Cedomilj Mijatovic - Constantine, The Laste Emperor of The Greeks PDF

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CONSTANTINE
THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY
THE TURKS
CONSTANTINE, THE LAST EMPEROR

OF THE GREEf
CONSTANTI NE
XTbe
Xast lEmperor of tbe
(3reefts
THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY

THE TURKS
(a.d.
1453)
AFTER THE LA TEST HISTORICAL RESEARCHES
BY
CHEDOMIL MIJATOVICH
FORMERLY SERVIAN MINISTER AT THE COURT OF ST JAMES
XonDon
SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON & COMPANY
Limited
St unstan's lôusc
Fetter Lane, Fleet Street, E.C.
1892
\Âll rights reserved^
HISTORN
WITH PROFOUND ADMIRATION OF THE HEROISM DISPLAYED

BY
CONSTANTINE PaLÊOLOGOS
2)cWcate5
MOST RESPECTFULLY AND BY SPECIAL PERMISSION
TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
PRINCE CONSTANTINE
DUKE OF SPARTA
HEIR TO THE THRONE OF GREECE
274210
PEEFACE,
The German Emperor Frederic

June 1453
to
Pope Nicholas
III. in a letter written
V.,
lamenting greatly the
catastrophe on the Bosphorus, calls Constantinople " the

capital of the Eastern Empire, the head of Greece, the
home of arts and

Grsecise caput
umque").^
literature " (" Orientalis imperii
sedem,
.... veluti domicilium litterarum
And
arti-
indeed, from the time of Constantino
the Great to the time
when
the
dawn
of Kenaissance
aroused Italy to her noble task, Constantinople was

the capital of Christian civilization.
Its place in the
history of the world has been always a most remarkable one,
Eome
being the only city which can suc-
cessfully bear comparison with
When in 1453 it passed into

^
The whole
naldi,
text of Frederic's long
Anrmlcs Ecdesiastici,
it.
the hands of
and interesting
vol. xviii., Colonise
Mohammed
letter in
Ray-
Agr. 1694, p. 408.
PREFACE.
Vlll
El-Fathi
its
possession consolidated at once the
Mohammedan
Empire, and enabled the Sultans of the
Ottoman Turks
Carpathians
new
to extend their
the
in
sway up
to the blue
north-west and to the Gulf of
There seems almost a mira-
Persia in the south-east.
culous telepathic influence in that place, an influence
which inspires
its
occupants, as long as they possess
some power, with an
irresistible
ambition to rule over
three worlds, and which enables old and exhausted
Empires to
than the most flattering pro-
live longer
phecies ever thouglit probable or possible.
There are theories which assert that the possession

of Constantinople
end
enervates, disorganizes,
and in the
So far as I have been able to read history,
kills.
I have found that he
who
takes Constantinople, once
securely seated on the Bosphorus, unavoidably feels

that his power
is
strengthened for a higher task, that
his political horizon has

of
widened to the misty limits
an Universal Empire, and that
it
is
the manifest
destiny of Constantinople to be the capital,
an universal, then at
least of a great
ing over Europe, Asia, and Africa.
say that
it
seems to
me
if
not of
Empire, stretch-
And
I would even
that neither the Byzantine
nor the Ottoman Empires could have withstood so long
PREFACE.
the
consequences of
IX
disorganization
if
their capital
had not been Constantinople.

It is
somewhat singular
that,
notwithstanding the
undoubted interest which European nations in general,
and the British in
particular, feel in everything con-
nected with Constantinople, the great catastrophe of

1453, so tragic in
its
incidents and so terrible in its
consequences, has never yet been fully and thoroughly
worked out and placed before the readers

I
do not
flatter
myself for a
moment
of history.
that I shall be
what others have not done.
I wish only
up
to the present
able to do
to state, as
an undeniable
fact,
that
no work on, and no description

Constantinople has used
all
of,
the conquest of
the materials which exist
in our time.
Gibbon wrote
(vol.
iii.
his incomparably graphic description
702-730), using only the Byzantine historians,
Phrantzes, Ducas, and Chalcochondylas, and the letter
addressed to the Pope Nicholas V.
by
the Archbishop
Leonardo of Chios.
The famous
historian
of
the
Ottoman
Empire,
Joseph von Hammer, looked to the same sources of

information,
adding
some
scanty
Turkish historian Sa'ad-ud-din.
notes
from the
PREFACE.
J.
Zinkeisen, in
ischen Beiches
his
Geschichte
833-866) was
(i.
des
Osman-
able to use letters
and reports found in the Vatican Library.
Mr
Martin
S.
Mr
and
Brosset
Bas Empiiê, par Lebeau) improved

scription
by
details
found
Armenian Abraham, and
in
in the
(Eistoire
Mr
the
du
Lebeau's de-
poem
of
the
so-called " Grusian
Chronicle."
The Eussian
Ossada
historian
vzyatiye
Mr
Vizantii
Stassulevich, in his
Turhami
(St
work
Petersburg,
1854), used only the old Byzantine sources and the

chronicle of Sa'ad-ud-din.
Mr
Sreznyevsky published in 1855 an old Slavonic
chronicle, Povyest o Tzaregradye,
accompanying
it
with
notes from Byzantine sources and from Leonardo of

Chios.
Dr
A. D.
Mordtmann has given us one
interesting descriptions in his Belagerung
erung Constantinopels durcJi die TUrJcen
of the
most
wnd Erdb-
im Jahre
1453,
nacJi Original-Quellcn learheitef (Stuttgart, 1858), using
largely the Journal of Nicolo Barbaro.
Professor
Dr
Y. U. Krause (Die Erdberungen von
Constantinopel in
XIII und
XV
Jalirhwnderty
nach
Bymntinischen, FrankiscJien und Tiirkischen Quellen und
PREFACE.
Berichteoi, Halle,
1870) drew principally from Byzan-
some portions from Sa'ad-ud-
tine authors, reprinting

din,
XI
and taking some incidents from the poem
of a
Greek eye-witness.
Rev.
W.
a Sketch of
stantinople,
to
and
J. Broadribb
Mr
History
its
Walter Besant (Con-
from
its
Foundation
Conquest hy the Turks in 1453, London, 1879)
its
followed
Mordtmann and Krause, but
independently
Byzantine
authors,
consulted also
and added some
interesting information on the condition of Constantinople, given
by the French knight Bertrandon de
la
Brocquiere.
The
latest
literature
{Les
is
monograph that appeared in Western

that one written
derniers jours
de
by
Mr
E. A.
Vlasto
Constantinople, Paris,
1883).
The author has mainly reproduced the general

of
the
researches of
especially those of
Mr
modern Greek
C.
political dissertation
historians,
Paparrigopoulo
work leaves you the impression
of
results
and
but his able
being
more a
than a historical picture of the
catastrophe.
It is rather singular that
single
there should not exist
monograph on the Conquest
of
Constanti-
nople by the Turks in English, though as early as in
XU
PREFACE.
1675 a tragedy entitled The Siege of Constantinople
was published
in London.
I believe that,
ments
by
carefully comparing the
and contemporaries
of eye-witnesses
as well as the letters
served in the
and documents
Italian
state-
of the siege,
of the time, pre-
and other archives
it
would
be possible to give a tolerably complete and reliable

account of one of the most stirring and important
events of history.
In the chapters which
shall give the result of
my
follow I
attempt in that direction.
I venture to hope that at the present time,
an
uncomfortable
feeling
that
Constantinople
when
may
soon again change masters pervades the world, political as well as military
worthy
men
will find this little
work
of perusal, at least for the sake of the great
subject of which
it treats.
Chedomil Mijatovich.
Kensington, January 1892.
CONTENTS.
--
CHAPTER
I.
Moral Causes of the Rapid Rise of the Ottoman and

THE Fall of the Byzantine Empires
CHAPTER
'.
27
III.
On the Eve of the Fall
CHAPTER
ir.
The Superior Military Organization of the Turks
CHAPTER
44
IV.
War
76
Military Arrangements of the Besiegers and op the

Besieged
131
Diplomatic Negotiations and Preparations for
CHAPTER
CHAPTER
The Diaries of the Siege
y.
VI.
150
CONTENTS.
XIV
CHAPTER
VII.
The Last Days
187
CHAPTER
VIII.
The Last Night
206
CHAPTER
IX.
The Last Hours
219
APPENDIX.
The Bibliography
231
ILLUSTRATIONS.
1.
Constantine, the last Emperor of the Greeks
2.
Mohammed
3.
The Fort Rumili-Hissar
4.
The First Naval Battle of the Turks
158
5.
The Turks
222
II.,
the Conqueror OF Constantinople
in St Sophia
%.-.
85
90
112
CHAPTEE
I.
Moral Causes of the Eapid Eise of the Ottoman

AND THE Fall of the Byzantine Empires.
1.
1.
Islam and Byzantinism.
In the one hundred years from the middle
of the
fourteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century (1365-
1465) events deeply tragical in their character and of

great historical importance occurred on the Balkanic
Peninsula.
An
entire change of social
was accomplished amidst
and
political conditions
terrible convulsions,
accom-
panied by fearful bloodshed and unspeakable suffering.
foreign race, a strange religion,
and a low culture
took possession of the beautiful regions between three

seas,
where once a highly gifted and comparatively
cultured
people
formed
and kept up independent
states.
It is
of
one of the most interesting unsolved problems
history
how an
uncivilized
and by no means
OOM QUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
numerous
tribe so speedily
succeeded
destroying
in
three Christian kingdoms of a higher degree of culture,
and in building up in their stead an extensive, powerful,
and enduring Empire.
The great
however, stands out
fact,
prominently,
assuming the dignity of a general law, that organization of forces, although these
and low in their
selves
over
may
be small in them-
inspirations, is always victorious
even though
disorganized forces,
the latter be
great, and superior in their individual character.

2.
The Turks were not
and natural
and came
gifts
to
Armenia
Seldjuk Sultans
the
destitute of certain virtues
when they left the Turcoman
to
steppes
guard the eastern frontier of
but after
their acceptance of
Islam their national character went through an evolutionary change.
The sparks
of fire
thrown out
of the
volcanic soul of the great Prophet of Arabia inflamed
the susceptible sons of the Asiatic deserts, and the metal

of their original character
into a
the
new form
was molten and
crystallized
of national individuality, capable of
accomplishment
of
the
great,
and
even
more
terrible
than great, task assigned to them by Providence.
As an
irresistible
breaking
avalanche, they
down and burying
all
moved westward,
political
organizations whose elasticity had been
and national
weakened and
whose strength had been undermined by ages
of abuse
and mismanagement.
Islam not only impressed upon Ertoghrul and his
ISLAM AND BYZANTINISM.

before
God,
truthful and charitable amongst men, but gave
them
the
followers
political ideas,
body
of
duty
of
upright
being
transforming a tribe of nomads into a
warriors and statesmen, capable of creating,
Islam
maintaining, and developing a great empire.

filled
them
genuine religious en-
to overflowing with
thusiasm, and with the belief that to serve

to
subdue the
Infidels,
their central idea,

political
God meant
and conquer the world.
was a bond
This,
of unity, giving
purpose and organization.
them
Their faith im-
measurably increased the forces inherent in an energetic,

hardy, and astute race.
3.
But
race, all
spirit
all
the energy of a youthful and hardy
their admirable organization,
with which Islam inspired the Turks, would not
themselves explain
of
the
swift
Had
Mohammed
Turkish rule in Europe.

siastic followers of
really strong, healthy,

side
and the high
of the
extension
of
the valiant and enthu-
encountered even one
and well-organized State on
Hellespont,
it
is
the
doubtful
this
whether the
pages of history would have recorded the wonderful
growth
of
the Ottoman Empire.
secret of that rapid
To decipher the
triumphant march we must read
the record not only in the lurid glare which con-
quering Islam gives, but also by the paUid light shed
by dying Byzantinism.
It is
not easy to describe in a few words what
Byzantinism was.
It seems as
though historic Pro-
CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
vidence had desired to see the harvest which could be
the
raised, if
seed
should
Christian civilization
of
be sown on the peninsula between Asia and Europe,
watered by Western rains and warmed by

suns, on fields
Eastern
abandoned by Hellenic culture and
somewhat ploughed by Eoman
institutions.
It
might
have been hoped that the Divine idea of brotherhood
would unite the warm heart
mony, capable
of
New Eome
and the
Old Eome into an admirable har-
practical reason of
humanity
of lifting
to heights as yet
unattained.
But the experiment was not a

forces,
The great
success.
from the combination of which so much might
From
have been expected, proved barren.

of the
the spirit
East some colours and some forms were ac-
cepted, but little of
less
and what
of
tions took
depth, and warmth, and in-
From Eastern Philosophy only
herent nobility.
more or
its
a few
nebulous ideas of mysticism were retained
Eoman instituEoman institutions
good was borrowed from
no real
root,
because
presuppose a consciousness of responsibility, and also

initiative
and
civic
What
sentiment.
took
the
deepest root were the forms and spirit of autocratic
government from the worst times

perialism,
liberty
of the
which made the existence
The Christian
impossible.
of
Eoman Imindividual
religion
abstract, too sublime to be fully understood
pushed backward
to
let
the
was too
;
it
was
Church come forward.
And the Church
identified itself very speedily with the
compactly-organized body
ignorant, superstitious,
of
priests,
who
exalted
the position of the Emperor only to use
him
as their
selfish
and ambitious monks and
servant,
and who made practical Christianity mean

old bones, rags, and
adoration of
mummies, and the
buying and selling of prayers for the repose of the

the
souls of
The
dead.
astray from
pure
the
having
people,
source
of
been
evangelical
led
truth,
found new power nowhere, nor a new idea capable

of
moving them
Emperors and the Church hierarchy became

remained so to the
The
great and glorious action.
to
allies,
and
last.
Before the blast of that powerful alliance the sparks

of individual liberty
volutions only
made matters
occasions
the
servility,
for
and
to
display
recompense base
prelates
up
it
will.
brutal
instinct
selfishness
The nation became an

and without
worse, because they gave
of
to spit at
cruelty,
and
was crushed out

vile
ingratitude.
inert mass, without initiative
Before the Emperor and the Church
grovelled in the dust
exploitation
force,
and ended by strengthening the
treason,
Every generous
autocracy.
Ee-
were quickly extinguished.
them and shake

above, hatred
its
behind them
fist.
it
rose
Tyranny and
and cowardice beneath
cruelty often, hypocrisy always and everywhere, in the
upper and lower
strata.
replaced true culture
Outward
polish
and dexterity
phraseology hid lack of ideas.

Both
political
and
social bodies
spirit of the nation
and
mantle of
tried to cover its
the
of all elasticity.
on the throne
Selfishness placed itself

terest,
were alike rotten
was languid, devoid
of public in-
hideousness with the
false patriotism.
This political and social system, in which straight-
forwardness and manliness were replaced by astute-
and cowardice, while, however, there
ness, hypocrisy,
lingered love for fine forms and refined manners,
still
this system, in
which the State generally appears in
the ecclesiastical garb, bore the
was
It
4.
inevitable
name
that
of Byzantinism.
some
Byzantinism
should enter into the political and social organism of

the
nations
Slavonic
and
learn political
the
of
went
Practically they
to the
social
Balkan
Peninsula.
Byzantine
Greeks
to
wisdom, just as they went to
Constantinople for their religion.
It
was a slow and
exhausting process by which Byzantine notions displaced
Slavonic traditions
And
Bulgarians.
tributed to
its
this
among
the
Serbians and
struggle, not unnaturally, con-
weaken the Slavonic kingdoms.
own way
It
preparing the paths for the
was in
Turkish
invasion.
It is especially
noteworthy that we find so many
Serbian and Bulgarian malcontents in the

at the Court of the
Ottoman
political conditions of those Slavonic
Balkans
were
highly
The
Sultans.
camp and
social
kingdoms
unsatisfactory.
and
of the
The nobles
haughty and exclusive.
(Vlastela) were
They jealously
watched the kings, and resented bitterly every attempt
They were hard and exacting masters
at reform.
the tillers of the soil settled on their estates,
much
to do
to
who had
personal service, and to give a large part
The power, centred in
of the produce of their labour.
the kings, was not strong enough to prevent all sorts
on the part
of abuse
Emperor
of the privileged class.
Stephan Dushan essayed to
by
fix
legal enactments
the duties of the peasants towards their feudal lords.
At the Parliament held

the
in 1349 at Scopia he obtained
consent of his noblemen
dignitaries to
and high
ecclesiastic
such a law, and a certain protection of
the central power was extended to the peasantry.

the
after
death of
But
most remarkable man in
this
Serbian history, the authority of the Central Govern-
ment was
shattered,
there were none
even
Bosnia,
fifteenth
and
so late
century,
if
the landlord acted unjustly
to protect the injured tenant.

as
some
in
of
the
the
beginning
landlords
of
In
the
regularly
exported their peasants and sold them as slaves

0.
The consequence
of
such a state of things was
that the peasantry, the great bulk of the population,
hating
their
unjust
more and more
The
first
and exacting masters, became
indifferent to the fate of the country.
Sultans, on their part, systematically, from
the very beginning of
their
settlement in
Europe,
protected and ostentatiously aimed at satisfying the
peasantry, never neglecting any occasion publicly to
At
manifest their desire to do justice to the poor.
same
the
they
time
national aristocracy.
ruthlessly
exterminated
when
Therefore
the
the horrors of
the invasion had passed away, the peasantry quickly

reconciled themselves to the Turkish rule, which in
some respects seems
to
have brought them a change
Numerous
for the better.
for this assertion,
proofs might be adduced
however paradoxical
it
may
appear
to-day.
In a letter written by Stephan, the

Bosnia, in 1463 to Pope Pius IL,
markable words
"
we
The Turks promise
king of
last
find these reto all
who
side
with them freedom, and the rough mind of the peasants
(rusticoeum eude ingenium) does not understand

artfulness of such
freedom
the
%oill
last
promise,
for ever
misguided common
'people
I am
Mohammed
unless they see that
when Sultan
stantinople, invaded
and
and
believes
may
There
still
let
Pii Secundi P.
And
peasantry
" It is not
the Twbles do it ! "
OUE
exists a letter reporting a conversation
between the envoy of the Duke

^
that
IL, the conqueror of Con-
would not move against him, saying,

;
stock
turn away from me,
supported by you."
Bosnia in 1464, the
business to defend the king
that
may happen
so it
the
of
Milan and King
M. Commentarn lierum MemoraMlmm, quae tem-
porihus suis contingerunt, a R. D. Joanne Gobellino, &c., Romse, 1584,

p. 548.
^
Ibid.
Alfonso of Naples, in December 1455, in which
it
is
said that the Albanian peasantry preferred the rule
the Turks to that of
of
was
Alfonso
abandon
anxious
affeti al
surrender
homeni de
"
King
again
should
to
the
quello paese sono molto
una bona e humana
Turcho, EL quale gli fa
SIGNOEIA
self
li
nobles
Albanians
the
lest
Scanderbegh, and
Turks, because "
own
their
These are the words
the king him-
of
^
!
6.
The
Church in Bulgaria and
Serbia,
in
its
material relations with the people, was only another
form of aristocracy
it
demanded
labour, service,
and
The monks formed
a part of the produce of the land.
a privileged caste, and did not pay taxes to the State,
nor did they share any public burden.
Their numbers
were
thousands
continually
The
increasing.
of
churches and cloisters built by pious kings, queens,
and
nobles,
were not able
were living in towns
and
to
contain
villages
them.
They
and in private
houses, constantly exposed, and frequently succumbing,

to
worldly
saints,
of
Very few
temptations.
and the majority managed
them were
to forfeit the respect
the people, not only for themselves but for the
Church.
The great Keformer and Lawgiver, Stephan
Dushan, by law forbade monks

than
otherwise
^
of
Letter
of
cloistered
Albricus
Maletta,
but
dated
NeapoL," in Makusheflf, Italianskie Archivi,
and nuns to
live
the
monks proved
**8th
Decemb. 1455 ex
p. 97.
10
The mass
stronger than the mighty Tzar.
people believed in the miraculous powers of
the
of
relics,
but
did not like the monks.

7.
This dislike explains to some extent the rapid
spread of the religious sect of the Bogumils or Partharenes, especially
Orthodox Church
in
opposed these
The history
testants of Europe.
rude Pro-
first
through two
centuries (12501450) has not yet been written
weakening of the
garian, Serbian,
where the
Catholic
the
religious
but
and in the
life,
political organization
the Bul-
of
and Bosnian kingdoms.
conflict
were evident in
of the results of that struggle
the deterioration of
wars
of the religious
which raged in the Balkan Peninsula
some
The
and Bosnia.
Bulgaria
fiercely
In Albania,
between the Orthodox
and the
clergy raged most fiercely, and in Bosnia,
where the struggle between the Orthodox Church and

the Partharenes lasted longest, Islam speedily found
converts.
It is characteristic of the dispositions of the people
at this period
(1360-1460) that the Calabrian monk
Barlaam found warm supporters among the Greeks

Constantinople
and indolence
Athos."
of
Still
more
Plethon, the personal
characteristic
friend
of
the
that
among the Greeks
Gemistos
Emperor John
Palseologus, one of the great theological
phical lights
of
when he denounced the ignorance

the monks of the " Holy Mountain
itself,
and philoso-
at the
Council of

Florence, thought
He was
as it
it
necessary
to
certainly not the only
11
frame a new
man whom
religion f
Christianity,
was represented by the Orthodox Church
of his
time, did not satisfy.

8.
and
In addition
religious
work
to the circumstances of the social
life,
there were some other influences at
to disorganize the vital forces of the Christian
States.
There were almost always several pretenders to the

throne
imperial
Constantinople
in
and the royal
thrones in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia,
Turkish help to satisfy their
own
Again and again
Sultans.
who
Naturally,
ambition.
welcomed by the
these claimants were ever hospitably
garians, or Greeks,
who hoped by
Serbians, or Bul-
gifted
in their
own country
could
not rise from the position in which they were born,
found an
open
way
to
wealth, honour, and power,
Bey (Commander-
a path to the saddle of a Beyler
in-Chief), or to the carpet of a Vizier,

to
the
sisters
golden
of
cage
of
one
the Sultan himself
to say that the
the
of
!
It
daughters
combination
of
was novel and acceptable.
Yet their
absolute
the very broadest democracy, had
or
seems a paradox
Turks opened new horizons
people of the Balkan Peninsula.

system,
and perhaps
to
the
political
despotism with
much
in
To the notions
it
that
of
an
average Greek, and especially to the notions of
an
average Serbian or Bulgarian, that system was
not
12
more unnatural
or
more disagreeable than the feudal
system which secured
the good things of the world
all
only to the nobles and the priests.
The presence
of
Christian
malcontents, refugees,
pretenders, and adventurers in the Turkish

at
the
"Porte,"
Sultan's
camp and
materially aided
Turkish
policy and Turkish arms to progress from victory to
Without
victory.
them
Turkish
the
Viziers
and
generals could hardly have obtained that minute and
exact knowledge of
countries,
men and
circumstances in Christian
which so often astonished
their
contempo-
Thus the Porte became promptly informed
raries.
of
the plans of the Christian kings, and was enabled to

counteract them.
Indeed, the leadership of the
Empire speedily passed

renegades, and
almost
into the
all
the
hands
great
of
new
Christian
statesmen
and
generals of the Sultans at this period were of Greek,
Bulgarian, or Serbian origin.

9.
The last-mentioned circumstance
of the
most tragic characteristics
Balkan nations.
Its sadness is
constitutes one
of the history of the
deepened by the
fatal
entanglement of the Christian nations of the Peninsula,
who were skilfully compelled
to annihilate each other in
furtherance of Turkish aggrandisement.
army which destroyed the

field of
In the Turkish
Serbian kingdom on the
Kossovo (1389), there were numbers
Bulgarian, and Serbian warriors.
Among
of Greek,
others.
Despot
Constantine Dragash (the maternal grandfather of the
Emperor
last
of the Greeks), followed Sultan
with a contingent of auxiliary troops.

battle near
13
Nicopolis in
When
the French
1396,
Murad
I.
in the
knights,
aided by the Polish and Hungarian cavalry, routed the

Janissaries of
Bayazed Ildirim, the Sultan's
sisting of several
reserve, con-
thousands of Serbian Cuirassiers, under
command of Prince Stephan Lazarevich, came rushdown to snatch the victory from the Christians.
the
ing
The Turks gave proof
of their great astuteness, at
this early stage of their history,
Christian
money and
by their using
chiefly
Christian arms to subdue, and
afterwards to destroy, the Christian States of the Balkan.
It
was a general rule
of
their policy not to
occupy at once the country of the defeated Christian

Prince, but to impose a
heavy tribute in money, and to
exact that a contingent of his best soldiers should be

regularly provided to fight against the Sultan's enemies,
even
the latter were friendly Christian neighbours of
if
the vassal Prince.

10.
King Marko
Bulgarian
(the hero of so
national
feeling with
songs)
has
many
Serbian and
illustrated well
knights fought in the ranks of the Turkish army.

the
commencement
of the great battle at
the Turks and the Vallachs (1394),

to his relative.
*^
I pray God
pay for
the
which comparatively cultured Christian
to
it loith
At
Eovine between
King Marko turned
Despot Constantine Dragash, and said

give victory to the Christians, though
my own
life
!"
l\
14
These historic words ^ were only an echo of the pain
which many a Christian knight endured when, in the

monstrously anomalous position, he had to draw his
sword
for the
own
his
bitter,
Mohammedan Turks
faith.
against brethren of
But that anomaly was only one
of the
yet inevitable, fruits of Byzantinism.
East and West.
2.
Byzantinism prepared the way for the Turkish
1.
It enfeebled the
invasion.
their mental elasticity,
which ripened into
Balkan nations, destroyed
and engendered a
all sorts of
selfishness,
wickedness.
Byzantinism on one side and the youthful energy
of
a religiously disposed tribe of born warriors on the

other explain much, but do not explain all
of the Byzantine
must
the relations
Empire with the West
also be considered.
When
the Eastern and Western Churches separated
(a.d. 1053),
they did not part with sorrowing hearts,
but with mutual anger and great bitterness.

separation
of the
^
of the
estrangement
They
are quoted
1427, printed
it
was rather the
by the Serbian court
Learned Society, vol.
in
Yet the
Churches was not the beginning
the Glasnik^ the
xxxiii.
result of deeper
historian, Constantin the
Philosopher, in his Life of the Despot Stephan

A.D.
Europe
of
tlie
Tall, written about
Journal of the
Serbian
EAST AND WEST.

under-lying
Old Kome and New Kome were

nor
similar
of
deepened
and
nerve
not of the same temper,
fibre.
monks had done
Separation only-
The
mutual aversion.
their
and opinions.
sentiments
of
differences
15
priests
and
their best to concentrate the latent
them
antipathies and to set
ablaze.
The
people,
when
they kissed the hands of their priests, seemed to have

received from these,
and
of peace
who
should have been preachers
charity, only
new
incentives to hatred
and intolerance.
The source
running in
river,
opened by
of bitterness,
hands even at the foot
of the Altar,
the
ecclesiastical
grew
to be a
deep
channels digged by political
events.
2.
it
The Normans occupying the south
Byzantine Empire.
With
the
Gregory VIL, Eobert Guiscar,

of
of Italy
found
easy to cross over to Albania, a province of the
God and
benediction of Pope
"Duke by
the grace
St Peter," besieged Durazzo (Dyrachium)
This strong place on the Albanian coast of
in 1081.
the Adriatic was the key of the famous old
road
Via
Egnatia,
which, crossing
Eoman
Albania
and
Macedonia diagonally, led to Salonica, joining there

another military road
to
Constantinople.
It
might
almost be said that Durazzo was the western gate of

the Byzantine Empire.
It is
worthy
this first
of note that
even at the occasion of
attempt by a foreign power to obtain a firm
16
footing in the Balkanic Peninsula, antagonistic interests
came
While Eobert Guiscar and Pope
play.
into
Gregory combined to
Venice
Empire,
tine
the conquest of the Byzan-
effect
her
sent
fleet
to
the
assist
And though
Emperor
in repulsing their attack.
Normans
defeated the Byzantine army, took Durazzo,
and conquered a number
of
towns and
castles in Epirus
and Thessaly, yet in the end they had

their conquests because the
IV.,
invaded
the
to relinquish
German Emperor, Henry
Italy.
But the Normans returned
to the
For
charge.
nearly a century the Greek Empire had to defend itself
lowed by that
Eoger
(in
(a.d.
1107), of
fol-
King
1146), and the great invasion of Tancred
The
(1185).
Bohemund
of
was
Guiscar's expedition
against their attacks.
Salonica, but
latter
only
not
took
Durazzo
marched into Thracia on
his
and
way
to
Constantinople.
3.
The Norman
successes
They helped
results.
had indirectly important
to destroy the prestige of the
Byzantine arms in the eyes of the Serbians, Bulgarians,
They shook the weakened Empire,
and Albanians.
and started
strated to
its
slow dismemberment.
They demon-
Western Catholic Europe that the conquest
of the Eastern
Empire was not impossible.
And
this
demonstration fired the ambition of the Popes to convert the East,
compel
it
to
if
not by arguments, and to
Rome.
It is significant that this
by arms
bow
to
EAST AND WEST.

very Pope Gregory, in
17
a letter written
in
1073 to
[
Ebouly de Eossi, declared

country
to
remain
" that it is
rule of
lender the
far
better
for a
Islam, than he
j
who
governed hy Christians
refuse to
acknowledge the
The
Orient's answer
rights of the Catholic Church."^
we
to this
shall learn
from the excited Greeks in the
days preceding the great catastrophe.
The lesson which the Norman warfare in Albania

and Epirus taught began
to bear fruit already
The
the end of the twelfth century.
Greek emperors, sought
of the
towards
Serbians, vassals
alliances in the
West,
with the evident intention of establishing a strong and
independent State of their
Byzantine Empire.
of
the
Serbian
own on
Stephan
dynasty
royal
the ruins of the
Nemanya, the founder

of
Nemanyich, en-
deavoured by special embassies to approach the German
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, and
him and
The Memoirs
state that the
of
Ansbertus, the Emperor's secretary,
Serbian Prince urged the Emperor to
make himself master

ing
him
suite
of
in 1189 received
his Crusaders with great hospitality at Nish.
of the
Byzantine Empire, promis-
Erom another chronicler in the

Barbarossa we learn that Nemanya made
assistance.
these proposals in the
names
of his allies, Peter
and
Ivan Assen, the chiefs of the Bulgarian nation, as well

as in his
*
ten,
own name.
Taffel, Regest. Po7Uifie.,ô.

ii.
Frederic was not prepared to

3542
Gfroerer, Byzantinische Geschich-
459.
18
enter into
the
vast projects
Notwithstanding
this,
Ansbertus never mentions

" our friend, the great
4.
The passing
of
the
Serbian rnler.
they parted as sincere friends.
Nemanya without
Count
of
the
adding,
of Serbia."^
and generally un-
great
disciplined armies of the Crusaders through Byzantine
countries did not improve old feelings or remove old
On
prejudices.
the contrary,
it
enabled the Western
warriors (or, as the Greeks called them, " the Latins ")
to perceive at once the weakness of the
On
the unfriendliness of the people.
Empire and
the other hand,
the roughness and rudeness of the Crusaders confirmed

the contempt which the Greeks felt for such " Western
barbarians."
The
bitterness of the Greeks
was naturally largely
increased by the sudden appearance of the Crusaders
under the walls
of Constantinople,
sequent conquest
fifty-seven
years
possession of
of
and by their subFor
that capital (a.d. 1204).
(1204-1261)
the
Latins
retained
Constantinople and the best European
provinces of the Empire.
For fifty-seven years the
Catholic priests read masses at the altar of St Sophia,

to
the inexpressible sorrow and humiliation of
patriotic
and bigoted orthodox Greeks.
long, dark years the Greeks, especially the
minded populace
of the capital,
of the Latins, which,

^
Ansbertus in Pontes
During these
more narrow-
were storing up hatred
even two hundred years

Eerum
the
Aicstriacum. vol. v. 1-90.
later,
EAST AND WEST.
19
prevented them finding anything more bitter to endure.
Michael Palseologus succeeded in 1261 in driving
But he was un-
out the Latins from Constantinople.
able to reconquer the islands, the fortified towns in
Thessaly and Morea.
Instead of despots and princes
bearing the names of the old Greek families,
Guy
Due
la Roche,
find a
Baron de Chilandritza, a Guil-
de la Tremouille,
laume de
we
d'Ath^nes, a Nicholas de Saint-
Omer, Seigneur de Thebes, Richard Comte de Cephalonie,
G%illaume Allman Baron de Pairas, Villain
Baron
Bertrand de Baux,
d^ Arcadie,
Achaiae,"
&c.
This
&c.
names and feudal
titles
"
d'
Annoy
Mareschalcus
combination
of
French
with the classical names of
Athens, Patras, Thebes, Arcadia, Achaia, &c., sounds
even in our day strange and almost grotesque.

it
must have inspired the
days
with
highest, the
those
hatred
frantic
most
who under
patriotic
and
But
Greeks of those
despair.
And
the
cultured class
in Constantinople,
new dynasty
of Palaeologus ruled
the
the Empire, could not but feel great humiliation at the
thought
of
the
territories of the
French baronies
Peloponnesus.
be without anxiety whilst the
in
the
classical
Nor could the Greeks

energetic and clever
Anjous, the French dynasty of the kingdom of Naples
and
Sicily,
Imperial
were
throne
asserting
of
their
pretensions to the
Constantinople.
Catherine
de|
Valois, the wife of Philip II. of Anjou, bore proudly
20
the
titles
of "
Empress of Constantinople, Despotissa of
Romania, Duchess of Durazzo, Princess of Achaia,"

&c. &c.
and military preparations
The diplomatic
5.
Charles
Baldwin
were
so
to reconquer the Byzantine Empire,
I.
II.
Courtenay) had ceded to his house,
(of
and
extensive
Palseologus
thought
was only one course
avert the danger.
the invitation addressed to
and sent representatives

Council of Lyons.
Eastern
much
menacing that Michael
so
there
pursue in order to
amidst
of
which
He
him by Pope Gregory

Greek Church
of the
to
accepted
X.,
to the
There, on the 29th of June 1279,
enthusiasm, the reconciliation
and Western Churches
of
the
was solemnly pro-
claimed.
This
really
did
help
to
avert
the
danger
counteract the preparations of the ambitious

Naples.
and
King
of
The Greek diplomatists were highly pleased
with the success of their move
the
monks and the
people of Constantinople only laughed at the perform-
ances of the Council
attempt at
but in the end this insincere
reconciliation produced greater estrange-
ment, increasing among the Latins their disgust against
what they
called " the hypocrisy
and duplicity
of the
Greeks.
But that which the embarrassed and short-sighted

Byzantine leaders at the close of the thirteenth century
^
Pachymeras has interesting
details of these transactions.
EAST AND WEST.
21
considered only as a clever stroke of policy became an
unavoidable necessity from the middle of the fourteenth
John Cantacuzene, who, with
century.
comings and
vanities,
at once that the
all his
short-
was an able statesman, recognised
Turks were a
far
more formidable
danger to the Greek Empire than either the Latins or
He was
the neighbouring Slavs.
the
first to
declare
openly that an alliance with the warlike nations of

the
West could alone save the Greek Empire from
the Turks.
Erom
his time
onwards the alliance with
the Latins became the standing policy of the Byzan-
was a policy imposed by
tine statesmen.
It
circumstances.
The
Serbia,
orthodox
kings
of
force of
Bulgaria,
and Bosnia, were by the same circumstances
led to seek for alliances with the Catholic kings of
Hungary and Poland.
Some Greek, and
especially
cannot sufficiently blame
some Eussian historians
Rome
for its utilising the
danger that threatened the Eastern Empire to impose

the Papal authority on
it.
But
it
was only natural
that the Popes should seize the opportunity to bring
about the union of the Churches.

for
them
to act differently.
It
was
It
for
was impossible
them a simple
and unavoidable compliance with a sacred and

evident
duty.
From
their
point
of
view,
it
self-
was
manifest that Providence had chosen to use the arms

of the Infidels to break the stubbornness of
the
stifif-
necked Greeks, and to compel them to bow before the
)'
22
In perfect good
successors of St Peter.
Popes thought
the
faith,
clearly their duty to co-operate with
it
Eome
Providence for so good a purpose.
duty added much
to the
doing
melancholy character
its
of this
great tragedy.
6.
But
it
was
also quite natural that the masses of
the orthodox people in Bosnia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and

Greece, should not be able to comprehend the motives
which produced the apparent inconsistency
own
rulers
of their
They had grown up and
and statesmen.
been systematically educated in the belief that the
Roman Church was
the
enemy
of their
own
national
and truly orthodox Church, and that the Pope was an

incarnate Anti-christ;
give the
name
of "
they had been accustomed to
Eim-papa
" to their
dogs
been taught that the Latins were cheats,
and
liars,
and
and effeminate weaklings, who ate
thieves, faithless
frogs, rats,
they had
cats.
came and declared
to
And
now, suddenly, their rulers
them that
in consequence of a
(probably exaggerated) danger from the Turks, they
must unite
cal "
their "
Church
" Christ's
of
Orthodox
"
Church with the
" hereti-
" Anti-christ " as
Eome, acknowledge
Vicar " on earth, and embrace as brothers
the impure and barbarous Latins

It
was not an easy task
Byzantium and
own
for
the
Emperors
of
for their statesmen to suppress their
personal feelings, conquer their
own
prejudices,
and accept with a good grace what seemed
to be
"
EAST AND WEST.
Yet they did
inevitable.
23
The Council
it.
of Florence
1438 bears evidence of the readiness
in A.D.
Greeks to
affections
country.
sacrifice
their dearest
and convictions
of
some
and deepest personal
to the political interest of their
But no earthly power was able
to
change
the heart of the masses of the people, and to dispel

the clouds of prejudices accumulated through so
The populace execrated the union sub-
generations.
scribed to
by
their
Emperor and
his great secular
To the axiom
ecclesiastic dignitaries.
"
many
of
and
Gregory VII.,
Better Islam than schism " the Greeks of Constanti-
nople
And
now answered,
"
Better Islam than the Pope
Islam, turning towards Mecca, praised the only
one and true God,
who
did not permit the Giaours to
unite against the faithful

7.
To the wide-awake and wary Turkish Sultans
was quite
clear that the real
and practical
it
alliance of
the Balkanic with the Western nations would be the
death-warrant
of
Turkish
Therefore
ambitions.
to
prevent such an alliance by every means became to
immense importance.
the Porte a matter of
Sometimes they succeeded in doing

military action.
that
When
King Shishman
negotiations for an
it
of
this
was reported
by prompt
to
Murad
I.
Bulgaria had entered into
offensive
and defensive alliance
with King Lazar of Serbia and King Sigismund of
Hungary, the Turks unexpectedly invaded Bulgaria,
and destroyed her army, capturing Shishman and
all

24
the royal family in Mcopolis (a.d. 1386).
no doubt that the great
on the
battle
field of
There
is
Kossovo
(15th June 1389) was fought with the intention of
King of Hungary,
When, a few years
paralysing Serbia before her ally, the
could come to her assistance.

later,
Vuk
Brankovich, prince of the country lying
between Bosnia and Macedonia (now Kossovo-Eyalet),

reopened negotiations with Hungary, the Turks pre-
vented the accomplishment of his projects by suddenly

seizing
and poisoning him (1395).
afterwards, the
son of Lazar,
young Prince
went personally
"When, shortly
of Serbia,
Stephan, the
do homage to Bayazed
to
Hderim, the Sultan warned him against leaning toward

"
Hungary,
hecause" he said impressively, " no good can
who lean
that
King Shishman and
the
come
to those
alliances
with
way
think what became of
other princes
Hungary!"
Lazarevich,
who had
Stephan's,
not from the Sultan's
of Prince Stephan
them
heard
That the Turks sought
soioght
These words are quoted
by Constantine, the Court chaplain
if
who
probably from
own
lips.-^
to prevent a Christian con-
federacy by diplomatic moderation and conciliation
shown by the counsels given

peror
"
John V. on
Whenever
the
to his sons
his deathbed
Turks hegin
by the
Constantine the Philosopher, in his
Em-
to
he
troublesome, send
embassies to the West at once, offer to accept union,
Glasnik, vol. xxxiii. p. 172.
is
life
and
of Stephan the Tall, in the

EAST AND WEST.
protract
negotiations
length;
great
to
25
Turks
the
so
greatly fear such union that they will become reasonable
and
still
the
union will not
because of the vanity of the Latin nations
Mohammed
to
"
!
much-abused Chalil-Pasha,
It will be seen that the
Grand Vizier
accomplished
be
the Conqueror, acted in
the spirit of the traditional diplomacy of
his pre-
decessors.
John V. (1391) to the

death of John VII. (1448) the Turks had become
much stronger, better organized, and more fully in8.
But from the death
of
They had had opportunities
formed.
themselves
against
successfully
German, and French knights.
Empire; and they began
threats of uniting the
were vain vapourings.
Polish,
They had been
nesses of the decay of the remaining

old
measuring
of
Hungarian,
to
wit-
strength of the
suspect
that
the
Western nations against them
They were shrewd enough
to
perceive that the task of uniting all the Christian
nations
for
great and
earnest effort
"While the Greeks were not learning any-
hopeless.
thing, the
Turks became stronger in offensive power
and richer in practical knowledge

political circumstances in
And
was almost
of the true state of
Europe.
in truth, the very act
by which the wisest
amongst the Greek statesmen thought to guard their

country
against
danger
the
acceptance
at
the
Council of Florence of the union of the Churches
It brought
proved only a source of weakness.
from the West

little
yet
divided and paralysed what
it
strength remained at
1450 Constantinople was in

against
itself,"
The
which
Christians
it is
of
no help
About the year
home.
reality a " house divided
declared must
the East ought
fall.
to
have been
assisted
by the Christians
fatality
seems to have beset Christendom between the
of the
West.
The Byzantine and
eleventh and fifteenth centuries.
worlds were in friction throughout those
the Latin
ages.
But a strange
The separation
of
Churches, the Crusades, the
Latin conquest of Constantinople, the ambition of the
Popes and of the
Sicilian Kings,
the reconciliation of Churches
even the attempts at

all
these contributed
to disorganize the vital forces of the Byzantine

pire.
Not merely did the Western Christians
Em-
fail to
come
to the rescue of their Oriental brethren in the
hour
of need,
but the Papal policy sapped the vigour
of the ancient
ally,
tions
Empire
of the East, and, unintention-
yet not the less effectually,

of
secure
power in Europe.
it
laid
establishment of a
the founda-
Mohammedan
CHAPTER
11.
The Superior Military Organization

OF THE Turks.
Moral and
contributed
causes
political
to
the
remarkable quickness with which the Christian states

of the
Balkan Peninsula were subdued by the Turks.
But the instrument which
chiefly
wrought Turkish
and Christian defeats was undoubtedly
victories
tlie
superior military organization of the Turks.
Not one
of the Christian
Peninsula
had
sovereigns
of
kingdoms
regular
Bosnia,
army.
standing
Serbia,
Balkan
of the
Bulgaria,
The
and Greece
usually surrounded themselves with a more or less
numerous body
hired abroad,
of guards,
Germans,
mostly professional soldiers
Italians,
Normans, and some-
Limes (especially in thirteenth and fourteenth centuries)
even Turks.
The
fidelity of
these mercenaries could
only be secured by the high rate of their pay, and

this precluded the possibility of large
permanently
employed.
An
numbers being
emperor's
bodyguard rarely exceeded 3000
pien.
or
a king's
These house-
hold troops, being constantly under arms, were the

nearest
approach to a standing army amongst the
Christian nations prior to the middle of the fifteenth
28
when King Charles VII.
century,
his
"
the
Franc- Archers,"
first
France enrolled
of
regular,
army
in
Christian country (a.d. 1449).
When
a Christian king had to defend his
country, or to carry
they could collect
his aid, with as
This irregular soldiery might have had
retainers.
much
into that of an enemy, he
many men as
and arm amongst their own tenants
called his nobles to
and
war
own
personal courage, but they were generally badly
armed, and certainly undisciplined.
numerous
they
were,
the
In
more
fact,
the more
and
incongruous
incomplete was their equipment, and the less their

willingness
The
to
political
submit to orders from head-quarters.

disorders
throughout
prevailing
the
peninsula on the eve of the Turkish invasion had
weakened
this feudal military organization,
already inherently weak.

it
which was
Tzar Lazar of Serbia
felt
necessary to add to his war manifesto a long and
terrible curse against all those
by joining him
not respond
at the field of Kossovo.
The Turks had retained

defining
who should
this feudal military system,
more precisely the number
of
armed
followers
when called to
and
Timar Beys).
{Ziyamet
each feudal lord was bound to produce

the standard of the Sultan,
Independently
of
this
feudal
army, the
possessed from 1326 a regular standing army.
and
Turks
Orkhan
his brother Vezir Ala-ud-din inaugurated a system
remarkable for
its
completeness and success, a system
MILITAKi" ORGANIZATION OF
which
testified to the
political
foresight of
THE TURKS.
29
great psychological insight
They not only
organizers.
its
and
converted military service into a permanent profession

for life,
but
made
it
one for which
trained from their boyhood.
men must
More than
be strictly
this,
with an
which would be most admirable were
ingenuity
it
not almost satanic, these organizers did not dream of
drawing the materials for their standing army from
They decided that the
the ranks of the Turks.
force
which was to conquer the Christian kingdoms and

empires should be supplied by the foes of Islam
From amongst
war
the Christian children captured in
or in never-ceasing raids across the frontiers, the
most healthy, handsome, and
intelligent
and sent
There they were trained
to
to special colleges.
were selected
be zealous Mussulmen and intrepid soldiers, and
when
sufficiently
prepared
were
enrolled
in
the
physically
and
regiments of the famous Janissaries.
Should
the
number
required
of
mentally qualified cadets not be recruited
from among
those captured and brought as slaves, special Imperial
Commissioners levied the most cruel of tributes from

the Christian Eayahs,
sons
from seven to
principle of
selection
that of their most promising
twelve
years
old.
Thus the
was applied in a hitherto un-
heard-of manner, to refresh and strengthen the Turkish
Empire by the best blood
The Janissaries
(or
of the Christians.
more exactly
"
Yeni-Cheri" the

30
new
"
troops ") were instituted as a standing regular
army by Orkhan in 1326. They were reorganized by

his son, Murad I., who, on that account, was believed
by many early writers
be their original founder.
to
How thoroughly and soundly based was this organization

can be seen from the summary of rules prescribed by
Murad, and thus

1.
The
first
by Ahmed Djevad Bey^:
set forth
duty of every Janissary
obedience to the orders of his

officers
2.
were freed
name
chimney " or
must
prevail,
"
even
these
if
slaves.
Amongst the men belonging
(the Turkish
"
officers,
absolute
is
"Odjak"
to the
for the corps of Janissaries,
hearth
"),
perfect union
meaning
and concord
and therefore they should always dwell
together.
3.
As
always
truly
abstain
brave
and gallant men, they must
from
every
luxury,
avoid
every
unbecoming deed, and be simple in everything.
They must never disregard the teachings
Holy Hadji Bektash
as
to
must always scrupulously

Mussulmen.
5.
The
the duties of
chiefs
must
and they
their prayers,
fulfil
of the
true
exercise the greatest viligance
that no one be admitted to the Odjak
who has
not
been taken and brought up according to the law of

"
Devchirme
^
"
(law on the tribute in children).
Etat militaire Ottoman depuis la fondation de VEmpire, par
Ahmed Djevad Bey.
Paris, 1882, p. 66.
MILITARY ORGANIZATION OF THE TURKS.
6.
Advancement
in the
31
Odjak must always follow
the order of seniority.

7.
Janissary should only be punished or even
reprimanded by his superior

8.
receive pensions
9.
officer.
Janissaries incapacitated
Janissaries
by
illness or age are to
from the Odjak.
must not wear
and
beards,
shall not
be allowed to marry.
10.
They ought never
to be far distant
from their
ortas (barracks).
11.
or to
No
Janissary should be allowed to learn a trade,
work
an
as
artisan.
His exclusive occupation
ought to be exercise in the art of war.
Many
to'
that,
them
peculiar privileges were given
enhance their
esprit
when on campaign,
de corps.
One
in order
of these
was
their tents should be placed
immediately in front of the Sultan's tent, so that the
Padishah necessarily passed through

leaving or returning to his own.
was that the
capital
punishment
their
tents
in
Another privilege
of a Janissary should
never be executed in the day-time, or in public, but
always at midnight, in the presence of a few
cannon shot
fired in the central
time announcing to the Odjak that one

to it
had been removed from
officers,
barrack at the same
this
who belonged
world by the hands
of Justice.
During the fourteenth and

of Janissaries
fifteenth centuries the corps
never numbered more than 12,000 men.
32
But
physical condition,
in
training,
discipline
and
bravery, no troops in Europe could be compared with
them.
They were
all foot soldiers, their principal
Some
being a bow.
of
them had
arm
in addition a scimitar,
others a lance.
Besides this regular infantry, the Sultans had from
an early date a body

hees,"
who were
of regular cavalry called " Spa-
same way
recruited in the
as the
In the fifteenth century they were armed
Janissaries.
with a scimitar, an iron mace (20 to 25 pounds in

weight), and a bow.
The
cise of
greatest attention
were made
of
metal
ally used in Europe,

issaries
to the
much
sword exer-
Their scimitars
superior to any then gener-
and by constant practice the Jan-
and Spahees learned to use these with marvel-
lous dexterity.
Empire
was given
both Janissaries and Spahees.
"
The Turkish saying
by the sword
"
was
The Greeks were superior

manoeuvres and in the use
of this composition
that they
won their
literally true.
to the
of "
Turks only
Greek
fire ";
in naval
the secret
was jealously kept.
There are two Christian contemporaries who speak
with authority on the Turkish army in the middle

the fifteenth century.
Philelpho, the other
is
One
is
of
the Italian Francesco
a Frenchman
Bertrandon
de
la Brocquiere.
Philelpho, himself a knight and statesman, sojourned

at the Sultan's " Porte " as
some time
He
33
Greek Envoy.
knowing
certainly enjoyed good opportunities of
the true condition of the Turkish military forces, and
he describes them in his memoranda to the King of
France (dated 14th November 1461) and to the Doge of

Venice (10th February 1464).
Sultan's
According to him, the
army was composed
of
12,000 Janissaries,
8000 Assabs (who were in his regular pay), 25,000_

feudal troops levied in Europe and 15,000 levied in
Asia,
archers
The
altogether 60,000.
;
they also carried a
them had long
lances.
Janissaries were all
and some of
SJoaall shield,
The feudal troops were
all
horse-
men, armed with scimitars, maces, and small shields
some
of their
regular
army
number had bows.

of the Sultans
" But,"
he adds, "this
was always preceded and
followed in war by innumerable bands of irregular

troops,
composed mostly
Thessaly,
of shepherds
from Thracia,
and Moesia, who, being under no
restraint,
proved the most cruel scourge in the Turkish invasions.

Their arms were only crooked Turkish sabres.
carried with
them plenty
They
of ropes to bind the inhabit-
ants of towns and villages, and then drove
them
its
down
before the regular
army of the Sultan made
appearance."^
George Castriot Scanderbeg
(+
1468) indirectly
confirms Philelpho's statement about the usual strength

^
Francisci Philelphi, Epistolse, vol.
ii.
p. 52.
,'
/
'
to the
slave-markets; the villages and towns they pillaged and
burnt
34
According to his biographers,^
of the Turkish army.
" that the whole
he often stated
army of
the
Albanian
league hardly equals in numbers the fourth part of the
As
Sultan's forces."
the Albanians were able in a few
instances to muster 15,000 men, but generally had not
more than 12,000,
it
may
estimated the Turkish
be concluded that Scanderbeg
army
at about 60,000
men.
But the true expert in military matters was Berdon de
tra
la Brocquiere, Seigneur de
Councillor and First Equerry to the
Philippe
He went
Bon.
le
places of Palestine,
Vieux Chateau,
Duke of Burgundy,
in 1432 to visit the holy
and returned in 1433 overland, pass-
ing through Constantinople, Adrianople, Bulgaria, and

Serbia.
He
Duke a description of his

memorandum about ways and means
wrote for his
journey, with a
for driving the
Turks out
generally shrewd
are
of Europe.^
His observations
and apparently
judgment bears the stamp
true,
of impartiality.
and
We
his
will
quote some of his statements concerning the Turks and

their army.
"The conversation" (which he held

with some German
officers)
and caused
me
to inake
subjection
in
which
at Belgrade
"greatly astonished me,
some
reflections
the
Turk
on the strange
keeps
Macedonia,
^ Demetrius Franco,
Vita Oeorgii Scanderhegi, Venetia, 1480 ;
Marinus Barletius, De Vita ac Gestis Georgii Scanderhegi, Roma,
1503.
*
We use the
edited by
English translation of the Early Travels in Palestine,
Thomas Wright, London,
1848, pp. 862-369.
I-Bulgaria, the
Despot
the
Emperor
of
of Constantinople, the Greeks,
Serbia,
dependence appeared
and
his
me
to
Such a
subjects.
a lamentable
Christendom; and as I lived
with
became acquainted with their manner
thing for
Turks,
and
of living
and
the
fighting,
and have frequented the company
persons
who have observed them narrowly
great enterprises, I
them,
concerning
35
am emboldened
to write
according
the
to
of sensible
in
their
something
best
my
of
ability
" I shall
begin with what regards their persons, and
say they are a
tolerably
handsome
beards, but of moderate size
well
that
strong
as
it
common
is
Turk
necessary,
long
know
and strength.
expression
say
'as
have seen
an
nevertheless
';
infinity of Christians excel
with
race,
to
them when strength was
and I myself, who
am
not of the strongest
make, have, when circumstances required labour, found

very
"
many Turks weaker than
They are
I.
diligent, willingly rise early,
and
live
on
badly
baked, raw
meat dried in the sun, milk curdled or
not, honey,
being
little,
with
satisfied
cheese, grapes, fruit, herbs,

flour,
bread
and even a handful
six or eight for
a day.
Should they have a horse or
a camel sick without hopes of recovery, they cut

throat
many
of
with which they make a soup sufficient to feed
and eat
a time.
it.
I have witnessed this
They
are indifferent as to
its
many and
where they
36
sleep,
and usually
consists of
lie
over the other, which

again, they
on the ground.
dress
felt,
and some capinats are
knees, and they wear wide drawers,

velvet, others of silk
In war, or when
these,
called a 'capinat.'
Their boots come up to the
and handsome.
fine
Over
to their feet.
fall
wear a mantle of
This, though light, resists rain,
very
Their
two or three cotton garments, thrown one
some
or fustian and
of crimson
common
travelling, to avoid being
stuffs.
embarrassed
their gowns, they tuck the ends into their drawers,
by
that they
may move
with greater freedom.
"Their horses are good, cost
allowances, never feeding
giving
them only
double the quantity
in food, gallop
They keep them on short
well and for a long time.
five
little
them but at
and then
night,
or six handfuls of barley with
chopped
of
the
straw,
put into a bag which hangs from the horse's
whole
ears.
At
break of day, they bridle, clean, and curry the horses,

but never allow them to drink before mid- day.
In
the afternoon they drink whenever they find water,
and
also in the evening
when they
and near a
for they always halt early,
river
During the night they are covered with

stuffs.
genette.
The horses
saddled
if
possible.
felt
or other
and bridled A
la
Their saddles are commonly very rich, but
hollow, having
stirrup-leathers
sit
are
encamp
lodge or
pummels
before and behind, with short
and wide
stirrups
The men
deeply sunk in their saddles as in an arm-chair.
MILITAKY ORGANIZATION OF THE TURKS.

very
knees
their
cannot
resist
unhorsed.
high,
The arms
which they
in
position
being
from a lance without
blow
37
of those
who have any
fortune
are a bow, a small wooden shield, a sword, a heavy
mace with a short handle and the thick end cut
many
This
angles.
into
weapon when
dangerous
is
on the shoulders, or on an unguarded arm.
struck
Several use small wooden bucklers
when they draw
the bow.
"
Their obedience to superiors
dare disobey, even
And
it
when
owing
is chiefly
their
is
boundless.
!N"one
are
stake.
lives
to this steady
such great exploits have
at
submission that
been performed, and
such
vast conquest achieved.

" I
have been assured that whenever the Christian
powers have taken up arms against the

latter
have
always
had
timely
this case the Sultan has their
tribes,
his
army two
or three
days'
spot where he proposes to fight
off,
Should
falls
he
suddenly on
For these occasions they have a particular
kind of march, beaten on a large drum.

signal
them
march from the
them.
think the opportunity favourable, he

them.
In
information.
march watched by men
assigned for this purpose, and he lays wait for
with
the
is
given, those
followed by the
without the
file
who
are to lead
others
with the
When
this
march quietly
same
silence,
ever being interrupted, the horses and
men having been
so trained.
Ten thousand Turks on
38
such an occasion will make less noise than 100

the Christian armies.
men
in
In their ordinary marches they
always walk, but in these they always gallop; and
as-
they are lightly armed, they will thus advance further
from evening to daybreak than in three other days.
They choose
no horses but such as walk
also
we
gallop for a long time, while
well and with ease.
gallop
marches
and
they
that
completely
have
defeating
It is
and
by these forced
succeeded
the
fast
select only those that
in
surprising
Christians
in
their
different wars.
" Their
manner
of fighting varies according to cir-
When
cumstances.
they find a favourable opportunity,
they divide themselves into different detachments, and

thus attack
This
many
mode
among woods
parts of an
particularly
is
army
at the
adapted
or mountains, from the great
they have for uniting together again.
they form
ambuscades, and send
scouts to observe the enemy.
he
is
same
time.
when they
At
are
facility
other times
out well-mounted
If their report be that
not on his guard, they instantly form their plan
and take advantage of the circumstance.

find the
army well drawn
Should they
up, they curvet round
it
within bow-shot, and, while thus prancing, shoot at

the
men and
horses,
long that they at last throw the

If the opposing
fly,
and disperse
this
manoeuvre so
enemy
into disorder^
and continue
army attempt
to pursue them, they
separately, even should only a fourth
part of their
but
it
be ordered against them
in their flight that they are formidable,
it is
has
own number
39
been
the
defeated
that
and
have
they
In flying they have the
Christians.
adroitness to shoot
then
always
almost
arrows so unerringly that
their
man
Each
or horse.
they scarcely ever
fail
horseman has
on the pummel of his saddle a
also
When
tabolcan.
to hit
the chief, or any one of his
perceives the pursuing
enemy to be
three strokes on this instrument

it,
officers,
in disorder, he gives
the others, on hearing
do the same, and they are instantly formed round
their chief, like so
many
hogs round the old. one
and
then, according to circumstances, they either receive
the charge of the assailants, or
fall
on them by de-
tachments and attack them simultaneously in different

places.
which
In pitched battles they employ a stratagem

consists
throwing
of
fireworks
cavalry to frighten the horses.

their front a great
body
them on the enemy's
often place in
dromedaries and camels,
of
which are bold and vicious
They
among the
these they drive before
line of horse
and throw
it
into
confusion
" It is the policy of the
Turks to have their armies
twice as numerous as those of the Christians.
This
and
superiority of
numbers augments
aUows them
form different corps, and to make their
to
their courage,
attack on various parts at the same time.
they once force an
opening, they rush
Should
through in
40
and
incredible crowds,
.... The
lost.
it is
then a miracle
be not
if all
Turkish lances are worth nothing
their archers are the best troops they have,
do not shoot so strongly or so

a more numerous cavalry
and
inferior in strength to ours
and these
They have
far as ours.
their horses, though
and incapable
of carrying
such heavy weights, gallop better, and skirmish for a

longer time without losing their wind.
"I
must own that
in
my various
experiences I have
always found the Turks frank and
was necessary
on
and when
it
Their armies, I know, commonly con-
failed
sist
loyal,
show courage, they have never
to
men, but
200,000
of
and destitute
foot,
or
mallets,
equipped.
number
swords
They have,
of Christians,
of
few,
the
wooden
indeed,
besides,
who
part
greater
are
shields, helmets,
being
completely
amongst them a great
are forced to serve
Greeks,
Bulgarians, Macedonians, Albanians, Slavonians,
Wal-
lachians, Servians,
and other subjects of the despots
of that country.
All these people detest the Turk,
because he holds them in a severe subjection
should they see
the
Christians,
and
above
all
and
the
French, march in force against the Sultan, I have not

the slightest doubt but they would turn against
and do him great mischief."
him

There
is
an interesting version of the
life of
41
George
Castriot Scanderbeg in an old Serbian manuscript not
yet printed.
It
on the whole, the
follows,
lines of
Marinus Barletius' work on Scanderbeg, but has some

modifications and additions, which do not only enrich
our stores of historical knowledge but impart to the
whole
local
and national
colour.
In both works
it is
recorded that on a certain occasion Sultan
Mohammed,
desiring to dispel the anxiety of his Viziers
and Pashas
in consequence of rumours of a great European coalition against the Turks,
made
a speech comparing the
Very probably Mohammed
Christians and the Turks.
never delivered the address attributed to him, but the

comparison was certainly made as early as when Barletius'
work was written (towards the end
fifteenth
^
'
knew
century),
"You have
!
and by a person who evidently
heard,"
Your heroism
well the unwashed
the
Sultan
is
made
manners, which
will be above theirs
certainly
much and
to eat
not
are
much
to
say,
But
fear
You know
and their ways and
Gyaours,
fine.
indolent, sleepy, easily shocked, inactive
drink
the
well the circumstances of which he spoke.
" that the Christians have united against us.
not
of
They are
they like to
in misfortunes they
are impatient, and in times of good fortune proud and

overbearing.
They
are lovers of repose, and do not
like to sleep without soft feather-beds
have no
women with them
when they
they are sad and gloomy
42
and without plenty
of good
wine they are unable to
keep counsel among themselves.
any military stratagems.
of
They
are ignorant
They keep horses only
to ride while hunting with their dogs
if
one of them
wishes to have a good war-horse, he sends to buy
They
from
us.
heat,
efifort
them
in the campaigns,
and menial work.
They
let
women
follow
and at their dinners give them
the upper places, and they want always to have
In
dishes.
"
life
my glorious
fellows,
You do
You sleep
qualities.
or your food.
do not want beds
the earth
any board your bed; there

a hardship
there
is
warm
no good in them.
short, there is
But you,
many good
it
are unable to bear hunger, or cold, or
you can show a great
much
not think
little,
and
of your
for that
you
is
your dining-table and
is
nothing you consider
nothing you think
it
impossible
to do
"
And
then, the Christians fight constantly
among
themselves, because every one desires to be a king, or
a prince, or the
another
Prince,
one
*
!
them.
'
Brother, help thou
and to-morrow I
Fear them not
them.
me
One
common
self-willed,
there
their superiors
and
interest.
and
says to
to-day against this
will help thee against that

is
no concord amongst
Every one takes care of himself only
thinks of the
unruly,
amongst
first
They
disobedient.
discipline they
everything depends on that
no one
are quarrelsome,
Obedience
to
have none, and yet

"
When
they lose a battle they always say
were not well prepared

betrayed us
or
*
!
'
We
or
'
'
'
or
'
own advantage
confess truly
Turks
what they
and rightly
It is
God who
'
by
They have
occupied our country by turning our internal
is
We
The Turks
declaration of war,
misleading representations and treachery
Well, that
This or that traitor has
came upon us without previous
"
were too few in number, and
the Turks were far more numerous
culties to their
43
diffi-
!'
say, being not willing to
God
is
helps them,
on
the side of the
and
therefore they
conquer us !'"^
1
have used the text of the Serbian MS., Povyest o Oyurgyu
Zrnoyevichu, narechenom Skenderbegu, No. 418, 8vo, of the National
Library in Belgrade.
CHAPTEE
On the Eve
When
III
of the Fall.
history raises the curtain to
the most stirring tragedies in the
show us one
life of
conquest of a higher civilization by a lower

interest
who
naturally absorbed
is
by the
tableaux
historical
Palaeologus
so
nobly
in
which
personified
an
the
our
personalities
are working out the decrees of Fate.
great
of
one
nations
But the
Constantine
and
ancient
highly cultured Empire falling with dignity and honour,
and a great conqueror,

his wild
Asiatic race
in
mind
like
Mohammed
II.,
and rough, yet energetic and deeply
can only gain in interest when
that they are displayed
typified
religious
we
bear
amid surroundings
of
such extraordinary natural beauties as those of the

Bosphorus.
We
would
like if
we
could present to our readers
that wonderful picture of hill and valley, sunny glades
and shadowed bays, of sea and sky, which has excited

the admiration of all
who have looked on
more we should have liked
it.
Still
to place before their eyes
a true picture of Constantinople, and of the social and

political life
within
its walls,
on the eve of
its
heroic
ON THE EVE OF THE

defence and final
45
FALL.
But though the beauties
fall.
of the
Bosphorus are an inexhaustible source of inspiration

for artists in
modern
tions of the life
times, the drawings
and descrip-
and surroundings of Constantinople in
the middle of the fifteenth century are extremely rare.
we have
Still,
a bird's-eye view of the city of Con-
stantinople from the year 1422,
and a plan
of the city
from the year 1493.
The
bird's-eye
view of Constantinople was made in
the above-mentioned year by the Florentine engineer
and
artist,
Christophore Buondelmonti.
three copies extant
not been published;

Sathas,^
There are only
one, in the Vatican, has as yet
Mr
one in Venice, edited by
and the third in
Paris,
which was printed by
Banduri^ as early as 1711.

It appears, according to G. Critobulos, the
biographer of
Mohammed
II.,
Greek
that the Sultan, some
time after the conquest of Constantinople, ordered the

celebrated Greek geographer, Georgios Amyroutzes of
Trebizonde, to prepare for

countries of the world.
made
at the
stantinople,
same time a great map

and that
Dr Dickson
to
^
C.
him maps
it
of the different
It is believed that
was
this
Amyroutzes
of the city of
in the library of the Seraglio.
N. Sathas, Monumenta
Con-
map which was shown
SistoricB Hellenicce,
It is
Paris, 1888, vol.
iii.
Banduri, Imperium Orientale, Parisiis, 1711, vol.
ii.,
p. 448.
See
also Dufresne, Constantinopolis Christiana, seu Descriptio urbis Gonstantinopolitance qualis extitit sub imperatoribus Christianis, Parisiis, 1780.
46
further believed that Gentile Bellini,
time
in the Seraglio
who
spent some
painting a portrait of Sultan
Suleyman, carried with him back to Venice a copy of

the same plan.
From
copy several other copies
this
were made and published in numerous editions during

the sixteenth century.^
It is very probable that
between the
stantinople at the time of its conquest

in 1453
of
and the
city of
by the Turks
city such as it is depicted
on the plan
1422 there could be hardly any material
The resources
of the
Con-
difference.
Byzantine Emperors between 1420
and 1453 were used principally

strengthening the city walls.
in
On some
repairing
stones,
and
which
have been taken when the Charsias Gate was pulled
down, and which are now preserved in the Arsenal of

Constantinople, there are inscriptions which state that
the
Emperor John Palseologus renovated the whole

This work was undertaken
fortification of the
town.
after the last siege
by Murad
the stones there
beneath the name of the Emperor
the
name
which
is
of
is
Manuel Jagaris
II. in
1432.
On
one of
(a Palseologue himself),
believed to be that of the chief engineer
had charge
of the restoration.^
who
George Brankovich,
the Prince of Serbia, the friend and ally of the Greek
Emperors, reconstructed in the year 1448 at his

^
See also Ancien plan de Constantinople, imprimd entre 1566
et
own
1574,
avec notes explicatives par Ccedidiis, Constantinople, Lorentz et Keil,
1882.
2
Dethier,
Der Bosphor und
Constantinopel,
Wien, 1873,
p. 55.
ON THE EVE OF THE
47
FALL.
expense two towers in the walls of Constantinople;
one in the wall along the Marmara Sea at the gate
Koum-Capou, and the other
called at present
wall along the Golden Horn.^

ever, did not involve
in the
All these works, how-
any material change
in the princi-
pal lines and general character of the fortifications and
the
town
such
itself
as
it
was when Buondelmonti
sketched his plan, and such as
when
It
would be not
Fortunately
fall.
la Brocqui^re
an insight
Greek capital on the eve
we can
least in a certain measure.
satisfy this desire, at
Chevalier Bertrandon de
spent some time in Constantinople in
1433, and wrote

of
most probably was
less desirable to obtain
into the inner life of the old

of its
it
the siege of 1453 took place.
what he saw
for his
master an interesting report
there.
Brocqui^re was one of the sharpest and most intelli-
gent observers
who
travelled over that route in the
Middle Ages; and as he was a
soldier
by
profession,
and
a gentleman by birth and education, his observations

are invaluable for the tiistory of the
Balkan Peninsula
in the first half of the fifteenth century.
He had
the
pluck and enterprising energy of a modern American

The full inscription in Greek that the " Pyrgos " and the adjoining
cortina " at Koum-Capou were restored at the expense of George
^
**
Brankovich,
Miklosich,
is
given in
Monumenta
Dr Mordtman,
Horn, see Novakovich, Glas,

p. 9.
Belagerung, p. 132, and in

About the tower on the Golden
Journal of the Serb. Academy, vol. xix.
Serbica, p. 441.

48
and a decided talent
reporter,
most graphic de-
to give
scription of all he saw.
This
stantinople as he saw
January 1433
"We
from
who
all
cross
My
crossed in two Greek vessels.
me
took
and opposite to
and receive a
this passage,
it.
and I
companions
The owners
my boat
of
Turk and paid me great honours
for a
when they saw me
my horse
after landing leave
gate of Pera to be taken care
of,
and inquire
Genoese merchant named Christopher Parvesin, to
them waited
turned for
agreed on
my
me
me
sword and
who
if
my
lived hard by,
coming
retreat.
would have
:
my
to
but I had
assistance,
may have
All those with
have had any business have only made
and I have found more probity
Church, and the submission which
to this
any-
whom
me more
sus-
in the Turks.
These Greeks do not love the Christians of the
made
re-
than I had
I mention this as a
warning to travellers who, like myself,
than
whom
Two
good tarquais, and a Genoese shoe-
thing to do with the Greeks.
picious,
at the
and when I
they had dared to do so
were forced to
they
at the gate,
my horse they demanded more

for my passage.
I believe they
even struck
maker,
for
but
after a
I had letters, they suspected I was a Christian.

of
Con-
his picture of
is
arrived at Scutari on the Straits
The Turks guard
Pera.
toll
it,
Eoman
they have
Church was more through
since
self-interest
sincerity.-^
Evidently
Brocquiere
wrote his
Memoirs
after
the
nominal
ON THE EVE OF THE

"
Pera
is
49
FALL.
a large town, inhabited by Greeks, Jews,
under the
and Genoese.
The
last
Duke
who
styles himself 'Lord of Pera.'
of Milan,
are masters of
has a Podesta and other

their
The
latter
who govern
officers,
Great commerce
manner.
Turks.
it
is
It
after
carried on with the
have a singular
that should any of their slaves run
privilege,
namely,
away and seek an
asylum in Pera, they must be given back.

is
it
The port
the handsomest I have seen, and I believe I
may
add of any in the possession of the Christians, for the

largest
Genoese vessels can
However,
it
seems to
me
lie
alongside the quays.
that on the land side and
near the church, in the vicinity of the gate at the
extremity of the haven, the place

" I
met
Milan,
at Pera
named
is
weak,
an ambassador from the Duke of
The Duke,
Sir Benedicto de Furlino.
wanting the support of the Emperor Sigismund against

the Venetians, and seeing Sigismund embarrassed with
the defence of his
kingdom
of
Hungary
against the
Turks, had sent an embassy to Amurath, to negotiate

a peace between the two princes.
honour of
reception.
my
Lord
He
of
even told
me
reconciliation of the
much
a gracious
do mischief to
make them
from them by the Turks
in this he acted so
me
that, to
the Venetians, he had contributed to

Salonica, taken
Sir Benedicto, in
Burgundy, gave
lose
and certainly
the worse, for I have since
Greek and Roman Churclies at the Council of
Florence in 1438.
50
seen the inhabitants of that town deny Jesus Christ
and embrace the Mohammedan
"Two
haven
my
days after
arrival at Pera I crossed the
to Constantinople, to visit that city.
and spacious, having the form

is
religion.
bounded by the
It is large
of a triangle
straits of St George,
one side
another towards
the south by the bay, which extends as far as Gallipoli,
and
at the north side is the port.
three
said,
large cities
seven
hillsÊome,
Eome
is,
on the
and
are, it is
earth, each enclosing
Constantinople,
think, larger
There
and
Antioch.
more compact than
Constantinople.
"
They estimate the
circuit of the city of Constanti-
nople at eighteen miles, a third of which
land side towards the west.

walls,
particularly
is
on the
It is well enclosed with
on the land
side.
This extent,
estimated at six miles from one angle to the other, has

likewise a deep ditch, excepting for about two hundred
paces at one of
Blaquerne.
its
extremities near the palace called
was assured that the Turks had
failed
weak
point.
in their attempt to take the
town
at this
Fifteen or twenty feet in front of this ditch there
good and high wall.
At
is
the two extremities of this
we
line
were formerly handsome palaces, which,
may
judge from their present ruins, were also very
if
strong
" Constantinople is
that
it
formed of many separate parts, so
contains several open spaces of greater extent
ON THE EVE OF THE

The
than those built on.
under
It has, beside, a
small
interior, capable of containing three or
This
four galleys.
51
largest vessels can anchor
walls, as at Pera.
its
harbour in the
FALL.
situated to the southward near
is
a gate, where a hillock

of the Christians,
pointed out composed of bones
is
who, after the conquests of Jerusalem
and Acre by Godfrey de Bouillon, were returning by

this strait.
When
the Greeks had ferried
they conducted them to this place, which

secret,
But
is
them
and there the Crusaders were murdered.
as this is
what was
"The
an old
story, I
know
of it
over,
remote and
.
no more than
told me.
many handsome
city has
remarkable and the
churches, but the most
principal church
is
that of
St
Sophia, where the Patriarch resides, with others of the
rank
of Canons.
It is of a circular shape, situated
near the eastern point, and formed of three different

parts
one subterranean, another above the ground,
and a third over

cloisters,
ference.
and had,
It is
Formerly
that.
now
cloisters remain, all
it
is
it
was surrounded by
said, three
miles in circum-
of smaller extent,
and only three
paved and inlaid with squares of
white marble, and ornamented with large columns of

various colours.
The
gates are remarkable for their
breadth and height, and are of brass.
was
told, possesses
one
end of the lance that pierced His
was offered
Him
This church, I
of the robes of our Lord, the

side,
the sponge that
to drink from, apd the reed that was
52
I can only say that behind the
put into His hand.

choir I
was
was shown the gridiron on which
broiled,
stand, on
wash-
of a
which they say Abraham gave the angels food
Sodom and Gomorrah.

witness the manner of the Greeks
when they were going

"I
Laurence
Sfc
and a large stone in the shape
was curious
when performing
to
to destroy
divine service, and went to St Sophia
on a day when the Patriarch
The Emperor
officiated.
was present, accompanied by his consort, his mother,
and his brother the Despot
of Morea.-^
was represented, the subject
of
which was the three
Nebuchadnezzar
had ordered to be
youths
whom
thrown into the

to the
Emperor
fiery furnace.
of Trebizonde,
mystery
The Empress, daughter

seemed very handsome
but as I was at a distance, I wished to have a nearer

view.
And
her horse, for

attended
was
it
only
also desirous to see
how
was thus she had come
by two
ladies,
she mounted
to the church,
three
elderly
ministers of state, and three of that species of
men,
men
to
On
whose guard the
Turks entrust
coming out
Sophia, the Empress went into an
of St
adjoining house to
dine,
their
wives.
which obliged me
until she returned to her palace,
to wait
and consequently
to
pass the whole day without eating or drinking.

^
The Emperor was John
Palseologus, the Despot
of Morea.his
brother Demetrius, his mother the Empress Irene, the daughter of the
Serbian Prince Constantino Dragash, and the Emperor's consort was
Maria Comnena, daughter of Alexis Comnena, Emperor of Trebizonde.

She died on the 17th December 1439.
ON THE EVE OF THE
"At
forth
bench was brought
horse,
which was superb,
length she appeared.
and placed near her
When she had mounted
and had a magnificent saddle.

the bench, one of the old
63
FALL.
men
took the long mantle
she wore, passed to the opposite side of the horse, and
held
it
in
his
hand extended
as high as he could
during this she put her foot in the stirrup, and bestrode
the horse like a man.
old
man
When
she was in her seat, the
cast the mantle over her shoulders
common
which one
of those long hats
with a point, so
in Greece,
was given
at one of the ends
to her
after
it
was
ornamented with three golden plumes, and was very

becoming.
was
so near that I
was ordered
to fall
back, and consequently had a full view of her.

wore- in her
ears broad
and
flat
precious stones, especially rubies.
and
fair
earrings, set
She
with
She looked young
and handsomer than when in church.
In
one word, I should not have had a fault to find with

her,
had she not been painted, and assuredly she had
no need
horses
and hats
of
it.
The two
ladies also
mounted
their
they were both handsome, and wore mantles

like the Empress.
The company returned
to
the palace of Blaquerne.

"
In the front of St Sophia
is
a large and fine square,
surrounded with walls like a palace, where in ancient

times games were performed.
saw the brother
of
the Emperor, the Despot of Morea, exercising himself

there with a score of other horsemen.
Each had a
54
bow, and they galloped along the inclosure, throwing

their hats before them, which,
they shot at
and he who pierced
arrow, or was nearest to
This exercise
expert.
Turks, and
to
On
passed,
his hat with
an
it,
was esteemed the most
they
have adopted from the
was one in which they were endeavouring
it
make themselves
"
when they had
efficient.
this side, near the point of the angle, is the
church
beautiful
of
St
Turkey in Asia, a tower
On
straits.
George,
which
facing
has,
at the narrowest part of the
the other side, to the westward,
a very
is
high square column with characters traced on
it,
He
summit.
holds a sceptre in his left
and
on the
an equestrian statue of Constantino in bronze
hand, and
holds his right extended towards Turkey in Asia and

the road to Jerusalem, as
if
of that country was under his
whole
to denote that the

rule.
Near
this
column
there are three others placed in a line, and each of
one block.
Here stood once three
gilt
now
horses,
at Venice.
"
In the pretty church of Pantheocrator, occupied by
Greek monks, who are what we should
call in
France
was shown a stone or
Gray Franciscan
Friars, I
of divers colours,
which Nicodemus had caused
body
of
to be
own tomb, and on which he laid out

our Lord, when he took Him down from
cut for his
cross.
table
During
this operation the Virgin
the
the
was weeping
over the body, but her tears, instead of remaining on
ON THE EVE OF THE

it,
on the stone, and they are
fell
upon
At
it.
first
touched them with

to look at
them
my
This
many
is
to
all
now
to be seen
for drops of
wax, and
hand, and then bent
down
and against the
light,
horizontally
when they seemed

water.
them
I took
55
FALL.
me
like drops of congealed
may have been
a thing that
persons as well as by myself.
seen by
In the same
church are the tombs of Constantine and of St Helena
on a column,
his mother, each raised about 8 feet high
having their summit terminated in a point, cut into

four sides, in the fashion of a diamond.
It is said that
the Venetians, while in power at Constantinople, took

the body of St Helena from
Venice, where, they say,
its
it
tomb and
is still
preserved.
further said that they attempted the
regard
to
succeed
the
and
body
of
of the
they made the attempt.
column
to
tomb are
The tombs
same thing
is
to be seen,
are of red jasper.
rods
by order
is
but
one
exceeds
in
same
Eome and
height the
There are likewise in the same
many holy relics in wooden coffins, and any

who chooses may see them. One of the saints
church
one
this
of Pilate.
of the
stone as the two others that I have seen at

;
day
where
shown the broken
This shaft, above the height of a man,
others put together.
in
which our Saviour was fastened
when He was beaten with
at Jerusalem
to
Constantine, but could not
In the church of St Apostles
shaft of the
it
It is
this is probable enough, for to this
two broken parts

"
carried
56
had
head cut
his
off,
and
to his skeleton the
head of
The Greeks, however,
another saint has been placed.
have not the like devotion that we have for such

It is the
same with respect
and the
pillar of
to the stone of
our Lord, which last
is
simply en-
by planks, and placed upright near one
closed
columns on the right hand
relics.
Nicodemus
of the
of the great entrance at
the front of the church.

"
Among
several beautiful churches I will mention
only yet one as remarkable, namely, that which

called Blaquerna
is
from being near the imperial palace,
which, although small and badly roofed, has paintings,
and a pavement inlaid with marble.

there
may
doubt not that
be others worthy of notice, but I was un-
able to visit
them
The Latin merchants have
all.
one situated opposite to the passage to Pera, where
mass
"
is
daily read after the
Roman manner.
There are merchants from
all
nations in this city,
but none so powerful as the Venetians,

bailiff to regulate all their affairs
Emperor and
his ministers.
enjoyed for a long time.
who have
independently of the
This privilege they have

It is
even said that they
have twice by their galleys saved the town from the
Turks
more
else.
their
but for
my
part I believe that they spared
for the holy relics' sake it contains
The Turks
also
have an
commerce, who, like
the
independent of the Emperor.
it
than anything
officer to
superintend
Venetian
bailiff,
is
They have even the
ON THE EVE OF THE FALL.

privilege, that
one of their slaves should run away
if
and take refuge within the

him, the Emperor
since
bound
is
on their demanding
city,
to
give
him
must be under great subjection
prince
him,
he pays
thousand ducats annually.

Constantinople,
57
up.
This
to the
Turk,
am told, a tribute of ten

And this sum is only for
beyond that town he possesses
for
nothing but a castle situated three leagues to the north,
and in Greece a small

" I
city called Salubria.
was lodged with a Catalonian merchant, who
having told one of the

attached to
my
Lord
me
to be asked if
the
Maid
believe.
it
told
officers of
the palace that 1 was
Burgundy, the Emperor caused
were true that the
of Orleans,
of
Duke had taken
which the Greeks would scarcely
them
what had happened,
truly
at
which they were greatly astonished.

"
The merchants informed me that on Candlemas-day
there will be a solemn service performed in the after-
noon, similar to
they conducted
what we perform on that day, and
me
one end of the
at
The Emperor was
to the church.
hall, seated
The
on a cushion.
Empress viewed the ceremony from an upper window.
The chaplains who chant the
service are strangely
richly dressed; they sing the service

"
Some days
after they took
on the marriage
of
me
by
to see a feast given
one of the Emperor's
There was a tournament
and
heart.
after the
relatives.
manner
country, which appeared very strange to me.
of
the
I will
68
describe
In the middle of a
it.
square they had
planted a large pole, to which was fastened a plank

3 feet wide and 5 feet high.
to the spot, without
Forty cavaliers advanced
any arms or armour whatever
They
but a short
stick.
by running
after each other,
half an hour.
at first
Then from
amused themselves
which lasted
for about
sixty to eighty rods of elder
were brought, of the thickness and length
of those
we
took one
The bridegroom
use for thatching.
and
set off full gallop
as the rod shook in his hand, he broke
when
first
towards the plank to break

it
it
with ease,
shouts of joy resounded, and the instruments of
music, namely nacaires, like those of the Turks, began

to
Each
play.
wands
tied
in the
two
of
of
the
other cavaliers
same manner.
home
"
My intention
Thus ended
safe
The Emperor and Empress have been

this entertainment
their
Then the bridegroom
them without being wounded
the feast, and everyone returned
broke
and sound.
spectators of
from a window.
was
to leave Constantinople
Sir Benedict de Furlino, who, as I
as ambassador to the
have
said,
Turks by the Duke
with this
was sent
of Milan.
There was a gentleman named Jean Visconti and seven

other persons in his suite.
He had
ten horses loaded
a traveller through Greece
must
absolutely carry everything requisite with him.
We
with
baggage, for
departed
1433."
from Constantinople on the 23rd January

To
this sketch of the
59
Greek capital we may give as
a "pendant" Brocquiere's impressions of the Sultan's
Court at Adrianople, and of
Turks in general.
the
The French knight had twice
to
breadth of Macedonia, as Sultan
Murad
the whole
cross
happened
II.
The picture
be at that time at Larissa in Thessaly.
to
which Brocquicre's Journal unrolls before our eyes
On
one of great desolation.
is
the whole stretch, from
Burgas on the Black Sea to Yenige-Basar, the country
was covered with ruins
of
towns and
castles,
were empty and abandoned.
villages
It was, so to
on the second day after the great wave
say,
and most
of
Turkish
invasion had passed across that once so happy and well-
populated country, that our French knight travelled
through Thracia and Macedonia.

his
report.
We
did not proceed to Larissa,
"
Grand Turk was on
that the
for
But
own
him
his
let
for,
way
him resume
having heard
back,
we waited
at Yenige-Basar, a village constructed
subjects.
When
he (the
consists of four or five
by
his
Sultan) travels, his escort
hundred horse
but as he
is
passionately fond of hawking, the greater part of his
troop was composed of falconers
who
and goshawk-trainers,
are great favourites with him,
and I was
keeps more than two thousand of them.

passion,
to
He
told
Having
he
this
he travels very short days* journeys, which are
him more an
object of
amusement and
pleasure.
entered Yenige-Basar in a shower of rain, having
60
only
fifty
horsemen attending him, and a dozen archers,
his slaves, walking
on foot before him.
His dress was
a robe of crimson velvet, lined with sable, and on his
head he wore,
self
To save him-
like the Turks, a red hat.
from the rain he had thrown over his robe another
manner
in the
mantle after the fashion of the
of a
country.
"
He was encamped in
a tent which had been brought
with him, for lodgings are nowhere to be found, nor
any
provision, except
in
the
large
towns, so
with them.
travellers are obliged to carry all things
The Sultan had numbers
of camels
In the afternoon he
burden.
bathe, and I
saw him
at
my
left
ease.
that
and other beasts
of
his tent to go to
He was
on horse-
back, with the same hat and crimson robe, attended
by
^1
six persons
attendants,
He
on
foot.
and he seemed
I heard
to
him speak
have a deep-toned
about twenty-eight or thirty years
is
to
old,
his
voice.
and
is
already very stout.

"
The ambassador sent one
him
if
with
being
of his attendants to ask
he could have an audience, and present him
gifts
he had brought.
He
gave answer
now occupied with his pleasures, he
pared to listen to any matters of business

his
is
that
not pre-
that, besides,
bashaws were absent, that the ambassador must
wait for them or return to Adrianople.

accepted
the
latter
proposal,
Sir Benedict
and consequently we
returned to Carmissin, whence, having again crossed a
ON THE EVE OF THE

great mountain,
we
61
FALL.
made between two
entered a road
high rocks, through which a river flows.
strong
castle, called
Coloung, had been built on one of these
rocks, but is
now
The mountain
in ruins.
covered with wood, and
is
partly
inhabited by a wicked race
is
of cut-throats.
"At
length
we
by the Emperor
arrived at Trajanopoly, a
Trajan,
who
many
did
town
built
things worthy
This town was very large, near the sea
of record.
and the Maritza
but
now has
only a few inhabitants,
being almost entirely in ruins.

the east of
it,
and the sea
its
baths bears the
is
Vyra, an ancient
Greek told
attached to
me
name
of
have converted
mountain
rises to
One
on the south.
Holy Water.
demolished in
castle,
of
Further on
many
places.
the church had three hundred canons
The choir
it.
lies
it
into
still
remains, but the Turks
They have
a mosque.
also
surrounded the castle with a considerable town, in-
them and the Greeks.
habited by
It is situated
on a
mountain near the Maritza.

"
On
leaving Yyra,
(the Beyler
Bey
sent for, and
of
we met
the Lieutenant of Greece
Eoumelia),
whom
the Sultan had
who was now hurrying with
a troop of
one hundred and twenty horsemen to join his master.
He
is
handsome man, a native
of Bulgaria,
had been
the slave of his master, but as he had proved to be able

to drink hard, the Sultan raised
of Greece,
with a revenue of
him
fifty
to
be the Governor
thousand ducats.
62
We
"
had
to
wait eleven days in Adrianople.
length the Sultan arrived on the
The Mufti, who

went out
first
day
them what the Pope
to
is
of
At
Lent.
is to us,
meet him, accompanied by the principal
to
persons of the town,
who formed
a long procession.
The Sultan was already near the town when they met
him, but had halted to take some refreshment, and had
sent forward some of
make
"
of
attendants.
his
He
did not
his entry until nightfall.
During my stay in Adrianople I had the opportunity
making acquaintance with
several persons
who had
knew
resided at the Turkish Court, and consequently
the Sultan well, and
In the
about him.
who
first
frequently, I shall say that he

set
man, with the face
and brown
face,
me many
told
place, as
is
of a Tartar.
little,
short, thick-
He
has a broad
high cheek-bones, a round beard, a
big and crooked nose, and small eyes.

told that he
gives
particulars
have seen him
But I was
was kind, good, generous, and willingly
away lands and money.
His revenues are two
millions and a half of ducats, including two hundred
and
fifty
when he
thousand received as tribute money.

raises
him
nothing,
for the troops that are
brought
an army,
but he gains by
it
him from Asia pay
it
not only costs
for the transport to Gallipoli three
aspers for each man,
and
five
for each horse.
the same at the passage of the Danube.

his soldiers go
Besides,
It is
Whenever
on an expedition, and make a capture
he has the right of choosing one out of every
of slaves,
He
five.
and
nevertheless, thought not to love
is,
seems to
this report
me
trifling resistance
Christendom, that, were he to employ
and wealth on
this
object, it
to conquer great part of
hard.
As
of different sorts, of
He
very many.
ten to twelve gondils
seven quarts.
When
wine.
has,
was
told,
thousand
he can easily quaff

of wine,
off
which means
from
six or
he has drunk much, he becomes

;
his attendants
happy when they hear him
Last year a
him
which I have seen
generous, and distributes his great gifts

therefore are very
for
and those who drink
loves liquor,
for himself,
has,
from
His favourite pleasures
of a thousand hounds, and two
hawks
trained
it.
war,
power
his
all
would be easy
and hawking, and he
are hunting
He
well founded.
met with such
in fact, hitherto
upwards
63
Maure took
it
call for
into his head to
preach to him on this subject, reminding him that
wine was forbidden by the Prophet, and that those
who drink
it
are
not good Mussulmen.
The only
answer the Sultan gave was to order him to prison

he then expelled him from his
territories,
never again to set his foot on them.

love for
women,
gave his
own
of
whom
an annual income
of
He
has great
he has three hundred.
sister for wife to
with orders
He
one of his pages, with
25,000 ducats.
Some persons
estimate his treasure at half a million of ducats, others

at a million.
This
is
exclusive of his plate, his slaves.
64
women, which
his jewels for his
alone at a million of gold.
last article is estimated
am
convinced that
blindly,
and hold
his hand,
of ducats without
"
he would lay by a million
wronging any one.
Every now and then he makes great and remark-
him
able examples of justice, which procure
obedience at
how
he
if
thus giving away
would for one year abstain from
home and
He
abroad.
keep his country in
perfect
knows
likewise
an excellent
state
of
defence, without oppressing his Turkish subjects
by
to
modes
taxes or other
composed
of five
in the war-time he does not
their pay, so that he does not
His principal
The
Vizier-Bashaws.
Bashaw
happens in other
officers are three
Vizier
is
him
(viz.,
or
the
or his household, and no one
can speak with him but through them.

in Greece
Bashaws
counsellor,
These three have the charge
a sort of chief.
of all that concern
augment
expend more than in
time of peace, contrary to what

countries.
is
thousand persons, as well horsemen
But
as footmen.
His household
of extortion.
When
he
is
Balkan Peninsula) the Lieu-
in the
tenant of Greece has superintendence of the army
and when in Turkey

of
(viz.,
Turkey (Anadoly Beyler Bey).
great possessions, but he
He
has given away
may resume them
whom
Asia Minor), the Lieutenant
at pleasure.
they have been given are
Besides, those
to
bound
to serve
him
in
troops at their
own
expense.
war with a
certain
number
It is thus that
of
Greece

annually
whom
supplies
may
he
him
with
whom
he only has
men
thousand
thirty
lead whither he pleases
ten thousand, for
65
and Turkey
to find provisions.
Should he want a more considerable army, Greece
was assured, can supply him with one
alone, as I
hundred and twenty thousand more

to
pay
for
The pay
these.
and eight
infantry,
is
but he
for the cavalry.
obliged
is
aspers
five
the
for
I have, however,
heard that of these hundred and twenty thousand,
there was but half
that
is
to say, the cavalry
that
were properly equipped and well armed with shields
and swords
miserably
the rest were composed of
accoutred,
some
having
men on
swords
foot,
without
bows, others without swords, bows, or any arms whatever,
many having
only staves.
It is the
the infantry supplied by Turkey, one
being armed with staves.

nevertheless
men
same with
half of
them
This Turkish infantry
is
more esteemed than the Greek, and the
are generally considered as better soldiers.
"Other persons whose testimony I regard as authentic

have since told me, that the troops Turkey
to furnish,
amount
when
to
is
obliged
the Sultan wants to form an army,
thirty
thousand
men
and those from
Greece to twenty thousand, without including two or

three thousand slaves of his own,
Amongst these
are likewise
Greece
slaves are
numbers
of
many
whom
he arms well
Christians,
and there
them amongst the troops from
Albanians, Bulgarians, and
men from
other
66
In the
countries too.
army from Greece,
last
there
Servian horsemen, which the
were three thousand
Despot of Servia had sent under the command of one

his
of
It
sons.
was with great regret that these
people came to serve him, but they dared not refuse.

"
The Bashaws arrived
For the transport of
his baggage.
three
days
with them part of his people
after their lord, bringing
and
at Adrianople
this
baggage
they used about a hundred camels, and two hundred
and
mules and horses, as amongst these people
fifty
waggons are not used.

" Sir
Benedict was impatient to have an audience,
and made inquiries
if
he could see the
answer was in the negative.
Their
Sultan.
Bashaws
of the
The
reason of this refusal was that they had been drinking
with him and were
know they were

country
that
On
that he might
let
him
instantly waited on
for such is the
to
custom of the
them without
even the slaves who guard their gates
exempted from
this visit.
mounted
when he
no one can speak
bringing a gift
are not
ambassador, to
to the
visible,
each with his presents
They, however,
intoxicated.
all
morrow
sent on the
I accompanied
it.
him on
the following day he was informed
come
to
the
palace.
He
instantly
his horse to go thither with his attendants,
and I joined the company.
But we
all
were on
foot,
he alone being on horseback.

"
In front of the court we found a great number of
men and
The gate was guarded by about
horses.
command
thirty slaves, under the
permission, they bid
armed
of a chief,
Should any person try to enter without
with staves.
drive
67
him
him away with
retire
their
he
if
they
What we
staves.
The Court of the King' the Turks
persists,
call
'
The Gate
call
of the
Every time the Sultan receives a message or
Lord.'
an embassy, which happens almost
daily,
he
'
keeps
the gate.'
"
it
When the
ambassador had entered, they made him
down near the
gate with
many
who
other persons
were waiting for the Sultan to quit his apartment and

hold his court.
The three Bashaws
first
entered, with
the Governor of Greece and others of the great lords.
The
Sultan's rooms looked into a very large court,
the Governor went thither to wait for him.
he (the Sultan) appeared.
At
His dress was, as
crimson satin robe, over which he had, by

another of
mantle,
and
length
usual, a
way
green figured satin, lined
of
with
His young boys accompauied him, but no
sable.
further than to the entrance of the apartment, and then
returned.
There was nobody with him but a small
dwarf and two young persons who acted the part of
He walked
fools.
gallery,
across the angle of the court to a
where a seat had been prepared
was a kind
four or five steps leading
on
it
for him.
It
of raised couch, covered with velvet, with
as do our tailors
up
to
when they
it.
He
seated himself
are going to work,
and
68
the three Bashaws placed themselves a
The other
him.
who on
officers,
of his attendants,
likewise
little
way from
these days form part
entered the gallery and
him
posted themselves along the walls, as far from
as
Without, but facing him, were twenty
they could.
Wallachian gentlemen seated, who had been detained

as hostages for the good conduct of their countrymen.
Within
this
apartment were placed about a hundred
some mutton and
dishes of tin, each containing
When
all
duced,
who pretended
belonged
homage
him,
to
that the
crown
for it to the Sultan,
when
ambassador
He
his attendants
set
down near
had made
Milan
from
advanced, followed by the
which were
do
conducted to a place
near the Bashaws, and
for.
to
and ask succour from him
He was
their appearance, the
his presents,
of that country
and came in consequence
against its present king.
sent
rice.
were placed, a lord from Bosnia was intro-
men
was
bearing
the tin dishes.
Persons appointed to receive them held them above

their heads as high as they could, that the Sultan
his Court
might see them.
While
this
was passing Sir
Benedict walked slowly toward the gallery.

of distinction
entering, Sir
came forward
Benedict
to
person
introduce him.
made an
and
On
obeisance, without
taking off the hat from his head, and
when near
the
steps of the couch he
made another very low bow.
The Sultan then
descended two steps to come
rose,
nearer to the ambassador, and took
him by
the hand.

The envoy wished
69
to kiss his hand, but
Jew
the homage, and through a
who spoke
asked how his good
the Jewish and Italian languages,
Duke
brother and neighbour, the

health.
The
question,
was conducted
of Milan, fared in
having
ambassador
he declined
interpreter,
replied
to
this
to a seat near the Bosnian,
walking backwards with his face towards the Sultan,
The Sultan
according to the custom of the country.
waited to see the ambassador
Then the
seated himself.
on duty
fetch
in the hall sat
who had
person
us,
Bosnians.
his
sit
down, and then
different officers
down on
the
re-
who were
floor,
and the
introduced the ambassador came to
attendants,
and placed us near the
In the meantime a silken napkin
was
attached to the Sultan, and a round piece of thin red

leather
was placed before him,
for their usage is to
Then some
eat only from table-coverings of leather.
dressed meat was brought to
When
tin
he was served, his
dishes spoken
of,
him
officers
in
two
gilt dishes.
went and took the
and distributed them
persons in the hall, one dish
among
to
the
There was
four.
in each some mutton and rice, but neither bread nor
anything to drink.
I saw, however, in a corner of
the court, a high buffet with shelves, which had some

plates
on them, and there was also a large
in the shape of a drinking-cup, out of
many
With
silver vase,
which I saw
drink, but whether water or wine I
know
not.
regard to the meat on the dishes, some tasted
it.
70
others did not; but
clined to
eat.
were served,
before all
was
it
it
away, for the Sultan was not in-
He
never took anything in public,
necessary to take
and there are very few persons who can boast of

having heard him speak, or having seen him eat or
drink.
On
his going away, the musicians
who were
standing in the court near the buffet began to play.
They played on instruments, and sang songs about the
When
heroic actions of Turkish warriors.
those in
the gallery heard anything that pleased them, they

shouted, after their manner, most horrid cries.
Being
ignorant on what they were playing, I went into the

court,
large
and saw
it
was on stringed instruments
The musicians entered the
size.
whatever they could
and ate
At length the meat was
find.
when every one
taken away,
hall
of
rose up,
and the am-
bassador retired, without having said a word respecting

his embassy,
audience.
which
There
is
is
never
customary at
also another custom, that
ambassador has been presented

latter, until
the
first
Sultan,
the
he shall have given him his answer, sends
him wherewith
to
pay his daily expenses, the sum being
two hundred aspers per day.

fore,
to
when an
one of the
officers of
On
the next day, there-
the Treasury, the same
who
conducted Sir Benedict to the Court, arrived with the
above sum.
Shortly after, the slaves
gate presented themselves for
them.
They
are,
what
is
who guarded
the
usually given to
however, satisfied with a
trifle.
ON THE EVE OF THE

"
On
know
the third day the Bashaws let the ambassador
that they were ready to hear from
He
his embassy.
ject of
71
FALL.
him the sub-
immediately went to the
Court, and I accompanied him.
But the Sultan had
closed his audience, and was just retiring, and only the
three Bashaws, with the Beyler
Bey
or Governor of
now remained. When we had passed

we found these four seated on a piece of wood
the
Greece,
gate,
happened
to
be outside of the gallery.
that
They sent
to
would come forward, and had a
desire the ambassador
carpet placed on the ground before them, on which
they made him seat himself, like a criminal before his

judges, notwithstanding there were great
He
people present.
his
mission,
lord,
which was, as
on the part
yield
up
of the
of
I heard, to entreat their
Duke
of Milan, to consent to
Eoman Emperor
to the
numbers
explained to them the object of
Sigismund, Hungary,
Wallachia, Bulgaria as far as Sofia, Bosnia, and the

part of Albania he
moment inform
occupied, but
now
They
on Sclavonia.
held,
and which was dependent
replied they could not at that
the Sultan of this request, as he was
that
would be informed
within ten days the ambassador
ambassador
is
There
of the Sultan's answer.
likewise another custom, that from the time
announced as such, he can never speak

This
was
with
the
made
since the grandfather of the present Sultan
Sultan
murdered by
is
when an
an
personally.
ambassador
from
regulation
Serbia.
was
That
72
envoy had come to
solicit
from him some alleviation
in favour of his countrymen,

to
On
at not obtaining
he stabbed him, and was himself massacred
the instant
"
the Sultan wanted
In despair
reduce to slavery.
his object,
whom
after.
we went
the tenth day
The Sultan was
the answer.
those that served his
Lord
table.
Court to receive
there, again seated
had with him
his couch; but he
minstrels, nor the
to the
on
in the gallery only
saw neither
buffet,
of Bosnia, nor the Wallachians,
bat only Magnoly, brother to the
Duke
of Cephalonia,
whose manners towards the Sultan were those of a
Even the Bashaws were without
respectful servant.
and standing
at
part of persons
only
that
a distance, as well as the greater
whom
their
had before seen in the
number
While we were waiting
was now much
hall,
smaller.
outside, the Chief Cadi, with
his assessors, administered justice at the
outward gate
and I saw some foreign Christians come
of the palace,
But when the Sultan
to plead their cause before him.
rose up, the judges ended their sittings,
and
retired to
I saw the Sultan pass with his attend-
their homes.
ants to the great court, which I was unable to see
on the
first
He wore
occasion.
and green, somewhat

have a hasty
apartment,
that piece of
the
rich,
When
step.
Bashaws,
wood
as
a robe of cloth of gold
and he seemed
he
to
me
had re-entered
having
taken
seat
to
his
on
on the preceding day, sent for
73
Their answer was that their master
the ambassador.
charged him to salute in his name his brother, the
Duke
much
of Milan, that
but that his present request was un-
for him,
reasonable;
he was very anxious of doing
that from
him
regard for
their
had frequently abstained from pushing
master
his conquests
further into Hungary, which he might easily have done,
^nd such a
sacrifice
Milan); that
ought to satisfy him (the
would be too much
it
Sultan to surrender
all
Duke
he had won by sword
under the present circumstances he and
had no other theatre where
that
his soldiers
than
display
to
of
to expect the
the
territories of the
Emperor, and that he should be the
more unwilling
to
renounce
as
it
hitherto he
had
never met the Emperor's forces without vanquishing
them
or putting
them
to flight, as
was well known
to
all the world.
"
this
The ambassador, in
was
true,
for
before Golubatz he
fact,
in the
knew
last
personally that all
defeat
had witnessed
of
Sigismund
his discomfiture;
he had even the night preceding the
battle quitted
the Emperor's camp to wait on the Sultan.

"
The ambassador having received
this
the Bashaws, returned to his lodgings.

scarcely arrived
when he
answer from
But he was
received five thousand aspers,
which the Sultan sent him, together with a robe of

crimson camocas, lined with yellow calimanco.
six aspers are worth a Venetian ducat.
But
Thirtyof those
74
thousand aspers the Sultan's treasurer retained
five
ten per cent, as fees of his
During
my
office.
stay at Adrianople I
made
of another sort
likewise
on her wedding-day.
saw
by the
also a present
Sultan, to a bride
This bride was the daughter of
the Beyler Bey, Governor of Greece.
daughter of
one of the Bashaws was entrusted with carrying the

present to
Sultan's
by upwards
was
the
and gold
attended
Her own
women.
of thirty other
of crimson tissue
She was
bride.
dress
her face was covered,,
according to custom, with a very rich veil ornamented
The attendant
with diamonds.
veils,
and
ladies
had magnificent
and their dresses were robes of crimson velvet
They were
of cloth of gold without fur.
all
horseback, riding astride like men, and some of
had superb
on
them
In front of the procession rode
saddles.
thirteen or fourteen horsemen and two minstrels, alsa
on horseback, as well as other musicians, carrying a

trumpet, a very large drum, and about eight pairs of
cymbals, which altogether

noise.
presents,
and then the
ladies.
seventy broad platters of

of sweetmeats,
them
sheep,
and
"
of
tin,
The presents consisted of

laden with different sorts
twenty other
skinned,
ornamented with
and
made a most abominable
After the musicians came the carriers of the
painted
silver rings
platters,
red
and
having on
white
and
suspended from the nose
ears.
While
at
Adrianople I had an opportunity of seeing
numbers
thither for sale.
but
my
Benedict
f-
when
alms in the streets
for
I think of the shocking
hardships they sufier."
Brocqui^re
'
They begged
heart bleeds
who were brought
chained
Christians
of
75
Adrianople
left
on the 12th March.
in
the
We
of
suite
will
Sir
not follow
him on his journey through Macedonia, Bulgaria, and

Serbia,
though his description of the same
interest,
giving, as
is
full of
does, graphic sketches of the
it
country and the people, as well as of the incidents,
which throw
sufficient light
on the true condition
Balkan Peninsula shortly before the
fall of
of the
Constan-
tinople.^
^
See Voyage cCOutre-mer
voie de terre pendent
le
et
Retour de Jerusalem on France par la
cours des annees 1432
ei
1433, par Bertrandon de
la Brocquifere, conseiller et premier ecuyer tranchant de Philippe le
Bon, Due de Bourgogne
Ouvrage extrait d'un tnanuscri'pt de la
thhque nxitionale, remis en franqais moderne
Legrand D'Aussy,
Paris, 1803.
et
publU, par
le
biblio-
citoyen
CHAPTEE
IV.
Diplomatic Negotiations and Prepakations

FOK War.
In October
1.
1400 Manuel Palaeologus, the Em-
a.d.
peror of the Greeks, was the guest of
King
of England.
Henry
All the information
IV., the
we can
find
about that visit is in the old Hakluyt,who quotes Thomas
Walsingham's words
came
into
England
"
The Emperor of Constantinople
to seehe
ayde against the Turks,
ye king, accompanied with his
n/)hiltie,
whom
met withall upon
Blackheath upon the day of St Thomas the Apostle, and

received
brought
along
him
him
the
"beseemed
so
London and
honmorable presents.
And
prince,
and
him for
diet and giving
little
afterward
Emperor departed unth great joy out of England whom
King honoured with many precious

The Emperor was the guest
in
great
royally entertained
season, defraying the charges of his
him many
ye
as
to
Paris before he
came
royal historiographer, the
gifts."
of the King, Charles VI.,
to England.
The French
anonymous monk
of Saint
Denis, has left us some more interesting details of the

^
Hakluyt's Collections of Early Voyages,
vol.
ii.
178.
DIPLOMATIC NEGOTIATIONS.
imperial visitor.
He
tells
dressed in robes of white

charger,
"
France.
was a
us that the Emperor
approach of the King of
of the
TJu Emperor,'' the chronicler continues,
man of
middle stature
hut his broad chest, his
muscular members, his features full of

heard and white hair, drew on
\
'people
deed
him
and made everybody say
to
was
that he rode a white
silk,
from which he alighted with singular grace
when he became aware

"
77
wear
nobility, his lon(f
the eyes of all the
that he is worthy in-
'
crown !'"^
the imperial
This man, whose handsomeness and noble bearing
made such
a deep impression on the Parisians of a.d.
1400, was the father of Constantine, the last Emperor

of the Greeks.
His mother, Irene, was the daughter
Constantine Dragasses, or Dragash,

eastern portion of Macedonia for
who
of
held the north-
some time
as an inde-
pendent and afterwards as a vassal-prince of the Sultan.
Through her
I
father, Irene
Serbian royal dynasty of
was nearly connected with the

Nemanyich, which was famed
physical appearance
I for the
who
scions,
and
intellectual gifts of its
boasted to have a strain of the noblest
rench blood in their veins, brought to

[elene
de Courtenay, who, as Queen of Serbia (1262-
fl308), exercised great influence
As
the
^
them by Princess
on Balkan
politics.
yet no authentic portrait of the last Emperor of
Greeks has been discovered.
But
as from
his
Chroniquedu Beligieuxde Saint-Denys, contenant le regne de CharlespublieparM.

Bellaguet, Paris, 1839, p. 757.
VI., 1380-1422,

78
handsome and
blue blood
gifted father he inherited the purest of
that of the Imperial Palseologues
and
as
from his probably beautiful and certainly most able
and virtuous mother he might have inherited the

physical and intellectual qualities which were so pro-
minent in the greatest of the Serbian sovereigns

Tzar Stephan Dushan the Mighty
we
may
readily
suppose that his personal appearance was as noble as

his
life
and death were.
His contemporary and
personal friend, Francisco Philelpho, has given the best

description of
him when
France (dated 13th March 1450) he
man
" of pious
and
King
in a letter to the
of
Constantine
calls
elevated mind."
Constantine was born on the 9th February 1404,

the eighth of the ten children of
and
gifted
men
Manuel
Palseologus
All their sons were more or less
Irene Dragasses.
but whilst
John,
Andronik, Theodore,
Demetrius, and Thomas were very ambitious and even

selfish, their
unselfish,
brother Constantine was simple, honest,
and straightforward.
His brothers
guished themselves mostly as diplomatists

soldier of the house.
and the confusion

by the
When the weakness
of its internal policy
restless greed of his brothers,
distin-
he was the
of the
Empire
were increased
he was known to
be always endeavouring to make peace between them,
and ever ready
who were
to give
dissatisfied
up
with
his
own appanages
theirs.
to those
His devotion to the
military profession, his earnestness and disinterestedness,
^s well as his
known
79
love for justice, secured for
him
a decided influence with his family and with the people.
So
it
came
when
to pass that
autumn
the
Emperor John VII.
of 1437, to leave for the Council of
Terrara (transferred in the next year to Florence), not
had, in the
Theodore, the second brother of the Emperor, but Constantine, a
much younger
No
the Empire.
one,
was chosen as Eegent
of
doubt this selection was decided by
the circumstance that already at that time he enjoyed
the reputation of a good
soldier,
and that
desirable to place at the head of the
it
was thought
Government some
one who could inspire the people with confidence in

the case that the Turks should suddenly attack Constantinople in the absence of the Emperor.
Knowing
2.
forces of his
well the insufficiency of the military
own country
as well as the superiority of
Turkish forces in number and in organization, Constantine
was deeply convinced that without military assist-
ance from the Western powers the Greeks would not

be able to retain for a longer period even the shadow of
their old Empire.
With such a
conviction he earnestly
and sincerely desired the reconciliation

and Latin Churches.
On
this point
of the
Greek
he was decidedly
at variance with the majority of the Greek people, and
with some of his
came
own
brothers.
into practical play
His
political notions
when he came
to
govern
Peloponnesus for the second time as an almost inde-
pendent
ruler.
The
heir presumptive, Prince Theodores,
'
80
in 1443 suddenly desired to exchange his possessions

in Peloponnesus for Selimvria, which was held by Con-
always ready to
Constantine,
stantine.
him
met
oblige,
and from 1444 we find
his brother's wish cheerfully,
as Despot of Misithra.
Initiated into the preparations for a league of the
Christian powers against the Turks, he began at once to
organize an
army in the Peloponnesus, and to strengthen
his defences
mus
by
raising a wall across the narrow isth
of
by the Pope that
Informed
Hexamilion/
at
King Vladislaus
Hungary and Poland and the
famous Hunyady were on the way to Adrianople,

Constantine undertook immediately a diversion, and
fell
into Northern Greece against the Turkish forces
there.
He was
victorious in several engagements,
was well on the way
and
Achaia altogether from
to clear
the Turks and subdue to his authority the last French
master of Athens,
Duke Nerio
but then the news
reached him that the Hungarian

defeated
by the Turks
at
army was
totally
Varna (10th November
1444), and he had to withdraw back to Peloponnesus.
The Emperor John and
his counsellors
were
suffi-
ciently astute to escape compromising themselves in
the
eyes
auxiliary
of
the
corps
to
Sultan.
join
Hunyady, nor made the
the
They neither
Christian
sent
an
army under
slightest effort to prevent the
Turkish forces crossing from Asia to Europe.

^ Chalcoehondylas, pp. 319, 342.
There
was
81
which
in Constantinople a strong Turcophile party,
always indeed, succeeded in imposing
often, almost
This programme con-
programme on the Emperor.

sisted in
to avoid
keeping an absolutely passive attitude, so as
provoking the attack of
prove the wisdom of
the
the
overtook
anti-Turkish
the
catastrophe at
consequences which
disastrous
policy
invaded Greece (autumn 1446), stormed the

tions at the
Isthmus on the 4th
of
the
of
Murad
Sultan
Constantine.
simple, patriotic soldier
To
Sultan.
policy, the Turcophile party
its
could show not only the Hungarian
Yarna, but also

speedily
its
fortifica-
December, and
let
loose his irregular cavalry over the peninsula, robbing,

killing,
The
and destroying.
However
the Albanian
treachery of
the
might
that
obliged to ask
the
Greeks asserted
Hexamilion was
loudly that the battle at
through
patriotic
have
lost
only
volunteers.
Constantine
been,
was-
Sultan for peace, expressing his
readiness to accept loyally the position of a vassal and
pay yearly
tribute.
Peace was concluded, and in the
Thomas
spring of 1447 Constantine and his brother
went personally
Murad
pay homage
to
Sultan
11.^
The people
scourge
of
60,000
men
to Thebae to
Morea
of
the
Turkish
suffered
Not
invasion.
and women
Phrantzes, p. 202
terribly
were
Chalcochondylas, 345
carried
from the
less
than
away
Ducas, 223
vs. 78.
as
ThrynoSf
82
The
slaves.
sufferers
responsibility on
the
laid all
The Turcophiles
Constantine.
of Constantinople
were
loud in their denunciation of the folly of Constantine's
And even those who
Occidental or Philo-Latine policy.
moment doubted
never for a
Constantine's patriotic
motives and the general soundness of his programme,

could not help acknowledging that a strange fatality
was the only outcome

It is
thus that
impression began
apparently a
of his patriotism
among the
man
to
and wisdom.
superstitious Greeks the
develop that
born under an
"
Constantine was
unlucky
star."
The impression that he was not a "lucky man"

must have been strengthened by the misfortunes that
occurred to
him
personally.
When
in
his
twenty-
fourth year he married Theodora Tocco (1st July 1428),
who brought him as dowry the

But already in November 1429
city
of
his wife
Constantine remained a widower up to the

1441,
when
John,
he
Francesco
Clarentza.^
died,
summer
at the instance of his brother, the
married
Gattilusio,
Catharina
Prince
Gattilusio,
of
Lesbos.
and
of
Emperor
niece
But
of
his
second wife died suddenly on the island Lemnos in
August 1442, while he was with her on the way

Constantinople.
In
the
period
between
1448 he made several attempts to marry

^
Thrrjnos, vers. 85-95.
There
came
brought to her
still
1444 and
for the third
Dukes of Clarence
which luckless Theodora
exists a supposition that the title of the
originally from this city of Clarentza,
to
more luckless husband Constantine.
time, but
the negotiations
neither
83
wed
to
Isabella
Orsini del Balzo, the sister of the Prince of Taranto,^
nor those with the Doge of Venice for the hand of his
daughter, were successful.
disposed
Notaras, the
It
seems then that he was
marry Anne,^ the
to
Grand Admiral
also that project
had
of
Lucas
Fleet,
when
daughter
of the
Greek
abandoned on account
to be
of
the sudden call of Constantino to higher destinies.

3.
The Emperor John VII. died on the 3rd
now
Constantine was
October 1448.
the surviving sons of the Emperor
the
eldest
Manuel
II.,
of
of
and
there was not the slightest doubt of his legal right to
succeed
younger brother, the

lous Demetrius,
of the
the
brother,
his
late
Emperor.
happened
Emperor John, and
But
his
and unscrupu-
restless, ambitious,
to be alone at the deathbed
his partisans
began seriously
to consider should they not proclaim Demetrius, and
disregard the rights of Constantine.
legal pretext
they found in the circumstance that Demetrius was
born
" in the
purple
Emperor, whereas
"
while his father was a reigning
Constantine was born before
father ascended the throne.

consideration, there were
encouraged
known
them.
other circumstances which
Prince
in Constantinople
his
But, independently of that
Demetrius was as well
and Adrianople
for his Tur-
sympathies as Despot Constantine was for his
cophile
Hopf, GescMchte Griechenlands,
"
Sathas,
Momimenta
ii.
110.
Historicf- Hellenieoe, ix. p. 17.
84
inclinations
And when,
an
towards
with
alliance
the
Latins.
a few days after the burial of the late
crushed
Emperor, the Sultan
under Hunyady
at the field of
the
Hungarian army
Kossovo (18th October
1448), the chances of the Turcophile Demetrius seemed
considerably to overbalance those of the unfortunate

friend of the defeated hero of the Christian League.
No
doubt the Empress Irene, the venerable mother of
the Palceologue princes,
who
still
lived
and exercised
great influence within the circle of her imperial family,
advocated decidedly the rights of her son Constantine,

to
whom
statesmen,
Manuel Cantacuzene, Manuel
influential
Jagros,
and
loyally standing for Con-
Lucas Notaras, were also

stantine.
The
she was greatly attached.
So was also Thomas, the youngest of the
when he reached
Palseologue princes,
November) Constantinople.
(on the 13th of
But the arguments
of
the Prince Demetrius' partisans were based not so
much on
personal as on public grounds
interest of the State.
Emperor
compromise was made
Would he acknowledge Despot

or not
one to prevent
Constantine as
This course was perhaps the only
civil war, or
the part of the Turks, but

else
last a
the political
to be sent at once to the Sultan to
an embassy was
ask him.
At
it
eventually an attack on
shows more than anything
the growing weakness of the Empire, and the
failing sense of dignity.
Sultan
Murad
II.
was a thoroughly honest and up-
right
He
man.
hated bad
was famed
the Porte
engagements.
all
and during his reign
faith,
for the scrupulous fulfilment of
would have been clearly the
It
Turkey
interest of
political
to raise
Constantinople, or at least to set
who was a
Sultan Murad did
prince
at once
85
tried
up discord
on the throne a
and proven Turcophile.
not hesitate to declare that he would
by
right to him.
Prince Demetrius and his partisans were

disappointed, but they had sufficient
the question as definitely settled.
deputation
them the
wisdom
In
greatly
to accept
December a
by old Manuel Jagros
led
Constantinople for the
of
Yet
acknowledge Constantine as Emperor, because
the Greek throne belonged
special
in
left
Peloponnesus, carrying with
On
insignia of the imperial dignity.
the day
Epiphany, the 6th of January 1449, Constantine was
crowned in Misithra as the Basileus

4.
the
He
of all the Greeks,
entered Constantinople the 12th of
same
at once gave proof of his conciliatory
To
disposition.
of
and was warmly received by the
year,
He
citizens.^
March
his brother Prince
Thomas he gave
the rank of "Despot," the highest after that of the

Basileus
himself
Misithra
with
all
to
Prince
the
Before these two princes

requested
by
their
Demetrius he
province
left
he
lately
ceded
ruled.
Constantinople they were
mother, the
Empress
Irene,
to
Phrantzes says the citizens " exceperunt novum dominum universi

benigne et hilariter, impleti exultatione et Isetitia, maguosque agentes
^
triumphos,"
p. 206.
86
swear solemnly in her presence that they would live

in brotherly concord, supporting each other faithfully.
It
was the
dramatic pageant in which the vener-
last
able Empress, perhaps already in the dark robes of
nun Hypomene, was a
the
by her three
sons,
and
23rd March of 1450
the
oaths,
and although Despot Thomas
Demetrius
Prince
the stately splendour of the
She died soon afterwards, on the
Byzantine Court.
and
all
central figure, surrounded
Emperor
soon
forgot
Constantine
solemn
their
never
speak of her with the highest respect and
ceased
to
affection.
Constantine gave proof of his conciliatory disposition
to
On
and prudence in yet another way.
arrival in Constantinople
him that
would be well
it
his
some suggestions were made

to repeat
in St Sophia
the ceremony of coronation, as otherwise some citizens

of
the capital
anointed
might
Basileus.
doubt of
his being
was one
It
of
formally
those
peculiar
themes, in which theological and political aspects were

so intimately interwoven, the discussion of which was
so attractive to the Byzantine mind.
refused to act on the suggestion.
But Constantine
His position was
strong from the canonical point of view, as
it
was
clear that the sacrament of anointment performed in
the modest church of Misithra was quite as valid as

it
had been performed
Sophia.
ally
His
political
mentioned,
at
the splendid altar of
if
St
grounds for refusal were speci-
and are more interesting: a new
87
coronation in Constantinople would give occasion to
reopen the
between the friends
strife
with the Latin Church and their
Emperor wished
of
the union
The
opponents.
to see internal peace established,
and
peace with the Sultan not compromised, and therefore

naturally found
wise to avoid reviving the delicate
it
question of the relations of the Eastern Church and

the
Komau
See.
This policy, to avoid anything likely to provoke the

Turks, was indicated by the circumstances of the time.
Within the
last
five
which had attempted
years
to
the
break
Hungarian armies
the
power of the
"Grand Turk" had been repulsed by crushing defeats,

and the Kingdom of Hungary, the only safe base of
operations against the Turks, needed time to reorganize
her
own
And
forces.
then there could be no serious
talk of the formation of the Christian League as long

as France
This
and England were
passive
and
at
temporising
war with each

policy
followed not only by the late and the

of
other.
which
was
new emperors
Constantinople, but also by the Despot George of
Serbia
was met
Murad and
his
cordially
To both these statesmen

interest of the Turkish
date
its
by the policy
of the Sultan
Grand Vizier Chalil-Pasha-Tchenderli.

it
Empire
seemed the paramount

to gain time to consoli-
position in Europe, to take a firm hold of the
extensive territories
which they had with such an
amazing rapidity conquered, and to secure the subjec-
88
tion of the
Balkan nations by the establishment
strong military and administrative government.
of a
This
they thought to secure by a policy of moderation and

conciliation,
which would
fill
Greeks and Serbs with
confidence that no immediate danger menaced
from the Turks, that the
statics
them
quo would be loyally
maintained for an indefinite time, and there was therefore
no pressing need
to
push forward the formation
the League of the Christian nations against the
power
of
Moslem
in Europe.
Under such circumstances the

Constantine's reign
passed
first
two years
He
peaceably.
left
of
the
question of the re-union of the Churches as he found

it, viz.,
quietly sleeping,
and cultivated friendly
with the Ottoman Porte and
tions
He
Serbia.
with
rela-
orthodox
did his best to prevent his two restless
brothers in Peloponnesus coming to open conflict, and
thought again of looking for a consort for himself.
His
faithful friend Phrantzes
1449
left
had already in October
Constantinople on a matrimonial mission to
the orthodox courts of the kings of Trebizonde and of

Iberia.
5.
But
this idyllic
calm could not
honest, but of late years
Murad
son,
* I
somewhat
last long.
The
indolent. Sultan
died on the 6 th February 1451, and his eldest
Mohammed
II.,
ascended the throne.^
follow the usual English Avay of writing the
queror of
Constantinople.
name
of the con-
But from the study of contemporary
89
The new Sultan, quite a young man, who had not

yet completed his
twenty-first
was generally
year,
considered incapable and pleasure-loving.
was based on the
This opinion
had
he
that
fact
once
been
when in 1444 there came a

own Grand-Vizier Chalil
summon the old Sultan Murad
before on the throne, but
moment
of great danger, his
thought
it
to
his duty to
reassume the reins of government.

Statesmen, however,
men and
with
who were
instance, the Serbian prince.
Duke
of
Milan
Mohammed was
the Porte
at
as, for
Despot George, the Greek
and the envoys
minister, Phrantzes,
the
intimately acquainted
Ottoman Court
things at the
of
Venice and of
knew
that
well
a youth of fiery ambition and great
personal ability.
Under
the
influence
his
of
stepmother,
Mara
women
of her
Brankovich, one of the most cultured
and
time,
Court,
of
some Greek renegades
Mohammed
reading, greatly
Turkish
at the
had acquired a decided taste
appreciating
the
Greek and Latin
works on Alexander the Great, Cyrus, Julius
and Theodosius the Great.

tion
of
civilizing
the
so
was
so
great,
generally admitted,
and her
that
was by many contemporary writers assumed
Mohammed's
own
mother.
Serbian and Greek writers there
Mehmed
or
Mahamed.
Caesar,
Mara's part in the educa-
heir-apparent
influence
for
is
But
to
she
be
Mohammed had
no doubt that his name was
90
Pelasgian blood
in
his
veins, being
son
the
of
beautiful Albanian slave.
Mohammed
was, in fact, the perfect type of a highly-
educated Oriental potentate, grown up under influences
coming from re-awakening Europe.

languages
of
and
Slavonic),
to
his
To
his
pronounced
poetry, astrology,
and occult
at Persian versification,
knowledge
Latin,
and
predilection
for
Greek,
Arabic,
he joined a great love
historical works,
hand
knew
(he
sciences.
of
He
Persian
tried his
and was deeply interested
in astrological interpretations.
He was
of
choleric
temperament, and therefore somewhat impulsive.
when
political objects
self a
As
But
were in question, he showed him-
past master in the art of astute dissimulation.
a young
man he was
deeply religious, but later
seems to have joined a body of Turkish free-thinkers,
and
in their
company sometimes made
tion, clever,
and
witticisms at the
Full of noble ambi-
expense of their great Prophet.
of great personal valour,
he
is
justly
considered one of the greatest of the Ottoman Turks.
The
acts of the
first
conciliatory.
He
young Sultan were exceedingly
retained Chalil
Pasha as
Grand-
Vizier, indicating therewith his intention to continue
his father's policy of keeping
up the
status quo.
When
the special envoys from the Emperor of Constantinople
and the Despot

presents
them very
and
of
Serbia
arrived with
congratulations,
gi-aciously.
He
the usual
Mohammed
received
solemnly engaged himself
MOHAMMED
II.
THE CONQUEROR OF CONSTANTINOPLE.

[To face p. 90.
by oath
91
keep peace with their sovereigns, and to
to
them by
respect faithfully the treaties concluded with

his
He
father.
assigned
Sultana Mara, rich
stepmother,
his
to
estates in Macedonia,
her permission to return to her father.
he promised to pay yearly 300,000

Venetian
Orchan
that
ducats),
Effendi,
the
and gave
To the Greeks
aspers
(10,000
might keep properly
they
an Ottoman prince, great-grandson of
Bayezid Ilderim, who had sought and found refuge
To ensure the payment
in Constantinople.
amount
certain towns in
of that
Macedonia were ordered
to
pay their taxes direct to receivers appointed by the

Greek Emperor.
credited
This gave occasion for the eagerly
rumour that the young Sultan was
so anxious
to secure the goodwill of his neighbours the
that he
had ceded
to the
Emperor
Greeks
certain parts
of
Macedonia.
Another proof
of this disposition
seemed apparent
the old Despot George
in the Sultan's request that
should mediate for a durable peace between the Porte
and Hungary.
Smederevo,
to
crossed, in
Having sent
special plenipotentiaries
the
of
capital
Emir
6.
of
the
Sultan
the summer of 1451, to Asia Minor to
subdue the rebellion of the

the
Serbia,
restless
Ottoman
vassal,
Karamania.
Prince George Brankovich of Serbia
"Despot George
his Christian
of Serbia," as
contemporaries
or rather
he was best known to
was
one of
the most
92
men
remarkable
visited
him
Chevalier Brocquiere
his time.
of
Serbia
in
1433, and speaks
A.D.
with
enthusiasm of his venerable appearance, great wealth,
and splendid
Another
Court.^
of his contemporaries,
Francisco Philelpho, in his letters to
Doge
the
of
Venice and to the King of France, described George

as " one of the
the age."^
most prudent and powerful princes
of
third and justly famous contemporary,
Aeneas Sylvius Piccollomini (subsequently Pope Pius

II.),
said
of
him
that "
by
appearance
his personal
and in other respects he was
full
of
dignity and
deserving of the highest respect, but unfortunately he
belonged to the Greek Church
numerous
Possessing
and
Hungary, he was a member
!"
extensive
of the
of Lords,
and was nearly elected Eegent
instead of
John Hunyady (1445).
almost a
member
his
wife,
first
daughter
of
in
Hungary
of
He was
considered
the imperial family of Greece,
of
Maria
the
estates
Hungarian House
Comnena,
Emperor
having
Alexius
been
Comnenus
the
of
Trebizonda, his second wife being Irene, the daughter

of
Manuel Cantacuzene, and
his son Lazarus having
married in 1445 the daughter of the Despot Thomas

Palseologus,
niece
Dragasses.
Despot
Voyage
of
the
George
Emperor
Constantine
exercised
considerable
d' Outre-mer, p. 130.
F. Philelphi, Epistolss, p. 574 (ed. Paris, 1503).
Aeneas Sylvius^ Europa,
p. 235.
93
influence at the Porte also, partly through his daugh-
whom
Mara,
ter
and partly
Sultan
and Viziers
Mohammed
married in 1436,
splendid presents
the
of
II. to
On
Sultan.
Pashas
the
to
the
through
ascension
of
the Ottoman throne George Bran-
was the most
kovich
11.
probably in a great measure
frequent and
his
Murad
influential
ruler between
Carpathians and the Bosphorus, and
it
was
the
acknow-
in
ledgment of that fact that the Hungarian and. Turkish
met
plenipotentiaries
in his capital
to negotiate for
the peace under his supervision.
In the
suite of the
Turkish commissioners was a
Greek, employed probably as an interpreter.
seems to have been an ardent

of
real
political
patriot,
Whenever
sagacity.
The man
and possessed
he
had
an
opportunity of meeting the old Despot George alone,
he implored
peace,
him
" because,"
to prevent
he argued,
the conclusion of
" if the
the
Sultan secures
peace with the Hungarians, he will have a free hand
down Constantinople
to strike
this,
" but,
and added,
"
Phrantzes recorded
unfortunately the Despot
much as turn his head

much less was he willing
of
Serbia would not so
to look at
this suggestion,
to reason
about
It
of
it
"
was not
whom
likely that the experienced statesman,
acute observers like Philelpho and Aeneas
Sylvius thought so highly, had not considered

1
Fhrantzes, iv.
c. 2,
p. 323.
all
the
94
But
circumstances.
fatality to
make
the
wisest
foolish in
the end, and
the most
certain
when
1451,
to
the
seems
it
the
privilege
and most
logical
oi
men
things the most unforeseen
be
In August
accomplished.
negotiations
in
Smederevo
were
proceeding, there was absolutely nothing to justify the
supposition
that
an attack on
imminent.
Had
not the Sultan given abundant proof
of his desire to live in peace
Constantinople
was
with his neighbours
There was no pretext whatever for such an attack,
and
was not
it
likely
Grand- Vizier
for
Chalil, the
Despot George and
the
the
fall
wantonly
old personal
friend
coalition,
the
of
of
Greek Emperors, a shrewd

well that
to precipitate
would accelerate the formation
attack
European
about
of the
who knew very
statesman,
such an
the Greeks would
Moreover, the Sultan had retained
provoke a quarrel.
of
and thus eventually bring
young Ottoman Empire
in
Europe, rather than the conquest of the Byzantine

capital.
Yet,
though
all
visible
signs
and
all
plausible
arguments indicated a long period of peace. Despot

George,
who was
thought
it
essentially a
man
of compromises,
best to allow only a three years' armistice to
be concluded between the Porte and Hungary, instead

of a formal treaty of peace.
7.
Amongst the Greek statesmen, and
in Constan-
tinople generally, the opinion prevailed that
no im-

95
The
mediate danger was to be apprehended.
situation
looked so pacific and the political sky so cloudless that

the only question worthy of attention seemed to be
the marriage of the Emperor.
Constantine was of an age
when marriages
for love
can give place to marriages from more solid considera-
The people
tions.
Emperor
expected
twice-widowed
their
remarry properly and judiciously.
to
stantine, looking for a suitable party, after
Con-
some hints
from his relative Protostratorissa Palseologina, aunt

Mara, asked
Sultana
the
himself
if,
Sultana, with her family connections
after
all,
political
young
certainly no longer
advantages
handsome,
Greek
She was
Phrantzes deemed her two
or three years older than Constantine
the
and her supposed
influence at the Porte, could not bring to the
throne considerable
to
but she was
still
dignified, highly cultured, and, because of
her great charity, highly esteemed by the poor and

I
In addition
the clergy.
famed through
and
as the
widow
to all this, Mara's father
the East for his
all
of a Sultan
was
immense wealth,
and stepmother
of the
reigning Padishah she was believed to have abundant
means
of
own.
of her
the sword
of a
who
Yet, as often happens with

lose
courage before
woman, Constantine dared not mention
clusions
and
his inclinations to
any one
men
the shadow
his con-
at his Court.
Fortunately, two interesting communications reached
him, and
made him open
his lips,
one from
his
envoy
and friend Phrantzes, the other from Despot George
himself.
The
letter
from Phrantzes would have been
esting enough even
if
it
The King had a daughter
know
Phrantzes wished to
Princess would
The King
bring
Emperor married
continued the King,
knowledge,
country has
its
to
ham
Alexius
his great surprise.
who was famed
what
will
There
you
Every
Look,
husbands at the same time
several
Having arrived
Comnena
for his
was usual for a
it
But there were other matters

letter.
for her, at
own customs and manners
for instance, at Britain.
woman
"
of
of interest
at the Court of the
Trebizonde,
marriageable daughters, the
her.
money with
he expected to receive money
which Phrantzes could not suppress
extensive
Iberia.
the amount of dowry this

the
if
of
of truly Circassian beauty.
rejoined that, instead of giving
his daughter,
" Well,"
King
a conversation with the
portion of
inter-
had contained nothing but a
"
in the
Emperor
who had
several
envoy went one day to
the palace for a private audience with the Emperor.
Alexius received him with the question
you give me for a piece of good news
"
?
"
TThat will
and
then in-
formed him that Sultan Murad was dead, and that

the
new Sultan Mohammed had
honours his stepmother Mara

George.
Alexius, being the

^
sent
with
to her father.
first
great
Despot
cousin to Mara, was
PhrantzeSy p. 247.
97
her
movements.
well
naturally
informed
about
Phrantzes instantly forgot the Iberian beauty and the

marriageable daughters of Comnena, thinking the most
marriage for his master and friend would be
eligible
one with Mara Brankovich.
Not knowing
of Constantine's personal inclination
he wrote at some length to convince him of the advantages to accrue from such a union, answering in
advance
all
possible objections.
One
of these being
Mara,
their near relationship, Phrantzes argued that
having always been so liberal to the Church and the

clergy,
none could doubt but that the Church would
grant at once the necessary dispensation.
The communication from the Despot George was

the
same
tious,
effect.
to
The old man was decidedly ambi-
and would have liked exceedingly
daughter Empress of
Constantinople.
to
He
see^ his
seems to
have offered to Constantine a very rich dowry and

other advantages.
Constantine did not longer hesitate.
own
relative, Protostrator
Manuel
He
sent his
Palseologue, to the
Court of Serbia, to ask formally for the hand of Mara,
Manuel was apparently chosen because he had family

connections with the Cantacuzenes, and would therefore be received not
tive,
merely as a friend, but as a rela-
the Serbian Court being presided over with
splendour by Irena Cantacuzena, the
young wife of the old Despot.
much
comparatively
98
But the
by
far-
was blown away by a woman's
Mara, favourably known for her delicacy of
breath.
feeling,
much
fabric so laboriously constructed
statesmen
seeing
good
tact,
dignity to
and
political foresight, declared
her
special envoy, that she
remaining
life
thought
she did this
Anna
to the
had vowed
to the service of
with
Emperor's
to consecrate her
God, and therefore
Emperor.
Some people
from consideration
for the feelings
must decline the hand
of her cousin,
and
father
of the
Notaras, the abandoned fiancee of
Constantine.^
This episode, with
pleasant hopes and final dis-
its
appointments, was another sign of the peaceful situation in the first
months
of the Sultan
Mohammed's
reign.
8.
But the confidence
arising
opinion that no immediate
from
the
general
danger threatened them,
encouraged the Greeks to venture on a step which
suddenly and unexpectedly reversed the whole aspect

of affairs.
The Greek
condition.
finances were
in an
exceedingly bad
There was a large public debt with short
terms of repayment, while the revenue of the Empire
was small and uncertain.

to punctually
meet the
The Treasury was not able

salaries of the
State officials
and the pay to the few permanent companies of the

Emperor's bodyguard.
^
Sathas,
Monumenta
This irregularity and poverty

Hist. Hellenic, ix.
Preface.
99
was the cause that the famous maker of big guns,

the Hungarian Orban, left the service of the
and entered that
of the Sultan,
Emperor
who gave him
at once
a salary four times as large as that he should have

received from the Greek Government.
Looking at the empty Imperial Treasury, and
listen-
ing to the reports of the conciliatory disposition of
the
new
Sultan, the
Greek statesmen came
conclusion that they had not

financial advantage the evident
to live in peace.
to the
sufficiently turned
wish of
to
Mohammed
Some one made the fatal suggestion
was not yet too
that
it
the
Sultan's campaign in
late to
favourable opportunity for
mend
matters, and that
Caramania was a most

representing to
him
that
300,000 aspers were not adequate for the support of
an Ottoman Prince with becoming dignity, and

less
sufficient to
still
render a dangerous pretender inac-
cessible to ambitious temptations.
It
seemed
to be a
simple and ready method for increasing the Imperial

revenue.
the
Special envoys therefore were despatched to
Sultan's
received
headquarters
by the Grand-Vizier
at
Broussa,
and there
Chalil- Pasha.
According to Francesco Philelpho, Chalil was the

son of a Serbian father and of a Greek mother.
was captured when a
child,
made
a Mussulman,
educated to serve the Ottoman Empire.

of wise moderation, yet of great decision
was needful, had carried the
He
and
His policy
when
action
Empire successfully
100
many
through
Murad
II.
failing,
and
during
crises
But greed
reign
the
Sultan
of
wealth was his notorious
combined with
this,
ciliatory policy
of
his consequent con-
towards the Greek and Serbian Courts,
aroused suspicions that he was in the pay of the wily

Greeks, and of rich
called
the
him
common
he
"
and moderation, while
for his patience
people took revenge for his stinginess by
him
nicknaming
Ortagh
The impatient military party
Despot George.
disliked
"Vuk-Oglu," as the Turks
old
"
Gyaour- Yoldash "
"
and
Gyaour-
("the comrade and partner of the infidels
").
This old friend of the Greeks was amazed
when
Greek embassy.
The
heard
the
object
of
the
ambassador apparently thought
would be
it
secure the success of his mission
if
easier to
he hinted
that, in
the case of a refusal, the Greek Government might,

perhaps, cease to restrain the action of Orchan-Effendi.
Apparently
it
was just
which aroused the
this hint
indignation of the aged Grand- Yizier.
"You
foolish Greeks!" exclaimed Chalil;
"long ago
know your falsehood and your cunning

While Sultan Murad lived it was possible for you to
I learned to
go on comparatively well, because he was just and

conscientious.
man.
But Sultan Mohammed
his power, it will be a proof that
your crooked ways and your
on the documents
is
quite another
his impetuosity
If Constantinople escapes
God
sins.
does not punish
Fools
of peace concluded
and
The ink
between us has
!!
101
not yet dried, and you come to us with
You
We
are mistaken.
simple children to be easily scared.

believe
If
silly threats
not inexperienced and
are
you
If
you can do something, you are
really
free to do it
you desire to proclaim Orchan Sultan of Eomania,
go and proclaim him
you wish
If
Hungarians from across the Danube,

beg them to come!
countries you have
this one thing:
little
you
try
desire
Be
own
"
so in keeping with the character
is
might have heard
very ambassadors to
The point
the
recover
to
sure, however, of
general conduct of Chalil, that Ducas,

his history,
them, and.
will only succeed in losing the
that remains your
This answer
you
If
lost,
bring the
to
call
whom
it
in this answer
it
who
from the
gives
and
it
in
lips of the
was addressed.
is
the foreshadowing of
the possibility that the destinies of Constantinople
would be accomplished before Hungary

large) could
evidently
come
held
Mohammed
to its
by
in the
rescue.
Europe
who surrounded
those
summer
(or
at
That opinion was
of 1451.
It
Sultan
very quickly
deepened and spread, and took active forms.
The Sultan himself received the Greek ambassadors

courteously.
did
He, who was so hasty and impetuous,
not show the slightest annoyance
DucaSy xxxiv. 132.
It
was
Hammer who
Ohalil's speech
(Hammer,
first
when
told the
noticed the character of genuineness in
Geschichte,
i.
504).
102
object of their mission.
On
the contrary, he expressed
himself
to
do
quite
equitable,
willing
anything
and
right
and would gladly consider their proposals
as soon as he returned to Adrianople.

9.
In the beginning of the autumn of
1451 the
Sultan arrived at his European residence, with ready
answer to the
Greek
demands.
Orders were
im-
mediately issued to send away the Emperors receivers
from Macedonia, and
to
suspend payment for Orchan
Effendi; Hungarian Orban, the chief of the Turkish
cannon foundry, was ordered to hasten production of
heavy guns
and, in addition to all these preparations,
the Sultan announced his determination of constructing
a castle on the European shore of the Bosphorus,

facing Fort Anadoli-Hissar on the Asiatic side.
The point
Greek
new
selected for the
territory,
only four
or
fortification
miles
five
was on
north
of
Galata, at Loemocopia, where existed the ruins of an

old castle
Michael/
and an old church dedicated
to the
Archangel
According to a legend, Alexander the Great
crossed to Asia at this place.

It
was without
parallel in the history of the
world
that a sovereign should seize a portion of the territory

of a neighbouring State, with
which he was at peace^
and build himself a
intense
fort
on
it
The news produced
commotion amongst excitable Greeks
capital, especially as it
^
was evident
Le Beau,
xxi. 227.
to
of the
everybody that
the two forts could cut off at any
103
moment
the supplies
from the Black Sea
of corn
Chalil
endeavoured
maintain some diplomatic
to
courtesy by sending a special envoy to the Emperor,
with a polite request for a formal permission to erect
He
the fort on that particular spot.

the Sultan's decision
desire to protect
explained that
was prompted exclusively by
his
commerce, as the Catalonian corsairs
would not venture into the
straits
when they knew
that every ship approaching the line of the Sultan's

forts
must stop
to
pay passage dues and show regular
papers.^
The Emperor and
Chalil's diplomacy.
They could
better than the worn-out expedient
them
were in great
councillors
The question was how
consternation.
meet
his
so often.
to effectually
devise nothing
which had helped
They hoped the shadow
of the West,
thrown slightly across the Sultan's path, might produce

its
old effect.
Therefore the Turkish envoy received
"
That the Emperor would cheerfully oblige
as answer:
his friend the Sultan, but unfortunately the territory
in question did not really belong to him,
ceded
long ago to
the
Franks
of
having been
Galata,
and he
therefore feared the building of the fort on Frankish
ground might bring the Sultan into

Frankistan
^
"
These details have been
with
first recorded by the Janissary Michael,

and are confirmed by Sa'ad-ud-din.
The Turkish historians speak explicitly about the Greek attempt
Povyest Janezara, p. 173,

^
collision
"
104
The Greek diplomatist who prepared

doubtless felt proud of his
who
statesman
Vizier "
skill.
smiled in his beard
Greeks.
saying, "
answer
But the experienced
on the velvet cushion
sat
this
of the
Grand-
" at the cleverness of the
He
turned their answer against themselves,
The
Sultan, unwilling to hurt the feelings of
his good friend the Emperor, did not wish to begin to
without his
build
formal
permission
but as
Emperor now declared the ground belonged

Franks, the Sultan,
who
the
to the
does not care a straw for the
feelings of the Franks, will without further delay pro-
ceed with his fort

10.
The Greeks were thus entrapped by
cunning.
The Emperor and
his councillors
duty bound to consider carefully the
tales
having on
told
in
All
young Sultan,
the bazaars about Sultan
his deathbed impressed
own
were in
situation.
rumours about the great ambition of the

all
their
Murad
on his son the duty
of conquering Constantinople (Sa'ad-ud-din), all hints
the
Grand- Vizier threw out concerning the resolute
character and probable policy of his
now
new
master, were
substantiated by the stern fact that the Sultan
was about
to construct a fort almost at the very gates
of Constantinople.
They could not
for
moment
seriously accept Chalil's proferred explanation of the

Sultan's pacific motives,
and his desire to protect only
to represent the territory in question as belonging to the Franks,
Sa'ad-ud-din, 163.
the interests of
commerce.
They could no longer
question what was the ultimate purpose of
they must
and
have
felt
105
that this
Mohammed,
was
the
really
beginning of the end.
All these considerations led only to one conclusion

to the necessity for a change in the foreign policy.
The
passivity of the
Greek Government
of the last
years, their readiness to leave unfulfilled the decisions
of the Florentine Council, their neglect in cultivating

closer relations with the
Western powers, had been
possible only under the condition that the
spected
the
status
foreign policy
quo.
This
foundation
Turks
of
re-
their
was now shattered by a sudden and
rude shake of the impatient and grasping hand of the
new
Sultan.
For Constantine and his advisers
mained now nothing

Europe
It
else
re-
but to turn to the West of
for aid.^
must have been peculiarly humiliating
tine to be obliged
now
to Constan-
to appeal to the Pope, after
having for more than two years ignored the Florentine

engagements.
of the
^
Mr
He had
to explain
Greek Government, and
away the
late policy
to apologise for the
Stassulyevich (Ossada i vzyatiye Vizantii TurJcami) has ad-
vanced the theory that Constantine was personally responsible for the
catastrophe, inasmuch as he wantonly abandoned the " national
policy " of his predecessor, and without provocation and necessity
sought the alliance with the Latins, which naturally exasperated the
peace-loving Mohammed, and forced him to undertake the conquest of
Constantinople, so to say, in self-defence against the Western powers.
As I see the facts, they are pointing to a quite different conclusion.
106
neglect and delay in executing engagements so solemnly
The Emperor's
entered into.
make some
the Emperor did
has not been pre-
letter
served, but from the Pope's answer
it
is
evident that
explanation and some
The Greek ambassador, Andronicus Brien-
apology.
nius Leonardus (or Leontaras), must have been received
Kome
in
about the end of September 1451, as the Pope
Nicholas' answer to the
Emperor
dated 5th October
is
the same year.
In his answer the Pope reminds the Emperor of

the solemnly-proclaimed union in Florence, of which
the
" witnesses
were
all
the
amongst which he mentions
and Ireland
Christian
("testis est Britania,
major Anglicorum
regis subjecta ditioni, testis Hibernia et
maximse extra continentem
seem
countries,"
also England, Scotland,
positse
to ignore the decree of the
Scotia, insulge
Only the Greeks
").
Union
("
tamen apud
Graecos Unionis hujusmodi decretum
silentio tegitur
The Pope did not dissimulate the
irritation of
the
The
last
but
Holy See
at
the conduct of the Greeks.
sentences
of
his letter are not only emphatic,
almost menacing
" If you,
").
with your nobles and the
people of Constantinople, are ready to execute the decree of the Union,
you
will find us
and our venerable
brethren the Cardinals, together with the whole Occidental Church, always willing to work for your honour
and your State
but
if
you and your people refuse
execute that decree, you will force us to
to
make such
107
may seem
provisions as
and
fit
to us for
As
for our honour."
your own salvation
a proof of the Emperor's
honest intentions, the Pope demanded that the Patriarch
who had been banished from
Joseph,
the patriarchal
throne in consequence of his faithful adherence to the
Union, should be recalled and reinstated.^
With
that
and
letter
declarations
categoric
its
Leonardus returned to Constantinople towards the end

of the
11.
autumn 1451.
During the winter
continued
of
endeavours
his
1451-1452 the Emperor

at
to induce
Porte
the
the Sultan to abandon his intentions concerning the
But
fort.
all
Mohammed
tions.
The
his representations
pushed only the more

best
were
no
of
avail.
actively his prepara-
masons were selected from
all
parts of
the Empire, and brought to the shores of the Bosphorus.
Building
materials
churches and
were
collected,
many
Archangel's ^church in Loemocopia was the
were
elaborated,
As a
triangle chosen.
was supposed
to
triangular shape
the
first
form.
^
376.
and one in the form
figure of cabalistic
to
be
of
meaning,
it
Some thought the
augur success.
was adopted in honour
letter in his
Probably
The whole
first
The
Several plans for the building of the
pulled down.
castle
Christian
ruined castles serving as quarries.
name being
of the Sultan,
of the triangular
simply technical considerations de-
letter printed in Kaynaldi,
Annales
ecdesiastici, xviii.
108
termined the adoption of the plan, as triangular

fications
were popular in that
The Sultan
left
forti-
age.
Adrianople on the 26th of March
1452, and timed his journey so as to reach on the

seventh
five
day the spot selected
for the
new
thousand masons were waiting for his
rams being slaughtered and
mixed with the chalk and mortar
When
The
Kurban
foundations were immediately laid with great

festivities,
where
fort,
arrival.
their blood freely
in the first layers.
the earliest reports of the
commencement
of
the works reached Constantinople, the Emperor seemed
disposed to
make a
proceedings.
sally, and,
sword in hand, stop the
Constantine Dragasses was in fact rather
a simple, honest soldier than a skilful diplomatist
But
his councillors prevailed
new
the idea, and to try a
New
envoys
were
spoke plainly, saying

raising the fort
to
abandon
mission to the Sultan.
sent.
"
upon him
Greeks
This time the
Should the Sultan persist in
he would practically break peace with
the Greeks, and violate the treaties which his predecessors
had kept
loyally,
and which he himself had
They declared
confirmed by solemn oath."
further
that Constantinople could not enjoy peace, nor would
peace be of
any value
to
its
citizens, as
long
as
starvation, viz., the cutting off of the importation of
corn, should
Damocles.
hang over
their heads, like the
The Emperor was quite
yearly tribute, but he considered
it
sword
of
willing to
pay a
duty to
insist
his
109
on the Sultan's abandoning the construction of the

fort.
Mohammed
It is interesting to find
bringing forward
He
piety as a motive for a political act.
filial
to the
Greek envoys
related
when the
that, eight years ago,
Hungarian army under King Vladislaus and Hunyady

stood at Varna, preparing to
march on Adrianople,
his father, having experienced great difficulty in cross-
made
ing from Asia to Europe,
on the European
crossing
and
vow
to build a fort
army
side, so as to secure to his
safe
Death had prevented
recrossing.
and
father accomplishing his vow,

!
"
it
Do you
was the
his
son's
present duty to
fulfil
it
me doing
it ? "
asked the Sultan, in conclusion
prevent
" this
ground does not belong
should he come in
I am
that
to do,
do
and
my way
able to do
I am
that
And mark
"
Go and
your master
my predecessors
were not able
willing
this also,
to
do what they would not
I shall
have every ambassador
impaled who dares henceforth come

message ! "
me with
to
Crowds
city.
gathered in the markets and other open places
appeared stricken
related
The
new
Christian
Hammer,
i.
down by
and Turkish writers are in
Mohammed's answer
505
Zinkeisen,
i.
315
some
terror, others eagerly
versions of the Sultan's
general character of
68
such a
This answer created a panic in the
men
Emperor, and why

tell
what
the
to
think you can
answer; some
perfect accord
Dueas, 238
Mordtmann,
12.
on the
Gheirrulah,
110
struck their breasts, exclaiming:
times
Here are the days
destruction
What
is
"Here
are the last
and
of Antichrist
coming upon us
of our
Better,
Lord, let us die by a pestilence than that our eyes
should see the
fall
Thy enemies
hear
of
our
city,
or our ears should
tauntingly ask,
'Where
the saints that watch over their town
But there were numbers
now
are
"
'
men, without families
of
and without home, who looked on with contemptuous
when
smiles
the artisans and shopkeepers hurried to
the churches to cross themselves a thousand times
and touch the
with their foreheads hundreds of
The numerous small inns were
times.
men
floor
with
filled
without occupation, who, over bowls of spiced
wines, laughed loudly at the fright of the citizens.
Of
such men, a few companies of volunteers were formed,
which on
own account
their
sallied forth
through
the northern gate to drive away the Sultan and his
masons.
None
were
cut to pieces or taken
all
of
them returned
to the city.
They
prisoners
by the
Sultan
ordered
Turks.
Sa'ad-ud-din
relates
Mohammed-Bey, the son
the
that
of
Ac-Tchailou, to
ravage
the immediate neighbourhood of Constantinople, and

that this
commander captured much
cattle,
and made
prisoners of all the Greeks that he found in the fields
outside
Bey
the city.
Possibly
who encountered and
it
was
cut
this
down
Mohammedthe
Greek
and who afterwards with
volunteers,
Ill
his flying
column
watched the gates of Constantinople.
The same
"
historian
was extreme
confusion
mentions
after
They did not know what
to do,"
the
infidels'
Sultan's
answer.
that
the
he adds,
" except to
send their friend Chalil a present of some big fishes
with gold."
filled
Chalil certainly did his utmost to
persuade the Sultan to at least reassure the Emperor
by renewing assurances
the Sultan thought
to be
it
But
of peaceful intentions.
better to leave that suggestion
considered and decided after their return
Adrianople.
It is
not
of
because
to
most likely Chalil gave his advice,

golden
the
which
fishes,
floated
probably only in the imagination of the enemies of

the
Grand- Vizier, but from
He knew
political
considerations.
well that the Emperor's ambassadors had
been sent to the European Courts, and that despair
sometimes proves to be a source of great strength.
As
a cautious man, he might have honestly and in
good faith advised his master not to push matters to

the extreme.
The
of
fort
was completely
assiduous
each of
tower,
its
work.
Its
finished after four
months
were 25
thick
walls
feet
angles was fortified by a strong and high
armed with cannon which could throw
granite or basalt of
enormous
size.
balls of
Several smaller
towers connected those three principal ones.
The Sultan gave the
fort
the
name
of
''
Boghasi-
112
Kesen"
placed in
" the
it
command
fort
that
cuts
off
the
straits,"
and
a garrison of 400 Janissaries, under the
He
Firhudin-Bey.
of
towards
strong escort
and reconnoitred
then
the walls
Constantinople
of
fortifications.
its
with
rode
On
the
of
first
September he reached his residence on the Maritza.

12.
The Emperor Constantine was on
his
side
earnestly engaged in preparations for the defence of
He
his capital.
and
provisions
were given
being
called out volunteers,
military
with
But
stores.
these
orders
some apprehension, the Treasury
He
empty.
almost
and purchased
agents to his brothers,
despatched
who reigned
letters
and
in the Peloponnesus,
almost as independent sovereigns, requesting them to
send troops to
assist in the
defence of the Byzantine
No doubt he corresponded in the same sense
metropolis.
with George Scanderbeg, the Prince of Albania, with
Despot George of Serbia, and Hunyady
His special ambassadors
f,in
They were
in
some
mission to the Doge.
and commercial power

at
left
January 1452 on their way
stake
in
degree
of
again Constantinople
Venice and Eome.
to
successful
Venice, being the

of that age,
Constantinople
Hungary.
their
first
naval
had great
and the
Government had independent and
with
interests
Levant.
Its
reliable information
about the Sultan's movements and projects, and were

1
Later the fort obtained the
bears to this day.
name
of "Rumili-Hissar," which
it
11
quite accessible to the representation
ambassadors.
They
sent
113
the Greek
of
once an order
at
the
to
Governor of Crete to engage Greek volunteers at the

expense of the Venetian Treasury, and forward them
to
Constantinople.
On
Doge Morosini signed

Emperor Frederick
Sicily,
and
Hungary.
to
the
24th
February the
Pope Nicholas,
letters to
of
of
Germany,
to
Hunyady, the Eegent
The Doge described
of
kingdom
of
of the
them
to
to the
King Alfonso
in
gloomy
colours the dangerous position of Constantinople,
and
menaced
urged them to send at once help to the

city.'
Genoa, which possessed the whole of Galata as her
own dependency,
was
also
well
informed
the
of
Her Govern-
dangers of the situation in the East.
ment, in a letter addressed to King Alfonso of Sicily
him
that
citizens of Galata
had
(written one day in the spring of 1452), told
two special envoys sent by the

arrived in
Genoa, and
brought reliable
move with
great
quod adversus
Con-
that the Sultan would next spring

force
against
stantinopolim
Constantinople
et
in ver proxirmim
"
Peram Machometus
summa
information
vi movitur").
Tiircarum
They
Dvx
said they
were glad to have just heard that an envoy from the
Greek Emperor has reached his (Alfonso's) Court

they informed him that they themselves were making
preparations to send, with the opening of the spring,
^
Acta Archivi
Veneti, il 454.
yt
114
men and arms
ships with
him
to Constantinople,
and urged
to do so likewise.^
Meanwhile the Greek ambassadors reached Eome.
They were honourably

assurances of
tive
received, as they brought posi-
the readiness of
the
Empire
to
accept formally, honestly, and seriously the Union of

the
The Pope and the Cardinals were
Churches.
highly gratified, and set at once to work.
Legates were sent to
all
Special
more important European

was attached
Courts, but the greatest importance
to
the missions to Paris and to London.
At
time
that
Europe that
if
it
was the general impression
new
crusade against the Turks was
to be carried to a successful issue,
on
all
must be under-
it
The
taken and conducted by Prance.

cist of
in
greatest publi-
the time, the acknowledged European authority
concerning
questions
the
East,
Erancesco
Philelpho, expressed this opinion very clearly in the
memorandum which he
addressed
the
to
King
of
France on the 13th of March 1450.
He
King
was the only
to undertake the task because he
sovereign in Europe
who
could do
it,
the Christian world expected that
He
urged the
and because
he would do
discussed the arguments which the
all
it.
King might
bring forward as an excuse, and of which the only

serious one
was
that the hostility of England pre-
vented him doing what otherwise he would

^
Raynaldi, Annales Ecclesiastid,
ix.
605.
gladly
115
"
undertake.
But
" that
Philelpho,
not at
is
it
all
likely," continues
and
are a religious people,
it is
infidels.
who always
example
of their
followed the French kings and
them whenever
assisted
the English
more probable that they
will be ready to follow you, after the

forefathers,
you
Englishmen would prevent
entering upon such a sacred enterprise
moved
these
against
the
"1
Philippe,
Duke
Burgundy, who was considered
of
the champion of the Eastern Christians, did his best to
induce the King of France to put himself at the head

the movement to
moment he got, in 1451,
of
The
Constantinople.
save
the information (most likely
through letters from the Emperor Constantine) of the
changed
situation
at
Bosphorus, he
the
sent
Sire
Jean de Croy and the Chevalier Jacques de Lalaing as
King
his special envoys to
Charles,
and invited him
to
combine with him and the King of Sicily to save

Constantinople.^
]N"ow
in
Constantine's
^
" Nee est
the
beginning
1452,
of
new embassy made
tibi praeterea
shortly
after
satisfactory declara-.
subverendum ne quid adversum
te
tumul-
cum exAngli ullo modo
tus in Francia aut in regnique tiio Gallia per Anglos insurgat
ercitum adversus infideles eduxeris,
nam
necque
ipsi
patientur ut sunt homines religioni dediti, sed tarn piae,

tarn gloriosae expeditionis
tam
sanctae,
expertes duci, sed positis et prostratis
cunetis simultatibus propter Christum alacres te sequuntur, imitati

scilicet
majores suos, &c."
Epistolae,
^
ii.
Philelphi
ad Galium Regem adhortatio,
12.
Barante, Histoire des Dues dc Bourgogne,
vii. 5.
\\
116
tions in
Kome
(at the
end
of
January or the beginning
February), the Pope sent Cardinal d'Estoutteville
of
King
to the
of France,
King Henry
to
them
invite
to support
King
to
and the Archbishop
make peace and
the
himself
arms
The
Turks.
quite
make peace with England and hasten

Emperor
Eavenna
jointly turn their
Constantinople against
France declared
of
of
of England, with the instructions to
willing
to
the
to assist
But King Henry's answer
of the Greeks.
the Pope's Legate was to the
" that of
effect,
to
peace
they could only speak at some future day when the

English had reconquered by arms
had
lost in
mained in France,
all
the places they
Cardinal d'Estoutteville re-
France."^
at the request of
King
Charles, to
conduct the new investigation into the case of
Maid
of Orleans, but the
turned from England,

peace concluded "
The
"
"
Archbishop of Eavenna
having
lost all
Spe pacis sublata abcessisse ").
at
once
to
the
his
possibil-
As an honest man he
Greek
though in the worst case he will

alone,
were very
The Pope must have seen the
ity of being left alone to help.
declared
re-
hope of seeing
results of these important missions
disappointing.
the
ambassadors
assist the
help cannot be great, and
will
that,
Emperor
not
go
beyond sending a few ships with men and money.
He
advised the ambassadors to go themselves to visit
the more important Courts of Europe, and impress upon

^
Raynaldi, Antuxles Ecclesiastici,
xviii. 575.
117
them the necessity
Con-
of forwarding assistance to
stantinople, promising to lend
them
cordial support in
their task.
The ambassadors, acting upon

several Courts in Italy,
and went
this advice, visited

to Paris, " everywhere
with tears in their eyes praying for help" as Pope

Nicholas relates himself in his last will.
they had to return
all
results,
to
Eome
But
without
after
practical
having been only met with kind words and
promises that " what should prove possible would

done."
Aeneas Sylvius, speaking
of
"
To
Pope Nicholas and the Greek Emperor, wrote

our shame he
and
it
said
their eyes hlind !
the ears of
our princes were deaf
"^
The same year the Emperor Frederick came
Eome to
He had
be solemnly crowned
as "
to
Eoman Emperor."
already received letters from the Emperor
Constantine asking
of
he
of these efforts
aid,
also letters
from the Doge
Venice and from Pope Nicholas, setting forth the
necessity of
some common
In
action.
Eome he
found
the atmosphere of the Vatican impregnated with Greek
lamentations and Catholic ambitions.

the
Eoman Emperor
least
some
sort of
thought
it
The Pope and
desirable to
make
demonstration of their goodwill.
conference of all the Cardinals present in
was held under the presidency

Bishop Aeneas Sylvius
^
at
Eome
of the Pope, to hear
make, in the name of the
Raynaldi, Annales Ecelesiastici,
xviii. 414.
118
Emperor Frederick,
of
Sylvius, one
certain declarations.
the most brilliant orators of the time, described
vividly
the
great
and
sufferings
misfortunes
the
Christians had endured since the arrival of the Turks
in
He
Europe.
spoke strongly of the indifference
and coldness
of
on unmoved
while the
who looked
the European princes,
Mohammedan power grew

" Unfortu-
strong at the expense of the Christians.

Tiately"
he
" the
said,
Saracens
(so
Turks) arc far more ardent in their
We
are zealous in our faith.
and remain
Christians
down and in danger
quiet
infidelity
the
than we
on violence done
our religion
called
is
to
trampled
to he ptct %(,nder the yoke, yet
turn our eyes on the other side
At
look
he
we only
"
!
the conclusion of the address Sylvius declared
Emperor Frederick had firmly resolved
that the
to
lead his armies against the Turks, but of course relied
upon the powerful support

could unite
and secure
all
its
the faithful "in this
his blessing, but his
satisfactory.
desire anything
crusade
whose word
lioly enterprise!'
ultimate success.^
The Pope gave

quite
of the Pope,
He
said
more fervently than
undertaken
answer was not
personally he did not

to see
against the Turks
an earnest
but
making any promises binding on the Holy
must
first
before
See,
of other Christian Courts.

^
he
inform himself of the desires and intentions
The whole speech
in Raynaldi, Annates, xviii. 590-593.
119
After the conference Frederick returned to Vienna,
and seemed Tery soon to have forgotten everything
name
that was promised in his
The Greek ambassadors,
at
Eome.
losing hope of
any serious
support from the Western powers, begged the Pope to
send at least the help he had himself pledged to them.
The Pope
replied that he
was willing
to act
when
the
union of the two Churches was finally accomplished,
and the Patriarch
of Constantinople
clergy had solemnly acknowledged
and the Greek

papal
the
su-
premacy.
The
Greeks
j)oor
declared
accept all the conditions
men and money

Thereupon
for
Cardinal
if
the
themselves
ready
to
the Pope would only send

defence of
Isidore
was
their
capital.
Papal
appointed
Legate, with a special mission to Constantinople.

Isidore
was a Greek by
nationality.
Many
learned
Greeks and Serbians of the fifteenth century went to

Eussia to
make
his erudition
his
of
for themselves a career.
Isidore,
by
and energy, had succeeded in placing on
head the mitre of Archbishop and Metropolitan
Moscow.
prelate,
Church
Being actually the most learned Eussian
he was sent as representative of the Eussian

to the Council of Florence.
scribed to the
Union
of the Churches.
There he sub-
But both the
Eussian Church and the Eussian Court repudiated his

action,
and he was obliged
refuge in Eome.
He was
to leave Eassia
and seek
received there with great
120
honours, promoted to the dignity of a Cardinal, and a
most important and delicate mission was now entrusted

to him.
On
way
his
stopped
to
at several
the
Greek
islands
Cardinal
capital, the
the Archipelago, and
in
called for volunteers to enrol themselves
under the
But he was not very
successful.
Papal
banner.
Only a few volunteers joined him (some say not more

than
fifty
!),
and with them he arrived in Constanti-
nople at the beginning of November 1452.
There he found the position very sad and gloomy.
Commerce had been completely paralysed by the

recent events, and by the general feeling of an im-
The people were without work,
pending catastrophe.
They were
and almost without bread.

alarm in consequence
rumours
cavalry,
of
the
of
the
appearance
constant
in
continually
recurring
Turkish
irregular
of
who plundered and burnt
the farmhouses, and
destroyed the crops under the very walls of Constantinople.
Everyone
felt that,
without early and
assistance from the "West, the capital

to the
overwhelming power
of
must
the Turks
efficient
fall
;
a prey
yet the
majority of the citizens were full of bitterness and
hatred against everything Latin.

priests,
monks, and
nuns
(and
crowded with them) thought
it
The lower orders

Constantinople
a less evil
tliat
of
was
the
Sultan should take up his abode in the Old Imperial

Palace,
and St Sophia be transformed into a mosque.
121
than that the name of the Pope should be pronounced
And many
there in public prayers.
of
believe the danger of Turkish conquest
Some who pretended
nent.
out and circulated

diction,
that the
them did not

was
among the populace an

residence
of
immi-
so
to great learning
brought
old pre-
the Emperors would
not pass to other masters until ships were seen sailing
under
language,
flying
canvas across the dry land
full
meant
never.
Why
fall into
of the nobles
men, as well as a certain number

better.
the embrace
But the Court, the majority
knew
in plain
then should the people,
from an imaginary danger,
of Antichrist
which,
and
states-
of the higher clergy,
The Emperor and the new Patriarch
Gregorius signed the declaration accepting the Union

of the Churches, with the express reserve, that after
the present peril had past, all the points of the com-
pact between the Churches should undergo
new and
careful revision with the view to a definite settlement.
This reserve was the small safety-valve which supplied

the oppressed consciences of the Patriarch
and perhaps
On
of the
and
clergy,
Emperor himself, with a breath
the 12th of December a solemn Te
celebrated in St Sophia.
of air.
Deum was
Cardinal Isidore and Patri-
arch Gregorius officiated together, in the presence of

the
Emperor and
his Court,
and
"
Nicholas" was chanted, with the

suppressed sighs and tears.
Many
years to Pope
accompaniment
of
122
Meanwhile the populace, headed by monks
14.
and
priests,
ran through the
streets,
Church and the Empire, and
at the betrayers of their
way
expressing in every possible
and abhorrence
of the
their utter disgust
ceremony then going on in St
Some one mentioned
Sophia.
hurling anathemas
the
Thousands immediately echoed
it,
name
of Gennadius.
and great masses
of
people rushed to the monastery of Pantocrator.
The monk Gennadius

lar
name
of Gregorius
otherwise
Scholarius
known by his secu-
was
at
one time
a senator, and famous for learning and patriotism.
was he who gave a curious interpretation

tion on the
it
tomb
to
It
an inscrip-
of Constantine the Great, declaring
to be a prediction of the conquest of Constantinople
by the Turks.
John
to the
Gennadius accompanied the Emperor

Council of Florence, and there deeply
impressed the Latin
doctors
by
his
He
erudition.
signed there the Church Union, but having returned to

Constantinople, cursed
offices,
"
he lived in the
whence he directed the

tion with
And
own
deed,
and withdrew from the world.
Gennadius
of
his
resigned
As
"
his
Father
cloister of Pantocrator,
from
agitation against the reconcilia-
Kome.
now, on this 12th of December, dense crowds
people
against the
gathered
around
the walls, and
pressed
gates of that famous monastery, calling
upon Gennadius with impatient

in this emergency.
He
voices to direct
them
had the courage on the 15th
123
JSTovember to speak from the pulpit, in the presence of
the Emperor and his Court, against the Union.
Now
he
did not personally appear, but caused a written declara-
People
tion to be nailed on the gate of the monastery.
pressed eagerly to read the words which were written
you Greeks, worthy
"
your errors carried you
of all pity
You
Where have
are unfaithful to your
God, placing your hope only on the help of the Franks,
and with your
you give
city
May God
be merciful to
shame on
my
soul
me
Woe
to
left
you, and go over to
you on the Day
Judgment
of
This written answer of Gennadius was like
The excited people
flames.
I
the faith your fathers have

!
your faith to ruin
I do not carry your
Unhappy ones, stop a moment

With your city you lose
and consider what you do
infidelity
also
left
"
oil
on
the place more angry
and miserable than when they arrived
there.
Some
of
the more moderate citizens ventured to observe that,

after
all,
without the help of the Latins, the city would
be captured by the Turks

" Better
we should
he
but the mob shouted angrily:
Turks than Latins
"
!
The addresses given by a Bohemian that day
at
several places in the city greatly increased the excite-
He had
ment
of the people.
later
turned a follower of John Huss.
been Catholic, and had
He
told the
Dums, 141 Leonardo, 257 Uhert. Pusculus, vers. 477-488. Ge7iadius' Memorandum to the Emperor agaiust the Union, in P. Migne's
^
Patrologice Cursus, vol. clx.,

citizens,
where are also his manifestoes to the
dated 27th November and 12th December.
124
crowds who thronged to hear him
all sorts of
stories
about the evil practices of the Popes, each story more

absurd and disgusting than the other. ^
It
was generally known that the Minister
Kyr Lucas
of State,
Notaras, the Great Admiral of the Fleet,
and a relative of the Emperor, was decidedly opposed

to the Union.
He had
not only refused to assist at
the ceremony in St Sophia, but loudly spoke to every
who
one
chose to listen, that he preferred far more to
see in Constantinople the turban of a
helmet
of a Latin.
Turk than the
All this produced a painful impression upon
Emperor Constantino.
upon him
his
own
at the very
He
moment when he was
personal feeling to save,
He
Empire.
by military
if
sacrificing
possible, the ancient
did not attempt to suppress the disorders
but permitted the unfortunate people
force,
to cry themselves hoarse.
own
the
heard the curses heaped
violence, the
When worn
crowds grew
still,
out with their
and a sullen quiet-
ness reigned throughout Constantinople almost more
unbearable than the wildest clamours.

After the 12th of December a melancholy solitude
settled
down upon
scarcely
the splendid church of St Sophia, as
any one went into
it
Most
to pray.
so-called " everlasting lights " burning before
the relics
of the
some
of
and of the "miraculous eikons," were extin-
guished long before the arrival of the Turkish Imams.

^
Uhcrt. Fusculus, vers. 531-558.
Ducas,
loc. cit.
Even
the
125
name of St Sophia provoked impatience and

among the ignorant and fanatic Greeks,
indignation
who now
considered the church " nothing better than
a Jewish synagogue or
a heathen
temple."
would receive communion from the hands
who had
None
of the priests
the church on the day of the
officiated in
Union, nor were they allowed to bury the dead or
much hysterical excitement

among the nuns. One of them,
Especially
baptize children.
seems to have prevailed
highly esteemed for her piety and learning, declared

" she
woidd not fast any more ; she would
T'lcrJcish
garments, and
sacrifices
offer
eat meat,
wear
Mahomet!"
to
The excitement and the hatred against the Catholics

became
angel
so intense, " that," as
from heaven had
vjould save the city
would unite with

have refused
descended,
from
the
says, " even if
Ducas
and
an
declared that he
the Turks, if only the people
Church of Borne,
the Greeks
would
"^
!
This deplorable state of things was aggravated by

the want of patriotism and political
by the nobility and the higher

difficult
position in
wisdom displayed
The
classes in general.
which the Emperor Constantine
was placed cannot be better described than in his
own
words.
In ISTovember
friend Phrantzes
man
here with
1451, he wrote to his
"If I except thee, there
whom
looks solely after his
of
I can hold counsel
own
1
private interests
Ducas, 257.
is
no
every one
since thou

126
my
hast gone abroad
mother has
who was
after her died also Cantacuzen,
impartial judgment
is
deeds.
The great Domesticos
With whom,
With
be done, and that
is
angry against
the
and goes hand in hand with John Cantacuzen.
Serbians,
then, can I take counsel
men who
or with
to
good and wise except his own words and
nothing
monks
capable of
Lucas Notaras asserts loudly that
what ought
he alone knows
and shortly
died,
the nobles
Every one
With
the
are as ignorant as they

of
them belongs
to one
party or another, and would betray to others the secret
him
I might confide to
15.
"
However, in the midst
of all these troubles
and
anxieties Constantine did not forget the duty of pre-
paring
as
well
as possible
for
the defence of
capital.
were collected into the State magazines;
oil,
his
Provisions of all sorts, especially corn and

all
the
princes and independent rulers, near and distant, were
appealed to for military assistance; special commissioners
were appointed
scription
made
of all
to repair the city walls,
men
fit
and con-
for military service.
As
the Treasury became exhausted, and as the appeal to

the patriotism of the higher classes proved of
little avail,*
the Emperor, on the advice of his Synklytos, or Privy

Council, ordered that churches and monasteries should
1
Phrantzes, 222.
*
'
El povero Imperador cum lachrime domandava prestasseno danari

et quell i inravono esser poveri, disfatti, che
per condur provisonati
dapoi presi
il
Signer Turcho quelli trovo richissimi."
Dolfin, 22.
up
deliver
127
mint their gold and
to the imperial
to be coined for the use of the
State,
silver,
and gave them
exchange receipts engaging to repay them fourfold
in
when
the peril menacing the city had passed
away.-"-
All this while Constantine continued in Adrianople

his
diplomatic
endeavours
avert
to
the
danger.
Chalil-Pasha, though compelled to be doubly careful
and cautious on account
war
of the
party,
way, for peace.
the increasing influence
of
worked continually, and
in his
own
Despot George Brankovich was doing
the same.
But
all
had taken complete pos-
session of the
mind
From boyhood an
of the Sultan.
admirer of the great conquerors, he was

ambition to immortalize his
He
quest.
and
name by
had commended to him the conquest

his last desire.^
garians
with
a notable con-
very likely gave some foundation for the
this
allies of
filled
clung to this idea with religious fervour,
popular version that his father Murad,
as
The idea
these influences were unavailing.
of capturing Constantinople
dying,
of Constantinople
The exhaustion
the Greek Empire
when
of
the natural
the Serbians and
Hun-
the confusion in Peloponnesus and in Albania,
echoes of wars between France and England, perhaps

also the
knowledge that the Pontifical Chair in
was occupied by an old
man
who
Eome
preferred to collect
books and bind them beautifully, to undertaking the

1
Phra7itzes, 256.
Sa'ad-icd-din.
128
terrible anxiety involved in the organization of a
crusade
all
these gave fresh encouragement to
hammed's ambitious
and what they
from the
stars,
He
plans.
told him,
new
Mo-
consulted astrologers,
and what he read himself
only contributed to hurry him onward.
But he consulted
also
much with
experienced
men
of
war, discussed with them the plans of campaign, and
himself drew up sketches of the proposed dispositions

of his army.
He was
occupied with this question day and night,
and became quite

devising the best
never
sleepless,
means
so intent
was he upon
for capturing the ancient yet
world-famed residence of the
old,
On
Caesars.
one occasion about midnight he sent for Chalil-Pasha.
The old Grand- Vizier through

never
all his
long career had
yet been disturbed at such an unusual hour.
Even a man with a

well have
felt
perfectly clear conscience might
uncertain whether he was not called to
encounter the rage of the impulsive Sultan, whose ear
was not always closed
to intriguers
and calumniators.
Chalil appeared before the Sultan, carrying above his
head a bowl
filled
with golden
coins.
on his bed, completely dressed.
Mohammed
When he
was
sitting
saw
his grey-bearded Vizier enter bearing the
after the fashion of slaves, he asked, "
mean,
my
"it
an
is
Padishah
Lola {my uncle)
?"" Sire"
What
answered
old custom that dignitaries of state,

calls
bowl
does this
Chalil,
when
the
for them at unusual hours, should not
129
appear hefore his Majesty with empty hands!'' "Put

that
away!"
gold ; what
"/
said the Sultan;
I want
Constantinople
you
to
do
is
do not loant your
me
help
to
to
capture
"
!
The Vizier judiciously
cast himself into the current
and said that
of his master's thoughts,
for himself
he
doubted not that God, who had made the Sultan lord
of
the
all
deliver to
provinces of
him
the
Greek Empire, would

Empire.
also the capital of that
added that he was ready to
sacrifice
Chalil
his
life
and
turn
everything else in his master's service.
The Sultan
on
to
it all
night,
remind
thee
replied
from
"
Look on
one side
that thou
softened hy gold or silver.
this
my
bed
I wish
to the other.
must not allow thyself

Let
us,
only
to he
with a firm will and
with persistence, fight the Greeks, and trusting in God
and
his great Prophet, let us
work
to
win
the residence
of the Caesars!"^
Possibly soon after this peculiar conversation an
official
communication on the part
sent to the Emperor.
We
Sultan was
of the
do not
know
nature,
its
but the text of the Emperor's answer has been preserved.

"
As
it is
wrote Constantine to
clear,"
*^that thou desirest
satisfy thee either hy
my
Mohammed,
more war than peace, as
my protestations
readiness to swear allegiance, so

1
cannot
of sincerity, or hy
let it he
according to
Ducas, 140.
1
130
I turn now and
thy desire.
it he
Mis
oppose
desire
will that the city he thine, where is he
His
I shall
for peace,
release thee
from
and
treaties
who can
thee
with a
However,
with me, and,
my capital, I will defend my people

my hlood I Beign in happiness until
of
drop of
the All-just, the
he only too happy.
all thy oaths
closing the gates

to the last
If He should inspire
will ?
Should
look alone to God.
Supreme Judge,
calls
us hoth hefore His
judgment seat!"^
There
is
a remarkable simplicity and quiet dignity
in this letter.
It breathes the spirit of a brave soldier,
a devoted Christian, and an

of his
Emperor deeply conscious
duty to his people and to his own name.

*
Ditcas, 141.
CHAPTEK
V.
Military Arrangements of the Besiegers and

OF the Besieged.
The
Emperor Constantine
the
last letter of
Sultan conveys the impression of

to a formal
The date
of the actual declaration of
Lucas, which
Erom
we
shall
mention hereafter,
war was held
to
war has not
expressions of
certain
it
Kyr
would seem
have begun in December
Certainly both parties were openly preparing
1452.
foi it
for
being an answer
ultimatum.
been preserved.
that the
its
the
to
during the winter months.
Experiments with the monster cannon of the age

nstructed by
ginning
Sultan.
of
Urban were made
1453,
the
to
He named
it
great
" Basilica."
early in
satisfaction
the bethe
of
Karadja-Bey was
ordered to proceed with a corps of 10,000 irregular

cavalry to escort the huge
stantinople.
This
gun
expedition
to the walls of
started
one
Con-
day in
February, and required not less than six weeks to

reach
its
destination.
yoke of oxen, 200
The cannon was drawn by 60
men marched on
each side
to
132
support
while a company of pioneers and sappers
it,
levelled roads
and made
Karadja's flying
bridges.
was meanwhile scouring the country around
corps
Constantinople.
It
is
mentioned by the
especially
that on this occasion the castle of San
chroniclers
Stefano was taken by storm and sacked.
Armed
the
\
first
numerous
the
of
assembling on
the
by Timar and Ziyamet Beys,
bands, led
chiefs
military
fiefs,
were
the plains around Adrianople during
weeks
The Sultan held a grand
March.
of
review of his troops in the second half of that month.
On
this occasion the
most popular Ulemas, Sheiks, and
the white-robed descendants of the Prophet, offered up
prayers in the midst of the
army
for the successful
issue of the campaign.^

I
On
left
Friday, the 23rd of March,
Mohammed
himself
Adrianople with 12,000 Janissaries and several
thousand Spahis, his best troops.
The plans
for the siege
and perfected in
knew
all
had been
their details.
leisurely arranged,
Every commander
the exact spot he was to occupy before the walls
of Constantinople.
small
corps was detached to
keep Selimbria in check, and to prevent
and people sending help
to the capital.
its
garrison
Turachan-
Pasha had a large army in Thessaly, holding in check

both
Scanderbeg in
Albania
brothers in the Peloponnesus.

^
and
the
Emperor's
To prevent the
Saâd-ud-din, 56.
latter
133
MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS.
more
effectually
to Constan-
from sending assistance
Ahmed
with a
corps on a raid into the Peloponnesus, and
several
severe engagements were fought during the
summer
Turachan despatched his son
tinople,
Ahmed and
between
1453
of
Commander
Towards
cuirassiers
Mathasas Assan, the
of the troops of Prince Demetrius.-^
the
end
March a corps
of
1500
of
was seen riding one day on the road leadThis was the
ing from Philippopolis to Adrianople.
George Prince of Serbia was
auxiliary corps which
by treaty engaged
men were under

Voyvode Yaksha
to furnish
to
command
the
famous captain,
of a
their
com-
Eumours
destination.
their
The
Sultan.
Not even
of Breznik.
mander knew exactly
the
were current that the Sultan would cross to Asia to
down
put
cuirassiers
the
rebels
reached
Philippopolis, a messenger
quarters
When
Caramania.
of
on
village
from the
met them with an order
to
route to Constantinople, and there join the
Konstantinovich,
who was
Their
but
order produced
first
to
impulse
return
to
amongst the
was not
to
After
Serbia.
Ottoman
himself
with
the indignation which
the auxiliary corps, describes

this
head-
Sultan's
take the shortest
army
Michael
the
the other side of
Serbian
officers.^
proceed
further,
some
reflection,
however, Voyvode Yaksha found that such an action

1
Phrantzes, p. 235.
Michael the Janissary,
p. 102.
t
i
134
might injure the interests
of his Prince
and country.
some friendly Christians in the neighbour-
Besides,
hood informed him confidentially that the Turkish
would have
towns through which
the
in
garrisons
on
to pass
not to allow
its
ordered
There remained nothing
to return.
it
corps
his
way back had been
but to resume the march to the Sultan's camp under

the walls of Constantinople.
On
of
April
spot
one
the 6th
arrived
at
the Sultan
suite
distant
from
The towers and the domes
Constantinople.
As
great city were plainly visible.
man,
mile
Italian
and his
Mohammed
ordered
first
the
of
a true Mussul-
that his carpet should
be unrolled, and he turned towards Mecca and prostrated

Eising, he sent " tellals " (public
himself in prayer.
criers) to proclaim
of the city
visit
each
through the entire camp
had now begun
The
siege
Ulemas were ordered
to
regiment, to incite the " true believers " to
go cheerfully to the work, as the Prophet had plainly
promised that this renowned and wealthy town should
be
theirs.^
At daybreak
the Tth of April the lines were
of
drawn nearer the town, and each commander
led his
troops to the position previously assigned them.
The
Sultan's tent
of a small hill,
what
was pitched on the eastern slope
now known
as Mal-Tepp^, lying some-
to the right of the gate of St

1
Sa'ad-ud-dln, 157.
Eoman.
135
In front and on both sides of the Sultan's tent were

placed the Janissaries, and in front of these, directly
"
opposite to the St Eoman's gate, the great " Basilica
and three other enormous guns were formed
into a
formidable battery.
On
fourteen other points batteries of four ordinary
Nine
cannon were erected.
these batteries were
of
strengthened by one additional and heavier piece, so

that 56 ordinary and 12 great cannon, besides
Basilica,"
"The
making altogether 69 cannon, were placed
in positions against the land walls of Constantinople.
No
contemporary power could show anything approach-
ing this formidable artillery of the Sultan in magnitude.
These batteries were ready by the 11th of April.

This, considering the circumstances, speaks well for the
skill
of
manders
of the
Ottoman
artillery.
Besides the cannon, which
modern
the com-
the engineers and the energy of
weapon
of
the
the most
represented
time,
there
were placed
between the batteries some of the old catapults, which
threw
large stones
it
is
against
the walls and
In the Turkish History
town.
stated
"
Stones thrown by the catapults
arbalets carried before the Eternal
who defended
into the
" Tatch-ul-Tevarrih"
the forts and
and
Judge the enemies
towers of Stamboul."^
Phrantzes, Ducas, Barbara, Dolfino, and others.
Ahmed-Djevad Bey, Etat Militaire Ottoman,
i.
205.
186
And
the use of these antiquated machines
also
is
mentioned by Giacomo Tedardi, who was one
of the
volunteer defenders of the city.^
The
right
by troops
wing
was occupied
of the Turkish position
levied in Asia Minor, under the
command
Mustapha- Pasha, the Anadoly Beyler Bey.
wing was composed
of troops levied in the
The
of
left
Balkan Pen-
and commanded by the Eumili Beyler Bey Tur-
insula
Behind the centre
achan.
On
a strong reserve.
of the position
was placed
the other side of the Golden
Horn, Zagan-Pasha and Karadja-Bey occupied a
and a
which
field,
at that time
formed the common of
Galata, and on which the suburb of Pera
Zagan and Karadja kept the
built.
hill
was afterwards
Italian suburb of
Galata in check, and their battery at the top of the

hill
commanded the western
portion of the Golden
Horn.
No
previous Ottoman
Sultan
had marshalled so
numerous an army as the one brought together by
Mohammed
witnesses
under the walls
and
Eye-
of Constantinople.
contemporaries
disagree
about
numerical strength: Chalcochondylas estimated

400,000
says
it
men Archbishop Leonardo at
says
300,000
its
at
Ducas
had 265,000 men, Phrantzes 258,000, the author
of rAr?/7ios
there
it
217,000 (adding, however, that of true Turks
were not more

that the
spoil of
^
than
70,000),
Evliya-Chelebi
Constantinople
Informacion, 22.
was divided
amongst 170,000 warriors
number
culated the
137
the Venetian Barbaro cal-
of fighting
men
at 160,000
the
Florentine Tedardi at 200,000, but he explained that of

these " only 140,000 were
mainder were
and
other
effective soldiers,
men who followed

The Turkish
plunder."
while the re-
tailors, pastry-coolcs, artizans, petty traders,
army in hope of profit
the
army had not more than 80,000
besieging
or
historian Cheirrulah says the

fighting
men.
Most probably Mohammed brought with him an
army
of about 70,000,
ceeded, was increased

of
whom
We
but this army, as the siege pro-
by thousands
of
men
like those
Tetardi speaks.
are indebted to the
same observant Italian
for
a few features of the general appearance of this Turk-
His sketch, taken from the very walls of
ish army.
Constantinople, coincides in
many
respects with
what
we have
already quoted from the Chevalier Brocqui^re.
"
About
the
Tedardi,
"
fourth
'part
was armed hy hauhergeons and jaches
men were armed in
the French,
fashion^ others in various ways
hows
others
and
arms than wooden
cranqitins
shields
of Turkish swords."
One
made
of the
is
Turkish army!' says
of the
and
some
some in the Hungarian

some had iron helmets,
some were without other

scimitars,
a peculiar form
most important statements which Tedardi
that the Turkish

'^
army contained numbers
Informacion, 21.
of

138
Christians
of
precise
and
Greece
anonymous author
number
other
The
countries.-^
of the Thrynos gives us even the
thousand!
thirty
This
sad detail __
receives confirmation from the Archbishop of Chios,

"
But who has in fact
self, "
the
if not the Christians themselves
own
eyes that the
he asked him-
besieged the city"
and who has taught
Ghêeks, the
Turks
the military art,
my
have seen with
Latins, the Germans, the
Hungarians, and men of every other Christian nationality were
mixed up with
the
Turks,
and with them
together stormed the walls ! "
This fact conclusively shows the moral confusion
then prevalent amongst the Christians in the Balkan

doubly sad when compared with the
Peninsula, and
it is
state of things
which prevailed in Constantinople
The Emperor Constantine had exhausted every

and
to obtain reinforcements,
his Legate that the
solemnly proclaimed.
effort
to place the capital in
the best possible state of defence.

bestir himself only after
itself.
The Pope began
to
he received the report from
Union had been formally and

But the representations which
he sent to other powers had not much practical
Only Venice and Alfonso, the King
effect.
to equip each ten galleys to join the other ten warships
which the Pope promised
But much time was
to
lost in
of Naples, decided
supply at his
equipping this
own
fleet.
expense.
Not
till
the 27th of April, after the siege had been in progress

^
Informaeion, 25.
Leonardo da
Scio,
La
Pi-esa, 258.
139
for
three weeks, did
the Pope sign letters formally
empowering Jacob, the Archbishop
of Eagusa, to take
On f
charge of the equipment of the promised galleys.^
7th of
the
May
the Venetian squadron sailed from
More time
Venice.^
elapsed before the fleets united/
and they did not arrive
Euboea
at the island
till
the /
second day after Constantinople had fallen
The
had been un-
repairs of the walls of the city
fortunately placed under the superintendence of two
monks, skilled in engineering, but greedy and dishonest.
was believed that some
It
of the
money, destined
the fortifications, went into the monks' pockets.
may
ever that
be, the condition
of the walls
for
Howwhen
the Turks appeared was so bad that the Greeks were

afraid to place
heavy cannon upon them
The outside wall had been repaired by the Emperor
John
Palaeologus
some time between 1433 and 1444.
The inner and higher

not
less
than
112
wall, connecting
square
on the land side
towers,
thoroughly repaired for centuries.
had
Most
been
not
of these
112
towers had been constructed in the ninth and tenth

centuries.
Horn
all
Theophilus
On
of
^
'
one
The walls and the towers along the Golden

dated
(a.d.
of
from
the
time
of
the
Emperor
829-841).^
the towers on
the side of the
Sea
Marmara (between Koum-Kapou and Yeni-Kapou)

Raynaldi, Annates Eccles., xviii. 610.
Acta Archivi Veneti, ii. 454.
Mordtmann,
32.
^
r
140
a Greek inscription in bricks remains to this day, showing that that particular tower and the wall adjoining
were rebuilt in the year 1448 at the expense
it
What a
Despot of Serbia, George Brankovich.^

irony of
fate, to
of the
terrible
find only five years later, the
same
Christian Prince assisting the Sultan with a contingent

of cuirassiers to take Constantinople
Dolphin mentions that the tower Anemandra, near the

gate called Kylo-Porta, had been repaired by Cardinal
Isidore, probably
According
with funds furnished by the Pope.^
to Tedardi's statement, the inner wall
was
about 20 yards high, the outer being somewhat lower.^
Measurements made in our time have shown the ditch

have been 40 yards wide.*
to
The weakest point
in the walls
be behind the Palace of
was considered
Hebdomon
to
(near the Egri-
Kapoussi of to-day), where there was only a single wall
At
without any ditch.
the request of the Emperor
the Venetian captain Alois Diedo set the

his
ships
to
dig
ditch
there.
The
inaugurated on the 14th of March with

in the presence
of
the
men from
work
much ceremony
Emperor and
of
the State
dignitaries.
On
completed.
The Diedo ditch was 104 yards
the
was
31st of March the work was

long, its
scarp being 15 and counter-scarp 13 English feet deep.
The whole text of the inscription in the Miklosich, Monumenta

and in Mordtmann's Belagerung, in the Notes, p. 132.
* Mordtmann, 35.
^ Inforinacion 23.
Dolphin, 24.
Serbica, p. 146,
2
At
that time
it
141
was known that the Turkish army was
approaching, and on the same day, the 31st of March,

the Emperor himself mounted guard with his
men on
neighbouring hill to prevent Turkish horsemen suddenly

appearing and attacking the
workmen
in the ditch.
The Emperor had ordered a conscription
to be
made
men able to fight, and of all sorts of arms. Phrantzes,

who was charged with this task, reports that he found
of
only 4973 Greeks and about 2000 foreigners capable

of defending the walls.^
that
there
Archbishop Leonardo says
were altogether 6000 Greeks and 3000
Latin Volunteers to defend the

that
there
were between
Tedardi states
city.
25,000 and
30,000
men
capable of bearing arms, but only between 6000 and
His statement confirms remarkably
7000 combatants.
that
of
thousand
the
"With
Phrantzes.
hardly-exercised
men
force
of
hastily-collected
seven,
or,
at
the Emperor Constantine had to defend
weak walls
of his capital against
an army fully ten
times that number, and possessing 69 cannon
while scarcely
to defend the
and
most, nine
ni^be
key
And
thousand Christians could be found
of three continents, the glorious re-
sidence of the old rulers of the world, thirty thousand
the ranks of the Sultan's army,
Christians were in
ready to shed their blood to bring
from St Sophia and replace
it
down
by the Crescent
The unhappy Emperor, notwithstanding

^
the Cross
Phrantzes, p. 241.
his personal
142
and moral courage, was exceedingly discouraged by

In order
the results of the conscription.
to avert a
general panic at the very beginning of the defence, he

directed that the particulars of the conscription should
be kept secret, and at the same time ordered that
all
whatever nationality, entering the harbour,
ships, of
should be detained, and
if
need be their crews com-
When
pelled to defend the walls.
told that a few-
nobles and other people had left the town, the Emperor
" said
nothing, but sighed deeply
"'
In the great council of war, under the presidency of

the Emperor, which had to decide on the final arrange-
ments
for the defence, the first
question was
tion of St
and most important
To whom should be entrusted the
posi-
The Turks had placed
their
Eoman's Gate
heaviest cannon and their best soldiers opposite that

gate,
and
it
was obvious that they intended
to con-
centrate their fiercest attack on that point.
When
the Emperor raised the question none of the
Greek and Latin captains present seemed willing

break silence or to offer any suggestion.
to
Then sud-
denly Juan Giustiniani di Longo, a Genoese captain
who had
Italian
arrived with
crossbowmen
the Emperor, said

to
stand there with
name defend
"
500
volunteers well-armed
in January, rose,
and bowing to
Trusting in God's help,
my men, and to
the
I am
honour of Christ's
the gate against the attacks of the

^
Fhrantzes, p. 241.
ready
enemy !
"

143
These simple and noble words were greeted by loud
The Emperor thanked the
cheers from all present.^

speaker,
and promised
bestow on him the island of
to
Lesbos, with the dignity of a prince,
if
only the Turks
should be repulsed.
The Emperor
decided
further
to
make
his
own
headquarters in the Church of St Koman, which was
and
in the immediate neighbourhood of the gate,
at
that place of greatest danger and honour took under
command 3000
his
the
of
Greek and Latin
best
soldiers.
To the
northerly
from the gate
right
direction,
St
of
was the gate
Koman,
called
in a
Charsias.^
There the Emperor posted a small company of Greeks,
command
under
of
the famous
archer Theodore of
Karystos.^
The next gate was that

drium,
now
this position
company
Erom
Polyandrium or Milyan-
of their countrymen.*
extended somewhat to the
Golden Horn, protecting the part of
the city called Blaquerna, after
the imperial palace
quoted by Raynaldi, Annates,
Turco-Oraecia,
Earlier writers place the gate of Charsias

;
1. i.,
p. 9
xviii. 406.
somewhat more
to the
but Mordtmann's researches in Constantinople have proved

Mordtmann, 46 and 137.
their mistake.
*
of
Genoese
and Troylo Bocciardi, with a
this gate the walls
east towards the
north
The defence
was undertaken by the three
brothers, Paolo, Antonio,
small
of
called Edirne Capoussi.
Fhrantzes, 257.
Barbara, 19.
144
which stood
to the
That position had been entrusted
there.
Venetian Baylo (Minister-Eesident) Girolamo
Minnoti,
who commanded
residents
and
Further
defend
a corps formed of Venetian
strangers.^
north the walls had no ditch to
to the
them.
This
was
position
called
from the name of the adjoining suburb.

pected that the Turks would here try to
by undermining the
With
walls.
Emperor entrusted the defence
fortifications, at
was ex-
make
a breach
a view to
a
to
this,
the
German mining
by name.^
engineer, Johannes Grant
The command
Calligaria,
It
at the north-western angle of
the
the gate called Cynegion (now Ayvan-
Seray-Kapoussi) was entrusted to the Pope's Legate,

Cardinal Isidore.^
From
the central position at St
was stationed a small company

the
command
of their
Eoman
to the left
of Venetians,
countryman Dolphino.
under
After
the conquest, the gate of this position was walled up,
and even
name has been
its
forgotteti.
Near that gate was the one

(now
Silivri-Kapoussi),
called Sylivria or
which obtained
for
its
Pygi
com-
mander the learned Greek mathematician Theophilo

Palseologue, assisted
by the Genoese Mauricio Cattaneo
and the Venetian Mccolo Mocenigo.*
At
the next gate
its
name has
Barharo, 19
Fhrantzes, 252
'
Barbara, 17
Phrantzes, 253.
not been preserved
Ducas, 203.
*
Barbara, 16
Phrantzes, 254.
Phrantzes, 253.
the
command was
145
in the hands of
the Venetian
Tabrucio Cornero.
The south-western angle
the fortifications was
of
occupied by a strong tower, or rather a castle, called
Cyclobyon (now the well-known Seven Towers, Yedi-
The entrance
Kuleler).
called "
to this
The Golden Gate," and
Horn
to the Sea of
Emanuelo
Marmara.
Venetian
N.,
IST.
was the
stretching from
the south in the walls
fided to the
it
tower was generally

last gate to
the Golden
This position was con-
Contarini and to the Genoese
who had under
command 200
their
Italian archers.^
It has not been recorded
who had
position between the Cyclobyon
Hypsomathia.
It is supposed that a
monks had been

city
collected
and stationed
serious attack could
at
charge of the
and the next gate of
number
this
point, against
young
of
from the monasteries
of the
which no
have been expected.
Giacomo Contarini, with a small company

Venetian countrymen, held
the
gate
of
his
called Contos-
calium (now Koum-Kapoussi).^
The next gate was named, on account

mity to the church of
also Basilika
of the position
was given
of its proxi-
St Sophia, Chodegetria, and
(now Ashir-Kapoussi).
The command
between Contoscalium and Chodegetria
to the Spanish Consul,
Phrdntzes, Barbara,
'
Phranizes, he.
cit.
Don Pedro
Giuliano.^
loc. cit.
'
Phrantzes, 252.
146
Chodegetria was the most eastern gate in the walls
washed by the sea
Seraglio
was
Marmara.
of
In the Acropolis
now
the Eski-Seray, or the Old

ill-fated pretender
posted the
to the
Ottoman throne, Orkhan-Effendi, with a small number

Turkish followers.
of his
All
the
positions
from
the
Acropolis
to
the
Cynegion, along the Golden Horn, were placed under
supreme command of Kyr
the
Lucas Notaras, the
Grand-Admiral, who not only had the highest mili-
rank
tary
and
brave
considered
generally
Empire,
Byzantine
the
in
but
was
experienced
though he was not much liked on account
officer,
of his hasty temper.
At
the entrance of the harbour stood a tower in
which the Venetian Gabriello Treviso posted himself

with
men.
fifty
strong iron chain was stretched across the
of the harbour.
preserved
was formed
in
iron
the
in
of
sheets
portion of
Arsenal
of
this chain
mouth
has been
Constantinople.
It
huge oblong rings of oak enclosed
and linked together by small iron
rings.
Along that
a
number
lines,
chain, inside the harbour, 15 galleys
of smaller craft
were drawn up in several
and placed under the orders
captain, Antonio Diedo.
altogether 26 galleys
5 of
and
of the
Venetian
There were in the harbour
them Genoese, 5 Venetian,
147
3 Cretan, 1 Anconitan, 1 Spanish, and 1 Erench, while

the remaining 10 were Greek.^
Nearer to the centre of the town, in the free space

surrounding the Church of the Holy Apostles (where
now stands
the mosque of the Sultan
was stationed a corps
Mohammed Fethi),
about 700 men,
of
mostly
recruited from the monks, as a reserve force under the
command
of
Demetrius Cantacuzene, and of his son-
in-law Mcephoras Palseologus.^
All the corps at the walls had priests and
monks
attached to them for the purpose of constantly saying
masses and offering special prayers.
In
all
the churches day and night services were to
The morning
be performed almost without ceasing.

liturgies
were
generally
concluded
by processions
through the streets and along the walls.
The Emperor Constantine usually

in the church
which happened
made
morning
was
his early
at the
visits to the
after them,
mounted on
he made the round of the
re-
fortifications, visiting
the positions, impressing on the soldiers " the duty
of enduring everything for
**
and often
Arabian mare,^ followed by a small but chosen
tinue,
all
walls,
he
solemn services between morning and noon.
Between these devotions and

his
assisted at matins
to be nearest as
God's glory"
Phrantzes, 250.
According to the popular tradition.
lalres Grecqucs, Paris, p. 74.
He would
Phrantzes, 255.
Recueil de Chansons Popu-
148
return
headquarters
his
to
Eoman, and
after a short rest
behind the gate of St
under a great tent
Emperor was usually accompanied by
the
task
start
In this self-imposed
again on his tour of inspection.
friend Phrantzes
Don Francesco
Duke of Alba).
his
and by a distant cousin, the Spaniard
di Toledo (the great-great-uncle of the
The suburb Galata, on

Golden Horn, in
itself
other
the
side
of
the
a fortified town, was mainly
They formed a
inhabited by Genoese.
special
munity under a Syndic, were independent
com-
of the
Emperor's jurisdiction, and in intimate connection with
The Galata
mother-republic.
their
great
were
mostly avaricious merchants, not caring much
for
any considerations
but
policy,
possible
of public morality or
looking always
benefits
for
utmost
exclusively.
The
as Catholics, arrogant
Sultan's
Genoese thought
fully returned this enmity.
Having heard from

of
them
the
higher
and unscrupulous competitors in commerce
and the Genoese
the
secure
to
themselves
Greeks heartily detested

foreigners,
citizens
their compatriots in Adrianople
extensive preparations,
it
the Galata
quite compatible with their duty
towards their fellow-Christians on the one hand, and

their duty towards themselves
energetically in
pressing reports
nople,
two
of
directions.
on the other,
They
sent to
to act
Genoa
the danger menacing Constanti-
and advised that military assistance should be
149
One
promptly despatched to the Emperor.
result of
these efforts was the most welcome arrival of their
compatriot Giustiniani, with his Italian cross-bowmen.
But
same time they despatched
at the
to Adrianople to impress
fact that
They
Galata
special envoys
upon the Sublime Porte the
was independent
of
the Emperor.
offered to pledge themselves to be neutral spec-
tators,
and not
Emperor
to assist the
in
any way, but
demanded that the Sultan should acknowledge

neutrality,
and engage not
to molest their town.
their
To
and before he moved
this the Sultan gladly acceded,
against Constantinople he promised solemnly to respect
the neutrality of Galata.^
In consequence
of
these
transactions, while the
Greek capital was in the throes

Galata remained tranquil,
opportunity to
make
its
of the deadly struggle,
inhabitants taking the
large profits
belligerents with provisions
by supplying both
and other merchandise at
exorbitant prices.
Under such
peculiar circumstances did the siege of
Constantinople take place.

^
The Janissary Michael
gives another version.
He
says that it was
arranged that the Galata people should be unmolested during the

struggle
but
if
the Sultan conquered the city, they should at once
acknowledge themselves his subjects.
CHAPTEE
VI.
The Diaeies of the
Siege.
The Journal kept by Niccolo Barbaro, a Venetian

who fought on the side of the Greeks, the Memoirs
of
Emperor's
the
Phrantzes,
another
bishop
the
friend
report
defender of
of
Chios,
city,
attendant
constant
submitted
the
to
Pope by
the
Leonardo, the
Arch-
and the Slavonic Diary, written
most probably by an
afford sufficient
and
eye-witness
materials for the
the story of the struggle as
it
these
together
reconstruction
of
proceeded from day
to day.
The Turkish cannonade commenced on the 11th
of
April.
The
giant
signal
was given by the
"Basilica."
It
first
shot from the
seemed as though a sudden
peal of thunder shook the earth and tore the skies, so
deafening the crash and far and wide

tions.
its
reverbera-
Since the creation of the world nothing like
had been heard on the shores

the city not only terrified
of the Bosphorus.
women with
it
In
their children,
THE DIARIES OF THE

but
men
also,
street, striking
Eleysson
what
from their houses into
rushed
their breasts
is
151
SIEGE.
going
and exclaiming,
happen now
to
''
the
Kyrie
"
?
They were not reassured when exaggerated reports

about
tjie
enormous
size of the
mouth
quickly passed from
The Greek cannon
city.
of the largest calibre
and
a half "
to
(called
threw
Turkish stone-balls
mouth throughout the

eXeôXei, helepoli)
balls not exceeding
one
The
Kentenar," or 150 Greek pounds.
smallest Turkish balls thrown against the walls were
not less than 200 Greek pounds in weight; most of
them varied between 200 and 500 pounds, while the

Turkish battery in front of the gate of St
Eoman was
throwing balls varying in weight from 800 to 1200
and
much time was required to clean

even when the Turks loaded with
Fortunately
pounds.
reload, so that,
the greatest quickness, these huge cannon could be

fired
only seven times a day.
On
the 12th of April, about one o'clock in the after-
noon, the Turkish

nople.
fleet
appeared in sight of Constanti-
It did not undertake
anything.
The ships
dropped anchor near the Asiatic shore, opposite the
Diplokynion of that time (now known as Beshiktash).
The
fleet
galleys as
was not
so imposing
by the number
by the greatness
of smaller ships.
of its
From
the
tops of some towers in Constantinople the watchers

believed
they
had counted about
smaller ships composing the Sultan's
145
fleet.
bigger
and
'
152
Between the
and 18th
12th
But
on day by day.
had hardly any
it
Turks did not understand how

}
^\
I
efficiently.
They were
nothing
April
of
The cannonade went
specially noteworthy happened.
The
effect.
to point their
cannon
also obliged to repair Urban's
giant " Basilica," which on the
first
out of order.
mentioned that Urban
strengthened
It is specially
its resistance to
or second day got
the charge by binding
it
with several iron rings.
The Greeks endeavoured

great stone shot
chalk and brick dust
Both
heavy
to lessen the effect of the
by pouring a mortar prepared with
down
the walls.
parties discharged arrows
These
rifles.
rifles
and
were as yet
tired
rare,
long and
and neither
Turks nor Greeks had a great number
of
them.
Still,
as Barbaro expressly mentions, the Greeks
more
of
them than the Turks.
Most
were posted at the gate of St
had
of the riflemen
Eoman, where,
as
already stated, the choicest troops were gathered under
the
command
of the
of Giustiniani, to fight
under the eyes
Emperor.
Though the
first
eight days of the siege were not
interesting from a military point of view, they were
not without interest of a different kind.

Shortly after the opening
ambassadors
j
from
John
of
the cannonade the
Hunyady, the Eegent
of
With
re-
Hungary, arrived in the Turkish camp.

spectful
greetings
to
the
mighty
"
Grand-Turk,"
THE DIARIES OF THE
Hunyady informed
153
SIEGE.
the Sublime Porte that he had
ceased to be " Gubernator Begni Hungariae,'' and had
surrendered
of
all
the young
power and government into the hands
King
Yladislaus.
Desiring to restore
new
king, he returned the
full liberty of action to
the
document signed by the Sultan's Thougra, approving

of the armistice
concluded in Smederevo 1451, and
asked that the document signed by his

yady's)
Its
move
march against him.

arguments
in aid of the
purpose was to intimidate the Sultan by
hinting that the Hungarian
was more
(Huu-
signature might be returned to him.
This was evidently a diplomatic

Greeks.
own
It
army might eventually
was a move
to strengthen the
Hunyady himself
of Chalil-Pasha for peace.
of a burly soldier than a diplomatist.
fine diplomatic
This
scheme could have been evolved only
in the head of an Italian Cardinal, or in the experi-
enced and versatile brain of the old Despot of Serbia,
who was
generally considered
an extremely
As
diplomatist as well as an able soldier.
skilful
has been
Despot George, at the request of the new
seen, the
Sultan,
it
and against the warnings
had mediated successfully
of a
Greek
patriot,
for a three years' armistice
between Hungary and Turkey.
Most
likely the anger
Kyr Lucas Notaras and of Cantacuzene against the

Despot
of which we have heard from the Emperor's
of
letter to
Phrantzes
had
vention in this armistice.
been provoked by his interIf it
were true that the
154
armistice
had given the Sultan a
free
hand
to attack
Constantinople, the cancelling of the same might be
considered likely to induce the Sultan to desist from

the siege.
But every measure undertaken by George Brankovich, however skilfully and logically planned, almost
invariably missed
and undesirable
with
sation
its
purpose, and produced unexpected
Once, in a memorable conver-
results.
the
famous
Capistran, George himself said

hut no good luck,
and
my people
"
of him,
remember me as a
will
His people certainly
wise hut unfortunate Prince!"
had that opinion
monk John
God gave me vnsdom
Franciscan
and even generally believed
his misfortunes were the Divine punishment
treason which his father,

to
for
the
Vuk Brankovich, was supposed
have committed against Tzar Lazar in the great
battle
on the
field of
Kossovo,
a.d.
1389.
If fatality could constitute a sure
mark whereby
to
recognize the work of George Brankovich, this Hungarian
mission to the Sultan's
camp was
ambassadors were allowed to

front of
officers
St
Eoman's Gate.
saw how the Turks
visit
his
The
work.
the great battery in
When
the
Hungarian
they
fired their cannon^
laughed loudly, and told them that notwithstanding

the weight of their balls they would never succeed in
making a breach in the

Christians,
who
walls.
And
then
these
came to draw away the Sultan from
the walls of Constantinople, actually instructed
the
THE DIARIES OF THE

Turkish artillery
officers
against
effectively
how
cannon
to level their
All the more
these very walls!
contemporary writers
important
155
SIEGE.
relate
this
fact.^
Phrantzes gives an explanation which seems to have

circulated
among the people
in the city.
He
says that
the Hungarians really desired Constantinople to

as soon as possible, as a Serbian hermit,
Hunyady
prophecy, had told
gift of
would not get
rid of the
famous
fall
for his
that Christendom
Turks until they had taken
possession of Constantinople
On
the 18th of April the cannonade continued the
whole day as usual, intermingled with shots from the

rifles
and cross-bows whenever
enemy exposed
and wherever
an
day.
The
shades of evening descended softly, and the full
moon
himself.
It
was a
fine
threw her pale light upon the wondrous beauty of the

Bosphorus.
About nine
o'clock suddenly big drums,
cymbals, horns, and pipes (zournes) echoed through the
Turkish
camp along
the whole line, and masses
of
Turkish warriors advanced with loud shouts towards

the walls.
In the city at this hour
vigils
were being held in
most churches, and crowds of people
filled
and outside
tapers in their
courts, holding
lighted
the naves
hands, often throwing themselves on their knees in
prayer at signals given from the

^
Phrantzes,
haro, 21.
239
Ducas, 275
altar.
The
CJialcochoTidylas,
448
beautiful
N. Bar-
156
many
evening had tempted
people into the streets.
Suddenly the alarm-signal was sounded from the walls,
and the
from
bells
churches and monasteries began
all
The congregations
immediately to ring clamorously.
in the churches rushed out terrified, and dispersed in
The Slavonic
confusion.
scene, says
"
The
chronicler, describing
this
reports of rifles, the ringing of
hells,
the clashing of arms, the cries of fighting men, the shrieks
of
women and wailing of children, produced such a noise,
that
fell
it
Clouds of smoke
seemed as if the earth trembled.
upon
the city
and
the camp,
last could not see each other,"
The struggle
lasted for
and
the combatants at
-^
some time
after midnight.
Barbaro wrote down in his Journal that the Emperor

greatly feared the
to
wounded
in
forcing an
But the Turks relinquished the attempt, and
entrance.
retired
enemy would succeed
their
in the
o'clock in the
camp, leaving
moat and on the
many
glacis.
killed
and
About three
morning quietness again reigned, broken
only by the cries of the wounded for water or for

help.
The defenders
of the walls
were so exhausted by
the fight that the Emperor, visiting
all
the positions
before dawn, found in several places the sentinels and
guards sleeping heavily.^
On
the
19 th of April the Turks removed their
wounded from the

^
glacis,
The Slavonic Chronicler,
then they carried away and
p. 27.
Ibid.
THE DIARIES OF THE
157
SIEGE.
burned the bodies of their dead.
According to the
Slavonic chronicler, the burning of the killed soldiers
was a regular practice
Turks during
of the
In Constantinople a solemn Te
Deum
was
assistance in the repulse of the assault
After
the
church
State
Some
dignitaries.
assault
Divine
celebrated.
Emperor held a
commanders and some civil
service
council with the principal
this siege.
for the
the
thought that
of these
the
the previous night had something to do
of
with the Hungarian cancelling of the armistice, and

that the Sultan might raise the siege.
such a decision
it
was thought wise
To
facilitate
to build a golden
;
bridge for him, to enable
honour.
him
to retrace his steps with
was therefore resolved
It
to the Sultan,
and to ask
to send
for peace
on any conditions
he might prescribe short of the surrender of the
On
the
an embassy
city.
20th of April, about ten o'clock in the
morning, four sailing-ships appeared on the southern

'i
horizon,
of
and speedily approached Constantinople.
them was soon recognized
Emperor's
trading
fleet,
all
loaded
bought by the Emperor for the public

Shortly afterwards
seen
sailing
to
to
'
the
and the three others were Genoese
They were
ships.
as belonging
One
the
whole
meet them.
with
wheat
stores.
Turkish
In the
fleet
sight
of
was
the
Greeks and Latins, who crowded the southern walls, 4

the first naval engagement of the Turks with the
Christians
was fought on
this
memorable day,
158
part of
the right wing of
forth,
army
the Turkish
also
The Sultan himself rode
witnessed the engagement.
with a splendid retinue of Viziers and Pashas, to
the shore of the Sea of Marmara, drawing bridle only
when
[^'
the waves began to wash the hoofs of his horse.
The four Christian

Turkish
fleet of
145
ships accepted battle with the
Crowds
ships.
walls naturally trembled for

inevitable
doom
of people
what seemed
of their friends.
But the Greek and Genoese crews were born
They used
time
it
among
their
on the
them the
to
Greek
sailors.
so skilfully that in a short
lire
became evident that great confusion prevailed

the Turkish
fleet.
The Sultan was dismayed
at tUe aspect the fight assumed,
and when his
fleet
turned back and sailed towards the Diplokynion, he

could not restrain his anger.
He
shook his
fist
at the
cowards, cursed Balta-Oglou, his Admiral, and in a

perfect fury spurred his charger into the sea.
But
all this
demonstration was of no
Balta-
avail.
Oglou took his ships back to their anchoring-place,
and the Christian ships
sailed
on until they dropped
their anchors under the city walls, to the great joy of
Late in the evening the chain which
the citizens.
closed the harbour
the
command
of
was lowered, two

the
Venetian
galleys,
captains
under
Gabrielo
Trevisani and Zacharia Grioti, sailed out, and with a
continual flourish of trumpets brought into harbour

the four ships, whose captains and crews had done
THE DIARIES OF THE
names
Cataneo,
On
their
to
The
compatriots.
the Emperor's ship was Flan tan elas, and
captairi of
the
day
honour that
such
159
SIEGE.
Genoese
three
the
of
Novara, and
were
captains
Balanere/
the 21st of April, under heavy and continued!
from the great Turkish battery, one of the towers
fire
defending the gate of St

Barbaro,
who was
Eoman suddenly
collapsed,
himself on that spot, wrote in his
Journal that had the Turks immediately stormed with

only 10,000
men
they could have entered the town,
and the conquest would have then been accomplished.^

Fortunately the Turks, not expecting such an im-
mediate
effect of their
fire,
a speedy assault.
for
It
had made no preparations

happened
that
also
the
Sultan was not in his usual place on the Mal-Tep4
He had
Hill.
gone very early in the morning with
10,000 horsemen to Diploky onion.

before
There he called
him Suleyman-Bey Balta-Oglou, the
Admiral
of his fleet, reproached
disgrace of the previous day,
him
ill-fated
violently for the
and ordered him
to be
taken away from his presence, to be impaled, and die

a slow and terrible death.
This horrible sentence shocked the Viziers, Pashas,
and
^
other
The
Journal,
state
and court
dignitaries
description of this naval engagement
24
Phrantzes,
248
is
who were
given in Barbaro 's
Ducas,
268 ; Chalcochondylas, 450.

Phrantzes adds that the Turks themselves affirmed they lost on that
;
day 12,000 men, which

2 N. Barbaro, 26.
is
no doubt a great exaggeration.
160
present into pity, and they
fell
the Sultan, imploring his
mercy
Mohammed was
for
Suleyman-Bey.
replaced
the
first
in the sight of the whole
which he had been until that morning the
fleet,
of
chief
commander, and in the sight
who accompanied
and
softened,
sentence with a second one
on the ground before
the
of the
horsemen
Sultan, Balta-Oglou received
one hundred lashes, one accidentally destroying one of

his eyes.
His property was
and the proceeds
also to be
confiscated,
of its sale to be divided
amongst the
Janissaries.
After this painful scene the Sultan presided over a
great military council specially convoked at DiplokyI
The embassy from the Emperor Constantine
nion.
had
arrived the preceding day, and
placed before the Council was
the question
Should the propositions
Emperor concerning peace be accepted
of the
jected
now
or re-
The Grand-Vizier
Chalil strongly argued that this
opportunity should be seized to withdraw honourably

1
from before the
walls.
He
stated that the assault of
the 18th of April, and the naval engagement of the

previous day, proved clearly
capture
it
was not
so
easy to
Constantinople, and that while none could
foretell the length of the siege, all
lasted the greater
knew
the longer
it
was the danger that a Christian
army might appear in their rear. He reminded

those present that Hungary had already reclaimed
all
its
THE DIARIES OF THE

liberty of action, that preparations
161
SIEGE.
were progressing in
might arrive any
Italy,
and that the Venetian
day.
His conviction was that Constantinople would
fall
fleet
into the lap of the Sultan one day, as the ripe
fruit
falls
from the
tree,
but he
that golden fruit not yet ripe.
thought
(Chalil)
His proposal was to
conclude peace with the Emperor on conditions which
would drain the
vital forces
from Constantinople, and
thereby accelerate the ripening of the

that
purpose
he
suggested the
fruit,
demand
of
and
to
70,000
ducats as the yearly tribute of the Emperor to the
Padishah.
According to Sa'ad-ud-din, Sheikh Ak-Shemzeddin-
Ulema Ahmed-Kurani and Zagan-
Effendi, the learned
Pasha, earnestly opposed the arguments of Chalil.
It
was hardly to be expected the military commanders
would vote at
therefore
this special juncture
for
peace.
It
was not surprising that an overwhelming
majority of the Council declared for the continuation

of the siege.
The answer given
to the Emperor's ambassadors
was
to the effect that peace could be concluded only
on
the Emperor's immediate surrender of the city.
In
that case the Sultan

to the
peace
would cede the entire Peloponnesus
Emperor, and guarantee to him undisturbed
and sovereignty in that
State,
while to the
Emperor's brothers, Demetrius and Thomas, compensation could be given elsewhere,
162
The arguments
in
of the Grand-Vizier only succeeded
convincing the military commanders that
As
imperative to hasten the conquest.
had been attacked only on one

however small the
garrison,
was
it
It
assault.
was
clear
therefore,
possible for the
Greeks to concentrate their whole force
would be
was
yet the city
and
side,
it
to repulse the
the chances of success
that
were simul-
infinitely increased if the city
taneously attacked on two sides.
As
seemed
his military advisers
to
be at a loss for
them a plan
practical suggestions, the Sultan laid before
he had been studying for some time, and for eventual
made
execution of which he had
drew attention
preparations.
from the shores
to the fact that
He
of the
Bosphorus, at a point between Diplokynion and Galata,

a valley opened in a south-western direction, skirting
the western base of the hill overlooking Galata, and
descending gently to the basin of the Golden Horn,
and that
,
it
might be possible
to transport ships
from
the Bosphorus through that valley into the harbour!
The whole
distance
was
not
above
English
five
miles.
It
is
difficult
original one with
to
that
whether
Mohammed.
that the Sultan got
da un
say
it
Christian'').
this idea
Barbaro says expressly
from a Christian
Archbishop
some one had related
was an
("
lifu insegna
Leonardo believes
to the Sultan
Venetians had done fourteen years before,
what the
when they
THE DIARIES OF THE
163
SIEGE.
transported by land their ships from Etch into the

lake of Garda.^
However
orders for
its
may have
this
suaded of the
was per-
been, the Sultan
and gave
feasibility of the operation,
immediate execution.
men
Several thousand
speedily cleared the valley
from bush and underwood.
narrow canal was dug
through the whole length of the valley, and paved

with strong beams, abundantly smeared with
tar, tallow,
and lard bought in large quantities from the Genoese
Over the greased beams
tradesmen of Galata.
rollers
were placed, and on this a small ship to try the experiment.
Drawn by
pushed by
soldiers, the ship glided
buffaloes,
and supported and

along more easily
than was expected.
The Sultan ordered that
all
the ships to be thus
transported should have their sails unfurled and their

flags
hoisted,
should
play
reports that
and that on each vessel bands of music

martial
all
airs.
The Janissary Michael
the batteries kept up an incessant
cannonade that night.
This detail explains
Greeks, and especially
why
why
the
the fleet in the Golden
Horn, did not prevent the gliding of the Turkish ships

iîto
the
harbour.
The constant
fire
from
Zagan-
Pasha's battery on the hill above Galata was sufficient

to prevent
any ship from approaching the place where
the improvised canal entered the Golden Horn.

^
Leonardo, 269.
164
In the night between the 21st and 22nd of April the
Turks had succeeded in thus transporting into the bay

of the Golden
Horn some
thirty ships.^
men were busy
Giustiniani and his
that night re-
Eoman,
pairing the shattered tower at the gate of St
closing the breach with barrels filled with earth
and
The work was well done, and they
lashed together.
awaited the dawning day with some confidence.

'
The
citizens of Constantinople, especially the trades-
men and
dawn
the 22nd
of
Turkish
artizans,
fleet
and rushed
were early
was in the bay
of
the
first
news spread that the

People
to the walls along the
saw a number
With
risers.
of April the
left their
work
Golden Horn, and
Turkish ships lying in the Galata
corner of the bay, under the shelter of Zagan-Pasha's

battery.
Many
a citizen,
who had
against hope, lost all heart that day.
did not yet despair.

necessity
of sending
He was
until then
hoped
But the Emperor
mostly troubled by the
more men
to the north-eastern
wall to guard against an eventual attack from that

side.
2'drd April.
The cannonade on
the land side went
on as usual without any specially new
feature.
The Venetian naval captains met on the galley of

/ Antonio Diedo to consult about the ways and means
/
1 I follow here the statement of the Janissary Michael.

Cheirrulah
says there were only 20 ships, while Barbaro speaks of 72, Chalco-
chondylas of 70, and Ducas of
80.
THE DIAKIES OF THE

of
the Turkish ships in the bay.
destroying
object
was the more
began to
165
SIEGE.
construct
This
on that day the Turks
pressing, as
floating battery, or,
consultation, the proposition of Captain
as
some
After long
thought, a pontoon-bridge across the bay.
Giacomo Koko,
to attack and burn the Turkish ships at night, was
accepted.
24:th April.
The cannonade
lasted with
some brisk-
'
ness all day.
The Turks made progress

what now seemed more
bridge.
They
used
in the construction of
distinctly to be a pontoon-
empty
barrels,
binding
them
together with strong iron chains.
Captain
expedition.
Koko
prepared
two ships
He covered their
for the night
sides with bales of cotton
and wool, hoping therewith to deaden the
effect of
the
Turkish cannon.
At midnight the
sea captains
met on Diedo's ship
to fix the final details of the expedition.
The prepara-
tions were nearly complete, and some of the captains
pressed for an immediate attack.
To
this conference
some Genoese captains had been admitted, and they

requested that the attempt should be put off until the
next night, in order that they also might join in
The
rejection of this request
it.
would have exposed the
Venetians to the reproach that even in hours of great
and common danger they could not forego their old

jealousy- of the Genoese, their old competitors in
com-
166
The suggestions were there-
merce and naval power.

fore accepted
and the expedition postponed.
In the days of the 25th, 26th, and 27th of April
The intermittent can-
nothing remarkable occurred.
nonade and the desultory shooting from bows and
rifles
were continued.
The Turks succeeded

breaches
various
at
in
making smaller or
points; these
the
But
Latins quickly and effectively repaired.
larger
Greeks and
was
it
already apparent that the defenders were getting each
day more and more exhausted.
The Turkish archers
and sharp-shooters placed in the
first
changed and replaced by fresh
were daily
line
men from
the camp,
but the riflemen and archers on the walls could not be

replaced.
In addition to
discouraging
this
rumours of the scarcity
of food
fact,
began
disquieting
to circulate in
the last days of April.
The preparations
for
continued and completed.

not
to
plans
of
experienced
expedition were
certain Eaiuzzo, finding out the object
of the unusual activity
went over
naval
But the Genoese seemed
conducted their work with necessary
have
discretion.
the
to the
the
on some
of the
Genoese
ships,
Turkish camp, and betrayed the
Venetian
artillery
captains.
men with
four
number
of
cannons were
immediately sent to the Turkish ships in the bay, and

the utmost vigilance was enjoined on their captains.
THE DIARIES OF THE

2Sih of
Ap7îl.
Two
hours before the
day a small squadron

harbour
left
and moved
chain,
western corner of the bay.

galleys
and
three
Trevisani,
Two
dawn
smaller
near
the
the
It consisted of
Morosini,
and
two great
Griotti,
commanded by
ships
Girolamo
of that
towards
position
its
noiselessly
Trevisani and Zacharia
Gabrielo
of
167
SIEGE.
Silvestro
Giacomo Koko.
other small ships were taken in tow, laden with
gunpowder, Greek
It
fire, tar,
and other combustibles.
had been arranged that the two great
padded outside with bales
of cotton
But the impatient
precede and shelter the others.
Koko
let
lead.
his ship glide rapidly
few minutes later
Turkish ships were

speedily sunk,
fired,
Koko and
all
galleys,
and wool, should
ahead and took the
the cannon from the
Koko's ship was struck and

his crew
swimming
for their
lives.
moved
Trevisani's galley
rapidly onward through
clouds of smoke, but was received with a fresh volley,

staggered,
and sunk.
Trevisani and most of his
saved their lives by swimming.
men
The other captains
thereupon retired slowly, throwing volleys of Greek

fire.
But only one
of the
Turkish ships caught
fire
and was burnt.
Some
of those
who
tried to save their lives
ming, in the confusion of the catastrophe

the shore in the possession of the Turks.
prisoners, they
by swim-
swam
right to
Being made
were the next day beheaded in sight
168
of the soldiers
and crowds
of
people on the walls.
This cruelty aroused the indignation of the citizens
and the Government
of Constantinople to the highest
Unfortunately there were some 260 Turks in
pitch.
the prisons of the
on the
walls,
beheaded.
They were
city.
and
in sight
of
brought out
all
Turkish
the
army
Phrantzes himself relates this barbarous
act of retaliation.^
of April
29th
After
the
excitement
of
the
previous day, this day passed in comparative quietness
both in the Turkish camp and in the
The expedition
of the Venetians
carried
was naturally
among
the Greeks and Latins.
lost
still
city.
which had mis-
the topic of
all
the talk
The Venetians, who
about 90 of their chosen sailors and
soldiers, felt
the loss deeply, and openly and bitterly charged the
Genoese with treason.
The Genoese
retorted
that
the Venetian ignorance and Koko's foolishness had
caused the
speedily
The mutual accusations turned
failure.
into
mutual
menaces,
and,
as
even
the
Venetian and Genoese volunteers on the walls were on

the point of fighting
among
themselves, the
assembled the commanders and

nations,
and
hêthren,
he
not
en^tcgh
said
of one
to
them:
officers
"J
mind and work
of misery that we have
such fearful odds outside the walls

1
Phrantzes, 257.
Emperor
of both the
praT/
you,
together.
to
my
Is
it
fight against
For God's sake
THE DIARIES OF THE

us not have any
let
the walls ! "
169
SIEGE.
amongst ourselves within
conflicts
-^
Z^th of AjpriLTho. Slavonic chronicler has noted
down
that on this day the
discharge from the
first
Turkish giant cannon against the St Eoman's position

*'
shook very
what low ;
much
the wall^
the upper part of the wall,
wide;
the
noon carried away
Turks were ready."
"before the
of May.
making a breach
According
to
the Turks concentrated the
fire
been
Giustiniani
wood and
"
efiected
day,
had during the night
filled
but
in
which
"with
earth."
When
they had," the chronicler goes on, " in that
way worn out

and
chronicler,
where the breach
previous
the
the
from several cannon
of ordinary size against the place
had
same
the
five feet
hecause
discharge wets not fired
third
night came on
1st
which was old and some-
the second discharge at
fired
the wall sufficiently, then they pointed
their
cannon.
great
But the
somewhat too high, and struck the wall

church behind, shattering
it
ball
went
of the nearest
into powder.
At noon
the Turks were just at the point of firing their second

shot,
when
Giustiniani
the Turkish
struck
by a
great
ball
from his own cannon
gun and dismounted
The Sultan, seeing what had happened,

rage,
'
Yagma
Yagma
'
the whole
Fhrantzcs, 258.
Slavonic Chronicler. 11.
it.
cried out in a
army repeated
170
shout
the
Yagma
'
Yagma
towards the wall and
and
'
the moat."
filled
In the city the alarm-bells were
The Emperor, coming
at
in
haste,
rung at once.
encouraged
The Slavonic
hold out resolutely.
rushed
soldiers
^
men
to
chronicler describes
some length the struggle which ensued, and which
was
by the Turks retreating from the walls
finished
after darkness
had
set in.
Several other witnesses speak of the fight of that
day (Phrantzes, Barbaro, Leonardo),
what
as
to
According
customed
to
them,
some
On
some-
essentially.
were ac-
of the soldiers
to leave their places at
dine with their families.

greater
differing
commencement, but not
its
noon and go home to
this 1st
number than usual went away
day
of
May
for this purpose.
The Turks, seeing but few men on the walls
at
St
Koman's Gate, descended into the moat, and began to

pull
down with long hooks
filled
the fascines and baskets
with earth with which the breach had been
hastily repaired
and thereupon ensued the
Giustiniani complained to the
Emperor
fight.
of this state
of things.
2nd of May. Nothing specially noteworthy hapThe usual exchange of shots.
pened.
The Emperor, however,
in consequence of
what had
happened on the previous day, brought the Greek

^
Slavonic Chronicler 12.
storm.
"Yagma yagma
!
!"
the Turkish call to
THE DIARIES OF THE
and reproached them
together,
soldiers
l7l
SIEGE.
for exposing
by surprise
the city to the danger of being captured
while they
Many
on the walls to go
left their places
to dine.
go
Greeks replied that they were obliged to
away, as neither they themselves nor their families at
home had anything

light
on the want
ferings
This statement throws a sad
to eat.
of proper organization,
and on the
suf-
which the people had already begun to endure.
The Emperor, shocked
at
this statement, ordered
immediately that henceforth certain men, unable to

fight,
should carry food and drink to those on the
walls,
and that the
families,
whose bread-winners were
engaged in defence of the
city,
with food by the Government.^
should be provided
The Commander
of
the reserve, Demetrius Cantacuzene, was at the same
time ordered to inspect the positions several times a

day, to ascertain that all the
He
men were
at their posts.
also received instruction to search the houses for
men who, though

selves, to
capable of bearing arms, hid them-
escape the duty of defending the Emperor,
the Empire, and their
own homes.
were ripe for Turkish slavery.
These cowards
But
seems
it
there were not a few people in the city
who
that
disap-
proved of every attempt at defence, and loudly abused
The Emperor's
the Emperor.
himself introduced these
friend
additional
Phrantzes has
gloomy features
into the already dark picture of the dying Empire.^

;
Phrantzes, 256
Barharo, 33
Leonardo, 261.
pjirantzes, 258.
172
drd of May.
The Greeks
placed four cannons on a
tower which commanded the bay, and opened

the Turkish
The interchange
flotilla.
fire
on
of shots at this
point was continued for several days without
much
effect.
In the city
was generally known that Venice
it
and Naples, as well

help,
as the Pope,
had promised
day passed and no
thought
Latin
sail
desirable to send
it
fleet.
As day
Emperor
some one
in search of the
and eventually to hasten
fleet,
Constantinople
and in the night
a small brigantine
the
send
appeared, the
night for the appearance of the allied

after
to
and the southern horizon was watched day and
Marmara
Sea.
left
its
arrival at
of this 3rd of
May
the harbour and sailed out into
She carried the Turkish
her crew were dressed d la Turque.
This
is
flag,
and
stated in
Barbaro's Journal} while the Slavonic Chronicler says
that on this day " the Emperor sent

the islands,
help:'
and
to the countries
men
into the Morea,
of the Franks, to ask
for
The same day the Emperor presided

council;
at a great
at this not only the military commanders,
but also the dignitaries of the State and the Church

assisted.
reported
camp
The commandants
that
of positions
movements observed
indicated
preparations
for
Barbaro, 35.
Slavonic Chronicler, 14.
in
unanimously
the
Turkish
general assault.
THE DIARIES OF THE
173
SIEGE.
I
Considering the condition of the walls, and the weariness of the diminishing defensive forces, none could
speak confidently about the prospects of again repulsing
The senators and the
the Turks.
the city and retreat to a
them expressed
Emperor
more secure
and
to
to leave
Some
place.
of
their conviction that the people of the
provinces, so soon as they heard that the

alive
with the
prelates,
Patriarch at their head, advised the
Emperor was
safe outside the besieged capital,
him numbers
and that
of volunteers,
would send
these, together
with the armies of the Princes Demetrius and Thomas,
and with the Albanians,

fail to bring,
whom
Scanderbeg would not
might make a diversion
portant to alarm the Sultan, and force
from the
sufficiently
him
im-
withdraw
to
city.
Giustiniani himself energetically
and placed
representations,
all
supported
ships
his
these
at
the
Emperor's disposal.
"
The
Eiivperor'' continues
to all this qitietly
and
our chronicler, " listened
At
patiently.
after having
last,
been for some time in deep thought, he hegan to speak
I thank all for the advice which you have given me.
I know that my going out of the city might he of some
'
benefit
to
nu, inasmuch as all that you foresee might
But
really happen.
How
coidd
impossible for
leave the churches
servants the clergy,
such a 'plight
it is
and
to
go away
of our Lord, and His
the throne,
What would
me
the
and
my
people in
world say about
me
174
'pray you,
anything
my
friends, in future do not say to
hut, "
else
Nay,
sire,
do not leave us
I leave you ! I am resolved

And saying this, the Emperor
! "
me
Never,
with
never will
to die liere
you
turned his head
'
aside, hecause tears filled his eyes ;
and
the Patriarch
all
who were
and with him wept
there
"
These were words of a noble and generous heart,
words worthy
of
an Emperor.
Constantine Dragasses,
even on that occasion, did honour to the throne he

occupied and to the nation of
whom
was the
he
chief.
4:th
of May,
from the
The
rifles
cannonade and occasional
went on
as usual.
firing
Nothing specially
noteworthy happened during the day.
But during the night from the 4th

May,
attempt
another
was made
to the 5th of
to
destroy
the
This time the attack was
Turkish ships in the bay.
undertaken by a captain of one of Giustiniani's
ships.
The Turks, however, kept a sharp look-out, and when

the
Genoese
received with a
hth of May.
quietly
galley
full broadside
The
city
was
approached
and sunk
full of
she
was
at once.
rumours
of the
The report was spread that
last night's misfortune.
Giustiniani himself was on the unlucky galley and
had escaped with great
difficulty.
And
again
it
was
generally asserted that the Turks had received fore-
warning from a
:*
traitor.^
Zhicas, 277.
THE DIARIES OF THE
new
feature
produced by the sudden opening of

battery
Pasha's
the
against
was
excitement
general
the
in
175
SIEGE.
fire
Christian
from Zaganposted
ships
For that purpose Zagan
along the harbour chain.
had obtained some heavier guns than those which he

had at
first.
heavy
struck
ball
Genoese
merchant
ship,
laden with silk and other costly freight, valued at
The ship foundered quickly
12,000 ducats.
was
its
The Christian
struck.
position
and
to
move
fleet
was obliged
after it
to leave
outside the chain, out of the
reach of Zagan's cannons.^
The Genoese
of Galata sent a formal protest to
the Sultan against the
damage done
excuses,
and promised that
city the
damage should be
^th of May.
The
after the conquest of the
prevent
the
brought
Eoman.
they maintained a steady
more cannon
All the day long
Towards evening a
fire.
had been opened near that
breach
who were
fully compensated.^
Turks
opposite the gate of St
wide
to those
The Grand-Vizier returned elaborate
perfectly neutral.
defenders
filling
continued firing at that point
the
gap
night.
all
gate.
the
To
Turks
Giustiniani,
however, did not attempt to repair the breach, but
somewhat
further
tower.^
^th of May.
^
Barbara
36.
inside
The
^
raised
barricades
and a
Turks continued to widen the
Ducas, 279.
176
breach with concentrated
Towards the evening the
About eleven
firing ceased.
o'clock
at
Turks rushed across the

ditch,
and hurried
from their great battery.
fire
night great numbers of
glacis,
towards
descended into the
the
breach.
Barbaro
30,000 Turks were ordered to this
says that about

assault.
The
Slavonic
chronicler
gives
some interesting
According to him, the Greeks
details of the fight.
and the Latins bravely went
into the breach to
the assailants, and fought with great fury.

niani personally
commanded, and was nearly
a Janissary of
gigantic
brought
to
of
killed
by
size.
Keinforcements were
the Turks by a
famous Turkish hero,
At
Omer, a Sandjak-Bey from Eomania.
moment
meet
Giusti-
Giustiniani was also reinforced
the same
by a company
Greeks under a very popular commander, Stratyg
(Colonel) Eangabe, and
by a gallant onslaught drove
the Turks from the breach into the moat.
Eangabe,
cheering his men, led the way, and, clearing his path
by the sword, he suddenly found himself
face to face
with the brave and famous Omer-Bey.
" Eangabe'*
continues our chronicler, "immediately attacked him,
and tracing one
of his legs against a stone he lifted his
sword with loth hands and cut Omer-Bey in two,

Turks, enraged hy the
and
and
cut
to ^pieces
loss
Tlie
of such a hero, surrounded
Rangabe.
retreated inside the walls.
Then
the
Greeks turned
There were ten-or
and
THE DIARIES OF THE
177
SIEGE.
and
general grief over the loss of Bangabe, the brave

gallant hiight,
On
whom
the Emjperor loved greaily"
May
the 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th of
nothing
remarkable happened.
The Turkish cannonade continued

means, according
number
This
great
smaller balls (weighing between 200 and
of
100
pounds), some
500
as usual.
besides
Tedardi, that
to
120
to
of
heavier
balls
(weighing between 800 and 1200 pounds) were thrown

against the walls
In
and into the
Constantinople
increased
daily.
itself
Prayers
churches incessantly with
Great crowds pressed

picture of "
the
popular
depression
were
going
on in the
much
and many
fear
constantly
to
tears.
the holy
kiss
Maria, Mother of God," which, according
to the legend,
its
city.
had once already saved the
enemies, and might in mercy save
"miraculous
was exposed
eikon"
to
it
city
again.
from
This
the devotions
and donations of pious people in the church of the
Madonna Chodogetria near
the
Acropolis
and
St
Sophia.
As
it
was evident that the
rially aid the defence, the
their ships.
left his
two
On
Roman,
could not mate-
Venetians began to disarm
the 9th of May, Gabrielo Trevisani
galleys,
and with their crew, numbering
some 400 men, went

St
fleet
to strengthen
where the losses in
the position of
men were
naturally
heaviest.
178
of May.
12th
The
cannon battered a
Turkish
breach in the walls near the imperial palace of Heb-
domon.
Greeks were able to begin the
Before the
the evening, several
repairs in
stormed
that
point.
thousands
Barbaro
has
men
this is
storming force at 50,000
Turks
of
down
put
the
most likely an
exaggeration.
Chronicle the Turkish
According to the Slavonic
made with such vehemence
onslaught was
Greeks were
The progress
compelled to retire
of the
" the Stratyg of

to
mean
think
" the
mand
breach.
Palceologus,
" the
it
of the cavalry," while others
assistant of
commander."
the
was Nicephoras
Palseologus,
father-in-law, Cantacuzene, in
the
of
reserves
Turks was stopped by
commander
Very probably
assisted his
that the
the
Singurla" which some writers beKeve
means
it
from
The
reserves.
were not
far
distant
headquarters
from
who
the comthe
of
the palace
of
Hebdomon, and therefore the help under Nicephoras

Palseologus could arrive in good time.
But although
Palseologus repulsed the Turks for the
moment, he very soon became badly pressed himself,

" because,"
according to
Pasha, Beyler
There
Bey
arrived
"Theodore, the
Giustiniani."
bability
our chronicler, " Mustapha-
of Anadolia, sent fresh troops."
to
the
assistance
commander
of
the
of
Palseologus,
Thousand, with
This commander, Theodore, in
was no other than Theodore
all
pro-
of Karystos,
who
THE DIAKIES OF THE
The
held the position of Charsias.

the
Hebdomon seems
was necessary
men from
to
179
SIEGE.
state of things at
have been so
critical
it
to call not only the reserve, but also
But not-
active service at other positions.
withstanding
that
all
this assistance, " the
Turks began
to
prevail against the Greeks,'' as the Slavonic chronicler
puts
it.
On
the same evening the
Emperor was present with
his suite at the vigil held in
After the
St Sophia.
night service, which in the Greek Church takes two

or three hours, the
halls adjoining St
members
Emperor withdrew
Sophia, where he was
his Synklitos
of
military commanders.
One
tary council.
to
and some
of
one of the
met by the
the highest
There they improvised a mili-
of the generals, supported
by the
Logothet George Phrantzes, proposed that at a favourable
moment
the Emperor
a general sortie, under the

himself, should be
command
undertaken.
pointed out two advantages of such a sortie
of
They
first
the
moral one, and next also the chance of capturing some

provisions.
This proposal was opposed by
and by the Prefect of the

thought
it
city,
would be unwise
Kyr Lucas Notaras
Nikola Goudeli.
to venture
upon
They
so haz-
ardous an enterprise, but wiser to keep behind the

walls,
and be
attacked.
" that
"
satisfied
We may
with defending themselves when

well
say!'
argued
we have been fighting noiv already
Kyr
Lucas,
five 7nonths,
180
and
God's will ivc can fight as
is
it
if
we
shall
Kyr Lucas
we
evi-
longer ; hut without God's help, whatever
and
all fall,
the city will he
dently considered that
the
lost"
many months
do,
war had commenced in
December.
While they were thus discussing
this
important
proposal a messenger arrived with the report that the
The
Turks were on the walls behind the Hebdomon.
Emperor
In the
at once hurried off to the point of danger.
streets
armed men,
met crowds
he
fleeing
from the
people,
of
and even
The Emperor
walls.
stopped them, and ordered them back to their posts
but his bodyguards were obliged to use their swords

to force the panic-stricken soldiers to go
and lances
back to the walls.
On
his arrival at the
Hebdomon
the Emperor found
the Turks had pressed through the breach and were
Greek and Latin volunteers in the
fisfhtinffwith the
adjoining streets
companies
The Emperor's
soldiers
of
gave
arrival with a
fresh
courage
Christians already engaged, and with
bined
moat.
efforts
"
If
to
few
the
new and com-
they threw the Turks outside into the

the JSmperor
assistance, tJiat
had not arrived with fresh
same night would have seen our final
de-
struction" says the Slavonic chronicler.^
To
probably belonged
this fight
which the
another incident
same chronicler reports incidentally on

1
THE DIARIES OF THE
The Emperor himself was
another occasion.
by the desperate
excited
181
SIEGE.
struggle, that
so
much
he spurred his
horse and galloped to the breach, evidently intending
through
to ride
hand was
to
into the ditch,
it
where fighting hand
going on, " hut the noUcs of the
still
Imperial suite and his German guards stopped him and

prevailed on
him
haek^
to ride
The Turkish
in
loss
this
was currently
assault
reported the next day at about 10,000 men.
trustworthy
is
More
the statement that the Prefect of the
city ordered all the bodies of the killed
thrown outside the
fortifications, to
Turks
to be
be taken away by
the commanders of the nearest Turkish positions.

14^/2-
some
of May.
The
cannon from
above Galata).
Turks were seen transporting
Zagan-Pasha's
battery
(the hill
was believed they were going
It
strengthen the battery opposite the Kynegion.
they only stopped there some time for

carried the
cannon
rest,
to
But
and then
to the position opposite the gate of
St Roman.
This concentration
of artillery
indication that the principal attack
was an additional
would be directed
against the position in Giustiniani's charge.
new company
of
organized, picked
exposed
positions
Giustiniani's
^
Therefore
some 400 well-armed men was
up from
on the
ships,
walls,
and from other
and placed under
command.^
less
Barbara, 40.
182
15tJi
of May.
The
day passed away without any
special incident.
IQth of May.
the Christian
Some
Turkish galleys approached
which seems to have regained
fleet,
original position within the harbour chain.

inefficient
withdrew
to their anchorage.
Some
time before, the Greek head-
quarters had received information
the arrival of
of
Saxon miners in the Turkish camp.

were from Novo Brdo
Serbia,
worked
understood to
of
These miners
known
(otherwise
since
the middle
walls.
mean
And
the
of
mine in
thirteenth
Their arrival was
Saxons.
energetic attempts to undermine
really
on
the night
May, Johannes Grant succeeded
of
workmen and
18^7i.
of May.
soldiers
At
in discovering
were buried
tjie earliest
l7th
the
destroying a Turkish mine, in which a great

of
Novo-
as
or Neue-Berghe), a celebrated silver
century by a colony of
the
After the
exchange of some shots the Turkish ships
Vlth of May.
Monte
its
and
number
alive.
dawn
the
watchmen
at the Charsias Gate noticed a peculiar structure on
the other side of the ditch.
high wooden tower made of strong beams and
boards,
covered with
buffalo hides,
and placed on
wheels, had been pushed within 10 or 12 yards

ditch.
It
had two
stories,
of the
the sides of the lower being
enclosed by thick boards, and the space between them

filled
with earth.
The upper
floor,
which could be
THE DIARIES OF THE
183
SIEGE.
reached by a number of ladders, was specially pro
tected
by
The tower had three open-
buffalo hides.
wide windows, facing the
ings, like
city,
and from these
the archers and riflemen could easily shoot at the
on the
the
From
walls.
from the
for
Bufifalo
the
fell
into the
May was
full of
The Turkish archers
Greeks.
Tower caused them great
at the position of Charsias
and one
Eoman and
the gate of St
led to
camp.-'^
In general, this day of the 18th of

misfortunes
way
the tower a covered
the Turkish
first line of
men
loss of
men
of the towers at
part of the adjoining wall
moat under the reinforced
of
fire
the
great battery.
In the bay the Turks had completed their barrelbridge leading towards the north-eastern gate of the
Kynegion.^
wide.
It
It
was 250 yards
and 2^ yards
had evidently been the intention
Turkish commander-in-chief to
the
long,
same time two distant
Eoman and
points, the
gate
Kynegion, hoping
the gate of
of
the
attempt to storm at
of
St
thus to
divide the forces of the besieged.
On
the night of the 18th of
Constantine and Giustiniani
They succeeded
efforts.
made
May
in filling in the breach at St
Eoman's Gate, and raised a new tower

position
they
organized
to defend that
company
of
gallant
Barbara, 42.
Phrantzes, 244
Barbara, 143
Ducas, 279
the Emperor
almost superhuman
Chalcochondylas, 450
Phrantzes, 252.
184
volunteers,
who climbed
Greek
The
fire
the counterscarp, and threw
into the Buffalo Tower, burning
men among
boldest
Mohammed
it
to ashes.
even
Turks,
the
Sultan
himself, could not suppress their astonish-
ment, and openly expressed their admiration of the

skill
and energy
The Sultan
the defenders.
of
reported to have said concerning the
new tower
yesterday all the thirty-seven thousand prophets
me
the 19th
worthy
possible^
had
is
"
If
told
would not have
helieved it I "
On
was
such a feat
that
May
and 20th of
nothing happened
of special attention.
21st of
May.
The trumpets sounded very
board the ships of the Turkish
fleet,
early on
which
left its
anchorage before the Diplokynion, and sailed slowly

towards
the
signal of
entrance
of
the
The
Golden Horn.
alarm was given in the
city,
the soldiers
rushed to the walls, and the people with fear

trembling
filled
the streets.
But about seven
and
o'clock
the Turks steered suddenly back to their usual position.
In the afternoon
of the
mine approaching the walls
same day another Turkish

of Kalligaria
was detected
and destroyed.
The Turkish cannon made a

place,
and brought down part
heard of
place.
this,
He
fresh breach in
of a tower.
one
Barbaro
but did not catch the name of the
only mentions the

^
fact,
and added that
Barbara, 44.
THE DIARIES OF THE

succeeding
the
night
185
SIEGE.
Greeks
repaired
the
pioneers
detected
two
the
damage.^
22^16^
May.
of
Grant's
In
Turkish mines in Kalligaria and destroyed them.
one they had to engage in a hand-to-hand struggle

with the Turkish workmen and
soldiers, killing
every
one of them.
Though the nature

the
making
adapted
well
of the soil,
which had prevented
of a ditch in front of Kalligaria,

for
the
laying
mines,
of
was not
the
yet
pioneers on both sides developed no little skill and
boldness in this particular form of
were
active they
He
says
"
may
warfare.
How
be seen from Totardi's report.
men accustomed
Zagan-Pasha, with his
to
gold and silver mines, had undermined the fortifications
on 14 different points, having commenced digging
at great distance
their side,
by
from the
The
walls.
Christians,
on
listening, discovered the positions of the
Turkish mines, and made counter-mines.
By
smoke,
sometimes by bad odours, they suffocated the Turks

in their subterranean galleries.
drowned
them
In some places they
by admitting water, and
times they fought them hand to hand."
The Slavonic chronicler
states the
went during the nights into the

brickwork of
He
1
tlie
ditch,
at
other
Greeks
often
and through the
counterscarp undermined the glacis.
describes graphically the explosion of one of these

Phrantzes, 247
Barbaro, 45.
Informacion, p. 25.
186
mines.
" It
was," he says, " as
if
the lightning had
struck the place, for the earth shook and with a great
crash a greenish whirlwind carried the Turks into the
air.
Fragments
of
and into the camp.
men and
timber
fell
into the city
The besieged ran away from the
walls and the besiegers fled back from the ditch."

^
CHAPTEE
VII.
The Last Days.
On
the 23rd day of
approached
the
gate
trumpets and waving
May
a few Turkish horsemen
Eoman
St
of
with
sounding
giving the guard on the
flags,
tower to understand that they had a communication

to
make.
special
envoy
deliver a message to the
of the
Emperor
Sultan desired to
personally.
After
some time an answer was given from the walls that

the envoy might enter the city.
This envoy, Ismail Hamza, the Lord of Sinope and
Kostamboly, son of the

related
by marriage
Isphendiar-Khans
princes
who had
late
to the
Isphendiar-Khan, was
Padishah himself.
were for some
The
time independent
energetically resisted absorption into
the great Ottoman Empire
but at length they were
obliged to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Sultan,
and reconciled themselves to what seemed
The Isphendiar-Khans had been

friendly terms with the
for
inevitable.
generations
on
Greek Emperors, and Ismail
Hamza was received by the Emperor as an old friend.

Hamza delivered and explained the Sultan's
188
As
message.
why
should the Emperor prolong
war, and expose his
the miseries of
people
to the
consequences of the storming of the place
terrible
The Sultan entertained

Emperor,
the
the city was unmis-
the situation of
takably hopeless,
and
and deep respect
sincere
would permit him
to
for
withdraw
unmolested, together with his Court, noblemen, and

treasures,
than
wherever he desired
the
this,
to
the suzerainty of the Peloponnesus.

of
Nay, more
go.
Sultan again offered to the Emperor
The inhabitants
Constantinople would also be allowed to depart
with their portable property,

to all
who
security of
they chose to go
persons and possessions.
must consider
him
if
and
preferred to remain, the Sultan guaranteed
this as the
to surrender.
The Emperor
Sultan's last
summons
to
If rejected, the horrors of a sack
could not be spared to the
Then Hamza, speaking
city.
less as
the Sultan's envoy
than as the Emperor's friend, sought to induce Constantine to accept the apparent decrees of destiny.
The
walls on the land side were broken through in several

places, four towers
were quite destroyed, the
small
garrison could not be otherwise than exhausted, and
there
was no prospect
of a speedy arrival of help
from
without.
These argumei^fts were unfortunately

facts.
more
The
j^ctual condition
deplorable.
Provisions
of
the
all
city
undeniable
was even
were becoming every
"
THE LAST DAYS.

day scarcer
had sunk into a
the people
stolid despair
which
threatened
Virgin
Mary
by
"
was
them.
it
Sophia
"But,"
any wonder
was evident that the
It
on the walls and disperse
"
No
some orthodox
asked
and abominations
Others said
greater misfortunes
that, after the
supplications
their
still
could not be induced either by prayers
tears to appear again
enemy.
had
for the sufferings they
already undergone, and for the
the
state of
they considered the Emperor and his
Government responsible
or
189
to
of the
Greeks,
desecration of St
12th of December,
Heaven
were
unheeded
doubt our fathers and forefathers
have sinned and we have sinned ourselves, and

right in God's providence that
we should be
it
is
punished.
All these misfortunes are evidently Krjjyua tov Ocov,

'
God's
punishment.'
punishment
Why
seek
to
escape
Is it right to continue to fight,
oppose God's manifest will
Not only the battered
that
and
to
"
?
walls,
but
still
more the
broken spirit of the mass of the people, and the unfulfilled
promises of foreign assistance, would have given
Constantine a reasonable justification for honourable

surrender.
But Constantine had a more
own
dignity and duty.
turned by
Hamza
us, as
According to Ducas, he
re-
the following answer to the Sultan:
" I should praise
with
lofty conception of his
God
if
thou wouldst live in peace
thy forefathers did
they treated
my
pre-
190
decessors with
filial
and
respect,
this city with the
Whoever
consideration.
greatest
of
them was
secuted by misfortune and came to us was safe
whoever raised a hand against our

Eetain as thy rightful
pered.
tories
settle the
amount
to
which we
Eemember, that grasping the possessions
power
and
of
is
any one
my
neither in
here.
us,
will
and
do our
and then go in peace.
year,
of others,
thou
To
sur-
mayest thyself become the prey of others

render the city
but
possession the terri-
of the tribute,
pay every
city never pros-
which thou hast unjustly taken from
utmost
per-
We
shall do so without regret
power nor in the
are all prepared to die,

!
"
Early on the morning of the 24th of
May
a small
The
ship approached the chain closing the harbour.
crew were apparently Turks, but after the exchange

of signals with the
Venetian ships keeping guard, the
chain was lowered, and the vessel was admitted within the harbour.
proved to be the ship which some twenty days
It
previously had been despatched in search of the allied

Its
fleet.
the
commander had
called at
Archipelago, everywhere
leaving word for the allies to

nople.
But he nowhere
time he and his
men were
was almost hopeless
fell
islands of
inquiries,
hasten to
undecided
Ducas, 266.
But
how
and
Constanti-
in with them.
to return.
1
many
making
Eor a
to act, as it
in the
end they
THE LAST DAYS.

and not
their duty to go back,
felt it
191
to leave their
good Emperor to prolonged anxiety and uncertainty.
And
so they returned with their
and arrived only in time
report,
name
the
served
most discouraging
Unfortunately,
to die.
of that gallant captain has not been pre-
^
!
On
day Johannes Grant discovered and de-
this
stroyed
dangerous
very
mine,
had been
which
extended about ten yards beneath the wall of Kalligaria.^
The Turkish cannonade continued
all
day without
After sunset the entire Turkish
intermission.
was illuminated, and
at
the
camp
same time numerous
lanterns were hoisted on the masts of the vessels at
Great
Diplokynion.
rejoicings
board the ships and in camp.
were made both on
Wild Turkish music,
with a predominance of big drums, cymbals, and

nacaires, resounded the
Horn
to the
Sea of Marmara.
The Emperor Constantine rode out

visit
his army.
the posts of
At
fiery
crescent which seemed
Imperial City.
He
listened to the
as usual to
several points he
dismounted and went on the walls to

great
shrill
whole distance from the Golden
observe that
to
encircle the
monotonous beat-
ing of the drums, and to the wild tumult that prevailed

in
the
gallant
^
Turkish
men who
Barbara, 46.
camp.
Constantine
shared with
and
the
few
him the burden and

^
Barharo, 47.
192
responsibility of the defence recognized in that spec-
We
tacle the precursor of a general assault.
are told
camp
that while gazing on the illuminated and noisy
enemy, the Emperor remained
of the
thought, while tears ran
in
was
not,
he had no need
to be,
was resolved bravely
as he
The
down
to
silent,
wrapped
ashamed
of his tears,
do his duty to the
great mass of the populace
He
his cheeks.^
last.
knew nothing
of
the rejoicings and of
the numerous bonfires in the
Some
of the citizens, while returning
Turkish camp.
from the
vigils
in the
churches, noticed the sudden
appearance of the red light at the base of the great

cupola of St Sophia.
The
slowly up and round the

gilt
cross
above
it.
light
seemed
cupola, until
There
it
it
creep
to
reached the
linsrered for
few
moments, and then the ruddy glare grew pale and

paler,
trembled for a few moments above the magnifi-
cent edifice, and then faded away.

the
sun, lingering awhile
in the
It
was as though
west,
had looked
back from behind the dark curtains of the night,
to
glance with a last loving ray on the finest temple in
the Christian world, and to greet with

reverence
a glow
of
the cross so soon to be displaced by the
crescent.
All this was merely a reflection from great bonfires

in the Turkish camp, which the simple
and supersti-
tious people in the streets of Constantinople could not

1
Slavonic Chronicler, p. 19.
THE LAST DAYS.

To them
see.
it
appeared a distinct sign from Heaven,
Two
meaning.
full of
193
Mcolo Barbaro
eye-witnesses,
and the writer of the Slavonic Chronicle, report that
who saw
the citizens
were
with
filled
the reflected light on the cupola
Barbaro
forebodings.
fearful
de-
whole scene as resembling an eclipse of
scribes the
the moon, reminding the people of an old prophecy
"that the city would
fall in
the days
when
the
moon
should give a sign."^
According to the
Slavonic
Chronicle,
the
monks
interpreted " the fearful sign " to the poople in this
way
"
The holy
light
which dwelt in the church of
whom God had
St Sophia, and the angel

of the
Emperor Justinian appointed
holy church and over the

to
city,
to
in the time
watch over
this
had that night departed
heaven in the pervading brightness so many people
had
seen.
It
was a sign that God meant
hands
city into the
to deliver the
of its enemies."^
The same night imperial messengers hurried through

the
summoning
streets,
commanding
officers
to
all
the state dignitaries and
meet the Emperor early next
morning.
2i>th of
May.
The
Council met very early, under
the presidency of the Emperor.

as did not
show
Barbaro, 46.
of its
members
signs of the fatigue of a night spent
on the walls, bore the stamp

countenances.
Such
Never
of
despair
before, amidst
*
the
on their
unrivalled
194
beauties of the Golden Horn, and under the soft and
balmy splendour
had a body
May
of a
morning on the Bosphorus,

under more mournful
of patriots assembled
With
and desperate circumstances.
all their
love for
their country, they felt with intense bitterness that the
old Byzantine Empire, hallowed
and grand
traditions,
arms and broken
by
measures
many
glories
their trembling
hearts.
The Council had that morning

the
so
was now dying on
requisite
view
in
to
deliberate
of
the
on
expected
assault.
The Emperor Constantine,

had
straightforward,
admiration of
gained
and
his wonderful
All present at that last Council were
animated by the deepest
Some
sympathy
and untiring devotion to the
patience, forbearance,
public interests.
unhappy
the
who had witnessed
all
and
simple, kind, brave
personal
regard
the
for
sovereign.
the statesmen again brought before the
of
Council the proposal that the interests of the Empire

required the Emperor and his Court to leave the city
immediately,
lived there
inasmuch
as so long
was hope that the
as the
Emperor
capital, if lost
now,
might one day be regained.
The
Prelate,
who was
at the
head of the
clergy, the
Patriarch Gregory having apparently in the meantime

resigned his
proposition.
office,
He
supported with great decision that
said
"
The servants
of the altar
saw
"
THE LAST DAYS.

unmistakable signs that
should
now
and
able,
fall
was God's
the
will
city-
but God's providence was unsearch-
Him to remember
might please
it
in mercy.
let
it
195
His people
If the Imperial City could not
the Emperor be saved
be saved,
The Emperor should
live,
because in his person are centred the hopes of his
We
people.
must
bow
all
decree
the
to
the
of
Almighty, whose mercy might return to our people as

it
had returned
to Israel in olden times
The
words deeply moved
Prelate's
The
all present.
Slavonic Chronicler says that the Emperor, on hearing

that the Church
also
unavoidable, was
so
"
and
it
was
him."
nights,
of
the city
he
work,
constant
and in addition the severe
as
he,
fall
that
fainted,
necessary to use 'perfumed waters to revive
Sleepless
anxieties,
believed the
overpowered
true Greek, had
supplications to
fasts
doubtless
Heaven, had
told
crushing
with which
supported his
upon
his
frame.
However, he was again himself in a few moments.
Then the
Prelates
him
pressed
to
leave
the
city
without delay, and the whole Council implored him to
comply with
this advice.
After
all
who wished
to
speak had spoken, the Emperor addressed them in a

quiet but resolute tone
"
fall,
My
friends, if it is
God's will that our city shall
can we escape His wrath
great
and
and
to die
glorious,
before
How many
me
for their country
emperors,
have had to
suffer
Shall I be the one
196
to flee
from
it
No, I will stay and die here with
youl"^
This determination of the Emperor to remain faithful
what
to
he
believed
duty rendered
his
But
discussion of his departure superfluous.
then
probably decided
further
was
it
away the Princess
to send
Helene, the widow of the Despot Demetrius, with the

ladies of her Court.
city,
the Sultan
When,
after the taking of the
inquired what had
become of the
imperial ladies, he was told that one of Giustiniani's

ships
had carried them away.^
The Council passed on

questions.
It
to the discussion of other
was resolved that
all
men, without
dis-
tinction, must assist in repairing breaches in the walls.
This
resolution
was adopted
bitterly complained that the
after
Giustiniani
in repairing the walls at St Eoman's, declaring
the diity of the Latin warriors
After
this,
whom
Giustiniani declared
it
it
to be
he commanded.
to be imperative
by additional
that his position should be strengthened

artillery,
had
Greeks had refused to aid
and he suggested that some guns might be
brought from the positions along the Golden Horn,
which were not much exposed to danger.

Notaras, the
commander-in-chief of
absolutely refused to give

^
Slavmie Chronicler, 127.
any
of his cannon.
Ibid.
Lib.
iv. c. 2, p.
It
came
Phrantzes incidentally confirms the
Slavonic report, saying, "the Emperor could have

he would not. "
Kyr Lucas
those positions,
327.
left
the place, but
THE LAST DAYS.

to sharp
were
197
words between these two, and the matters
drifting
to
interposed.
"My
time for quarrels
and pray God
forbearance
the
and kindness,
friends," said he, "this is not the
rather let us bear with each other,
us from the mouth of the
to save
"^
Turkish serpent
when
scene,
discreditable
Emperor, with his usual
But the haughty remarks
of
Kyr Lucas had piqued
the ambition of the brave and energetic Giustiniani.
He returned to his post, and by the help of some men,

whom the Archbishop of Chios specially
amongst
mentions a certain Ivan of Dalmatia, he succeeded

that day and the next night in repairing his walls so
well that both friends and enemies were astonished.
The Sultan
I not such
is
reported to have exclaimed
men
"
Why have
Late in the evening of this day a
was detected and destroyed in

2Qth of May.
"^
The enemies
city preparations
to
new Turkish mine
Kalligaria.
fired as usual.
In the
meet the expected attack were
continued with feverish
zeal.
The same day a diplomatic reception took place

the spacious tent of the Sultan.
new King
in
The embassy from
of
Hungary, Vladislaus, was received in
solemn audience.
According to Turkish etiquette, the
the
Phrantzes, 262
Ducas, 181
ClialcocJiondylas,
452
Barbara, 48.
The Archbishop Leonardo, relating this, adds that attempts were

made on the part of the Sultan to bribe Giustiniani (p. 262).
2
198
ambassador was not permitted to speak directly to the

Sultan about the object of his mission, but after the
audience he had an interview with the Grand- Vizier in
The
the presence of two Pashas of the highest rank.
ambassador gave
official notification of
King
Vladislaus*
accession to
the throne, and expressed the friendly
desire of the
young King that the Sultan would with-
draw
his
army from
before Constantinople, as otherwise
Hungary could not help
joining the league formed
the Pope against the Turks.
If the
by
Grand- Vizier was
not earlier acquainted with the fact of the Venetian
squadron being on
it
now from
its
way
to Constantinople,
he heard
the Hungarian ambassador.
Immediately after this interview very alarming

camp.
reports began to spread through the Turkish

It
was rumoured that the Hungarian ambassador
brought a declaration of war, and that

white hnigJit Voyvode
"
the,
redoubtable
Yanlw'* (as the Turks called
John Plunyadi) had already crossed the Danube with

a large army, and was marching on Adrianople, while
a
powerful
"
Dardanelles.
Latin
fleet "
was
not
far
Phrantzes says that Chalil's
tried to incite the
from the
own
agents
alarmed soldiers to speak against
the inexperienced young
would bring
their fine
army between
three
fires
Sultan,
but
whose recklessness
now almost exhausted
^
!
That evening, again, great illuminations were

1
Phrantzes, 264.
to
be
THE LAST DAYS.

seen in the Turkish camp.
"
beat louder, and the
199
But though the big drums
Zurnes
"
shrieked more wildly
than ever, the topics around the numerous bonfires
The Sultan
were not of a cheering nature.
himself,
according to Phrantzes, had a sleepless night.
The
message brought by the Hungarian ambassador, the

reports about the approaching fleet, the dissatisfaction
amongst his
And
soldiers,
combined to keep him awake.
the uncertainty as to the decisions of the great
war
council he
was
had convened
enough
itself
man
less ambitious
of May.
2*7 th
for the next morning,
away slumber from a
than Sultan Mohammed.
The
own
Padishah's
to drive
great
Everyone
tent.
had reached a most
Council
felt
met
in
that
matters
the
critical point.
Chalil-Pasha laid before the Sultan and the Council

his
own view
the
of
hardly be refused to that old
He knew
position.
envious and
keenly
for
Chalil
suspicious persons,
was no
chances
servant of the
sion
to
who were watching
his
"
Giaour- Yoldash."
He
traitor.
success.
Ottoman
fears,
they
But
after
As an
were greater than

old
and
faithful
throne, he gave frank expres-
without
consequences to himself.
whom
believed sincerely, and
to say, that the risks

of
could
in his peculiar
the least false step of the Yizier,
had courage
the
man
pity
well that he was surrounded by
already liked to call

all,
Some
situation.
caring
for
the
possible
200
Chalil stated that, according to the reports received,
Europe was
all
rising to the assistance of Constanti-
they would not be
Turks
the
Franks once reached that
If the united
nople.
from
satisfied
walls,
its
city,
with only driving away

they
and most
might,
probably would, undertake to drive them altogether

out
of
Europe.
Constantinople
The
persistent
brought
only
attempt
increasing
take
to
of
risks
losing all the
European provinces their ancestors had
"
I have often told your Majesty" said
conquered.
the Grand- Vizier in conclusion, " the probable results

I have pointed out to 70U the
of this undertaking.
risks
!N"ow, for
you
my
you ran; but you did not heed
let
the last time, I
am
counsel.
bold enough to implore
us raise the siege lest worse evils befall us!"^
Chalil spoke with great humility, but with decision.
His bowed
frame,
his
white
beard,
his
careworn
expression and earnest dark eye, presented the very

picture of an anxious, wise statesman, desirous to serve
his
country well.
least,
The Sultan,
at
that
moment
at
did not suspect the loyalty of his old adviser,
and was visibly impressed by
his earnestness.
Zagan, the chief of the Turkish Chauvinists,

the great importance of the moment.
felt
To withdraw
from Constantinople meant banishment from Court,

not the silken cord for
him and
his friends,
encouraged the Sultan to undertake the

1
Phrantzes, 266,
if
who had
siege.
Inde-
THE LAST DAYS.
201
pendently of these personal considerations, Zagan was
Turkish patriot, a
fiery
will,
man
and resolute
of strong
well informed about the true
of
state
affairs
not only in the Balkan Peninsula, but throughout

Europe.
"With
said
regard
the Grand- Yizier's
to
assertions,"
Zagan, "that the allied Franks are coming to
the assistance of Constantinople, I do not believe
Nor
it
for a
moment.
will
speedily appear.
well
the great dissensions that are raging in Italy
especially,
and in
all
is
it
likely that the Latin fleet
Thou,
knowest
Padishah,
In conse-
Frankistan generally.
quence of these dissensions the Giaours are incapable

of united action against us.
never will
efforts
unite
When
together.
protracted
after
they conclude something like a peace amongst
themselves,
bound by
seizing
The Christian potentates
it
never lasts long.
Even when they
treaties of alliance, they are not
territories
from each
other.
are
prevented
They always
stand in fear of each other, and are busily occupied in

intriguing against each other.
No
doubt they think
much, speak much, and explain much, but

they do very
When
they decide to do any-
much time
before they begin to act.
little.
thing, they waste
after all
Suppose they have even commenced something, they

cannot progress
very far with
it
because they are
sure to disagree amongst themselves
And
how
at present this is likely to be the case
to proceed.
more than
"
202
because there are
ever,
among them.
should fear
new
causes
Therefore there
Let
them.
us
What
is
dissensions
no reason why we
is
fleet
that to us
sake
the
even, for
argument, admit that the Latin

Constantinople.
for
may
of
arrive in
when their whole
force is not equal to half, no, not to one-fourth of
ours
There
sends one.
is
present no
at
Therefore,
danger unless
Padishah, do not lose hope,

!
but give us the order at once to storm the city
Zagan was a
Sultan
soldier,
who was
God
speaking in the presence of a
completely in sympathy with the
speaker by age, temper, and ambition.
In both speeches there was much that was wise
and
true.
The Sultan thought he could not do
than to combine both views by a
At
sort of
better
compromise.
his suggestion the Council decided to try a general
assault in the early
morning
of the 29 th of
the assault succeeded, well and good;
if
it
May
if
did not,
the siege should be raised at once.
According to Phrantzes, a trusty messenger came
from the Turkish camp into the

night,
city
and brought a detailed report
on the following
to the
Emperor
of
everything that had been spoken and decided in the

council in the Sultan's tent.
At
Emperor was advised not
to lose
hope
the same time, the

courage,
for the best, to place picked troops
walls, to be watchful,
1
and to
fight resolutely.^
Phrantzes, 269.
but
to
on the land
"
THE LAST DAYS.

This Sunday evening (27th of
camp and
fleet
much
fast
"
The
May)
were again illuminated.
were running in
orders
203
all directions,
the Turkish
The
Tellals
shouting the Padishah's
might enjoy themselves as
faithful
as they liked this night
to-morrow they must
and pray, so that each one who was predestined

be ready to be gathered to
to enter Paradise should
the martyrs for the faith next Tuesday morning
The knowledge that the storming
of the city
would
begin the day after the morrow caused fresh excite-
ment
All the night the Dervishes and
in the camp.
Ulemas went from one

their fantastic gestures
Zagan-Pasha
himself,
of
and from
enthusiasm
and more fantastic speeches.
by command
went in disguise amongst the

conversation
to another,
soldiers, rousing their
group to group of
by
fire
of
the
Sultan,
tents, listening to the
the soldiers, and was able
to
lay
before the Sultan, in the early morning of the 28th
May, a
of
the
satisfactory report of the spirit pervading
army.-"-
Monday, 28th of May.
Early in the morning the
trumpets resounded through the Turkish camp, giving

a signal that all the troops should take the positions
assigned to them, and that no soldier should leave his
company.
The squadron
line, facing
Horn deployed in a
The whole fleet
along the bay.
in the Golden
the walls
1
PhrarUzes,
loc. cit.

204
at Diplokynion left its moorings,
in the form of a
opposite
the
and took up a position

from a point
crescent, stretching
harbour
the
to
gate
Theodosius
of
(Vlanga-Bostan-Kapoussi).
The Turkish
four
batteries fired as usual
the
in
o'clock
up
when
afternoon,
to about
their
firing
abruptly ceased.
A
great
The
short time after the cessation of the cannonade
cheering was heard

Sultan, accompanied
each troop in
words to the
following manifest was
made
fall.
He who
falls
is
written:
If the city is taken,
pillage it for three days.
buildings
mind
that
They who survive

you
All
and women,
and the walls
in
it
fighting for the faith will
the conquest of the city will for
gold, silk, cloth,
army
soldiers, according to the
But bear
enter directly into Paradise.
pay.
Then the
soldiers.
to the
During the assault many
immutable law, must
brilliant suite, visited
Here and there he stopped
its position.
to address a few
"
from the Turkish camp.
by a
will
its
have licence to
wealth,
will be yours
will
be
after
receive double
life
its
;
silver,
only the
reserved for
the
Sultan."
The excitement among the Turks increased

after this " order of the
day " had been
read.
greatly
And
as
the evening rays gilded for the last time the cross of St
Sophia, the clamour of the thousands of warriors and
camp-followers echoing from the Golden
Horn
to the
"
THE LAST DAYS.

Sea of Marmara bore aloft the cry,
Mohammed
and
ressoul-Allah
Mohammed
Alas, did
is
any
"
of those
"
There
"
his prophet
205
La
illah il-AUah,
is
only one God,
who watched
the Turkish
tents from the walls of Constantinople, in the light of
that setting sun, feel that this
Christian Constantinople
Slowly
the
fires
They burnt some
last
evening of
were
time,
was the
lit
in the Turkish camp.
and towards midnight were
extinguished, and then all
was
quiet.
CHAPTEK
VIII.
The Last Night.

During
May)
the preceding
two days (26th and 27th
of
the repairs of the walls had been pushed on
with even increased
activity.
The Emperor personally
superintended and urged on the work, reminding the
men that not one hour must

On Monday morning
be
Emperor was again obliged
to
his
lost.
last
morning
the
interpose his patient
and lenient authority between the Latins and the
The Venetian Baylo had constructed some
Greeks.
movable wooden shelters

a
number
the Venetian
paid
in
for his archers.
of Greeks to carry these

posts, but
advance.
The
of food,
asked
to
the Greeks refused, unless
Venetians
especially as they believed the refusal
Greeks' hatred of Latins.
He
wooden fences
But
felt
indignant,
came from the
in this case the
want
more than any other motive, had prompted the
Greek answer.
The Emperor stopped the
and found means
to satisfy the angry Venetians.
The greater part
of the
quarrel,
morning the Emperor was
occupied in the marshalling of his troops on the walls.
THE LAST NIGHT.
207
Ducas says that there were now altogether scarcely

4000 fighting men in the
city.^
procession started early from St Sophia, to the
solemn pealing
church
of the
celebrated churches on
priests,
bells, visiting
way
its
many
Holy
in the possession of
so rich.
vestments of
stiff
miraculous eikons, bones
and jewelled crosses containing
of the saints, golden

" particles of the
Tree,"
and many other
women, and children
followed,
men
most
of
and beating
footed, weeping, sighing,

fists,
relics,
which the G-reek Churches were
Multitudes of people, old and young
with their
The
to the city walls.
wearing their ancient and
gold brocade, carried
the more
men,
them
their
bare-
breasts
joining in the chanting of the
clergy and in the singing of the psalms.
At every important
position the entire procession
The
stopped for a short time.

prayers that
city,
God would
and grant victory to His
bishops
then
raised
soldiers, sprinkling
of dried basylicum.
their
special
faithful people.
The
and blessed the
croziers
them with holy water from bunches
Some
with deep sadness that

blessing
priests read
strengthen the walls of the
present, doubtless, thought
this
was perhaps the
last
which the Christian Church might give
to
the Christian soldiers on the walls of Constantinople.
In the afternoon, before the hour

^
Diccas, 283.
Phrantzes exaggerates
when
lie
for Vespers, the

says that the propor-
tion of the defenders to the assailants was as 1 500.

:
"
"
208
Emperor assembled around him
not said where,
is
(it
but most likely at the headquarters) the commanders
and the chief
of the troops
them
He
citizens.
addressed
in touching words, asking all and every one not
and not
to spare themselves,
to regret the shedding
blood in defence of the glorious old
of their
city.
Turning to the Venetians, who stood on his right
them that Constantinople had
reminded
hand, he
always welcomed them as sons.
" I
pray you now,"
continued the Emperor, " show us in this difficult hour

that you are indeed our companions, our faithful
and our brethren
allies,
Then he turned towards the Genoese, spoke of

past, and asked them to prove once
their glorious
more on
this
momentous occasion
words addressed to
my
all
companions and
liberty, glory,
present
my
"
my
these
few
Let us work together,
brethren, to gain for ourselves
and eternal memory
commit now
their world-renowned
The Emperor concluded with
courage.
sceptre.
Into your hands
Here
it
is
Save
it
Crowns await you in heaven, and on, earth your names

will
remembered honourably
be
the
until
end
of
time!"^
"
Let us die for faith and Fatherland
for the
Church
of
The whole address
God and
is
course repeated only from
that occasion.
" "
for thee, our
Let us die
Emperor
given by Phrantzes, pp. 271-278, who of

memory what he had heard and seen on
"
THE LAST NIGHT.

were
enthusiastic responses of
the
around
who was
were
All
Constantine.
Phrantzes,
himself
209
those assembled
moved.
deeply
present,
writes
"
The
defenders of the city embraced each other, and through

tears kissed one another, asking
no
pardon;
property,
thought
one
more
and giving mutual

child,
or
but only of the glorious death which
all
of
wife,
were ready to meet for the sake of the Fatherland
The
bells
rang for Vespers.
The Emperor proceeded

was crowded.
him
to
to St Sophia.
The church
would have been only natural
It
think that
it
for
was, perhaps, the last time he
would stand beneath that magnificent cupola, under

which so many orthodox Emperors had worshipped in
good and
evil days.
Constantine prayed with great fervour.

his imperial chair,
ating the altar
He
left
and approaching the screen separ-
from the nave, he prostrated himself
before the great eikons of Christ and of the
which were on the
left
and on the right
central entrance to the altar.
Madonna,
side of the
Having passed some
time in prayer, he approached every prelate present in

the church, asked them to pardon
him
if*
he had ever
offended any of them, embraced each of them, and then
went
As
to the altar
and received the Holy Communion.
a Christian emperor, and as a Christian soldier, he
was solemnly, and in the
sight of his
people, pre-
paring to appear before his God.
210
When
\
\
he turned to leave the church, the great con-
The
gregation wept aloud.
men and
the loud sobs of
And
vast church echoed with
with the wailings of women.
amidst such displays of sympathy from deeply
moved human
walked slowly out
his predecessors
their glory
and
had raised
church which
of the
as a
grand monument of
of their piety.
The Emperor next went
and
hearts, Constantine, himself greatly
visibly affected,
There he had ordered
all
imperial palace.
to the
the dignitaries of state, all
the courtiers and the servants of the Court, to await
him.
He
said
to
them
that no one could tell
the night would bring forth
what
he asked from each
for-
giveness for any harshness or injustice, and then he
Phrantzes,
who
was in attendance upon the Emperor, says that
it is
took a most touching leave of
all.
impossible to describe the scene which ensued, nor the
weeping and sobbing which shook the old palace.
was a scene
to melt a heart of stone
fit
Late in the evening Constantine
mounted
his
Arabian
horse,
and with
"
" It
left
the palace,
his usual suite
rode towards the walls to inspect for the last time the
brave
men who
#
kept watch and awaited the end.
According to the Slavonic Chronicler, the evening

\
of the 28th of
May was
^
sultry
Phrantzes,
and gloomy.
loe. cit.
As
night
THE LAST NIGHT.
211
advanced, heavy and dark clouds slowly gathered above

the city, like a pall dropped from heaven over this great
mausoleum
of
marble and gold.
Mohammed, awake and
Sultan
was struck
restless,
He
with awe as he looked from his tent at the sky.
most learned Ulemas, well read in
called one of his
the mysteries of the heavens, and asked
if
the dense
clouds hanging heavily over the city foreboded any-
thing
sign
"
"
Yes" answered the Ulema
forehodes the fall of Stamhoul
it
And
came not
" it
a great
is
"
!
then," says our informant, " from the
but large drops of water, each drop
rain,
almost as big as a bull's eye

the deeply
impressed
related, that
clouds
"
Afterwards, some of
survivors
of
the
catastrophe
shower of blood sprinkled
the city
shortly before the desperate death -straggle began.^
Towards midnight,
all
the
fires in
the Turkish
camp
were extinguished.
It
last
seemed as
if
the Byzantine Bosphorus passed
midnight in deep
May
night of
could not tear
city of the Christian
emperors.
from the Turkish camp,
lest
It
lift
awake the day, which was
time the
Moslem Stamboul.
"^
all
appeared quiet.
seemed as
if
deaf
up the dark, cloudy
the morning star might
too early
In the city
from the beautiful
itself
and dumb midnight hesitated to

veil
its
It looked as if this sultry
sleep.
to see for the first
Only on the paved

Îbid,
212
streets near the walls
were to be heard from time to
About an hour
time the echoes of horses' hoofs.
after
midnight some horsemen halted by the position near

Dismounting, they
Kalligaria
Gate.
walls.
was the Emperor with some
It
They
ful suite.
of his
the
faith-
strained their eyes in the darkness
They could
towards the Turkish camp.
But they heard
ascended
distinctly
see nothing.
rumbling sounds and voices
The Emperor inquired
subdued in
tone.
men what
these peculiar sounds meant, and
of the watch-
was
told
that apparently the Turks were advancing all their

first
and that possibly the
line,
rattling
the placing of ladders in the moat.
arose from
The Emperor
peered anxiously into the darkness, listening silently.
Who
could say what he thought and what he
moment
at that
Then the cocks began
felt
their first
crow.
The Emperor rode quietly back

St Roman.
He had
determination on the whole
had just
seen,
to the position of
found watchfulness, readiness, and

line.
The men whom he
and who are now seen only through
the shadows of more than four centuries, were brave
men.
The second crowing

to yard,
from street to
of the cocks
street,
sounded from yard
and throughout the Turk-
ish camp.
Suddenly the
awoke
firing of
spreading
echoes
air,
and
With
its
a cannon shook the

far
and
wide.
THE LAST NIGHT.
213
dying thunder mingled war-cries from 50,000 throats

along the Turkish
down
swiftly
glided
2000
planted
Christian
and thousands
line,
the
into
ditch,
the
ladders against
soldiers sprang to arms,
warriors
of
and hurriedly
city walls.
The
and the supreme
struggle began.
According to the established rule in Turkish warfare of that time, the storming
in three
poorest
The
lines.
troops in the
and untrained
columns were arranged
line
first
was formed
camp, with
followers of the Ziyamet
The hardy mercenaries, many
Beys.
soldiers
by
profession,
made
of
the
the undisciplined
and Timariot
whom
of
the second
line.
were
The
third line consisted of the highly trained companies of
the Janissaries and the Spahis.
After an arduous
fight,
that lasted nearly an hour,
the defenders of the walls successfully repulsed the
Broad streams
first assault.
of
Greek
were poured
fire
from the walls on the dense crowds of the assailants,

with more deadly
arrows, and
rifle
effect
than the showers of stones,
At
bullets.
last
the Turks in the
moat were panic-stricken, and climbing in
terror back,
fled across the glacis.
But the unfortunate

"
Chaoushes
with
"
who
fugitives
forced
were met by a line of
them with
chain-whips (Courbatch) back
The few who escaped the
iron maces and

into
the
moat.
ferocious Chaoushes were
encountered by the drawn scimitars of the Janissaries,
214
and
having only to
choose
between two
deaths,
returned back to the assault.^
Meanwhile the second
line
They advanced quickly and
forward.
to the sounding of trumpets
must have been
It
light of
morning
fierce billows
again with
up the
The uproar
in
fired constantly
is
like
described as simply
the camp, cannon and
the
rifles
and almost maddened
and thousands
men
shouted fiercely as they fought and
About three
city, all
from the city and against the
city,
of excited
o'clock in the
fell.
morning a cannon
ball
a piece of the outside wall near St Roman's
down
Upon
which
wilder fury dashed themselves higher
All the bells were ringing in the
a point where
Gate, at
of drums.
terrible in the pale yet increasing
to see the dense columns,
drums were beating
tore
in good order
and the beating
broke against the walls, receded, and then
still
ladders.
terrific.
were
had been ordered to move
this breach the
the Venetians were posted.
Turks immediately concentrated
their attack.
The Venetians, with the aid

pulsed the
ball
onslaught.
first
widened
the breach.
some Greeks,
of
re-
The next moment another
Then a
fresh
column of
Janissaries rushed forward, passed through the outside

wall,
and
filled
all
the space between that and the
inner wall, and reckless of danger planted there their

scaling ladders
1
and ascended them.
For these details see Phrantzes, 285
Barharo, 52.
THE LAST NIGHT.

The brave men who had already
hours gallantly defended
began
215
more than two
for
the position of
The Emperor sent
to waver.
Koman
St
reinforce-
for
Theophilus Palaeologus and Demetrius Canta-
ments.
cuzene
up with
hurried
their
men, and again the
Turkish wave had to recede.
Emperor
The
saw
the
Turks
fall
back,
and
"
Bear
cheered on his men, shouting loudly to them

Iravely for
yourselves
"
luills,
ours shall
still
spoke a ball from a
and having said a few words
officers,
The Emperor, who stood but a few

to see the
"Whither
" I go,"
rifle
struck the
he became
two Genoese
art
steps from him,
brave Giustiniani leave his
thou going, brother
to,
wound, said
it
"
he asked.
" to
and then I will return
The Emperor stepped nearer
to
answered the pallid Giustiniani,
wound attended
'^
the
to leave the place.^
was shocked
him
he
requesting one of them to take the command,
he turned
post.
enemy
of Giustiniani.^
The wound caused him excessive pain

pale,
the
see
While he
hand
If God
in disorder!
retires
victory
God's sake!
see
my
!"
to him, looked at his
was not a dangerous
one,
and implored
to remain.
Fhrantzes, 2S2.
Dueas, 284.
foot.
According to others, Giustiniani was wounded in the

2
Turco-Grcecia, p. 29.
216
an
paused
Giustiniani
instant,
hesitated,
looked
gloomily before him, and with the expression of great
away without a
physical suffering on his face went

word.-^
Extreme
that
fatigue
and intense physical pain had in
supreme hour shaken the heroic
man who had done
much
so
who
moment
Constantinople, and
only by this one
is
spirit
of
defence
the
for
the
of
denied immortal renown
of weakness.
group of Turks noticed
among the
confusion
Hassan Ulubadli,
Christians at that particular point.
a Janissary of gigantic stature, hastily called on his
companions
Some
follow
to
him,
crowded
thirty Janissaries
shouting loudly the

of stones
name
and arrows, half
moat wounded or
and ran up a
killed.
close at
them
his heels,
Under showers
of Allah.
of
ladder.
fell
back into the
But Hassan sprang on the
wall with a few of his comrades, and slashed fiercely
about
him with
his scimitar.
stones and arrows struck
fresh
shower of
him down, another shower
wellnigh smothered him, but he rose on one knee and
fought
on, until at length, covered with
wounds, he
and a true
sank down and
Mussulman was
At many
^
died.
this
gallant soldier
Hassan Ulubadli.
other points of the land wall the fight
Phrantzes, 283; Ducas, 160; Leonardo, 98
The words
ascribed
by Phrantzes
logically impossible, while those quoted
Chalcochondylas, 269.
seem to me psychoby Ducas are far more natural.
to Giustiniani
THE LAST NIGHT.
217
raged with fierce and desperate fury.
seemed that
of
the
all
efforts
Sultan could not prevail
the
old walls and
the
steadfast
Sometimes
the choicest
of
it
troops
against the grand
courage
of
their
de-
fenders.
But suddenly a man, apparently
terror-struck, rode
in great haste towards the spot where the Emperor

stood,
and shouted from the distance that the Turks
had entered the
city,
and would speedily
assail the
rear of the Emperor's position
This
what had happened.
is
In the walls which defended the palace and suburb

of
Hebdomon
there was an old gate, quite low and on
a level with the bottom of the moat, called "Kerkoporta."

it to
One
of the
Byzantine emperors had ordered
be closed long ago because, as the legend runs,
someone had prophesied that through that gate the
enemy would
siege the
enter the
city.
Greek general
staff,
During the present
when
considering the
plan of a sortie against the Turkish positions, had
found that
it
would be easy
for a large
to issue through this old gateway
upon the
left
wing
of the Turks.
body
of troops
and come unawares

In preparation for
such an emergency, the gate was reopened, and a guard

told out to keep
watch
there.
The proposed
had been abandoned, and during the great
sortie
anxieties of
the last days the Kerko-porta was quite forgotten.
While the main
force of the assault
was being con-
218
centrated against the position of St
Eoman, a body of
Turks, passing in the moat along the walls, came un-
expectedly upon this old low-lying gate and found
They rushed
open.
in, killed
it
the few guards, hurried
on upon the wall, and hoisted a lance with the horsetail
on
them,
the nearest
running
and
tower
shouting
Other Turks followed

exultingly,
and soon
thousands had pressed into the city through this fatal

gate.
Kyr Lucas Notaras
vainly tried to stem this
torrent; his brave Greeks were speedily overpowered,
he was forced to
men
retreat,
and with a remnant
shut himself up in his
own
palace,
of his
which was
like
a fortified castle.
of
Some Turks at once took possession of

Hebdomon, while others hurried through
towards the position at St Eoman's Gate.
the palace
the streets
Their path
was red with blood and strewn with wounded and

dying men.
CHAPTEE
IX.
The Last Houks.

The
report that the Turks
had entered the
city spread
like wildfire.
The
soldiers
and
people were
panic-stricken
at
the sudden appearance of the enemies in their midst.
Many
Italians
at once
left
their posts,
wards the harbour, where numbers
of
and ran
to-
them succeeded
in reaching the ships.
Crowds
people
of
Sophia, filled
it
quickly almost to suffocation, and then
fastened all the doors.
through
where
the
to go or
In some
hastened to the church of St
streets,
what
of the
Other crowds ran to and

not knowing
fro
in their despair
to do.
more distant
streets
women were
seen walking with burning tapers in their hands
they
were hurrying to the matin mass in the church of St

Theodosia, whose festival was on this day.
Soon they
became alarmed by the distant uproar, and stopped

and
listened, until terrified
men and women rushed
breathlessly by, crying in horror the Turks were in the

city.
Thousands of half-dressed women and children
220
fled in wild terror
through the
had suddenly
earthquake
maddened with
The
fright.
streets, as
though an
,
them homeless and
left
shrieks
rising to the skies,
and
of terror
of despair of the unfortunate Christians
wails
mingled with the exulting
were
cries of
the victorious Turks.
At the news
of
what had happened the Emperor
moments
stood for a few
The
as if thunderstruck.
the Italians towards the harbour caused some
flight of
one in the imperial suite to suggest that there was,

time
perhaps,
still
harbour
safely.
the
for
Emperor
Constantine answered simply

should
an Emperor
live
city falls,
I loill fall
The wild
with
ivithout
"
cries of the
"
Constantine turned
and
God forbid
an Empire
the
I
As my
that
it !
Turks were distinctly heard
approaching from the neighbouring

towards
" Whoever wishes to escape,
to reach
streets.
his suite,
and said
him
save himself if he can ;

"^
whoever is ready to face death, let him follow me !
let
Theophilus Palseologus answered the Emperor's last

words, exclaiming
"
/ would
rather die than live
"
1
Constantine spurred his horse, and he rode forward,
sword in hand, to meet the Turks appearing in the

next
street.
nobles
About two hundred Greek and
Italian
and other volunteers followed the Emperor
Don
closely.
^
Francesco
di
Toledo
Spandugin Cantacuzin, Conientari,
p.
rode
190-6.
on
the

THE LAST HOURS.
221
Emperor's right hand, while Demetrius Cantacuzene
was on his
left.
few moments later they were
fierce fight
Ivan the
midst
writes, "
He
fell
of
all
engaged in a
with the advancing crowds of Turks.
Dalmatian spurred his horse into the
company
mowed
tliem
Turks, and, as
of
dovm
Phrantzes
as thoicgh they were
grass.''*
soon covered with wounds, dying the death of
a hero at the post of honour.
Theophilus
death to
life,
Palaôlogus,
who
so
nobly
preferred
from his horse mortally wounded.
fell
The splendid Spaniard, Don Francesco, fought bravely

some time
for
longer.
In the excitement
of the fight
soon separated from his followers.

fell
the Emperor was
His Arabian horse
The
under him, covered with blood and wounds.
Emperor on
struck
him
foot fought
desperately on.
with his sword, but

mortally wounded.^
An
Assab
The Emperor cut him down
in the face.
the next
Not one
moment
fell
forward
of the Turkish soldiers
on the spot knew at that moment who the brave
was who had died
The
man
fighting so valiantly.
struggle continued
some time around the
until heaps of slain covered the
ground
spot,
sanctified for
ever by the heroic death of the last Greek Emperor.
This can be taken as the description current at the Sultan's court,
and used by Sa'ad-icd-din.

the Greeks,
It
was also the popular tradition among
Chansons Fopulaires,
p. 74.
222
TT
The Turks
in
mowed down
of the
vv*
the
lirst
whom
all
moments
of excitement
But
they met.
dawn
as the
day was approaching, they were able
to discern
that in the principal streets no more fighting
only a crowd of terrified men,
but
remained,
seemed unable
to think or act,
and
of
men
who
women, who,
at
the sight of the Turks and their bloody scimitars,
Then the Turks ceased
shrieked and fainted.
and began
to capture the people for slaves,
killing,
binding
men, women, and children indiscriminately with
Many
ropes.
of the Janissaries did not care for the slaves
to be captured in the streets, but hastened to St Sophia.
Most
of
them believed
in the old legends,
which had
been diligently spread through the camp, that there
was accumulated in the catacombs

an enormous treasure
of
gold, silver,
of
that church
and precious
stones.
Those who
first
arrived found all the doors fastened.
They broke open the
principal entrance.
interior of the sacred building
on these men thirsting
They proceeded
The splendid
produced no impression
for blood
and hungry
for prey.
at once to pillage the church,
was blazing with gold and
among themselves
women who had hoped to
divide
and who now, in
silver ornaments,
the thousands of
to
men and
find shelter in God's house,
sight of the holy eikons,
slaves of the Turks.
which
and
became the
The men were roughly bound
THE LAST HOURS.

with ropes, in the presence of
mothers, and
by
their
own
grand
their wailing wives,
The poor women were fastened
sisters.
and long
girdles
amidst
cupola,
The saddest
scarves.
human agony were
possible scenes of
the
223
the
enacted under
marble
resplendent
columns, and on the beautiful mosaic pavement of the

magnificent church.
its
It
wealth in types of
human beauty and
form and
all its richness
of
brush of a great
artist.
be compared with
was a picture which, with
it,
No
unless
ugliness,
all
and
awaits the
colour, still
other event in history can

it
be the
fall of
Jerusalem.
Before the arrival of the Turks, that part of the
church where the altar stood was

clergy,
When
some
of
filled
with the Greek
them reading the Morning
Service.
the Janissaries broke open the principal door,
the priests had mysteriously disappeared.
was afterwards spread that

Janissaries one
of
at the
legend
approach of the
the church walls near the altar
miraculously opened to admit the priest carrying the
and closed again
sacred, chalice,
after he
had entered.
According to the legend, the same priest will reappear,
coming out from the same

rupted
service,
on
wall, to continue the inter-
the day on which an
orthodox
Emperor reconquers Constantinople from the Turks.

The storming
o'clock in the
of the city
morning
had begun at about two
of the 29 th of
May.
About
eight o'clock A.M. Constantinople
was completely in
the possession of the conquerors.
In more outlying
224
around some
streets,
and
fortified
houses, fighting
not
change
morning
great
the
still
and
churches
went
strongly-
but this could
on,^
early on Tuesday
fact that
29th of May, the Turks became masters of
the
Constantinople.
In the dawn of that
fatal
day the great and
all-
absorbing problem with most of the defenders of the

city
how
was,
they
could
save
and
life
Those few morning hours must have been

heart-stirring episodes.
But only one or two
liberty.
full
of
them
of
have been recorded.
The Florentine Tedardi, and some other
Italians,
fought for full two hours after the Turks had entered
the city, and, realizing at last the true situation, he
tried to save himself,
and passed through many
before he reached the harbour.
himself into the waves, as so
Once
many
there,
perils
he threw
other people did,
and fortunately was soon picked up by a Venetian
The captains
boat.
harbour
were
untiring in their attempts to rescue the people.
For
the
of
ships
in the
Golden Horn
purpose
they
remained
several hours
after
the capture of the
this
away only
commanded
^
This
is
the
city, sailing
at noon.
Many fugitives
Among these were
Chronicler,
in
crossed in small
boats to Galata.
the three brothers Brocciardi,
who
at the position of Charsias.
stated by Phrantzcs,
and Tedardi,
p. 288, as well as
by the Slavonic
THE LAST HOURS.
225
Cardinal Isidore, with the aid of faithful servants,

laid aside his purple robes,
common
and put on the clothes
The body
of a
of a Latin volunteer
was
then dressed up in the robes of the Cardinal, and
left
soldier.
The Turks came soon upon
lying in a street.
off the
it,
cut
head of the supposed Cardinal, and carried
on a pike in triumph through the

while, Isidore
had
fallen into the
it
Mean-
streots.
hands of other Turks
but he seemed so miserable and so useless as a slave
him
that his Turkish master soon set
small
sum
The
of
at liberty for a
money.
ill-fated
pretender
Orchan-Effendi, let himself
the
to
down on
Turkish
throne,
the beach from a
tower of the Acropolis, disguised as a Greek monk.
He roamed
about there with some fugitive Greeks, in
the expectation of being taken on board a Christian

ship.
Turks,
who
ship, indeed,
once
at
came, but
captured
it
the
was
with
filled
One
fugitives.
wretched Greek bought his own freedom by betraying

to the
Turks who was the
man
in the monk's gown.
Orchan-Effendi was instantly murdered, and his head

sent to the Sultan.
The Turkish
chronicles mention that a
Greek monks
occupants of
indeed as
many
as three
number
of
the
hundred
monastery, seeing on that
day on
which side God was, and which was the true

declared themselves ready to accept Islam.
certainly a day of terrible trial to
many
faith,
It
was
a heart once
226
full of
faith,
now
but
despairing amidst the ruins of
WWW
an Empire.
Mohammed
Towards noon
gate
Poliandrium
of
4^
^r
Jl^f
5r
<4t-
entered the city by the
He
(Edirne-Kapoussi).
was
accompanied by his Viziers, Pashas, and Ulemas, and
by
escorted
who were
his bodyguards,
cially selected for their strength
The Sultan rode
straight
Church
the
to
At
There he dismounted.
Sophia.
men
all
espe-
and manly beauty.
its
St
of
threshold he
stooped down, and collecting some earth he let
it fall
on his turbaned head, as an act of humiliation before

God, who had given him the victory.^
Then he
and entered the
arose
edifice,
but in the
doorway he stopped some moments and gazed in
The grand dimensions
silence before him.
temple,
its
subduing
of
the
beauty and harmony, seemed to have a
efi'ect
on
his spirit,
even in that hour
of
triumph
mosaic
asked
fanatic.
floor
the
"
with an axe.
Sultan.
"
Mohammed,
the
Faith
"
You have
"
replied
"
the
got enough
the citizens for
ly
slaves
"
!
advanced then further on

^
in an impulse of anger, struck
and taking
The huildings are mine
He
Wherefore dost thou that
For
the man, saying angrily

pillaging the city
Turk breaking the
he saw a
Stepping forward,
towards the
altar,
THE LAST HOURS.
227
passing
groups of his soldiers with their Christian
slaves.
Suddenly a door in the screen separating the
altar
from the nave was opened, and a number of
came through
priests
While
Sultan.
fell
still
and advanced
it,
meet the
some distance from him, they
at
on their knees and cried
ful to us
to
"
Aman
" "
Be merci-
"
!
Mohammed
chronicler says
"
them with
on
looked
He made a
priests to rise,
and
wrath, neither
of
said,
'
sign with his
Be not to-day
Our
pity.
hand
to the
afraid of
death nor of pillage!'
He
my
then
turned to his followers, and ordered them at once to
send public criers to prohibit

of the people.
said
'
Now,
let
And
all
further molestation
to the people in the
every
man
go to his
church he
own home
'"
This remarkable episode, described by the Slavonic

ClironicUr, is quite consistent with the character of
Mohammed and
with
all
most probable that the
other circumstances.
priests, at the
It is
approach of the
Janissaries, retired to one of the secret passages in the

walls,
and there
after
some time decided
to
avail
themselves of the Sultan's expected coming to the

church, to implore his protection.
for a
Their disappearance
time through a secret door in the cathedral walls
would explain the origin
of the legend
we have already
mentioned.
"
The Sultan," continues the

^
Chronicler, " waited for
228
some time
until the people should quit the church
then unable to stay to the end, he himself departed."
From
other sources
we know
that before he left
the building, he ordered one of his Court-Ulemas to
He
ascend the pulpit and deliver a prayer.
mounted on the marble
table,
which had been the
Christian altar of St Sophia, and there

'*
Eika'at
"
certain
himself
made
his first
movements accompanying a Mus-
sulman's prayer.
From
moment
that
the St Sophia of the Christian
Constantinople was transformed into the Aya-Sofia of

the
Mussulman Stamboul.
Coming out
his
suite,
dignitaries,
of the
of the temple,
among
Emperor.
'No one
away on the
several
Greek
had any certain information.
more probably he had been carried
Italian ships
which had
It is possible that
who were squeezed
sailed
from the
even at that moment the
version was current that the
those
now
that he had very likely fallen in the
Qthers said
harbour.
were
inquired of
whether any one knew what had become
Some thought
fight
whom
Mohammed
Emperor was amongst
to death
when
a panic-
stricken crowd pressed through a gate.
As
the Sultan proceeded along the street leading
from St Sophia to the Acropolis, a Serbian

carrying in his hand a man's head,
cavalcade.
He
lifted
soldier,
met the imperial
up the bloody trophy, shouting
loudly to the Padishah, " Glorioles Lord {may liappi-

THE LAST HOURS.
ness he always thine
/),
tJiis
229
head of the Tzar
the
is
Constantine /"
The cavalcade
halted.
Kyr Lucas Notaras and
some other Greek nobles were called
approach and
to
look on the pale head.
At
some
the
first
glance the Greeks burst into tears, and
them sobbed
of
aloud.
It
was the head
of the
Emperor.
The Serbian led some
officers of
the Sultan's suite
show them the body from which the head had
to
been cut
It
off.
was
which the
imperial
broidered.
It
by the name
identified
by the purple shoes on
double-headed eagles
were em-
was lying on the square now known
of
Sandjakdar Yokushar.
The Sultan ordered that the Emperor's head should

be exposed for some time on a column of porphyry
which stood on the open space in front

palace.
He
of the imperial
wished the people of Constantinople to
see that the last
Greek Emperor was certainly
But on the same day he gave permission

clergy
to
bury
the
Emperor's
honours due to the imperial dignity.

still
more
personal
his
ordered that the
oil
to the
body with
regard for
And
dead.^
Greek
all
to
the
mark
Constantine, he
to be burnt in a
lamp
at the
grave of the last Greek Emperor should be defrayed
from his own treasury.'

1
Phrantzes, 291
Ducas, 300.
To this day oil in the lamp at Constantine's grave

the Ottoman Government.
Mordtmann.
2
is
provided by
230
The next day the Sultan
installed himself in the
palace in which the Byzantine Emperors had resided

Pillaging warriors had already stripped
for centuries.
completely of
it
halls,
which had
all
that
was
The great
portable.
and
in gold
glittered
scarlet,
were
dismantled and bare.
The
last
fate of the ancient
Emperor
Empire and the
stirred the heart of the
His poetical instincts were aroused
fate of its
young conqueror.
he paused some
time in deep thought, and then entered the large hall

of the palace, reciting the verses of the Persian poet
"
Now
And
the spider
the
draws
the curtain
owl proclaims
tlie
in the Gcesari palace
hall,
ivaich beneath AfrasiaVs vaulted dome.''
In the neighbourhood
of .the
Weffa-Mosque, in a
yard surrounded by the dwellings and huts of poor

artisans, there stands
are wreathed round
and wild
an old willow, whose branches
by a profusion
of climbing roses
vines.
In the shadow
of this tree a slab of
white marble
without any inscription covers a grave, at whose head
an
oil
lamp
is lit
every evening.
The spot ought
to be hallowed to every
respects faithfulness to duty
and
patriotism,
one who
and who
has sympathy with the single-hearted hero of a great

historic tragedy.
last
The
slab covers the remains of the
Greek Emperor, the
tine Dragasses.
patriotic
and brave Constan-
THE BIBLIOGRAPHY
OF WORKS USED OR CONSULTED FOR THE
PRECEDING SKETCH.
I.
1.
Reports of the Eye-Witnesses of the Siege.
Annales Georgii Phrantzae Protovestiarii, printed in
Corpus Scriptorum Historim Byzantinaej Bonnae, 1838.
George Phrantza's father was a chamberlain

at the Court of the
Emperor Manuel
II.
(KcAAicoSt/s)
Palseologue; his
grandfather was the Governor of Prince Constantine, one of
George Phrantza and
the younger sons of that Emperor.

Prince
Constantine (who was later to be the last Greek
Emperor) were educated together;
their
friendship com-
menced in their earliest boyhood, and lasted through life.

As an able diplomatist Phrantza was often* sent as envoy of
the Emperor to different courts.
Being one of theEmperor's
suite, he was personally engaged in the defence of ConstantiHe was made a prisoner by the Turks, but sucnople.
ceeded in paying his ransom and retired to Corfu, w^here
in the year 1462 he entered the Monastery of St Elias, and
at the pressing request of the Greek patriots wrote his
Memoirs.
2.
SciOf
Lettera de la presa di ConstantinopoUj di Leonardo

Arcivescovo di MetelinOy
scritta
a Papa Nicola
da
F.,
232
intorna la presa di Constantinopoli, ex Scio, xvi. Augusto
1453.
Archbishop Leonardo came
to
He was
of the Pope.
the
city.
capital
in
Isidore, the Legate
personally engaged in the defence of
His report to the Pope
valuable and trustworthy.

his letter.
Greek
the
November 1452, accompanying Cardinal

is
justly considered as
most
There exist several editions of
I have used that one printed in the collection of
Sansovino, Venice, 1573.

3.
Lettera dÎssidoro Buteno, Cardinale
della presa di Constantinopoli,
Legate del Papa.
At one time
nella quale
Vescovo SabinOy
egli si ritrovo
Ed. Sansovino, Venetia, 1573.
a Russian Archbishop, and after the Council
of Florence in 1438 one of the staimchest supporters of the
union with Rome, he came to Constantinople as the Pope's

Legate to accept the formal submission of the Greek Church.
During the
siege
of one of the
4.
he was, at
least nominally, the
most important positions
Giornale
dell'
Assedio di
commander
at the walls.
di
1453,
Constantinopoli^
Nieolo Barharo, P.V., corredeto di note e documenti per
Enrico Cornet, Vienna, 1856.

Barbaro, a Venetian nobleman, was himself in Constanti-
nople
when
the Turks began the siege, and he joined his
compatriots in
its
striking events,
defence.
He
which enables us
kept a Journal of the most

to follow the great
drama
day by day.
5.
Informacion envoyee par Francesco de Tresves k
J.
pere en Dieu, Monseigneur le Cardinal d' Avignon, &c.,

Jelian Blanchin
et
Jacques
prise de Constantinople,
de
Mai Van
Tedardi, Florentin, de Ventre-
faide par
1453, a laquelle
R.
par
le
VEmpereur Turc
le
29 jour
diet Jacques etstoit present
This "Informacion" has been published in
Chroniqu^s
THE BIBLIOGKAPHY.
233
de Charles VII. roi de France, par T. Chartier, Paris, 1858

iii. p. 20-25).
Tedardi fought on the walls when the
Turks entered Constantinople, and had much difficulty in
gaining the harbour, where he threw himself into the water
to escape Turkish slavery.
He was seen and picked up by
(vol.
a Venetian
His report abounds with interesting de-
boat.
tails.
VheHini Pusculi Brixiensis, Carmen de capta Con-
6.
stantinopolis libri quatuor.
TJbertino Pusculo, a citizen of Brescia,
had been
living in
Constantinople for some time before the siege, and remained
He
there to the end.
succeeded in escaping from slavery,
and wrote a poem describing some incidents
of the siege
and
an elegiac poem describing the siege and the
fall
the capture of the

7.
city.
0/3^1/os S>;s Ka)i/(rSavTtvo7ro7roA.0)s.
This
is
of the Capital, with such graphic power and such a minute
knowledge of
details, that there is
no doubt but that the
writer took part in the defence, and was in a
obtain accurate and extensive information.
position to
The poet was
afraid to publish his name, but indicated certain signs to
enable his friends to identify the author.
The
Qprjvo^ as well as Ubertini Pusculi's
printed
in
Literatur,
8.
von A.
the
Athos,
("
und
poem have been
Neu-Griechisclien
Elisser, Leipzig, 1857.
of
of the Capture of Constantinople
Turkish Sultan.")
kept in Chilandari,
which several copies
five copies in
them
The Keports
godless
manuscript
of
Mittel
Shazaniya o Vzyatii Tzar-grada hezhojnim turetzkim
Saltanom.
])y
Analekten der
Eussian
libraries,
This
is
a monastery
exist.
After
Slavonic
on
Mount
comparing
Sreznyevsky gave an abstract
in his essay " Povyest o Tzaregradye," read before
234
the Imperial
Academy
of Science at St Petersburg
of the Second Division^ 1854,

sion
(Memoirs
His own impres-
99-137).
i.
was that some Greeks who had escaped to Russia,

which they were eye-witnesses. But
related the details of
the manuscript
so full of the idioms of the
is
more
Balkan Slavs,
was written by some Bulgarian or

Serbian closely connected with the Court and Greek headquarters.
The graphic descriptions of incidents do not
permit a doubt of the w^riter relating what he actually
saw happen. In the citations I have called this MS. the
that
it is
likely
it
" Slavonic Chronicle."

9.
Memoirs of
the Janissary
Michael Konstantinovich.
Michael Konstantinovich was a Serbian knight, born at

Ostrovitza, taken prisoner by the Turks in 1455, and enrolled
amongst the Janissaries. He served in the Sultan's army

some years, and then went to Poland, where, about 1490,
he wrote his Memoirs. He devoted a chapter to events
connected with the siege of Constantinople, giving some
He
interesting details.
wâs himself Avith the Serbian con-
tingent in the Turkish camp.
His detachment was stationed
opposite to the gate of Adrianople, but, as he adds, " as far
as our help went^ the
The MS., WTitten

Polish,
was
first
Turh would never have taken
the city"
and
and printed under
in a peculiar mixture of Serbian
translated into Bohemian,
Historia neb Kronyha Turecha^ Lytomisc, 1565.
the
title
The
original text
was published under the
title
Pamietnihi
Janiczara by Galezowsky in his Zhior pisarzoiv PolsMeh

(vol. v., p. 128),
Warsaw, 1828.
II.
1.
Contemporary Writers.
Ducae, Michaeli Ducae nepotis^ Historia Byzantina
Bonnac, 1834).
(ed.
THE BIBLIOGRAPHY.
235
This writer was a distinguislied statesman and Greek

proud of his family connection with the old Imperial
patriot,
dynasty of Ducas.
Constantinople,
Shortly previous to the siege he was at
but apparently
declaration of war.
He
what he heard from
others.
the city before
the
Personally he belonged to that
minority of intelligent Greeks

alliance
left
conscientiously says that he repeats
who were
decidedly for the
with AVestern Europe, even at the cost of the sub-
mission of the Greek Church to the Pope.

2.
Laonici
Chalcoclioindylae^
Turcica
Mstoria (Bonnae,
1834).
Laonic (Xicola) and his brother Demetrius had been

intimately connected with the Court of the Prince Demetrius,
brother of the unfortunate Emperor Constantin.

Laonic
had exceptional opportunities of knowing the interior life of
both the Greek and Turkish Courts, his brother having been
once Prince Demetrius' envoy to the Sultan.
Critohulus,
3.
1451, 7isque
De
rehus gesiis Mecliemetis 11. inde ah anno
ad annum 1467.
(Printed in Caroli MuUeri,
fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum,
vol. v., Parisiis, 1870.)

" Critobulus of Imbros," a Greek in the Turkish service,
was a man
He
of
keen
dedicated his
intellect
work
but in his account of
and of much
to the
Conqueror
men and
literary ability.
Mohammed
XL,
events he shows great
impartiality.
4.
Tarich Muntechehati Evli Chelebi.
This Turkish historian lived late in the fifteenth century.
Writing of the conquest, he

the Turkish heroes of the
grandfather,
mann
states that Korosh-Dede, one of
siege, was a pupil

Turhhan Chodja Ahmed Yussuphy.
own
Dr Mordt-
of his
has given a translation of Chelebi's version, in the
Appendix
to his
own work on
the
siege.
236
5.
Dolphin, Assedio
Zcn-zi
e xiresa
di Constantinopoli nelt
anno 1453, estratto dalla Cronaca delle famiglie nobili di

Venezia e della stessa citta dalla sua origine sino I'anno
1478.
Dolphin says that he used not only the written reports of

Leonardo of Chios and of Philippo da Eimano, hut also
what he heard from those iclio were eye-witnesses (pp. 9 and 43).
His work was printed by George M. Thomas in the SitzungsBerichte der Kgl. hayei'ischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Munich, 1868.
6.
Theodore Spandugin Cantacuziu, gentilhuomo ConstanJ.
Comentari, Del origine e costumi Turchi,
Fiorenza, 1551.
Improved edition in C. N. Sathas, Monu-
tinopolitano,
menta Historice Hellenicm, vol. ix., Paris, 1888.

In his commentaries on Turkish questions, which were
much appreciated in Italy in the sixteenth century, Spandugin gave some interesting particulars of the
fall of
Constanti-
Being one of the family of the Cantacuzens, several
nople.
members
of which fell defending the capital, and having

been nearly related to Kyr Lucas Notaras, the Admiral of
the Greek
by
fleet,
he doubtless wrote down
his family as facts.
I follow
him
details accepted
especially in the closing
scene.
7.
Abraham
prise de
the Armenian,
Stamhoul,
traduite
Melodie elegiaque
par
M. Erosset
sur la
(printed
in
Lebeau's Histoire du Bas-Empire, vol. xxi. pp. 307-314).
Another translation into French was made by
Mr Eugene
Bor6, and printed in the Journal Asiatique for 1835.
The Armenian poet declares in the Introduction that having visited Constantinople " in its glory and admired its holy
relics,"
into a
and having now heard of its

that which he heard.
poem
fall,
he
felt
moved to put
THE BIBLIOGRAPHY.
8.
Kara
Georgii Scholarii,
aTTLo-TLas
Monk
r^s
237
iSt/x.oi'taK^s
atpeo-etos,
tjtol
(Contra Simoniacani haeresiam, sive infidelitatem).
Memorandum
Genadius'
Rome, printed in
J. P.
against the union with

Migne, Patrologice cursus, vol. clx.
pp. 731-8.
III.
1.
Contemporary Letters and Official Documents.
Francisci
Venetiis, 1493.
2.
Philelphi,
Epistolae,
The second
edition, Parisiis, 1503.
1437-1472.
a.d.
Reusnerii, Ejpistolarum Turcicarum^ libri v., printed in
Francfort, 1598.
3.
Raynaldi,
Odorici
Annates
Ecdesiastici,
vol.
(containing letters from the year 1417 to 1458).
xviii.
Coloniae
Agrippinae, 1694.
4.
Acta Archivi
Veneti, ed.
Dr Yanko
Schafarik.
Bel-
grade, 1866.
5.
Monumerda
{Archivi
Veneti)
spectantia
Meridionalium, edited by the South Slavonic

Science,
Slavorum
Academy
of
Agram, 1868.
IV.
Naturally
all
Modern Writers.
the modern works treating the history of the
Byzantine Empire or that of the Turkish Empire have

special chapters dedicated to the fall of Constantinople.
will
mention here only those which are considered as standard
works or which are monographs.

1.
Gibbon,
Decline
(ch. Ixviii., vol.
iii.).
and Fall
of
the
Roman Empire
All the sources from which Gibbon
238
drew
his
information were
Phrantza,
Ducas,
Clialco-
chondylas, and the letter of the Archbishop of Chios.

2.
vol.
Joseph
book
i.
works,
V.
xii.
Hammer,
Geschichte dcs Osmaniscli&n Reiches,
In addition
Hammer was
to the Byzantine
and
Italian
well acquainted with Sa'ad-ud-din.
3. George Finlay, A History of Greece, edited by Rev.

H. E. Tozer, Oxford, 1877. The fall of Constantinople is
described in the third volume, from p. 496,
4.
Zinkeisen, J. W., Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches.
The author was
able to use
some
letters
and reports found in
the Vatican Library.

5.
Martin et M. Brosset, Hisloire du Bas-Empire par
J.
Leheauy Paris, 1835.
The
editors
were able to improve
Lebeau's description by a few details found in the

of the
Armenian Abraham and
poem
in the so-called "Grusian
Chronicle."
6.
J.
Stassulevich, Ossada
(St Petersburg,
Vzyatiye Vizantii
1854), consulted
Turhami
only the old Byzantine
sources and the Chronicle of Sa'ad-ud-din.

7.
Sreznyevski, Povyest o Tzaregradye, St Petersburg,
8.
Dr A. D. Mordtmann
interesting
descriptions
1 855.
has given us one of the most
in his Belagerung
Constantinopelsdurchdie TiirhenimJahre
und Eroherung
1 453, wac/i
Original
quellen hearheitet (Stuttgart, 1858), using largely the Journal
of Nicolo Barbaro.
Dr
Y. U. Krause, Die Eroherungen von Constantinopel

und xiv Jahrhunderte nach Byzantinischen, Frankischen, und Turhisclien quellen und Berichten, Halle, 1870,
drew chiefly from Byzantine authors, reprinting some portions
9.
im
xiii

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY.
239
from Sa'ad-ud-din, and taking some incidents from the poem

of a
Greek eye-witness.
10.
W.
Kev.
stantinople
J.
Broadribb and
a Sketch of its History
Mr
Walter Besant, Con-
from
its
Foundation to
its
Conquest by the Turks in 1453, London, 1879, followed

Mordtmann and Krause, but consulted also independently
Byzantine authors, and added some interesting information
on the condition
Bertrandon de
11.
The
of Constantinople
from the French knight,
la Brocqui^re.
latest
monograph in Western
literature is that
written by E. H. Vlasto, Les derniers jours de Constantinople^

Paris, 183.
Mr
in
Vlasto's bibliography mentions as the principal
modern Greek which

S.
works
D. Byzantios, Constantinople.
Spir. Zambelios,
Marc
S.
treat of this subject
Byzantine Essays.
Renieri, Historical Essays.
N. Sathas, Histo7'ical Works.
Const. Paparrigopoulo, TJie General History of the

Hellenic Nations,
(&c.
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CONSTANTINE, THE LAST EMPEROR

Xast lEmperor of tbe

THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY

AFTER THE LA TEST HISTORICAL RESEARCHES

Fetter Lane, Fleet Street, E.C.

WITH PROFOUND ADMIRATION OF THE HEROISM DISPLAYED

The German Emperor Frederic

III. in a letter written

lamenting greatly the

catastrophe on the Bosphorus, calls Constantinople " the

home of arts and

literature " (" Orientalis imperii

.... veluti domicilium litterarum

indeed, from the time of Constantino

the Great to the time

aroused Italy to her noble task, Constantinople was

Its place in the

history of the world has been always a most remarkable one,

being the only city which can suc-

cessfully bear comparison with

When in 1453 it passed into

text of Frederic's long

vol. xviii., Colonise

Agr. 1694, p. 408.

possession consolidated at once the

Empire, and enabled the Sultans of the

north-west and to the Gulf of

There seems almost a mira-

Persia in the south-east.

culous telepathic influence in that place, an influence

occupants, as long as they possess

some power, with an

ambition to rule over

three worlds, and which enables old and exhausted

than the most flattering pro-

phecies ever thouglit probable or possible.

There are theories which assert that the possession

So far as I have been able to read history,

I have found that he

takes Constantinople, once

securely seated on the Bosphorus, unavoidably feels

strengthened for a higher task, that

his political horizon has

widened to the misty limits

an Universal Empire, and that

destiny of Constantinople to be the capital,

ing over Europe, Asia, and Africa.

that neither the Byzantine

nor the Ottoman Empires could have withstood so long

had not been Constantinople.

undoubted interest which European nations in general,

and the British in

particular, feel in everything con-

nected with Constantinople, the great catastrophe of

incidents and so terrible in its

consequences, has never yet been fully and thoroughly

worked out and placed before the readers

what others have not done.

no work on, and no description

the materials which exist

his incomparably graphic description