Charles H. Hannan and ":J:l,ed Jim''
McDermott, who were rewarded liberally for. their information,
the British government was kept informed of the plans of the
intended invasion of Canada. 35 The futility of the Fenian effort
at secrecy was revealed in a note from :j3ruce to Seward on May
11, wherein he mentioned the boxes of guns sent to Buffalo,
Cleveland, Dunkirk, and Erie. 36
Seward communicated this information to the Secretaries of
War and the Treasury and steps were taken to locate the shipments of arms to points along the border. Stanton ordered Meade
to investigate the rumors of an impending invasion and by May
23, reports were received at the Department of State of the
" An interesting letter in the O'Mahony Papers is one addressed to
Stephens in October, 1866, warning him against Massey, whom the writer
accused of being a British spy. The Fenians in New Orleans had checked
on the supposed military record of Massey who claimed to be a lieutenant
colonel in one of the Virginia cavalry regiments. Correspondence with former Confederate officers convinced them the man was a fraud. This,
coupled with the fact that Massey, though unemployed, always had plenty
of money, was proof to them that he had succumbed to British gold. Oddly
enough, the majority of Irish writers have been lenient with Massey,
regarding him as a high-principled man who became disgusted with the
fumbling efforts of the. Fenians. A. M. Sullivan, New Ireland (Philadelphia, 1878), p. 376, said, "He was no spy who remained in ranks he meant
to betray. His story is that, finding some one of five men who held the
whole conspiracy in their hands was evidently betraying it, he, pondering
the case in his cell came to the conclusion that the sooner the whole business
was burst up and stopped the less victims would there be."
80 Stanley succeeded Clarendon as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
F.0. 115 :452, Lord Stanley to Bruce, Nov. 30, 1866.
88 Bruce to Secretary Seward, May 11, 1866, Great Britain, Notes, Vol.
82, MS Dept. of State.
154
Tke Fentian Movement in tke United States: 1858-1886
seizure of arms at Buffalo, Dunkirk, and Rouse's Point. 37 Unmindful that their plans were known to the government1 the
Fenians proceeded with their preparations and concentrations of
troops were ordered to start for the border. On May 22, Colonel
John O'Neill, commanding the Thirteenth Infantry, and Colonel
Owen Starr, commanding the Seventeenth Infantry, were ordered
to Cleveland, and a few days later to Buffalo. 88 Along the Vermont border Saint Albans was the favorite rendezvous for the
Fenians. The scene of Confederate raids from Canada during the
Civil War, the inhabitants of that little town were eager to witness a blow struck at Canada. The Ftmian selected to lead the
troops on this section of the frontier was Brigadier General
Samuel P. Spear, who received orders on May 26, on the ~uties
assigned him:
You will proceed to St. Albans, Franklin County, Vermont,
and take command of all troops ordered to that part of the
frontier lying between Ogdensburgh", New York, and the
sources of the Connecticut River. You will superintend the
forwarding of said troops and supplies into Canada as
rapidly as possible. This force will be called the Right Wing
of the Army of Ireland, and will consist of the following
regiments and battalions, 1st., 2d,3rd, 4th and 5th Cavalry;
1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 14th, 15th, 20th,
22d, 25th, and 26th Infantry. These troops will be organized
as soon as circumstances will permit into one or more divisions, the divisions formed into brigades and the artillery
into a battalion. The cavalry arm will be under the command of Brigadier-general M.C. Murphy, and will be
thrown forward in advance of the infantry on both sides
of the St. John's (or Richelieu) River and cut off or capture, if possible, the garrisons at Forts Chambley and St.
Johns, and threaten Montreal by the Vfictoria Bridge.
Should an opportunity offer, they will take possession of
the bridge and hold it until the infantry and artillery arrive. Should the enemy move out of the latter place in force,
87 Miscellaneous Letters, Secretary Stanton to Secretary Seward, May 23,
Sweeny Papers.
155
the cavalry will fall back, destroying the bridges as they

retire and throwing every obstacle they can in the enemy's
way. A portion o.f the cavalry will be sent along the Grand
Trunk Railroad in the direction of Quebec, and seize on
Fort Levi, if not too strongly garrisoned. Should the enemy
move across the river and press them, they will fall back
towards Richmond, destroying the bridges and giving timely
notice of the enemy's advance.
The cavalry will also collect supplies for the army, such as
horses, forage, beef cattle, etc., giving receipts for the same.
In case the enemy should attempt to concentrate from Quebec and Montreal, you will draw in y-0ur forces between the
St. Johns and the St. Francis Rivers and hold that country
at all hazards. 39
The center wing of the Fenian army was to be concentrated at
Buffalo under Brigadier General W. F. Lynch, who was ordered
to report in Buffalo on May 31. The left wing of the Fenian
forces was entrusted to Sweeny's Adjutant General, Tevis, who
was ordered to Chicago to organize a division, to be composed
of troops from Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, Wisconsin, Missouri,
and Kansas. Sweeny was told that transportation was available
at Cleveland for four or five thousand men and the following
order was issued on May 22, to colonels of regiments to forward
such regimental and property equipment as could not be carried
by the men:
The Louisiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana
troops t-o Cleveland, Ohio; Erie, Pa.; Sandusky City and
Toledo, Ohio.
The Western Pennsylvania and the Western New York
troops to Buffalo.
The Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Michigan troops to Chicago and Milwaukee.
The New York, New Jersey, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware,
and District of Columbia troops to Potsdam Junction and
Malone, New York.
The New England troops to St. Albans, Vermont. 40
89 Ibid .
.. Ibid.
l56
The Fenian Moveme1J,t in the United States: 1858-1886
Sweeny 's plan was really elaborate. He envisaged the envelopment of Canada from attacks developing at these points :
A descent from the Lakes simultaneous with the crossing
of the undefined boundary on the line of the St. Lawrence.
.A column of 3000 men were to move from Chicago and Milwaukee (24 hours in advance of the movement on Lake
Erie), by Lakes Michigan and Huron, seize and advance
directly on London by Stratford. This difference in time
was given so that the other columns could cross Lake Erie ;
one concentrating at Port Stanley and moving on London,
the other concentrating at Port Colbourne, seizing Paris,
Guelph, and Hamilton. This would compel the enemy to
concentrate his forces about the meridian of Toronto, uncovering Montreal. So soon as this was accomplished, our
auxiliaries in Canada were organized and prepared to des~
troy St. Ann's Bridge, at the junction of the Ottawa and
St. Lawrence Rivers on the Grand Trunk Railroad. This
would effectually cut off all communication between Upper
and Lower Canada. To distract the attention o.f the enemy
while this movement was being made, knowing that
wherever I was he would consider the main point o.f attack,
I was advertised in Erie and in Buffalo and other points
along the frontier, the main points of the attack being along
the line of the St. Lawrence. In order to more fully carry
out this design, I massed troops at Potsdam Junction and
at Malone; threatening Cornwall and Prescott, which had
the desired effect. The success of this movement being of
vital importance, Brigadier-general Murphy commanding
the cavalry, was ordered to move on both sides of the Richelieu River and seize the garrisons of Isle aux Nois, St. Johns
and Fort Chambly, or cut them off; occupy La Prairie and
threaten Montreal by the Victoria Bridge, holding it if possible until the Infantry came up; if forced to retire, they
would fall back, destroying the bridge and placing all
possible obstacles in the way of the enemy.
Simultaneously with this movement a detachment of cavalry
was to be sent forward along the line of the Grand Trunk
Railroad in the direction of Quebec seizing Point Levi, if
not too strongly garrisoned. Should the enemy move across
the river in force, they were to fall back on Richmond,
157
destroying the bridges and giving timely notice of the enemy's movements and holding that point. Should the enemy
attempt to concentrate his force from Montreal and Quebec,
the forces were to be drawn in between the Richelieu and
St. Francis Rivers and that country held at all hazards,
making Sherbrooke the Headquarters. 41
This was the plan of operations conceived by Sweeny to seize
Canada as a base from which to wage war against Great Britain.
It was rendered inoperative by the following developments.
Brigadier-General Tevis, who was to lead the expedition from
Chicago and Milwaukee 'by way of Lakes Michigan and Huron,
reported that no transportation could be secured at that point,
and that only half of the 3000 men promised could be mustered.
Brigadier-General Lynch, who was to superintend the operation
on Lake Erie did not carry out his assignment. This left Sweeny
with only Colonel John O'Neill and the Fenians at Buffalo able
to transport a force across the Niagara River. Buffalo, then,
became a focal point for the attack on Ontario. For days hundreds of Fenians were converging on that city. Reports to
Seward from the marshal there reported daily arrivals of hundreds at that point and warned that an attack was imminent. 42
The Canadian government had been lulled into a false sense
of security during May, due mainly to the reports sent by
McMicken and British consul Hemans at Buffalo. McMicken
wrote Macdonald on May 17 :
I cannot conceive it within the bounds of a reasonable
probability that Sweeney will attempt any demonstration
upon Canada now. I can gather nothing from any quarter
at present of anything being done indicative of a movement
of any kind unless we take the absence of bluster and the
unusual quiet every where as an indication. 43
Ibid.
Dart to Seward, May 30, 31, 1866, Miscellaneous Letters, MS Dept. of
State. He reported 346 on May 30, and 250 on May 31.
43 McMicken to John A. Macdonald, May 17, 1866, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, IV, 631, P.A.C.
41
42
158
Tke Feman Movement in tke United States: 1858-1886
Two days later Consul Hemans wrote optimistically:

I quite agree with you that Fenianism may be considered as
virtually dead ..... A raid or two would be, I should imagine, the only form which the vitality left to this latter section could take .... and against a possibility of the kind
the further maintenance of a costly detective machinery
seems scarcely necessary ..... Chicago seems to be the only
place requiring a little watchfulness. 44
The British consul's last report before the raid was written on
May 26:
The seizure of the arms is now the order of the day, and
the Deputy Marshal here has just shown me a despatch
from his chief stating that 'as there was good reason to believe that an expedition against Canada was meditated
from Buffalo, he must take every authorized means to prevent such an enterprise .... ' On the 1st inst. I wrote to the
U.S. Attorney Mr. Dart, suggesting to him the seizure of
O'Day's armory. He replied that his Gov't looked upon the
Fenian project as so wild and absurd that it preferred
leaving it to die a natural death, rather than give its dishonest originators the power of ascribing their failure to
official interference.45
John A. Macdonald was convinced by the middle of May that
the end of Fenianism had come.
Writing on May 19, he
remarked:
Many thanks for your amusing letter .... as to the proceedings. of the bold Fffi'.l.ians, I think that the row between
Stephens and Sweeny puts an end to the whole affair. Still
it may be the policy of both sections of that renowned body
.. Hemans to McMicken, May 19; 1866, Macdonald Papers: ibid., pp.647-
48.
41
Hemans to McMicken, May 26, 1866, Macdonald Papers: ibid., pp.
685-86.
159
to keep up a spirited irritation and uncertainty along our

frontier, and therefore they must be watched. 46
The choice of Buffalo as the base of operations was a good
,one. The influx of Fenia,ns into a large city of this kind could
easily be accommodated without causing undue alarm. Despite
the information in the hands of the Canadian government regarding the attack to be made it caught them by surprise. On
the night of May 31, 0 'Neill, with approximately 800 men,
crossed the Niagara River at Lower Black Rock, or North Buffalo, and occupied the village of Fort Erie. The American consul at that place immediately raised the American flag, which
drew a loud cheer from the Fenians. Their first act was to demand rations of the town sufficient for 1000 men. Blake, the
Consul, called upon -O'Neill at the request of the town authorities
to gain assurances that the people would not be harmed. O'Neill
stated to them that the object of the expedition under his command was an attempt to liberate Ireland by establishing a foothold for the Irish Republic in those provinces. During the rest
of that day the Fenians remained in the neighborhood of Fort
Erie. On the morning of June 2, they marched down the River
about two or three miles and then turned westward until they
came to the Black Creek and took positions in the angle formed
by the creek and the Niagara River. They then learned that a
force of Canadian volunteers had been landed at Port Colbourne
and were preparing to move on Fort Erie. The Fenians then
broke camp and moved on Ridgeway in order to defeat another
force of volunteers, the ''Queen's Own,'' among whom were
some students fr.om the University of Toronto. The Fenians
hoped to defeat this force, commanded by Colonel Booker, before
the troops under Colonel Peacocke could come to their assistance.
About eight o'clock in the morning the Fenians and the
"Queen's Own" clashed. O'Neill withdrew his troops a few
hundred yards in order to reform his lines and, thinking that
.. Macdonald to Duncan McKay, May 19, 1866, Macdonald Letter Books,

IX, 234, P.A.C. The belief that the Fenian agitation was over was expressed
in a letter to McMicken on May 21. Cf. ibid., pp. 244-45.
\.
1~0
they had them on the run, the young volunteers charged. The
Fenians, mostly veterans of the Civil War, met them with a
raking volley, and when they wavered, charged. The presence of
a few Fenian horsemen gave rise to the cry that Fenian cavalry
was about to charge and the volunteers broke and fled. The
Fenians pursued them for about three miles and then stopped
to consider their position. The Canadian -operations were directed
by General Napier, and the force immediately placed to meet
the Fenians was the Queen's Own, of Toronto, the 13th Battalion
of Hamilton, and the 16th Regiment of Regulars, under the
command of Colonel Peacocke. Colonel Booker, of the 13th Battalion, as senior officer, assumed the command as Brigadier.
Following the retreat of the Canadian v,olunteers to Port Colbourne Booker sent the following message to Peacocke :
I have returned to Port Colbourne with this command thoroughly worn out-utterly unable to move and short of
ammunition,-being obliged to retire from our position
three miles south of Stephensville on the Ridgeway Road
at 9 :30 am this morning. After being engaged an hour and
a half-the ammunition was nearly expended-we had no
reserve. The enemy's line of fire extended about a mile and
a half. They were in a strong position-we drove them back
more than a mile, and took possession of their Rifle Pits. At
this moment I received your telegram informing me that
you could not leave Chippewa before 7 am. We were at this
moment maneuvering to resist a flank movement which was
on our part being successfully carried out-when on relieving skirmishers the old skirmishers were doubling to the
rear when a cry of cavalry- look out for cavalry came
down the road from the front. I immediately ordered the
reserve to prepare for cavalry and formed square. On reforming columns with the immediate intention of deploying the reserve on the road to the right, a panic seemed
momentarily to take place and we were compelled to move
on Port Colbourne having saved our stores and lost a good
many men, and having lost all hope of support at 9 :30 am 47
"Colonel Booker to Colonel Peacocke, June 2, 1866, A 773, P.A.C. An
acrimonious dispute between Booker and Peacocke resulted from this
engagement. Booker charged that tardiness on the part of Peacocl<:e resulted
161
Despite the victory the Fenian situation was precar~ous. An

enemy column of about 1400 was moving up in their rear so
they decided to return to Fort Erie where another skirmish took
place with a contingent of Canadian troops. O'Neill sent a call
. for reinforcements to Bu.ffalo but as the United States revenue
cutter "Michigan" was now patrolling the Niagara, it was impossible to supply them, although a force of approximately 3000
Fenians was ready in Buffalo for that purpose. With no supplies
reaching him and his original force reduced to about 700 through
desertions, 0 'Neill decided to evacuate the Fenian forces and
on the early morning of ,June 3, a scow was loaded with the men
and tugboats proceeded to haul the warriors back to friendly
territory. In the middle of the Niagara River they were captured
by the ''Michigan.'' The losses. sustained by the Canadians in
both skirmishes were estimated at twelve killed and forty
wounded. Fenian casualties were approximately eight killed and
twenty wounded. Sixty Fenians were captured, among the prisoners being a Catholic priest and an Episcopalian minister. 48
in the defeat of the volunteers. The divergent views of .the two men are
contained in the Proceedings and Report of the Court of Inquiry on the
Circumstances connected with the late Engagement at Lime Ridge, published by order of his Excellency the Commander in Chief (Ottawa, 1866).
Canadian military writers have been very critical of Booker and Peacocke
and Canadian strategy in general which resulted in the defeat of the volunteers. See especially Major George T. Denison, Jr., The Fenian Raid on
Fort Erie; with an Account of the Battle of Ridgeway (Toronto, 1866);
Alexander Somerville, Narrative of the Fenian Invasion of Canada, with
a map of the Field of Combat, at Limestone Ridge (Hamilton, C. W.,
1866); Francis Wayland Campbell, The Fenian Invasions of Canada of
1866 and 1870 (Montreal, 1904). Gilbert McMicken voiced the same sentiments ~hen he wrote: "Booker's forces certainly outnumbered the Fenians
between one and two hundred. I feel on this matter very acutely for had
we managed rightly and got hold of these Fenians or destroyed them in
the field Fenianism would have been wounded mortally-while now they
have too good reason to boast and make use of their raid in evidence of
their ability to overcome and outwit our forces." Cf. McMicken to Macdonald, Jul:, 11, 1866, Private, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. III, P.A.C.
48 The account of the in~sion is drawn from the reports of the American
consuls at Fort Erie, Clifton, and Toronto, as well as John O'Neill, Report
162
Thus ended the Fenian invasion of Canada from Buffalo. Attention was now centered on two other points along the frontier,
viz., Malone, New York, and St. Albans, Vermont where thousands of Fenians were congregating. Encouraged by active support of the press, particularly the New York Herald, which
devoted its entire first page to the Fenian movements for six
full days beginning with June 1, the Fenians were led to believe
that their invasions were proceeding successfully. Said the
Herald on June 3 :
The Fenians have drawn their first blood on the enemy's
soil. They have had their first battle, advancing to the work
with the steadiness of veterans and driving the enemy before them. They have shown that upon anything like equal
terms the Canadian volunteers are no match for them and
that the Roberts Sweeny organization are resolved at least
to give the Saxon some convincing proofs that they mean to
strike him where they can most conveniently find him.
The same paper, on June 2, was thankful to the Fenians "For
administering those provincials a stiff dose of Canadian nonintervention, whatever may be the sequel of this foray.''
Sir Frederick Bruce, British Minister to Washington, addressed a strong note to Seward after receiving an account of
0 'Neill's invasion from Lord Monck, Governor-general of Canada. The half hearted efforts of the American government to
of the Battle of Ridgeway, Canada West (New York, 1870); John A.
Cooper, "Fenian Raid of 1866," Canadian Magazine, X (1898), 41-55;
John A. MacDonald, Troublous Times in Canada, a History of the Fenian
Raids of r866 and r870 (Toronto, 1910) ; Barlow Cumberland, "Fenian
Raid of 1866 and Events on the Frontier," Proceedings and Transactions,
Royal Society of Canada, 3d Series (IV), 1911; George T. Denison, The
Fenian Raid on Fort Erie, with an Account of the Battle of Ridgeway,
June, r866 (Toronto, 1866); Field Marshal Viscount Wolseley, The Story
of a Soldier's Life (London, 1903); Frank H. Severance, "The Fenian
Raid of '66," Buffalo Historical Society Publications, XXV (1921), 263-85;
Francis Wayland Campbell, The Fenian Invasion of Canada of r866 and
r870 (Montreal, 1904)
163
prevent Fenian aggression against Canadian territory drew this

remonstrance. from him on June 5 :
You will see from the enclosed that there will be a collection
of men on the Canadian frontier, whom you will have to
disperse and disarm by force, or who will make another
invasion on that side. It is, I think, very unfortunate that
Sweeny was not stopped, and you must allow me to say that
I do not understand why the United States Govrnment
does not issue a proclamation warning people against joining iri these proceedings. I think you underrate the good
effect it would produce. There are many in their ranks who
would be deterred from going further in the face of an official warning. It would moreover produce a good effect on
opinion in the Provinces. This is "private"-but I tell you
how these points strike me. 49
The proclamation forbidding further hostile movements on the
part of the Fenians was issued by President Johnson on June
6. Before that time, however, General Meade had been ordered
to the fxontier. 50 He arrived in Ogdensburg on June 4, and reported the frontier seething, with carloads of arms and ammunition arriving for the Fenians and being seized at Watertown,
New York, and St. Albans. A thousand Fenians were gathered
at Malone an!l a similar force in the vicinity of St. Albans. Hie
suggested that martial law be proclaimed in order to prevent
shipment of arms from reaching the Fenians. 51
In this emergency Stanton sought the advice of General Grant,
who advised the arrest of Sweeny, Roberts, and the other ringleaders.32 Meade was ordered to place Sweeny under arrest. This
he did, reporting meanwhile the seizure of more carloads of arms
.. Bruce to Secretary Seward, June 5, 1866, Great Britain, Notes, Vol.
00 General
Meade to Secretary Stanton, June 2, 1866, Miscellaneous
Letters, MS Dept. of State.
General Meade to Secretary Stanton, June 5, 1866, ibid.

02 General Grant to Secretary Stanton, June 5, 1866, ibid.
164
at Watertown and DeKalb Junction. 53 The following day eleven

Fenian officers were arrested at Malone and acknowledged the
project to be a failure. Meade reported the 1500 Fenians stranded
there were without means of returning home and suggested that
their fare be paid, as the. railroad would no doubt carry them at
reduced rates in order to be rid of them. 54 By June 10, Meade
was able to report that 1200 Fenians had been sent home, after
word had been sent them by Sweeny that the expedition was at
an end. Twelve wagons loaded with arms and ammunition had
been seized recently in the neighborhood. 55 Meade then transferred his headquarters to St. Albans where concentrations of
Fenians remained. In fact, on June 7, General Spear had moved
into Canada with 1000 Fenians and raised the Fenian flag. It
was a futile gesture as the only thing accomplished was the capture of a British flag. A few days later Spear reported to
Sweeny:
Plenty meat,-very little breadstuff.
250 Springfield muskets.
13,000 Springfield musket cartridges
300 carbines (no ammunition)
And, in all, not to exceed 1000 men. 56
By June 11, l\foade had sent home over 1200 Fenians from
St. Albans and found it necessary to arrest eleven officers and
150 men at Malone who refused to go home without a face-saving
fight. 57 Ordered to Buffalo to restore peace there, Meade
stopped enroute to discuss the situation with Governor Fenton
of New York, who naturally refused to have any hand in the
affair. In Buffalo, General Barry had succeeded ip sending 2000
General Meade to Secretary Stanton, June 6, 1866, ibid.

"'General Meade to Secretary Stanton, June 7, 1866, ibid.
'' General Meade to Secretary Stanton, June 10, 1866, ibid.
Sweeny Papers.
07 General Meade to
Secretary Stanton, June 11, 1866, Miscellaneous
The Fighting Irish Take the Fiel4
165
Fenians home, with ~bout 700 remaining.u The government paid

the fare of those remaining while Boss Tweed and Mayor Hoffman of New York had charitably aided some ,of the original
2000 to reach home.
While the invasion of Canada ended on June 3, the excitement
of the Fenians did not reach its peak until several days later,
due mainly to the misleading reports of the New York Hera;l<l
and Tribune. The Times stated:
The Roberts-Sweeny men were in ecstasies, confidently expressing their conviction that their respected leaders had
at last touched the British lion in a ticklish place, and that
the Celtic anaconda was about to tighten its folds round the
doomed beast, and plant the harp oi Erin above its defunct
carcase. 59
Roberts issued a proclamation which appeared on June 5, urg..
ing the Fenians on to victory :
'
Brothers-Arise, Irishmen, a glorioJIS career has opened for
you. The Green flag 60 has waved once more in triumph
over England's hated ~mblem. Onward is the order, and let
Ireland and victory be the watchword. Pay no attention to
what may seem defeats; everything is working gloriously,
andif you but discharge your duty to your native land our
final triumph is certain. God and justice are on our side.
Have iron wills and brave hearts, and Ireland will once
more be great, glorious and free. 61
~ General Meade to Secretary Stanton, June 15, 1866, ibid. They were
paroled after promising to abandon the expedition against Canada; to desist
from any violation of the neutrality laws of the United States; to return
directly to their homes. Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1866, p. 287, lists
the cities to which they were sent. Chicago led with 623 ; Cincinnati, 259;
Louisville, 259; Pittsburgh, 146.
. .
.
09
June 2, 1869.
A Fenian flag, with harp and sunburst, is preserved in the Museum of

the Buffalo Historical Society.
60
81
New York Herald, Juni: 5, 1866.
166
Colonel John O'Neill, victor of the skirmish at Limestone Ridge,

was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general by Roberts,6 2 and
a recruiting station established at Tammany Hall:
The green flag floated from the front of Tammany Hall,
where Colonel James Kerriga;n, late member of Congress,
is raising a brigade of five thousand veterans, whom he expects to be on the march by Saturday.63
The Irish American 64 reported the whole border from Maine to

Michigan bristling with Irish bayonets. These belated activities
on the part of the Fenians explain the anti-climactic rush to the
border.65 The official version of the battle issued from headquarters had also buoyed up the hopes of the Fenians :
The Irish Republican army, under command of Colonel
John O'Neil, met the British troops at a place called Ridge. way, Upper Canada. The British forces were composed of
volunteers called the ''Queen's Own.'' The British outnumbered the Irish army two to one. The fighting was desperate,
and lasted about three hours, during which time the Fenians were twice driven back, but again regained their position. Finally, the Irish army charged the British at the
.. Ibid.
Ibid., June 6, 1866. This might seem like typical Herald exaggeration,
but it was corroborated by Murray, United States marshal at New York,
in a telegram to Seward the same day: "The Fenians have opened a recruiting office at Tammany Hall and are recruiting men rapidly. It is said
that they sent 1500 up by the Albany boat last evening and about the same
number will embark this evening. They can only be stopped by military
force." Cf. Miscellaneous Letters, June, Part I. A comical note appeared
in the statement in the Herald on June 5, that a delegation of colored
soldiers offered their services to the Fenian Army and were told by Roberts
that Negroes were almost too good to fight against British tyrants .
.. June 9, 1866.
60 Edward Dodd, United States marshal at Buffalo, reported the arrival
of fifteen carloads of Fenians there on June 8. Miscellaneous Letters, June,
Part I. The day previous in a telegram to Attorney General Speed, he
estimated 3000 Fenians had arrived in Buffalo, from Indianapolis, Terre
Haute, Memphis, Nashville, Louisville, and Cincinnati.
68
167
point of the bayonet, and drove th.em from the ground and
remained masters of the field, which their Irish valour had
so nobly won. The Indianapolis troops led the final charge.
The battle-field was covered with the debris of the beaten
army.ee
On June 7, Roberts was arrested by the United States marshal

in New York. His refusal to give bail was attributed by the
marshal to a desire to be committed to the city jail, thus joining
the ranks of the Fenian martyrs. At first placed in the custody
of two deputy marshals in a room at the Astor House, Murray
was forced to parole him the same day when hotels and prisons
refused to have him, for fear of an attempted rescue by outraged Fenians.67 Attorney General Speed ordered his immediate
rearrest, 68 and he was lodged in the Ludlow Street Jail. Proceedings against Roberts were abandoned on June 15, and he was
.released. 69
With peace restored to the border and an estimated 7000
Fenians 70 returned to their homes, the Fenians, their newspaper
allies, the British, Canadian, and. American governments, and the
politicians paused to take stock of the situation. The frustrated
Fenians of the Roberts wing were furious at the administration:
in Washington and Johnson was denounced as a '' dirty tool of
the English Government.'' 71 -The Fenians argued that it was only
through the treachery of the government that the invasion
failed. They claimed that Washington was aware of the intentions of the Brotherhood and used it for its own purposes : '' the
Fenian movement was made available by our wily Secretary of
'"Irish Canadian, June 6, 1866.
Murray to Secretary Seward, June 7, 1866, Miscellaneous Letters, MS
Dept. of State.
'"Speed to Murray, June 7, 1866, ibid.
09 New York Herald, June 16, 1866.
This figure, based on official returns, was given by General Meade.
Cf. George Meade, Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade (New York,
1911), II, 287-88.
n New York Times, June 9, 1866.
168
The Fenia:n Movement in the United States: 1858-1886
State, and was lteld in te'(rOrf3m as a last str~i:g argument

72
ag~inst England's meddl.ing
in our domestic war.''
.
. .
.
At a huge mass meeting held in Union Square on June 22,
Roberts addressed the crowd, demanding the repeal of the neutrality laws. 73 While admitting defeat at the initial attempt to
annex Canada, the Fenian press continued its belligerent tone :
-
If the attempts of the Fenians to obtain a foothold in Canada have been temporarily postponed, thanks are due therefor less to the conduct of the English troops than to the
treacherous attitude so suddenly taken by our Secretary of
State ..... The great design has not been abandoned, or
given up. We believe it to be so thoroughly grounded in the
very being of the sturdy and tenacious Irish race, as to be
destined never to be abandoned till at length crowned with
success. 7'
The Fenian senate met on July 1 and claimed that but for the
interference of the national government success would have rewarded the Fenian effort:
Our just anger at the treachery practised against us is tempered by sorrow that the name of American Republicanism
should be sullied by such truckling to the necessities of foreign despotism on the part of men invested with the highest
trust in the Commonwealth. 75
The charge of treachery was further elaborated by Sweeny in

his report to the Brotherhood wherein he analyzed the causes of
the failure. That the Fenians expected no opposition from the
.American government is evident from this report:
The muskets were purchased at Bridesburg Arsenal, Philadelphia, and the ammunition at Watervliet Arsenal, Troy.
Irish A111erican, June 16, 1866.
'" Ibid., July 7; 1866.
,. Ibid., June 23, 1866.
New York Times, July 2, 1866.
'2
i69
The United States Government, in selling these stores to

my agents, was perfectly well aware of the purpose for
which they were intended, and their willingness in allowing these sales to be made, together with the sympathy expressed for us by individuals in eminent positions at Washington, caused me to be totally unprepared for the treacherous seizure of our arms and ammunition, which rendered
a successful movement into Canada hopeless, at that time. 76
He attributed the failure of the movement to the seizure of the
arms and the misrepresentation made by the colonels of the regiments respecting their effective force, and their failure to report promptly when orders were issued. 77
The rival wing of the Fenians gloated over the failure of the
Roberts faction. Stephens denounced the senate wing as traitors
and accused them of trying to sell the Irish vote to political demagogues.78 Stephens was a busy man now, endeavoring to corral
the disillusioned Fenians of the senate faction under his aegis.
He asked for and obtained an interview with Seward on June
9, 79 and he then began an extensive speaking tour of the country
promising war in Ireland in 1866. 80
'" Sweeny Papers.
"'Ibid. O'Neill gave practically the same reasons in his Report ... , pp.
4-51, which illustrates the exaggerated estimates of the numbers promised
from each state. Of the 600 promised by Vermont and part of New York,
only about 80 reported; the 1200 promised by Massachusetts shrank to 30.
General Spear, who commanded the right wing of the Fenians, later said:
"The Head Centres of the states have not kept their promises. I was to
have for this right wing twenty one regiments of infantry, and five of
cavalry, each five hundred strong, making 26,000 men." Cf. "A Week with
the Feniaris," Temple Bar, XVIII (1866), 177-95.
'"Washington National Intelligencer, June 16, 1866.
1 Miscellaneous Letters, June, Part I.
69 New York Daily News, June 18, 1866. In Boston, July 10, he said it
was his intention to be in Ireland that year, where he would fight or die.
On July 12, in Lowell, he promised that an Irish army would be fighting
on Irish soil before the year was out. The same pledge was repeated on
August 4 at a rally in New York City.
170
The Fenian Movemer,,t in the United States: 1858-1886
The newspapers which had encouraged the Fenians, especially

the New York Heral,d and Tribune, consoled themselves with the
thought that a .lesson had been given the Canadians and that it
was only a question of time before Canada would be annexed to
the United States. 81 The Heral,d pointed to the recent raid as a
warning to England that her retention of Canada depended upon
the neutrality of the United States and called for an immediate
demand on the British government for indemnities due to losses
inflicted upon American shipping during the Civil War. It was
not a question for negotiation, said the Herald, a special ambassador should be sent to England with an ultimatum for sdttlement. 82 The same paper also pointed an accusing finger at the
Washington government for thwarting the Fenian designs:
Had it not been for the interference of the government there
would have been 50,000 men thrown into Canada; that Montreal and Ottawa would have been in possession of the invaders before this time, and in less than six months there
would not have been a British flag flying upon British soil
in North America ..... The slurs cast upon the movement
by the partisan press who have styled it a fiasco are all nonsense ..... The Fenian idea, though baffled now, is not a
failure. It will retain a significance that may be noticeable
by and by in the politics of the country. 88
Even the staid New York Times, which stood practically alone
as an opponent of the Fenian movement, could not resist a jab
at England by contrasting our government's treatment of the
Fenian invasion with England's violations of neutrality during
the Civil War. 84 Among Catholic papers, the Freeman's Journal,
which opposed the Brotherhood on account of its anti-clericalism,
sadly reflected that instead of being an opportunity to strike a
blow for Ireland it was another chance for England to crow in
Herald, June 7, 1866.
""June 11, 1866.
88 June 12, 1866.
"'June 13, 1866.
81
171
triumph over that unhappy country. sG The Boston Pilot, which

swung over from lukewarmness to fervent support of the movement, was loud in its denunciations of the government's action
in repressing the invasion by seizing the arms. 86 The tone of t~e
.American press at that time was decidedly anti-Canadian and
even those papers which refused to take the Fenian movement
seriously, rej,oiced at the prospect of at least giving the Canadians a scare. Friction had long existed between the United
States and Canada, until, as a well-informed Canadian student
said:
It would, in fact, be hard to overestimate the influence of
the .American press in breeding bad feeling at this time
[1866]. Its irresponsible utterances combined with those
of the cheaper brand of .American politician to ensure that
now, as unhappily at several other junctures in Canadian
history, Canadian patriotism became in many minds synonymous with dislike and distrust of the United States.87 "
The New York Tribune confined its activities along Fenian lines
immediately after the invasion to obtaining the release of Joseph
Kelly, one of its reporters, who had been sent with the Fenians
as war correspondent. Captured at Fort Erie, Kelly was released
on June 22, when the managing editor of the Tribune telegraphed John F. Potter, .American Consul at Montreal who
interceded for him. 88
Bruce, British minister at Washington, kept a watchful eye
on the proceedings on the frontier and he was also in constant
communication with Lord Monck, Governor-general of Canada. 89
.. June 9, 1866.
.. June 16, 1866.
81 Charles P. Stacey, "Fenianism and the Rise of National Feeling in
Canada at the Time of Confederation," Canadian Historical Review, XII
(1931), 259.
.. Potter to Seward, June 22, 1866, Miscellaneous Letters, MS Dept. of
State.
88 Monck sent Bruce telegrams giving details of the action at Ridgeway
and its aftermath. Monck to Bruce, June 3, 1866, sqq. F.O. 115: 453.
172
Tke Fenian Movement in tke. United States: z858-z886
Information received from him was relayed to Lord Clarendon,

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Bruce thought that the
sensational telegrams published by Fenian agents in the American newspapers were intended to extract: "More blood and
money from the dupes they deceive ..... The disposal of men
arrested at Buffalo is a source of great embarrassment; the
Government has neither guards to look after them nor prisons
in which to confine them." 90 Analyzing the intense anti-British
feeling existing in the United States and the sympathy shown
the Fenians, Bruce saw in it less a love of Ireland than a hatred
of England. The feeling that Ireland was oppressed by England
was widespread in this country and could be counteracted: "To
deprive the Irish elements of sympathy founded on this impression is to weaken their power of mischief and in so far to remove a powerful and ever present motive of bad feeling on the
part of the United States against Great Britain.'' 91 This suggestion of Bruce that something be done to alleviate conditions in
Ireland was acted on three years later when the Church of Ireland was disestablished.
The customary thanks were tendered the government at Washington by Lord Monck for its assistance in putting down the
Fenian filibusters. 92 Canadian indignation ran high against the
United States. The 'l'oronto Globe iashed out at the political
parties in the United States, saying: "Both are willing to humbug the Fenians for the sake of the Irish vote, but neither can
do anything to relieve the Government from the duty of stopping
plundering expeditions within its territory.'' 98 Besides the loss
Bruce to Lord Clarendon, June 4, 1866, F.O. 115: 453.

Bruce to Lord Oarendon, June 6, 1866, ibid. Writing to Clarendon the
next day Bruce made a curious statement. Speaking of the 700 men captured by the "Michigan," he said that not over one-quarter were Irish and
not one-teth Catholic. This was obviously a misstatement. Cf. Bruce to
Lord Clarendon, June 6, 7, 1866, F.O. 5: 1065.
92 Moock to Bruce, June 11, 1866, Governor-general's Letter Book, Public
Archives of Canada, Series G.
93 Toronto Globe, June 16, 1866.
80
01
J
173
of life sustained by the Canadian forces, great expense and inconvenience was entailed by the Fenian threat. Four steamers
hired and fitted out as gunboats for services on the St. Lawrence
eost over $10,000. 94 'l'housands of regular troops and volunteers
had been rushed to the border with the consequent disruption of
ordinary life. 'l'he enormous expense of outfitting and maintaining the force thought necessary to repel the Fenian threat may
be seen from the following table :
Regulars Volunteers
Niagara
2000 regulars and volunteers 6 field guns
Linden District, Toronto 800
2000
4 field guns
Kingston
460
1370
660 vols from West
Prescott
182
1144
2 field guns
Cornwall
900
1000
8 ''
''
Huntington District
1114
2 "
"
140
152
2 "
"
Isle aux Noix
1180
980
10 "
"
St. John's District
Montreal
800
900
2 "
"
Quebec
900
579
4 "
" 95
It was estimated that :10,000 would be needed to pay the Grand
Trunk Railway its transportation charges during those f.ew
troublous days. 96 As far as the Canadian government was concerned there was little for which it could be thankful to the
United States government. Recognition of this sentiment was
acknowledged by Edward Cardwell in a despatch to Lord Monck:
I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship a copy of

a letter from the Foreign Office enclosing a copy of a despatch to Sir Frederick Bruce instructing him to express to
the Government of the United States the thanks of H. M.
Gov 't for the measures which they have taken against the
"'A. Hood to Sir John Michel, June 14, 1866, C 185, pp. 157-59, P.A.C.
C 185, p. 138, P.A.C.
,. Sir John Michel to Military Secretary, October 30, 1866, C 186, pp.
144-45, P.A.C. At this time Michel also applied for a credit of up to 8000
towards purchasing provisions for military depots to be established.
05
174
Fenians. You will notice that Lord Clarendon is desirous

that no publicity whatever should be given to this communication. 97
Bruce's own views in the matter of United States co-operation
were voiced in a despatch to Lord Clarendon:
Whatever may be thought of the conduct of this government in allowing the Fenian agitation to be publicly carried
on without any check, one thing is certain that the best
course to pursue is to act in concert with the President in
preventing any fresh issues or causes of difference from
arising out of these proceedings on the frontier. 98
When Bruce formally thanked Seward for the prompt action
taken by the United States he was presented with a case of an
alleged entry into this country by Canadian troops pursuing
General Spear's Fenian forces ..Rather than remain on the defensive, Seward was ready to show that the United States was
not the only country derelict in its duty of preserving the inviolability of its border.99
The Irish vote was always worth cultivating, but it was particularly important in 1866, with congressional elections pending
and the Radical Republicans striving to gain complete mastery
of Congress and the Democrats struggling to retain their representation from the northern states. Sometimes, as in 1944, the
vote-catching appeals had to be manufactured; in that year the
threat of Communist domination and a eulogy of Al Smith were
aimed to capture the Irish ballots. There was no two-way approach in 1866. Sympathy for Fen~anism became a byword
among the politicians. The opening gun was fired in the House
of Representatives on June 4, when Reader W. Clarke, of Ohio',
proposed the following resolution:
" Cardwell to Lord Monck, June 26, 1866, Confidential, G I, Vol. 164,
P.A.C.
Bruce to Lord Clarendon, June 11, 1866, F.O. 115: 453.

Secretary Seward to Bruce, June 11, 1866, Great Britain, Notes, Vol.
88
89
175
Resolved, That whereas the recent successes which have attended the demonstrations of the Fenian organization, with
the avowed purpose of liberating Ireland from the oppressive rule of Great Britain, acco-rding to the laws of nations
as interpreted by the British authorities, entitle said Fenian organization to be regarded with respect, and as entitled
to the rights of belligerents, the Committee on Foreign
Affairs be requested to inquire into the propriety of recommending such action as may be proper to secure that object. 100
The fact that the Fenian warriors were still anchored in the
middle of the Niagara River after their retreat from Canada
when this resolution was proposed did not dampen the enthusiasm of these new friends of Ireland. This resolution was tabled,
but it was only a forerunner. A week later Sydenham E. Ancona,
of Pennsylvania, presented another:
Whereas the Irish people and their brothers and friends in
this country are moved by a patriotic motive to assert It.he
independence and re-establish the nationality of Ireland;
and whereas the active sympathies of the people of the
United States are naturally with all men who struggle to
achieve such ends, more especially when those engaged
therein are the acknowledged friends of our government, as
are the Irish race, they having shed their blood in defence
of our flag in every battle of every war in which the republic has been engaged .... be it Resolved, that the Committee
on Foreign Affairs be .... instructed to report a bill repealing an act approved April 20, 1818, .... it being the neutrality law, under the terms of which the President's proclamation against the Fenians was issued.
This resolution was amended by Robert C. Schenck, of Ohio to
read: "This nation .... should, at the earliest possible practicable
moment, recognize as a belligerent the Irish nation, and extend
to them all the aid and privileges, etc.'' 101
100
Journal of the House of Representatives, 39 Cong., 1st Sess., p. 790.
101
Ibid., pp. 816-19.
i76
Bruce was worried by this new element appearing in the

Fenian question and he reported to Clarendon that :
These proceedings are an indication of the strength of the
Irish vote, and of the desire to conciliate it as well as of the
reckless and illogical manner in which many persons here
are prepared to apply what is termed the precedent act of
Great Britain in ack:Q.owledging the belligerency of the
Southern States, for the '' Fenians'' could only be belligerents in virtue of their being a recognized power in possession of part of the territory of the United Stats, where
alone their organization has had a publick existence. 102
President Johnson and Secretary Seward, assailed for taking
action against the Irish invaders of Canada, endeavored to temper the feigned indignation of the Radicals and Fenians by
applying for the release of t~ose Fenians captured in Canada,
now ninety-seven in number. The anger of the Canadians at the
unprovoked attack was understandable and they were in no mood
to receive dictation from their neighbor to the south. Bruce
promised Seward that he would do everything possible to carry
out President Johnson'_s wishes. 103 Continued agitation in Congress and violent demands for the release of the prisoners in
Canada as weil as the Fenians imprisoned in Ireland, prompted
Bruce to write a long despatch to Clarendon, warning him of
the possible bad effects if severe punishment should be meted
out to the captured Fenians:
The votes .... in favor of referring the question- to the Committee on Foreign Affairs .... show the districts in which
the Irish vote is strong and the representatives .... desire to
conciliate it, and therefore is magnificent proof of the unfortunate influence exercised by that section of the population in questions that may affect the relations .of the two
countries. I beg Her Majesty's Government not to disregard
Bruce to Lord Clarendon, June 12, 1866, F.0. 115: 453.
Bruce to Secretary Seward, June 18, 1866, Great Britain, Notes, Vol.
102
108
The Fighting Irish Take th~ Field
177
this symptom and above all not to be misled by the notion

that this Fenian movement is a temporary madness which
may be considered as extinguished by the late failures. On
the contrary I dread its influence far more at the polls than
I do in the field, and I only trust that the incapacity its
leaders have shown, arid the desire for action and excite- '
ment so strong in the Celtic race, will continue to blind
them as to the true course they ought to pursue here, with
a view to embroiling the two countries ..... I think, if we
act with lenity towards the prisoners in our hands in Canada on the ground of their being misguided dupes, that we
shall strengthen the hands of this Government in acting
against the leaders ..... The Government here would be no
doubt glad to drop the proceedings against the leaders, if
they could say that our severity had been sufficient punishment for the mischief done. But our severity will increase
rather than diminish Irish animosity against Canada, arid
tend to produce on this continent that antagonism between
the Irish race and British rule from which we suffer in
Great Britain. Whereas the punishment of the leaders, even
if slight, by the authorities of the United States will be a
great check to their filibustering schemes, and will place
this Government in direct opposition to the more violent
section of the Irish population. In dealing with this delicate question it is security for the future, and the effect on
opinion here, which are the main points to be considered
and the question of the punishment to be inflicted on the
misguided dupes that have fallen into our hands should be
decided in view of these considerations and not by the very
natural resentment these proceedings call forth. 104
While Bruee was writing this despatch on June 18, Roberts,
fresh from Ludlow Street Jail, was being introduced on the
floor of the United States Senate by Senator Henry Wilson, of
Pennsylvania. 105 That evening Roberts delivered an address in
Washington and was introduced by Schuyler Colfax, Speaker
,.. Bruce to Lord Qarendon, June 18, 1866, F.O. 115: 453.
" 16
New York Herald, June 19, 1866; Boston Pilot, June 30, 1866.
178
of the House. 106 Two days later Colfax wrote Horace Greeley,
editor of the New York Tribune: "You inay have seen I con. curred in your line of thought .on the Irish question in my
speech introducing Col. Roberts, Prest of the Fenian Brotherhood at the Fair, night before last. I sent the Chronicle with
my speech to Mr. Young.'' 107 Poor Sir Frederick was distraught
trying to keep pace with the devious ways of American politicians, and this episode unsettled him :
It is a singular spectacle, that of the Speaker presenting
himself in the character of patron or introducer of a man
who is about to be proceeded against for a breach both of
the municipal law of the United States, and of the international obligations, and I fear it augurs badly for the termination of this Fenian Agitation. It is a proof of the great
influence the Irish vote will exercise in the elections, and I
am much afraid that the wish to conciliate it may lead to
some violent report, if not resolution on the Neutrality Laws
as affecting this question. It is not at all improbable lthalt
the '' Alabama Claims'' will be passed in some shape, and
this Government may find it necessary to atone for their
opposition to the Fenian raiders by bringing forward afresh
these claims.108
Roberts' real purpose in going to Washington was divulged in

a letter from J. W. Fitzgerald to another Fenian senator, James
Gibbons:
Thank God the United States have shoulders broad enough
to take the blame of the dastardly botched concern just
ended. The bone and sinew of Ireland have proved their
devotion to the cause. They are far, far ahead of their
would be leaders ..... Unless Prest Roberts brought with
Colfax was the first politician to take an interest in the Fenians. He
contributed twenty-five dollars to the Fenian National Fair in 1864.
107 Schuyler Colfax to Horace Greeley, June 20, 1866, Greeley-Colfax
Letters, 1842-71, Manuscripts Division, New York Public Library.
108 Bruce to Lord Oarendon, June 19, 1866, F.O. 115: 453.
106
Illi
II
I
.Iis
,:
'
/.
;
179
him from Washington information of a positive and encouraging nature, it seems to me the meeting [Fenian Senate] is premature. I confess to have faith in Congress, believing their action will be mainly based with a view to
personal interest but no matter. If you are already aware
of the course to be adopted by them all right. If on the other
hand they become as Anglicized as the Cabinet and refuse
the men-then indeed I fear for the future of our cause.
With Cabinet and Congress against us Fenianism in its
present form is a failure. 109
The politicians in the House of. Representatives developed a
sudden interest in the American Fenians still imprisoned in Ireland. In order to put pressure both on the President and the
British government, Ancona introduced a resolution on June 18:
~
Whereas it is alleged that peaceable citizens of the United

States, engaged in no unlawful act, have been arrested and
are held as prisoners by the British Government in Ireland,
therefore Resolved, That the President be requested to inform this house, if not incompatible with the public interest,
what information he may have as to such arrests, and what
steps, if any, have been taken to protect such persons in
their rights as citizens of the United States.110
Passed unanimously, this resolution drew a reply from Johnson
on June 22.111 The result of this congressional activity was another request from Seward to Bruce for the release of the Fenians imprisoned in Ireland and Canada. Adams was also instructed to intercede with Clarendon for the release of the Fenians in Ireland, on condition that they return immediately to
109 Fitzgerald to Gibbons, June 25, 1866, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians,
Vol. III, P.A.C. Also in the Macdonald Papers is a letter written by
Patrick Bannon, Fenian senator of Louisville, announcing his resignation
from the Brotherhood. Wrote Bannon on June 25: "Your Senate should
have met in Washington and hurl your anathemas against those who deceived and betrayed us, and demand of Andy Johnson the dismissal of
every Cabinet officer that made a catspaw of us to lash him." Cf. Bannon
to Gibbons, June 25, 1866, ibid.
110 I ournal of the House . .. , p. 860.
111 House Esecutive Document No. IJ9, 39 Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. XVI;
I ournal of House . .. , p. 902.
"\
180
The Fenian Movement in the, U.niiie(j ,Stat~r I&jj~I\
this country. This plea was successful and during July;_

August all those who accepted the condition of being
panied to the ship by the constabulary were released. 112
a~;, _
Lord Monck was asked by Bruce, with the approval of Clarendon, to treat the Fenians in Canada with leniency. The first interchange of messages prompted Bruce to inform Cla;endon
that Monck had agreed to the suggestion.113 The anger of the
Canadian people at the unwarranted attack and the dictatorial
tone of the press and the congressional resolutions peremptorily
demanding the release of the imprisoned Fenians, undoubtedly
stiffened the resolve of the Canadian government to oppose the
demands of the Americans. Suggestion on the part of Bruce and
Clarendon would have been effective were it not for the belligerent tone of the journalistic and congressional friends of the
Fenians.
Added to the double blow to Fenian prestige dealt by the
fiascos of Campo Bello and the Canadian invasion was the result of the investigation into the finances of the Brotherhood.
This investigation was ordered when Stephens arrived in this
country and the result was announced on June 9. The investigation, meant to prove that the American Fenians were remiss
in sending money to the revolutionists in Ireland, was more important in showing the approximate number of enrolled members in the Brotherhood. The total receipts from 1858 to May
10, 1866, were $453,000. During the time when the Brotherhood
was most active in recruiting members-January, 1865, to the
split in December of that year-receipts amounted to $228,000.
Taking five dollars a year as the minimum contribution of each
Fenian, since the dues were ten cents a week, the society never
112 Secretary Seward to Adams, June 9, 1866, Great Britain, Inst., Vol.
XX, MS Dept. of State.
m Adams to Secretary Seward, June 14, 1866; July 14; August 2, 23,
Great Britain, Desp., Vol. 92, MS Dept. of State. Bruce to Secretary
Seward, June 18, 23, 1866, Great Britain, Notes, Vol. 82, MS Dept. of
State.
'
'
'
'
'
l
'
I
181
numbered more than 45,000 members at its peak. The membership was probably II1.~h l!;iss, as the '' final call'' issued in August, 1865, accounted for a large part of the contributions, with
$5000 f!om the Fenians of Cal~fornia. 114
Thus, small in numberfl, the Fenians played, and were to play,
a part in intermttjo~al affairs 9ut of aU proportion to their
:humerical strength. This was undoubtedly because the Iri1;1hAmericans were classed as sympathizers with the Fenian plan
of striking a blow for Ireland. The ~ritish government looked
upon the Irish element in America as neutral in the seniie that
they were inq.ifferent as to the me~s or methods whereby England was to be struck.
'i
ll
11 Irish People, June 9, 1866, has a detailed list of the receipts and expenditures of the Brotherhood to that time. In the same paper, July 4, 1868,
O'Mahony claimed that. only $87,970 of the $453,000 collected was spent
in this country. The slow growth of the Fenians is shown from the small
receipts during the early years. From 1858 to November, 1863, only $15,000
was received; from 1863 to January, 1865, $30,000.
CHAPTER VI
THE POLITICIANS
STEAL
THE BALL
The Clarke resolution to grant belligerent rights to the Irish

nation was defeated in the House of Representatives at Washington on July 2. 1 This temporary setbaek did not dampen the
enthusiasm of the congressional protagonists of Fenianism. President Roberts was on a lecturing tour breathing threats of
vengeance against the Saxon minions and appropriately chose
Buffalo as the setting for his warning to the politicians that the
Fenian vote would go. to those candidates who proved themselves friends of their cause. 2 Bruce was disturbed over this
speech and fearful of the effects it might have on the harried
Johnson. Commenting on Roberts' speech, he wrote Clarendon:
It shows forth pretty clearly the line that will be taken by
the violent section of the Brotherhood at the approaching

elections, and I am apprehensive that a desire to conciliate
their votes may not be without influence in the president's
mind, and may incline him, once the Mexican question is
settled,8 to bring forward in some shape the Alabama claims.
l:Jew York Times, July 3, 1866.
Ibid., July 4.
8 The Mexican expedition was undertaken by France, England, and Spain
in 1861 for the purpose of forcing the republic of Mexico to fulfill certain
treaty obligations towards those nations. England withdrew her forces in
1862. Napoleon III, acting on the expectation that the United States would
be broken up by the Civil War, resolved to create a monarchy in Mexico.
The imperial crown was offered to Archduke Maximilian, brother of the
Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria, and he arrived in Mexico in June,
1864. A prolonged contest with the Mexican republican armies ensued.
Meanwhile the end of the American Civil War had changed matters. A
decisive demand by the United States government that the French troops
be 'withdrawn from Mexico was complied with by the French Emperor
early in 1867. See Dexter Perkins, The Monroe Doctrine, 1826-1867, (Baltimore 1933), pp. 318-548.
1
I
182
The Politicionis Steal The Bal,l
183
The resolution .... for the recognition of the Fenians was

negatively received yesterday without description or division.4
The House was prompt to act on the Roberts warning. Gmieral Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts, stepped forward as
the Fenians' friend. He reported a bill from the Committee on
Foreign Affairs for amendment of our neutrality laws. A bill
based on this report was passed by the House without a dissenting vote, although there were sixty-three abstentions.' Grateful
Fenians wrote flattering letters to Banks. John Griffin, prominent New York Fenian, wrote the following from Sweeney's
Hotel:
I have known you since 1832. Politically you have the inside track for the presidency if you will only repeal that
unnatural law between England and your country that is
the neutrality law and Canada. We Fenians will shew you
how the fur will fly if you will only give us a chance. Bill
Seward the American Castlereah [sic] saved Canada for
Victoria and her Dutch tribe the house of Commons and
Lords will give him a vote of thanks as in the case of Vanburen in 1837. Now is your chance will you do it. Remember
the Alabama and St. Albions Laird rams. Remember the old
robber of mankind. P.S. You will throw old hickory in the
shade on the Irish vote if you will keep an eye to windward.
You are our man. 8
New Orleans Fenians promised Banks their support saying:
"We are all converted. Andy 1st has made every Fenian a Republican. Look for great victories in your elections. If it meets
your approval please show this to the honble Thad Stevens.'' '
Bruce to Lord Oarendon, July 3, 1866, F.O. 115 :454.

Congressional Globe, 39 Cong., 1st Sess., p. 419. After the elections itt
November of that year the bill was dropped by the Senate. Ibid., p. 1893.
John Griffin to Nathaniel Banlcs, June 15, 1866, Banlcs Papers, Essex I
Institute, Salem, Mass.
New Orleans Fenians to Banks, June 21, 1866, ibid.
!4.
The Fenian )l:Iovern~nt in t[i~ f!nit{ld SJ1,tes: 1858-1886
C.C. Woodma:p., a. political mentor of Banks, gave the Massachusetts politician some sage advice :
You have it in your power to secure New York against the
Democrats and factionists. If you will introduce a resolution concerning the neutrality laws which will eonvince the
Irish that we sympathize with them in their patriotic purposes and endeavors we can furnish ten Irish votes for Mr.
F,enton wh\')n one will be drawn off by 1\fr: W eeq. a:d his
friends. Ail t~e Irish ask is an expression of sympathy; that
being given, their leaders, who are already right, will be
ready to break openly with the Democratic Party. By the
aid of the Fenians in New York we can simply crush the
malcontents which will be much better than to conciliate
them or to compromise with them. Should a resolution such
as I have mentioned be offered to stay I could have it distributed in print in every Fenian Circle in New York before
Satur!iay, together with such remarks as you might think
proper to make upon this subject. I hope, for the sake of
the true Republicans of New York that you will think
proper to act in this matter as soon as possible. 8
Rufus P. Spalding of Ohio, probably uncertain of re-election,
promoted the Fenian cause on July 23, with the following resolution: '' That this house respectfully request the President to
cause the prosecutions instituted in the United States Courts,
against the "Fenians" to be discontinued, if compatible with
the public interests." 9 Clarke introduced a resolution the same
day requesting the President to urge upon the Canadian authorities, and also the British government, the release of the Fenian
8 C. C. Woodman to Banks, July 2, 1866, ibid. Among the Banks Papers

are letters, invitations, and telegrams addressed to Banks from prominent
Fenians throughout the country. One from Thomas Lavan, state centre of
Ohio read: "Ifi the name of the Irish citizens of Ohio I beg to offer you
their sincere thanks for your noble report." Cf. Lavan to Banks, July 26,
1866, ibid.
Journal of the House ... , p. 1084.
The Politicians Steai The Bau
i85
prisoners captured in Canada. This resolution was voted affirmatively, 112 to 2, with 67 not voting. 10 The President submitted
a lengthy report on this resolution oil July 26, containing all the
correspondence which had passed between the British and American governments on the Fenian prisoners to that time. 11
While Johnson was wrestling with the double problem presented him by Congress of obtaining the release of Fenians in
Ireland and Canada, the Fenians staged a big rally in Washington. Denied the use of a public building, they appealed to their
congressional friends. Colfax rushed a joint resolution through
the House authorizing the Brotherhood to use the National Fair
Building for that purpose. In the Senate only Reverdy Johnson
spoke against the resolution and the Fenians held their meeting.12 The radical Republicans scored a victory on that occasion
as a violent anti-Johnson resolution was passed:
Whereas the military expedition organized for these purposes was fully capable of accomplishing its noble mission,
were it not for the fact that the attempt was frustrated and
its noble actors hunted down, crushed, and malignantly persecuted by order of Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States .... therefore, he merits the hearty and unqualified condemnation. . . . The thanks of Irishmen are
due to congressmen whose large hearted and comprehensive
republicanism loathingly revolted at the toadyism to English sentiment displayed by Andrew Johnson and his treacherous confrere, William H. Seward. 13
Nathaniel Banks was praised for his efforts in behalf of the
Fenians in a letter sent by Roberts an:d read at the rally. The
speakers platform was graced with a half dozen senators and
representatives, all of whom professed true Fenian principles.
The comments of the British minister on these activities were
interesting:
Congressional
Globe ... , p. 4047.

House Executive Document No. IS4, 39 Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. XVI.
12 Washington National Intelligencer, July 29, 1866.
"Ibid.
1
11
186
The Fenian Moveme'f!,t in the United, States: z858-z886
Both parties in the United States are straining every nerve

to obtain support for the approaching elections, and as the
issue of this struggle is very uncertain, and the Irish vote
considerable resolutions in favour of the Fenian prisoners
are passed without debate, or opposition, as no one wishes
on the eve of a near election to be denounced for want of
sympathy to them. It is unfortunate that these demonstrations in favour of the prisoners are not accompanied by an
expression of disapprobation of the unjustifiable proceedings against the peaceable and industrious population of
Canada. Such recognition on the part of Congress would
have tended to allay the very natural resentment felt
throughout the Province whereas the absence of it, and the
pretension to interfere in the course of justice in Canada
will create feelings not favourable to the Fenians, whom
the advocates of these resolutions profess to serve. 14
Congress adjourned at the end of July, and during the recess
Johnson seized the opportunity to conciliate the Irish by ordering proceedings abandoned against Roberts and the F-enian
generals arrested at Malone, New York, and St. Albans, Vermont. -The district attorney at Buffalo was instructed to enter
a nolle prosequi in the cases of the generals on August 20, 15 The
radical Republicans were busy men during the recess and few
Fenian rallies lacked at least one representative or senator who
14
Bruce to Lord Qarendon, July 24, 1866, F.O. 115: 454.
"' Sweeny, Spear, Heffernan, and Murphy were released. On August 13

Sweeny and Spear had been indicted by the grand jury at Rutland, Vermont for trial in October. Matthew Murphy later became police commissioner of New York City. A nolle prosequi was entered in Roberts case on
September 27, so that it would be fresh in Fenian memories on election
day. Cf. New York Herald, August 14, 21; September 28, 1866. Allan
Nevins, in his Grover Cleveland, A Study in Courage (New York, 1934),
p. 54, gives credit to Oeveland for defending the prisoners, but as they were
never brought to trial this was a misstatement. Nevins' sources of information were two professional Irishmen of the 1880's, Finerty and Donohue,
who attributed this action to Cleveland. Cf. Buffalo Courier, September 8,
1881; August 15, 1884.
The Politicians Steal, The Ball
187
spoke as a champion o:f Fenianism and a condemner o:f Andrew

Johnson. A worried politician wrote General Banks :from Ottawa, Illinois :
May I recall your attention to a conversation that occurred
between Genl Geary o:f Pennsylvania, yoursel:f and myself
at the home o:f Col. Forney on the evening o:f his entertainment o:f Genl. Geary-in relation to the Fenian question. I.
oongratulated you upon the very able manner in which you
have carried out the suggestions which were made by yoursel:f Gen. Geary and others o:f our :friends in relation to the
course to be pursued. There are many Fenians in my district. I am sure their vote can be saved to the Republican
party. I write to ask you, i:f in your opinion I could procure :from Mr. Roberts any expression o:f confidence in our
party and men which I might use prudently and carefully
among the Fenians. I am sure I could use it with very great
e:f:fect.18
From Toledo, Ohio came an urgent message :from a local Republican leader :
We are having the hardest contest I have ever had and we
hope to carry the district i:f we can get the Iriah Fenian
vote. No man in the nation stands so :fair with the Irish
today, as you do. Now Gen 'I. i:f you can possibly come out,
do so. I am in. a tight place and want help and must have it
or I :fear the result .... Can't I get Gen 'I. Banks to come
out and speak to the Irish on October 8-the day before
the election 7 17
Encouraging news reached Elihu B. W ashburne :from Illinois :
"I hope and expect you will get the Fenian vote o:f this district
.... :for Gen. John S. Logan. I see he is to speak at Galena. I
hope he will get the Fenians all right in Joe Davis County".18
B. C. Cook to Banks, July 29, 1866, Banks Papers.

J. M. Ashley to Banks, September 24, 25, 1866, ibid.
"Charles C. Royce to Elihu B. Washbume, September 1, 1866, Washbume Papers, Vol. 50, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
16
17
\Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ
isS
Tke Fenian Movr3tnent in the
United States:
1858-1886
This wooing of the Irish vote was confined to _the Roberts wing,
which was the stronger of the two. At a Feriian picnic in Chi~
cago on August 15, Governor Oglesby of Illinois, and Schuyler
Colfax were the principal speakers. Oglesby told the Fenians
that Johnson was the friend of the English government and his
party had always got the Irish vote. Colfax regretted that the
American army had been put to police duty along the border.
Had this not been done, according to the smiling politician, the
Irish flag would be waving over all of Canada. 19 Roberts was
inclined to favor the radicals and warned the Fenians that for
thirty years the Irish had been the faithful tools of a single
party, only to be lied to, wronged, and insulted by the men
whom they had put in office. He bemoaned the fact that Irishman was synonymous with Democrat.
President Johnson was warned of the vigorous efforts made
by the Radicals to wean the Fenians from the Democratic Party.
An observer wrote him on August 23:
I learn from persons entitled to credit and who are well informed about the matter, that there is an undoubted understanding between the radical leaders and some of the Fenian leaders, Roberts is chiefly named, to carry a part of the
Irish vote f.or the radicals at the approaching congressional
elections. Roberts, who calls himself the president of the
Fenian Brotherhood, disavows, in a card published in the
Herald today, any intention of using the Fenians for political purposes, but I have reason to doubt the truth or sincerity of his disavowal. Colfax and the other radical leaders
have given Roberts assurances of reward.
Their plan is to win over the Irish if possible by such claptrap as was made by Gov. Oglesby, Gen. Logan; and others
at Chicago. Then, it is intended to get up another armed
expedition to invade Canada, not, of course, with any expectation of taking Canada, but to place you in a dilemma.
The mass of ignorant Irishmen will know nothing about the
,object, but will think as they thought before, that it must
be a grand flank movement to liberate Ireland. The radicals
19
New York Tribune, Aug. 19, 1866.
Tke Politicians Steal Tke Ball
189
expect you will be compelled to execute the laws and prevent the invasion, or the pretended attempt to invade Canada, and then they would den,ounce you and your administration. They know how silly and excessively sensitive the
Irish people are about Ireland and making an Irish repub. lie, and their calcuhi.tion is thet they can force you into
such a position as will enable them to turn a large part of
the Irish vote against you.
Another part of the programme is to keep up an excitement
and large bodies of Fenians on the border to invade or
under pretense of invading at the time of the elections, ailLl
thus withdraw a eonsiderable vote from the conservative
party. There is no doubt that the radicals in their extremity
are going to use the Fenians if possible, as well as all other
means. 20
The press looked on this display of vote catching appeals with
varied emotions. The Boston Pilot, a stanch defender of Johnson,
warned the Fenians against the radicals, holding them up as the
party which a short time before had been '' full of curses against
the Irish, .... contrasting us with the Negro, and holding the
African race up as the superior of the Irish in mental and physical qualities." 21 The New York Herald, a Democratic paper,
attacked the politicians for attempting to cajole the Irish vsote,
praised the Irish for their consistency and good sense, and advised them to have nothing to do with the radicals. 22 The New
York Tribune naturally espoused the tie-up between the Fenians
and the radicals, more to embarrass Seward than to express
W. B. Phillips to Presideht Johnson, August 23, 1866, Johnson Papers,
Vol. 100, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. The editor of the
New York Citizen, Charles G. Halpine, wrote President Johnson asking
for a position. He claimed the support of all the Fenian elements. Cf. Halpine to President Johnson, July 24, 1866, Johnson Papers, Vol. 97.
21 August 11; November 3, 1866. Anna H. Dorsey, a Catholic novelist
of the time, claimed credit for the support of the Pilot given to Johnson's
administration. Cf. Dorsey to Johnson, August 6, 1866, Johnson Papers,
Vol. 99.
22 Quoted in Irish People, August 25, 1866.
190
The Fenian Movement in the United St.ates: r858-r886
sympathy for the Fenians. John Mitchel saw it as an '' electioneering trick, intended to win the Irish votes for the Radicals at
the elections. The radicals had used Irish bayonets during the
Civil War and now wished their ballots to keep the South
crushed. ' ' 28
The British Minister at Washington kept abreast of political
developments in this country and he in turn informed Lord
Stanley, new Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He was
worried over the coming session of Congress :
The Radicals in the late canvass have sought to conciliate
the Irish by violent language on Fenianism, which pledged
them to nothing, but have abstained from committing themselves pos~tively on the ''Alabama'' demands. 24
At the same time Bruce warned Stanley that Fenianism still
remained a threat to Great Britain and that continued pressure
on the administration by the radicals might force it to make concessions to the Fenians :
It is important that Her Majesty's Government should not
assume that this mischievous agitation is at an end, or that
any well founded reliance can be placed on the ability of
the Government of this country to enforce its international
obligations. The neutrality bill proposed by General Banks
would in all probability have passed the Senate under the
patronage of the Radical party, had M'r. Sumner not declared that if it were to be brought to a vote he would consider it necessary to address the Senate at great length on
the question and had it passed, it would have facilitated
the organization of filibustering expeditions .... It is impossible to say whether they will or not on their reassembling carry out their programme, which promises to gain
the Irish vote, and to satisfy animosity against Englandand when it is recollected, that the ,object to be achieved by
what is termed statesmanship in this country is the triumph
of the party to which the successful politician belongs, and
New York Tablet, September 15, 1866.
"Bruce to Lord Stanley, October 25, 1866, F.O. 115 :454.
28
191
that questions, especially foreign ones, are made subservient

to that end, and the feeling against England is deep seated
and generally entertained, and Ireland is looked upon as
a second Poland, I feel much uncertainty as to the course
the President might adopt if he is placed in the dilemma
of sacrificing the Irish vote or of allowing the Fenians to
take their chance. I think he is honest, and Mr. Seward
pacifick, but his honesty may be put to too severe a trial
and Mr. Seward's continuance in office becomes every day
more problematical, particularly if no progress is made
towards an amicable settlement of the questions in dispute
.... We have no conception in Europe of anything so reckless of consequences as the political parties here. 25
While the Roberts adherents were favored by the radicals,
Stephens was making a game bid for Irish support in his determination to fight in Ireland before the year was out. He began
a tour of the New England states, a stronghold of Fenianism,
but met with slight success. This called for a manifesto from the
Irish chief :
The day for which we have yearned and toiled through
many years is imminent and inevitable. On this vital point
let no man be mistaken, or try and cloak .his motives and
aims in a simulated scepticism. We fight for freedom on
Irish soil this very year. Mind, it is no longer a question
of "battle or dissolution." I repeat, the men at home have
resolved to fight this year, and fight they will .... The Fenian Brotherhood recognizes no party and must be used by
none. 26
This was the theme of Stephens' many speeches through the
summer and fall of that year. Fenian picnics were the occasion
for warlike speeches promising Irish independence by the end
'"Ibid.
Irish People, August 4, 1866. The Stephens wing gained another journalistic supporter when Bernard F. Mullen and Stephen J. Meany began
the New York Irish Press on July 4, 1866.
i92
of. the year. 27 Stephens' position was strengthened by the return

of nine Fenians. recently released from Irish prisons. In a report
to the Fenian chief they corroborated his promise that the Irish
would take the field that year, and that a new spirit had infused
the whole country when word reached Ireland that Stephens
would be there by the end of the year. 28 The New York Herald
regarded these promises as pure humbug and accused Stephens
of stupidity in divulging his plans :
. The British Governmeni were duly notified of the time
when Mr. Stephens was going to attack them in Ireland
with an army of two hundred thousand men, so that they
can be prepared for him. The first of January is the limit
affixed to the declaration of war and the beginning of the
bloody contest. If Stephens is in earnest he has taken very
bad steps to insure success by warning the enemy of his
intentions; but the fact of thus openly exposing his plans
proves the insincerity or the foolishness of the designer and
insures the failure of any attempt thus heralded. 29
The same paper favored the Roberts wing and openly urged
them to attempt another invasion of Canada. Bennett seems to
have had a particular dislike for Canada:
The opinion prevails among all parties that our government
has done enough to prove its spirit of fair play in the recent suppression of the Fenian attack at F,ort Erie, on the
27 Stephens repeated this promise at Fenian picnics on August 21 and 24
at New York; 28 at Troy; September 1 at Cleveland; 3 at Columbus;
October 26 at St. Louis; 28 at Jones Wood, New York. The October 28
speech he announced as his last before returning to take the field in Ireland.
He promised the Irish that they would hear news before the end of the
year that would stir their hearts as they had never been stirred before. He
denounced the leaders of the Canadian invasion as insincere and incapable.
Cf. New York Herald, October 29, 1866. The immortal Mr. Dooley was
probably thinking of these numerous Fenian picnics which left the British
lion a very battered beast when he said : "Be hivins, if Ireland cud be freed
be a picnic, it'd not on'y be free to-day, but an impire, begorra !"
28 Irish People, September 1, 1866.
29 August 1, 1866; October 30, 1866.
\The- Politicians
Steal
.
.
. The. Ball
193
Canadian frontier, the seizure of munitions, arms and rations and the arrest of the leaders, Generals Sweeny, Spear,
0 'Neill arid Murphy; and we doubt whether Seward would
now dare, in the present aspect of political affairs, to play
the same game over again. Even if he was disposed to do so,
President Johnson would probably have something to say
in contravention of such a policy. Canada and England have
had all the protection from our government that we can
afford to give them. They must now take care of themselves.
The Fenian vote is at present a bone of contenti,on between
the radicals and the conservatives, and it is not at all likely
that the movements of that body upon Canada will be obstructed just now. Besides, Mexico, which stands on our
other frontier, is falling to pieces, and we want our army
and our generals in that quarter. Now is the favorable time,
therefore, for the Fenians to go in and win, and we hope
they will take the opportunity. 80
For the first month after the Fenian invasion the Canadian
government thought that the end of the Brotherhood was in
sight. John A. Macdonald was convinced of this, but he warl!ed
the Mayor of Cornwall against arpitrary acts :
I think the Fenians are thoroughly disheartened, and as
the arrest of men in this country for acts performed in the
United States, such as joining the Fenian organization
there would have a tendency to diminish the friendly relations existing at present on both sides of the line, it is I
think i'n the highest degree inadvisable to stretch the law at
all. As for those men who were taken with arms in their
hands at Fort Erie and who aided in shooting down our
Volunteers, and for those men, who like Murphy were actually on their way to attack New Brunswick we ought properly to adopt a different course. 81
August 18, 1866.
Macdonald to W. C. Allen, Private, July 2, 1866, Macdonald Letter
Books, IX, 384-85. On July 1, an agitated Canadian wrote Ma~donald that
9'N eill had been seen in Canada disguised with, a ferocious red beard and
mustache. Cf. J. W. Verner to Macdonald, July 1, 1866, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians, III, P.A.C.
1
194
Tke Fenian Moveme11,t fo the U11,ited States: 1858-1886
The Canadian government maintained a force of sixteen detectives to report on Fenian activities. During July their reports to
McMicken minimized the prospect of another Fenian descent on
the province. 82 The encouragement given the Brotherhood by
politicians in the United States soon caused Lord M.'onck, Sir
John Michel, and John A. Macdonald to change their optimistic
views on the !peedy demise of the organization. McMicken, on
whose inormation Macdonald relied, wrote gloomily on August
7:
There appears to be a general settled conviction that we
are to be put to the annoyance and expense of another Fenian attempt at invasion. This oonviction is doubtless well
grounded so far as the intentions and designs of the Fenian
leaders are concerned. And that they are very actively
engaged now in preparing the organization for a move on
Canada whenever circumstances may best suit their purpose is indubitably true. 88
On receipt of this information steps were immediately taken
to have more regular troops sent to Canada, Governor-general
Monck wrote a long despatch to Earl Carnarvon depicting the
alarm felt by the western portion of the province. According to
Lord M.'onck: '' The approach of the annual elections and the
81 McMicken to Macdonald, July 20, 1866, Macdonald Papers: McMicken

Reports, V, 88, P.A.C. These detectives were stationed at Welland, Fort
Erie, Port Colbome, Port Robinson, Thorold, Chippewa, Clifton, Hamilton,
Windsor, Buffalo and Chicago.
88 McMicken to Macdonald, August 7, 1866, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, V, 256-58, P.A.C. On August 16, McMicken wrote: "The
Fenians' using the Politicians and the Politicians using the Fenians. It
seems disgraceful however to see the Governor of the State and the
Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States so sunk in
demagogueism as to lend their position and presence to a gathering of
Fenians at which it was publicly announced that a Regiment of Fenians
would be on the ground to keep order and that 'Cead Mille Faltha' (ifl
don't spell this right Mr. McGee will please put it right, if you ask him)
will be tendered to Gen'l. O'Neil 'the Hero of Ridgeway'. Cf. ibid., p. 328.
195
inducements felt by each of the contending parties to secure the

support of the Irish element in the United States have produced
an impression both in Canada and. : .. among the Fenians that
the Government of the United States will not interfere so energetically should another invasion be attempted as they did on
the former occasion .... The arrival of a considerable reinforcement from England would go a long way towards reassuring our
own people-would have the effect of deterring our enemies.'' 84
This plea was successful as one regiment of cavalry and two
regiments of infantry were rushed from England to bolster the
defenses of the province. 85 In addition to these preparatfons,
Michel was anxious to have ten gunboats patrolling Lake Ontario,
the Niagara River and the vicinities of Sarnia, Amherstburg,
and Port Colborne. 86 The executive council in session at Quebec
directed that machinery for the conversion of arms be sent from
England. Ten thousand Enfield rifles had been converted from
muzzle loaders into breech loaders and sufficient ammunition
was ordered "for them. 87
Despite these preparations the Canadians on the frontier remained in a state of alarm. This condition was due in part to
George Brown, editor of the Toronto Globe. Brown, leader of
the ''Grits'' and inveterate foe of Macdonald, had been harping
all summer on the unpreparedness of the Canadians to resist
invasion. The following jeremiad came from his pen on September 8:
If the Fenians come again, it will be because they were induced to believe by the miserable preparations of the Government last June that the oonquest of Canada was possible
and the best way, not only to protect our own people against
.. Lord Monck to Earl Camarvon, August 27, 1866, Confidential, G 21,
Vol. I, P.A.C.
.. W. J. Forster, Military Secretary to Michel, Septeinber 4, 1866, C 186,
p. 102, P.A.C.
16 A. F. R. de Horsey, Captain and Senior Naval Officer to Lt. Gen.
Michel, September 13, 1866, C 186, pp. 111-12, P.A.C.
.. Belleau to Mcinck, September 14, 1866, Macdonald Papers: Governor
General Correspondence, Vol. I, P.A.C.
1!)6
Tke Fenian
!J'ov'3rn~nt in tke
United Stafes: 1858-1886
outrage and injury, but to put a stop to attempted Fenian

r1tids is to meet the enemy at the front and promptly repulse him .... With all our hearts we protest agl!,inst this
outrageous policy. Far better would it be to keep the volunteers perpetually under arms than to risk the occupation
of our soil by the Fenian horde .... When will the Government become alive to the dangers which threaten us? 38
Patrick Boyle, editor of the Irish Oanadian, also helped to increase tension among Canadians. Toward the end of the summer
he wrote exultingly: '' Since Stephens and O 'Mahony first
hatched the Fenian egg, the pr9spects of the Brotherhood have
not ~een brighter than they are at present, if we are to judge
from the situation as it presents itself in the United States. It
is now one of the most powerful organizations in the Old or
New World and bids fair to give plenty of trouble to the cause
of its origin." 89
The outcome of this feeling of uncertainty was the arrest of
persons on suspicion of Fenianism, a practice that evoked a
stern rebuke from Macdonald :
I .... am rather surprised at your advice to allow parties to
be arrested on mere suspicion of Fenianism .... The consequence of allowing illiterate Magistrates to arrest every man
whom they choose to suspect (and that would be, in rural
districts, every Roman Catholic) would be to drive all that
class out of the country, to ruin many a respectable family
by forcing them to sacrifice their property; and to swell
the ranks of the Fenian Organization in the United States
by every man who has been obliged to leave the Provinces. 40
Toronto Globe, September 8, 1866. For accounts of panic among frontier residents Cf. Macdonald to Angus Morrison, private, September 29,
1866, Macdonald Letter Books, X, 185, P.A.C. The Toronto Globe s~id on
August 16: "If Mr. Macdonald is left to his own devices during the next
few weeks, what will be the result? A paralyzed military administr~tion1
and failure in every department of the service."
Irish Canadian, August 24, 1866.
Macdonald to Rolland Macdonald, St. Catherine's, September 29, 1866,
Macdonald Letter Books, X, 188-89, P.A.C.
The Politicians Steal The Ball
197
The Roberts wing was active during the summer holding picnics at which a sham battle of the Fenian victory at Limstone
Ridge was re-enacted. This was a popular feature in which about
400 Fenians participated, half of them dressed in uniforms rsembling the Canadian troops. The sham battle began with the
advance of the skirmishers of th ''Queen's Own,'' and the
Fenians falling back. The charge of the main body of the British was made in fine order and the Union Jack carried boldly,
but the F'enians having drawn them on far enough soon changed
their tactics, and with a wild yell threw themselves on the redcoats, driving them before them in e"\'ery direction at the point
of the bayonet. The Fenian impersonating Colonel Booker was
to be seen far in advance of his men on the retreat. The battle
ended with the Union Jack being trampled under foot. 41
Roberts summoned a general convention ,of his branch to meet
at Troy, New York, on September 4. 42 The Stephens faction was
dedicated to action in Ireland; the other wing, following the
Canadian venture, had contented itself with threats of vengeance
against the Saxon. It was for the purpose of determining future
policy that the Fenians were assembled. Liberal coverage was
provided by the pro-Fenian press which gave exaggerated accounts of the proceedings. Hundreds of delegates were announced as wending their way to Troy from sections as far apart
as Maine and Kansas, until 150 were present. The New York
Herald saw it as a meeting to decide whether the Fenian braves
should tread the war path once more:
The propriety of another attack upon Canada forms an
interesting theme of conversation, and all the delegates seem
determined that before the snow falls the Canadian volunteers shall have another opportunity for foot races or funerals. It is evident from the temper of the men here that
another attack will soon be made. I learn that arms are now
., New York Herald, August 22, 1866.
40
Irish American, August 25, 1866.
198
being smuggled into Canada and buried, f.or the use of the
Fenians there. 43
The Herald reporter was blessed with a vivid imagination as he
reported the same day that fifty British spies were in Troy,
their pockets well-lined with gold, tempting the Fenians to
divulge the proceedings of the convention. One loyal Fenian
was offered $10,000 by a spy but he resisted the temptation
indignantly. 44
By actual count there were only three Canadian sleuths in
Troy. They were Anderson Craig, J. M. Daly and Charles
Clarke. Craig reported on September 5 that the movement on
Canada had been postponed until winter. 45 Daly submitted a
nine-page report on the proceedings of the convention, the gist
of it being the strenuous efforts made to secure the services of
General Phil Sheridan. 46 Clarke, the reluctant detective, had
lost none of his timorous qualities since his experiences at the
Pittsburgh convention the preceding February. He wrote
M'cMicken: '' On this morning I was introduced to Gen. Sweeny
and Col. Roberts in their private room their plan is to strike a
blow immediately On Canada while the political part1es here are
bidding for them, they claim that each party will hold of fearing to turn the Irish vote against them, there are parties here
who I saw who know me I shall leave here by the first opp,ortuility. '' 47 Within a week Clarke hit upon a happy solution to
his fear of being detected by sharp-eyed Fenians: "Nor do I
think that you would know me if you met me in a strange place
.... I have shaved my whiskers .off and has [sic] no hair on
my face unless a mustache and imperial, those with my broad
" September 6, 1866.
44 September 6, 1866.
" Anderson Craig to John A. Macdonald, September 5, 1866, Macdonald
Papers: Fenians, III, P.A.C.
J. M. Daly to Macdonald, September 10, 1866, ibid.
" Charles Oarke to McMicken, September 5, 1866, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, V, 484, P.A.C.
Tke Politici(Jlfl,s SteaZ Tke BaZZ
199
brimmed Rondy hat makes a very great change in my appearance." 48

Roberts was re-eJ.ected president at the Troy convention and
in his address he claimed that 620 circles were affiliated to his
wing. The treasury contained $136,000 and 28,000 muskets, besides a quarter of million dollars worth of ammunition were in
the possession of the senate party. 49 This report was greatly
exaggerated, but it raised the hopes of the Fenians once again.
No decision was reached on a new invasion of Canada and much
discussion ensued on the successor of General Sweeny as secretary of war, who severed his connection with the Fenians at that
time. General Sheridan was mentioned as the probable choice,
but he was having trouble enough as Military Governor of Louisiana. 50
Added publicity came to Roberts when hints were thrown out
by the press that the Fenians were casting covetous glances at
Mexico and might make that country the scene of their next
battle. The New York Herald played this new development for
all it was worth, using as its cry, "Mexico for the Milesians."
Santa Anna, former dictator of Mexico, was in the United States
at the time and that provided Bem:1.ett with the material for a
sensational story:
The most remarkable circumstance connected with this new
movement of Santa Anna is that the cunning old patriot
has enlisted the powerful aid of the Fenian Brotherhood.
He has had several protracted conferences with Roberts,
Sweeny and other Fenian chiefs, and has laid matters in
such a favorable light before them that these gentlemen
have shut their eyes to the advantages of Canada and are
.. Clarke to McMicken, September 11, 1866, ibid., p. 517.
A full report of the proceedings was published in the Irish American,
September 15, 1866.
New York Herald, September 10, 1866. The Convention sent General
Banks a letter of thanks expressing the appreciation of the Brotherhood
for his "generous, able, and American support to the cause, and in behalf
of Irish Liberty and Nationality." Cf. Fenian Brotherhood to General
Banks, October 10, 1866. Banks Papers, Essex Institute, Salem, Mass.
49
200
now zealously educating the Irish in the belief that Mexico

is the country especially designated by Providence as the
best fitted for the development and nurture of the Milesian
race. 51
The outcome of these conferences was an invasion of Staten
Island for a Fenian picnic. Santa Anna and Roberts addressed
the assembled Fenians, but as the former Most Serene Highness
of Mexico spoke in Spanish the gist of his warlike message was
lost on his Celtic audi,ence. 52
President Johnson put in a strong bid for the Irish vote when
he ordered the arms seized in the Canadian raid returned to the
Fienians. Large deposits had been impounded at Buffalo, Erie,
Oswego, Plattsburg, M~one, Troy, and St. Albans. The prime
mover in the effort to restore the Democratic Party in the good
graces of the Fenians was Samuel J. Tild,en, leader of the party
in New York State. He wrote President Johnson on September
21:
Mr. Humphrey, who bears this, desires to represent to you
the propriety of the release, on proper terms, of the arms
and material taken by the government from the Fenians,
inasmuch as the government has deemed the matter so entirely at an end as to dismiss the pending prosecutions.
There is no policy in holding this property as a mere pecuniary fine; and the opponents of the administration are
using such demagogical acts to take .... the votes of the
Irish, that no pretext should be given them which clear
duty does not compel. 58
President Johnson took the matter up with Secretary of War
Stanton who reported: "I have the honor to inform you that a
conference with the Attorney General, Saturday, in respect to
New York Herald, September 29, 1866.

""Ibid., October 9, 1866.
18 Samuel J. Tilden to President Johnson, September 21, 1866, Johnson
Papers, Vol. 102, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
11
201
the Fenian arms, there appears no difficulty in making a satisfactory arrangement, which will be submitted to-morrow, or
earlier, if directed." 54 They were restored to the Fenians on
condition they would not be used to violate the neutrality laws.
The Fenians hinted that they would be soid to Santa Anna. 55
President Johnson was also faced with the prospect of one
section of the Brotherhood stumping against him in the approaching el,ections. Richard Oulahan, Fenian leader in Washington, wrote him on October 6:
Col. Kelly, the Deputy of James Stephens C.O.I.R. and who
planned the escape of the latter from Richmond Prisonis here and has called on me, as ,one of the Irish Executive
Committee, and also representing the Fenian Brotherhood
of the District. He wants us to j,oin in opposition to Your
Excellency in the c@ming campaign, on account of the way
certain Irish-American officers have been treated in Ireland, by our Minister and Consuls, and who have lately
returned to New York. Unless Your Excellency make it
known, distinctly, that American citizens shall be protected
abroad, these returned officers are determined to "stump"
the State of New York against Your Excellency on that
issue alone, and I, - belonging as I do, to that State lknow that they can ruin our cause before the elections ; so
far as the large Irish element is concerned. 56
"Secretary Stanton to President Johnson, September 24, 1866, ibid. The
suggestion to return the Fenian arms was also broached to Secretary of
Navy Welles by a correspondent who wrote: "But there is one thing which
needs attention. The Irish Fenians are disaffected-many of them. Cant
something be devised proper in itself which will appease them. They say
if the arms taken. from them were restored to the private owners it would
satisfy them. We certainly lost many of their votes in Maine and should
today in this state [Connecticut]. There is no doubt of this. I think we
shall feel it in Pennsylvania and New York. Now do think of this. It is
not unimportant." Cf. J. Dixon to Gideon Welles, September 29, 1866,
Welles Papers, Vol. 62, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
New York Times, October 16, 1866.
.. Oulahan to President Johnson, October 6, 1866, Johnson Papers, Vol.
103.
202
The FenW/11, Movement en the United States: r858-r886
The only result of this threat was the issuance of a four-page

election handbill in New York entitled "Queen Victoria thanks
President Johnson f()r his Interference in your Patriotic Movements last Summer, and Mayor Hoffman calls him Statesman.' ' 57
While the Fenians were gaining. political support in the
months preceding the November elections, they did nothing to
express their indignation over the reluctance of the Canadian
government to release the captured Fenians. The Fenians had
been a plague, although an over-estimated one, for several years
and the Canadians were in no mood to see them freed w,ithout
being punished. Fenianism had been introduced into Canada
by Edward iO'Meagher Condon, who formed a circle at Toronto
in 1859.58 The circle never numbered more than sixty members,
among whom were the Reverend John Curley, a delegate to the
O'Mahony convention of January, 1866, and Michael M'urphy,
who was also president of thie Hibernian Benevolent Association
in Toronto. 59 Another member of the Toronto circle was William
Mackey Lomasney, who was killed in the 1880's when the dynamite he was using to blow up London Bridge 1exploded prematurely. The receipt books of the Fenians show that there were
only three Canadian circles in communication with Flenian headquarters in New York.
The large Irish population in Montreal led many to believe
the Fenian element to be dangerous, but actually only one circle
existed there. 60 The Irish in Canada did not bear England the
hostility shown by their brothers in the United States, as many
New York Public Library.
"Donahoe's !Magazine, December, 1879, p. 539.
Charles P. Stacey, "Fenian Interlude: The Story of Michael Murphy,"
Canadian Historical Review, XV (1934), 133-54. Murphy represented the
Toronto Fenians at the Philadelphia convention in 1865. Murphy had been
arrested in April, 1866, while on his way to assist Killian at Campo Bello.
Reportedly guarded by sixty men he was allowed to escape during the
summer when it was realized there was insufficient evitlence to obtain a
conviction. Cf. Lord Monck to Macdonald, September 18, 1866, Macdonald
Papers: Fenians, III, P.A.C:. for expression of this view.
80 O'Mahony Papers.
The PoZiticis Steai The Baii
l
i
203
of th-em voluntarily emigrated there, some from this country. 61

Many Irishmen in the United States were disgusted during the
1850's with the activities of the Know-Nothing Party, directed
against immigrants, particularly the Irish, who then constituted
the largest element. This hostility, actuated by religious and
economic. motives, was responsible :for the move started by
Thomas D 'Arey McGee to persuade Irishmen to emigrate to
Canada. McGee had participated in the rebellion of 1848 in
Ireland and succeeded in escaping to this country. As editor of
the American OeU, in New York, he preached the advantages
of Canada as a place where more opportunities were open to
Irishmen, the hewers of wood and drawers of water in this country. Opposed by Archbishop Hughes, who feared the Irish
would lose their Catholic faith if they left the big cities, McGee
made his way to Canada. By the time Fienianism had grown to
sizable proportions in this country, he had been elected a member of the Canadian Parliament from Montreal.
'l'he failure of Fenian.ism to gain a foothold in Canada can
be attributed to the active opposition of McGee. Popular among
the Irish of Montreal, he lashed out at Fenianism and its leaders
at every opportunity. Bitter oVJer the opposition to his plans encountered in New York, he saw in Fenianism a revival of the
policies advocated by the Citizen and the Irish American. He
contended that the emancipation of the Irish living in the slums
of New York was more important than an attempted liberation
of Ireland. 62 A violent attack on Fenianism was delivered by
McGee in Wexford, Ireland in May, 1865. Sent as a deliegate to
. the International Exhibition being held in Dublin, he took the
opportunity to inform the Irish of the status of the Irish eliement in the United States :
81 The Irish Emigrant Aid Society, a bona fide organization, held a convention in Buffalo in 1856. The purpose of this society was to aid Irishmen
who wished to leave the seaboard cities and begin life anew in Minnesota
or Canada. For an account of this convention cf. New York Herald, February 14, 16, 1856.
02 Isabel Skelton,
The Li[e of Thomas D' Arey McGee ( Gardenvale,
Canada, 1925), pp. 443-44.
'
204
Tke Fe'YIIUllfl, Movement in the United States: z858-z886
In the United States there is uo more sympathy for Ireland

than for Japan, and far less than for Russia. In New England, the people, tinctured with puritanism, proud of their
property and of their education, hate the Irish emigrant
f.or his creed; despise him for his poverty, and under-rate
him for his want of book learning. The Irish emigrants in
.America have become badly demoralized. If they prosper,
they mistake insolence f.or independence, and blasphemy
for freedom of speech. A large proportion, however, do not
prosper, but go to destitution, and it would 1;,e better, when
they are about to embark, that the earth should swallow
many an ingenuous 'youth and modest maiden, than that
they should be what they are, in the streets and prisons ,of
the United States. In Canada the Irish are morally and
socially in a better position. Our countrymen exceed one
J;ialf a million, one eighth of the whole population. They
are not one tenth as numerous as in the United States, but
I venture to say, the one half a million yield a larger aggregate of sterling worth, character and influence than the
millions of our demoralized countrymen across the line put
together .... The Fenians have deluded each other and many
of them are ready to betray each other. I have myself seen
letters from some of the brethren in Chicago, Cincinnati
and ,other places, offering their secret minutes and members roll for sale. It is the same infamous old business. As
sure as filth produces vermin, it is of the very nature of
such conspiracies as this to breed informers and approvers. 63
0 'Mahony had been to Montreal in 1864, in an effort to gain
adherents. McGee promptly wrote an open letter to the Irishmen
of the city, warning them to have nothing to do with Fenianism,
68 West to Secretary Seward, May 20, 1865, Dublin, Consular Despatches,

Vol. IV, MS Dept. of State. West sent a copy of the speech. The reaction
of Canadian Fenians to the speech was expressed by Patrick Boyle: "The
gradual decay of great mental powers whilst yet the body is hardly conscious of any great change, is a sad and humiliating spectacle. The man's
soul may be said to have died within him, leaving the mysterious. principle
of life still to animate the fleshly covering, still to drag on the routine of
a darkened existence." Cf. Irish Canadian, June 7, 1865.
1
',
205
which he described as '' a snare and a delusion.'' 64 When it became apparent that the Fenians were contemplating hostilities
against Canada, McGee advocated the formation of a civic guard
in Montreal whereby disaffected Irish might be weeded out. 05
In a pamphlet which he wrote in 1866, he gave the reasons for
his opposition to Fenianism.66 He compared the Irish in the
United States to an alien population, camped but not settled,
with foreign hopes and aspirations unshared by the people among
whom they lived.
There was no danger of a Fenian Trojan horse in Canada,
waiting for the opportunity to disgorge its Irish occupants upon
the unsuspecting Canadians. The anger of the population was
not directed against the Irish but rather against the United
States for permitting an unwarranted attack upon them. Added
to this anger were the casualties suffered by the Canadian volunteers, twenty-three of whom had come from the University of
Toronto. 67 The great expense of outfitting the force thought
necessary to repel the Fenians was also felt by the Canadians,
who had thought no defense necessary. 68
64 E. A. Cruikshank, "Fenian Raid of 1866", Welland County Historical
Society, Papers and Records (1926), 11-12.
.. John W. Dafoe, "The Fenian Invasion of Quebec, 1866", Canadian
Magazine, X (1898), 339-47. The Fenians who came from New York were
described by McGee as skedaddlers who had fled from the American draft.
He likened them to blacklegs and burglars.
88 The Irish
Position in British and in Republican North America
(Montreal, 1866).
61 David Junor, "Taken Prisoner by the Fenians," Canadian Magazine,
XXXVII (1911), 85-91. Junor was a student there at the time and told of
the great public funeral given the volunteers who fell at Ridgeway.
68 The expense incurred by the Canadians is well shown by C. F. Hamilton, "The Canadian Militia: The Fenian Raids", Canadian Defence Quarterly, VI (April), 344-53. There had been friction between the two
countries for many years, with the embargo of 1828, the burning of the ,
American Steamer "Caroline" in 1837, the Maine boundary dispute, and
the Oregon controversy, all of which produced ill feeling. Considerable
information on Canadian reaction to Fenianism is contained in E. R.
C~meron, 'Memoirs of Ralph Vansittart (2nd ed.; Toronto, 1924).
206
The Fenian Movement in the United States: z858-1886
As the truculent tone of the American Fenians increased during the summer, encouraged by the press and politicians, Lord
Monck found it necessary to apply to London for an \increase
in the naval forces on the Great Lakes. 69 This could not be done
without the consent of the United States as the Rush-Bagot
agreement of 1818 restricted the naval forces of the two countries on the Great Lakes to three y,essels each. 70 This accumulation of grievances doubtless stiffened the determination of the
Canadian government to hold the Fenian captives for trial. As
the time neared for the opening of the trial of the main body
of Fenian prisoners, Macdonald took precautionary measures,
writing the adjutant general of militia: "I think that you might
fairly dispense with two Companies at Cornwall. Until the Fenian prisoners there are tried I would not like to offer the temptation to the rascals on the other side to attempt a rescue.'' 71
The trial opened in Toronto on October 9. In his address to
the grand jury, Judge Wilson charged that the two great political parties in the United States encouraged the invasion in order
to gain the political support of the Fenians. 72 The Fenians were
charged with having feloniously entered Upper Canada on the
first and s~cond days of June with intent to levy war against
the Queen, and with being found in arms against Her Majesty. 73
As most of the Fenians were without funds, the American Government authorized the American Consul at Toronto to employ
Monck to Cardwell, July 10, 1866, F.0. 115 :451; August 16, 1866, F.0.
115 :452.
' 0 James M. Callahan, The Neutrality of the American Lakes and Anglo
American Relations (Baltimore, 1898), pp. 76, 84.
71 Macdonald to Macdougall, October 5, 1866, Macdonald Letter Books,
X, 235, P.A.C. The trial of the sixteen Fenians captured on the Mississquoi
frontier opened in Sweetsburg, Canada East, on December 3, 1866. The
tempers of Canadian government officials were not improved by a despatch
from London accusing them of negligence in not keeping the Home Office
informed on the threat of Fenianism. Cf. Lord Carnarvon to Lord Monck,
September 12, 1866, G 3, Vol. II, P.A.C.
72 Senate Executive Document, No. 42, 40 Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 47. Daniel
Thurston, consul at Toronto, sent reports of the trial to Seward.
78 Ibid., p. 48.
The Politicians SteaZ The BaZZ
207
coulli!el. 74 The trial proceeded without causing much commotion

among the Fenians in this country until October 26, when the
Reverend John M'cMahon, the Catholic priest captured at Fort
Erie, and Robert B. Lynch, who claimed to be a reporter for
the Louisville Courier, were sentenced to death. 75 McMahon,
pastor of a church in Anderson, Indiana, said that he was on his
way to Montreal when he stopped in Buffalo. The city was
swarming with Fenians who immediately saw in his clerical garb
the disguise of a British spy. When he had proven his identity
to the satisfaction of the Fenians, they insisted that he accompany them on the invasion as their chaplain. 76 McMahon was
undoubtedly a Fenian as he travelled from Anderson to Buffalo
with a contingent of Fenian soldiers from his parish.
The reaction of the Fenians to this outrage on their clerical
friend was swift. Heated discussions were held in New York on
the proposition to lynch the British consul there.7 7 The Philadelphia Fenians were likewise in a vengeful mood :
The invasion of British territory by the Fenian Brotherhood was a legitimate act of war ,on the part of an oppressed
people; that the time to strike and where to strike is a
question of policy, whether it be seizing the oolonies of the
oppressors or sweeping her commerce from the seas ; it was
the assertion of this God-given right to regain their long
lost liberties and restore their ancient nationality that
nerved the arm of the Fenian soldier to strike to dust the
"Ibid.
'"New York Herald, October 27, 1866.
After his capture McMahon approached a commander of the Canadian
troops, Lt. Col. George Denison, and asked permission to bury the dead
and attend the wounded. He was told to go to Fort Erie, where the commander of the whole force would give the permission. This open invitation
to return to Buffalo was disregarded by the priest. For an account of this
episode, cf. George T. Denison, Soldiering in Canada (Toronto, 1900),
p. 107. House Report No. 7, 40 Cong., 2nd Sess., March 20, 1867, was the
result of an investigation of McMahon by the Committee on Foreign Affairs. It revealed that McMahon travelled with a company of his Fenian
parishioners from Anderson to Buffalo.
"New York Herald, October 29, 1866.
208
The F~'llliar,, Movement in the United States: I858-I886
hated fiag of England at Limestone Ridge. Resolved, That

we look on the trials, convictions and sentences passed on
Colonel Lynch and others as a challenge to the Irishmen of
America, and we accept it in the spirit intended, and we
pledge our lives, liberty and sacred honor to meet the issue
as becomes a race that never accepted the yoke of the Norman robber. 78
The British government was warned to release McMahon and
Lynch if it would avoid terrible retribution. 79
On November 3, the trial of the second clergyman captured
in Canada, the Reverend Daniel F. Lumsden, an Episcopalian,
opened in Toronto. He was charged with accompanying the
Fenians as chaplain for the Protestant soldiers. Consul Thurston
succeeded in assembling an imposing array of character witnesses to appear on behalf of the prisoner. Among them were
the Episcopalian Bishop of Buffalo, and ministers from Syracuse, where Lumsden formerly had a parish, and Michigan. The
consul explained to Seward that in the case of McMahon there
were no witnesses on his behalf. The presence of so many men
of respectability appearing for their erring clerical brother undoubtedly influenced the jury; Lumsden was aequitted on November 4. so The acquittal of Lumsden drew the imediate fire
of the Irish and Catholic press in this country which pointed to
it as an example of bigotry in the discrimination shown between
the two clergymen. 81 The conclusion reached by the Freeman's
Journal was that the judge was an Orangeman. 82
Ibid., October 31, 1866.
Ibid., November 1, 2, 1866.
80 Thurston to Secretary Seward, November 5, 1866, Toronto, Consular
Desp., Vol. I, MS Dept. of State.
81 Irish American, November 10, 1866; Herald, December 3, 1866, also
had the accusation.
82 In the testimony given at Lumsden's trial, a plea in his defense was
that he was addicted to strong drink and that his presence with the Fenians
could be attributed to his amiable state of incandescence. Cf. Toronto
Globe, November 5, 1866; George R. Gregg and E. P. Roden, Trials of the
78
.,
i
I
The PoZiticia;n,s Steal The Ball
l.
209
By November 17, twenty-six Fenians had been acquitted and

seven sentenced to death. 88 Those acquitted were escorted to the
American side of the Suspension Bridge and given five dollars
to make their way home. 84 Some of those released were mere
youths in whom the spirit of adventure ran strong. Roberts had
retained Bernard Devlin, a Montreal lawyer, as counsel for the
Fenians but this move was discouraged by Thurston oi:J. the
grounds that it would compromise the United States. 85 The
execution of McMahon and six other prisoners had been set for
December 13. Thurston was empowered to apply for new trials
in these cases;.86 When this appeal failed, Seward urged Bruce
to lay the case before the Home Office. By Nov,ember 27, Seward
was informed that the executions would not be carried out. 87 It
is doubtful if the Canadian government ,ever intended to go
through with the executions, particularly of McMahon, which
would be playing into the hands of the Fenians and giving them
a chance to enshrine the priest as one of their martyrs. The executions were postponed until March 13,88 and on March 4, the
sentences were commuted to twenty years imprisonment. 89
Fenian Prisoners at Toronto, who were captured at Fort Erie, C. W., in
June 1866 (Toronto, 1867), p. 151. His wife admitted his bibulous habits
in a letter to Seward. Cf. Miscellaneous Letters, August 17, 1866, Part II.
88 Thurston to Secretary Seward, November 17, 1866, Toronto Consular
Desp., Vol. I, MS Dept. of State .
.. Senate Executive Document, No. 42, 40 Cong., 2d Sess., p. 92 .
.. Thurston to Secretary Seward, November 2, 1866, Toronto Consular
Desp., Vol. I, MS Dept. of State.
06 Secretary Seward to Thurston, November 20, 1866, Instructions to
Consuls, Vol. I, MS Dept. of State.
Bruce to Secretary Seward. Stanley wrote Bruce on November 10 that
their lives would be spared at all events. Cf. F.0. 115 : 452. Bruce to
Secretary Seward November 27, 1866. Great Britain, Notes, Vol. 83, MS
Dept. of State.
06 Bruce to Secretary Seward, December 8, 1866, ibid. Bruce wrote Stanley on November 26 that: "I am convinced that an execution would have
a most unfortunate effect on the future tranquillity of the Provinces .... I
am not without hopes that by judicious management we may confine ~he '
210
Tke Feman Move'nU31'1,t in tke United States: I858-I886
-Kenneth Mackensie was counsel for the Fenians for the latter
part of the trials and by February 13 they were completed, with
nineteen convictions. 90 The imprisonment of McMahon and
Lynch was to be used by the Fenians and professional sympathizers during the next two years to gain political support, during which ninety-six resolutions and memorials were sent to
Seward demanding the intervention of the United States in
their behalf. The British and Canadian governments were grateful to the Catholic clergy of Canada, to whose efforts they attributed the failure of Fenianism to gain many adherents. The
obedience ,of the Irish Catholics to the clergy there was markedly
different from that of their brothers in the United States where,
for every Fenian, there were probably four or five sympathizers.
The following tribute was paid by Sir John A. Macdonald, first
Prime Minister of Canada:
Her Majesty's Government and Canada owe a debt of
gratitude to the whole body of the Roman Catholic clergy
in Canada. They were unwearied in their exertions in the
cause of loyalty and good order. They spared no pains to
prevent the spread of the Fenian Organization thro' the
Provinces, and it is due to their influence and exhortations
hostility of the Irish to Ireland, and create a feeling here with references
to the question which will discourage future attempts on the Provinces."
F.O. 115 :4S4.
89 Thurston to Secretary Seward, March 4, 1867, Toronto Consular
Desp., Vol. II, MS Dept. of State.
00 Senate Executive Document, No. 42 ... , p. 149. House Executive Document, No. 9, 40 Cong., 2d Sess., also deals with the Fenian prisoners in
Canada. Mackensie was kept waiting for three years before he collected
his fee. Many letters passed between Mackensie and Seward in which the
lawyer estimated his services to be worth $100,000. Finally, on February
11, 1870, Senator Morrill proposed a bill for the relief of Mackensie. He
was paid $44,000. Cf. Miscellaneous Letters, February 22, 1870, Part II.
As early as January, 1867, Horace Greeley wrote Nathaniel Banks, introducing Mackensie, who desired payment. Cf. Greeley to Banks, Jailuary
4, 1867. Banks Papers, Essex Institute, Salem, Mass. The correct date is
inore probably 1868, as the trials were still going on in January, 1867.
/r
'!
(
(
~
The Politicians Steal The BaU
l,
\
\
\
that the nefarious conspiracy made but little headway

among us. 91
In the meantime the congressional elections were held in the
United States on November 6. The radicals won easily and the
importance of the Fenian vote was discussed in the press. One
paper claimed that the Irish vote was decisive in New York
on account of the great falling off of Democratic votes in Albany,
Troy, and other places where the Irish laborers on railroads and
canals were most numerous. The Freeman's Journal attributed
the defection from Democratic ranks to the refusal of the Irish
to support Thurlow Weed. 92 One competent observer was convinced that the Fenian vote was decisive in New York State.
Sanford E. Church, Democratic leader in Rochester, wrote
Samuel J. Tilden: "My apprehensions and yours have been
realized. We were beaten by the Fenian vote. We had the state
by 25,000 majority if we had received our accustomed Irish
strength. The defection was not uniform entirely but extended
throughout the State to a greater or less extent.'' 93 Another
disgusted politician wrote Elihu B. W ashburne: '' The Irish were
dead against us-when none of our folks expected a division in
their vote. We can't trust them.'' 94 Bruce was hopeful that the
radical victory would mark the end of their espousal of Fenianism. Writing of the election he said:
F.O. 115: 488.
November 17, 1866. The statement of the New York World contending
the Fenian vote was decisive was reprinted in this issue. An unsigned
article, "Fenianism in America," Bentley's Miscellany, LXIII (1868),
129-33, credited the Fenian vote for the Republican gains.
.. Sanford E. Church to Samuel J. Tilden, November 10, 1866, Tilden
Papers, Box 20, New York Public Library. Writing to Tilden on October
31, Church had been optimistic: "I do not think that we are to be injured
by the Fenian vote in this election. On the contrary I think they will vote
our ticket as usual, but, I fear that in some localities they may not." Ibid.
In the 1868 Democratic national convention Church received New York's
vote on the first ballot for presidential candidate. Horatio Seymour was
eventual nominee.
94 DeFrees to Washburne, October 15, 1866, Washburne Papers, Vol. 57,
Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
01
92
,,
I
l
i:
211
212
The F'er,,UJ/f/, Movemer,,t in the United States: 1858-1886
The Republicans have now found out that they are strong
enough to do without it, and I am in hopes that this discovery will materially affect the manner in which Irish questions will be dealt with by the majority in Congress .... 911
In proportion as the political influence of the Irish in the
United States is diminished, the possibility of maintaining
peaceful relations with this country will be increased. 96
The radicals knew that they could control Congress without
Irish votes but Sir Frederick failed to see that as long as Fenianism could be used to embarrass President Johnson, it would
be useful. No doubt they were already thinking of the presidential election of 1868, so periodic encouragement of the movement
should have been expected.
The notorious informer, Thomas Beach, alias Henri LeCaron,
made his appearance about this time. 97 Although he did not join
.... Bruce to Lord Stanley, November 10, 1866, F.O. 115: 454.
Bruce to Lord Stanley, November 12, 1866, ibid.
"'Lord Stanley to Bruce, November 10, 1866. F.O. 115: 452. The Canadian government was apprised of LeCaron in April, 1866. On March 28 of
that year Beach's father, residing in England, wrote Edward Cardwell: "I
have a son who is 1st Lieut. and Adjutant in the Army of the U. S. of
America stationed at Nashville Tennessee from whom I am continually
receiving communications in general even to some of which connected with
Fenianism are of a startling character especially a correspondence I received by Post today dated from Nashville on the 8th inst ... Five millions
of dollars have been subscribed in cash up to Sunday the 4 of March. Vanderbilt of New York gave $150,000, Stewart of the same place gave
$100,000. A contract has been made to supply Spring-field Muskets and
complete set of accoutrements at cost $10 about less than half cost on account of the great number on hand at the termination of the American
War. In the city of Nashville the men who are enrolled have money and
are men of standing. There is not one man enrolled in the two companies
mentioned but what has given $200 to the cause. My son is acquainted with
the Fenian Head Centre of the City of Nashville, and he positively informed
him that blood will be shed before a month. There are Fenian hats, coats,
songs and plays with a prominency of green and almost everything else of
Fenianism calculated to influence and excite these ungrateful, fanatical
blood-thirsty Fenians." Cf. Cardwell to Lord Monck, April 7, 1866, G I,
Vol. 163, P.A.C. Before Beach joined the Brotherhood in 1868 his reports
00
The Politicia/11,s Steal The Ball
213
the Brotherhood until 1868, letters he wrote to his father were

being transmitted to the Foreign Office in London. His early
letters reveal nothing which could not be gleaned from newspapers, but show that as early as 1866 the jingle of British gold
was ringing in his ears. Another informer, probably John J.
Corydon, wrote Bruce asking as his price one half the value of
arms that could be seized in Ireland through his information.
Bruce receiv,ed permission from Stanley to agree to the proposit10n. 98
The year was drawing to a close and James Stephens had
promised to take the field in Ireland before the year was out.
His pleas to the Fenians loyal to him to supply the money and
arms needed to make victory certain were meeting with a feeble
response. In a letter Stephens wrote to his friends in Ireland in
September, he said:
It is a question ,of money with me as well as you. For want
of money I have been unable to take the necessary action.
For the last month, especially, I could, with the necessary
means, have done work to cheer and astound you. But my
action has been hampered so that I have been barely able
to keep the office open .... Sometime this year I shall be
again on Irish soil. Y,ou can easily understand my reason
for not saying what time, but you shall know it ere long ....
I hope to be able to forward a good sum. Rely on my doing
so soon as the boat 99 has been turned into cash. She is sold,
but we have not got paid .... Rely on my being in Ireland
this year. Rely on my straining every faculty to realize
were made out of whole cloth. Cf. Thomas Miller Beach, Twenty Five
Years in the Secret Service, the Recollections of a Spy (London, 1892).
This work is a mixture of tr.nth and falsehood. Even the title of the book
was a lie as he did not begin his career as an informer until 1868. Strangely
enough, he said nothing of his early work as informer before he joined the
Brotherhood.
98
Bruce to Lord Stanley, November 27, 1866, F.O. 115: 454.
The boat used in the Campo Bello venture. It had been returned to
the Fenians.
09
214
The F'eman Movement ,in the United States: I858-I886
what we need, and, whatever the opposition, on my procuring what I stated. 100
Stephens disappeared from the public scene following his final
appearance at a Fenian rally on October 28. At that time he
told the Fenians that they would next hear from him leading
his troops in Ireland against the Saxon aggressor. The impression
among the Fenians was that in a matter of weeks the Irish revolutionists would be at grips with their ancient foe. This belief
was strengthened by a final appeal which was issued from headquarters for arms, munitions, and money :
The final struggle for our people with the foreigner will
be soon inaugurated ; the oppressed will meet the oppressor
foot to foot to battle for the very existence of our race and
of our nationality .... The committee instructed to collect
arms, war material and money for the use of the Irish Republican Army, will hand ~n their lists weekly, at the Central office, 19 Chatham Street, in this city. In the name of
liberty, justice and humanity, we appeal to all on behalf of
a suffering, but noble minded people, to subscribe liberally,
and at once. 101
The oft repeated promises of Stephens to be in Ireland within a
few months were not lost upon the British. Stephens was a
wanted man in Ireland with a reward of 2000 for his capture.102
Bruce was instructed on November 23, to issue the following
instructions to the British consuls at New York, Boston, Portland, and Philadelphia:
100 O'Mahony Papers. The letter, dated September 12, was never sent.
In it Stephens promised to supply 30,000 guns and 2000 "select workmen"
for the job in Ireland. A work written by one of Stephens' admirers appeared at this time. Cf. James Stephens, Chief Organizer of the Irish Republic, Embracing an Account of the Origin and Progress of the F.B.
(New York, 1866).
1 1 Irish People, December 1, 1866.
102 London Globe, December 12, 1866; New York Herald, December 12,
1866, had the reward as 5000.
The Politic~ Steal 'fhe Ball

Y.ou will understand that Her Majesty's Government attach
the greatest importance to receiving the earliest intelligence
of Stephens' embarkation from any Port within your Consular district .... The information to be transmitted should
comprise in addition to the fact of Stephens 's departure,
the Port of his destination in Europe and the name and
nationality of the vessel in which he is embarked .. : .Transmit the same by safe hand without a moment's delay to
Her Majesty's Minister at Washington who will be instructed to avail himself of the Atlantic Cable to communicate the information to Her Majesty's Government. 108
While the British consuls were keeping a sharp eye on passenger lists, uneasiness was increasing in England and Ireland
over the threatened outbreak. Adams pictured the tension in a
despatch:
The uneasiness in Ireland occasioned by the declarations
made 'in America, and the annoulicement of the subsequent
departure of Stephens with the avowed intention of leading
an insurrection has increased to such a degree as to put a
stop to many of the operations of business. Arrests are made
of suspected individuals in all directions, new regiments of
troops are sent over from this kingdom, and all the apparatus of war put into requisition in etpectation of an outbreak .... There is yet existing the old Orange hatred which
will need only some pretext' to break out with its ancient
fury.104
-,
The rumblings of discontent in Ireland also ,evoked a letter from

J6hn Bright, who was at the time president of the Manchester
l?,eform League. He wrote Horace Greeley: "There is. a Ii.e'Y
excitement in Ireland. If the leaders of the Fenians are taken,
I doubt if they will meet with much mercy-certainly not, if
any outbreak takes place. Our Government can suppress an insurrection if it cannot rule with wisdom and justice. Ireland is
1~
Lord Stanley to Bruce, November 23, 1866, F.O. 115: 452.
' Adams to Secretary Seward, December 7, 1866, Great Britain, Desp.
216
The Fenian, Movement in the United States: I858-r886
our humiliation, and our ruling class prefer occasional riot and
civil war to remedial legislation.'' 105
As November passed into December, word was awaited of the

outbreak of hostilities in Ireland, with the F,enian sunburst
.flung to the breeze. The Roberts Fenians were hard put to remain in the public ,eye as the prospect of a fight in Ireland
centred attention on that country. Besides, newspapers charged
that Roberts was disappointed that McMahon and Lynch were
not executed in Canada, as their deaths would strengthen his
wing immeasurably.106 Their only gains during the waning
months of the year were the founding of another Fenian paper, 107
and an attack on Stephens by General F. F. Millen, who characterized him as a "political humbug, if not a cheat and a rascal
besides.'' 108 For the most part their press and senate resorted
' 00 John Bright to Horace Greeley, November 28, 1866, Greeley Letters,
1866-72, Manuscripts Division, New York Public Library. The same
thought was expressed by Archbishop Cullen of Dublin who wrote: "Our
Fenian heroes are now apparently very quiet but I believe they are working underhand. All their hopes are in aid from America, and if their associates there give up the conspiracy, we shall be all quiet in Ireland. The
only fear I have at present is that some of the Orangemen who are now in
power may let the Irish Fenians come to violent deeds, in order to renew
the penal laws in the country. This was done in' 1798 and might be done
again." Paul Cullen to Martin J. Spalding, November IO, 1866. Baltimore
Cathedral Archives, 33-0-9.
106 Freeman's Journal, December 8, 1866.
"" The Buffalo Globe, a weekly started by Patrick O'Day, an active
adherent of the senate wing. It was to O'Day's store that a large part of
the shipment of arms to Buffalo was consigned. The name of the paper
was changed to Fenian Volunteer in 1867. The only known copy extant is
in the library of the Buffalo Historical Society. In 1868 the name was
changed again to United Irishman.
108 New York Times, December 7, 1866. Benjamin Moran's Diary, December 26, 1866, contained the following: "The Times [London].... has
a long letter from a Fenian General Millen exposing Stephens, the Head
Centre, as a rascal. Millen is the man who put papers in Mr. West's
charge at Dublin, and pretended to be a foe to Fenianism. His true character is now out." Moran Diary, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
The Politicians Steal The BaU

\
,.
217
to threats of terrible retribution to be wreaked on the foe. The

Senate delivered itself of the following outburst on December 15:
We swear it to you by the bitter memory of Ireland's woes,
by the gibbets heavy with the martyred bodies of her patriots, by the blood of the braves who fell at Limestone Ridge,
by the hopes of her kinsmen waiting, in felon cells, for the
roar of the strife that will set them free,-that once again,
if you but do your duty to your native land, we will follow
the gleam of our unconquered standard to vengeance, victory and liberty .... And as you arm yourselves for the approaching struggle for independence, let your enemy know
that upon her will rest the onus of conducting the fight on
the principles of honorable warfare, or making it a strife
of extermination, in which you will repay with tenfold interest the treasured wrongs of centuries. 109
As the press was reporting that Banks' bill for revision of the
neutrality laws would not be reported in the Senate, Roberts
wrote the general a strong letter. Failure of the Republicans to
keep their pre-election pledges would be the greatest breach of
good faith by a political party. According to Roberts, Banks was
all right but: "I beg of you to see and prevent your party committing so great an act of folly, our disappointment and chagrin
would be intense." 110
Bruce's hope that the Fenian question would soon cease as a
cause of friction between the United States and Great Britain
was soon dashed. This became evident when the first mention of
the ''Alabama'' claims was made and a copy of the records of
the trial of McMahon and Lynch requested by Seward. In a note
to Bruce, the Secretary of State contrasted the attitude of the
10 Irish American, December 22, 1866. Speaking of the threatened executions in Canada, the same paper said on December 8: "It will not be
the first time the blood of our kindred has flowed to glut her tyrant instincts; but it is the first time that we have had the power to avenge !that
blood, and pay our enemy back, blow for blow."
110 Wm. R. Roberts to Banks, December 20, 1866, Banks Papers, Essex
Institute.
2is
Tke Fenian Movement
i;;,
tke United States: I858-I886
American government when the Fenians invaded Canada with

that of Great Britain when privateers were being built in England for the Confederacy. Stanley was quick to deny the similarity of the two cases, stating that the secrecy observed by the
British subjects in their unlawful proceedings during the Civil
War baffled all the efforts of the British government, no less
than those of the diplomatic and consular agents of the United
States in England, to detect them. 111 This stand of the British
guaranteed the continuance of the Fenian movement, which
would have collapsed by the end of the year. The American
government recognized its usefulness in pressing its case for
settlement of the ''Alabama'' claims as well as in the naturalization controversy which came to a head as a result of Fenian
activity in Ireland. The copies of the records of the trials of
McMahon and Lynch were furnished, but Stanley pointed out
that the United States were not entitled to them, but that they
were presented as a courtesy.11 2
In the meantime, the repeated promises of Stephens to be in
Ireland before the new year were probably believed by his adherents. A crisis was reached when it was learned that he was
still in New York on December 15. Stephens summoned a group
of prominent Fenians to meet on that date and urged that action
in Ireland should again be postponed as he found himself unable
to fulfill the pledges he had given. The events leading up to and
following that stormy session are best recounted in Stephens'
own words:
111 Lord Stanley to Bruce, November 30, 1866, F.O. 115: 454. Seward
asked for a copy of the trial records in the hope of catching an inconsistency in the legal systems of Canada and England regarding citizenship.
The naturalization controversy was in abeyance for the time being but
Se.ward thought he detected an opportunity to score a point when it was
reported that the indictment against the prisoners in Canada charged that
they were citizens of the United States. Cf. Seward to Adams, December
24, 1866.
"'Lord Stanley to Bruce, December 7, 1866, F.O. 115 : 454.
\
)
219
The year was closing in on me and work had to be done. I

trust there is no man in Ireland so ignorant, base and ungrateful as to think I did not mean to keep my promise and
fight by the New Year's dawn. I meant it, and, but for the
breakdown in my health, should have kept my promise to
the letter, as in the spirit it shall still be kept. But my
health failed me absolutely at the time in questfon. Siill I
would try to work. To this end I left this city about the 15th
of last November. The cry was immediately raised that I
had left for Ireland. .As this was calculated to serve us ,of
course we favored it. But I continued all but helpless myself; so that when wealthy sympathizers were brought to me
they found a man apparently not 1ong for this world and
consequently not calculated to impress them as a revolutionist.118
Still I did my best, hoping and trying to realize my
promise. On the 14th December I returned to New York,
whE)n I directed Colonel Kelly to bring certain friends to
confer with me on the following evening, 15th December.
During my absence from New York, Colonel Kelly had the
sole direction of affairs here .... When the other friends
met me, ,on the evening of the 15th December I found that
matters were even worse than my apprehensions-we had
nothing like what I promised and expected, and the little
we had we could not forward. I then proposed to g,o to Ireland by the next boat, even though I should be taken and
hanged .... .All who spoke condemned the proposal, on the
ground chiefly that if I were disposed of all would be lost.
No particular plan, that I now recollect, was proposed by
anybody that night, and so we parted without having determined on anything definite. I met another party of men
-<lhiefly if not all officers-on the following Monday evening, the 17th. I asked them to volunteer to go home, and
the majority did so. In making such a request, at such a
time, it must be evident that I meant to bring on the fight
as soon as possible. Questions were asked by these officers,
words fell from Colonel Kelly and others, and hints were
given me by parties then wavering in faith and undecided
which side to take, from all of which it began to f,orce itself
m Stephens wrote few letters that did not refer to his ills. He managed
to linger on, however, for thirty-four years.
220
on me, most reluctantly and sickeningly, that something.

was seriously wrong .... that Colonel Kelly and his backers
were on the contrary deep in a plot to set me down and put
Colonel Kelly in my place. How had it come to this? Colonel
Kelly and his backers got up the cry that I had abandoned
the cause in despair, or through cowardice shrunk from the
struggle, frightened by the powers I had created .... To
come out and expose Colonel Kelly would have been certain
scandal and probable ruin .... Several times I sent for him,
but he.sent evasive answers and stayed away. I wanted a
full explanation, for even at this time I could do little more
than conjecture what he was doing and had done. This explanati,on was not given till the 29th December and was
then made in such a manner that we quarrelled and parted
in anger .... He had given proof, not only of insubordination, but of being at the head of a plot to depose me and
ruin my reputation! And he was to take my place! So far
as America was concerned he had actually deposed me and
I was in my place. Seeing this, I said I would not be responsible for the Fenian Brotherhood as I no longer controlled
it. Hereupon it was spread abroad that I had resigned my
post! Not the direction-the supreme direction of home affairs, friends, but only of an ,office requiring what I could
not give without scandal if not ruin, my presence before
the public .... An understanding was come to between
CoJ.onel Kelly and me .... I was to hold my position as C.
O.I.R. and direct civil affairs, while military men should
have control of the war-department.114
Stephens' version of his deposition agrees substantially with
those given by other Fenians. When he spoke of heated words
114 O'Mahony Papers. This letter was written by Stephens in January,
1867, addressed to friends in Ireland, explaining his position. Probably
given for delivery to one of the Fenians about to leave for Ireland, it never
left New York. Archbishop Cullen in Dublin pictured the situation there
in a letter to Archbishop Spalding of Baltimore: "Our Fenians here are
creating great apparent alarm. Dublin is full of troops, '<lnd every
stratagetical [sic J point is fortified. In my opinion there is no real alarm,
but a show must be made to keep Orangemen in power. The Fenians are
not all so strong as they were last year." Paul Cullen to Martin J. Spalding,
December 22, 1866, Baltimore Cathedral Archives, 33-0-10.
221
at one meeting of the Fenians he was guilty of an understatement. Besides Kelly, he was deposed by Halpin, General Thomas
F. Bourke, McCafferty, and Condon [Massey], who within three
months was to sell out his Fenian friends in Ireland. McCafferty,
a former Confederate soldier in Morgan's Raiders, drew his
pistol to despatch Stephens on the spot, but was restrained by
Kelly. 115 At any rate Stephens was finished as a power in American Fenianism. Kelly was determined on a fight in Ireland as
soon as possible and beginning with the last week of December
Fenians left New York for Ireland, England, and France. Massey was in New York at the time preparing to go to Liverpool
with 550 to pay the salaries of Fenian officers waiting there
for the signal to take the field in England. An omnipresent informer, whose identity is unknown, was useful to the British in a letter to Sir Frederick Bruce written from Sweeny's Hotel, a favorite rc>sort of New York Fenians, on December 26. In it he
notified Bruce that within a short time thirty Fenians would
sail for Ireland. He also warned Bruce that someone in the
British minister's home was giving .informatiou to Richard Oulahan, a prominent Fenian in W ashington. 116 Bruce, reporting this
incident to Stanley, admitted that information was bound to
m "James Stephens: The Fenian Head Centre," by One Who Knew

Him, Pall Mall Magazine, XXIV (1901), 331-37. This was corroborated
by General Cluseret, "My Connection with Fenianism," Littell's Living
Age, CXIV (1872), 353-65. Cluseret's connection with the projected uprising in Ireland in 1867 came to light in April of that year. Cf. also
"Force and Feebleness of Fenianism," by an ex-member of the Fenian
Directory, Blackwood's Magazine, CXXXI (1882), 454-67. This last was
probably written by General F. F. Millen. For a eulogistic treatment of
Stephens cf. Arrest and Escape of James Stephens, Head Centre of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood, by an eyewitness (New York, 1866).
A.W.G. to Bruce, December 26, 1866, F.0. 115: 454. This letter was
initialed A.W.G. This informer w-0uld naturally give no information of
the deposition of Stephens, which did not become public until January o,
1867. To do so would have narrowed the source of the leak to the five
Fenians present at the stormy session spoken of.
11
,,
222
leak from the British legation on account of the necessity of employing Irish servants. 117 Even the Irish servant girls were eager
to strike a vicarious blow for '' Old Ireland.''
Thoughts of Canadian officials on the Fenian threat varied
during the waning months of 1866. Early in October, John Macdonald thought the organization pretty well broken up,118 and
Lord Monck believed that one of the regiments freshly arrived
from 'England could proceed to another colony. 119 By November,
Macdonald advised McMioken to establish winter quarters in
either Buffalo or Lockport in case another raid might be contemplated, 120 and Lord Monck expressed regret that the whole
importance of the Fenian movement hinged on the attitude assumed with respect to it by the United States government.121 By
the end of the year Canadian detectives were stationed in Chicago, Buffalo, Lockport, Rocheste;r, New York, and Brooklyn,1 22
and the services of the North American Detective Police Agency
in New York were employed by the Canadian government. 123
An interesting development in the Fenian question appeared
at this time in the publication of the correspondence which had
been passing between Rufus King, United States Minister in
Rome, and Seward. In a despatch of November, 1865, King
described an audience with Pope Pius IX, in which he reported
the P.ope as saying:
Ireland was restless and discontented and Fenianism uttered ominous threats. He had no idea, he said, that this
Bruce to Lord Stanley, December 28, 1866, ibid.
Macdonald to Arthur Rankin, M.P. October 2, 1866, Macdonald Letter Books, X, 209, P.A.C.
m Lord Monck to Michel, October 5, 1866, C 186, pp. 132-33, P.A.C.
120 Macdonald to McMicken, November 8, 1866, Private, Macdonald Letter Books, X, 477-78.
121 Lord Monck to Cardwell, November 24, 1866, Confidential, G 21, Vol.
I, P.A.C.
122 McMicken to Macdonald,
December 27, 1866, Private, Macdonald
Papers: McMicken Reports, V, 1161.
128 Wm. H. Scott to A. Campbell, December 31, 1866, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians, Vol. III.
u,
223
movement would affect British rule of Ireland; for the

ocean which rolled between the United States and Great
Britain forbade the idea of invasion. But Canada, with its
extensive and exposed frontier, offered an easier prize, and
thither, he thought, the Fenians might turn their arms. It
would be for the advantage of all parties, the Holy Father
remarked, that the United States should take Canada and
incorporate it into the American Union, rather than allow
the Fenians to possess themselves of it. Better that it should
be done by a regularly constituted government, than by a
revolutionary, irresponsible government, subject to no control and liable to every excess. 124
This opinion of Pius IX was to prove a boomerang a year
later when his remarks were disclosed in the Italian press. The
Pope had been shorn .a.f most of the Papal States, so that by 1860,
only Rome remained in papal possession. The journals agitating
for the annexation of Rome to complete the unification of Italy
quickly seized upon the Pope's views in regard to the annexation of Canada and applied them to Rome itself. A Catholic
journal, the Osservatore Romano, indignantly denied that the
Pope had expressed the views attributed to him. King called
upon Giacomo Cardinal Antonelli, Secretary of State, to ask
that the editor of that paper be directed to retract the denial.1 25
A weak explanation was given by Antonelli, after consulting the
interpreter of the audience of the preceding year:
The august Interlocutor .... now recollects that in said audience, speaking ,of the Fenian movement and under the
impression of what was then generally reported, of England's intention to. retire from Canada, he intimated that,
should England really withdraw from that American State,
it would be preferable that it should be incorporated into
the United States, rather than fall under the power of the
rebellion. 126
12 King to Secretary Seward, November 18, 1865, United States Ministers
to the Papal States. Instructions and Despatches, 1848-1868, edited by Leo
Francis Stock (Washington, 1933), pp. 359-51.
125 King to Secretary Seward, December 1, 1866, ibid., p. 399.
120 King to Secretary Seward, December, 1866, ibid., p. 404.
,.
)
I
224
Tke Feniotn Mov.ement tin tke United States: I858-I886
If England was contemplating a withdrawal from Canada in

1865, it certainly was not generally known. Its activity at the
time was in urging Confederation. Accusations were even made
that England encouraged Fenianism in order to speed this move.
During Stephens' seven months tenure of office as head of the
Fenians in America only $57 ,000 were realized. Of this sum only
$22,500 were used for revolutionary activity in Ireland. 127 Compared to the ambitious schemes of Stephens, this amount was
puny indeed, .and accounted for his downfall. Even he realized
the impossibility of staging a successful rising in Ireland with
the ''sinews of war" being contributed in driblets. His request
that the rising be postponed was due, not to cowardice, but ito
realism. A confirmed visionary, he now put aside his rose-colored
glasses and saw conditions as they really were.
Kelly was the man -of the hour among the Fenians after
Stephens' deposition, but as he was about to leave for the scene
of battle, it was necessary to choose someone to head the organization in America. This honor fell upon Mortimer Moynahan,
. who had participated in the Phoenix conspiracy in Ireland in
1858. The first public notice of the deposition of Stephens appeared on January 7, when the ousting of the Irish chief was
announced:
Colonel Kelly entered the Hall as General Gleeson was

speaking, and loud calls were made for his explanation ,of
affairs. He told them, in answer to numerous questions as
to his opinion of Stephens, that the said Stephens was liter-
ally a coward, that he shrank from directing the elements
he evoked. He only discovered the baseness of Stephens'
nature a short time ago, when the wily chief showed an
unmistakable desire to lighten the burdens of the treasury
by appropriating all the funds and directing his adventurous course to the gay .capital of France. Here the Colonel
foiled him, and the money was directed to other more patri-
otic uses .... The business of the evening was wound up by
a vote of oonfidence in Kelly and by the unanimous election
,.. Irish People, April 15, 1871. A list of total receipts and expenditures
from 1858 to 1871 was submitted by O'Mahony.
i
I
225
of Brigadier General Gleeson to the position of Chief Organizer of the Irish Republic. 128
The Roberts wing rejoiced over the downfall of Stephens who
had threatened to cut and hack them into oblivion. The charge
that Stephens was planning to abscond with the funds of the
Brotherhood was given further embellishment by them. They
claimed that he was preparing to go to Paris, there to spend the
Fenian funds on fast horses and faster women.
For some reason the Fenians announced Gleeson as the new
chief of the Brotherhood in this country, whereas his title was
deputy chief executive. Moynahan held the title of chief executive for one month, when he was succeeded by Gleeson, the same
Ooilonel John M. Gleeson who had been arrested in Ireland in
the spring of 1866. Since that time he was known as a general,
probably brevetted by the Fenians for his activities in Ireland.
on behalf of the Brotherhood.129
Kelly, Halpin, Bourke, Massey, and other Fenian military
men sailed for England on January 12. Stephens was to have
sailed with them but he failed to do so. 180 While these men were
formulating their final plans in England, preparatory to a descent upon Ireland, Moynahan attempted to gain the support of
Mitchel in urging contributions to the Fenian war fund. Mitchel
had returned from Paris and was residing in Richmond, Virginia. His letter of January 28, 1867, to Moynahan on Fenian
prospects of success is interesting:
Since I saw you in New York every new incident that has
befallen only confirms me in the opinion which was then
settled in my mind-that Stephens has been deluding you
128
New York Herald, January 7, 1867; Irish People, January 12,, 1867.
1211 That Moynahan was the acknowledged chief of the Fenians is evident
from the letters addressed to him from American Fenians in Paris. He is
also listed by O'Mahony in the Irish People, April 15, 1871, as receiving
$1294 in contributions during his one month tenure of office.
180 In his letter describing his deposition Stephens said that he meant to
sail but missed the boat by two hours.
226
The Feni,an Movement in the United States: I858-I886
all. I have not been willing to state so publicly, lest I should

discourage our honest fellow-countrymen here from sustaining him in case he should, after all, mean what he said.
I now believe less than ever in the existence of any formidable organization, either in Ireland or in England. And I
am more than ever convinced, that while England is at
peace with America and France, all invasions and insurrections will be in vain. It is not that I stand out for "civilized" warfare. The Irish have the clear right to strike at
England anywhere or anyhow, in Can~da, in Ireland, in
London, by steel or gunpowder or firewood. But I hold
that those who undertake any such warfare at present,
whether civilized or uncivilized, must perish, and perish in
vain.
With these views you must see that I could not join in any
new appeal for money for war material, nor any new representations of the near approach of an insurrection or invasion.
If the Fenian organization here could be kept together,
merely as a permanent association of Irishmen, to wait
patiently for an ,opportunity, ( which must arise, and may
soon) and would not demand money save the trifle needful
merely to keep the organization active and in connexion
with a central Executive-then I think good would come
of it. But our people are so nervously impatient for immediate results, and so easily excited and deluded by people
who promise tremendous achievements, that I suppose they
would never be satisfied with such a tame, waiting organization.131
Mitchel's recommendation that the Fenians confine themselves
to agitation was a wise one. He saw, as did Bruce, the British
minister, that Fenianism could remain formidable only as an
organization devoted to anti-English activities. ,The F,enians
chose the other course which succeeded only in expending the
strength and resources of the movement in projects unattainable
at the time.
The American Government continued to show a partiality for
Fenians as consuls. In December, 1866, Charles Dougherty, a
101
O'Mahony Papers.
Tke Politicians Steai Tke BaU
227
quite active Fenian of Philadelphia, was appointed to Londonderry. The British government was naturally suspicious of all
American Irish at the time, and it lost no time investigating
Dougherty's background. The Irish government informed Stanley that Dougherty was deep in the plots of the Fenians, which
rendered him unacceptable to the British.182 On receipt of this
information the Senate refused to confirm the nomination. 133
""'Lord Stanley to Bruce, January 24, 1867, F.0. 115: 462.

188 Secretary Seward to Adams, February 25, 1867, Great Britain, Inst.
Vol. XXI, MS Dept. of State.
CHAPTER VII
ANCHORS A WEIGH FOR THE FENIAN FLEET
'l'here are ships upon the sea

says the Shan Van Vocht,
There are good ships on the sea
says the Shan Van Vocht;
Oh! they're sailing o'er the sea,
From a land where all are free,
With a freight that's dear to me,
says the Shan Van V ocht.
They are coming from the West
says the Shan Van Vocht,
And the flag we love the best
says the Shan Van Vocht;
Waves proudly in the blast,
And they've nailed it to the mast,
For threat 'ning comes at last,
says the Shan Van Vocht. 1
The Roberts wing issued a circular on January 1, 1867, giving
an account of the resources of the Fenian Brotherhood at that
time. The report submitted by Samuel Spear, secretary of war,
showed that:
Of the 50,000 dollars appropriated to the use of this Dept
thirty seven thousand (37,500) dollars have been expended
in the purchase of uniforms and arms and ammunition. Of
this sum $29,250 have been repaid by various circles to
whom uniforms have been issued upon payment therefore at
the rate of about $14 per set of jacket, trousers, overcoat
and cap.
There remain on hand 1000 units complete, which I have
reason to believe will be called for within the next 30 days.
Guns and ammunition are stored at the following places,
1
New York Citizen, December 22, 1855.
228
Anchors A.weigh For The Fenian Fleet
229
Troy, 2500 Springfields, cal. 58, and 2000 German Jaeger;

Buffalo, 4000 Springfields, cal. 58; Chicago, 2000 Springfields; Nashville, 500; Louisville, 400; Cincinnati, 600; St.
Louis, 300 .... Serviceable accoutrements have been provided for about 12,000 men and distributed partly among
the Circles .... The arms seized a1ong the line from Rome
to St. Albans have not, as yet, been recovered, but through
the exertions of our worthy brother P. 0 'Day we hope soon
to have them again in our possession, they will be taken to
Buffalo as nearly as I can estimate they consist of 1500
Springfields, cal..58; 500 Cavalry sabers; 100,000 cartridges. The entire amount of ammunition purchased by
Gen. T. W. Sweeny was 1,500,000 cartridges of which
300.000 are at Chicago, cal .58, 500,000 at Troy; 500,000
at Buffalo, 100,000 expended or lost in the brilliant campaign which humbled the British lion at Limestone Ridge
and along the Northern frontier and 100,000 still in possession of the U. S. authorities as above stated ..... The number
of men, as seen by the abstract of the rolls furnished, will
amount in the aggregate to about 20,000 men of whom about
two thirds are veterans and can be relied upon at short
notice. I am convinced that a forward movement will bring
thousands of recruits to our standard and that once the
green flag waves over British soil neither men, arms or
means will be wanting to complete the great work of Ireland's redemption ..... The money now on hand amounts to
about $42,000 and there are still for sale 1000 uniforms at
14 dols ea.ch. 2
Regulations were also laid down regarding the uniform of commissroned officers in the Irish Republican Army. Officers were
Pierrepont Edwards,. acting British consul at New York, to Denis
Godley, acting military secretary, January 15, 1867, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
Edwards sent the circular and from that time on every circular issued by
the Roberts branch may be found in the P.A.C. On receipt of this circular
Colonel Wolseley was sent to Philadelphia to negotiate with Generaal Meade
about seizing the arms in the places mentioned. Cf. Campbell to Macdonald, February 8, 1867, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, IV. Cf. Campbell
to Macdonald, February 21, 1867, ibid., for suggestion of D' Arey McGee
that a paper be issued by the Canadian government setting forth the shortcomings of the United States government in this matter.
230
to wear a frock coat of dark green cloth, black trousers, black

hat, and a sash of green silk. 'l'he shoulder straps must have been
colorful; major general, two sunbursts in silver; brigadier general, one sunburst; colonel, phoenix in silver; lieutenant colonel,
shamrock leaf in silver; major, shamrock leaf in gold.8
Despite the reports of Fenian preparations for another invasion reaching Canada, the British government intended to withdraw three regiments from there, and asked the opinion of the
Governor-general regarding it. Needless to say the proposition
was frowned upon, and '' any diminution in the force of regular
troops stationed here would be the signal for renewed attempts
at invasion. In the present state of parties in the United States
it is possible that the Executive Government would now shrink
from acting with as much promptitude in enforcing the law as
was shewn last summer especially as by the measures it then
took it incurred considerable odium.' '4 The troops remained but
the Canadian detectives employed in the United States were recalled. 5
The beginning of 1867 was regarded by one competent observer as a fitting time to arbitrate with Great Britain. George
Bemis, prominent lawyer and friend of Charles Sumner, wrote
the senator from Massachusetts :
Qu. Whether Fenian troubles have not had their influence
in inducing John Bull to be more gracious Y And quaere,
whether if we delay to accept arbitration till Fenianism
shall have been suppressed and obliterated, we shall not
find B:vother Bull on his high horse again .... General Banks
has not done me the honor of writing or speaking a word
to me .... ; Have not some of his friends or some of the
members of the House who voted for his bill, intimated
their entire satisfaction at having your Committee smother
the project? In that sense I think that the General ought
Edwards to Godley, January 15, 1867, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
Denis Godley, acting military secretary, to Lt. Col. Earl, military secretary, January 14, 1867, C 184, pp. 13-16. P.A.C.
Alexander Campbell to Macdonald, January 19, 1867, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians, Vol. IV.
Anchors Aweigh For The FeniiOll'I, Fleet
231
to be obliged to me for saving him from a public discussion

of the measure and a setting forth of its merits by yourself and others in the Senate. 6
At the beginning of February, 1867, it seemed as if one branch
of the Fenians had decided to abandon its intention of invading
Ir-eland, as the following ad appeared in the New York Herald:
'' 2,000 stand of arms, with bayonets complete. Springfield muskets and rifles; all of which wiU be sold at a bargain.'' 7 The
failure of the Irish to contribute the sinews of war forced Gleeson 's wing to desperate means to raise funds for Kelly and his
men in Ireland. The standard of rebellion was soon to be raised,
as a stream of Fenians had been making their way to Ireland
for the past two months. The sale of the arms which had been
purchased for the Campo Bello venture disclosed the anemic
condition of the F:enian treasury.
The members of the Brotherhood waited anxiously for word
of the rising in Ireland. They were electrified by the news .ofi.
February 15, that: '' important news llas been received in this .
city from the South of Ireland, to the effect that the Fenians
inade a "rising" this morning at Killarney, in the county of
Kerry, and marched towards Kenmare.;, 8 The extent of this
uprising was indicated by Bruce in a note to Seward:
A most contemptible attempt at disturbance in Kerry on
13th. One coast guard man disarmed near Cahircebel, a
police mounted orderly wounded, having refused to give
letters to a party of thirty men. No assemblage of persons
anywhere. A small force sent to Killarney. ~everal arrests
made. Country perfectly quiet. People in neighborhood show
no disposition to join movement which may be considered
at an end. 9
George Bemis to Charles Sumner, January 4, 1867, Sumner Papers,
Vol. 80, Houghton Library, Harvard University.
February 2.
8 New York Herald.
Bruce to Secretary Seward, February 16, 1867, Great Britain, Notes,
232
But the Fenians did not know the true state of affairs in Ireland as they had been warned to distrust the accounts given of
its suppression. It was pointed out that the cable was controlled
by Englan~, whose interest it was to keep the real facts concealed. They were advised to wait for the arrival of special
messengers who would give a true story of the fighting. 10
Picturing the whole of Ireland aflame with rebellion, the Fenian military council issued the following call: "Wanted-1000
Cavalry Sabres. Address, with lowest cash price and condition,
box 3,074. WantedLone thousand men devoted to the cause of
Ireland, each of whom can defray his own expenses to the
amount of $100. Apply for one week only at 19 Chatham
Street." 11 A meeting was called by the Fenian circles in New
York to decide on the next move to aid the men in Ireland: '' All
Irish American officers who served in the late war are respectfully invited to a meeting to be held ... on Monday evening at
8 :30, for the purpose of eonsulting on what steps can be taken
to help our oountrymen at home in their struggle for fr-eedom. ''12
This invitation was signed by General Denis F. Burke, of the
Irish Brigade, Lieutenant Colonel James Kelly, of the Sixtyninth New York Volunteers, Major James Kavanagh, and Captain Daniel J. Mykins, of the 155th New York Volunteers.
Another effort to unite the two Fenian wings was made at this
time. With reports of fighting in Ireland continuing to appear
in the press, it was thought that Mitchel would consent to head
the Fenians. He received the following telegram -on February
19 : '' Saw Roberts. All will unite under you. Leaders of both
branches ready to give way." Mitchel replied, declining to have
anything to do with Fenianism as long as England continued at
peace. An appeal for funds he regarded as wasting the patriotic
enthusiasm of the Irish and destroying their faith in man. 18
New York Herald, February 19, 1867.
Ibid., February 17, 1867. The following clay the same paper reported
that: "Colonel Downing had more applications than the most rapidly
executed caligraphy of his clerks could record."
lll Ibid., February. 18, 1867.
'"William Dillon, Life of John Mitchel (London, 1893), II, 254-55.
10
Anchors Aweigh For The Fenian Fleet
233
The outcome of this refusal was the summoning o.f another convention to meet in New York at the end of February. Even the
Fenians believed by that time that fighting in Ireland had
ceased and the enthusiasm of a few weeks before had given way
to depression. The New York Times announced the end of the
movement: "Fenianism was buried at Campo Bello Island, so
deep that the arm of resurrection is too short to reach it. Irish~
men, beware of mock auctions .... To appeal again to Irishmen,
or to any man, for funds to carry on this Fenian foolishness, is
manifest false p~etences, and the rascal who does so richly deserves five years at Sing Sing.'' 14 Another attempt was made to
tender the leadership of the Brotherhood to Mitchel, but he once
more refused. 15 Anthony A. Griffin was thereupon elected chief
organizer of the Irish Republic in this country. 16
The Roberts men had been inactive during February, confining their energies to a state convention which met at Utica
on February 27. A reported 115 delegates met to determine
means t'o evade United States authorities in the forthcoming
foray against Canada. Plans to cache arms and ammunition
along the border were also discussed, and the inevitable resolution was passed:
Resolved, That the Fenian Brotherhood of the State of New

York .... renew their pledges of faith to the cause of Ireland's independence, and call upon their brother Fenians
in this and other States to persevere in the good and holy
work until our native land is freed from an alien despotism.17
It was promised that earnest work of a sanguinary nature would
be put. into operation in the near future. 18

February 27, 1867.
,.. Dillon, op. cit., II, 255.
1 New York Herald, March 2, 1867. Gleeson was named military director. A chief of the naval department was also named. D'tlring Gleeson's
term of office $3,933.49 was raised. Cf. Irish People, April 15, 1871.
17 New York Herald, February 28, 1867.
16 Ibid., March 2, 1867.
1
234
The politicians, resting on their laurels after their efforts of

the preceding session, showed a resurgence of Fenian tendencies.
Fernando Wood introduced the following in the House of Representativ;es on March 8:
Resolved, That this House extends its sympathy to the

people oi Ireland in their pending struggle for constitutional liberty. If the despotic g.overnments of Europe shall
be allowed to establish monarchical institutions in America
so should the United States foster and p1.1omote the extension of republican institutions to Europe. 19
Reports reached this country of new fighting in Ireland and
it was hailed as the final struggle for Irish independence. The
F.enians once more rose from the depths to the he_ights. The
press reflected the reaction of the Brotherhood in New York:
The unequivocal despatches ;of yesterday that British troops
and Irish insurgents had met in various parts of Ireland
in actual and bloody collision sent a thrill of excitement
through the sensitive frame ,of Fenianism exceeding anything experienced up to this ..... It was decided to hold a
grand mass meeting .... in Union Square. Rally, every lover
of Ireland and liberty, and go to work at once in fitting out
privateers to prey on British commerce. 20
The rally was attended by thousands of enthusiastic Irishmen
who were urged by Griffin to supply arms and money so that
the Fenians in Ireland could meet the foe on an equal footing. 21
Another resolution of sympathy for Ireland was introduced in
the House by Ignatius Donnelly, an able representative from
Minnesota. A resolution to accord belligerent rights to Ireland
was appended to this:
Resolved, That the Committee on F,oreign Affairs are hereby instructed to report to this House what legislation, if
Congressional Globe, 40 Cong., 1st Sess., p. 36.
New York Herald, March 9, 1867.
21 Ibid., March 11, 1867.
10
20
Anchors Aweigh For The Fewian Fleet
235
any, is necessary to enable the Executive of the United

States to accord to the people of Ireland belligerent rights,
and generally to enable the Executive to fol1ow in every
particular the precedents established by Great Britain during the late rebellion. 22
The same day Richard Onlahan addressed an invitation to the
House to attend a Fenian ral~y in Washington. 28
Things were definitely looking up for the Fenians now, despite the ill-timed blast delivered at them by Bish'Op Moriarty
of Kerry. In a sermon on hell the bishop took the opportunity
to re.mark that, although the sufferings inflicted in that fiery
pit were fearsome, still hell was not hot enough nor eternity
long enough to punish such miscreants as the Fenian leaders.
This won for the bishop the inelegant sobriquet of "Parson
Brownlow" of Ireland. 24 Given wide publicity in this country,
the bishop's intemperate remarks probably won more recruits
for the Fenians.
A Fenian rally at Unron Square attended by 10,000 Irish was
marked by fierce denunciations and threats against Great Britain. Chief executive Griffin vowed that a dozen red coats would
be strung up for every Irishman executed, and another speaker
promised his excited audience that the Fenian fleet would be
al,oat within a few days, sweeping British commerce from the
seas. The fine hand of Fernando Wood could be detected in the
resolution unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That the Crown and oligarchy of Great Britain

have forfeited all claim to international courtesy from the
government and citizens of the United States by the treacherous and hostile conduct pursued by them towards this
republic during the recent civil war ; that we deem it our
right to retaliate upon her in a war for Irish independence.
The attempts made by them to destroy our commerce, overthrow our institutions, and perpetuate discord and bloodCongressional Globe, p. 67, March 11, 1867.
Ibid., p. 60.
24 New York Herald, March 11, 1867.
22
28
236
shed on the American continent demands swift and speedy

vengeance. 25
This marked the beginning of a new phase in Fenianism, one
in which the wrongs of Ireland suffered at the hands of the
British were tied up with resentment against Great Britain
arising from incidents during the Civil War. This new alignment
between the Fenians and congressional opponents of England
was emphasized a day later when General Gleeson appeared
before the House Oommittee on Foreign Affairs to give a history
of the tyranny exercised by England over Ireland. He claimed,
on be:half of two million Irish in America, the aid and sympathy
of Oongress during the struggle soon to begin in Ireland. 26
On March 18, General Banks introduced a resolution calling
u-pon the President to furnish information concerning the late
trials in Canada and was urged by W'Ood to introduce a resolution of sympathy for Ireland in her hour of trial. 27 The general's
perf.ervid championship of Fenianism after months of silence
puzzled George Bemis, who wrote Sumner on March 21:
What is the meaning of Banks starting again his old bill
literatim et verbatim in the House 1 Dunbar called attention
to it in the Advertiser of the 19th-alone of all the newspapers that meet my eye--and not being able to ask him
for his authority for asserting that it was the old thing all
over a.gain, till this morning, and finding that he has the
document before him for his assertion (H.R.35-in the
House of Representatives March 13, 1867) I write to ask
what he is proposing to compass 1 Is it another coup d'etat
at the end of the session, when nobody knows what they
a.re vioting upon 1 or, (what I apprehend) has he organized
a combination with Jenckes, Colfax, Stevens etc., of the
House, and with Chandler, Wade etc., in the Senate, to put
it throitgh for better or worse and ,outface the criticism and
""Ibid., March 14, 1867.
26 Ibid., March 15, 1867.
zr Congressional Globe, p. 188. Johnson replied to this resolution on March
20; House Executive Document, No. 9; also No. IO.
Anchors Aweigh For The Feman. Fleet
237
ridicule brought against it? Have the Fenians got possession

of the General and the House ,o.f Representatives, and is it
a cooperative movement in legislation and of Fenian warfare in the field? Or, possibly, has not the General yet heard
of any defects in his measure, politically, morally, and
juridically? I cannot but think the more I reflect upon it,
that it means mischief of some kind, and I write with anxiety to inquire if you have ascertained what lies behind the
movement.
Was the report in the Herald of M<mday last, ( alone of
American newspapers) of President Johnson's address to
the Fenians a true one? - I mean that in which he asked
them whether they were a government de facto, and then
added, ,that they well knew his sympa,thaes were strongly
with them; or something of that sort? What does your
friend Sir Frederick [Bruce, British Minister] think of
that? Will he pass it over as international demagoguism; or
as something which only rests upon the authority ,of the
Herald Y If genuine, what more insulting and improper
speech could be made by a President of the United States T
..... As unanimous as the American people are in not being
in earnest in favoring Fenianism, to the extent at least of
our going to war with England on Irish account, what
more contemptible conduct can there be than in this saucing
( as school boys say) England, when it can do us no possible
good ? .... I take the liberty of calling this matter to your
notice; if the silence of the newspapers or the General's
own designed reserve has prevented your attention being
attracted to the subject. 28
Sir Frederick Bruce was an interested spectator at this renewed championing of Fenianism on the part of congressmen.
He gave an interesting description of the tug-of-war then going
on between Congress and Johnson :
It is useless to disguise the fact that discontent in Ireland
combined with the hostile character of the Irish element in
this country constitutes a serious and increasing danger to
28 George Bemis to Sumner, March 21, 1867, Sumner Papers, Vol. 81,
Houghton Library, Harvard University.
\
I
238
The Fenian ll!overnent in the United States: I858-I886
peaceful relations between Great Britain and the United

States. The Fenian organization has perhaps weakened its
influence. It has tended to separate the Irish from the
American-to give to their efforts an illegal and exclusively Irish direction ..... Were the Irish capable of adopting
hostility to Great Britain at this device instead of the independence of Ireland and to pursue objects which would
appeal rather to American interests than to American
sympathies, their influence in the country would become
far more dangerous.
The Government are powerless in both houses and were
they to desire to put a stop to these proceedings their interference would be of no use. The more the Government show
a disposition to discourage these demonstrations on behalf
of the Fenians, the more extreme will the proposals and
resolutions made to the Hiouse of Representatives become.
The Republican majority would look upon it as an excellent
opportunity to alienate the Irish vote from the President,
and they would cio.unt upon his opposition to prevent their
resolutions from being carried into execution. My chief
reliance to defeat any such proposal is on Mr. Sumner and
the Committee of the Senate on Foreign Affairs .... If
therefore the President is to exercise any moderating influence on the House of Representatives in this question, he
will probably be most successful by producing an impression
on the minds of the Republican leaders that he will not be
out-done in bidding for the Irish v;ote. For if any serious
complication with England were to result from this agitation, it would turn in fav;or of the Executive and the South,
and against Congress and the North. 29
The New York Times, commenting on Banks and W,ood angling
for th-e Irish vote, said that the Fenians were unfortunate on both
sides of the Atlantic. Chased by British troops through the bogs
Bruce to Lord Stanley, March 19, 1867, F. 0. 115 :465. Bruce's reliance
on Sumner to block any legislation favorable to the Fenians was not misplaced. Sumner was to cause a sensation in 1871, when he used Fenianism
as an argument that Great Britain should relinquish all its North American possessions.
Anchors Aweigh !for The Fenlian Fleet
239
and fens of Ireland, they were being pursued by congressional

demagogues through the swamps of American politics. 30
The Roberts branch held another convention at Chicago during
March. These state conventions were designed as preludes to the
next invasion of Canada. According to the press, the next martial venture was not far off:
Three more state conventions will be held and then comes
the deluge. The next in Pennsylvania, and two in the New
England states. In the latter section the Fenians of Canada
tendencies have always been weak in numbers, but the
trumpet of war is now to be blown there with a vengeance
and a general arousing of bellicose Celts is anticipated. The
movement on Canada, niot far postponed, is to extend this
time from Maine to California. The Fenian miners in the
region of Sierras will relinquish their geological exp1orations and pick their way to Vancouver's Island, gobble up
the handful of red0oats at that station, and clear both redskins out of the Red River country. From here a fleet of
nearly a dozen vessels, alive and bristling with the invaders
will thread its way around Lake Michigan through the ....
waters ,of the Georgian Bay .... and land in the rear of
Toronto. From Buffalo the converging point for the .Fenians of Pittsburgh, Cleveland, T,oledo, and all points east
and west within 12 hours drive-a fleet of barges towed by
steamer will convey a force of seven thousand men to the
scene ,of a former Fenian triumph. From Malone ... a column of 5000 will start ..... The army of invasion will move
in three divisions of five, seven, and fifteen thousand men
respectively from Buffalo, Malone, and Chicago, and one
column of three thousand men from the mining districts of
California, on Van0ouver station-in all thirty thousand
men ..... From the general appearance of things F'enian in
this city, which is the stronghold of the party, it is easy to
see that the fate of invasi<on cannot be averted from Canada
this summer. 31
80
March 12, 1867.
New York Herald, March 19, 1867.
240
The Fenian Movement in the un;ted States: 1858-1886
At this time another Fenian newspaper made its appearance. It

was the Irish Republic, begun by P. W. Dunne, Michael Scanlan,
and David Bell. 32 Though hailed at :first by the Roberts faction
as an ally in their struggle against the twin enemy-the British
government and the opposing wing of. the Brotherhood-within
a short time it caused a cleavage between the Fenians of Chicago
and New Yiork. By the end of the year it had become primarily
an organ of the Republican party.
No news had been received from Ireland since the report of
the rising of March 5. As the weeks passed the Fenians realized
that it had been suppressed, and apathy and discouragement
crept ov.er the Griffin Fenians. Among the O 'Mahony Papers
are many from Kelly an~ other leaders of the rising in Ireland.
One, written by Kelly on March 19, explained the situation in
Ireland at that time :
I cannot hope to describe the anguish with which I read the
telegrams in this morning's papers that a deputation had
waited ,on President Johnson to obtain belligerent rights for
the scattered bands of our poor countrymen yet holding
,out in expectation of more substantial assistance from
America. Here we are, having commenced this great work
with you know how much money, and not a penny have
we yet received to enable us to oontinue the work effectively, or to carry out projects which if left unaccomplished,
will materially impede our progress. There is no, use blinking it, that having commenced it on the basis of expecting
aid from America, the issue must depend upon the failure
or realization of ,our hopes ... Some of our officers have
taken it upon themselves to decide that our case is hopeless
..... It was not contemplated that pitched battles should
be fought at first. The most we expected to accomplish was
to hold our ground until we should be recognized as belligerents, or until aid would come from America. It was a
desperate undertaking, yet, when entered upon, should not
be abandoned without at least an attempt being made .....
I have_ messenger after messenger begging for information
82 In the presidential election of 1868 the paper stood for
Grant and
Colfax.
Anchors A.weigh For The Feman Fleet
241
and orders, but I really have not the means to pay their
return fares, let alone to organize active work. In heaven's
name don't stop at anything until I pl'oclaim hostilities
ceased. Mind, the Republic is proclaimed! ! Woe be to the
Irish in America if we are again laughed at for having
failed ..... What are the rich Irish of America doing Y.
Where are those iron clads, and men who promised to fit out
regiments YIt is not yet too late ..... If we sink before aid
arrives, the wails of our men through prison bars should
haunt the bed of every Irishman in America. Send us what
torpedo men you can. We will yet beat them by this means
and some others pl'ojected, but which we are unable to
carry out owing to poverty !..... Let no cowardly dastard
,or runaway there prevent your sending us aid ..... Ask
every man, '' What are you doing while your countrymen
are suffering worse than death for the liberation of Ireland Y'' I declare it positively that our people will keep the
ball rolling so long as there is an officer to lead them, provided we can put the tools in their hands.
Thus the blame for the failure of the rebellion was laid at the
door of the American Irish. Kelly and his men had undertaken
to throw off British rule in Ireland with few men and less money
with which to accomplish the task. In this country the failure
was attributed to long c,enturies of oppression in Ireland which
had demoralized the people. 33
Despite the discouragement following the outbreak in Ireland,
the friends of the Fenians in Congress continued their efforts
with unabated vigor. On March 27, Banks introduced another
resolution in the Blouse sympathizing with the efforts of the
people l(}f Ireland. That was only a starter, for he was followed
by William E. Robinson of Brooklyn, who delivered a speech
which undoubtedly furnished material for future St. Patrick's
day orators :
The sympathy ,of all the world is with Ireland, while England has the sympathy of no human being except its office
holders and garrisons ..... Now we are told that Ireland
'"E. L. Godkin in the Nation, March 14, 1867, pp. 213-14.
242
cannot govern herself. That statement is not true; Ireland

can govern herself. Irish intellect today governs the world;
Irish intellect is good enough fo govern England. Even the
poorest sort of Irishman, like the late Duke of Wellington,
proves good enough for that sort of business. Irish intellect
today is uppermost in all the transactions of England. She
rules in her Parliament; she directs her press ; she commands her armies; she fights her battles. Why may she
not do so for herself 1 Ireland today has more disciplined
men than any nation in the world, men who have learned
the use of arms, who have smelled gunpowder; they are all
over the world, in every clime, in every land. 34
The first real test of the determination of a large bloc of
congressmen to espouse Fenianism for p:olitical ends came the
same day. Cadwalader G. Washburn presented an amendment
to Banks' resolution :
Resolved, That in sympathizing with the people of Ireland

we deem it proper to declare our belief that the present
Fenian movement must prove entirely abortive in bringing
relief to that country, and that any encouragement to that
movement by resolution, unaccompanied by force, can only
result in inv,olving brave, enthusiastic and patriotic Irishmen in difficulties from which their brethren are powerless
to extricate them .
.. Congressional Globe, pp. 392-93. In 1846, Robinson had been expelled

from the House for giving. an imitation of an Ohio member munching on
sausages. He was connected with Devin Reilly in editing the People's
Newspaper in New York; in 1854 he was an editorial writer for the
Tribune, writing under the name of Richelieu. Unlike most radicals, as he
grew older his views became more violent. Speaking on the anniversary of
the Manchester Martyrs in 1885, he said: "I thank God for the invention
of dynamite. Why shouldn't we use dynamite? It's no worse than gunpowder - only, thank God, it's a good deal stronger. We don't want to
raise money now for molasses, nor for taffy, but for war, for slaughter."
Cf. United Irishman, Dec. 5, 1885; also Donahoe's Magazine, April, 1882,
p. 342; New York Citizen, Nov. 11, 1854; Frank Monaghan, "William
Erigena Robinson," Dictionary of American Biography, XVI (1935), 35-36.
243
This amendment was rejected 102 to 10, with 52 not voting. 35

Pioliticians looking for Irish support at the next election were
not going to lose that support by casting ~ slur on the Brotherhood. Besides, if the aJUendment had been passed, it would have
impaled the friends of the Fenians on the horns, of a dilemma.
They would either have to supply the Fenians with guns with
which to level the Saxon or desist from passing resolutions of
sympathy to the cause. The House wished to be bound to neither.
The most romantic episode of American Fenianism, and one
which caused serious international complications between Great
Britain a:nd the United States 1occurred at this time. It was the
outcome of an urgent letter from Kelly, written from Dublin
on March 15. The rebellion, confined to a few local skirmishes,
had been suppressed with a number of Americans captured.
Nevertheless Kelly was able to write:
Aid before two weeks and Irish independence is a fixed fact
..... Don't believe a tenth of the vile newspaper reports
about complete suppression-utter routs-overwhelming defeats. While we can get a mouthful the flag shall fly .....
What do our countrymen in America want? Will they wait
until the last man shall be slaughtered before sending aid
..... I hope the American people believe now that our
people meant to fight. If they do let them work like beavers.
Fit out your privateers ..... I say, don't mind what the
newspapers say ..... We took the field on a little more than
a thousand pounds. If those scurvy Irish milli,onaires had
done half their duty we would now be recognized as belligerents .... When the word of the present extensive business reaches you, there should certainly be immense w.ork
done. A landing in Sligo at the present time would be of
infinite service. That secti,on has been reserved for just such
an event, and if Fortune should only guide your ships in
that direction it would just suit our purposes. 36
Thus began the saga of the "J acmel Packet." The Fenians of
New Y.ork determined to send a vessel, loaded with a cargo of
"'Congressional Globe, p. 393.
O'Mahony Papers.
244
arms and ammunition, to Ireland. The way in which this vessel

was ,obtained forms an interesting part of the whole episode.
On March 27, John A. Dawes, the owner of the "Jacmel Packet,"
appealed to Seward for the return of the ship. He told the following story: '' I sailed friom Singapore August 20, 1866, for
Melbourne .... Arrived at Aspinwall December 13, 1866, and
deposited my ships paper with the United States Consul Rice.''
Dawes arrived in New York on March 15, and "found that my
vessel had arrived consigned to the P.ort collector of customs.'' 87
Before that time Henry Smythe, collector of customs at New
York had notified the Treasury Department of the seizure, and
the S!olicitor of the Treasury, Edward Johnson, gave the following description of the "Jacmel Packet:"
It appears that the "Jacmel Packet" is a schooner or brigantine of 138 tons burthen only, built at Medford, Massachusetts in 1861. In 1864 she was conveyed by bill of sale,
to one James Cathcart, of Quebec, a British subject .... and
is n~med, in Lloyd's Register :for 1866, as a British vessel
of Nassau ..... The vessel has arrived at New York and the
Collector has delivered the cargo to an auction house for
sale. No claimant for the cargo has appeared yet. 88
The Treasury Department would have nothing to do with the
case, notifying the Collector of Customs on March 15 : '' The
questions that have arisen in the matter are solely matters of
private right ..... The Department therefore will exercise no
contr.ol over the case.'' 39 The Fenians obtained the '' J acmel
Packet'' sometime between this date and April 12. The Collector
of Customs was neither an Irishman nor a Fenian, but the Brotherhood was given the vessel. The Fenian treasury WM in such
an anemic condition that the purchase of the '' J acmel Packet''
.., Miscellaneous Letters, March, 1867, Part II.
Ibid., Part I, March 12, 1867.
89 Ibid. Aspinwall was the former name of Colon, Panama. Dawes' story
was no doubt received with skepticism as he failed to explain how he
happened to be on the Atlantic side of Panama. He claimed a storm blew
him off his course.
88
245
was out of the question. The organization of the expedition was

under the direction of the military council, headed by C:olonel
J runes Kelly. The first task was to obtain enlistments for service
in Ireland. The Fenian military roster under date of March 25,
lists seventy-two Fenians, the majority :of whom were from circles in New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts. Prominent
among the Fenians listed as expressing willingness to embark
on the expedition to Ireland were Oolonel Willirun J. Nagle and
Colonel John Warren, about whose heads a naturalization contr:oversy with Great Britain was to swirl for two years. By early
April a forc,e of forty-eight Fenians had enlisted. 40 The military
force numbered thirty-eight, under the command of Brigadier
General James E. Kerrigan, and the captain of the ship was
John F. Kavanagh. Commissions in the army of the Irish Republic, signed by Colonel James Kelly, were issued to the Fenians. 41
Among the expeditionary force was the inevitable informer,
Daniel J. Buckley, who later turned Queen's evidence. It is from
Buckley's testimony that most of the facts of the voyage to
Ireland were learned. 42
On April 12, the men were taken in a steamer to the "Jacmel
Packet,'' which was lying off Sandy Hook. The cargo consisted
of 5000 stand of arms, including a quantity of breech loading
rifles, and several hundred Spencer repeaters. There were also
three small field pieces and a supply of ammunition. The smaller
arms were packed in cases, labeled as machinery and pianos consigned to some Cuban port. 43 The voyage got under way on April
' Fenian Military Roster. The names of the volunteers can also be found
in Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, Irish Rebels in English Prisons tNew York,
1882), pp. 302-3.
" Some of these commissions in the Army .of the Irish Republic are
among the O'Mahony Papers.
"Buckley's testimony, as well as that of John J. Corydon may be found
in House Executive Document No. 157, 40 Cong., 2d Sess., passim.
"Fenianism - By One Who Knows," Contemporary Review, XIX
(1872), 624-46. If this be true, then the cargo which Dawes was carrying
as skipper of the "Jacmel Packet" may have been arms for the revolutionists in Mexico. The arms, taken from the ship in New York, could well
have been the same carried by the Fenians, in their original packages.
246
13, and the vessel, without clearance papers, at first set a course
for the West Indies. Occasionally during the first week :of the
voyage they hoisted the British flag when another vessel hove
in sight, but on Easter Sunday, April 21, the Fenians felt safe
and decided to re-christen the ship. Buckley related the story of
this event:
On Easter Sunday, the green flag with a sunburst was
hoisted some time before noon. At the hoisting there was a
salute of different guns fired, after which the orders delivered to John F. Kavanagh in New York, commanding him
to land the arms in Ireland, were read by him. It was signed
by Captain Powell,. of the Navy, also Colonel James Kelly.
They were to be landed at Sligo, if possible. Vessel newly
christened that day, "Erin's Hope" by John F. Kavanagh. 44
The instructions of Colonel Thomas J. Kelly, contained in his
letter of March 15, that a section of the coast of Sligo had been
reserved as a safe place to land Fenian arms and men determined
the choice of this part of Ireland. On April 20, a Fenian named
Hayes left New Y:ork for Ireland to inform Kelly of the sailing
of the "Erin's Hope," and to arrange that on her arrival she
should be boarded by an agent from the shore with information
as to the state of the country and orders to guide the landing of
the expedition.
The man selected for this task was Ricard O'S. Burke, who
in 1865 was purch,asing agent for the Fenians in England. Burke
took up residence in Sligo, representing himself to be an English tourist. He hired a small boat and cruised ab:out the bay
waiting for the "Erin's Hope." It entered the Bay of Sligo on
May 23, but Burke missed it, so the ship continued to cruise
between Sligo and Donegal after sending two men ashore to
look for him. On the night of May 25, Burke boarded the "Erin's
Hope.'' The Fenians had decided to attack the town of Sligo,
but as the rising had been suppressed more than two months
.. House Ex. Doc. No. 157, p. 278. According to Buckley's testimony a
near mutiny threatened when the Fenians learned that no clearance papers
had been obtained. Ibid., p. 41.
Anchors Aweigh For The Fen<ian. Fleet
247
previous, Burke branded this enterprise as foolhardy and advised the Fenians to proceed to Cork. A mutiny threatened at
this time. Water and provisions were running low, so, the Fenians
decided by a vote of twenty-two to ten to return to the United
States. Finally, on June 1, thirty-one of their number landed
at Relvick Head, near Dungarvan Bay; twenty-eight of whom
were arrested on suspicion within twenty-four hours. 45 The
others decided to return to this country to relate their experiences to the Fenians at home, so the ship returned with the cargo
to New York. 46 Kavanagh submitted a report ion: his return
wherein he said: '' There is no point of the coast at which I
stopped during this time but where I could land any amount
iOf men and arms were there preparations made to take them
from me.' '47
"Ibid., p. 46.
46 S. R. Tresilian was engineer of the ship. He delivered a lecture on the
"Cruise of the Erin's Hope" on November 13. Cf. Irish People, Nov.
23, 1867. An interesting letter about the expedition was written to O'Dbnovan Rossa in 1909 by P. J. Kain, one of its members. Found among the
O'Mahony Papers, it gives some sidelights: "I was glad to see so many
of the Old Guard at Captain Costello's funeral. Costello was one of the
bravest men I have ever met. That morning when the "Black Prince"
steamed towards us on the coast of Ireland I beheld a sample of his courage. Our plan was formed quickly. All except the sailors assembled in the
forecastle. Our six pieces of artillery were loaded with grape and cannister.
We had rifles, revolvers, and bowies in readiness. Tresilian was seated
within reach of the powder magazine ..... Fitzgibbons moved three pieces
of artillery forward as the "Black Prince" hailed us. The orders were to
permit the enemy to board, until the deck was crowded, and then open
fire. Charge upon them with revolvers and bowie knives, fight as long as
possible and then retreat to the hold of the vessel while Sweetman was to
drive the "Erin's Hope" toward the warship. Counting upon the bravery
of the British tars we knew they would crowd after us into the hold. We
were to fight on until Sweetman could get alongside of the "Black Prince"
when Tresilian was to fire the powder magazine and we would stand before
our Maker." Tresilian, an Orangeman and Mason, died on January 5, 1869.
Accounts of the cruise of the "E~in's Hope" may be found in Irish People,
February 12, 1870; Boston Herald, November 2, 1890.
"'Rossa, Irish Rebels ... , p. 302.
248
So endep. the attempted invasion of ireland which had been:

advoc*1ted by differE:lnt Irish revolutionary societies in the United
States since 1848. The promised fleet had shrunk to one small
vessel and instead of coming to a country where eager hands
w9uld grasp the arms which it bore, it came at a time when the
last flickering flame of revolt had long since been stamped out
by the British.
While the ''Erin's Hope'' was sailing towards Ireland, the
trial of the Fenians taken in Ireland during February and March
was under way. Godfrey Massey had himself arrested at Limerick
on March 4, while John J. Corydon supplied information to the
British government which rendered the Fenian raid on Chester
Castle abortive. They were the principal witnesses against the
accused Fenians. No doubt Charles Francis Adams., American
minister to the Court of St. James, took only an indifferent
interest in these trials until the end of April, when revelations
were made that placed him in an embarrassing position. In a
despatch to Seward on April 30, he said:
I have the honor to transmit a printed report of the evidence
given in the trial of Thomas Burke, now gioing on in
Dublin, for treason, by the man who calls himself Godfrey
Massey or Patrick Gondon. 48 In it appears a statement that
the chief eommand of all the movements connected with the
late attempt at insurrection was vested in a person from
America who goes under the name of General Cluseret.
This statement seems to render necessary on my part some
explanation ,0.f what I know of this person. Some time ago
he called upon me and presented a paper signed by the
governor of the State of New York, purporting to be in the
nature of a eommission to him to make investigations into
the system of military organizations adopted in other countries, with a view to the improvement of the militia ,of New
York. ,On the strength of this introduction he asked me to
procure for him and an assistant named Fariola admission
to the chief military depots of this kingdom, and such other
'"The printed report was an account of the trial taken from the Pall 'Mall
Gazette, April 27, 1867, entitled "Corydon and Massey tell all."
249
information as related to the mode of organization of all

its various sorts of force ..... I believe that he availed himself of them to a greater or less degree before he became a
subject of suspicion and observation by the police. 49
Gustave Paul Cluseret was the man referred to. He began his
military career as an officer in the French army but he was
forced to resign his commission on account of his radical tendencies. He saw service under Garibaldi in the Italian campaign
of 1859-60, and at the outbreak of the American Civil War he
joined the Federal Army, being attached to General Fremont's
staff. Idle in New York at the end of the war, Cluseret was
approached by Stephens with the proposition that. he lead the
Fenian armies in; Ireland. The Frenchman accepted, saying:
'' Raise me 10,000 men, armed, and I will undertake to command them.'' 5 Cluseret accompanied Stephens on many of his
lecture tours during the summer and fall of 1866. The aid of
Mayor Hoffman .of New York, an active Fenian sympathizer,
was probably solicited in obtaining the commission from Governor Fenton. It was during the final months of 1866 that the
final plans were formulated for the revolution in Ireland. Two
other Frenchmen who had participated in the Civil War, Octave
Fariola and Victor Vifquain, were appointed by Cluseret as his
adjutants. With $14,000 realized from the sale of the ship used
in the Campo Bello project, Cluseret sailed for Europe to prepare to take the field in Ireland. 51
' 0 Adams to Secretary Seward, April 30, 1867, Great Britain Despatches,
00 Gustave
Paul Cluseret, "My Connection with Fenianism," Littell's
Living Age, CXIV (1872), 357.
01 Ibid., p. 358. This article was a scathing denunciation of American
Fenianism. The only good that Ouseret saw in the movement was in breaking the shackles of clerical superstition. He emphasized the amount of
drinking at Fenian picnics. Describing the Jones Wood rally he said:
"Fighting followed whiskey as whiskey followed words ..... The amount
of whiskey that was drunk is inconceivable. What fortunes in liquor then
disappeared into the stomachs of Irishmen." Drinking, of course, was not
confined to the Irish as it was an era of heavy drinking. Whiskey could
be bought for twenty-five cents a gallon.
250
The Frenchman lost no time in visiting the .American Legation

in London. Moran's diary for February 6 records the following:
'' General Cluseret, a Frenchman, and Ool. Fariola, a Belgian,
both calling themselves Americans have been here today to get
permission as United States officers to inspect the military
organizations of England on behalf of the State of New York.
It is a pity .Americans born were not sent out. I think they can
represent us abroad, and should.'' 52 Moran made the arrangements and a few days later confided to his diary:
Yesterday afternoon at about four o'clock I called at the
War Office and saw Mr. Cooper, Capt. Galton's private
Secretary to get permission for General Cluseret and Col.
Fariola to visit Woolwich and .Aldershot, . and be put into
communication with some officer who would give them
information about the ,organization of the militia of this
Kingdom, as well as about the rules which govern the British army. Today I received from Capt: Galton the orders
to Woolwich and .Aldershot and gave them to Col. Fariola.58
The unsuspecting Moran also obtained permission for Fariola to
inspect the militia and volunteer depots,5 4 and on February 26,
the irascible Secretary wrote : '' Col. Fariola, who is getting to
be a bore, also came and I have written him a general letter of
introduction to the Consuls throughout England." 55 Two weeks
later Mioran noticed that two detectives were watching the house
where Cluseret and Fariola had lived, 56 and on March 20 he was
told that the two men were Fenians wanted by the British government. 57 When the newspapers carried the story of their indictment in Dublin for high treason Moran confessed that he
was savage at the men who '' imposed upon the Legation under
.. Moran Diary, February 6, 1867, Manuscripts Division, Library of
Congress.
"'lbw., February 8, 1867.
.. Ibid., February 18, 1867.
II Ibid., February 26, 1867.
"Ibid., March 12, 1867.
17 Ibid., March 20, 1867.
Anchors Aweigh For The Fe'Y/A,am, Fleet
, 251
letters from Governor Fenton of New York, endorsed by the

Seal of that State. " 5 s
The plans drawn up by Cluseret and Kelly are contained in
a letter from Paris by Fariola on March 29. It reveals that a
rift had already appeared between two bodies of the Fenians
waiting for the signal to rise. The letter was sent to Griffin:
In the month of February last a Provisional Government of
six members was agreed to between the Irish and American
representatives of the Brotherhood. They allowed a self
constituted body calling itself the Directory to carry out
an attempt that was thought impracticable but which could
not well be prevented for reasons of policy. The raid on
Chester which resulted from the arrangements of that
Directory proved unsuccessful, but fortunately did not prevent the execution of the plans of the Provisional Government. The Kerry raid resulted from the ignorance our people were in, in Kerry, of the change made in the government
of the Brotherhood, and was as spirited as could be desired.
So much for the two actions. which took place without the
concurrence of the Provisi.onal Government and its officers.
The Provisional Government met in London on February'
15, and proceeded to confirm the appointments previously
made by the C.0.1.R. in New York. An officer late of the
French and of the Fe.deral Army-well known to you, was
confirmed as Commander in Chief. I was reappointed
Adjutant General of the Republic and Chief of Staff to
the Commander in Chief. Colonel C. alias Massey, was appointed Brigadier together with several others both from
the late Federal and Rebel Armies. It was decided that the
Commander in Chief should not proceed to Ireland until
the forces should be in a fair way of organization and that
18 Ibid., April 16, 1867. Fariola was brazen about the whole matter because on May 22, he visited the American legation to have his passage paid
to America. When that was refused, he threatened vengeance on Adams,
according to the Irish landlady with whom he was staying. In November,Fariola pleaded guilty to Fenianism on condition that he would go to
Australia for five years. He again approached the legation in Lond~ for
passage money. On November 18 Moran announced that he would be let
off. Cf. Mor:an Diary, May 22; June 6; November 9, 18, 1867.
252
circumstances should require his presence there. Likewise

it was deemed proper that the preliminary work of the insurrection should be managed by an Irishman, and for that
reMon I consented to yield my right to be the first in the
place of danger to Colonel C. until the moment of the outbreak. He therefore went forth to Ireland at ,once as Deputy
of the Commander in Chief to give everywhere the necessary
orders for the operations, install the military ,officers, and
generally to do all the preliminary work. To that effect he
had been provided with all the funds at the disposal ,of the
Provisim;ial Government, very little in fact for such a work,
and he had received ... the fullest instructions ..... The
plan if it had at all been attempted, might not have been
successful at once ,on account of the scarcity of officers and,
particularly, of the want of money, but it was the only one
practicable in the eyes of approved military critics and ...
. . it would have enabled the Irish insurgents to hold on at
least three months which ought to have been sufficient to
rouse the patriotism of the Irish in America and determined
them to more energetic acts than what the papers mention
..... Colonel G. by motives which it is not my province to
appreciate now, did not choose to execute the orders he had
received and struck upon a plan of his own .... His plan
consisted in drawing all the live forces of the country, unarmed as they were, info the field, there to concentrate
them in large bodies wherewith to march upon Limerick
and to capture that city ... Colonel C. left the same evening,
March 4, for Limerick Junction where he was arrested by
detectives just arrived from Dublin to meet him as it seems
there. 59
So ended the rebellion of 1867 in Ireland. Led by a general who
never set foot in Ireland and placed under the direction of
O'Mahony Papers. Fariola claimed that Massey had revealed the whole
plan to the correspondent of the New York Herald on February 12, 18fi7.
Other letters from Fariola and William O'Donovan, financial agent of the
Fenians in Paris, are among the O'Mahony Papers. The lack of money is
the theme running through them all. William O'Donovan was later connected with Parnell in editing the newspaper United Ireland. When that
collapsed he -came to America and worked for John Devoy's paper, the
Irish Nation. For later career of Cluseret Cf. Encyclopedia Britannica
( Chicago, 1944), V, 862-63.
I
I
,/t
I
Anchors Aweigh Jlor The Fenian Fleet
253
Massey, it was doomed to failure from the start. Lack of men

and money, bickerings among the Fenians, and the herculean
labors of informers Corydon and Massey made the outcome a
foregone conclusion.
The state conventions held by the Roberts wing during the
months in which events in Ireland became the center !Of attention
did not go unnoticed by the Canadians. The repeated threats of
the Fenians to have another try at annexing Canada and the
exaggerated accounts in the New York Herald, which portrayed
in awesome colors the strength of the movement, caused much
uneasiness in that country. The consular reports during the time
told of the transfer of women and children from the border to
inland towns. 60 . General Meade was sent to the frontier and reported on March 28 that : '' I am led to concur with General
Barry in the opinion that an attempt will be made to renew the
illegal and ill judged operations of last June ,on the. Canadian
frontier.'' 61 Barry had reported earlier that the Fenian military
authorities were converting their muzzle loading small arms into
breech loaders as rapidly as they could. 62
Alarming reports from the British consul in New Y:ork continued to arrive in Canada. One, written on March 13, claimed
that David Thurston, United States consul at T:oronto, was deep
in the plots of the Fenians and acting as their agent in Canada
distributing Fenian uniforms. 68 A week later it was announced
60 Blake to Secretary Seward, March 27, 1867, Miscellaneous Letters, MS
Dept. of Sta~e.
1 General Meade to Secretary Stanton, March 28, 1867, Miscellaneous
02 Barry to Secretary Stanton, March, 1867, Miscellaneous Letters, MS

Dept. of State.
68
Pierrepont Edwards, acting British consul, New York, to Denis
Godley, March 13, 1867, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, IV, P.A.C. J. F.
Potter, consul general at Montreal would have been suspected of Fenianism
were the contents of a letter he wrote Elihu Washburne on June 12, 1866,
known to Canadians. At that time he wrote: "The Fenian scare is over
nearly. It has cost ... some worry - which is not very bad - considering
I:
254
that the grand assault on Canada would begin within ten days. 64
Sir Frederick Bruce was convinced that the Fenian. desperadoe.s
were intent ;on evil and he ordered the British consul in Philadelphia to investigate the sale of batteries to the Fenians by
Barton and Jenks. 65 A Canadian military man wrote Michel,
urging him to procure 30,000 converted Snider rifles, adding
glumly: "If the Fenians are even able .to undertake anything
serious, it will be in consequence of the supineness or the weakness of the U. S. Executive; and in that case it is not a Fenian
invasion we shall have to deal with, but a war with the United
States. ' ' 66
This new threat, coupled with the new resolutions being passed
in the House, which Bruce attributed to extreme Copperheads
like Wood and extreme Republicans such as Banks and Robinson, caused him to discuss the matter with Seward.67 The Secretary of State was in no mood to promise a suppression of the
movement for he had just written Adams at London concerning
the outbreak: in Ireland:
The sympathy of the whole American people goes with such
movements, for the reason there is a habitual jealousy of
British proximity across our northern borders and especially
for the reason that this nation indulges a profound sense
that it sustained great injury from the sympathy extended
in Great Britain to the rebels during our civil war .....
There are .... unmistakable indications that the sentiments
which controlled the action of the House of Representatives
are now gaining favor in the other branch of Congress, as
well as among ~e people.68
~
what they did when the boot was on the other leg." Cf. Potter to Washburne, June 12, 1866, Washburne Papers, Vol. 49, Manuscripts Division,
Library of. Congress.
"Edwards to _Godley, March 20, 1867, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, IV.
"'Bruce to Michel, Confidential, March 19, 1867, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
89 Col. MacDougall to Michel, Private, March 26, 1867, ibid.
"' Bruce to Lord Stanley, March 30, 1867, F.O. 5: 1106.
08 Secretary Seward to Adams, March 28, 1867, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
XX!, MS Dept. of State.
-}.
255
Bruce obtained no satisfaction from Seward and he gave vent

to his feelings in an un-diplomatic out burst:
No reliance can be placed on Mr. Seward. He was always
anti-English in his sentiments, and the various incidents of
the War have deepened his feelings of animosity towards
us. His experience of affairs and his knowledge of the condition of the country, will probably deter him from taking
~ny step which might throw on him the responsibility of
War with Great Britain, in the same way as he avoided taking the first hostile step in the contest with the South .....
His thirst f.or personal distinction and popularity, and his
unscrupulousness lead him to pander to the ..... instincts
of the popular ambition and make him a reckless and
dangerous Minister in Foreign Affairs at this time. 69
The Fenians captured in England and Ireland during the
first three months of 1867 were brought to trial in Dublin in
April. John McCafferty, the leader of the projected raid on
Chester Castle, and Thomas F. Burke, were sentenced to death.
When news of this sentence reached the United States the commotion began anew among Fenians, professional sympathizers,
and the Secretary of State. In an instruction to Adams, s.eward
denounced the sentences: '' The sanguinary sentences, of the
court .... shock the public sense throughJOut the United States.
Executions conforming to them would leave a painful impression
in a country where traditional sympathy with the revolution in
Ireland is increased by convictions of national injustice.'' 70
Benjamin Moran's comment was typical of the man: "We got
a cipher telegram from Mr. Seward to. interpose and prevent the
execution of Burke and Doran. But neither is a United States
citizen. Still they will not be hanged, altho they deserve it.'' 71
Bruce to Lord Stanley, April 8, 1867, F.O. 115: 465.

Secretary Seward to Adams, May 15, 1867, Great Britain Instructions,
n Moran Diary, May 18, 1867, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
l)
I
1
~56
The Fenian l!{ovement in the United States: 1858-1886
In an interview with Lord Stanley on receipt of this instruction .Adams enlarged :on the peculiar difficulties which confronted the government in dealing with the Irish element in the
United States:
In view of the precise condition of things in the United
States, the more merciful policy there adopted in their
domestic affairs is better adapted to allay the bitterness
consequent upon a fearful internal strife than the shedding
of b1ood with a view to deter future offenders. It is impossible to disguise .... the fact that the U:nited States now
contain a population of Irish extraction so very numerous
that what is thought to be a harsh decision of Her Majesty's
Government in these cases will have even a more unfortunate effect on their sympathies than if they were all still
remaining subjects to her Majesty's authority. The very
peculiar relations into which the two countries are thrown
by the fact of the distributioon between them, now almost
in equal numbers, of the people of that island, by which
the peace of the one is affected almost as much as that of
the other, may, I trust, justify me for what might otherwise be deemed as passing the proper limits of international
courtesy in this representation. 72
This appeal was effective as Stanley told .Adams the following
day that the sentences were commuted to penal servitude for
life. 78 Bruce hailed this decision as a wise one on account of the
Adams to Secretary Seward, May 25, 1867, Great Britain Desp., Vol.
93, MS Dept. of State. Moran disapproved of the appeal, remarking:
"Burke is a murderer and deserves death; and as he is an Irishman I see
no reason why we should intercede for him. It's carrying American politics
too far to become the champions of these Irish rascals all over the world
because they have votes at home." Moran Diary, May 25, 1867.
13 A telegram from' Bruce to Stanley was sent May Zl in the. President's
name recommending no executions. Cf. F.O. 5: 1106. Burke's execution
was set for May 29; McCafferty's for June 14. Cf. Patrick Francis Cardinal Moran, "Cullen," Catholic Encyclopedia (New York, 1913), IV,
564-66, where Cardinal Cullen is incorrectly credited with saving the lives
of Burke and McCafferty on the day before the date set for the executions.
His visit to Dublin Castle was explained as being for that purpose.
2

1.
257
stimulating effect on Fenianism the executions would have

had. 74
The Griffin wing of the Fenians was in a disorganized state
after the failure of the rising in Ireland. Added to their cup of
woe was the influx of former members of the Irish Revolutionary
Brotherhood who made their way to America following that
failure. Loud in their denunciations :of American Fen.ianism in
general, and the Griffin brand in particular, they formed an
independent organization of their own. 75 The Roberts wing, on
the other hand, was bustling with activity. The senate met at
Troy, New York, ostensibly to draw up final plans for another
invasion. Stories of immense caches of arms sufficient to equip
100,000 men. and Fenian foundries working day and night to
turn out the implements of war were circulated. 76 A circular
was issued advising the Fenians to stand ready, that the hour
of doom for Canada was not far off :
The army organized and equipped in the interest of Irish
liberty throughout the world will soon be again summoned
to the field, and its camp fires on the border will reillumine
the cause ,of Irish nationality, and warn its enemies that the
arrogance of British power must and shall be stricken down.
Fifty thousand armed patriots will march to the defence of
our principle, unfurling their sacred symbol, animated by
the undying hope that the hour of Irish regeneration is at
hand. Should they fail, yet another fifty thousand will
march on the British enemy, Ireland's common foe, and still
fight for the auspicious result. Let every devotee ,of the
sunburst of Erin prepare to strike for his country and
God. 77
"F.0. 115 :465. McCafferty appealed this sentence, Isaac Butt being his
counsel. The fee was paid by the United States. Cf. Seward to Adams,
June 20. The appeal was unsuccessful, but McCafferty was released after
a few years.
1 "The Sacred Legion of Irish Exiles." New York Herald, May 6, 14,
1867. This organization was probably the forerunner of the Oan-na-Gael,
formed later the same year.
1 New York Herald, May 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 1867.
"Ibid., May 28, 1867.
258
The omnipresent British agent was present at the convention

and moved with it to Buffalo where it held its final sessions. His
report was wild and made the prospects of successful Canadian
resistance to the threatened Fenian incursion very discouraging.1s
By this time Bruce was resigned to the fact that the government would permit the F1enians to continue to issue their warlike proclamations and threats against Canada. He pictured the
predicament in which the administration was placed:
He [Seward] does not deny the existence or the magnitude
of the evil; on the contrary he recognizes it as a fact to
which the Government has no option but to submit. The
truth is that to the President and the administration the
command of the Irish vote is essential with a view to the
approaching electi,ons, and they certainly will not hesitate
to do anything agreeable to the Irish section of the population ..... I see no remedy for this inconvenience as long as
an insurrectionary spirit prevails in Ireland, unless the
restoration of the Southern States to the Union, and the
increasing immigration from Germany diminish the importance of the Irish vote. 78
Even Charles Sumner, strait-laced and dogmatic Senator from
Massachusetts was accused of favoring Fenianism at this time.
A friend wrote him :
Did you know that you had compromised yourself with your
English friends by your silent sympathy :lior Fenianism. I
had a letter a few weeks since from John Forster ( the Commonwealth S~holar) in which after an allusion to the unsatisfactory relatfons of our respective countries he says:
'I won't despair however of an early better understanding
than that which suggested the resolution of sympathy with
the Fenians to this day; though the silence of yr friend
ts Pierrepont Edwards to Godley, Secret, June 3, 1867, G 21, VoL I,
P.A.C.
'"Bruce to Lord Stanley, May 20, 1867, F.O. 115 :465.
Anchors Aweigh For The Fenaan Fleet
259
Sumner at p11oposals of this sort which he must know to be

wildly wrong, is not encouraging.' so
Roberts had another iron in the fire besides the threat of
invading Canada. He was angling for control of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood in Ireland, England, and Scotland.
Stephens had been discredited; Kelly, the acknowledged leader
in Ireland, was in hiding in England. The organization in Ireland had been split, with one body calling itself the Directory,
declaring its independence of the I.R.B. Roberts determined to
form an alliance with this section of the I.R.B., as an opening
wedge to gain full control of the Brotherhood. To this end he
issued a printed circular on May 2 telling of his plans:
As I hope soon to be in a position to kn,ow the real wants
and wishes of the people 1 of Ireland, I trust to prevent a
recurrence of similar mad and disastrous outbreaks such
as lately took place in Ireland ; but until then we cannot be
responsible for what may occur. Men, who are devoid of all
feelings of humanity, and send men to the prison, or death,
with as little consideration as they had in robbing our
countrymen ,of their patriotic contributions, will do anything to get more funds, that a cormorant horde may fatten
,on the spoils ..... Heaven indeed must be merciful, if such
unfathomable infamy can be forgiven. 81
Daniel O'Sullivan was sent to Ireland on May 10, with the
power to negotiate with members of the I.R.B. He succeeded in
John Bigelow to Sumner, May 2, 1867, Sumner Papers, Vol. 81, Houghton Library, Harvard University. A week later Bigelow wrote: "I will
endeavor to make a discreet use of your reply." Cf. Bigelow to Sumner,
May 10, 1867, ibid. Sumner's reply was doubtless sent to J. W. Forney in
London who told prominent Englishmen that "nothing but your determined
policy had prevented Congress from adopting .... resolutions of sympathy
with the Fenian movement .... There is something positively sublime in
the position of our country in England. Nothing but our moderation to the
rebel. ... prevented the execution of the Fenian leaders." Cf. Forney to
Sumner, May 30, 1867, ibid., Vol. 82.
81 Pierrepont Edwards to Lord Monck, June 13, 1867, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
The printed circular was sent to Lord Stanley, a copy to Lord Monck.
80
260
obtaining the election of delegates to meet Roberts in Paris, who

set out for France on June 1. In the beginning of July these
men met in Paris and on July 4 draw up a '' Treaty of Paris.''
Under this compact it was agreed that, on the fulfilment of certain conditions, Roberts' organization would supply material
aid for an insurrection in Ireland, to be begun simultaneously
with an invasion of Canada. One term of the agreemen.t was that
Roberts' branch should be recognized as the true Fenian Brotherhood, and, for this end, it was arranged that a supreme
council should be elected the governing body of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, whose decision would be final.
While Roberts was in Europe, the first informer from his
wing entered the pay of the British Government. Assistant secretaries of war of the Brotherhood seemed peculiarly susceptible
to the blandishments of British gold. '' Red Jim'' McDermott
held that position in the original O 'Mahony organization; Rudolph Fitzpatrick held the same position in the section under
Roberts' control. The acting British consul in New York wrote
happily on June 13 :
The pecuniary resources of the Organization were on the
first of the present month, $24,767.30 ..... The number of
arms under the immediate control of the Brotherhood is
estimated to be about 30,000. These consist of muskets and
rifles, but this number does not include what are scattered
among the circles throughout the country, which are supposed to amount to about 10,000 more .... The only armed
organization of Fenian.s existing in this place, is that known
as the 112th N. Y. State Militia. This regiment is being
recruited by Roberts, under authority granted to him by
the State Authorities, and at present numbers about 450
men ..... The foregoing information, which I believe to be
reliable, has been derived from various sources, most of it
however has been obtained from Rudolph Fitzpatrick '' Assistant Secretary at War" to the Conspiracy, who with the
sanction of Sir Frederick Bruce, I have recently taken into
the pay of this Consulate. 82
82 Edwards to Lord Monck, Secret, June 13, 1867, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
The Irish Canadian, December 7, 1866, wrote of Fitzpatrick: "The
Anchors Aweigh For The F'.ewi,O!fl,. Pleet
261
From that time on Fitzpatrick faithfully reported the activities

of his chief, Samuel Spear, secretary of war. A seer-et circular
was issued to all the circles asking that the number of arms
held by them be reported to headquarters. 88 By the end of June
Fitzpatrick warned of an impending raid on Canada:
The union is now complete between the Fenians in Ireland
and Roberts organization in America. No further move will
be attempted in the former country until an attack (which
will take place as certain as there is a God in Heaven) is
made on Canada. The most strenuous exertions are now
being ma.de to further the interests of the Organization.
Money is coming in fast in large sums. Uniforms are being
shipped to. the different Circles in large quantities, and as
fast as Messrs. Martins Son and Co. in Broadway can manufacture them.
A great deal of good ( ?) is expected from R1oberts visit to
Paris, and I have no doubt but he will be able to achieve
his point, which is pecuniary assistance for the cause.
$1022.50 was forwarded to him on last Thursday. Senator
P. J. Meehan has returned from Springfield, Mass., where
he had been endeavoring to make arrangements for the conversion of our muzzle loading S.field Rifles to Breech ditto
..... I can assure you Sir, Roberts is desperately in earnest,
but your Government with my assistance, can defeat him I'll stake my existence on that. 84
Assistant Adjutant General is Captain Rudolph Fitzpatrick, a young Irishman who served in the Papal Brigade, and received the cross of St. Sylvester from the Pope in person at Castle Fidardo. Fitzpatrick also served
with Grant and Sherman in the South-West during the Rebellion and was
Adjutant to General O'Neill at the battle of Limestone Ridge, June 2,
1866."
88 Edwards to Lord Monck, June 13, 1867, G 21, Vol. I.
"'Fitzpatrick to Edwards, Secret, June 27, 1867, copy in G 21, Vol. I,
P.A.C. Arrangements were made to convert the rifles into breech loaders
because Spear issued an order on July 10 for all muzzle loaders to be sent
to headquarters. New breech loaders could be bought for $14. Cf. also
Archibald to Lord Monck, July 24, 1867, Confidential, G 21, Vol. I, for
copy of circular.
262
Despi,te these reports little anxiety was manifested by Canadian officials. Lord Monck even advised the Secretary :of State for
Colonies to withdraw two regiments of infantry from Canada as
he believed the Fenians incapable of any serious threat. 85 He
was overruled, however, and the troops ordered to remain.ss
John A. Macdonald was busy electioneering. A political magician who had the enthusiastic support of two antagonistic
groups-Orangemen and Irish Catholics-Macdooald's sensitive
nose, and a huge organ it was, perhaps sniffed the political
breeze and found it not to his liking as far as his Catholic supporters were concerned. This called for the following bit of artful pleading to Bishop John, J. Lynch of Toronto:
I feel that personally I have a claim upon the confidence
and support of the Catholics of Upper Canada. Many long
years I have fought their battles and have suffered much
obloquy and abuse from Mr. Brown and the 'Globe' for so
doing .... During all the time that I have been in political
life, Mr. Brown, and the fanatical protestant party with
which he is connected have been zealously employed in reviling the Catholic hierarchy from the Pope downwards. He
has insulted all that is held sacred by them and derided
their religion and its ceremonial. s7
This letter was only a prelude. What Macdonald had in mind
was explained by him a month later.
I think that the County of Welland is in your Diocese. If so,
I beg to inform you that George Brown has sent a Catholic
emissary into the county to operate among the Catholic
voters. This man must be surely a Fenian in disguise or he
would not degrade himself so far as to be a missionary of
81 Lord Monck to Duke of Buckingham Chamdos, July 11, 1867, C 184,
pp. 38-40, P.A.C. Cf. Monck to Macdonald, July 13, 1867, Private, Macdonald Papers: Governor General Correspondence, Vol. II, P.A.C.
"'Buckingham to Monck, July 27, 1867, Confidential, C 184, pp. 44-45,
P.A.C.
81 Macdonald to Bishop John J. Lynch, Toronto, July 3, 1867, Private,
Macdonald Letter Books, X:, 638-39, P.A.C.
Anchors Aweigh For The Feniari.. Fleet
263
George Brown. May I ask Your Lordship to add to your

many kindnesses by inducing your co-religionists to support
F. 0. Street Esq. for the Commons.ss
A distinguishing feature of Canadian governmental reaction
during the years of the Fenian movement was the pendulumlike swing from optimism to pessimism. Convinced one month
that the Fenian threat was a chimera, the next month would
find it ,expecting an invasion within. a short time. The procedure
usually went as follows : Consul Archibald wrote from New York
on July 24, 1867, telling :of the caching of arms ang ammunition
along the Canadian. border.s 9 This would be followed a short time
later by a report- telling of mysterious activities of the Fenian
leaders, usually dealing with conferences held between them and
the President. 90 A short time later a letter would arrive from
some one in the United States warniti,g of an impending invasion.
Put in an apprehensive mood by Archibald's alarming reports,
the following, received from William A. Dart, former United
States district attorney for Northern New York, would serve to
prepare the Canadians :for the impending shock:
That you are in danger of a very formidable invasion by
the Fenians I have the best of evidence and I have no doubt
it will transpire about the first of November. You must be
aware that I have more than ordinary means of information,
having had a body of men organized from Rouse 's Point to
Dunkirk, and having, to my great personal risk, and pecuniary loss, exercised that body to the discomfiture and defeat
of the Fenian organization of 1866.91
88
Macdonald to Bishop Lynch, August 9, 1867, Private, ibid., 823.
88 Archibald to Lord Monck, July 24, 1867, Confidential, G 21, Vol. I,

P.A.C.
80 Archibald to Godley, September 3, 1867, Macdonald Papers: Fenians,
IV, P.A.C. In this letter the British consul told of an encouraging interview Fenian Senator Frank Gallagher had with President Johnson.
01 Dart to Macdonald, October 14, 1867, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, IV,
P.A.C.
~64:
The Fenian Mov~ment in the United States: I858-I886
Such a letter usu1;1,lly called for one from Macdonald to McMicken

as the following:
There is no doubt of the fact of large quantities of arms
being sent from Troy to Malone, Potsdam Junction and De
Kalb Junction.
I sent you a note from Mr. Dakers, the able manager of the
Montreal Telegraph Co., with an extract from their manager at Ogdensburg who has always given us the most reliable
information during the last three years.
I also send you a note from Mr. Ault, M. P., on the same
subject. Indeed the evidence from innumerable sources is
overwhelming as to the fact of the distribution of arms ...
I have a private note from Mr. Dart of Potsdam who was
District Attorney for the Northern District of the State of
New York .... and who was removed last November by Andy
J,ohnson at the request of the Fenians for his active intervention - stating all the facts about the arms and that he
has every reason to believe that there will be demonstrations
on our frontier, of a serious kind, early in November. 92
Then would follow a period of preparation, and when no hostile
movement was forthcoming, to be replaced by a feeling of optimism.
On his return to this country Roberts summoned a national
convention of the Brotherhood to meet at Cleveland on September 3. H'.e then announced the complete success of his mission
in uniting the Fenian Brotherhood and the Irish Revolutionary
92 Macdonald to McMicken, October 17, 1867, Macdonald Letter Books,
XI, 178-79, P.A.C. Dart wrote Hamilton Fish on December 29, 1869: "I
had a frontier of more than six hundred miles from Rouse's Point on Lake
Champlain to Dunkirk ..... I had been directed by the Attorney General
of the United States to keep watch on their movements and to prevent
their crossing into Canada ..... In the Fall of 1866 President Johnson desired the success of the Democratic party in this State. The Fenians succeeded in convincing him that it was necessary to that end that I should
be removed. He complied and I was summarily displaced on the 3d of
November." Cf. Dart to Fish, December 29, 1869, Fish Letter Files, Vol.
56, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
Anchors Aweigh For The Ferman. Fleet
265
Brotherhood, and disclosed his plans for extending the organization in those countries where treachery and other crimes had
impeded its progress. 93 Other features of this convention were
the election of John O'Neill, hero of the battle of Ridgeway, to
the senate, and the report of the military status of the Brotherhood by General Spear, acting secretary of war. The soldiers of
the Brotherhood were henceforth to be known as the Army of
the Irish Republic. 94
The rival branch of the Fenians was struggling along, weak
in numbers and weaker still in prestige. Griffin summoned a
convention to elect a chief executive who had not taken part in
the wrangling which marked the past two years. John Savage
was elected ,on August 22, 95 and appointed a committee of five
,I
I
I
03 A report of Roberts' mission and the proceedings of the convention were

printed in the Irish American of September 14, 1867. Following the convention O'Sullivan returned to Europe to secure the election of the supreme
council, to consist of seven members. The four provinces of Ireland were
each to elect a delegate, two from England and one from Scotland. The
supreme council repudiated the agreement, deciding to hold aloof from the
American Fenians, bidding for the support of both factions. This was the
last effort made to unite the Brotherhood on an international scale. The
best known member of the supreme council was James Keenan, who shot
P. J. Meehan in 1870. Cf. Irish American, March 12, 1870. The full report
made by O'Sullivan to O'Neill on his efforts to unite the I.R.B. with the
Brotherhood is contained in Seventh National Congress of the Fenian Brotherhood: Proceedings of the Senate and House of Representatives (New
York, 1868), pp. 17-39.
94 Irish People, September 21, 1867. Nine of the fifteen senators elected
were from New York.
.. Savage had participated in the rising of 1848 in Ireland; following that
he made his way to this country. For a time he was proof reader on the
New York Tribune. In 1857 he was the leading editorial writer on the
States, a Douglas organ. He was the composer of the patriotic song the
"Starry Flag." In 1864 he was an editorial writer for the New Orleans
Times; he came to New York in 1867. For biographical sketch of Savage
cf. Dictionary of American Biography, XVI (1935), 388-89. His best known
work was Fenian Heroes and Martyrs (New York, 1864). Savage wrote a
life of Andrew Johnson in 1865; Cf. Johnson Papers, Vol. 85, Manuscripts
Division, Library of Congress, for testimonials of this work. In 1866 he
266
The. Fenian Movernent in the United States: 1858-1886
to attend the Roberts convention and confer with the rival wing
on a plan of union. 96 These early efforts were unsuccessful and
ended with the Irish People branding Roberts and Meehan a
brood of vipers and pledging war to the knife with the rival
wing. 97 Negotiations were resumed between Roberts and Savage
on November 22 and ended with a basis ,of union agreed upon
on December 13, with the constitution drawn up at the Philadelphia convention of 1865 adopted; the senate to consist of fifteen, seven from each wing, the fifteenth to be selected by them,
and the presidency to be tendered to Mitchel. 98 Again Mitchel
refused the office, after congratulating the two wings for settling
their differences. 99 Mitchel started a paper of his own, the Irish
Citizen, in New York on October 12. From that time on he regarded the Fenian Brotherhood as his private preserve and
directed many verbal shafts at it, describing it in colorful but
unflattering language as ''James Stephens egg brigade,'' 100 and
an "enormous sack of gas." 101 Mitchel lashed out at non-Irish
poachers who dared criticize the Brotherhoo~.
lVf.eanwhile the Fenians who were captured in Ireland after
landing from the ''Erin's Hope'' were being held for trial. The
two most prominent prisoners were Colonels William J. Nagle
and John Warren. As they were both veterans of the Civil War,
Seward instructed Adams to intercede for them to the British
government since '' faithful service in the armies or navy of the
United States .. , .constitutes an enhanced claim of persons so
serving to the consideration of the Government they have helped
to perpetuate.'' 102
wrote laudatory articles on President Johnson for the New Orleans Times.
Cf. W. H. King to President Johnson, July 8, 1866, Johnson Papers, Vol.
98, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
,. Irish People, September 7, 1867.
Irish American, December 21, 1867.
101 Irish Citizen, April 25, 1868.
102 Secretary Seward to Adams, August 7, 1867, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
XXI, MS Dept. of State.
.
-j
f
I
I
Anchors Aweigh For The Feniian. Fleet
267
Fernando Wood, New York Democrat, took up the cudgel for

the imprisoned Fenians by writing a violent letter to President
Johnson demanding the immediate release of John Warren. 103
Bruce lent his support to the movement to secure the release of
Nagle and Warren by telegraphing Stanley to that effect on
August 22. 104 In a later despatch he explained his reason for
urging the release :
I took that step in consequence of a conversation with Mr.
Seward .... He showed me in strict confidence a letter to
the President from Mr. Fernando Wood, a prominent leader
of the Irish and Democrats in New York. It was couched in
the most violent terms against Great Britain denouncing
the continued imprisonment of these men on mere suspicion.
In a private note which accompanied it he urged the President to reply in a similar strain in order that the co.rrespondence might be published, and the Irish vote thereby secured
in the autumn elections ..... Mr. Seward insinuated that
the President might not be indisposed to fall in with the
views of the Democrats towards whom he has been latterly
inclining and particularly in a case where he seemed to
think that the continual detention of these men could not
be justified by proof of any overt act against them. He
further stated that if they were released he would endeavor
to have the President's answer as not to encourage agitation on this subject among the Irish ..... No doubt Mr.
Seward's primary object is that the Democrats should not
make political capital out of this transaction, and considering how violent they are, as well as unscrupulous, I feel
that our interest in this question coincides with that of one,
who, like Mr. Seward, is moderate. 105
This furnished a fine example of the political manipulations
which accompanied the Fenian movement in this country. Seward
House E.:r. Doc. No. 157, 40 Cong., 2d Sess. p. 320.
He sent the Secretary of State a copy of the telegram. Bruce to
Secretary Seward, August 22, 1867, Great Britain, Notes, Vol. 84, MS
Dept. of State.
106 Bruce to Stanley, August 26, 1867, F.O. 115: 466. This was Bruce's
last despatch as he died suddenly at Boston a short time later.
108
1"
268 . Tke Fenian Movement in the United States: r858-r886
persisted in his .efforts to effect the release of Warren and Nagle

as political support for the prisoners grew. Adams, instructed
to intercede for them, found it difficult as he realized their object was to embroil the two countries in a controversy. An increase in the number of Americans gathering at Liverpool, London, and Manchester made the British government reluctant
about releasing them. 100 Seward again urged the prompt release
of Nagle and Warren, describing the affair as '' embarrassing." 101
Benjamin Moran, in a perpetual ill humor, became even more
irascible as efforts in behalf of Nagle and Warren increased the
work of the American legation. Confiding in his diary he said:
Two cipher telegrams and a new cipher had been received,
and much trouble ensued. This key is in a book, and is so
far confused. Enough, however can be made out by it to
satisfy us that the telegrams relate to Nagle and Warren
the Fenians. These men are giving us far mo.re trouble than
their necks are worth. And they cost a great deal for telegrams .... Mr. Seward is mad on cable telegrams. He sent
anothel'. last night. It is evidently about the Fenians, but
what, God only knows. It strikes me that the money expended on this folly will have to be inquired into some day.
This telegram is in our new cipher which don't work and
is worse than none. 10s
A week later Secretary Seward warned Adams that political
capital was being made from the detention of the prisoners and
urged the American minister to obtain a definite answer. 109 The
British government would probably have acceded to these urgent
requests were it not for an incident which occurred in Manchester on September 18. Thomas J. Kelly was arrested in that city
1 Adams to Secretary Seward, September 3, 1867, Great Britain Desp.,
Vol. 94, MS Dept. of State:
1"' Secretary
Seward to Adams, September 11, 1867, telegram Great
Britain inst., Vol. XXI, ,\IS Dept. of State.
100 Moran Diary, September 13, 14, 1867. Manuscripts Division, Library
of Congress.
109 Secretary Seward to Adams, September 20, 1867, Great Britain Inst.,
269
on September 17.11 The Fenians there quickly organized a band

to rescue him and the following day when he was being transferred in a prison van his rescue was effected. In the scuffle
that ensued a policeman named Brett was accidentally killed.
This daring rescue made by an armed band of Fenians undoubtedly stiffened the resolve of the government to deal severely
with the Fenian prisoners.
In the United States the Fenians hailed the rescue as a major
military triumph, and they outdid themselves in emphasizing
its importance. The account in the Irish People was typical:
The Fenians have at last fought their first real fight and
won their first real victory. They have met, attacked and
vanquished an armed band of English hirelings in the center of England herself. They have rescued a well beloved
and trusted Fenian chief from the very jaws of the British
Lion, slaying and routing his pampered cubs even in his
own gore-stained lair ..... From whatever side it may be
considered, the late rescue of the Irish revolutionary leader,
Colonel Thomas J. Kelly, from the armed myrmidons o.f the
English Government, upon English soil and within the precincts of one of the largest and most populous of the English cities, can be viewed in no other light than as a most
unmistakable symptom of the fast approaching dissolution
of the British Empire. 111
Approximately sixty suspects were rounded up, of whom five
were subsequently brought to trial: Philip Allen, Michael Larkin, Michael O'Brien, alias Gould, Edward iO 'Meagher Condon,
alias Shore and an English marine named Maguire. These five
were condemned to death. The haste with which the trial was
conducted was borne out by the fact that Maguire was entirely
cleared of any connection with the rescue a few days before the
execution. Condon and O'Brien were Americans and appealed to
110
New York Herald, September 18, 1867.
111
October 5, 1867.
\ Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ
270
Adams for assistance. The American minister evinced an unwillingness to intercede for the two Fenians, although he received a letter from O'Brien on November 5.112 Despite the fact
that there were mitigating circumstances connected with the
lkilling of Brett - he was inside the prison van peering through
the key hole when a shot was fired to force the lock - Adams
was convinced of their guilt and the uselessness of appeal. On
November 19 he received a telegram from Seward ,ordering him
to intercede for O'Brien and Condon. 118 Three days later he
announced that a reprieve had been granted to Condon, but that
he did not intercede for O'Brien:
The question remains whether it is expedient to interpose
in the same manner in behalf of Gould. On the most careful
reflection ... I have come to the painful conclusion that
such a step would be likely to do more harm than good ....
It is difficult for people to manage their own cause more
unfortunately than the prisoners in that country [Ireland]
have done. They have gloried so loudly in their cause, so far
as to bring on a rupture between the two countries, that it
makes it more and more difficult for the government to
avoid the appearance of fear in ma!king any concession
whatever. 114
'
:112 Adams to Secretary Seward, November 5, 1867, Great Britain Desp.,
Vol. 94, MS Dept. of State. According to Moran's Diary, entry of October
17, 1867, O'Brien had written Adams at that early date. Moran told Adams
.of O'Brien's arrest the previous year at Liverpool. According to the Secretary, "Mr. Adams was well pleased with the facts I laid before him, and
will no doubt soon. put an end to this fellow." Cf. Moran! Diary, October
17, 1867, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
:w Secretary Seward to Adams, November 19, 1867, Great Britain Inst.,

u Adams to Secretary Seward, November 22, 1867, Great Britain Desp.,

Vol. 94, MS Dept. of State. Moran wrote on November 23: "One of these
Irish has written to Mr. Adams and threatens to shoot him. This is like
them. They would assassinate a man for doing his duty. Now that the
murderers are out of the way, things will quiet down." Cf. Mo~ Diary,
November 23, _1867, ibid.
.Anchors .Aweigh For The Fe'f/A,(J/f/, Fleet
271
Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien were executed on November 23,

amid all the trappings of a three ring circus. Henceforth known
as the "Manchester Martyrs," their deaths did more than any-'
thing else to increase the life span of Fenianism. in the United
States. The movement had about run its course and undoubtedly
would have died within a short time, were it not for the blood
transfusion given to it by the executions. Even the New York
Times, hostile to Fenianism, called the executions a '' grievous
blunder,'' 115 and charged that the executed men were not given
a fair trial :
Thousands on both sides of the Atlantic believe that the
dead had not a fair trial, and this conviction prevails widely
even among those who have always condemned the Fenian
movement. A large portion of the Liberal Party in Great
Britain demanded a mitigation of the punishment; and the
feeling which they expressed in this matter will no doubt
be shared by very nearly the whole population of this country. Looking at the black record of Ireland's wrongs for
centuries, we cannot but join with the Reform League of
Manchester in avowing a certain sympathy with, and commiseration for those who have been goaded into violence by
the accumulated crimes of the British Government. 116
Monster funeral demonstrations were held throughout this
country in which thousands participated, and mass meetings
passed resolutions condemning Great Britain.117 John Savage,
president of one wing of the Fenians, wrote a strong letter to
General Banks, demanding action on the part of the government.
"" November 26, 1867.
ll8 November 25, 1867.
11 New York Herald, November 29, -1867; Irish People, November 30,
1867; Irish American, November 30, 1867. Robinson introduced a resolution
in the House on November 21, calling for the impeachment of Adams. The
American Minister reported to Seward on November 27 that he had received threatening letters from infuriated Fenians who were convinced he
had made no effort to save the two Americans. Edward O'Meagher Condon
was pardoned in 1878. Cf. New York Tribune, September 30, 1878. For his
account of the rescue of Kelly cf. Irish World, January 4, 1908.
272
The Fenia-ii Movement in the United States: I858-I886
"The ncin action of the United States representatives in Great

Britain has led to deep humiliation here and to every form of
insult and outrage - including martyrdom :on the scaffold on the other side. The doctrine of once a subject always a subject is as insolent as preposter,ous.'' 118 The ranks of Fenianism
were swelled, if not by members, at least by sympathizers, by
the Manchester executions. The trial being conducted in Ireland
also redounded to the advantage of Fenianism.
Nagle and warren, with counsel employed by the American
Government, were brought to trial for treason felony on October
25. Nagle, a native born citizen 'Of the United States and, therefore, an alien according to British law, applied for a jury de
mediatate Unguae. This device, whereby a jury would be composed of one half citizens and one half aliens, was a poser to the
judges. Originally intended as a protection to foreigners residing
in Great Britain, it was never intended to be extended to aliens
speaking the same language. Nevertheless, his trial was adjourned
to Sligo where the principal overt acts were charged against him.
The only way in which he could be tried would be by a jury consisting ,of six American citizens who then happened to be in Sligo
and six natives. The impossibility of procuring such a jury
forced the Irish government to release him the following May
after signing a document admitting he came on the ''Erin's
Hope.'' 119 He was hailed as a hero on his return to America,
118
Savage to Banks, November 27, 1867, Banks Papers, Essex Institute.
119 Adams to Secretary Seward, May 9, 1868, Great Britain Desp., Vol.
95, MS Dept. of State. The rest of the prisoners of the "Erin's Hope"
expedition were tried at the same time and most of those convicted were
released during 1868. All the correspondence which passed between the
prisoners and West, 727 pages of it, is contained in V olumei 6, Consular
Reports, Dublin. The majority of the prisoners in Dublin were confined
in Kilmainham Jail. Not far from the main entrance was a stone marking
the grave of Jimmy O'Brien, one of the most notorious Irish informers,
whose infamy was commemorated in the ballad:
When you go down below,
Look out for the warmest corner,
.Anchor.s .Aweigh For The Fentian Fleet
273
a:q.d give a public reception at Cooper Institute, ~ttended by

Susa:p; B. Anthony an,d Elizabeth Cady Stanton. He advocated
st11ong measures should be taken against Great Britain expressing a prefevence for the point of the bayonet and the rattle of
the cannon of freedom. 120
Warren was born in Ireland but he had moved to the United
States, where he became a citizen. He too applied for a jury
de mediatate linguae on the grounds of American citizenship.
This was refused by the chief baron on November 8:
You say that you are an American. That may mean you are
an American citizen, which you may be, and at the same
time a British subject, because, if you were born under the
allegiance of this country, and afterwards became an American citizen, you would still be a subject of the Crown of
Great Britain and Ireland, and dis-entitled to such a jury
as you demand. 121
The doctrine of indefeasibility of allegiance was once more asserted. It had threatened to become an :issue in 1866 but then
the Brit:ish government had released the prisoners held in order
to strengthen the hand of the American government against the
Brotherhood. Th:is doctrine began in feudal times when Englishmen seldom left the country for any legitiI!].ate purpose. Those
who did leave were regarded as persons who sought to evade
some services which were due from them, and deserters who
And there you'll find Lord Castlereagh
And Jimmy O'Brien, the informer.
Irish American Almanac (New York, 1882),
p. 35. A copy of the document signed by Nagle was sent to Thornton. Cf.
F.O. 115: 473, May 14, 1868. When Nagle was about to be released Moran
wrote: "Mr. Adams has written a long letter to Mr. West about Col. Nagle,
He thinks the man a rogue, and yet he and Lord. Stanley, want to get him
off. If the fellow is wise he will go. But I think he is too Irish for that."
Cf. Moran Diary, May 5, 1868.
. 120 Irish American, June 20, 1868.
121 West to Secretary Seward, November 10, 1867, Dublin Consular Desp.,
Vol. IV, MS Dept. of State.
274
The Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-r886
could at any time be recalled. The obligations of feudal tenure

had long since disappeared, but the principle still remained in
British law.
Warren dismissed his counsel when refused a jury de mediatate linguae and "placed himself on the hands of the United
States which had now become the .principal.'' 122 The mordant
Moran observed disgustedly: "Col. or Capt. Warren has been
making a great ass of himself at his trial in Dublin. Because he
could not get a jury half British and half American, he dismissed the Counsel Mr. West had engaged for him and behaved
otherwise like a fool. As things go the only way to settle this
business will be to hang one or two of these fellows.'' 123 Warren
was sentenced to fifteen years of penal servitude. 124 This distinction made by the court between Nagle and Warren drew a strong
protest from Seward on November 21:
The court on the trial of Warren pronounced British allegiance indefeasible, and claimed, by virtue of that indefeasibility, to hold the prisoner amenable, as a British subject,
to that court for acts done in the United States which are
not forbidden by our own laws or by international law, and
for which, even by Bri.tish law, they do not claim he would
be responsible if not a subject of Great Britain. The United
States hold, on the contrary, that in such a case he, being
a naturalized citizen of the United States, is not amenable
to the. courts of Great Britain o:r any foreign tribunal. I
regret, exceedingly, that such an issue has been raised between the two countries ..... I content myself, therefore,
with informing you that the pretension of the Irish court
cannot be allowed by this Government. 125
122 Attorney General Stanberry to Secretary Seward, November 26, 1867,
Miscellaneous Letters, MS Dept. of State. Stanberry upheld the right of
the court in denying a jury de mediatate linguae.
128 Moran Diary, October 31, 1867.
,.. Adams to Secretary Seward, November 18, 1867, Great Britain Desp.,
""Secretary Seward to Adams, November 21, 1867, Great Britain Inst.,
Anchors Aweigh For The Fer,Ji,an Fleet
275
A week later he called attention to the profound disoontent that

was caused in the United States by the sentence. 126 Warren was
transferred to Millbank Prison, London, where he remained until
his release in 1869 .127
In this country it was p:opularly believed that Warren was
sentenced to prison merely on account of language used by him
in the United States. This misapprehension, encouraged by farsighted congressmen with an eye on the 1868 elections, arose
from the two questions that went to the jury in Warren's case.
They were whether he was connected with Fenianism in America
on March 5, at the time of the rising in county Dublin, and
whether he was a member of the "Erin's Hope" expedition. The
words and acts of Wi;i.rren in the United States were proved, not
as constituting the offense itself, but as showing the intention
with which he came to Ireland. 128
Fenians who had been hoping for a rupture of diplomatic relations between the two countries were disgusted by the denouement. A New Englander wrote to Benjamin ~'Beast" Butler:
'' The elegant and bold words of Mr. Seward, followed as they
ar~ with flat inaction, will not avail - are not worth a Scotch
bauble to us.'' 129 Butler's answer contained a reproach and a
promise: "Please recollect that the naturalized citizens of British
birth have voted to sustain this executive ..... Sustain Congress
in .... removing for his failures to discharge the duties of his
office the present executive and I will be bound for it in sixty
days Great Britain will respect the rights of every American
citizen however humble.'' 180
,.. Secretary Seward to Adams, November 27, 1867, ibid.
"'West stated that he had paid 260 to John Titus Scallan for
the defense of Warren and Nagle. West to Secretary Seward, February
7, 1868, Dublin Consular Desp., Vol: IV, MS Dept. of State.
m Corydon, Buckley, and Massey answered the first question for the
majority of the prisoners, and Buckley answered the second for all.
129 Patrick R.
Guiney to Butler, November 25, 1867, Butler Papers,
Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. Guiney was the father of
Louise Imogene Guiney, later a well known New England poet.
" Ibid. Butler's answer was penciled on the letter he received.
276
On November 24, Ricard:O'S. Burke was arrested in London. 131

The most prominent Fenian in the British Isles next to Kelly,
his loss was felt to be almost as serious a blow to the organization
as had the arrest of Kelly. In no way deterred by the execution
of the ringleaders in the Manchester rescue, plans were made to
free Burke from Clerkenwell Prison. On December 13, a barrel
of gunpowder was placed against the wall and exploded. The
idea was to make a breach in the wall through which Burke,
. exercising in the prison yard could step to freedom. The result
was a tragedy. Insted of making a breach in the wall, it razed
sixty yards of it, as well as a row of tenement houses across the
street, killing three persons and injuring forty :others. 132 Fortunately for Burke, he was in his cell at the time when this stupid
attempt was made. The tragedy enraged the British, not only
against the Feniaus but also against the Irish living in the larger cities of Britain. Adams described conditions in England
following the outrage:
It may be doubted whether at any time since the discovery
of the scheme of Guy Faux, there has been so much of panic
spread among families throughout this community as at
this time. The newspapers are filled with alarming reports,
and with accounts of the measures of repression contemplated. The consequences may be serious, not so much to
the perpetrators of these offences as to the multitudes of
the very class which they are supposed ... to befriend. I
think it would be now very unsafe for Irishmen to attempt
to hold a meeting for any purpose in any large town in England ..... There is danger of a general discharge and pro. scription of these people, most of whom are laborers earning
181 New York Herald, November 25, 1867. Burke had been active in England as purchasing agent for the Fenians. In 1865 he had been detained at
Liverpool on suspicion of being a Fenian. Moran, a jaundiced observer,
then pictured him as "a wild Irishman ..... A very boastful fellow, silly and
pompous, 27 years of age, and 5 feet 100 inches high." Moran Diary,
December 6, 1865. Moran later complained: "Mr. Adams has used all my
facts about R. O'S. Burke in a despatch to Washington as if they were
his own." Moran Diary, December 7, 1867.
182 New York Herald, December 14, 1867.
Anchors Aweigh For The Feman. Fleet
277
their daily bread, and a very large proportion of whom are

doubtless wholly innocent .... The chief suffe"rers will be
those least contemplated at the outset. 183
Despite the bad effect produced in England by the Clerkenwell
tragedy, counsel was supplied to Burke by the American government.1H
In the United States even the New York Herald, hitherto a
friend of the Fenians, called the Brotherhood a '' cutth~oat organization'' and predicted its speedy demise. i 35 In Canada it
was expected that Fenians would -attempt to blow up the penitentiary in an effort to release the Fenian prisoners, and the
authorities were put on the alert.136 A certain element in the
Savage wing had been growing steadily more radical and anticlerical and called upon the Fenians to be men who "will not
cower at ecclesiastical anathemas, or make it a simple agitation
society ..... We will have no men pining in British dungeons, or
Adams to Secretary Seward, December 24, 1867, Great Britain Desp.,
Vol. 97, MS Dept. of State. Michael Barrett was later hanged for his part
in the Oerkenwell explosion. Moran was told the Fenian sympathizers were
gratified with the explosion. He said the same sentiment prevailed in Philadelphia in 1844 where "I heard Irish women then exult and laugh over the
heartless murder of harmless native Americans who were shot down while
holding a political meeting." Moran Diary, December 14, 1867. His chagrin
was complete a week later when he reported: "All day long a rough detective has been walking up and down the street in our vicinity," and he was
told by Lord Stanley that a detective suspected him of being a Fenian in
consequence of a letter he had written Fariola. Cf. ibid., December 19, 20,
1867.
188
1.. Secretary Seward to Adams, December 25, 1867, Great Britain Inst.,
Vol. XXI, MS Dept. of State. 150 were allotted. He was released from
prison in 1870. Moran's comment was: "It is a pity a man of so much
sense can be so easily blinded by his sympathies for these brawling Irish."
Moran Diary, December 24, 1867.
December 29, 1867.
Macdonald to Alexander Campbell, December 23, 1867, Private, Macdonald Letter Books, XI, 28.3, P.A.C.
188
278
swinging on British scaffolds, while we are too virtuous to retaliate.'' 187 Attempting to justify the outrage at Clerkenwell,
this faction called on the Brotherhood to inaugurate a new era:
"Let us meet despotism by subtfoty. The enemy has prisons, arsenals, shipping. Are these not as legitimate as human bein~ for
destruction 1... What moral code should govern our action in
our strife with England?'' 138
This invitation to cast aside moral scruples and resort to dynamite as the means ,of settling old scores with England, was accepted in the 1880's when the "Dynamite Wing" of the Fenians
had as their slogan '' Ireland shall be free or London will be in
ashes.''
181
188

Ibid., December 28, 1867.
CHAPTER VIII
THE SAXON SHILLING DOES
!Ts
WORK
Roberts resigned as President of the Senate wing of the Fenians on December 31, 1867, and was succeeded by John O'Neill,
president of the senate and hero of Ridgeway. 1 O'Neill later
said that he accepted the presidency after the fifteen senators
had promised that the Fenian army would take the field in
1868. 2 The first action of the senate was to proclaim virtuously
that "they neither employ the secret weapon of the assassin nor
the torch of the incendiary," thus denying any connection with
the Clerkenwell incident.3 Its first reaction was to blame the
explosion on secret British agents, endeavoring to bring odium
on the Brotherhood.4 0 'Neill resumed negotiations with John
Savage toward effecting a union, but these collapsed and the
two factions resumed with renewed vigor their campaign of
mutual vituperation. 5
1 New York Herald, January 1, 1868. Irish American, February 15, 1868,
for picture and biographical sketch of O'Neill. Roberts made a fortune as
owner of the "Crystal Palace," a dry goods store in New York. He went
on Richard Connolly's bond for $250,000 when "Slippery Dick," a henchman of Tweed, took office as comptroller of New York. In 1869 Roberts
was elected to the Forty-second Congress and re-elected to the Forty-third.
He lost most of his fortune in the Panic of 1873. In 1877 he was a member
of the board of aldermen, and was defeated for sheriff in 1879. In 1885,
President Cleveland appointed him Minister to Chile. While there he was
stricken with paralysi~ in 1889 and was brought back to this country. He
remained in Bellevue Hospital until his death on August 9, 1897. New York
Times, August 13, 1897 for obituary; Dictionary of American Biography,
XVI (1935), 19-20, for sketch.
Official Report of General John O'Neill, President of the Fenian Brotherhood on the Attempt to Invade Canada, May 25, 1870 (New York,
1870), p. 4.
New York Herald, January 2, 1868.
Ibid., January 1, 1868.
Irish People, January 18, 1868. Correspondence published in this issue.
279
-_;:...
280
Congress was very busy during the early days of 1868, preparing as it was for the impeaehment proceedings against President Johnson, which were begun on February 20. An indirect
help to the Fenians was rendered by Senator Zachariah Chandler
of Michigan on November 29. Some Englishmen had been captured by the natives in Abyssinia and the British government
sent a party to rescue them. Chandler thereupon introduced a
resolution in the Senate recognizing the belligerency ,of Abyssinia.
His resolution was based on that issued by Great Britain in May,
1861, recognizing the belligerency of the Confederacy. 6 No
aiction was taken on this absurd resolution but it showed that the
policy of twisting the lion's tail was to be continued, and that,
of course, benefited the Fenians.
A report to the House was submitted on January 27, asking
the same protection of the government to naturalized citizens as
was afforded to native-born citizens.7 This was election year and
the politicians were off to a fast start. The same day Nathaniel
Banks introduced a bill in the House which, if passed, would
probably have caused war between the United States and Great
Britain, for it contained the following explosive clause:
That whenever it shall be duly made known to the President
that any naturalized citizen of the United States has been
arrested and is detained by any foreign government in contravention of the intent and purposes of this act, upon the
allegation that naturalization in the United States does not
operate to dissolve his allegiance to his native sovereign, or
if any citizen shall have been so arrested and detained whose
release upon demand shall have been unreasonably delayed
or refused, the President shall be, and hereby is, empowered to order the arrest and to detain in custody any subject
or citizen of such foreign government who may be found
within the jurisdiction of the United States. 8
New York Herald, December 1, 11, 1867.
House Report No. IJ, 40 Cong., 2d Sess.
Congressional Globe, 40 Cong., 2d Sess., Part I,. p. 783.
The Saxon Shilling Does Its Work
281
Banks was probably acting on the advice given him the previous
month by one of the editors pf Michael Scanlan 's Irish Republic,
who wrote:
The sooner you take action on the question of American
citizens abroad the better. It is perhaps, the most popular
political issue of the country at present. In fact there is but
one opinion amongst the masses concerning it. And that is
the release of the men who are now suffering imprisonment
in England, and also a war with that country. The next
question will be the repeal or modification of the present
neutrality laws. Do these things-press these acts and you
will do more towards reforming the Irishmen, than an age
of ordinary agitations amongst them can accomplish. 9
Seward realized that the naturalization controversy, joined
when the trials of Warren and Nagle were conducted, was to be
the rallying point for congressmen wooing the Irish vote. He,
therefore, urged Adams to lay before Clarendon the urgency of
a change in England's policy:
The sympathies of the people of the United States are every
day, more profoundly moved, and more generally moved
in behalf of Ireland. I have continually endeavored to impress upon the British Government the importance of eliminating from the Fenian excitement, as far as possible, certain legitimate causes of irritation and jealousy between
the people of the United States and the people of Great
Britain ..... The people are appealing to this Government
throughout the whole country from Portland to San Francisco, and from St. Paul to Pensacola. This sense of injustice works harmoniously together with a sore remembrance
O Wm. H. Grace to Banks, December 11, 1867, Banks Papers, Essex

Institute. Also among the Banks Papers are invitations to attend Fenian
mass meetings on December 13, 1867, and January 10, 1868; a letter from
Patrick A. Collins on December 9, 1867 asking Banks' aid in obtaining the
release of Stephen J. Meany from a British jail; a copy of the Fenian
resolution to impeach Adams for failure to protect American citizens
abroad, dated January 14, 1868.
282
that the British Government in the late rebellion favored

the overthrow of the United States by illegitimate processes,
even at the cost of the perpetuation of human slavery .....
British statesmen may perceive that a restoration of cordial
and friendly relations and sympathies between the two
countries is impossible while the causes of irritation .... are
allowed to endure. 10
Adams interviewed Stanley on receipt .of this instruction and
urged him to order the release of Warren, Nagle, and Costello.11
This would probably have been done were it. not for the feeling
in England which ran high against the Fenians.
George Francis Train reappeared at this time as an active
exponent of Fenian doctrines. So popular was he among Fenians that they urged him to run for the presidency. 12 He delivered scores of lectures for the Brotherhood, all in the same
vein. The following is a typical example of the man's style:
The time for talk has passed ..... A short despatch like this
sent over the cable tomorrow-Pay the Alabama claims or
fight. Then another despatch-Liberate Meany, Warren,
and the other American citizens-or war to the knife. Let
us settle the Fenian question. Let us h1:1.ve a sentinel over
the rotten monarchies of Europe-we want a station at the
door of Europe-six millions of Irish Americans demand
it. Let us offer to buy Ireland for the Alabama claims (loud
cheers). All in favor say aye-(passed by acclamation).
That is the only statesmanlike way to settle two great questions- the Fenian question and the Alabama claims. Let
Seward buy Ireland- the only volcano there is-the Irish
' 0 Secretary Seward to Adams, January 13, 1868, Great Britain Instructions, Vol. XXI, MS Dept. of State. Practically alt the state legislatures
passed resolutions of sympathy for the prisoners detained in Ireland and
England, and urged the government to apply pressure to Great Britain.
11 Adams to Secretary Seward, January 25, 1868, Great Britain Desp.,
12 Irish People, August 31, 1867. Train answered that his destiny tended
that way but that he lacked the ambition. He had acquired the ambition by
1872, running as an independent candidate.
283
people ..... Look at Clerkenwell ! What if twenty innocent

people died ! We have killed a million for the negro. 18
Following this effort Train decided to continue his labors in
Ireland. So well known had he become to the British on account
of his inflammatory utterances that he was arrested as soon as
the ship docked at Queenstown. The American consul there reported that '' he seems much pleased at his arrest.'' 14 The arrest
was a mistake as the local police thought they were capturing
the head centre of all the Fenians. 15 Moran wrote of the arrest:
"It worries Mr. Adams. He is afraid of Train and has gone to
see Lord Stanley on the Business ..... If Train finds this out
he will spread it far and wide. All the papers are ringing with
the news, but the authorities won't let Train read anything but
the bible! ! !'' 16 He was released shortly thereafter but promptly sued Great Britain for 100,000 for illegal arrest and incarceration. He then donated the claim to the Fenian Brotherhood.17
He lectured in Ireland and then made his way to England,
where he sent the following letter to Benjamin Moran, secretary
of the American Legation in London :18 ' ' My Manchester despatch instructed you to close Legation and return to America
unless Burke, Costello, and Warren were liberated. England
being checkmated at President's impeachment you will demand
E. G. Eastman to Secretary Seward, January 18, 1868, Queenstown
Consular Desp., Vol. I, MS Dept. of State.
"'E. G. Eastman to Secretary Seward, January 22, 1868, ibid.
1 Moran Diary ,January 20, 21, 1868. Manuscripts Division, Library of
Congress.
.
17 Cf. George Francis Train in a British Jail: England Bombarded with
Bastile Epigrams (New York, 1868). This consists of nonsensical verse
on the British Empire written by Train. The following is an example: "Sic
semper tyrannis," be the Fenian cry, "Delenda est Britannia," do or die."
In his My Life in Many States and in Foreign Lands (New York, 1902),
p. 317, he minimizes his work as a lecturer for the Fenian cause but he
was one of the most active.
18 Adams had resigned as minister and Reverdy Johnson, his successor,
had not yet arrived.
1
14
284
that these American citizens be at once sent to A~erica in a

British, War Ship.'' 19 Moran reached the conclusion which
would be arrived _at by anyone reading Train 's speeches that
"his conduct is only explainable on the ground that he is insane,
and I have reluctantly come to the conclusion that he is affected
in that way." 20 Moran's estimate of Train was altered a few
weeks later when he wrote: "George Francis Train came to see
me today with an Irishman from Califo.rnia. He was full of fun;
we had an agreeable interview, and he went away friendly. He
played the Doctor for awhile and described my illness exactly. " 21
Moran's opinion of Adams was expressed in his diary. On March
28, 1868, he mentioned that the American minister envied him.
On April 9, 1868, he wrote: '' A meaner man probably never
lived. But he is envious and hence his conduct.'' And when he
knew that Adams would not propose him as his successor he
reflected: "New England men cannot do manly acts. Their nature is to do, mean things; and he has that nature in its strongest
perfection. ' ' 22
Edward Thornton was accredited to the United States as

British Minister on January 9, 1868. He arrived at a time when
Banks, Robinson and other members of Congress were presenting
resolutions aimed at capturing the Irish vote. Thornton was
disturbed at the possible effects these resolutions might produce
in America:
I have no doubt that such violent resolutions .... are brought
forward with little reflection and merely for the sake of
political capital; but they have very evil effects upon the
masses of the population who are misled as to the real state
1 Moran to Secretary Seward, May 20, 1868, Great Britain Desp., Vol.
Moran to Secretary Seward, May 20, ibid. Train spent the last years
of his life in New York as a recluse. He spoke only to children.
21 Moran Diary, June 8, 1868, Library of Congress. From the bile evident
in the diary, Train undoubtedly diagnosed Moran's illness as a liver complaint.
22 Moran Diary, March 28, 1868, April 9, May 9, 1868.
The Saxon Shilling Doos Its Work
285
of the case and are made to suppose that the greatest barbarities are committed in England. 28
The activities of Train and the politicians were helpful to the
Fenian wing headed by Savage. The British govermp.ent gained
an invaluable ally when Henri LeCaron joined .the O'Neill wing
at this time. Born Thomas Miller Beach in England in 1841,
LeCaron came to this country in 1861 and saw service in the
Union armies as lieutenant of a Negro regiment at Nashville,
Tennessee. O'Neill's home was in Nashville, which accounted for
his acquaintance with LeCaron. 24
Within a short time LeC'aron had gained the confidence of
0 'Neill and was elevated to the rank of major. Whereas his
earlier letters to the British Home Office consisted of information gained from a careful perusal of newspapers, from 1868 on
they contained material which never came into print. His first
letter as a Fenian informer was written on February 20 :
;...
0 'Neill and party are far the most powerful and all of them
seem determined on immediate action and attain what they
call the liberty and independence of Ireland by raising an
army and invading British possessions. Canada is as I told
you before their field of action this coming spring, and
Andy Johnson's administration will not impede their progress a great deal. He said only a few days ago at an interview when the subject was m~mtioned, "I have always sympathized with this movement but a man can't always do
officially what he feels unofficially ..... The other day we
sent to Brady and O'Connor of New York (lawyers) to
know if they would go to England to defend American
citizens undergoing trial there' ' ..... Stirring speeches were
made by P. F. Walsh and James Gibbons-urgent calls for
volunteers wer~ made and some 250 were enrolled. In all
\
\
I
\
23 Thornton to Lord Stanley, February 4, 1868, F. 0. 5 : 1128.

.. Finerty's Chicago Citizen, April 7, 1894. Finerty, who knew LeCaron,
was very active in the Brotherhood and later Irish revolutionary societies.
Commenting on the death of LeCaron which occurred in 1894, Finerty
voiced true Fenian sentiments when he said that it "rid the earth of a
disgusting moral monster."
286
cities this volunteering is going on. Here in Chicago there is

enrolled upwards of 5000 who are supposed to be ready at
a moment's notice for any offensive movement ..... You
will notice that the Bill placing $50,000 in the hands of the
Secretary of State to defray the expenses and relieve the
wants of Fenians imprisoned in foreign countries. . . . has
passed by 104 to 29. This will indicate the true state of
popular feeling. 21
While LeCaron was beginning his long career as informer,
Cardinal Cullen of Dublin was writing to the Archbishop of
~altimore:
Our Fenians are now quiet, but several have been sentenced
to penal servitude. They are the most foolish people in the
world. They have not sense enough to see that their lives are
at the mercy of a host of spies and informers, and that they
are quite powerless to do anything against a government so
strong as ours. If the Irish in America would avoid secret
combinations, and MSume a pacific attitude, they would
produce a good effect here at home. Their secret societies
and their violent speeches only do mischief to the poor
people in Ireland. 28
An effort was made by Seward to secure the services of Jam.es
T. Brady and Charles O'Conor, prominent New York lawyers,
to act as counsel for the Fenians imprisoned in Ireland and England. Clarence A. Seward, the secretary's nephew, was delegated
to approach the two lawyers with the proposition. He reported
on February 11: "Your letter was received on 6th instant. On
the same day I saw Mr. O'Conor. He declined for various reasons
which I will state to you when I see you. Mr. Brady .... also
declined, with gratitude for the recognition, upon the ground
.. LeCaron to Lord Stanley, February 20, 1868, F.O. 115: 472. LeCaron's
letters were first sent to the Home Office in London. Later they were sent
to Gilbert McMicken, dominion police commissioner for Ontario. Cf. C.P.
Stacey, "Garrison of Fort Wellington: A Military Dispute During the
Fenian Troubles," Canadian Historical Review, XIV (1933), 168.
211 Paul Cardinal Cullen to Archbishop Martin J. Spalding, February 29,
1868, Baltimore Cathedral Archives, 33-0-12.
287
of engagements here.'' 27 0 'Conor then had an article inserted

in the New York papers, saying he had been offered the job of
defending the Fenians.28 The following day he issued a denial
that the offer had been made. 29 On February 11, he wrote to
Clarence Seward :
You will please to understand that I have not declined any
tender which any officer of the government has been
authorized to make or is disposed to make.
A public announcement concerning myself which is not
true and might work an inconv,enience cannot be permitted
to pass without an equally public denial. 80
0 'Conor had a reason for his course of action. In reply to
numerous resolutions passed by Congress, a lengthy report had
been submitt~d a few days earlier containing the correspondence
passed between Great Britain and the United States regarding
the Fenian prisoners. Fearing that Seward would disclose the
efforts he made to secure him as counsel for the Fenians,
0 'Conor circumvented that by his devious procedure. He did
not wish it to be known that he had refused to serve as counsel
for the imprisoned Fenians. The release of Nagle and the majority of the Fenians who participated in the ''Erin's Hope''
expedition within a few months made further governmental
efforts to provide counsel for them unnecessary. The Savage
wing was relatively inactive during the early months of the
year. Savage gave lectures on "Patriot Priests," while a priest,
"'Clarence A. Seward to Secretary Seward, February 11, 1868, Miscellaneous Letters, MS Dept. of State.
i
28
New York World, February 11, 1868.
28
ao Charles O'Conor to Clarence A. Seward, February 11, 1868, Miscellaneous Letters, MS Dept. of State. O'Conor was the first Catholic in the
history of the country to be nominated for the presidency. In 1872 the
Democrats nominated Horace Greeley. Greeley was also the choice of a
bolting bloc of regular Republicans headed by Carl Schurz. A group of
Democrats calling themselves the "Straight Out" party, nominated O'Conor.
288
The Fenian lllovement in the United States: I858-I886
the Reverend James O'Connor, tried to offset the opposition of

the Catholic clergy to Fenianism by lecturing on '' Irish Revolution and its Harmony with the Doctrines of the Catholic
Church.'' 31
An editor of the Irish Republic expressed the dissatisfaction
of Fenians at the failure of the Senate to take action on the bill
to revise the neutrality laws. In a letter to Senator Sumner he
wrote: "the great majority of the Irish people-I might say
all-have an impression that the Republican Senators, and yourself, especially are disposed to treat this citizenship question in,
a like manner." 32
The United States concluded a naturalization treaty with the
North German States in February, whereby those states ceased
to claim military service from their former citizens after they had
resided in this country for five years. This treaty was important,
but the conversations which preceded it contained none of the
explosive qualities inherent in the controversy with Great Britain. Seward placed great emphasis on the settlement of this
question and he wished it concluded before his term of office
expired. His hopes were outlined in an instruction to Adams :
It is the naturalization question which arouses an uneasiness
that more urgently needs removal than any other. While
that uneasiness shall remain unrelieved, it would seem almost hopeless to attempt an adjustment of the other differences. This one will admit of no delay, compatibly with
the preservation of harmony between our two countries ...
. . If we can make such a treaty only two things more will
be necessary to relieve the now existing uneasiness which
has resulted from the naturalization question. These are,
first, that pardons be granted to Lynch and McMahon, two
prisoners in Canada, believed by this Government to be
morally guiltless, and whose farther punishment wears an
aspect of unnecessary severity towards them and an unkindness towards the United States. Secondly, that Her
Irish People, January 24; February 29, 1868.
.. Wm. H. Grace to Sumner, February 21, 1868, Sumner Papers, Vol. 84,
81
'
289
Majesty's Government shall in some way provide for a discontinuance or termination of the cases of Colonels Warren
and Nagle, which cases have been needlessly and blindly
complicated by judicial persistence in the dogma of the
indefeasibility of native British allegiance, which it is expected, will be relinquished in the proposed treaty. 33
Within a few weeks Adams was able to info.rm Seward that
Nagle and six other Fenians who hgd participated in the ''Erin's
Hope" expedition would soon be released. Moran's comment
was: "From what I learn the government are very glad to be
rid of these vermin.'' 34 The imprisoned Fenians had heard of
the bill to appropriate $50,000 for their defense, and applied to
Adams for passage money, thinking the appropriation had
passed the Senate. 35 The prisoners were released, but the principle of indefeasibility of allegiance was maintained by the British,
as was shown by an executive order issued by Seward on February 18. In it he urged all citizens who intended to visit Great
Britain and Ireland to procure passports as long as the Habeas
Oorpus Act remained suspended in the latter country. The British suspected a trap in this maneuver and Thornton was ordered
to sign nothing :
The avowed object of issuing these passports by the Government of the United States is to impress upon the bearers of
them the character of Americans and if they are issued. for
this purpose, and afterwards vise by Her Majesty's Minister, such vise might be used in Great Britain as a recognition of the nationality of the bearer, and might probably
lead to embarrassment and inconvenience. 86
"'Secretary Seward to Adams, March 7, 1868, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
84 Moran Diary, May 9, 1868.
35 Adams to Secretary Seward, March 24, 1868, Great Britain Desp., Vol.
95, MS Dept. of State. A Fenian wrote to Elihu Washburne for information
on this appropriation and ended: "it will not hurt you to read your letter
at public meetings on the subject." Cf. John Pope Hodnett to Washburne,
July 21, 1868, Washburne Papers, Vol. 61, Manuscripts Division, Library
of Congress.
06 Lord Stanley to Thornton, March 14, 1868, F.0. 115: 472.
290
The British government had been receiving alarming reports of

Fenian preparations fo,r another invasion of Canada. It could
not see any wisdom in extending leniency to all of the Fenian
prisoners while the American Government permitted such activities to proceed unchecked. LeCaron kept the Home Office well
informed, writing on February 20 :
It is said that the Circles of th~ Fenian Brotherhood along
the Pacific Coast and far West anticipate making a raid on
the British Possessions as soon as warm weather sets in this
spring. I do know that they are very active now along the
whole N.W. border and are doing all they can to, what we
may call, place them1 on a war footing. Immense meetings
are continually being held in many Western cities and all
that is said and done prove to me that t}tey have the one
object to carry out, and do it they will. 87
Hard on this came the warning that the Fenians had concocted .
a plot at Chicago to assassinate the Prince of Wales. LeCaron,
writing under the name of Donald McKay, sent this information
directly to Thornton.38 According to the informer three hired
assassins were proceeding to England to liquidate the Prince.
By the end of the year he was reporting that the Fenians had
decided to eliminate the whole royal family.
In the meantime the Canadian Government feared the wor.st.
Sir John A. Macdonald confided : '' I really look . forward to
something .... very unpleasant on the frontier ..... The U\nited
States are now convulsed with the presidential election contest,
and the excitement will continue until next December. Both
Republicans and Democrats will fish for the Irish vote, and
therefore will wink as much as possible at any action of the
Fenian body." 39 Alarming reports reached Macdonald. One
... Lord Stanley to Thornton, March 14, 1868, ibid.
88 LeCaron to Thornton, March 16, 1868, F.0. 115: 475. Stanley notified
Thornton on April 29 that McKay and LeCaron were the same person,
employed by .the British Government. LeCaron was living at Lockport,
Illinois, at the time. Cf. F.0. 115: 473.
Macdonald to Col. Ermatinger, February 8, 1868, Private, Macdonald
Letter Books, XI, 482, P.A.C.
1-
291
Canadian amateur sleuth wrote him that immense concentrations

of Fenian arms and ammunition were arriving at Potsdam
Junction, New York, and that seven wagon loads were seen proceeding stealthily at night toward the Canadian border. 40 As a
result of such reports Macdonald authorized C. J. Coursol, chief
of police in Montreal, to employ two detectives to watch the
Fenians. Coursol was advised to tell no one of their employment.41 Sir John's idea was sound. Detectives we:ve employed
by McMicken, Colonel Ermatinger, and Coursol. By keeping
each of them ignorant of the fact that other detectives were
used besides the ones under their jurisdiction, he hoped to be
better able to check on their reports. The only drawback in this
plan was that one of Coursol 's detectives shadowed Henri LeCaron and submitted voluminous reports on that gentleman's
activities. By the end of March Macdonald was advised that
F,enianism was going the way of the Kilkenny cats and that
there was little likelihood of a disturbance that summer. 42
Thornton took these matters up with Seward, who assured
him that the Fenians were not contemplating any hostilities as
they were unable to obtain funds. 43 The Secretary of State indicated to Thornton a way in which Fenian strength might be
weakened. This fact was reflected in the British minister's despatch of March 30 :
The importance of the conclusion of such a Treaty [naturalization] has been impressed upon me by my belhif that
it would tend considerably to weaken the hold which Fenianism has upon the minds of a part of the population of
this country, that it would give Her Majesty's Government
ground for insisting upon the United States authorities not
\
\
40 S. J. Bower to Macdonald, March 19, 1868, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, IV, P.A.C.
41 Macdonald to C. J. Coursol, March 23, 1868, Private, Macdonald Letter
Books, XI, 611, P.A.C.
.. McMicken to Macdonald, March 26, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers :
Governor General's Correspondence, Vol. II, P.A.C.
43 Thornton to Lord Stanley, March 17, 28, 1868, F.0. 115 :475.
292
conniving at the organization in this country of any expedition against our possessions; and that above all it would
open the road to negotiation upon the San Juan question
and the joint settlement of the Alabama and British Claims.''
The British Government was not ready to negotiate a treaty on
the naturalization question at the time, as the trial of Andrew
Johnson began on March 30. The British were unwilling to begin
conversations with political partisanship running so high in th.e
United States. They knew that any neg,otiations begun during
Johnson's administration would be rejected by the radicals in
Congress.
Many of the Fenian prisoners w.ere released and returned to
the United States at the government's expense. 45 Moran's comment was, as usual, acidulous : '' Mr. Adams has had a telegram
back from Washington about paying the passage of the Fenians
home and has to reply. That will result in a response. Thus four
telegrams will pass at a cost of twenty-five pounds, whereas the
passages of ali the men ready to go would not exceed forty
pounds! This is economy." 46 More would have been freed were
it not for the murder of Thomas D'Arcy McGee on April 7. A
persistent enemy of Fenianism, his murder was commonly attributed to Fenians.47 Seward was told by Thornton that further
:o.
.. Thornton to Lord Stanley, Match 30, 1868, F

115 :457.
"'Secretary Seward to Adams, April 7, 1868, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
XXI, MS Dept. of State. Three hundred dollars were allowed. By April 22
only three Feriians known to be citizens were imprisoned in Ireland, but
the ones over whom the agitation continued, Warren, Halpin, and Costello,
had been transferred to England. Adams to Secretary Seward, April 22,
1868, Great Britain Desp., Vol. 95, MS Dept. of State.
Moran Diary, April 7, 1868.
"No organized plot to assassinate McGee was discovered. P. J. Whelan
was executed for the crime. Macdonald was a devoted friend of McGee
and both had worked -for Canadian Confederation. Writing of his assassination he remarked: "You will have been shocked by the assassination of
poor McGee. His only crime was that he steadily and affectionately advised
his countrymen in Canada to enjoy all the advantages that our equal laws
and institutions gave to Irishmen and to Roman Catholics. He sternly set
293
leniency could not be expected when Fenians proved themselves

capable of such a deed. 48
Meanwhile reports of impending Fenian hostilities on the
Canadian border increased. Seward reassured Thornton that his
own confidential agent could find no evidence of any new attack but he added significantly:
Mr. Seward repeated to me .... several times his conviction
that if the question of expatriation and naturalization could
be agreed upon between the two countries, one of the pre-.
texts put f.orward by the Fenians would be removed, and
the hands of the United States Government would be
strengthened in repressing any hostile acts they might be
meditating against Canada.49
Stanley was in a quandary by this time as he received the following alarming report from LeCar,on at the same time as the above
despatch:
He [O'Neill] declares that thereare enough men in Massachusetts alone to secure the success of his movement.
Informant believes that Chicago will provide at least 2,000
men, well armed and equipped, and that 40,000 will be
available before the end of June.
Canada will be invaded at three points simultaneously, one
from Chicago District, via Detroit, another via and from
Cleveland, Buffalo, Toledo, etc., and a 3d from New York,
Massachusetts, etc. This mov"1llent must be defeated by the
British Government for the Government of the United.
States will not and cannot do it. 0 'Neill will not take command in the field, but will retain his position as President
..... That Government has allowed 21 Fenian regiments to
be raised and paraded for a purpose avowedly unlawful ..
. . . The Fenian party has been much injured by the murder
his face against the introduction of Fenianism into Canada, and he was
therefore a doomed man. There is a great grief for his loss, and great sympathy with his family." Macdonald to Anderson Herbert, London, England,
April 13, 1868, Macdonald Letter Books, XI, 655, P.A.C.
'" Thornton to Stanley, April 27, 1868, F.O. 5 : 1130.
'" Thornton to Stanley, May 2, 1868, F.O. 115 :476.
294
The JJ'e'YIIUJln, Mo'lieme11,t i11, the U11,-Ued. States: 1858-1886
of D'Arcy McGee being fastened upon it. O'Neill repudiates

that outrage, and probably so sincerely:10
The result of O'Neill's visit to Chicago has been to
strengthen the Fenian cause fifty fold. Many who were formerly adherents of the O'M:ahony party, and had thrown
up the cause as hopeless, are now its strongest supporters
and are ready for any movement no matter how tinlawful
or rash it may be.11
If it were not known that LeCaron was an informer he could be
mistaken for a '.Fenian press agent. The only quality he possessed
in common with the Feni~ns was an exaggeration of their
strength.
The Fenian press loyal to O'Neill had increased the te~po of
its war-like utterances, showing its indifference as to the place
of action, so long as "Mr. Bull" would be hit, bu.t: "Just now
we acknowledge a partiality for that port1on of his body corporate called the '' Dominion of Canada,'' because it is his tender
spot, is easily within reach, and gives the old pirate a great deal
of annoyance." 52 The Savage wing's only gains during the time
were in having a tobacco named after them, "Fenian Comfort
Smoking Tobacco,'' 53 and boasting that all the boys in the Connecticut Reform School were Fenians.54
The trial of Andrew Johnson ended on May 26, with the radicals failing to obtain a conviction. Seward's hand was strengthened thereby and he endeavored to apply pressure on Great
Britain by placing the blame for the Fenian agitation
British
reluctance to negotiate the na,turalizatioli. controversy. He told
on
" O'Neill must have been innocent of any part in the crime because
LeCaron in his book Twenty Five Years in the Secret Service .. , accuses
O'Neill, among other things, of marrying an escaped nun, and of stealing
the greater part of the Fenian treasury. John Rutherford, The Secret
History of the Fenian Conspiracy (London, 1877), I, 307, unjustly accused
O'Neill of planning and executing the assassination.
01 LeCaron to Lord Stanley, May 14, 1868, F.O. 115 :473.
.. Irish American, May 16, 1868.
64 [bid., June 27, 1868.
295
Thornton on May 28: "Whatever danger there may be of a

disturbance of the peace on the frontier at the present time, that
danger is altogether due to the omission by the British government to seasonably remove, either by legislation or negotiation,
the indefensible features of British policy on the subject of the
rights of naturalized citizens of the United States.'' 55
By the end of May Macdonald was convinced of the imminence of another Fenian foray. '' I am satisfied that we will have
another raid before the ist of July, unless the American Government acts vigorously. The Fenians rely much upon the Presidential Contest which is now beginning to rise to fever heat.
As a body they have decJared that they will vote with the party
that gives them the most support." 56 On June 4, Canada braced
for the shock as concentrations of Fenians were reported at St.
Albans, Vermont. The Dominion to the North breathed easier as
the Fenians turned out to be Knights Templars on an excursion. 57 Macdonald received scores of letters during June varying
from promises of expatriated Canadians to return and fight for
their country ;58 a report of a Canadian detective who visited
i;;ix towns in Vermont and New York and found but two Fenians
in his odyssey ;59 a despatch from the British consul in Buffalo
that Fenian printing presses were running off hand bills to be
distributed among Canadian troops during the. next invasion,
offering free transport to the United States ;00 and an offer from
""Secretary Seward to Thornton, Great Britain Notes, Vol. 86, MS Dept.
of State. Queen Victoria appointed a commission on May 21 to investigate
the legal condition of natural born subjects, with a view to amending the
laws.
.. Macdonald to Sir Charles Tupper, Nova Scotia, Co~fidential, May 30,
1868, Macdonald Letter Books, XI, 790-92, P.A.C.
"'Joseph Dakers to Macdonald, June 4, 1868, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. IV, P.A.C.
08 Macdonald to D. Bethune, Detroit, June 1, 1868, Macdonald Letter
Books, XI, 819, acknowledging Bethune's offer.
E. Clark to Macdonald, telegram, June 5, 1868, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians, Vol. IV, P.A.C.
H. W. Hemans to Lord Monck, June 22, 1868, C 184, pp. 95-96, P.A.C.
296
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United Sta,tes: z858-z886
the city physician of Hoboken, New Jersey, to provide the Canadian Government with information of astonishing value for a
fee of $1000. 81
But these were of minor importance compared with the news
that came from McMicken on June 8:
The person who wrote from Lockport and Chicago, Illinois,
pursuant to arrangement, came to Detroit to see me. I had
a. lengthy interview with him yesterday afternoon, and
another today. The facts he revealed to me abundantly manifest his being thoroughly up to all that is going on .....
He is an Englishman by birth, went to France, there
assumed the name of LeCaron which he has borne during
his residence in the United States now about 8 years .....
He has been in confidential correspondence with the British
authorities-only as late as last March he received a remittance of 50 pounds sterling ..... He was in the American
Army during the war, was .much with O'Neill as they both
served under General Rosencranz [sic]. He holds a Captain's
Commission in the I.R.A.- but O'Neill and others urged
him to go out as an organizer and accept an appointment
on O'Neill's staff when the movement began-To do this he
would have to throw up his position in which he is at present and he has no other support for his family. They only
pay $60 per month to their officials and this would not be
certain or of any duration ..... What he has stipulated for
is this- that he will enter the service as an organizerwtll accept a position on O''Neil's staff-and run the risk
consequent upon any actual engagement on Canadian soil .
. . . . . He is to furnish me from time to time with correet
information as they proceed with work and in due season
inform me of the actual points of attack with all particulars
in order that we may be prepared for them. I am topay him
$100 American currency per month for two or three
months.82
John C. Taylor to Macdonald, June 12, 1868, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. IV, P.A.C.
01
'"McMicken to Macdonald, June 8, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers:

McMicken Reports, VIII, 48, P.A.C.
297
Thus really began the fifteen-year career of LeCaron as an informer. A week later Macdonald authorized the payment of
$150 a month to LeCaron, but he warned Mc:Micken: '' A man
who will engage to do what he offers to do, that is, to betray
those with whom he acts, is not to be trusted.' ' 63 McMicken
estimated Fenian strength at 600 circles with 3600 collectors
busy gathering money to buy the implements of war. 64 The
money thus raised was to be used for the purchase of two batteries of Gatling guns, six guns each, 1000 Colt navy revolvers,
100 rifles, and 3000 altered breech loaders. 65 Within two weeks
of reporting these menacing preparations McMicken wrote optimistically: "This month I verily believe will dissolve the O'Neill
phase of Fenianism entirely. . . . . The day of their power of
evil is I trust gone by ..... My chief informant [LeC'aron] now
occupies an excellent position and writes me daily.'' 66
Disturbing reports continued to reach Thornton from Viscount
Monck telling of Fenian concentrations of men and arms at
Ogdensburg. The second anniversary of the first invasion was at
hand and the Canadians feared another invasion. 67 The British
08 Macdonald to McMicken, June 15, 1868, Private, Macdonald Letter
Books, XI, 883-84, P.A.C. The same day Macdonald was notified that
LeCaron was instructed by the Home Office to write directly to Lord
Monck. Cf. McMicken to Macdonald, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, VIII, 65-66; a short time later McMicken was told that LeCaron
would deal directly with him. Cf. Macdonald to McMicken, Private, June
24, 1868, Macdonald Letter Books, XI, 929-30, P.A.C. McMicken was also
directed in this letter to communicate with the Michigan Central, Southern
Michigan, and the Detroit and Milwaukee Railroads on the transport of
Fenians .
.. McMicken to Macdonald, June 29, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, VIII, 132, P.A.C.
05 Macdonald to Coursol, Confidential, June 31, 1868, Macdonald Letter
Books, XI, 953.
McMicken to Macdonald, July 7, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, VIII, 193; McMicken to Macdonald, July 13, 1868,
ibid., p. 231.
Thornton to Secretary Seward, May 31, 1868, Great Britain Notes,
298
Tke Fenian Movement in. tk:e. Uniited States: 1858-1886
Minister obtained no satisfaction from Seward, as he reported to

Stanley:
Re [Seward] seems most reluctant to make any admission
or give any assurance which may in the slightest degree
commit his Government to any action for the prevention of
movements by the Fenians against the neighboring British
Provinces ..... He wishes to throw blame upon us for having
caused the danger by not having taken measures for the
settlement of the naturalization question ..... He observed
how critical the few months preceding a presidential election always were and how much more so they were likely to
be on this occasion on account of the angry antagonism between the two parties caused by the late impeachment of
the President. . . . . There can be little doubt that a gpod
deal of this agitation will be got up upon this point with.the
view of gaining the votes of the Irish resident in this country, and Mr. Seward is probably desirous of removing all
pretext for such agitation by concluding a satisfactory
treaty with Her Majesty's Government. 68
Thornton was correct about the agitation as congressional resolutions increased from then until election day. 69
Fenian strength was highly estimated before the presidential
election of 1868. One irate American wrote :
The Americans themselves are getting afraid of the Fenians. As one of the leading politicians of Michigan said to
me the other day. They have taken the best time to organize
they could have ever had. No one wants their ill will until
after the election by which time damn them they will be
strong enough to defy all efforts to put them down and an
.. Thornton to.Lord Stanley, June 2, 1868, F.O. 115:1131.
As most o.f thi:se concerned Warren and Costello, House Executive
Document No. 312, 40 Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. XX, was issued on June 24.
It was a report from Seward on the case of these two, with the correspondence that had passed concerning them. The Congressional resolutions
emphasized the point that they were convicted for acts done and words
spoken in the United States. Stanley pointed out this fallacy to Thornton
on July 28; cf. F.O. 115:473; House Report No. 44, 40 Cong., 3d. Sess.
The Saxon SkiZl-ing D~s Its Work
299
American will have no more cha.nee for office than a cat in

Hiell without claws.TC!
Th.e prospects of native Americans for election to office were not
as discouraging as those of the a,bove-mentioned feline, but a
play was made for the Irish vote in the 1868 presidential! election. Samuel J. Tilden was told on August 6:
The Irish Republic Paper which is conducted in the interest
of the Radicals is doing injury to us by its influence among
Irishmen ..... I think we want an able Irish Democratic
paper to counteract it.s influence conducted by Irishmen of
standing and influeooe among the party ..... l beg to introduce. to you Stephen J. Meany .... also Capt. D. P. Conyngham. We need every vote and I feel quite sanguine of its
value in these gentlemen's .hands.Ti

No action was ta.ken on this proposal as the .Irish D"emocrat was
not founded until 1870. The Fenians who controlled the Irish
Republic, M:ichael Scanlan, David Bell, and Charles E. St. Clair
paid fulsome praise to General Banks in many a letter. St. Clair
told Banks on August 25, 1868, that: "You are head and shoulders above all our living American statesmen, and therefore we
must have you for President as soon as can be.'' 72
II
I
' Wm. Mercer to Macdonald, July 6, 1868, Macdonald Papers : P'enians,

Vol. IV, P.A.C.
71 Dwight Townsend to Tilden, August 6, 1868, Tilden Papers, Box 20,
Manuscripts Division, New York Public Library. Cf. also Alexander C.
Flick, Samuel Jones Tilden, A Study in Political Sagacity (New York,
1939), p. 184.
" St. Oair to Banks, August 25, 1868, Banks Papers, Essex Institute.
Cf. also St. Clair to Banks, September 10, 1868, ibid., where St. Oair was
willing to settle for Banks as Secretary of State. St. Oair was a shadowy
character. McMicken had to deny that he was in his employ but referred
to him as a "scheming fellow who once wrote you a letter from Rochester."
Cf. McMicken to Macdonald, July 3, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, VIII, 179. Many of St. Clair's letters to Banks refer
,300
The Feniarn Movement in, the Un~ted Sta.tes: r858-r886
Meanwhile the bill authorizing the President to arrest an Englishman in this country for each Fenian detained in Ireland and
England had gone to the Senate. It was debated by Senators
Conness, of California, and Sumner, o{Massachusetts, the latter
opposing the bill. It was defeated in :the Senate, that body being
more level headed, buttressed as the Senators were by a six year
term of office. The Fenian press had been openly clamoring for
war between England and America, and it raged at the defeat
of the measure designed to effect a rupture. The New York
Citizen reflected true Fenian sentiments when it said:
The white-livered, whey-faced, canting bigots and hypocrites
at the head of the Radical party have struck out of it that
clause authorizing ''reprisals'' by our Government for every
illegal arrest of an American citizen while abroad, which
was the only clause in the bill that meant business, or gave
it any vitality or validity whatever ..... The only power to
enforce its provisions is stricken out in the striking out of
the "reprisal clause." 73

Despite the defeat of the bill, the British concern over the Fenian
agitation in this country continued. LeCaron was very busy
k;eeping McMicken informed of the latest Fenian concentrations
of arms. Seward appointed General Sharp to watch the movements of the Fenians in the neighborhood of St. Albans. While
his reports minimized the threat of any F.enian invasion in the
near future, those sent to Thornton were alarming: "I hearfrom
to his dislike for Sumner yet he was able to write the Senator from Massachusetts: "A year from now, I shall hold a mass meeting of the IrishAmericans of Washington, and have Charles Sumner nominated for President ..... So, sir, I see that your prospects are better and brighter than
those of any other man in the country." Cf. St. Oair to Sumner, January
30, 1871, Sumner Papers, Vol. 103, Houghton Library, Harvard University.
,s Charles G. Halpine in Citizen; reprinted in Irish People, August 1,
1868. Despite the resentment against the Republicans in the Senate, the
Irish People urged the election of Grant, while an Irish Republican Presidential Campaign Club was formed among members of the Savage wing
by Senator Conness, who advised them to free themselves from the "thrall
of the Tammany ring." Cf. Irish People, October 10, 17, 1868.
350
Tke Fenuun, Movement in tke United States: 1858-1886
the same which had captured O'Neill's forces four years previous, was ordered to Buffa.lo to prevent any Fenians from crossing the Niagara River. 118 While the "Mlichiga.n" was being
ordered to Buffalo, other precautions were dispensed with by
order of President Grant. Secretary Fish wrote:
Submitted to President letter of 21 from J. R. Bennett,
U. S. Marshal Detroit, relating to threatened invasion of
Canada, by Fenians, to have taken place on night of 22
and stating that he employed 20 detectives. Pres. thinks the
time of the anticipated movement having passed, the employment of the detectives is unnecessary, and directs that
they be discharged. He adds, the British did not employ
detectives to prevent raids from Canada during our war.117
Minister Thornton reported to Secretary Fish on April 28
th.at large numbers of Irishmen were reported passing through
Buffalo on their way to Winnipeg.18 When no hostile incursion
resulted from this safari the British minister announced the end
of the Fenian threat. 118
O'Neill had set May 24, 1870, Queen Victoria's birthday, as
an auspicious date on which to begin the operation to amputate
Canada from the British Empire. He planned to attack from
Franklin, Vermont, while another Fenian force :under Colonel
,Owen Starr was to concentrate at Ma.lone, New York. O'Neill
hoped to capture St. John's on the Richelieu River, halfway between Montreal and the frontier, and at the same time to seize
Richmond, where a branch of the Grand Trunk Railroad joined
the main line. With these prizes in his possession, he planned to
hold the line until thousands of Fenian soldiers could be rushed
to his support.
The .American Government took steps to meet the threatened
invasion as Secretary Fish was informed that President Grant,
General Belknap, and Attorney General :S:oar were notified of
Thornton to Lord Oarendon, April 18, 25, 1870, ibid.
"' Fish Diary, April 25, 1870. .
.. Ibid., April 28, 1870.
III Ibid., May 5, 1870.
18
Final Feni<tn Assault on the British Empire
349
that some one on the Staff is in constant communication

with the Canadian Government and that he gets his information from some person having something to do with the
Gov't ..... I took steps to have the arms in Detroit seized
a few days ago-but it was fruitless. The party I have
there reported .... to show that notice had been given of the
fact previous to the search so that time was afforded to
move them .... The members of the Congress have returned
to their homes, but the President and Council are still m
session. 53
~
An appeal for funds to purchase the needed ammunition drew

this blast from the New York Times, which assailed the movement as an example of "servant girls" warfare:
It is the fact that "experienced military men" are now
found among the leaders, which makes it so easy to persuade
Bridget and Patrick that with one dollar more the green
flag may be hoisted on the Plains of Abraham, and a Fenian' navy launched on the track of British commerce .....
We suppose it is no exaggeration to say that the Fenians
have raised and expended about two million dollars, under
pretence -0f conquering Canada and expelling the British
from Irefand-an enterprise which only a first class power,
capable of raising and maintaining a large army and .navy
e,ould attempt with any hope of success. 54
Thornton was kept informed of developments by Secretary

Fish, but the British minister detected a reluctance on the part
of the Secretary of State to make public the preventive measures
being taken. 55 Clarendon was informed on April 18 that the
Missisquoi Valley in Vermont was the locality from which the
attack was contemplated; a week later the steamer ''Michigan,''
" McMicken to Macdonald, April 26, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers :

ibid., pp. 630-32.
"New York Times, May 4, 1870.
"'Thornton to Lord Clarendon, April 12, 1870; F. 0. 115 :507.
348
senate, consisting of William Egan, state printer of New York;

John Shelly, Louisville ; M. J. Cunningham, .Auburn, New York;
Peter Cunningham, Chicago; Patrick Forsyth, Detroit; Captain
Grady, Albany, New Y.ork; Patrick O'Neill, Cleveland, Ohio;
Patrick Sweeney, Lawrence, Massachusetts; and Patrick O 'Day,
Buffalo, New York. The military committee reported that 23,300
stand of arms of all kinds were in possession of the Brotherhood
as well as 118,000 rounds of breech loading ammunition and
3,500,000 rounds of muzzle loading ammunition. The military
men wanted 500,000 additional rounds of breech loading ammunition before the commencement of hostilities. 52 According to
Canadian detectives present at the conclave:
They report 6000 men ready and certain. Original programme is changed-but to what new form I am not yet
advised.
Red River matters occupied much of the attention of Congress and it was determined upon to support the insurgents
with everything possible. It was thought men enough for
the purpose could be procured from Michigan, Wisconsin,
etc.
It was thought Beach [LeGaron] w,ould be required to go
to Fort Garry---stirring up in company with one or two
others the men West on his way.
In the period between Sept/68 and Sept/69-there were 381

Circles good on the books-that is Circles who had kept up
their stated contributions.
From Sept 8/69 to 10 March/70-there were 212 Circles
in good standing being
In Vermont 1; Mass. 4; R. I. 1; Conn. 9; N. Y. 56; N. J. 9;
Penn. 36; Md. 3; D. C. 1; W. Va. 2; S. 0. 1; Alabama 2;
Ky. 4; Tenn. 1; Ohio 15; Ind. 1; Ill. 11; Mo. 2; Iowa 3;
Mich. 5; Wis. 21; Kansas 1; Nebraska 3; Montana 2; Wyoming 2; Colorado 3; Utah 1; F.oreign 1. .... A Father Griffiths-somewhere in Canada .... has written to them stating
McMicken to Macdonald, April 26, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, XI, 629-30.
Final Fenian Assault cm. the British Empire
347
sworn to most vehemently by the officers. 48 Thus the oongress

which was never intended to convene met on .April 19.
The senators had had enough of O'Neill and the main resuliB
of their convention were embodied in the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the office of President of the Fenian Brotherhood shall be and is hereby abolished, and that the
Executive authority of the Fenian Brotherhood shall be
and is hereby invested in a Senate or Executive Council, to
be elected by this Congress.
Resolved, As the sentiment of this Eighth General Congress
of the Fenian Brotherhood, that the Assemblage to meet in
New York, called by General John O'Neill, for the 19th of
April, be invited to join with us in raising the means to
enable the Fenian Brotherhood to make a military movement on a basis which may be determined by a Council of
military men, to be convened by the Executive Council.49
Four delegates were appointed by the senators to attend the
O'Neill convention in New York. The senators proposed .that
both wings elect four members of the executive council, the
ninth to be chosen by the other eight. The con~mnation of the
Brotherhood by the Catholic Church was branded as an example
of clerical interference in political affairs. 50
The proposal of the senators was rejected by the O'Neill adherents, thus completing the breach between the two factions of
the senate wing. O'Neill was re-elected president by the fiftyfour Fenians, informers, and Canadian detectives present at the
convention. 51 A council of nine was elected in place of the
'" McMicken to Macdonald, April 19, 1870, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
pp. 569-71.
'"New York Times, April 18, 1870; Irish American, April 23, 1870. The
Executive Council consisted of James Gibbons, P. J. Meehan, C. P. McKay,
Richard McOoud, James W. Fitzgerald, Laurence Finnegan, Frank B.
Gallagher, and Frank Agnew.
' 0 New York Times, April 18, 1870.
"'Ibid., April 21, 25, 1870. Complete account of the convention in the
Boston Pilot, May 7, 1870. The fifty-four delegates represented Circles
chiefly in New York and Philadelphia.
346
Tke Fenian Mo1>ement in, the U'll,ited States: 1858-1886
Belknap reads letter from Genl. Meade a.nd other army

officers representing the collection of arms and ammunition
on the Northern border, Vermont a.nd New York, and the
probability of a Fenian invasion of Canada, and recommending a seizure of the arms etc. President remarks "The
British did not seize or stop the Alabama;'' he then asks
"What does the Sec. of State sayY" reply-the subject has
long been before the Dept. ; we have known of the collection
of arms on the fro;ntier for a long time; have communicated
all the information rec'd to the British Minister: without
evidence of intent to use the arms improperly no law authorizes their seizure ; whatever may be the suspicions no evidence of unlawful objects or design has been offered or
suggested; has been subject of conversation with British
Minister, who thinks and says, we have no right to seize
th.em: state my own belief that it is rather a demonstration
th.an a movement, that various days have been named for
the invasion, a.nd finally this very day 15 Apr. Suggest that
it may be a design for the purpose by O'Neil, of authorizing
the collection of money. Judge Hoar concurs in this view
a.nd says it is a movement of [sic] the pockets of the Irish
chambermaids.48
On the eve of the scheduled invasion a secret meeting of
military officers was held in New York. Expecting to receive
orders for the opening of hostilities, they were disappointed
when , 0 'Neill appeared before them very drank and declared
the movement postponed for a few days. The mortification of
the Fenians '\\'as increased by the presence of Father Patrick
Loughran, a priest of the archdiocese of .Armagh, Ireland, in
this country to collect money to build a church. An omnipresent
Canadian detective escorted the priest home after the meeting
and reported: ''he told us he believes now what he never did
before th.at th.ere was a curse on the Fenia.ns. '' 47 Another meeting was held on April 16, and after a long session the question of
an immediate invasion was put to a vote, and again it was decided to postpone it to no very distant day. This decision was
" Ibid., April 15, 1870.
McMichael to McMicken, April 15, 1870, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, XI, 588-89.
Final Fematn Assault
O'l'IJ
the British Empire
345
C. J. Coursol, commissioner of police of Montreal, whose

sleuths lost much time in trailing LeCaron, meanwhile c8JD.e into
possession of a set of the Fenian plans for the invasion, which
he sent to Macdonald. 42 On receipt of this four battalions of
frontier militia and two troops of cavalry were called out. 48
Added to Canadian uneasiness was the announcement that all
regular troops were to be withdrawn from Canada. This was an
ill-timed move and evoked a strong protest from Prime Minister
Macdonald.
The withdrawal of the Troops from Canada is .... a most
unwise and shortsighted proceeding. At this moment we
are in daily expectation of a formidable Fenian invasion,
unrepressed by the United States Government and connived
at by their subordinate officials .... H. M. Government have
been kept fully informed of the constant threats from the
Fenian body for the last five years, and they have been
especially forewarned of the preparations for the present
expected attack. And yet this is the time that they chose to
withdraw every soldier from us and we are left to be the
unaided victims of Irish discontent and American hostility,
caused entirely by our being a portion of the Empire. 44
With the beginning of April the British Minister in Washington supplied Secretary Fish with more precise information as to
the disposition of Fenian arms. On April 10 he told Fish that
an invasion was expected from Vermont or northern New York
before the fifteenth of the month.45 Fenian threats was the subject of a cabinet meeting on April 15, recorded by Secretary
Fish:
.. C. J. Coursol to Macdonald, April 7, 1870, Confidential, G 21, Vol. I.
For account of Canadian detective assigned to trail LeCaron see Coursol
to Macdonald, April 1, 1870, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, XI,
431.
'" Macdonald to Coursol, Private, April 11, 1870, Macdonald Letter Books,
XIV, 124.
" Macdonald to Lord Carnarvon, Private, April 14, 1870, ibid., 129-31.
.. Fish Diary, April 10, 1870.
344
of State Fish had an interview with Minister Thornton on March

24:
A general conversation follows on the relations between the
two countries, in which I express the opinion that a firm
friendship ought to exist between the two Gov. but does not;
that the events of the late war, showed what a menace and
threat, the British possessions on our border are, the constant danger of annoyance, and even collision resulting
therefrom: irritating questions-Indians, Fenians, disorderly soldiers etc., that if Gt. Britain would make the Provinces
independent, all that cause of irritation, and of possible
complication would be removed. He says it is impossible for
G. B. to inaugurate the separation; they are willing and
even desirous for it. I do not see the evidence of this willingness. 88
By the end of March the Canadian government was informed
that O'Neill was confident of his strength and relied on the
support of the military men to make a move before the senate
could meet. O'Neill and the senate exchanged fulminations in
circular letters issued to the Brotherhood. 89 The Fenian general
wanted only 100,000 rounds of breechloading ammunition before
beginning the invasion and for that purpose sent collectors to
solicit money from proniinent New Yorkers. In the words of a
Canadian detective who was also a prominent Fenian: "We went
out on ohr mission and succeeded in seeing a few. Sheriff
O'Brien gave us $500, Senator Boadley $100 and Judge Ledworth $2500 .... The gentlemen gave the amounts on condition
and in the assurance of O'Neill that a fight was to commence
at once.'' 40 With this money the ammunition was bought and a
prediction made that a move would ensue within a few days. 41
88 Fish Diary, March 24, 1870, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress .
.. Archibald to Sir John Young, March 31, 1870, Macdonald Papers:
Fenians, Vol. V .
.. McMichael to McMicken, April 4, 1870, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
McMichael was receiving $100.00 a month from the Canadian Government;
LeCaron $130.00.
..._ McMicken to Macdonald, April 7, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, XI, 486.
F'ilnal F'fflialn Assault <>n tke Britisk Empvre
343
Macdonald, whose advice to Sir John Young was a masterpiece of fence-straddling :

I see no difficulty as to the course which should be pursued
by Mr. Thornton. It will be better for Canada to have a
Fenian invasion begun and ended at once, instead of being
threatened as we are year after year.
Still I do not think that the Canadian Government or Mr.
Thornton would be justified if they received positive intelligence of an intended invasion, in not taking preventive
measures. We would never forgive ourselves, if anything
went wrong afterwards, if we deliberately allowed the Fenians to invade us without taking such steps in the way of
prevention as are in our power.
It would, besides, be unjust and unfair to the United States
Government. They profess a desire to perform their duty
and to repress any attempt at invasion, and have invited
Mr. Thornton and the Canadian Government to give the~
early intelligence. Should we withhold such intelligence
from them and allow matters to take their course, England
could not hold the United States responsible for any disastr-ous consequenc-es. 36
Three days later Sir John Young notified Lord Granville that
the Canadian government preferred. that the raid be prevented.
LeCaron 's reports emphasized the breach between the Senate and
0 'Neill, which led the Canadians to consider that any large
scale action on the General's part was impossible. Envisaging a
mere raid, with property burned and plundered, he thought it
advisable that the movement be suppressed from the other side
of the border.81
The American Government in the meantime was not so much
interested in suppressing the Fenian threat as in using it as a
pretext for the withdrawal of England from Canada. Secretary
86 Macdonald to Sir John Young, March 28, 1870. Macdonald Letter
Books, XIV, 91-92.
87
Sir Joh~ Young to Lord Granville, March 31, 1870, F. 0. 115: 502.
842
Th,e JJ'en-iam, Mowmen-t im, the United States: I858-I886
and the Fenian senate had been growing, and an open break was
imminent. The senate opposed the general's plan to attack Canada that spring. The convention was called by O'Neill to give
him a vote of confidence in the undertaking. On February 28, a
stormy meeting of the Fenian officers was held in .New York.
James Keenan had been appointed secretary of civil affairs by
0 'Neill, but t11;e appointment was not confirmed by the Senate.
The senators, led by Patrick Meehan and E. L; Carey resolved
upon his dismissal as an obnoxious partisan of O'Neill. Keenan,
listening in an adjoining room, followed Meehan to the street
and shot him. 32 The wound did not prove fatal but it served to
disrupt O'Neill's plans for a convention for the time being. .An
open break now occurred between O'Neill and the senate, with
the latter body summoning a convention to meet in Chicago on
April 11. 0 'Neill countered this move by issuing a call for a
convention to meet in New York ,on April 19. The senatorial faction, supported as it was by the busk A.mericoo, the !risk Repwblic, and the United Irisk'mOO, hurled cha,rges of graft and corruption at O'Neill and his associates, claiming a large part of
the money appropriated for the purchase and conversion of
rifles had found its way into the pockets of O'Neill and his
friends. 88 0 'Neill retaliated by expelling Richard McCloud, secretary of the treasury, for making the charges of graft. 84
Following the split O'Neill and LeCaron proceeded on a tour
of the New York frontier with a view to the inauguration of
hostilities before the senate could meet. LeCaron wrote McMicken
on March 21 : "Things are getting exciting. Brady [ 0 'Neill] is
here and has been with me last few days. We will fight by April
15 sure. We leave for Utica in the morning to attend C'ouncil of
War .... We will fight slll'e. '' 81 The question of allowing the
Fenian raid to take place claimed the attention of Sir John A .
.. Irish American, March 12, 1870. O'Neill regretted the attempt to kill
Meehan.
.. New York Times, March 27, 1870.
18 McMicken to Macdonald, March 25, 1870; Private, Macdonald Papers :
McMicken Reports, XI, 363-65.
Final Fenian Assault on the British Empilre
341
since I was here last and I now have 10 cases more. 80,000 rounds
of B. Loading amm:nnition and more Carbines and B. Loaders,
and 11 cases of them ordered tonight .... 10th of March just
think-2 weeks more.'' 26 The same day that LeCaron was writing this Secretary Fish was commenting: '' I read to him [Thornton] informally and for personal information a letter from Genl.
Quimby Marshal of Northern Dist. of N. Y .... enclosing a report
of John D. B. Smith Dep'y Marshal, respecting Fenian movements on Northern frontier expressing opinion that no offensive
movement is contemplated at present.'' 27
In the meantime the American Fenians still imprisoned in
England gave the professional sympathizers of the Fenians an
opportunity to display their friendship. Violent resolu.tions condemning Great Britain continued to be passed in the House of
Representatives. 28 An American Protestant cle~an, the Reverend Paul Bagley, presented a petition signed by three-fourths
of Congress to Prime Minister Gladstone, asking for the release
of the prisoners. 29 Thornton took the congressional resolutions
lightly, ascribing them to men dependent on the Irish vote for
their election. 80 The threat of an uprising in Ireland at the same
time worked against the success of Bagley's mission. The British
thought that any concession on their part would be ascribed to
fear. 31 The prisoners were detained.
0 'Neill had summoned a general convention of his wing to
meet in New York on March 8. Friction between the President
26 LeCaron to McMicken, February 24, 1870, Macdonald Papers: ibid.,
p. 154.
21 Fish Diary, February 24, 1870.
28 Freeman's Journal, February 19, 1870.
29 House Executive Document No. 170, 41 Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. VII,
pp. 40-42. Cf. also Bagley to John Sherman, October 29, 1869, Sherman
Papers, Vol. 123, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, where Bagley asked Sherman's influence in having him elected Chaplain of the Senate.
80 Thornton to Lord Qarendon, February 12, 1870. F.O. 115: 506.
11 Motley to Secretary Fish, March 5, 10, 1870, Great Britain, Desp.,
340
Tke Fenian Movement in the United States: r858-r886
Despite the information in the hands of the Brit:ish and .Canadians regarding the disposition of arms, the American government was not advised of this. Following an interview with Thornton, Secretary Fish noted in his diary : '' He says the Fenians
are operating and he thinks will make a movement shortly; that
they are sending arms in small quantities across the line and
their plan is to send men across unarmed and concentrate on the
Canadian side: he says we can do nothing to prevent this; tble
Canadians must take care of it.'' 23 This was not true as there
was no report of Fenians crossing the borq.er unarmed.
As February advanced disturbing reports reached Canada that
the Buffalo Fenians had completed their purchase of 100,000
rounds of ammunition and were ready for the fray. 24 McMicken
continued his interviews with LeCaron and sent an agent to be
within reach of the informer at all times to transmit information
of importanoo. Activity and excitement were reported from Chicago and Detroit and the Canadian detective in New York wrote
on February 17 :
Affairs here are getting pretty lively-all the money in
Circles is being sent in as called for by O'Neill .... and
funds for transportation purposes will be raised .... Everything is managed very quietly. Military -0fficers are hunting up all the old artillerymen they can .... Col. Byron is
again in command of the 4th Reg't. More ammunition has
been purchased and shipped .... a quantity of which was
for artillery. Now d-0n't be mistaken about this for unless
some trouble arises inside the organization .... to prevent it
you may expect trouble about the middle -0f March. 25
At the same time LeCaron was reporting from Burlington,
Vermont : '' I am full of business. 48 cases of material arrived
"Fish Diary, February 17, 1870, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
"'Hemans to Young, February 17, 1870, Macdonald Papers: Fenians,
Vol. V.
., McMicken to Macdonald, February 24, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers : McMicken Reports, XI, 259-61.
Final Fenia,n Assault on the British Empire
339
Granville had inquired the same day if the Canadian government would prefer the raid to take place in order that the movement might be smashed. 20
LeCaron had done his work well. O'Neill was far-sighted iln
shipping the arms to the border during the winter months of
1869-70. He showed poor judgment in his selection of LeCaron,
of whom he never became suspicious, and months after the raid
of 1870 he wrote: '' During the past winter months competent
and reliable men, Colonels Henry LeCaron and William Clingen
were employed in locating our arms .... at convenient points
along the border." 21
The press of business during February made it impossible for
LeCaron to write his reports to McMicken so the commissioner
of the Dominion police visited the border towns and held interviews with the informer. On February 12 he was certain that
the movement would take place towards the end of March. The
Fenians in Montreal had pledged themselves to operate on the
telegraph lines and railroads. O'Neill's plan was to have 3000
men on Canadian territory within twenty-four hours and march
on Montreal. This initial success would ensure a flow of reinforcements from the United States. According to the informer,
the Fenian military men were wild with delight and full of enthusiasm for the move. A special raiding force of twenty-five
mounted men was to precede the main force, whose special task
was to seize cattle and horses. This force was to be led by Consul
Archibald's trusty informer, Rudolph Fitzpatrick. The cavalry
force of 200 under Colonel Lewis was to follow this spearhead. 22
20 Granville to Young, February 10, 1870, Secret and Confidential Despatches, G 3, Vol. VII.
21 0fficial Report
of General John O'Neill, President of the Fenian
Brotherhood on the Attempt to Invade Canada, May 25, r870 (New York,
1870), p. 6. .
22 McMicken to Macdonald, February 12, 1870, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, XI, 238-40.
338
The F'eniar,, Movem..ent in tke United States: I858-I886
-The same day O'Neill was sounding this call to action the Governor-general of Canada was also writing to Earl Granville,
concerning the impending attack:
I have the ho:q.or to state that my Government f!.re of opinion

that it better to let the Fenian raiders come and receive
them with every due disposition of the force at our disposal
..... We know exactly the spot.s wh~re the arms are stored
but there are all sort.s of difficulties in the way of the
seizure. The arms are placed in small quantities, some
buried, some in garrets, some in grocers stores and whiskey
houses ..... I sent this morning for Mr. McMicken, the officer who is especially charged by the Government with the
duty of collecting all possible information on Fenian matters. He has a number of informers in his pay acting independently one of the other, and at different point.s along
the frontier as well as at New York. Some of these men,
one especially, is a man of some importance in the Fenian
association, and fully aware of all that is going on. Mr.
McMicken has no doubt whatever as to the perfect accuracy
of his information. He states that the Fenian Congress is
really called for the adjustment of internal differences on
the 15th of April, that O'Neill has quarreled with several
of his subordinates and that it is possible he will be deposed
when the Congress meet.s. 0 'Neill therefore is determined to
do all he can to organize another raid before the meeting of
the Congress and that the beginning or the middle of Mlarch
is the most probable time ..... That 3000 men is the outside
he will be able to muster. That arms and provisions are
stored all along the frontier and that he has accurate statements as to the number and quality of these stores .....
Mr. McMicken is further of opinion, that, with the present
perfect means of gaining information at his command, it is
better to let the raid take place so as to give the raiders a
lesson which will not be easily forgotten and will probably
squash the Fenian organization altogether. 19
js
10
Sir John Young to Earl Granville, February 10, 1870. F.O. 115 :501.
Final Fenian ,Assault on the British Empire
337
While LeCaron was busy shipping the war material to new

locations. and Governor Hoffman was informing the Fenians of
impending government action, Secretary of State Fish was being thanked by the Prince of Wales in the name of Queen Victoria for his eUorts in preventing a Fenian demonstration. 18 On
January 25 information as to the new location of the Fenian war
material reached McMicken. LeCaron had deposited 548 breech1oaders in the neighborhood of Malone, New York; 50Q at Burlington, Vt.; 400 at St. Albans. 14 Consul Archibald in New York
continued to send alarming reports to Governor-general Sir
John Young, accompanied by circulars 'which issued from the
prolific pen -0 0 'Neill. Micha! Kerwin, who had languished in
Mountjoy Prison, Dublin, in 1867 as a result of his Fenian activities in Ireland, was appointed Secretary of War; 15 the date of
the Fenian convention was changed from April 19 to March 8 ;18
and a special circular was issued appealing to the circles which
had been remiss in their payments.17 0 'Neill issued the following
circular on February 10:
Let me know if there .are any men, and how many, in your
neighborhood, who are now ready and willing to enter the
field as soldiers of the Irish Republican Army. Also, if
there are any arms, ammunition, or military clothing within
your knowledg, which can be forwarded to certain points,
to be named henceforth. Permit me .... to warn you against
relying upon surface indications, as to the intentions and
designs of the Fenian Brotherhood. We mean fight-speedy
fight-and nothing else. 18
Fish Diary, January 24, 1870, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
"McMicken to Macdonald, January 25, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, XI, 109.
"'O'Neill Circular, February 3, 1870, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol.
V. Cf. also Archibald to Young, January 26, 1870, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
,. O'Neill Circular, February 7, 1870, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
17 O'Neill Circular, February 8, 1870, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
18 Irish People, March 12; Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. V.
18
336
The Fenian Movement
vn
the United States: z858-z886
think the F. B. will be played out fully well in this country

..... 0 'N's pr,esent programme is to issue a call for a Congress and Council of War, call for which is already written,
also to encourage the prevailing idea ( a true one too) that
there is a row in camp .... no one dreaming of a fight before
the Congress .... and while all are looking forward to the
Congress .... to find that about a week or few days before
day for Congress to meet 3000 men will be in Canada. Of
course the Congress can meet anyhow or anywhere and
doubtless will, but this is the dodge to be carried out now
. and! as you can see before very long ..... We move before
Congress and that will therefore be before 1st of March
and we can do it on the scale talked of. The men necessary
will be procured from just a few large places-first Lewis
Gavalry on hand Lindsey's N. Y. Cav. these will take the
lead and number about 900 all told at least including Maine
and New Hampshire Companies. Buffalo will send 300 infantry-eastern move will go no farther west than B for
its men-western men will take care of arms and Ontario.
No printed or wntten order will be sent by mail or Telegraph parties will be sent in person to arrang,e and instruct
.... them .... Buffalo will then send 2 or 300 in 24 hours-Cleveland 100 Toledo 50 Cincinnati 200 N. Y. 400 besides
Cav. Phila 400 Pittsburgh Providence R. I. New HavenBoston Albany Troy all small instalments ..... Western men
will make their move entirely seperate and tis not yet certain that their movement will be made until the success of
ours east is certain. Montana writes of their readiness to
move on British Provinces west at a moments notice .....
Point we have expected you would look for we have deserted
viz Buffalo tis thought you are not ready or expecting a
movement and one fourth the number when you are not
looking for us will surprise you and certainly be successful.
I made shipments yesterday and commencing to move material at once from present locations you must be careful
to look out for my safety or I cannot give you further locations of material however we will talk this ,over next time I
see you .... They wanted me to go to Fort 'Garry the worst
kind owing to the Language but O'N. wouldn't let me.12
"' LeCaron to McMicken, January 21, 1870, Macdonald Papers : ibid.,
XI, 178-85.
Final Fenian,, Assault on. the British Empire
335
by the Canadian Govt. of our shipping material and intending a movement and having a large quantity of war material
along the New York and Vermont borders. Gov. H. stated
that he got his information direct from Genl. Meade and
the instructions from Genl. Sherman direct. Genl. Sherman
ordered U. S. Detectives along the border who have reported
arms etc. at 2 points. Genl. S's orders were not to attempt
seizure at present that the Govt. were fully aware of what
was going on in the organization and as soon as anything
was done he would have a thousand men massed to stop and
seize everything. Genl. M on part of Genl. S has asked cooperation of Gov. H. in giving his assistance by calling out
if necessary his State Troops the U. S. not having enough
troops to bring here handy if occasion should require-which though the Gov. says he promised he says he will be
very tardy in fulfilling-he wishes success to us and will do
nothing to injure our progress-you won't be surprised at
this I suppose--a promise upon the part of the Gov. to keep
us posted-present information advice and promises prove
to me we have a friend in Hoffman as he always was to
the cause of Irish liberty. Col. M [annix.] communication
had reference to the same affairs stating presence of U. S.
Detectives and finding of material of war. These communications were much the cause of my being sent for causing
a great scare amongst some members of Senate. I being the
only person who knows now all locations of material. Now
fighting portion of Senate dont want to ship any more but
0 'N says the work must go on and fight commenced. A long
confab was held over these and other matters and ended by
my receiving orders to move all material from present .IocatiOJlS to new points as far away and near the border as
p.o:Bsible ...... All material will be moved by me at once.
Your lists will be worthless in great measure. The scare is
such as it resulted in ordering me to ship but 100,000 rounds
of the Troy ammunition and 100,000 rounds of breech loading ammunition all we have bought ..... The present idea
is that we will have to move in spite of wishes of a majority
of the Senate but move he will all he aspires to is to get 900
mounted men east and 2500 infantry across. He believes
that number can be got across easily in 24 hours .... Reception of the 3000 odd must be made fully warm at first all
munitions of war seized by Govt also this side prisoners
treated with hanging defeat at once in every respect and I
334
Tke Feni.an Movement in the United States: 1858-1886
The information abQl\1t the convention was correct as O'Neill

issued a circular on January 21 summoning a convention. According to the general, no new plans were to be considered, nor
new legislation enacted. The only thing to be decided was "the
old plan, that of meeting the enemy on the battlefield, face to
face.'' 10
LeCaron was a busy man during the first month of 1870. By
the middle of January he had received orders to ship the arms
and ammunition at Tro,y to the frontier and to distribute them;
Colonel Lewis of Vermont was instructed to perfect the military
organization in Maine and New Hampshire.11 A short time later
LeCaron wrote an eight page letter to McMicken describing the
latest developments. This letter was written from Ogdensburg,
New York, on January 21:
Raving reported to Headquarters safe arrival and location
of all our Breech loaders, you know I came to this point to
settle up freights etc. expecting to get further orders here
-instead I got orders to report at once to Troy to the Genl.
I met him Lewis, and Gary, Quinn, Fleming etc. there and
have at the time of writing this just returned via Albany.
I didn't have a chance as long as I was with the crowd and
would inform you that the time is fast approaqhing when
_I must have someone with me it would be best now if I could
..... 0 'N and Keenan will never pay me. O'N wants me to
take one or two $100 shares in his Joint Stock Land Co.
Concern guess not ..... The object in sending for me was
first to give me further instructions respecting shipping
material---confiding in me all troubles and rows-advi0e
respecting best plan to pursue respecting Congress, and exchange ideas how soon we can move and to explain and advise me respecting two communications received one from
.... Gov. Hoffman of N. Y. State-both in reference to the
United States being upon our back having been informed
10 O'Neill Circular. Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. V. Invited to attend
were John Savage, Charles O'Conor, Horace Greeley, Richard O'Gorman,
and John Mitchel.
31 McMicken to Macdonald, January 19, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers : McMicken Reports, XI, 82.
Final Fenian .Assault on. tke Britisk Empire
333
think that the American Secretary of State was too eomplacent

in regard to Fenian threats:
I am inclined however to think that tho' Mr. F'ish may be
sincere in his assertions that there is no chance of a Fenian
movement at present, he exaggerates the value of the reports made by agents of his Government, and makes light
of the news which reaches him from other sources ..... It
has been reported to me from Buffalo a few. days ago that
the Savage section is practically amalgamated with the Fenians under the orders of O'Neill, and that they will act in
unison, tho' under diff.erent commands. This news reached
me almost simultaneously from Her Majesty's Consul at
Boston that some activity prevailed amongst the Fenians in
his district, who belong to the Savage Section, and that fresh
enlistments were being made, with a view, as they themselves sta~d, to be prepared to assist in an invasion of Ireland. 8
Meanwhile the announcement that O'Neill had changed his plan
came from Consul Archibald on J anu.ary 10 :

There is to be a Congress, and the move will not take place
as soon as it was thought previously ......When a sufficient
quantity of ammunition is purchased, and properly placed,
a Congress will then be called by the President-a report
setting forth the work performed, laid before the delegates
and a day named for the fight ..... The representative sent
on by O'Neill has reached St. Paul, Minn..... The representative is Major Williams late Fenian Organizer. Twelve
cases of arms were shipped to Dunkirk, N. Y. and Cleveland .... last Saturday.9
8 Thornton to Clarendon, January 17, 1870. F.O. 115: 506.
Archibald to Macdonald, January 10, 1870, Macdonald Papers: Fenians,
Vol. V. Regarding the threatened uprising in the Red River country
Macdonald wrote: "The Yankees would like to have a finger in the fire
I dare say, and so would the Fenians, but the march of 400 miles from St.
Cloud to Fort Garry and the carriage of provisions for such a Force, is
quite sufficient protection from that quarter." Macdonald to Judge Gowan,
Private, January 13, 1870, Macdonald Letter Books, XIII, 887.
'r
l
\
I
.,
332
Th,e Fenian Movement in tke United States: r858-r886
The Fenians are not to be moved by such tricks as these ....

It is a contemptible fraud, therefore, ori the part of these
papers which pretend that there has been a supplementary ..
. . decree .... in which Fenianism is mentioned by name. We
have the best authority for asserting that there is no document of the kind, condemning Fenians, in existence. And
we have been advised by those in whose spiritual instructions we place the greatest confidence [Fenian priests],
that no attention need be paid to this newspaper sensation,
as it is, after all, only an opinion from which it is not sinful to dissent. 6
Within a short time, however, the Fenians realized that the
decree was authentic, and this called for a new line of attack:
What England failed to accomplish through the agency of
pliant judges, packed juries, paid informers, she now seeks
to effect by the cunning diplomacy of a few 'English and
some Irish bishops of Briti'sh proclivities ..... If love of
country be such a heinous sin, the bulk of the Irish Catholics have been outside. the pale of the Church for the last
seven hundred years ..... The Irish people, thanks to the
Fenian Brotherhood, have learned to discriminate between
matters spiritual and temporal. 6
The Cincinnati Oatkolic Telegraph did not help Church authorities when it declared that the decree was of no force in the
United States, as it had not been promulgated in any diocese. 7
While the Catholic Church was taking repressive measures
against the Fenians the British minister continued to receive
reports of their preparations for another invasion. Despite the.
reassuring reports received from Fish, Thornton was inclined to
Ibid., March 19, 1870.
Reprinted in Irish People, May 14, 1870. This was incorrect as any
decree emanating from the Holy Inquisition takes effect immediately for
Catholics. The Freeman's Journal, February 26, 1870, consoled the Fenians
by telling them that their aim was legitimate but the means employed were
bad.
I
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Final Fenian Assault on. the British Empire
331
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a~ces had not been exhausted; there was little likelihood of success in resorting to armed force; and there was no guarantee
that conditions in Irela.nd would be improved by reason of the
Fenian victory.
The condemnation of the Fenians was sought mainly by the
Irish hierarchy. Cardinal Cullen, who lived in Rome for thirty
years, and who was there during the Revolution of 1848, was
horrified by the activities of the Italian revolutionists, led by
Mlazzini and Garibaldi. It was during that time that he developed
a fear of secret societies which later led him to see a connection
between the Fenians and secret groups on the continent. Hie was
in Rome attending the Vatican Council when the decree was
issued. It may have been through his influence that the decree
was declared private till it was published in Ireland. E,ven
though it was supposed to be private the British charge d'affaires
at Rome was informed of the condemnation before it was known
in the United States. He wrote Clarendon: "I now have the
honor to inform Your Lordship that some of the American
Bishops regret the measure, because it will establish an open
feud between the Fenians and the Priesthood, which would have
been better avoided in America, they think.'' 4
This was probably true, because the bishops, like the British
Government, were overrating the strength of the Fenians. Rad
the condemnation been issued four years previous undoubtedly
thousands of Fenians would have been lost to the Catholic
Church. The intervening years, however, marked by two unsuccessful invasions of Canadian territory and a rising in Ireland,
had seen a decline in the membership of the Brotherhood. By
1'870 the Fenians were less than half as numerous as they were
in 1866. Fenian reaction in America to the news of the condemnation by Rome was at first one of incredulity:
Many American bishops were in Rome at the time attending the Vatican
Council. Russell sent the text of the condemnation to Oarendon who transmitted it to Thornton. Odo Russell to Lord Clarendon, January 31, 1870,
F.O. 115: 500.
330
Tk6 JJ'enw,1n Movement in tke United States: r858-r886
in the United States were pretty generally agreed that it was an

unlawful society but they reached no concerted plan of action
on the steps that should be taken by the Church against the
society. The fear that outright condemnation in the early days
of the movement would result iri many Irish~Americans leaving
the Church played an im.portant part in the view adopted by the
hierarchy here that no hasty action be taken. 8 This fear was
buttressed by the immense turnout at Jones Wood in March,
1866, despite the condemnation of the rally by Archbishop McCloskey of New York.
Then too, the exact grounds on which the movement could beeondemned were not clear. The Fenia.ns were not against the
Catholic Church, although attacks on individual churchmen were
often misconstrued as attacks on the Church itself. Nor was it
a secret society in the sense that its aims were unknown. The
Fenians made no effort to hide their determination to strike the
Saxon a mortal blow. The grou.nds on which continental societies
were condemned-that they were working for the overthrow of
legitimately constituted authority-would never be accepted by
the Fenians, nor the majority of Irishmen, for that matter. No
one could tell an Irishman in those days that the '' hated Saxon
yoke,'' as he called it, was the legitimate government in Ireland.
The Fenian Brotherhood was condemned because it worked
for the overthrow of British rule in Ireland. According to the
teaching of the Catholic Church a rebellion ig justified only if
a tyrannical government is oppressing a country; if fo()ll'ce is the
only means of remedying the condition; if there is a reasonable
chance of success; if conditions in the country will be improved
by the overthrow of the tyrannical government. According to the
decree, none of these conditions applied to Ireland. In the course
of seven hundred years the British government had become legitimate in Ireland; peaceful means to obtain a redress of grievFor expressions of this view see Bishop John Timon to Archbishop
Martin J. Spalding, Buffalo, August 13, 1865, Baltimore Cathedral Archives, 36-F-15; Bishop James Wood to Spalding, Phiiadelphia, A~ust
14, 1865, ibid., 36-S-20.
8
CHAPTER IX
FINAL FENIAN ASSAULT ON THE BRITISH EMPIRE
The Fenian Brotherhood was condemned by the Catholic Church

on January 12, 1870.1 The oondemnation caITied a sentence of
excommunication for any Catholic retaining membership in the
Brotherhood. Thus the queries and advice sought of the Hloly
See by members of the American and Irish hierarchies since 1864
were at last answered. 2 In the years before 1870 the hierarchy
1 This decree of condemnation may be found in Acta Sanctae Sedis (5th
ed.; Rome, 1872-1911), V (1911), 389. A translation reads: "As it may be
doubted by many whether the society of Fenians is included and denounced
among the societies condemned in the Pontifical Constitutions, our most
Holy Father, Pius IX, having first taken .the opinions of the eminent
Cardinals, the Inquisitors General appointed to guard against heretical perversity in the Universal Christian Republic, lest the hearts of the faithful,
particularly the simple, should be perverted to the imminent danger of their
souls; and adhering to the decrees of the congregation of the General Inquisition issued in like circumstances, especially in the decree of July 5,
1865, has decreed and declared that the American or Irish society called
Fenian is comprised among the societies forbidden and condemned in the
Constitutions of the Supreme Pontiff, and in particular by that lately
issued by his Holiness, dated October 29, 1869, beginning 'Apostolicae
Sedis,' in paragraph 4 of which are declared liable to sentence of excommunication, to be removed only by the Pope, 'Those sects called Freemasons, Carbonari, or any other kinds of sects which either openly or
privately plot against the Church or legitimately constituted authorities,
together with those who in any way favor the same; as also their secret
leaders or heads, so long as they shall not have denounced them.' He has,
therefore, commanded this answer to be given to certain Bishops who have
asked the question."
.
The decree of July, 1865, mentioned in the decree above was in answer
to a petition addressed to the Holy See by eleven members of the American hierarchy; the archbishops of Baltimore, Cincinnati, and New York;
the bishops of Albany, Boston, Brooklyn, Buffalo, Burlington, Hartford,
Newark, and Portland. It advised the petitioners to refer cases to the Holy
See, if there were any difficulties in enforcing the decree. Cf. Acta Sanctae
Sedis (5th ed.; Rome, 1872-1911), I (1872), 290.
329
328
Mr. Thornton referred to the appointment of Haggerty as

Consul at Glasgow-said he was a Fenian. I was surprised
at the charge; thought it must be a mistake. Mr. Thornton
called again about Haggerty; had a pamphlet showing
Haggerty to have received money from the Fenians .....
Read a letter from the British Consul in New York; thought
the British Gov. might refuse an exequatur. I hoped not;
that such refusal would create excitement and irritation in
this country among a certain part of our population, that
wd be seized upon to the embarrassment and delay of the
settlement of other questions. 174
Haggerty had the support of the Methodists of New York and
temperance societies throughout the country. He had won their
gratitude by lecturing against John Barleycorn. Fish was careful to point out that Haggerty was represented as a Protestant
and a Scotchman.175 The support of these respectable groups
might have won the consulship for. the former Fenian bu,t for
his old friend O'Mahony. In the Irish People, he urged the Fenians to be steadfast, that something would turn up soon. He
predicted action in Ireland in the near future as arms were
being purchased in England and sent to Glasgow where the
American Fimian consul would protect their shipment to Ireland.176 Haggerty did not receive the consulship, although he
persisted in denying any former connection with Fenianism.177
"'Fish Diary, May 24, 1869, Fish Papers. On June 21, 1869, an entry in
the Diary reads: "Mr. Thornton has rec'd a private note from Lord
Clarendon saying they will not grant the exequatur to Haggerty; that they
know all about him, he has been there before and there is much opposition
in Glasgow to his reception." The final entry on the Haggerty case is
recorded on June 29, 1869: "Mr. Thornton tells me ... that almost immediately on his landing, he [Haggerty] was recognized by the police and
the detectives, as one who had been engaged in the Fenian movements."
""Thornton to Oarendon, May 30, 1869, F.0. 115 :491.
111 Oarendon to Thornton, July 10, 1869, F.O. 115 :487. Several issues of
the Irish People of the spring and summer of 1869 are missing frorp the
files in the Library of Congress.
""Thornton to Clarendon, May 2, 1870, F.O. 5 :1193; New York Times,
August 9, 1869.
t
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327
he was arrest.ed when the Irish People was raided, the bills of
exchange were confiscated by the British Government. The suit
dragged ,o,n for seven years with the Fenians failing to recover
the money. 169 Even before the suit was brought the Fenians
claimed that Belmont had used the money to buy a magnificent
horse, the pride of the trotting course, appvopriately named
''Fenian.'' 110
The Savage wing seemed to develop excellent material for
consular offices because another effort was made during 1869
to appoint a prominent Fenian as American Consul to Glasgow.
This was James Haggerty. On May 20 application was made to
the British Government for an exequatur for Haggerty, who had
already proceeded to his post. 111 After the attempted appointment of Savage the year before, the British seemed to be waiting
for Haggerty's name to-be presented, as a formidable dossier on
his Fenian activities was sent to London two days after the
appointment. 172 Haggerty had been active as an organizer in the
0 'Mahony faction. Following the Campo Bello fiasco he joined
the Roberts branch and remained with it until the number of
organizers was reduced. In the presidential campaign of 1868
he had taken the stump for the Republicans and he was now
receiving his reward. 173 When Fish was informed of Haggerty's
Fenian background he asked that the exequaitur nevertheless be
granted in view of the strained relations bteween the two countries. The Secretary's efforts were recounted in his diary:
1 Boston Pilot, January 27, 1877. A receiver had been appointed for the
money in 1869. The court of appeals reversed this decision and ordered a
return of the money. The receiver was unable to produce it, claiming part
of it had been lost in a bank crash, and the rest paid for expenses.
1
' Irish People, October 24, 1868.
Secretary Fish to Moran, May 20, 1869, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
XXII, MS Dept. of State.
111
112
Archibald [Consul at New York] to Clarendon, May 22, 1869, F.O.
115 :487.
11
Archibald to Clarendon, May 22, 1869, ibid.
326
The situation at the close of 1869 was summed up by McMicken

from reports sent him by his trusty informants, particularly
LeCaron:
Almost all the war material excepting 1000 breech loaders
at Albany and 800 at Norwich unpacked, is now distributed
on the frontier-chiefly on the line between Ogdensburgh
N. Y. and St. Albans Vt.-1000 Breech loaders being located
between Buffalo and Port Huron. In order to conceal the
extravagant cost of the Breech Loaders they grossly exaggerate the quantity-they stated them at 8000-they have
actually 5020 which cost them $65,000 about $13 each-Colts
Manufacturing Co. offered to do them for $6Yz to $7. To
sum their stores they have 5020 Breechloading rifles, 18,000
serviceable muzzle loaders, 4,000,000 rounds of ammunition
for the latter, 100,000 rounds for the former, 400 saddles
and bridles, 10,000 cartridge boxes, 12,000 belts, 20,000
slings, 10,000 pouches, 750 sabres, 500 revolvers, 9,000 knapsacks, 4,500 canteens, 4,000 greatcoats, 20,000 uniforms, 500
blankets, 223 barrels of hard bread, 75 British uniforms
given up by deserters. 166
The Savage wing held its annual convention in New York on
August 25, 1869. Savage was re-elected chief executive after
describing his trip to Europe. He claimed to have reached complete agreement with representatives of the Irish Revolutionary
Brotherhood in Ireland. 167 There was little activity in this faction du.a to the lack of funds. It was t-0 swell the treasury of the
Brotherhood that O 'Mahony brought suit against August Belmont for recovery of $20,000 which had been deposited with him
in September, 1865. 168 In the days before John Mitchel was
financial agent in Paris, bills of exchange had been bought from
Belmont payable to John O'Leary ,on Nathaniel M. Rothschild
in London. The bills were mailed to O'Leary in Dublin but as
.1
106 McMicken
to Macdonald, December 24, 1869, Private, Macdonald
Papers : McMicken Reports, X, 669.
168 New York Times, July 17, 1869.
Tke Saxon Skilling Does Its Work
325
those miniature Fenian arsenals.. According to the British consul's report, St. Albans, Vermont, and the railroad running from
there to Ogdensburg, by way of Rouse 's Point, was to be the
be of operations. While feints were to be made from Buffalo,
the principal attack was to be launched on this front, by troops
from New York, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Troy, Albany, and
other eastern towns.168 Archibald thought that it would be next
to impossible for the United States government to seize the arms
as there. were too many Irishmen in the army. A week later
Archibald's informer told him that O'Neill was almost positively
decided on a fight in January, that preparations were complete
and nothing remained but to transport the men.184 The same day
the British consul was relaying this information to Canada,
Secretary Fish was noting in his diary:
Mr. Thornton again intimated the wish that I would indicate
to him the terms on which we would settle the Alabama
claims which I said I was not prepared to do. While subsequently speaking of the supposed Fenian intentions to
invade Canada this Winter, I suddenly remarked 'why not
withdraw entirely from Canada and remove the pretext of
these Fenian threats, and at the same time we can settle the
Alabama claims immediately!' 'Oh, (said he) you know
that we caunot; the Ca11adians find great fault with me for
saying so openly as I do that we are ready to let them go
whenever they shall wish, but they do not desire it.' 161
108 Archibald to Macdonald, December 14, 1869, Confidential, Macdonald

Papers: Fenians, Vol. V. Thornton showed this report to Secretary Fish
who recorded in his diary: "I read to him the letter from the War Dept.
(Dec. 20) enclosing report of Genl. Hunt, who had been ordered to
examine ipto the alleged collection of arms, and his opinion and report
that there are no indications of a movement." Fish Diary, December 23,
1869, Fish Papers
... Archibald to Young, December 23, 1869, Macdonald Papers: Fenians,

Vol. V.
"'Fish Diary, December 23, 1869, Fish Papers.
324
estimated the amount deposited to amount to 140 tons.1118 The

only information that Secretary Fish had of Fenian threatenings during the latter part of November was expressed in his
diary: "Thornton .... hears that Lieut. W. E. Dougherty, 1
Lieut 1 U.S. Infantry, stationed at Detroit has promised aid to
the Fenians, in case of any attack on Canada; that he has given
them counsel and advise, as to collecting and transporting arms
etc. and some sort of promise about six pieces of cannon.'' 119
The first two weeks of Thlcember were devoid of alarming
reports to Canada; then they began in earnest. First came information that the Fenians were stirring up an insurrection in the
Red River country under the leadership of William O 'Don-
oghue. 160 Subsequent reports pictured him as a young man who
had taken minor orders, and then put aside his soutane and
avowed himself a Fenian ;181 later he was supposed to have been
an agent of Riel who had been in touch with Patriek O 'Day of
Buffalo, who forwarded his letters to headquarters in New York.
In these letters O 'Donoghue claimed he had the permission of
the authorities of St. Boniface College to leave without incurring
any obligations. 162
On December 14, Consul Archibald in New York wrote a detailed report of the disposition of the arms, complete with
diagrams, maps of the house.s where Fenians and Fenian sympathizers had stored them, and the names of the men who owned
108 McMicken to
Macdonald, November 30, 1869, Private, Macdonald
Papers: McMicken. Reports, X, 576-77.
:u Fish Diary, November 25, 1869, Fish Papers.
' 00 McMicken
to Macdonald, December 13, 1869, Private, Macdonald
Papers: McMicken Reports, X, 621-22.
181 Macdonald to J. G. Moylan, December 15, 1869, Private, Macdonald
Letter Books, XIII, 746; by the end of the year Macdonald was saying that
he was a priest. Cf. Macdonald to John Rose, December 31, 1869, Macdonald Letter Books, XIII, 833.
182 McMicken to Macdonald, December .24,
1869, Private, Macdonald
Papers: McMicken Reports, X, 669. More will be heard of 'O'Donoghue in
connection with O'NeiU's raid into Manitoba in October, 1871.
i
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.Alarming news reached Canada in increasing volume for the

rest of the year. LeCaron 's activities were described in the
following:
\
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i
They have not got a sufficiency of ammunition yet for the

breech loaders-but are busily engaged in getting itmoney being specially collected for that purpose.
It costs them $2.85 per hundred rounds and some subscribe
for this who would not for any other purpose ..... They
have 12 guns forming two batteries-they are of different
calibre-some are Parrotts and others 12 pounders ..... He
[O'Neill] also arranged when West, with Col. Clingan of
Buffalo for the distribution of the arms to the care of
reliable parties on the Frontier West. This duty is in the
hands of Beach for the East-he is now at this work seeing
the parties, examining the condition of the old arms so long
in deposit on the frontier and determining their disposition.
He also visits Col. Lewis of Vermont who is to drive him
around the country and across the liues for a sort of topographical recQnnaisance- when he returns from this inspection he will at once give orders for the forwarding of
the arms, uniforms etc. to the respective localities. The
arms etc. are now ready packed up and are at Albanyready to be forwarded as may be ordered. . . . . I may also
mention .... that the Col. Kelly of Manchester Notoriety is
one of the Station Postmasters in the City of New York
Station F at a salary of $2500 a year. 157
LeCaron spent several weeks during November along the New

York and Vermont frontiers in company with O'Neill inspecting
localities for storage of the implements of war. The informer
"'McMicken to Macdonald, November 11, 1869, Private, Macdonald
Papers: McMicken Reports, X, 524-39. Three days later LeCaron wrote:
"I have also been locating about 5,500 of the new breechloading arms with
about the same number of complete uniforms and accoutrements. We are
doing everything very cautiously and quietly after so many promises and
failures to keep them, nothing can be positive, but the calculation is to
make a winter job of it; and if bringing all the wherewith here to do the
work does not mean business, I know nothing about it." Cf. LeCaron to .
Liddell, November 14, 1869, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. V.
322
the reality of reported Fenian designs oil their country.112 Once

in.ore he was convinced that no attack was forthcoming. 163
But a new series of alarms developed as November began. A
short time before LeCaroil had received welcome news from
O'Neill: "I will appoint you Lieut Colonel and acting adjutant
General I.R.A. f,0r the present. Salary one hundred dollars per
month.'' 164 One of his duties was to supervise the distribution
of arms and ammunition along the frontier, really congenial
work for the informer. McMicken reported on November 3: "I
hear from Beach that he was to leave Albany on Wednesday.
They have 8000 Breech loaders ready for use, have a good deal
of ammunition on hand and are busy about getting more. They
are now busy making preparations for distributing arms etc.
The movement is now considered certain beyond doubt, and will
take place between 1st and 15th Prox. '' 155 A new development
of Fenian grand strategy was outlined by LeCaron a few days
later:
The general has decided to call a Council of War in the
beginning of Dec. to decide what will be done and the best
time. If the move can result in taking and keeping Montreal
this winter, and 10,000 men are decided as necessary to do it,
we will go, making that a foothold for our spring campaign
..... The thing to be decided is will you let the move take
place and kill it or crush it for ever? or will you prevent
it for a few years by seizing all the arms and munitions of
war? You can do either, if the latter you must look out for
me that's all ! 156
m Macdonald to Sir John Young, October 26, 1869, Private, Macdonald
Letter Books, XIII. 298.
""'Macdonald to John B. Fletcher, Detroit, October 27, 1869, ibid., 312.
,,. McMickm to Macdonald, November 1, 1869, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, X, 473. Copy of letter sent to Macdonald. LeCaron was
receiving $84 a month from the Canadian Government at the time ; $91 in
February, 1870.
,.. McMicken to Macdonald, November 3, 1869, Private, ibid., 492.
""LeCaron to A. Liddell, Novemb~r 7, 1869, Macdonald Papers: Fenians,
Vol. V. Seizure of the arms was decided against as involving too great a
risk to LeCaron, who would have been suspected immediately. Cf. A. Liddell to Earl Granville, November 25, 1869, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
321
to be at an end, for the present at least.'' 149 A few hours later

the Secretary of State noted in his diary: "Mr. Thornton called
at my house just before dinner; has rec'd a telegram from the
Gov. Genl of Canada that a Fenian invasion is threatened from
both East and West; that Col. Clark is at Malone, N. Y. and
Col. Dunne at Chicago. I telegraph to Genl Quimby Marshall
of Northern New York and to M.r. Glover Dist. Atty of Northern
Illinois. ' ' 150
O'Neill had been quarreling with the senate. William McMichael, one of McMicken 's detectives in Fenian Headquarters at
New York reported witnessing an "awful blowout!' between
O'Neill and Senator Gibbons. 151 They had quarreled as a result
of O'Neill's determination to take the field in 1869, despite the
lack of funds and men willing to undertake such a venture. As
an outcome of this dispute, O'Neill's wing held no convention
that y;ear. He had become almost as obnoxious to the senate as
had O 'Mahony in 1865, this time with the situation reversed. In
that year it was the senate which chafed under O 'Mahony 's
dilatory policy while in 1869 the senate sought to curb the martial ardor of O'Neill. As October entered its final week and no
green-clad horde was reported pouring into Canada, John A.
Macdonald complained that many Canadians believed prepa1'ations had been made against an imaginary enemy. The cry of
"wolf" had been so often raised that they had lost all faith in
,.. Thornton to Fish, October 18, 1869, Private, Fish Letter Files, Vol. 65.
150 Fish Diary, October 18, 1869, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. Fish wanted E. R. Hoar to send a telegram to the Marshal of
Northern Illinois; this Hoar declined to do, expressing his disbelief in a
Fenian raid, and the sufficiency of a telegram to the Marshal at Chicago.
Cf. Hoar to Fish, October 18, 1869, Fish Letter Files, Vol. 65. Cf. also
Thornton to Sir John Young,-November 2, 1869, G 21, Vol. I, for report
of Marshal Quimby reporting neither excitement nor threatened activity
by Fenians.
m McMichael to McMicken, October 21, 1869, Macdonald Papers:

McMicken Reports, X, 428.
320
The Fenian Movement in the Ur1liited States: 1858-1886
Peoria and LaSalle. Just whaf I am going to do I don't

know yet but think I am all right with everybody.1411
A day later the informer received word from O'Neill: "Please
inform me, at your earliest convenience, if you are so situated
that you can come on, [to New York] to remain with the organization at once. We are likely to have work of a congenial nature
for you soon. " 146
Immediate steps were taiken by the Canadian government to
prepare for the raid. As reports told of Fenian plans to fire drill
sheds and armories in Canada, Macdonald ordered that rifles be
taken home by the militia, and the commanding officers on the
Sarnia and Niagara frontiers were put on the alert.147 In an
apprehensive mood he wrote on October 19: "We have reason
to believe that the Fenian Leaders are seriously contemplating
another move. It would seem to be one of the most mad attempts,
possible, and it is hard to believe the information that we have
received. Still it comes in so authentic form that we cannot
afford to despise it. We are quietly taking precautions, even at
the risk of being laughed at.'' 148
Thornton made the quickest change possible from hope to
alarm. On October 18 he wrote Fish: "As he [O'Neill] can get
but little money, he is not much nearer his object, and as he has
now completely quarreled with the Fenian Senate, the su,bscriptions are not likely to increase. Indeed I look upon all danger
"" LeCaron to McMicken, October 12, 1869, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, X, 361, P.A.C.
"" O'Neill to LeCaron, October 10, 1869, 'Macdonald Papers: McMicken
Reports, X, 364. LeCaron answered this letter asking for definite instructions. He reported to McMicken on October 19, that he expected to leave
within a day or two. Cf. LeCaron to McMicken, October 19, 1869, Macdonald Papers : ibid., pp. 426-27.
. "' Macdonald to James Cockburn, Cobourg, Private, October 13, 1869,
Macdonald Letter Books, XIII, 231-32. Cf. also McMicken to Young,
October 14, 1869, Secret and Confidential Despatches, G 3, Vol. V, where
hundreds of Fenians massing at Detroit and Ogdensburg was reported.
"" Macdonald to Thomas White, Editor Hamilton Spectator, October 19,
1869, Macdonald Letter Books, XIII, 268.
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319
anything serious against Canada.'' m The temporary subsidence

of Fenian activity prompted a new move on the part of the
government to obtain the release of the remaining prisoners in
England. Motley wrote Fish on September 28 : '' I am going to
have a tallr with Lord Clarendon about the Fenians-But I
haven't much hope for the prisoners at present. They are their
own. worst enemies.'' 142 Motley 's prediction was correct, for he
reported a week later: '' He [Clarendon] speaks of them as
'homnnes rouges,' and .... spoliators and criminals whom it would
be absurd to treat with lenity .... The truth is that the interior
politics of Great Britain have more to do with the question than
we realize on the other side of the water." 143 Clarendon, in
refusing, pointed out that forty-nine prisoners had already been
freed, and the effect of the amnesty could not be considered as
having been beneficial. He informed Motley that: '' The very
s.ame conspiracy of which they were among the most active and
mischievous officers and agents, is not only busy at home collecting arms and funds, but is at this moment threatening a
hostile expedition into Her Majesty's Canadian Dominions."u4
By that time another invasion was expected. LeCaron, wrote
an urgent letter to McMicken on October 12:
Last night Col. John W. Dunne arrived her~ [Chicago]
direct from N.Y. Head Quarters, upon a secret mission.
He comes to organize and take charge and conduct, so he
says in a few days all available troops from this district to
take a part in a movement across the border. From his statements I must believe that we are really to do something ere
many days ..... We shall move 400 men from here, Joliet,
m. Thornton to Secretary Fish, September 16, 1869, Fish Letter Files,
Vol. 64.
142 Motley to Fish, September 28, 1869, ibid., Vol. 65.
148 Motley to Fish, October 6, 1869, Private and Confidential, ibid.; Fish
Diary, October 21, 1869, where Fish mentions he told Thornton that
"political prisoners are the worst kind of birds to keep caged: refer to the
Anti-rent troubles in New York and the release of prisoners and simultaneous cessation of resistance."
'" Clarendon to Motley, October 15, 1869, F.O. 115 :~.
'-
318
for the Southern District of New York reported to Secretary

Fish on August 7: "Receipt of your letter of July 30 in which
you authorize and direct me to continue to employ detectives
for the present and to embrace in their investigations Fenian
movements. I can see no indications that the Fenians are doing
anything, unless possibly they intend to help the Cubans with
arms. But there is little or no activity among them ( the Fenians) so far as I can learn." 137
A short time later Thornton wrote to Secretary Fish: "I
understand that the Fenian Senate had a meeting a few days
ago at New York, at which it was decided that the movement
upon Canada should be commenced on or about the 1st of October next ..... Indeed were it not for the almost insane enthusiasm of O'Neill himself, I should consider the affair almost at
an end." 188 Fish then noted in his diary: "Mr. Thornton thinks
the designs of the Fenians not entirely abandoned. I inform
him that I have discontinued the employment of Pinkerton's
detectives; that they had been engaged for several weeks, but
could discover nothing, and the expense of their employment
was very great; also tell him of the instructions, verbal and other
to Genl. Quimby.'' 139 Fish reassured the British minister that;
'' all along the point of attack has been the pockets of some
credulous and enthusiastic persons.'' 140
By the middle of September the British minister was once
more convinced that the Fenian threat had evaporated, at least
for the time being: '' I take the liberty of enclosing you one
more of General O'Neill's bombastic effusions. It seems to me to
betray a sort of despair at the little success he has had in endeavoring to persuade his countrymen to advance money and I
doubt much whether the Brotherhood will be able to attempt
181 Francis C. Barlow to Secretary Fish, August 7, 1869, Fish Letter
Files, Vol. 62, Library of Congress.
138 Thornton to Secretary Fish, August 27, 1869, Fish Letter Files, Vol.
67, L.C.
189 Fish Diary, September 1, 1869, Library of Congress.
" Fish to Thornton, September, I, 304, ibid. Date illegible.
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probably at Detroit and possibly at other points on the frontier-that the organization have a factory at or near Trenton, N.J., where muskets and rifles are being converted into
breech loaders and that they have several cannon. I suggest
respectfully that such directions be given to the District
Attorneys and Marshals .... as you shall deem proper for
the detection and prevention of any violation of the laws
of the United States.184
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The outcome of the conversations between Fish and Thornton,

~ho were close friends, was the employment of Pinkerton detectives to investigate. the Fenians. Fish's reasons for not entrusting this duty to Government agents were explained by Thornton:
"He seemed to hesitate to confide any such investigations to
detectives who are employed by the Government with great advantage in the discovery of other crimes, because he feared that
some of them were Irishmen, and might possibly be themselves
devoted to the cause of the Fenians. '' 185
Besides engaging detectives, troops were ordered to the Canadian frontier. Fish told Thornton confidentially that: '' The
President was ordering some troops to the Northern frontier on
the pretext of giving them the advantage of a cooler climate
during the summer, but really that they might be ready to prevent, if necessary, any hostile expedition which may be attempted
by the Fenians against Canada.'' 136 The United States marshal
""Hamilton Fish, Letter Book, I, pp. 199-200, July 24. The New York
Times, May 25, 1870, said: "It was in Trenton that the greater part of the
rifles were manufactured or altered, under the supervision of P. J. Meehan,
who rented the armory there for that purpose. So quietly was this work
executed that the citizens of Trenton outside of the Fenian organization
were in ignoran~e of it. The presence of an armory in Trenton, and the
visit of such prominent leaders as P. J. Meehan, naturally encouraged the
formation of a very large and enthusiastic Circle, composed of young men."
LeCaron, Twenty Five Years . ... , p. 74, also mentions the arms factory.
O'Neill, Official Report ... , p. 7, identifies the foreman of the factory as
E. A. Cole. The Trenton City Directory, r869, lists Alfred Cole as a gunsmith.
185 Thornton to Lord Clarendon, July 26, 1869, F.O. 115: 491.
,,. Thornton to Lord Oarendon, August 2, 1869, ibid.
,.
316
Two days later McMicken report~d word from LeCaron that a

Fenian invasion was improbable that year.181
John Savage was the prime mover behind the efforts of the
Washington administration to obtain the release of the remaining Fenians imprisoned in England. From Paris he wrote three
letters to President Grant during the summer in which he described the tortures the incarcerated Fenians were suffering.182
It so happened that these representations coincided with reports
of impending Fenian aggression. Fish wrote Sumner on July
19 : '' Thornton tells me in confidence of Fenian demonstrations
on Canada again apprehended. Movements of arms, and other .
suspicious indications.'' 188 .A few days later Fish notified Attorney General Hoar of the Fenian intentions:
Mr. Thornton, [the British Minister] has called upon me to
represent the probability of an intended hostile movement
from the United States against Canada. He read to me
letters from the British Consul -in New York; from Sir
John Young of Can3ida [Governor-general] and showed me
documents said to emanate from the Fenian Brotherhoodprinted for confidential distribution. The copies in his
possession having been obtained through a detective agency
to which he thinks it expedient to make no allusion. The
information he has goes to show an intention to make a
hostile movement of considerable force within the next
sixty days-that large sums of money have been collected
and a large assessment laid to be collected on or before
.August IO-that arms are being collected in large quantities at St. .Albans, Vermont-Buffalo-and Chicago and
m
McMicken to Macdonald, July 19, 1869, Private, ibid., 52-53.
182 These letters, written June 20; July 9 and 30, were reprinted in
American Citizens Prisoners in Great Britain: Extract from Proceedings
of the Ninth General Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood (New York,
1870), pp. 2-8.
183 Hamilton Fish, Letter Book, I, 190. These Letter Books are in the
Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress. Cf. also J. C. B. Davis
to Fish, July 23, 1869, Fish Letter Files, Vol. 62, in which Davis relayed
one of Archibald's alarming reports.
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through the country myself soon; and it is more than probable that I will call on you ..... Write often and believe
with affectionate regards
Truly your friend

John Whitehead Byron.12s
With the coming of July reports reaching Canada told of the
complete disorganization of Fenian headquarters in New York
with' Byron and O'Leary drummed out of the Brotherhood for
selling Fenian arms and ammunition to the Cuban insurgents.128
Less than two weeks later the quarterly threat was announced:
by McMicken:
The previous intimations I had received and conveyed to
you recently would have led to the belief in the possibility
of an attempt at invasion or a raid being made during the
summer.
This is now converted as nearly into certainty as anythi:o,g
of the kind can be so considered in view of the character of
the parties and the nature of their circumstances.
LeCaron, McMichael, and McDonald-all concur in the belief that a raid wiil certainly be attempted-the two first
named think it will take place in about two months-the
latter in ab1;mt 3 weeks. I am informed that the Fenian Sen7
ate at its recent Executive session in Pittsburgh formally
resolved that a movement be ordered ..... I am further informed that they are very busy now in their factory at
Trenton, N.J. altering arms into Breechloaders etc. I am
also told that they sold no ammunitions nor any breechloaders to the Cubans ..... In the meantime I have disposed
of the few men I have now on the force as effectively as
possible with a view to guarding and observing the most
exposed and probable places for molestation viz. Sarnia,
Windsor, Fort Colborne, Fort Erie, Clifton, and Prescott.180
us Byron to LeCaron, May 6, 1869, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, Vol. IX, P.A.C. Photostat in writer's possession.
us
:cMicken to Macdonald, July 8, 1869, Private, ibid., X, 13.
uo McMicken to Macdonald, July 17, 1869, ibid., 48-49.
314
Tke .Fe~ Movemet1-t i'!f. the Uni,te~ States: 1858-1886
~Y Cl~endon,1211 In the m!:'antime Thornton was instruc~d to

ascm.;ain. whether Halpin was the s.ame ma.n "who was prosecuted at. Ci~c~ti, Ohio, by Mr.. Consul Rowecr,o,ft in 1856,
upon a charge of conspiracy to organize a piratical and revolutionary expedition to Ireland, as reported in Consul Rowecroft;s
Despatch .... of the 91;4 of January, 1856." 128 Thqrnton's reply
on June 30 was to the effect that Halpin was the same person
who was prosecuted in. 1856, and who in turn prosecuted the
British consul on charges of enlisting.men for the Crimean War,
and was instrumental in forcing the consul's recall.127 Halpin
was not released.
It was at this time that LeOaron began to forward to Canada
letters he received from prominent Fenians. All of them showed
a friendly spil.'it toward the man whom they regarded as a
coim-ade-in~an.ns. The fol19wing was typical; it was written by
John
Whitehead
Byron,
general
of th~. O'Neill wing:
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. inspector
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Your welcome letter of the 1st inst is before me,-it is unnecessary for me to say that I am very glad to hear from
you, I thought you had forgotten me altogether.
There has been no changes made since you left us except
that I have been promoted Inspector General, and O'Leary
has been appointed my successor.. . . . The organizers, too,
have all been dispensed with."
We are making preparations for a fight as quick as circumstances will permit-a fight is certain and you shall
have due notice.
Gen 'l O'Neill is travelling through the southern states
when he returns I will remember you to him. I intend going
,.. Motley to Secretary Fish, June 17, 1869, Great Britain Desp., Vol.
99, MS Dept. of State. John Lothrop Motley succeeded Johnson. A prominent historian, author of The Rise of the Dutch Republic, friend of Bismarck and former Minister to Prussia, Motley was recalled in 1871 as the
result of the bitterness between his friend Sumner, and Grant and Fish.
121
Lord Qarendon to Thornton, June 11, 1869, F.O. 115: 487.
127
Thornton to Lord Qarendon, Jun~ 30, 1869, F.O. 115: 492.
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against Great. Britain was warmly advocated. 121 Wendell Phillips, prominent orator, abolitionist, and champion of the underdog in general, urged the annexation of Ireland, picturing its
beneficial results:
Twenty millions of dollars will make Ireland our Gibraltar;
every one of her innumerable harbors will be bases for our
navy. Twenty thousand men and twenty million dollars will
make Ireland our iron-clad and every Irishman, the world
over, our soldier ..... Let England know that the very first
moment she fires a cannon to obstruct freedom or bar us
from holding up struggling nations, we shall encamp in
Dublin. 122
The Fenian press painted the glowing effects of war between
the United States and Great Britain: "It would be beneficial to
the United States. It would develop our manufactures, lk:eep our
money at home, and give plenty of employment, at high wages,
to our people. We have all to gain by war and nothing to fear
foo.m it.' '123 Tammany Hall endorsed the Fenian demands for
a showdown with England at a mass meeting attended by Boss
Tweed and Mayor Oakey Hall. A demand was made that the
rights of Irish-American citizens arrested abroad be protected
against the ''Tory dogmas" of England.124
A Fenian still imprisoned in England was William G. Halpin,
who was one of the earliest and most active Irish revolutionists
in the United States. Motley, American Minister at London, was
instructed to urge the release of Halpin and he met with a refusal
121 Irish People, June 5, 1869. O'Mahony was again active in Fenian affairs
as he became editor of the Irish People in Dec. 1868.
122 Ibid., June 12, 1869. Phillips succeeded Garrison as President of the
Anti-Slavery Society, which was not disbanded till the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870.
128
Ibid., June 5, 1869.
New York Herald, August 3, 1869.
312
The Fe'Wia,n Movement in the Unvted States: 1858-1886
then went on a lecture tour describing his duties as chaplain for

the Fenians and the rigors of Canadian imprisonment.119 The
activities of McMahon exasperated Thornton who wrote Clarendon:
It is indeed extraordinary how easily credulous Irishmen
and even many Americans are brought to believe the most
exaggerated reports of the cruel treatment of .... Father
McMahon lately liberated in Canada. The latter has been
recently travelling through many parts of the United States
and has uttered before public meetings the most exaggerated
falsehoods as to the cruelties he was made to undergo in the
Penitentiary at Kingston, altho it was notorious that he was
treated with exceptional consideration and kindness, because
he possessed the character of a priest and because the
Roman Catholic Clergy in Canada are deservedly held in
such high esteem.
But altho McMahon is known to be a man of the lowest and
most contemptible character, and ii is a matter of wonder
even amongst those of his own creed how he ever succeeded
in being ordained, yet the credulity of his countrymen, as
well as of a great portion of the Americans, gives a weight
to his false statements which can hardly be believed, and
which sensational newspapers are too apt to magnify.120
Warren and Costello arrived in this country and were hailed
as heroes by the Fenians. Mass meetings were held in which war
11
Freeman's Journal, November 20, 1869.
Thornton to Lord Clarendon, December 20, 1869, F.0. 115: 492.

McMahon was reinstated by his ecclesiastical superior, the Most Reverend
John H. Luers, Bishop of Fort Wayne, and died April 28, 1872, at Reynolds, Indiana. Boston Pilot, May 18, 1872. Sir John Young reported that
a Roman Catholic dignitary told him that McMahon was an illiterate person ordained in consequence of the dearth of missionaries in the Western
states, and that he was suspended more than once for drunkenness. Cf.
Young to Earl Granville, June 3, 1869, Secret and Confidential Despatches,
G 3, Vol. V, P.A.C.
120
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The Saxon Skilling Daes Its Work
311
the spring campaign. A special St. Patrick's day circular wu

issued asking every Irishman in America to contribute a dollar
to the cause. 1 u Once more Canada prepared for an invasion. Sir
John A. Macdonald advised the Governor-General on March 10:
'' The continued existence of the Fenian Organization and the
necessity of constant vigilance and readiness to oppose attack
on the Frontier of the Province of Ontario as the place where
the principal attack would be made render it extremely advisable
that there should be a military force in Toronto, the largest
commercial and most populous city in Ontario.'' 115 When this
threat did not materialize Canadian officialdom once more became optimistic about the demise of the Brotherhood.
Schuyler Colfax, the old friend of the Fenians, now Vice.
president, took a special interest in the Reverend John MeM;ahon,
who was still imprisoned in Canada. He wrote Fish, asking him
to intercede with Thornton for his release. The British minister
agreed with the suggestion ilB he wrote Clarendon: '' As there
now seems to exist in the Government of the United States a
disposition to discountenance the schemes of the Fenians against
Canada .... I venture to suggest that, if there be no serious
objection to it on the part of the Government of Canada, it
might conduce to a better feeling in this country against Fenian
projects.'' 116 Many resolutions had been passed by both houses
of Congress requesting the President to obtain the speedy release
of the Fenian priest. These resolutions usually contained references to periodic floggings allegedly inflicted ,on the clergy.
man. 117
McMahon was released on August 12, after the Archbishop of
Halifax journeyed to Ottawa to intercede for him. 118 The priest
,,. Archibald to Young, March 3, 1869, G 21, Vol. I, P.A.C.
,,. Macdonald to Young, March 10, 1869, Macdonald Letter Books, XII,
700-1, P.A.C.
110 Thornton to Lord Clarendon, April 5, 1869, F.O. 115: 490.
m Irish American, June 20, 1868; House Report No. 7, 40 Cong., 2d
Sess., Jan. 8, 1868.
11 Macdonald to Archbishop of Halifax
[Connolly], Private, July 17,
1869, Macdonald Letter Books, XII, 69, P.A.C.
810
States, delivered lectures in Ireland in which they excoriated

the British government.110
In the early months of 1869 the emphasis of the O'Neill wing
was on economy, and many paid officials were discharged. One
official stricken from the Fenian pay roll was Rudolph Fitz..
patrick, assistant secretary of war, and consul Archibald's private informer.m Sir John Young, who had succeeded Lord
Monck as Governor General, reflected Canadian fears in a despatch to Earl Granville :
There is I fear more reality in Fenianism or assumed Fenianism and more danger hanging over Canada than people
generally imagine in England. So long as the large numbers
of disbanded soldiers continue to swarm o.ver the United
States as I am informed they do, reckless and unemployed,
unwilling to settle down to any regular occupation and
ready to engage in any desperate enterprize or run any risk
for a few days license and plunder-there is room for apprehension and for precaution. . . . . Such as the Fenian displays (permitted perhaps not unwisely in many places) but
openly encouraged by the inunicipal authorities in New
York. 112
The monthly financial report issued by O'Neill showed that for
the first two months of 1869 expenditures exceeded receipts with
only a few thousand dollars in the treasury. 118 The general thereu.pon began a speaking tour of Baltimore, Cincinnati, St. Louis,
and other large cities pleading for money with which to begin
110 Johnson to Secretary E. B. Washburne, March 24, 1869, Great Britain
Desp., Vol. 98, MS Dept. of State. Oarendon to Johnson, April 23, 1869,
F.O. 115 :486. The American Fenians still imprisoned in England were
John McCafferty, John McOure, William G. Halpin, Edward O'Meagher
Condon, and Ricard O'S. Burke.
m McMicken to Macdonald, Private, January 18, 1869, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, IX, 48, P.A.C.
112 Young to Granville, February 18, 1869, Secret and Confidential Despatches, G 3, Vol. VII, P.A.C.
113 Young to Granville, June 3, 1869, G 3, Vol. V, P.A.C. Young sent
copies of the financial report from November, 1868, to April, 1869 inclusive.
The Sa:rxm Skilling Does Its Work
309
In the election of 1868, m which Grant was elect.ed President,

John Savage laid aside his duties as chief executive of one Feni~ wing to run for Congress.108 Although unsuccessful in his
political aspirations, Savage was appointed consul at Leeds by
President Johnson.104 The British were, no doubt, astonished at
this appointment, as Thornton was instructed. to: ''Transmit. to
me without delay as accurate a report as you can obtain of Mr.
John Savage's proceedmgs in regard to Fenian matters during
the last year or two. I have given a similar instruction to Consul
Archibald." [New York] 106 Thornton was able to find plenty
of data and he transmitted it to Seward. He reported to Clarendon on February 1, that the nomination of Savage had gone to
the Senate and had been reject.ed.106 The fact that many other
nominations were sent at the same time probably influenced the
Senate to reject the appointments of the outgoing President.
Meanwhile the Claims Convention was signed at London m
January, 1869, by Johnson and Clarendon. A few weeks later
the British Government announced the release of Warren and
Oostello.107 Johnson attributed this action on the part of the
British to the amicable spirit manifest.ed by the American. Government as exhibited in the recent negotiations.1118 Forty-nine
other Fenian prisoners were released at the same time. This
encouraged the new administration, with Hamilt.on Fish as Secretary of State, to apply for the release of all the American
Fenians still imprisoned. 109 But the obstreperous conduct of
Warren and Costello following their release, worked against
this. These two men, instead of returning. directly to the United
108
Irish People, October 24, 1868.
'' Ibid.,
December 12, 1868.

,.. Lord Clarendon to Thornton, January 9, 1869, F.O. 115 :485. Clarendon
had succeeded Stanley as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
106 Thornton to Lord Qarendon, February 1, 1869, F;O. 115 :490.
107 Johnson to Secretary Seward, February 20, 1869, Great Britain De~p.,
108 Johnson to Secretary Seward, February 23, 1869, ibid.
108 Clarendon to Thornton, March 27, 1869, F.O. 115 :486. Elihu B. Washburne was Grant's first appointment as Secretary of State; he resigned
after twelve days.
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the right way, and to keep doing it ..... We have advanced

too far upon the road of revolution to turn baek before we
have crossed swords with the enemy and tried once more
the cause of Irish freedom by the issue of battle ..... Here,
a larger number than compose the present population of
Ireland, stand at bay against the power that has forced us
into exile, and with arms ready and vengeance in our hearts
prepare to spring upon the foe, from whom nothing divides
us but the neutrality of America, and the feeble barrier of
law planned by English intrigue to make a free nation do
the police duty of despotism.100
Thornton was kept informed of the proceedings of the convention

and he saw little danger of trouble as he wrote on December 4:
The Secretary of War therefore requests that the President
will consent that the United States officers in that district
may be relieved from any further steps in the matter; and
Mr. Seward gave me the impression that as the United States
Government believe there is now no further danger to be
feared, the President will accede to the wishes of the Secretary of War. 101
A few weeks later Thornton wrote that the Philadelphia convention was a failure in that its principal object, the raising of
money, was not realized. He spoke to Seward about the propriety
of allowing the uniformed Fenian soldiers to parade through the
streets. The Secretary of State pointed out to him that preventive measures would have served only to excite the Fenians to
resist and might increase the number of their friends among the
population. 102
100 Message of General Jolm O'Neill, President, Fenian Brotherhood, to
the Seventh National Congress (Philadelphia, 1868), pp. 8-15.
101 Pubiic Archives of Canada, Series G, No. 86, Thornton to Sir John
Young, Transcript, Library of Congress. The Secr~tary of War was General John McAllister Schofield, who was appointed in May, 1868. When
Johnson was not convicted, Stanton resigned and Schofield remained Secretary until March, 1869.
102 Thornton to Sir John Young, December 22, 1868, Confidential, P.A.C.,
G 573 A, Transcript in LibFary of Congress.
"
307
three regiments of the Irish Republican Army. These green-clad

Fenian warriors created quite a stir in the Quaker City. 94 Receipts during the year amounted to $101,000, 95 of which $5000
was given by the Democratic organization in New York, 96 but
total expenses amounted to $95,000, which left only a small balance with which to purchase the '' sine~s of war.'' The Fenians
received some British g,old, although they did not know it, as
LeCaron was listed as contributing sixty dollars to the war
chest. 97 The friction between Meehan and some other members
of the senate was shown in the endorsement given O'Day's
Buffalo paper, the Fenian Volunteer. The !risk American had
hitherto enjoyed undisputed reign as the official organ of the
wing. 98 It was at this conventi-0n that LeCaron was accused of
being a British spy. The accusation was made by Patrick Roche,
a Fenian delegate from Troy. So clever was LeOaron and ostensibly s-0 devoted to the Fenian cause that the charge was rejected
and Roche was reprimanded. 99 This was the first and last time
that LeOaron was ever suspected of being in the pay of the
British government. It was not until 1889 that he disclosed his
connection with the Fenians and the Clan-na-Gael.
0 'Neill was re-elected president, after the Brotherhood had
pledged itself to take the field against the Canadian foe in 1869.
In a speech bristling with fierce invective the general urged the
Brotherhood to greater efforts:
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The education we want is that which teaches our men to

pull a trigger and push a bayonet at the right time, and in
04 Irish American, December 5, 1868. Sir John Young described it as a
"procession .... of more than two thousand Fenians armed and in uniform,
and followed by a mixed multitude of sympathizers." Cf. Young to Thornton, December 17, 1868, Secret and Confidential Despatches, G 3, Vol. V,
P.A.C.
"' Seventh National Congress . .. , pp. 19-20.
06 Ibid., p. 17.
., Ibid., p. 13. There were three Canadian detectives at the convention.
Cf. McMicken to Macdonald, December 8, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, VIII, 621-22, P.A.C.
Seventh National Congress ... , p. 21.
09 LeCaron, Twenty Five Years . .. , pp. 70-71.
306
This was followed by a strongly-worded instruction in which an

unfavorable comparison was drawn between the North German
Union and Great Britain. The dilatory disposition of Great
Britain, Seward said, tended to increase national distrust of that
country.89
The outcome of Seward's frequent remonstrances was the
signing of a protocol to a naturalization treaty by Johnson and
Stanley on October 9. 90 Reiverdy Johnson proved himself a
particularly inept and fumbling minister, with several egregious
blunders in his record. In a letter to Sumner he complimented
himself on his success : '' The several speeches I haw been called
upon to make in Sheffield, Leeds, and Worcestershire I suppose
you have read. They were not in either instance prepared, but
altogether extempore. The press here except a few papers said
to be under Fenian influence, has noticed them favorably.'' 91
A few of his diplomatic tumbles were recounted in a letter to
Sumner: '' I like some things that Mr. Reverdy Johnson says, but
he made a terrible mistake in calling Mr. Roebuck his friend,
and shaking hands with him and Mr. Laird-Roebuck had done
everything in his power to break up the American Union." 92
Laird was the unrepentant builder of the "Alabama."
The seventh national convention of the O'Neill Fenians met in
Philadelphia on November 24, 1868, with an estimated 180 circles
represented. 98 Color was given to the gathering when O'Neill
marched through the streets of Philadelphia at the head of
Secretary Seward to Johnson, September 23, 1868, ibid.
Johnson to Secretary Seward, October 9, 1868, Great Britain Desp.,
91 Johnson to Sumner, October 10, 1868, Sumner Papers, Vol. 87, Houghton Library, Harvard University. Horace Greeley's handwriting was a
paragon of legibility compared .to Johnson's.
92 Samuel Goddard to Sumner, November 6, 1868, ibid. For a defense of
Johnson cf. B. C. Steiner, The Life of Reverdy Johnson (Baltimore, 1914),
pp. 236 ff.
Seventh National Congress, Fenian Brotherhood, Proceedings of "the
Senate a11d House of Representatives of the Fenian Brotherhood in Joint
Convention (New York, 1868), pp. 50-54. Rev. James O'Leary represented
the Nebraska Circle.
89
80
305
opposes us in our onward march to freedom, or be so exterminated ourselves ; and let whom it may concern remember
that to those who wickedly and gratuitously assail us as that
wretched spawn of toadyism in Canada have done-to them
we shall show no mercy, as we will ask for none ..... We
hope that before the St. Lawrence is frozen again, the population of British North America will be a terrible example
to all who think of wilfully taking sides with the oppressor
..... Though our love of the Fenian "Senate" is by no
means as ardent as our hatred of his friends, yet we would
league and aid anyone less black than the devil himself to
wipe such a nation out of existence.s6
Seward had instructed looverdy Johnson, newly appointed
Minister to the Court of St. James, to apply himself to the settlement of the naturalization question. The Secretary of State
rated that as the most important issue to be settled and one
wh,ich would have to be solved before the other controversies between the two countriies could be adjudicated. 87 A month later,
when no progress had been reported, Seward informed Johnson
of the reason underlying the Washington gowrnment 's hesitancy
in taking counter measures against the threatened Fenian attack.
The Canadian government had been urging governmental action :
Such applications and warnings are constantly given by
British Consuls and other agents on the frontier, manifestly
with an expectation that the Government of the United
States will take some demonstrative measures to relieve the
apprehensions which they express. On the other hand the
entire inattention of Her Majesty's Government to our
frequent and earnest representations concerning the naturalization question, and the irritations and exasperations
which have attended the recent suspension of the habeas
corpus render every form of expression, in reply to such
complaints difficult and embarrassing to the Executive Authority.ss
,. Irish People, June 20, 1868.
81 Secretary Seward to Jqhnson, July 20, 1868, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
88 Secretary Seward to Johnson, August 27, 1868, ibid.
304
The Fenian Movement in the Un~ted States: 1858-1886
circles pledged $167,450 to put the army in the field. That sum
was to be handed in by the following July. .A.ccording to O'Neill
only $40,000 had been subscribed by the time appointed. 82 This
puny income naturally made any hostile movement impossible
in 1868. The only alternative was to make preparations for 1869.
For this purpose LeCaron was given the title of inspector general
and sent to Canada to study the country for future emergencies. 83 While inspecting Canadian terrain, LeCaron was careful
to report his progress to McMicken. 84 The informer received a
salary of sixty dollars a month from the Fenians as military
organizer.
The Savage wing held its annual convention in New York in
.A.ugust. This branch of the Brotherhood was in a state of torpor
and the only result of the conclave was the re-election -0f Savage
as chief executive and a union formed with some independent
circlS, mostly Irish refugees of the I.R.B.85 This faction had
departed so far fr.om its original policy of fighting in Ireland
alone as to advocate an attack on Canada. Short on action, the
wing was long on fierce threats. The writer -0f this martial piece
could be visualized, musket in hand, waiting to depart for the
border:
We, the physical force Nationalists of the Irish race have
not banded together to strike down England alone. We shall
drive from off the face of the earth every obstacle that
82 John O'Neill, Official Report ... , p. 12. All the printed monthly financial reports of the O'Neill wing from September, 1868, may be found in
Vols. IV and VII of the Macdonald Papers: Fenians. September, 1868,
showed receipts of $3,465.09 and expenditures of $8,299.98; October,
$9,422.41 and $7,980.73 ;, December, $2,664.97 and $10,599.57, with a balance
at the end of 1868 of $4,746.36.
83 A facsimile of this commission, dated October 23, 1868, can be found
in Daniel Dwyer, The Cloven Foot (Boston, 1900). This work mostly concerns LeCaron, and shows the activities of the English Secret Service in
the Clan-na-Gael.
.. LeCaron, Twenty Five Years . .. , p. 54..
.. New York Times, August 25, 1868; Irish People, September 5, 1868.
,j
Th& Saxon Shilling Does Its W or.k
303
.11, LeCaron notified MeMicken that th~ movement on Canada

had definit_ely been postponed until the following spring. 79. With
this cheering news came an alarming report that ten former
generals of the Confederate states were deciding the fate of
Canada the following spring:
He [O'Neill] said there was another great reason why it
was better to postpone any movement for some time yet
which was an alliance made by him with the leading Gen 'ls
of the late Confederacy of the Southern States ..... ,There
was he said .... 8 of the southern Gen 'ls present some of
which was Beauregard, Hampton and Forrest. The condition
of alliance was as follows,-that the said Southern Generals
wouid bring. all the men and resources in their power to aid
the Fenian organization in taking Canada from the British.
The Fenians to use said country as a base of operations
against Great Britain until she would give up Ireland, and
then give over. Canada to said Southerners or their services
rendered ..... The Gen'l represents the Southerners as determined to leave their country if their candidate (which is
Seymour) is defeated in coming election as they will not
stand being ruled by negroes. 80
According to reports, the Fenians were amassing their military
stor~ for the spring onslaught, with 20,000 stand of arms,
2,000,000 rounds ,o.f ammunition, 2000 breech loaders, and 2000
more promised by January 1, 1869. There w~re likewise reported
to be 700 revolvers, 150 boxes of hard bread, 18 sa0'ks of coffee,
13,980 uniforms, 399 saddles, 387 sabres, and 10,000 men ready
to take the field. 81
0 'Neill was intent on invading Canada in 1868, as the Cleveland congress of 1867 had dedicated itself to that purpose. The
McMicken to Macdonald, October 11, 1868, ibid., VIII, 576.
80 McMicken to Macdonald, October 8, 1868, ibid. Cf. McMicken to Mac~
donald, October 26, 1868, ibid., VIII, 593, where Southern Generals Semmes,
Stewart, Brown, Ointon, Gordon, Preston, Tylor and Taylor were said to
be deep in the Fenian plots.
81 McMicken to Macdonald, December 8, 1868, Private, ibid., VIII, 621-22.
(',
:"I\
,.
302
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United States: z858-z886
be mad:e. . . . . The latest settled idea of the plan of campaign

was. this 22 Regiments were to be called upon-these it was
calculated would turn out into the field about 15,000 menthey were to be kept in one body as the Grand Army-and enter
the Province at the East.'' 76 Secretary Seward, doubtless to
check on General Sharp's report, assigned General Pope to report on threatened Fenian movements:
Today I was informed confidentially that General Pope had
received intelligence from Washington to the same effect
as understood by me in reference to an intended move across
the St. Cl&r River and that in consequence he engaged a
detective force to endeavor to discover the hiding places of
the cavalry saddles and accoutrements ..... He put Allan
Pinkerton the celebrated Chicago detective in charge of the
business and I have had an interview with him and gave
him some suggestions upon which to act-so far Gen 'l Pope
has acted rightly but I have to say to you ".entre nous"
that the Gen 'l feels none too friendly and will do nothing
he does not receive ordfil'S to do. I have also further confhmation that Beauregard is in treaty with the Fenians to
h.ead their army. 77
As late as September the imminence of a Fenian incursiJOn. was

reported to Macdonald by McMicken: '' My informant [LeCaron] pressed upon me the thorough conviction of his own
mind that however low the funds an attack will certainly be
made previous to the Presidential Election and indeed information from all sources Qoncurs in the assurance only some parties
deem it likely to take place earlier than others.'' 78 On October
McMicken to Macdonald, August 20, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers :
McMicken Reports, VIII, 361-62, P.A.C.
"' McMicken to Macdonald, August 21, 1868, Private, ibid., pp. 373-74.
Macdonald blamed the Fenian threat on the promises of unscrupulous
politicians who hoped to obtain the Irish vote in the presid~ntial election.
Cf. Macdonald to W. A. Foster, Private, August 27, 1~, Macdonald
Letter Books, XI, 1041-42, P.A.C.
18 McMicken to Macdonald, September 4, 1868, Private, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, VIII, 440-41, P.A.C.
\
\
301
a person in whom I have confidence that a large force of Fenians, supposed to be about 8000 men, is said to be ready to be
assembled near St. Clair in Michigan, and it is believ,ed that
these will cross the River -St. Clair into Canada simultaneously
with the advance of an expedition across the North Eastern
frontier.'' 74
Thornton showed Seward many of these reports and among
them was one which would recall memories of the 1928 presidential campaign:
Mr. Thornton .... said that he had reliable information that

preparations were in progress at Cleveland, Ohio and Chicago, Illinois, for a Fenian, so-called invasion of Canada.
That some time since a battery of artillery was sent from
Chicago to the vicinity of the St. Clair river and that
rafts for the purpose of crossing men and munitions are in,
preparation in the same quarter.
That ten thousand stand of arms which were lodged in a
Roman Catholic Church in Cleveland, had recently been
moved. He further said that he also had information that
General Beauregard had been offered the command of the
invading force, and had replied that he would accept the
command if it should be respectable in point of munitions
and otherwise.75
Canada was just as confused about the situation as Thornton
and Secretary Seward. In August, McMicken wrote: '' All my
informants (who are really well informed) agree in the expression of their belief that an attack upon the Province will soon
74 Thornton to Lord Stanley, June 15, 1868, F.0. 115 :476. Lord Monck
asked permission to send ships and troops through Lake Champlain, but
Seward refused on account of the combustible nature of the measure.
Thornton to Lord Stanley, June 18, 1868, ibid. Cf. also Thornton to Viscount Monck, June 27, 1868, Confidential, G 239, Vol. 15, P.A.C. Transcripts in Library of Congress.
75 Secretary Seward to Johnson, August 8, 1868, Great Britain Inst., Vol.
XXI, MS Dept. of State. Many letters were sent to Seward during the peak
of the Fenian movement, warning that it was a papal plot, designed to seize
control of the country. Cf. Miscellaneous Letters, 1865-69, passim.
. Final, Feni,an Assault
01'b
the British Empi,re
351
the provisions made to thwart the Fenians.60 Meanwhile word

reached the Canadian government that General Gleeson, a veteran Fenian, had mortgaged his property for $10,000 with.which
to purchase breech loading ammunition. 61 A day before the date
set for the attack, reports reached Thornton of large bodies of
Fenians leaving for the border:
Mr. Hemans [British Consul at Buffalo] telegraphed me
yesterday that about eleven hundred men had left Buffalo
eastward, of whom seven hundred were going to Rome in
New York .... Mr. Archibald [Consul at New Y.ork] telegraphed that the Fenians would leave Philadelphia last
night for Mlalone; and Mr. Fish yesterday sent me a copy
of a telegram received from Burlington in Vermont to the
effect that the movements of the Fenians within the past
two days indicate that they are about to proceed to the
frontier. 62
Even the conservative New York Times estimated at least
30,000 Fenians to have left New York City for the border,63 and
it pictured the whole border in a state of panic : '' The whole
frontier has been thrown into commotion, and the Dominion
authorities must be in a state of bewilderment in determining
where to concentrate their defences. It is evident that the details
of the raid, whatever they may be, have been carefully and deliberately arranged, and that the leaders have been very successful in maintaining secrecy.'' 64 The only Fenian leader successful in maintaining secrecy was LeCaron, as McMicken wrote on
May 22:
""J,C.B. Davis to Fish, May 15, 1870, Fish Letter Files, Vol. flJ.
McMicken to H. Bernard, Deputy Minister of Justice, May 16, 1870,
Macdonald Papers: .McMicken Reports, XII, 58. Sir John A. Macdonald
was seriously ill during the spring and summer of 1870 necessitating McMicken communicating with underlings.
.. Thornton to Lord Clarendon, May 24, 1870, F. 0. 115 :507.
ea New York Times, May 27, 1870.
.. Ibid., May 25, 1870.
01
352
The Fenian Movement in the United States: r858~r886
From three distinct sources of information I am positively

assured that the attack by" the Fenians will be made on our
Frontier on Wednesday night next or Thursday at farthest
25/26 Instant.
They will begin to move their war material tomorrow night
.... so as to have it all across the border line in readiness
for the men when they arrive and form camp.
The Buffalo contingent is under orders to pl'oceed to Malone
leaving Buffalo tomorrow. The men from New York are
,ordered to leave on Tuesday night.
The main attack will be east of Lake Champlain .... The
other attack is to be by way of Malone advancing on the
line bearing upon Huntington. It is arranged that feints
should be made by way of boasting, noise, etc.-at Detroit,
Buffalo an,d Ogdensburgh, but no actual hostility attempted
at either place except from Buffalo in case of the initiatory
move in the East pl'oving a success .... They have also lost
greatly by recently accusing Col. Lewis of Vermont of
treachery in being the person who informed the Canadian
Government of the intended movement .... They will lose
in him the strongest individual they have in their ranks
so far as any one can muster and inspire the Vermont men
for the move .... I enclose three photos each of O'Neill, and
Cols. Lewis and Clingan which may be useful for the officers in Command. 65
Although the Canadian government was in possession of this
precise information, minor officials were unaware of this and
hundreds of telegrams poured into the office of the deputy
minister of justice, advising him of the imminent Fenian onslaught. On May 23 he was warned that a thousand barrels of
flour for the Fenians had arrived at St. Albans along with
large numbers of Fenians 66 ; that they were leaving in wagons
"" McMicken to H. Bernard, May 23, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers :
McMicken Reports, XII, 81-82.
C. J. Coursol to Bernard, May 23, 1870, Macdonald Papers: McMicken

Reports, XII, 83.
Final Fenian Assault on. tke British Empire
353
for the frontier 6 ' . On May 24 from 5,000 to 10,000 Fenians were
reported in the vicinity of Ogdensburg 68 ; 600 new Fenian
arrivals reported at St. Albans 69 ; four carloads of Fen,ians on
their way from Potsdam Junction 70 ; seventy-five teams used to
transport Fenian stores to the border at Franklin, Vermont 71 ;
400 Fenians passing through Burlington, Vermont 72 ; over a
hundred boxes of Fenian arms seen at St. Armands, Vermont 78 ;
three more car loads of Fenians at Potsdam J nnction 74 ; and six
field pieces of Fenian artillery seen at Pidgeon Hill, Vermont.7 5
While Canadian telegraph operators were clicking out such
exciting messages the Secretary of State in Washington was
calmly confiding to his diary :
Telegrams from Buffalo and Vermont of Fenian gatherings on the borders.
Cabinet. All present; read the telegrams from Dorsheimer
(Buffalo) Forster (Marshal of Vermont) and H,oughton
(U. S. Commr. Vt.) about Fenians. President suggests and
orders a Proclamation to be issued, warning all gio-0d citizens against engaging in such enterprise .... In the evening
receive further telegrams from Genl. Quimby, Marshal
Northern N. Y. send them to Sec. of War who refers me to
Genl. Sherman; I see him, sh'w him the telegrams. Quimby
asks for five companies of Infantry to be placed between
Ogdensburgh and Rouse 's Point. Sherman says he will
telegraph orders to Genl. Meade to forward such tvoops as
he can ; doubts if he has five companies. I telegraph to
Quimby to put himself in communication with Meade.7 6
J. Dakers to Bernard, May 23, 1870, Macdonald Papers: ibid., p. 85 .

.. J. Dakers to Bernard, May 24, 1870, ibid., p. 92.
"' Coursol to Bernard, May 24, 1870, ibid., p. 93.
' 0 Dakers to Bernard, May 24, 1870, ibid., p. 94.
" Dakers to Bernard, May 24, 1870, ibid., p. 98.
,. Dakers to Bernard, ibid., p. 107.
Dakers to Bernard, ibid., pp. 101-2.
"Dakers to Bernard, ibid., p. 111.
Dakers to Bernard, ibid., p. 115.
Fish Diary, May 24, 1870.
354
Tke Fenian Movement in tk6 United States: r858-r886
Meanwhile the massing of Fenian troops was not proceeding

according to schedule. By May 24, the troops promised by the
circles in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Vermont, and New York
had failed to appear. 77 Of the 3000 pledged, only a few hundred
had arrived at Franklin. The Canadians had made thorough
preparations to give the Fenians a warm welcome, with 13,489
men under arms. 78 At Sarnia, 300 riflemen supported by two
field guns and a company of mounted infantry awaited the
Fenians; at Windsor were 200 riflemen; on the Niagara frontier
the St. Catherine's troop of cavalry, the Welland field battery,
the Queenston mounted infantry corps, and the 19th, 44th,
ancl. 37th battalions of infantry were placed in position; at
Broc'k:ville 200 riflemen were stationed; at Prescott were 300 men
supported by two field guns ; Cornwall had 800 riflemen and
two field guns guarding the canal and railroad; at Brockville a
steamboat mounting a six pounder and fifty riflemen awaited
hostilities. 79
Despite these preparations O'Neill attacked at noon on May
25 with about 200 men. They marched down the road in fours
at double quick, headed by two mounted officers, one of ,whom
was O'Neill. A reserve of about the same strength was drawn
up in the village on the boundary. The Fenians opened fire
immediately, without order or precision, the balls ricocheting
from the trees. The Canadians awaiting them numbered about
75 men and with their first volley killed one Fenian and wounded
another. The Fenians fell back immediately. 80 The indignant
general addressed his followers :
Mlen of Ireland, I am ashamed of you! You have acted disgracefully today; but you will have another chance of showing whether you are craven or not. Comrades, we must not,
"O'Neill, Official Report ... , p. 15.
'"Military Report on Fenian Raid of 1870, G 21, Vol. IV., no. D.
'"P. Robertson Ross to Minister of Militia and Defense, May 25, 1870,
C 184, pp. 185-86.
80 W. J. Gascoigne report on Fenian raid, May 27, 1870, G 21, Vol. IV.
Military Reports on Fenian Raid. See also sixteen page report of Capt. S.
D. Fitzgeorge, June 1, 1870, ibid.
F'ilnal F'eni,0/11, Assault
o-n,
the British Empire
355
we dare not go back with the stain of cowardice on us.

Comrades, I will lead you again, and if you will not follow
me, I will go with my officers and die in your front! I now
leave you under charge of Boyle O'Reilly, and will go after
reinforcements, and bring them up at once. 81
While the general was hurrying to the rear he was met by
Thomas Forster, United States marshal of Vermont, who came
dashing up in a carriage amid a cloud of dust, and singlehandedly placed O'Neill under arrest. The disgraced general
was driven past his open-mouthed troops and whisked to jail
after failing to produce $20,000 bail on a charge of violating the
neutrality laws. 82 So ended the invasion of 1870 from Vermont.
The following day the Niagara frontier was reported perfectly
quiet. 88 Attention was now centered on Malone, New York,
where concentrations of Fenians were reported. 84 Their number
was swelled by a number of Fenians who were allowed to board
railway cars after the Vermont fiasco and proceed to Malone.
This force ventured across the border but they were immediately
chased back by the Canadians, who were waiting for them. 811
Fenian casualties in the two engagements were two killed; the
Canadians suffered no losses.
Disgusted Fenians deserted by the hundreds and railroads
offered to transport them home at half fare in the hope of being
rid of them. 86 General Gleeson, Dr. Donnelly, and Captain Mannix were also arrested by Marshal Quimby, who asked instructions from Washington on the disposition of the arms seized.
Secretary Fish's diary reflected President Grant's views on the
matter:
81 O'Neill, Official Report ... , p. 21. O'Reilly was covering the invasion
as special correspondent for the Boston Pilot.
.. Ibid., pp. 22-24. Cf. also report of Major General Meade in House
Executive Document, Vol. 2, Part I, 41 Cong., 3d Sess., 1870-71, p. 43.
88 H. P. Dwight to Bernard, May 26, 1870, Macdonald Papers: McMicken
Reports, XII, 153.
.. H. P. Dwight to Bernard, May 26, 1870, ibid., p. 156.
88 Dakers to Bernard, May 26, 1870, ibid., p. 158.
II Dakers to Bernard, May 29, 1870, ibid., p. 215.
356
Receive two telegrams from Genl. Quimby, announcing the

seizure of 30 tons of arms etc ; and asking what is to be
done with it and the other suggesting that Gov. aid the return to their homes of the Fenians. I take these to the Pres;
he declines aiding the Fenians to return home, says '' the
people along the Frontier have been sympathizing with these
movements and aiding these people, and if it is annoying
to them both it is well that they should sweat a while." He
directs that the arms be sent to the nearest U. S. Arsenal,
and that the Secy of War give directions to furnish transportation. At his request I stop at Belknap 's and give him
the Pres' Message, and telegraph to Marshal Quimby, the
President's decision. 87
The stranded Fenians were sent home at the expense of William
M. Tweed, of New York. 88
In Buffalo there was talk of the Fenians petitioning the government to release ,0 'Neill to the vengeful wrath of the Canadians.89 The senate wing disavowed any connection with the
failure as it was undertaken against the protest of the executive
authority. 90 The New Y,ork Times called for government action
against the Brotherhood :
88 O'Neill, Official Report . .. , p. 54. The popular Canadian version of
the raid is contained in The Fenian Raid of 1870 by Reporters Present at
the Scenes (3d ed.; Montreal, 1871). The I. R. A., standing for Irish
Republican Army was changed by them to read "I Ran Away." A ditty
popular among Canadians after the invasion of 1866 was brushed off and
put in circulation again a_fter this fiasco:
"With a lot of rusty muskets and a thousand old canteens
They set out to cook for Canada, a dish of Irish greens;
But the redcoats set the table in such a spicy way,
That O'Finnegan decided to dine some other day.
So back across the border helter skelter ran the host,
Leaving cook and bottle washer to settle up the cost ;
And the circles and the centres went to everlasting smash,
While the President and Secretary gobbled up the cash."
Cf. J. F. Dun, "Recollections of the Battle of Ridgeway," Welland Coun~
Historical Society Papers, p. 56.
89 New York Times, May 30, 1870.
00 Irish American, June 4, 1870.
FinaZ Fenian Assault
011.I
the British Empi,re
357
Even if they were able to conquer Canada, nobody believes

it would produce the liberation ,of Ireland from British
rule. It would be just as sensible to expect Russia to liberate
Poland if she heard that our Polish fellow-citizens had overpowered the garrison of Alaska .... We ought, therefore, to
help to put an end to the disgraceful swindle, and save at
least our own side of the border from being overrun once
every two or three years by an armed rabble .... It is clearly
not enough to issue a proclamation and put troops in motiorl
after the Fenian armies have appeared in the field. 91
The services of Henri LeCaron in bringing about the Fenian
debacle merited him a special bonus of $2000 in -the opinion of
McMicken. The remarkable point in this man's long career as
informer is that he was never detected, although he was not as
tight-lipped as informers are supposed to be:
Taking into account the sums at different times paid to him
in cases of exigency he has received from me _for the period
of his service an average salary of $100 p.er month .... He
rendered the only gun the Fenians had unserviceable by removing the Breech piece and concealing it so that it could
not be found for several hours after the repulse of the
invading body under O'Neill .... He also delayed or caused
the delay of bringing up the reserve force of Fenians some
400 striong to the support of O'Neill for about 2 hours instead of some 20 minutes and thereby contributed to the
complete discomfiture of O'Neill and. the collapse of the
movement. He is now bitterly denounced by the Fenian
newspapers-not however as a traitor-but as a hired tool
of O'Neill without heart in the cause and not an Irishman,
chiefly blamed for his disregard of their war material and
for inviting the country people around to help themselves
to arms .... If he ever encountered any risk or is subject
to any now it is entirely owing to his own imprudence,
which he will readily admit. He is very excitable and very
fond of having it known that he was a great instrument of
discomfiture to the Fenians, that although unfaithful to
them he was a true hearted Englishman, .... would when
01
New York Times, May 29, 1870.
I.
~?~
The .Feniaf!, Moveme~t in tke United States: I858-I886
there was oo occasion wl).atever for it reveal his name ~d

occupation to parties who need not 11.d should not have
lmown anything of the kind. 92
Minister Thornton viewed the end of the Fenian raid with
satisfaction apd the usual note of thanks was sent to the American government for its part in preventing any large scale operation. 98 This attitude of the British government was resented by
the Oanadians, who were by no means satisfied that tl!.e United
States had fulfilled its international obligations:
There is a general expression of disquiet in the public mind
at the complimentary remarks upon the action of the United
States Government in the English press while not a word
has been said in recognition of the really good and effective
service of the Oanadian militia .... There is a very strong
feeling in Canada that this is a British and not a Canadian
quarrel, and that the action of the United States Government is extremely unfriendly. 94
The British were concerned over the possible return of the
captured arms to the F~nians. Thornton was instructed to ask
that the government retain the seized equipment.91 The British
minister reported that thirty tons of arms and ammupition were
.. McMicken to Macdonald, July 1, 1870, Private, Macdonald Papers:

McMicken Reports, XII, 327-29.
'"'Thor!lton to Secretary Fish, May 28, 1870, Great Britain, Notes, Vol.
.. Lieutenant General Lindsay St. Gaul to Secretary of Sti,.te for War,
May 27, 1870, F, 0. 115 :503. St. Gaul was rebuked by Edward Cardwell
who told him : "the closing passages of your letter .... contain expressions
respecting the United States Government such as he can scarcely lay before
Parliament. I am to add that in cases only of political questions bearing
directly upon military operations will it be necessary for you to address
the Secretary of State for War upon them." Cf. Lugard to St. Gaul, June
11, 1870, Confidential, C 184, p. 212.
.. Lord Clarendon to Thornton, May 30, 1870, F. 0. 115 :503.
Fin<1,l Fenian /1.ssault on the British Empire
~59
impounded by ;i.uthoritie& along the border and placed in government arsenals. 96 After an interview with Thornton, Secretary
Fish wrote: '' Thornton calls, has a telegram from Ld. Clarendon
suggesting that the arms etc. captured be not returned to the
Fenians, as was done in 1866. I read him (unofficially and confidentially) my telegram of last evening to Quimby." 97 On
May 31, Fenian matters was the topic of a cabinet meeting, PresicJ.ent Grant was irritated by the activities of the Fenians:
C1J.binet. All present. Show Pres. the telegrams from Quimby
rec'd last evening about Rail Roads: he directs their reference to the Atty Genl. to prosecute the officers if it can be
done with probability of success .... He [Grant] expresses
a determination to issue a proclamation against such proceedings as those of the 'Irish Republic' the '' organization
of a Government within the U. S." the 'holding of a Congress,' and the '' assumption of the power to raise armies
and fit out expeditions.'' That ''this thing of being a Citizen
of the U. S. for the purpose of voting, and being protected
by this Gov. and then claiming to be Citizens of another
Gov. must be stopped.'' He requests me to prepare a proclamation, and consult the Atty. Genl. as to its form etc. 98
With Fenian affairs in such a pitial::)le state the British minister was once more convinced that the Brotherhood's power for
mischief was at an end :
The complete failure of the attempt tends to prove how
impossible it is for such a class of men engaged in an illegal
enterprise, to attain any high degree of discipline; the number of officers is said to have exceeded that of the men;
the arrangements were so ill made that I am told that in
one instance at least, men with breech loaders were supplied
96 Thornton to Lord Clarendon, May 30, 1870, F. 0. 115 :507.
"'Fish Diary, May 30, 1870. President Grant told Secretary Fish on July
1, 1870 that the material would not be returned to the Fenians, and that
it could not be released without an executive order. Cf. Fish Diary, July
1, 1870.
98
360
with muzzle loader ammunition. This abortive attempt must

however have cost a good deal of money and it will be more
difficult than ever to induce oonfid-ing Irish housemaids to
continue subscribing from their hardly earned gains the
funds required for such illegal and futile purposes. 99
Within a few days of this optimistic report the Washington
government was warned that the Fenian lion was only sleeping,
that '' Ottawa is the objective point where his growl will be
heard .... and have the green flag of Erin wave.'' 100 The Fenian lion continued to sleep in this country but John Lothrop
Motley, known as Motley of the "bifurcated scalp" because he
parted his hair in the middle, reported from London that Fenians in that city were preparing to vent their spleen by burning
down his house. 101
The Canadian government meanwhile determined to seek
reparations of the United States for not preventing the Fenian
raid. Earl Granville, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
was urged by the Canadian Privy Council to press a claim
against Washington :
The Committee of Council will be prepared to prove that
the Government of the United States have for several weeks
been cognizant of the prepara~ions openly made by citizens
of that country for the invasion of Canada.
It was not until the brigands were on the point of entering
Canada that the Proclamation of the President of the
United States was issued at Washington, and it was some
days afterward before United States troops appeared at
the place of action. A proclamation unsupported by troops
was obviously under the circumstances wholly ineffectual. .
. . There is a general feeling throughout the Dominion that
the United States Government has not adequately discharged
its duty on this occasion and that Great Britain is bound to
.. Thornton to Lord Oarendon, May 30, 1870, F. 0. 115 :507.
George F. Houghton, U. S. Commissioner for Vermont, to Fish, Private, June 4, 1870, Fish Letter Files, Vol. 69.
101 Motley to Secretary Fish, June 1, 1870, Private and Unofficial, Fish
Letter Files, Vol. 65.
100
Final Fenian Assault on the British Empire
361
protect the subjects of Her Majesty in the Dominion by

demanding adequate reparation for a most grievous Wl'long. 102
A. committee was sent to England to lay the Canadian claim before the British government. Secretary Fish predicted that no
action would be taken on this claim and remarked that: '' it
comes with an ill grace from those who have not made indemnity
for the St. A.lbans Raids which they neither prevented .... even
if they did not connive at.'' 108 The Secretary of State was correct, for the Canadians were warned on July 27, 1870 to tone
down their claim so that it could be presented to the: '' Government of a state with which H. M. is on terms of amity,'' 104 and
the following week were rapped on the knuckles for asserting
that: '' the Canadian people have not received from Her Majesty's Government the support and protection, which, as loyal
subjects of Her Majesty, they have a right to claim." 105 The
outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in July, 1870, probably
discouraged England from pressing the claim. Better feeling
existed between the two countries as a result of the ratification
of the Naturalization and Mixed Court Treaties that same
month.
Fenian activities lagged during the early part of the summer
of 1870 but there were still some people who saw an organized
plot on the part of the Fenians, the Democratic Party, and the
Catholic Church to seize control of the country. Lydia Maria
Child, prominent abolitionist and author, was typical of this
group. A.s a special pleader for abolition the woman was very
able, but like so many others before and since her time, when
she ventured to speak with authority on subjects of which she
was ignorant she resembled the River Platte-three inches deep
and five miles wide at the mouth:
Canadian Privy Council to Lord Oarendon, June 3, 1870, F. 0.
115 :503.
108 Secretary Fish to Motley, June 27, 1870, Fish Letter Book, II, 491.
10 Kimberley to Young, Jtily 27, 1870, G 21, Vol. III.
1"' Kimberley to Young, August 4, 1870, G 21, Vol. III. Subject:, Fenian
Raid Claims, no. 146.
102
3&2
Circtililstances have made the protection of the colored race

an instinct of self-preservation with the Republican Party.
The Democratic Party are, and always have been, ready to
compromise any principle of freedom for the sake of securing and retaining the Irish vote; and the Irish hate the
negooes and their protectors. I believe the Roman priesthood, and the Catholic powers of Europe, wish, and expect,
to undermine our free institutions by means of the influence
iOf Catholic voters, who, under their guidance, will go to
the death to maintafo the infalFbility of the Pope in politics,
as readily as they would to maintain his infallibility in
religious matters. The whole history of the Irish, from the
first conquest of their island down to the last Fenian expedition to Canada, shows that. they are very deficient in the
qualities most essential to miiitary success; but they are
brutal fighters, and unscrupulous in their modes of veng,eance. What they lack is leaders ; and those would be
furnished by that unprincipled class of American politicians, who sold .themselves to slaveholders for the sake of
the loaves and fishes in their gift, and who would be equally
ready to serve the purposes of the Roman Catholic priesthood, if their patty could thereby again control the government and secure a monopoly of .offices .... I thank you for
the garden-seeds. 106
The senate wing issued a call for a convention of Irish
nationalists to meet in Cincinnati on August 23 to adopt means
designoo. to help Ireland.107 The convention abolished the name
of Fenian as applied to itself and took the title of United Irishmen. This action marked the end of one wing of the Brotherhood. The constitution of the United Irishmen pledged the society to co-operation with the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood,
provided for a directory of seven members, three of whom were
to be chosen by the Savage wing, with whom a union was proposed, and made no provision for salaried offioers. 108
106 L. Maria Child to Sumner, July 4, 1870, Sumner Papers, Vol. 100,
Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cf. Dictionary of American
Biography, Vol. IV, pp. 67-68 for sketch of Mrs. Child.
"" Boston Pilot, July 30, 1870. James Gibbons issued the call.
108 New York Times, August 25, 1870; Irish American, September 3,
1870.
Final Fenian Assault on. tke British Empire
363
The Savage group of Fenians met in New York on August 30

for their ninth annual convention. Savage was re-elected chief
executive; and the proposal of the United Irishmen was sub~
mitted to the Fenians by Patriek Collins but it was rejected.
John Boyle O'Reilly applied for admission to the convention to
mak~ a statement but he was refused. The overtures. of the
United Irishmen were declined because the name ''Fenian''
was voted to be perpetuated.109 Savage had a plan of union of
his own. John O'Neill had been sentenced to two years imprisonment for violating the neutrality laws and he was confined in
Windsor Prison, Vermont. A committee consisting of John
0 'Mahony, Edward Counihan, and Edward McSweeney went to
Windsor Prison where a plan of union was agreed to on September 7:
1. That the said John O'Neill accepts the Constitution of
the Fenian Brotherhood as presided over by Chief
Executive John Savage as the Constitution of the
United Fenian Brotherhood.
2. That the said John O'Neill agrees on the part of himself and the organization of which he is President t,o
nominate two members of the Council-one of whom
shall he an auditor-or to accept a position on the Council himself as one of said members.
3. That this agreement between the parties named above
is made with the earnest hope that it will tend to the
union of all Irish Nationalists for the common cause of
Ireland's Independence.iio
It was a fine plan but it came two years too late to mean anything. When it was made there was no O'Neill wing to speak of
as the majority of his former followers had participated in the
formation of the United Irishmen.11i
100 Proceedings of the Ninth General Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood (New York, 1870), pp. 5-29.
" O'Mahony Papers.
m For O'Neill's later career as colonizer in Nebraska cf. Sister Martin
Langer, O.P.; "General O'Neil" (University of Notre Dame, 1937), Master
Thesis. O'Neill died in 1878. For obituary notice cf. Irish American, January 19, 1878.
364
Although O'Neill was discredited in Fenian eyes, he still had

supporters among prominent men. Horace Greeley and hundreds
of others appealed to President Grant to pardon him. When
.Grant visited St. Louis on August 12, he was presented with a
petition for O'Neill's release. 'l'he signatures, among which was
Erastus Wells, filled ten feet of the document in a double column.112 The President had decided during the first week in
August to issue an om;nibus Fenian pardon and a proclamation
calling on all good citizens to observe the neutrality laws, alluding gingerly to the Confederate raids from Canada during the
Civil War.11 8 A few days later Secretary Fish was informed by
the President, writing from his summer quarters at Long
Branch, New ,Jersey, that the attorney general had been notified
to draw up the pardon. 114 The attorney general acted with reluctance as he was convinced the praclamation would exasperate
the Canadians and "prevent the growth of a feeling in favor of
annexation.'' 115 Secretary Fish advised Grant to release the
Fenians, although not immediately :
I always supposed that you would deem it wise to release
'the persons convicted of participation in the Fenian raid.
Purely political prisoners are the worst kind of birds to
keep caged. I would however suggest whether it may not
be well to postpone the action for a short time. The pardon
will produce some irritation among the Canadians, who may
in their excitement annoy some of our fishermen. At present
they seem inclined to treat them very leniently. The fishing
season is over within a few weeks .... and it will do no great
harm to O'Neill to spend a few weeks in the cool climate of
Vermont. 116
112 Missouri Daily Democrat (St. Louis), August 15, 1870. Greeley sent
Thomas Murphy, Collector of the Port of New York, to Washington to
intercede for O'Neill.
118 J. C. B. Davis to Fish, August 5, 1870, Fish Letter Files, Vol. 71.
11 President Grant to Fish, August 7, 1870, ibid.
115 Davis to Fish, August 17, 1870, ibid.
11' Secretary Fish to President Grant, August 16, 1870, Fish Letter Books,
I, 866-67. The other Fenian was Colonel Owen Starr, sentenced at Canandaigua, New York. Cf. New York Times, July 13, 1870.
365
A few days later the Secretary of State wrote: "I hope that he
will not be in a hurry: but I fear that some persons are pressing
it, on the ground that it will have a beneficial effe~t on some
local elections.'' 117 The same day that Fish was writing this,
however, the President was informing him that he was acting
on his suggestion to postpone the issuance of the pardon. 118
Although Fish did not wish the Canadian government to know
of the impending release of O'Neill, he informed Thornton of it
a short time later. The British minister had visited him at his
home on the Hudson River to urge that the government retain
the Fenian arms:
He [Fish] added that the Government of the United States
had been put to very considerable expense on account of the
late attempt of the Fenians; that the accounts w.ere now
ooming in, and would probably amount to upwards of a
hundred thousand dollars. Even then if there should be any
other possible grounds for restoring the arms, he considered
that the Government would have a just claim upon them
for the expenses they had been forced to incur .... He said
that it was probable that the President would, after a
month or two, grant them their pardons, issuing at the same
time a prioclamation as to the illegality of such acts as they
and their comrades had committed. He added that if the
Government should determine upon taking this step, it
would be because they were convinced it was the best mode
of putting an end to such proceedings.119
Earl Granville protested against the release of the Fenians but
Thornton was unsuccessful in persuading Fish to detain them.
Mr. Fish .... said that he was convinced, that the detention
of the Fenian leaders in prison did mor.e harm than good,
m Secretary Fish to Davis, August 18, 1870, Davis Papers, Vol. VII.
118
President Grant to Fish, August 18, 1870, Fish Letter Files, Vol. 71.
119 Thornton to Lord Granville, August 29, 1870, F.0. 115 : 508. Earl
Granville became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on June 27, on the
death of Oarendon.
. 366
Tke Penian Movement in tke United States: 1858-1886
and that as long as they remained in confinement, a constant agitation would be kept up by the numerous Irish
population resident in the United States; the result of the
late raid, he said, had made them contemptible; their prolonged imprisonment would give them the honours of martyrs .... He was convinced, he said, that the Fenian organization was completely broken up as far as any attack upon
Canada was concerned, and he claimed that the conduct of
the United States authorities on the occasion of the late raid
had proved to the Fenians that this Government would not
tolerate any such proceedings.120
The pardons were issued on October 13, together with. a proclamation against filibustering. Fish showed the proclamation
to Thornton, who, according to the Secretary of State '' professed
himself much pleased with it." 121 The British minister's real
feelings on the matter were revealed to Granville:
I pr.esume that besides that the United States Government
seem to have no particular desire at this moment to do anything friendly towards Canada, the pressure of the Republican party who required votes during th.e approaching elections, was more than the President could resist. Mr. Fish
declares that the enclosed Proclamation is directed principally against th.e Fenians, but the majority of the persons
with whom I have spoken upon the subject, seem to think
that it rather has reference to those who from this couiltry
aid the insurgents in Cuba.122
The Canadian government resented this action of the United
States and complained that it was not treated justly by the
British. It applied for a copy of the correspondence which passed
between Great Britain and this country, but Thornton was instructed to: "supply so much of it as may in your opinion, be
given without prejudice to the general interest.'' 128
Thornton to Lord Granville, October 3, 1870, ibid.
Fish to Davis, October 13, 1870, Davis Papers, Vol. VIII.
122 Thornton to Lord Granville, October 17, 1870, F.O. 115 :509.
m Lord Granville to Thornton, October 6, 1870, F.O. 115 :504.
220
367
The anger of the :Ottawa government was increased by a growing impression that their optimism over the apparent :extinction
of Fenianism was once again premature. Reports began arriving
in Canada i~ September that the spirit and purpose of the Brotherhood existed as determinedly as ever. That a new organization
called the United Brotherhood, a branch of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, was expanding rapidly in the U;nited Stat.es;
''Circles'' had given way to ''Camps'' presided over by senior
and junior wardens. According to one report eighteen camps
flourished in New York City, with thousands of iinpatient Irishmen waiting for English involvement in a war as the opportunity
to pounce on Canada. 124 If Canadian government officials had
known of the discussion that took place in a cabinet meeting at
the :end of November they would have been convinced that new
Fenian hostilities were being planned:
Cabinet. All present. Belknap [Secretary of War] states
that Michael Scanlon has applied to purchase the clothing
etc. etc. now at the Watervliet Arsenal, abandoned by the
Fenia:ri.s on their late raid upon Canada .... Belknap inclines
to let him have them. I object. He says they are of little
value, made of the poorest material and that it cost the
Quarter Master's Dept. a good deal for their transportation;
that the stocks of the muskets and rifles are sawed in two,
so as to fold up and be packed in a short trunk or case. I
advise that the articles had better be burnt than be returned
to the Fenians or that they be allowed to have them.125
Lord Lisgar, Governor-general of Canada, protested strongly
against the action of the United States Government in pardoning
the Fenian leaders:
'
'.l,'he recent repulse of the Fenian invaders has had no effect

:in dissolving the Fenian body; but on the contrary we have
126 McMickep
to Macdonald, September 7, 1870, Private, Macdonald
Papers : McMicken Reports, XII, 465-66.
125 Fish Diary, November 29, 1870. The next day Fish noted that the
President said the arms would ~ purchased on foreign account.
...
I
368
the best reason '.to believe that the result has been the amalgamation of the several oonflicting sections of that bQdy
and their reorganization into a new and more formidable
conspiracy as a branch of the traitorous association in Ireland known as the Irish Republican Brotherhood; .... Their
imprisonment, short as it has been, will be sufficient to
Cl'lown them as martyrs in the eyes of their countrymen but
will be altogether insufficient to vindicate the outraged law
of the United States or to satisfy the injuries inflicted upon
the people of Canada .... Canada is not a oonsenting party
to the course proposed to be pursued by the pardoning of
the Fenian leaders, but on the contrary views it with regret
and apprehension.126
The Franco-Prussian War was raging at the time and the possibility of involvement undoubtedly influenced Great Britain to
acquiesce in the American Government's procedure. The same
factor underlay the announcement that the majority of the
Fenian prisoners would be released from British prisons.127
When this news reached New York plans were immediately
formulated to tender the Fenians a royal welcome. Tammany
.Hall, in what the New York Times termed ''another. bid for the
Irish vote, '' passed the first resolution : '' Resolved, That the
General Committee of Tammany Hall Society, pledged as it is
to the cause of freedom all over the world, tender to the Irish
l.
118 Lord Granville to Thornton, November 4, 1870, F.O. 115 :509. Thomton was sent a copy of the protest sent to London by the Canadian Govem'ment.. Part of Lord Lisgar's letter was copied verbatim from one sent him
by Sir John A. Macdonald. Cf. Macdonald to Lord Lisgar, October 11,
1870, Macdonald Letter. Books, XIV, 300-3.
:12r Moran to Secretary Fish, December 24,
1870, Great Britain Desp.,
Vol. 107, MS Dept. of State. Those announced were John McCafferty,
Thomas F. Bourke, John McClure, William G. Halpin, Patrick Walsh,
Mortimer Shea, and William Mackey. The naturalization convention was
signed by Motley and Clarendon on May 13. Cf. Secretary Fish to Motley,
May 27, 1870, Great Britain, Instructions, Vol. XXII, MS .Dept. of State.
For interesting account of the negotiations preceding the ratification cf.
Rising Lake Morrow, "Negotiations of the Anglo-American Treaty of
1870," American Historical" Review, XXXIX ( 1934), 663-81.
Final, J!enwn Assault ow the British Empire
369
patriots a cordial welcome.'' 128 A fund of $20,000 was raised by

the Hall to entertain them. Benjamin Butler headed a delegation
of United Irishmen to the White House where they were introduced to President Grant. They also wished to participate in the
welcome extended to the returning heroes. 129 The hopes of the
Irish nationalists were lifted by the enthusiasm displayed over
the coming of the Flenians. They saw an end to ~ll factions with
the ''Exiles,'' as they were called, becoming the focal point for
a new and stronger Irish organization.130 John Savage called for
a convention of the Fenians, United Irishmen, and other Irish
organizations to be held shortly after the arrival of the released
prisoners. Their advice and co-operation would be sought in
forming one huge Brotherhood out of the many Irish societies
then existing. 181 A Republican Fenian advised Nathaniel Banks
on the means to leave his political opponents a century behind
the age. "My suggestion simply is that you move in the House
to have a certain am 't appropriated for the prisoners, to be
given to them in solid cash and not wasted in receptions, dinner
parties etc. '' 182
December 30, 1870.

,
Boston Pilot, December 31, 1870. The President of the United Irishmen was J. W. Fitzgerald, President of the Cincinnati Common Council.
Another former Fenian, A. L. Morrison, was a member of- the Illinois
Legislature from Chicago. Cf. James R. O'Beime to Butler, December 28,
1870, Butler Papers, Library of Congress, where the General is thanked
for his efforts op. behalf of Irish nationalism.
280 Irish People, January 21, 1871.
181 Ibid., January 28; 1871.
uz John Warren to Banks, January 5, 1871, Banks Papers, Essex Institute.
228
228
OlJiAPTER
BURN EVERYTHING THAT
(JOMES FROM
ENGLAND BUT HER
COAL
The first contingent of released Fenians arrived at New York

on January19, 1871. These men, known as the ~'Cuba Five,"
after the name of the ship on which they came, were Jeremiah
0 'Donovan Rossa, Charles Underwood O'Connell, John_ Devoy,
. John McClure, and Henry S. Mulleda. They ran into a stormy
reception as both the Democrats and Republicans of New York
were striving for the honor of officially greeting them and raced
down the bay to meet the ship. First on board was the Republican
collector of the port of New York, Thomas Murphy,_ who attempted to captUl'e the '' Cuba Five'' on behalf of the Republicans. The Democrats, headed by a delegation from Tammany
Hall which was led by Richard O 'Gorman and William R.
Roberts, arrived a few seconds later and a v,erbal battle ensued
between the rival factions for control of the Fenian heroes.1 The
fiv,e bones of contention wisely decided to steer clear of both
factions and made their way to Sweeny 's Hotel, spurning the
palatial Astor House, where suites had been reserv,ed for them
by Tammany Hall.
A round of receptions and parades followed. A parade was
held in their honor, in which William M. Tweed was grand
marshal, and Tammany Hall bestowed a gift of $15,000 on the
five celebrities. 2 All went well until Rossa was called on to speak
at Tammany Hall. He declared that if he went to Ireland and
the Orangemen there offered him a welcome, he would accept
it as a tribute to the cause he represented. This wasan unhappy
comparison in the eyes of Tammany and Rossa was henceforth
regarded by the Hhll with a jaundiced eye. At the end of t}J.e
1 New York Times, January 21, 1871; Rossa described the incident in
his Irish Rebeis in English' Prisons, (New York, 1882), pp. 425-27.,
New York Herald, January 31, 1871; corroborated by Rossa, op. cit.,
p. 427.
370
Burn Everything That Comes From England But Her Coal 371
year Rossa ran on the Republican ticket against Tweed for the
New Yiork Senate and lost. The Fenians' friend, Benjamin Butler, introduced a resolution of welcome to the exiles in the House:
Resolved, Th~t the Congress of the United States, in the

name and on behalf of the people of the United States, give
to J. O'Donovan Rossa, Thomas Clarke Luby, John
0 'Leary, Thomas F. Burke, Charles Underwood O'Connell,
and their associates, Irish exiles, a cordial welcome to the
capital, also to the country, and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted to them by the President of the United
States. 8
This resolution was passed, 172 to 21, the negative votes being
cast by Republicans. Congratulatory telegrams and letters from
grateful Fenians were received by Butler. The postmaster at
Quincy, Illinois wrote him : '' If such treatment of the oppressed
people of Ireland, who flee to our shore for protection from the
tyranny of England, was more general by the Republican party,
there could be no good reason why they should cling to democracy." 4
The receptions held in honor of the '' Cuba Five'' and their
associates had a political tinge with incidents such as the following rather common :
There are loud cries of '' Roberts, Roberts!'' This is the
famous Colonel Roberts, once the head of a Fenian split of
a split. I learn afterwards that the gallant Colonel had a lot
of fellows paid to call on him. The air was filled with cries
of ''Roberts,'' and at last the Chairman came forward and
asked was Colonel Roberts in the hall. The Colonel, who
was at one of the doors modestly concealed, then marched
up the whole length of the hall, appeared on the platform,
took off his outside coat, and with a voice of thunder made
New York Herald, January 31, 1871.
Michael Piggott to Butler, January 31, 1871, Butler Papers. Cf. also J.
W. Fitzgerald, President National Directory of United Irishmen to Butler,
January 31, 1871; John W. Mahon to Butler, February 4, 1871; Celtic Club
of District of Columbia to Butler, Febru,Lry 10, 1871.
372
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United States: z858-z886
a rattling speech on "Irish Nationality." He gave all the

old claptrap, "these gallant heroes," "England's accursed
tyranny," "Ireland's imperishable rights, founded on the
principles of God's eternal justice,'' all well committed to
memory. He paced the stage, and if England saw him then
she would have trembled for her very existence. All this was
a bid for the Irish vote! All got up by the astute Colonel
himself. Curious engraftation on the programme of the
evening, but puffing and advertising is the great Yankee
notion. 5
'
The '' Cuba Five'' lost no time in setting forth their plans
for a grand organization of all Irishmen. Their program was .
first enunciated by John Devoy:
Our aim will be to create an Irish party in this eountry,
whose actions in American politics will have for its sole
object the interests of Ireland. We will also hold aloof from
all the different sections of Fenians. I may tell you that
most of us are sick of the very issue of Fenianism, though
as resolved as ever to work for the attainment of Irish
independence.8
The popular enthusiasm which greeted the first. five Fenians to
reach this country was also extended to the others who arrived
-in the following months. 7 They were received by President Grant
on February 22. 8 The acclaim with which the newly-liberated
warriors were received imbued them with the idea that they were
the acknowledged leaders of their race in .America. They thereupon laid down a comprehensive program for _future revolutionary activity:
Rev. Michael B. Buckley, Diary of a Tour in America, edited by Kate
Buckley (Dublin, 1886), pp. 219-20. The author was a C:atholic priest who
ca.me to the United States to collect money to build a church in Ireland.
His observations on Irish-Americans furnish delightful reading.
Boston Pilot, February 4, 1871. Letter to John Boyle O'Reilly.
'They were Thomas Clarke Luby, John O'Leary, William G. Halpin,
Colonel Ricard O'S. Burke, John McCafferty, William Mackey, Thomas F.
Bourke, William Roantree, Denis Dowling Mulcahy; and Dr. Edward
Power.
New York Times, February 23, 1871.
We come forward with a simple and as oomprehensive a
plan of operation for union as the vastness of the undertaking permits.
We propose that for the present all existing societies of
Irishmen willing to act with us, whether "Fenian," Hibernian, Temperance, Benevolent, Literary, or Revolutionary,
retain their original names and regulations if they desire
to d,o so ..... Each organization or society desirous to work
with us for Ireland in its own way can do so, but will be
required to send twenty five percent of its revenue to our
treasury, and each society sending that amount shall be
entitled to send a representative to a general council which
we contemplate at an early date to form an Irish Confederation.
We consider that this name-Irish Confederation will be
the most appropriate and the least objectionable one that
we can give the organization. It shall be composed of a
Directory of Five, chosen at present from and by the men
who have come here from English prisons, and of a general
council delegated from different States, Districts, and Territories. One thing we have to guard against is treachery. 9
This plan met with an encouraging response. The United Irishmen transferred its power and authority to the Irish Confederation,10 and John Savage resigned as chief executive of the Fenian
Brotherhood in order to facilitate the union of that body with
the Confederation.11 The Canadian government retained one of
their detectives in New York who reported on the progress made
by the "exiles" in uniting all Irish organizations. According to
him they were confident of making Fenianism more powerful
than ever before and on a stronger basis. 12
The tenth general convention of the Brotherhood was convened in New York on March 21, 1871, to consider the plan of
the Irish Confederation. John O 'Mahony was again prominent
10 Ibid_., March 4, 1871. .
u Irish American, February 18, 1871.
12 McMicken
to Macdonald, February 24, 1871, Macdonald Papers:
McMicken Reports, XII, 671.
374
The Feniar.,, Movement in the United States: z858-z886
in Fenian affairs and as the founder of Fenil!,Ilisx i~ this coun-:_

try he naturally opposed any amalgamation of the Brotherhood.
The plan suggested was rejected by the Fenians who voted to
continue their own organization. The office of chief executive
was abolished and an executive council of twenty-one elected,
which chose a chief se~retary. The Legion ot St. Patrick, the
military adjunct of the Fenians, was placed under the command
of General F. F. Millen. 18 The unwillingness of the Fenians to
place themselves under the control of the irish Confederation
drew fire from the Irish People: "We deliberately and emphatically pronounce John O 'Mahony and John Savage to be
the enemies of true union among all Irishmen in America .....
This is the curse of our race. Let us differ on anything and forthwith the difference assumes the appearance, and in most cases
the reality, of personal hatred.,, 14
The last impetus given Fenianism in Congress occurred at
that time. The Joint High Commissjon of the United States and
Great Britain on the Alabama Claims was in session. Benjamin
Butler took the occasion to present a joint resolution in the
House proposing that the President lay before the commission
the claims of American citizens for damages and losses on
account of imprisonment in England for complicity with the
Fenian cause in Ireland. The resolution received ninety-seven
yotes, but as it laC'med the necessary two-thirds it was dropped. 15
18 Proceedings of the Tenth General Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood (New York, 1871), pp. 28-35. Only $59,000 were received during
Savage's term of office. The Legion of St. Patrick was organized in 1870
and made its first appearance on March 17, an appropriate day, on which
800 marched in a parade. Cf. Boston Pilot, April 2, 1870.
"April 1, 1871. This was written by Peter McCorry, who succeeded
O'Mahony as editor. Peter had an axe to grind as he had been expelled
from the Brotherhood the year before for accusing Savage of trying to
use his position for political capital. In 1884 McCorry was editor of the
Catholic Herald in Boston, and later transferred it to New York. He was
a regular contributor to Donahoe's Magazine. In 1872 he was President of
the Irish Champion Club, a political society wor~g for the election of
Greeley. Cf. Irish People, September 7, 1872.
"'Thornton to Lord Granviite, April 18, 1871, F. 0. 5: 1297.
Bum Everyth:ing That Comes From Engla;n,d But Her Coal 375
Encourag13ment to Fenianism came from an unexpected quarter in J a,nuary, 1871. Charles Sumner, chairman of the powerful
Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate, was the man who
gave it a boost. Secretary Fish conslted him for suggestions on
p9ints to be discussed in the Treaty of Washington, which was
then being negotiated. Sumner was no longer ~ friend of Fish
and he had opposed President Grant in his desire to annex the
D~minican Rypublic. In years previous he had opposed any
measure in the Senate designed to aid the Fenians. Yet when
Fish consultes]. him he listed one point which must precede any
discussion between England and the United States:
The greatest trouble, if not peril, being a constant source
,of anxiety and disturbance, is from Fenianism, which is
excited by the proximity of the British flag in Canada.
Therefore the withdrawal of the British flag cannot be
abandoned as a condition or preliminary of such a settlement as is now proposed. To make the settlement complete,
the withdrawal should be from this hemisphere including
provinces and islands.16
1 Fish Diary, January 17, 1871. Cf. also Humphrey J. Desmond, "Fenian
Episode in American Politics," Journal of American Irish Historical
Society, XV (1916), 328. This was the same Sumner who wrote t~e
Duchess of Argyll on April 3, 1866: "Fenia~ism is to us only a noisy
shadow, without reality. I never saw a Fenian." Cf. Edward' Lillie Pierce,
'Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner (Boston, 1877-93), IV, 276. The
first rift between Sumner and Fish occurred in April, 1869, when the first
draft of the Claims Convention drawn up by Motley and Qarendon was
rejected by the Senate, fifty-four to one. Sumner attempted to dictate to
Fish on the points that should be included in the Convention. An argument
ensued in which Sumner threatened to make his friend Motley resign. Fish
retorted that a better man could be found in an hour. He later told his
friend Thornton about the quarrel. Cf. Thornton to Clarendon, May 25,
1869, F.O. 5: 1160. For good treatment of the part played by Sumner in
the negotiations preceding the Treaty of Washington and the aftermath of
his demand that Great Britain relinquish all her North! American possessions, cf. Charles Francis Adams; Lee at Appomatto:i- and Other Papers
(New York, 1902), pp. 31-256.
376
The Fenian Movement in the United States: I858-I886 .
This pronouncement of the Senator from Massachusetts evoked

enthusiastic letters from journalistic Fenians who pictured him
as the new champion of the -Oppressed Irish. According to one
correspondent who claimed he could swing a million Irish votes
to his support: "A year from now, I shall hold a mass meeting
of the Irish-Americans of Washington, and have Charles Sumner
nominated for President .... So, sir, I see that your prospects
are better and brighter than those of any other man in the
country." 17 An editor of the Irish RepubUc told Sumner that
his latest effort '' caps the climax of all your stupendous efforts
for mankin~." 18 John Jay favored Sumner's idea in a letter
to Secretary Fish, stating that England should withdraw from
Canada which would be annexed to the United States, and thus
would end any possibility of repeated Fenian raids. 19
This about-face on Sumner's part was due, not to any fear of
Fenianism, but to a desire to torpedo any chance of a settlement
of differences between the United States and Great Britain. Had
he made this statement five years previous, the Fenians would
have capitalized on it. It came too late to cause more than a
flurry in their ranks, since their organization was giving ground
to the Irish Confederation.
Benjamin Butler also received assurances from prominent
I:msh-Americans that he would be rewarded at the polls for his
efforts in behalf of Ireland. 20 An ardent female Fenian, Lizzie.
0 'Brien, gave lectures on '' Fenianism, or Ireland at Home and
Abroad,'' and sought the backing of Butler in this enterprise.21
Charles E. St. Qair to Sumner, January 30, 1871, Sumner Papers. Vol.
103, Houghton Library, Harvard University.
a John Pope Hodnett to Sumner, January 30, 1871, Sumner Papers, ibid.
a John Jay to Fish, March 15, 1871, Fish Papers, Vol. 77. Adam Badeau,
personal friend of President Grant, wrote from London the same day that
the English "are sore about the reception of the Fenians." Cf. Badeau to
Fish, March 15, 1871, ibid.
" P. W. Dunne and John Scanlan to Butler, March 6, 1871, Butler Papers, Library of Congress. These two men formed the Irish Labor League,
a short-lived organization.
11 Lizzie O'Brien to Butler, March 19, 1871, ibid.
Burn Everything That Comes F1rom England But Her Coal 377
Information came to the Canadian government in May that
O'Neill, accompanied by a Catholic priest named Sherry, was
busy collecting the arms that had been secreted in the vicinity
of Malone and Potsdam Junction. 22 The following month LeCaron reappeared with news of O'Neill 's plan for another dash
at Canada:
I received a telegram from O 'N wishing me to meet him in
Chicago thinking perhaps he wanted to pay me the note I
hold against him I ran up-he came here yesterday from
Detroit I saw no money of course but I learned something
of interest to you. Forsyth-myself-Cosgrove-Clingan
-:-Flood-0 'Neill were all who had the talk and an invitation to take a part in an expedition to R. R. [Red River]
..... He was somewhat reserved with me at first but I concluded from my Nationality he cant do without me. He left
this city this morning for St. Paul, Minnesota where he
will meet O 'Donohoe to make arrangements with him about
the affair. 0 'D will then go on to R. R. after seing O 'N.
and O'Neill will return here ..... He says he has been to
Buffalo, Dunkirk and Detroit to look up assistance ....
Forsyth and Clingan w,ould have nothing to do with it and
persuaded me not to either ..... They gave him '' H':ell.''
Donnelly is in with him and is now in Buffalo working up
affairs and will be here next week-to join him on his return what do you think of this-and what shall I do ....
Have no desire to leave my practice-but if it pays well I
am in. 23
Ordinarily the receipt of such a report would have caused a
scurry of activity on the part of the Canadian government, but
1'87]j was election year in Canada and Sir John A. Macdonald
was perturbed over the possibl,e defection of Canadian Irish
Catholics to the "Grit" standard of George Brown. The solution
22 Dakers to Sir G. E. Cartier, May I, 1871, Macdonald Papers: McMicken Reports, XII, 708.
28 R. G. Sager [LeCaron] to McMicken, JuQ.e 16, 1871, Macdonald. Papers: McMicken Reports, XII, 741-42. LeCaron was a graduate of Rush
Medical College, Chicago.
378
The Fenian M~vement
in the United States: z858-z886
hit upon was a startling one, even for a politician like Sir John,
a political opportunist to his finger tips. Patrick Boyle, vociferous editor of the Fenian Irish Canadian, had long been a plague
to Macdonald, who, on several occasions, contemplated bringing
charges of_ sedition against him. Yet at this time the Prime Minister wrote to a wealthy Catholic of Toronto:
My idea is that the best plan would be to get the control of
the Irish Canadian by securing the proprietorship and keeping Boyle, if he will serve, as Manager and Editor. The
paper might be as factious as it pleased about Irish home
polities, or even as to New.York movements, for all I would
care. As long as it pursued that course it would keep up its
present subscription. list and influence. With respect to Canadian polities it should not sudden.).y veer round, as that
would excite suspicion. but it should cease to advocate a
junction between the Grits and the Catholics, and by degrees, after next session and before the Elections, COII).e
round in support of Ministerial Candidates. It could easily
do so upon the ground t_hat it sees that justice is at last
being done to Irishmen etc., etc. 24
This plan fell through and Boyle continued to bedevil the Macdonald government.
Although the Fenians had voted to remain aloof from the Irish
Confederation, an effort was made to form a union between the
two organizations in the summer of 1871. It was agreed that
a council of five members be appointed:
The Allied Council shall be formed of two representatives
elected by the Irish Confederation, and two elected by the
Fenian Brotherhood, with a fifth .... to be chosen by the
four representatives. The members of the Allied Council
elected by the Fenian Brotherhood shall have no voice in
the management of the internal affairs of the Irish Confederation, nor shall the representatives of the latter exercise any control over the internal business of the Fenian
Brotherhood.211
"Macdonald to Frank Smith, Confidential, July 17, 1871, Macdonald
Lefter Books, XVI, 40-41.
.. Irish People, September 9, 1871.
The Fenian members of this allied council were William G. Halpin and George Cahill. It really was not a union as far as coordinated action was concerned and it collapsed after a few
months.
The Irish Confederation was making progress in increasing
its membership, and had won the support of five Irish-American
newspapers in New ~ork. 26 The only paper propagating Fenian
principles was Stephen J. Meany's Irish Democrat. 21 The Boston
P.ilot advised the Fenians to adopt the name of United Irishmen,
saying: '' A bright hope is better than a sad memory. Fenian, to
strange ears, is a word of mean sound .... which the Irish revolutionists will do well to bury with all the honors due to its
venerable antiquity.'' 28 But Fenianism was not dead yet. James
Stephens reawakened interest by his arrival in this country at
the end of September. This time he came, not as a peace maker,
but as agent for a wine house of Le Havre. 29 He was immediately
accused of being a British spy by his former adherents, but he
found a defender in O 'Mahony, who refused to have him made
the sole scapegoat for the sins of Fenianism. 30
LeCaron 's reports during the .summer of 1871 had aroused
little activity on the part of the Canadian government. Beginning
in September they assumed a pattern similar to those of former
years. On the third of the month he warned McMicken that
26 They were the Irish American, Irish Citizen, Irish Republic, Irish
People, and the Irish World, which was begun in 1870.
"' Buckley, Diary . .. , p. 225, has a humorous anecdote on the prevalence
of high ranking officers among the Fenians: "I was in the Irish Democrat
office yesterday, talking to Mr. Joseph Meany, the editor. He introduced
me to a gentleman who sat at a table, and whom I took for a sub-editor,
though perhaps, for aught I know, he was only clerk; but whatever the
gentleman was he was a major. Soon came in another gentleman, whom
I recognized; he was a colonel. One cannot help being amused at seeing
these military men lookihg so very civil, and engaged in the ordinary
avocations of society."
Ibid., September 30, 1871.
380
The Fenian Movement in the'United States: z858-z886
0 'Neill with his Fenian cohorts would be in Montreal before

he had a chance to proceed there; that Fenians were leaving St.
Louis, Chicago, and Detroit; that 100 stand of arms and 4000 .
rounds of ammunition were being shipped. 31 The informer's
geography was rather confused as a week later the United States
consul at Winnipeg reported that French half-breeds in the
vicinity of Pembina were being supplied with money by the
Fenians and were preparing for a pillaging raid into Manitoba.82
.A few days later .Adam G. Archibald, Lieutenant-governor at
Fort Garry advised Prime Minister Macdonald that O'Neill was
at St. Paul accompanied by several Fenian captains and colonels.83 On receipt of this news Macdonald despatched McMicken
to St. Paul to ascertain the state of affairs in that locality. The
dominion police commissioner for Ontario quickly ferreted out
some information:
The French half-breeds are greatly dissatisfied and excited
and not at. all to be relied upon and .... would Dldt be ~urprised to hear ,of their falling in with O'Donohoe and O'Neil
in their enterprise ..... I learned ..... that 47 men in all
left Chicago to join in the expedition ..... On Monday that
O'Donohoe was getting funds from the Northern Pacific
Railway officials and that the idea was that any means
created would drive the Canadian Government into activity
in starting the Pacific Railroad and that they would be able
to take advantage of it in driving a good bargain.84
Two days later the startling news came to Macdonald that
O'Neill, a Fenian gunsmith of Fort Garry by the name of Kennedy, and Colonel Kelly of Manchester notoriety of four years
81 R. G. S. to Jas. Bell [LeCaron to McMicken] September 3, 1871, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, VI, 37-39.
.. I. M. Taylor to J. C. B. Davis, Acting Secretary of State, September
11, 1871, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. VI, copy,
83 Archibald to Macdonald, September 15,.1871, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, VI, 50.
.. McMicken to Macdonald, September 27, 1871, Private, Macdonald
Papers : ibid.
Burn Everything That Comes From England Bitt Her Coal 381
before, had been closeted with Bishop Tache of Fort Garry until four o;clock in the morning. 85 On October 5, Macdonald wrote
that O'Neill, 0 'Donoghue, and Clingen were moving towards
Fort Garry, and that the time was not opportune to release the
twelve Fenians still incarcerated in Canada. 86 Archibald, the
panicky Lieutenant-governor at Fort Garry, reported the crisis
as formidable, that 200 well-armed men were moving on Manitoba, and he begged immediate aid. 87
On October 5, 0 'Neill struck with forty men, crossing the
border at Georgetown, Minnesota, and capturing the Canadian
custopi house at Pembina, which was not garrisoned. 88 O'Neill,
ten of his followers, and 200 stand of arms were immediately
captured by United States troops. So ended O'Neill's third
assault on a portion of the British Empire. Strictly speaking it
was not a Fenian raid but was really the work of William
0 'Donoghue, a disaffected Canadian. He had a plan for the
annexation of Rupert's Land and solicited the aid of Jay Cooke
to carry out the scheme. 89 He succeeded in winning the support
of O'Neill in New York, who failed to win the backing of the
Fenians for such a venture. 40 They hoped to have the help of
Louis Riel and other French Canadians in the Red River Country. 41 0 'Neill and O 'Donoghue were released within a few days
.. McMicken to Macdonald, September 29, 1871, Private, Macdonald
Papers: ibid.
86 Macdonald to Frank Smith, Toronto, Private, October 5, 1871, Macdonald Letter Books, XVI, 253-54.
81 Archibald to Macdonald, telegraph cipher, October 9, 1871, Macdonald
Papers: Fenians, Vol. VI.
88 Walter J. Traill to Macdonald, October 9, 1871, Macdonald Papers:
ibid.; New York Times, October 13, 1871.
Cf. North Dakota Historical Quarterly, V (October), 49-53, for lette~
from O'Donoghue to Cooke.
John P. Pritchett, "Origin of the So-called Fenian Raid on Manitoba,"
Canadian Historical Review, X (1929), 23-42.
41 A. H. de Tremaudan, "Louis Riel and the Fenian Raid on Manitoba,"
Canadian Historical Review, IV (1923), 132-44; Gilbert McMicken, "Fenian Raid on Manitoba," Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba
Transactions, XXXII (1889). LeCaron wrote McMicken on November l,
./(
I.
382
Tke Fenian Movement in the United States: r858-r886
of their capture42 , although Secretary Fish noted in his diary :

'' President directs .... the District Attorney in Minnesota be
enquired of as to the release of O'Neil. ... on the charge of
attempting to invade Manitoba. He wishes all the parties named
prosecuted and punished.'' 43 The Canadian government considered applying for the surrender of O'Neill and O'Donoghue
under the extradition act but abandoned the idea when it was
realized the two could not be convicted of robbery while engaged
in the raid. 44
This marked the end of O'Neill as a figure in Irish-American
revolutionary societies. He had joined the Irish Confederation
in the spring of 1871 and was repudiated by that organization
after the futile attempt to conquer Canada by way of Pembina. 45
The Fenian general spent the remaining years of his life as a
colonizer in Nebraska, a project the Canadian government was
informed on several occasions, was nothing more than a scheme
to concoct plans for future forays against Canada.46
Another effort was made to increase the membership of the
Irish Confederation by an appeal to Irish-Americans to join
either one of the two societies composing that body. The hope
that England would become embroiled with Germany, victorious
over France in the Franco-Prussian War, prompted this appeal
to Irishmen to prepare for the impending struggle:
1871, that it was not a Fenian raid, that O'Neill and 0 1Donoghue had no
money of their own, the opinion in Chicago being that the Hudson Bay
Company and Northern Pacific Railroad furnished the means. He also
announced O'Neill's resignation from the Fenian Brotherhood when it
refused to finance the move. Cf. LeCaron to McMicken, November 1, 1871,
Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. VI.
"New York Times, October 17, 1871.
.. Fish Diary, November 10, 1871.
.. Macdonald to A. G. Archibald, Private; November 30, 1871, Macdonald Letter Books, XVI, 542.
Irish People, October 21, 1871.
A. McMicken to H. Bernard, Deputy Minister of Justice, December 2,
1871, Macdonald Papers: Fenians, Vol. VI; George Crump to Thornton,
July Hi, 1878, G 3, Vol. XV, P.A.C.
r
i
~
I
I
.I
;
. I
,D
'1
Burn Everything That Comes From Eng'lo!nJ.t But Her OoaJ, 383
Now is the time to join the national ranks, and commence
the preparation for the struggle, nearly upon us. Let our
countrym'en of every city, town and hamlet in the Union,
where a dozen Irishmen dwell, join either the Confederation
or the Fenian Brotherhood, and form co:nipanies of the
Legion of St. Patrick, and all necessary instructions will
be furnished on application to the Secretaries of the Brotherhood and the Confederation ..... This council of five
shall have charge of all the funds of both societies, after
local expenses are defrayed ..... No member of th.is council
shall receive any salary, or remuneration of any kind for
his services.47
A few Fenians. did join the Irish Confederation but most of its
strength came from men who had taken no part in the earlier
Irish-American organizations. The fact that there were no issues
ii.t hand on which an appeal could be made to the Irlish-.Americans accounted for the slow growth of the Confederation. In the
beginning of 1872 it was reported as :
working quietly and .... with some effect. Several clubs in
this city [New York] M1d Brooklyn meet regularly, an_d are
making progress in the matter of members. But there is a
lack of soul or interest among the people to all essays in
behalf of Ireland, which is not encouraging. Patriotic by
spasms; our countrymen, with a few exceptions, seem to live
supine, awaiting another electrification. Whence will it
comeY 48
The British and Canadian governments evinced little interest
in Fenian threats during 1872. Canadian Prime Minister Macdonald had urged the London Government to press for the prosecution of O'Neill and O'Donoghue, but Secretary Fish had
"irtsh American, October 28, 1871. Members of the council were Rossa,
Halpin, Luby; and Cahill. P. J. Meehan severed his relationship with the
Fenians and Irish Confederation at this time and remained inactive in lrishAmericari affairs until the inception of the Land League. He died hi 1906.
For biographical sketch see Irish American and Gaelic American, April
28, 1906.
.
.
.
.. Boston Pilot, February 10, 1872. The Irish Confederation had the
support of Mitchel as a letter from him to Rossa on March 11 endorsed it.
\
,
384
The Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-z886
declined saying: "It was exceedingly difficult to find a jury in

the neighborhood who did not sympathize mth these marauders
..... The inhabitants of those parts were principally borderers
who were themselves of loose habits or they were Irish settlers
employed upon the Northern Pacific Railroad." 49 Consul Archibald in New York, soon to be knighted for his ability to dispense
the "Saxon shilling" to Fenian informers, reported in April
that 2560 rifles were still secreted along the Canadian frontier,
left over from the raid of 1870.50
The Irish Confederation held its first annual convention in
:May and a new constitution was drawn up. It provided for a
directory of twelve members, five of whom were to constitute
an executive committee. 51 The activities of the Fenian Brotherhood reached a low ebb during the greater part of the year. The
only effort made to keep the organization alive was by O 'Mahony who delivered lectures throughout the country on '' Ireland's Revolutionary Struggle from 1848 to 1872.'' 52
Nevertheless the eleventh annual convention of the Brotherhood was held in New York in August. O'Mahony was elected
chief secretary, a title equivalent to that of head centre, which
he formerly held. 58 The Brotherhood by that time was confined
chiefly to New York and a small section of Massachusetts. H
0 'Mahony was also given command of the Legion of St. Patrick,
the military body of the Brotherhood. 55
The long-standing feud between O 'Mahony and Michael Scanlan came to an end in 1872. They had exchanged many hard
Lord Kimberley to Lord Lisgar, March 27, 1872, Secret, G 3, Vol.
VIII, P.A.C.
Archibald to Lord Granville, April 10, 1872, Secret, G 3, Vol. VIII.
.,. Irish American, May 25, 1872; Boston Pilot, June l, 1872. The Executive Committee consisted-of T. F. Bourke, Rossa, Luby, Devoy, and James
O'Kelly.
02 New York Times, March 6, 1872. He lectured in Chicago on October
26, 1872.
Irish People, August 31, 1872.
"Ibid., letter from Patrick J. Downing.
.. Ibid., October 5, 1872.
j
r\
Burn Everything That Comes From England But Her Coal, 385
words through their newspapers and all the skeletons in the
Fenian closet had been rattled publicly. Scanlan wrote in his
Irish Republican:
With John O'Mahony we have had some differences. We
differed with him because of his slowness. We have often
wondered latterly whether O 'Mahony was too slow or whether we were too fast. We are inclined to think now ,that
he was as advanced as were the Irish people and moved as
fast as it was safe to travel ..... He is above reproach, as
far as money-making or staining his hands with plunder
go.56
The Irish-American newspapers in 1872 were agreed on the
apathy which had come over the Irish element in this country.
The Boston Pilot summed up the efforts of Irish revolutionary
societies at the end of the year :
At present, the two most prominent organizations, but not
the most powerful, are the Irish Confederation and the
Fenian B11otherhood. 'l'he first of these has everything that
is meant by honesty of purpose, and would become a power
if there were anything but apathy in the breasts of Irishmen throughout the land. The Fenian Brotherhood, which
has returned in its decrepit age to John O'Mahony, for a
leader, is rattling its old bones a good deal and hopes for
rejuvenation under the old man's banner. 57
The most powerful organization, the one not mentioned, was
the Clan-na-Gael, which had begun in 1867. Started by members
of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood who fled to this country
from Ireland when the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, a
remarkable degree of secrecy was maintained in its early years.
The records of the Fenian Brotherhood showed serious defection
from that time. Undoubtedly many left the Fenian ranks from
.. Ibid., September 21, 1872, reprinted from Irish Republican. In New
York it was the Irish Republic, but when Scanlan moved the paper to
Washington in April, 1872, the name was changed to Irish Republican.
01 October 12, 1872.
386
disgust and disillusionment, but others joined the Clan-na-Gael,

which really was a secret society. Not much is known of the
Clan-na-Gael in the years before the 1880's when the murder of
Dr. Cronin and the revelations of LeCaron brought to light its
extent and strength. The story of this society and the activities
of Alexander Sullivan and "Rocky Mountain" O'Brien would
furnish interesting reading.
The Irish Confederation was short-lived as it collapsed in the
spring of 1873.58 Its members for the most part joined either the
Fenian Brotherhood or the Home Rule Movement which was
beginning to gain ground in America. 59 Diametrically opposed to
the Fenian principle that the only hope for Irish regeneration
lay in an armed uprising, the Home Rule Movement relied upon
a pursuit of legal and constitutional agitation. It was a rebirth
of the principles advocated by Daniel O'Connell. The failure of
the Irish Confederation was due to the fact that no prominent
men espoused it. Even John Boyle O'Reilly, who arrived in the
United States in 1869 following his escape from Australia, had
had enough of organizations which relied on force to attain
their ends. He wrote Rossa: "Wish you had nothing to do with
Fenianism or Confederation. Can't believe in them. I can't
think you can't. Think Fenianism is big a humbug as Mormonism. American Fenianism-Politics.'' 60
In 1873 the Fenians established two newspapers. They were
the American Gael and the Sun<lay Citizen. The Brotherhood
founded the Irish National Publishing Company and appointed
10':Mahony as editor of the .American Gael. 61 O'Mahony had been
bequeathed $500 by Michael Phelan, who died in 1871, and this
was used in starting the new papers. 62 Phelan, first national
"Boston Pilot, June 7, 1873. Luby had written of the ending of the
Confederation to the Sunday Democrat, April 13, 1873.
Irish People, June 7, 1873.
' 0 O'Mahony Papers, dated March 2, 1872. There are four letters among
the O'Mahony Papers from O'Reilly.
61 Boston Pilot, July 12, 1873.
62 New York Tribune, February 8, 1877.
~
i
Burn Everything That Comes From England B'U,t Her Coal 387
billiard champion of the United States and an ardent nationalist, though not a Fenian, interest~d himself in any movement
designed to win independence for Ireland.63 O'Mahony's aim as
editor of the paper was to regain the support of the old Fenians
who had left the Brotherhood:
I have given a good deal of thought to the advisability of
giving an exposition of the "Fenian past" in this paper.
I have concluded that it is the most judicious course not
to enter too deeply into the subject for the present. In the
first place, I could not well do so without re-opening wounds
that are not yet healed ..... This is a thing that would prevent that union and harmony among Irishmen of good wili,
though once mistaken, which is indispensable to success in
the Fenian future. In the next place it would be premature;
for my audience is not yet large enough for an effective
defense of the original Fenian programme, as the Gael does
not circulate at present to any large extent among those
who were formerly led astray by the leaders of the Canadian secession ..... At present, however, my great object is
to conciliate all that are honest and sincere of my fellow
0ountrymen in America and to rally them once more in one
patriotic . phalanx. 64
03 When the Young Ireland refugees arrived here in
1848 and 1849,
Phelan joined Michael Doheny, Thomas Devin Reilly, Joseph Brennan,
and John Savage in forming an Irish revolutionary society called the
Silent Friends. Several Irish military organizations were started by this
group, out of which sprang the Sixty-ninth New York State National
Guai;d. In 1851 Phelan visited Ireland and England, ostensibly as a billiard
player, but really to open communication with the Irish revolutionists. He
won fame in this country both as a billiard player and manufacturer of
billiard tables, with his son-in-law, Hugh W. Collender, as partner. He
won the national championship in Detroit in 1859 and a purse of $15,000.
He retired from billiard play undefeated in 1861. Though not an enrolled
Fenian, he was a benefactor of the Brotherhood on numerous occasions.
Cf. New York Citizen, February 2, 1856; Michael Cavanagh, "Our Dead
Comrades-Captain Michael Phelan," Celtic Magazine, I (1882), 17-35;
Irish People, October 21, 1871 ; Gleanings from the History of Billiards
(Chicago, 1896), pp. 15-16.
' O'Mahony Papers. Addressed to John McCafferty, dated June 13,
1873.
388
The .American Gael never attained a large circulation and died

after a short time. It was started at an unfortunate time as the
Panic of 1873 began a few months later. Hard times fell on the
laboring classes, of whom the Irish formed a large proportion.
Irishmen were not going to spend two dollars a year for a newspaper with the prospect of continued unemployment confronting
them.
The twelfth annual convention met in New York in August.
0 'Mahony was re-elected chief secretary and a board of nine
financial trustees selected. 65 Although only a shadow of its former strength, the convention voted the continuance of Fenian.ism. Two of its bylaws read:
That the policy of the Fenian Brotherhood can never be
changed; nor can the Fenian Brotherhood, or any of its
members, ever join any organization or man in an attack
on Canada, or on any other territory on this side of the
Atlantic, except with the consent of the Government of the
United States. That the Fenian Brotherhood, as now incorporated and constituted, shall never be dissolved, nor suffered to be dissolved .or weakened, until the object of Fenianism shall have been fully attained. 66
Another grievance on which the Fenians had formerly won
support in this country was removed shortly after the close of
the convention. This was the payment by Great Britain of
1$15,500,000 on September 9, for damages suffered by Union
shipping during the Civil War from the ''Alabama'' and other
.. Boston Pilot, September 6, 1873; Constitution and By-Laws of the

Fenian Brotherhood (New York, 1873), p. 2. Copy among the O'Mahony
Papers. The trustees were John Barry, New York; George Cahill, Quincy,
Mass. ; Patrick Dunn, Brooklyn; John J. Marrin, Albany; Edward Whalen,
Paterson, N. J.; John Murphy, New York; George Smith, Greenpoint,
L. I.; Daniel McOuskey, New York; Patrick H. Ford, Brooklyn, The
Executive Council, which was the governing body, consisted of these nine
and O'Mahony.
00
Ibid., p. 15.
11
Confederate raiders built in English shipyards.67 Their only
gain during the year was the dubious honor of being included
in the Griffin and Christy minstrels. 68
The activity of the Brotherhood during 1874 was directed to:.
ward obtaining the release of Fenians still undergoing sentence.
They were sixteen in number, three of whom were in England,
ten in Australia, and three in Ireland. 69 The thirteenth convention of the Brotherhood met in August with only sixty delegates
present. 0 'Mahony was re-elected head centre, the title of chief
secretary being discarded. 70 A central council of ten members
was elected, several of whom had been active in the defunct Irish
Confederation. 71 The Fenians were buoyed up by the announcement that they had been awarded $30,000 in the suit brought by
0 'Mahony against August Belmont. As it turned out, they had
won only the first round, as the verdict was appealed and reversed. The money was in the hands of a receiver and it was
lost in a bank crash. A sizable sum it was, cautione~ the Boston
Pilot, but. not enough to wage war against Great Britain. 72 The
Fenians, with this money as the start of a new war fund, envisioned a brighter future:
The Treaty of Washington, concluded in May, 1871, provided for submittal of the "Alabama Claims" to a Geneva tribunal of arbitration. For
an interesting account of British allegations of the American Government's
toleration of Fenianism cf. Papers Relating to the Treaty of Washington,
Vol. II, Geneva Arbitration (Washington, 1872), passim.
88 The Fenian Spy, or John Bull in America (New York, 1873). Known
as an Ethiopian drama, the characters were Mr. Greenhorn, an Englishman;
Feli:l!: O'Flannigan, a Fenian broth of a boy; Fanny Phoenix, a dashing
young Irish girl. It ends with Felix drubbing the Englishman, who swea.r:s
he will become a Fenian.
.. New York Times, March 28, 1874.
Constitution and By-Laws of the Fenian Brotherhood (New York,
1874), p. 1. O'Mahony Papers.
n Luby, John Murphy, T. F. Bourke, John Lysaght, George Smith, Rossa,
John D. Driscoll, William Lomasney Mackey, John Barry, and John Sullivan.
"September 5, 1874.
61
390
The hour has arrived when .... we should awake to :fresh

and strenuous exertions, and rise and rally round the old
standard ,of our :fathers ..... In the recent Convention of
the Fenian Brotherhood, energetic measures have been
adopted for the revival of our glorious struggle ..... Immediate steps are to be taken once more, after so long and
pernicious an alienation, to a fraternal communication with
the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood at home ..... There is
ample room .... for all fXisting Irish national organizations to work for the old land without jostling against each
other. 78
The minutes of this convention reveal that one of the principal
topics of discussion was the American Gael. 0 'Mahony charged
that some Fenians had attempted to sell the support of the
paper the previous year to politicians. Benjamin Butler had
offered $1000 if he obtained the Republican nomination for the
governorship of Massachusetts. 0 'Mahony resigned as editor in
the spring of 1874, as the paper was $15,000 in debt. James
Haltigan was editor for a short time, but this journalistic venture collapsed a short time later. 74
Secret resolutions were passed at the convention of 1874 which
are not written in the minutes. The Fenians were sworn not to
disclose the numerical and financial strength of the Brotherhood.
O'Mahony's salary, which had been fixed at $1000 at the previous convention, was increased to $1200. The name of the Legion
of St. Patrick was changed to the Irish Legion. The most significant contribution was made by the committee on home organization, composed of Luby, Rossa, McCafferty, and George Smith,
which made the following recommendation : "We are strongly
of opinion that it is our duty not only to make every possible
,. Boston Pilot, September 26, 1874; address of Central Council.

"Haltigan was President of the Clan-na-Gael in 1871. Cf. Irish People,
July 29, 1871; later editor of the Celtic Monthly. His brother Patrick was
editor of the National Hibernian at Washington ; later Reading Clerk of
the House of Representatives.
II
.Burn Everytkvng Tkat Comes From E'Yl,{J'l,o;n,d But Her Coal 391
effort to rescue our brothers, still incarcerated in British Dungeons, but also to render some pecuniary assistance to their
destitute families." 75
Undoubtedly, one of the resolutions not mentioned in the
minutes conoorned an attempt to rescue the ten Fenians who had
been deported to Australia. An indication of this was given in
a letter from John Mitchel to Rossa, shortly before Mitchel returned to Ireland to die. Mitchel lectured during 1874 on behalf
of Irish revolutionary organizations. This letter, written within
a few months of his death, reveals the unquenchable spirit of
the man:
The good Irishmen who are interesting themselves in a good
and sacred work which I need not more particularly specify,
qut which calls forth all my sympathies, will certainly allow
me to make my humble contribution towards the fund which
is to go to that noble use. I think I said to you before that
I would not think of making profit of a lecture, the proceeds of which were to be devoted to such a cause. Take back
therefore this checque for $100. I will not have it. When I
myself was in Australian captivity, I never could have
dreamed of any possibility of escape, but for the means
supplied for that purpose by our giood countrymen. Who
shall sympathize with our countrymen in bondage if I did
not? Therefore, my dear friend, just cancel this checque,
for it would be far more grateful if I were young enough
to take a part in the expedition which no doubt will be made,
than to derive any sort of personal p11ofit from the devoted
zeal of my countrymen in such a cause. Which is in fact my
own cause. 76
The efforts of the Fenians during 1875 were directed toward
raising funds necessary to aid in the rescue of the prisoners
from Australia. The progress they made was reported at the
fourteenth annual convention which met in January, 1876.
Sixty delegates attended and heard a report from O 'Mahony on
'" Minutes of the Thirteenth Convention. O'Mahony Papers.
'"O'Mahony Papers. Letter dated December 8, 1874.
392
The Fenian Movement -in the United Sta,tes: 1858-1886
the progress made during the past year. The head centre urged
the Fenians not to allow themselves to be turned aside from the
pursuit of their country's independence, either by the specious
arguments of political adventurers or the artful dodges of designing men who were enemies to Ireland and her cause. 77 The Fenian system was judged best calculated to advance the cause of
Ireland and that the continued existence of the Fenian Brotherhood was indispensable to the welfare of the Irish cause. The
. convention voted to resume co-operation with the revolutionary
party in Ireland}8 James Stephens' venture as a wine salesman
had been unsuccessful and he had returned to Paris. The American Fenians urged his reinstatement as head of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, saying: '' It is the opinion of the delegates
to this (the fourteenth) General Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood that the restoration of James Stephens to the proud
position he once occupied and filled with such credit to himself
and credit to Ireland is of paramount importance to the cause
of Irish nationality at home and abroad.' 179
An outcome of this convention was the establishment of a
'' Skirmishing Fund'' by O 'Dono.van Rossa in March. The object
of this fund was to provide the '' sinews of war'' to small groups
of men who would procee:l, to England and commence a campaign of terrorism by dynamiting bridges, gas works, and arsenals. In years to come the disposition of this fund was to be
the cause of violent quarrels, enmity, and charges of thievery
among Fenians who had been prisoners together in England. Not
until Rossa began his newspaper, the United Irishm<1111, in 1881,
did the fund reach sizable proportions.
Announcement of the rescue of the Fenians from .Australia
reached the United States in June, 1876. The Fenians rejoiced
at the success of the "Catalpa" expedition, and even John
Boyle O'Reilly, who was no Fenian, warned the British:
"New York Herald, January 29, 1876.
'" Irish World, February 19, 1876. The minutes of this convention have
been lost. The only document in the O'Mahony Papers is a copy of the
constitution and by laws adopted.
England will now begin to realize that she has made a mis.
take that will follow her to her death.hed, in making .I~e.
land so implacable and daring an enemy. This is only an
earnest of what will come when the clouds of war are over
her. The men who sent the "Catalpa" to Australia are just
the men to send out a hundred ''Catalpas'' to wipe British
commerce from the face of the sea. 80
That was the extent of Fenian activity during the year. O'Ma
hony received many letters advising him to undertake various
enterprises whereby the Brotherhood might be strengthened. One
correspondent urged a policy pursued by Mitchel and the Irish.
American revolutionists of the 1850's:
Now that the elections are over, it would seem to be a favor

able time for some action to be taken by the Fenian Brother.
hood, calculated to increase public interest in their work,
and tally with the times.
Many years ago, if I am not mistaken, you were one of
those who had some negotiations with the Russian Minister
in Washington. Would it not be well to try to reopen the
negotiations now? .... It is not yet time for Russia to openly
,oppose England .... There seem to be symptoms of agitation
in Poland. These will be used by England, and Russia may
wish a countervailing trouble in Ireland. But I should not
expect from Russia more than ( 1) promises, ( 2) some
money, (3) newspaper help. Russia will ,only need Ireland
as a demonstration, but Ireland may make good use of the
countenance or aid Russia gives.
Nearly all the Russian ironclads are ordered to Italy, to
winter there .... The Baltic will be frozen about Christmas
and St. Petersburg will be safe. And the six weieks armis
tice will have expired, and the mobilized troops will be
ready to enter Roumania. All these events concentrate on a
common date, which will probably be the date of a com
mencement of a war ..... All these are indications that a
war, in which England will engage, is probable .... Would
80 Boston Pilot, June 10, 1876. For part played by John Breslin, John
Devoy, and OannaGael in the rescue cf. Zephaniah W. Pease, The
Catalpa Expedition (New Bedford, Mass., 1897).
\
)
'
394
The Fenian Movement in the United Sfoites: I858-I886
it not be worth while to issue a -circular or call, for names

of men who are ready and willing to obey orders and do
active revolutionary work in any part of the world in
Ireland's cause .... Anything is better than inaction ....
This is a crisis which demands some audacious activity fr.om
the Fenian Brotherhood. 81
But John O 'Mahony was in no position to undertake this
task as he was dying. Death came to him on February 6, 1877,
nine days after he resigned as head centre. 82 The fifteenth convention of the Brotherhood met on January 29, and on February
2 O'Donovan Rossa was elected head centre. 83
In the death of O 'Mahony, Fenian.ism lost its founder and most
active promoter. He had lived in poverty and had endured much
abuse from his former adherents who accused him of everything
but thievery, which was one accusation never brought against
him. 0 'Mahony was an honest man, and the Fenians realized his
worth only after he had passed. Memorial meetings were held
throughout the country in honor of the Fenian chief, and the
_Fenians of Philadelphia outdid themselves in paying their respects. At a mass meeting there : '' The Chief point of attraction
in the decorations being a raised platform heavily draped in
mourning, and upon which rested an elaborately mounted casket, kindly loaned for the occasion by Mr. M. G. Redmond, the
undertaker.'' 84
The Fenians decided to send O'Mahony's remains to Ireland
to be interred in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin. The Williams and
''
)\
;[
81 O'Mahony Papers. This letter was written by William M. Curry on

November 17, 1876. Curry was a prolific writer, contributing columns of
material to the Irish-American press for many years, under the initials
W.M.C.
.. New York Herald, February 8, 1877. The reason given for his resignation was his illness but he died reconciled with the Catholic Church,
which necessitated his resignation from the Brotherhood.
88 Irish World, February 10, 1877; Irish American, February 17, 1877.
William G. Halpin became active in Fenianism again, being named to
Rossa's Council with Luby.
"'Irish American, March 3, 1877.
./
./
I
\_
Guion Steamship Line, for which Rossa was ticket agent, offered
to ship the body to Ireland without charge. A committee, among
whom were Dr. Denis Dowling Mulcahy, William Roantree, William Cusack, Stephen J. Kelly, and Thomas Gill, accompanied
the body to Ireland. As with the McManus obsequies sixteen
years before, the funeral of O 'Mahony witnessed a tremendous
turnout of Irishmen to pay their final respects to the departed
Fenian. The remarks of Mulcahy on his arrival in Ireland were
appropriate:
We seem unable or unwilling to recognize the worth ,o.f a
man until he is dead, and then we pay him naitional honors,
when he can no longer serve his native land. We seem to
set more value on the dead patriot's bones than on his living
brains. Had we honored O 'Mahony while living as we now
honor him when dead, his life might have been prolonged
many years .... But, if we ever hope to see Ireland free, we
must honor the attempt as well as the triumph. So long as
sacrifice and suffering meet only with scorn and contempt,
or at best with a mawkish sentimental sympathy, which
savors more of condemnation than encouragement, we need
not expect to see Ireland free. The charity of silence is too
often deemed the proper reward for defeat. But a cause
which can point to patriots as pure as John O 'Mahony-men
of incorruptible integrity and uncompromising principle-will not die, and cannot be put down. 85
A minor flurry of excitement was caused in Britain in the
early months of 1877 by a report from Consul Archibald ithat
the Fenians were once again depositing arms along the Canadian
border. According to his report John Breslin, hero of the rescue
of the Fenians from Australian captivity, was busy visiting
localities where the implements of war were stored. 86 The British
'" Dublin Nation, March 3, 1877. The funeral of O'Mahony corroborated
a remark by John O'Leary that: "The rebel can reckon upon nothing in
life; he is sure to be calumniated, he is likely to be robbed, and may even
be murdered; but let him once go out of life, and he is sure of a fine
funeral."
.. Archibald to Earl of Derby, December 19, 1876, Secret, G 3, Vol. XIV.
396
The Fenian Movement in the United St{])tes: I858-I886
consul suggested that LeCaron be re-employed and sent to New

Y1ork to ferret out the facts regarding Fenian aims. 87 'l'he Fenian threat subsided momentarily and LeCaron 's services were
not required in 1877.
The Brotherhood was stagnant during the rest of the yar
and called upon Stephens to return to this country to take control. This letter was written him on December 17, 1877 :
We sent you $200 (975 Francs) and request that you will
come out to .America as soon as possible. There seems to be
a want ,of harmonious action between Irishmen here and
between Irishmen at the other side, as well as between the
men here and there, and we think your coming out at present would do good. Please let us know if y,ou will come. 88
Stephens did not respond to this letter for a year, but Rossa
received letters from Ireland warning him against Stephens. One
written by James O'Connor, who showed a fine command of
abusive language, painted Stephens in unflattering colors:
Let Stephens say what he pleases about his influence in
Ireland. You know the wretch is incapable of telling the
truth-he lies deliberately as to the extent of his influence
in Ireland .... There is not a decent man in Ireland, unless
he is a known idiot, that belongs to his scabby little party ...
. . You are puffing him finely in America with your list of
centers from Ireland, England and Scotland. Of course
they are all centres, as every bounty jumper in the States is
a Colonel, a Mlajor, or a General. Do you think I don't know
the whole rotten crew whose names are on the list of
Stephens' supporters .... I am glad he is gone there because
I trust to common sense of men to see thr.ough him when the
veil of distance is removed from the rogue's face ... So long
then as we can keep his tainted reputation from doing mischief here we can afford to let y,ou beyond have the full
benefit of his trickery and deception. You may show thi'is
87
Archibald to Earl of Derby, January 5, 1877, Secret, G 3, Vol. XIV.
O'Mahony Papers. Copy.
Burn Everything That Comes From England Biit Her Coal 397
to the old villain or to any of his fools that you may wish
to accommodate. 89
The year 1878 was marked by rumors of another Fenian invasion of Canada. Reports came from St. Albans and Buffalo
early in May that Fenian rifle companies were busy drilling,
ready to advance into Canada in the event of an Anglo-Russian
war. 90 Sir Edward Thornton was convinced that the Fenians
were bent on work of a sanguinary nature, and pictured their
resurgence in the following despatch:
There is within the last few days remarkable activity
amongst the Brotherhood in all parts of the country in
organizing, drilling, raising money and purchasing arms
and ammunition. The indications are that forces are being
prepared at Chicago and Buffalo, and that in the event of
our being forced into a war with Russia, they will attempt
to make a raid upon Canada from those points .... I am
now sending an agent on whom I can rely, and who will be
able to discover their secrets .... in Chicago, Cleveland and
Buffalo. 91
The agent selected by the British Minister was UeCaron, who
although practicing medicine in Braidwood, Illinois, was always
ready to assume the role of informer. According to the peerless
pensionary of the British government, the Fenian threat was
ramifying alarmingly, with every Irish-American society in the
United States involved in a plot to commence a gory operation
on Canada:
Throughout the Western States the Fenian organizations
are united in one common bond and are enthusiastic and
earnest. The camps are not numerous, but their membership
is large. The military companies are strict in discipline and
89 Ibid., This same James O'Connor was a pallbearer at Stephens' funeral
in 1901. Cf. Dublin Irish People, April 6, 1901.
00 New York Tribune, May 8, 1878.
1 Thornton to Marquis of Salisbury, May 13, 1878, Secret, G 3, Vol. XV.
398
The Fenian Movement .in the Unite(}, States: 1858-1886
regular in drill possessing arms ammunition and equipments. Indeed the military inclination among the secret
Irish Societies of the. country is vastly increasing. The
United Brotherhood, the Fenian Brotherhood, the .Ancient
Order of Hibernians and the Sons of Erin appear to be
devoting attention and funds to the organization of military
companies. Paid inspection officers under orders of the
Executive Council of the V. C. [United Brotherhood] travel
from city to city inspecting old companies and encouraging
the formation of new ones .... In short there appears to be
a gradual ooncentration of all Irish organizations around
the authority of the Executive Council of the United Brotherhood. 92
By the end of 1878 the British government was being informed
of the formation of an '' Irish Army of Liberation.'' Muster rolls
had been issued and General F. F. Millen, an old-time Fenian,
was busy drumming up recruits. 98 The only development of these
threatening gestures was the application of the term ''Irish
Russians'' to the Fenians. 94
Rossa resigned as head centre of the Brotherhood in August,

1878. Up till then $73,000 had been subscribed to the '' Skirmishing Fund,'' and the application of this fund was discussed
by the Irish-American press. John Boyle O'Reilly admitted that
movements outside constitutional agitation were necessary in
order to compel the attentio:r;i. of the stronger power. He regretted
the fact that Irishmen should use the knife and bullet, but placed
the blame on the '' merciless country that has filled Irish hearts
with hatred and violence towards her.'' 95
The Fenians gathered for the sixteenth general convention in
New York on .October 17.98 The title of head centre was once
more abolished and the governing of the Broth~rhood entrusted
.. George Crump, British Consul, Philadelphia, to Thornton, July 10,
1878, Secret, G 3, Vol. XV.
98 Crump to Thornton, November 15, 1878, Secret, ibid .
.. New York Tribune, May 7, 1878.
00 Boston Pilot, September 21, 1878.
""Irish American, November 2, 1878.
i
.J
I
,)1
r
~
\....,.../i
Burn Everytli,ing That Comes From England But Her Coal 399
to a council of thirteen, presided over by a chairman. There was
a complete turnover among the officers at this convention, the
majority of the old time Fenians having joined Michael Davitt 's
Home Rule Movement, known as the "New Departure." Davitt
was in the Ulnited States at the time and won many supporters
among Irish-Americans. The Fenian council repudiated the
"New Departure." which advocated constitutional agitation. 97
James Stephens, despite the uncomplimentary notices which
preceded him, arrived in this country January 31, 1879 :
He had been appointed head of the Fenian organization in
Ireland. Mr. Stephens said he did not anticipate much
opposition, but he came prepared for any that might arise.
The main idea that the Fenian organization in the United
States should be tributary to the Central organization in
Ireland, he had come over to carry out unswervingly. 98
The central council of the Brotherhood met in March and placed
the books and papers of the organization in Stephens' hands,
hoping that general reorganization and co-operative action with
the men in !rel.and would result. 99 But Stephens was unsuccessful in his efforts and returned to France at the end of 1880.100
Boston Pilot, December 21, 1878.
Irish American, March 15, 1879.
,.. Stephens returned to Ireland in 1891. Michael Davitt was an admirer
of Stephens and remained a devoted friend. Stephens died March 29, 1901.
Like O'Mahony, he was given a magnificent funeral with burial in Glasnevin Cemetery. Stephens had his faults, but he was sincere in his efforts
to win independence for Ireland, for whom he devoted the greater part of
his life. He was arrogant, intolerant, and anti-clerical, which is not
synonymous with anti-Catholic. The efforts made should also be considered
in Judging a man's life. The margin between success and failure is sometimes a thin one. Stephens labored with a misguided zeal for what he considered the welfare of Ireland. One can appreciate his general plan without
accepting particular principles. A reading of the many letters denouncing
Stephens would lead one to believe that he was the personification of evil,
unless it were kept in mind that they were written by impetuous Irishmen,
who afterwards regretted their actions. Cf. Dublin Irish People, April 6,
1901, for account of Stephens' funeral.
97
118
400
The Fenian Movement in the Umted Sta,tes: I858-I886
The Irish Land League of America held its first convention

in 1880, and elected Patrick A. Collins its first president101 The
Fenian Brotherhood was temporarily disbanded as efforts to
establish a new society of United Irishmen were made the same
year. 102 The society ceased to exist after a few months.
Although the Fenian Brotherhood did not function as a society during 1881, warnings concerning their intentions continued to reach the British and Canadian governments. Charles
Stewart Parnell,. Protestant president of the Irish Land League,
had visited the United States in 1880. Hailed as the uncrowned
king of Ireland, he was received by the president, addressed
Congress, and was extended courtesies ordinarily reserved for
heads of foreign governments. 108 Upon his return to Ireland the
Land League was outlawed by the British Government and
charges were lodged against Parnell and his lieutenants. Prime
Minister Macdonald immediately received the following threatening telegram from an aroused Buffalo Irishman: '' If Parnell is
convicted two hundred thousand Fenians will land in Canada in
twenty four hours.'' 104 Two days later the Governor-general
was warned: '' If Parnell is convicted get out of Canada. One
hundred thousand Fenians will be there in 24 hours notice.'' 105
101 Irish American, May 28, 1880. Collins, former bond agent for the
Fenians, later had a distinguished career. He was a member of Congress
from 1882 to 1888. In 1892 he was appointed Consul-general in London and
his former Fenian ambition to strike the Saxon a telling blow was not
used by the British to refuse the exequatwr. He was elected Mayor of
Bostop in 1901 and 1903, and was mentioned prominently as a Cabinet
appointment during Cleveland's second term. A monument was erected in
his honor by public subscription in Boston in 1908. For sketch of Collins
cf.Dictionary of American Biograph), IV (1930), 309-10.
102
Irish American, July 24, 1880. Rossa was Secretary.
Norman Dunbar Palmer, The Irish Land League Crisis (New Haven,
194-0), pp. 98-99, 147-48.
103
1.. J. J. McBride to Macdonald, January 5, 1881, Macdonald Papers:

Fenians, Vol. VI.
100
McBride to Lord Lome, January 7, 1881, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
The Governor-general's only comment was: "You will see that
the number has been mercifully diminished for my benefit.' '106
Within a month reports of Fenian concentration of arms in
British Columbia began to reach Canada. 101 On receipt of this
news Sir John sent a woman, Mrs. E. Forest, to the United
States to gauge the Fenian power for mischief. Her first report
was written from Buffalo where she had been staying with an
old schoolmate:
I soon found that her husband was a leading man of the
fenians and talkative on the subject .... He said their affairs
were pr.ogressing splendidly .... He said the charge against
O'Donovan Rossa that he had put the "skirmishing fund"
to his private use was all false, that he had applied all of it
to purchasing arms, which were stored in safe places. He
said they had now enrolled 40,000 men who were drilled
and ready to march at a day's notice .... He also said the
Irish companies of Citizen soldiers in N. Y., Buffalo, and
Chicago and other cities belonged to them. I got from him
that they would not move until the insurrection would
actually take place in Ireland. He said the rising would not
take place there until they had everything ready. A hundred
thousand men with arms in their hands would then appear
in different parts simultaneously .... As soon as a fair stand
was made in Ireland, the forces in the U. S. would be put
in motion to invade Canada .... They would strike at two
or three different points .... New York is the head place ..
. . I am acquainted with Mrs. 0 'Donovan Rossa .... I can
easily renew the acquaintance and put it to profit as she
is very communicative. 108
While Mrs. Forest continued to send gossipy accounts Sir Edward Thornton sent an urgent note to Canada telling of an impending Fenian expedition from Buffalo.109 In order to ascertain
Lord Lorne to Macdonald, January 7, 1881, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
Thornton to Macdonald, February 2, 1881, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
1 Mrs. E.
Forest to Macdonald, February 8, 1881, Personal and in
Confidence, Macdonald F'apers : ibid.
109 Thornton to Marquis of Lorne, Secret, February 11, 1881, Macdonald
Papers : ibid.
106
107
402
The Fenian Movement -in the Umted States: r858-r886
the true state of affairs McMioken. made a trip to Chic~ to

press LeCaron into service and the informer was once more
placed on the Canadian pay roll.110
A new development ~f Fenian strategy appeared within a
month with the report that thousands of dollars were being used
to purchase arms to smuggle into Ireland.111 McMil}ken hurried
to Chicago to obtain the following report from LeCaron:
B informs me the Organization is on a very different basis
and system than of old and that it is vastly improved in
regard to management and that a better class of persons
are now in it. He said funds were being collected for transmission to Ireland in cash and arms to an extant much beyond the O'Neill time.
As evidence of his statements he showed me documents of
the organization which he dare not part with but promi~ed
to obtain copies if possible for me when we should meet
again. I made extracts from some of these documents which
I reproduce for you 1. a book of probably 150 pages con-
tained a complete statement of all the existi:p.g "Associations'' called the ''Directory'' .... In examining the Directory I found in District J the following Record---463Braidwood, Ill., Emmet Club .... Name of S. G. Dr. H.
LeCaron. This shows conclusively that our friend is still
maintaining his connection with the organization and altho
not occupying an important position as formerly is still in
a circumstance to know almost all that goes on .... I agreed
to pay Beach $75 per month.112
While LeCaron submitted reports of Fenian activities in the
Midwest and Mrs. Forest continued her peregrinations of the
East, prominent Canadians. received warnings of Fenian intentions. John O'Connor, Irish Catholic member of Parliament from
uo McMicken to Macdonald, telegram, February 16, 1881, Macdonald

Papers : ibid.
111 Archibald to Thornton, March 2, 1881, Secret, G 3, Vol. XVIII, P.A.C.
112 McMicken to Macdonald, March 10, 1881, Confidential, Macdonald
Papers : Fenians, Vol. VI.
Bwrn Everything Th;at Comes From England But Her Coal 403
Toronto received letters from Buffalo, Boston, Detroit, and Chicago stressing increased activity among the Fenians. He attributed this to a speech made by Parnell in Paris in February of
that year, when the Irish leader had said:
Our movement in America, although of great importance
and capable of great development, depends entirely upon
the stand which is made in Ireland. If we are worthy of the
occasi,on here the American people and the Irish nation in
America will give us proportionate sympathy and practical
help. If the spirit and courage of our people at home be
maintained, the resources ,of the whole Irish race abroad
will be at our disposal. 113
In Watertown, New York, Mrs. Forest reported Fenians as saying Parnell could do nothing for Ireland until there was a ball
put through Gladstone. According to the sentiment in that
community if Parnell were taken prisoner t~e Governor-general
of Canada would share the same fate within forty-eight hours.
Even the parish priest, speaking of the woes of Ireland, urged
all Irishmen to be patriotic and if necessary: "to buckle on their
armor in defence of their beloved country." 114 Mrs. Forest was
next sent to Brooklyn where Fenianism was reputed to be strong.
Activity on the distaff side was widespread:
I find myself in the midst of a Fenian neighborhood of
course they don't g.o by that name. Mrs. Parnell mother of
the Irish Agitator who boards quite near here has organized
over sixty Ladies Leagues in Brooklyn not to speak of New
York and Jersey City. These are the names of some of her
Lodges, "Star of the Sea," "Spread the Light," "Central
League.'' The ladies are very much excited, new Leagues are
starting up every night. I was intlloduced to Mrs. Parnell,
113 John O'Connor to Macdonald, March 9, 1881, Macdonald Papers:
ibid. Cf. also John O'Connor, Letters of John O'Connor, Esq., M. P., on
Fenianism (Toronto, 1870). In this pamphlet consisting of three letters
O'Connor defended the loyalty of the Irish Catholics in Canada.
11' Mrs. Forest to Macdonald, April. 5, 1881, Macdonald Papers: Fenians,
Vol. VI.
404
The Fenian Movmnent in the United States: I858-I886
she asked me to join the League, saying that women had

more influence than men. An extract from a speech by
Rossa is .... 'I can assure you my hr.others that the expenditure of $1000 and the work of less than a dozen men at
home, have already cost John Bull over $60,000,000 .... '
Mly nephew overheard a conversation between two fenians
today they said there were over 18000 men in Brooklyn
under arms, and drilling every nigh~not to speak of New
York. They said they could take Canada in 24 hours. 115
Mrs. Forest 's services were thereupon dispensed with as LeCaron had worked himself into a prominent position in the
United Brotherhood and he was sent as confidential agent to
Paris, England, and Ireland. He reported to McMicken in July,
1881, that the situation was grave and an invasion of Canada
could be expected within a short time. The informer's salary
was increased to $100 a month as a result of these revelations.116
Added to the worries of the British and Canadian governments
was the alarming news sent to James G. Blaine, Secretary of
State by Victor Drummond, British charge d'affaires in Washington between the departure of Sir Edward Thornton and the
arrival of Lionel Sackville-West:
For some time H. M's Consul Genl. at New York has been
aware of the building ,of a Torpedo Boat, and from information which he was enabled to obtain, he was led to believe
that it was being built for, and to be purchased by funds
contributed by, the Fenians. A watch has therefore been
kept to see what became ,of her when she should be built,
and from Reports received, it appears that she was taken to
the Morris Canal near Jersey City. On the 5th Inst. she
disappeared. Her builders, Delamater and Co., of New York
.... knew nothing of her movements. Means were then taken
to find her, and at last she was discovered in a secluded spot
in New York Bay, about 5 miles from New York. The Boat
was partially submerged, and almost hidden from view.
Mrs. Forest to Macdonald, April 14, 1881, Macdonald Papers: ibid.
u McMicken to Macdonald, July 5, 1881, Confidential, Macdonald Pa-
us
pers: Gilbert McMicken, 1860-89.
Burn Everything Tkat Comes From Engl(J!l'l,d But Her Coal 405
From further information received, it appeared that this is
presumably a fenian enterprise for the purpose of an attempt to blow up British War Vessels .... On last Monday
the torpedo boat seemed in readiness to leave, and had been
tested .... by John Breslin, a prominent Fenian, who was
concerned a few years ago in the rescue of Fenians in
Australia; he is associated with O 'Donovan Rossa in his
schemes .... The Torpedo appears to have most wonderful
poweFS as a destructive machine ; more so than any Boat
yet invented. 117
A portion of the British fleet rode at anchor at New York with~mt being torpedoed by the Fenian submersible, but British officials in Washington continued to express concern over the latest
diabolical plot of the Fenians.
The annual convention of the United Brotherhood or V. C.,
as it was called, was attended by LeCaron. He reported that the
membership did not exceed 14,000, and the "sinews of war"
amounted to less than $100,000. 118 Two more Irish-American
papers were founded during 1881. They were Rossa's United
111 Drummond to Secretary Blaine, Private and Confidential, July 28,

1881, "Private Letters from the British Embassy, 1880-1885," Annual
Report of the American Historical Association for the Year I94I (Washington, 1942), I, 144-46.
ll8 McMicken to
Macdonald, September 26, 1881, Macdonald Papers:
Gilbert McMicken, 1860-89. LeCaron's long and useful career as informer
for the Canadian Government ended at this time although he continued to
supply information to the British Government. In 1889 he was subpoenaed
by the London Times and appeared before the Parnell Commission to
testify that the leaders of the Irish Nationalist movement were to be
identified with the Dynamite Wing of the American Qan-na-Gael. LeCaron
remained in England until his death April 1, 1894, thus escaping the fate
of informer Carey, who testified against the murderers of Lord Frederick
Cavendish, Chief Secretary for Ireland, and T. H. Burke, permanent
Under-secretary, who were stabbed to death in Phoenix Park, Dublin,
May 6, 1882. After the trial Carey was spirited aboard a ship bound for
Capetown, South Africa. He was never seen again, disappearing when the
vessel was a few days at sea.
406
The FeniOhl, Movement tin the United States: 1858-1886
IrishmOhl, and John Devoy's Irish Nation. 119 Rossa. was an exponent of physical force as the only means of rectifying Ireland's
wrongs. His inflammatory articles attracted the attention of
Great Britain's Foreign Office, which instructed Thornton on
June 24, 1881, to protest to James G. Blaine, Secretary of State.
They cited eight cases in which the United Irishman recommended arson and dynamite as a means of persuading England.120
In 1882 the Canadian government was informed that the Fenia.ns were planning to destroy the floating docks at Bermuda.121
When this failed to materialize they were reported to be manufacturing fire bombs for the burning of buildings in England.
.According to the British consul at Philadelphia the machine
consisted of a small square zinc vessel filled with a pint and a
half of benzine rigged with a wick or fuze and regulated to light
and .burn for a given time by a clock connected with it.m
Machines such as this were used during the closing years of the
nineteenth century by the pyromania.cal branch of the Clan-na
Gael.
Rossa revived the Fenian Brotherhood in 1885 with the United
IrishmOhl, as its acknowledged organ, as well as that of the ad, vanced nationalists. 128 It was during that year that Rossa's
policy-" This dynamite work will go on till Ireland is free, or
till London is laid in ashes"-was vigorously advocated. 124 He
was supported in this policy by Patrick Rellihan of Brooklyn,
119 Rossa's paper ran till 1910. Devoy's ceased in 1883. LeCaron ran an
advertisement in D.evoy's every week: "Dr. Henry LeCaron, Physician
and Surgeon, Braidwood, Illinois."
120 Correspondence Respecting the Publication in the United States of
Incitements to Outrages in England (London, 1882).
121
Kimberley to Macdonald, February 15, 1882, G 3, Vol. XIX, P.A.C.
122
Crump to Lord Granville, July 11, 1882, Secret, G 3, Vol. XIX.
ua
United Irishman, February 14, 1885.
124
'
Burn Everything That Comes From EnglOIII,(}, But Her Coal 407
who edited a paper with the destructive title of Ireland's Liberator and Dynamite Montkly. 125
The last convention of the Brotherhood, the seventeenth, was
held in November, 1885. An estimated 132 Fenians attended and
heard this report from Rossa:
It is against the Constitution of the Fenian Brotherhood
to strike at England's power on the Continent of America.
English intrigues had erected a monument to an English
spy [Andre] on American soil. That monument was
destroyed. I charge my accounts with $100 as a donation to
the men who did the work .... I did not give the money to
do the work or to have it done, but I gave it after it was
done .... The whole amount collected from all sources during the years we have been working is fourteen or fifteen
thousand dollars. When this skirmishing work commenced,
some other Irish societies that ought to be patriotic were
opposed to it, but when some of the missioners whom we
helped into the field succeeded in destroying the gas works
in Glasgow and the Government House in Westminster,
they changed their minds a little. The Fenian Brotherhood
men have no alliance or understanding with men or with
societies of men who endeavor to wrest Ireland's freedom
from England by constitutional agitation, or agitation of
any kind that has not fight of some kind in it. 126
The Fenian Brotherhood died in 1886, although Rossa and the

other believers in physical force continued their activities for
many years. Their efforts were directed, not at winning independence for Ireland, but rather at harassing England by terroristic dynamitings. From 1886 these deeds were carried out
by extreme Fenians who joined the Clan-na-Gael. The word
''Fenian'' was used indiscriminately from 1886 to about 1900,
to describe those Irish-American firebrands responsible for almost one hundred explosions in England. During all those years
,... O'Mahony Papers. This paper was issued monthly for about two years. One of its features was a: long black list in which traitors, informers,
spies, and hanging judges were listed. Their addresses were also given as
an aid to those prompted to eliminate them.
120 New York Sun, November 29, 1885.
l:,.,i
408
the British and Canadian governments continued to receive

warnings of Fenian intentions. As late as 1900 a Fenian raid
into Canada by a contingent from Boston was reported as probable.127 Hard on this news came word from the Italian consul at
Laredo, Texas, who wrote: "They are united in the United
States of America working secretly to strike a blow with an
army in Canada and in Ireland.' ' 128 There were no Fenians
after 1886, and the exploits of Rossa, '' Ro.cky Mountain''
o~Brien, William Lomasney Mackey, Thomas Desmond, Edward
0 'Meagher Condon, John Mc Cafferty and others should be attributed to the "Physical Force" men, as that branch of the
Clan-na-Gael was called. The story of Rossa, the "Physical
F'orce" men, and the Clan-na-Gael remains to be told.
The story of the Fenian Brotherhood is the story of an organization which owed its longevity to peculiar conditions existing
in tlie United States. Revolutionary societies are usually shortlived; either they achieve their end, which makes their continued
exist~nce unnecessary, or they endeavor to carry out their revolutionary program, only to meet with failure and speedy dissolution.
The Fenian Brotherhood enjoyed a life-span of twenty-eight
years, an unusual length of time for a society with a program
of revolutionary activity so impossible of realization. What is
the explanation In order to arrive at a satisfactory answer to
this question many factors must be considered. The first essential
to a correct understanding of the whole movement is a proper
estimate of the temper of the men who formed its backbone. All
of them, Stephens, O'Mahony, Doheny, and a host of lesser
lights had been active Young Irelanders. Dispersed by the abortive uprising of 1'848, Stephens and O 'Mahony fled to France
where they lived for five years in the company of revolutionists
who made the Capital of France their headquarters. When
Earl Pauncefote to Earl of Minto, January 5, 1900, Secret, G 21, Vol.
V, P.A.C.
128 Luigi Bruni to Giacinto Parletti, Italian consul in Mexico, October
'2:7, 1899, sent from Pauncefote to Earl of Minto, January 15, 1900, G 21,
Vol. V.
121
)
Burn Everytking Tlwt Comes F'rom England But Her Coal 409
Stephens and O'Mahony conceived the idea of a revolutionary
society whose purpose and end was to be the violent overthrow
of British rule in Ireland, one important factor already existed
which assured them of a huge and eager audience for their doctrines. This was the dateless conflict between England 8.Jld Ireland which left in the hearts of Irishmen. a bitter hatred for all
things English. Fortunately for the Fenian Brotherhood, it was
launched at a time when the memories of Irishmen were still
seared by the terrible tragedy of the famine years in Ireland.
Hundreds of thousands of Irishmen flocked to the United
States during the 1850 's, bringing with them memories of relatives who had perished during the two years, 1846-47, and
stories of Saxon brutalities and outrages to pour into the eager
ears of their countrymen in the United States. The launching of
the Fenian Brotherhood signalled the rising of a good proportion
of this group who contributed their material, spiritual, and
vocal support.
The Celtic temperament is usually impatient for quick results
and chafes at delays. The one big factor which made the F('lnians
suppress their desire to come to grips with England immedia~ly
after the formation of the society was the outbreak of the Civil
War. Americans of Irish lineage did more than their share of
fighting in that conflict, and their number was swelled by recruits from Ireland, enticed to join the colors by Federal recruiting agents. Undoubtedly many fought from motives purely
pecuniary, but there were many who were led to believe, both
by Fenian leaders and government officials, that participation
in the Civil War would serve to season them for the great test
to come with England. The Fenians would not fight alone,
they were told. The United States had a score to' settle with
England and would welcome the support of the bellicose brotherhood.
The initial mistake of the leaders of the Fenians was in overestimating the numbers of Irish-Americans who would flock to
their fighting standard. Part of the Celt's makeup is his romanticism and proneness to exaggeration. In estimating numbers he
is apt to resemble Falstaff's men, "some fifty thousand grown
410
The Fenian Movement ,i,n the United States: I858-I886
out of a fifth part.'' He failed to realize that it is one thing to

wave the flag and talk the good fight, and quite another to be
present at the actual test of arms.
When the Fenians recovered from their chagrin at the realiza1ion that the American Government did not intend to pursue
a policy of benign neutrality when they attempted to carry out
their designs on Canada, another issue presented itself. The
administration of Andrew Johnson had become obnoxious to the
radical Republicans, who worked, first, for his official embarrassment, and then for his elimination. A battery of political
guns was then trained on the target, the Irish vote, which could
be a decisive factor in the congested Eastern cities. As the Fenians were the most vociferous group, sympathy for Irish aspirations became a byword among politicians. Added to the vote..
catching motives of the politicos were two real grievances which
helped fan the flames of Fenian ardor during the closing years
of the 1860's. They were the evident reluctance of Great Britain
to assume responsibility for the depredations of the ''Alabama''
and other privateers built and outfitted for the Confederacy in
English shipyards, and official British retention of the hoary
principle of indefeasibility of allegiance. All these factors increased the life span of the Fenian Brotherhood, although after
the settlement of the two above-mentioned difficulties, it existed
principally as a political organization, valuable as a soundingboard for politicians aiming to corral the Irish vote, a factor to
be considered in the United States during the last half of the
nineteenth century.
The explanation of the Fenian Brotherhood, with its aims
which seem fantastic, hare-brained, and impossible of achievement to us, can only be explained by understanding the men who
formed its leadership and board of strategy. They were men
imbued with a single thought, hatred of England, and men filled
with hatred rarely think clearly or correctly gauge their prospects of success. When revenge is the motive, reason plays little
part in the deliberations or actions of men or societies. The Fenian Brotherhood occupies its peculiar niche in American history.
It is the only organization in the history of the United States
Burn Everytking That Comes From England, But Her Coal 411
which armed and drilled publicly, and invaded Canada for the
purpose of using that country as a stepping-stone for the invasion and liberation of Ireland.
So ends the story of the Fenian Brotherhood. Founded for
the purpose of winning independence for Ireland by physical
force, it never had a chance of success. Too few in numbers;
lacking the support of the more influential Irish-Americans;
unable to raise the money necessary for such a tremendous undertaking; opposed by the Catholic hierarchies of Ireland and
the United States and eventually condemned by the Holy See as
a secret society ; beset by dozens of informers; split by factious
quarrels within the Brotherhood, it succeeded only in perpetuating the dateless conflict with Great Britain. The. men engaged
in it were, for the most part, sincere and imbued with a burning
love for Ireland. The charges of graft and corruption hurled at
the leaders of the movement were unfounded. They had their
faults, but dishonesty was not one of them. Their impetuosity
and desire for quick results led to harsh charges against each
other, charges retracted and regretted when tempers cooled. The
memory of Ireland's wrongs at the hands of England rconvinced
these men that they were right in their endeavors to secure a redress of grievances. The majority of the leading Fenians had
witnessed the horrible results of the potato famine in Ireland
during 1846-47, and they came to the United States raging
against England. And according to Mr. Dooley;
Whin an Irishman rages, 'tis with won idee in his mind.
He's goin' for' and again a single inimy, an' not stone walls
or irne chains '11 stop him .... He's as thrue as th' needle
in th' camel's eye .... to th' objec' iv his hathred. So he's
been f'r our hundherd years, an' so he'll always be while
they'se an England on th' map. Whin England purrishes,
th' Irish '11 die iv what Hogan calls ongwee, which is havin'
no won in the weary wurruld ye don't love. 129
129
F. P. Dunne, Mr. Dooley in Peace and in War (7th ed., Boston, 1899),
p. 255.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
Manuscript Sources: Official and Private Papers

Printed Sources: Official Documents and Other Publications
Newspapers and Periodicals
Letters, Diaries, Memoirs, Poems
Biographies, Histories, Special Studies, Articles
!.
MANUSCRIPT SOURCES
OFFICIAL PAPERS
a. National Archives, Washington, D. C. :Belfast- Instructions and Consular Despatches, 1863-70.

Dublin- Instructions and Consular Despatches, 1863-70.
Great Britain- Instructions, Despatches, and Notes, 1863-71.
Montreal- Instructions and Consular Despatches, 1863-70.
Toronto- Instructions and Cpnsular Despatches, 1863-70.
Queenstown, Ireland- Instructions and Consular Despatches, 1863-71.
Miscellaneous Letters, 1863-70.
b. -Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. :Transcripts from Public Record Office, London, comprising Instructions, Despatches, and Notes, 1863-70.
c. Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada:Great Britain- Instructions, Despatches, and Notes, 1863-1906.
PRIVATE PAPERS
(In MSS. Division, Library of Congress, unless otherwise noted.)

Bancroft, J. C. B.
Banks, Nathaniel
Butler, Benjamin F.
Fish, Hamilton
Garfield, James A.
Grant, Ulysses S.
Greeley, Horace
Greeley-Colfax Correspondence
Johnson, Andrew
Macdonald, Sir John A.
Moran, Benjamin-Diary
O'Mahony Papers
412
Essex Institute, Salem, Massachusetts.

Public Archives of Canada.
These papers are in the writer's
possession. When Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa was elected President of
Bibliography
413
the Fenian Brotherhood in 1876 he

came into possession of the account
books, military roster, cash books, and
thousands of letters which had passed
between revolutionists in Ireland and
prominent Fenians in the United
States from 1858-1876. At Rossa's
death in 1915 these papers were stored
in twenty-two barrels and trunks
where they remained until 1944.
In possession of William M. Sweeny.
Sumner, Charles
Sweeny, Thomas W.
Tilden, Samuel J.
Washburne, Elihu B.
Welles, Gideon
Wilson, Henry
ECCLESIASTICAL PAPERS
Baltimore Cathedral Archives.
IL
Contains letters concerning Fenianism

written by members of the American
hierarchy to Martin John Spalding,
Archbishop of Baltimore, during the
years of Fenian activity.
PRINTED SOURCES
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS
a. United States :House Executive Documents :

39 Cong., 1 sess., no. 154. Washington, 1866.
40 Cong., 1 sess,, no. 9. Washington, 1867.
41 Cong., 3 sess., nos. 1 & 2. Washington, 1871.
House Miscellaneous Documents:
40 Cong;, 1 sess., no. 25. Washington, 1867.
414
Tke Fenian Movement in tke United, Stwtes: z858-z886

House Reports :
40 'Cong., 2 sess., no. 13. Washington, 1868.
Congressional Globe, 39, 40, & 41 Congresses.
Journal of the House of Representatives, 39, 40, & 41 Congresses.
Papers Relating to the Treaty of Washington, Volume II, Geneva
Arbitration, Washington, 1872.
Senate Executive Domments:
Senate Miscellaneous Documents:
b. Great Britain:Correspondence Respecting the Publication in the United States of
Incitements to Outrages in England. Presented to both Houses of
Parliament by Command of Her Majesty. London, 1882.
Hansard's Parliamentary Debates. Third Series, Commencing with
the Accession of William IV. Volume CLXXXI.
Report of the Proceedings at the First Sitting of the Special. Commission for the County of the City of Dublin, held at Green Street,
Dublin, for the Trial of Thomas Clarke Luby and others for
Treason-felony. Dublin, 1866.
c. Canada:Claims of Canada for Losses and Damages Sustained by H. M.
Subjects, in repelling Fenian Invasion. Ottawa, 1869.
Proceedings and Report of the Court of Inquiry on the Circumstances connected with the late Engagement at Lime Ridge. Published
by order of His Excellency the Commander in Chief. Ottawa, 1866.
III.
NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS

NEWSPAPERS
a. American
Boston, Mass.
Pilot
Buffalo, N. Y.
Commercial Advertiser
Courier
St. Louis, Mo.

Missouri Daily Democrat
Washington, D. C.
Evening Star
National Intelligenc,r
BibUography
Chicago, Ill
Citizen
News
New York, N. Y.
Citizen
Daily News
Freeman's l ournal
Gaelic American
Herald
Ireland's Liberator and
Dynamite Monthly
Irish American
Irish Citiaen
Irish Nation
Irish News
Irish People
Irish Republic
Irish World
Tablet
Times
Tribune
United Irishman
b.
Canadian
Montreal
Gazette
Toronto
Globe
Irish Canadian
c.
English
London
Times
Pall Mall Gazette
d. Irish
Dublin
Irish People
Nation
PERIODICALS
a. American
American Historical Review
American Irish Historical Society Journal
Bentley's Miscellany
Catholic World
Celtic Magazine
Colburn' s New Monthly Magazine
Donahoe's Magazine
Harper's New Monthly Magazine
Hunt's Merchant Magazine
Literary Digest
Lippincott's Magazine
Littell's Living Age
Macmillan's Magazine
Nation
North Dakota Historical Quarterly
Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society
Putnam's Monthly Magazine
Tinsley's Magazine
Vermont Historical Society Proceedings
\
415
416
The Fenian Movement in the United St01tes: r858-r886
b. Canadian
Canadian Defence Quarterly
Canadian Historical Association Reports
Canadian Historical Review
Canadian Magazine
Dalhousie Review
Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba Transactions
Lennox and Addington Historical Society Papers
Niagara, Ontario Historical Society Publications
Ontario Historical Society Reports
Proceed'ings and Transactions Royal Society of Canada
Waterloo Historical Society Reports
Welland County Historical Society Papers and Records
York Pioneer and Historical Society Reports
c. English
Blackwood's Magazine
Chambers's Edinburgh Journal
All Year Roitnd
Contemporary Review
Cornhill Magazine
Fortnightly Review
Old and New
Pall Mall Magazine
c. Irish
Dublin University Magazine
Temple Bar
IV. LETTERS, DIARIES, MEMOIRS, POEMS
Anonymous. Fenian War Songs, Dedicated to the Men in the Gap. New
York, 1866.
Beach, Thomas Miller. Twenty Five Years in the Secret Service, the
Recollections of a Spy. London, 1892.
Buckley, Rev. M. B. Diary of a Tour in America. Edited by Kate Buckley.
Dublin, 1886.
Cameron, E. R. 'Memoirs of Ralph Vansittart. Second Edition, Toronto,
1924.
Cavanagh, Michael. Memoirs of Thomas Francis Meagher. Worcester,
Massachusetts, 1892.
Denieffe, Joseph. Recollections of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood.
New York, 1906.
Devoy, John. Recollections of an Irish Rebel. New York, 1929.
Linton, William J. Ireland for the Irish, Rhymes and Reasons against
Landlordism. New York, 1867.
Bibliograpky
417
Meade, George. The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, MajorGeneral United States Army. 2 volumes. New York, 1913.
O'Leary John. Recollections of Fenians and Fenianism. 2 volumes. London,
1896.
O'Reilly, Private Miles. Baked Meats of the Funeral. A Collection of
Essays, Poems, Speeches, Histories, and Banquets. New York, 1866.
Pierce, Edward L. Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner. 14 volumes.
Boston, 1877-1893.
Pigott, Richard. Personal Recollections of an Irish National Journalist.
Dublin, 1882.
Roney, Frank. Frank Roney, Irish Rebel and California Labor Leader.
Edited by Ira B. Cross. University of California Press, 1931.
Rossa, Jeremiah O'Donovan. Prison Life, Six Years in English Prisons.
New York, 1874.
-. Rossa's Recollections. New York, 1898.
Train, George F. George Francis Train in a British Jail: England Bombarded with Bastile Epigrams. New York, 1868.
-. My Life in Many States and in Foreign Lands. New York, 1902.
Tynan, Katherine. Twenty Five Years: Reminiscences. London, 1913.
Tynan, Patrick J. The Irish National In'Uincibles and Their Times. New
.
York, 1894.
Welles, Gideon. Diary of Gideon Welles. 3 volumes. Boston, 1911.
Wolseley, Field-Marshal Viscount. The Story of a Soldier's Life. 2
volumes. London, 1903.
V.
BIOGRAPHIES, HISTORIES, SPECIAL STUDIES, ARTICLES
Acta Sanctae Sedis. Rome, 1872-1911.

Adams, Charles F. Lee at Appomattox and Other Papers. New York, 1902.
American Citizens Prisoners in Great Britain: Extract from Proceedings of
the Ninth General Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood. New York,
1871.
Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year I94I.
Washington, 1942. "Private Letters from the British Embassy, 18801885." I, 144-46.
Anonymous. A Brief Account of the Fenian Raids on the Missisquoi
Frontier, in r866 and r870. Montreal, 1871.
Anonymous. Arrest and Escape of James Stephens, Head Centre of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood. New York, 1866.
Anonymous. "Feeling of Native Americans towards Irish," Tinsley'.s
MagazineJ January, 1868.
Anonymous. "Fenian Brotherhood," Blackwood's Magazine, CLXC, 1911,
pp. 378-93.
(
I
418
Anonymous. "Fenianism-By One Who Knows," Contemporary Review,

XIX, 1871-72, 301-16.
Written by someone who was intimately connected with the. Brotherhood
in the United.States it is the best short account of the early years of the
movement. It is concerned principally with events to the end of 1866.
Inaccurate in some details regarding dates of some events.
Anonymous. "Fenianism in America," Bentley's Miscellany, LXIII, 1868,
129-33.
This is a short article attempting to prove that the Irish in this country
were in favor of slavery, hated the Negro, and. confidently expected the
help of the United States in defeating England after the Civil War.
Anonymous. "Fenianism- Why Is It?" Putnam's Monthly Magazine, May,
1868, 543-48.
Shows effect the execution of the Manchester Martyrs had in revitalizing Fenianism in the United States.
Anonymous."Force and Feebleness of Fenianism," Blackwood's Magazine,
CXXXI, 1882, 454-67.
Shows that jealousies, petty ambitions, greediness, and intolerance of
each other's views kept the Fenians from any real union.
Anonymous. Gleanings from the History of Billiards. Chicago, 1896.
Anonymous. "Incredible Major," Blackwood's Magazine, CCLII, 1942,
356-62.
Purely fictional account of some incidents during the days of the Fenian
movement.
Anonymous. "Ireland for the Irish,'' Tinsley's Magazine, December, 1867,
601-16.
Not much of value. Concerned mainly with the political implications of
the movement, saying that the Fenians could always rely on the sympathy
of the American Government.
Anonymous. James Stephens, Chief Organizer of the Irish Republic, Embracing an Account of the Origin and Progress of the Fenian Brotherhood. New York, 1866.
A eulogistic account of the greatness of Stephens, written either by
himself or by one of his admirers.
Anonymous. "James Stephens: The Fenian Head Centre," Pall Mall
Magazine, XXIV, 1901, 331-37.
Deals mainly with the deposition of Stephens as Fenian Chief. Unreliable
as to sequence of events and dates.
Anonymous. "Red Trail of the Irish Invincibles," Literary Digest, January
31, 1920, pp. 52-55.
Anonymous. The Fenians Progress. New York, 1865.
Nothing of value in this brief treatment.
\..
Bibliography
419
Anonymous. The Fenian Raid at Fort Erie, lune the first and second:
with a map of the Niagara Peninsula, showing the route of the troops,
and a plan of the Lime Ridge Battle Ground. Toronto, 1866,
Anonymous. The Fenian Raid of 1870. Montreal, 1871.
Written by Canadian reporters who covered the skirmish for their newspapers.
Anonymous. "Transatlantic Fenianism," Blackwood's !Magazine, May, 1867,
pp. 590-606.
Very bitter article by one not well informed about the Fenian movement.
The usual charges of drunkenness and belligerency leveled at the Irish.
No attempt was made to tell the story of the movement.
Archibald, Edith. Life and Letters of Sir Edward Mortimer Archibald,
A Memoir of Fifty Years of Service. Toronto, 1924.
Bagenal, Philip. The American Irish and Their Influence on Irish Politics.
London, 1882.
Bodkin, D. G. The Fenian Catechism; from the Vulgate of St. Lawrence
O'Toole. New York, 1867.
Designed for the use of the Fenian soldier. It holds up St. Lawrence
O'Toole as an example of Irish patriotism from which Irish ecclesiastics
of Fenian times could learn a valuable lesson.
Bryce, George. "Soldiering in Can~da Fifty Five Years Ago," Canadian
Magazine, XLVII, May-June, 60-63, 146-48.
Nothing of value, merely reminiscences.
Callahan, James M. The Neutrality of the American Lakes and Anglo
American Relations. Baltimore, 1898.
Campbell, Francis W. The Fenian Invasions of Canada of 1866 and 1870.
Montreal, 1904.
A popular account of the Fenian incursions which depended largely on
accounts previously written. Nothing of value in it.
Catholic Encyclopedia. New York, 1913.
Cavanagh, Mkhael. "Our Dead Comrades-Captain Michael Phelan,"
Celtic Magazine, I, 1882, 17-35.
Cluseret, General. "My Connection with Fenianism," Littell's Living Age,
CXIV, 1872, 353-65. Cluseret's connection with the Fenians lasted from
the summer of 1866 to the following March. He knew very little of
American Fenianism.
Collins, Patrick A. Charles Francis Adams as Minister to England. Boston,
1876.
Condon, Edward O'M. The Irish Race in America. New York, 1887.
This work treats of the Irish in the United States only to 1848.
Constitution and By-Laws of the Fenian Brotherhood. New York, 1873.
Constitution and By-Laws of the Fenian Brotherhood. New York, 18?4.
420
The Fenian Movemep,t in the United States: 1858-1886
Cooper, John A. "Fenian Raid into Canada, 1866," Canadian Magazine, X,

1898, 41-55.
A popular account of no value.
Crilly, F. L. The Fenian Movement: The Story of the Manchester Martyrs.
London, 1908.
Concerned only with the Manchester Martyrs of 1867.
Cruikshank, E. A. "Fenian Raid of 1866," Welland County Historical
Society Papers and Records, 1926, pp. 9-49.
Cumberland, Barlow. "The Fep.ian Raid of 1866 and Events on the Frontier," Proceedings and Transactions, Royal Society of Canada, 3d Series,
Vol. IV, 1911, 85-108.
Dafoe, John W. "The Fenian Invasion of Quebec," Canadian Magazine,
X, 1898, 339-47.
Denison, George T. Jr., "The Fenian Raid on Fort Erie; with an Account
of the Battle of Ridgeway, June, 1866. Toronto, 1866.
Desmond, Humphrey J. "Fenian Episode in American Politics," American
Irish Historical Society Jo1trnal, XV, 1916, 323-29.
Concerned only with the small part played by Fenianism in Sumner's
demand that Great Britain relinquish all her North American possessions
as a basis for negotiation on the other controversial points existing
between Great Britain and the United States.
Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928-36.
Dillon, 'William. Life of John Mitchel. 2 volumes, London, 1893.
Donovan, Herbert D. "Fenian Memories in Northern New York," American Irish Historical Society Journal, XXVIII, 1930, 148-52.
A short article of no value. He pictures the Fenians as wild young men
full of alcoholic spirits when the invasion of Canada took place.
Driscoll, Frederick. The Twelve Days Campaign. Montreal, 1866.
Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan. Four Years of Irish History, 1845-1849. New
York, 1882.
Dunne, Finley P. Mr. Dooley in Peace and in fVar. Boston, 1899.
Dwyer, Daniel. The Cloven Foot. Boston, 1900.
Ellis, W. H. "Adventures of a Prisoner of War in the Fenian Raid Campaign of 1866," Canadian Defence Quarterly, III, January, 209-15.
Flick, Alexander C. Samuel Jones Tilden, A Study in Political Sagacity.
New York, 1939.
Godkin, E. L. "The Latest Phase of Fenianism," Nation, January 2, 1868,
pp. 5-6.
Compares the attitude of the Irish at the time of the French Revolution
with that of the Irish at the time of the Civil War to the South. Nothing
about Fenianism except to say Fenian orators merely rehashed old
grievances.
Bibliography
421
Godkin, James. "Fenianism and the Irish Church," Fortnightly Review,

IX, 1868, 191-205.
Godkin's thesis was that the Irish Established Church was responsible
for much of the Fenian troubles because it was forced on the people and
was a state institution.
Gregg, George R., and Roden, E. P. Trials of the Fenian Prisoners at
Toronto, who were Captured at Fort Erie, C. W., in June, r866. Toronto, 1867.
Stenographic reports of the Fenian trials.
Griffin, George, W. H., and Christy, George. The Fenian Spy, or John Bull
in America. New York, 1873. A comedy.
Griffin, Justus A. "Ridgeway Semicentennial," Ontario Historical Society
Report, XV, pp. 18-27. Brief sketch of events as remembered after fifty
years.
Hamilton, C. F. "The Canadian Militia: The Fenian Raids, "Canadian
Defence Qttarterly, VI, January-July, 199-210, 344-53, 474-83; VII, October, 78-89. A good treatment by a competent military man on the deficiencies of Canadian preparedness at the time of the Fenian attack.
Harrington, M. Eleanor. Lennox and Addington Historical Society Papers,
V, 1913. Of no value as they are only reprints from a newspaper, the
Napanee Standard of 1866 on the Fenian troubles.
Hill, Henry W. "The Fenian Raid of '66," Publications of the Buffalo
Historical Society, XXV, pp. 263-85. A good account of the invasion
from Buffalo and of conditions there prior to and after the attempt.
Shows well the strength of Fenianism in Buffalo.
Hunter, Charles. "Reminiscences of the Fenian Raid, 1866," Publications
Niagara Ontario Historical Society, XX, 1911. Brief account by an
eyewitness of the events. Hunter claimed that the Fenians played the
"Wearing of the Green" while they were crossing the Niagara River on
their way to Fort Erie.
Irish American Almanac. New York, 1882.
Junor, David. "Taken Prisoner by the Fenians," Canadian Magazine,
XXXVII, 1911, 85-91. Interesting for the information concerning the
young volunteers who left the University of Toronto to repel the Fenian
attack and for the account of the public funeral given those who were
killed at Ridgeway.
Keenleyside, Hugh L. Canada and the United States. New York, 1929.
Kiernan, James L, Ireland and America versus England from a Fenian
Point of View. Detroit, 1864. A repetition of the ancient grievances against
England. Nothing of value in it.
422
Langer, Sister Martin, O.P. "General O'Neil." Master's Thesis, University

of Notre Dame, 1937. Good for account of O'Neill's later career as a
colonizer in Nebraska.
Larmour, R. "Personal Reminiscences of the Fenian Raid of June, 1866,"
Canadian Magazine, X, 1898, 121-27. He gives the local side of the raid.
Many details on troop movements but as the article was written from
memory thirty years after the events many statements are incorrect.
-. "With Booker's Column," Canadian Magazine, X, 1898, 228-31. Very
short article, commenting on the movements of the troops under Colonel
Booker and the skirmish at Ridgeway.
Lonergan, Thomas H. "Thomas Francis Meagher," American Irish Historical Society J ourna1, XII, 1913, 111-26. Although Meagher was a Fenian
for a short time the article contains nothing of this period of Meagher's
life.
McCallum, Frederick H. "Experiences o.f a Queen's Own Rifleman at
Ridgeway," Waterloo Historical Society Report, III, 1915, 24-29. A
brief account of the Canadian volunteers and his experiences during the
skirmish with O'Neill's Fenians in 1866.
Macdonald, H. G. Canadian Public Opinion on the American Civil War.
New York, 1926.
Macdonald, John A. Troublous Times in Canada, A Histor3 of the Fenian
Raids of 1866 and 1870. Toronto, 1910. Does not treat the history of the
Brotherhood but confines itself to a long treatment of the invasions.
McGee, Thomas D'Arcy. The Irish Position in British and in Republican
N 01th America. Montreal, 1866. A caustic attack on the Fenians and an
unfavorable comparison between the position of the Irish in Canada and
the poor one,of the Irish in the United States.
McMicken, Gilbert, "Fenian Raid on Manitoba," Historical and Scientific
Society of Manitoba Transactions, XXXII, 1889. Deals with the abortive
raid of 1871. McMicken is unreliable. He was the police commissioner
to whom LeCaron made his reports on Fenian activities. He claimed
that vVilliam O'Donoghue, leader of disaffected Canadians in 1871, was
a priest, and that Lord Lyons and President Lincoln decided in 1866 to
let Fenianism have a free hand.
Maguire, J. F. The Irish in America. New York, 1868.
Marshall, David. "The Fenians After Seventy Five Years," Catholic
World, December, 1942, pp. 276-86.
Moran, James. The Fenian's Death; A Play in Three Acts. Dublin, 1909.
Morrow, Rising Lake. "Negotiations of the Anglo-American Treaty of
1870," American Historical Review, XXXIX, 1934, 663-81. A well written account of the controversy between Great Britain and the United
States over naturalization. He confuses the Johnson-Stanley Convention
with the Johnson-Clarendon Convention.
Bibliography
423
Nevins, Allan. Grover Cleveland, A Study in Courage. New York, 1934.

-. Hamilton Fish. New York, 1936.
O'Brien, William. "Was Fenianism ever Formidable," Contemporary Review, LXXI, 1897, 680-93. Concerned mainly with Ireland. The writer
contended that if the Fenians were supplied with a leader like Phil
Sheridan they would have proved a real menace.
O'Connor, John. Letters of John O'Connor, Esq., M. P., on Fenianism,
Addressed to His Excellency the Right Honourable Sir John Young.
Toronto, 1870.
O'Donnell, F. H. "Fenianism-Past and Present," Contemporary Review,
XLIII, 1883, 747-66. Deals only with the Fenian movement in Ireland.
Nothing of value in the treatment.
O'Donoghue, William B. "Letter from W. B. O'Donoghue to Jay Cooke,
March 29, 1871, anent the O'Donoghue Scheme for Annexation of
Rupert's Land," Edited by John Perry Pritchett, North Dakota Histor~
ical. Quarterly, V, October, 49-53. Interesting only because of the connection between O'Donoghue and O'Neill in the raid on Manitoba later
in 1871.
O'Neill, John. Message of General John O'Neill to the Seventh National
Congress. Philadelphia, 1868.
O'Neill, John. Official Report of General John O'Neill, President of the
Fenian Brotherhood on the Attempt to Invade Canada, May 25, I870.
New York, 1870. A detailed report of the two attempts made by this
wing of the Fenians to annex Canada. Valuable for reasons given by
O'Neill for the failure of both attempts.
Palmer, Norman Dunbar. The Irish Land League -Crisis. New Haven,
Connecticut, 1940.
Pease, Zephaniah W. The Catalpa Expedition. New Bedford, Massachusetts, 1897.
Perkins, Dexter. The Monroe Doctrine, 1826-1867. Baltimore, 1933.
Pritchett, John P. "Origin of the So-Called Fenian Raid on Manitoba in
1871," Canadian Historical Review, X, 1929, 23-.42. A good treatment of
this episode. Pritchett shows that the raid was never sponsored by the
Fenian Brotherhood and that O"Neill had been repudiated by the organization before it took place.
Proceedings of the First National Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood
held in Chicago, Illinois, November, 1863. Philadelphia, 1863.
Proceedings of the Second Natio11al Congress of the Fenian J3rotherhood
held iii Ci11cim1at_i, Ohio, January, 1865. Philadelphia, 1865.
Proceedings of the Fourth National Congress of the Feiiian Brotherhood,
at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, February, I866, with the Constitution of
the Fmian Brotherhood and Addenda Thereto. New York, 1866.
\
I
!
424
Proceedings of the Fifth National Congress of the Fenian Brotherhood at

Troy, New York, September, 1866, with the Message of William R,
Roberts, President of the Fenian Brotherhood. Philadelphia, 1866.
Proceedings of the Sixth National Congress of the Fenian Brotherhood.
Proceedings of Joint Convention of Senate and House of Representatives
at Cleveland, Ohio, September, 1867. Philadelphia, 1867.
Proceedings of the Senate and House of Representatives of the Fenian
Brotherhood in Joint Convention at the Seventh National Congress at
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, November 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 1868. New
York, 1868.
Proceedings of the Ninth General Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood.
New York, 1870.
Purcell, Richard J. "Ireland and the American Civil War," Catholic
World, CXV, 1922, 72-84. An estimate of the number of soldiers of Irish
extraction who bore arms in the War.
Redding, Cyrus. "Fenianism," Colburn's New Monthly Magazine,
CXXXVII, 1866, 86-92. Primarily a commentary on Irish character
which Redding says is characterized by a lack of judgment and a headlong impetuosity. Very little on Fenianism, and what .there is is of no
va!ue.
Rossa, Jeremiah O'Donovan. Irish Rebels iii English Prisons. New York,
1882.
Rossa, Margaret O'Don,ovan. My Father and Mother were Irish. New
York, 1939.
Rutherford, John. The Secret History of the Fenian Conspiracy, Its Origin,
Objects and Ramifications. 2 volumes. London, 1877.
Ryan, Desmond. The Phoenix Flame, A Study of Feniaiiism and Joh,i
Devoy. London, 1937. Most of Ryan's information about Fenianism came
from Devoy's autobiography, Recollections of cin Irish Rebel.
Shippee, Lester B. Canadian-American Relations 1849-1874. New Haven,
1939. Chapter
"The Fenians," pp. 213-39. In this chapter Professor
Shippee tells the story of the Fenian movement as it affected the British
North American Provinces. This was important but not as .important
as the reaction of the British Government to the same threat and the
interplay of British-American differences which were increased by the
Fenian threat. The constant complaint of the Canadian Government was
that they were not being treated fairly by the Government in London,
but their complaints availed little. Professor Shippee's treatment of the
Fenians is marred by many inaccuracies. On page 214, discussing the
appearance of Fenianism as the subject of a report from Consul Archibald in New York to Lord Lyons he changed the name of the paper
x;.
Bibliography
425
named by the British Consul from the Fe1iian Spirit, to Spirit. In the
following sentence he says : "Already ( 1864) the Order had established
a newspaper." The Feniaii Spirit was never the official organ of the
Brotherhood; it was established independently by John Warren in Boston
during the summer of 1864 and was repudiated by O'Mahony. Nor was
it the first paper as the Phoenix was begun by O'Mahony and Michael
Doheny in New York on June 3, 1859. Shippee's biggest mistake is in
placing the trouble on the border in the spring of 1865, whereas it was
one year later. He quotes a letter written by Premier J. A. Macdonald
in which the Premier speaks of the arrest of Michael Murphy and the
policy which should be taken in regard to those Fenians taken with arms
in their hands at Fort Erie. (p. 215) Michael Murphy was not arrested
until April 9, 1866, while on his way to assist B. Doran Killian in his
attempt to seize the Island of Campo Bello. The Fenians captured at
Fort Erie were not taken until June 2, 1866. That the mistake is not
typographical is proved by the fact that Shippee's treatment is chronological and he mentions on page 215 that : "By the spring of 1865 the
immediate Fenian objective appeared to be an invasion of Canada as a
means of bringing pressure to bear upon England in order to relieve
Ireland, and Canadian authorities were beginning to be alert to the
possibilities.'' There was no discussion of a possible invasion of Canada
in the spring of 1865. It was not until the end of the year that the
question was raised. On page 219 Shippee mentions a Reverend Mr.
Carley as an active Fenian. The priest's name was John Curley and he
was a native of Toronto. On page 216 Shippee does not quote Sir Frederick Bruce, Br.itish Minister to Washington, exactly. Speaking of the
protest over Fenian threats he quotes Bruce as saying: "He thought the
Fenian affair was much exaggerated, and that nothing would serve so
much to give it importance as that it become the subject of official
correspondence." What Bruce said was "as that it has been the subject
of official correspondence." See Bruce to Russell, October 31, 1865,
F. 0. 115: 438. On page 217 he fails to indicate an ellipsis in one of
Bruce's despatches. On page 218 he speaks of a report from Consul
Archibald in New York to Sir John Michel which said that "how much
misery the leader John O'Mahony was causing by raising false hopes
and at the same time bleeding credulous Irishmen." There was not a
word in Archibald's despatch about the bleeding of credulous Irishmen.
See Archibald to Michel, November 27, 1865; G 236, P. A. C. On page'
226 he again misquotes Bruce, who, speaking of Killian's. attempt is
reported to have said: "The Sweeney and Roberts faction have always
disapproved of Killian's movement on N. Brunswick and have held out
the seizure of Canada as the first step towards the establishment of an
Irish Republick. The ease with which Killian's attempt was baffled .....
426
On the 31st of May, however ... who had arrived as passengers of different railways ; .... " It should be "Killian's enterprise," "Killian's
moving" instead of "movement," and "arrived as passengers by different
railwai,:s" instead of "of." See Bruce to Foreign Office, June 4, 1866,
F. 0. 115: 453. On page 225 he says "Americans believed that a naturalized citizen was entitled to special consideration when in his homeland,
while the British maintained that any denizen was subject to the laws of
the land while he was there." Shippee confuses the issue. It was not a
question of an American citizen being subject to the laws of England
while he was there. Everyone knows and acknowledges that. The
point at issue was Great Britain's insistence on indefeasibility of allegiance whereby she claimed that a citizen of Great Britain could never
renounce that allegiance. On page 226 he quotes Secretary Seward as
saying that 1500 Fenians crossed the Niagara into Canada. He should
have explained that the figure was exaggerated by at least 700 men.
On page 227 he says: "T. W. Sweeney, W. R. Roberts, and other prominent leaders had disappeared." They did not disappear. Roberts never
did go to. the border, but remained in New York openly recruiting Fenians. He was busy until June 6. Sweeny, whose name is consistently
misspelled by Shippee, did not disappear either. He was busy in St.
Albans, Vermont at the time in question. On page 228 he says : "It was
reported that some Canadian troops had crossed the line under a leader
named Spear after the raid was over and had taken prisoners back to
Canada." For this statement he quotes a note from Secretary Seward to
Bruce. what Seward said was: "R~ports have reached Major General
Meade to the effect that some Canadian or British troops have crossed
the line, and entered within the territory and jurisdiction of the United
States. 'It is evl!n said that this entry took place after the disturbers of
the peace, under the command of the leader named Spear, had relinquished their forbidden enterprise, and withdrawn within the boundary
line of the United States." Spear was the Fenian General. See Diplomatic Correspondence, 1867. Part I, pp. 23738. On page 232 he again
misquotes a despatch of Bruce. "And when it is recollected, that the
object to be achieved by what is called statesmanship in this country .... "
It should be "by what is termed statesmanship." See Bruce to Stanley,
August 2, 1866, F. 0. 115 : 454. In the same despatch, on page 233 he
quotes Bruce as saying: "I think .... Mr. Seward pacifist." It should be
"I think Mr. Seward pacifick." Also on page 233 he has the wrong
reference to one of Bruce's despatches. He has it as Bruce to Stanley,
August 7, 1866, F. 0. 5: 1066, whereas it should be F. 0. 115: 454. On
page 236, footnote 52, he says that information was given anonymously
by a resident of Chicago, and that the name was not given. The name
was clearly given and was that of Henri LeCaron, the notorious informer.
Bibliography
427
In. the final treatment Shippee should have mentioned that the Canadian
Government was at no time after the middle of 1869 seriously worried
over the Fenian menace. So_ t_horoughly had LeCaron done his work
that the Canadians were anxious that the Fenians be allowed to cross
the border in order that a severe drubbing be administered them.
Shippee's work is a good one on tlie general subject of CanadianAmerican relations during the period in question but he did a very poor
job in his sketch on the Fenians.
Skelton, Isabel. The Life of Thomas D'Arcy McGee. Gardenvale, Canada,
1925.
Somerville, Alexander. Narrative of the Fenian Invasion of Canada. Hamilton, Canada West, 1866. Contains a map of the area in which the
skirmish took place. Nothing of value in it.
Sowles, Edward A. "History of Fenianism and Fenian Raids in Vermont,"
Vermont Historical Society Proceedings, October 19, 1880. Sowles upholds the right of the Fenians to attack Canada. In this opinion he was
voicing the sentiments of many Vermonters who resented the failure of
the Canadian Government to prevent Confederate raids on St. Albans
during the Civil War. There is nothing of value in his history of Fenianism as he relied on his memory for many of the details and it played
him false.
Stacey, Charles P. "Fenian Interlude: The Story of Michael Murphy,"
Canadian Historical Review, XV, 1934, 133-54. Murphy was President
of the Hibernian Benevolent Association of Toronto which was suspected
of being in league with the American Fenians. Stacey tells the story of
Murphy's arrest when he was on his way to assist Killian in his mad
venture at Campo Bello in April, 1866.
-. '"Fenianism and the Rise of National Feeling in Canada at the Time of
Confederation," Canadian Historical Review, XII, 1931, 238-61. Shows
the effect Fenianism had in some of the Canadian Provinces for movement toward Confederation. Does not attempt to treat of the history of
Fenian ism.
-=-. "Garrison of Fort Wellington: A Military Dispute During the Fenian
Troubles," Canadian Historical Review, XIV, 1933, 161-76. Treats of
the distrust and suspicion with which the Irish members of the garrison
at Fort Wellington were regarded by their brothers in arms. Shows that
these suspicions were unfounded.
-. "'The Fenian Troubles and Canadian Military Development," Canadian
Historical Association Report for 1935, pp. 26-35. Stacey shows that the
defeat inflicted on the volunteers by O'Neill's Fenian troops at the
Ridgeway clash and the successful retreat of the Fenians when they
should have been cut to pieces was an incentive to provide a permanent
military force for the defense of the Provinces.
428
Stein C. "A Fenian Spy," Blackwood's Magazine, Vol. 157, pp. 745-51.
Fiction.
Steiner, B. C. The Life of Reverdy l ohnson. Baltimore, 1914.
Sullivan, A. M. New Ireland. Philadelphia, 1878.
Sweeny, Thomas W. "Official Report of General Thomas W. Sweeny,
Secretary of War for the Fenian Brotherhood, and Commander in Chief
of the Irish Republican Army," l ournal of the American Irish Historical
Society, XXIII, 1924, 193-203. A report of the aims and intentions of
Sweeny along with his reasons for the failure of the commanders to
furnish the number of troops originally promised. He was critical of
the policy of the American Government in stopping reinforcements from
reaching the Fenians in Canada.
Sweeny, William M. "Fenian Invasion of 1866," l ournal of the American
Irish Historical Society, XXIII, 1924, 193-203. The son of the Fenian
General comments on the Fenian invasion and gives the reasons for its
failure.
Thonipson, John H. Jubilee History of Thorold. Toronto, 1898.
Tremaudan, A. H. de "Louis Riel and the Fenian Raid of 1871," Canadian
Historical Review, IV, 1923, 132-44. Concerned only with the events in
1871 when O'Neill invaded Manitoba with forty men. Of no value as
far as the Fenian Brotherhood goes.
Tuttle, Charles H. Fenian Company," Old and New, August, 1870, pp.
208-14. Of no value as he is concerned mainly with the youth of the
Fenians; remarks on their good behavior.
United States Ministers to the Papal States, Instructions and Despatches,
r848-r868. Edited by Leo Francis Stock. Washington, 1933.
Vesey, Maxwell. "When New Brunswick Suffered Invasion," Dalhousie
Review, XIX, 1939, 197~204.
Vroom, J. "The Fenians on the St. Croix," Canadia,i Magazine, X, 1898,
411-13.
-Walsh, Robert F. A Memorial Volume to Ireland's Incor,uptible Son
Parnell. New York, 1892.
Wheeler, Alexander E. "Reminiscences of the Fenian Raid," York Pioneer
and Historical Society Report, 1931, pp. 15-16.
I
I
INDEX
Adams, Charles Francis: American
minister_ to Court of St. James,
on disaffection in Ireland in
1865, 118-19; on difficulty of
distinguishing between Fenians
and peaceful Irish-Americans in
Ireland, 119-20;
on British
retention of the theory of indefeasibility of allegiance, 123;
instructed to apply for release of
American Fenians detained in
Ireland, 179-80; reports tension
mounting in Ireland at end of
1866, 215 ; embarrassed by endorsement of Cluseret, 249-50;
told by Seward that American
sympathy is with Ireland, 254;
intercedes on behalf of McCafferty and Burke, 256; ordered to
intercede for American citizens,
O'Brien and Condon, 270; refuses
to intercede for O'Brien, 270; life
threatened by irate Irishman,
27011; told by Seward that United
States cannot allow British theory
of indefeasibility of allegiance,
274; pictures animosity against
Irish in England as result of
OerkenweU incident, 276-77; resolution of impeachment against him
passed by Fenians for failure to
protect them abroad, 281n; urges
Stanley to release Warren, Nagle,
and Costello, 282; resigns as minister in January, 1868, 283n.
Ancona, Sydenham E. (cont.):

neutrality laws, 175; calls for information on American citizens
arrested in Ireland, 179.
Anti-Canadian sentiment in the
United States: in 1866, 171;
events contributing to, 205n.
Anti-Irish feeling in the United
States : beginning of, 64; Lydia
Maria Child on Irish faults,
361-62.
Archibald, Adam G., military governor of Fort Garry on Fenian
threats in 1871, 380-81.
Archibald, Edward : British consul
at New York keeps Canadian
Government informed of Fenian
intentions, 87; principal provider
of information to Canadian Government from 1865 to 1870, 93-94 ;
takes gloomy view of Fenian situation, 116; depressed by luri'd
accounts of Fenian designs given
him by informers, 125 ; alarmed
by report of informer Wheeler,
126; Fenians discuss proposal to
lynch him, 207 ; describes exact
localities of Fenian arms along
border and plan of attack, 324-25 ;
announces change in O'Neill's
plans, 333 ; reports Fenian arms
along border in 1877, 395.
"Alabama Claims" : mentioned for

first time in note from Seward to
Bruce in December, 1866, 217-18;
Sumner advised to begin arbitration, 230-31 ; settlement of in September, 1873, hurts Fenianism,
388-89.
Allen, Philip : arrested for part in
rescue of Kelly in Manchester,
1867, 269; executed November 23,
1867, 271.
Ancona, Sydenham E. : presents
resolution calling for repeal of
Badeau, Adam, says English resent

reception given Fenians in 1871,
376n.
Balfe, Colonel John, named inspector general by senate wing of
Fenian Brotherhood, 107.
Banks, General Nathaniel P.: presents resolution in House of Representatives ca11ing for amendment
of neutrality laws, praised by
Fenians, 183; advised on way to
secure Irish vote in Illinois and
Ohio, 187; renews championship
429
430
Banks, General Nathaniel P. (cont.)

of Fenianism in House, 236; presents another resolution sympathizing with Ireland, 241; urged
to move for government action
following Manchester executions,
271-72; introduces resolution designed to cause war between
United States and. Great Britain,
280-81.
Bannon, Patrick, member of Fenian
central council in 1865, 50.
Beach, Thomas Miller, See LeCaron,
Flenri.
Bell, David, founder of New Yark
Irish Republic, 240.
Belmont, August: sued by O'Mahoity for recovery of Fenian
funds, 326-27; Fenians awarded
$30,000, verdict reversed, 389.
Bemis, George: advises Sumner that
time is propitious for arbitration
with Great Britain, 230-31; puzzled by activities of Banks, 236-37.
Bennett, j ames Gordon, espouses
Fenian aims in New York Herald,
105.
Blaine, James G., told Fenians plan
to blow up British warships, 404-5.
Booker, Colonel : in command of
"Queen's Own" volunteers at battle of Ridgeway in 1866, 159;
reports defeat of Canadian troops
to Colonel Peacocke, 160; impersonated by Fenian in sham battle
at Fenian picnics, 197.
Boston Pilot: denounces government action in repressing invasion
of 1866, 171 ; warns Fenians
against radical Republicans, 189 ;
advises Fenians to change name,
379; on Irish revolutionary societies in 1872, 385.
Bourke, Captain T. R.: named
inspector general by senate wing
of Fenian Brotherhood, 107 and
n ; helps depose Stephens, 221 ;
sentenced to death in Ireland in
April, 1867, 255; sentence commuted to penal servitude for life,
Bourke, Captain T. R. (cont.):

256; release from prison announced in December, 1870, 368n;
arrives in United States in 1871,
372n.
Boyle, Edward, first Fenian emissary to Ireland and report, 22-23.
Boyle, Patrick: editor of Toronto
Irish Canadian, 196; on McGee's
speech at Wexford, Ireland, in
1865, 204n; Macdonald's plans in
regard to, 378.
Brady, James T., effort made to
secure his services as counsel for
Fenians in Ireland and England,
286.
Breslin, John J.: assists in rescue
. of Stephens from jail, 101 ; reported distributing arms along
border in 1877, 395 ; reported testing Fenian submarine in 1881,
404-5.
Bridesburg Arsenal, Philadelphia,
sells 4220 muskets to Fenians, 145.
Bright, John, excoriates British
policy in Ireland in letter to
Horace Greeley, 215-16.
Brown, George, editor Toronto
Globe, accuses Macdonald of not
preparing for possible invasion,
195-96.
Bruce, Sir Frederick: British minister to United States analyzes
government position on Fenianism,
87-88; reports new informer
added to British payroll, 152;
sends strong note to Seward on
Fenian raid of 1866, 162-63; suggests conditions be alleviated in
Ireland, 172; arlvise~ on policy to
be adopted after invasion of 1866,
174; worries about strength of
Irish vote, 176-77; indignant over
endorsement of Fenianism by
Schuyler Colfax, 178; asks leniency for Feriians captured in
Canada, 180; worried over politicians desiring to conciliate Irish
vote, 182-83 ;. comments on efforts
to secure Irish vote in 1866 elections, 186; warns Lord Stanley of
Index
Bruce, Sir Frederick (cont.) :
Fenian power for mischief, 19091 ; is hopeful that radical victory will end espousal of Fenianism, 211-12; instructs British
consuls in United States to watch
passenger lists for Stephens,
214-15; warned that thirty Fenians are sailing for Ireland, 221 ;
on rising in Ireland in 1867, 231;
on tug~of-war between President
Johnson and copgress, 237-38;
says. no reliance can be placed on
Seward, 255; resigned to continued espousal of Fenianism by
politicians seeking Irish vote, 258 ;
explains reasons for favoring release of John Warren, 267; dies
at Boston the end of August,
1867, 267n.
Buckley, Daniel J.: informer on
"Erin's Hope" expedition in 1867,
245 ; account of christening of
"Erin's Hope," 246.
Buffalo, New York: center of Fenian activity for invasion of 1866,
146-47; good choice by Fenians
as base of operations, 159 ; 2000
Fenians sent home from there,
164-65 ; Fenians there reported
ready for battle in 1870, '340.
Burke, Ricard O'S.: purchasing
agent for Fenians in England in
1865, 57n; selected to guide landing of "Erin's Hope" expedition
in 1867, 246~47; arrested m London, November 24; 1867, 276;
released from prison in 1870,
277n; arrives in United States in
1871, 372n.
Burke, Captain T. R., See Bourke,
Captain T. R.
Butler, Benjamin: promises to support Irish cause if Fenians support effort to remove President
Johnson, 275; heads delegation of
United Irishmen to White House,
369; introduces resolution of welcome to liberated Fenians, 371 ;
on Fenians collecting damages for
imprisonment in England; 374;
431
Butler, Benjamin (co11t.) :

promised reward at polls by Fenians, 376; offers $1000 to Fenians
if he obtains Republican nomination for governorship of Massachusetts, 390.
Byrne, Daniel, assists in rescue of
Stephens from jail in 1865, 101.
Byron, John Whitehead: inspector
general of O'Neill wing sends
letter to LeCaron which is forwarded to Canada, 314-15; in
command of regiment for raid of
1870, 340.
Cahill, George : member of council
of Irish Confederation, 383n; elected trustee of Fenian Brotherhood
in 1873, 388n.
Campo Bello venture: decided on
March 17, 1866, 135; failure of,
and impetus given Canadian confederation, 139-40; history of, as
given by informer McDermott,
140-41. See also Killian, B. Doran.
Canadian government : resents action of British in thanking United
States for repressing raid, 358;
prepares to press claims against
United States for not preventing
raid, 360-61 ; worried over growth
of United Irishmen, protests pardoning of Fenian leaders, 367-68.
See also under Macdonald, John
A.; Michel, Sir John; and Monck,
Lord.
Canadian troops, mustered to oppose
Fenian raid of 1866, 173.
Cantwell, James, early Fenian,
13-14n.
Cardwell, Edward, advises no publicity be given note of thanks
tendered United States for repressing invasion, 173-74.
"Catalpa" expedition, rescues Fenians from Australia in 1876,
392-93 and n.
Catholic Church in the United
States : no official notice of Fenians until 1863, 35; early position
of American bishops on, 49n ;
432
Catholic Church in the United

States (cont.) :
some bishops said to be opposed
to decree of condemnation in 1870,
331.
Cavanagh, Michael,
represents
American Fenians at funeral of
Terence Mcl\fanus, 20.
CentraJ council : functions of, 37 ;
increased from five to ten members at Cincinnati convention of
1865, 50; lashed by Stephens in
1865 for suspicions, 59-60; abolished at Philadelphia convention
of 1865, 79 ; meeting on March
17, 1866, decides on Campo Bello
venture, 135-36.
Central organizers, meaning and
purpose of, 50-51.
Centre, definition of, 33n.
Child, Lydia Maria, on Irish and
their defects, 361-62.
Church, Sanford E., tells Samuel
Tilden that Democrats were
beaten by Fenian vote in the elections of 1866, 211 and n.
Circle, meaning of in Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, 55n.
Clan-na-Gael: beginning of, 385-86;
organization of explained by LeCaron in 1881, 402; sends LeCaron
to Europe as confidential agent,
404; membership about 14,000 in
1881, 405.
Clarendon, Earl: succeeds Lord
John Russell as Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, reasserts indefeasibility of allegiance,
130; orders Fenians held in Ireland released on condition they
return to United States, 132;
warned of Fenian plan to invade
New Brunswick, 136.
Clarke, Reader W.: proposes resolution in House of Representatives
recognizing belligerency of Fenians, 174-75; resolution defeated
on July 2, 1866, 182; requests
President Johnson to urge upon
Canadian authorities the release
of captured Fenians, 184-85.
Clerkenwell
incident,
attempted
rescue of Ricard O'S. Burke from
prison in 1867 results in tragedy,
276.
Cluseret, Gustave Paul, connection
with Fenianism, 249-52 and n.
Colfax, Schuyler: introduces Roberts at Fenian rally in Washington, 177-78; follows advice of
Horace Greeley on Fenianism,
178; secures use of building in
Washington for Fenian rally, 185;
sympathizes with frustrated Fenians at picnic, 188; urges Hamilton Fish to intercede for release
of Reverend John McMahon, 311.
Collins, Patrick A. : appointed central organizer in
1865, 51 ;
appointed bond agent at Philadelphia convention of 1865, 81 ;
goes on speaking tour, 126; asks
aid of Nathaniel Banks in obtaining release of Stephen J.
Meany from British jail, 28ln;
submits proposal of United Irishmen to Savage Fenians, 363;
elected first president of Irish
Land League of America in 1880,
and subsequent career, 400 and n.
Condon, Edward O'Meagher : biographical sketch of, 108n ; introduced Fenianism into Canada in
1859, 202; arrested for complicity
in rescue of Kelly, sentenced to
death, 269; pardoned in 1878,
271n.
Cooke, Jay, asked for aid by William O'Donoghue in annexation of
Rupert's Land, 381.
Corbett, Patrick, member executive
council of O'Mahony wing in
1866, 107.
Corcoran, Michael: member of revolutionary committee in New York
in 1858, 11 ; organizes Irish
Legion, 28; continues Fenian activities during active service in
Civil War, 30; member of central
council, 37; dies in fall from
horse in 1864, 46.
433
Corydon, John J.: Fenian envoy to
Paris in 1865, 77 and n ; offers
information to Sir Frederick
Bruce for price, 213 ; informed on
planned Fenian raid on Chester
Castle, 248.
Costello, Augustine E. : released
from British prison in 1869, goes
on speaking tour of Ireland,
309-10 ; hailed as hero on arrival
in United States, 312-13.
Coursol, C. J., chief of police in
Montreal authorized to have two
detectives shadow Fenians, 291.
Coyne, Philip: O'Mahony's delegate
to Stephens in 1864, 44 and n ;
his estimate of strength of revolutionists in Ireland, 45.
Crimean War, regarded by New
York Irish as opportunity to strike
for Irish independence, 4.
"Cuba Five," : receive $15,000 from
Tammany Hall, 370; meaning of
term, 370; set forth their platform, 372-73.
Cullen, Archbishop Paul, of Dublin:
prohibits religious services for
Terence McManus in Dublin, 19;
reason for opposition to Fenian
Brotherhood, 19n; regarded as
being very acceptable to British
Government, 109; informs Archbishop Spalding of Baltimore of
Fenian activities in Ireland, 216n ;
on alarm in Dublin over Fenian
threats, 220n; says Irish-Ameri~
cans doing disservice to Ireland
by secret societies, 286; instrumental in securing condemnation
of Fenians, 331.
Cunningham, M. J., .elected to council of O'Neill wing in 1870, 348.
Cunningham, Peter, elected. to council of O'Neill wing in 1870, 348.
Curley, Rev. John: Fenian priest
bears message from Killian to
Seward, 85 and n ; represents
Canadian Fenians at O'Mahony
wing congress in January, 1866,
108; branded as unfrocked priest
by Pittsburgh newspaper, 114.
t
\
\\
Curry, Thomas, named inspector

general by senate wing of '.Brotherhood in 1866, 106,
Daly, James, alias assumed by
Stephens in United States in 1864,
40.
Daly, John J., named inspector
general of senate wing in 1866,
107.
Dart, William A. : warns Canadian
government of impending Fenian
raid in 1867, 263; blames Fenians
for removal from office as United
States district attorney for northern New York, 264n.
Delahunt, Jolin, named inspector
general by senate wing in 1866,
106.
Devoy, John: early work in Irish
Revolutionary Brotherhood, 57n;
assists in rescue of Stephens from ,
jail, 101; arrives in New York
January 19, 1871, 370; on aim of
''Cuba Five," 372; founds New
York Irish Nation in 1881, 405-.6.
Dillon, John, in uprising of 1848 in
Ireland, 1.
Doheny, Michael: in uprising of
1848 in Ireland, 1 ; active in Emmet Monument Association, 6 ;
edits paper with title Honest
Truth, 7; letter from Stephens to,
10-11; participates in McManus
obsequies, 19; death of in 1862,
28.
Doherty, Richard, member of central council of Brotherhood in
1863, 37.
Donnelly, Ignatius, introduces resolution in House of Representatives

sympathizing with Ireland, 234-35.
Dooley, Mr. See Dunne, Finley P.
Dougherty, Charles; appointed consul to Londonderry in 1867,
226-27.
Doyle, Colonel James, named inspector general by senate wing
in 1866, 106.
434
The Fenian llfovernent
i1i the United States: 1858-1886
Downing, Patrick J.: issues circular

on suspension of Habeas Corpus
Act in Ireland in 1866, 123-24 and
n ; reported on way to capture
Bermuda, 137.
Dublin Irish People: newspaper begun by Stephens in 1863, 31-32;
raided by police in September,
1865, 75-76.
Duggan, Bishop James of Chicago,
condemns Fenians as secret society, 39.
Dunne, Finley P.: on Fenian picnics, 192n.; on an Irishman's
hatred, 411.
Dunne, P. W.: Fenian envoy to
investigate conditions in Ireland
in 1865, 70; returns with report
from Ireland, 75; founder of New
York Irish Republic, 240; forms
Irish Labor League, 376n.
Egan, William, elected to council
of O'Neill wing in 1870, 348.
Emmet Monument Association: organized in 1855, purpose of, 6;
opposition between it and Massachusetts Irish Emigrant Aid
Society, 9.
English press, at first treats Fenian
threat facetiously, 119.
"Erin's Hope" expedition, idea for
given by Kelly and story of,
243-48.
Fariola, Octave:. secures commission
from Governor Fenton of New
York to inspect British arsenals,
249; outlines plans for fight in
Ireland in 1867, 251-52; claims
Massey revealed Fenian plan for
rising to reporter, 252n.
Federal recruiting, in Ireland during the Civil War, 62-63.
Fenian, origin of name, 14n.
Fenian bonds: description of, 112l 13n ; Mitchel reports no sale for
them in France in 1866, 133.
Fenian Brotherhood: first named in

1859, 13 ; . definition of, 15 ; early
strongholds of, 15; issue letters of
marque and reprisal, 74; regarded
by some in Canada in 1865 as
Catholic plot to slay all Orangemen, 89-90 ; split occurs over
issue of Fenian bonds, 102-3;
condemned by Catholic Church,
329-32 and n ; last convention held
in 1885, account of, and end, 407.
Fenian consuls: partiality of American government for, Z26-27; John
Savage appointed to Leeds in 1868,
309: James Haggerty appointed
to Glasgow, 327-28.
Fenian income, $228,000 raised in
1865, 73.
Fenian oath, form of, 37-38.
Fenian picnics: opinion of, by J.
Edward Wilkins, special agent of
Great Britain, 86; used to raise
funds; 73; Stephens active at
them in promising Irish independence, 191-92 and n.
Fenian raid of 1866, account of,
159-64.
Fenian raid of 1870, account of,
354-55.
Fenton, Governor Reuben, of New
York, refuses to have any part in
action against Fenians, 164.
Finerty, John F.: appointed central
organizer in 1865, 51 and n; comments on death of LeCaron, 285n.
First Fenian convention, meets in
Chicago, November 3, 1863, 36.
Fish, Hamilton: Secretary of State
urged by Colfax to seek release
of Reverend John McMahon from
Canadian prison, 311; tells Sumner that Fenians are preparing to
invade Canada, 316; tells Thornton that troops are being moved
to frontier, 317; discontinues services of Pinkerton detectives, 318;
suggests to Thornton that England withdraw from Canada, 325 ;
tells Thornton that withdrawal of
England from Canada would end
Index
Fish, Hamilton (cont.):
Fenianism, 344; provided with
more precise information on Fenian plans by Thornton, 345 ; on
cabinet meeting held to discuss
Fenian intentions, 345-46; announces services of detectives
dispensed with, 350; on cabinet
meeting held on May 24, 1870, to
discuss Fenian threat, 353; on
cabinet discussion of Fenianism
after raid of 1870, 356; on cabinet
meeting discussing Fenianism,
359; advises President Grant to
release O'Neill at end of fishing
season, 364; on returning Fenian
arms, 367; rift with Sumner, 375
and n ; on inability to prosecute
O'Neill, 383-84.
Fitzpatrick,
Rudolph :
assistant
secretary of war in Roberts wing
of Brotherhood, enters pay of
British government as informer,
warns of impending raid, 260-61
and n; stricken from Fenian payroll for reasons of economy, 310;
to head mounted force of raiders
in O'Neill's raid of 1870, 339.
Forest, Mrs. E. : woman detective
employed by Canadian government in 1881, her account, 401 ;
reports many female Fenians in
Brooklyn, 403-4.
Forsyth, Patrick, elected to council
Fourth national convention, of senate wing, meets at Pittsburgh,
February .19, 1866, 113-15.
Gibbons, James: joins Brotherhood
in 1859, 33n; member of first
central council, 37 ; member of
central council in 1865, 50; told
that Fenian cause is hanging in
balance, 178-79.
Gleeson, John M.: biographical
sketch of, 13ln; succeeds Mortimer Moynahan as chief of one
wing of Brotherhood, 225 ; sells
Fenian arms to raise money for
Kelly in Ireland, 231 ; succeeded
by Anthony Griffin, 233 and n ;
\
I
435
Gleeson, John M. (co11t.) :

appears before House Committee
on Foreign Affairs, 236; reported
to have mortgaged his property
to raise Fenian funds, 351;
arrested by Marshal. Quimby after
raid of 1870, 355.
Gould, Michael, See O'Brien,
Michael.
Grady, Captain, elected to council
Grant, Ulysses S. : advises arrest of
Sweeny and Roberts in June,
1866, 163; on disposal of Fenian
arms after raid of 1870, 356;
irritated by actions of Fenians,
359; wants O'Neill prosecuted,
382; issues pardon to O'Neill on
October 13, 1870, 366.
Granville, Earl : succeeds Clarendon
as Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs on June 27, 1870, is told
that Canadian government favors
prevention of Fenian raid in 1870,
343 ; protests against release of
O'Neill, 365-66.
Greeley, Horace: uses Fenianism to
embarrass Seward, 105; notified
by Colfax that he is following
his advice, 178 ;! letter to from
John Bright on British policy in
Ireland, 215-16; appeals to President Grant for pardon of O'Neill
in 1870, 364.
Griffin, Anthony A. : elected chief
organizer of the Irish Republic in
1867, 233; vows to hang a dozen
British for every Fenian executed,
235 ; summons convention to elect
a new chief executive, 265.
Habeas Corpus Act, suspended in
Ireland in February, 1.866, reasons
for given by Lord John Russell
in Parliament, 120-21.
Haggerty, James, Fenian appointed
American consul at Glasgow,
327-28.
Halpin, William G. : Fenian envoy
to Ireland in 1865, 69 ; discounts
effects of arrests in Ireland in
436
The Fenian 111ovement in the United States: r858-r886
Halpin, William G. (cont.):

1865, 99; appeals to Consul West
in Dublin on behalf of forty
American citizens arrested, 122n ;
O'Mahony's delegate in seeking
union of two Fenian wings, 143 ;
helps depose Stephens as Fenian
leader, 221; sails for England
January 12, 1867, 225; release
from prison urged and refused,
313-14; release from English prison announced in December, 1870,
368n; arrives in United States in
1871, 372n; member of council of
Irish Confederation, 383n.
Halpine, Charles G. : popular IrishAmedcan poet in 1860's, 6ln;
urges Fenians to attack Canada,
127-28; attacks radical Republicans, 300.
Haltigan, James, editor of New
York American Gael for short
time, 390 and n.
Head centre: title given O'Mahony
in 1863, 37; title abolished at Philadelphia convention of 1865, 79;
title readopted by O'Mahony in
1866, 107.
Healy, John G., named inspector
general by senate wing of Brotherhood in 1866, 107.
Hemans, H. W,: British consul at
Buffalo tells McMicken there is
little danger of Fenian raid in
1866, 158; reports llOO Fenians
heading eastward, 351.
Hoar, Attorney General, notified of
Fenian intentions in 1869 by Hamilton Fish, 316017.
Hodnett, John P., praises Sumner,
376.
Hoffman, Henry: mayor of New
York assists Fenians in returning
home after raid of 1866, 165;
governor of New York warns
Fenians of government plan to
seize arms, 334-35.
Home Rule movement: gains
ground in United States in 1873,
386 ; Michael Davitt in, 399.
Honest Truth, newspaper edited by

Michael Doheny in 1855, 7.
Hope, Sir James, requests additional gunboats for use on St.
Lawrence, 150.
Hughes, Archbishop John J.: New
York prelate embroiled in controversy with John Mitchel in 1854,
3-4; participates in funeral services for Terence McManus, 19;
opposed colonization scheme of T.
D. McGee, 203.
Hynes, J. ]., disposes of problem
of dealing with British fleet, ll2.
Hynes, William, appointed central
organizer of Brotherhood in 1865,
51 and n.
Indefeasibility of allegiance : asserted by British in trials of American Fenians in Dublin in 1865,
122; reasserted in trial of John
Warren in Dublin in 1867, origin
of, 273-74; used by politicians in
1868 to woo Irish vote, 281-84;
Seward sees it as greatest block
to amicable relations with Great
Britain, 288-89; retained by British in 1868, 289 ; Thornton urges
conclusion of naturalization treaty
to settle difficulties, 291-92;
Reverdy Johnson instructed to
work toward settlement of differences, 305 ; protocol to naturalization treaty signed October 9, 1868,
306; naturalization treaty ratified
in July, 1870, 361; naturalization
convention signed by Motley and
Clarendon on May 27, 1870, 368n.
Informers, See Buckley, Daniel J.;
Corydon, John J.; Fitzpatrick,
Rudolph; LeCaron, Henri ; McDermott, James; Massey, Godfrey; Nagle, Pierce; and Wheeler,
Colonel.
Ireland's Liberator <J,nd Dynamite
Monthly, newspaper edited by
Patrick Rellihan in Brooklyn in
the 1880's, 406-7.
Irish-American newspapers, early
attitude toward the Civil War, 18.
Index
Irish-Americans, in. the Civil War,
61-62.
Irish in Montreal, difference between them and Irish in the United States, 202-5.
"Irishmen's Civil and Military Republican Union," organized in
1854, 5.
Irish Confederation : organized by
"Cuba Five" in March, 1871,
372-73 ; plan of union between it
an,d Fenians, 378-79; first annual
convention, 384; ends in 1873, 386.
Irish Labor League, formed by P.
W. Dunne and John Scanlan,
376n.
Irish Land League of America, first
convention in 1880, expires, 400.
Irish Patriotic Defence Fund, organized by New York Fenians in
1859, 14.
Irish Republican Army, uniform of,
229-30.
Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood,
organized March 17, 1858, in Dublin, 12.
Irish vote : importance of, in 1866,
174-79; promised to supporters of
Fenianism, 182; Bruce worried
over, 182-83; sees both parties
straining for it, 185-86 ; efforts
made to capture, 187-91; McMicken on politicians using it, 194n;
importance of discussed after election of 1866, 211-12; views of
Bruce on in March, 1867, 237-38;
sees command of it as vital in
elections of 1867, 258; plan of
Fernaur!o \.Vood to corral it in
1867, 267; naturalization controversy in 1868 rallying poi.-it for
politicians seeking it, 281-84;
Macdonald expects political parties to wink at Fenians' activities
in 1868, 290; Macdonald on, 295 ;
Thornton's view of its importance
in 1868, 298; power estimated by
American
politicians,
298-99;
Thornton ascribes agitation in behalf of Fenian prisoners to it in
437
Irish vote (cont.) :

1870, 341; Democratic party ac. cused of compromising any principle to obtain it, 361-62; Fish
thinks O'Neill's release after raid
of 1870 would benefit local elections, 365; Tammany makes bid
for, 368-69; reception for "Cuba
Five" aimed to capture, 371-72;
Macdonald perturbed over possible defection of Canadian Irish,
377-78.
"Jacmel Packet," See "Erin's Hope"
expedition.
Jay, John, favors withdrawal of
England from Canada, thus ending Fenian raids, 376.
J enl<:s and Mitchell, arms purchased
from company for Fenian raid of
1866, 107.
Johnson, Andrew: releases John
Mitchel from Fortress Monroe at
request of Fenians, 78; issues
proclamation against Fenians on
June 6, 1866, 163; denounced as
"dirty tool of English government" by Fenians, 167; applies
for release of Fenians captured
in Canada, 176; furnishes information on American citizens detained in Ireland, 179; assailed at
Fenian rally in Washington, 185;
orders proceedings abandoned
against Fenian leaders, 186 ; attacked by Governor Oglesby of
Illinois at Fenian picnic, 188;
warned of efforts by radical Republicans to corral Irish vote,
188-89 ; orders seized arms returned to Fenians, 200; advised
by Samuel Tilden to restore Fenian arms and does so, 200-1 ;
warned that Fenians are going to
stump against him in 1866 elections, . 201-2; impeachment proceedings against begun on February 20, 1868, 280; trial begins
. March 30, 1868, 292; trial ends
May 26, 1868 with radicals failing'
to obtain conviction, 294.
438
The' Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-1886
Johnson, Reverdy: American minister instructed to work toward

settlement of naturalization controversy, 305; signs protocol to
naturalization treaty, blunders of,
306.
Jury de. mediatate linguae, meaning
of and application in trial of
William Nagle in Ireland, 272.
Kickham, Charles : defends Stephens, 17; given reasons by

O'Mahony for resentment against
Stephens, 33-35 ; delivers resolutions of Chicago convention of
1863 to Stephens, 38.
Killian, B. Doran : instrumental in
effecting release of Mitchel from
Fortress Monroe, 78; sounds out
Seward and President Johnson on
government reaction to possible
Fenian raid on Campo Bello, 8485 ; appeals to senate wing to reunite with O'Mahony,
114;
ardent exponent of Campo Bello
venture, 135 ; reported on way to
capture Bermuda, 137 ; suspected
by Fenians of being in league
with T. D. McGee after Campo
Bello fiasco, 141.
King, Rufus, American minister at
Rome reports interview with Pope
Pius IX on annexation of Canada, 222-24.
Kavanagh, Jeremiah: active in

Pacific Coast Fenianism, 28; appointed central organizer in 1865,
51.
Kavanagh, Jolin F.: captain of
''Erin's Hope," 245; submits report on return to New York, 247.
Kelly, Captain Thomas J.: sent to
Ireland in 1865 by central council
to estimate preparedness for action by Irish revolutionists, 52-53;
report of investigation to central
council, 54-58 ; trailed by detective
shortly after arrival in Ireland,
71-72n; choice of centres of Dul:ilin district as successor to Ste- Lalor, Richard, editor of New York
Irish Neffs, 7.
. pheris, 101 ; informs O'Mahony of
plan . to rescue Stephens, 101 ; Larkin, Michael : arrested for part
arrives in New York in April,
in rescue of Kelly in Manchester,
1866, 150; appointed deputy to
England, 1867, 269; executed
Stephens in May, 1866, 151 ; sucNovember 23, 1867, _271. See
ceeds Stephens as head of one
Manchester Martyrs.
wing of Fenians, 224; sails for Lavelle, Reverend Michael, Fenian
England January 12, 1867, 225;
sympathizer in Jreland, 29n.
pictures situation in Ireland in LeCaron, Henri : makes appearance
March, 1867, 240-41; pleads for
as informer, 212-13 and n; real
immediate aid to Ireland, 243 ;
career as informer begins Februplans of for fight in Ireland in
ary 20, 1868, account of, elevated
1867 outlined by Octave Fariola,
to rank of major in Brotherhood,
251-52; arrested in Manchester,
285-86 and n;: warns Thornton of
England, in 1867, 268 ;. rescued by
Fenian plot to assassinate Prince
Fenians from prison van, 2f:I);
of Wales, 290; shadowed by anreported in Fort Garry bent on
other Canadian detective, 291 ;
mischief in 1871, ~ l .
sends alarming report of Fenian
Kerrigan, Colonel James : reported
strength to Lord Stanley, 293-94;
raising 5000 troops for invasion of
interview$ Gilbert McMicken ori
Canada, 166 ; in charge of military
June 8, 1868, offered $150 a
force on "Erin's Hope" expedimonth, 296-97 ;. promises attack
tion,.245.
before presidential election of
1868, 302; notifies authorities
~rwin, Colonel Michael: biographiattack postponed until spring of
cal sketch of, lOOn ; appointed
1869, ' ten former Confeder.ate
secretary of war by O'Neill, 337.
Index
LeCaron, Henri ( co1it.) :
generals deep in Fenian plots,
302-3; inspector general of Fenians at $60. a month, 304; accused
of being British spy, 307; forwards letters received from prominent Fenians to Canada, 314-15;
notifies McMicken July 19, 1869,
that Fenian invasion is improbable
that year, 316; warns of invasion
in October, 1869, 319-20; promoted to adjutant general in Brotherhood at salary of $100 a
month, 322; on war plans of
O'Neill for winter of 1869, 322;
supervises distribution of Fenian
arms along border, 323 ;: accompa.nies O'Neill on tour of inspection along border, 323-24; outli~es O'Neill's plans for invasion
of 1870, 334-36; deposits more
Fenian arms along border, 337;
praised by O'Neill for distributing
arms, 339; reports more distribution of arms and action by March
10, 1870, 340-41 ; changes date of
invasion to April 15, 342; services
in rendering abortive Fenian raid
of 1870, 357-58: on O'Neill's
plans for 1871, 377; warns Canada
that O'Neill will soon be in Montreal with Fenian horde, 379-80;
replaced on British payroll in
1878, sends alarming report, 39798; reports on activities of Clanna-Gael, 402 ; sent to Europe- as
confidential agent of Clan-naGael in 1881, 404; reports on
convention of United Brotherhood, 405; subsequent career,
405n.
Legion of St. Patrick, military adjunct of Fenians in J871, 374.
Lewis, Colonel : to head cavalry
force of 200 in raid of 1870, 339;
accused of treachery in revealing
plans to Canadians, 352.
Lisgar, Lord, governor general of
Canada protests pardoning of
Fenian leaders in 1870, 367-(>8.
\
;
439
Luby, Thomas Clarke: on Emmet

Monument Association, 7 ; 9efends Stephens, 17; sent as emissary by Stephens to goad O'Mahony to action in 1863, 30; papers
lost by Patrick J. Meehan .produced at his trial in Ireland in
1865, 71 ; arrested in raid on
Dublin Irish People, 76n; convic~
tion of increases discontent in
Ireland, 120; arrives in United
States in 1871, 372n; member of
,council of Irish Confederation,
383n.
Lumsden, Reverend Daniel F., Episcopalian clergyman captured with
Fenians 'in Canada in 1866,
acquitted, 208 and n.
Lynch, John J.: Bishop of Toronto
analyzes Fen~sm, 108-9n; asked
by Macdonald to support his ~ndidate for office, 262:63.
Lynch, Robert B., sentenced to
death in Canada for part in Fenian raid of 1866, 207.
Lyons, Lord, British minister to
Washington informed of Fenian
intentions in 1863, 65.
McCafferty, Captain John: biographical sketch of, lOOn ; speech at
Jones Wood rally March 4, 1866,
125 and n ; goes on speaking 'tour
for Fenians, 126; threatens to
pistol Stephens at latter's deposition, 221 ; sentenced to death in
Dublin April, 1867, 255 ; sentence
commuted to penal servitude for
life, 256 ; release from prison announced December, 1870, 3(,Sn;
372n.
McCarthy, Henry O'C. : collects
items in Ireland for Fenian fair
of 1864, 39 ; appointed deputy head
centre in 1864, 42; dies in July,
1865, 50n.
McClenahan, John: assumes .editorship of New York Ci4iJ!en, 5;
opposes aims of Emmet Monument Association, 6.
440
The F'enia11, Movement in the United States: r858-r886
McCloskey, John: Archbishop of

New York interviewed by Canadian detective on Fenianism in
1865, 95 ; opposes Fenian rally
March. 4, 1866, 124.
McClure, John: release from English prison announced in December, 1870, 368n; arrives in New
York January 19, 1871, 370.
McCorry,. Peter, denounces O'Mahony in April,, 1871, 374 and n.
McDermott; James: informer and
friend of O'Mahony, 41n; offers
to sell information to British consul Archibald in 1865, 96-97 ;
ejected from Fenian lecture, 110
and n ; gives Archibald inside
story of Campo Bello fiasco, 14041 ; rewarded liberally for informing, 153.
Macdonald, John A. : as attorneygeneral for Upper Canada discounts threat of Fenianism, 88-89;
calls upon Canadian government
to garrison frontier, 92; advised
by McGee to station detective at
New York, 92-93; told on May
17,1866, there was little likelihood
of Fenian raid, 157; thinks Fenianism has lost power of mischief,
158-59 ; warns mayor of Cornwall
against arbitrary acts, 193 ;
warned of another invasion, 194;
accused by George Brown of
Toronto Globe of not realizing
danger of invasion, 195-96; rebukes official for arbitrary arrests
of suspected Fenians, 196; pays
tribute to Canadian clergy for
combating Fenianism, 210-11; convinced Fenian organization broken
up, 222; .asks Bishop Lynch of
Toronto to support his candidate
for office, 262-63 ; predicts serious
Fenian invasion by November,
1867, 264; expects unpleasantness
on frontier in 1868, alarming reports received by, 290-91; on
Thomas D' Arey McGee, 29'2n;
convinced of Fenian raid by July
Macdonald, John A. (cont.):

1, 1868, 295; on not trusting LeCaron, 297 ; told of planned Fenian attack before presidential election of 1868, 302; warns of invasion, advises military force be
stationed at Toronto, 311 ; told
that Fenians would invade in summer of 1869, 315; orders troops
on Sarnia and Niagara frontiers
put on alert in October, 1869, 320;
on October 20, 1869, believes no
attack forthcoming, 322 ; allowing
Fenian raid to take place, 343 ;
receives set of Fenian plans of
invasion, calls out militia, protests
withdrawal of troops, 345 ; plans
to secure control of Irish Canadian, 378; warned by Buffalo
Irishman,. 400; sends Mrs. Forest
to United States to determine
Fenian designs, 401.
McGee, Thomas D' Arey: in uprising of 1848 in Ireland, 1 ; advises
Macdonald to send detective to
cover Fenian convention in Philadelphia in 1865, 79n; advises Mac-,
donald to have permanent detective at New York, 92-93; reasons
he left United States, 203 ; attacks
Fenianism in speech at Wexford,
Ireland, in 1865, 203-4; denounces
Fenianism as snare and delusion,
204-5; suggests paper be issued by
Canadian government on failure
of United States to seize Fenian
arms, 229n ; murdered April 7,
1868, 292 and n.
McGrath, James, member of executive council of O'Mahony wing
in 1866, 107.
McGrath, .Maurice J., named inspector general. of. senate wing of
Brotherhood in 1866, 106.
McHale, John, Archbishop of Tuam,
Ireland, thanks Fenians for assistance in 1862, 29.
Mackensie, Kenneth, counsel for
Fenians on trial in Toronto in
1866-67, 210 and n.
Index
441
Mackey, William L.: member of McMicken, Gilbert (cont.) :

1869, 326; told there will be inToronto circle of Fenians, 202;
release from English prison anvasion before March 1, 1870, 336;
says Fenian affairs in New York
nounced December, 1870, 368n;
are lively, 340; knows exactly
where attacks will be made in
372n.
1870, 351-52; recommends LeCarMcLeod, Alexander, reports on
on be given bonus of $2000 for
Fenian activities in Buffalo in
services in thwarting Fenian
March, 1866, 148-49.
designs, 357-58; on growth of
. McMahon, Reverend John: Fenian
United Irishmen, 367; on O'Neill
chaplain captured at Fort Erie
soliciting help of French half
after raid of 1866, trial of, 207 ;
breeds, 380; re-employs LeCaron
sentence commuted to twenty
at $75 a month in 1881, 402.
years imprisonment, 209; impri
M~hony,
Captain Andrew, named
sonment of used by Fenians to
mspector general by senate wing
gain political support, 210; Colof Brotherhood in 1866, 107.
fax intercedes for him in April,
1869, released in August, 1869, Malone, New York: scene of Fenian
goes on speaking tour, 311-12 and
concentrations in June 1866 162
n.
eleven officers and ' 150' me~
arrested at, 164.
McManus, Terence B.: in uprising
of 1848 in Ireland, 1 ; escapes from Manchester Martyrs, story of,
Australia, 2; death in San Fran268-72.
cisco in 1861, 18; funeral demonM:1rtin,
John, in uprising of 1848
strations in United States and
Ill Ireland, 1.
Ireland, 19.
McMaster, James A.: New York Massachusetts Irish Emigrant Aid
Society, organized in 1855 to gain
Herald pits John Mitchel against
Irish independence, 8.
him, 3; condemns Fenianism, 39.
McMicken, Gilbert : has many Massey, Godfrey: alleged. Fenianism
of, 152-53 and n ; helps depose
detectives stationed to check on
Stephens, takes money to LiverFenian activities, 150; tells Macpool for pay of Fenian officers
donald there is little danger of
there, 221; sails for England JanFenian raid, 157; on defeat of
uary 12, 1867; arrested at Lim-
Canadian troops at Ridgeway in
erick, Ireland, March 4, 1867,
1866, 16ln; sixteen detectives em248; accused of having himself
ployed by him, predicts another
arrested and revealing plan of
invasion, 194; on Irish vote, 194n;
fight to reporter, 251-52.
has detectives in six American
cities, 222; told that Fenians will Meade, George: Major General
ordered to Eastport, Maine, and
invade Canada by November, 1867,
264; on LeCaron, 296; estimates
action there, 138; .ordered to arrest Sweeny, 163; ordered to borFenian strength in June, 1868,
der on June 2, 1866, 163; arrests
297; predicts attack in August,
1868, 301-2; predicts invasion of
eleven officers and 150 inen at
Canada in summer of 1869,
Malone, 164; transfers headquarchanges mind two days later,
ters to St. Albans, 164; suggests
315-16; predicts invasion in De1500 Feniaris be sent home from
Malone at government expense,
cember, 1869, 322 ; describes Le164; sent to frontier in March,
Caron' s activities in November,
1869, 323; estimates military sup1867, 1 to investigate conditions,
plies held by Fenians at end of
predicts another .Fenian raid, 253.
442
The Fenian Movement in tke U1iited States: 1858-1886
Meagher, Thomas F. : in uprising

of 1848 in Ireland, 1 ; escapes from
Australia, 2; edits New York
Irish News in 1856, 7n; participates in McManus obsequies, 19;
joins Fenian. Brotherhood in July,
1863, 32n.
Meany, Stephen J. : thanks President Johnson for release of' John
Mitchel from Fortress Monroe,
78; begins publication of New
York Irish Press, 19ln; introduced to Samuel J. Tilden as possible editor of Irish paper, 299;
propagates Fenianism in New
York Irish Democrat, 379 and n.
Meehan, Patrick J.: editor of New
York Irish American, 14; member
of central council of Brotherhood
in 1865, 50 and n ; envoy of American Fenians to investigate con<Wons in Ireland in 1865, 70;
loses papers entrusted him for
deliv~ry to Stephens, 71 ; shot by
irate Fenian on February 28,
1870, 342; severs connections with
radical societies, 38311.
Membership, pledge of in Fenian
Brotherhood, See Fenian oath.
Michel, Sir John: alarmed by prospects of Fenian invasion of Canada, 91-92; receives report of
military situation in Canada in
March, 1866, 117 and n; wants
ten gunboats patrolling Canadian
waters, 195.
Millen, General F. F.: sent to Ireland by central council in 1865
to gauge strength of Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, 53-54 and
n ; report of investigation of 1865
to central council, 58-59; elected
to fill Stephens' place temporarily
after latter's arrest, 101; attacks
Stephens as cheat and rascal, 216;
placed in command of Legion of
St. Patrick, 374; reported forming "Irish Army of Liberation" in
1878, 398.
Mitchel, John: transported to Australia, ln; escapes from Australia,

2; arrives at New York, 3; sounds
call to action, 5 ; active in Irishmen's Civil and Military Republican Union, 5; resigns as editor
of New York Citizen and moves
to Tennessee, 5; visited by Stephens in Knoxville, Tennessee,
12; Stephens' choice as financial
agent for Fenians in Paris, 78 i
arrested in New York after Civil
War, 78; joins Fenian Brotherhood following release from prison, 82; submits financial report
to Fenians in 1866, 105; approves
action of O'Mahony in breaking
with senate, 113; paints gloomy
picture of Fenian prospects of
success to O'Mahony in March,
1866, 133-35 ; informs O'Mahony
of Stephens' departure for United
States in. 1866, 142-43; attacks
radical Republicans for attempting
to capture Irish vote, 190; on
Fenian prospects of success in
1867, 225-26 ; asked to assume
leadership of Fenians, 232-33; refuses offer to head two wings of
Fenians in December; 1867, begins
New York Irish Citizen, attacks
Fenianism, 266; supports Irish
Confederation, 383n ; ori plan to
rescue Fenians in Australia, 391.
Moffatt Mansion: house in. New
York rented as Fenian head,quarters, 81; closed to Fenian senators
following split, 104.
Monck, Lord : thanks United States
. government for assistance in repressing Fenian invasion of 1866,
172; told by London to give no
publicity to note of thanks tendered United States, 173-74;
asked to treat Fenians captured
in Canada with leniency, 180;
asks for and obtains troops from
England to bolster defenses, 195 ;
asks for increase in naval forces
on Great Lakes, 206; thinks it
safe to dispense with one. regiment
of regular troops, 222; notified
'
Index
Moock, Lord (cont.) :
of new informer added to British
payroll, 260-61 ; sees little likelihood of Fenian raid in 1867, 262.
Mooney, Thomas: editor of Mooney's California Express, incendiary
Fenian newspaper, in 1862, 28;
called thief in 1872, 29n.
Moraxi, Benjamin: permanent secretary at American legation in London, on Fenian activities in 1865,
119n; reports visit of Ouseret and
Fariola and makes arrangements
for their inspection of British
arsenals, 250; informed on March
20, 1867, that Cluseret and Fariola
were wanted as Fenians, 250-51;
says Fenians deserve to be hanged,
255 ; disapproves of appeal to save
lives of McCafferty and Bourke,
256n; says Fenians are not worth
trouble they are causing, 268;
says Irishman threatened to shoot
Adams for not interceding for
condemned Fenians, 270n ; says
hanging of one or two Fenians
will end Fenianism, 274; complains that Adams tised his facts
about Ricard Burke without giving him credit, 276; r;tges at being
suspected of Fenianism, 277n;
says Adams is afraid of George
Francis Train, 283; says Train is
insane, 284; comments on release
of "Erin's Hope" prisoners, 289.
Moriarty, David, Bishop of Kerry,
Ireland, blasts Fenians in sermon,
235.
Morrison, A. L., appointed central
organizer of Brotherhood in 1865,
51.
Morrow, Albert P., named inspector general of senate wing in 1866,
106.
Motley, Lothrop T.: American minister to Court of St. James, instructed to ask for release of
American Fenian William Halpin,
313-14 and n; Oarendon refuses
to release balance of Fenian prisoners, 319; reports London Fen-
443
Motley, Lothrop T. (co11t.):

ians planning to bum his house,
360.
Moynahan, Mortimer, chief exe<:utive of one wing of Fenians in
absence of Kelly in 1867, 225 and
n.
Mulcahy, Denis Dowling: introduces Pierce Nagle to O'Mahony
in 1864, 66; arrives in United
States in 187\, 372n; accompanies
O'Mahony's body to Ireland, remarks on arrival, 395.
Mulleda, Henry S., arrives in New
York January 19, 1871, 370.
Murphy, Colonel Matthew, member
of central council of Brotherhood
in 1863, 37.
Murphy, Michael, President of
Hibernian Benevolent Association
in Toronto, 202 and n.
Murray, Henry J., reports little
Fenian activity in Maine in
March, 1866, 136.
Nagle, Pierce: first informer in
Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood,
38n ; first informer in American
Fenianism, 65-67.
Nagle, Colonel William J.: on
"Erin's Hope" expedition, 245;
trial commences on October 25,
1867, released following May, 272.
Naturalization Controversy, See
Indefeasibility of allegiance.
New Departure, See Home Rule
Movement.
New York, haven of Irish rebels, 2.
New York American Gael: Fenian
newspaper in 1873, 386; shortlived, 388.
New York Citizen: founded by John
Mitchel in 1854, 3; urges Fenians
to attack Canada in 1866, 127-28.
New York Freeman's Journal:
pleased at split in Fenian Brotherhood, 104; sees failure of invasion
as chance for England to crow
in triumph over Ireland, 170-71.
444
The Fenian Movement in the Uwited States: I858-I886
New York Herald: finds Fenians

useful in pressing claims against
Great Britain, 64; espouses Fenian cause to draw attention from
Democrats, 105; praises Fenians
for Jones Wood rally of March
4, 1866, 127 ; on probability of
success in Canadian invasion,
128; gives exaggerated account of
Fenian move on British provinces,
137; ridicules Campo Bello fiasco,
142; accuses Stephens of being
British spy, 151 ; devotes entire
first page for six days to Fenian
activities on border, 162; predicts
annexation of Canada by United
States as result of Fenian raid,
170; praises Irish for political
sense in resisting Republican
wiles, 189; urges Roberts to make
another attack on Canada, 192-93;
on Troy convention of 1866,
197-98; sees Fenians attacking
Mexico, 199; on Fenian reaction
to news of fighting in Ireland in
1867, 234; portrays in awesome
colors strength of Roberts wing
of Brotherhood, 253 ; says Fenians
have sufficient arms for 100,000
men, 257; calls Fenians "cutthroat organization," 277.
New York Irish Citizen, begun by
John Mitchel on October 12, 1867,
snipes at Fenians, 266.
New York Irish Democrat, edited
by Stephen J. Meany in H!71, 379.
New York Irish Nation, edited by
John Devoy, ceases publication in
1883, 406n.
New York Irish People: started as
newspaper organ of Q!Mahony
wing on January 20, 1866, 110;
hails rescue of Kelly in Manchester in 1867 as major military
triumph, 269; denounces O'Mahony and Savage, 374.
New York Irish Republic: makes
appearance in March, 1867, 240;
name changed in 1872, 385n.
New York Phoeni:r, Fenian newspaper in 1859, 15.
..
New York Sunday Citizen, Fenian

paper in 1873, 386.
New York Times: opposition to
Fenianism attributed to hostility
to Irish, 104; contrasts English
violations of neutrality during
Civil War with United States
government on Fenian invasion,
170; announces end of Fenianism,
233 ; says Fenians unfortunate on
both sides of Atlantic, 238-39;
calls Manchester executions "grievous blunder," 271; denounces
Fenian appeals for money, 349;
estimates 30,000 Fenians to have
departed for border in 1870, 351 ;
calls for government action against
Fenians, 356-57.
New York Tribune: uses Fenianism
to embarrass Seward, 105 ; pleased
with wooing of Irish vote by radical Republicans, 189-90; reports
Fenians ready to advance into
Canada in 1878, 397; calls Fenians
"Irish Russians" in 1878, 398.
New York United Irishman: newspaper begun by Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in 1881, 392; organ of
Fenian Brotherhood in 1885, 406;
Thornton protests against its inflammatory articles, 406.
Nolan Patrick: Canadian detective
repdrts on Canadian Hibernian
Benevolent Association, 97-98;
present at Pittsburgh convention
of 1866, 115-16.
North American Detective Police
Agency, employed by Canadian
government in 1866 to check on
Fenian activities, 222.
O'Brien, Captain Laurence, _delivers
Fenian funds to Ireland m 1865,
77.
O'Brien, Lizzie, Fenian lecturer in
1871, 376.
O'Brien, Michael: arrested in Manchester for part in rescue of Kelly,
269; executed November 23, 1867,
271. See also Manchester Martyrs.
445
O'Brien, William Smith, in rising of
1848 in Ireland, 1.
O'Connell, Charles Underwood, arrives in New York January 19,

1871 after release from British
prison, 370.
O'Connell, Daniel, leadership questioned in Ireland in 1840's, 1.
O'Connor, James, attacks Stephens
in letter to O'Donovan Rossa,
396-97 and n.
O'Connor, Captain Timothy, named
inspector general by senate wing
of Brotherhood in 1866, 107.
O'Conor, Charles, efforts made by
Secretary of State Seward to
secure him as counsel for Fenians
held for trial in Ireland and England, 286-87 and n.
O'Da.y, Patrick: auction room in
Buffalo center of Fenian activity,
148-49; his newspaper ventures,
216n ; paper F eni!zn Volunteer endorsed by Fenians, 307; elected
to council of O'Neill wing of
O'Donoghue, Maurice, in rising of
1848 in Ireland, 1.
O'Donoghue, William: reported in
league with Fenians in Red River
country, 324; plan for annexation
of Rupert's Land, 381-82.
O'Flaherty, Reverend Edmund:
Fenian envoy to Ireland in 1861
and report, 23-25 ; active in raising
funds for Irish poor relief, 29;
dies in 1863, 36n.
Ogdensburg, New York : General
Meade reports Fenian activity
there, 163; thousands of Fenians
reported there in May, 1870, 353.
Oglesby, Richard J., Governor of
. Illinois attacks President Johnson
at Fenian picnic, 188.
O'Gorman, Richard: in rising of
1848 in Ireland, 1 ; heads Tammany Hall delegation to greet
Fenian heroes in 1871, 370.
O'Leary, John: envoy of Stephens

to United States Fenians in 1859,
16; never member of Fenian Brotherhood, 16n; arrested in raid
on Dublin Irish People in September, 1865, 76n; arrives in United
States in 1871, 372n ; comments
on what a rebel can ~xpect, 395n.
O'Mahony, John: in rising of 1848
in Ireland, 1 ; active in Emmet
Monument Association, 6; background of, 6n ; translates history
of Ireland from Gaelic into English, 10; appointed director of
Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood
in America by Stephens, 12-13;
gives name Fenian Brotherhood
to society, 13; organizes Irish
regiments, 16; investigates conditions in Ireland in 1860, 17 ; participates in McManus obsequies,
19; disagreement with Stephens,
21-22; opposed by influential
Irish-Americans, 25-26; rebuked
by Stephens in 1862 for sending
little money to Ireland, 26-28;
organized O'Mahony Guards and
Civil War Record, 28; petitioned
to summon general convention of
Brotherhood in 1863, 32-33 ; summons convention to meet in Chicago in November, 1863, 33; declares independence of Stephens
in 1863, 33-35 ; cautions against
arousing active. opposition of
Catholic clergy, 35 ; recommends
changes to be made in organization of Brotherhood, 35-36;
elected head centre in 1863, 37;
easy prey for sycophants, 41n;
agrees with Stephens on plan of
action in 1864, 42-43 ; sends Philip
Coyne to investigate conditions in
Ireland in 1864, 44; address to
Cincinnati convention of 1865, 47 ;
on clerical opposition in 1865, 48 ;
excoriated by Stephens in 1865
for suspicions and delays, 59-60;
instructs John Mitchel on duties
as financial agent of Fenians in
Paris, 82-84; deposed by Fenian
senate on three counts, 103 ; re-

-~
446
The Fenian, Movement in tke United States: r858-r886
O'Mahony, John (cont.) :

ceives letter from Stephens condemning senate, 105-6; sum,mons
Fenian congress in January, 1866,
107; warned by Mitchel of effect
of rupture with senate, 113 ; summons military convention on February 22, 1866, account of,
114-15; on suspension of Habeas
Corpus Act in Ireland in 1866,
123; holds Fenian rally at Jones
Wood, New York, March 4, 1866,
124-25; goes on speaking tour,
126 ; hopes for successful rising
in Ireland dashed by Mitchel's
report, 132-35 ; discredited by
Campo Bello #asco, 142; advised
by Mitchel of Stephens' departure
for United States, 142-43; fails
to reunite Fenian factions, 143-44;
resigns as head centre of Fenian
Brotherhood on May 11, 1866,
151; attempts to gain recruits for
Fenianism in Montreal in 1864,
204-5; becomes editor of New
York Irish People in December,
1868, 313n; brings suit against
August Belmont for recovery of
Fenian funds, 326-27; opposes
amalgamation of Fenians with
Irish Confederation, 374; defends
Stephens in 1871, 379; elected
chief secretary of Fenian Brotherhood in 1872, 384; edits New
York American Gael, '386-87; reelected chief secretary in 1873
, convention, 388; urged in 1876 to
open negotiations with Russian
minister in Washington, 393-94;
re-elected head centre in Fenian
convention of 1874, 389; death of,
and funeral .in Ireland in 1877,
. 394-95;
O'Mahony Papers, meaning of, extent, and location of, 13n.
O'Neil, George, named inspector
O'Neill, John: ordered to Geveland
by General Thomas W. Sweeny
to prepare for invasion of 1866,
O'Neill, John (cont.):

154; invades Canada from Buffalo, 159-61 ; sends call for reinforcements to Buffalo, 161 ; promoted to rank of brigadier general
by William R. Roberts, 166; gives
reasons for failure of invasion of
1866, 169n; reported in Canada
adorned with ferocious red beard,
193n; elected to Fenian senate,
265 ; succeeds Roberts as president of senate wing of Brotherhood on January 1, 1868, 279;
resumes negotiations with John
Savage towards effecting a union,
fails, 279; absolved by LeCaron
of any complicity in murder of
Thomas D' Arey McGee, 293-94;
press loyal to him increases
tempo of war-like utterances, 294;
intent on invading Canada in
1868, 303-4; seventh national con~
vention meets . in Philadelphia
November 24, 1868, 306-8; reelected president at Philadelphia
convention, speech of acceptance,
307-8; on speaking tour in early
1869 to raise money, 310-11;
promises work of congenial nature
for LeCaron, 320; quarrels with
Fenian senate, 321; inspects frontier with informer LeCaron,
323-24; said to be planning an
attack on Canada in January,
1870, 325 ;. military ~upplies at his'
disposal at end of 1869, 326;
summons convention, 334 and n;
plans for invasion of 1870, 334-36;
issues call for volunteers to bear
arms, 337 ; Canadian government
hopes he will invade as plans are
known by them, 338 ; praises LeCaron for distributing arms along
border, 339: plans to capture
Montreal, 339 ; friction growing
between him and Fenian senate,
341-42; obtains money from prominent New Yorkers on promise
that fight will commence shortly,
344; postpones invasion in April,
1870, 346; shorn of power by vote
of Fenian senate, 347; re-elected
president by faction of Brother-
,
Index
O'Neill, John (cont.):
hood, account of convention,
347-49; state of his wing in April,
1870, 348 ; plans to attack on May
24, Queen Victoria's birthday,
350 ; forces fail to_ arrive at border in numbers promised, 354;
account of raid of 1870 and speech
to troops, 354-55 ; arrested by
United States marshal of Vermont, 355 ; merges forces with
John Savage, end of O'Neill wing
of Brotherhood, 363 ; hundreds
sign petition for ,his release from
prison, 364; reported planning
new moves on Canada, 377 ; reported in St. Paul, Minnesota,
bent on mischief, 380; raids
Canadian territory with forty men
in 1871, 381; end as revolutionary,
subsequent career as colonizer in
Nebraska, 382.
O'Neill, Patrick, elected to council
of O'Neill wing of Brotherhood
in 1870, 348.
O'Reilly, John Boyle: deported to
Australia for Fenian activities in
Ireland, 57n; O'Neill places him
in command of Fenian forces during 1870 raid, 355; refused admission to convention of Savage
Fenians, 363; on Fenianism in
1872, 386; warns British of terrible retribution in 1876, 392-93.
O'Reilly, Private Miles, See Halpine, Charles G.
O'Reilly, William M., reports on
disposition of Fenian arms on May
3, 1866, 145-46.
O'Rourke, Patrick: member of
revolutionary committee in New
York in 1858, 11 ; named acting
treasurer of Brotherhood at Philadelphia convention of 1865, 81
and n.
Oulahan, Richard: most prominent
Fenian in Washington, D. G., 36n ;
warns President Johnson that
Fenians are going to stump against
him, 201-2; furnished information
by Irish servants in home of Bri-
447
Oulahan, Richar<l (cont.):

tish minister to Washington, 22122; invites House of Representatives to attend Fenian rally in
Washington, 235.
Parnell, Charles Stewart, hailed as
uncrowned king of Ireland in the
1880's, 400.
Peacocke, Colonel, in command of
16th regiment of regulars during
' Fenian raid of 1866, 160 and n.
Phelan, Michael, friend of O'Mahony, billiard champion, 386-87
and n.
Phelan, Patrick, named inspector
Phillips, Wendell, urges annexation
of Ireland, 313.
Pinkerton, Allan : detective hired by
United States government to
check on Fenian movements, 302;
detectives employed in 1869 to
watch Fenians, 317; services discontinued by government, 318.
Pittsburgh convention, of Fenians in
, 1866, Canadian detectives present
at, 115-16.
Power, Doctor Edward, arrives in
United States following release
from English prison, 372n.
Rellihan, Patrick, editor of Ireland's
Liberator and Dynamite Monthly
in 1880's, 406-7 and n.
Republic of Ireland, proclaimed by
United States Fenians in 1863, 38.
Rising of 1867 in Ireland, 231.
Roantree, William: arrives in United States in 1871 after release
from English prison, 372n ; accompanies O'Mahony remains to
Ireland in 1877, 395.
Roberts, William R.: member of
central council of Brotherhood in
1865, 50; effective Fenian orator,
73; speaking tour in January, 1866,
110-11; rejects proposal of O'Mahony to reunite Fenian factions,
143; issues proclamation on June
448
Roberts, William R. (cont.):

5, 1866, 165 ; promotes John
O'Neill to rank of brigadier general, 166; arrested on June 7,
1866 and released on June 15, 167;
introduced on floor of United
States Senate June 15, 1866, 177;
promises Irish vote to political
supporters of Fenianism, 182;
urged by New York Herald to
attack Canada again, 192-93 ; summons convention to meet at Troy,
New York, in September, 1866,
197; active holqing picnics during
summer of 1866, 197; re-elected
President at Troy convention, 199;
reproaches Republicans for failure
to keep campaign pledges, 217 ;
promises work of sanguinary nature in near future, 233 ; promises
invasion of Canada in ~hort time,
239 ; efforts to secure control of
Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood
in summer of 1867, 259-60; summons convention to meet at Cleveland in September, 1867, 264; resigns as President of senate wing
and account of his subsequent
career, 279 and n; heads Tammany Hall delegation to greet
Fenian heroes in 1871, 370 ; speech
at reception in honor of "Cuba
Five,'' 371-72.
Robinson, William E., speech in
House of Representatives uphold-
ing Ireland in fight against British
rule, 241-42 and n.
Rogers, J. J., member of executive

council of O'Mahony wing in
1866, 107.
Rossa, Jeremiah -O'Donovan : messenger from Stephens to United
States Fenians in 1865, 69 ; arrested in raid on Dublin Irish
People in September, 1865, 76n;
arrives in New York on January
19, 1871, 370 ;' member of council
of Irish Confederation, 383n ;
told Fenianism is humbug, 386;
plan to rescue Fen1ans in Australia approved by John Mitchel, 391;
establishes Skirmishing Fund in
Rossa, Jeremiah O'Donovan (cont.)

March, 1876, 392; elected . head
centre of Fenian Brotherhood on
February 2, 1877, 394; warned
against Stephens, 396-97; ,,revives
presides at last convention of
makes his paper United Irishman
. organ of Brotherhood in 1885,
406.
Russe11, Lord John: protests to
United States government on Fenian activity in 1865, 67-68; explains reasons for suspending
Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland in
1866, 120-21.
Sacred Legion of Irish Exiles, forerunner of Clan-na-Gael, 257 and
n.
St. Albans, Vermont: Fenians concentrate there in Jurie, 1866, 162;
carloads of Fenian arms seized,
163; 1200 Fenians sent home by
General Meade, 164.
St. Clair, Charles E.: praises Nathaniel Banks for his political
sense, 299 l:lnd n; promises million
Irish votes for Charles Sumner,
376.
St. Patrick's Brotherhood, another
name for the Irish Revolutionary
Brotherhood, 66n.
Santa Anna, reported in league with
Fenians of Roberts wing, 199-200.
Savage, John': elected chief executive of Fenian wing on August
22, 1867, and biographical sketch
of, 265 and n ; efforts to reunite .
two Fenian wings unsuccessful,
266 ; demands government action
as result of Manchester executions, 271-72; his wing weak during 1868, 294 ; re-elected chief
executive in August, 1868, advocates attack on Canada, 304-5 ;
runs for congress in 1868, appointed American consul at Leeds,
rejected by Senate, 309 ; continues
efforts in 1869 to obtain release of
I'
/
Index
Savage, John (cont.) :
Fenians in English prisons, 316;
re-elected chief executive at Fenian convention on August 25, 1869,
326; absorbs O'Neill wing of
Brotherhood, 363 ; re-elected chief
executive in August, 1870, 363;
resigns as chief executive of the
Brotherhood, 373; denounced by
Peter McCorry in the Irish
People, 374 and n.
Scanlan, John F., named inspector
general by the_ senate wing of the
Fenians in 1866; 107.
Scanlan, Michael : petitions O'Mahony for convention of Fenian
Brotherhood in 1863, 33 and n;
member of central council in 1863,
37; founder of Irish Republic,
240; applies for return of Fenian
arms after raid of 1870, 367; ends
long feud with O'Mahony, 384-85.
Schenck, Robert C., presents resolution in House of Representatives
calling for recognition of Fenians
as belligerents, 175.
Second national convention of Fenian Brotherhood, meets at Cincinnati, Ohio, January, 1865, account
of, 47-51.
Senate of Fenian Brotherhood:
established at Philadelphia convention of 1865, 79-80; deposes
O'Mahony, 103; stronger of two
factions following split, 106; meets
January 18, 1866, defies James
Stephens, 110; rejoices at failure
of O'Mahony wing at Campo Bello, 142; denounces treachery of
United States government in seizing arms, 168; promises to wreak
vengeance on ancient foe, 216-17;
meets at Troy, New York, to
draw up final plans for another
invasion, 257 ; friction growing
between it and O'Neill, 341-42;
abolishes office of president, 347 ;
changes name to United Irishmen
at convention in August, 1870,
362.
\
449
Seward, William H. : Secretary of

State hints that Fenians would be
allowed to prepare for _raid on
Canada unless England rectify unneutral conduct, 69; tells A. L.
Galt that Fenian proceedings are
being closely watched, 95; instructs Adams to make a tour of
Ireland to gauge amount of unrest, 118; not disposed to take
action against Fenians in view of
British retention of doctrine of
of
allegiance,
indefeasibility
129-32 ; warns Attorney General
Speed of Fenian intentions in
April, 1866, 137; notifies secretaries of War and Treasury of
Fenian shipments of arms to border, 153; notified of seizure of
Fenian arms along border, 154;
notified of Fenian concentrations
in Buffalo, 157; receives protest
from British minister Bruce on
Fenian raid of 1866, 162-63; accused of treachery by Fenians
after raid of 1866, 168-69; interviewed by James Stephens on June
9, 1866, 169; applies for release
of Fenians captured after raid on
Canada, 176; mentions "Alabama"
claims in note to Bruce, 217-18;
says sympathy of whole American
people is with Ireland, 254; denounces sentences of death passed
against McCafferty and Bourke in
Ireland in 1867, 255; instructs
Adams to intercede for Nagle and
Warren, 266; on British theory
of indefeasibility of allegiance,
274 ; urges change in England's
policy regarding naturalization,
281-82; attempts to secure Brady
and O'Conor, New York lawyers,
as counsel for Fenians held in
Ireland and England, 286-87; sees
naturalization controversy as biggest obstacle to amicable relations
with Great Britain, 288-89'; tells
Edward Thornton that settlement
of
naturalization
controversy
would strengthen hand of government against Fenianism, 293 ;
blames any future disturbance on
450.
Speed, Attorney General, warned of

Fenian intentions by Secretary
Seward in April, 1866, 137.
Stanley, Lord: becomes Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs,
warned of power of Fenianism,
190-91; urged to release Warren
Shea, Mortimer, release from Engand Nagle in January, 1868, 282.
lish prison announced in December, 1870, 368n.
Starr, Colonel Owen: ordered to
Cleveland by General Sweeny to
Shelly, John, elected to council of
prepare for invasion of 1866, 154;
O'Neill wing of Brotherhood in
sentenced to prison for part in
1870, 348.
raid of 1870, 364n.
Sheridan, General Philip : effort Stephens, James: in rising of 1848
made to get him to head Fenian
in Ireland, 1 ; in 1857 asked by
army in 1866, 108; effort made
group of American Irish to form
at Troy convention in September,
Irish revolutionary society, 10;
1866, to s~cure his services, 198-99.
states conditions of forming such
a, society, 10-11; forms Irish
Shore, Edward, See Condon, EdRevolutionary Brotherhood on
ward O'Meagher.
March 17, 1858, 12; visits United
Sinnott, Patrick E. : member of
States in 1858, 12; appoints O'Maexecutive council of O'Mahony
hony director of Irish Revolutionwing in 1866, 107; champions
ary Brotherhood in the United
Campo Bello venture, 135 and n.
States, 12-13; dissatisfaction with
his leadership in Ireland in 1861,
Sixteenth general convention, of
16-17; agreement with O'Mahony
Fenian Brotherhood, in October,
on amount of American aid
1878, 398-99.
needed for successful rising, 18 ;
Skirmishing Fund: object of, 392;
disagreement with O'Mahony,
$73,000 subscribed by August,
21-22; increases demands for
1878, 398.
money in 1862, 26-28; starts pubSpalding, Archbishop Martin J.:
lication of Dublin Irish People in
Archbishop Cullen of Dublin gives
fall of 1863, and gives reasons to
O'Mahony, 31-32; prnclaimed as
account of Fenian activities in
Ireland in 1866, 216n ; informed
representative of the Fenian Broof more Fenian threats in Ireland,
therhood for Europe and organi220n; is told that Irish-Americans
zer of the Irish people, 38; resents
should avoid secret societies, 286.
action of O'Mahony in declaring
his independence, 39; attends
Spalding, Rufus P., calls upon
Chicago Fenian Fair in .1864, 40;
United States government to cease
recruits in Union armies for serprosecutions against Fenians ar- '
vice- in Ireland, 40; tours United
rested after raid of 1866, 184.
States in 1864, 40-42 ; draws up
Spear, Samuel P.: Brigadier Genplan of action with O'Mahony in
. eral receives orders on duties
1864, 42-43 ; calls for 'warfare in
assigned him in 1866 invasion of
Ireland in 1865, 44; dissatisfied
Canada, 154-55 ; moves into Canwith "sinews of war" in early
ada with 1000 men on June 7,
1865, 51-52; excoriates' O'Mahony
1866, 164; gives report on finanand central council for suspicions
cial resources of Senate wing of
and delays in 1865, 59-60 ; recounts
Brotherhood, 228-29.'
story of seizure of Dublin Irish
Seward, William H. (cont.):
frontier on failure of British to
negotiate naturalization treaty,
295; on reason for government's
hesitancy in taking steps against
Fenians, 305.
;
I
451
Stephens, James (cont.) :
People to O'Mahony, 76-77; prefers John Mitchel as financial
agent for Fenians in Paris, 78;
arrested November 11, 1865, 100;
released from jail by Devoy,
Kelly, and others, 101 ; denounces
Fenian senate in letter to O'Mahony, 105-6 ; reported hiding in
convent, 117; determines to come
to United States in April, 1866, to
restore harmony in Brotherhood,
142-43; promises war in Ireland
in 1866, 151 ; accused of being
British spy, 151; receives O'Mahony's resign3:tion in MfY, 1866,
a!ld rebukes htm for Campo Bello
fiasco, 151 ; begins extensive
speaking tour of country in 1866,
169 and n; denounces senate wing
as traitors after failure of invasion of 1866, 169; orders investigation into finances of Fenian
Brotherhood, 180; promises fight
in Ireland in 1866, 191 ; accused
of stupidity in divulging plans,
192; pleads for more money in
final months of 1866, 213-14 British offer big reward for hi~ capture, 214; attacked by General F.
F. Millen as humbug, if not cheat
and rascal, 216; still in United
States in December, 1866, his account of his deposition, 218-20 ;
$57,000 realized during his tenure
of office, 224; accused of planning
to abscond with Fenian fttnds,
224; secures services of Gustave
Paul Cluseret to head Fenian
forces in Ireland, 249; arrives in
United States in September, 1871,
as wine merchant, 379; reinstatement as head of Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood urged by Fenians
in 1876, 392 ; urged in 1877 to resume control of Fenian Brotherhood, 396 ; returns in 1879 to take
control of Fenian Brotherhood,
returns to France at end of 1880;
last years and death, 399 and n.
Sullivan, William, elected member
of central council of Fenian Brotherhood in 1865, 50.
Sumner, Charles: Senator from

. Massachusetts advised that time
is propitious to arbitrate with
Great Britain, 230-31 ; accused of
favoring Fenianism in 1867,
258-59; opposes bill designed to
aid Fenians, 300; on British withdrawing from Canada, 375 and n.
Sweeney, Patrick, elected to council
of O'Neill wing of Brotherhood
in 1870, 348.
Sweeny, Thomas W.: General appointed secretary of war of the
Fenian Brotherhood at the Philadelphia convention of 1865 81
appoints Charles C. Tevis ~dju~
tant general of Brotherhood, 101 ;
allies himself with Roberts faction, 106; $50,000 appropriated to
him for purchase of arms, 107;
pleads for unity before O'Mahony
convention in January, 1866, 108;
goes on speaking tour in January,
1866, 110-11; reports on military
plans to Pittsburgh Fenian congress in February, 1866, 113-14;
conditions laid down by him for
invasion of Canada, 144; complains of reckless pressure brought
to bear upon him for speedy action, 145; orders equipment
packed and troops ready to leave
wit_hin a few days for destination,
147-48; assigns duties in imminent
invasion to O'Neill, Starr, and
Spear, 154-55; plan of action in
invasion of 1866, 156-57; receives
report from Spear on invasion
from St. Albans, 164; analyzes
reasons for failure of invasion,
168-69 ; severs .connection with
Fenian Brotherhood, 199.
Tammany Hall : used as recruiting
station by Fenians in 1866 166
and n; gives $15,000 to ,/cu'ba
Five," 370.
Tevis, Charles C.: appointed adjutant general by Sweeny, 101 ; purchases arms from Jenks and
Mitchell, 107; reports 3000 muskets ready for shipment, 144;
452
Tevis, Charles C. (cont.) :

ordered to Chicago to prepare a
division of Fenians, 155; reports
inability to secre transportation
for Fenian troops, 157.
Tilden, Samuel J.: advises President Johnson to restore Fenian

arms, 200; told that Democrats
in New York were beaten by the
Fenian vote, 211 ; told way in
which to guarantee Irish vote, 299.
Third convention of the Fenian
Tobin, Captain, member of execuBrotherhood, account of., 79-81.
tive council of O'Mahony wing of
Thornton, Edward : accredited to
United States as British minister
on January 9, 1868, 284; sees Toronto Globe: calls on United
States government to take steps
violent resolutions aimed to capagainst Fenians, 127;. attacks
ture Irish votes, 284-85 ; warne_d
political parties in the United
of Fenian plot to assassinate
States, 172; accuses John A. MacPrince of Wales, 290; urges condonald of not realizing dapger of
clusion of . naturalization treaty
Fenian foray, 195-96.
to weaken power of . Fenianism,
291-92; hand of United States Toronto Irish Canadian, Fenian
government would be strengthnewspaper gloats over strength of
ened by settlement of naturalizathe movement, 196.
tion controversy, 293; says 8000
Fenians ready to cross into Can- Train, George Francis : appears as
spokesman for Fenianism, 128
ada from Michigan, 300-1; says
and
n; urged by Fenians to run
Fenians failing in efforts to raise
for presidency, activities in Iremoney, 308; exasperated by anland and England on their betics of Reverend J oho McMahon,
half, 282-84.
312; in September, 1869, doubts

whether Fenians can attempt any_ "Trent" incident; Fenians hoped for
thing serious, 318-19; optimism to
trouble between the United States
pessimism in a few hours, 320-21 ;
and Great Britain over, 21.
reports union of Savage and
Trenton, New Jersey: Fenian facO'Neill wings of Brotherhood for
tory there converting muzzle
common onslaught on Canada,
loaders into breech loaders, 315 ;
333 ; fails to tell Fish of informaSecretary Fish on arms factory
tion in hands of Canadians re- '
at, 316-17 and n.
garding Fenian plans, 340; reports
action about to begin, 351 ; con- Tresilian, S. R., engineer on "Erin's
Hope" expedition, 247n.
vinced that Fenianism is finished,
359-60; on proclamation issued in Trial of Fenians captured in Canada,
October, 1870, against filibusteraccount of, 206-10.
ing, 366; alarmed over Fenian Troy, New York: Fenian convention
resurgence in 1878, 397 ; reports
there in 1866, 197-99; arms seized
Fenian concentration of arms in
at restored to Fenians, 200; FenBritish Columbia in 1881, 401 ;
ian arms stored at in 1867, 229.
reports Fenian force ready to
move from Buffalo, 401 ; protests Tweed, William M. : Boss Tweed
assists Fenians in returning home
to State Department against inafter raid of 1866, 165 ; pays fare
flammatory articles in O'Donovan
home for some Fenians after raid
Rossa's United Irishman, 406.
of 1870, 356.
' Thurston, David, United St~tes con- Tyler, Robert, elected .president of
Massachusetts Irish Emigrant Aid
sul at Toronto accused of being
Society in 1855, 9.
a Fenian, 253 and n.
'I,.._ -
Index
United Brotherhood, See Oan-naGael.
United Irishmen: society organized
at Cincinnati in August, 1870,
362; offer of co-operation with
Savage wing of Fenians rejected,
363; transfers power to Irish Confederation in March, 1871, 373.
Vifquain, Victor, appointed adjutant by Gustave P. Ouseret in
preparation for fight in Ireland
in 1867, 249.
\Valsh, Patrick, release from English prison announced in December, 1870, 368n.
Warren, Colonel John: on "Erin's
Hope" expedition, 245 ; trial commences iri Ireland on October 25,
1867, 272; sentenced to fifteen
years penal servitude, 274; released from prison in 1869, 275 ;
goes on speaking tour in Ireland,
309-10; hailed as hero on arrival
in United States, 312-13; advises
Nathaniel Banks on way to get
political jump on opponents, 369.
Washburn, Cadwalader C., proposes
amendment to resolution of sympathy with Ireland, 242-43.
Washburne, Elihu B.: promised
Irish vote for his candidate, 187;
is told Irish cannot be trusted,
211.
Watertown, New York, car-loads of
Fenian arms seized there in 1866,
163.
Watervliet Arsenal, Troy, New
York, guns purchased from it for
Fenian -invasion of 1866, 168.
453
Welles, Gideon: Secretary of Navy

on discussion in cabinet of possible
action against Fenians in March,
1866, 129; orders warship to Eastport, Maine, to counter Fenian
move on Campo Bello, 137; on
reluctance of cabinet members to
shoulder responsibility in opposing Fenians, 138.
West, William: American consul at
Dublin reports increased tension
in Ireland, 120; reports on number
of arrests after suspension of
Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland in
1866, 122.
Wheeler, Colonel: -informer, account
of activities, 125-26; career shortlived, 126n ; . described by Bruce
in despatch to Lord Stanley, 152.
Wood, Fernando: introduces resolution of sympathy with Fenian
cause in House of Representatives,
234 ; writes violent letter to President Johnson demanding release
of John Warren from British
prison, 267.
Wood, James: Bishop of Philadelphia condemns Fenians as secret
society, 39 ; suspected by Fenians
for English background, 49n.
Young, Sir John: Governor General
of Canada sees real danger of
Fenian invasion in February, 1869,
310; tells Earl Granville' it is better to let Fenians invade as exact
plans are known, 338; wants Fenian raid prevented by United
States, 343.

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THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA

THE FENIAN MOVEMENT

UNITED STATES: 1858-1886

WILLIAM D'ARCY, O.F .M.CoNV.

;ATHOLlC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

THE FENIAN MOVEMENT

UNITED STATES: 1858-1886

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

THE- CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA

THE FENIAN MOVEMENT

WILLIAM D'ARCY, 0.F.M.CoNv.

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

This dissertation was conducted under the direction of

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

Printed in the United States of America by

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

To My Mother and Father

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

'l'he writer wishes to express his gratitude t,o Mrs. Eifoen

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

They Buried Terence McManus ...................................................

The Fenians And The Civil War ................................................

The F-enians Prepare For Acti,on ................................................ 47

IY The Fenians Gird For Battle '----- 99

The Fighting Irish Take The Field ---- 142

The Politicians Steal The Ball ..................~....:.....-- 182

Final Fenian Assault On The British Empire ............... 329

Burn Everything That Comes From England But

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

1 In English papers this was referred to as the rebellio~ of the widow

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

Tke Feni<m, Movemen.t tin tke United States: 1858-1886

In 1852 Meagher and McManus escaped from Australia and

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

They Buried Terence McManus

city respecting the public demonstration that it has been

Mitchel's paper, the Citizen, made its appearance on January

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

The Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-1886

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

They Buried Terence lYicManiis

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

The Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-1886

The Emmet Monument Association was the successor of. the

They Buried Terence .McManiis

They succeeded in opening up negotiations with the Russian

New York Irish. World, March IO, 1877.

21 Boston Pilot, March 24, 1855. McClenahan, of the Citizen, suggested

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

The Fenian Movernent in the United States: r858-r886

An invitation to form a society dedicated to the liberation of

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

They Buried Terence McManits

Citizen, August 25.

" September 15.

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ

Tke Fenian Moveme1it in tke United States: 1858-1886

personal encounters and a charact.eri.stic disturbance generally. 20

Fenian Brotherhood, Emmet Circle of NY & NJ