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Religion As Culture, Religious Individualism and Collectivism
Religion As Culture, Religious Individualism and Collectivism
Biola University
ABSTRACT We propose the theory that religious cultures vary in individualistic and collectivistic aspects of religiousness and spirituality.
Study 1 showed that religion for Jews is about community and biological
descent but about personal beliefs for Protestants. Intrinsic and extrinsic
religiosity were intercorrelated and endorsed differently by Jews, Catholics, and Protestants in a pattern that supports the theory that intrinsic
religiosity relates to personal religion, whereas extrinsic religiosity stresses
community and ritual (Studies 2 and 3). Important life experiences were
likely to be social for Jews but focused on God for Protestants, with
Catholics in between (Study 4). We conclude with three perspectives in
understanding the complex relationships between religion and culture.
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Religion as Culture
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In the American context, an individual-centered construal of religion seems to have become even more individualistic because of the
history of the church-state relationship. Religion in the United States
was not always viewed as being entirely personal and private, as it is
today. Because the First Amendment only prohibits federally sanctioned religion, for much of early American history there was an
established religion (though other religions were tolerated), and this
continued until well after the Revolutionary War. Following the
disestablishment of religion, which was complete in 1833 when Massachusetts gave up established religion, religion became more of a
private matter (Bellah et al., 1985). By the 1850s, For religion to
have emphasized the public order in the old sense of deference and
obedience to external authorities would no longer have made sense.
Religion did not cease to be concerned with moral order, but it
operated with a new emphasis on the individual and the voluntary
association. Moral teaching came to emphasize self-control rather
than deference (Bellah et al., 1985, p. 222), and sermons became less
doctrinal and more emotional and sentimental (p. 223). Perhaps
another factor that made Protestantism increasingly focused on
emotion was the scientific revolution, which encouraged religion to
focus on subjective emotions and be independent of a more rationally based, natural science (reviewed in Cohen, Hall, Koenig, &
Meador, 2005).
The Protestant inuence on American culture might be one key
reason why American theories of religious identity and motivation
are particularly centered on the individual. Clearly, the dominant
theoretical model in the scientific study of religion has been Gordon
Allports distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic religion (Allport,
1950, 1958; Allport & Ross, 1967). Originally conceived by Allport
as mature (i.e., intrinsic) and immature (i.e., extrinsic) religion, the
intrinsic/extrinsic distinction has been, by and large, maintained by
psychologists of religion for 50 years. Extrinsic religion was conceived by Allport as an orientation where religion is used for instrumental purposes, including for social integration. Because
American Protestant religion focuses strongly on personal relationship with God, Americans by and large do not resonate with religion
that is based on community afliation, social relationships, tradition, and ritual (Bellah et al., 1985; Cohen, Hall, et al., 2005; Snibbe
& Markus, 2003). Hence, certain extrinsic items on the Allport
and Ross (1967) scale such as One reason for my being a church
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In this preliminary study, we investigated whether Jews and Protestants would differ on whether religion relies on assent to beliefs versus biological descent, feelings of connection to coreligionists, views
about the controllability of religious beliefs, and views of ritual.
These are all factors that Morris (1997) has theorized would be related to assent- and descent-based religious membership. If we can
produce evidence related to these goals, we will begin to bolster our
theoretical perspective that Protestants endorse what we have theorized to be religiously individualistic processes of identity, whereas
Jews are more religiously collectivistic.
Method
Participants. Religious leaders from churches and synagogues in central
Pennsylvania were asked to distribute questionnaires to congregants.
They were not told in detail about the purpose of the questionnaire. No
compensation was given.
The Jewish sample (n 5 88) consisted of 35 Orthodox Jews, 24 Conservative Jews, 24 Reform Jews, and 5 Reconstructionist Jews. Sixty-ve
were married, 13 single, 7 widowed, 2 separated or divorced, and 2 did not
provide marital status. Fifty-three participants were women, 34 were men,
Religion as Culture
717
and 2 did not indicate sex. Seventy-ve were White and 10 did not provide
racial or ethnic information.
The Protestant sample (n 5 72) consisted of 39 Methodists, 16 Baptists,
and 13 Presbyterians. Four participants were from a nondenominational,
fundamentalist church. Most (n 5 59) were married, 6 single, 3 separated
or divorced, 3 widowed, and 1 did not provide marital status. This
sample was also predominantly female (45 women, 26 men, and 1 did not
provide sex). Sixty-seven were White, 3 were Black, and 1 did not provide
race.
Demographic measures. Participants indicated their age, education from
1 (elementary school) to 5 (graduate degree), and self-rated levels of religiousness and spirituality, which were rated on separate 0 (not at all) to 5
(extremely) scales.
Assent, descent, ritual, community, and belief controllability. Thirteen
items tapped peoples beliefs about assent versus descent membership in
their religion, community obligations, ritual emphasis, and controllability
of religious beliefs (Table 1). Responses were from 7 (strongly disagree)
to 17 (strongly agree).
Factor 1: Assent
Being a member of my religion/faith is a
matter of what a person believes in his or
her heart.
My religion or faith mostly cares about
what a person believes in his heart.
My religion or faith is mostly focused on
an individuals relationship with God.
Factor 2: Belief controllability
My religion or faith teaches that a
persons religious beliefs cannot be
controlled.
My religion or faith teaches that a
persons religious beliefs can be
controlled.
Factor 3: Ritual
My religion or faith has a very legalistic
tradition.
My religion or faith is very structured.
My religion or faith cares mostly about a
persons behavior.
Item
.02
.27
.09
.17
.90
.88
.00
.23
.12
.83
.77
.03
.04
.23
.01
.07
.69
.68
.80
.05
.04
.08
.03
.83
Loading on Factor
.33
.11
.19
.02
.02
.05
.19
.15
Table 1
Varimax Rotated Factor Loadings from Principal Components Analysis in Study 1
.00
.10
.16
.06
.08
.07
.05
.08
Factor 4: Descent (Instructions: Imagine a person who was born into a different religion/faith from you but then was adopted as
an infant into a family of your religion/faith. This person does not know that he was adopted and believes fully in the teachings of
your religion.)
.10
.01
.07
.76
.15
In order for this person to be a true
member of my religion or faith, they
would have to undergo a formal
conversion.
This person is as much a member of my
.29
.03
.01
.75
.07
religion or faith as anyone else.
.28
.00
.24
.61
.27
If I want to know whether a person really
belongs to my religion/faith, I have to
know what religion their biological
parents are.
Factor 5: Community Responsibility
As a member of my religion or faith, I am
.04
.04
.00
.11
.87
in some sense responsible for other
members of my religion or faith.
My religion or faith is focused mostly on
.03
.07
.38
.05
.66
community life.
Percent of total variance explained
16.9
12.9
14.3
13.5
10.3
Eigenvalue
3.1
1.8
1.7
1.2
1.0
720
Table 2
Means for Jews and Protestants on Demographics, Assent, Descent,
Belief Controllability, Ritual, and Community Responsibility Scales in
Study 1
Jews
Demographics
Religiousness
Spirituality
Age
Education
Scale Scores
Assent
Belief control
Ritual
Descent
Community responsibility
Notes: np .05.
nnn
Protestants
Significance
SD
SD
df
2.6
2.7
55.3
4.1
1.0
1.2
17.0
1.0
3.6
3.6
50.2
3.8
0.8
1.0
14.0
1.0
156
156
146
156
6.7nnn
5.0nnn
2.0n
2.0n
2.1
1.7
3.7
2.3
3.0
3.5
3.9
2.3
3.8
3.0
5.2
2.4
0.5
4.9
1.8
2.3
4.2
3.1
2.6
2.9
149
121
130
143
130
6.2nnn
1.0
6.9nnn
4.6nnn
2.2n
p .001.
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STUDY 2
722
I pray chiefly because I have been taught to pray may not explicitly have a social nature to it. But Cohen, Hall, et al. (2005) observed
that, in religions that focus on ritual and tradition, prayer is a skill
that requires practice. Hence, people are taught to pray in a certain,
ritualized way from a young age, which could result in more endorsement of praying because one has been taught to pray. For
these reasons, we did not strongly hypothesize that the greater value
placed on social motivation and identity among Catholics and Jews
would be evident only in extrinsic-social items. Therefore, we present
data for the intrinsic and extrinsic scales, as well as exploratory analyses for the extrinsic-social and extrinsic-personal subscales.
Method
Participants. A total of 1,364 students at the University of California,
Berkeley, lled out a questionnaire packet for course credit. Data were
analyzed from all people who identied themselves as Catholic (N 5 164;
62 men and 102 women), Jewish (N 5 42; 21 men, 21 women), or Protestant (N 5 214, 79 men, 135 women). The sex ratios did not significantly
differ among the samples, w2 (2) 5 2.60, p 5 .27.
Measures. Measures included the intrinsic and extrinsic subscales of
Allport and Rosss (1967) religious orientation scale, separate single-item
self-ratings of religiousness and spirituality, and two items designed to tap
salience of religious identity: (a) How important a part of your identity is
your religion or faith to you? and (b) If someone wanted to understand
who you are as a person, how important is your religion or faith in that?
These two items were combined into an identity scale (a 5 .93). The
intrinsic and extrinsic religiosity scales and the two religious salience items
were responded to on 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree) scales.
Self-ratings of religiousness and spirituality were responded to on 0 (not
at all) to 5 (deeply) scales.
The intrinsic religiosity subscale consists of nine items, originally conceptualized to measure mature religiosity and the extent to which religion
is the master motive in ones life (Allport & Ross, 1967). Sample items are
I try hard to carry my religion over into all my other dealings in life and
My religious beliefs are what really lie behind my whole approach to
life.
The extrinsic religiosity subscale consists of 11 items, proposed by
Allport and Ross to tap the immature, instrumental use of religion. Sample items are It doesnt matter so much what I believe so long as I lead a
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Table 3
Mean Differences Among Catholics, Jews, and Protestants in Study 2
Catholics
Item or scale
Religiousness
Spirituality
Intrinsic religiosity
Extrinsic religiosity
Identity
Jews
Protestants Significance
SD
SD
SD
2.38A
2.85A
33.37A
42.17A
8.24A
1.29
1.320
11.59
9.49
3.72
1.66B
2.02B
22.95B
39.55AB
6.57B
1.20
1.21
10.05
12.01
3.85
2.94C
3.24C
39.99C
36.97BC
9.73C
1.43
1.25
14.43
11.39
4.04
18.96nnn
16.92nnn
34.60nnn
10.94nnn
14.70nnn
Notes: dferror for analyses range from 413 to 419. The between-subject df is 2 for all
analyses. Means that do not share a subscript within a row differ significantly by
post-hoc Bonferroni test.
nnn
p .001.
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Table 4
Correlations of Items and Scales in Study 2
Catholics (ns range from 160 to 165)
Religious Spiritual Identity Intrinsic religiosity
Spiritual
Identity
Intrinsic religiosity
Extrinsic religiosity
Extrinsic religiositysocial
Extrinsic religiositypersonal
.56nnn
.68nnn
.71nnn
.05
.19n
.29nnn
.48nnn
.56nnn
.13
.14w
.30nnn
.82nnn
.06
.27nnn
.32nnn
.07
.32nnn
.32nnn
.57nnn
.79nnn
.58nnn
.46nn
.33n
.39n
.38nn
.41nn
.25
.11
.29w
.69nnn
.58nnn
.41nn
.57nnn
.60nnn
.44nn
.58nnn
.61nnn
.76nnn
.79nnn
.32nnn
.10
.00
p .01.
nn
nnn
.55nnn
.60nnn
.26nnn
.02
.07
.91nnn
.33nnn
.15n
.02
.34nnn
.16n
.02
p .001.
Religion as Culture
725
(ps .001), and Catholics also scoring higher than Jews (p 5 .008).
A similar pattern was seen for spirituality self-ratings, F (2,
413) 5 16.92, MSE 5 1.62, po.001. Protestants rated themselves
more spiritual than did Catholics (p 5 .01) and Jews (po.001). Catholics rated themselves more spiritual than did Jews (p 5 .001).
Correlational and moderator analyses. Intrinsic religiosity was highly and positively correlated with identity, religiousness, and spirituality in all three religious groups (Table 4). To test for the
significance of differences in correlations, we followed the procedures for moderated regression analyses proposed by Aiken and
West (1991). In these regressions, the dependent variable was regressed on religious group, intrinsic religiosity, and their interaction.
All variables were standardized. Intrinsic religiosity correlated to
about similar extents with self-rated religiosity (b 5 .01, ns), spirituality (b 5 .07, ns), and religiosity identity (b 5 .01, ns), among Catholics and Protestants. Intrinsic religiosity also correlated to similar
extents among Jews and Protestants with religiosity (b 5 .03, ns),
spirituality (b 5 .01, ns), and identity (b 5 .02, ns). Comparing
Catholics and Jews also showed no differences in correlations between intrinsic religiosity and self-rated religiosity (b 5 .04, ns),
spirituality (b 5 .05, ns), or identity (b 5 .00, ns).
In contrast, extrinsic religiosity correlated with intrinsic religiosity, religious identity, self-rated religiousness, and self-rated spirituality to vastly different extents among Catholics, Jews, and
Protestants. Correlations were negative among Protestants, nonsignificant among Catholics, and highly positive among Jews. Similar
patterns were evident for the extrinsic-social and extrinsic-personal
subscales.
We next carried out a series of moderated regressions to test for
differences in correlations. First we compared Jews to Protestants.
Extrinsic religiosity was more highly correlated among Jews, as compared to Protestants, with self-rated religiousness (b 5 .25, p .001),
self-rated spirituality (b 5 .18, p .01), intrinsic religiosity (b 5 .26,
p .001), and identity (b 5 .31, p .001). As our analyses for extrinsic-social and extrinsic-personal subscales were exploratory and
the patterns were similar to those of the general extrinsic scales, we do
not present moderator analyses for the subscales.
Next, we compared correlations among Catholics and Prot
estants. Extrinsic religiosity was more highly correlated among
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Religion as Culture
Catholics or Jews, extrinsic motivations are incompatible with intrinsic motivations insofar as extrinsic and intrinsic religiosity are
negatively correlated with each other. For Jews, for whom intrinsic
and extrinsic religiosity are positive intercorrelated, both individualistic (intrinsic) and community (extrinsic) aspects of religion may
be mutually reinforcing. The correlations of extrinsic religiosity with
other variables among Catholics were intermediate in magnitude
between those of Jews and Protestants, suggesting perhaps that
Catholics may entertain some combination of these outlooks.
STUDY 3
The goal of Study 3 was to provide converging evidence that religious motivations are viewed differently by members of different religious cultural groups. We asked participants to rate how
appropriate each intrinsic and extrinsic religiosity item would be as
a religious motivation instead of asking how participants personally
endorsed each item.
Method
Participants and procedures. Procedures were the same as in Study 2. We
present data from a separate University of California, Berkeley, sample of
62 Jews, 151 Protestants, and 121 Catholics. Participants were provided
with the intrinsic and extrinsic religiosity items and were given the following instructions: For each of the following statements, imagine that
this is a statement by a person who is explaining their motivations or
feelings about religion. Please rate each of the following statements in
terms of how appropriate they would be as motivations for religious behaviornot how much each one describes you, but how appropriate each
one is in your view. Ratings were made on 1 (not at all appropriate) to 7
(very appropriate) scales. In addition, we obtained single-item self-ratings
of religiousness and spirituality on 1 (not at all) to 5 (deeply) scales. We
neglected to solicit the two-item religious identity scale in this study.
Results
Mean differences. There was a significant effect of religious cultural
group on religiousness self-ratings (F (2, 330) 5 24.02, MSE 5 1.06,
po.001). Protestants (M 5 3.5, SD 5 1.1) and Catholics (M 5 3.2,
SD 5 0.9) rated themselves more religious than did Jews (M 5 2.4,
4.9AB
3.9A
3.7AB
4.6A
0.11
0.08
0.12
0.12
SE
4.4A
4.0A
4.0A
4.1AB
Jews
0.16
0.12
0.18
0.17
SE
5.1B
3.4B
3.4B
4.1B
0.10
0.08
0.11
0.11
SE
Protestants
6.76nnn
15.15nnn
3.63n
5.36nn
Significance
Notes: dferror for analyses range from 326 to 327. The between-subject df is 2 for all analyses. Means that do not share a subscript within a row
differ significantly by post-hoc Bonferroni test.
n
p .05. nnp .01. nnnp .001.
Intrinsic religiosity
Extrinsic religiosity
Extrinsic religiositysocial
Extrinsic religiositypersonal
Catholics
Table 5
Estimated Marginal Means (Controlling for Religiosity and Spirituality) in Study 3
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In this study, we obtained participants open-ended, narrative descriptions of important experiences in their lives. Our goal was to
determine whether differences in social versus individualistic aspects
of religious identity would emerge in this less-structured format. In
addition to speaking to the differing salience of individualistic and
collectivistic aspects of religion, these data also document some effects of religious cultural norms on emotional and meaningful experiences. We hypothesized that such experiences for Protestants
would commonly involve a personal encounter with God. For Catholics, and especially Jews, we hypothesized that such experiences
would commonly be social. We also predicted that the likelihood of
having an experience involving God would correlate positively with
intrinsic religiosity, whereas having a social experience would be
positively correlated with extrinsic religiosity.
Method
Participants and procedures. The data being analyzed here come from a
project that focused primarily on forgiveness (Cohen, et al., 2006). Most
participants were students at an East Coast or West Coast research university. Most participants were women (n 5 91), with 35 men. The age
range of the sample was 17 to 58 (M 5 23.0, SD 5 7.04). Education was
coded from 1 (elementary school) to 5 (graduate degree), M 5 3.4,
SD 5 0.85.
Measures. We asked participants to describe life-changing experiences
as follows: Have you ever had an experience that significantly changed
the way you approach life or the world? If not, just say you havent. If so,
please tell us about the experience in a few sentences: Where were you?
What was the experience like? What emotions did you experience? How
did the experience change you? Participants also completed the intrinsic
religiosity (a 5 .88) and extrinsic religiosity scales (a 5 .81), and the twoitem identity scale (a 5 .93).
732
Table 6
Correlations of Social and God Codes With Demographics and
Religiosity Scales in Study 4
Code
Social
God code
Intrinsic religiosity
Extrinsic religiosity
Identity
Sex
Age
Education
.21n
.21n
.10
.11
.11
.10
.07
God
.31nnn
.25nn
.32nnn
.01
.21n
.16w
Notes: For both the social code and the God code, yes was coded as 1 and no was
coded as 0. For sex, male was coded as 1 and female as 0.
w
p .10. np .05. nnp .01. nnnp .001.
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As in previous studies, the differences between Jews and Protestants were largest. We used regression analyses to further explore
JewishProtestant differences. Jewish was coded as 1 and Protestant
as 0. Predicting likelihood of having an essay coded as involving God,
the effect of religion ( Jewish or Protestant) was significant and large,
b 5 .57, po.001. Individually controlling for gender (b 5 .57,
po.001), education (b 5 .54, po.001), or age (b 5 .50, po.001)
did not explain the effect (bs are the effects of religion on God category codes). The effects of religious group also did not seem to be
explainable by religiousness, as in prior studies. Controlling for intrinsic religiosity, the effect of religion was still significant (b 5 .33,
p 5 .005). Controlling for extrinsic religiosity also did not reduce the
effect of religion, (b 5 .47, po.001), and neither did controlling for
the two item religious identity scale (b 5 .45, po.001).
The effect of religion ( Jewish or Protestant) was also significant
when predicting likelihood of having social experiences, b 5 .27,
p 5 .03. This difference was also not explainable by demographics, as
controlling for gender (b 5 .27, p 5 .03), or education (b 5 .26,
p 5 .04) or age (b 5 .25, p 5 .05) did not reduce the size of the eect
of religion. Controlling for intrinsic religiosity (b 5 .26, p 5 .07), extrinsic religiosity (b 5 .25, p 5 .08), or religious identity salience
(b 5 .23, p 5 .09) also did not meaningfully change the effect sizes.
Again, bs are the effects of religion while controlling for the stated
covariate.
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GENERAL DISCUSSION
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