Animal Sacrifice and Feasting in Celtic

ANIMAL SACRIFICE AND FEASTING IN CELTIC GAUL:
REGIONAL VARIATION, COSTLY SIGNALING, AND SYMBOLISM
by
Brett Howard Lowry
A Thesis Submitted in
Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Science
in Anthropology
at
The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
May 2005

by
Brett Howard Lowry
A Thesis Submitted in
Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Science
in Anthropology
at
The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
May 2005
Major Professor
Date
Graduate School Approval
Date
ii
ABSTRACT

by
Brett Howard Lowry
The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2005
Under the Supervision of Dr. Bettina Arnold
An increasing number of Iron Age Celtic sites in France and Luxemburg have
been identified and interpreted as sanctuaries. Many of these sites have produced faunal
deposits of varying quantity and quality that have been associated with Celtic rituals of
sacrifice and feasting. Most of these faunal remains were found in internal and external
enclosure ditches, but also in pits, shafts, and floors within the enclosures, and, in one
case, in a shellmidden within a settlement site.
The faunal assemblages of one Hallstatt site and 20 La Tne sites, which have
been interpreted as sanctuaries, were analyzed by synthesizing theoretical frameworks,
specifically costly signaling, conspicuous consumption, and competitive display. The
analyses carried out in this study involved the comparison of the relative abundance of
domesticated species represented at the study sites to the expected abundance of those
taxa based on settlement data. An analysis was also conducted based on the ubiquity of
domesticated species consumed in feasting contexts at the sites. The evidence for wild
species at these sites was included in order to approach the topic of Celtic animal
iii
exploitation in ritual contexts more systematically in relation to ethnohistoric evidence of

Celtic symbolic meanings.
The following conclusions were drawn from this research: 1) approaching
prehistoric ritual animal use through economic, costly signaling, and symbolic models
can be productive; 2) the advantages to studying the remains of both domesticates and
wild fauna exploited in ritual contexts from a regional perspective are considerable; and
3) there are advantages and limitations in combining faunal and ethnohistorical data in
studies of prehistoric symbolic systems.
Major Professor
Date
iv
Copyright by Brett Howard Lowry, 2005

All Rights Reserved
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract
iii
Table of Contents
vi
List of Figures
ix
List of Tables
Acknowledgements
xii
Chapter One: Current Issues in the Study

of Fauna from Gallic Ritual Sites
Introduction
La Tne Sanctuaries
Sites in this Study
Eco-Cultural Regions
Research Questions, Methodology, and Expectations
Chapter Outline
1
1
2
6
11
15
16
Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework

Costly Signaling, Conspicuous Consumption, and Competitive Feasting
18
18
Chapter Three: Methodology

Methods Employed in this Study
The Domesticated Species
Data Background and Qualifications
Expected Ranked Abundance
Expected Criteria for Iron Age Celtic Consumption of Domesticates
The Wild Fauna
Expected Wild Fauna
27
27
30
30
31
35
40
40
Chapter Four: Zooarchaeological, Cultural,

and Environmental Background
Zooarchaeology and Ritual Animal Exploitation
Zooarchaeological Case Studies
Zooarchaeological Research at the Sites in this Study
Iron Age Fauna
Iron Age Animal Husbandry
Iron Age Wild Fauna
Cultural and Historical Background
Chronology
The Hallstatt Period (ca. 750-475 BCE)
The La Tne Period (ca. 450-20 BCE)
The La Tne I and II Phases (ca. 450-100 BCE)
45
45
51
55
56
56
66
69
69
70
73
73
vi
Northern Region
Mountainous Region
Armorican Region
The La Tne III Phase (ca. 100-20 BCE)
Northern Region
Mountainous Region
Armorican Region
La Tne Ritual Enclosures, Sacrifice, and Votive Offerings
75
80
83
86
89
93
96
98
Chapter Five: Faunal Analyses

The Domesticated Fauna
Ranked Abundance of Domesticate Remains
Consumption of Domesticates and Feasting
The Wild Fauna
Analysis Conclusions
113
113
113
116
118
123
Chapter Six: Discussion and Conclusions

Variation in Domesticated Species Exploitation: Economics and Symbolism
Domesticate Size, Conspicuous Consumption, and Competitive Display
Ritual Domesticate Exploitation and Costly Signaling
Ritual Domesticate Exploitation and Identity
le-de-France: A Test Case for Regional Variation
Regional Variation, Domesticates, and Divination
Symbolic Substitution, Variation, and Regional and Local Identity
Wild Fauna and Symbolism
lite Hunting: Hare, Deer, and Boar
Carnivores, lite Display, and Symbolism
Water Birds: Environment, Symbolism, and Regional Variation
Cardinal Directions and Structured Ritual Space
Entrances and Symbolic Orientation
Animals and Symbolic Orientation
Summary: Domesticates and Regional Variation
Domesticates and Costly Signaling
Domesticates and Symbolism
Summary: Wild Animals and Symbolism
Domesticated and Wild Animals: Correlations and Symbolism
Sanctuaries, Feasting, and Competitive Conspicuous Consumption
Concluding Remarks
124
124
124
125
127
129
130
133
138
138
140
146
150
151
152
156
156
157
158
158
159
164
References Cited
165
Appendix A: Map of the Dpartements of France
197
Appendix B: Raw Data for the Domesticated Species
198
Appendix C: Raw Data for the Wild Mammals
200
vii
Appendix D: Raw Data for the Water Birds
201
Appendix E: Raw Data for the Other Wild Avian Taxa
201
Appendix F: Site Biographies and Primary Information

for the Domesticates
203
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Page
Reconstruction of the sanctuary at Gournay
Reconstruction of the covered outer ditch containing

faunal remains from the last phase at Corent
Deposit of amphorae at Corent
Sites in this thesis
La Tne Europe
Categories of the inhabitants of Gaul according to Roman texts
12
Eco-cultural regions defined for this thesis
13
La Tne chronological schema
70
West Hallstatt and La Tne zones
71
10
Early-Middle La Tne trade connections
74
11
Cardinal directions of Viereckschanzen entrances
100
12
Articulated horse skeleton deposited at Clermont
136
13
Fox skull from near the eastern entrance at Corent
141
14
Wildcat skull from near the eastern entrance at Corent
142
15
Wolf mandibles from near the eastern entrance at Corent
144
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Table
Page
Sites in this study
10
Regions in this study
14
Expectations according to economic, costly signaling,

and symbolic models
29
Expected ranked abundance of domesticates based on

faunal data from settlement sites
33
Expected subsistence preferences based on faunal data

from settlement sites
36
Expected ranked domesticate body parts based on faunal data

from settlement sites
39
Ranked high quality body parts indicative of lite

Gallic consumption refuse
39
Expected wild mammals based on ethnohistoric data

for Celtic symbolism
41
Expected water birds based on ethnohistoric data

42
Other expected birds based on ethnohistoric data

43
11
Domesticated species from settlement and burial sites
58
12
Domesticated species during the La Tne period
60
13
Wild fauna found at settlement and funerary sites
67
14
Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Northern region
113
15
Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Mountainous region
114
16
Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Armorican region
115
17
Evidence for consumption and feasting at the sites in this study
117
18
Wild mammals
120
4
5
6
7
8
10
19
Wild water birds
121
20
Other wild birds
122
21
Cardinal directions of sanctuary entrances
151
22
Concentrations of domesticates by cardinal direction
153
xi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the members of my committee, Dr. Bettina Arnold, Dr. Jean
Hudson, and Dr. Robert Jeske. Special thanks are due to Dr. Patrice Mniel, Dr.
Matthieu Poux, Sylvain Foucras, Julie Hamilton, and the staff at the Services Rgionaux
de lArchologie of Brittany, Upper Normandy, and the Pays de la Loire for providing me
with otherwise inaccessible raw data and published materials.
I would like to thank my mother, my cousin Jil and all of my friends and
colleagues for their constant support and guidance.
Finally, this work is dedicated to the memory of my father, Lynn H. Lowry, and
to Matthew McDavid, whose constant love and encouragement made this possible.
xii
Chapter One: Current Issues in the Study of Fauna from Gallic Ritual Sites
Introduction
This thesis presents an analysis of the religious beliefs of Celtic Gaul as identified
through the exploitation of animals for sacrifice and feasting. Animals are commonly
imbued with symbolic and metaphorical meanings because, as Lvi-Strauss and others
have argued, they are good to think with (Lvi-Strauss 1963:89; see also Serjeantson
2000:179; Tambiah 1969; Tapper 1988:50). While many scholars of Celtic society have
explored animal use and the symbolic meanings of various animals in Celtic cultures, our
understanding of this topic is far from complete. Using a combination of
zooarchaeological and ethnohistoric evidence, I will test the hypotheses that the choices
of domesticates used in ritual reflect regional ideological variations and that the ritual use
of non-primary food animals is more useful than generally assumed in approaching
symbolism. I also propose a method for analyzing the ritual use of non-primary food
species, which tend to be ignored in most faunal analyses. I combine issues of economy,
costly signaling, and symbolism in this study of Celtic ritual sites and evaluate their
relative explanatory power. Using a zooarchaeological approach primarily couched in
costly signaling theory, I address variation in Celtic animal beliefs and ritual and cult
practices. The primary goal of this study is further the research related to Celtic ritual
practices and beliefs through zooarchaeological analysis. Secondary goals of this study
are to contribute to the literature on Celtic Iron Age France and to aid in making the
French data on Celtic sanctuaries available to an English-speaking audience by providing
a synthesis of the seminal material available, some of it gray literature.
2
La Tne Sanctuaries
The typical Belgic sanctuary (Figure 1), based largely on the type-site of Gournay
(Oise), is characterized as follows (Bradley 1998:176-178; Brunaux 1988, 1995, 2000;
Brunaux et al. 1985:147-164; Lejars 1991:246): a single or double ditched rectangular
enclosure doubled with one or more wooden palisades; one or more internal wooden
structures often interpreted as inner temples with entrances that faced any of the cardinal
directions except North; one or more pit-altars; a monumental entrance that faces east,
west, or south; sacrificial animal and human remains that are often disarticulated and
Figure 1. Reconstruction of the sanctuary at Gournay (after Brunaux 2000:100).
deposited in pits and ditches, which could have been covered by wooden structures
(Figure 2); other offerings of ritually broken weapons, ornaments, and tools that are often
deposited in the enclosure ditches; and the later construction of successive fana (sing.
fanum) or Gallo-Roman temples.
Figure 2. Reconstruction of the covered outer ditch containing faunal remains from the
last phase at Corent (after Poux et al. 2002a, Figure 25b).
Coins and objects that may be miniature weapons appear at some sanctuaries in both
Gaul and southeastern Britain, but whether they were deposited before or after the
Conquest is not always clear (Bradley 1998:176-177, 185-186; Roymans 1990:176).
While miniature weapons were deposited at the Gallic sanctuaries of Mouzon (Ardennes)
and Balons (Ardennes), this is not considered a usual feature of the Belgic sanctuary
(Lambot 1989a; Roymans 1990:76). Another rare site with model weapons is Corent
4
(Puy de Dme), which, together with the nearby site of Clermont, are the only sanctuaries
in this study to have yielded massive deposits of amphorae (Figure 3), interpreted as
evidence of ritual drinking and/or libation offerings (Deberge 2000; Poux 2001a:43, 6062; Poux and Vernet 2001; Poux et al. 2003:34-35, 54-7, 2004:90). Coins, however, are
common at the sites described in this thesis, such as at Estres-Saint-Denis (Oise)
Figure 3. Deposit of amphorae at Corent (after Poux et al. 2002a, Figure 32).
5
(Woimant 1991) and Nanteuil (Ardennes) (Lambot 1989a). In both La Tne Gaul and
Britain, such coin offerings may have served both religious and political functions by
fulfilling religious and social obligations (Bradley 1998:177; Gruel 1991:236).
Animals were exploited in a variety of ways at sanctuaries. The evidence from
the sites in this study indicates that domesticated animals were most often used for
feasting consumption, although some domesticated and wild animals were killed but not
consumed, including being buried after partial or complete decomposition, suspended as
trophies, or burnt as burnt-offerings (Mniel 1987a:118-41). These diverse uses of
animals at the sanctuary sites are discussed in Chapter Six. The animals could have been
exploited in a variety of possible ritual activities within the ritual enclosures. Just as
Hallstatt burial feasts have been discussed through analogy with the godly feasts
concerning religious obligations and the human feasts concerning social obligations
recorded in the Medieval Irish Senchas Mor (Arnold 1999:78-9), similar feasts could
have taken place during the La Tne period at Gallic sanctuaries. Animals appear to have
been ritually exploited at La Tne sanctuaries during these kinds of feasts, as well as
during possible work-party feasts as suggested by Dietler (1990). Such feasts would have
simultaneously signaled messages concerning rank and status, fulfilled social obligations,
and created and maintained social cohesion (Arnold 1999:79-80). It is also possible that
domesticated and wild animals could have been exploited in other types of rituals,
including chiefly inaugurations, weddings, coming of age rites, political and war rallies,
war victories, as well as dedications, rededications, and closures of the sanctuaries
themselves.
6
Sites in this Study
I have based this zooarchaeological study on the faunal data from a range of ritual
sites, primarily sanctuaries, in modern-day France and one site in Luxembourg (Figure 4;
see Appendix A for a map of French dpartements and Appendices B-H for raw data and
site biographies). All but one of the sites date from the La Tne period (ca. 450-54 BCE).
Only the site of Ouessant dates to the earlier Hallstatt period (ca. 750-450), and even
Figure 4. Sites in this thesis (after Milone and Dahl 1992:38).
though the faunal remains came from a ritual deposit from a settlement context and not a
sanctuary site, the sites are generally referred to as sanctuary sites throughout this thesis.
Although many of these sites were used as cult loci throughout the La Tne period, they
were primarily occupied during the middle and late La Tne (ca. 250-20 BCE), the period
immediately before the Romans politically, militarily, and socially dominated Gaul,
marking the start of the Gallo-Roman period. The protohistoric period in France is well
documented ethnohistorically and archaeologically, based largely on Classical texts and
indigenous architecture, iconography, and proto-urban and urban settlements documented
in the archaeological record.
The trend in Celtic societies towards increased social complexity during this
period, which is also seen in forms of religious expression, was influenced to varying
degrees across Gaul by contact and trade with the Greek port-city of Massalia
(Marseilles), founded in the seventh century BCE at the mouth of the Rhne, and, later,
with neighboring Etruscan and Roman societies (Arnold 1991b; Arnold and Gibson
1996; Dietler 1989, 1995; Rieckhoff and Biel 2001:43, 45; Wells 1980, 1985). Distinct
and varying Celtic cultural expressions emerged and were adapted to life in a range of
social and natural environments. While the regional variations should not be
undervalued, it is important to remember that most of the Gallic populations in this study
generally shared a La Tne culture by La Tne II (LT C) and most surely by LT III times
(Figure 5) (Duval 1999b:509).
As discussed above, the vast majority of available information on La Tne
sanctuaries- or sites that may be interpreted as sanctuaries- and other non-funerary ritual
8
sites in Gaul concerns those categories of material culture that preserve better in the
archaeological record. The most common objects include ceramic remains, most often of
Roman amphorae used to import wine, indigenous ceramic vessels, and metal objects,
particularly weapons, jewelry, coins, and tools. Only rarely has such ritual material
culture been explored in depth in an anthropological manner; rather, it is most often
Figure 5. La Tne Europe (after Green 1995, Figure 0.I).
studied with the primary goal of dating cultural layers and features. There are, however,
notable exceptions, among them several complex and well-excavated sanctuaries in the
Paris Basin and Auvergne, where ritually sacrificed ceramic and metal objects have been
analyzed in terms of explaining Celtic ritual behavior and belief (e.g. Poux et al. 2003:3435).
9
The importance of faunal studies of Gallic ritual sites has been emphasized in the
French archaeological literature since the 1970s, when many of the La Tne sanctuary
sites in northwestern France were discovered and excavated (Brunaux 2000:11). These
faunal studies tend to be more culture-historical, describing the archaeological data, often
in strong relation to notions of the past based on Classical sources, in one of two ways (or
both): 1) explications of the local culture-history of a town, city, or region and 2)
reconstruction of La Tne ritual practices, particularly relating to feasting and sacrificial
techniques (e.g. Brunaux 2000). Only a handful of studies published on ritual Gallic
animal use involve a hypothetico-deductive approach (e.g. Richardson 1997). French
archaeology tends to be inductive rather than deductive in its approach to interpreting the
archaeological past. Also, most of the sites in the study were salvage excavations carried
out under the auspices of the Centre National de Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S.), and
thus were rarely chosen to address pre-determined scientific questions. A rare exception,
included in this study, is the site of Corent, where the excavators have been able to
address specific hypotheses concerning past behaviors at the sanctuary in the course of
excavations over the past few years (Poux 2001a; Poux et al. 2002a, 2003, 2004). The
site also represents a rare example of a Celtic ritual site that has been the object of recent
and comparative anthropological zooarchaeological analysis, particularly relating to
feasting (e.g. Poux et al. 2003:56; see also Lambot and Mniel 2001).
This faunal analysis was inspired by two observations. Firstly, while the large
domesticates tend to be the main focus of zooarchaeological research of La Tne
sanctuaries, and while variation in the ranking of these species at the sites has been
discussed in previous work (Mniel 1992b, 2001), what such variation may mean in
10
terms of Celtic ideologies and symbolic relationships between these groups of people and
the animals they symbolically and dietarily exploited has not been sufficiently addressed.
Secondly, a discussion of the presence (or absence) and possible symbolic meanings of
smaller, wild or semi-wild species found at these sites is rare in the literature (cf. Green
1992a; Mniel 1986, 1987a, 1989b).
Table 1. Sites in this study.

Eco-cultural
Regions
Northern (N)
Full Site Name
Code Letter Region
Data
Quality
Nanteuil-sur-Aisne
Ribemont-sur-Ancre
Gournay-sur-Aronde
Montmartin
Estres-Saint-Denis
Saint-Just-en-Chausse
Fesques
Meaux
Bennecourt
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
J
Champagne-Ardenne Poor/Good
Picardie
Excellent
Picardie
Excellent
Picardie
Excellent
Picardie
Excellent
Picardy
Good
Normandy
Excellent
le-de-France
Good
le-de-France
Excellent
Titelberg
Nuits-Saint-Georges
Mouzon
Mirebeau-sur-Bze
Corent
K
L
M
N
O
Luxembourg
Clermont
Champagne-Ardenne Poor
Burgundy
Excellent
Auvergne
Good/
Excellent
Auvergne
Poor/Good
Quimper
Saint-Malo
Ouessant
Saint-Jean-Trolimon
Aubign-Racan
Faye-lAbbesse
Q
R
S
T
U
V
Brittany
Brittany
Brittany
Brittany
Pays de la Loire
Poitou-Charantes
Mountainous
(M)
Poor
Armorican (A)
Poor
Poor
Good
Poor
Poor
Extremely
Poor
11
The research on the fauna from Gallic sanctuary sites has tended to ignore simple
sites with average or poor preservation; the researchers have understandably preferred to
focus on the most productive sites (Table 1). The faunal information from the former
group of sites is at best, mentioned, and at worst, omitted altogether. The much more
abundant large domesticates are always the focus of analysis, usually neglecting the
less abundant small, wild animals. The relatively abundant wild faunal remains from
Digeon (Somme) provide a rare discussion of possible wild animal symbolism (Mniel
1986:112-3); however, the Digeon sanctuary dates to the Gallo-Roman period (Mniel
1986:109) and therefore is not included in this thesis. Variations among the faunal
assemblages at the La Tne sanctuary sites have essentially been glossed over in the
literature in the effort to find commonalities among them. By confronting the issues
presented here, and by applying a hypothesis-testing method to the remains, I hope to
initiate the process of addressing this gap in the literature on both domesticate and wild
fauna in Celtic religion.
Eco-Cultural Regions
The variation in the sacrificed domesticates at sites that have been interpreted as
sanctuaries or what may be non-funeral ritual sites are grouped into broadly defined
categories based on both cultural and ecological criteria. The La Tne Gauls are
traditionally divided into the broad cultural categories of the Aquitani in the southwest,
the Transalpine Gauls in the southeast, the Belgic Gauls in the north, and the Celts or
Keltoi across the rest of modern-day France, including the region of Armorica (Figure 6).
These categories are based on Julius Caesars classification described in his De Bello
Gallico (Book I) (Warner 1960:11), which was written between 58 and 51 BCE.
12
For the purposes of this thesis, however, I have grouped the sites in a different
manner. Rather than relying solely on this traditional classification system, and bearing
in mind that all of the Gauls shared a cultural La Tne foundation, I have combined
Figure 6. Categories of the inhabitants of Gaul according to Roman texts

(after Hardy and Mercier 1969:84).
cultural and ecological criteria in constructing eco-cultural regions (Figure 7). Firstly, the
La Tne cultural categories as defined by the Romans (above) were the basis for the
13
regions. Secondly, I focused on two of these groups, the Celts and the Belgae, because
the sanctuary sites discovered thus far are located mainly in those areas. Lastly, I
subdivided these two groups by environment type into three broad regions (Figure 7):
Northern, Armorican, and Mountainous (Table 2). The culture-historical areas of
Figure 7. Eco-cultural regions defined for this thesis (after Milone and Dahl 1992:39).
14
Aquitania, Provence, and Cisalpine Gaul (i.e. the Italian side of the Alps), as well as
south-central Celtic Gaul, were not included in this study because it appears that no La
Tne sanctuary sites with faunal remains have been found to date in these areas, which in
itself presents an interesting pattern that would be worth researching further. These
regions were the basis of inter-regional analyses of the domesticates represented at the
sanctuaries to determine whether meaningful patterns may be identified in the variations
in the ranking of domestic species.
Table 2. Regions in this study.
Northern
Roman category Belgae
Modern regions Picardy, Upper
Normandy, le-deFrance, lowland
Champagne
non-Mountainous
Environment
Mountainous
Celts and Belgae
Luxembourg,
Burgundy, upland
Champagne, and
Auvergne
Mountainous
Armorican
Celts
Hallstatt and La
Tne Brittany
and Lower
Normandy
non-Mountainous
While the regions employed in this study generally coincide with traditionally
defined subcultural areas, the Mountainous region combines sites that lie in Celtic Gaul
with a site from Belgic Gaul due to their shared mountainous environments. Bennecourt
(see Figure 4) lies at the frontier between Belgic Gaul and Champagne (see Figures 6-7),
though it has traditionally been broadly associated with the Celtic culture of northern
France (Bourgeois 1999). Regional differences may be conflated at this site, as it lies at a
frontier, especially if noticeable differences are identified in the Champagne and Picardy
areas.
15
Research Questions, Methodology, and Expectations
There are three main questions addressed in this thesis: 1) whether or not the
faunal remains from the study sites reflect homogenous or heterogeneous selection for
animals; 2) whether or not, and in which cases, the chosen taxa were selected as part of a
costly signaling strategy; and 3) whether ecology and symbolism could have influenced
which wild taxa were selected. The approach employed in this study involves testing
three models to determine which may best explain why certain taxa were chosen and not
others: an economic model and a symbolic model. The economic model predicts that the
species exploited in ritual would have been those that were the least costly to procure, i.e.
animals that had the highest payoff in terms of prestige with the lowest overall economic
loss in terms of expenditures of resources. In this scenario, domesticated species are
predicted to be the primary animals chosen, and they are expected to be represented in
similar ranked abundance as evidenced at settlement sites. The costly signaling model,
on the other hand, is based on the theoretical premises of costly signaling, conspicuous
consumption, and competitive feasting. This model predicts that the animals chosen
would have been those that were costly to procure. In this model, the domesticated
species are expected to present patterns unlike those found at settlements.
Lastly, it was predicted that the wild taxa represented at the sites in this study
were chosen for their symbolic value- including prestige value that could be part of costly
signaling- and that those species would co-vary with ecological variation. Due to the
lack of extreme ecological variation in central and northern Gaul, this last scenario
primarily concerns coastal vs. inland species. The data on wild species from the sites in
this thesis are explored from multiple perspectives. In most cases, possible meanings are
16
suggested based on current interpretations of Celtic, Romano-Celtic, and later myths and
folklore from the Celtic world. In other cases, the roles of specific wild species found at
the sites are examined in terms of their places within the broader Iron Age Celtic
symbolic repertoire. Relationships among categories of wild taxa and between certain
wild taxa and structured ritual space are also addressed.
Chapter Outline
Chapter Two lays out the theoretical focus of this thesis and the advantages and
challenges of employing an approach based on costly signaling conspicuous
consumption, and competitive feasting are discussed. The specific zooarchaeological
methods employed in this study are justified and explained in Chapter Three. This
chapter also includes discussions of the kinds of faunal data used in both the quantitative
and qualitative analyses, along with qualifications for which kinds of data and which sites
could be employed for each analysis.
Chapter Four begins with a broad overview of zooarchaeological research on
faunal remains associated with ritual contexts over the past few decades, with an
emphasis on theoretical concerns, as well as on the challenges and advantages of
addressing questions of prehistoric religious practice through faunal analysis. This
chapter also includes a survey of evidence for shared and regional patterns of Celtic
social development during the Hallstatt and La Tne periods. Sub-sections for each
region during the La Tne period are included for each of the eco-cultural regions. The
chapter ends in a discussion of La Tne ritual enclosures in general and difficulties in
defining Celtic sites as ritual or profane.
17
The analyses carried out in the thesis are presented in Chapter Five and the results
based on the faunal data representing the domesticated and wild taxa are presented in this
chapter and discussed in Chapter Six. The domesticates are discussed in terms of ranked
abundance, evidence for consumption and feasting, species size, economy, regional
variation and symbolism. The wild faunal data are discussed in terms of cardinal
direction and specific categories of taxa as they relate to ecological variation and
symbolism. The faunal data are then placed into the broader context of competitive
Celtic feasting at sanctuaries. These discussions are followed by a summary of the
results of this study and their potential ramifications for questions of animal symbolism
in the Celtic world. The advantages and disadvantages of employing the approach
developed in this thesis are also discussed and other avenues of research are suggested.
Overall, the findings of this study indicate that the use of costly signaling theory and
ethnohistoric information on prehistoric symbolism can be helpful in providing insights
into the prehistoric exploitation of animals from ritual contexts.
18
Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework
Costly Signaling, Conspicuous Consumption, and Competitive Feasting
Costly signaling theory (CST) is one useful way to approach prehistoric religion
(Sosis 2004), and has the potential to be especially fruitful in explaining the behaviors
that produced the faunal assemblages in this study. CST was developed by the
evolutionary biologist Zahavi (1975, 1987; cf. Kirkpatrick 1986) and is part of a broader
neo-Darwinian theoretical framework (Barton and Clark 1997). CST has been
successfully applied to the study of many behaviors that at first may appear wasteful,
including the expensive construction of monumental architecture (Neiman 1997), which
could include sanctuaries and other religious places, the performance of costly religious
practices (Irons 2001; Sosis 2004; Sosis and Alcorta 2003), and expensive public rituals,
including feasts (Boon 1998; Smith and Bird). CST may also be used to explain other
behaviors that can be considered manifestations of what the 19th-century economist
Thorstein Veblen (1899) termed conspicuous consumption.
As formulated by Smith and Bird (2000:246) and Neiman (1997:270), CST is
based on the idea that costly behavioral signals are meant to transmit honest information
that benefits both the signalers and the recipients of those signals. There are two primary
prerequisites for such behaviors to be beneficial to those involved: 1) the sender transmits
honest information about the quality that the sender is advertising, and 2) the receiver is
compelled by the signal to pay a price that is dependent upon the quality being signaled.
While a few individuals may succeed (at least in the short term) in signaling dishonest
qualities, this form of communication is successful because the signalers high costs
19
ensure that the majority of signals communicate honest information about the advertised
quality (Smith and Bird 2000:246; Sosis 2004:168-9).
Costly signaling through acts of conspicuous consumption in complex, ranked
societies is primarily concerned with communicating that the sender is honestly able to
compete, which includes being healthy, vigorous, and able to accumulate and control
resources, and thus the recipients consider the sender worthy of support as a potential ally
(Neiman 1997:270; Smith and Bird 2000:246). The ability to successfully compete
politically, particularly within chiefdom societies, has direct bearing on ones ability to
access mates and to control resources, as well as to establish, maintain, and exploit
coalitions or patron-client relationships that benefit the chief and his political supporters
(Hayden 1993:306; Neiman 1997:270). The sender needs to send honest signals through
wasteful consumption by investing just enough to keep those of lower quality (i.e. status)
from competing, but not so much as to become unable to provide for himself and his kin.
Such signals are honest in that they are so costly that lower-status recipients cannot
benefit in the long run from emulating them (Sosis 2004:169).
When the prerequisites described above are met, costly signaling or the apparently
wasteful expenditure of effort and resources, such as the conspicuous consumption of
luxurious foods (Ervynck et al. 2003), favors both the signaler and the receiver
(Neiman 1997:269-271; Smith and Bird 2000:246-7). Among the possible payoffs, the
costly signal, which redirects resources and energy otherwise spent directly on the
signaler and his immediate kin, may help the signaler establish and maintain alliances or
dominate in a competitive context. The recipient also benefits socially by correctly
decoding and responding to the signal in the way desired by the sender. By doing so, the
20
recipient is able to confidently appraise the signalers advertised qualities as ally or
competitor without engaging in more costly methods of testing the signalers qualities
(Smith and Bird 2000:246).
To illustrate how both signaler and recipient benefit of costly signaling, Sosis
(2004:168-9) provides the following analogy from the animal world. When a springbok
sees a predator, it jumps, thus making itself even more noticeable and wasting energy.
However, this costly behavior sends a signal to the predator that the springbok is healthy
and strong enough to escape, and thus not worth chasing, and the predator believes this
because the signal is too costly for the prey to fake. In this scenario, the springbok
(signaler) benefits by not being chased because it could signal honest information, and
the predator (recipient) benefits by being able to correctly assess the preys abilities, and
thus does not waste energy chasing it anyway. Carrying this analogy further, the reverse
is also true: not jumping could be seen as a sign of weakness, increasing the odds of
being attacked by a predator. In human societies, elites cannot afford not to jump.
Neiman (1997) provides one example of how CST may be applied to one
manifestation of costly behaviors, the construction of costly, large structures that are
associated with increasing and maintaining social status in a highly stratified culture. In
this test case, Maya monumental architecture is suggested to have resulted from selection
for wasteful advertising. He argues that, limited by specific social and ecological
constraints, Maya elites displayed conspicuous consumption as one status-seeking
strategy, and that this behavior was selected through an evolutionary process. Such
notions of costly signaling through the construction of costly public structures and
conspicuous consumption are directly related to the behaviors that resulted in the
21
archaeological contexts (sanctuaries) discussed in this thesis. While perhaps not as
monumental as the Maya architecture, the wooden La Tne sanctuaries were nevertheless
sizable constructions that needed to be built and maintained (Brunaux 2000:108-9). The
construction- and often reconstruction- of sanctuaries, such as that at Gournay, with its
double ditches, wooden palisade, altar-pits, and monumental entrance (Brunaux 2000:945), would have been a major undertaking requiring the support and labor of allies and
subordinates. The support and labor for what could be considered the wasteful
consumption of time and resources were arguably garnered similarly through honest
costly signaling. A possible analogy may be found in work-party feasts of the Hallstatt
period or first Celtic Iron Age (ca. 750-475 BCE) proposed by Dietler (1990), in which
patrons signaled their ability to socially compensate workers for their labor by hosting
feasts (see also Arnold 1999:80). Similar messages concerning patron-client
relationships may have been communicated through feasts held at the sanctuaries in this
study.
Irons (2001) and Sosis (2004) have applied costly-signaling theory specifically to
religious practices, arguing that costly religious behaviors have adaptive value because
they signal group membership, which in turn benefits all of the members of a group.
Sosis (2004) carried out a study of various religions that demand large of amounts of
time, energy, and resources of their adherents. He was able to explain through CST why
people sometimes go to great lengths to fulfill religious duties that he considered
counterproductive [and] conspicuous displays of wasted resources (Sosis 2004:167),
including body mutilation and the destruction of animals through sacrifice. By honestly
sending costly signals, members of such religious communities are able to a elicit a
22
strong sense of commitment to the group, which is in part strengthened by the fact that
the signals are so costly as to prevent emulation by free-loaders or those who want the
benefits of the group without paying the required costs (Sosis 2004:169).
Ritual feasting may also be explained by way of CST. For example, Hayden
(2001:26-27, 42-46) makes a strong argument that feasting has adaptive value (see also
Ervynck et al. 2003:430-431). Smith and Bird (2000) specifically attempted to explain
certain public displays of expensive generosity among the modern Meriam of Australia
within a CST framework. The authors were able to convincingly demonstrate several
ways in which the energy, risk, and financial costs incurred by the signalers who
underwrite political and mortuary feasts, within which other forms of competition occur
(Smith and Bird 2000:256), were able to honestly signal their qualities as they competed
for status, which correlates with attaining mates, other resources, or territory (Smith and
Bird 2000:259). The Meriam recipients of those signals benefited by being able to
evaluate the signaled qualities when considering potential mates, allies, and competitors
(Smith and Bird 2000:259).
The basis of a neo-Darwinian argument for competitive feasting may be found in
the study of non-human primates. For example, Hohmann and Fruth (1996) argue that
food sharing among female bonobos, which have the weakest kinship bonds, is a
mechanism by which alliances are created, which in turn helps the females to maintain
higher status than the males. Yet humans are constrained by and adapt to both a natural
ecology and a political ecology, wherein food surpluses can be invested in other goods or
services (Hayden 2001:27, 2003:461). Feasting and ritualized drinking have many
practical benefits (Hayden 1996, 2001:29-30), most of which involve the formation and
23
maintenance of useful social relationships, including patron-client alliances that are
beneficial to those underwriting and attending the events (Arnold 1999:78-80; Dietler
1996:96-97; Hayden 2003:460).
As described in Chapter Six, the Tlingit potlatch may serve as a model for
conceptualizing the role of high-cost wealth destruction in feasting contexts (Kan
1989:209, 244, 247). Like the Tlingit potlatch rituals, the rituals evidenced at La Tne
sanctuaries included the destruction of high-cost wealth, including various forms of
armament and ornamentation, tools, sacrificed and/or consumed animals, pottery, certain
plant materials, and other forms of wealth (Brunaux 2000:137-150). Bearing in mind this
analogy and that this thesis tests whether or not animal exploitation at sanctuaries- as part
of an overall pattern of destruction of wealth- was a form of costly signaling, it is crucial
to address two potential problems.
The first potential problem concerns the faunal data indicating that some of the
animals in this study were sacrificed without being consumed, while others appear to
have been exploited primarily for feasting within the sanctuaries. This pattern is
exemplified by the Gournay sanctuary, where several old oxen were sacrificed, left
exposed to decay, and then deposited in the sanctuary ditch, while a great number of
lamb and young pig remains, especially represented by high-quality parts such as
shoulders and shanks, were deposited in the ditch after being consumed, judging from
butchery marks (Brunaux et al. 1980:24; 1985a, 2000:137-138). The use of CST to
approach both forms of animal exploitation in La Tne ritual contexts, however, is
justified because, whether or not the animals were consumed, the crucial point is that they
were exploited as part of an overall destruction of costly wealth and resources.
24
The second potential problem is that the archaeological evidence at the sanctuary
sites indicates that the people who attended the rituals within the sanctuaries were at least
primarily elites, and not the entire local population. This interpretation is supported by
the structural design of the sanctuaries (see discussion of La Tne sanctuaries in Chapter
One), particularly the use of palisades that bounded the ritual space, the rather narrow
monumental entrances, and the fact that dogs do not appear to have been allowed in some
of the sanctuaries, such as at Gournay (Mniel 1987a:132-3). It therefore appears that, at
the sites in this study, some of the rituals involving the destruction of animals and other
forms of wealth may have been more exclusive than others. However, the use of CST in
this study of faunal remains that may have resulted from non-consumption sacrifice and
feasting (which is often difficult to determine zooarchaeologically) is justified because
the use of this theory does not require that the entire population be attendant at such rites,
only that those with the most to gain by participating in costly signaling (signalers and
recipients) be able to witness or participate. This may involve provisioning the animals
for the hosts and/or hosting the rituals.
The main target audience for feasting at the La Tne sanctuaries would have been
the same in any case. Just as in Hallstatt feasting contexts (discussed in Chapter Six), it
would have been the aspiring secondary elites seeking to attain paramount status
themselves who would have been the greatest threat to competitors involved in such
signaling (Arnold 1999:79). The significance of this political balance, which was marked
through feasting, may be seen in the risk paramount elites faced when hosting such
rituals. Based on analogies with Medieval Irish texts, Arnold (1999:79-80) has suggested
that Hallstatt chiefs who did not honestly communicate their qualities were in danger of
25
having their power challenged and of having their feasts usurped if their secondary elite
supporters felt that the chiefs had failed to live up to their social obligations. Similarly,
La Tne chiefs would have been required to honestly signal that they were upholding
their social obligations, that they did indeed have the qualities expected of them, and that
their power was secure enough to discourage and prevent such usurpations.
Smith and Birds ethnographic work with the Meriam may also provide a useful
analogy for applying CST to the rituals evidenced at the La Tne sanctuaries. The
identities of junior participants involved with hunting turtles to help underwrite the feasts
were not as well-known as they were for the hunt leaders (Smith and Bird 2000:253).
However, both junior and senior hunters were able to benefit, not in the short term but in
the long term, from their costly signals (Smith and Bird 2000:253). The audience they
were concerned with was not the total population, but only the hunt leaders and peers of
their age-set, to whom they wished to competitively communicate their abilities in the
hope of receiving political support later on (Smith and Bird 2000:252-3). By increasing
ones reputation as a man who is interested in the collective good through costly signaling,
a senior or junior hunter was able to increase his political influence by expanding it
beyond his immediate kin group (Smith and Bird 2000:253). The Miriam turtle hunters
themselves do not keep any of their catch; rather, they costly signal by being able to give
the catch to the feast hosts, who in turn use the animals in their own costly signaling
strategies (Smith and Bird 2000:254).
The above ethnographic analogy suggests that even if the persons who provision
the feasts do not directly participate in hosting the rituals, they nonetheless participate in
and benefit from their costly signals. In this way, it is justified to argue that even in cases
26
in which a La Tne elite could have privately procured animals from members in the
community who were themselves not present at a more private sacrifice in the sanctuary,
costly signaling provided the social context. Costly signaling would have occurred in
both cases, even though the signaled messages of private or semi-private sacrifices of a
few individual animals would have been on a much smaller scale than those signaled by
the underwriting of huge feasts. In such a scenario, the farmer, for example, who
provided an elite with an animal for a more private sacrifice stood to benefit from that
elites support in the future, while the elite would be able to benefit by being able to use
the animal to costly signal to other elites by showing that he was able to obtain the animal
for sacrifice.
Examples like the sanctuaries at Gournay and Ribemont (Brunaux 2000:91-111)
indicate that even in the cases in which an elite person had animals sacrificed in private
rituals (although it is likely that at least a few other elites were present), the animals were
usually left in sight to decay and/or parts were then displayed (such as the suspended
head trophies discussed in Chapter Six). Given the evidence for such practices, even
when an elite participated in a private sacrificial rite, the recipients for whom he intended
his costly signal would either already be aware that the animal had been procured and
sacrificed, or they would become aware of the sacrifice at the next more public ritual they
attended, and would therefore receive the intended signal.
27
Chapter Three: Methodology
Methods Employed in this Study
The main question addressed by this thesis is: why were these particular
domesticated and wild animals chosen to be exploited and deposited or discarded at the
sanctuary sites included in this study. This overarching question is addressed by asking
1) how might the economic value or costly signaling value have affected the selection of
certain domesticated species; 2) how might the symbolic importance of the particular
domesticated and wild taxa represented at the sanctuaries have been a factor in their
selection; and 3) can regional variation be determined in the selection of certain taxa?
Both domesticates and wild animals are important in this analysis, but because
domesticates typically dominate numerically and because quantitative data for the wild
species were rarely available, the quantitative analysis focuses on the domesticates, while
the qualitative analysis focuses on the wild fauna. As discussed in detail below, it is
important to emphasize here that there are three major qualifications affecting the data in
this study. Firstly, the sample size is relatively small because few of the sites have been
fully excavated. Secondly, the available data were not always complete due to factors
discussed in Chapter One and below. Lastly, the available data ranged in quality, from
numerical values (NISP, MNE, and MNI) to qualitative data, such as published
statements concerning the presence or relative abundance of a given taxon.
Bearing in mind that the data used in this study are not fully representative, I
approach the questions above by testing multiple hypotheses. Based on alternative
models (economic, costly signaling, and symbolic), it is hypothesized that the elites who
28
hosted and provisioned the ceremonies performed at these sites chose one or more of the
following:
Hypothesis 1: the least costly species, which were
o the most abundant or readily available animals used in daily subsistence
o and/or the best suited to feeding a crowd (i.e. greatest quantity of meat per
animal).
Hypothesis 2: the most costly species, which were
o the least abundant
o and/or best suited to elite feasting (i.e. most expensive, highest quality of
meat).
Hypothesis 3: species or taxa with particular symbolic qualities (prestige
symbolism, color, rarity, liminality, etc.)
Hypothesis 1 reflects an economic or least costly model; Hypothesis 2 reflects a

costly signaling model; and Hypothesis 3 reflects a symbolic model. Tests for these
hypotheses in terms of expected characteristics of the sanctuary faunal assemblages are
summarized in Table 3. The data sources for comparative rankings from settlements and
for assessing symbolic importance of various species and taxa are discussed in more
detail below, after a brief discussion of sources and data quality for the sanctuary
assemblages.
The use of a domesticated/wild dichotomy as developed in this study is justified
because the Gauls were primarily farmers who relied almost exclusively on domesticated
species for both food and for funerary food offerings and who hunted only rarely (Mniel
29
1987a, 1987b, 1988, 1992a). This is also because the vast majority of faunal remains
from all of the sites in this study were from domesticated species.
Table 3. Expectations according to economic, costly signaling, and symbolic models.

Economic model
Overall cost of animals Least costly
represented
Relative abundance at Similar ranking
sanctuary compared to
settlement
assemblages*
Cattle should be most
Examples
abundant at settlements
and most abundant at
ritual sites
Meat quality
Examples
Meat quantity per
animal (suited for bulk
preparation)
Examples
Age and sex
Examples
Lower quality
Lower limbs
Higher quantity
Costly Signaling
Model
Most costly
Reversed ranking
Cattle should be
most abundant at
settlements, pigs
most abundant at
ritual sites
Higher quality
Upper limbs and ribs
Lower quantity
Adult pigs
Infant ovicaprines
Similar to settlement data Divergent from
settlement data
Adult female ovicaprines Infant female
ovicaprines
Absent
Present
Presence/absence of
wild taxa
Low or absent
Representation of
symbolically important
wild taxa
Squirrel; sparrow
Examples
Symbolic
Model
Present
Moderate to high
Moderate to
high
Red deer; duck
Red deer;
duck
* The information and sources of this information for expected taxa, meat quantity, and meat quality based
settlement data are provided and discussed below in this chapter.
** The information and sources of this information for ethnohistoric evidence of wild animal symbolism
are provided and discussed in Chapter Six.
30
The Domesticated Species
Data Background and Qualifications
The data-gathering process presented several challenges that had important
ramifications regarding the quality of the information produced by the analyses presented
in this thesis. In particular, the data for the domesticated species from the 21 sites in this
study varied greatly in quality. These kinds of data pertain to presence/absence, body
parts, rank, age, sex, and evidence for butchering and cooking processes.
One major challenge was the varying degrees of detail for the faunal data actually
available for each site, several of which had very poor preservation and were excavated
before the potential value of faunal information was recognized and before current
methods of faunal collection were employed. This was especially the case with Nanteuil,
Mouzon, and Clermont in the Northern region and all of the sites in the Armorican
region, save Ouessant (see Figures 1 and 3). The Armorican sites were still included in
this study, despite these difficulties, with the goal of providing a more comprehensive
overview of Celtic symbolic animal use and because these sites are very rarely included
in the literature of Celtic prehistory. Another major challenge was finding data in the
published literature, especially for Armorican sites, except for Ouessant, and for the
Titelberg and Mouzon in the Mountainous region (see Figures 1 and 3). The faunal
remains from the Titelberg oppidum (pl. oppida) or large urban hillfort have been well
published, but the study of the animal remains from the sanctuary enclosure is still in
progress and was unavailable for this analysis. A third complicating factor was that for
several of the sites in this study (Mouzon, Clermont, St.-Jean, Aubign-Racan, and FayelAbbesse, Quimper, and St.-Malo; see Figure 1) the available information only indicated
31
that one or more species were present or most prevalent, but in ways that did not allow
me to determine relative abundance. However, I chose to include these sites in the
overall qualitative discussion for two reasons. Firstly, these often-ignored sites did
produce faunal remains from the La Tne period. Secondly, the faunal information from
these sites, especially relating to the most prevalent species, can be included in the
discussions of the analysis results, if only tentatively, in order to give a more complete
view of Gallic ritual practice.
It is also important to explain that dogs were excluded from the abundance
analysis. They were generally ubiquitous but occurred in relatively small numbers at La
Tne settlement sites. While dogs were sometimes used for their pelts and meat, they
served many other purposes as well, and did not represent a dietary staple (Mniel
1987a:25-9; see also Mniel 2001:110). However, dogs were included in the
consumption and feasting analysis because its goal was to determine if a pattern exists
concerning which species were consumed or used in feasting rituals at the sanctuary sites.
Expected Ranked Abundance

Hypotheses 1 and 2 concern abundance and relate only to the domesticates
because they were the dietary staples. The question of whether or not the most or least
abundant subsistence species were selected for sanctuary use was tested by using ranking
based on NISP and MNI data (after Bond 1996; Kelly 2001) when available, and
qualitative descriptions of relative abundance or dominance/non-dominance when more
quantitative data were lacking. As discussed below, the available data were combined
into prevalence indices demonstrating relative abundance as proposed by Rice and
32
Paterson (1985). A prevalence index combines any available data for each species,
including NISP and MNI values as well as descriptive phrases in the published literature,
to rank the species from most to least abundant. While this combination of different
quantitative methods may not be ideal, it is often the only way to approach regional
comparisons, given the variations in the goals and methods of different researchers and
resulting variations in how the faunal data are reported.
Rice and Paterson (1985) carried out a somewhat analogous comparative case
study of cave art representations of animals from the Paleolithic period (ca. 35,00011,000 BP) and contemporary faunal assemblages from habitation sites, all from the
Dordogne-Garonne watershed, France (see also Rice and Paterson 1986). In their study,
the authors combined quantitative and qualitative analysis based on art counts as
compared to ranked bone prevalence. Whereas in this thesis geographical regions were
defined based on a combination of inter-regional culture history and ecological variations
that might affect wild and domesticated species, Rice and Paterson defined regions based
on ecology alone, and analyzed its effect on the distribution of wild species. Their results
revealed meaningful correlations between bone prevalence and art representation
frequency, as well as between bone prevalence and species live weight, leading Rice and
Paterson to propose that, in general, the more dietarily preferred or feared or both a
species was, the more often it was represented in cave art. While other symbolic
meanings of the animals were not explored, possible functionalist explanations relating to
fertility magic and hunting magic and instruction were offered for why the animals were
portrayed at all (Rice and Paterson 1985:98).
33
In this thesis abundance analysis involved generating a list of expected rank based
on La Tne settlement faunal data from each region (see Figure 3) based on the
prevalence index derived from the available NISP, MNI, and qualitative values (Table 4).
The expected rankings for the Northern region were derived from MNI data from the
sites of Beauvais (Oise), Epiais-Rhus (Val-dOise), Variscourt (Aisne), Creil (Oise), and
Villeneuve (Aisne) (Mniel 1988a:118). The expected ranking for the Mountainous
region were derived from NISP data from the sites of Roanne (Loire), Feurs (Loire), and
the Titelberg oppidum (Mniel 1992a, Figure 3; 2001:37), along with NISP data from
three sites in Puy-de-Dme: La Grande Borne, Le Ptural, and Rue Elyse-Reclus
(Richardson 1997:248-56). The expected ranking for Hallstatt Armorica was derived
Table 4. Expected ranked abundance of domesticates based on

faunal data from settlement sites.
Region
Expected Rank
Northern
Pig
Ovicaprine
Cattle
Horse
1
2
3
4 or least
Mountainous
Pig
Cattle
Ovicaprine
Horse
1
2
3
4 or least
Armorican
Cattle
Pig
Ovicaprine
Horse
1
2
3
4 or least
34
from the published description of the faunal assemblage from the late Bronze Age/early
Hallstatt site of Oulmes (Pays de la Loire) (Moron 1995:78). The expected ranking for
La Tne Armorica was derived from published NISP data for the sites of La Petite
Nmierie, La Gaudine, and La Pice de Bildoux in the dpartement of Sarthe (Maguer et
al. 2004:232-3), and from the oppidum at Coz Yaudet (Hamilton 2005).
Then the relative abundance of the sanctuary faunal remains of these taxa was
ranked for each site in the study as presented in Chapter Five. These species comprised
pigs, cattle, ovicaprines, and horses. Horse was included because of Mniels findings of
evidence for hippophagy, or horsemeat consumption (see discussion in Chapter Four). It
should be noted that the faunal remains from the settlements that produced the data for
the expected domesticate rankings often were influenced by varying preservation
conditions, such as the recently analyzed remains from the Armorican oppidum of Coz
Yaudet (Hamilton 2005). It is also important to note that, while information on the
middle ranked species was important in this analysis, the main focus was on the species
that were most and least abundant because these data are potentially the most useful for
determining whether low costs (expected based on the economic model) or high costs
(expected based on the costly signaling model) were the primary factors influencing elites
when deciding which animals to procure and contribute to the sacrifices and feasts.
A word is required concerning the ranking process employed here and issues of
least abundance in analyses of the domesticated species presented in the following
chapter. In some cases ties between rankings occurred, as illustrated in Tables 15-16 in
Chapter Five. Given the small number of species in the rankings, and the analytic focus
of the sanctuary study on extremes of costliness (least or greatest), interpretation
35
emphasizes the contrasts between the top and bottom ranks, regardless of their numerical
distance.
Expected Criteria for Iron Age Celtic Consumption of Domesticates

The data from some of the sites were adequate to allow detailed analyses of body
parts, age, sex, and species abundance. These were employed to test Hypotheses 3 and 4,
which relate to elite feasting and consumption of high quality and/or high quantity food.
These were tested by generating lists of species present, as well as data for age/sex, body
parts, and post-mortem processing that would be expected from feast refuse produced by
societies that rely on animal husbandry (see discussion below and Tables 5-7) (after
Crabtree 2004; Kelly 2001; Legge et al. 2000; see also McCormick 1991). These
expected patterns were then compared to archaeological data from the best-documented
sanctuaries in the Northern and Mountainous regions (see Figure 3). The results were
analyzed for variation within each region and between regions.
The consumption and feasting analysis was carried out in order to see if there
were patterns within and between the regions regarding which domesticated species were
selected for consumption in ritual feasting. This analysis was based evidence for
butchery marks, body parts (high quality or butchering refuse), and age/sex information,
rather than abundance. In most cases, the determination that the remains reflected
consumption or animal burial without consumption were made by the excavators or
faunal analysts; in other cases, I made the interpretation based on available faunal
information and the background for which body parts, ages and sexes, and treatments
were expected evidence of consumption. In the instances when the age and/or body part
36
evidence appeared to diverge from that expected for quotidian consumption, this was
interpreted as selection for costly animals indicative of costly signaling and feasting. The
main question addressed by this analysis was whether or not only certain species were
chosen for feasting consumption in each region, and whether variations were found
between and within them.
Patrice Mniel has been able to reconstruct sex/age, body part, and high quality
part patterns indicative of the management and slaughtering of domesticate species for
regular domestic consumption (Tables 5, 6) and elite consumption (Table 7) at settlement
sites in late La Tne Gaul. Most of the information regarding Gallic consumption
patterns of domesticates from settlement sites was based on faunal data from several
northern and central La Tne Gallic sites, including Beauvais, Compigne, and Creil in
Table 5. Expected subsistence preferences based on faunal data from settlement sites.
Sex/Age*
Infant/ neonatal male
Infant/ neonatal female
Juvenile male
Juvenile female
Young adult male
Young adult female
Adult male
Adult female
Old adult male
Old adult female
Cattle
Pig
X
X
X
Ovicaprine
X
Horse
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
* Based on data on La Tne Gallic settlement consumption (Mniel 1987a:29, 56-62, 1987b, 1988a,
1994:64).
Dog
X
X
X
X
37
the dpartement of Oise, Epiais-Rhus (Val-dOise), Varsicourt (Aisne), Mourmelon

(Marne), Villeneuve-St.-Germain (Aisne), Hornaing (Nord), Levroux (Indre), and the
Titelberg oppidum.
Evidence for the slaughter of pigs is fairly homogenous at La Tne settlements
across northern and central Gaul, which is not surprising because they were only raised
for meat and fat. Most were slaughtered young, between one and two years of age, at the
point at which they reached maturity, while adults, especially older adults, were killed
much less often. In terms of sex differences, adult males were usually killed younger
than adult females, which would reflect the killing off of unnecessary young males, while
keeping the sows until after they had reproduced (Mniel 1987a:60-1, 1987b:154-5).
Two different slaughter patterns that are not necessarily mutually exclusive were
seen for cattle at settlement sites: one aimed at meat production, the other at milk
production and traction labor. The slaughter of cattle for meat production is
characterized by a majority of young and young adults that were between two or three
years of age when they reached maturity (Maguer et al. 2004:233) and seven years of
age, with the majority between two and four years of age. The other pattern consists of
animals older than seven years of age, after their usefulness for milking and labor began
to decline. Milk production was optimal for cows between seven and ten years of age.
Whether cattle were raised for meat or milk production, females usually outnumber bulls
by anywhere from 3:1 to 10:1 at settlement sites. Meat production thus was characterized
by a selection of younger males and more adult females, while animals kept for milk
production and labor were slaughtered later, as adult cows over 10 years of age and older
adult oxen. Castrated oxen, which were used for labor until they were much older, also
38
usually outnumber bulls up to 4:1 (Mniel 1987a56-60, 1987b:153-4).

Ovicaprines (sheep/goat) were raised for multiple purposes, particularly meat,
milk, and wool, and thus different slaughter patterns have been observed, often at the
same site. Among the ovicaprines, sheep always outnumber goats at settlement sites. A
selection for lambs between six and 18 months and adults between two and four years
characterized meat production, while much older animals represent either milk or wool
production. When sex could be determined, females outnumbered males up to 10:1.
This probably reflects the killing-off of young males and older females; the remains of
the former would be much less likely to survive taphonomic processes, especially dog
gnawing, than those of the latter (Mniel 1987a:61-2, 1987b:155; see also Lyman 1994).
As discussed previously, horses were primarily associated with prestige and battle
(Green 1992a:66-74). While they were consumed at settlement sites, they were never a
major livestock species intended for meat production (Mniel 1987b:154). The role of
horsemeat also became less important during the course of the La Tne period (Mniel
2001:57). Those that were slaughtered, such as at the settlement sites of Variscourt
(Aisne), Acy-Romance (Ardenne), and Epiais-Rhus (Val-dOise) tended to be young and
young adults, with fewer adults, and even fewer old adults (Mniel 1987a:43, 2004a:3).
Dogs appear to have held a special symbolic place, along with horses, in Celtic
society, and their remains are often found associated with those of horses, such as at
Compigne and Tartigny (Oise), where the two species served as funerary offerings
(Mniel 1987a:31; see also Galik 2004:58). Dog was also used for its pelt and for meat,
although there is clear evidence that only a relatively small number of the total dogs in a
village were used in these ways (Mniel 1987a:28-9). When dogs were consumed at
39
settlement sites, young adults that had just reached maturity were generally selected.
Table 6. Ranked domesticate body parts based on faunal data from settlement sites.
Body Part*
Head
Vertebra
Rib
Pelvic area
Upper limb
Lower limb
Cattle
2
1
2
3
1
2
Pig
1
2
2
3
1
1
Ovicaprine
1
2
3
3
1
2
(Lamb)
3
3
3
3
2
1
Horse
2
1
1
3
1
3
Dog
2
3
3
3
1
3
* Based on data on La Tne Gallic settlement consumption (Mniel 1987a:29, 129-30, 1993a Figure 8,
1994, Figure 15).
Table 6 illustrates the ranked body parts typically resulting from the domestic
consumption of each species. The consumption refuse remains of domesticates (except
lambs) were most often represented by upper limbs, which are sources of large quantities
of muscle meat. Ovicaprine and pig heads were also typical refuse, along with cattle and
horse ribs and vertebrae. In general, however, domesticate trunk parts (vertebrae, ribs,
and pelvic remains) were consumed but were generally poorly to moderately represented
compared to heads and upper limbs. For all save lambs, lower limbs, which have
relatively little muscle meat, were not commonly domestic consumption refuse.
Table 7. Ranked high quality body parts indicative of elite Gallic consumption refuse.
Body Part
Head
Trunk
Upper Limb
Lower Limb
Cattle
2
1
1
3
Pig
1
2
1
3
* After Foucras 2004a and Mniel 1987a:29, 44, 129-30.
Ovicaprine
2
1
1
3
Horse
3?
2
1
3
Dog
1
3
1
3
40
When domesticate body parts were ranked in terms of quality (Table 7), a
somewhat different pattern emerges. Table 7 indicates that there are several differences
between the patterns for domestic and elite or feasting refuse. Firstly, the general
preference for upper limbs is the same, but lower limb representation shifted from
moderate to common. Secondly, trunk parts were much more emphasized by remains
associated with elite consumption, except for dog. A secondary and probably less
important difference is that the focus on heads shifted slightly from first to second rank
for ovicaprine, and from second to first rank for dog, however.
The Wild Fauna

Wild fauna did not play a significant role in Gallic subsistence or in the overall
economy (Mniel 1987a). However, there is strong epigraphic, iconographic, and
archaeological evidence that several wild taxa played important symbolic roles in Celtic
life (Green 1992a; see discussions of possible symbolic meanings in Chapter Six), and in
prehistoric Europe generally. The data on wild fauna from the sites in this study were not
robust enough to allow quantitative analysis; however, qualitative analyses based on
presence/absence were effective in shedding light on Celtic animal symbolism.
Expected Wild Fauna

Hypothesis 5 was addressed by creating tables for the wild mammals and birds
recovered at the sites (Tables 8-10) in order to illustrate various associations in the Iron
Age and historic Celtic societies. First, whether or not each taxon was represented in
41
Hallstatt (H), La Tne and Gallo-Roman (LT-GR), and general Celtic Iron Age (IA)
artistic imagery and non-sanctuary ritual faunal remains, Medieval
mythological texts (T), and folklore (F) from across the Celtic world was recorded. Then
the prehistoric, historic, and/or modern presence of each taxon in each region was listed.
Lastly, whether or not each taxon was represented in the faunal remains at any of the sites
Table 8. Expected wild mammals based on ethnohistoric data for Celtic symbolism.
Common Name(s)
Hedgehog
Wolf
Taxon
Erinaceus europaeus
Canis lupus
Symbolism*
LTH GR IA T
X
X X
X
F
X
X
Bos primegenus
X X
Aurochs
Vulpes vulpes
X? X
X X
Fox
Ursidae
X? X
X
Bear
Felis silvestris
X
Wildcat
Lynx lynx
Lynx
Castor fiber galliae
X
Beaver
Lepus
capensis
X
X
Hare
Sus scrofa
X X
X X
Boar
Cervus elaphus
X X
X X
Red Deer
Capreolus capreolus
Roe Deer
Badgers, Otters, Skunks,
Mustelidae
X
X X
Weasels
Sciurinae
X X
Squirrel, Chipmunk
Phocidae
X
Seal
Chiroptera
X
Bats
Cetacea
X
X
Whales, Dolphins, Porpoises
Key
H: Hallstatt imagery
LT-GR: La Tne or Gallo-Roman imagery
IA: Iron Age imagery
M: Medieval textual evidence
F: Modern and/or historic Celtic folklore
* These ethnohistoric data on Celtic animal symbolism are from Iron Age art,
imagery, faunal remains found in funeral contexts or ritual deposits in and outside
of Gaul other than at the sites in this thesis, Medieval myths, and folklore (Arnold
2003; Gantz 1976; Green 1992a, 1992b; MacKillop 1998; Mniel 1986; Sbillot
1967, Thomas 1967).
42
in this study was indicated. Rodentia, reptiles, and amphibians were excluded due to
their general ubiquity and the difficulty of being able to differentiate between those that
may have been intentionally deposited and those that were intrusive. These tables
enabled me to discuss possibly meaningful patterns based on the presence of certain
species in the ritual contexts at sites in this study.
Table 9. Expected water birds based on ethnohistoric data for Celtic symbolism.
Common Name(s)
Taxon
Symbolism*
H LT-GR IA T
Podicipedidae
Grebes
Phalacrocoracidae
Cormorants
Ardeidae
X
X
X
Herons, Bitterns
Anatidae
X
X
Geese, Ducks
Cygnus
X
X
X
Swans
Rallidae
Rails, Crakes, Coots
Haematopodidae
Oystercatcher
Charadriidae
Plovers
Sandpipers, Godwits,
Curlews, Snipe, Woodcock Scolopacidae
Burhinus oedicnemus
Stone Curlew
Laridae
Gulls, Terns
Auk, Razorbill, Guillemots,
Puffin
Alcidae
Alcedo atthis
Kingfisher
Cinclus cinclus
Dipper
Procellariforms
Albatrosses, Petrels
Key: see Table 8.
* For sources of ethnohistoric data on Celtic animal symbolism, see Table 8.
** After Peterson et al. 1974.
Migrant**
F
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Several wild mammalian species show strong evidence of deep and continued
symbolic importance in the Celtic world (Table 8). Wolf, fox, boar, and red deer appear
to have been especially important in Celtic symbolism as they were most continuously
represented. Bear and mustalids, especially badger, as discussed in Chapter Six, also
43
appear to have been important symbolically. Among the wild taxa that do not appear to
have held as strong or continuous symbolic importance, the aurochs is especially
Table 10. Other expected birds based on ethnohistoric data for Celtic symbolism.
Common Name(s)
Taxon
Raptors
Grouses, Ptarmigans
Partridges, Quail, Pheasants
Little Bustard
Pigeons, Doves
Cuckoo
Owls
Accipitridae
Tetraonidae
Phasianidae
Otis tetrax
Columbidae
Cuculus canorus
Strigidae
Caprimulgus
europaeus
Apodidae
Upupa epops
Picidae
Alaudidae
Hirundinidae
Motacillidae
Laniidae
Troglodytes
troglodytes
Nightjar
Swifts
Hoopoe
Woodpeckers
Larks
Swallows, Martins
Pipits, Wagtails
Shrikes
Wren
Symbolism*
H LT-GR IA T F
X?
X X
X
X
X
Prunellidae
Accentors
Turdus
Nightingales, Thrushes
Paridae
Tits
Sitta europaea
Nuthatch
Certhiidae
Treecreepers
Emberizidae
Buntings
Fringillidae
Finches
Ploceidae
Sparrows
Sturnus vulgaris
Starling
Oriolus oriolus
Golden Oriole
Corvidae
X
X
Crows, Ravens
Key: see Table 8.
* For sources of ethnohistoric data on Celtic animal symbolism, see Table 8.
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
44
interesting. While this species is very rarely represented during the later Iron Age, the
largest drinking horns found in elite burial contexts from the Hallstatt period were made
from this wild progenitor of European domestic cattle (Arnold 2003). Why the symbolic
role of this species seems to have declined is unclear, suggesting an interesting topic for
future research.
Very few birds that inhabit riverine, coastal, or lacustrine environments are
represented in Celtic iconography, archaeology, or texts (Table 9). Herons, ducks, geese,
and swans are most continuously represented by prehistoric evidence, while the other
taxa are only referred to in Celtic folklore if they are indicated at all. The roles of several
of these water bird taxa, including some that were not expected to have been important
symbolically, are explored in Chapter Six.
Most of the other wild avian taxa were commonly referred to in Celtic folklore,
very few were represented at all by either Celtic iconographic or textual evidence (Table
10). Only phasianidae, pigeon/dove, owl, and raven/crow were clearly represented
archaeologically, and only grouse/ptarmigan, owl, and raven/crow were specified in the
later Celtic myths. However, the fact that so many of the other taxa are not as well
represented does not necessarily mean that they were not important in Iron Age Celtic
symbolism. For example, a strong argument has been made for the historic and powerful
symbolism of the wren, despite its tiny size (Lawrence 1997). This case of the wren
indicates that when such small birds do appear archaeologically or in cultural myths, it
might be fruitful to explore- though very tentatively- their possible symbolic meanings in
a similar way as proposed in this thesis.
45
Chapter Four: Zooarchaeological, Cultural,

and Environmental Background
Zooarchaeology and Ritual Animal Exploitation
Zooarchaeology, a subfield of environmental archaeology that has been
developing for the past four decades, is a valuable analytical framework through which to
explore past human-animal relationships with the goal of situating human cultures within
their environmental contexts (Reitz et al. 1996; Reitz and Wing 1999:1). The unique
advantages zooarchaeology presents for approaching past ideological systems, including
economic, kinship, and political organizational structures, have been increasingly
recognized (Grant 1989:83; Reitz and Wing 1999:29; e.g. Barker 1987; Bowen 1992;
Maltby 1994). Research has also been carried out on even less visible aspects of social
life using faunal remains, such as social status and ethnicity (e.g. Crabtree 1990b; ODay
et al. 2004; Scott 1996). There has also been a recent increase in the exploration of past
human-animal relationships in terms of the symbolic meanings ascribed to animals and
the roles they may have played in ritual practice and belief (e.g. Altuna 1983; Anthony
and Brown 2000; Beavitt 1989; Bont 1992; Chaix and Sidi Maamar 1992; Cooke 1993;
Crabtree 1990a, 1995; Driver 1999; Emery 2004; Galik 2004; Grant 1989; Halperin et al.
2003; Hill 1996; Holt 1996; Kansa and Campbell 2004; Lawerier 1993; Legge et al.
2000; Lepetz 1995; Levy 1995; Luff 1996; Mniel 1992b; Masson 1999; Mount 1994;
Muir and Driver 2004; Poplin 1989; Potter 1997; Rofes 2000, 2004; Ryan and Crabtree
1995; Serjeantson 2000; Soderberg 2004; Wilson 1999).
The focus on ritual in zooarchaeology over the last few decades has developed out
of several theoretical perspectives, among them the postprocessual paradigm shift of the
46
1980s, which emphasized that religious beliefs and other aspects of social life, such as
economy, politics, and even gastronomy, are often interconnected (Anthony and Brown
2000:81; Crabtree 2004:64; Grant 1989:84; Soderberg 2004), and that symbolic
meanings of animals can indeed be approached, if tentatively, through archaeology (e.g.
Crabtree 1995, 2004; Grant 1991; Holt 1996; Jackson and Scott 2003; Lawerier 2004;
Lentacker et al. 2004). As Richardson (1997:79) has discussed, the economic and the
ritual/symbolic values of animals in a given society are often so intertwined as to be
difficult if not impossible to separate, or to determine whether the economic value of an
animal caused it to be chosen as a symbol.
Until the 1980s, archaeological discussion of ritual was often avoided because, as
Hodder (1982:159) argued, the process of compartmentalization of archaeology has
pushed off ritualas (a) peripheral aspect of human behaviour. The resulting change in
zooarchaeological perspective may be best expressed by Crabtrees (2004:64-65) recent
reinterpretation of the faunal remains from the ritual site of Dn Ailinne:
[M]y initial interpretation was based on an overly materialist
perspective. Following the dominant theoretical paradigms of the 1960s
and 1970s, I took it for granted that subsistence economy (including
animal husbandry) lay at the core of ancient human societies, and that
religious and ritual activities were, at best, epiphenomenal. I viewed ritual
feasting as a functional outgrowth of early Irish subsistence practices
Contemporary archaeological theory has cast ritual feasting, and ritual and
ceremonial activity more generally, in a new light The content and the
context of these ritual feasts would have served to enhance the power and
the prestige of the kings of Leinster/lords of Dn Ailinne.
Even though zooarchaeologists are now more cognizant of the complex roles animals
may play in past belief systems, most of the studies to this point have been aimed at
providing examples and/or methods of determining if an assemblage was likely produced
47
by ritual practices (e.g. Driver 1999; Grant 1989; Hill 1996; Luff 1996). While
determining whether or not a deposit is ritual in function is certainly the first step,
ascertaining the possible symbolic meanings of the animals involved in those practices is
also important. The studies in which symbolism has been explored, often through
ethnohistoric or ethnographic analogy, include Pollexs (1999) analysis of Neolithic
Central European cattle burials, Potters (1997) study of fauna used as Puebloan ritual
paraphernalia, Anthony and Browns (2000) analysis of Eneolithic horse remains and
symbolism, Emerys (2004) study of fauna from the Maya ritual site of Cueva de los
Quetzales, Guatemala, and Drivers (1999) analysis of two Palaeoindian raven deposits in
British Columbia.
There have been several studies of special animal deposits (Hill 1996).
Examples include the sacrificed guinea pigs of prehispanic Peru (Rofes 2004), the heads
and hooves (Piggott 1962) offerings of Neolithic, Bronze and Iron Age Europe and
Eneolithic Eurasia (Anthony and Brown 2000; Grant 1989:79; Robertson-Mackay 1980;
Wilson 1999), the ritual deposition of a range of species at the Gallo-Roman site of
Vertault (Cte dOr) (Jouin and Mniel 2001; Mniel et al. 1991), and several species
deposited at secular structures in the Romanized Netherlands (Lauwerier 2004:68-69).
Ritual faunal assemblages are most often recovered from cemeteries (e.g. Galik 2004;
Mniel 1987c) and sanctuaries (e.g. Mniel 1991b) or other communal ritual or religious
contexts (Grant 1989:79-81).
Following common archaeological practice (Gallic 2004; Grant 1989:79), the
faunal assemblages included in this thesis have been interpreted as the result of ritual or
religious practices because they were unusual in terms of body parts, treatments, and/or
48
deposits, or the remains were associated with contexts, such as sanctuaries and burials,
and/or other material culture that deviated from known domestic assemblages. As
discussed in Chapter One, most of the La Tne assemblages in this study have been
interpreted as ritual remains because they were associated with La Tne cultural layers
beneath Gallo-Roman fana, which are well documented as religious in nature (Derks
1998). Another criterion was that that these assemblages were not prominently
associated with habitation or farm sites. A few of the faunal assemblages were special
deposits that were only tangentially associated with other evidence of ritual practice; they
have been included, however, because of the unusual aspects of their composition,
deposition, or context. However, as Grant (1989:81) has emphasized, associations of
faunal remains with structures and other contexts deemed to be religious or ritual in
function must be treated cautiously because the ritual or non-ritual nature of a context is
often not as clear as one would wish, and because anthropological research has shown
that domestic and ritual behaviors often overlap. Bearing this in mind, it is
acknowledged in this study that it may never be possible to state definitively whether or
not some of the La Tne assemblages included here are ritual or religious in nature.
Generally speaking, ancient cemeteries and other sacred spaces were and are often
the loci of politico-religious feasting, a particular form of ritual activity (Dietler and
Hayden 2001:3, original emphasis), and thus much of the ritual-focused research in
zooarchaeology on prehistoric animal symbolism has concerned the choices and
treatments of animals in these contexts. Feasting is a form of communal consumption or
commensal politics (Dietler 1996:90, 2001) often performed by elites in hierarchical
societies in order to display and redistribute resources through a formalized process by
49
which they legitimate and maintain the social order (Cunliffe 2001b:361; Dietler 1996;
Hayden 2001; Lau 2002:280). Faunal assemblages have been associated with the dead in
the form of feasting refuse (e.g. Kansa and Campbell 2004) and grave offerings (e.g.
Lauwerier 2004:69) in prehistoric and early historic Europe, as well as in other parts of
the world (e.g. Seeman 1979). Feasting began in Europe as early as the Neolithic
(Diepeveen-Jansen 2001:41-42; Sherratt 1997; cf. Arnold 1999:74). The faunal deposits
from the late Neolithic and Beaker ritual site of Newgrange, Ireland have been interpreted
as evidence of ritual feasting based on the selection for slaughtering and burning of
remains from certain domesticate and wild taxa, including red deer, for certain sexes and
ages, such as two year old male cattle, and for certain body parts, such as deer antlers
(Mount 1994). Funerary feasting, often including the conspicuous consumption of
certain categories of animals, as well as drinking paraphernalia made of horn, including
that of the now-extinct aurochs, was also practiced throughout the Celtic world during the
Iron Age (Arnold 2003). For example, feasting has been indicated by the faunal remains
at the Hallstatt and La Tne burial site of Durezza Cave, Austria (Galik 2004:60) and by
the faunal assemblage at the Iron Age burial site of Dn Ailinne, Ireland, which included
the remains of very young cattle that appear to have been exploited during Spring and
Fall seasonal feasts (Crabtree 1990a, 2004).
This does not mean that faunal remains associated with human burials were
always the result of feasting, as evidenced by the previously mentioned heads and hooves
offerings in Europe and the burnt offerings of domestic and wild animals from AngloSaxon cremations (Bond 1996). Non-consumed offerings of a variety of domesticates
and wild game and fowl have also been found at several La Tne cemeteries from
50
Champagne and the neighboring dpartement of Aisne, particularly those near Bucy-leLong (Ardennes) (see Appendix A) (Auxiette 1995). These Celtic burnt remains tend to
represent the same high quality meat parts preferred by the living (Auxiette 1995:251).
Animal sacrifice and ritual feasting are also common features of ritual behavior
associated with specific cult loci, such as sanctuaries. Burkert (1983:37-38) has argued
that the politico-religious act of sacrificial feasting in ancient Greece united the
participants, while maintaining the distinctions in social status of the participants (see
also Isaakidou et al. 2002:90). It has been argued that the religious nature of sacrifice
combined with feasting in ancient Greece simultaneously provided sanctification and
legitimation of the ritual communal consumption and the social structure it reflected
(Hamilakis 2003; Vernant 1989:24-25; see also Killen 1998; Isaakidou et al. 2002:90).
While archaeologists have been aware of sacrificed animal remains and feast
refuse from sanctuaries for quite some time, only recently have such assemblages been
the focus of study. Some of the earliest of these concern the sites in this thesis, most of
which have been associated with ritual feasting. This is especially the case with Gournay
(Brunaux 2000; Brunaux and Mniel 1983; Brunaux et al. 1980; Brunaux et al. 1985;
Mniel 1978. 1989b, 1991, 1992a, 1992b, 2001), Fesques (Mantel 1997; Mantel and
Merleau 1993, 1994; Mniel 1997a, 2001), Benncourt (Bourgeois 1999; Mniel 1991,
1992, 2001; Mniel and Desse-Berset 1999), and Montmartin (Brunaux 1991c, 2000;
Brunaux and Mniel 1997; Mniel 1997b, 2001). These sites have yielded some of the
most thoroughly published faunal remains from French sanctuaries of any time period.
The earliest of these was Mniels (1978) published analyses on the faunal assemblages
from Gournay. Other than these French cases, most of the zooarchaeological studies of
51
fauna from sanctuaries or temples have been carried out only very recently (e.g.
Isaakidou et al. 2002; Lauwerier 2004:67-68; Legge et al. 2000; Lentacker et al. 2004;
Wilkens 2004).
Zooarchaeological Case Studies

Several zooarchaeological analyses have been performed in the past decade
demonstrating the strengths of combining quantitative and qualitative methods with the
goal of providing a more holistic image of past behaviors and beliefs involving animals
(Emery 2004; Holt 1996; Isaakidou et al. 2002; Kelly 2001; Lauwerier 1993; Lentacker
et al. 2004; Muir and Driver 2004; Potter 1997; Soderberg 2004; Wilkens 2004). Holt
(1996) convincingly argues that animal exploitation in the prehistoric American Bottom
can only be partially explained through optimal foraging analysis, and that symbolic
meanings, tentatively interpreted by ethnohistoric analogy, played a part in the selection
or omission of certain taxa, thus requiring alternative approaches. She demonstrates the
importance of using both quantitative and qualitative analyses to address economic and
symbolic explanations, although her particular use of a structuralist approach is
problematic because it is inductive, ahistorical, and not completely successful as it fails to
reveal the underlying symbolic structure used to categorize the fauna in the study.
Crabtree (2004), for example, was able to reinterpret the remains of the primary
domestic mammals from the Irish Iron Age site of Dn Ailinne using simple species
ratios based on NISP, allowing her to propose that ceremonial feasts were occurring at
the site. In her analysis of the cattle at Dn Ailinne, Crabtree (2004) pointed out that the
use of suckling calves for feasts would have been more costly than the exploitation of
52
older cattle (see McCormick 1991), and thus argues that their use indicates that the elites
underwriting the feasts included such costly animals for ideological reasons, perhaps
relating to status, power, or control of labor. Legge et al. (2000) also included
seasonality based on age at death as part of their analysis of Romano-British newborn and
young lamb sacrifices. They argue that although the sacrifice of newborns was
economically wasteful in terms of meat or livestock numbers, the economic payoff would
have been an increase in available sheeps milk. This is an example of an analysis that
allowed for symbolic in addition to economic value to have played a role in the choice of
such young animals. There are data on the age and sex of most of the domesticates from
several of the sanctuaries in this study (e.g. Brunaux et al. 1985; Mniel 1985, 1992b;
Mniel and Desse-Berset 1999). Kelly (2001) employed a similar method in her intrasite analysis of feasting remains based on relative abundance results derived from the
number of taxa (i.e. presence/absence) and NISP data, along with minimum number of
elements (MNE) and Food Utility Index (FUI) figures for the larger mammals.
Ethnohistory can provide insights into which animals were viewed as
symbolically significant and by whom. Potter (1997), for example, successfully
identified patterns of communal ritual behavior and evidence of ritual paraphernalia in
the prehistoric Southwest by testing a list of expected ritual fauna based on ethnohistoric
and palaoenvironmental information against the faunal assemblages from various
contexts at McPhee Village, a site from the Pueblo I phase (850-900 CE).
In approaching the symbolic uses of animals (see discussions in Chapter Six), it
has proved useful to look for patterns in associations among the species by feature (after
Auxiette 1995; Grant 1984, 1989:84) and, most often, by site. In certain cases,
53
associations of wild taxa with domesticates were included, as were associations with
other categories of material culture. As a possible analog, Auxiettes (1995) diachronic
analysis of the faunal remains from the La Tne cemeteries at Bucy-le-Long (Aisne)
revealed patterned combinations associated with status. Analysis of the ritual faunal
remains from the Iron Age hillfort at Danebury similarly revealed statistically meaningful
inter-species associations (Grant 1984, 1989:84; cf. Knight 2001).
Iconography and other sources of ethnohistory can not only be used to generate
lists of expected fauna from ritual contexts, but they can also be used cautiously through
analogy to explore possible prehistoric symbolic meanings of animals, as recently
demonstrated by several zooarchaeological studies (Driver 1999; Emery 2004; Isaakidou
et al. 2002; Kelly 2001; Muir and Driver 2004; Pollex 1999). Driver (1999) cautiously
used ethnographic and historic Palaeoindian symbolic meanings of ravens to support an
argument that two raven burials were intentional and of a ritual nature. Emery (2004)
applied ethnographic and ethnohistoric analogies to predict symbolically important taxa
and to create categories for and ascribe subtle meanings to the faunal remains in her
preliminary analysis that were likely to have existed in the prehistoric Maya symbolic
repertoire. Muir and Driver (2004) also predicted and then interpreted ritual faunal
remains from a late Pueblo III site through ethnographic, rather than ethnohistoric,
analogy. Wilson (1999) strongly emphasized and demonstrated the usefulness of
ethnographic analogy in his cross-cultural study of animal head offerings in Iron Age
Europe. Soderberg (2004) recently has combined literary, iconographic, and
zooarchaeological information to approach a range of Medieval Irish monastic
54
ideological uses of red deer. While symbolic meanings may be approached through
ethnographic analogy, such interpretations must be made with caution (Grant 1989:84).
In a qualitative analysis of the zooarchaeological materials at two Anglo-Saxon
cemeteries, Bond included discussions about the few remains of several wild species that
were present (1996:84-85). Due to the ritual contexts with which they were associated,
he concluded that the species, particularly the fox and beaver, must have had some
symbolic meanings, even if such meanings were not known, as in the case of the fox
(1996:85). He also discussed these remains in terms of similar archaeological finds
elsewhere in Iron Age Europe. A handful of studies on Iron Age Britain have also
included the presence of wild species, such as wildcats, red deer, badgers, and foxes in
discussions of ritual faunal remains (Grant 1984:534, 1989:81; Craaster 1961), and
Lentacker et al. included mollusks, amphibians, fish, and wild avians in their discussion
(2004:79-80). This method, as employed by Bond and mirrored in the British examples,
is important because it demonstrates the advantage of including species that are poorly
represented and not usually discussed in Iron Age faunal analyses. By acknowledging
the presence of such species and recognizing that they may have had some symbolic
meaning, Bond was able to augment the current understanding of Anglo-Saxon animal
symbolism. In those cases where the presence/absence study of the La Tne wild fauna
revealed species that are not represented in the Celtic ethnohistory, they should be
included in discussions of Celtic animal symbolism due to the association with ritual
behavior in the archaeological context. In other words, the ritual context of faunal
remains, rather than numeric abundance alone, can offer important clues to the symbolic
values of the taxa represented.
55
Zooarchaeological Research at the Sites in this Study
The zooarchaeological research of Gallic cult sites has tended to center on those
sites with exceptional preservation, with the highest complexity, and with the largest and
best-preserved faunal deposits (see Table 1). The data from sites with poor preservation
and/or small faunal assemblages have generally been ignored, included as anecdotal
evidence, or briefly mentioned as anomalies (e.g. Brunaux et al. 1980). Except for the
site of Ouessant (Mniel 2001; Le Bihan et al. 1997), these analyses have focused on the
remains of domesticates (cattle, pig, sheep/goat, horse, and occasionally dog) that are
most often feasting refuse, though there are cases where certain animals were not
consumed. Most of this research has centered on refining the local prehistory by
identifying but rarely explaining patterns of faunal remains seen in inter-site comparisons
with other sanctuaries, cemeteries, settlements, and farms (e.g. Mniel 1988a, 1992b,
1993b, 2001).
The smaller, wild fauna identified at the sites have been neglected or omitted in
the analyses and published studies because they are most often very poorly represented
and are not considered significant. Their devaluation is highlighted by Brunaux
(2000:135) in his recent and prominent work, Les Religions Gauloise: Or il est tout fait
extraordinairequon ne rencontre jamais sur aucun lieu de culte des restes danimaux
sauvages Les ossements danimaux sauvages, victimes de la chasse, ne se
rencontrent que sur lhabitat* (my emphasis). Brunauxs comment that wild fauna are
never found in sanctuary sites is in fact contradicted by evidence at the sanctuary sites at
Now it is completely extraordinarythat we never find the remains of wild animals at

any cult sites The bones of wild animals, victims of hunting, are found only at
habitation sites (my translation).
56
Gournay (which Brunaux excavated), Ribemont, Mirebeau, Meaux, Montmartin, and
Estres, where the remains of wild animals, including red deer, hare, boar, pigeon, owl,
song thrush, and raven have found (e.g. Brunaux et al. 1985a; Mniel 1985, 1987a:126-7,
1997b, 2002; Yvinec 1988).
Brunaux (1988:23) has also argued that variations in the offering ensembles of
animals and objects indicate different rites for different deities (cf. Bradley 1998:186).
Specifically, he argues that the species selected for sacrifice and the body parts that were
offered are due to variations in the culinary tastes of the individual deity or deities
worshipped at each sanctuary (2000:138). While this may be true, it is not a falsifiable
statement. Due to the rarity of iconographic representations and epigraphic references of
specific pre-Conquest Celtic deities, as well as the general paucity of divine imagery or
epigraphy of any kind at the sites in this study, it is highly unlikely that we will ever
know which specific deities- or even which kinds of deities- were worshipped at these
sites or what their believed tastes were. A hypothesis-testing approach, like the one I
have proposed here, may shed light, then, on regional variations of animal sacrifice
practices in La Tne Gaul.
Iron Age Fauna

Iron Age Animal Husbandry
French archaeological sites dating from the Neolithic to the La Tne periods have
produced evidence of domestic fauna in habitation and burial sites that give a general
picture of the species present during the late Iron Age (Poulain 1976). As a note of
caution, the sites in Poulains survey (Table 11) of the archaeological literature were all
57
studied during the 1960s and 70s, and may have been reinterpreted or their dating been
more refined since then. Information is provided here for all of the regions in this study
except for the Massif Central, which will be analyzed in detail in the actual analysis,
based on information from Richardsons (1997) dissertation, and for Luxembourg, which
borders and shares characteristics with the Paris Basin, northern France, and Champagne.
Champagne was represented by few sites in Poulains 1976 survey. One of the
Neolithic sites was dominated by cattle, while the other was characterized by pig and
ovicaprines. Domesticates made up approximately 70% of the faunal remains from the
two late Neolithic sites. The three Bronze Age sites showed an abundance of cattle and
pig remains. There were six Hallstatt sites characterized by domesticates (90-100%),
with pig or sheep the most abundant. The remains from the one La Tne site in the
survey produced only pig.
In the same survey, the Paris Basin and northern France produced the most sites
(Poulain 1976). The 20 early and middle Neolithic sites in the Paris Basin contained
mostly cattle (40-62%) or ovicaprines (40-46%). At the two Neolithic sites in northern
France, cattle were dominant. The 19 late Neolithic sites revealed that domesticates
dominated at the habitation sites (approx. 70%), with cattle and pig dominating in most
cases; but wild fauna comprised most of the remains from the burials, with pig, cattle,
and sheep present. The six Bronze Age sites were characterized by domesticated species
(80-100%), with sheep, pig, or cattle dominating. However, at one site, approximately
half of the remains were of domesticated animals, and aurochs, deer, boar, brown bear,
wolf, wildcat, fox, mustelidae, and beaver were also present. The six Hallstatt sites
58
Table 11. Domesticated species from settlement and burial sites (after Poulain 1976).
Area
Neolithic/Chalcolithic Bronze Age
Hallstatt
La Tne
cattle and pig
90-100%
only pig represented
Champagne 70% domesticates,
cattle, ovicaprines, and dominate
domesticates; pig
pig dominate
and sheep dominate
mostly domesticates;
Paris Basin/ early Neolithic: cattle 80-100% domesticates, mostly
and ovicaprines
ovicaprine, pig, and
domesticates;
pig and ovicaprine
Northern
dominate; late
cattle dominate; but at ovicaprines and pig dominate during LT II;
France
Neolithic: domesticates one site, half of the
dominate
but cattle, pig, and
dominate (70%),
remains were from
ovicaprines dominate
especially cattle and pig wild species
during LT III, with
at settlements, but wild
increased focus on
fauna dominate at
cattle
burials, along with pig,
cattle, and ovicaprines
present
Burgundy
mostly wild; cattle and 80% domesticates; pig

ovicaprines dominate in and ovicaprines
early-middle Neolithic; dominate
pig dominates in late
Neolithic
Armorica
89% wild fauna at one

site; 50-100%
domesticates at the
other sites, dominated
by cattle; the
Chalcolithic site
produced pig,
ovicaprine, dog, and
wild fauna
no sites recorded
75-100%
pig and cattle
domesticates; pig dominate
dominates half the
sites; cattle and
ovicaprines
dominate at the
others
90% domesticates; no sites recorded
cattle and horse
dominate
produced mostly domesticate remains, with ovicaprines or pigs dominating. There were
11 La Tne (LT) sites. The LT I site produced only wild ass remains; the two LT II were
dominated by either pig or ovicaprines. There were eight LT III sites in Poulains survey:
Pig was most abundant at five of them, while ovicaprines dominated at two of them, and
cattle made up almost 100% of the remains at another. More recent data from the Aisne
Valley indicate that cattle husbandry became much more important in northern Gaul
during the late La Tne period (Auxiette 2000), when some rural farms specialized in
59
beef production to meet the increased demand of the urban populations (Maguer et al.
2004:233).
Burgundy produced several sites from each of the periods (Poulain 1976). The
five Neolithic sites tended to produce mostly wild fauna, including aurochs, deer, and
wild equids, with smaller numbers of mustelidae, ruminants, birds, and turtles; however,
pig was most abundant at one site. The dominant domesticated species varied at these
sites: cattle or ovicaprines, with pigs dominating in the late Neolithic. Domesticates also
characterized the four Chalcolithic sites, where cattle or sheep were most abundant. The
four Bronze Age sites largely contained domesticates (around 80%), dominated by sheep
or pig. Domesticates represented 75-100% of the assemblages from the six Hallstatt
sites, with pig dominant at half of them, cattle at one, and ovicaprines at two. At one of
the two LT III sites, pig dominated, while cattle dominated at the other.
There were few Armorican sites presented in the survey. The one Neolithic site
in Brittany, Er Yoh, showed that wild species were most abundant (89%), most of which
were ovicaprines (58%). The seven sites in Lower Normandy produced 50-100%
domesticates, cattle making up 23-27% of the remains at two of the sites, but 100% at La
Hogue. During the Chalcolithic, the dolmen of Taiz produced pig, ovicaprine, dog, red
deer, wildcat, polecat, and fish. The species at the one Hallstatt site, Haineville, were
primarily domesticates (around 90%), dominated by cattle and horse.
Recent zooarchaeological studies of assemblages from sites in Eastern and
Central Europe (Bkny 1999) and in Gaul (Arbogast et al. 1987; Mniel 1987a, 1987b,
1993a, 2001; Roymans 1990:108-111) have produced a broad image of animal husbandry
during the La Tne period (Table 12). Celtic life was primarily agricultural and
60
depended almost exclusively on large domesticates (cattle, pigs, horses, sheep/goat, dogs)
as well as domestic or quasi-domestic fowl (chickens, ducks, geese) for food, work, and
secondary products. Oddly, the NISP and MNI data for these domesticates are relatively
low at settlement sites considering the extent to which the Celts relied upon them. The
major assemblages from Gaul that have been found suggest that pig and cattle were most
abundant, the former used for food, the latter for work and food, followed by sheep and
goats, then horses and dogs that were primarily work animals. It should also be noted
that there is no clear evidence of the presence of the domestic cat or the ass at Celtic
settlements before Romanization (Arbogast et al. 1987; Bkny 1999; Mniel 1987a,
1987b).
Table 12. Domesticated species during the La Tne period.

Common
Name
Pig
Taxon
Basic Description
Sus scrofa small and primitive; poorly meat

suited to long-distance travel
Bos taurus smaller and slimmer than

Roman; poorly suited to longdistance travel
Caprinae same size as today; sheep
Ovicaprine
most common; both small,
(Sheep/ Goat)
sheep smallest; males often
castrated and slaughtered
Cattle
Horse
Dog
Chicken
Goose/Duck
Settlement Uses
draught labor; milk; meat
Funerary
Offering
most common;
usually high
quality parts
least abundant
sheep: wool primary, milk

less common
and meat secondary; goat:
meat primary, then milk; both
used for hides and as
funerary offerings (fourth
most common)
Equus
relatively rare and small; high riding, hunting, and pulling common
caballus prestige
war chariots; occasionally for
meat
Canis
similar sizes as today; remains hunting; herding; guarding; rare or absent
lupus
rare; underrepresented
companionship; pelts;
familiaris
funerary offerings; rarely for
meat
Gallus
small and primitive;
meat; eggs; much more
very common
gallus
underrepresented
common after Romanization (including eggs)
Anatidae
very rare; difficult to

differentiate domestic from
wild
minor importance
rare or absent
61
Pigs were the main source of meat and were only used for that purpose (Bkny
1999). During the early first century, the Greek historian Strabo wrote in his
Geographika (4.4.3) that the Celts primarily ate fresh and salted pork, which was
produced in such large quantities that it, along with Gallic goat meat, was a major export
for Italian markets (Lasserre 1966:160). Pigs are not easily herded and do not travel long
distances well, making transport of their meat rather than of the animals themselves more
practical. The Gallic pigs, the smallest in Europes prehistory, were primitive and much
like the Neolithic turbary pigs, though smaller. They did not exceed 70 cm at the withers,
making their remains distinguishable from those of the much larger wild boars. Like
modern primitive pigs, they probably had thick, dense hair and tusks, but not the curly
tails that come with domestication. There were generally more pigs than cattle at
settlement sites, which is not surprising since it takes five pigs to produce the same
amount of meat as one ox. This species was by far the most abundant in funeral
offerings, as either whole animals or high-quality meat parts, during the La Tne period
(Mniel 2001:89).
Cattle were primarily used as draught animals and for milk (Bkny 1999;
Roymans 1990:109). Cattle of this kind would have been slow moving and not adapted
to long-distance herding. They were relatively small, usually 110 cm at the withers for
cows, and 120 cm for bulls and oxen, compared to the larger Roman cattle that usually
measured around 126 cm. Faunal remains and iconographic evidence indicate that they
were slender in body and head and had short horns. Roman draught oxen were
sometimes imported, though it is argued that these did not affect the local livestock
(Bkny 1999:445). The cattle were primarily used as draught animals, usually the
62
larger oxen, but also the smaller cows on farmsteads. They were used to pull carts and
ploughs at a slow but steady pace for short distances. The argument that cattle were not
primarily kept for meat is supported by settlement data that indicates that only one-third
of the prime beef cattle- i.e. juvenile and subadult- were generally slaughtered (Bkny
1999:457). As milk providers, such small cattle would have produced two to four liters a
day, which would be used for butter and cheese. As seen at most of the sites in this
study, particularly Gournay, cattle were often sacrificed. At that sanctuary site, large, old
draught oxen were sacrificed and ritually deposited without being consumed (Brunaux
2000). As La Tne funerary offerings, however, draught oxen were the least abundant of
the domesticates (Mniel 2001:89).
Sheep and goat were also important in Gallic life, though the former was far more
common at sites than the latter (Bkny 1999; Roymans 1990:109). They are also found
in La Tne funerary contexts, though they are generally only the fourth most abundant
animals in burials (Mniel 2001:89). The sheep were small, even smaller than the goats,
with the ewes only measuring 50-70 cm at the withers and the rams only a little larger.
About half of the ewes were hornless, the other half having only rudimentary horns. The
rams tended to have large, curled horns, though some were hornless. The
zooarchaeological assemblages demonstrate that the males outnumbered ewes 2:1,
suggesting that the larger males were often castrated (i.e. wethers), and that wool, rather
than milk, was the main product (Bkny 1999:458). While the meat was clearly
consumed, it seems the ovids were mainly kept for wool, and only secondarily for milk.
The goats were roughly comparable in size to modern ones. They may have been used
by poorer inhabitants as more significant sources of milk and meat, keeping them in
63
comparatively small habitation areas. Around half of the goats were slaughtered young,
indicating that, in general, the caprids were used more for their meat than were the sheep.
There is also evidence that their skins were used. There are a few cases where goats have
been found at sites in this study, but it was often not possible to differentiate between the
ovids and the caprids, and thus they are generally referred to only as ovicaprines.
Horses were relatively rare, but they, along with dogs, held a privileged status,
probably due to their categorization as comrades-in-arms (Bkny 1999; Roymans
1990:110). The Celts were renowned horse riders; there are several images of horses in
late La Tne art, especially of the horse-goddess, Epona, who became a favorite of GalloRoman soldiers and farmers alike (Bkny 1999:446; Green 1996b:184-7). The Gallic
horses were smaller than the Scythian breeds to the east, measuring around 112-127 cm
at the withers. The horse is often considered to be the only domesticate that was taboo to
consume (see Poplin 1992), based on the fact that most of the remains excavated are
complete and lack butchery marks, and the majority of individuals found were adults or
old animals (Bkny 1999:448, 457; Mniel 1987a). However, Mniel (1987a:43-5,
1994) argues that faunal data primarily from settlements but also from ritual sites across
northern La Tne Gaul indicate that horse was eaten more often than previously thought,
though it was not a primary source of meat in northern La Tne Gaul (Mniel 1987b:154)
and horse remains only exceed three or four percent of the total faunal remains from La
Tne sites in Gaul in parts of Picardie, where horse occasionally made up more than five
percent of the remains (Mniel 1993a:392, Figure 10, 2001:61). Mniel (2001:57) has
also argued that the importance of horsemeat in Celtic society generally declined
throughout the La Tne period. Current evidence also indicates that horses were rarely
64
part of the feast assemblages in Gallic burials (Mniel 1994:67; see also Galik 2004:58).
Horses may have been buried outside the settlements, contributing to the paucity of
remains found (e.g. Mniel 1993a:387). Considering their relatively small size, it seems
that horses were primarily used for pulling war chariots rather than for cavalry; however,
Caesar (e.g. De Bello Gallo II.2, V.1) often referred to the powerful Treveri cavalry
(Warner 1960:51, 89; Roymans 1990:110). Horses were often found at sanctuaries in
this study, particularly at Ribemont, where an ossuary structure was built with human and
horse longbones and where whole horses were found (Brunaux 2000; Cadoux 1984).
Dog remains are rarer than horse, but the iconographic evidence suggests the dog,
too, had a special place in Celtic life and symbolism (Bkny 1999; Green 1992a:24-5,
55-8, 197-203; Mniel 1987a:29-1). In general, dogs composed the third most abundant
species found in La Tne burials (Mniel 2001:89; cf. Galik 2004:58). There is faunal
and iconographic evidence for different sizes of breeds, including small hunting dogs and
lapdogs and larger hunting-dogs, including a greyhound breed (Green 1992a:24; Bkny
1999:447). The smaller breed was found, for example, at Variscourt (Aisne) (Mniel
1987a:29). Dogs were used for hunting, herding, guarding, and companionship (Bkny
1999:458; Green 1992a:25), as well as occasionally for meat and pelts, judging from the
butchery marks on many remains (Mniel 1987a:28-9). Like horses, however, dogs were
not a major meat source, usually making up only 2-7% of the total faunal remains
(Mniel 1993a:392, Figure 10). The importance of dog meat in the La Tne diet in Gaul
also appears to have progressively declined throughout the period (Mniel 2001:56).
Dogs were sacrificed as well, especially at the Gallo-Roman ritual site of Vertault, where
65
over a hundred dogs were killed and ritually buried (Jouin and Mniel 2001; Mniel et al.
1991).
Several fowl species were also used by the Celts (Bkny 1999:447-8; Roymans
1990:110), and comprised, in general, the second most abundant funeral offerings from
La Tne Gaul (Mniel 2001:89). The Celts are thought to have introduced chickens into
Western Europe during the Hallstatt period (Green 1992a:142), where they were kept for
meat and eggs. These chickens were also small and primitive, rarely weighing more than
1.5 kg, though larger ones have been found at Celtic sites, either from inter-breeding with
Mediterranean stock, or from importation of the larger stock (Bkny 1999:447-8).
Unfortunately, smaller bird remains are likely underrepresented due to taphonomic
processes and the actions of scavengers. Chicken remains are rare at settlements and
sanctuaries, although they were included in some La Tne cremation burials (Bkny
1999:458). Eggs were also found as elite grave goods at La Gorge Meillet (Marne)
(Green 1992a:34). At the sanctuary of Corent, for example, they are rare and may date to
the La Tne or Gallo-Roman periods, but they clearly increase in number after
Romanization began (Foucras pers. comm.; Foucras 2004).
Only a few remains of domestic geese have been found at settlement sites,
suggesting they probably did not play an important role in Celtic animal husbandry
(Bkny 1999:448). Pliny the Elder (X. 26), however, recorded that the geese of the
Belgic Morini tribe were of good breeds and were imported by foot in flocks to Rome (de
Saint Denis 1961:46). Yet Caesar reported that the Celtic Britons had a taboo against
eating goose, along with hare and chicken, and that their geese were raised only to
amuse themselves (De Bello Gallico V.1; Warner 1960:94). Geese appear at several of
66
the sites in this study, though in low numbers, and it is not clear if they were domestic or
wild. Duck remains are even less abundant at settlements (Bkny 1999:448). They do
appear, however, at some of the sanctuaries, usually represented by a single fragment, as
at Gournay (Brunaux et al 1985:131). Much more is known about their iconographic
representation (Bkny 1999:448; Green 1992b:88).
Mniel (1987a:50-2) presents a preliminary summary of which domesticated
species were primarily used regionally in Gaul based largely on the research of Thrse
Poulain (see Poulain 1976). Based on remains from Vaunge (Gard), southern Gaul,
which was not included in this study because of the very different cultural developments
in that area (Bchsenschtz 1995), appears to have been the only area dominated by
sheep throughout the Hallstatt and La Tne periods. Northern Gaul appears to have been
characterized by a continual decrease in cattle, an increase in sheep during the Hallstatt
period, and an increase in pig during the La Tne period (Mniel 1987a:50-2).
Iron Age Wild Fauna

Poulains 1976 survey also provides a basic summary of many of the wild species
found at the sites dating from the Neolithic through the late Iron Age in France (Table
13). The ungulates included the now-extinct aurochs, as well as wild horse, wild ass, red
deer, roe deer, ibex, mountain goat, and boar. Carnivores included the brown bear, lynx,
wildcat, wolf, fox, badger, otter, marten, stone marten, and polecat. The several species
of smaller mammals present included the weasel, beaver, marmot, hare, field mouse,
vole, mole, hedgehog, and shrew, as well as bats. Diurnal and nocturnal birds of prey
67
were present, as were many species of small passerines (song birds). Other fauna at the
sites included pike, trout, carp, lizards, grass snake, frog, toad, and water turtle. All of
Table 13. Wild fauna found at settlement and funerary sites (after Poulain 1976).
Large Mammals
Red deer
Roe deer
Aurochs
Boar
Brown Bear
Wolf
Lynx
Wild horse
Wild ass
Ibex
Mountain goat
Small Mammals Birds

Fox
Raptor spp.
Wildcat
Song bird spp.
Polecat
Beaver
Badger
Otter
Marten
Stone marten
Weasel
Marmot
Hare
Small rodentia spp.
Insectivora spp.
Bat spp.
Other
Fish spp.
Lizard spp.
Grass snake
Water turtle
Frog/Toad
these species except for the wild equids were present in some parts of France until at least
the Middle Ages, though their numbers increasingly diminished beginning in the
Neolithic period.
Despite the intensification of deforestation and agriculture during the La Tne
period, some wooded areas survived in Gaul, along with the wild fauna that lived in them
(Bell 1995:148). Wild faunal remains rarely make up more than 2% of the assemblages
at settlement sites (Bkny 1999:444; Roymans 1990:110), and are comprised primarily
of red deer, hare, aurochs, wildcat, lynx, wolf, and bear and several species of wild
avians, especially ducks, geese, and corvids (Bell 1995; Mniel 1987a). In general, wild
68
mammals comprised a comparable proportion of the fauna at La Tne sanctuaries as they
did at contemporary settlement sites.
In terms of numbers of individuals, the faunal data from several La Tne
settlements in the Northern region, as well as in Luxembourg in the Mountainous region,
indicate that hare was the primary wild species hunted for meat, followed by red deer and
roebuck, and lastly by wild boar (Mniel 1987a:97-8, 125; 2001:15). It is important to
note, however, that Mniel (1987a) has argued that deer and wild boar, which are most
often found in domestic elite residences, were hunted to protect crops rather than as
significant sources of meat. However, distinctions between types of settlements exist: the
lands around the oppida were largely cleared for agriculture and over-hunted, while
inhabitants in more rural villages, especially those close to or in forests, relied more on
wild game than did their urban counterparts (Bkny 1999:444). In general, current data
indicate that wild species were more prevalent at wealthy farms and elite residences,
less prevalent at oppida and poor farms, and least common at village sites (Mniel
2001:115).
Even though dogs appear to have been the main species killed for fur, certain wild
species present in the local environments were also hunted for this secondary product
(Mniel 1987a:81-3, 97. Evidence from the workshop area at Villeneuve-Saint-Germain
(Aisne) indicates that fox was the primary species selected for its fur, followed by badger.
Wolves and mustelids, particularly stoat and polecat, were also hunted for their fur,
though in much smaller numbers. While bears were occasionally depicted in GalloRoman art (Green 1992b:41, 1996b:166-7) and were still present in Gaul during the La
Tne period (MacKillop 1998:36), it does not appear that they were commonly hunted for
69
either meat or fur. The most famous iconographic example is probably the bronze
figurine of the bear-goddess, Artio, seated in front of a standing bear (Green 1996b:1667). Bear remains have only been found in burial contexts, such as the bearskin bedding
from the Iron Age elite burial at Welwyn, England (Green 1992a:52-4), and no bear
remains were found at any of the sites in this study.
Cultural and Historical Background

The following discussions of the Hallstatt and La Tne cultural and historical
backgrounds of each region often vary in the degree of detail. This is partially due to the
fact that some of the regions have produced many more sites from the specific phases
than others, and partially due to the fact that some of those sites have been better
published than others. However, there is sufficient information to provide a general
background that is adequate for the purposes of this study.
Chronology
Archaeologists working in Iron Age Europe may use two different chronologies,
depending on the area of study, the scholars nationality, and individual preference.
Those working in Germany tend to use the chronology proposed by Paul Reinecke (1965)
(Figure 8, German, Rhineland, Trier column), whereas those in working in France
usually use that proposed by Joseph Dchelette (1908) (Figure 8, France column),
which was further refined by Paul-Marie Duval (1971; Guilaine 1976:21). These
chronological systems are nonetheless useful in approaching the European Iron Age,
despite ongoing debates over precise regional chronologies and variations (Cunliffe
70
Figure 8. La Tne chronological schema (after Roymans 1990, Figure 1.4).

2001a:312; Rieckhoff and Biel 2001:93; Roymans 1990; Thenot 1976). While French
archaeologists tend to follow the system developed by Dchelette (France in Figure 8),
they do occasionally publish using the Reinecke system (German Rhineland Trier Area
in Figure 8). This being the case, I will indicate which chronological system was used in
the published information presented below.
The Hallstatt Period (ca. 750-475 BCE)

The late Iron Age La Tne culture had its roots in the early Iron Age culture of the
West Hallstatt zone (Figure 9), which is named after the type-site of Hallstatt, Austria,
where a thriving and wealthy culture based on salt mining developed and prospered from
ca. 750-475 BCE (Cunliffe 2001a:312). The inhabitants at Hallstatt were able to take
advantage of their location at an important trade hub on the Rhne-Sane-Rhine axis
between the Mediterranean and the rest of Europe north of the Alps to develop an
elaborate material culture style characterized by geometric decoration on bronze and
71
Figure 9. West Hallstatt and La Tne zones (after Cunliffe 2001b:359).
72
ceramic artifacts (Bchsenschtz 1995:555; Cunliffe 2001b:344). Beginning in Hallstatt
C (ca. 750-600 BCE), the West Hallstatt Iron Age culture was founded on a prestige
goods economy whereby paramount chiefs controlled the trade of materials and goods for
prestige items produced by Mediterranean societies (Bchsenschtz 1995:568; Cunliffe
2001a:314, 2001b:344-349). This characterization as a paramount chiefdom may be an
underestimation of the social complexity in the area, leading some to ask whether the
West Hallstatt zone may rather be characterized as an early state-level society (see
Arnold and Gibson 1996).
The West Hallstatt culture is principally characterized by elaborate warrior burial mounds
called Frstengrber (princely burials) and hillforts called Frstensitze (princely seats).
The warrior burials were equipped with distinctive elite prestige goods acquired
through trade (Cunliffe 2001a:312-313, 2001b:313). During Hallstatt D (ca. 600-475
BCE), burials were characterized by elaborate feasting and drinking equipment, often
including Mediterranean imports (Arnold 1999:73-74; Cunliffe 2001a:313, 2001b:346347).
Most of the areas in thesis appear to have developed distinctively indigenous early
Iron Age cultures, although they were influenced by the West Hallstatt culture to the east.
Such appears to have been the case in the northern and western Paris Basin (Duval and
Bchsenschtz 1976; Vaginay 2004, Figure 1; Verron 1976) and in the Massif Central
(Bchsenschtz 1995:555; Daugas and Malacher 1976). Similarly, the
Armorican region, as part of the Atlantic Rim (Cunliffe 2000, 2001a), had a distinctive
early Iron Age that was only partially influenced by the Hallstatt culture (Bchsenschtz
1995:563; Cunliffe 1997:157-8, 2001a:356-8; Galliou and Jones 1991:26-7, 30-2; Giot
73
1976). West Hallstatt culture was well represented in Champagne, the Hunsrck-Eifel
area of Luxembourg, and Burgundy (Arnold 1991a, 1999:73-4, 2001:216; Bchsenschtz
1995; Collis 1984; Cunliffe 2001b:345, 359; Joffroy 1976; Olivier 2000a, 2000b, 2000c;
Olivier et al. 2001; Thenot 1976).
The La Tne Period (ca. 450-20 BCE)

The La Tne I and II Phases (ca. 450-100 BCE)
The La Tne period and artistic style are named after the site of La Tne on Lake
Neuchtel, Switzerland, which consisted of a complex of timber structures of unknown
use that produced thousands of ritually deposited objects, including weapons, elaborately
decorated objects, and presumably sacrificed domestic animals and humans (Green
1995:6; Duval 1999b:514). The La Tne artistic style, which has been well published
(e.g. Duval 1999a; Jacobsthal 1942, 1969; Megaw and Megaw 1986, 1989, 1994, 1995),
is generally believed to have developed in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE due to
Mediterranean influences resulting from increased contact and trade (Figure 10). It has
been argued that the La Tne Celts adopted Mediterranean elements because the motifs
could be easily adapted to their religious ideology (Raftery 1990:15) and corresponded to
previous Hallstatt artistic models (Verger 1987:323; see also Megaw and Megaw
1989:21).
There is strong evidence that religion was not only paramount during LT I, but
that it was undergoing revolutionary changes (Szab 1999:332). For the first time in
Gaul, delineated, public sanctuaries became focal points for religious and political life.
Sanctuaries such as at Mirebeau (Brunaux et al. 1985; Guillaumet and Barral 1991), St.-
74
Figure 10. Early-middle La Tne trade connections (after Cunliffe 2001a, Figure 7.34).
Jean (Duval 1990), and Nanteuil (Lambot 1996) appear to have been used as early as LT
A. As discussed below, it appears that these new religious structures symbolized social
unity and were associated with tribal territorial boundaries. The increased permanence of
structures, including oppida and sanctuaries, and the increasingly greater focus on tribal
boundaries throughout the La Tne period reflected greater political centralization
connected to increased production (Collis 1984:139-157). It also seems that a religious
social class called Druids (see discussion of sanctuaries below) had begun to play a
75
central role in both religious and public life that would continue throughout the La Tne
period (Szab 1999:332).
Northern Region
Overall, the material culture in Champagne from LT I is fairly homogenous,
although there are intra-regional variations in terms of artifact distributions (Thenot
1976). The first distinctly early La Tne culture in what is now France was the Marnian
or Marne-Mosel culture that was roughly situated in Champagne (Roualet 1999; Thenot
1976). Much of the information for this area comes from the renowned Iron Age
cemeteries, most of which date to the La Tne period (Bchsenschtz 1995:555-557;
Roualet 1999; Thenot 1976).
The Champagne/Marne area, part of the early La Tne heartland (Figure 9)
(Cunliffe 2001a:315-316), is best known for its representation of the transition from late
Hallstatt to early La Tne during the fifth and fourth centuries BCE in east-central France
(Bchsenschtz 1995:555-557). This transition appears to have involved some cultural
continuity as revealed by burial practices. The economy was primarily based on
agricultural production that supported a dense population, seen in the high number of LT
A cemeteries (Collis 1984:118). These cemeteries were typically far from settlements
and were accompanied by indigenous and imported Mediterranean prestige goods,
including feasting equipment (Bchsenschtz 1995:556; Collis 1984:118).
The 250 or so La Tne burials in Champagne are much more common than those
of the Hallstatt period, though they contain less grave wealth (Bchsenschtz 1995:556;
Collis 1984:118). These burials usually contain the remains of the elite person on or with
76
a two-wheeled war chariot and war gear. The burials suggest a stratified, apparently
homogenous rural society that was both wealthy and able to maintain a distinctive
cultural identity (Bchsenschtz 1995:557), despite increasing interaction and interregional trade with core areas in Etruria, the Ticino, the Hunsrck, and the Thames
Valley regions (Collis 1984:118).
The practice of cremation burials originated in northern Champagne around the
end of the fourth century or beginning of the third century BCE and spread southward
during the third and second centuries BCE (Charpy 1999). This rite may have introduced
by Danubian Celtic groups en route to Belgic Gaul during the middle of the third century
BCE (Szab 1999:319), and became the dominant rite during the second century BCE
(Bchsenschtz 1995:557; Charpy 1999). These cemeteries became larger, more
complex, and more monumental, indicating a shift in importance from the burials
themselves to the enclosures around them, and thus to the sacred cemetery space itself.
These changes, particularly the rarity of male remains and the drastic decline in grave
goods, have been associated with population and settlement changes of the fourth century
that correspond to Roman records of the Celtic migrations into Italy, including the
sacking of Rome in 390 BCE (Arnold and Murray 2003).
During the apparent depopulation of eastern Gaul during the late Hallstatt D
phase, groups migrated to the south and east and into Champagne and the Hunsrck-Eifel
areas. This may indicate that the population increased due to trade wealth, but without
the appropriate social controls necessary to maintain social stability. When trade was
disrupted at the beginning of LT B, elites relying on craft specialization were
destabilized, as seen in LT B burials that reveal less social differentiation. However, as
77
in the Hunsrck-Eifel area, the decrease in burial numbers and grave goods could also
represent changes in burial rite. It appears that, in general, the peripheral areas in this
study had only limited trade with the La Tne core zone during LT B (Collis 1984:126127, 138).
Burials were usually flat inhumations, although tumuli were still used in
peripheral areas (Thenot 1976). These were often in simple pits or chariot tumuli, such
as at La Gorge Meillet (Marne), usually with horse equipment. Inhumation burials were
present at the same time, often showing mutilation of the bodies. Despite the earlier
theory that cremation rites were introduced through in-migration of Belgic Celtic groups
during LT II (Thenot 1976), there is evidence that this rite actually began in Champagne
during LT I, where cremations were accompanied by the usual LT I artifacts. Weapons
were present, some of which appear to have been ritually broken, a rite that continues
into LT III, and is seen at several of the sanctuaries in this study. Another distinctive
feature of Champagne is the presence of stone blocks that were occasionally placed on
the dead, reminiscent of a similar practice performed on some of the horses at Vertault
(Cte-dOr) during the early Gallo-Roman period (Jouin and Mniel 2001; Mniel et al.
1991).
Beginning in LT II, significant changes occurred in Champagne (Bchsenschtz
1995:557; Charpy 1999; Kruta 1985). Most notably, the typical burial layout changed
from the late Hallstatt sex-based pattern to a family-based pattern (Demoule 1982).
Metal artifacts also began to be decorated in the La Tne style (e.g. Duval 1977). The
late fifth and fourth centuries saw the development of this artistic style on a largely
standardized ensemble of war gear in male graves. These changes are argued to indicate
78
links with Central European cultures, suggesting either increased trade, or the
assimilation of immigrant Danubian populations from the eastern edge of Champagne.
The increased focus on warrior equipment also reflects the major shift during the La Tne
towards a warrior culture (Bchsenschtz 1995:557; Charpy 1999; Kruta 1985). It is also
important to note that certain kinds of ornaments in female graves are distinctive items
that signaled social status and probably ethnic identity (Charpy 1999). Appearing in
the mid-third century, anklets were first associated with a mismatching pair of bracelets,
suggesting close links with Central European groups (Charpy 1999; Kruta 1985). This
new form of female ornament has been argued, at least in certain cemeteries, to reflect
ritual meanings of a distinct ethnic group, possibly the ancestors of the Belgae who
migrated from Central Europe through southern Champagne and into Picardy.
Beginning in the second century BCE the Celtic groups in Champagne
experienced major changes in social organization (Charpy 1999). The LT I agricultural
society, which was probably governed by a patriarchal clan system, developed into a
much more stratified pre-urban system. In this new social context, craftsmen grew in
political power, while farmers took on a secondary role, focusing on cereal agriculture in
scattered, rural communities. Examples of these fortified proto-urban sites and major
defensive settlements (oppida) include the possible oppidum of ancient Reims (Marne)
and the La Tne cemetery and settlement of Acy-Romance (Fichtl 1994; Lambot 1991;
Lambot and Mniel 1992; Mniel 1994; cf. Thenot 1976:828).
In the northern Paris Basin, the material culture of LT I only appeared in the
dpartements of Aisne and Marne (see Appendix A), while less pronounced Hallstatt D
practices continued in the rest of this area (Duval and Bchsenschtz 1976). Warrior
79
chiefs ruling dense farming populations in Aisne and Marne prospered from the nearby
trade routes. There is evidence that the La Tne culture may have appeared in Aisne
even before it did in Champagne in the early fifth century BCE. The archaeological
record in the dpartements of Aisne, Picardy, and eastern le-de-France (see Appendix A;
Figures 4, 7) reveals much stronger evidence of La Tne acculturation. During LT B,
however, trade drastically declined in northern and western France as indicated by a
small number of two-wheeled chariot burials that produced no imports and relatively few
grave goods (Collis 1984:138).
During LT II, cremation and chariot burials became the norm in northern France
(Bchsenschtz 1995:558; Duval and Bchsenschtz 1976). The appearance of
cremation cemeteries has been interpreted as a possible result of Belgic tribes migrating
into the area from Champagne, rather than acculturation of the indigenous populations
(Bchsenschtz 1995:557; see also Lejars 1991:253). For example, Brunaux (2000) has
argued that the sudden appearance of the Gournay sanctuary represents an appropriation
and reuse of a previously sacred space by an immigrant Belgic population. However,
there is mortuary evidence indicating both continuity and change (Duval and
Bchsenschtz 1976). For example, the southeastern Paris Basin was characterized at
this time by inhumation graves with few grave goods, while in Picardy, cremation graves
with more abundant grave goods are the norm.
The enclosure cremation burials produced faunal remains from food offerings,
pottery, and metal artifacts. This ensemble of grave goods associated with cremations
appears to reflect a standardized rite that replaced the LT I inhumations in some parts of
the region. Yet, contemporary chariot burials existed as well in certain areas, and
80
continued to be practiced into LT III. In this rite, the chariot was dismantled and often
burned. Grave goods were characteristically weapons, cooking implements, and
Mediterranean imports, particularly amphorae, suggesting a return to the feasting funeral
rites of the Hallstatt period (Duval and Bchsenschtz 1976).
Besides producing the greatest number of sanctuaries of the La Tne period (see
discussion of sanctuaries below), the Northern region also has produced the most La Tne
settlement sites in France (Bchsenschtz 1995:560). Many of the settlements studied
were fermes indignes or native farms. The rectangular or circular enclosures were used
as residences, secondary buildings, and livestock shelters. These large, rural farms have
been interpreted as the precursors of the LT III aedificia mentioned by Caesar
(Bchsenschtz 1995:561; De Bello Gallico VI.1; Warner 1960:118). Other structures
and pits associated with agricultural life, particularly in the Aisne valley, were used as
living, working, and storage spaces.
Mountainous Region
New cultural markers are found in the Hunsrck-Eifel/Luxembourg area (Collis
1984:114-118), which was later inhabited by the Celtic Treveri. It has been argued that
the people in this area were also important in the development of the La Tne artistic
style, along with the neighboring Marnian groups. Trade was important in the area and
took two forms. Firstly, there was intra-regional trade between the core Hunsrck-Eifel
area and parts of the central Rhine area, Belgium, and eastern France. Chiefs in the
periphery likely traded with the core and occasionally with the Mediterranean. Secondly,
there was inter-regional trade, where goods moved from Etruria through the Ticino and
81
Hunsrck-Eifel areas and finally into Champagne. The LT I phase in this area is
characterized by minor hillfort trade centers, the appearance of chariot burials, and
increased contact with the Mediterranean (Collis 1984:114-116; Cunliffe 2001b:349).
Burial rites changed only slightly, with an increase in rich grave goods, some with
La Tne motifs and others of Greek or Etruscan manufacture (Collis 1984:114). These
graves appear to be wealthier than in other areas of LT I Central Europe. A distinctive
aspect of the area is that the population, including elites, appears to have lived in open
valley settlements that are only rarely associated with elite burials. However, these
burials do tend to follow the distribution of iron ore deposits suggesting elite economic
power was based on the production of metal objects that were exchanged for gold and
Mediterranean imports, although local copies were also produced. During LT II, burials
declined drastically in Central and Western Europe except in the Treveri/Hunsrck-Eifel
area, where an increase is indicated, although grave goods were minimal and only
locally-produced (Collis 1984).
As in Champagne, the Hallstatt D/LT I transition occurred early in Burgundy,
during the first half of the fifth century BCE (Joffroy 1976). Unlike in the rest of Gaul, it
seems that there was a hiatus of some kind here that preceded the introduction of La Tne
traditions. Most of the evidence for this phase comes from the mortuary record. Unlike
in Champagne, where flat cremation graves were the rule, here Hallstatt tumuli were
often reused for inhumations that were accompanied by grave goods analogous to those
from contemporary burials in Champagne. These burial traditions continued into LT II,
when the region underwent settlement growth due to increased craft production and trade
(Bchsenschtz 1995:569). Grave goods include personal ornaments and weapons, some
82
of which appear to have been ritually destroyed, indicating the beginning of a rite that is
repeated at LT III sanctuaries, including several sites in this study (e.g. Fichtl 1994;
Lambot 1991).
The LT I phase is poorly represented in Lower Auvergne, with most of the
material coming from the Marnian-influenced burials (Bchsenschtz 1995:564-567;
Daugas and Malacher 1976). The adoption of La Tne culture was slightly delayed in
this area, occurring during the second half of the fourth century as represented by elite
grave goods in inhumation cemeteries. Also at this time, Aulnat (Puy-de-Dme)
developed into a major industrial center (Collis 1984:149).
La Tne II corresponds to the rise and height of the Arverni empire described by
Strabo (IV.2.3) and Posidonius (XIII) (Kidd 1999:135-6; Richardson 1997:63). This
empire, which dominated the entire Massif Central at this time, owed its development to
the extraction of native gold and iron (Bchsenschtz 1995:567; Collis 1984; Daugas and
Malacher 1976), although agricultural production has also been suggested (Richardson
1997:63). A wealthy society blossomed, based at least partially on the prosperity and
social complexity of the previous phase. Imported goods spread throughout the region,
and local imitations of Mediterranean pottery and coinage flourished at major centers
such as Corent and Aulnat (Puy-de-Dme) (Collis 1984). Settlements were consolidated
on the Forrez and Limagne plains as trade with the Mediterranean increased
(Bchsenschtz 1995:567; Daugas and Malacher 1976; Richardson 1997:63). It also
seems that marshes were drained for farming, which suggests a more complex social
organization (Daugas and Tixier 1977). This is particularly the case at and around the
industrial village of Aulnat, which produced pottery, including Italian amphorae, a great
83
numbers of which were found at both Auvergne sanctuaries in this study (Poux et al.
2002).
The powerful Arverni coalition appears to have been fully participating in the
economic growth occurring in eastern Gaul during LT II, despite their resistance to Rome
(Bchsenschtz 1995:570-573). This is evidenced by the discovery of tools at Celles
(Cantal), indicating the presence of professional craftsmen (Guillaumet 1982), along with
the consolidation of villages on the plains. The craftwork at these villages was crucial to
the increased trade with the Mediterranean indicated by amphorae used to transport wine
and lower-value coinage intended for trade.
Aulnat is one of the few sites in Lower Auvergne to reveal the rapid transition
from the chiefdoms of LT C to the defended urban oppida of LT D (Collis 1984). It is
also one of the few French sites to have produced Mediterranean pottery from late LT C,
as well as local pottery and other craftwork. Aulnat produced gold and silver coinage
modeled after second century BCE Graeco-Roman coins that came through eastern trade,
rather than from Massalia. This coinage, along with iron currency bars, probably
circulated in prestige exchanges, rather than as a usual feature of trade. This may be what
the Greek author Posidonius (Book XXIII) referred to when he described the Arverni
king Luernios tossing gold and silver coins from his chariot in the mid-second century
BCE (Kidd 1999:135-6).
Armorican Region
The LT I phase is characterized in Armorica by continuity. The most important
change seems to be that the exchange between Armorica and the Atlantic societies with
84
central-eastern Europe declined drastically during the sixth and fifth centuries (Galliou
and Jones 1991:27-29). The rise of the West Hallstatt zone in Burgundy redirected longdistance trade to the Rhne-Seine corridor, which was dominated in the south by
Massalia, and by the oppida of Le Pge (Ardche) and Mont-Lassois (Cte-dOr). In this
new trade system, the once-prosperous maritime Armorica became an economic
backwater (Galliou and Jones 1991:28). Early Iron Age Armorican groups still traded,
providing the burgeoning centers in Burgundy and the Marne with tin, salt, slaves, and
other goods. However, most of this trade was generally unidirectional (Galliou and Jones
1991:28-29; Giot 1976:785), and of the population seems to have lived mainly in
farmstead settlements, primarily in the coastal areas (Cunliffe 1997:156).
Besides the continued use of the indigenous decorated standing stones or stelae,
the other most distinctive aspect of La Tne Armorica is the souterrain or artificial
underground cave (Giot 1976:784; Cunliffe 1997:156, 2001a:348-350). The precise
nature of these underground structures is still debated: while there is evidence for
habitation use, such as for grain storage (Cunliffe 2001a:348), evidence for ritual use
reminiscent of the widespread La Tne ritual shafts also has been found (Giot 1976:784).
Relatively little is known about LT II Armorica, as there is rarely any clear
distinction drawn between LT I and II (Giot 1976). Pottery throughout the La Tne
period shows a degree of continuity with the Hallstatt period (Galliou 1991:44-6). The
late Hallstatt salt industry also continued, but with more advanced techniques modeled
after those from Central Europe. One change is that the huts or banked enclosures dating
to LT II or possibly LT III seem to have served as family houses or livestock shelters,
including one at Le Braden near Quimper (Morbihan) (Cunliffe 2001a:345; Galliou
85
1991:40-41; Le Bihan et al. 1984). Associated agricultural structures such as silos at Alet
near St.-Malo (Ille-et-Vilaine) and Le Braden also appear at this time (Bchsenschtz
1995:564). It is worth noting that the sanctuary of Nanteuil produced such a silo
containing human and faunal remains, possibly indicating an agricultural religious rite
(Woimant 1991). Larger settlements are also known. Although oppida are more
characteristic of the first century BCE, they may date in this region to LT II (Cunliffe
2001a:345). Such is the case with the coastal oppidum of Coz Yaudet (Cte-dArmor),
which was occupied at least from Hallstatt times on, though the murus gallicus only dates
to the first century BCE (Cunliffe and Galliou 1995, 2000; Galliou and Cunliffe 1992,
1997, 1998:31).
Greek records indicate that Atlantic trade and contact with the tin-rich peninsula
played an important role during LT I and II (Galliou and Jones 1991; Giot 1976). The
extent to which at least southeastern Armorica was interconnected with Mediterranean
trade is indicated by the finds in the Loire Valley. These settlements revealed evidence
for intensive and standardized craft production indicating that artisans were now playing
an integral part in the production of elite wealth. This same site also produced GraecoItalian and Republican amphorae, indicating increased trade with the Mediterranean from
at least the second century BCE. This is also indicated by Greek and Massalian coins
that began to appear along the northern coast. However, this trade, begun in LT I, may
have been only on an as-needed basis (Galliou and Jones 1991; Giot 1976).
86
The La Tne III Phase (ca. 100-20 BCE)
The final phase of the La Tne period was a time of major cultural changes
characterized by 1) the rise and spread of oppida, 2) rural agricultural life outside these
urban centers, and 3) the proliferation and intensification of sanctuaries (Duval 1999b).
Most of the sites in this study were most active during this time, and most of the faunal
deposits date to this phase. While the commercial oppida and the social complexity and
institutions that were associated with them first appeared during the second century BCE
(Maier 1999; Wells 1995:236), they were primarily a first-century phenomenon in most
of Gaul, particularly in the Northern and Armorican regions. During this phase, Celtic
society became more stable, complex, essentially homogenous, and, at least in some parts
of Gaul, consolidated to the extent that one may speak of states or proto-states (Arnold
and Gibson 1996; Duval 1999b). Even though there was certainly regional variation, the
Celtic-speaking populations of Gaul were most clearly unified in their ideology,
language, economy, and social organization for the first time in Gauls history (Duval
1999b:509).
Much research has been carried out on oppida during the past decade or so,
especially by W. Dehn, J. Collis, V. Kruta, and O. Bchsenschtz (Duval 1999b), along
with B. Cunliffe who is currently excavating at Coz Yaudet (Cte-dArmor) (e.g.
Cunliffe and Galliou 2000). Allowing for variation, oppida have been defined as vast
fortified sites covering several dozen hectares, usually located on high ground (Duval
1999b:509). A common characteristic is the presence of a murus gallicus, a distinctly
Gallic fortification wall, which has been described as the climax of defense wall
construction in prehistoric Europe (Maier 1999:432). The urban nature of these
87
settlements is demonstrated by what appear to be districts dedicated to distinct groups
and activities, including elite residences, religious areas, and specialized workshops
(Duval 1999b:509-510). While the exact chronology of these centers is still debated, it is
hypothesized that they began in the eastern part of the Celtic world, and then spread
westward through Gaul.
The presence of these urban centers implies the existence of complex social,
political, religious, and economic institutions (Duval 1999b), though these may not
necessarily be well understood. The rapid development of a politically powerful Celtic
bourgeoisie has been suggested to explain thus phenomenon. Each oppidum, acting as
a tribal or regional capital center, would have been led by a group of elites who oversaw
the procurement of resources from the surrounding countryside and the commerce and
craft production within the urban areas (Duval 1999b; Wells 1995:236). However,
Bchsenschtz (1995:570) has argued that sites such as Levreux (Indre) indicate that
artisan villages were known to have developed before the oppida.
Duval (1999b:510-511) has outlined the most salient features of oppidum life:
firstly, a concentration in terms of habitat structures; secondly, an organized network of
communication; thirdly, craft specialization; fourthly, the development of local coinage;
and lastly, in some parts of the Celtic world, an increase in trade with the Mediterranean,
especially the importation of wine and oil transported in amphorae. This last aspect is
particularly relevant for populations in Auvergne and Burgundy that were connected to
the Mediterranean societies by way of the Seine and Rhne rivers. This is especially the
case with Auvergne, where the sanctuaries of Corent and Clermont produced vast
numbers of amphorae. While it is clear that a trade-based aristocracy replaced tribal
88
chiefs in the governance of these centers, it is not yet clear if they were governed by
kings, princes, or a group of nobles described by Caesar as senators (Duval
1999b:511-512). There is however conflicting evidence as to whether the craftsmen were
independent and self-regulating, or whether they were in more Roman-like patricianclient relationships.
While this oppidum-based social system dominated the last century BCE, it is
important to bear in mind that Celtic Europe, including Gaul, was nonetheless an
essentially agricultural world. Although farming took place in and around the oppida,
most agriculture was carried out in the rural outskirts, centered on local farms, some of
which were fortified and possibly aristocratic residences (Duval 1999b). Also, Wells
(1995:240-241) argues that the nature of trade began to shift during LT III, as artisans
began to mass-produce trade goods and to take control of their production, and as
merchants began to make at least some commercial transactions that were conducted
outside their client-patron relationships with the ruling elites. In other words, this was a
time when gift-exchange, which was based on a prestige-goods economy aimed at
augmenting the status of paramount elites, began to shift to a barter economy that was
increasingly in the hands of merchants and artisans.
Another phenomenon of import is the distinction in burial rite between northern
and western Gaul and the rest of the LT III culture area. Warrior burials increased
markedly during LT III and were often rich in grave goods, especially feasting
equipment, a practice reminiscent of the late Hallstatt period (Duval 1999b). These
burials were found from the area of the Treveri in Luxembourg, across northern and
western Gaul, and into Britain. The fortified farmsteads and rural elite burials suggest
89
that there may have been two competing aristocracies, at least in northern and western
Gaul, where one group received their power through urban commerce and production,
and the other through agricultural production (Duval 1999b).
Northern Region
At the end of LT II, the material culture in Champagne changed drastically,
leading some archaeologists to posit an immigration of new populations (Thenot 1976).
Cremation was the dominant rite, but the graves were relatively poor in grave goods,
most often weapons and fibulae, along with occasional coins and tools (Flouest and Stead
1974). This mortuary package is important, however, considering that it also often
appears in LT III sanctuaries. Unlike in Burgundy, where oppida such as Mont-Lassois
and Mont Beuvray were constructed or reoccupied, these urban centers are rare and
poorly dated in this region.
The trend towards greater social stratification that began during LT II intensified
during this phase (Charpy 1999). It is in this stratified and competitive urban-versusrural social context that sanctuaries were first incorporated into the religious life of La
Tne groups in Champagne. Despite the population density and rich archaeological
record, such as at Acy-Romance (Ardennes), there have been relatively few ritual sites
found thus far. The sites of Balons and Chteau-Porcien (Ardennes) have fana with
material culture dating to the late La Tne period, although it is premature to say that the
features represent La Tne cult use (Fichtl 1994; cf. Lambot 1991:77). There are also
several rectangular enclosures in Champagne that may have had ritual functions
(Chossenot 1989; cf. discussion of sanctuaries below). Acy-Romance does have
90
evidence, including faunal remains, of possible cult funerary enclosures from the late La
Tne; however, the patterns of choices and treatments of different fauna vary between
sanctuary and cemetery contexts (Mniel 1992b).
The LT III phase is perhaps best represented in the northern Paris Basin area by
the sanctuaries that began to come to light in the 1970s and 80s (e.g. Bchsenschtz
1995:558-560), many of which are included in this study. While life was still primarily
agricultural and village-based at the beginning of LT III, this phase is generally
represented at oppida sites (Wheeler and Richardson 1967), such as the oppida at
Gournay (Brunaux and Mniel 1983:165-167) and La Chause-Tirancourt (Somme)
(Brunaux and Marchand 1990), as well as by coinage (Colbert de Beaulieu 1970;
Delestre 1974). As in LT II, this phase began as a centralized chiefdom society, perhaps
coincident with the Ambiani empire that was ruled by elites who were buried in chariot
graves as at Armentires (Aisne) (Duval and Bchsenschtz 1976).
Through the course of LT III, oppida, exemplified by the site of Fcamp (SeineMaritime), were established or reoccupied (Bchsenschtz 1995:560; Duval and
Bchsenschtz 1976). The urbanization process in the region has been attributed to
multiple socio-economic forces. There was a growing need for defense because these
structures were along major trade routes and areas of high inter-group contact, and native
mints began to produce gold, silver, and bronze coins. By the early first century BCE,
the population appears to have been splitting off from the earlier, more centralized
society into new, smaller tribal groups. Soon afterwards, a low-value coinage began to
be produced intended for local consumption (Duval and Bchsenschtz 1976).
91
Concurrently, local craft specialization characterized the new oppida. A more
feudal-like system may have been developing, with a rural, agricultural segment
continuing from LT II, and proto-urban artisans and local tribal aristocracies living in the
oppida. Some of these would have been tribal capitals, such as Vermand (Aisne), the
center for the Viromandui, and Lutce, on the le de la Cit (Paris). The material culture
generally consists of ceramics and metal objects, primarily from within the oppida.
Besides coinage, distinctively Belgic pottery, along with nails and other metal artifacts
indicating local metallurgy have been found. It is also significant that amphorae were
quite common, suggesting that trade and contact with the Mediterranean continued and
increased (Bchsenschtz 1995:560; Duval and Bchsenschtz 1976).
By LT III, a clear cultural division seems to have existed between the Belgae
north of the Seine Valley and the Keltio south of it (Verron 1976). The real or perceived
ethnic differences between these two broad groups identified by Caesar (De Bello Gallico
I.1; Warner 1960:11) have been discussed and appropriately questioned by Roymans
(1990). It is sufficient to point out that the archaeological record of Upper Normandy is
more similar to the rest of northern Gaul, while that of Lower Normandy is more similar
to that of Armorica (Vaginay 2004). The main similarity was that, as elsewhere in Gaul,
tribal societies were the rule (Verron 1976).
The differences apparent by LT III are seen in settlement patterns, cemeteries, and
the material culture in general (Duval 1975c; Verron 1976), as well as in the density of
sanctuaries. Oppida of the Belgic or Fcamp type are also common (Verron 1976;
Wheeler and Richardson 1957). Their distribution reveals they were geographically
structured, especially along the rivers and estuaries, including the Seine Valley. This area
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has also produced many more graves than Lower Normandy. The cemeteries in general
appear to follow a similar distribution as the oppida, running north to south, with a clear
density in the Seine Valley, and several cemeteries have been associated with particular
oppida. In general, the settlements and cemeteries appear to show a distribution along
tribal boundaries (Verron 1976).
Several chariot graves have been found in Upper Normandy (Verron 1976), such
as at Inglemar (Seine-Maritime) (Duval 1975a, 1975b), which lies near the contemporary
sanctuary site at Fesques. All of them were essentially cremations that exhibit some
variations. Most relevant to this study, however, is that many graves contained what
appear to be ritually bent or broken weapons, a rite seen repeatedly during this phase,
especially at the sanctuaries in the Paris Basin. It is also important to point out that many
of the cemeteries in this area, such as Le Vaudreuil (Eure), appear to have been used into
the first century AD, suggesting continuity of ritual practice (Verron 1976:812), and thus
perhaps indicating a degree of continuity in belief, which may also be seen at the
sanctuaries, where fana were typically installed after the Roman Conquest (see discussion
of sanctuaries below).
The pottery from LT III Upper Normandy suggests both contact and trade
between this more Belgic area and the more Armorican area of Lower Normandy, as well
as further differentiation (Verron 1976). Painted vases at sites in this Belgic area appear
to have been imported from Celtic Gaul to the south, together with ceramics from the
Mediterranean. There also appears to have been trade with and perhaps influence from
Armorica in both Normandies in terms of pottery styles, such as at the oppidum of PetitCelland (Manche) (Verron 1976)
93
Mountainous Region
The LT III phase in the Treveri tribal area is exemplified by the oppida of the
Titelberg, along with Martberg and Otzenhausen in southwestern Germany, which all
contain sanctuaries. The LT III Treveri territory is generally acknowledged as separate
from Belgic Gaul (Picardy, Normandy, and the Paris Basin) and the Remo-Suessione area
of Champagne by this time. The Titelberg oppidum, dating to LT D, and possibly to LT
C, was rich in material culture. Important to this study is the presence of a contemporary
ditch defining a seven-hectare enclosure that probably represents a place of assembly
and/or a sanctuary dating to LT D1-2 (Fichtl 1994; Meztler 1991, 1995), along with the
domestic faunal assemblages that were used in deriving the expected domesticate ranking
for this region (see Chapter Three).
Although the Treveri were closer geographically to the Champagne societies, and
lie a fair distance from the other sites in this region, they are situated in an environment
that is much more similar to that of Burgundy and Auvergne than to the Belgic sites in
the Paris Basin, which is why this region is included in the Northern region. It is also
significant that these urban sanctuaries are divergent in function from those in the Paris
Basin- the former being cult spaces reserved only for initiates, the latter appearing to be
more open spaces meant for more public assemblies (Fichtl 1994:92).
The LT III phase is well represented in Burgundy (Bchsenschtz 1995:568-573;
Joffroy 1976). Major settlements and oppida such as Bibracte, Vertault, and Mont
Lassois were occupied, or in the case of Mont Lassois, reoccupied. It was also at this
time that the ritual site of Vertault (Cte-dOr) produced hundreds of domesticate burials,
94
especially horse and dog (Jouin and Mniel 2001; Mniel et al. 1991). However, Vertault
is not included in this study because the faunal deposits date to the Gallo-Roman period.
The most well-known example of this phase is the vast oppidum of Bibracte at
Mont-Beuvray (Sane-et-Loire), described by Caesar (De Bello Gallico I.2) as the capital
of the Aedui (Warner 1960:22-24), the allies of Rome and enemies of the Arverni
(Bchsenschtz 1995:570-573; Collis 1984:150; Joffroy 1976). This center was far from
major trade routes, farmlands, and raw material resources, indicating it was built for
defense alone (Collis 1984:150). Nonetheless, other evidence suggests that elite
residence construction and artisan production flourished, as did elite-supported
monumental architecture (Bchsenschtz 1995:570). It is also important to note that the
material culture produced at Bibracte is strikingly analogous to that found in
contemporary Bohemia and Upper Bavaria as seen at the complex site of Manching
(Joffroy 1976; Rieckhoff and Biel 2001; Sievers 1982). The development of the
Burgundian oppida has been attributed to the economic and political astuteness of the
Aedui, who intensified craft production and long-distance trade, while establishing
alliances with Rome (Bchsenschtz 1995:573).
The LT III phase is also well documented in Auvergne, both archaeologically and
in Caesars writings (Bchsenschtz 1995:567; Daugas and Malacher 1976). After the
Roman defeat of Bituit, son of king Luernios, in 121 BCE, the Arverni empire began to
decline and became politically destabilized. Their regional influence was replaced by
that of the Aedui tribe and the Romans. This process of change is evident in settlements
and oppida, burials, and coinage.
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Settlements on the Limagne Plain and the foothills of the Auvergne Mountains,
including Aulnat and the settlement site at Clermont-Ferrand (Puy-de-Dme), were
briefly reoccupied as the population recovered (Daugas and Malacher 1976; see also
Richardson 1997:63). Aulnat was abandoned in the course of LT III, just when the
oppidum of Gergovia was founded (Collis 1984:150). Oppida across the Massif Central
were occupied and fortified with walls of the murus gallicus type, including the sites of
Ctes-de-Clermont (Puy-de-Dme) and Corent, the latter of which produced Italian
amphorae (Bchsenschtz 1995; Daugas and Malacher 19976). Recovery is also
evidenced by the find of a workshop at the settlement site at Clermont-Ferrand (Puy-deDme), where pottery was produced beginning in late LT II, including painted pottery
and imitations of Italian vessels (Eychart 1968). It is also worth noting that burials are
relatively rare in this region during LT III. The cremation burials at Lezoux (Puy-deDme) produced painted vessels that were probably produced locally.
Coinage found at the oppida, especially at Corent, is particularly revealing of the
wealth of the Arverni (Bchsenschtz 1995; Daugas and Malacher 1976). Their
typologies and distribution indicate continued Mediterranean influences, as well as trade.
Many of the coins originated in the south, including Iberia (Spain). These fortified
settlements, especially the site at Corent, also produced coins that are distinctly Arvernian
in type. However, the political and economic destabilization of the time is evidenced by
several coin hoards, such as at Pionsat and Orcines (Puy-de-Dme). This process
culminated in the Gallic Wars led by Caesar in 52 BCE, when the main Arverni oppidum
at Gergovia was defeated (De Bello Gallico VII.3; Warner 1960:152-64). At around the
same time the sanctuary at Corent, one of the main sites in this study, seems to have been
96
intentionally and ritually destroyed (Deberge et al. 2001; Guichard and Collis 1992; Poux
2000; Poux et al. 2002).
Armorican Region
Armorica went through major cultural changes at the beginning of LT III (Giot
1976). It was during this phase that the main Armorican tribes were clearly defined, as
recorded by Caesar (De Bello Gallico III.2) in his war against the sea-faring Veneti in 56
BCE (Warner 1960:60-6). These changes are seen in the coinage and pottery evidence,
as well as in the oppida and other sites. However, the archaeological record also reveals
continuity in several ways.
The exchange with the Mediterranean societies continued, as evidenced by
discoveries of Massaliote and Republican coins and the occasional importation of
Republican amphorae beginning in the late second or early first century BCE
(Bchsenschtz 1995:563; Giot 1976). At the same time, the eastern parts of Armorica
became more like the rest of the peninsula and Gaul in general, with a homogenization of
the material culture throughout the entire region, including the northern parts of the Pays
de la Loire. The connection with other parts of Gaul is also seen in the appearance of
Gergovia vases associated with Auvergne, as well as in the standardization of La Tne
pottery and the explosion in locally produced coinage, beginning with the Veneti coinage
(de Jersey 1994; Giot 1976). Armorican groups were no longer primarily part of the
Atlantic community; rather, they were now integrated into late La Tne tribal Gaul.
While the economic foundations of this change are not yet fully understood, it appears
97
that the sudden increase in salt processing during LT III along the coasts of south
Armorica and the Pays de la Loire played a major economic role.
The oppida and cemeteries are also revealing (Bchsenschtz 1995; Giot 1976).
All of the cremation cemeteries found thus far have been located at western coastal sites,
such as at Tronon and the Quiberon peninsula (Morbihan), which produced weapons,
jewelry, ceramic vessels, and coins. The distinctly Armorican stelae may also have been
associated with cremations during this phase (Bchsenschtz 1995:564). The rarity of
inland cremation burials has been tentatively explained as the result of the common
practice of flat inhumation burial rites in western Armorica as opposed to the cremation
rites of the rest of Gaul (Giot 1976). Oppida also continued to be inhabited, as many of
the hillforts that were first used during the Hallstatt period were reoccupied and
refortified, as exemplified by the previously mentioned oppidum site at Coz Yaudet. One
of the best examples in western Armorica is the murus gallicus at Camp dArtus at
Huelgoat (Finistre). Other sites in eastern Armorica, such as the oppidum site at Moulay
and the Gallic occupation level at Jublains (Mayenne), were also rich in artifacts (Boissel
et al. 1972; Giot 1976; Naveau 1997).
More simple habitats are better known due to their isolated coastal locations
(Bchsenschtz 1995:564; Giot 1976), such as the farm site at Le Boisanne near Ploursur-Rance (Ctes d'Armor) (Menez and Arramond 1996). There are also some major
settlement sites, such as the village at Alet (Ille-et-Vilaine) that also have mid-LT III
occupation levels that indicate a rapid increase in long-distance trade. The souterrains of
earlier phases, however, were rarely used. Enclosures that may be considered
Viereckschanzen have also been identified in Armorica, most often by aerial photography
98
(Bastide 2000; Giot 1976). However, whether these western Gallic enclosures date to LT
III and whether they were ritual in function is not clear (see discussion of sanctuaries
below).
Unlike the oppida described in Upper Normandy, those in LT III Lower
Normandy have been interpreted as tribal oppida, also known as the Petit-Celland type in
Wheelers (1957) typology, with the typical murus gallicus (Verron 1976). Also
dissimilar is their distribution: the major sites, such as Le Petit-Celland (Manche), appear
to lie in the center of tribal territories. Le Petit-Celland (Wheeler 1957) appears to have
had a brief occupation, and has been interpreted as more of a political or military center,
rather than an economic one. It also seems to have been violently destroyed, which is not
surprising as the site was most likely connected to the regional resistance to the Romans
under Caesars command in 56 BCE (De Bello Gallico III.2; Warner 1960:60-6). The
Conquest had similar consequences at Gallic sanctuaries, as in the destruction of the
Corent sanctuary described above. Other than the oppida, there are relatively few other
kinds of sites in this area. One salt-extraction site at Villers-sur-Mer (Calvados) is
important because it is further evidence of the cultural connection to Armorica, where the
practice went back to Hallstatt D times.
La Tne Ritual Enclosures, Sacrifice, and Votive Offerings

Ritual enclosures are an important aspect of the material record of La Tne Gaul
(Bchsenschtz 1991, 1995; Duval 1999b:513-514). Sites from the Celtic Iron Age in
general are identified as cultic or ritual in function based on material evidence for
structures, features, and/or deposits that are unusual in some way (Murray 1996b; see
99
discussion in Kruta 1999). Based on Levys (1982) classification system, Bradley
(1998:10-11, 171-172, 6) argues that Bronze and Iron Age European ritual deposits
usually contain ornaments, weapons, other cosmological referents, and food remains,
often in the form of animal bones. They are usually are located in special places, often
near or in water, or in shrines or sanctuaries.
The ritual enclosures of La Tne Gaul can generally be divided into two broad
categories: Viereckschanzen and Belgic sanctuaries. While the latter are generally
accepted as cult sites due to their distinctive features and material culture deposits
(Brunaux 2000; Lejars 1991:239; Murray 1996a:410), the nature, function, and meaning
of Viereckschanzen are still unresolved issues (Brunaux 1988:35-37; Bchsenschtz
1991:106; Murray 1996b:125-126; Webster 1995:453; Wieland 1999). What, if any,
connections may exist between the Viereckschanzen of Central Europe and Gaul and the
Belgic sanctuaries of Gaul is also up for debate (Brunaux 1988:36; Bchsenschtz
1991:111; Murray 1996b:125, 140, n. 2). These enclosures have primarily been
identified in Central Europe, although rectangular enclosures (enceintes carres), which
may or may not be considered Viereckschanzen, have been identified in France (Agache
1978:115-118; Andr 1960; Bastide 2000; Brunaux 1989b; Bchsenschtz 1984, 1991;
Bchsenschtz and Olivier 1989; Chossenot 1989; Olivier 1989; cf. Murray 1996b:140,
n. 2), in the Trier region (Roymans 1990:70), and possibly in the Netherlands (Roymans
1990:70.
The typical Viereckschanze (if such a thing exists) may be described as follows
(Brunaux 1988:35; Bchsenschtz 1991:106-109; Murray 1996b:125-126; Venclov
2002:459; Webster 1995:453): It is composed of a rectangular enclosure outlined by a
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Figure 11. Cardinal directions of Viereckschanzen entrances

(after Bittel et al. 1990:34, Figure 14).
palisade, an earthen embankment up to two or three meters high, and a continuous ditch,
up to 10 meters wide, enclosing ca. a hectare of land that was entered through a single
porticoed or monumental entrance that tends to face any direction but North (Figure 11).
There is also evidence for structures within the enclosures. The continuous ditches
differentiate these sites from La Tne fortified sites and farms, which typically were
delimited by ditches that were interrupted at the entrance, and they are dissimilar in plan-
101
type to contemporary habitation structures. The monumental entrances are indicated by
symmetrical postholes reminiscent of less elaborate oppida gateways. The interiors of
such enclosures are typically empty of material culture. This type of site is also typified
by one or more deep shafts, sometimes containing cultural remains, as well as evidence
of hearths. Current research suggests that these sites generally date roughly to LT C2-D1
(late second through early first centuries BCE). While the Celticity of the various
Viereckschanzen is not in question (Bchsenschtz 1991:107), their function(s) are still
debated.
The origins of the Viereckschanze site-type are not yet well understood. One
possibility is that it originated in the Bronze Age and Hallstatt period traditions of
constructing ditched earthwork enclosures in association with cemeteries (Bradley
1998:185; Murray 1996b:137; cf. Brunaux 2000:85), such as at Acy-Romance (Lambot
1989b). Brunaux (1988:137-142, 2000:85-89) proposes that the standardized La Tne
model of the ritual square enclosure in general, which emerged in the early third century
BCE, may have originated in the enclosures found in some late Hallstatt cemeteries. For
example, ditched rectangular enclosures found within the late Hallstatt cemeteries at
Gurgy (Yonne) and Vix (Cte-dOr) revealed evidence for funerary and cult activities,
especially the faunal and ceramic remains from the Vix enclosure ditch that appear to
represent feasting and ritual drinking or libation offerings (Brunaux 2000:85-89).
Since Schwarz (1959, 1962, 1975) first excavated the Viereckschanze at
Holzhausen, Bavaria in 1957, these sites have until recently been interpreted as the
prototypes of the open-air Celtic cult locus or nemeton (pl. nemetoi) (Murray 1996a;
1996b:125). The Celtic nemeton, and probably the Roman fanum and templum, may
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have originated in the Greek temenos or enclosed space dedicated to a deity, which
typically surrounded an inner sanctuary or hieron (Brunaux 2000:80-82; Webster
1995:446-447; see Casevitz 1984 for a discussion of Greek terms for sacred spaces and
structures).
Largely owing to Schwarzs (1975) interpretation of Holzhausen, it was
commonly believed in the 1960s and 1970s that the Viereckschanze and the Belgic
sanctuary were derived from the open-air Greek temenos (Brunaux 1991b). There are
several important similarities among these structures but, as Brunaux (1991b:7-8; cf.
Brunaux 1988:32) has observed, relying too heavily on the Mediterranean models can
blind scholars to other potentially insightful avenues of research. While the Belgic
sanctuaries have much in common with the Greek temenos in terms of architecture and
material culture, including the remains of sacrificed animals, more recently the Greek
origin of the Viereckschanze has been questioned because of the general absence of
evidence for ritual activity (Venclov 2002:459; Wieland 1999).
Although the Celtic and Roman sanctuaries may have been derived from the
Greek temenos, Classical references to Celtic ritual enclosures and structures should be
viewed cautiously because Graeco-Roman descriptions of Celtic ritual sites may reflect
Classical concepts of sacred space rather than Celtic ones (Webster 1995:446; cf.
Brunaux 2000:82). The question of whether the La Tne sanctuary layout was based on
Greek models or if it had other origins is particularly relevant to this thesis because it
requires that one ask whether other ritual aspects of La Tne social life, including animal
sacrifice, were also based on Greek models, and, more specifically here, if Celtic animal
symbolic repertoires were based on Classical ones. For example, Brunaux (2000:135)
103
sees the dominant practice of sacrificing domesticates as a civilized characteristic that
culturally connects the Celts with the Romans.
As discussed in Chapter One, the Celts interacted with Greek and Etruscan
societies from the Hallstatt period on, a fact that is most clearly seen in their art. What is
particularly relevant but also most ambiguous, however, is the extent to which Celtic
religious or moral concepts and practices may have been influenced by the Greeks and
Etruscans, or by others with whom they had contact, such as Germanic, Iberian, Ligurian,
Thracian, and Scythian groups (Brunaux 1991b:9-10; Lejars 1991:254-255; see Brunaux
1989a for a discussion of possible Scythian influences on Celtic animal sacrifice). As
Brunaux (1991b:9) saliently argues, exchange in trade-goods does not mean that religious
beliefs and practices were also exchanged. Even when loaded symbols are appropriated
by another culture, they may be overlaid with new symbolic meanings, or new meanings
may be inscribed onto the symbols, replacing the original meanings altogether (Lowry
2003). The Celts certainly had some ritual practices that have no counterpart in the
Mediterranean world, particularly the manipulation of human corpses, a practice seen at
Gournay, Ribemont, and even at a La Tne settlement in Galatia (Anatolia) (Brunaux
1991b, 2000:150-171, 2001). Even if Celtic ritual practices and symbolic repertoires,
including animal symbolic meanings, were influenced by other cultures, they most likely
inscribed those practices and symbols with new meanings.
Returning to the evidence for ritual behavior at the Viereckschanzen, there are a
small number of artifacts that may indicate ritual use, particularly those from the shaft-fill
at Holzhausen (Schwarz 1959, 1962, 1975), although their ritual associations have been
challenged (Brunaux 1989b:13; Mansfeld 1989:31-32), and the wooden animal figurines
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from the shaft at Fellbach-Schmiden, Germany (Planck 1982, 1985). However, whether
such shafts consistently indicate ritual activity or some other kind of behavior is still
uncertain (Bchsenschtz 1991:109). The shaft at Holzhausen also produced some
evidence of flesh or blood residue (Schwarz 1975) and faunal remains are known from at
least nine Viereckschanzen in Central Europe (Murray 1996b:143, n. 17). The deposition
of faunal remains in the ditch next to the gate at the Tomerdingen site has led von den
Driesch (1993:132) to draw parallels with findings from the Belgic sanctuary at Gournay.
However, the Tomerdingen deposits are significantly fewer in number and lack the clear
patterning typical of Belgic sanctuaries (Murray 1996b:143, n. 17). It appears that the
term Viereckschanze, which is often loaded with notions of ritual behavior, is applied to a
range of sites (Bchsenschtz 1991:111; Webster 1995:453) that may have served
different functions at different times and may have held different meaning for the La
Tne people who created the enclosures and performed activities within them.
Several non-cultic interpretations of Viereckschanzen have been recently offered.
Duval (1999b:514) has argued that Viereckschanzen were places where rural farmers
gathered for simple public meals, even though faunal evidence for such consumption is
not consistently found at such sites, and despite the fact that no motives and mechanisms
guiding such practices are offered. Based on the commonly domestic nature of the
material finds from Central European Viereckschanzen, Venclov (1993, 1998, 2002:459)
and Wieland (1999:78-80) have drawn parallels with the small Iron Age settlement
enclosures from Western Europe, such as the fermes indignes of France or other fortified
farmsteads, which they argue indicates that the sites were rural settlements where
domestic activities took place and where ritual practices may or may not have been
105
carried out as well. For example, Wieland (1999:73) has remarked that the solar
orientation of the Viereckschanzen is similar to that of secular buildings in the oppidum
of Manching. It has been argued that the Viereckschanzen appear to have been primarily
sites of rural production and settlement (Wieland 1999:80) despite the lack of evidence
for economic activities and settlement structures in rural areas.
Murray (1996a, 1996b; cf. Venclov 1997) also argues that at least some
Viereckschanzen were loci for non-cult public consumption and provides theoretical
explanations. He compared 36 sites that are generally considered Viereckschanzen from
southern Germany, Bohemia, and Switzerland with each other and with neighboring,
contemporary habitation sites (1996b). On one level, this systematic inter-site analysis
brings to light just how few Viereckschanzen have been excavated (only four of the 36
sites had been almost fully excavated at the time of the study) (Murray 1996b:126). The
fact that so few have been thoroughly excavated serves as a reminder that the current data
from such sites may not be representative and must be viewed with caution when making
broad interpretations of the site class as a whole (see also Webster 1995:453). While a
clearer picture may be drawn for the Belgic sanctuaries, it must be noted that they, too,
have rarely been fully excavated (Lejars 1991:245), a fact that presented significant
challenges for this analysis.
On another level, Murrays inter-site analysis (1996b) of the features and material
culture from the study sites revealed that only a relatively small number actually
produced the cult assemblage expected at a typical Viereckschanze, namely porticoed
structures or monumental entrances, shafts, hearths, metal hoards or offerings, sculptures,
and abundant human and/or faunal remains (1996b:126-131). These Central European
106
data are in sharp contrast to the much more abundant votive deposits of weapons and
ornaments that were often ritually mutilated (Lejars 1991:241), such as at Saint-Jean
(Duval 1990), as well as other metal artifacts, and human and faunal remains typical of
the Belgic sanctuaries discussed in this thesis (Brunaux 1988:11-24; Brunaux et al. 1985;
Bchsenschtz 1991:109) or of other kinds of late Iron Age ritual sites such as the
complex site of La Tne (Bradley 1998:172-174; Green 1995:6). These data indicate that
assigning specifically cult functions to this class of sites as a whole is not warranted (see
also Knight 2001), although, as more sites are excavated this picture may change (Murray
1996b:131). Rather than trying to force the Viereckschanzen into a sacred/profane
dichotomy (e.g. Roymans 1990:69), Murray (1996b) interpreted the ceramic assemblages
from the purported Viereckschanzen and contemporary, neighboring settlements as
evidence of politico-economic drinking and feasting rituals (see discussion of feasting in
Chapter Six). The interpretation that Viereckschanzen were the loci of such feasts was
arguably indicated by the abundant cooking ware and utensil remains and the relatively
rare remains of fine ware, suggesting large-scale food cooking, preparation, and
consumption (Murray 1996b:131-135).
The preceding interpretation was also supported by what may be a pattern, at least
in southwest and parts of southern Germany, of Viereckschanzen being located near Iron
Age or earlier burial tumulus cemeteries (e.g. Bittel 1978; Schiek 1982), such as the
enclosures in the Trier region that lie near burial mounds associated with the HunsrckEifel Culture (Roymans 1990:69). Murray has argued that this association indicates the
practice of politically legitimating rituals through the appropriation of the past as it was
constructed in the landscape and performed through competitive feasting rituals
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(1996a:411, 1996b:135-139). While some enceintes carres have been identified near
Celtic burials, such as those from the dpartements of Eure and Eure-et-Loire (see
Appendix A) (Cochet 1864; Dodin 1985), Bchsenschtz (1991:110) has questioned the
significance of these associations in Europe in general, proposing instead that they may
only be coincidental. It is most likely the case, however, that these associations are
regionally specific.
The Viereckschanzen and Belgic sanctuaries (see discussion of La Tne
sanctuaries in Chapter One) share a rectangular or square plan delimited by ditches that
are usually embanked or palisaded as well as monumental entrances that never face
North, such as at Gournay (Brunaux 1985, 2000) and St-Malo (Bizien-Jaglin and Lejars
1991:133). Bchsenschtz (1991:108, Figure 1, 109) has also drawn parallels between
the internal structures or inner sanctuaries that may be found not only at these two kinds
of sites, but also at similar Celtic temples in southern Britain (see also Bradley
1998:175), such as at the site of Heathrow (Grimes 1961). These British structures share
many similarities with their Belgic counterparts. They are typically square in plan, are
formed by double rows of postholes, often contain similar but smaller deposits, and tend
to be located near flowing water sources at territorial centers or boundaries (Bradley
1998:175-180; Wait 1985). Lastly, the hearths that are considered typical of
Viereckschanzen have also been found at several Belgic sanctuaries, including Gournay,
Bennecourt, and Mouzon, where offerings may have been ritually burnt (Roymans
1990:73; Bourgeois 1999).
Based on current research, it appears that there are several principal differences
between the Viereckschanzen and the sanctuaries. These include whether the ditch is
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continuous or not and the volume and variety of deposited offerings (weapons, animals,
etc). Another difference, though only to a lesser degree, is whether the enclosure is
associated with a nearby fanum, as is common with Viereckschanzen, or if it is actually
superimposed by a fanum, which is usually the case with Belgic sanctuaries (Brunaux
1988:31; Bchsenschtz 1991:109; Lejars 1991:246; Roymans 1990:68). Another
possible divergence is whether the enclosure has an associated deep shaft. While it has
been shown (see above) that shafts are not always associated with Viereckschanzen and
that they may or may not have had ritual functions when they are present, they
nevertheless appear at Viereckschanzen and generally not at the Belgic sanctuaries. One
exception is the sanctuary site of Saint-Malo, where a shaft was found at the periphery of
the sanctuary site. The excavators point out that any similarity to the shaft at Holzhausen
is only superficial and that it did not have a sacrificial function; rather, they argue that the
shaft, as at Roman sanctuaries, may have been used for ablution rituals (Bizien-Jaglin and
Lejars 1991:135).
Viereckschanzen, at least in southern Germany and the Parisian Basin, appear to
be found in rural terrain that is poor in an agricultural sense, or in forested areas
(Bchsenschtz 1991:110), and are not to my knowledge typically located near water
sources. The Belgic sanctuaries are usually located on plateaus with clayey surfaces,
near rivers or other water sources, and always in dominant positions in the landscape
(Brunaux 1988:12, 2000:89). They are often in isolated locations, lying at pagus (subtribe or tribe) and civitas (allied tribes) boundaries or in the center of such political
territories, and occasionally in oppida or along trade-routes (Brunaux 1988:12, 2000:8991; Marchand 1991). It should be noted that Viereckschanzen have also been found in
109
oppida (Duval 1999:514), but otherwise their distribution appears to differ from that of
the sanctuaries.
As discussed previously, the greater importance of tribal boundaries likely reflects
the increasing economic and political centralization that was occurring throughout the La
Tne period, and the demarcation of such boundaries with ritual offerings is argued to
have had a peculiarly local character (Bradley (1998:185). Roymans (1990:73-4)
hypothesizes that Gallic cult places, at least in northern Gaul, corresponded to three
levels of social organization: local, pagus, and civitas. He argues that most of the
sanctuaries, such as Gournay, were regional in function (Roymans 1990:74). However,
he also suggests that it should be possible, if difficult, to recognize local cult places,
which may include smaller sanctuaries such as Bennecourt (Roymans 1990:74).
Briefly, I shall return to the comparisons with sites outside Gaul and Germany.
The early Iron Age peoples of southeastern Britain were greatly influenced by GalloBelgic immigration during the late second and first centuries BC (Dunnett 1975:4, 7-8).
The people of southeastern Britain traded and perhaps had tribal relationships with the
Armorican Veneti tribe and the tribes of southern Britain before the Conquest. These
Celtic immigrants from northern Gaul brought new kinds of advanced skills and a much
more centralized form of social organization. One example of a British ritual enclosure is
the site at Harlow, which was located on a hilltop near the border of a civitas boundary
along the River Stort and which was occupied by the Continental Belgae in the late first
century BC through the early first century AD (Dunnett 1975:11, 28, 115-118, Figure 34;
Burnham and Wacher 1990:183-187). The fanum excavation produced pre-Roman coins
and possibly ritually broken ornaments, probable votive deposits, evidence of earlier
110
post-holes and a ditch suggesting pre-Roman ritual use, revealing a close similarity to the
Gournay-style Belgic sanctuaries. Such similarities are not surprising considering the
close cultural connections between the Belgic Celts in Gaul and those in southeastern
Britain.
Other parallels based on morphological similarities have been drawn between
enclosure sites across the Celtic world and Viereckschanzen and Belgic sanctuaries
(Bradley 1998:184-185; Bchsenschtz 1984, 1989; Webster 1995:453). The British
Belgic ditched enclosure at Gosbecks in southern England has been interpreted as a ritual
shrine that was later succeeded by a fanum (Collis 1989:15-18; Dunnett 1975:114-118),
for example. The British enclosure at Frilford, which was also followed by a fanum,
differs in that it was marked by a circular ditch (Burnham and Wacher 1990:178-183).
Added to these are the probable shrines at Danebury and Hayling Island (Wait 1985; see
also Venclov 2002). The only La Tne enclosure sites in Central Europe that in any
way parallel the Belgic sanctuaries, at least in general form, are the Viereckschanzen,
such as those at the celebrated Bohemian site of Mseck Zehrovice near Prague, which
has been interpreted as a settlement site of some kind, perhaps an elite residence
(Venclov 1998, 2002:459).
Murrays interpretation focuses on political and economic ritual behavior, while
allowing for the possibility that the Viereckschanzen may have simultaneously had
religious functions and meanings (1996b:140). He suggests that they represent a more
complex problem than can be addressed by simply asking if they were sacred or profane
sites. In light of this, the combination of political, military, judicial, and religious
activities that probably took place at several of the sanctuaries in this thesis, particularly
111
at Gournay, Fesques, and Ribemont (Brunaux 2000:91-112, 166-170), becomes
particularly relevant. The conceptual blurring of sacred and profane spheres is also
supported by multiple ethnohistoric sources that indicate that the Druids, members of the
elite Gallic priestly class described by Caesar (De Bello Gallico VI.2; Warner 1960:1235), had powerful roles in the La Tne Celtic religious, ritual, judicial, educational, and
political spheres (Brunaux 1988:102-103, 2000:40-54; Guyonvarch and Le Roux 1986;
Ross 1995; Venclov 2002:459; Webster 1999:4-6). The construction and imposition of
a sacred/ profane dichotomy (e.g. Grenier 1960:948; Roymans 1990:69) onto pre- and
protohistoric Celtic sites, be they Viereckschanzen, Belgic sanctuaries, or other likely
ritual sites, may not be appropriate (Knight 2001). Such a situation begs the question
why archaeologists, at least in North America, tend to categorize prehistoric sites based
on such a dichotomy. Perhaps the predominantly Protestant religio-cultural background
of most of the United States and Canada has played a role in this development. Sacred
space in Protestant traditions is essentially limited to the church and the churchyard,
whereas, for example, Classical Roman and Greek religious traditions and many modern
Catholic traditions along with those syncretized with Catholicism (Voudun, Santeria,
etc.) often include domestic shrines and icon niches in non-church structures, blurring
religious notions and material expressions of sacred and profane space.
It has been argued that ancestor worship and other kinds of rituals, including
votive deposition, animal sacrifice, and ritual consumption, could have taken place not
only at delimited cult shrines, but also in individuals homes (the domestic cult)
(Brunaux 1988:78-80, 2000:115-116). Such practices are also evidenced at farms and
rural settlements, such as the probable votive deposits, including a sheep, amphorae, and
112
sacrificed weapons, at Marc (Maine-et-Loire) (Nillesse 1997:41, 2004:169) and a faunal
deposit at La Pice de Bildoux (Sarthe) that is likely a ritual deposit (Maguer et al.
2004:233). Ritual behaviors have also been documented at natural or other open public
places (Brunaux 1988:89-95; Lejars 1991:245; Webster 1995:449-451; Venclov
2002:460). Considering these variations in sites that have produced evidence of ritual
behavior, it is important to remember that political, economic, and cult activities could
have taken place simultaneously (Brunaux 1988:37) or at different times at a range of
sites, not just in formally defined ritual spaces. While such enclosures may have (to
some degree) functioned as dividing markers of sacred and profane worlds (Grenier
1960:948; Roymans 1990:69), Celtic concepts of sacred symbolism and of what the Celts
considered ritual practice, whether it involved the use of space, objects, or animal
sacrifice, were most likely on an ideological continuum that was expressed in different
ways at different times and places and in a range of social contexts throughout the Celtic
world.
It is also important to point out that Celtic sanctuaries have sometimes been
termed indigenous fana (Duval 1999b:513). While most if not all of the LT III
sanctuaries were succeeded by Gallo-Roman fana (sing. fanum) or stone temples, I
believe this designation is indicative of a strong and rarely acknowledged bias in studies
of Celtic prehistory, as it overemphasizes Roman influence and underestimates Celtic
adaptation and self-determination. This is a common problem, as the prehistoric and
protohistoric Celts are too often discussed from the vantage point of Roman society and
values, as barbarians representing the non-Roman, rather than taken on their own terms
and then put in relation to other societies.
113
Chapter Five: Faunal Analyses

The Domesticated Fauna
Ranked Abundance of Domesticate Remains
The ranked domesticated fauna in the Northern region (see Table 14)
corresponded well with the expected ranked abundance for the economic (i.e. least
costly) model. In particular, pigs were expected to be most common and horses least
common, with ovicaprines ranked second and cattle ranked third. In all, pigs were the
most abundant at six of the nine sites in this region, while horses were least common at
seven of the nine sites. While the sites in the overall region corresponded only partially
in terms of the abundance of ovicaprines and cattle, these two species also often
fluctuated between second or third rank at settlement sites in the area. It is equally
interesting that the faunal remains from Nanteuil (see Figure 4), the only site in lowland
Champagne (see Figure 7), also corresponded well, indicating that the inclusion
Table 14. Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Northern region.

Northern
Region
Expected
Rank**
A
1
A
A
2
B
1
2
3
4
C
3
1
2
4
Sites*
D E F
1 1 3
4 3 4
2 2 2
3 4 1
G
2
3
1
4
Pig
1
Ovicaprine
2
Cattle
3
Horse
4 or least
Key
A: Data for this species is absent.
* See Table 1 for site code.
** See Table 4 for sources for the expected ranking.
H
1
2
3
4
J
1
2
3
4
114
of this area, which was based on a shared environment, was justified. Pigs were most
abundant at the site, and horse was least abundant, while ovicaprines and cattle were
absent.
The ranked remains from sites in the Mountainous region (see Figure 7) corresponded
the least of all the regions to the expected ranking for the economic model (Table 15).
Due to data quality, it was not possible to derive meaningful rankings for two of the six
sites. At the other four sites, horse consistently ranked last, but the other taxa showed
numerous reversals from expected rank. Pig ranked first at one of the four sites, cattle
ranked first at one of the sites, and ovicaprids ranked first at half of the sites, although
they were expected to rank next to last. This suggests a good bit of variation between
sanctuaries in the same region. It also suggests the possibility that costly signaling was a
motivator in animal selection rather than economic efficiency, although not to an extreme
degree.
Table 15. Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Mountainous region.

Mountainous
Region
Expected
Rank**
K
1
2
2
1
3
3
4 or least 4
L
2
3
1
4
Sites*
MNO
1? 1 2
A 3 3
1? 2 1
A 4 4
P
1?
A
1?
1?
Pig
Cattle
Ovicaprine
Horse
Key
** See Table 4 for sources for the expected
ranking.
115
The faunal remains from the Hallstatt and La Tne Armorican ritual deposits (see
Figure 7) corresponded very well with the expected economic rankings for that region
(Table 16). Cattle from both sub-regions were most abundant at all of the sites that were
included in the analysis, which matched the expected ranking. Also, horse was the least
abundant at the La Tne sites, as expected. While it is true that the absence of a species
in a faunal assemblage does not mean ipso facto that that species was not present, it is
tempting to consider that horse was the only species not present at Ouessant (see Figure
4). Even if it were present in the deposit, it would likely be the least abundant, as
expected. More importantly, the ovicaprines were ranked second most abundant at half
of the La Tne sites in the analysis, as expected, while they were ranked third at
Ouessant, which was expected for Hallstatt Armorica. For example, overall there seems
Table 16. Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Armorican region.
Armorican
Region
Expected
Rank**
Cattle
Pig
Ovicaprine
Horse
1
2
3
4 or least
A2
Cattle
Pig
Ovicaprine
Horse
1
1
2 or least
2 or least
Q
1?
2?
2?
2?
Sites*
R ST U
1 1 ? 1?
2? 3 ? 1?
3? 2 ? A
4? A 1 A
V
A
A
A
1
1
3
2
A
Key
** See Table 4 for sources for the expected ranking.
116
to be a good match between sanctuary and habitation ranked abundance, which is a good
fit with the economic model (Hypothesis 1). This is true especially in the Northern and
Armorican regions. However, the variability and the presence of a number of reversals in
the Mountainous region opens the possibility that they were experimenting with costly
signaling (Hypothesis 2). Such variability indicated for the Mountainous region may
actually reflect the dynamic vying for power by elites and the display related to that
competitive activity.
Consumption of Domesticates and Feasting

A second analytic approach focused on the consumption of key dietary staples at
the sanctuary sites. This is linked to Hypothesis 2 and the most costly model regarding
the role of feasting, and thus the consumption of animals, at the sanctuary sites. The data
for this analysis were based on the consumption and feasting criteria outlined in Chapter
Three for each species; these include evidence of body part bias, age, and sex (see Tables
5-7). This analysis was based on information outlined for each species in Appendix F. It
must be noted that it was rarely clear whether pigs were consumed following the
economic (least costly) or the costly signaling (most costly) models, as the expected body
parts are fairly similar (see Tables 6-7).
Table 17 demonstrates that there is good evidence that primary food animals were
consumed at the sanctuary sites, and that feasting is evidenced in each region, though to
varying degrees. More importantly, this analysis indicates that certain animals could
have been chosen for consumption at the sanctuaries based on settlement criteria, while
other species were chosen for their costly qualities. This appears to have been the case at
117
Table 17. Evidence for consumption and feasting at the sites in this study.
Species
Pig
Cattle
Ovicaprine
Horse
Dog
Sites*
B
?
$
$
C
?
$
$
D
?
?
$
?
?
N
E F
? ?
$
G
$
$
$
H
?
?
?
J
$
$
$
K
?
?
?
L
?
?
$
M
M N
$
$
?
$
$
$
A
O
?
?
$
Q
?
$
?
S
?
?
?
Key
?: Evidence for consumption but not clearly feasting based on criteria in Tables 5-7.
$: Evidence for feasting based on criteria in Tables 5-7.
Data for this analyses are provided in Appendix F.
Estres (E) and Corent (O), for example. On the other hand, the evidence from Fesques
(G), Bennecourt (J), and Mirebeau (N) indicates that all of the domesticated species
present were selected based their relative cost. It appears that elites publicly consumed
certain species of animals that were costly in terms of local abundance, age, and/or sex.
Through such feasting behaviors, elites both conspicuously consumed and competitively
displayed their rank and status at the sanctuaries.
The evidence also revealed two interesting divergences (Table 17). As discussed
in Chapter Three, dogs were not an important food source; however, this analysis
indicates that there seems to be some regional variation in how they are viewed in terms
of ritual activities. In particular, the elites in the Northern region appear to have
especially focused on dog.
The other major difference in which domesticates seem to have been included in
the feasts at these sites concerns the pigs. Pigs were consistently consumed in the
Northern region (see Figure 7). On the other hand, it appears that this ritual preference
118
was not as prominent in the Mountainous region, where ovicaprines were often chosen
based on the feasting criteria described in Chapter Three (see Tables 5-6, 17; Figure 7).
Considering that pigs were generally the preferred dietary staple at settlement sites in the
Mountainous region and that ovicaprines were usually ranked third at those sites (see
Table 15), this pattern provides further evidence that the elites in this region commonly
chose ovicaprines for feasting in order to engage in costly signaling and competitive
display.
The Wild Fauna

The purpose of this analysis of the wild faunal remains was to identify the wild
species present at the sites in this study and place them in a broader cultural context in
order to widen the discussion of wild animal symbolism in Celtic culture. A variety of
archaeological, iconographic, and textual sources were used to identify the symbolic
importance of the taxa, as outlined in the Methods chapter and detailed in Chapter Six.
The analysis began with expected lists for two reasons. First, the overarching goal of this
thesis was to place the animals that were used in ritual Celtic contexts, both domesticated
and wild, in a broader economic and political framework. Simply put, I wanted to
evaluate whether the wild taxa were local or exotic, and whether they might have played
a role in costly signaling or regional identity. The analysis revealed that all of the wild
taxa found at the sites were local rather than exotic. Given the extensive trade systems of
Iron Age Europe discussed in Chapter Four, there is no reason that the Celtic populations
at these sites could not have imported symbolically important species from outside of
Gaul; however, they appear to have preferred local animals, suggesting that regional
119
identification or economic efficiency may have been more important than high-cost
signaling, at least where wild animals were involved.
Altogether, the sites in this study produced evidence of a wide variety of wild
species (Tables 18-20; see also Appendices C-E). Mammals included hare, red and roe
deer, boar, wildcat, wolf, fox, various mustelids (weasel, stoat, etc), and bat. Birds
included goose, duck, song thrush, woodcock, pigeon/dove, partridge, quail, corvids
(raven, crow, jackdaw), owl, penguin, puffin, and cormorant. Chickens were also found
at nine of the sites, but their use during the La Tne period is difficult to determine, and
useful raw data were rarely available. The remains of rodents and frog/toad were
occasionally found, but it is impossible to determine whether or not these were intrusive.
Several sites also produced evidence of fresh and saltwater fish, but the quality of
preservation and the varying quality of the available data did not allow useful
comparisons among the sites. The shellmidden on the Atlantic island of Ouessant (see
Figure 4) seems to have produced the widest variety of marine animals, including several
species of marine birds, fish, sea-urchins, and crustaceans.
The second goal was to determine if the symbolically important wild animals
known from Celtic imagery, non-sanctuary ritual contexts, especially burials, and later
Celtic legends and folklore were also included in the rituals at the sites in this thesis. All
of the wild taxa found at the sites in this study were represented in Iron Age Celtic
imagery or mortuary contexts, except for hedgehog, cormorant, puffin, and thrush, which
are, however, referred to in Celtic myth and/or folklore (Tables 18-20).
120
Table 18. Wild mammals.
Common Name(s)
Taxon
Hedgehog
Wolf
Erinaceus
europaeus
Canis lupus
Aurochs
Fox
Bear
Wildcat
Lynx
Beaver
Hare
Boar
Red Deer
Roe Deer
Badgers, Otters, Skunks,
Weasels
Squirrel, Chipmunk
Seal
Bats
Whales, Dolphins,
Porpoises
Symbolism*
LTH GR IA T F
X X
Bos primegenus
Vulpes vulpes
Ursidae
Felis silvestris
Lynx lynx
Castor fiber galliae
Lepus capensis
Sus scrofa
Cervus elaphus
Capreolus
capreolus
X X
X? X
X? X
X
Mustelidae
Sciurinae
Phocidae
Chiroptera
Cetacea
Presence at
Thesis Sites
X X
X X
X
X
X X
X
X
X
X
X
X X
X X
X
X X
X X
X
X
X
X
X X
X X
X
X
X
Key
H: Hallstatt imagery
LT-GR: La Tne or Gallo-Roman imagery
IA: Iron Age imagery
M: Medieval textual evidence
F: Modern and/or historic Celtic folklore
* These ethnohistoric data on Celtic animal symbolism are from Iron Age art, imagery, faunal
remains found in funeral contexts or ritual deposits in and outside of Gaul other than at the sites in
this thesis, Medieval myths, and folklore (Gantz 1976; Green 1992a, 1992b; MacKillop 1998; Mniel
1986; Sbillot 1967, Thomas 1967).
121
Table 19. Wild water birds.
Common Name(s)
Grebes
Cormorants
Herons, Bitterns
Geese, Ducks
Swans
Rails, Crakes, Coots
Oystercatcher
Plovers
Sandpipers, Godwits,
Curlews, Snipe,
Woodcock
Stone Curlew
Gulls, Terns
Auk, Razorbill,
Guillemots, Puffin
Kingfisher
Dipper
Albatrosses, Petrels
Taxon
Symbolism*
LTH GR IA T F
Podicipedidae
X
Phalacrocoracidae
X
Ardeidae
X
X
X X
Anatidae
X
X X
Cygnus
X
X
X
Rallidae
X
Haematopodidae
Charadriidae
Scolopacidae
Burhinus
oedicnemus
Laridae
Alcidae
Alcedo atthis
Cinclus cinclus
Procellariforms
Key: see Table 18

* See Table 8 for the sources of information on Celtic animal symbolism.
** After Peterson et al. 1974.
Presence
at Thesis
Migrant** Sites
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
122
Table 20. Other wild birds.
Common Name(s)
Taxon
Raptors
Grouses, Ptarmigans
Partridges, Quail,
Pheasants
Little Bustard
Pigeons, Doves
Cuckoo
Owls
Accipitridae
Tetraonidae
Wren
Phasianidae
Otis tetrax
Columbidae
Cuculus canorus
Strigidae
Caprimulgus
europaeus
Apodidae
Upupa epops
Picidae
Alaudidae
Hirundinidae
Motacillidae
Laniidae
Troglodytes
troglodytes
Accentors
Nightingales, Thrushes
Tits
Nuthatch
Treecreepers
Buntings
Finches
Sparrows
Starling
Golden Oriole
Crows, Ravens
Prunellidae
Turdus
Paridae
Sitta europaea
Certhiidae
Emberizidae
Fringillidae
Ploceidae
Sturnus vulgaris
Oriolus oriolus
Corvidae
Nightjar
Swifts
Hoopoe
Woodpeckers
Larks
Swallows, Martins
Pipits, Wagtails
Shrikes
Symbolism*
LTH GR IA T F
X?
X X
X
X
X
Presence at
Thesis Sites
X
X
X X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Key: see Table 18

* See Table 8 for the sources of information on Celtic animal symbolism.
X
X
X X
123
Analysis Conclusions
The faunal remains from the sanctuary sites were analyzed in terms of the
possible motivations (economic, costly signaling, and/or symbolism) behind the selection
for the animals chosen in order to determine the explanatory power of each.
Domesticated fauna were ranked by their abundance at the sanctuary and this ranking
was compared with the economic, or least costly expected ranking. These rankings were
based on patterns of consumption of domesticated mammals at settlement sites. Looking
across the 21 sites studied, there was an overall pattern of exploiting, in feasting and/or
sacrificial contexts, the least costly animals. This suggests that economic efficiency was
often more important in animal selection than costly signaling. However, there is
variance among the 21 sites, and some of the variation appears to be regional in nature.
In particular, sites in the Mountainous region show a better match with costly signaling
models, suggesting that political dynamics were less stable in the highlands, and the
effort put into feasting and sacrifice was greater.
124
Chapter Six: Discussion and Conclusions

Variation in Domesticated Species Exploitation: Economics and Symbolism
Domesticate Size, Conspicuous Consumption, and Competitive Display
As discussed in Chapter Five, the regional domesticate analyses for the Northern
and Mountainous regions (see Tables 14-15; Figure 7) indicate that pigs and ovicaprines
were almost always the most abundant species exploited at the sites in those regions,
although pig was more often consumed at the sites in the Northern region (see Table 17).
While the pattern for the Northern region could indicate economic efficiency, as
predicted by Hypothesis 1, the pig remains from this region also indicate that costly
individuals and/or high quality parts were chosen at two of the eight sites in this region
(see Table 17). The data from sites in the Mountainous region indicate that ovicaprines,
rather than the expected pig, were most abundant at the majority of the sites (see Table
15). Sex, age, and body part data for that region also indicate that costly ovicaprines
and/or high quality ovicaprine body parts were selected at most of the sites (see Table
17). These patterns appear to reflect behaviors predicted by the costly signaling model
(Hypothesis 2) that involved a preferential selection for costly animals and for high
quality meat, especially of lamb and pig shanks and pig heads in both regions (see
Appendix F), which could have coincided with a shared religious ideology.
An alternative, though not mutually exclusive, interpretation may be offered that
concerns the relatively smaller size of pigs and ovicaprines, especially in relation to
cattle. In their on-going interpretation of the fauna from the sanctuary at Corent, Poux et
al. (2003:56), referring to theoretical work by Dietler and Hayden (2001:49), have argued
that the focus on ovicaprines at the site may reflect the role size can play in conspicuous
125
consumption as part of competitive feasting. The smaller pigs and ovicaprines provided
special advantages to the elites who sought to contribute to the ritualized, competitive
meals and thus to help underwrite the ritual feasts at the sanctuary: the contribution of
these smaller domesticates would have been easy to quantify by those participating and
by the paramount elites who held the feasts so that elites attending the rites knew how
many animals the contributor had been able and willing to give up for the feast. The
smaller animals would have also been easy to divide for feasting consumption. This
interpretation is supported by evidence that these smaller domesticated species were
commonly the primary animals consumed in feasts in Europe from the Neolithic period
on (Dietler and Hayden 2001:49; Poux et al. 2003:56).
Ritual Domesticate Exploitation and Costly Signaling

The faunal data from half of the sanctuary sites in the Mountainous region
revealed that the most abundant domesticated species were not the species expected
based on settlement assemblages (see Table 15). The consumption and feasting analysis
also indicates that several species and body parts were chosen based on the criteria for
feasting practices at four of the six sites in this region (see Table 17). These pattern could
reflect behaviors associated with costly signaling (Hypothesis 2), while simultaneously
reflecting specific rituals for which certain species of a certain age and/or sex may have
been chosen for their symbolism, such as seasonal rites or other possible rituals that could
have taken place at the sanctuaries (see discussion of sanctuaries in Chapter One).
A similar pattern is indicated by the remains from three of the eight sites in the
Northern region (see Table 14) at which the most abundant domesticated species were
126
not the expected one (i.e. pig). Furthermore, the consumption and feasting analysis
indicates that at least one costly domesticated species or high quality body parts were
chosen at seven of the eight sites in this region (see Table 17). From a costly signaling
theoretical perspective (Hypothesis 2), these patterns indicate a scenario in which
paramount and aspiring secondary elites were required to host and provision feasts and
sacrifices involving more costly animals in terms of age, sex, and/or body part. The
costly animals would have been needed in order for the elites to signal messages
reasserting their status and rank.
The costly feasts and sacrifices described above may have been associated with
any of the types of rituals suggested in Chapter One (see also the sanctuary discussion in
Chapter Four). It is also possible that some of these instances of costly signaling may
have been necessitated by periodic disruptions of political stability. In such a scenario,
paramount and aspiring secondary elites would have been under increased pressure to
reaffirm and maintain their status and rank among both their allies and competitors. One
way by which the elites could have accomplished this would have been through costly
signaling rituals involving animals at the sanctuaries.
If costly signaling due to periods of political instability was a primary factor
behind the behaviors that produced the faunal assemblages at these sites in the Northern
region, there are several potentially important ramifications for how the regional and
temporal landscape of La Tne Gaul is currently envisioned. The fact that most of the
ovicaprine remains at Gournay date to the middle La Tne phase (see Appendix F) may
be evidence that this phase in Picardy was a time of political instability in the region.
This interpretation is supported further by the faunal data at Ribemont (B), Montmartin
127
(D), Estres (E), Meaux (H), and Bennecourt (J) (see Table 14; Figure 4), which indicate
that the ranked domesticates at those sites generally corresponded well with those at
settlement sites in Picardy and the le-de-France (see Figure 7). This may indicate that
the political environment in the Northern region had generally restabilized by late La
Tne times, thus decreasing the pressure on paramount and secondary elites to engage in
costly signaling to such a degree. The faunal data at the middle and late La Tne sites of
St.-Just (F) and Fesques (G) (see Tables 14; Figure 4) could similarly indicate that elites
employed costly signaling strategies that involved the exploitation of more expensive
animals at these sites in response to local periods of political instability.
A similar scenario may have occurred in Auvergne (see Figure 7) during the late
La Tne phase. At this time, when the Arverni politically dominated Auvergne,
ovicaprines were intensively exploited at Corent and Clermont (see Table 15; Figure 4).
This pattern may indicate that the Arverni paramount elites and aspiring secondary elites
were experiencing periodic political instability, perhaps due to the mounting antagonism
between the Arverni and the Romans (see discussion in Chapter Four). In such a
scenario, the late La Tne chiefs and warrior-nobles in Auvergne would have been
especially likely to employ costly signaling behaviors to reaffirm and maintain their
status and rank. Such feasting and sacrificial rituals could also have been associated with
political assemblies and war rallies that could have accompanied such periods of political
stress.
Ritual Domesticate Exploitation and Identity

The patterns just described may also indicate expressions of regional or local
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identity based both on the dominance of ovicaprines, which appear to be associated with
mountains, and on drinking and/or libation rituals that appear be unique to this region
(see discussion in Chapter 1). These patterns also suggest continuity from the Hallstatt
period, considering that Clermont- based on available data- appears to be the only site
included in this thesis with evidence of pre-La Tne ritual animal exploitation (Poux and
Vernet 2001). Bronze Age Clermont is characterized as an uninhabited mortuary site, at
which both cattle and ovicaprines appear to have been ritually buried. The site had a cult
function during the Hallstatt period (Poux et al 2002b:74-5), and there is evidence for a
focus on relatively costly animals and high quality meat during the La Tne period as
well. This could indicate that ovicaprines held a similar place in the symbolic repertoire
of the late La Tne elites in Auvergne as they did for the middle La Tne elites at
Gournay in the Northern region (see Figures 4, 7).
These alternative interpretations are not mutually exclusive. Considering,
however, the other divergent behavior seen at Clermont (Poux and Vernet 2001), along
with the fact that only the Auvergne sites were used as ritual sites from the Neolithic
period on (see Appendix F), the patterns arguably reflect a combination of selection for
costly domesticates and an expression of local or regional identity that may have roots in
Auvergnes pre-La Tne prehistory.
The remains of domesticated species represented at the Armorican sites (see
Tables 16-17) do not appear to indicate that costly signaling was a primary factor
influencing the selection of certain animals for feasting and sacrifice, perhaps reflecting
regional stability during both the Hallstatt and La Tne periods. Alternatively, the pattern
revealed by these remains may indicate the use of certain species to express regional or
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local identity through ritual animal exploitation. Not only do the settlement faunal
remains possibly indicate continuity due to the continuous and unusual dominance of
cattle at those sites, but cattle were also most abundant at all of the Armorican sites
included in the main analysis. This could reflect regional or local identity, or possibly the
fact that cattle were easier to raise, and thus less expensive to obtain for ritual use. These
interpretations are also not mutually exclusive, especially considering the distinctive
culture-history of this region.
le-de-France: A Test Case for Regional Variation

In Chapter One, the question was raised whether or not the faunal remains would
support the inclusion of the le-de-France region (see Figure 7), which lies at the frontier
between Belgic Gaul and Champagne (see Figures 6, 7), with the Champagne region.
Several structural and faunal analogies concerning the dominance of high quality meat
parts, usually from young animals, have already been drawn connecting the sanctuary site
at Bennecourt with the Belgic sanctuaries at Gournay and Ribemont (Brunaux 2000:94).
While the abundance analysis of the domesticated species in the Northern region
(see Table 14) reaffirms the above interpretations, it is interesting that the ranking of
consumed domesticates at Bennecourt (J) perfectly mirrors that at Gournay (C), with
young pigs being the main animals consumed in the ritual feasts, followed by lambs and
young adult ovicaprines, then young and adult cattle (see Appendix F). Furthermore, the
data from Meaux (H), located near Bennecourt, indicate that the consumed domesticates
followed the same ranking in terms of relative abundance (see Table 14). Bennecourt
also produced strong evidence of the consumption of dog that is mirrored at Gournay (C)
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and Ribemont (B), including the pattern of processing the dogs, which was analogous to
that usually expected for pig consumption (see Tables 6-7; Appendix F). While pig was
also the most abundantly consumed domesticate at Nanteuil (A), the only site in lowland
Champagne, horse was the second most abundant, which, as discussed above, was very
unlike the situation in the rest of Belgic Gaul (see Table 14; Figures 6-7).
These analyses then suggest two interrelated interpretations. Firstly, that the
faunal evidence supports the argument that the Celtic groups in the le-de-France area
had much more in common with the La Tne populations of Belgic Gaul. Secondly, that
the Celtic groups in Champagne, which is known to have had a slightly different culturehistory than Belgic Gaul (see discussion in Chapter Four), had less in common with the
Belgic Gauls in their choices of domesticated species for ritual use than did those in the
le-de-France.
Regional Variation, Domesticates, and Divination

The remains at two of the mountainous sites in Auvergne and the mountainous
area of Champagne (see Figure 7) revealed very rare indications of what might be
divinatory practices indicating a new insight into goat symbolism, as well what might be
an unexpected regional pattern in ritual practice. At Clermont, two goat astragali were
found lying next to each other (see Appendix F). This highly unusual deposit was
interpreted by Matthieu Poux as possible evidence of roll-the-bones divination (Poux and
Vernet 2001:45). Goat and pig were the only species represented at Mouzon (see Figure
4), and they were interpreted by the primary zooarchaeologist, Thrse Poulain, as
possible evidence of divination through the reading of entrails based on her interpretation
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of the unburnt but unusually butchered remains (Tisserand 1981:379).
There are several textual references from the Classical world that refer to Celtic
divinatory practices, especially the reading of the entrails of both sacrificed humans and
domesticates (Brunaux 2000:163-4, 175-6). While the literature on Celtic religion and
archaeology generally appears mute on archaeological evidence for the use of animals for
divination during the La Tne period, a rare exception is a dog that was butchered in an
unusual way from the cemetery of Tartigny (Oise), which Patrice Mniel (1987a:31)
cautiously suggests may have been used for divination.
The goat remains from Clermont and Mouzon suggest two interesting insights
into La Tne religious practice and conceptions of domesticated animals. The first is that
the use of small domesticates could have been a local or regional phenomenon practiced
in Auvergne and the mountainous parts of Champagne. This is only a very tentative
interpretation considering that the absence of such evidence in the other regions is not in
itself evidence that it was not practiced there. On the other hand, if divinatory practices
seen in the Mountainous region were carried out at sites in the Northern region, which
generally had unusually good preservation, one would expect to see similar evidence. At
the least, the findings at Clermont and Mouzon indicate that the kinds of practices
suggested in the Classical sources were performed at least in some areas, and that more
research on this topic could have important ramifications for understanding how the Celts
exploited animals in ritual.
Equally important is the fact that it was goats in particular that appear to have
been used for divination. Based on my reading of the literature on Celtic religion and
archaeology, it seems that this species has not been discussed in terms of special
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symbolism associated with divination in Gaul. An interesting analog, however, may be
the goat astragali found in an Iron Age barrow complex at Monte-ozol in northern Italy
(Chaix 1984; Noddle 1994:118). These astragali were found in a separate deposit from
the rest of the 40 goat skeletons found at the site and they were inscribed, suggesting that
goat had some kind of special symbolic meaning for these people. What is most
interesting here is that it was goats and not the other domesticated species, or wild ones,
such as red deer, which were also clearly important in Celtic symbolism (see discussion
of deer below). Animals that may have been goats or rams were clearly imbued with
important symbolic meanings judging from their common representations in GalloRoman iconography, especially in association with Gaulish Mercury (Green 1992b:1734; MacKillop 1998:255). It is not yet possible, however, to determine why goats were
specifically chosen for divination. Goats may have been chosen for their symbolic
meaning, or it may have simply been the case that goat astragali were considered the
appropriate size for roll-the-bones divination.
The goat and pig remains at Mouzon have other important ramifications in terms
of regional variation. This site lies in the same culture-historical area as Nanteuil, yet the
latter produced no ovicaprine remains at all. As discussed above, pigs were most
abundant at Nanteuil (see Figure 4), which may indicate both costly signaling and that the
population at the site shared a similar La Tne symbolic repertoire with those in the
Northern region (see Figure 7); however, the horse remains at this site were relatively
more abundant than in the Northern region. On the other hand, the remains at Nanteuil in
lowland Champagne and Mouzon in upland Champagne also shared some faunal patterns
(see Tables 14-15). Pigs were relatively abundant at both sites, yet horse was only found
133
at Nanteuil and goat only at Mouzon. The horse deposit at Nanteuil was itself unusual
because it consisted of horse and human remains that were deposited together in a silo
(see discussion below).
This comparison is highly speculative because it is only based on two sites in the
region, and because the absence of evidence for certain species at the sites is not itself
evidence that the species were not present. It is possible, however, that Nanteuil and
Mouzon illustrate a lowland Champagne symbolic repertoire more similar to that of the
populations in the Northern region, while the people in the mountainous parts of
Champagne may have shared other aspects of their symbolic repertoire with other Celtic
groups who lived in similarly mountainous terrain.
Symbolic Substitution, Variation, and Regional and Local Identity

When approached from a regional perspective, the remains of domesticated
species at many of the La Tne sites revealed patterns of inter-species associations that
appear to reflect regional variations of a shared Celtic symbolic repertoire. The most
well established pattern is the association of exposed, old, and non-consumed cattle and
horses. This pattern is generally based on the type-sites for the Belgic sanctuaries at
Gournay and Ribemont, along with the Belgic sanctuary at St.-Just (see Figure 4;
Appendix F) (Brunaux 2000:141-3). At Gournay, cattle and horses were exposed,
allowed to decompose, and then deposited, while horses were exposed at Ribemont and
St.-Just. In many cases, this Belgic version of the La Tne symbolic repertoire also
included widening the foramen magna of some of the cattle and horse skulls. Such holes
have been interpreted as evidence that the skulls were suspended on or near the sanctuary
134
entrances, as has been observed in ethnographic contexts in Africa (Dietler and Hayden
2001:56, fig 2.7; Lambot and Mniel 2001:29-32).
One interesting variation on this symbolic theme was found at the sanctuary site
at Corent in Auvergne (see Figure 4), where several ovicaprine skulls showed evidence of
enlarged foramen magna (see Appendix F). Within a regional framework, this variation
on the cattle/horse skull theme may be interpreted as a case of local substitution that
could reflect local connections by species to environment. Cattle and horse are better
suited to the lower valleys of Picardy, while ovicaprines are better suited to higher
terrain, such as in Auvergne (see Figure 7) (Nowak 1999:1015, 1157, 1221-2, 1232-4;
Kraft 1990a: 537; Kraft 1990b: 545). The local populations may have imbued the
domesticated species that were more naturally suited to their local environments with
regional symbolic meanings as an expression of local identity.
Alternatively, the pattern described above could be connected to the specific ritual
focus at each site. The rituals at Gournay had a strong focus on old cattle and thus cattle
trophy skulls were present, while Ribemont had a strong focus on what seems to have
been a warrior cult in which horses were central, and thus horse trophy skulls were in
evidence. The rituals at Corent had a clear focus on ovicaprines and thus ovicaprine
skulls were modified. If this hypothesis is correct, it is possible that the use of cattle and
horses at Gournay, the use of horses alone at Ribemont, and the use of only ovicaprines at
Corent indicate local rather than regional identities expressed through symbolic practices
that could have been associated with local totems or specific avatars.
The alternative interpretations above, however, are not mutually exclusive. What
is most important is that there is clearly a specific focus on certain domesticates at each
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site that could reflect local or regional variations possibly connected to the local
environments and the relationships their animals had with those environments. This
interpretation may be further supported by the ovicaprine burials associated with the
Bronze Age mortuary deposits at Clermont (see Appendix F).
A second possible case of local or regional variation concerns another form of
treatment of domesticate skulls evidenced at several sites in this study: the practice of
skull-splitting. Splitting pig and dog skulls as part of regular butchering was typical in
Gaul (Mniel 1987a:129-30), but which species were subjected to this kind of practice
seems to have varied by region. The skulls of both pigs and dogs were split at Ribemont,
those of pigs, dogs, and ovicaprines at Bennecourt, those of pigs, ovicaprines and
possibly cattle at Corent, and those of cattle at Quimper (see Appendix F; Figure 4). This
variation in the processing of domesticated animals suggests that these La Tne
populations shared a processing practice associated with ritual feasting that was framed
within a basic symbolic repertoire. While cattle may have also had their skulls split at
Corent, the general pattern at the site focuses on the smaller domesticates, suggesting that
dogs, ovicaprines, and pigs may have been interchangeable substitutes for each other
within a shared La Tne symbolic repertoire.
The domesticate remains at the sanctuary at Clermont provide a third possible
case of local substitution in domesticate associations. This is the only site in this study at
which an articulated pig skeleton, rather than a cattle or horse skeleton, was exposed and
then buried apparently without being butchered judging from the lack of butchery marks
(see Appendix F). This pig skeleton was associated with a large quantity of pottery. A
complete and articulated horse skeleton was also found intentionally buried, lying on its
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right side near the top of another shaft at Clermont (Figure 12) (Poux and Vernet 2001).
This horse skeleton also was surrounded by pottery, including an almost complete
painted vase, as well as a glass bead and there was also evidence that a potshard was
intentionally placed in this horses mouth. A highly unusual metal deposit, originally in a
rectangular wooden box, was also located between its fore and hind legs; among the
identified objects are a torque and many rings that may be from a harness. This horse
deposit has analogies to the pig deposit at this site. Along with the horse deposit at
Clermont, a rather unusual horse deposit was found in the peripheral ditch at Corent,
which consisted of the lower part of an articulated adult horse leg (Foucras 2004a, 2004b;
Poux et al. 2003:24). This leg appears to have been buried unbutchered and unconsumed,
was associated with human remains and warrior equipment, and was interpreted as a
possible warrior offering (Poux et al. 2003:51). Dog remains were found in the same
ditch, supporting that interpretation.
Figure 12. Articulated horse skeleton deposited at Clermont

(after Poux and Vernet 2001:44).
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One interpretation is that the pig/horse combination in Auvergne was a local
variation on the Belgic theme of cattle/horse burial at sanctuaries in the Northern region
(see Figure 7). Ceramics were associated with both the pig and the horse burials at
Clermont, which is important considering that the highly abundant ceramic remains,
especially from amphorae, and the libation rituals that they indicate, were a highly
distinctive feature of the sanctuaries in that region (see discussion of sanctuaries in
Chapter One). It appears that the local or regional practice associated with the ceramic
vessels, several of which appear to have had their necks ritually broken before they were
deposited (Poux and Vernet 2001), coincided with the only pig burial from one of these
sites. The pig burial at Clermont indicates that pig may have been symbolically
associated with horse because they both had major ceramic deposits near them, unlike at
the Belgic sites, where clearly cattle and horse were symbolically associated. It is
arguable that pig may have been substituted for cattle in the Auvergne variation of the
Belgic cattle/horse symbolic duality. This interpretation is further supported because,
while information concerning the age of the pig at Clermont was not available, it seems
that it was an adult and the horse at Clermont was an adult as well. This suggests that the
local or regional adult pig/horse burial combination seen in Auvergne may correspond to
the Belgic adult cattle/horse duality.
It is important to emphasize that it is not evident whether or not the cattle/horse or
the pig/horse pattern developed first, or where they first developed. This means that it is
equally possible that the cattle/horse pattern in the Belgic repertoire could have been a
regional variation on the pig/horse pattern from eastern Gaul. From a broader
perspective, what is most significant is that the La Tne Gauls apparently had a shared
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symbolic repertoire that included the conceptual framework for creating dualities of
symbolically important domesticated species. Local and regional populations could then
modify which species they chose to represent that duality within the shared symbolic
framework. Why the populations in Gaul may have chosen pigs instead of cattle, as the
Belgic tribes did, is not clear at this point and should be researched further.
Wild Fauna and Symbolism

Elite Hunting: Hare, Deer, and Boar
As discussed in Chapter Three, the most common wild animal hunted for meat
and consumed at La Tne settlement sites was hare, while deer-usually red deer- was the
second most ubiquitous, and wild boar was usually the third most common. This pattern
is mirrored at the sites in this study (see Table 18; Appendix C). Hare was by far the
most abundant identified wild species, on average, at these sites. This species was
relatively abundant at eight sites in both the Northern and Mountainous regions (see
Figures 4, 7); the most abundant of which was at Montmartin, where hare was
represented by fifty fragments. Deer, almost exclusively red deer, was the second most
common identified wild species. Deer was represented at five sites and was most
common at Mirebeau with 10 fragments. Not surprisingly, boar was only identified at
Montmartin by one fragment. These data are by no means statistically meaningful
considering that preservation conditions were often poor for wild faunal remains at the
sites; however, it is interesting that the remains that were identifiable as to species from
sites in this study did parallel the relative abundance expected based on contemporary
settlement evidence.
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Hare, deer, and boar were prey animals associated with prestige and hunting in
the Celtic world (Green 1992a:46-51). These species were also imbued with other,
related symbolic meanings connected to concepts of prosperity, fertility, and masculinity
(Green 1992b:44-5, 112, 198-9). The male red deer or stag, epitomized in images of the
horned god, Cernunnos, from the Gundestrup Cauldron (Green 1992a:147-8, 230-4), is
one of the most common animals represented in Celtic imagery, spanning the period from
early Hallstatt times, such as the stag images from the Strettweg bronze cult wagon
(Green 1992b:199-200) to Romano-Celtic times, such as the stag imagery associated with
the Romano-British god, Cocidius (MacKillop 1998:392). The hare is most often
associated with hunting as seen on the Gallo-Roman stone sculpture from Touget (Gers),
but it may also have chthonic meanings due to its nocturnal foraging habits (Green
1992b:112). Stags and boars are especially prominent in later Medieval Celtic myths,
often associated with the Otherworld, shape-changing, and competitive, Otherworldly
warrior feasts (Green 1992a:166-171; 1992b:44-5).
Evidently, hare, deer, and boar were game animals associated largely with elite
hunting and prestige, and thus aristocratic symbolism, rather than quotidian consumption.
It is also clear that these animals were highly symbolic in imagery throughout the Celtic
world. The question then is, what might such remains at the sanctuary sites represent?
Considering that their abundance seems to match that seen often at settlement sites, it is
likely that they were exploited as part of competitive elite display. The available data do
not specify if there was ever evidence of consumption, but the overall context suggests
some of these animals were consumed at the sites.
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The other meanings relating to fertility and virility were probably contributing
factors that motivated the elites who decided to expend the resources and time to hunt
these animals. By contributing such highly symbolic animals, the elites who procured
them were able to gain advantages in the constant struggle to competitively display their
status and rank to their fellow warriors and to the patrons whom they hoped to impress.
The general rarity of these species at both elite residences and sanctuaries, combined with
later evidence of symbolic use of the animals in Celtic myth and folklore, suggests that
this was the primary goal of those who were able to obtain and then offer these
symbolically-loaded animals for consumption. That being said, it is impossible to state
that they were not also included in fertility rituals for the crops or some other religious
activity; however, it appears that this warrior/hunter triad is particularly associated with
elite display and competition in the Celtic symbolic repertoire.
Carnivores, Elite Display, and Symbolism

There is evidence that foxes were consumed both at Ribemont, Mirebeau, and
Corent (see Appendix C) (Mniel 1987a:89-100). The faunal assemblages at Corent (see
Figure 4) were especially interesting. A complete wildcat skull, an almost complete fox
skull, and four wolf mandibles, one from a male, all were found in the outer ditch near
the entrance (Figure 13) (Poux et al. 2004:46). These wild carnivores may have been
suspended as hunting trophies, which is more often found at aristocratic residences (Poux
et al. 2004:47). There is also a possibility that the fox at the Arverni sanctuary of Corent
could have symbolized one of the few local, historical late La Tne kings, Luernios,
whose name was derived from the Gallic word for fox (Poux et al 2004:90), or perhaps
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the fox served as some kind of family or totem symbol of the paramount kin group. As
tempting as such interpretations may be, slipping into the mode of culture-historian is not
in line with the goals of this thesis. I highlight these possible interpretations only to
suggest that, whatever symbolic meanings were given to these wild animals, their
presence at sanctuaries and in other likely ritual deposits should not be overlooked, no
matter how poorly represented they may be.
The remains of wildcats, wolves, foxes, and various mustelids were found at a
handful of sites in the Northern and Mountainous regions (see Appendix C; Figures 7,
13-15). As discussed in Chapter Three, these species are known to have been exploited
for their pelts and as burial offerings since the Neolithic period in Europe (Bell 1995;
Mniel 1987a; Poulain 1976). Many of these species were also used in the symbolic
imagery and in other symbolic forms of expression during the Hallstatt and La Tne
periods and in the later Celtic myths and folklore (see Table 8).
Figure 13. Fox skull from near the eastern entrance at Corent
(after Poux et al. 2004, Figure 33).
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The possible meaning of the wildcat is among the most ambiguous and difficult to
interpret. Although difficult to differentiate from the domestic cat, the wildcat appears to
be present at Montmartin, Bennecourt, and Corent (see Figures 4, 7; Appendix C). A rare
example of a possible wildcat representation is a Celtic rock art image from Camonica
Valley in northern Italy (Green 1992a:52). An early La Tne brooch from
Figure 14. Wildcat skull from near the eastern entrance at Corent
(after Poux et al. 2004, Figure 33).
erstwhile Czechoslovakia (Green 1992a, Figure 6.12) is adorned with the head of what
may represent a wildcat or a domestic cat. While the domestic cat features in later Irish
myths (MacKillop 1998:78) and was included in at least one Iron Age special deposit at
Danebury in Britain (Green 1992a:102), this does not seem to have been the case for the
wildcat. Whatever meanings may have been ascribed to this species are rarely indicated
and extremely difficult to interpret.
The meanings of various mustelid species are equally ambiguous. Mustelid
remains, which available data indicate were not identified as to species, were found only
at Montmartin (see Appendix C; Figure 4). While several species were employed for
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their pelts (badger, polecat, and stoat) (Green 1992a:53-4), the only one thus far found
represented in Celtic Iron Age ritual contexts is the badger. Badger pelts were among the
bedding material on the celebrated bronze couch in the Hallstatt princely burial at
Hochdorf (Green 1992a:42, 53). Badger also appears in the Medieval Welsh myths.
Heroes in the Mabinogi play a game called badger-in-the-bag, which has been
associated with the infamous ferocity of this aggressive species. The badger was also,
however, one of the peaceful disciples of the early Irish saint, St. Ciarn, who,
according to his hagiography, formed a teacher-disciple relationship with a fox, boar,
badger, wolf, and stag (Green 1992:192). It is possible that the representations of several
of these animals (wolf, fox, and badger) in Celtic symbolism could have included
chthonic meanings because they all burrow to make their dens (see wolf and fox
discussions below). This is interpretation is supported by the mustelids associated with
Hallstatt burial ritual. In general, mustelids do not seem to have been common in Celtic
symbolism, especially not during the La Tne period, judging from current finds. When
mustelids, especially badger, were represented, it seems that their ferocious behavior was
associated with elite warrior leadership and bravery, qualities that would have been
respected in Celtic warrior-societies.
There is strong evidence that wolves, which are found at the sanctuary site at
Corent (Figure 15), were important in Celtic symbolism. The symbolic use of the wolf
dates back to the Hallstatt period, evidenced by wolf teeth used as ornamentation at the
mortuary site of Choisy-au-Bac (Oise) (Breen 1992a:45). Wolf imagery from the La
Tne period, in a wide array of forms, suggests a range of complex and ambiguous
meanings. Wolves were important in late La Tne coin imagery, especially in Armorica
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(Green 1992a:159). One Armorican coin depicts a wolf devouring the sun and moon
while atop a solar eagle with chthonic serpent representations. This symbolism may
situate the wolf as an intermediary in the cosmic cycle between celestial and chthonic
forces (Green 1992a:159). Celestial and chthonic associations with the wolf could have
Figure 15. Wolf mandibles from near the eastern entrance at Corent (after Poux et
al. 2004, Figure 33).
been due to its habit of howling at the moon and burrowing in the earth. Alternatively,
this imagery may show the wolf as a force of death and rebirth analogous to the mythic
Norse wolf, Fenris (Duval 1987:19-29).
La Tne wolf imagery has also been found decorating a trumpet mouth from
Spain, what may represent a wolf appears on a helmet from Yugoslavia, and among the
species represented on the Gundestrup Cauldron (Green 1992a:45, 133, 147). Another
striking example comes from the statue of the Gallic god Vosegus, the personification of
the Vosges Forest and a fertility and hunting god, from the site of Le Donon (Vosges)
(Green 1992a:64, 1992b:220-1). Vosegus is depicted donning a wolfskin cloak and boots
with animal heads, carrying hunting equipment and fruits of the forest, while laying his
145
hand on the antlers of a stag (Green 1992b:221).
Wolves also figured in the later Welsh and Irish myths and folklore (Green
1992a:170, 192-3, 195), in which a deity or human character shape-changes into a wolf.
In an encounter with the semi-divine hero, C Chulainn, the most prominent battlegoddess in Irish myth, the Mrrgan, who most often took the form of a raven, attacks the
hero in the forms of an eel, a she-wolf, and then a red heifer (Green 1992a:195,
1992b:154-5; MacKillop 1998:336). Interestingly, the shape-changing association with
the wolf is also found in an historical Breton folktale, in which a fairy transforms a boy
into a wolf and back again (Sbillot 1967:111). A holdover of this werewolf trope may
be seen in the Medieval myth of Math Son of Mathonwy, in which the magician Math
punishes his nephews for raping a virgin and thus dishonoring him by transforming them
into a stag and a hind, a boar and a sow, and a male and female wolf, each for a year,
before restoring them to their human form (Gantz 1976:104-106). The wolf seems to
have played a complex role in Celtic symbolism involving meanings associated with
cosmology, death, battle, and Otherworldly shape-changing.
Like wolves, foxes appear to have been important, though ambiguous, in the
Celtic symbolic repertoire. The fox was one of several species interpreted as having been
sacrificed at the late Bronze Age/Hallstatt ritual site of Aulnay-aux-Planches (Marne)
(Green 1992a:125). A particularly striking Iron Age deposit of 12 foxes and a deer that
were buried together was discovered at the British site of Winkelbury (Green 1992a:51,
125). Another important Iron Age find is the male bog-body from Lindow, England, who
was sacrificed while wearing a fox-fur armlet (Green 1992a:51). These examples from
mortuary contexts, taken together with the fact that foxes, like badgers and wolves,
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burrow, suggest that this species may have had chthonic meanings in the Celtic symbolic
repertoire. Foxes do not appear, however, in the Medieval mythic texts. A rare early
Medieval reference comes from the hagiography of St. Ciarn described above (Green
1992a:192). In historic Breton folklore, the foxs cleverness and trickery are emphasized
(Sbillot 1967:118-9). Interestingly, the fox is also portrayed positively, including cases
in which a fox saves a hero, becomes the embodiment of a humans soul, and even a kind
of fairy (Sbillot 1967:120). While the meaning of the fox in Celtic symbolism is far
from clear, it does appear that it was associated primarily with elite hunting and display,
and possibly with the Otherworld.
Water Birds: Environment, Symbolism, and Regional Variation

Insights into the ritual uses of wild birds and ecological variation were among the
most fruitful results of viewing the wild faunal remains in this study through a regional
lens. In terms of ecological variation, coastal versus inland variation was one of the few
ways in which the wild fauna varied in any noticeable way based on eco-niche. In
particular, certain species, such as puffins, only live in marine coastal environments,
whereas most of the other species can be found in most parts of France and Luxembourg
(Peterson et al. 1974).
Water birds, especially anatidae (ducks, geese, and swans), are found in imagery
throughout the Celtic world. Images of these water birds have been found on craftwork
and iconography from the late Bronze Age/Urnfield period to the Gallo-Roman period,
although they are often isolated finds and difficult to interpret (Green 1992a:213). A
well-known La Tne or Gallo-Roman example is a figurine of Sequana, the eponymous
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goddess of the Sequani tribe and personification of the River Seine, portrayed standing in
a duck- or goose-headed boat, found at her healing shrine at the source of the Seine at
Fontes Sequanae, near Dijon (Cte dOr) (Green 1992a:212-4, Figure 8.10, 1992b:91-3).
Duck images are also found, for example, on gold torques from the La Tne Marne area
(Green 1992a:88). The examples from the Urnfield period through the La Tne period
often associate ducks and geese with solar-wheel imagery, suggesting that these liminal
birds, which symbolically united the realms of water and sky, were strongly symbolic of
healing deities or other supernatural powers associated with the life-giving powers of the
sun and of water (Green 1992a:213-4, 1992b:88). The association between these water
birds and solar symbolism probably was also connected to the fact that they are migratory
birds, a behavior that likely was associated with a belief in cyclical transitions from life to
death to rebirth. According to Caesar (De Bello Gallico VI.2; Warner 1960:124), the
Celts believed that the soul does not perish but passes after death from one body to
another, a belief that is later reflected in Medieval Celtic myths, especially the tale of
Gwion Bach, who transforms into a hare, a salmon, a bird, and a grain of wheat before
being eaten by the goddess Ceridwen, who later rebirths him as the bard Taliesin
(MacKillop 1998:262, 399-400). It is not surprising, then, that five sites in this study (see
Appendix D) produced remains of ducks and geese, especially of mallards, which are one
of the most common species of anatidae in modern-day France (Peterson et al. 1974:45,
Figure 54).
Swans are much more prevalent than geese or ducks in the later Medieval Welsh
and Irish myths (Green 1992a:174-6, 1992b:203; MacKillop 1998:393-4), as exemplified
by the Irish tale Oidheadh Chlainne Lir or The Tragic Story of the Children of Lir, in
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which the jealous sister-in-law of the Tuatha De Danann god, Lir, transforms his four
children into swans (MacKillop 1998:394). It is interesting, however, that no identifiable
swan remains were found at any of the sites. While swans are common in Hallstatt
imagery (Green 1992b:203), the three main Western European species, the mute,
whooper, and Bewicks swan species are generally only known to migrate to certain parts
of northern and eastern France and the British Isles (Peterson et al. 1974:42-4, Figures
49, 50, and 51). La Tne and Gallo-Roman swan imagery, however, is much less
common. Rare Gallic examples include the image of a water bird that may be a swan or
a goose represented on a goddess sculpture from Alesia, Burgundy (Green 1992a:203). It
is not surprising, then, that the swan is represented in the Hallstatt homeland (see Figure
9), in late Celtic Burgundy (see Figure 7), and myths from the British Isles considering
that the mute swans natural environment coincides with those areas (Peterson et al.
1974, Figure 49). It is also not surprising that swan remains are not found at any of the
sanctuaries in this study, even though swans were present in parts of the Northern and
Mountainous regions.
It seems that the prominence of swan imagery during the Hallstatt period in the
Hallstatt homeland and during late La Tne and Gallo-Roman Burgundy (see Figures 7,
9) may be directly connected to the natural presence of swans in those areas. On the
other hand, the duck and goose species that were present- or at least more abundantacross Gaul are found at many of the sites (see Appendix D). This is especially the case
in the Northern region (see Figure 7), where only Bewicks swan naturally occurs, and
then only in the coastal areas of northwestern France (Peterson et al. 1974, Figure 51).
149
One of the most surprising results of this study was that representations of this
pan-Celtic water-bird, which are especially prominent during the late Bronze Age and the
Hallstatt periods, appears to have come to Hallstatt Armorica (see Figure 7), where the
motif undergoes an interesting modification. Based on modern zoological data, several
species of anatidae seem to have been available, at least seasonally, in Armorica
(Peterson et al. 1974, Figures 41, 44, 46, 53, 54, 55, 58, 61, 62), yet no duck, goose, or
swan remains are known from Ouessant (see Figure 4). Instead of the usual anatidae
species, other, local kinds of water birds, many of which only inhabited the Atlantic coast
of Gaul, were included in the ritual deposit at Ouessant (see Figure 4). At this unusual
site were found the right wings of cormorants, penguins, and puffins, along with the
predominantly right limbs of cattle, pigs, sheep, and goats (see Appendices D, F). The
lack of evidence for anatidae does not mean they were not present, but it is clear that
species of water birds that were only native to the Atlantic coasts were chosen for the
rituals performed at the site.
The above interpretation is further supported by the fact that the only other
remains of non-anatidae water bird species found at any of the sites were nine woodcock
bones from Quimper (see Appendices D, F; Figure 4) that may date to the La Tne or the
early Gallo-Roman period. The woodcock lives in wooded, marshy areas across Western
Europe (Patterson et al. 1974:142-3, Figure 193), and thus could be considered a water
bird eligible for substitution for the usual anatidae, which were absent at the site.
Considering that local water-bird substitutions seem to have been ritually exploited at the
coastal Hallstatt site of Ouessant, it is not surprising that another local water bird was
represented in the faunal remains from a late La Tne/early Gallo-Roman ritual site on
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the Armorican coast. Interestingly, the only other woodcock remains from any of the
sites in this study were found in the same layer as duck and goose remains in a GalloRoman layer at Bennecourt (Mniel and Desse-Berset 1999).
Anatidae species were most likely available to the populations of both Hallstatt
and La Tne Armorica (see Figure 7). While there is no way to state definitively that
anatidae were not exploited at these sites, the data thus far indicate that the people who
exploited wild animals at Ouessant and Quimper intentionally chose to hunt and ritually
exploit other locally available water birds instead. These local, non-anatidae water birds
may have been either substitutes for ducks and geese or symbolically comparable to
anatidae. What is most important is that the elites who chose and procured the birds at
the Armorican sites clearly shared the pan-Celtic concept of the symbolically-loaded,
liminal water bird in their symbolic repertoire, but they chose to include easily available
local water birds other than ducks and geese. These unusual choices may thus reflect an
expression of local or regional identity, which would not be surprising considering the
distinctive aspects of both Hallstatt and La Tne Armorica (see discussion in Chapter
Four).
Cardinal Directions and Structured Ritual Space

The primary aim of this thesis was to explore the potential usefulness of
approaching faunal remains from Celtic sites and deposits that have been interpreted as
ritual in function in terms of regional variation. Surprisingly, the sites in this study and
their domesticated and wild faunal assemblages also were useful in approaching the
symbolism of cardinal directions and the structuring of sacred space in the Celtic world.
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While the interpretations discussed below are preliminary and tentative, they demonstrate
that faunal analysis can contribute to the study of symbolic structuring of space and
suggest that such research should be explored further.
Entrances and Symbolic Orientation

As discussed in Chapter Four, the entrances of both sanctuaries and
Viereckschanzen are most often located in the South and East. Equally important is that
the available evidence indicates that the entrances were never in the North (Figure 11).
This pattern strongly suggests an important symbolic structuring of space that was most
likely connected to religious beliefs concerning cosmology and possibly concepts of what
may be considered taboo spatial concepts.
Table 21. Cardinal directions of sanctuary entrances.
Gournay
North
East
South
West
Meaux Bennecourt
X
Corent
Fesques
St.-Malo Clermont
X
X
X
Information on entrance location was available for seven of the sites in this study
(Table 21) (Bourgeois 1999, Figure 18; Mniel 1997a, Figure 2; Poux 2002:53; Poux et
al. 2003, Figure 2; Yvinec 1988:85). Following the expected pattern, the entrances of
four of these sanctuaries were located in the East: Gournay, Meaux, Bennecourt, and
Corent, while those of two others were in the South: Fesques and St.-Malo (see Figure 4).
Surprisingly, the entrance at Clermont faces North (Poux 2002:53). The atypical
orientation towards North presented by Clermont could simply be an anomaly. On the
other hand, several indicators that have already been discussed suggest the populations
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using the sanctuaries in Auvergne, principally those of the Arverni tribe, seem to have
practiced regional variations on the basic themes within the La Tne symbolic repertoire.
In light of this, the highly unusual orientation at Clermont may suggest that the apparent
rule against North seen elsewhere in Gaul, including at Corent, was not as rigidly
enforced or practiced in Auvergne.
Animals and Symbolic Orientation

In general, the faunal remains were found to some degree in all of the sectors of
the sanctuary enclosure ditches, as well as in pits and other features of the sites in this
study. The assemblages produced by several of the main enclosure ditches can be located
cardinally and some ditch branches tended to have greater faunal concentrations of
certain species than others. Because of these characteristics of the remains, they may
provide the most useful information relating to directional orientation. Information for
spatial concentrations, however, was only evident or available for Gournay, Montmartin,
St.-Just, Meaux, Bennecourt, Nuits, and Corent (Bourgeois 1999, Figures 12-13; Brunaux
et al. 1985a:132; Foucras 2004a; Mniel 1994; 2004a:5; Poulain 2001; Poux et al.
2002b:66, 2003:54; Yvinec 1988:85).
An interesting pattern emerged when the spatial distributions of faunal
assemblages were viewed in terms of the cardinal directions (Table 22). As expected, the
South held an important place, exemplified by the faunal remains at Bennecourt, many of
which were located in the southern area of the sanctuary. Also as expected, many of the
remains representing the domesticated species were concentrated in the eastern ditches at
most of the sites, especially at Gournay, Montmartin, Meaux, and Nuits (see Appendix F;
Table 22. Concentrations of domesticates by cardinal direction.
153
Gournay Montmartin St.-Just

Meaux Bennecourt
Nuits
Corent
P C O P C O H D P C OHD P C O H D P C O D P C O H D O H D
X X X X X? X X X
X X X X
XXX
North
XXXX
XXXXX
X XXXXX
East X X X
X X X X
X
South
West
Key:
P: Pig.
C: Cattle.
O: Ovicaprine.
H: Horse.
D: Dog.
Figure 4). These sites reaffirm the interpretation that the East held an important symbolic
meaning(s) in the La Tne symbolic repertoire, especially when related to where the
remains of consumed and sacrificed animals were to be deposited, and perhaps where
they were to be consumed during feasts. A rare pattern among the wild species is that
some species were also concentrated in the eastern branch of the outer ditch at Corent.
The wildcat, wolf, and fox head remains were found near the sanctuary entrance (see
discussion of carnivores above). Whether these wild species were deposited in the East
because they suspended on or near the entrance as trophies, or whether their location was
due to their status as carnivores, mammals, or for some other symbolic reason, clearly
there was an association between the East and these carnivores at Corent.
What was most surprising, however, was that most of the rest of the
concentrations of domesticate remains came from the northern branches of the enclosure
ditches, especially at St.-Just, Bennecourt, and Corent (Table 22). Not only was the
North apparently as favored as the East, apparently across La Tne Gaul, but the remains
at Corent indicate that the North may have been associated with warrior and/or hunter
symbolic meanings in particular. Furthermore, in the northern branch of the peripheral
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ditch at Corent were deposited the unusual leg remains of sacrificed, non-consumed horse
and dog remains associated with both human remains and warrior equipment (Poux et al.
2003:51-4).
The warrior and/or hunter triad at Corent is analogous in many ways to other
human/horse/dog associations found at other La Tne burial sites, such as the dog and
horse deposits in a human burial at Tartigny (Oise), in Celtic iconography and Classical
references (Green 1992a:24, 55-8, 72-4), as well as the human/horse assemblages at
Nanteuil and Ribemont (Brunaux 200:110; Lambot 1996:29; see also Appendix F) and
dog/horse assemblages, such as the burial of a dog and horse at an Iron Age storage pig at
Danebury (Green 1992a:102) and several associated dog and horse burials at the GalloRoman ritual site of Vertault (Cte dOr) (Jouin and Mniel 2001; Mniel et al. 1991).
That these associated faunal, human, and material culture remains were found in the
northern branch at Corent is especially striking, considering this direction seems to be
associated with death or taboo based on the preferential entrance locations of sanctuaries
and Viereckschanzen.
Perhaps the North was associated with death, but those meanings seem to have
been closely linked to related concepts of warrior and hunter symbolism. It is also worth
exploring other symbolic meanings of dogs in this case. Multiple sources indicate that
dogs were not only associated with hunting symbolism, but also healing, guardianship,
death, and the Otherworld (Green 1992a:197-8, 1992b:82-4; MacKillop 1998:144-5).
This healing/death symbolism connecting humans and dogs in the Iron Age Celtic world
is most clearly seen in the imagery of the Celtic healing goddess, Nehalennia, who is
accompanied by a dog (Green 1996b:176-80). Furthermore, dogs are strongly associated
155
with death and the Celtic Otherworld in the Medieval myths from Ireland and Wales
(Green 1986a:186, 1996b:178). The associations of hunting with death, the Otherworld,
and the Wild Hunt is exemplified by the Medieval story of Lord Pwyll, who comes across
a pack of white hounds with red ears hunting a stag and follows them, unknowingly
crossing into Annwfn, the Welsh Otherworld (Gantz 1976:46-47). These associations are
also evidenced in the historic folklore of Brittany, exemplified by the ki du (black dog)
that guides the dead to the Otherworld (MacKillop 1998:144). These are some possible
meanings, but it is clear that there is a connection between dogs, horses, humans, and the
direction of North.
It is also interesting that there were no specific concentrations of domesticated
species in the western areas of any of the main outer ditches at any of the sites discussed
in this study (Table 22). On the other hand, the ovicaprine remains from the ditch of one
of the internal enclosures at Corent, Enclosure A, were mostly located (but not
concentrated) in both the southern and western ditches (see Appendix F). Domesticate
remains were often found in the western areas of other enclosure ditches from the sites in
this thesis, which indicates that there was not a strict rule in the Gallic symbolic
repertoire defining the West as taboo for such deposits. It does appear that this direction
may not have carried the same symbolic weight as the North, East, and even South; or,
perhaps the West was highly symbolic, which could be why entrances and concentrated
faunal deposits were not usually located in that direction. These interpretations are
necessarily tentative, but it is evident that the cardinal directions were symbolic and that
they played specific roles in structuring where certain practices were carried out.
Lastly, La Tne sanctuaries occasionally include evidence of enclosures that have
156
been interpreted as livestock pens. Such enclosures were located within the outer
enclosure ditches at the sites of both Gournay and Corent (see Figure 7) (Poux et al.
2003:56). It may be significant that the one at Gournay was in the northern area, while at
Corent it was located in the southwest corner. Whether or not livestock pens were
located within the main sanctuary enclosures may or may not have had special meaning;
more than likely, their presence was a matter of practicality, thus allowing the elites who
underwrote the animal rituals and feasts at the sites to purchase the animals with little
difficulty- and in plain sight of their competing elites. It is also a question as to whether
or not the locations of these two examples of pens located within sanctuary boundaries
had symbolic meanings that may or may not relate to the symbolic meanings associated
with the cardinal directions. It seems, however, that the relationships among different
categories of material culture and the cardinal directions should be explored further in the
future.
Summary: Domesticates and Regional Variation

Domesticates and Costly Signaling
By exploring the ritual use of domesticates through a regional approach,
potentially insightful patterns emerged that appear to reflect the criteria, both in terms of
economic efficiency and costly signaling, that diverse Celtic groups employed in
choosing which domesticated species to exploit for sacrificial and feasting rituals. These
regional patterns relate the ages and sexes, relative quality and quantity, and symbolic
values of various domesticates as they were used in different ways at the sanctuary sites.
The general pattern produced by the abundance analysis indicates that in most cases,
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elites chose the domesticates in similar relative abundance as found at nearby settlement
sites. However, animals that were costly in terms of age and/or sex and high quality body
parts were in evidence at several of the sites. This suggests that the elites who hosted and
underwrote the rituals at the sites in most of the regions selected the domesticated
animals in terms of their relatively low cost to procure (Hypothesis 1), while, in some
cases, choosing more costly animals or body parts associated with feasting practices. In
these cases, it appears that the expectations derived from costly signaling theory were met
at some of the sites and not at others. The faunal assemblages at the sties in the Northern
region and most of the sites in Auvergne in particular indicate that costly signaling was a
contributing factor at certain times and in certain areas, perhaps due to periodic and/or
regional disruptions in political stability.
Domesticates and Symbolism

The regional approach employed in this thesis also was useful in identifying
potentially significant patterns of variation in species selection and modes of exploitation.
Several of these patterns appear to demonstrate regional variations that could reflect
expressions of local or regional identity, especially in Auvergne and Armorica. The
regionally divergent patterns identified in this study correspond well with the regionally
distinctive culture-histories that are seen in these areas in other categories of material
culture. Among the most striking regional differences were the possible uses of goats for
divinatory practices in the Mountainous region, and the regional variations seen in which
domesticated species could be chosen as alternative substitutes within the broader Celtic
symbolic repertoire.
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Summary: Wild Animals and Symbolism

The other approach employed in this study, which involved a combination of
ethnohistoric evidence of symbolic meaning and data from wild animal remains was also
productive in revealing potentially interesting patterns, as well as in generating new
hypotheses to be explored in the future. The ritual uses of certain wild taxa (hares, deer,
boars) and categories of wild taxa (carnivores) could be interpreted in terms of elite
display, including warrior-elite symbolic meaning based on Celtic iconography, myth,
and folklore. This combination of zooarchaeological analysis and ethnohistoric
symbolism was also fruitful in examining regional variation in which wild species could
be substitutes for each other within the broader Celtic symbolic repertoire.
Domesticated and Wild Animals: Correlations and Symbolism

Some interesting and unexpected patterns also emerged when the remains of both
the wild and domesticated species represented at the sites were analyzed together. This
was the case with the possible use of certain domesticated and wild animal skulls as
trophies, which most likely reflected both prestige strategies and religious animal
symbolism. Also, while it has been understood that the cardinal directions were
important in Celtic symbolism, this study revealed that spatial concentrations of wild and
domesticated species in symbolically structured Celtic ritual spaces may be useful in
elucidating the possible meanings of these directions in the Celtic symbolic repertoire.
159
Sanctuaries, Feasting, and Competitive Conspicuous Consumption
In the chiefdom societies of La Tne Gaul, the status and rank of members of the
noble warrior class, who were free from agricultural labor, were proclaimed, challenged,
and legitimated through feasting and raiding (Cunliffe 1997:105-7, 2001b:361-362).
Warrior-elites in Celtic chiefdoms were bound in patron-client relationships (Champion
1995:92-93) wherein the chiefs status, which was inextricably tied to that of his kin and
allies, was determined by his ability to maintain a loyal retinue of armed warriors and
retainers through the selective distribution of resources under his control (Arnold
1999:78-80; Carneiro 1981:61; Cunliffe 2001b:361; Hayden 1993:303).
Holding feasts is an effective strategy for both chiefs and aspiring nobles to
maintain and increase their own prestige. Aspiring elites within the chiefly retinue, most
likely made up of secondary elites (Arnold 1999:80), compete for the honor of organizing
and underwriting the feasts with the hope of winning favors from the chief and rising in
power and rank, creating a system of relationships based on rewards and debts that
simultaneously serves the ambitious warrior nobles while demonstrating the chiefs
economic, political, and religious authority and dominance (Arnold 1999:78; Hayden
1993:292, 303). The chiefs ability to accumulate and control the surplus generated by
aspiring elites is socially advantageous for him and his kin, aspiring elites among them
(Hayden 1993:306).
Celtic paramount elites were able to use feasting and drinking rituals that included
sacrificial rites and large-scale consumption to honestly signal to their warrior-clients- or
to potential clients and rivals- that establishing and maintaining patron-client
relationships were in their best interests (Arnold 1999:79, 2001:215-217), and thus both
160
the chiefs and their highest-ranked supporters became more socially successful. In this
sense, following Haydens (2001:55-58) classification system, La Tne feasting at
sanctuaries would have involved alliance-building, competition, tribute-giving, or some
combination thereof.
Iron Age Celtic remains meet the criteria proposed by Hayden (2001:51-53) for
archaeologically visible feasts: high quality and/or quantity of prestige items
commensurate with alliance-negotiation and competition; the public destruction of highcost wealth, including the destruction of objects and the consumption of food and drink
that were of high quality and/or large quantity; and special places where these activities
were carried out (see discussion of La Tne sanctuaries in Chapter One). The Tlingit
potlatch, a possible analog of Celtic feasting behaviors (Cunliffe 1997:106), took place in
mortuary contexts among others and involved the exchange of food and gifts and the
destruction of wealth in the form of slaves and coppers (Kan 1989:209, 244), both of
which were used in the competition and legitimization of rank and status through
ritualized feasting (Kan 1989:209, 244, 247). Moreover, the most intense competition in
the Tlingit feasts took place among kin in the same moiety who competed for symbolic
capital (Kan 1989:247). Similarly, the evidence of ritualized feasting and drinking found
in Hallstatt tumulus burials (see discussion of the Vix burial in Chapter Four) and La
Tne sanctuaries, including many described in this thesis, involved conspicuous
consumption by elites who may have been kin and near-kin. Such feasts took the form of
elaborate performances in bounded ritual spaces that included the ritual destruction of
wealth in the form of sacrificed animals and offerings. This does not mean that the Celtic
elites who underwrote and contributed to the offering of collective sacrifices were not
161
appealing to deities as part of their religion-social obligations to ensure the well-being of
the tribe or local group (Roymans 1990:83). However, I argue that these other factors
were major aspects of the rituals carried out at La Tne sanctuaries.
Like some of the Tlingit feasts, Hallstatt feasts took place in mortuary contexts
(Arnold 1999), but recent archaeological data indicate that ritual feasting in La Tne Gaul
was primarily performed at sanctuaries that functioned as religious, political, and social
centers (see discussion of La Tne sanctuaries in Chapter One). The shift in context of
feasting and ritual deposition from Hallstatt tumulus burials to La Tne sanctuaries is not
surprising (Bradley 1998:185; Brunaux 1988:137-142). Based on Gregorys (1980,
1982) anthropological research, Bradley (1998:38-40) argues that elites in a ranked
society are limited in terms of the costs they can incur through costly signaling, and thus
they can only invest in conspicuous consumption in a limited number of ways, each with
specific advantages and limits as strategies for maintaining and increasing prestige.
Competitive conspicuous consumption, including sacrifice, feasting, and votive
deposition in funerary contexts, which tends to be performed during periods of social
instability (Parker Pearson 1982; Bradley 1998:39), has a limited efficacy: emulation by
secondary elites seeking to access and appropriate the paramount elite symbolic language
in their on-going challenge of paramount hegemony forces elites to continuously make
the conspicuous displays more lavish until they become too costly to be effective (Arnold
2001:215-216; Bradley 1998:39; Cannon 1989). This was the case at the elite Hallstatt
burial sites at Hochdorf, southwest Germany, and Vix, Burgundy, where the remains of
elaborate feasting and drinking equipment, often including Mediterranean imports, were
found (Arnold 1999:73-74; Cunliffe 2001a:313, 2001b:346-347). Through feasting,
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these Hallstatt elites used gift-giving and conspicuous consumption to establish and
maintain social status (Arnold 1991b, 1996, 1999, 2003; Arnold and Gibson 1996;
Dietler 1989, 1990, 1995, 1996). Bradley (1998:40, 201) makes a strong case that,
following Gregorys (1980, 1982) research, a viable alternative would be to redirect ritual
offerings from the dead to the gods, thus changing the venue from burials to sanctuaries
and other cult sites where elites would be able to continually increase their prestige
through repeatable conspicuous displays no longer limited by the constraints of mortuary
rituals.
In other words, a paramount elite could feasibly host ritual feasts at a sanctuary
more frequently and at more politically expedient times, whereas previously the death of
an appropriate elite individual was necessary for such displays to be orchestrated.
Bradley (1998:99-129, esp. 103-106) found that, by and large, when the Bronze Age
Europeans abandoned mound burials in favor of flat cremation graves in the late Bronze
Age, evidence for conspicuous consumption shifted from mounds to votive deposits (see
also Arnold 1999:85). In the same way, the Hallstatt elites invested wealth in elaborate
burial feasts and grave goods, whereas those of the La Tne period, when cremation
graves with modest provisions dominated, redirected their investments to feasting and
sacrificial offerings in sanctuary contexts, as well as to hoard and votive deposits
(Bradley 1998:171-178; Webster 1995:449-451) such as those at the ritual lake sites of
La Tne, Switzerland (Bradley 1998:173-174; Green 1995:6) and Llyn Cerrig Bach,
Wales (Green 1996a:66). While animal sacrifice and ritual feasting did continue to occur
to some degree in funeral contexts during the La Tne period in Gaul (Brunaux
2000:220-1), such as at the cemetery of Lamadeleine (Luxembourg) near the sanctuary
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and oppidum site of the Titelberg (Brunaux 2000:221), it seems that such practices were
more common at this time at sanctuaries. A similar interpretation has been suggested by
Poux et al. (2004:90), who argue that the deposits of feast remains, amphorae, and
cooking utensils, along with warrior equipment and horse remains, at the Corent
sanctuary indicate that the rituals performed at the site reflect the same elite ideology that
is reflected in funerary assemblages.
The religious nature of the sacrifices at the sanctuaries discussed in this thesis,
however, should not be forgotten. The display and maintenance of group membership
and the cooperation that comes with membership in a religious community, as argued by
Irons (2001) and Sosis (2004), would have also played a role in the ritual behaviors in
evidence at the sanctuaries. Such behaviors simultaneously benefit the individual
members while contributing to social cohesion and expressing group identity. Drawing
on Roman writings on the Celts, Brunaux (1988:103, 2000:197-199) also points out the
Celtic practice of sacrificing animals and making offerings at temples as part of a
religious vow wherein a warrior would promise some of the spoils of battle if the deity
granted victory (see also Bradley 1998:188). Such religious vows would likely have
been expressions of individual and group identity, signals of political and military
success (that one was successful in acquiring the spoils and could afford to destroy them)
and an expression of religious belief (that one believed the offerings repaid the deities
and that offerings would result in future providential success and wealth). The elites who
hosted and underwrote the rituals evidenced at the sanctuaries were also most likely
signaling to Otherworldly receptors (deities, ancestors, etc.) believed to exist here and in
the Otherworld in the hopes of maintaining their support. However, these motives for
164
sacrifice and votive offering are not mutually exclusive, as they all concern matters of
religious, political, and social obligations and strategies that were fundamental in La Tne
chiefdom societies where these spheres of social life were inextricably intertwined (see
discussion about Celtic sanctuaries in Chapter Three).
Concluding Remarks
Despite the many challenges encountered in this study, several potentially
important insights were garnered from the emergent patterns and this research
demonstrates the usefulness- and the weaknesses- of synthesizing faunal analysis and
ethnohistoric data in the study of prehistoric religious behavior through material culture.
Addressing religious traditions in prehistoric societies is fraught with difficulties, but this
study illustrates one way that past ideologies may be productively approached. While
current research on ways to identify possibly ritual faunal deposits has been extremely
useful, this study suggests that such deposits can also be analyzed within broader
anthropological theoretical frameworks in order to approach past ritual behaviors and
symbolism more systematically. This study also demonstrates that, even though
ethnohistoric analogy can only be used with great caution, it can also be useful in
providing important insights into past symbolic uses of animals and in suggesting
potentially fruitful avenues of further research.
165
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Appendix A: Map of the Dpartements of France (after Milone & Dahl 1992:
37).
198
Appendix B: Raw Data for the Domesticated Species.
Nanteuil
Ribemont
Pig NISP
X
X
1436
Gournay
190 or 210
Montmartin
Estres
St.-Just
Fesques
Meaux
Bennecourt
Titelberg
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Nuits
Mouzon
Mirebeau
Corent
Clermont
X
X
X
X
X
>1677
1376
41
3560
3359
5183
27-35% of
total NISP
171
Quimper
St.-Malo
Ouessant
Aubign
X
X
X
X
3706
749
MNE
MNI
50?
33
413
100?
Cattle
NISP
168
1632
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
>793
580
138
4769
1188
MNE
MNI
52
48
100s
1
17
50-60% of
total NISP
138
49
X
X
700
84
7
16
1
1
340
30
X
X
X
X
50?
2
895
8
1
70
199
Ribemont
Gournay
Montmartin
Estres
St.-Just
Fesques
Meaux
Bennecourt
Titelberg
Nuits
Mouzon
Mirebeau
Corent
Clermont
Quimper
St.-Malo
Ouessant
Sheep NISP MNI Goat NISP MNE MNI Ovicaprine NISP MNE MNI
X
X
558
X
610 93
X
610
93
X
15
X
X
X
369
X
20
X
X
327
X
19 X
37 X
2285
X
83
X
3817 743 83?
X
X?
X
9-11%
of
total
NISP
X
155 20 X
23
4
X
178
24
X
X
196 23 X
15
3
X
1534
X
1728 100 X
5
X
1733?
100
X
2
2
1 X
2
1
X
1
X
X
3675 460 X
X
3675
460
200
Nanteuil
Ribemont
Gournay
Montmartin
Estres
St.-Just
Fesques
Meaux
Bennecourt
Titelberg
Horse
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Nuits
Mirebeau
Corent
Clermont
Quimper
St.-Malo
St.-Jean
Faye-L'Abbesse
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
NISP
MNE MNI
82
1
38
130? 13-50
330
7
120?
4?
82
1356
12
6
15
2
2% of total
NISP
2%
1
13
2
Dog NISP
MNI
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
3
5?
X
X
X
131
15-20
90
62
9
78
6
99
2-5% of
total NISP
5
19
15
2
3
1
1
Appendix C: Raw Data for the Wild Mammals.
Ribemont
Montmartin
Bennecourt
Mirebeau
Corent
Ribemont
Montmartin
Estres
Fesques
Meaux
Bennecourt
Mirebeau
Corent
Hedgehog NISP Wolf NISP MNE MNI Fox NISP MNE

X 14
X
1
X 1
X?
X
2
2
2
X
1
Wildcat NISP MNE MNI Mustalid Hare

X
X
6
2
X
X
X
X
X
X
3
3
1-2
X
X
X
1
1
1
X
NISP MNI Boar NISP

16
50
X
1
6
14
9
34
6
2
201
Red Deer
X
X
X
X
X
Montmartin
Estres
Meaux
Mirebeau
Corent
NISP
2
2
1
10
MNI
Roe Deer
NISP
1
2
1
X
Rodentia
X
Fesques
MNE
NISP
2
Mole
X
NISP
4
Bat
X
NISP
1
Duck
X
NISP
1
MNI
1
X
X
Appendix D: Raw Data for the Water Birds.
Gournay
Estres
Fesques
Meaux
Mirebeau
Quimper
Ouessant
Goose
NISP
X
X
X
X
1
348?
3
Woodcock
X
MNI
NISP Penguin
9
X
Puffin
Cormorant
Appendix E: Raw Data for the Other Wild Avian Taxa.
Ribemont
Estres
Fesques
Meaux
Mirebeau
Quimper
Partridge
NISP Quail Pigeon/Dove
Owl
Thrush NISP
X?
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
202
Ribemont
Gournay
Montmartin
Estres
Fesques
Meaux
Bennecourt
Nuits
Mirebeau
Corent
Clermont
Quimper
Corvid NISP MNI Chicken

X
X
1
1
X
10
2
X
X
X
X
X
NISP MNI Avian NISP Fowl NISP

5
X
20
59
95
246?
X
X
X
75
593
129
X
X
X*
6
1
25
6
31-36
13
577?
203
Appendix F: Site Biographies and Primary Information for the Domesticates

Chronology legend
LT: La Tne
ELT: Early La Tne (La Tne ancienne)/ LT-A and B
MLT: Middle La Tne (La Tne moyenne)/ LT-C
LLT: Late La Tne (La Tne Finale)/ LT-D
GRP: Gallo-Roman Period
Faunal body part legend:
Upper upper limb: scapula, humerus, femur.
Lower upper limb: radius, ulna, tibia, fibula.
Lower limb: metatarsus and matacarpus.
Trunk: skull, vertebrae, ribs, and pelvic area.
Nanteuil-sur-Aisne/ Npellier (Ardennes, Champagne-Ardenne)
Principal excavator: Mr. Delean (who recorded the faunal information), Dr. Martin, Mr.
Bosteaux, Dr. Lallemand, Mr. Guerin, Mr. Varillon. Bernard Lambot has published most
on this site.
Excavated: This site was originally excavated and surveyed in 1959-61.
Time Period(s): The site was used from LT-CI through GRP. The main faunal ditch
dates to the second half of MLT (LT-D1) and LLT (LT-D2), with most from LT-D2. The
silo is tentatively dated to ELT.
Related publications:
Brunaux 2000; Lambot 1978, 1989a, 1996, 1997, 1991a; Mniel 1987b, 2001; Roymans
1990.
Associations and published interpretations:
The site is close to the well-known habitat of Acy-Romance and lies at a tribal
frontier. The sanctuary lies in the heart of a vast enclosure with associated metal and
glass craft workshops. An adjacent silo produced some horse and humans remains.
There is a central, oval enclosure, upon which a fanum and a gallery were built. The LT
ditch contained sacrificed weapons and other material culture, and human and faunal
bones. A silo contained horse and human remains. There are analogies with Picardie
sites like Gournay and Ribemont.
Primary source(s) of faunal information:
Lambot 1989a.
Primary faunal information:
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1
Available information only indicated that this species was present.
There was no available information regarding body part, sex, or age.
Available information did not indicate that there was evidence of butchery or
burning.
Cattle:
Absent.
204
Ovicaprine:
Absent.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 2
Available information only indicated that this species was present.
Available information did not indicate that there was evidence of butchery or
burning.
Dog:
Absent
Ribemont-sur-Ancre (Somme, Picardie)
Principal excavator: Jean-Louis Cadoux in 1982. J.-L. Brunaux.
Excavated: 1982 and ?
Time Period(s): The site was used during MLT and LLT. The animal deposits date
primarily to ca. 225 BC-60 BC.
Bourgeois 1999; Brunaux 1999, 2000; Bchsenschtz 1995; Cadoux 1982a, 1982b, 1984,
1986, 1991; Fichtl 1991; Marchand 1991; Mniel 1987a, 1988a, 1989b, 1991b, 1992a,
1992b, 1994, 2001, 2004b; Roymans 1990.
Exceptionally well-preserved faunal remains were from two types of structures:
the ossuary and feast refuse essentially from the sanctuary ditches and cattle. The final
dismantling is similar to contemporary sanctuaries, such as Corent and Bennecourt.
Some of the remains have been interpreted as feasts associated with the ritual closure of
the sanctuary.
Bourgeois 1999: Tables 19, 20 and Figure 121; Mniel 1987a, 1991b, 2004b.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1
There are analogies with Bennecourt, St.-Just, Gournay, and Fesques.
Head and upper limb remains were most abundant. Lower limb, rib, and trunk
remains were less abundant. Foot remains were least abundant.
However, it is argued that there was a specific selection for the pig feet.
Adults between two and five years old were most abundant. Piglets were the
second most abundant.
There were twice as many males as females.
Most of the males were around two years old, while the females were around five
years old.
There was evidence of butchering but not of burning.
Some of the skulls were split, indicating consumption or feasting.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 3
205
Trunk (rib and vertebra) remains were most abundant. Foot remains were least
abundant. Upper limb remains were the second most abundant. Trunk (excluding
rib and vertebra) and foot remains were least abundant.
Calves were most abundant.
It does not appear that there was evidence of burning.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 2
There are analogies with Bennecourt.
Head, especially mandible, and upper limb remains were most abundant. Foot
remains were least abundant.
Very young and young individuals were most abundant. Adults were least
abundant.
There were twice as many males than females. Males were slaughtered at a
younger age than females. The females at Ribemont were a little older than those
at Bennecourt.
There was evidence of butchery marks but not of burning.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 4
Limb remains were most abundant in the ossuary. Most of these were generally
complete long bones, especially lower upper limb bones, and fewer upper upper
limb bones. Pelvic remains were less abundant, and are believed to have been
part of the ground paving at the ossuary. Trunk and foot remains were least
abundant.
There also were some skull fragments and one complete skull.
Adults and old adults were the only aged individuals.
There was no evidence of butchering or burning from the remains outside of the
ossuary.
Some bones from the ossuary may have had evidence of fire but it appears they
were burned because their use in the ossuary, not as part of cooking.
There is evidence that at least some of these remains that were not part of the
ossuary were exposed before they were deposited, which is analogous to the horse
and cattle remains at Gournay and the horse remains at St.-Just and Corent.
One horse skull had evidence that the occipital hole was enlarged, which is
analogous to some of the cattle skulls at Gournay, and thus may have been hung
as trophies. This is also analogous to some ovicaprine skulls at Corent.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 5
Head and limb remains were most abundant.
There was no available information regarding sex or age.
There was evidence of butchery from one skull, which was split in two. This is
analogous to the usual pattern found on pig skulls. It also, however, appears that,
at least for one individual, most of the tendons decomposed before the dog was
buried. However, the other individuals could have been consumed considering
the split skull.
There does not seem to have been evidence of butchery on the limb remains.
206
Gournay-sur-Aronde/ Le Parc (Oise, Picardie)

Principal excavator: J.-L. Brunaux
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): Faunal deposits date from the second century BCE through the fourth
century CE. Most of the remains were from the MLT and LLT ditches.
Bourgeois 1999; Brunaux 1991a, 2000; Brunaux and Mniel 1983; Brunaux et al. 1980,
1985a, 1985b; Bchsenschtz 1991, 1995; Fichtl 1991; Marchand 1991; Mniel 1978,
1988a, 1989b, 1991b, 1992a, 1992b, 1994, 2001; Rapin 1991; Roymans 1990.
The largely MLT sanctuary has 2 types of faunal contexts: mostly senile cattle
and adult horses, exposed after sacrifice before the largest parts were deposited in the
ditch, and the remains of pigs and young lambs consumed and deposited in the ditch in
what were likely Spring ritual feasts. Another ritual context is a complex of 'alter-pits'
with three small cattle remains. It was the center of the local pagus, playing a cult and a
political role. It has exceptionally good preservation, and is the primary type-site of the
Belgic sanctuaries. It has analogies with Corent and Mirebeau, and had a complex
relationship with Estres and Montmartin. As at Ribemont, there were human remains
and evidence of human sacrifice.
Brunaux 2000; Brunaux et al. 1985a; Mniel 1978, 1988a, 1989b, 1991b, 1992a, 1992b,
1994:67, 2001.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 3
There are possible analogies with Ribemont, St.-Just, and Bennecourt, and
Fesques.
Head remains were most abundant. Limb, especially upper limb, remains were
the second most abundant. Trunk and foot remains were least abundant.
Very young piglets between zero and two years old were most abundant. Adults
between two to five years old were the second most abundant. Adults between
five and seven years old were least abundant.
There were almost twice as many females as males.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 2
MLT Cattle:
The body parts were generally in the proportions expected for whole animals (i.e.
comprised mostly of head and trunk elements (but fewer ribs), with fewer upper
limb elements, and very few lower limb, foot, or tail elements.
Old adults between older than six and a half years old were most abundant, most
of which were between nine and up to and over 15 years old. Adults between two
and six and a half years old were the second most abundant. Calves two years old
or younger were least abundant. The ages here are analogous to those of the cattle
at St.-Just.
207
There about five times as many males as females. Slightly over half of the males
were castrated oxen.
There was little evidence of butchering marks. There appears to have been no
evidence of burning.
Rib pathology suggests these were draft animals.
Many if not all of these individuals appear to have been slaughtered and then left
to decompose for some time before they were put into the cult ditches. This is
analogous to the horse remains here, at Ribemont, and at St.-Just.
There was also evidence that the foramen magna of some of the skulls were
enlarged. This is analogous to the horse skull at Ribemont and some of the
ovicaprine skulls at Corent.
LLT Cattle:
These cattle were fewer in number and younger than during the Middle La Tne
phase.
Rib remains were most abundant. Upper limb remains in nearly equal numbers
were the second most abundant. Trunk (excluding rib), lower limb, and foot
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 1
MLT Ovicaprine:
The vast majority of the ovicaprines came from this phase.
These were primarily if not exclusively sheep.
Young individuals were most abundant. This has been interpreted as evidence for
Spring ritual feasts.
Upper and lower limb bones were most abundant in nearly equal numbers. Trunk
and foot remains, which were in nearly equal numbers, were least abundant.
Very young individuals were most abundant. Most were three to four months old,
followed by four to seven months, and a few over seven months old.
Information regarding sex was not available.
There was much evidence of butchering but not of burning.
LLT Ovicaprine:
These were primarily if not exclusively sheep.
Trunk (vertebra and rib) and upper limb remains were most abundant. Head
remains were second abundant. Lower limb and foot remains, along with
mandibles, were least abundant.
There were three times as many males as females. Half of the males were
castrated.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 5
Adults were most abundant. Foals were least abundant, represented by on older
foal.
208
Dog
Many if not all of these individuals appear to have been slaughtered and then left
to decompose for some time before they were put into the cult ditches. This is
analogous to the cattle remains here and to the horse remains at Ribemont and St.Just.
Abundance rank: 4
Upper limb and trunk (including head) remains were most abundant.
Montmartin/ La Fosse Muette (Oise, Picardie)

Excavated: Late 1990s?
Time Period(s): The site was used from the second century BCE through the late LLT.
The deposits largely date to LT-C2 and D1. It was destroyed during the Gallic War and
was not reused during GRP.
Brunaux 1991c, 2000; Brunaux and Mniel 1997; Fichtl 1991; Marchand 1991; Mniel
1994, 2001.
This is believed to be a unique aristocratic residence with an adjoining sanctuary.
There were a large number of human remains, including 12 skulls. The relatively wellpreserved faunal materials came from the sanctuary ditch, and from postholes and pits
within the sanctuary enclosure. The site is interpreted as the first evidence of
urbanization in northern Gaul, and the central role of religion here is exemplary. Like
many sanctuaries, it is associated with tribal borders. There are analogies with Gournay
and Estres.
Brunaux and Mniel 1997; Mniel 1997b.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1
Upper limb remains were most abundant, and head (especially mandible) remains
were only slightly less abundant. Foot and rib remains were less abundant.
Lower limb and trunk remains were least abundant.
Foot remains were relatively analogous to those of head remains, which is unlike
Gournay, Bennecourt, and Ribemont, where heads were much more abundant in
relation to feet.
Young adults between one and one and a half years old and adults between three
to four and a half years old were most abundant. Adults between six and nine
months old, possibly indicating a Fall slaughter, and ones over five years old were
less abundant.
209
Young males were twice as abundant as young females. Old females were three
times as abundant as old males.
Available information indicates that there was not evidence of butchery or
burning.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 2
Upper limb bones were most abundant. Trunk (including rib) and lower limb
remains were the second most abundant, although ribs were less abundant than
usual at sanctuaries. Head and foot remains were least abundant.
Old adults between six and fifteen years old, with a quarter of those around ten
years old, were most abundant. Calves between zero to two years old, young
adults between two and four years old, and adults between four and six and a half
years old were equally less abundant.
There were six times as many females than males.
It appears that- and has been argued that- milk cows were slaughtered at a
younger age than oxen, suggesting that the quality younger cattle were for the
more privileged, while the meat from older cattle was for less privileged.
The cattle remains have been interpreted as evidence of sacrifice for prestige, and
not feasting, according to Brunaux. However, while the parts are similar to those
at a semi-buried habitat, the parts are relatively high in quality.
There were also horn remains found near what may have been a workshop due to
evidence of fur-skin working
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 5
Adults between two and four years old were most abundant. Young individuals
between six and 12 months and old adults between five and eight years old were
second most abundant, suggesting some lambs for feasting and some older ones
that had been kept for wool.
Limb, especially upper limb, remains were most abundant. Head remains were
the second most abundant. There were few other elements.
There does not appear to be available information regarding sex or treatment.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 3
In total, heads were relatively abundant. Upper limb remains were relatively less
abundant.
There were two main individuals, one of which appears to have been butchered
and buried soon after. There were also a few bones from other individuals.
One horse (the mare) was represented by a generally complete skeleton. The
second horse was represented primarily by trunk (excluding head) remains.
The mare was represented by trunk (including rib) remains but the lumbar
vertebrae and scapulae were missing, which has been argued to be due to canine
action during decomposition.
The mare was one and a half years old.
The only sexable horse was mare.
210
The remains from the mare, especially the head and thighs, showed butchery
marks indicative of defleshing. These marks were unusual compared to those at
Gournay.
It seems important that the main individual was buried at the boundary between
the cult and the habitation area; the horse was buried before it became a place for
a mixture of habitation and ritual deposits (weapons, and human remains). The
place where the ritually used horse at Titelberg was buried is argued to be
analogous.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 4
High meat parts (presumably upper legs) were most abundant. Head remains
were less abundant.
Estres-Saint-Denis/ Le Moulin des Hayes (Oise, Picardie)
Principal excavator: Georges-Pierre Woimant
Excavated: 1984-1987
Time Period(s): The site was used ca. 250 BC-350 CE. The animal deposits date to
ca.250 BC-50 BC.
Brunaux 2000; Collart 2002; Marchand 1991; Mniel 1991b, 1992b, 2002, 2004b;
Roymans 1990; Woimant 1985, 1991b.
This site possibly succeeded Gournay as the main sanctuary for the civitas and its
use continued through the G-Roman period. It has several temples, altars, pits, and
multiple fana. This includes four small wooden structures that have rectangular floor
plans that appear to date to LLT. A ditch and multiple pits within the ritual enclosure
contained poorly preserved faunal remains. Minimal evidence suggests it may be the
only LT sanctuary known in a non-elite habitation site. However, it is not clear if it is
contemporary with the habitation material. This is a rare site (along with Quimper,
Mirebeau, Corent, and Bennecourt) with burned remains. Some pits had incinerated
animal feet. Another pit held burned animal mandibles. These parts are usually absent or
poorly represented at other sites. There were also human remains.
Mniel 2002, 2004b.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1
Upper limb and rib remains were most abundant.
Piglets were most abundant.
Several of the foot remains from pits were incinerated with similar ovicaprine and
horse remains.
There was no evidence for butchering or for burning on the limb or rib remains.
Evidence of burning on some canines is analogous with evidence of spit-burning
at Bennecourt, Mirebeau, Quimper, and Corent
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 2
211
Upper limb and rib remains were most abundant.

Young adults between two and four years old were most abundant.
Some pits had burnt mandibles with similar ovicaprine mandibles.
Males and females were present.
There was no evidence for butchering or for burning on the limb or rib remains.
There seems to have been evidence for canine damage.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 3
Available information suggests that young, adult, and old adults were present.
Available information suggests that only males were sexable.
Several of the foot remains from pits were incinerated with similar pig and horse
remains.
Some other pits had burnt mandibles with similar cattle mandibles.
There may have been canine damage.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 4
Several of the foot remains from pits were incinerated with similar pig and
ovicaprine remains.
Adults between seven and eight years old were most abundant. Foals and old
adults were least abundant.
There may have been canine damage.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 5
This species was ubiquitous but in moderate proportions.
Saint-Just-en-Chausse/ La Grilletire (Oise, Picardie)
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): The site was used during LLT and GRP.
Brunaux 2000; Mniel 2001, 2004a, 2004b.
It is not clear if this was a sanctuary, although there is evidence of ritual. There
are analogies with Gournay, particularly the exposure and later deposition of senile cattle
and adult horses into the two Gallic ditch. In total, faunal remains came from two
enclosure ditches, a trench, and a pit that had burnt horse remains. There were also
human remains associated with the faunal remains, especially coxal and femur bones.
Brunaux 2000; Mniel 2001, 2004a, 2004b.
Pig.
Abundance rank: 3
There are possible analogies with Ribemont, Gournay, Bennecourt, and Fesques.
Head remains were most abundant. Foot remains were least abundant.
212
Available information indicates that there was no evidence of butchery or

burning.
Cattle
Abundance rank: 2
Old adults between six and a half and 15 years old were most abundant. Calves
between zero and two years old and adults between two and six and a half years
old were least abundant. This pattern is analogous to the remains at Gournay.
There were one and a half times as many females as males.
As at Gournay, the cattle appear to have been slaughtered and then left to
decompose for some time before they were deposited in the ritual ditch.
Ovicaprine
Abundance rank: 4
No specific information regarding body part, sex, age, or treatment was available
for this species.
Horse
Abundance rank: 1
There are possible analogies with Gournay and Ribemont: Because these remains
show no evidence of sacrifice, they have been interpreted as trophies, as is
suggested for Gournay and Ribemont
The heights of the horses indicate they were work animals, rather than riding
horses.
Unlike at Gournay, the horse remains also suggest some unusual processes. The
animals seem to have been buried as complete skeletons but their bones were not
kept in as strict an anatomical grouping as at Gournay. Also, one skull still had its
bit in place. These differences suggest that they were left where they
decomposed. Brunaux suggests they were exposed complete and left standing up
and that they may have been partially mummified. Altogether, Brunaux strongly
suggests that the horse remains were trophies. This is analogous to the horse and
cattle remains at Gournay and the horse remains at Ribemont and Corent.
Adults between four and 13 years old, along with some older adults between 16
and 18 years old, were most abundant. There were no individuals younger than
four years old. This pattern is analogous to the remains at Gournay.
There was very little evidence of butchering or burning.
Only one bone had canine marks, suggesting dogs were not allowed within the
sanctuary.
The height of these individuals indicates that they were work animals, rather than
riding horses.
Dog
213
Abundance rank: 5
Head remains were most abundant.
No other information was available.
Fesques/ Le Mont du Val aux Moines (Seine-Maritime, Haute-Normandie)

Principal excavator: E. Mantel
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): The site was used from MLT through GRP.
Brunaux 2000; Devillers 1997; Mantel 1997; Mantel and Merleau 1993, 1994; Mniel
1997, 2001.
This sanctuary has evidence of communal feasting and public human execution.
Well-preserved faunal remains were produced largely from the LT ditches of two
enclosures. The feet and heads of hundreds of calves were produced by the large exterior
enclosure and feast remains composed largely of pig, then sheep and cattle were
produced by the internal enclosure. A separate deposit dated to LTC in produced the
highly fragmented remains of young and old pigs. This site has analogies with Gournay
and Ribemont, and possibly also with Corent.
Mantel 1997; Mantel and Merleau 1993, 1994; Mniel 1997a.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 2
There are possible analogies with Ribemont, Gournay, St.-Just, and Bennecourt.
Head remains were most abundant. Foot remains were least abundant.
One deposit in particular contained the remains of young and old individuals that
were highly fragmented.
Available information indicates that there may have been evidence of butchering
but not of burning.
Some remains were associated with ovicaprine, cattle, and human remains.
Other remains were associated with dog, cattle, and human remains.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 1
Head remains were most abundant. Foot and rib remains were the second most
abundant.
Calves were most abundant.
Available information indicates that there may have been evidence of butchering
but not of burning.
Some remains were associated with ovicaprine, pig, and human remains.
Other remains were associated with dog, pig, and human remains.
214
Ovicaprines:
Abundance rank: 3
Foot remains were least abundant or absent.
The only available information suggests this species was present and that there
may have been evidence of butchering but not of burning.
Some remains were associated with cattle, pig, and human remains.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 5
Available information only indicates that this species was present.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 4
There was one generally complete skeleton.
Available information suggests that there was not evidence of butchering or
burning.
These remains were associated with pig, cattle, and human remains.
Meaux/ La Bauve (Seine-et-Marne, le-de-France)
Principal excavator: Danielle Magnan
Time Period(s): The materials date to LLT and early GRP.
Magnan 1988; Roymans 1990; Yvinec 1988.
This site is situated outside of the Roman city of Meaux. The faunal remains
were interpreted as support for the characterization of this deposit as ritual because the
remains differ from LLT habitation sites. There were also two human remains. All of
the faunal remains come from the eastern side of the enclosure entrance and date from the
late first century BCE to the early first century CE. Fine screening was used, revealing
the remains of microfauna and of very young animals.
Yvinec 1988.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1
Head, lower limb, and some upper limb remains were most abundant. Trunk
(including rib) remains were the second most abundant.
Piglets were most abundant. The majority was between zero and thirty months
old, most of which were around one year old. There also were some neo-natal
piglets between zero and one month old.
There were three times as many males as females. One female was one to one
and a half years old and two others were adults. Most of the males were over one
and a half years old.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 3
215
Head and upper limb (scapula) remains were most abundant. Other limb remains
were less abundant. Trunk (including rib) remains were least abundant.
Adults, most of which were between one and three years old, were most abundant.
Calves were least abundant.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 2
Head remains including horns were most abundant. Limb and trunk (including
rib) remains were less abundant.
This is a rare case where sheep and goats were differentiated. Most of the goats
were young, while most of the sheep were adults.
In general, young individuals between three and 18 months old, most of which
were between five and ten months old, were most abundant. Adult and old
individuals were least abundant.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 4 (equal to dog)
There was no evidence of butchering or burning.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 4 (equal to horse)
There was no evidence of butchering or burning.
Bennecourt/ La Butte du Moulin Vent (Yvelines, le-de-France)
Principal excavator: L. Bourgeois
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): The faunal deposits date to LT-D2.
Bourgeois 1999; Brunaux 2000; Mniel 1991b, 1992b, 2001; Mniel and Desse-Berset
1999; Roymans 1990.
There is a modest sanctuary enclosure, but the large exterior enclosure offers
space for many feasters. The faunal remains were from the LT ritual enclosure ditch.
The site has similarities in layout with Gournay. Most of the faunal remains were from
this ditch, composed of several deposits dating to the end of the second century BCE.
There are analogies with other ritual sites, especially Ribemont regarding faunal
processes and ritualized dismantlement.
Mniel and Natalie Desse-Berset 1999.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1
There are analogies with Ribemont.
Head remains were most abundant. Upper limb (but with relatively fewer
humerus) and rib remains were less abundant. Trunk (excluding head and rib)
and lower limb are least abundant. Foot remains were absent.
216
Piglets between zero and two years old, most of which were between one and two
years old, were most abundant. Adults and old adults over five years old were the
second most abundant. Adults between two and five years old were least
abundant.
Males were generally around two years old, females around four or five years old.
Some heads, along with those of ovicaprines and dogs, were split in two.
at Quimper, Mirebeau, Estres, and Corent. The butchering marks were very
similar to marks on the ovicaprine and dog remains.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 3
Rib remains were most abundant. Head remains were the second most abundant.
Foot remains were least abundant.
Available information suggests that age and sex were not determinable.
Available information only suggested that the remains were not burned.
Ovicaprines:
Abundance rank: 2
There are possible analogies with Ribemont, St.-Just, Gournay, and Fesques.
Upper limb (with relatively fewer femur) remains were most abundant. Trunk
(excluding vertebra) remains were second most abundant. Vertebra and foot
Young individuals and young adults between a few weeks and two and a half
years old were most abundant, most of which were between a few weeks and six
months old. Adults between five and six years old were least abundant. The neonatal and young, which showed a pattern of lambs around six, 18, and 30 months
old being slaughtered, have been interpreted as evidence for a Fall sacrifice. This
young age pattern differs from that of the young pigs. The unusually high number
of very young compared to settlement sites has been argued to probably be due to
preservation differences.
There were twice as many females as males.
Some heads, along with those of pigs and dogs, were split in two.
There was also much evidence of butchering but not for burning. The butchering
marks were very similar to marks on the pig and dog remains.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 5
This species was only represented by teeth and phalanges.
There is not evidence for butchering or burning.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 4
Available information did not suggest a patterned selection for body parts.
Young adults or adults were most abundant.
Some heads, along with those of pigs and ovicaprines, were split in two.
217

at Quimper, Mirebeau, Estres, and Corent. There was also evidence of
butchering. The butchering marks were very similar to marks on the pig and
ovicaprine remains.
Titelberg (Luxembourg)
Principal excavator: Jeannot Metzler
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): The site was used from during LLT and GRP.
Mniel 1992b, 1993a, 2001; Metzler 1991, 1995.
This well known fortified site is comprised of a vast habitat sector separated from
a cult area by a large ditch. Faunal remains were from certain houses, the large ditch, and
the sanctuary itself. The cult enclosure has a surface area of seven ha within an oppidum
of 43 ha. It still remains (as of 2000) to show whether the fanum succeeded a Gallic cult
structure, but the excavation of the enclosure ditch provided rich evidence of Gallic use.
Because of its proximity to the habitation area, it is difficult to differentiate domestic
from ritual refuse, which is similar to Montmartin. A near-by cemetery revealed animal
sacrifice and elaborate feasts.
Mniel 1993a; 2001: 36-37.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 2
Piglets between one and one and a half years old were most abundant.
There was no available information regarding sex.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 1
Young adults and adults, most of which were between two and six years old, were
most abundant. Old adults, generally over eleven and a half years old, were least
abundant.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 3
Young individuals between two and six months and adults between two and a half
and seven years old were most abundant.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 5
Available information only indicates that there was not evidence of butchering.
Dog:
218
Abundance rank: 4
There was no available information regarding body part.
Adults were most abundant. Very young and young pups were the second most
abundant.
Available information indicates that there was evidence of butchering but not of
burning.
Nuits-Saint-Georges/ Les Bolards (Cte dOr, Burgundy)

Principal excavator: C. Pommeret
Time Period(s): The site was used during LLT.
Pommeret 2001a, 2001b, 2001c; Poulain 2001.
All of the LLT faunal remains relevant here are from the cult surface dated to the
first level of Period I. This first level of occupation was only very partially excavated
and thus not necessarily representative.
Pommeret 2001c:36; Poulain 2001.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 2
Upper limb remains were most abundant. Trunk (excluding vertebra) and lower
limb remains were the second most abundant. Vertebra remains were least
abundant.
Adults were most abundant. Piglets between four and ten months old were less
abundant.
Males were most abundant.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 3
Upper limb and rib remains were most abundant. Head and pelvic remains were
the second most abundant. Lower limb and vertebra remains were least abundant.
Adults were most abundant. Calves between five and 18 months were least
abundant.
There was evidence of butchering and burning.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 1
Most of these individuals were sheep.
Upper limb and rib remains were most abundant. Head and pelvic remains were
the second most abundant. Lower limb and vertebra remains were least abundant.
Adults were most abundant. Young individuals between three and nine months
old were the least abundant.
Available information suggests that at least one of the sheep (?) was male.
At least one of the goats was male.
219
There was much evidence of butchering. There was one burnt bone, which may
have been ovicaprine.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 5
The only remains came from a lower limb and a rib.
There was not evidence of butchering or burning.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 4
The only remains came from an upper and a lower limb and a rib.
There was not evidence of butchering or burning.
Mouzon/ Flavier (Ardennes, Champagne-Ardenne)

Principal excavator: ?
Time Period(s):
Roymans 1990; Tisserand 1980, 1981.
This site has a fanum with levels dating to the LLT back only to the middle of the
first century BCE. There were huge amounts of votive deposits, including coins and
miniature weapons, though dated to the early GRP. Weapons and the fauna were
deposited during the LLT.
Roymans 1990:66; Tisserand 1981:379.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1?
Available data provided no information for age, sex, or body part.
There was evidence of butchering but not of burning. This was interpreted by
Poulain (Tisserand 1981:379) as possible evidence for divinatory practices. This
seems to be analogous to the goat remains at Clermont.
Cattle:
Absent.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 1?
Goat was the only identifiable species.
There was evidence of butchering but not of burning. This was interpreted by
Poulain (Tisserand 1981:379) as possible evidence for divinatory practices. This
seems to be analogous to the goat remains at Clermont.
Horse:
Absent.
Dog:
220
Absent.
Mirebeau-sur-Bze/ La Fenotte (Cte dOr, Bourgogne)

Principal excavator: R. Goguey
Excavated: The fana were excavated in 1977-78 and the LT sanctuary in 1983-86.
Time Period(s): The site was used from ELT to GRP. Most of the LT material dates to
LLT.
Brunaux 2000; Brunaux et al. 1985b; Goguey 1976, 1980; Guillaumet et al. 1991; Mniel
1985, 1988a.
The site lies at a tribal boundary. Faunal remains came from a ditch and from
two pits filled with floor debris. Ceramics and faunal bones dominate and are associated
with other material culture, including sacrificed weapons. The offerings here differ from
those of Picardie. Human remains are few and their role unclear. There were similar
finds at habitation sites, but the absence of hooves from the main species (cattle, pig, and
caprine) and of cattle skulls show a similar selection as at other sanctuaries, such as
Gournay, and may be indirect evidence of ritual defleshing. Feasting is evidenced, and
certain bones show burning, possibly reflecting intentional destruction of certain remains
or animals. After consumption, the bones were deposited in different places. Certain
assemblages present specific analogies with the last deposits at Gournay. However, all of
the (domesticate) species (seemingly excluding horse) were consumed, unlike at Gournay
(usually). In total, horse, dog, cattle, pig, sheep, goat, hare, deer, chicken, goose, duck,
pigeon, and raven are present.
Mniel 1985, 1987a
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1
Pig distribution shows analogies with Corent and some domestic sites.
Head remains were most abundant. Lower (?) leg and foot remains were less
abundant, yet were relatively frequent in analogy with Corent.
Young adults between one and one and a half years old were most abundant.
Adults and older adults between two and seven years were less abundant.
The available data only indicates that there was no specific selection for males or
females and that both sexes were present.
There was evidence of butchering. Most of the bones, especially of piglets, were
completely oxidized/vitrified, while others were burned. These may have been
complete piglet burnt offerings, or butchered refuse that was burned. Evidence of
burning on some canines is analogous with evidence of spit-burning at
Bennecourt, Quimper, Estres, and Corent
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 3
Trunk remains were most abundant. Head remains were the second most
abundant, suggesting an analogy with Gournay.
221
The one complete bone was a metatarsal (lower limb) that indicated it was a
larger Roman import.
Young adults and adults between two and five years old were most abundant.
Calves between zero and two years old were the second most abundant. Older
adults between five and ten years old were the least abundant. The oldest were
barely older than ten years old, compared to the much older ones at Gournay.
Available information indicates that females may have been slightly more
abundant than males.
There was evidence of butchering. Some bones were burned but not incinerated
like the ovicaprine and pig bones.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 2
Head and limb remains were most abundant. Foot remains seem to have been
least abundant.
Young individuals and young adults between one and a half and two and a half
years old were most abundant. Adults between three and four years of age were
the second most abundant. Young individuals less than one and a half years old
and adults between four and six and a half years old were least abundant.
Available information suggests that females were more abundant than males.
There was evidence of butchering. Most of the bones were charred, while others
were burned.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 5
Upper limb remains were most abundant.
Adults between three and a half and five and between seven and eight years old
were most abundant.
It seems that there was not evidence of butchering or burning.
Dog:
Abundance rank: 4
Adults were most abundant.
There was no available information regarding sex or treatment.
Corent/ Puy de Corent (Puy-de-Dme, Auvergne)
Principal excavator: Matthieu Poux
Excavated: 2001 to present.
Time Period(s): The site was used was primarily used during LT-D1 and D2. Most of the
faunal remains date to LT-D2. The enclosure was destroyed between 80-70 BCE and 3020 BCE. Cult use continued until it was abandoned in the third century CE. There is also
evidence of (cult?) use during the Middle-Late Neolithic, possibly Chalcolithic,
throughout the Bronze Age, and Hallstatt C. This is long use is similar to Clermont.
222
Deberge et al. 2001; Foucras 2004a, 2004b; Guichard and Collis 1992; Guichard and
Dunkley 1993; Mniel 1993c; Poux 2000, 2001a, 2001b, 2002, Poux and Deberge 2001,
Poux and Feugre 2002; Poux et al. 2002a, 2002b, 2003, 2004.
The massive amount of Gallic coins that appear to have been produced at the site
indicate that Corent was one of the main oppida of the Arverni civitas, if not the primary
one, at the beginning of the first century BCE. It is in the center of an oppidum, and
appears to have been a major political, religious, and economic locus. This included
evidence for a minting workshop nearby. The height of activity, along with faunal
changes, just precedes or coincides with the sanctuarys destruction, analogous to certain
sanctuaries. Clermont is almost identical.
This site is characterized by the presence of thousands of animal bones and
amphorae fragments indicating feasts that included libation rituals. The faunal remains
came primarily from the ritual enclosure ditch. A large basalt monolith in front of the
entrance may have been a locus of sacrifice based on the faunal deposits around it.
This site differs in many ways from northern Gallic sanctuaries. The dominance
of sheep and the presence of skulls and limbs are highly unusual. The faunal remains
have been interpreted as evidence of ritual feasting, which is supported by the association
with a range of culinary utensils. However, Poux et al. (2003:51-2) argue that Corent is
analogous to the more classic Belgic sanctuaries of northern Gaul, in particular because
of the association in the northern branch of the peripheral ditch of seemingly nonconsumed horse and human remains, along with weapon remains. The horse is
interpreted as an offering rather than a feasting sacrifice.
Foucras 2004a, 2004b; Poux 2000, 2001a, 2002; Poux and Feugre 2000; Poux et al.
2002a, 2002b, 2003, 2004.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 2
Clear information was available for this species by feature.
Upper limb remains were most abundant at the site in general.
Enclosure A ditch: Head remains were most abundant. Trunk (excluding head)
remains were the second most abundant. Foot remains seem to have been least
abundant; however, they were relatively frequent compared to other sites, which
is analogous to the remains at Mirebeau.
Peripheral ditch: Upper limb and trunk (excluding head) remains were most
abundant. Head remains were the second most abundant.
There was evidence of butchering. Evidence of burning on some canines is
analogous with evidence of spit-burning at Bennecourt, Mirebeau, Estres, and
Quimper.
Enclosure A: Evidence of burning on some canines is analogous with evidence of
spit-burning at Bennecourt, Mirebeau, Estres, and Quimper.
Peripheral ditch: There was evidence of butchering. Skulls were split in two,
which appears to have been analogous with the cattle and ovicaprine skulls.
Cattle:
223
Abundance rank: 3
Clear information was also available for this species by feature. The remains
appear to have only come from the peripheral ditch and the ditch from Enclosure
A.
Upper limb remains appear to have been most abundant at the site in general.
Enclosure A: Head remains were most abundant. Trunk remains were the second
most abundant. Upper and lower limb and foot remains were least abundant.
Upper limb and lower limb and foot remains were generally in equal numbers.
Peripheral ditch: Available information suggests that upper limb and trunk
remains were most abundant. Head remains appear to have been the second most
abundant.
which appears to have been analogous with the pig and ovicaprine skulls.
Ovicaprines:
Abundance rank: 1
This and Clermont are two rare sites where sheep and goats were well
differentiated. The remains two species were generally analogous in terms of
body part representation and treatment.
Clear information was also available for this species by feature.
Enclosures A and B: Head, especially mandible, remains were most abundant.
The mandibles were often paired, and left and right sides were roughly equal in
number. Limb, especially lower limb, and foot remains were the second most
abundant. Upper limb remains were relatively few. Trunk, especially rib and
vertebra, remains were least abundant. This pattern is argued to reflect lowquality parts of butchering refuse.
Peripheral ditch: Upper limb and trunk remains were most abundant. Head
remains were the second most abundant. This pattern is argued to reflect highquality remains.
Enclosure A (and B?): Adults were most abundant, most of which were between
two and four years old, while some were around five years old. Young
individuals, including neo-natal individuals, and old adults were least abundant.
Enclosure A (and B?): Available information only suggests that both sexes were
present.
Enclosures A and B: There was much evidence of butchering, including the
common removal of the skull tops. There does not seem to have been evidence of
burning.
which appears to have been analogous with the cattle and pig skulls. Some skulls
also had enlarged foramen magna analogous to the horse skull at Ribemont and
cattle skulls at Gournay and thus may have been hung as trophies.
In one area, ovicaprine head remains were associated with cattle foot remains,
while in another area, sheep mandibles were a separate deposit.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 5
224
Dog:
There were remains from one main individual (a front left leg) found in the
peripheral ditch and a few other isolated remains elsewhere.
The main individual was an adult around three and a half years old.
Sex could not be determined.
The only evidence of butchering was the cut that severed the leg from the body.
There was no other evidence of butchery, nor of burning. There was also
evidence that the leg was exposed and partially decomposed before it was
deposited. This is analogous to the horse and cattle remains at Gournay and the
horse remains at Ribemont and St.-Just.
The main horse leg was associated with human remains and warrior equipment,
suggesting a warrior offering (Poux et al 2003:51). Dog remains were in the same
ditch and may be associated.
Abundance rank: 4
Most of the remains were from Enclosure A.
Head and foot remains were most abundant.
There also were remains in the peripheral ditch and may have been associated
with the horse and human remains.
Clermont-Ferrand/ Le Brzet (Puy-de-Dme, Auvergne)

Principal excavator: Matthieu Poux
Excavated: This site was partially excavated in the 1960s. Test pits were dug in 1997,
and excavation was carried out in 2000.
Time Period(s): The LT use dates to LLT. There were Early Neolithic (Epicardial, c.
4000 BC) non-habitat deposits (ceramics and fauna). The site was used as a funerary site
during the Middle Neolithic period and during the Bronze Age period when ceramics and
faunal were apparently ritually deposited (bovids and ovicaprids). The site was also
possibly a cult site during Hallstatt.
Deberge 2000; Eychart 1964, 1968; Poux 2002; Poux and Vernet 2001; Poux et al.
2002a.
This site is almost identical to Corent, though half its size, and it is characterized
by amphorae and animal bones from fauna consumed in ritual feasts. At no time does the
cult site seem to have been inhabited (cf. Daugas and Malacher 1976; . The large ditches
are the only evidence of construction. A rectangular structure was found, but appears to
contain no faunal material. One ditch deposit produced large quantities of ceramics and a
pig skeleton. There were also 2 goat astraguli, interpreted as divinatory devices.
Numerous diverse shafts and pits surrounded these features. A complete articulated
horse skeleton was intentionally buried, lying on its right side in the enlarged area near
the top of a shaft.
Poux and Vernet 2001; Poux et al. 2002a.
225
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1?
Available information suggests that a generally complete individual of
indeterminate sex and age.
There appears to have been no evidence of butchery or burning.
This appears to be analogous to the horse deposit at this site.
Cattle:
Absent.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 1?
The only specific information available concerns two astragali found next to each
other.
These complete astragali were interpreted as probable divinatory tools. This
seems to be analogous to the goat remains at Mouzon.
Available information also indicates that there were other remains with evidence
of butchering.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 1?
A generally complete individual was deposited at the top of the ritual shaft.
This was an adult of indeterminate sex.
There appears to have been no evidence of butchery or burning.
This appears to be analogous to the pig deposit at this site.
Dog:
Absent.
Quimper/ Parc-ar-Groas (Finistre, Bretagne)
Principal excavator: J. P. Le Bihan
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): The site was used during LT-D and GRP.
de Soto et al. 1991; Le Bihan 1995a, 1995b, 1998b; Le Bihan and Robic 1991;
Mniel 1992b.
Poorly preserved faunal remains came from two ditches and a pit, including
burned and wild remains. This site, along with Bennecourt, Corent, Mirebeau and
Estres, is one of the few sites with burned remains. The incinerated remains are better
preserved, but their long exposure to fire made them non-favorable to restoration. The
ditches present numerous analogies to other sanctuaries, but the pit is more original. It is
also rare because it has 13 chicken remains next to nine woodcock bones and a thrush
bone, showing that the woodcock is in the same proportions as the chicken, providing a
rare example of a wild animal being as important as a domestic one in a (possible)
sanctuary.
Mniel 1992.
Pig:
226
Abundance rank: 2?
These remains were usually associated with similar ovicaprine remains.
As with some ovicaprine remains, some remains suggest entire animals were
burnt.
Most of the remains indicate evidence of burning. Evidence of burning on some
canines is analogous with evidence of spit-burning at Bennecourt, Mirebeau,
Estres, and Corent
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 1?
Upper limb remains were most abundant. Trunk (vertebra and pubic) remains
were the second most abundant. Available information suggests that there may
not have been a selection for parts.
Young adult and adults were most abundant.
Available information suggests that males may have been most abundant but only
one bone was sexable.
There was evidence of butchering but only suggesting that the individuals were
split in two. There is also evidence of burning but less so than for the pigs and
ovicaprines.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 2?
These remains were usually associated with similar pig remains.
As with some pig remains, some remains suggest entire animals were burnt.
Most of the remains indicate evidence of burning.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 2?
There were only two remains found, one head (mandible) and one trunk
(vertebra).
There was no available information regarding sex, age, or treatment.
Dog:
Absent.
Saint-Malo/ Les Sept-Perthuis (Ille-et-Vilaine, Bretagne)
Principal excavator: C. Bizien and T. Lejars
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): There is possible evidence dating to LT-C. The site was primarily used
during LT-D and GRP.
Bizien and Lejars 1989; Bizien-Jaglin and Lejars 1991, 2004; Dietrich et al. 2004; de
Soto et al. 1991.
The site borders the main tribal city at the opening of an important Gallo-Roman
road. A significant LLT habitation site is only a few kilometers away. Though it was not
227
followed by a Roman temple, it has analogies with the northern LT sanctuaries. The
material culture, including the faunal remains, from the shaft is not clearly sacrificial,
although the site is considered a probable sanctuary. The possibly ritual shaft is very
unique compared to other La Tne sanctuaries. There were also associated metal objects
and ceramics, and one human remain.
According to Lejars (personal correspondence and Bizien-Jaglin and Lejars 2004),
Mniel did the (unpublished) faunal analysis, but found that the remains were not
significant or preserved well enough to say much.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 3?
There was no available information regarding body part, sex, age, or treatment.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 1
Although there were few remains, it appears that head remains (two mandibles)
were most abundant.
There was no available information regarding sex , age, or treatment.
Ovicaprine:
Abundance rank: 2?
There was no available information regarding body part, sex, age, or treatment.
Horse:
Abundance rank: 4?
Dog:
Absent.
Ouessant/ Mez Notario (Finistre, Bretagne)
Principal excavator: J.-P. Le Bihan.
Excavated: ?
Time Period(s): The site was used during the Hallstatt period.
Le Bihan 1992, 1996, 1998a; Le Bihan and Villard 2001; Le Bihan et al. 1997; Mniel
2001.
Poorly to moderately well preserved faunal remains were produced from a
domestic shellmidden in a Hallstatt village, not a sanctuary. Selections for parts,
especially right domesticated and wild animal sides, and species indicate ritual, though
unlike that of LT. This site is the only one of its kind from the Hallstatt. The missing
parts from these species may have been consumed in the near-by village. The animals
may also have been slaughtered outside of the village, and then the sacrificial parts sorted
and brought into the ritual area. These appear to have been secondary deposits. It seems
that the ritual practices were carried out over centuries.
Le Bihan 1992, 1996, 1998a; Le Bihan et al. 1997; Mniel 2001.
228
Pig:
Abundance rank: 3
Upper limb, especially shoulder, remains were most abundant. Head, lower limb,
and foot remains were the second most abundant. Rib remains were least
abundant. This is analogous to the cattle and ovicaprine remains.
There was a very clear selection for right sides.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 1
Upper limb, especially shoulder, and foot remains were most abundant. Head and
lower limb remains were the second most abundant. Rib remains were least
abundant. This is analogous to the pig and ovicaprine remains.
There was a very clear selection for right sides.
Ovicaprine: 2
Abundance rank:
Upper limb, especially shoulder, remains were most abundant. Head, lower limb,
and foot remains were the second most abundant. Rib remains were least
abundant. This is analogous to the pig and cattle remains.
Upper limb remains were most abundant.
There were three times as many shoulder remains as thigh remains, and there
were five times as many remains from right sides as left.
There was a selection for right sides but not as marked as with the pig and cattle
remains. It was most marked regarding the shoulders.
Most of the fish remains were associated with the ovicaprine remains.
Horse:
Absent.
Dog:
Absent.
Saint-Jean-en-Trolimon/ Tronon (Finistre, Bretagne)
Principal excavator: P. du Chatellier
Excavated: 1875
Time Period(s): The site may have been used during LT-A and B. Most of the material
date to LT-C and D. It was also used during GRP.
Colbert de Beaulieu 1955; Duval 1990; Gruel 1991; de Soto and Lejars 1991; Le Men
1878.
Originally thought to be an oppidum made of a habitat with warrior sepultures, it
is now considered a sanctuary spanning the LT. There were faunal and human remains
suggesting inhumations and weapons that were possibly sacrificed. The faunal and other
materials were from a trench along the fanum wall. Horse, the only species recorded,
was dominant. It has analogies with the sanctuaries of Picardie or Bourgogne.
229
de Soto and Lejars 1991; Duval 1990.
Pig:
Absent?
Cattle:
Absent?
Ovicaprine:
Absent?
Horse:
The only available information suggests that this species was the most abundant.
Dog:
Absent?
Aubign-Racan/ Cherr (Sarthe, Pays de la Loire)

Principal excavator: ?
Time Period(s): The site was used during LT-D1 and D2 and GRP.
Lambert and Riouffreyt 1993; Lambert et al. 1994.
Test pits revealed a deep clayey sand layer that extended over several hundreds of
square meters and layer that corresponds with an ancient marsh. The material culture
from this layer was homogenous and consisted of a few animal head remains, ceramics,
Gallic potins, a fibula, human bones, weapons and ceramics.
Lambert et al. 1993, 1994.
Pig:
Abundance rank: 1?
Weapons and ceramics were associated.
Cattle:
Abundance rank: 1?
Weapons and ceramics were associated.
Ovicaprine:
Absent.
230
Horse:
Absent.
Dog:
Absent.
Faye-lAbbesse/ Les Crnires (Deux-Svres, Poitou-Charantes)
Principal excavator: Dumarest (?) (The materials rediscovered at Muse de Niort.)
Excavated: 1851?, 1852, 1864
Time Period(s): The site was used from the LT-C to the GRP.
Delage 1983; de Soto et al. 1991; Gendron and de Soto 1986; Lejars 1989; Lunier and
Monnet 1853; Touchard 1851.
This site contained metal objects and human and faunal remains, none of which
were collected or recorded. It is argued that the presence of horse and human remains,
along with the weapons with sacrificial evidence, connects this site to those of Picardie.
The excavations at the fanum were only partial. The LT (?) and GRP weapons, including
some with evidence of sacrificial, were generally near the eastern wall remains of the
fanum, along with the human and animal remains. The bones and weapons were gathered
at the base of the burned lower layer. The bones and weapons are argued to resemble
those at Gournay, Mirebeau, and Ribemont, though this argument is very tenuous.
Touchard 1851.
Pig:
Absent.
Cattle:
Absent.
Ovicaprine:
Absent.
Horse:
The only available information suggests that this species was present.
Dog:
Absent.

Animal Sacrifice and Feasting in Celtic

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Animal Sacrifice and Feasting in Celtic

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ANIMAL SACRIFICE AND FEASTING IN CELTIC GAUL:

REGIONAL VARIATION, COSTLY SIGNALING, AND SYMBOLISM

ANIMAL SACRIFICE AND FEASTING IN CELTIC GAUL:

Graduate School Approval

ANIMAL SACRIFICE AND FEASTING IN CELTIC GAUL:

exploitation in ritual contexts more systematically in relation to ethnohistoric evidence of

Copyright by Brett Howard Lowry, 2005

Chapter One: Current Issues in the Study

Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework

Chapter Three: Methodology

Chapter Four: Zooarchaeological, Cultural,

Chapter Five: Faunal Analyses

Chapter Six: Discussion and Conclusions

Appendix A: Map of the Dpartements of France

Appendix B: Raw Data for the Domesticated Species

Appendix C: Raw Data for the Wild Mammals

Appendix D: Raw Data for the Water Birds

Appendix E: Raw Data for the Other Wild Avian Taxa

Appendix F: Site Biographies and Primary Information

Reconstruction of the sanctuary at Gournay

Reconstruction of the covered outer ditch containing

Deposit of amphorae at Corent

Sites in this thesis

Categories of the inhabitants of Gaul according to Roman texts

Eco-cultural regions defined for this thesis

La Tne chronological schema

West Hallstatt and La Tne zones

Early-Middle La Tne trade connections

Cardinal directions of Viereckschanzen entrances

Articulated horse skeleton deposited at Clermont

Fox skull from near the eastern entrance at Corent

Wildcat skull from near the eastern entrance at Corent

Wolf mandibles from near the eastern entrance at Corent

Sites in this study

Regions in this study

Expectations according to economic, costly signaling,

Expected ranked abundance of domesticates based on

Expected subsistence preferences based on faunal data

Expected ranked domesticate body parts based on faunal data

Ranked high quality body parts indicative of lite

Expected wild mammals based on ethnohistoric data

Expected water birds based on ethnohistoric data

Other expected birds based on ethnohistoric data

Domesticated species from settlement and burial sites

Domesticated species during the La Tne period

Wild fauna found at settlement and funerary sites

Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Northern region

Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Mountainous region

Ranked abundance of domesticates in the Armorican region

Evidence for consumption and feasting at the sites in this study

Wild water birds

Other wild birds

Cardinal directions of sanctuary entrances

Concentrations of domesticates by cardinal direction

Figure 1. Reconstruction of the sanctuary at Gournay (after Brunaux 2000:100).

Figure 4. Sites in this thesis (after Milone and Dahl 1992:38).

Figure 5. La Tne Europe (after Green 1995, Figure 0.I).

Table 1. Sites in this study.

Full Site Name

Code Letter Region

Figure 6. Categories of the inhabitants of Gaul according to Roman texts

Hypothesis 1 reflects an economic or least costly model; Hypothesis 2 reflects a

Table 3. Expectations according to economic, costly signaling, and symbolic models.

Red deer; duck