The cross-in-square plan in Carolingian architecture

Carlo Tosco

UDC: 72.033.42108 C. Tosco

72.012.2408 Politecnico di Torino
Preliminary communication Dipartimento DIST
Manuscript received: 06. 02. 2014. corso Massimo d'Azeglio 42
Revised manuscript accepted: 18. 04. 2014. 10125 Torino
DOI: 10.1484/J.HAM.5.102665 Italia

The essay is dedicated to the development of the cross-in-square plan (quincunx) in 9th century architecture and to the relationships
between the Byzantine empire and the West. The elaboration of the model presents different variants which prove the vitality
of the research carried out by architects during the period. Following a historical path, the examples certified in the West are
examined: Santa Maria delle Cinque Torri in Cassino, S. Miquel at Terrassa in Catalua, the chapel of Germigny-des-Prs built
by Theodulf dOrlans and the chapel of S. Satiro commissioned by archbishop Anspert of Milan. These buildings present archi-
tectural similarities and differences and they stem from designs elaborated in Roman times. The examination of the political and
diplomatic relations between the Byzantine empire and the Carolingian kings at the end of the 9th century helps to understand
the dissemination of the cross-in-square plan during this period of architectural history.

Keywords: cross-in-square, quincunx, Theodulf, Anspert

The cross-in-square (quincunx) is an ideal architectural court of Constantinople. Interesting examples are found
model, which presents a considerable variety of solutions in Beozia at the Panaghia of Skripou7, built in 873-874 by
and variants1. In this work, we would like to concentrate Protospatharios Leone, and at St. Andrew of Peristerai8,
attention on the development of this constructive scheme in Thessalonica, which was probably founded in 870-871.
in the West in the 9th century and on the relationships exis- It is important to observe that, also in the West, in the
ting between the Frankish world and the Byzantine Empire. Carolingian period, the quincunx model attracted the inte-
The cross-in-square plan had already been used in Roman
architecture, the most famous example being the Praeto-
rium of Musmiye (fig. 1), in Syria, built in 164-169 AD2. In
the Christian world, an important development phase took
place in Eastern Anatolia and Caucasian regions, where
architects elaborated early plans for quincunx churches.
The region subject to the most in-depth study is still that
of Armenia, where the St. Hovhanns in Bagaran (fig. 2) and
the patriarchal church of Emiacin were built in 7th century3.
It is hard to establish exactly how Armenian architecture
can have influenced architecture in the West but, undoub-
tedly, the Byzantine Empire strengthened its relations with
the Caucasian regions and took on an important role in
cultural mediation4. The use of the quincunx in Christian
architecture began to be successful from the 9th century
and spread beyond the Byzantine Empire, developing on
a broad geographic scale between East and West.
In Constantinople, the most famous reference is still
the Nea Ekklesia, built by Basil I in the imperial palace and
consecrated by the patriarch Photius on the 1st of May 8805.
The complete destruction of the monument after the area
was conquered by the Turks make it difficult to reconstruct
its original layout on the basis of documentary sources and
many doubts remain. Descriptions mainly focus on the
richness of the church and the splendour of the decora-
tions but do not allow excessively detailed interpretations
in relation to architecture6. However, it seems evident that
the church of Basil I was a structure with a central plan,
crowned by five domes. The Nea Ekklesia however was
only the most famous of the family based on this model,
and in the same period in which it was built, we know that
the quincunx was also developed in other churches in the
provinces, promoted by high-ranking people close to the Fig. 1. Musmiye (Syria), Praetorium, drawing by de Vog.

C. Tosco: The Cross-in-Square Plan... 489

 Fig. 2. Bagaran (Armenia), St. Hovhannes, plan.
Fig. 4. Cassino, S. Maria delle Cinque Torri, view of interior in 1930, before
destruction.
rest of architects and high-level patrons. In Montecassino,
Abbot Teodemaro (777/778-796) had commissioned the
construction in the village near the monastery of the church
of S. Maria (fig. 3-4), known later, in consideration of its
shape, as Santa Maria delle Cinque Torri9. The building
was completely destroyed during the battle of 1944, but
its structure is documented thanks to the relief drawings
and photographs10: it was a structure with a square plan,
of considerable size (19 m along each side), with a central
square nucleus inside, supported by 12 columns, with three
emerging apses. The church had no domes and the roof
consisted on four minor towers, set at the corners, and a
major central tower, all supported by wooden framework.
The church did not, therefore, perfectly represent the quin-
490
Fig. 3. Cassino, S. Maria delle Cinque Torri, plan.
cunx model, although certain aspects did resemble it. We
dont know whether the building reflected others already
built locally in Montecassino, or whether its origins stem-
med from the culture of the abbot who had promoted its
construction. Teodemaro was a high churchman from Fran-
kish realm and had received Charlemagne and the imperial
court in his monastery, with all the honours, in 78711.
The group of Carolingian buildings could not, however,
include S. Miquel at Terrassa, the Roman city of Egara in
Catalua. The most recent archaeological investigations
have enabled a new evaluation of S. Miquel (fig. 5), iden-
tified with a funerary church built in the first episcopal
phase, between the mid-5th and early 6th centuries12. It
should, however, be noted that, after the Muslim invasion,
the diocese of Terrassa had not interrupted its functions
and, with the Frankish conquest of Catalua, it had been
included in the territories of the Marca Hispanica at north
of Ebro. Even in the 9th century, the church of S. Miquel
conserved its funerary role and hosted new burials in the
outer corridor13. It is possible that the building might have
taken on value as a point of reference for the patrons of the
Carolingian architecture.
In France, the most well-known building with a quin-
cunx layout is the oratory of Germigny-des-Prs (fig. 6),
founded by Theodulf while he was bishop of Orlans and
abbot of Fleury, between 799 and 81814. Theodulf was of
Visigoth origin and came from a family which had set up
home in the Septimania region after the Muslim invasion of
the Iberian peninsula. The church of Germigny was a small
private chapel, built within the rich residence of a bishop.
The building had a square perimeter, with apses applied on
the sides, which housed a smaller square made up of four
pillars. The central roof was probably a vertical tower in
origin. The palatial complex of which it was part has been
 Fig. 5. Terrassa, S. Miquel, archaeological plan (from M. G. GARCIA I LLINARES, A. MORO GARCA, F. TUSET BERTRN, 2009).
Fig. 6. Germigny-des-Prs, chapel, axonometric reconstruction
(from C. B. MCCLENDON, 2005).
lost entirely, but documents describe it as a lavish building,
befitting to the political and social rank of its owner, full
of decorations and paintings15. Archaeological researches
carried out in the 19th century revealed the presence of a
hypocaust in the palace area, testifying to the level of the
facilities that completed the residence of Theodulf16. The
church of Germigny is largely the result of restoration work
begun in 1845 and directed, from 1867, by the architect Juste
Lisch, the aim of which was to restore the building its pres-
umed original appearance. The most altered part is in the
upper structures and the roofing system, while there is more
certainty in relation to the plan, thanks to the archaeological
investigations (fig. 7) carried out in 1929-3017.
The building was famous for the wealth of its decorative
elements and may have taken on the value of a model to
imitate in the Carolingian world. One particular source
celebrates it as ecclesiam () tam mirifici operis ut nullam
in tota Neustria inveniri potest18. The presence of archi-
tectural elements deriving from the Visigoth architectural
culture, like the horseshoe arches, suggests relations with
the Iberian peninsula, due to the geographic origin of
Theodulf19. The ornamental elements on the other hand
seem to indicate a link with Italy. The stucco decoration
C. Tosco: The Cross-in-Square Plan... 491
 Fig. 7. Germigny-des-Prs, chapel, archaeological plan (from J. HUBERT, 1930).
can be likened to the works created in the Lombardy area
during the Longobard and Carolingian periods, although
it is hard to identify precise models of reference20. In Rome,
the mosaic had been revived during the days of Leo III and
Theodulf had followed the court to Italy, attending the
coronation of Charles in 80021.
After Theodulf was arrested in 818 and lost all his assets,
the villa in Germigny was confiscated by the Carolingian
kings and became part of the estate of Charles the Bald as
regium palacium22. In 843 the king had chosen the palace
of Theodulf to celebrate a synod of the French bishops23.
This is interesting because it allows us to establish a pro-
bable contact with the second famous quincunx building in
the Carolingian world: the chapel of S. Satiro, built in Milan
by archbishop Anspert. Once again, this was a small but
richly decorated private church, built by a high churchman
inside a private building.
492
The church of S. Satiro24 is a monument which is well
documented. The testament drawn up by archbishop Ans-
pert on the 10th of September 879 states that, upon his death,
his home in the city of Milan be turned into xenodochio (a
house for the care of the poor) entrusted to the monastery
of S. Ambrogio, which was to provide shelter the citys poor
and pilgrims. The house was a family palace consisting
of several buildings built of wood and brick, including
a basilica, built a fundamentis and devoted to saints
Satiro, Sylvester and Ambrose. In this case, the term basi-
lica does not include a type of architecture but a general
building of particular importance. Ansperts funerary stone,
housed in the church of S. Ambrogio25, is reminiscent of the
construction, together with other buildings commissioned
by the archbishop:
TU[m] S[an]C[t]O SATURO TE[m]PLU[m]QUE
DOMU[m]Q[ue] DICAVIT
 Fig. 8. Milan, S. Satiro, view of interior, looking east.
In this epitaph, the chapel is mentioned solely with the
dedication to S. Satiro, evidently considered to be most
representative, and this dedication was to remain in the
centuries that followed. The building was therefore built
in the decade between Ansperts election (868) and his
death (879).
The structure conserved today represents just part of
the original monumental complex, which was demolished
to make way for the church of S. Maria, built with the in-
tervention of Donato Bramante from 1477. At that time the
outer walls were covered entirely with a new coat of bricks
and stucco decorations, the roofs were reconstructed and
almost all the interior capitals were replaced. Modern res-
toration work has brought to the light the medieval struc-
tures that were still conserved, earlier by Enrico Strada in
1888-1889, and, later, with the decisive intevention carried
out by Gino Chierici in 1939-194226. The restoration work
directed by Chierici was very attentive, recuperating what
was left of the medieval building, eliminating renaissance
and baroque additions where possible.
The chapel was originally a structure with four semi-
circular apses and four isolated major columns which
formed a central square (fig. 8). There were originally
twelve minor columns applied in the corner spaces, three
on each side. The roof of the central area has been replaced
entirely in modern times and we have no idea of the way
the original roof looked. The bays of the cross arm are barrel
vaulted, like Theodulfs chapel. In the corners however, the
restoration work carried out by Chierici brought connect-
ing flying quadrant vaults (fig. 9). Nowadays, only two col-
umns remain with the original capitals, offering important
evidence of 9th century Lombard sculpture. In one of the
capitals it is still possible to see the hole for insertion of the
beam that supported the pergula in the original liturgical
setting (fig. 10). Fig. 9. Milan, S. Satiro, original vault in the corner compartment, photographed
by G. Chierici in 1940.
Chiericis restoration works ascertained that the outer
perimeter, hidden by renaissance intervention, was curved. ner apses, and four smaller lobes, corresponding to the
The plan developed externally as a multi-lobed cylinder, corner segments. This design is important as there are no
with three slightly larger lobes corresponding to the in- significant comparisons in the Carolingian architecture of

C. Tosco: The Cross-in-Square Plan... 493

 Fig. 12. Milan, S. Satiro, fragments of brickwork decorations illustrated by A. Guidini in 1888-1889.
Fig. 10. Milan, S. Satiro, Carolingian capital.
the same period. It is probable that in S. Satiro there is a
reference to Roman models and multi-lobed structures of
the imperial period, of which there must have been many
in a city like Milan, which was still rich in ancient monu-
ments. Today the chapel appears to be inclined with respect
to the renaissance church of S. Maria and this anomalous
placement is due to the fact that it was originally aligned
with the axes of the Roman city, well-known on the basis of
the most recent urban archaeological researches27. When S.
Satiro was built, the 9th century city still observed the impe-
rial street layout, which was later cancelled by expansion
during the late middle ages.
Restoration work also uncovered fragments of frescoes
which decorated the interior walls, with figures of saints
standing (fig. 11), where references to the techniques in
494
Fig. 11. Milan, S. Satiro, figure of saint.
use in Byzantine painting have been recognised28. On
the outside, the remains of brickwork decorations were
documented during the restoration carried out in 1888-
1889, illustrated in a relief table of Augusto Guidini (fig.
12), conserved today at the Gabinetto dei Disegni of the
Museum of Sforzesco Castle29. S. Satiro was a small but very
richly decorated chapel, which we can only imagine today,
characterised by the sculpture of capitals, paintings on the
walls and exterior decorations in terracotta.
Anspert had a very close relationship with Louis II and
Charles the Bald, sustaining his imperial candidacy in
875. The following year, as soon as he had been crowned
emperor, Charles the Bald displayed his recognition of
the bishop with a rich donation, made during a public
assembly held in Pavia30. At that exact same time, Anspert
was working on the construction of the chapel of S. Satiro.
A privileged relationship between the imperial court and
the Lombard capital was also documented by the circula-
tion of the manuscripts31. It is likely that the political and
cultural links entwined between the Carolingian kings and
the archbishop of Milan, favoured the sharing of architec-
tural models.
In short, the buildings of Germigny and Milan share a
quincunx architectural layout drawn up in different forms
within the local contexts32 (fig. 13-14). In Milan, references
to Roman imperial architecture seem more evident, due
to the wealth of the ancient architectural heritage, while in
Germigny it seems possible to imagine a contact with the
Christian architecture of Catalua. A different structure, in
 Fig. 13. Comparative plans of Germigny-des-Prs (left) and S. Satiro (right), at the same scale.
Fig. 14. Comparative sections of Germigny-des-Prs (left) and S. Satiro (right).
terms of dimensions and design, was presented by Santa
Maria delle Cinque Torri in Cassino. The dimensions of the
chapels of Germigny and S. Satiro were very similar and the
two buildings can be recorded (with the exclusion of the
apses) within a square with a width of 10 m. In both cases,
the design model applied stems from a re-elaboration of
prestigious ancient models, favoured by the intervention
of high-ranking patrons. It is important to observe that the
model of quincunx became popular in both the East and
West at the same time. During those same years it is pos-
sible to historically reconstruct the political and diplomatic
relationships that linked the Byzantine and Frankish worlds.
Emperor Basil I, who had just risen to the throne in 867, had
established contact with the Carolingian kings. At the same
time, the disputes of Photios had created new religious and
theological relations with Rome. In 868, Emperor Louis II
had promoted plans (which failed) of a wedding between
his daughter Ermengarde and Constantine, son of Basil I,
opening up diplomatic relations33. It is highly likely that
the archbishop Anspert was no stranger to these wedding
plans. If the plan had been successful, the event might
have been as important to western art as the wedding, a
century later, between the Byzantine princess Theophanu
to the emperor Otto II.
Political and diplomatic relations must have favoured
cultural exchanges at that time and probably the circula-
tion of projects and skills. The cross-in-square church was
therefore, at the beginning, a heritage shared between
East and West, derived from the re-elaboration of ancient
architectural drawings. Only later in the history of archi-
tecture was there to be a clear separation: in the territories
of the Byzantine empire, the model was to be reinstated as
dominant reference from the 10th century, while in the West,
after the end of the Carolingian period, it only reappeared
in a few, isolated cases34.
C. Tosco: The Cross-in-Square Plan... 495
1
For researches about cross-in-square plan: R. KRAUTHEIMER, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, Harmondsworth, 1986, 4th ed. rev. with S.
uri, pp. 340-344; G. DIMITROKALLIS, Osservazioni sullarchitettura di San Satiro a Milano e sullorigine delle chiese tetraconche altomedioevali, in
Archivio storico lombardo 95, 1968, pp. 127-140; D. LANGE, Theorien zur Entstehung des byzantinischen Kreuzkuppelkirche, in Architetctura 16, 1986,
pp. 93-113; N. SCHMUCK, Kreuzkuppelkirche, in M. Restle (dir.), Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, V, Stuttgart, 1995, cc. 356-374; R. OUSTERHOUT,
Master Builders of Byzantium, Princeton, 1999, pp. 15-19; G. DIMITROKALLIS, La gense de lglise en croix grecque inscrite, in Byzantina 23, 2002-2003,
pp. 219-232; C. B. MCCLENDON, The Origins of the Medieval Architecture. Building in Europe, A.D. 600-900, New Haven-London, 2005, pp. 131-133
2
S. HILL, The Praetorium of Musmiye, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers 29, 1975, pp. 347-349, and Z. URI MAOZ, The Praetorium at Musmiye, again,
ibidem 44, 1990, pp. 41-46.
3
A. KOSTANOVI ZARJAN, Bagaran e le chiese del tipo Bagaran, in Atti del primo simposio internazionale di arte armena, Bergamo, 1975, Venezia,
1978, pp. 775-784; P. CUNEO, Architettura armena dal quarto al diciannivesimo secolo, I, Roma, 1988, pp. 88-93 e 630-631; F. GANDOLFO, Le basiliche
armene, IV-VII secolo, Roma, 1982, pp. 13-19; A. ALPAGO NOVELLO, Larchitettura armena tra oriente e occidente, in Gli Armeni, Milano, 1999, pp. 186-
187. It would seem that the experimentations of the Cappadocia came later: in the rocky churches of the Greme desert, the inscribed cross seems to
have gained popularity only from the 10th century: J. LAFONTAINE-DOSOGNE, Pour une problmatique de la peinture dglise byzantine a lpoque
iconoclaste, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41, 1987, pp. 321-337.
4
S. DJEVAHIRDJIAN, Les rminiscences de larchitecture Armnienne en Occident, in Bazmavep 134, 1976, pp. 157-197 and 268-289; G. ROCCHI, Elementi
genetici dellarchitettura altomedievale armena. Confronto con larchitettura medievale lombarda, in Atti del primo simposio internazionale di arte
armena, Bergamo, 1975, Venezia 1978, pp. 555-588. The dome of Saint Sophia of Constantinople was restored by the Armenian architect Trdat after the
collapse in 989: CH. MARANCI, The Architect Trdat: Building Practices and Cross-Cultural Exchange in Byzantium and Armenia, in Journal of the Society
of Architectural Historians 62/3, 2003, pp. 294-305; about the question of the diffusion of Armenian architecture in Byzantium and Western Europe see
also ID., Medieval Armenian Architecture. Constructions of Race and Nation, Leuven-Paris-Sterling, 2001, pp. 129-131 and 250-253, in conclusion: We
are in position of waiting for further evidence.
5
R. J. H. JENKINS, C. MANGO, The Date and Significance of the Tenth Homily of Photius, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers 9-10, 1956, p. 130, n. 35, and M. GAL-
LINA, La descrizione della Nea Ekklesia nella Vita Basilii tra propaganda dinastica e retorica letteraria, in Studi medievali ser. 3, LII-I, 2011, pp. 367-373.
6
At least four reconstructive plans of the Nea Ekklesia have been proposed: R. OUSTERHOUT, Recostructing ninth-century Constantinople, in L.
Brubaker (dir.), Byzantium in the ninth century: dead or alive? Papers from the thirtieth spring symposium of byzantine studies, Birmingham, 1996,
Ashgate, 1998, pp. 115-130; see also S. URI, Architectural reconsideration of the Nea Ecclesia, in Byzantine Studies Conference Abstracts of Papers
6, 1980, pp. 11-12; P. MAGDALINO, Observations on the Nea Ekklesia of Basil I, in Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik 37, 1987, pp. 51-64; C.
MANGO, Nea Ekklesia in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, II, Oxford-New York, 1991, p. 1446.
7
E. STIKAS, Lglise byzantine de Scripou (Orchomnos) en Botie, in XXII Corso di cultura sullArte Ravennate e Bizantina, Ravenna, 1975, pp. 385-400;
A. H. S. MEGAW, The Skripou Screen: Dedicated to Richard Krautheimer, in Annual of the British School of Archaeology at Athens 61, 1981, pp. 1-32; L.
BEVILACQUA, Committenza aristocratica a Bisanzio in et macedone: Leone protospatario e la Panaghia di Skripou, in C. A. Quintavalle (dir.), Medio-
evo: i committenti. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Parma, 2010, Milano, 2011, pp. 411-420. For a comparison between the churches of Peristerai and
Skripou: M. DELLA VALLE, Costantinopoli e il suo impero. Arte, architettura, urbanistica nel millennio bizantino, Milano, 2007, pp. 87-88.
8
G. DIMITROKALLIS, La chiesa del monastero di Peristern presso Salonicco, in Archivio dei monumenti Bizantini di Grecia, VII, Atene, 1951, pp. 146-167.
9
The construction is certified by the Chronicon Casinense, in MGH, Scriptores, VII, vol. I, 2, p. 588.
10
E. SCACCIA SCARAFONI, La chiesa cassinese detta Santa Maria delle Cinque Torri, in Rivista di archeologia cristiana 22, 1946, pp. 139-189; A. VEN-
DITTI, Architettura bizantina nellItalia meridionale, I, Napoli, 1967, pp. 591-597; A. PANTONI, Santa Maria delle Cinque Torri di Cassino. Risultati e
problemi, in Rivista di archeologia cristiana 51, 1975, pp. 243-280; ID., La chiesa di Santa Maria delle Cinque Torri di Cassino in un disegno del primo
Ottocento, ibidem 56, 1980, pp. 313-322; E. PISTILLI, La chiesa di Santa Maria delle Cinque Torri di Cassino (sec. VIII), Cassino, 2000; S. CARELLA,
Architecture religieuse haut-mdivale en Italie: le diocse de Bnvent, Turnhout, 2011, pp. 81-86
11
H. HOUBEN, Linflusso carolingio nel monachesimo meridionale, in ID., Medioevo monastico meridionale, Napoli, 1987, pp. 33-34.
12
M. G. GARCIA I LLINARES, A. MORO GARCA, F. TUSET BERTRN, La seu episcopal dgara. Arqueologia dun conjunt cristi del segle IV al IX,
Institut Catal dArqueologia Clssica, Tarragona, 2009.
13
Ibidem, p. 183.
14
For the rich bibliography on the chapel of Theodulf: C. HEITZ, Germigny-des-Prs, in Enciclopedia dellarte medievale, VI, Roma, 1995, pp. 559-560;
G. MACKIE, Theodulf of Orlans and the Ark of the Covenant: a New Allegorical Interpretation at Germigny-des-Prs, in Racar: revue dart canadienne
32, 2007, pp. 45-58; a late-tenth-century source states that Germigny imitaded the chapel of Aachen: U. SCHEDLER, Die Pfalzkapelle in Aachen und St.
Salvator zu Germigny-des-Prs: Vorbild und Widerspruch, in R. Berndt (dir.), Das Frankfurter Konzil von 794: Kristallisationspunkt karolingischer Kultur,
Akten zweier Symposien anllich der 1200-Jahrfeier der Stadt Frankfurt am Main, Mainz, 1997, pp. 677-698; for liturgy, architecture and decoration:
A. DOIG, Liturgy and Architecture. From the Early Church to the Middle Ages, Aldershot, 2009, pp. 117-118; see also O. DEMUS, Larte bizantina in Oc-
cidente, Torino, 2008, pp. 56-71, and G. CIOTTA, La cultura architettonica carolingia. Da Pipino III a Carlo il Grosso (751-888), Milano, 2010, pp. 129-135.
15
The paintings are described by Theodulf: MGH, Poetae latini aevi carolini, I, c. XLVI-XLVIII, pp. 544-549.
16
A. F. PRVOST, La basilique de Thodulfe et la paroisse de Germigny-des-Prs, Orlans, 1889, p. 27.
17
The results of the archaeological researches were published by J. HUBERT, Germigny-des-Prs, in Congrs archologique de France, Orlans, 93, Paris
1930, pp. 534-568.
18
Catalogus abbatum floriacensium, in MGH, Scriptores, XV, p. 501, drawn up at the end of the 9th century or the beginning of the 10th; the text contin-
ues: In hac igitur idem Theodulfus abbas et episcopus ecclesiam tam mirifici operis construxit (). Porro in matherio turris, de qua signa pendebant,
huiusmodi inseruit versus argenteo colore expressos: Haec in honore Dei Theodulfus templa sacravi / quae dum quisquis adis, oro, memento mei. See
also Letald of Micy, Liber miraculorum sancti Maximini abbatis Miciacensis (J.-P. MIGNE, Patrologia latina, 137, col. 802D): Theodulfus igitur episco-
pus inter caetera suorum operum basilicam miri operis, instar videlicet eius quae Aquis est constructa, aedificavit in villa quae dicitur Germiniacus,
quo etiam his versibus sui memoriam eleganter expressit: Haec in honore Dei Theodulfus templa sacravi / quae dum quisquis adis, oro, memento mei.
19
C. HEITZ, La France pr-romane. Archologie et architecture religieuse du Haut Moyen ge du IVe sicle lan Mille, Paris 1987, p. 217.
20
P. ANNE-ORANGE, Le dcor de loratoire de Germigny-des-Prs: lauthentique et le restaur, in Cahiers de civilisation mdivale, 163, 1998, pp. 281-297,
and F. HEBER-SUFFRIN, Germigny-des-Prs, une oeuvre exemplaire?, in Ch. Sapin (dir.), Stucs et dcors de la fin de lantiquit au Moyen ge (Ve-XIIe
sicle), Actes du colloque international, Poitiers, 2004, Turnhout, 2006, pp. 179-195; see also L. PASQUINI, La decorazione a stucco in Italia tra Tardo
Antico e Alto Medioevo, Ravenna, 2002.
21
For a recent look at the Roman mosaics: M. G. SUNDELL, Mosaics in Eternal City, Tempe, 2007, pp. 1-50; according to J.-P. CAILLET, Lart carolingien,
Paris, 2005, pp. 30-31, it is likely that the mosaic artists who worked in Germigny came from Rome.

496
22
M. BOUQUET, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de France, VIII, Paris, 1870, Diplomata, doc. CXXV (a. 854), p. 535, Actum Germiniaco palatio, and
doc. CXXXI (a. 855), p. 539, Actum in Germiniaco palatio regio.
23
MGH, Concilia aevi karolini, Hannoverae 1984, t. III, pp. 3-7.
24
P. VERZONE, Larchitettura religiosa dellAlto Medioevo nellItalia Settentrionale, Milano, 1942, pp. 128-129; E. ARSLAN, Larchitettura dal 568 al Mille,
in Storia di Milano, II, Milano, 1954, pp. 587-594; G. LISE, Santa Maria presso San Satiro, Milano, 1975; C. PEROGALLI, Analisi critica dellarchitettura
del sacello di San Satiro, in ID., A. PALESTRA, San Satiro fratello di santAmbrogio e santa Marcellina, Milano, 1980, pp. 157-185; G. B. SANNAZZARO, Il
sacello di San Satiro: larchitettura, in S. Bistoletti Bandera (dir.), Il sacello di S. Satiro. Storia, ritrovamenti, restauri, Cinisello Balsamo, 1990, pp. 7-27;
ID., Il sacello e la torre di S. Satiro nelle incisioni e nella documentazione dellOttocento, in Rassegna di studi e di notizie 16, 1991/1992, pp. 255-320;
ID., Larchitettura di S. Satiro, in Insula Ansperti. Il complesso monumentale di S. Satiro, Milano, 1992, pp. 39-64; C. PEROGALLI, Satiro, sacello di S., in
Dizionario della Chiesa Ambrosiana, V, Milano, 1992, pp. 3227-3231; G. B. SANNAZZARO, Per S. Maria presso S. Satiro e Leonardo: nuovi documenti, in
Raccolta Vinciana 25, 1993, pp. 63-85; ID., Per il sacello e la torre campanaria di S. Satiro a Milano: novit e precisazioni, in G. Colmuto Zanella, F. Conti,
V. Hybsch (dir.), La fabbrica, la critica, la storia. Scritti in onore di Carlo Perogalli, Milano, 1993, pp. 268-280. Per linserimento del San Satiro nel quadro
generale dellarchitettura carolingia: W. JACOBSEN, Die Lombardei und die karolingische Architektur, in Atti del 10 Congresso internazionale di studi
sullalto Medioevo, Milano, 1983, Spoleto, 1986, pp. 436-437; A. PERONI, Ansperto, in Enciclopedia dellarte medievale, II, Roma, 1991, pp. 57-58; C. B.
MCCLENDON, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 132; G. CIOTTA, op. cit. (n. 14), pp. 293-294; M. LUCHTERHANDT, Rinascita a Roma, nellItalia carolingia e meridionale,
in S. de Blaauw (dir.), Storia dellarchitettura italiana. Da Costantino a Carlo Magno, II, Milano, 2010, pp. 345-349.
25
For recent investigations on Ansperts epitaph: M. PETOLETTI, Copiare le epigrafi nel Medioevo: lepitafio di Ansperto in S. Ambrogio a Milano e la sua
fortuna, in Italia medioevale e umanistica 42, 2002, pp. 91-114; see also A. TCHERIKOVER, Atria vicinas struxit et ante fores. The fictitious Carolingian
atrium of SantAmbrogio at Milan, in Arte lombarda n.s., 149, 2007, pp. 5-9.
26
G. CHIERICI, La cappella della Piet in San Satiro, in Atti del IV Convegno Nazionale di Storia dellArchitettura, Milano, 1939, pp. 25-44, and ID., La
chiesa di S. Satiro a Milano e alcune considerazioni sullarchitettura preromanica in Lombardia, Milano, 1942. See also: L. GALLI, Il restauro nellopera
di Gino Chierici (1877-1961), Milano, 1989, and R. AMORE, Il contributo di Gino Chierici al dibattito sul restauro negli anni Quaranta, in Id., Andrea
Pane, Gianluca Vitagliano (dir.), Restauro, monumenti e citt: teorie ed esperienze del Novecento in Italia, Napoli, 2008, pp. 94-143.
27
For urban archaeological researches in the area: A. PALESTRA, Ritrovamenti det romana presso S. Satiro e loro rapporti con la documentazione del
sec.IX, con una nota di M. Mirabella Roberti, Milano, 1964; ID., Ricerca sulle strutture urbane di un isolato al centro di Milano comprendente la basilica
di Santa Maria presso San Satiro, in Arte lombarda n.s. 64, 1983, pp. 29-42; M. L. Gatti Perer (dir.), Milano ritrovata. Lasse di via Torino, Milano, 1986;
Milano capitale dellimpero romano (286-402 d.C.), Milano, 1990; D. CAPORUSSO, M. T. DONATI, S. MASSEROLI, T. TIBILILETTI, Immagini di Medio-
lanum. Archeologia e storia di Milano dal V secolo a.C. al V secolo d.C., Milano, 2007.
28
S. BARONI, B. SEGRE, Il restauro dei dipinti del sacello di Ansperto, in S. Bistoletti Bandera (dir.), Il sacello di S. Satiro. Storia, ritrovamenti, restauri,
Cinisello Balsamo, 1990, p. 66.
29
The drawing was published by G. B. SANNAZZARO, Larchitettura di S. Satiro, op. cit. (n. 24), p. 41.
30
G. ARNALDI, La tradizione degli atti dellassemblea pavese del febbraio 876, in La critica del testo. Atti del secondo Congresso internazionale della
Societ italiana di storia del diritto, I, Firenze, 1971, pp. 51-68.
31
N. GHIGLIONE, Il libro nel territorio ambrosiano dal VI al IX secolo, in C. Bertelli (dir.), Il millennio ambrosiano. Milano, una capitale da Ambrogio
ai Carolingi, Milano, 1987, p. 147.
32
Relations between S. Satiro and the chapel of Germigny had already been recognised by G. T. RIVOIRA, Le origini dellArchitettura Lombarda, Rome
1901, p. 272; for a critical assessment: ARSLAN, Larchitettura dal 568 al Mille, p. 588, and W. JACOBSEN, op. cit. (n. 24), pp. 436-437.
33
A. DUCELLIER, J. FERLUGA, J.-P. ARRIGNON, A. CARILE, La guerra e la politica estera, in A. Ducellier (dir.), Bisanzio, Torino, 1988, pp. 132-133, e G.
RAVEGNANI, I Bizantini in Italia, Bologna, 2004, pp. 155-157.
34
In the Lombard area, isolated cases in the Romanesque period are the oratory of Paderna (A. SEGAGNI MALACART, Sulla tipologia delle cappelle
castrensi attorno al Mille: la chiesa inedita di S. Maria di Paderna, in Storia dellarte 41, 1981, pp.14-20), and the baptistery of Galliano, probably to be
interpreted as a recovery of the prestigious model of S. Satiro (M. ROSSI, dir., Pittura a Galliano: un orizzonte europeo, Milano, 2010). In the Adriatic area,
there is a recent hypothesis of reconstruction with a quinconce plan of the chapel of the patriarchs of Grado in Rialto: G. ROSSI, G. SITRAN, Linsula
realtina sede dei patriarchi di Grado, Venezia, 2010, pp. 68-75; for S. Claudio al Chienti (11th century): P. PIVA, Marche romaniche, Milano, 2003, pp. 43-
55, and H. SAHLER, San Claudio al Chienti e le chiese romaniche a croce greca iscritta nelle Marche, Ascoli Piceno, 2006; for Croatian examples of 11th
century: T. MARASOVI, Quincunx u ranosrednjovjekovnoj arhitekturi Dalmacije, in Starohrvatska prosvjeta ser. III, 20, 1990, pp. 215-224.

QUINCUNX U KAROLINKOJ ARHITEKTURI

SAETAK

Ovaj rad posveen je razvoju quincunxa u arhitekturi 9.
stoljea i vezi izmeu Bizantskog Carstva i Zapada. Elabo-
racija modela predstavlja varijacije koje dokazuju vitalnost
istraivanja koje su proveli tadanji arhitekti. Slijedei kro-
nologiju, prouavani su sigurni primjeri sa Zapada: Santa
Maria delle Cinque Torri u Casinu, San Miguel u Terrassi u
Kataloniji, kapela Germigny-des-Prs koju je izgradio Teodulf
Orleanski i kapela San Satiro koju je naruio milanski nad-
biskup Anspert. Ove graevine predstavljaju arhitektonske
slinosti, ali i razlike te proizlaze iz nacrta razraenih u rim-
sko doba. Pregled politikih i diplomatskih odnosa Bizanst-
kog Carstva i karolinkih vladara na kraju 9. stoljea pomae
nam shvatiti irenje kvadratnog tlocrtnog plana s upisanim
kriem tijekom ovog perioda arhitekturne povijesti.
Prevela: Nada Beni

Hortus Artium Mediev. Vol. 20/2 489-497 C. Tosco C. CROSS-IN-SQUARE

THE Tosco: The Cross-in-Square Plan... 497
PLAN...