Hadrian's Serapeum in
RABUN TAYLOR
Abstract
Doubts persist about the identity and origins of the
colossal temple on the Quirinal Hill in Rome, of which
only small fragments remain. The present article con-
firms its identity as a temple of Serapis,but ascribesit to
Hadrianand Antoninus Pius ratherthan the Severans,as
mostscholarssince Hulsenhavedone. The Severanphase,
it argues,waslimited to a few possible restorationsof the
temple proper,a new surroundingportico,and the grand
opuslatericium staircaseascending the hill to the temple.
It tracesthejourney of a series of Proconnesian columns
from the incipient Pantheon porch, where Hadrian's
engineers failed to find a way to erect them; to the new
Serapeum on the Quirinal, designed to accommodate
the colossal order that had failed the Pantheon; and
finally,after a partialcollapse of the Serapeumporch, to
the Basilica of Maxentius,whence Paul V transferreda
single column shaft to the Piazza S. Maria Maggiore.
Special attention is given to antiquarianillustrationsof
the remains, especially those of Palladio, whose Pan-
theon-likeplan of the Serapeumporch is vindicated;and
to the statuary that is attested in the vicinity of the
temple.*
One of the enduring mysteries of ancient Ro-
man topographyconcerns the historyand very iden-
tity of the great temple on the western slope of the
Quirinal Hill. Looming over the eastern Campus
Martius,but turning its back on this natural pros-
pect so that its facade faced almost due east, this
extravagantbehemoth was one of the most promi-
nent landmarks in Rome. Among temples in the
capital city it was rivaled in size only by the Temple
of Venus and Roma and (perhaps) the Temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus, but in the height of its order it
probablyexceeded both.1 Presiding over one of the
most spectacular prospects in the city, its broken
remains were doomed to succumb to the rapacity
of wealthy and ambitious interests in Renaissance
Rome (fig. 1). Its precinct is estimated to have cov-
ered 17,000 m3 of the zone occupied today by the
Villa Colonna, the Pontificia UniversitaGregoriana,
the Piazza del Quirinale, and the Via XXIV Mag-
gio. The two famous statues of the Dioscuri adorn-
ing the Piazza del Quirinale (fig. 2), along with a
* I am deeply gratefulfor the helpful comments and revi-
sionsfromJohn Herrmannand twoanonymousreaderswho
brought disparatebut complementarypoints of view to the
table.Theirdetailedand astuteobservationshaveled to many
improvements.I also thank Pieter Brouckefor articulating
his recent ideas to me about the firstphase of the Hadrianic
AmericanJournal of Archaeology108 (2004)223-66
Rome
pair of reclining river gods now in the Piazza del
Campidoglio (fig. 3) are believed by many to have
belonged to this temple sanctuary.
Only a few fragments of the temple's vanished
superstructure survive today. Sequestered from the
public eye in the gardens of the villa and the neigh-
boring university,massive blocks of the marble or-
der rest beside the substantial remains of an elabo-
rate stairway that led up to the temple from the
west (figs. 4-5). Today,the stairwayis hard to make
out; but a photograph taken around 1930, when
the area to the west was cleared for the construc-
tion of the current university building, and before
some of the Roman remains became overgrownwith
ivy, clearly shows the shell of the Roman stairway
structure, essentially rectangular in plan, upon
which the Casa Colonna is built (fig. 6) . Of the tem-
ple proper nothing is visible today. Before its re-
maining corner was destroyed in 1630 under Ur-
ban VIII, the temple had a powerful hold on many
of the great artistic minds of the Roman Renais-
sance. Yet today its ghost hovers in a pitiful limbo,
rarely invoked in courses on Roman topography or
architecture.
Nothing is known for sure about the temple's
history before the 14th century, and only in the
following century, beginning with Flavio Biondo,
do eyewitness descriptions begin to appear. Fol-
lowing the mistaken presumption that this was the
Turris Maecenatis from which Nero lamented the
great fire of Rome, Renaissance antiquarians of-
ten called the surviving section of temple wall and
pediment the frontespiziodi Nerone.Stirred by the
quality and grandeur of the remains many noted
antiquarians, architects, and artists, including Le-
onbattista Alberti, Giuliano da Sangallo, Antonio
da Sangallo pereand fits, Giovanni Antonio Dosio,
Fra Giocondo, Baldassare and Sallustio Peruzzi,
Pirro Ligorio, Andrea Palladio, Sebastiano Serlio,
GiovambattistaMontana, Antoine Desgodetz, Gio-
vanni BattistaPiranesi, and Luigi Canina measured
Pantheon.
1Recentexcavationshave
proventhe footprintof the Capi-
tolium to have been even largerthan that proposedby Gjer-
stad;see Sommella 1997-1998, 2000. This investigationhas
effectivelysupersededpreviousarguments,such as Stamper
1998-1999,thathavesoughtto downsizethe notionaltemple.
223
224 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108

Fig. 1. View northwardfrom the Forum. The remains of the Quirinal temple are on the hilltop at
the center of the picture. In the foreground is the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina,and behind
it the Templeof Minervain the ForumTransitorium,now destroyed.(DrawingbyFranciscod'Ollanda,
ca. 1539; Tormo 1940, fol. 25v.)

or recorded the remains.2 Renaissance maps dis-
played the ruins prominently.3 But after the tem-
ple's destruction students of the ancient city and
of Roman architecture showed only sporadic in-
terest in it. Canina drew exquisite reconstruc-
tions of the stairway and the temple.4 A number
of pensionnairesof the Ecole des Beaux-Arts pro-
duced envois in ink and watercolor of the sal-
vaged marble remains (fig. 7),5 and a stylistic
assessment of the upper order was published in
the 1920s.6 But only one of the French academ-
ics, Gustav-Adolphe Gerhard, studied and re-
constructed the whole temple (fig. 8). Though
elegant and precise, his efforts scant some of
the visual evidence preserved by Renaissance
artists.7 Since the 19th century substantial schol-

2The 1912, 3:221,fig. 165; Bartoli1914-1922, tav.LXII.

temple's post-Medievalhistory,to the extent it can
be reconstructed,is documented by Santangelo1941, 160-2.
Fordocumentationof the Renaissanceand later,see Brothers
2002; Scaglia1992;Borsi 1989;Lanciani 1902-1912, 3:217-
24;Toebelmann1923,76.Withoutthe benefit of excavations,
Giulianoda Sangallomade a plan of the site (BibliotecaApos-
tolicaVaticana,Cod.Barb.Lat.4424,fol. 65v);it is reproduced
in Scaglia1992, fig. 20; Borsi 1989, fig. 1. On these plans ev-
erything east of the stairwayis largelyfanciful, although it
correctlyreconstructsa rowof columns,spacedpseudodipter-
ally,downeach side.Giulianofollowedthe popularbelief that
thiswasthe Towerof Maecenas,entitling the buildingon his
drawing"Palazzodi Mecenate."See Scaglia1992, 39-40, 49-
53.An anonymouscopywithsome alterationsalso exists (Flo-
rence, Uffizi sch. 4381); for reproductionsof this plan, see
SantangeliValenziani1991-1992,9 andfig. 1;Lanciani1902-
3Brothers2002, 58-9;
Scaglia1992, passim,esp. n. 41.
4Canina 1848, 1:89-93; 2.taw; XLVI-L;see also
Scaglia
1992, 55 and figs. 24, 25. But for his changes in the porch,
Canina'srestoredelevationscloselyfollowPalladio's,evendown
to some decorativedetailssuch as the amorini.WithPalladio,
he restoresthe cella as a hypaethralperistyle.
5
E.g.,thosebyPierreEsquieandjulienGuadet;seeD Espouy
1981, 52-4.
6Toebelmann 1923.
Reproduced in D'Espouyand Seure 1910-1912, 2:172-5;
the reconstructedplananddetailsof the architecturalremains
appearin Cassanelliet al. 2002, 148. Certaindetails,such as
the positioning of the terminalpilasterson the rear side of
the building,are incorrect.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM 225

Fig. 2. The Dioscuri of the Quirinal. The positions of the two groups have been
inverted in one engraving. (Engravings,Lafrery1546. Rome, Coll. Lanciani)

arship on the temple has been exceedingly rare.
To the extent that research has shed new light
on this still obscure monument, it has done so
more in topographical than in architectural
terms.
THE ARCHITECTURAL EVIDENCE
Before we examine the temple in its historical
and historiographic context, then, let us briefly
assess what can be learned from the surviving evi-
dence of the building itself. Two illustrations- a
sienna sketch by Francisco d'Ollanda from about
1539,8 and an engraving by Dosio and Cavalieri
from 1569, contemporary with a nearly identical
woodcut by Bernardo Gamucci9- are the clearest
representations of the temple proper (figs. 9-10).
They show the one remaining end of the pedi-
mented rear wall, which Dosio 's illustration shows

8Tormo1940, 95-8 and fol. 21v. derivedfrom this well-knownprint.See Scaglia1992, 38, 40-
9Gamucci1569, 119-22.AviewbyG.TerBorchin 1610was 1, and n. 6.
226 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108

Fig.3. Recliningrivergods fromMontecavallo.Nowin the Piazzadel Campidoglio.

(R. Taylor)

to have been fortified into a Medieval defense
known as the Torre Mesa10or Torre di Mecenate.
Some destruction attended the fortification pro-
cess, for Francisco, working before the event,
records 10 modillions on the lower sima, while
later illustrations show only seven; the others have
been broken away to make room for the tower.
When the building was destroyed, a few samples
of the carved marble decoration- all in the blue-
streaked white marble of the Proconnesos - were
preserved. Two massive blocks of the entablature
and two sections of the frieze panels, along with a
fragmentary pilaster capital, are all that survive in
the garden of the Villa Colonna (see figs. 4, 5, 7,
11, 12).
The large Corinthian pilaster was around the
south side (figs. 10 and 12, bottom left). From
Palladio's plans we know that the temple was

10Derivedfrom the Medieval Zucchetti 1940-1953, 3:61, 93).

appellation Mensa Impera-
toris;see Mirabilia28; Graphiaaureaeurbis36 (Valentiniand
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM 227

Fig. 4. Marblefragmentsin the garden of the Villa Colonna. Viewby an anonymous 19th-centurypainter.
(Museo di Roma;Fototeca no. 13056)

Fig. 5. The same fragments, photographed near the turn of the 20th century. (DAI, inst. neg. 31.1591)

pseudodipteral sine postico; hence this was not served as the visual terminus for a row of free-
the terminus of many pilasters along a solid side standing columns preceding it. Confirmation
wall, but the carefully finished end of the rear comes from a unique mid 16th-century view of
wall, which projected laterally from the cella and the remains from the east, which reveals that the
228 RABUN TAYLOR
Fig. 6. View from the northwest of the Villa Colonna constructed on the shell of the Roman staircase.
Taken ca. 1930 during construction of the Pontificia UniversitaGregoriana. (Fototeca no. 3048)
pilaster had a 90-degree return on this side (fig.
13). n Various illustrations suggest that in some
fashion the temple's back wall continued lateral-
ly to the north and south; but this extension was
evidently rather low, to judge from the crisply
drafted southwest corner visible down to the lev-
el of the vaulting of the opus latericium corridor
12
running behind it (fig. 14; see figs. 9, 10).
In the early to middle Renaissance this well-pre-
served pilaster was measured, drawn, and described
repeatedly.13From the descriptions we learn its di-
mensions, and the fact that the shaft was fluted and
11Lanciani1895;1902-1912,3:212.The
platesto the former
articleconsistof a seriesof segmentalviewsconstitutinga nearly
complete panoramicview of the city. Reproducedin full in
Pietrangeli1977,fig. 52. Presumablyit is the two sides of this
pilasterthatprompteda notice of 1630 to describethe stand-
ing remainsof the temple,then being destroyed,as"haecbina
loculamentabirdscolumniset arcu ex lapidibustempli"(Lan-
ciani 1902-1912, 2:279;myemphasis). Anotherpanoramaby
Wyngaerdethat includes the frontespiziois propertyof the
MetropolitanMuseum (inv.52.124.1);see Scaglia1992, n. 4.
Serlio (1619, 3:87) adds the interestinginformationthat all
but the terminalpilasterswere rounded;in other words,they
were engaged columnsrespondingto the freestandingones.
12Thisis confirmed Palladio(1570,4:43-6), who restores
by
the surroundingporticowith a modest elevation.The single
[AJA108
stood upon an Attic base (fig. 15). 14But by the time
Marten van Heemskerck drew the frontespizio,the
shaft had been prised off, leaving only the capital
and cramp marks (see fig. 14). Above the pilaster
and ashlar wall is a massive entablature decorated
with a prominent acanthus-scroll frieze terminat-
ing at the corners in figural grotesques. All the
upper elements were measured in situ by Giuliano
da Sangallo, Serlio, Palladio, Gamucci, and others.
The terminal figures of the frieze were not eagles,
as transmitted by Gamucci and Dosio, but rather
human figures. Dosio (in a drawing and engraving,
rank of ressautsreceivesits entablatureat the same level as
the voussoirsof the lunette niches.
13
E.g., Serlio 1619, 3:87;Giulianoda Sangallo (Biblioteca
ApostolicaVaticana,Cod.Barb.Lat.4424,fol. 68v);andSambin
(Cod.DestailleurHdz. 4151,fol. 4v,5r). See Scaglia1992,38-
40.
14"Questa colonna segnataE in formamaggioree la colon-
na de l'angolodel frontespiciodavanti[sic], la qualee quadra:
ma tuttel'altresono tonde, percioche ne l'angolonon si com-
portauna colonnatonda,havendosopra1'architravecon glial-
trimembri.Gliangolide i qualinon posanosulvivode la colon-
na. Questacolonnaquadrane lapartedabassoe grossabraccia
tre, e ne la parte di sopra e grossabracciadue e due terzi.
L'altezzasuacon la basee'l capitelloe bracciaxxix et e cannel-
latada alto a basso."Serlio 1619, 3:81.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM 229

Fig. 7. Restored frieze, underside of entablature, and raking sima of the Quirinal temple. (Watercolors
respectivelyby FerdinandDutert, Pierre Esquie, andjulien Guadet;Paris,Ecole des Beaux-Arts;D'Espouy
1981, 54)

Fig. 8. Restored east and west elevations of the Quirinal temple. (Watercolorby Gustav-AdolpheGerhard,
1871; Paris,Ecole des Beaux-Arts;D'Espouy 1910-1912, figs. 174-5)
230 RABUN TAYLOR
Fig. 9. Study of the masonry and decoration of the
frontespizio.(DrawingbyFranciscod'Ollanda;Tormo1940,
fol. 21v)
presumablymade after closer inspection)15and oth-
ers transmit them as winged putti (fig. 16), but the
survivingend fragment, displayed with the pilaster
capital,preservesthe tautlymuscled torso of a young
man emerging from the exquisitely carved foliage
(figs. 5, 12, 17).16Atop the frieze stood a massivecor-
nice and the angle of the pediment, surmounted by
a pedestalfor an aeroterialstatue (the pedestalserved
as a base for a Medievalturret;see fig. 10). The sal-
vaged architraveblock and the separate pedimental
corner block that rested upon it (see fig. 5) have been
thoroughlytreated in Toebelmann'sstudy of Roman
entablatures.17 At 95-100 metric tons in its damaged
state, the corner block is the second largestfragment
of marbletrabeationto survivefrom the Roman era.18
15See Lanciani1902-1912, 3:30,
fig. 21; Borsi 1989, fig. 8.
16OnlyGiulianodaSangallo(Vatican,Cod.Barb.Lat.4424,
fol. 68v) and J. Lepautre (Berlin, Kunstbibliothek,Album
Destailleur,inv. Hdz. 3676), in detailed ink sketches of the
entablature,suggestthatthe figurerepresentsa more mature
"genius."Theydepicthim holding a rectangulartabulaor cap-
sain his righthand ("simboledi Mecenate,"accordingto Sca-
glia), a veryun-Romanheraldic shield in his left. These ob-
[AJA108
The wall ashlarswere of peperino, the preferred
material in Rome for fire-resistantbarriers.19Fran-
cisco shows them to have been carefully dressed,
perhaps with only slight rustication, each block a
parpen extending through the full thickness of the
wall. An interesting detail is a semicircular niche
defined by an elegant arch of voussoirs some
en crossette
distance from the bottom of the wall (see fig. 9).
Serlio confirms that it was not a full-sized niche for
statuary,but a mere lunette (see fig. 15); Palladio
draws it to proportion in his published elevations
of the temple (fig. 18). The purpose of this fea-
ture, which may have been repeated on the north
side, is unknown. Because the niche appears to be
let into the exposed rear, not the sheltered side
facing the peristasis, it may be the opening of a
light shaft into a stairwellinside the wall or a crypt
below. Small embrasures or loopholes in a similar
Fig. 10. View of the frontespizio from the southwest.
(Engraving,Dosio and Cavalieri1569, tav.10)
jects are not authentic.The imagesare reproducedin Liljen-
stolpe 1996, fig. 7 and Scaglia1992, fig. 11.
17Toebelmann1923, 73-84 and Taf. XII.
18Wilson
Jones 2000, 172. The largestis the cornerblockof
the Temple ofJupiterHeliopolitanusat Baalbek.
19The materialis mentioned
repeatedlyin the Renaissance
sources.Afewsalvagedblocksdecoratethe GiardinoColonna;
see Santangelo 1941, 160.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
Fig. 11. Detail of the acanthusfrieze decoration in the Villa
Colonna. The streaking is characteristicof Proconnesian
marble. (DAI, inst. neg. 78.541)
position lit the crypts beneath the sanctuaryof the
Temple of Dionysus at Baalbek and the Temple of
Zeus and Cybele at Aizanoi. Underground cham-
bers would be quite appropriate to a Serapeum, as
this temple is often identified; numerous temples
dedicated to Isis and Serapis included hypogaea.20
Perhaps these niches had no floors, but rather func-
tioned as hoods over light shaft. Francisco preserves
an interesting detail of the arch construction: the
small holes in the faces of the voussoirs for the for-
ceps that hoisted them into position.21
The temple proper, which may have been built
entirely of stone, is to be distinguished from the
elaborate symmetricalstairwayand corridor system
of opus latericium to its west, covering 72 x 54 m.
Just how elaborate the stairwaywas can be better
appreciated if we turn to a drawing from the mid
20Wild 1981. Even the smallHadrianic
Serapeumat Ostia
hasa chamberunder the cultplatform;see 194-5. Itis thought
to be storagespace.
21The same construction
technique can be seen, for exam-
ple, on the amphitheateratElDjemin Tunisia.SeeAdam1994,
50, and fig. 109;WilsonJones 2000, fig. 0.23.
22
Comparethese two illustrationsto a viewfrom 1575 by
Etienne Du Peracand a third from 1619 by Aid Giovannoli,
which showsyet another phase of the loggia. See Du Perac
1575; Lanciani 1902-1912, 3:139, fig. 68; Scaglia 1992, fig.
18.
23Biondo1510, c. 15 notes that "insumman aedium par-
tem ascensuspavimentamarmoreisvariicoloristexelliscom-
pactavisantur."The notice of 1348 is in Lanciani1902-1912,
1:43-4.
24Palladio1570,4:12.Apian of ca. 1600byGiovambattista
Montano (London, SirJohn Soane's Museum,Taccuino di
G.B. Montano, vol. 2, fol. 25v, 25r), which suggests a plain
231
16th century by an anonymous follower of Marten
van Heemskerck (fig. 19).22Almost the entire struc-
ture in the foreground is original Roman work;this
is immediately evident both from its ruined state
and from the technique of its relieving and clear-
span arches. Only the colonnaded shed roof, the
upper part of the tower to its right, and a few minor
accretions are later. (The two telamones support-
ing the shed roof at either end in the anonymous
drawing will prove to be significant.) Additionally
we are told that parts of this structure were paved
with colored marbles. The stone treads of the stairs
themselves were removed in 1348 to the stairwayof
S. Mariadi Aracoeli.23The structure,which survives
in a reduced state today (see fig. 6), had only one
known counterpart in the ancient city, the now de-
stroyed monumental stairwayof the Baths of Titus.
Something of its grandeur is captured in a profile
view in the Berlin codex of Heemskerck (fig. 20).
Subject to the rather fanciful paper restorations of
Canina and Gerhard, it has hardly been touched
since. It surely deserves a monograph unto itself.
A number of antiquariansdrew reasonably accu-
rate plans of the stairway.But the only reliable plans
of the temple proper are by Palladio, who personal-
ly witnessed the excavation of the "mainbody" ( cor-
po) of the temple in preparation for the construc-
tion of the Villa Colonna.24During excavation he
made careful measurements of the site and of the
architectural components constituting the princi-
pal and interior orders. There are significant dis-
tinctions between his preparatorysketch of the plan
and the final woodcut he included in his Quattro
libridi architettura(figs. 21-22). 25Undoubtedly oth-
er sketches (including one or more of the stairway)
have been lost.
rectangularcellawithshortantaeand three ranksof columns
fronting a peripteralsine postico peristasis,does not inspire
confidence. Itsdecastylefacadedoes not establisha standard
module, but makes the two outer intercolumniationswider
than the others. See Scaglia 1992, 55 and fig. 24. Decades
earlier,when Palladioexamined the site, the areawasbeing
systematicallyexcavatedand picked clean of all marbleand
peperino. Palladiohad plenty of time to observe:"Forthree
consecutiveyearshundredsof cartloadsof stonewereremoved
every month from the Colonna gardens" (Lanciani 1897,
430). Most or all of this stone was recut for other purposes,
including the decoration of the PalazzoFarnese,the Palazzo
Cancelleria,the VillaGiulia,the CesiChapelin S. MariaMag-
giore, and the mausolea of Paul IIIand UrbanVIIIin St. Pe-
ter's (Scaglia1992, 41, n. 22) . Plansby Giulianoda Sangallo
and Peruzzialso survive;see Brothers2002.
25Theoriginalsketches,fromRIBAPalladio XI/23 rectoand
verso,are reproducedin Zorzi1959, 153 and Lewis2000,232.
232 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108

Fig. 12. Actual-statesketches of partsof the survivingarchitecturalelements in the Villa

Colonna, 1871. (Watercolorby Gustav-AdolpheGerhardt;Paris,Ecole des Beaux-Arts;
Cassanelliet al. 2002, cat. 97.)

Palladio made no longitudinal measurements
except of intercolumniations. Perhaps he was im-
peded by barriers that would not allow him to run
a tape for any great distance lengthwise. Thus even
the number of lateral columns he records is in-
consistent. On the sketch there are 16, not includ-
ing the terminal pilaster; on the woodcut there
are 14. But about the temple's lateral disposition,
and about the pronaos in general, Palladio seems
to have had few doubts. The plan is dodecastyle,
pseudodipteral sine postico. The second and
third rows of columns occupy positions 1, 3, 5, 8,
10, and 12; the four inner columns of each row
align with four antae terminating the semicircu-
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
lar niches to either side of the main entrance. Era-
sures of alternate columns in the second row might
suggest that Palladio, unsure of the porch's depth
initially, had drawn the porch too shallow by one
row. However a similar erasure of four columns
inside the cella reveals that he simply moved the
entire grid of modules constituting the temple's
front section forward by one row. On the sketch it
is just possible to make out three pilaster responds
on the east end of the north wall, and two on the
same end of the south wall. In the final plan the
numbers of responds were extended to four on
each wall. The rest of each side wall, we may con-
jecture, was not visible to him.
Thus Palladio's uncertainty, it seems, pertained
to the depth of the cella, not that of the porch; and
indeed a great deal of confusion is evident at the
rear. A half-hearted attempt at an apse contradicts
the row of columns superimposed over it. He aban-
doned the apse altogether in his published plan,
but retained a single row of columns across the rear
inside the cella.26Of course the cult statue would
never have been screened by such a feature; more
plausibly, it was enframed by a pair of columns to
Fig. 13. Portion of a panoramicviewof Rome ca. 1560. (Drawingattributedto Anthonyvan den Wyngaerde;
Oxford,Ashmolean Museum,SutherlandCollection)
26The
questionof an apse remainsopen. A sketchyplan by
Antonioda SangallotheYounger(Florence,Uffizisch. 1120)
reconstructsa broad,shallowapseextendingnearlythe entire
width of the cella;see Lanciani1902-1912, 3.220, fig. 164.
27Palladio1570,4:12.He seems to havebeen influencedby
Vitruvius'sdefinition of a hypaethraltemple;see Vitr.3.2.8.
28
Spanning,respectively,about100,85, and 87 Romanfeet.
On thedimensionsof theDiribitoriumroof,seeDio Cass.55.8.4;
233
each side, but unencumbered at the center. Palla-
dio as much as admits his uncertainty about the
cella interior:
I think that this was a temple dedicated to Jupiter
because . . . they found some Ionic capitalsused for
the interior of the temple and they were the ones
from the cornersof the loggiasbecause,in my opin-
ion, the interiorwasunroofed.27
In other words, Palladio was postulating a court-
yard-like peristyle around the interior on the ba-
sis of four (or three) found corner capitals, not on
the evidence of column settings on the ground.
In fact, the cella need not have been unroofed.
The central span of 17.5 m (59.2 Roman feet) from
the outer edge of one lateral colonnade to the
other was well within the capacity of Roman roof-
ers, who spanned a number of greater spaces in
Rome, including the Diribitorium, the Basilica
Ulpia, and the Temple of Venus and Roma.28
According to Palladio's measurements, the
width of the structure from the outer edges of the
columns was 158.5 piedi vicentini, or 55.63 m. As
for the measurements constituting the "Vitruvi-
an" modules, while no column fragments survive,
Plin.iBV16.201,36.102.Diocletian'sPriceEdictincludesstan-
dardbeam sizesup to 75 Romanfeet; see Lauffer1971, 12.1-
8. Short spans from the columns to the wallswere probably
unnecessary,for the inner colonnade is likelyto have taken
the form of ressauts,as in the Temple of Dionysusat Baalbek,
ratherthana continuouslongitudinaltrabeationin the Classi-
cal style.
234 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108
we have the testimony not only of Palladio but of
Dosio, Alberti, and Peruzzi among others. The
general consensus is that the order consisted of
fluted columns 6% Roman feet in diameter at the
lower scape, precisely pycnostyle.29On the basis of
evidence from modern excavations, Santangeli
restores the temple with 17 columns and a termi-
nal pilaster down each side.
Little is said in the Renaissance sources about
the columns' materials. Flaminio Vacca personally
witnessed the discovery of one of the colossal col-
umns and squared ashlars "appresso al frontespiz-
io di Nerone." This was of marmosaligno,probably
the often-encountered variety of Proconnesian
marblewith a coarse, faceted, "saltlike"grain.30None
of the Renaissance sources clarifies whether the
column shafts were monolithic or segmented. Ca-
nonically, they were fluted with 24 channels.
the temple's identity: hypotheses
of lanciani and hulsen
The identity of this building was the subject of Fig. 14. Oblique view of the frontespizio and the vaulted
one of the most celebrated disputes in the history upper corridor of the stairwaybuilt against it. (Drawingby
Martenvan Heemskerck;Berlin,Kupferstichkabinett, Album
of Roman topographical studies, a dispute that
79 D2, vol. 2, fol. 36)
subsequent inquiry has never fully resolved. Fol-
lowing a long line of antiquarians from the early least drew the admiration of the author of the Histo-
16th century onward,31Rodolfo Lanciani identi- ria Augustaand several other writersof late antiqui-
fied it as the great temple of Sol dedicated by Au- ty.34In the sixth century the temple's remains were
relian after his triumphal return from Palmyra in impressive enough to draw the attention of Justini-
274.32Developing ideas first set forth by Antonio an, who is said to have removed its columns to adorn
Nibby, Christian Hiilsen preferred to identify the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople.35
Temple of Sol with a richly colonnaded precinct By comparison, the Temple of Serapis conspic-
along the eastern side of the Via Flaminia in the uously lacks a narrative, but its identity finds sup-
Campus Martius, virtually at the foot of the Quiri- port in the epigraphic record. The Palazzo della
nal Hill and its temple.33 The latter, he argued, Molara in Piazza delle Tre Cannelle contained a
was the temple of Serapis ascribed in the region- marble base carrying the inscription "Serapi Con-
ary catalogues to regio VI, but otherwise only un- servatori."36And in the foundations of the Palazzo
certainly attested in the literary sources. Capranica-del Grillo on Via Nazionale, quite near
Lanciani had one argument solidly in his favor. the Villa Colonna, was discovered a Greek inscrip-
How, he asked, could a temple as prominent as this tion reading, "For the safety of Emperor M. Aure-
one have escaped mention in the literary record? lius Antoninus the Great Augustus, to Zeus He-
The Temple of Sol, though not lavishly attested, at lios the Great Serapis . . ."37Perhaps most impor-

29SantangeliValenziani1991-1992,10-1. Eachcolumnhad but partisansummaryof the dispute,see Lanciani1895, 94-

24 flutes;see Santangelo1941, 162 and n. 139. 101.
30Vacca,Mem.78, 88.Vacca'sMemorieare to be found in Fea 34SHAAurel 10.2, 25.6, 28.5, 35.3, 39.2, 39.6, 48.4; SHA
1790-1836.Relevantexcerptsappearin Lanciani,1902-1912, Tac.9.2; SHA Quad.Tyr.3.4.; Aur. Viet. Caes.35; Zos. 1.61;
3:217;Santangelo 1941, 161. On the Proconnesian marble Eutr.9.15.
trade,see Monna and Pensabene 1977, 85-108. 35Lanciani 1894, 299.
31 36CIL6.573 - 30797 - 36750 = Vidman 1969, no. 376. On
AmongtheseareBiondo,Fulvio,Bellori,Bufalini,Nardini,
and Canina;see Santangelo1941, 167;Scaglia1992,40, 49. the rear:"Deo, Filncuiustuteladomus est."
32Lanciani 1894, 296-303; 1897, 428-32. M. AupnAiouAtoovivou
37im8pacoxnjpiac; auTOKpaxopoc;
33Hiilsen 1894, 1895;
Jordan and Hiilsen 1907, 1:3:421-3; MeydAouZ8p(aoTo13) Ail MeydAcp£apdni5i etc. IG
'HAicp
Urlichs1885,89-91; 1888;Nibby1838, 2:715-6. Fora cogent 14.1024= IGRR2.101 = Vidman 1969, no. 375.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM 235
aration for the new Via del Quirinale in 1878, he
found graffiti in Greek and the Palmyrene script;
some of these were removed and eventually made
their way to the Antiquarium comunale del Ce-
lio.40The mere evocation of Palmyra,Baalbek, and
the great Syrian temples to the sun-god was
enough to persuade Lanciani of a direct link to
the temple situated just up the hill from these
hypogaea. And he insisted that the vaulted cham-
bers under and around the stairway could have
housed the vina fiscalia which, according to the
HistoriaAugusta,were stored in the porticus of the
Temple of Sol (Aurel 48.4). But Hiilsen countered
that the barrel-vaulted chamber in which the in-
scriptions had been found predated the temple
stairway and did not communicate with the tem-
ple in any way. Moreover, he tartly observed, 'To

Fig. 15. Serlio's study of the frontespizio with comments.

(Engraving,Serlio 1619, 3.81)
tant is CIL 6.570: "Serapidi deo [invicto
imp(erator) Caes(ar)] M. Aurelius Antoninu[s
Pius Felix Aug(ustus), pont]ifex max(imus),
tribunic(ia) pote[st(ate) . . .] aedem . . ,"38The
single survivingpanel of this latter inscription, now
lost, was reportedly discovered on the site of S.
Silvestro and later embedded in the floor of the
nearby church of S. Agata de' Goti. Hiilsen postu-
lated that this inscription, too small for the tem-
ple's entablature, had been set over a doorway of
the great temple itself. The latter two of these
three inscriptions can be attributed to Caracalla-
the emperor who, according to the HistoriaAugus-
ta, (re) introduced the cult of Isis into Rome and
built numerous shrines in honor of the goddess.39
Because Serapis is a habitual companion of Isis,
Hiilsen presumed that this passage could be ad-
duced as positive evidence for his hypothesis.
Lanciani offered his own epigraphic counterev-
Fig. 16. Palladio'srestoredelements of the Quirinaltemple's
idence. In one of the hypogaea uncovered in prep- columnar order. (Engraving,Palladio 1570, 4.47)

38CIL6.570 - ILS4387 = Vidman 1969, no. 374. 40Lanciani 1894, 302; 1897, 430;
Santangelo 1941, 160,
^SHAM. An*.9.10-1. 168-9.
236 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108

Fig. 17. Survivingpilastercapital and terminalfragment of the frieze displayinga male torso
emerging from an acanthus scroll. (DAI, inst. neg. 31.2668)

non mi posso convincere che un termine tecnico
architettonico, come porticus,fosse di tanta elastic-
ita da significare qualche volta un edifizio privo
affatto di colonne o pilastri."41
Against Lanciani is the fact that the Temple of
Sol is listed in regio VII of the regionary catalogues,
which corresponds to the eastern Campus Martius,
whereas the western brow of the Quirinal Hill abut-
ting this plain belongs much more comfortably in
regio VI. Lanciani had anticipated this objection by
arguing that the sanctuary served as a grand en-
trance in the Servian Wall, which in this area ran
between the sixth and seventh regions. But in or-
der to reconcile his idea to the regionary cata-
logues, he had to presume that the entire temple
precinct (not including the stairway), though en-
croaching on the sixth region, belonged to the sev-
enth.42Moreover,the Chronographerof 354 records
that "Aurelian. . . dedicated the Temple of Sol and
the castrain the Campus Agrippae."43In the Noti-
tia, the castra (of the cohortesurbanae?)are regis-
tered with the Temple of Sol, suggesting that the
two were in close proximity or even coextensive.
Hiilsen endeavored to establish a topographical
link, by wayof the cohortesurbanae,between the tem-
ple/castra complex and the Forum Suarium. Sev-
eral decades later Heinz Kahler argued that a rich
deposit of entablature fragments found under the
church of S. Silvestro- precisely in the area where
Hiilsen sought to situate the Temple of Sol- ac-
corded stylisticallywith the second half of the third
century, hence with Aurelian.44Whatever the mer-
its of the German school of thought, two things may
be considered likely: (1) The Temple of Sol, and
not just the castra, was in the Campus Agrippae;
(2) this "campus," meaning in essence "plain,"

41Hiilsen 1895, 301. 43Aurelianus. . .

templum Solis et castrain campo Agrip-
42Lanciani 1890, 135. See also 148 M.
Santangelo 1941, 169. Pi- pae dedicavit,p.
44Kahler 1937.
etrangeli1977,figs.43 and53 showwhatis knownof the course
of the ServianWallin this area.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM 237
could hardly have encompassed the steep scarp of dria was not of this type;501 will suggest a more
the Quirinal. Finally, if the report is true that Justin- likely position for this statue below.
ian commandeered columns from the Temple of
Sol for Hagia Sophia, and if the Quirinal temple RECENT HYPOTHESES
was the Temple of Sol, then one would expect to In recent years Hulsen's identification of the
see some correspondence between the columnar structure as the Temple of Serapis has been chal-
orders of the two. Yet the two principal orders in lenged anew. Santangeli agrees with its proposed
the nave of Hagia Sophia have shafts of unfluted Severan date, but not with its identity.51 He draws
verde antico and porphyry, neither of which is men- attention to a passage in Dio Cassius that ascribes
tioned by Vacca or any other eyewitness of excava- to Septimius Severus a neos hypermegethesdedicated
tions at the Quirinal temple. to Hercules and Dionysus. The attribution is not
Despite a spirited defense of Lanciani by Maria altogether convincing; first, Dio says nothing about
Santangelo, Hulsen's identification has prevailed. the temple's location and no temple dedicated
Most of the preeminent topographers of the mod- jointly to these two gods is listed in the regionary
ern era, including Giuseppe Lugli and Filippo
Coarelli, have supported it.45 Collectively their ar-
gument, augmented by a recent article of J. Os-
borne, advances several issues not fully recognized
or exploited by Hulsen:
1. The opus latericium of the stairway appears to
be uniformly Severan.46
2. Coarelli has observed that the surviving pilas-
ter capital closely resembles those on the Seve-
ran propylon of the Porticus Octaviae (see figs.
12, 23).
3. The 13th-century Narracio de mirabilibus urbis
Romae by Magister Gregorius notes that within
the surviving remains of this altissimus domus,
which he called the Palacium Cornutorum
("Palace of the Horned Men"), "multe ymag-
ines sunt, set omes cornute. Inter quam
quedam ymago, que longe ceteris maior est,
Iupiter Arenosus dicitur."47 Osborne has ob-
served that these horned imagines must have
represented Jupiter Ammon, the epithet areno-
sus having been derived from Servius's etymol-
ogy of Ammon from the Greek ammos ("sand,"
Ad Aen. 4.196) ,48This, one of the most univer-
sally identifiable Egyptian gods in the Roman
canon at least since the time of Augustus, was
a perfectly appropriate companion god for
Serapls. Indeed Serapis himself could be de-
picted with the ram's horns of Ammon;49 thus
it is conceivable that the "Jupiter Arenosus"
Fig. 18. Palladio'srestored elevation of the southern half of
witnessed by Gregorius was the actual cult stat- the Quirinaltemple, viewedfrom east. (Engraving,Palladio
ue of the temple. Yet the Serapis of Alexan- 1570, 4.44)

45Platnerand Ashby 1929, 487; Lugli 1938, 304-7; Nash 49Osborne 1983, 225;
Stambaugh1972, 85-6. See Geissen
1968, 376-83; Coarelli2001, 286-7. 1974-1983, no. 1847; Tran TarnTinh 1983, fig. 84. In the
46
SantangeliValenziani 1991-1992, 12. Romanperiod the god wasdistinctlycomposite.
47Valentiniand Zucchetti 1940-1953, 3:154-5. 50
Stambaugh1972, 14-8, 22-5.
48Osborne1983,224-5. ThusSantangelois mistakenin her 51
SantangeliValenziani1991-1992; LTUR,s.v. "Hercules
claimthatno Egyptianizingstatuarywasfound in this area. et Dionysus,Aedes."
238 RABUN TAYLOR
catalogues of Rome. Pointing to Vacca's testimony
that the temple had been spoliated by the time the
famous Dioscuri were set up in its vicinity, Santan-
geli suggests that the regionaries excluded the tem-
ple because it was defunct. That the temple should
have been in poor repair is a reasonable conclu-
sion; when Constantius II visited Rome in 357,
Ammianus reports, he marveled at the city's great-
est monuments, each in turn, yet this temple is con-
spicuously absent from the list of architecturalwon-
ders.52Derelict monuments, it must be noted, were
not ipso facto excluded from the regionaries, as
Santangeli presumes.53But the Quirinal temple was
in no sense derelict. Like places of worship in strait-
ened circumstances the world over, it probably con-
tinued to serve its function even in a curtailed state.
Santangeli does make one important advance in
[AJA108
our knowledge of the site: he demonstrates from
the evidence of the 1969 excavations in the vicinity
that the terminus post quern for the lateral wings of
the temple precinct is the mid second century C.E.54
Both regionary catalogues begin their lists for
regio VI with "Templum Salutis et Serapls." Un-
persuaded that the Quirinal temple was a Sera-
peum, but equally unswayed by Lanciani's gerry-
mandering of regio VII to include a section of the
western Quirinal in that region, L. Richardson,jr.
suggests that this temple is not that of Serapis, but
of Salus; the latter, if not exacly prominent, at least
had a long and distinguished history.55This identi-
fication is unlikely to gain many adherents unless
additional evidence can be found to support it.
However,Richardsonis the first scholar to comment
on a feature of Palladio's plan that does not con-

Fig. 19. View from the west of the Casa Colonna embedded in the ruins of the Roman stairwaybehind the
Quirinal temple, before 1542. (Drawing attributed to an anonymous follower of Marten van Heemskerck;
Dusseldorf, MuseumKunstpalast,Kupferstichkabinett,F.R5004)

52He 53The Naumachia

specificallymentions the Capitolium,imperialbaths,
the Colosseum,the Pantheon, hilltop temples of deified em-
perors(presumablythe Claudiumand the Templeof the Flavi-
an Gens), the Temple of Venusand Roma,the TemplumPa-
ds, the Theaterof Pompey,the Odeum, the Stadium,and the
Forumof Trajan (16.10.14-5 ) .Ammianuswasparticularly par-
tial to the Serapeumin Alexandria;in 22.16.12 he declares
thatitwasconsideredthe second mostsumptuousmonument
in the worldafterthe Temple ofjupiter OptimusMaximusin
Rome.He mayhavespurnedthe Quirinaltempleout of dissat-
isfactionwith its treatment.
Augusti,whichwasdemonstrablyout of
use bythe earlythirdcentury(Dio Cass.55.10.7) and probably
even by the late firstcentury,is certainlyone of the Naumach-
ias 77mentioned in both the Curiosum and the Notitia.See
Taylor 2000, 169-200.
54
SantangeliValenziani1991-1992, 12. His dating termi-
nus is establishedon the basisof the fabricand module of the
found structuresin brick.
55Richardson1992,341-2. Itwasnoted for
havingdisplayed
paintingsbyFabiusPictor.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM 239

Fig. 20. Viewof the grand staircasefrom the south. (Drawingattributedto an anonymousfollowerof Martenvan
Heemskerck;Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett,Album 79 D2, vol. 2, foil. 81v-82r)

form at all to a Severan or Aurelianic date. This is TWO PHASES OF CONSTRUCTION

the distinctive shape of the porch, a replica of the
Pantheon pronaos on a larger scale. The similari-
ties are obvious in Palladio's own published plan of
the Pantheon (fig. 24; cf. fig. 22). Astonishingly,no
previous study has pursued this most forthright of
formal parallels; one can only conclude that Cani-
na, Lanciani, Hiilsen, and the others presumed
Palladio was making it up from whole cloth. Lan-
ciani's dismissal appears implicitly in his Formaur-
bis Romae, where he follows Canina's plan. His
scheme completely transforms the pronaos of the
Quirinal temple to a simpler arrangement with two
rectangularstairwellson either side of the entrance
(fig. 25). It is founded on no archaeological evi-
dence whatsoever,except perhaps to the extent that
the stairwellsrecall those in temples at Baalbek and
Palmyra whose influence various scholars sought
to find in the "Temple of Sol." (Canina, after all,
was firmly of the Sol persuasion.) Evidently mod-
ern scholars have simply considered the porch plan
of Palladio too "Hadrianic"to be true.
On the contrary,the present article will contend
that Palladio's transmission of the porch plan is
quite truthful. The vast quarryof fallen marble and
peperino in this entire area is a comforting index
to the archaeologist seeking confirmation for site
sketches: it suggests that the walls and foundations
had never been robbed out. If this was the case,
then Palladio was able to follow some or all of the
porch's outlines. Richardson is absolutely right to
call the temple Hadrianic; but there is no need
therewith to discard its identification with Serapls.
Indeed Richardson and several other scholars
have seen a late Hadrianic or Antonine style in the
remains of the temple entablature and pediment.56
They are so strikinglysimilar to three other monu-
ments associated with Hadrian, and so different
from everything else in Rome, that any denial of
the Quirinal temple's ties to a Hadrianic and early
Antonine school of architecture requires special
pleading. The three stylistic companions are the
Mausoleum of Hadrian, the Temple of Venus and

56Toebelmann 1923, 73-84; Strong 1953; Liljenstolpe even illogically:"Itwouldbe hardon thisevidenceto separate
1996;WardPerkins 1992, 101-2. Ward-Perkins(1981, 134) the present building by more than a decade or so"from the
ultimatelyacceptsthe Severandate,butgrudginglyandindeed Hadrianeum.
240 RABUN TAYLOR
planof the Quirinaltemple.(London,RIBA,vol.XI,fol. 23r)
Fig.21.Palladio'spreliminary
Roma, and the Hadrianeum. Following Strong's
influential paper of 1953, which proposed the im-
portation of a Pergamene "Asiatic"style to Anto-
nine Rome, Liljenstolpe has recently catalogued
all of the distinctive features of the style:
(1) The architravehad two fasciae,separatedby a
Lesbiankymation,and was crownedby a bead-and-
reel, an ovolo and sometimes also a cavettowith a
leaf pattern. (2) The frieze was often carvedand in
some cases even had a convex profile. (3) The cor-
nice wascomposed of rectangularconsoles, divided
into twofasciaeand a corona that projectedfar be-
yond the consoles, a simawithlargefan-palmettesin
high relief and an ovolo as bed-moulding.57
After he visited Pergamon in 129, it is proposed,
Hadrian conveyed the master masons of the Trajan-
eum back to Rome to design and carve the upper
elements of the Temple of Venus and Roma. Their
independent workshop stayed busy with imperial
57 1996,51-5.
58Liljenstolpe 1996,55, n. 29, 64-6.
Strong1953;Liljenstolpe
[AJA108
commissions until well into the reign of Antoninus
Pius, when the Hadrianic series was completed. But
drawnawayfrom his instincts by the traditionalSeve-
ran attribution of the Quirinal temple, Liljenstolpe
settles upon Strong's chronological compromise,
setting its construction in the reign of MarcusAu-
relius.58It may now be declared unambiguouslythat
all four of these structures are Hadrianic or early
Antonine. The great Asiatic commercial initiative
around the Roman littoral which bombarded the
coastal cities of the Mediterranean and Black Sea
with a new architectural aesthetic dressed smartly
in Proconnesian stripes, and which Ward-Perkins
believes to have been centered in Nicomedia, could
not have come at a more opportune time for Hadri-
an and his successor. A vast supply fueled an eager
demand from Rome to Lepcis Magna to Tomis and
beyond.59
59Ward-Perkins
1992,95-105.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
Fig. 22. Palladio'sfinal plan of the Quirinal temple.
(Engraving,Palladio1570,4.42)
The Asiatic architectural koinewas developed in
numerous cities of the region, including Ephesos,
Perge, Smyrna, Sardis, and Aphrodisias;but Perga-
mon seems to have taken the lead, at least with re-
spect to the more abstract,"architectural" forms and
details. What can we say about the lovely acanthus
scroll that appears on the frieze of the Quirinal tem-
ple, with its bold spirals, sharply fluted stalks, and
humanoid grotesques emerging at the corners?Cer-
1950.On erotesin scrollmotifs:
^ToynbeeandWard-Perkins
Schorner 1995, 113-5.
61Carefulillustrationsof both scroll
patternscan be found
in Cassanelliet al. 2002, figs. 26 and 97; and D'Espouy1981,
54, 81. To comparethe HadrianicandTrajanicgrotesques,see
D'Espouy1981, 54, 66-7. The similarityextends even to the
point of convergenceof torsoand acanthusmass,in each case
just below the genitals.Restoredexamplesof this type are in
the VillaAlbaniand the VaticanMuseums;see Schorner1995
Beilage 5:3-4.
62Schorner1995,Kat.121, 122a,227b, 229, 231;Taf. 63.3-
6, 82.1
241
tainlyit is part of a long traditionof "peopledscrolls"
extending back to the Hellenistic period and be-
yond.60Perhaps the closest parallel in Rome to the
vegetal motifs appearson the frieze of the Temple of
Antoninus and Faustinaon the Forum, dating to the
140s. The male images arisingfrom an acanthusruff
have clear predecessorsin the famous friezes adorn-
ing the Forum of Trajan61and in the ornate stucco
decoration of the Forum Baths in Pompeii (fig. 26) .
Comparableexamples have been recoveredfrom the
Domitianic palace on the Palatine.62A plaque of a
very similar style, with a frontal winged genius aris-
ing from an acanthus calyx in the center, is said to
have come from Hadrian'svilla at Tivoli.63In Roman
usage, this kind of scroll- its long strandsramifying
into large round spiralsand culminating at the cen-
ter with a broad, radiatingflower- seems to have tak-
en hold in the west, not in Asia Minor.64Famous
Augustanexamples are to be found on the Ara Pacis
and the tomb of C. Sulpicius Platorinus in Rome
and the Eumachia Building in Pompeii- and, more
specificallyrelevant to our own inquiry,on the friez-
es of the Maison Carreein Nimes and of the temple
at Pola.65With the rise of the Bithynian-ledmarble
trade, a particularkind of scroll, similar in style to
the western type, but historiated with figures of hu-
mans and gods, begins to appear in verticalformats;
it is perhaps best exemplified by the vertical pilas-
ters from the HadrianicBaths at Aphrodisias(carved
in the excellent local marble) now in the Istanbul
Museum. While Ward-Perkinssees no Asiatic impe-
tus behind the development of the scroll itself, its
creative conflation of that apparently western idea
with figural motifs emerging from the foliage seems
to be one trademarkof the Asiaticstyleof the second
century.66Thus the lines of regional influence, so
sharply delineated in the architectural detail sur-
rounding the frieze, are more blurred with respect
to the frieze itself.
Yet the Quirinal temple bears an even more di-
rect imprint of a native Roman workshopwhich had
63Clerisseauillustratedthe frieze;see McCormick1990,
fig.
120.
64Countless
examplesin reliefcan be citedin the westfrom
theAugustanperiodonward- from"central" exampleslikethe
stuccorinceauxof the flanksof the Temple of Isisin Pompeii
to the "provincial"innerfriezeof the tholos at Bath.Schorner
(1995) catalogues335 examplesin stone.
65Ward-Perkins 1992,103-4. Pola:Schorner1995,Kat.181-
182;Taf.47-52. There certainlyare pre-Romanprototypesin
the east, such as the roof decoration of the choragicmonu-
ment of Lysicratesin Athens.
66Ward-Perkins1992, 95-100, 103-5.
242 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108
to the minuto,or quarter inch, we may suppose that
his specimens were somewhat battered, rather like
the surviving pilaster capital.69The overall height
of the column capital, however, is accurately mea-
sured; it was easy enough to determine without the
intermediate details (see fig. 16).
In short, the decoration of the temple (apartfrom
the pilaster capital) looks decidedly Hadrianic or

Fig. 23. Restored pilaster capital of the Porticus Octaviae.

(Watercolorby EdmondPaulin;Paris,Ecole des Beaux-Arts.
D'Espouyl981,55)

nothing to do with the imported tradition. The re-

semblance between the column capital (s) drawn
by Palladio and those of Hadrian's Pantheon, both
inside and outside, is striking. In his preparatory
drawings they are virtually identical; the similarity
can be seen even in comparison to the more pre-
cisely drawn Pantheon capital by Desgodetz (figs.
27-28). One notes in particular the plain abacus
without any foliate decoration, and the fact that the
volutes, which are equally simple, do not encroach
upon it but rest tangentially against it. As far as can
be determined from Palladio's illustrations and
measurements, the overall proportions are simi-
lar.67Nothing survivesof the Quirinal temple's col-
umn capitals today, but there is no doubt that Pal-
ladio and Serlio examined one or more of them
closely.68Palladio's illustration includes measure-
ments of the capital on a level of precision down to
the Vicentine inch; since he often recorded mea- Fig.24. Palladio'splan of the Pantheon. (Engraving,Palladio
surements of other, better preserved capitals down 1570, 4.75)

67 the Pantheoncapitals,see Freyberber1990,55-6. Lackingany

Accordingto the measurementsof Palladio(Quirinaltem-
ple) and Desgodetz (Pantheon), verticalproportionsof the
volutezone (includingabacus)to theupperandlowerleafzones
are:43.9%: 28.1%: 28.1%(Quirinaltemple); 45.8%: 25.1%
: 29.1%.Bycomparison,the Hadrianeumhas 46.6%: 25.1%:
28.3%;see WilsonJones 1991,fig. 6. Accordingto the propor-
tional scheme set forth by WilsonJones (1991), the lowest
zone is the mostcriticaland leastvariable,for it mustfitwithin
the twosteppedringscarvedin the preparatory stages;buteven
so "therewasroom for lateradjustmentof the final height of
the leaf tiers"(136). It is quite satisfactory,and perhapsindic-
ativeof a single workshop,that the lower zones of all three
examplesvarybyonly 1%. Fordiscussionof the Pantheoncap-
itals'proportionsand theirrelationshiptoVitruvius'sprescrip-
tions,see De Fine Licht 1968, 41; for a stylisticaccountingof
evidencesuperiorto Palladio's,furtherstylisticcomparisonis
futile.
68There is
plenty of independent evidence of the discov-
ery capitals varioustimes.Forexample,the CodiciCollac-
of at
chioni preservea drawingof a damagedcapitalmeasuredat
2.45 m, preciselythe same height as Palladio's;see Lanciani
1902-1912, 3:218. See also the next note.
69In his notes
accompanyinghis drawingsand measure-
mentsof the columnarorder,Dosio (Florence,Uffizisch.2025)
confirmsthe fragmentarynatureof the capitalhe measured,
quitepossiblythe sameone thatPalladioused.The textcanbe
read with difficultyon the reproductionin Lanciani 1902-
1912, 3:30, fig. 21.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
Fig. 25. Plan of the Quirinaltempleas restoredby Lanciani.The Bathsof Constantineare to the
immediatesoutheast.(Lanciani1893-1901,tav.XVI)
earlyAntonine, but it comes from at least two sourc-
es: a new workshop brought over by Hadrian from
Asia Minor, and another associated with Hadrian's
Pantheon. Can we therefore lend credence to Pal-
ladio's "Hadrianic"plan too? Or is Palladio simply
borrowing ideas from a monument that he knows
intimately to fill in the gaps of the monument that
he found in an intolerablyindeterminate state?And
how could the building possibly have been
Hadrianic if one body of evidence- the 1969 exca-
vations- suggests that it was built after Hadrian's
death, while others- the opus latericium of stair-
way and the pilaster capital- point to a Severan
date?
Santangeli's dating of the brick remains un-
earthed by Elisa Lissi Caronna in 1969 applies only
to the structures underlying the north wing of the
temenos.70 However, Coarelli has remarked that
the style of the pilaster capital almost matches that
of the Severan capitals on the Porticus Octaviae
(fig. 23; cf. fig. 12). Certainly its distinctively long,
serrated leaf stalks and deeply scored cauliculi
are more akin to those on the latter than to the
70LissiCaronna1979, 303-6 and
fig. 1; SantangeliValen-
ziani 1991-1992, 12 and fig. 7. The structuresin questionare
numbered3-8.
71All can be scrutinizedin the
platesof Freyberger1990.
2 firstratherthan a second Romanintervention.
Freyberger1990, 54-68. The nativeRoman classis con-
trastedwith the Asiatic class, among which is included the
243
pilaster capitals on the Pantheon. But they have
an equally pronounced kinship to the Hadrianic
capitals of the "Basilica Neptuni" attached to the
south side of the Pantheon, and to the somewhat
later capitals on the Temple of Faustina and An-
toninus.71 Klaus Freyberger has declared all of
these capitals to belong to a single workshop tra-
dition ("GrundmusterII"), within which they con-
stitute a category of native Roman types.72He dates
the Quirinal capital to the third quarter of the sec-
ond century, or more generally from the reign of
Antoninus Pius to Septimius Severus.73 Among
classicizing forms that lack distinctive mannerisms,
it is difficult to trace a simple progression of styles
in an aesthetic marketplace as complex as Rome's.
One could legitimately claim that the Quirinal
pilaster capital is Hadrianic, or Severan, or any-
thing in between. The first recourse would be the
simplest, but perhaps the most likely scenario is
that the temple was damaged in the devastating
fire in 181;74and that the second phase of con-
struction, which included not only the new stair-
way and surrounding colonnades but also repairs
Hadrianeum.
73
Freyberger1990, 60-1.
74Clem. AL, Protr.4.51; Euseb. Chron.172-3 (Schoene).
Handler (1971) andWild (1984, 1758) preferthisdatefor the
244 RABUN TAYLOR
Fig. 26. Stucco relief decoration in the tepidarium of the Forum Baths, Pompeii. (R. Taylor)
on the damaged Hadrianic temple, was begun
under Septimius Severus and completed and ded-
icated by Caracalla.
The temple precinct offers powerful physical
evidence that it was not conceived in a single, co-
herent plan.75It seems that nobody has marveled at
the bizarre disposition of the stairway,which march-
es monumentally up to a blank wall at the rearof the
temple. This arrangement has no parallel whatev-
er in Syria, where the monumental stairways are
broad and simple, and always correspond to the
entrance axis. Moreover, the rear wall of the Quiri-
nal temple seems never to have been clad in mar-
ble or in any other way given a proper facade. The
slightly rusticated peperino opus quadratum in-
stead suggests a fire wall similar to that protecting
the Forum of Augustus from the densely inhabited
neighborhood of the Subura. The oblique sketch
of the ruins by Marten van Heemskerck emphasiz-
es the somewhat provisional nature by which the
75Liljenstolpe(1996, 55, n. 29) seems to be the only schol-
arbesidesRichardsonto suggestthat the stairwaywasbuilt af-
ter the temple.
76
Interestingly,this concrete mass does not appearin the
illustrationof Franciscod'Ollanda (see fig. 6) . The semicircu-
[AJA108
vaulted rear structure was added. It was plainly not
bonded to the stone wall of the frontespizio (see
76
fig. 14). Like Richardson, I would therefore con-
tend that the stair was an afterthought of the Seve-
ran period. It is not aligned perfectly with its host
structure, but is skewed about two degrees off axis
77
(fig. 29). Caracalla'sinscription to Serapis, which
Hiilsen attributed to the Quirinal temple, sheds
no light on whether this was an initial dedication
or a restoration; I would argue that it commemorat-
ed the latter. The stairs eventually led the visitor
around to either side of the rear of the temple, and
so it is no surprise that the wings were part of the
Severan renovation concept as well.
A COLUMNAR ORDER IN SEARCH OF A TEMPLE
Now we must return to Palladio'sevidence. When
transcribinghis sketches for publication in his Quat-
tro libri di architettura,he made significant changes
in the plan, as I have alreadyexplained. But he made
lar stone niche he records must have been left exposed by
means of a crossvaultor light shaftin the transversecorridor,
barely discernible in Heemskerck's drawing.Canina'splan
(1848-1856,2:tav.XLV)reconstructsa squarecrossvaulthere.
77SantangeliValenziani1991-1992, 11 and fig. 6.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM , 245

only minimal modifications to the porch; it would

seem that he was confident of its fundamental cor-
rectness. If he was right, and the porch emerged in
the familiarform of the Pantheon, then there can be
little doubt that the temple was designed under
Hadrian- and by the same architects responsible
for the great rotunda-temple in the Campus Mar-
tius. But why replicate this highly unusual scheme?
In light of recent scholarship, an answernow pre-
sents itself. I must caution that this solution is high-
ly hypothetical, and not without problems of its own;
but it does mesh elegantly with another problem in
Roman topography, the building history of Hadri-
an's Pantheon. It is now generally agreed that while
the rotunda of the new Pantheon design was well
on its way to completion, the porch was seriously
compromised. The original Hadrianic pronaos was
designed on a vertical scale to accommodate the
largest monolithic column shafts available, but the
builders ultimately had to settle for smaller, 40-foot
shafts.78Davies, Hemsoll, and Wilson Jones have

Fig. 28. Forms of the capitals and entablature of the

Pantheon pronaos. (Engraving,Desgodetz 1682, pl. 8)

minutely documented evidence of modifications

Fig. 27. Palladio'spreliminarysketch of the entablatureand
a column capitalfrom the Quirinaltemple. (London, RIBA,
vol. XI, fol. 23r)
in the porch's pilaster responds to conform to the
reduced dimensions of the pronaos. In a recent
study, I suggested why the compromise was neces-
sary.79The radical new design of the building had
not been fully worked out logistically.The massive
dome required that the rotunda be built prior to
the porch in order to accommodate the tackle for
the cranes positioned radially around the entire
circuit of the drum. The column shafts were too
heavy to be hoisted into place; instead a tilting
mechanism was used. When it came time to con-
struct the porch against the rotunda, the builders
realized that the south side of the porch was too
cramped to allow the tilting of the original colossal
column shafts into place. Forty-footshafts, however,
could be tilted without difficulty;and so the project
proceeded on a smaller scale, leaving vestiges of
the compromise in the physical fabric.

78Davieset al. 1987;Wilson 79

Jones 2000, 199-212. Taylor2003, 129-32.
246 RABUN TAYLOR
Fig. 29. Schematic plan of the Quirinal temple reconstructed from the evidence of modern excavations. (After
Santangeli Valenziani 1991-1992, fig. 6)
I propose, then, that the logistical problem did
not quite follow the scenario suggested by Davies,
Hemsoll, and Wilson Jones, that is, that the shafts
never arrivedin Rome. Trajanhad greatlyimproved
the infrastructure of stone transport by construct-
ing new wharf facilities for building stone both at
Portus and at the Emporium in southern Rome.80
Trajanprobably had procured 50-foot shafts for his
baths on the Oppian Hill. Either this emperor or
Hadrian himself had succeeded in acquiring 50-
footers for the temple or propylon structure at the
northwest end of the Forum of Trajan;and Hadrian
repeated the feat for the Temple of Venus and
Roma. Even the 50-foot monolithic granite Column
of Antoninus Pius was quarried, and perhaps trans-
80Fant(2001) contends that the Emporiumwharves,built
in the finalyearsof Trajan'sreign, ceased to function as such
in the Hadrianicperiodastheybecamechokedwithlow-grade
marblestock.Despitethe apparentpresenceof a greatdeal of
pre-existingstockthathad been moved to the riverside of the
wharvesprior to their construction, the surprisinglyshort
lifespanof the wharvesthemselvessuggeststhat the Hadrian-
ic period was one of high activityin this area. Maischberger
(1997) proposesthatthe wharvesremainedactivemuch long-
er;yet there is little doubt that theiruse declined afterHadri-
[AJA108
ported to Italy,in Trajan'sreign.81There is no rea-
son why the task could not have been repeated on
demand, as it must have been in later times. It is
highly likely, in my opinion, that the columns ar-
rived on schedule, but were temporarily set aside
when they could not be used as planned.
Davies, Hemsoll, and Wilson Jones concluded
that the compromised order was on a scale ratio of
4:5 in comparison to the original order; thus they
propose that since the existing shafts are 40 feet,
the monolithic shafts were the standard 50-foot
length used on the monuments listed above. But a
suitably scaled-up Pantheon facade could have ac-
commodated the largest known monolithic shaft
size in Rome, 54 Roman feet.82This is the size of
an. No confirmedevidenceof Proconnesianmarblehasbeen
reportedhere.
81Wilson
Jones 2000, 208; Liljenstolpe 1996; Pena 1989,
130-2. On the dimensionsandTrajanicoriginsof the Column
of AntoninusPius,see Ward-Perkins1992, 107-14.
82Davieset al. (1987)
propose an increasein column scale
of 25%,whereasmyproposalrequiresan increaseof 35%.In
terms of simple ratios,the actualphysicalevidence is some-
whatambiguous.The actualhorizontaldifferentialfrom the
currentporch floor to the horizontalsima of the lower and
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
the monolithic shafts of Proconnesian marble once
in the central hall of the Basilica of Maxentius,83
and suitable as well for the Quirinal temple.
Before we proceed, a momentous development
in the historiographyof the Pantheon must be not-
ed. For two decades now it has been generally ac-
cepted that the wider ashlar-faced foundation un-
derlying the present porch, excavated and docu-
mented in the late 19th century,was not the cella of
Agrippa's Pantheon, as Lanciani and most others
believed, but an earlier manifestation of the porch,
84
precisely two columniations wider (fig. 30). After
a careful analysis of Georges Chedanne's presenta-
tion drawings (fig. 31) and the excavation reports
of Luca Beltrami and Pier Olinto Armanini, Pieter
Broucke has argued that this decastyle porch is not
pre-Hadrianic, but belongs decisively to the failed
scheme of Hadrian's colossal order.85The original
design under Hadrian, according to Broucke's
scheme, called for a decastyle porch with five col-
umns down each side and eight interior columns
responding to the antae of the niches.86The broad-
er facade requires a broader pediment than the
one illustrated by Wilson Jones in his comparative
illustration (fig. 32). Following the unusually steep
angle of the current raking simas, the lateral ex-
pansion must either lower the bottom margin of
upperpedimentis about29%. The templatefor a columncap-
ital found inscribed in the pavement of the Mausoleumof
Augustusis roughlyscaledto 50-footshafts;see WilsonJones
2000,204-6; Haselberger1994.Butwe cannotbe certainthat
this templatewasintended for the Pantheon;the areaseems
to havebeen a marbleworkyardfor other projectstoo. Along-
side a template for the pediment of the current Pantheon,
with an angle of 24 degrees, lies a templatefor a 21-degree
pediment.The capitaltemplatemayhavebeen used withthe
50-footMonsClaudianusshaftsorderedca. 118and recorded
in P Giss.69; see Pena 1989 and n. 103.
Columnarorderswithshaftslargerthan 50 feet are known
outside Rome. The largestorder we know of was at Cyzicus,
whichhad 60-footProconnesianmarbleshaftsand an overall
height from base to capitalof 72.5 Romanfeet; see Barattolo
1995, 103-6. There is no certaintythat the shaftsat Cyzicus
weremonolithic;the nearlycomparablegraniteshaftsatBaal-
bek generallycomprisetwoor three talldrums.Buteven larg-
er monolithicshafts,nearlyor exceeding 60 Romanfeet, were
preparedat the granitequarriesof MonsClaudianusin Egypt,
thoughtheywerenevercompleted;see Peacockand Maxfield
1997, 212-4; Krausand Roder 1962, 735; Scaife 1953 (mea-
surementsvarysignificantly). "Pompey'sPillar"atAlexandria,
a monolithreportedlyof over70Romanfeet (20.75m) , isfrom
the red granite quarriesof Syene; see Fraser 1972, 85-90;
WilsonJones 2000, 208, 243, n. 37.
mStevens'smeasurement;see below.
84Loercke1982;Beltrami1898, 46-9. Recent excavations
have shown two consecutiveschemes of stairsleading up to
the porch aswell;see La Rocca1999.The currentcolonnade
247
the pediment somewhat, breaking its continuity
with the second rotunda cornice, or raise its crown
to the level of the top rotunda cornice. The latter
choice is much preferable.
Either way, it must be understood that the cur-
rent upper pediment was not in place when the
changes were made. The intermediate block would
have been only partly constructed; apparently this
element was designed from the beginning to be
only the width of eight columniations, creating a
bottleneck in plan between the porch and the ro-
tunda. The original raking sima was intended to
be less steep and more in keeping with Greek pro-
portions than the one imprinted on the attic of the
block after the compromise. As such it would have
allowed the horizontal sima of the pediment to be
a continuation of the second cornice girdling the
rotunda, as Davies, Hemsoll, and WilsonJones pro-
pose. The upper raking simas are already margin-
ally less steep than the pediment below; but their
gradient could easily have been changed, for their
angle was never predetermined by vertical modil-
lions carved into them, as it was for those on the
lower pediment.87There is one other advantage to
envisioning a porch on this scale: if the side nich-
es are elongated upward to conform to the new
vertical proportions, the arches enframing their
is 34.07m wide at the bases;the old colonnade,43.76 m wide,
or about 148 Romanfeet.
85Broucke's
argumentshave been set forth in a masterful
series of lectures at the ArchaeologicalInstituteof America
annualmeetingsand othervenues.I remainunpersuadedby
the spiritedcounterargumentsof RoyLewis,who in the 2003
AIAmeetingcontendedthatthe olderporchfoundationmust
be Agrippanowing to its pronounced settling on the south
(rotunda) side. In my opinion the degree of differentialset-
tling is not necessarilythe consequence, as Lewiscontends,
either of a long durationof time or of the greatweightof the
Agrippanrotunda.Manyothervariableswereatwork,includ-
ing the historyof the site, its inundations,earthquakes,and
surroundingconstruction.It is possibleeven to offer a coun-
terargumentof sorts:thatthe clearingof the areaaroundthe
Pantheonafterthe Trajanicfire lessened the lateralretentive
capacityof the surroundingsoil, hasteningthe settlingof the
firstHadrianicporch.
861amuncertainaboutthe
plausibilityof fivecolumnsdown
each side, giventhe fact thatboth sidesof the porch revealan
unaccountablelacunain travertinecolumnsupportsafterthe
thirdposition.
87Instead,the modillionsare
perpendicularto the simasand
the cornersaremitred,not carvedfroma singleblock.Broucke
has also pointed out to me that the lengths of the original
rakingsimablocks (manyare modern replacements)suggest
that theywere altered.All these mattersare best studiedwith
Achille Lecleres'saccurateelevationsat hand;see D'Espouy
1897-1925, 2:figs. 135-139.
248 RABUN TAYLOR
Fig. 30. Hypothetical restored elevation of the Pantheon facade as originally planned under
Hadrian.The columnarorderis proportionalto shaftsof 55 Romanfeet. (R.Taylor,modifiedfrom
an illustrationby P.Broucke)
conches can be made to spring from the bottom
cornice girdling the rotunda and intermediate
block (see fig. 30). Now all three cornices are an-
chored in the facade design.
Whateverthe exact historyof the porch construc-
tion, we may surmise that Hadrian's original porch
floor did not rise as high as his second one. Though
the decastylefoundation is not preservedat the up-
per levels, and therefore offers no precise informa-
tion aboutits floor level, a verticalzone can be hypoth-
esized withinwhich the floor elevationmust have fall-
en. The upper terminus is the current porch floor.
Its level is virtuallyidentical to that of the interior,
whereasmanyRomancellafloorsare higher than their
881 am
gratefulto PieterBrouckefor this observation.
89Beltrami1898, 37-45; Loercke 1982, 47. The pavement
is cut bythe Hadrianicfoundations,as is clearlyevidentin fig.
XIII.
90La Rocca 1999. The
precise proportions of the first
Hadrianicporch and intermediateblock are hard to verify,
despitethe manyattemptsto understandBeltramiandArma-
nini's data. I have presumed no substantivechanges in the
intermediateblock,withthe resultthatthe columnsare quite
narrowlyspaced.EvenDavieset al. (1987) wereforced to con-
cede thatthe originalPantheonplanaccommodatedan order
[AJA108
porches.88The lower terminus is the extant marble
pavementof a pre-Hadrianicporch lying more than 2
m below the present one (its uneven settlement can-
not be represented by a single measurement), and
corresponding to the Domitianic pavement found
2.15 m below the present rotundafloor.89The upshot
of all this detail is that the drawing-boardporch of
Hadrian'snotional Pantheon may have accommodat-
ed 54-footcolumn shaftswith proportionalbases,cap-
itals, and entablature.My own restorationpresumes
that the porch floor was about 4 feet lower than it is
today (see fig. 30). As such, it correspondsperfectly
to a porch level recently postulated by Eugenio La
Roccafor whathe believesto be the Agrippanphase.90
more closelyspacedthanpycnostyle.Whileparallelsarehard
to find,it is interestingto note thatthe decastyletempleshown
on a reliefpossiblyof Domitianicdate,fragmentsof whichare
in the Museo GregorianoProfanoand the PalazzoMassimo
alleTerme,is similarlyproportioned.Torelli (1987) contends
that this is the Templum GentisFlaviae,which stood nearby
and may have servedas an aestheticstimulusfor Hadrianic
temple designs.Of coursewe cannot relytoo heavilyon such
evidence;other reliefs,such as the AraPietatisAugustae,arti-
ficiallyattenuatetemple architecturefor aestheticeffect.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
The floor may have been raised to the level of the
rotunda floor (and the bottoms of the side niches)
only when the column size was drasticallyreduced.
Now we have arrived at the colossal scale of the
Quirinal temple. There should be no doubt about
the temple's vertical measurements;for the full co-
lossal order, in the form of a pilaster,was still stand-
ing when the building was studied. In principle no
fallen columns of this order needed to be measured
axially,or even be present, for the pilasterpreserved
their exact length. In practice, the freestanding col-
umns may have differed proportionallyfrom the pi-
lasters because cylindricalshafts of slightly different
lengths were often cut down on site to conform to
the length of the shortest one. Not surprisingly,the
measurements of the standing remains taken by
Giuliano da Sangallo, Serlio, Dosio, Gamucci, Palla-
Fig. 31. Analytical cutawayview of the Pantheon porch illustrating the stone remains of a wider porch
projecting laterally from its foundations. (Watercolor by Georges Chedanne, 1893; Paris, Ecole des
Beaux-Arts)
91
Especiallyin comparisonto Dosio,who assignstoo greata
height to the shaft and capital.Dosio's superb drawingwith
measurements(Florence,Uffizi sch. 2025) is reproducedin
Lanciani1902-1912,3:30,fig.21. SerlioandCanina(whorelied
on Serlio) offer measurementsverysimilarto Palladio's.For
comparativedimensionsof Serlio/ CaninaandDosio,see Toe-
belmann1923,84;unfortunatelyToebelmannacceptsDosio's
exaggeratedmeasurementsfor his own reconstruction.Lan-
ciani (1894) tabulatesthe data as follows:Lowerdiameterof
249
dio, and others are somewhat variable. Careful ex-
amination of their records compared against canon-
ical Roman dimensions and proportions confirms
that Palladio's are the most reliable and thorough
overall.91He obviouslyhad unrestrictedaccess to the
entire standing structure,even the aeroterial pedes-
tal, for many of his measurements throughout the
structure are made with a precision down to frac-
tions of an inch, even fractions of minuti,or quarter
inches.92On the presumption that his piedevicentino
equals 0.357 m,93the basic measurementsof the or-
der are presented in table 1.
All but one of the measurements resolve satisfac-
torily into precise modules of Roman feet or sim-
ple fractions thereof. As Santangeli has deter-
mined, the column diameter of 6%Roman feet and
the intercolumniation of 10 feet constitute a satis-
columns:1.970m (SallustioPeruzzi);length of columnshafts:
17.661m (Dosio);height of capitals:2.470 (sourcenot cited).
Discussionand transcriptionsof Gamucci'smeasurements(in
palmi)and Giuliano's measurements(in bracciafiorentine) are
in Scaglia1992, 38-40 and esp. ns. 6-18.
92See IX/18verso,illustratedinZorzi1959,
esp.RIBAPalladio
153andLewis2000,41,whichalsoreproducessimilarlyminute
measurementsof the remainsin Cod. Conerfol. 63 verso.
93Palladio1570,405 (glossary).
250 RABUN TAYLOR
Table 1. Palladio's Measurements of the Columnar Order of the
Quirinal Temple
Dimension Piedi vicentini
Base height 2.90
Shaft height 46.27
Capital height 6.83
Column diameter (lower) 5.50
Intercolumniation 8.25
(tangential to shafts)
factory pycnostyle arrangement.94 Base height and
capital height, each of which Palladio was able to
measure precisely, resolve perfectly into 3V£and 8!/4
Roman feet, respectively. The one detail that does
not answer comfortably to a Roman module is the
shaft height; but this would also have been the most
difficult to measure precisely, due to the creep of
the measuring tape over the long vertical distance.
Fortunately, alternative measurements (perhaps
done with rods rather than tape) offer a valuable
cross-check: at 16.24 m, the pilaster shaft length as
transmitted by Serlio (and then Canina) is almost
exactly 55 Roman feet.95 The ratio of diameter to
overall column height, including base and capital,
is therefore 1:10, the canonical proportion for a pyc-
nostyle temple (Vitr. 3.3.10). As we shall see, the re-
ality may have been slightly less tidy. The Renais-
sance architects, conditioned by their reading of Vit-
ruvius, measured these components with certain
expectations in mind. As I have already suggested,
and will explain below, the actual lengths of the
shafts may have been closer to 54 Roman feet.
The following scenario is suggested: the build-
ers of the Pantheon were saddled with 24 or more
mighty column shafts, each produced and trans-
ported at tremendous expense - and none of them,
in the event, of any use to the building for which
they were intended. Now we might initially presume
that the logical response to the crisis was simply to
cut down the shafts to size. But by the time the larg-
er porch scheme was aborted, column bases and
capitals on the same scale were also nearing com-
pletion, as were the pilaster responds. (Whether
or not the Pantheon's porch columns initially were
meant to be fluted cannot be known.) Even statues
and pedestals designed for the taller niches may
have been standing ready. Neither the pilaster cap-
itals nor their companions in the round could be
downsized. Owing to the great effort already ex-
pended, the entire ensemble of supports was
94SantangeliValenziani1991-1992, 11.
[AJA108
Meters Roman Feet
1.04 3.50
16.51 55.86
2.44 8.25
1.96 6.64
2.95 9.96
deemed valuable enough to hold in reserve until a
new project could be found to accommodate it.
Palladio's transition from sketch to engraving
included one slight, but significant, alteration of
his porch plan. On the sketch, the central bay of
the doorway is narrowed slightly by the inclusion of
pilaster-like elements on each side comprising se-
quentially a salient, a reentrant, and a second sa-
lient against the doorway wall (see fig. 21). These
seem to be an afterthought, for they are not shaded
like the masses to which they are applied. If we
remove them, the two pilasters defining the door-
way side of each lateral niche become, in effect,
engaged pillars of square cross section which
project slightly forward and laterally toward each
other. But Palladio chose to incorporate his "cor-
rection" into the engraving, transforming each sin-
gle pillar into two pilasters abutted at a shallow 90-
degree reentrant (see fig. 18, fig. 22). The more
complex footprint corresponds to that of the Pan-
theon as it was built, while the simpler arrangement
answers to the one that Davies, Hemsoll, and Wil-
son Jones conjectured for the original plan (fig.
32). It would seem that Palladio actually saw the
simpler arrangement, but felt compelled to modify
it to the more complex one by the force of his famil-
iarity with the Pantheon. If so, then what Palladio
saw was the Pantheon's original porch plan real-
ized on the new Quirinal temple, but now integrat-
ed into a dodecastyle scheme.
We are unlikely to learn much about the Panthe-
on's decastyle plan from Palladio's drawings of the
Quirinal temple. For one thing, his planar mea-
surements are less precise than his vertical ones (it
is doubtful, for example, that the central intercol-
umniation was exactly 10 piedi vicentini as he re-
ports), and he appears to have relied on an aggre-
gate of short measurements which he did not check
against long ones. But even if he had, they would
not have reflected the dimensions of the original
95See n. 14
supra.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
Fig. 32. Comparativeelevations of the Pantheon facade as planned and as completed. (Wilson
Jones 2000, fig. 10.12)
Pantheon plan, which was based on a module nar-
rower than the pycnostyle arrangement used on the
Quirinal temple. Thus the 10 central columns on
this latter temple are set more widely: about 151V&
Roman feet from axis to axis, compared to roughly
14P/3 for the decastyle Pantheon. The widening of
the intercolumniations changes all of the internal
dimensions, including the width of the door and
its lateral niches and the depth of the porch.
It is proposed, then, that the initial plan to adorn
the Pantheon's pronaos with Proconnesian marble
shafts was abandoned. The wider decastyle porch
with peristasis was reduced to an octastyle prostyle
plan. Perhaps there were already 40-foot shafts in
stock at the marbleyardsof Rome or Portus,but only
of granite- and not in adequate quantity to accom-
modate the original decastyle plan. Eight were of
gray Mons Claudianus stone, eight more from the
rose granite quarries of Aswan. Whatever the pre-
cise scenario that surrounded the realization of the
96Pucci1981;Foraboschi1988, 822-3; Boatwright2000, 173-4.
251
Pantheon we know today,it is perfectlyreasonableto
suppose that the elements of the larger marble co-
lumnar scheme were preserved in the full expecta-
tion that Hadrian's grand building program would
find a place for them. But even if my hypothesis dis-
placing the Pantheon's columns to the Quirinaltem-
ple is found wanting, there can be little doubt that a
team of workers steeped in the Pantheon's design
and adornment contributed directly to the design
and columnar order of the Quirinal temple. Either
way,we must seek a broader motive- and a political
opportunity- for this mighty dedication to Serapls.
Hadrian's motive
The motive, it is contended, was the cataclysmic
Jewish rebellion in Cyrenaica and Egypt known as
the Diaspora Revolt. Originating in Cyrene in 115,
the uprising soon spread to Egypt, Cyprus, and
Mesopotamia and was not suppressed until the first
year or two of Hadrian's reign.96The riots brought
252 RABUN TAYLOR
devastation and misery upon the Egyptian capital
and many other cities in the region, blighting the
countryside as well; indeed, its effect on the all-
important grain harvest seems to have been so pro-
nounced that some areas, "on account of the Jewish
attack,"were still not productive eight years later.97
In Alexandria as in many other urban centers98the
conflict became a struggle for the city's very soul,
pittingJews andJewryagainst Greeks, romanitas,and
the adherents of traditional Helleno-Egyptian reli-
gion.99Under the Roman general Marcius Turbo
the revolt was brutallycrushed, but not before hun-
dreds of thousands died.100From the very first year
of his reign, Jerome reports, the new emperor gave
special attention to the Egyptian capital: "Hadrian
restored Alexandria, which had been utterly over-
turned (perturbata)by the Jews."101 The resolution
of the conflict and Hadrian's policy of swift recon-
struction seem to have led Romanized Cyrenaeans
and Egyptians to dedicate, among many offerings
of thanks, temples to Serapis (along with his syn-
naoi, Isis, Horus, and others).102An especially tell-
ing dedication of a Serapeum, at the quarries of
Mons Claudianus, was made in 118 "for the safety
and perpetual victory"(unep ocoTr}piac; kcu atcoviou
veiKrjc;)of Hadrian "and for the success of the op-
erations he ordered" (kcxi tijc; toov uno auxoi)
eniTayevicov epycov enrruxiac;).103Evidently this
was a thank-offeringfor the recent- or imminent-
conclusion of the troubles; indeed, it would seem
that work in the quarries had resumed at full
strength, for massive 50-foot column shafts were
soon being prepared for a temple (of the recently
deified Trajan?)in Rome.104
97 444, 446.11.21-24, 449.11.22-24; Pucci 1981, 133-
Oy
45. See also Oros. 7.12.6-7b; Rufin. H.E. 4.2.3 writesof the
rebels "velutdesperantesad agrosAegyptiet castellavastan-
da."Althoughfarmsandroadsweretargeted,the realeconom-
ic disastermayhaveresultedfromdepopulationof the region;
see Pucci 1981, 138-41.
98The documentationis bestin
Cyrene;see Pucci1981,41-
9, 120-58 passim;Boatwright2000, 174-84. On Egyptiancit-
ies, see Pucci 1981, 50-72, 120-58 passim;Foraboschi1988,
822-3.
99DioCass.68.28.3-29.3; Euseb., Hist, eccl 4.2; CPJ160-
408d, 438-9.
100
Birley 1997, 74.
101Chron.anno 2133.
102Antinoopolis,which Hadrianfounded in 130, had a Se-
rapeum.An Iseum/ Serapeumat Cyrenewasdedicatedunder
HadrianandrestoredunderCaracalla; seeWild1984,1772-5,
Vidman1969,no. 804-5. TwoSerapeaareknownto havebeen
dedicatedon the emperor'sbirthday:in 126a templein Luxor
wasdedicatedon this day,and again on the same day in the
followingyear,the Serapeumwasdedicatedin Ostia;see Mai-
[AJA108
Throughout his reign Hadrian waged a propa-
ganda campaign to reassert the primacy of the au-
tochthonous Egyptian gods, principal among them
Isis and Serapls. Indeed the extent to which Hadri-
an dominated foundations of their temples in the
Roman period is rarely appreciated. In Robert
Wild's catalogue of physical sites of Isea and Sera-
pea, his name is attached to more of them than any
other emperor's; and many which cannot be pre-
cisely dated or attributed have been ascribed to the
second or early second century.105Coins were is-
sued both in Alexandria and in Rome proclaiming
Hadrian's commitment to Egypt and to its favored
gods. In coin legends the emperor was celebrated
as restitutorLibyae and restitutorAfricae.106The num-
ber of Alexandrian coin types issued by Hadrian
and Antoninus Pius individually exceeds those of
any other emperors.107Hundreds of issues glori-
fied Aegyptus, Isis, Serapis, Ammon, the Nile, and
an arrayof lesser deities. An adventustype, minted
in Alexandria and issued in both gold and bronze,
depicts Isis and Serapis facing Sabina and Hadri-
an; god and emperor clasp right hands over a cen-
tral altar.108
Another Alexandrian issue of the 132-
133 shows Serapis greeting the emperor inside a
temple.109 A small shrine between them reads
"Hadrianon." According to one interpretation,
Hadrian and Serapis shared the temple at Alexan-
dria as co-deities.110Their implied strength and
providence were as one; their will was confederate
against the enemies of traditional religion.
In 130, when the uprisingwasjust a bitter memory
in Egypt, and the equally bloody Bar-Kokhbarebel-
lion had not yet erupted in Judaea, the emperor
aise 1972, 421; Wild 1984, 1789-91, 1801-5.
103Bernand 1977,98-105, no. 42 = C/G4713= SEG15.863;
see Wild 1984, 1793-7. Noting the presence of two Trajanic
altarinscriptionson the site, Peacock and Maxfield (1997,
111) conjecturea "substantialaggrandizement"of an exist-
ing temple. But in light of the recent unrest, it may herald
the refounding of the earliertemple after its destruction.A
Serapeumwasdedicated at about the same time, and by the
same man, at Mons Porphyrites;see Wild 1984, 1799-1801
andbibliography.
104
The dedicationwasdated23April118.On 29 December
probablyof the sameyear(butpossibly119), an imperialfunc-
tionarywassendingforbarleyto feed draftanimalsin prepara-
tion for the transportof one of the column shafts (P Giess.
69);seePeiial989.
105
Wild 1984, 1746-53.
106RIC2.377 (no. 322), 466 (no. 958).
107Geissen1974-1983. See also Birley1997, 238-9.
108BMCREHadrian,no. 786, 1634;itfCHadrian,no. 318.
109Geissen1974-1983, nos. 1084-1086; Rowe 1946, 47.
110
Birley1997, 238; see also Malaise1972, 424-5.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
made a personal journey to Alexandria and other
Egyptiantowns.It mayhave been at this time that the
old Ptolemaic Serapeum, probably destroyed in the
riots, was repositioned and completely rebuilt on
Roman foundations.111 During his Egyptiansojourn
Hadrianalso visited Canopus,site of another famous
Serapeum. It may be significant that one of the the-
matic architecturaltableaux he developed at his vil-
la at Tivoli was given the name of this town.112We
may gain some sense of just how personal was Hadri-
an's crusade to reassert Egyptian identity after the
Jewish revolt, and to propagate Egyptian culture in
general, by the large number of Egyptianizing art-
worksfound in and around his villa.113
Egypt responded in kind, offering grateful dedi-
cations in the emperor's honor and sponsoring vic-
tory celebrations.114The bearded emperor was por-
trayed both in the native style and in hellenizing
adaptationsas the conquering king.115 A marble stat-
uette in Liverpool depicts Hadrian, clad in military
garb and the diadem of a victor,cowing a full-beard-
ed, generic barbarian,probablyrepresentingtheJews
(fig. 33). The emperor is barefoot- and thus, one
conjectures, newly deceased. The fresh memory of
the recentlyconcluded warin Judaea (132-136 C.E.)
would have mingled with recollections of the earlier
Diaspora Revolt to render Hadrian the temporal
conqueror of the Hebrew nation. On his breastplate,
in the spot traditionallyreserved for an apotropaic
pectoral device like a gorgoneion, is a medallion
bearing a bust of Serapis- here in his protective
mode, preserving the emperor and his realm.116
Hadrian's opportunity
It is against this background, one must suppose,
that Hadrian established a new cult of Serapis in
Rome, perhaps that of Serapis Conservator men-
111Rowe1946,60-4 and pl. XVII;contra,see Handler1971;
Wild 1984. The Romanfoundationscorrespondto the axial
centerof the Romantemenos,and arebuiltonlypartiallyover
thePtolemaicfoundations,whichareoff-centerto theeast.Rowe
discussesthe Roman-eraside staircaseson the easton p. 34.
112SHAHadr. 26.5.
113Ensoli2002; Grenier 1989; Boatwright 1987, 143-9;
Hannestad1983;Roullet1972,49-51 and catalogue;Schmidt-
Colinet 1977, 118-21; Kahler1975. Some scholarshave also
postulatedthat a temple at Cento Camerellejust outside the
villa, where numerous Egyptianizingstatueswere found in
1743-1744,wasdedicatedto Isis,Serapis,andHarpocrates;see
SalzaPrinaRicotti2001, 391, ns. 851-855 and bibliography.
114 Pucci 1981, 135-45.
115Hofmann1984.
116Hofmann1984; Birley 1997, 276 and pl. 29. The sec-
ond medallion on the breastplateprobablydepicts Harpo-
crates.Hofmann, who has found parallelsin an Egyptianiz-
253
tioned in CIL6.573 = 30797, to ratify the god's ap-
proval of his policies in Cyrenaicaand Egypt.117 But
why was it necessary, or even possible, to proclaim
Egypt's deliverance so extravagantly in Rome?
There a new Serapeum could not have succeeded
as a triumphalist monument in the Trajanicmode,
celebrating a great victoryover a foreign enemy. The
Diaspora Revolt was a miserable civil conflict re-
sulting in part from the Roman state's inattention
to the region while Trajan and Hadrian were on
militaryadventuresin the east;and as far as we know,
it yielded no significant spoils with which to finance
temples and other amenities outside its own pro-
vincial sphere. To understand this commission we
must appreciatejust how large Alexandria loomed
in the Italian psyche. The uprising was not merely
a regional conflict, though the documentary papy-
ri, engrossed as they are in local concerns, may en-
courage such a presumption. This was a war of glo-
bal importance, whose issue had to be pressed with
utmost speed. Egypt, from which the yearly flotilla
of grain departed, was the lifeline of Rome; on the
tide of its fortunes floated the lives of hundreds of
thousands of souls in the capital.
Hadrian must therefore have conceived his new
Serapeum in Rome as a votive temple for the con-
clusion of the troubles that had jeopardized the
Egyptian harvest and its transport to Rome. This
temple was erected not only to honor Serapis'srole
in the suppression of the Jews early in his reign,
but also to thank the god on behalf of the city of
Rome for abundant harvestsafter the recovery.The
deliverance of Alexandria had been nothing less
than the salvationof Rome and a divine vindication
of Roman policy in the region. Such an important
event, an emperor might reason, deserved a truly
regal thank-offering in the heart of Rome.
ing relief in Karlsruheand a terracottafigurinein Berlin,has
identifiedthe triumphalfigureas Hadrian;but she interprets
the barbarianenemy as the Agriophagiand Moschophagi,
obscuretribesof marginalimportance.Muchmoreimportant
to Egyptianaffairsin this period was the suppressionof the
Jews,who doubtlesswere demonized into barbariansin the
local artistictraditions.
117The epithet "conservator" appearsonly one other time
with Serapis,in Pannonia;see CIL3.11157 = Vidman 1969,
no. 666. But it is often used of Dolichenus,who is sometimes
assimilatedto Serapis,even in Rome;see Vidman 1969, nos.
391-392. Serapisas Conseru(ator) Aug(usti)appearson Com-
modan coins;thus "Serapisherite de la prerogativeautrefois
devolueparTrajanaJupiter:laresponsabilitesupremede pro-
teger le prince";see Malaise1972, 435. 1 would argue for a
broaderinterpretation:Serapisas protectorof Egyptand its
harvest,and therein of Rome itself.
254 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108
Moreover, there is good reason to believe that
despite the grievous blow to the agrarianinfrastruc-
ture, Egyptian harvests had indeed recovered in
the decade and a half since the suppression. A tell-
ing hint of abundance was the emperor's grant,
perhaps made in 129, to some cities in Asia, in-
cluding Ephesos and Tralles, of the right to pur-
chase Egyptian grain.118After Rome had received
its full requirement, followed by the emperor's "an-
cestral city" (Italica in Spain), this handful of privi-
leged cities would be allowed to import surplus
grain from Egypt, "if it appears that the Nile, as we
pray,provides us with the usual amount of inunda-
tion and wheat is raised in abundance in Egypt."119
The string of excellent harvests continued until
135 when, for two successiveyears, the annual floods
faltered. An imperial edict of 136, issued in Alex-
andria, reports that "in the previous years the Nile
achieved not only its full rise but the greater rise
which was almost unprecedented and, as it reached
all the country, was itself the cause that the land
brought forth its very plentiful and splendid
crops."120It was during those fat years before 135
that the Serapeum in Rome was being realized.

PROMOTION AND RECEPTION OF THE TEMPLE

With the information now in hand, one may eas-
ily envision the coalescence of quasi-independent
factors into the Quirinal project: (1) Hadrian'slong
visit to Egypt in 130, where- quite possibly- he not
only undertook to rebuild Alexandria's famous
Serapeum, but pledged to build one in Rome; (2)
a politico-religious cause to justify this grandiose
new project; (3) a set of unused colossal columns
in Proconnesian marble stored in Rome, waiting
for a temple to accommodate them; and (4) recent-
ly transported to Rome, a workshop of Pergamene
specialists familiar with this material and able to
carve the upper order for the temple in an elegant
Asiatic style.121
Fig. 33. Marblestatuetteof Hadrianovercominga kneeling
barbarian.(NationalMuseums,Liverpool,inv.1971.180,neg.
no. N 7633)
But one also might legitimately ask how such a
massive enterprise as the Quirinal Serapeum could
have left no trace of the kind of widespread com-
memoration enjoyed by its sister Temple of Venus
and Roma.122Such a question would presume too
much about what we already know. As it happens,
Hadrian issued a sestertiusin Rome- usually dated
after 132, and thus perfectly situated in time- de-

1997, 221-2. Some preferMarcusAureliusas the 120

118Birley
author,but Birleyascribesthis to Hadrianin 129; see Birley
1997,287.Hadrian'sactof munificenceto Ephesosin 129may
well havebeen the catalystfor the constructionof a new Sera-
peum at about this time in that city. For this temple's likely
identificationas the Serapeum,see Keil 1954;Walters1995;
Koester1998;contraWild1984, 1829-31.We mayconjecture
thatPergamon'ssecond-centurySerapeum,the so-calledRed
Hall,wasbuilt for the same purpose,although there is no di-
rect evidencethatthis citywasincluded among the beneficia-
riesof Hadrian'sedict.
119
InschriftengriechischerStddte aus Kleinasien: Die Inschrift-
en vonEphesos3016 = Oliver 1989, 392-3, doc. 187; Oliver's
translation.
Oliver1989, 220-6, doc. 88, A-C; Oliver'stranslation.
121
Liljenstolpe1996, 125-6. See above. Significantly,the
evidencethatJ.B.Ward-Perkins marshalsforspecializedstone-
workerstravelingwiththeirstoneis centeredaroundBithynian
artisansin the Proconnesianmarbletrade.Beginningin the
Hadrianicperiodthe "Asiatic" architecturalstyle,and the Pro-
connesianmarblein which it wasrealized,came to dominate
publicbuildingin Tripolitania,LowerMoesia,andPamphylia;
see Ward-Perkins1992, 69, 81-105. But the capitalcarversin
Rome,it wouldseem,wereproficientin thismedium already.
122 whichprovidemanydetailsabout
Sadly,the FastiOstienses,
Rome'sphysicalfabricthatwereneglectedbythe chroniclers,
are missingbetween the years128 and 145 and are veryfrag-
mentaryfor the earlypartof Hadrian'sreign.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
Fig. 34. Sestertiusof Hadrian, after 132. (R. Taylor)
picting a large temple with 12 columns, a varying
number of freestanding statues, and pedimental
sculptures that seem to include two reclining alle-
123
gorical figures in the corners (fig. 34). This coin
type is almost alwaysthought to represent the Tem-
ple of Venus and Roma, which appears (correctly)
as a decastyle structure on other coins bearing the
legends VeneriFelici or RomaeAeternae.124 Strictly
speaking, this temple too is decastyle; the two cor-
ner columns are freestanding and support statues
at the same level as the entablature. But the coin
type depicting lateral honorific columns never ap-
pears with the names Venus or Roma in the leg-
end; it carries only the perfunctory SC, Ex SC, or
SPQR.Lateral columns of the same height as the
temple order are an unusual arrangement, and
there is no archaeological trace of them on the site
of the Temple of Venus and Roma. But there is now
good evidence for two lateral projections of the
Quirinal temple's podium facade, which Santan-
geli takes to be statue bases (see fig. 29). Instead, it
would seem that these concrete extensions sup-
ported honorific columns answering the temple's
colossal order in height. To have a perfect numis-
matic match to this proposal we would need 14 col-
umns in all; but given the highly abbreviated na-
ture of Roman coin iconography the loss of two col-
umns is meaningless.125It would seem, then, that a
1987,123-5;Brown1940,pl. IV.5;Kuthmann
123Boatwright
etal. 1973,no. 58;Donaldson1859,37-41. Brown(1941,223-
4) identifiesfour subtypesof thiscoin (typeI.A.i-iv). His illus-
tratedexample,from the Cabinetde Medailles,is the clearest
published version I have seen with the statues in the fore-
ground;for the typewithoutthese statues,see esp. Bauten58
(BMCRE Hadrian,no. 1490).
124Brown 1941, 223-6. Canina (1848-1856, 2:tav.LII) in-
cludesimagesof the coin typewithhis engravingof the eleva-
tions of the Temple of Venus and Roma.
255
commemorative coin series for the Quirinal Sera-
peum has been hiding in plain sight.
Contrary to the characteristic eclecticism of Ro-
man temples of the Egyptiancult, the QuirinalSera-
peum is unusually canonical in its Greco-Roman
form.126 Its conservatismcan be explained by the fact
that Hadrian was granting a rare privilege to an ex-
tramuralcult, a major sanctuarywithin the pomerium
of the city. Mindful of earlier breaches of pomerial
etiquette, such as Domitian's decision both to bury
and worship the Flavian emperors in the nearby
TemplumGentisFlaviae,127 Hadrianmayhave wished
to minimize the "foreign"trappings of this mystery
cult, which, in any event, could be indulged in the
nearby Egyptiancomplex in the Campus Martius.
The temple faces nearly due east, across a pla-
teau, rather than west, overlooking the slope of the
Quirinal. The inversion of the natural tendency to
orient a hill temple's facade out from the hillside is
unusual in the Roman west, but appears in the east
where orientation toward the rising sun trumps the
view; for example, at the temples of Ain Harsha
and Sfire in Lebanon.128Serapis is, after all, a sun
god, assimilated in the Roman tradition as much to
Sol as to Jupiter; yet Serapea in general have no
prescribed orientation. Perhaps it is enough to sug-
gest that the temple faced eastwardbecause it hon-
ored an eastern god and carried politico-religious
themes deeply involved in the Roman Levant. Most
likely, however, the orientation has no meaning at
all independent of the temple's urban context. Like
other hilltop temples with expansive platform-pre-
cincts in Rome, such as the Claudium on the Cae-
lian and the Temple of Heliogabalus on the Pa-
latine, the tendency to position the temple toward
the rear of its temenos inevitably results in this ef-
fect; for the forecourt must both be accessible from
streets and plazas, and take advantage of whatever
level ground is available on the hilltop.
THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE STATUARY
I have already mentioned some of the known
sculpture associated with the Quirinal temple or
125Brown (1940, 14) establishes the rule that while the
numberof columnsof templesshownon Romancoins never
exceeds actuality,it often is lower.Eventhe Temple of Venus
and Romais shownwithsix columnsin Maxentiancoins.
126
Temples of Isisand Serapisare notoriouslyeclectic and
difficultto interpret.Compare,e.g., the Serapeum'sroughly
contemporarycounterpartsin Pergamon and Ephesos;see
Koester1998;Walters1995, 293-304; and bibliographies.
127Gazda and Haeckl 1996, 11-25.
128Taylor 1986, 30, fig. 1, 75, figs. 57, 58, 118, fig. 113.
256 RABUN TAYLOR
its immediate environs. An additional statue which
has received little attention is a seated image of
Roma, four times life size, seen by Flaminio Vacca.
It was excavated in the area where the Dioscuri
stand today, and thus within the temenos of the
temple.129There is also a most interesting report
from Pirro Ligorio that deserves careful attention.
In a vineyard on Montecavallo, Ligorio reportedly
found "una statua Egitiaca maggiore di naturale
con la sua testa del Dio Canopo [Serapis!]." Ac-
cording to the source, Ligorio sold it to the Cardi-
nal Ferrarain 1573; its whereabouts are unknown
today.Ligorio may have wished to associate the stat-
ue with a "TemplumSerapidis . . ., opera di Marco
Aurelio Antonino Helagabalo" which he claimed
to have identified under the Church of S. Silvestro,
just south of the Villa Colonna. (This is the site that
Hiilsen and many others associate instead with
Aurelian's Temple of Sol.) Here, he says, was dis-
covered the noted inscription, discussed above,
which records Caracalla's (not Elagabalus's, as he
believed) dedication to Serapis (CIL 570). 130Ligo-
rio's motivations and mendacious reputation aside,
the statue unquestionably existed, otherwise the
purchase would not have been recorded. Its ico-
nography must have been unambiguously Serapic;
the god's Asclepian appearance, supplemented by
a modiuson his head and (perhaps) Cerberus at his
side, is hard to mistake under any circumstances.131
And as Ligorio himself says, it was found not at S.
Silvestro,but in a vineyard on Montecavallo.
To summarize:The major statuary132 seen or dis-
covered in the immediate vicinity include:
129
"Appressoal suddetto luogo [dove a presente si sono
collocatiI cavallidi Monte Cavalloda SistoV] so che vi fu tro-
vataunaRomaa sedere,di marmosaligno,grandequattrovolte
alnaturale,lavoratadapraticomaestro.Bisognachelasuaveduta
fosse lontana per certi sfondati che si sogliono fare a simili
vedute"{Mem.41); cited in Lanciani1902-1912, 3:217.
130Lanciani1902-1912, 3:213-14. Also in the Villa Fer-
raraon the Quirinal,according to an inventoryof the same
year, was a Iarger-than4ifesizeEgyptianizingstatue of a fe-
male figure, untainted by associationwith Ligoriobut possi-
blyfound in the IseumCampense;see Roullet 1972, cat. 224,
230. The sourcescited are in Documentiinediti,2.ix, 134 n. 2;
2.159 line 12.
131
Conformingto ClasseI in TranTarnTinh 1983.
132Morpurgo(1937) ascribesto the QuirinalTemple of
Serapistwosmaller-than-lifesize statuesfound duringexcava-
tions on the Salitadel Grilloon the basisof their (doubtful)
thematicrelationshipto Egypt.One is a nude Dionysuswear-
ing onlya pardalosand a crownof ivy,the other a headlessand
barefootmale figure draped in a palliumwith his hands cov-
ered by the fabricof his cloak.The author associatesthe Di-
onysusmostcloselywithHadrianictypes,particularly themourn-
ful Antinoos.She datesthe other figure to the Flavianor Tra-
[AJA108
1. the two Dioscuri in Pentelic marble, now in
the Piazza del Quirinale (see fig. 2);
2. two (Proconnesian?) marble rivergods, of iden-
tical size and reclining symmetrically,now in
the Piazza del Campidoglio (see fig. 3);
3. a four-times-lifesizeenthroned Roma made of
marmosaligno (Proconnesian marble) report-
ed by Vacca,133 now lost;
4. an unknown quantity of imaginesof Jupiter
Ammon, seen by Gregorius, now lost;
5. a much larger imagoof Jupiter Ammon, also
remarked by Gregorius, now lost; and
6. the larger-than-lifesize{maggiore)statue of Sera-
pis reported by Ligorio, now lost.
Additionally, a large base- perhaps for the cult
statue- was excavated "in piedi" (i.e., at the very
foot of the frontespizio) along with fragments of
columns and pieces of the entablature.134
All of these statues can be related thematically
either to an Egyptiancult or to Hadrian personally.
The cult of the Dioscuri was important in Alexan-
dria, as the coin evidence demonstrates, and a long-
standing iconographic relationship developed be-
tween them and the cult of Serapis and Isis.135San-
tangeli's solution to the problem of their original
positions is to place them on the two projecting
pedestals, which have been postulated at either side
of the facade colonnade on the basis of excavated
evidence (see fig. 29). 136As I have already suggest-
ed, however, these extensions conform more com-
fortably to the coin evidence: they served as the
pedestals for honorific columns. The actual posi-
tions of the Dioscuri must remain unknown. Ligo-
janic period.Roullet (1972, 40, cat. 158) tentativelyattributes
to the Quirinaltemple anotheritem originatingnear Monte-
cavallo,a pharaohin graygranitefound nearthe Palazzodelle
Esposizioniin the ViaNazionale.
133
Accordingto Lanciani(1897, 430), this statuewaslater
bought by the Cardinald'Este.It appearsto be lost.
134
Lanciani1902-1912,3:218.However,thismaysimplybe
a column baseor a pedestalfor a subsidiarystatue.
135Geissen(1974-1983) cataloguesthe followingAlexan-
driancoins representingthe Dioscuri.Trajan:nos. 639-640;
Hadrian:1012.Pihiofthe Dioscuri:Augustus:12;Hadrian:957.
SerapisstandingbetweenDioscuri:AntoninusPius:1772,1874,
3481;MarcusAurelius:2104. Photographsof all coins are in
the text. On Isisand Serapisrepresentedwith the Dioscuriin
other media, see, e.g., Tran TarnTinh 1983, no. IVB1. The
Arch of Galeriusat Thessalonikepresents the two Egyptian
gods with the Dioscuri;see Malaise1972, 447.
136SantangeliValenziani1991-1992, 10-1. Gerhard'shas a
similar reconstruction,but with the pedestals fronting the
terminalcolumns;reproducedin D'Espouyand Seure 1910-
1912,2:172-5;D'Espouy1897-1925,2:figs.62-64; Pietrangeli
1977, fig. 18.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
rio's Serapis,recovered somewhere in this area, most
certainlywas not the main cult statue, which would
have been colossal. It was probably a subsidiaryvo-
tive without direct significance to the architectural
scheme. If the "large"Jupiter Ammon reported by
Magister Gregorius was roughly four to five times
lifesize and placed on a high pedestal it would have
filled out one of the monumental side niches in
the pronaos comfortably.Or this and other colossal
statues may have taken their place in front of the
colonnade, as suggested by unidentifiable statues
represented on variants of the Hadrianic sestertius.
Coarelli plausibly conjectures that the two river
gods, identified by their original attributes as the
Nile and the Tigris,137were originally set into the
left and right angles of the pediment to represent
the territories in the east.138Indeed it is hard to
imagine a more satisfactory iconographic scheme
for Hadrian's votive temple; for while Turbo was
battling the Jews in Egypt and Cyrenaica,Trajan,in
his waning days, dispatched another general, Lu-
cius Quietus, to crush the Jews in Mesopotamia.139
As it happens, the seated Roma too was roughly of
the right size to take up the central position on the
pediment as arbiter and ruler of these troubled
territories.
As for the lesser imaginesof Jupiter Ammon re-
ported by Gregorius,conceivablythey emulated the
imaginesclipeataeof the Forum of Augustus, which
featured heads of the horned god in very high re-
lief. But because the Medieval traveler appraises
their size in relation to the larger statue, these too
were probably full-length statues. When confront-
137
Afterthe rediscovery,the attributeof the Tigris,a tiger,
wasreworkedas the she-wolfof the Tiber.Thus the pendant
rivergods of the Comunein the Piazzadel Campidogliowere
made to mirrorthe allegoricalpendantsof the Tiberand the
Nile displayedin the VaticanBelvedere.Interestingly,these
twostatuesin the papalcollection had been found in the ex-
cavationsof the Iseumin the CampusMartius.See EnsoliVit-
tozziand ParisiPresicce1991,93-4. The Campidogliostatues
show abundantevidence of mortisesin the rear.They have
even been partiallyhollowed out; this stronglysuggeststhat
theywere once set in a high and precariousposition.
138
Coarelli2001, 286-7; Lanciani1902-1912, 1:70-1, figs.
23, 24. Nibby (1838, 2:715-6) was the first to present these
statuesas evidencethat the Quirinaltemple wasdedicatedto
Serapls.Remarkablysimilarrepresentationsof the Nile, with
the cornucopiaprojectingfromhislap (butusuallya crocodile
under his elbow and a genius crowningthe cornucopia) ap-
pearon Alexandriancoins.ForthoseissuedunderHadrianand
Antoninus Pius, see Geissen 1974-1983, nos. 990-993, 999,
1001, 1449, 1520-1522, 1638-1642, 1685-1687, 1742, 1850,
1889-1891, 1923-1924, 1968, 1979.
139Pucci1981, 85-103; Barnes 1985; Birley 1997, 74. Eu-
seb. Chron.219 (Karst)and Hist. eccl.4.2.5 characterizesthe
257
ed with the report of a series of undifferentiated
full-figuremale statues associatedwith a single sanc-
tuary,one is drawn to an inevitable conclusion: they
must be telamones.140No trace of them survivesto-
day, and they have hardly been given a second
thought since Osborne brought their existence to
light. However, telamones of a different kind are
well attested in the vicinity of this temple in the
15th and 16th centuries. The anonymous illustra-
tion of the loggia built into the great stairwayclear-
ly represents two male figures set into its corners
(see fig. 19). 141Somewhat shorter than the columns
between them, they are raised on masonry pedes-
tals. The Casa Colonna with is loggia was built on
the stairway'sruins after 1484; alreadyin the 1490s,
Andrea Fulvio noted the telamones' presence
there.142The history of this pair of statues thereaf-
ter is well known: their confiscation by Paul III in
1540 or 1542; their removal to the Palazzo Farnese;
and their eventual journey to Naples, where they
remain today, long bereft of their capitals (fig.
35 ).143When they were removed from the Casa Col-
onna the vertical spaces they had occupied were
walled in.144With their abaci alone they stood 2.83
m high; with the pedestals, Hiilsen estimated, about
4 m.145The vertical zone they occupied thus ap-
proximates the scale of the attic of the Forum of
Augustus (about 4 m; the figures are just over 2 m
high), but is rather smaller than the attic zone on
the Forum of Trajan (over 5 m; the figures are just
over 3 m high).146
Because the Colonna were avid collectors of an-
tiquities from around the region we would have
Mesopotamiancampaignasa massacre.See alsoJerome Chron.
anno 2131.
140
The only survivingEgyptianizingtelamonesin Italyare
in factfromHadrian'svillain Tivoli:the "AntinoosTelamones"
now in the Vatican.See Roullet 1972, cat. nos. 101-102. She
believesthe similartelamonesrepresentedon theAriciarelief
were in the Iseum Campense.
141
Firstpublishedin Hiilsen 1927. See De Lachenal1987;
Scaglia1992, 45-6.
142
"vedesihoggi due statuedi marmocosi fatte,che sosten-
gono il tetto dellaloggiadell'anticacasade' Colonnesisottoil
monte Cavallo"(Lanciani1902-1912,1:137). See Scaglia1992,
42, 46.
143
De Lachenal 1987, 30-4, 59-60, 87-9, 116-7.
144
Confirmedby Du Perac'sillustrationof 1574 (Du Perac
1604, pl. 31) and an excellent anonymous drawingin the
MetropolitanMuseumin NewYork;it is reproducedand dis-
cussedin Scaglia1992,fig. 1. The proposeddate for thisillus-
tration,ca. 1530, is too early;but see the explanationin Sca-
glia 1992, 46.
145
Hiilsen 1927.
146
Packer2001, fig. 152.
258 RABUN TAYLOR
Fig. 35. Engravingdepicting the two telamones taken from the CasaColonna by Paul III Farnese, now in
the MuseoArcheologico di Napoli. (Engraving,Piranesi 1770, frontispiece)
every reason to presume that these telamones of
white marble (not Proconnesian) originated else-
where, were it not for another tantalizing testimo-
nial set down nearly a century before their removal.
In 1452 it was reported that near the two reclining
river gods stood the Dioscuri of Montecavallo sur-
rounded by "four columns of marble sculpted in
the guise of men."147 This is most interesting, for all
the monumental statuary,of course, is known to have
originated more or less on the spot, and was the
property of the comuneof Rome (as it remains to-
day). It appearslikely that the sanctuaryof the Quiri-
nal was the source for these colonnescolpitea guisa di
uomini,whose fate is unknown. The Colonna clan,
who had close ties to the civil administration, may
have had a hand in recovering and displaying them
147
"AMonteCavallostannodue belligrandicavallidi pietra,
e sopra [sic] di essidue giovanigiganti:e tuttointornovi stan-
no quattrocolonne di marmoscolpitea guisadi uomini.Item
accantogiaccionodue gigantiantichiscolpitidi pietra"(Lan-
ciani 1902-1912, 1:73). Interestingly,the much earlierMira-
bilia(12) and Graphiaaureaeurbis(40) reportno such figures
in conjuctionwith the horsemen,but insteada female figure
wrappedaboutbysnakes,a seashellin front of her (Valentini
and Zucchetti1940-1953, 3:30-1, 94-5). This probablywasa
[AJA108
here;148and just possibly, two of these figures end-
ed up on their loggia in the following century.Were
some of the four figures in the piazza generic "Da-
cian" barbarians in the Trajanic mode, like those
later put on the loggia, and were others (now lost)
similarlyscaled statues of Jupiter Ammon? Alterna-
tion is a core principle of Roman serial decorative
schemes, and was not unusual in arrangements of
telamones or caryatids. The roughly contempora-
neous Serapeum at Pergamon, for example, had
flanking courtyardsadorned with male and female
supporting figures in Egyptian headscarves;one of
each may have defined the entrance axes in the
colonnade. In the Domitianic Templum Gentis
Flaviae at Rome a small enclosure was decorated
with male supports, alternatelyclothed and nude.149
statue of Hygieiafrom the nearbyBathsof Constantine;the
seashellmayhave belonged to a statueof Venus in the same
complex.
148
E.g., ProsperoColonnawasa member of the Conserva-
tori in the earlycinquecento.
149Pergamon:Nohlen 1998, 95-8; Deubner 1995; Wild
1984,1805-7.TemplumGentisFlaviae:ParisandBorrelli1994;
Gazdaand Haeckl 1996.BustsofJupiterAmmon on the attic
of the Forumof Augustusmayhave alternatedwith those of
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
Or possibly the two telamon types were segregated,
like the mirror-imagecaryatidsthat stood in ranks
in front of these busts on either side of Augustus's
forum; or like the white marble and pavonazzetto
Dacians of the Forum of Trajan.
Palladio'srestoration of two superimposed orders
in the cella renders the presence of telamones here
highly improbable. Nor does his reconstruction of
the outer portico make any allowances for them.
But if we must have telamones, precedent soundly
favors their presence there. Where Palladio pre-
sumes a simple trabeated columnar order support-
ing a relativelylow roof (see fig. 18), now we must
imagine a space raised by at least another 4 m to
include an attic articulated by these standing male
figures. Linked accordingly to the Severan part of
the sanctuary, these columnar barbarians- and
perhaps the Ammones too- belong to the second
building phase.
THE TEMPLE UNDER THE ANTONINES AND
SEVERANS
The impetus for Hadrian's project must have
emerged only after his visit to Alexandria in 130.
Like other Hadrianic projects, the Quirinal tem-
ple would not have been completed or dedicated
before his death in 138. Hadrian's successor, An-
toninus Pius, is not known to have favored any Egyp-
tian cult in particular.Antoninus was a devotee of
Asclepius,150who was iconographically assimilated
to Serapis in his guise as a healing god; but we do
not know if this dimension of Serapis was impor-
tant to Antoninus. One of the emperor's coins al-
legedly bears the image of a decastyle temple and
the legend saeculifelici(tas).151An unidentifiable
standing cult image is visible between its two cen-
tral columns. Being decastyle, this is presumed to
be the Temple of Venus and Roma, completed in
140. Admittedly the temple lacks the flanking hon-
orific columns, but this is true of some of the
Hadrianic sestertiias well. Most of the Hadrianic
coins lack a cult image;152but the central acroteri-
anothergod, apparentlya Gallicor Germanicgod wearinga
torqueor necklace;see GanzertandKockel1988,192andKat.
77. Otherexamplesof alternationabound,e.g., in the mirror-
image triton telamones on the north entrace facade of the
LateAntiquePalaceof the Giantsin Athens.
150
See Taylor2000, 142, n. 31 and bibliography.
151
Robertson1962-1982, AntoninusPius no. 281.
152
Mostbut not all. See Brown1941, Type I variant8.
153
The priesthoodof Serapisin Rome at this time seems to
havebeen especiallyrobust;see Vidman1969, nos. 429-431.
154
SHASev.17.4.On Severus's"Serapic"
image,see Malaise
1972,437-9 and bibliography.
259
on resembles the lotus symbol (or perhaps the sim-
ilar paired uraei) used widely in Egyptian art and
architecture. The legend, used far more common-
ly under MarcusAurelius and Commodus, and ap-
pearing often on the coins of Faustinathe Younger,
seems to refer loosely to the peaceful dynastic con-
tinuity of the Antonine clan.
Perhaps in the early years Antoninus was empha-
sizing his own continuity with Hadrian's regime by
completing and dedicating his predecessor's ex-
travagantarchitectural projects. But truth be told,
Antoninus seems to have exhibited no enthusiasm
for completing the Quirinal Serapeum. His saeculi
felicitascoin type is itself extremely rare, if not spu-
rious, whereas his issues celebrating the Temple of
Venus and Roma are ubiquitous. For all his re-
nowned pietas, Antoninus surely recognized the
temporal circumstances that had conditioned
Hadrian's patronage of the project. While the new
Roman cult of Serapis would not descend to the
same irrelevance as the faddish cult of Antinoos, it
may have been resented for drawingresources from
the other cults and temples of the Egyptiangods in
Rome, including the existing Iseum and Serapeum
in the Campus Martius.Antoninus and his succes-
sors gave no special attention to the temple or its
local cult. That had to wait for the second genera-
tion of Severans.
The three principal Severan emperors favored
the Serapis cult of Alexandria.153 Septimius Severus
took part in the Serapic mysteries on a voyage to
Alexandria and thereafter modeled his imperial
image on the god.154He may have been responsible
for initiating a restoration of the Serapeum there,
which had been damaged by fire in 181; or this
duty may have fallen to his son and successor Cara-
calla.155If Caracallawas indeed an enthusiast of the
Isis cult, as the HistoriaAugusta claims,156then by
association he was an equally ardent adherent of
Serapls.157He came to Alexandria in 215, visiting
the Serapeum and depositing there the sword with
which his brother Geta had been assassinated.An
155Malaise1972,425.
156
SHAM. Ant.9; Aur.Viet. Caes.21.4. The HistoriaAugus-
ta'sassertionthat the Isiscult, along with the goddess'scom-
paniongods,was"introduced" underCaracalla isludicrous.The
Alexandriancult, though it sufferedoccasionalsetbacks,was
widespreadin Rome from the time of Augustusonward.On
the toleranceor encouragementof the cultsof Isisand Sera-
pis in Romeundervariousemperors,see Turcan1996,85-94;
Le Glay1987;Malaise1972,esp. 357-455 (Caracalla: 439-42) ;
Roullet 1972, 23-49; Lafaye1884, 58-63, 200-28.
157
Turcan 1996, 93; Vidman 1970, 170.
260 RABUN TAYLOR
inscription found there, erected in the following
year, hails the emperor as Philosarapls.158 It appears
that he sponsored the construction of a piscina at
the Serapeum, dated on the basis of coins in a
foundation deposit.159He may have done a great
deal more; unfortunately, the sanctuary, stripped
almost bare of its antiquities, leaves us very little to
interpret today. The monumental stairwayof 100
steps leading up to the Serapeum in Alexandria
was world-famous,160 and Caracallamay have want-
ed to upstage it with a more daring, more modern
architectural concept for the Serapeum in Rome:
a multistory affair with vaulted corridors, switch-
backs, and arched windows from which to admire
the view (see fig. 8, fig. 20). At this time, or per-
haps at the initiative of Septimius Severus before
the accession of his sons, the precinct was enlarged
and structures to the north and south of the tem-
ple were swept away to make room for the U-
shaped surround with its colonnade and ranks of
telamones (see fig. 29). 161
What Caracalla began, his kinsman Alexander
Severus probably completed. A prolific builder in
Rome, he is said to have "equipped the Iseum and
Serapeum suitably by supplying statues, Delian
bronzes [?], and everything appropriate for the
mysteries."162 The Serapeum mentioned is always
presumed to be the one attached to the Iseum in
the Campus Martius,but there is no reason to sup-
pose that Alexander played favorites; his business
was with the promotion of the cult all over the city.
The presence of bronze statuary at the Quirinal
sanctuarymay be confirmed in a martyrologyof the
late sixth century, the Passio SS. Felicis et Adaucti.
According to this story Felix, called to appear be-
fore a judicial court of Diocletian and Maxentius
situated iuxta templumSerapidisto make a sacrifice,
"breathedhis last in front of the bronze statue and
158Dio Cass. 78.23.2, 79.7.3; IGRR1:1063. See Le
Glay
1987, 551-2. The motivations he ascribes to Caracallafor
foundinga temple to Serapison the Quirinalapplyequallyto
arededication.
159Rowe 1946,62;Malaise1972,425;McKenzie2003,54-6.
160Rowe 1946,31-2, 34, pl. IV,fig. 1,pl.VII;McKenzie2003,
figs. 13, 14.
161
It is possible that the southeast corner of the temple
precinct appearsalreadyon the Severanmarbleplan. Frag-
ment 594 (RodriguezAlmeida 1980) shows the corner of a
templewitha columnarconfigurationandscalesimilarto that
of the Quirinaltemplewitha clearareabounded byappropri-
ately oriented walls to its east and south. Only one detail is
troubling:the apparent presence of a column in the third
tier inwardfrom the facade that would be on axis with the
statueniche on the south side of the cella door. This markis
at the veryedge of a break,and maybe misinterpreted.The
[AJA108
fell at once."163Such a source is hardly reliable, but
it may at least preserve the memory of the cult stat-
ue in the great temple- perhaps a bronze replica
of the Ptolemaic Alexandrian original by Bryaxis-
which surely had disappeared long before the date
of writing.
THE TEMPLE'S EARLY DISSOLUTION
We are accustomed to viewing Rome as a city for-
ever striving to complete itself, to be perfect in its
Latin sense. It is hard to accept the truth that the
Eternal City was punctuated by ruins throughout
the duration of the empire. Needless to say, most
were the result of accident, earthquake, or fire.
Hardly accidental, however, were the priorities by
which emperors chose to erase, replace, or recon-
stitute some remnants, while allowing others sim-
ply to linger in prolonged limbo, their monumen-
tality gradually dissolving as their fabric was mined
for building material or their broken forms worked
into other structures.
Ever since late antiquity the battered statues of
the two Dioscuri of Montecavallo had stood on a
makeshift base fashioned from marble slabs at-
tached to the shell of a Roman building in opus
latericium (see fig. 2). When the statues were final-
ly restored and repositioned in the 16th century,
Flaminio Vacca observed that the dismantled slabs
consisted of fragments of the Quirinal temple's
acanthus frieze with the reliefs turned inward.164
This spoliation of the temple in late antiquity has
been attributed to an uprising in the fifth century,
which led a city prefect to restore the Baths of Con-
stantine next door, perhaps in 443.165But as I have
already suggested, the temple's undoing probably
began much earlier.By 357, it seems, it did not merit
a visit by Constantius or acknowledgment by his
chronicler Ammianus. It was included in the mid
areacorrespondingto the niche itselfis mostlybroken away.
The poposed freestandingcolumn extending the facadecol-
onnade to the south likewisecannot be verified.A lone "col-
umn base"in the preservedpartof the courtyardwould rep-
resent another dedication of some kind.
162SHAA/<?x.Seu.26.8:"Iseumet Serapeumdecenterornav-
it additissigniset Deliaciset omnibusmysticis."On the usage
deliacafor bronzes,see Plin. HN34.9.
163
"exsufflavitin faciem statuaeaereae, et statimcecidit."
In L7T/i?4:303, s.v."Serapis,templum(in fontiagiografiche)."
164 Sisto disfece detti posamenti, io osservaiche
"quando
quelle pietreversoil muro erano lavoratecon vestigiedi Ner-
one; perchemi accorsialiamodinaturaesserle medesimeche
si veggono nel Frontespizio,e in altrepietre che, per li tempi
addietro,mi ricordocavatein quel luogo"(Mem.10). Citedin
Lanciani1902-1912, 3:217, 4:104, 179-80.
165
Santangelo 1941, 161-2.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
Fig. 36. North side of the Basilica of Maxentius, with remains of the entablature of one of the colossal
columns. (R.Taylor)
fourth-century regionary catalogues not because it
was physically intact, but because it continued to
function as a temple and a prominent landmark.
Yet we should hardly be surprised by the temple's
untimely decline. Maintenance and repair of such
a building was exorbitant, and the means to replace
its massive columns and superstructure, should
they have been damaged in an earthquake or fire,
began to slip out of grasp in the third century. The
most likely time for a decisive act of spoliation was
in the early fourth century when Constantine built
his imperial baths immediately to the east of the
temple precinct.166(The ruins of the baths were
still prominent in the Renaissance; see figs. 13 and
25.) After all, as a Christian Constantine was per-
fectly willing to adorn the city center with new sec-
ular monuments but hardly inclined to restore fall-
en temples. One is even tempted to suppose that
this emperor found a ready quarryfor his baths at
the temple next door. Such was the opinion as ear-
ly as the 16th century.167
166
Four statuesof Constantineand his dynasticsuccessors
were found on Montecavalloin the 15th century, three of
which made theirway,for a while, to the Capitolinewith the
rivergods. See EnsoliVittozziand ParisiPresicce1991, 86-8.
167
ThusVacca:"Eopinione di molti che li Gigantidi Monte
261
It maynot havebeen Constantine,however,who ran-
sacked the Temple of Serapisfor its great marble or-
ders, but instead his pagan predecessor Maxentius.
This emperor sponsored a frenetic building program
in the first and early second decades of the fourth
century. Commanding the enviable forces of urban
development that had been activated under Dio-
cletian, he neverthelesswould have sought any short-
cuts available to accomplish his grandiose urban vi-
sion. His carefullycultivatedimage as conservator urbis
suaeprobablyreferredprincipallyto his enlargement
of the Aurelianicwalls.ButMaxentiusalsobuilta sump-
tuous bath complex on the Palatine,and a fire in the
easternForumgrantedhim the opportunityto under-
take a massivebuildingprogramin that area.He over-
saw a complete redesign and rebuildingof Hadrian's
Templeof Venusand Roma,whichhad been destroyed
in the fire. Nearbyhe built the rotunda traditionally
known as the Temple of Romuluson the Forum,and
the adjacent"basilica"that is called both by his name
and that of his successorConstantine(fig. 36).
Cavallo. . . fosseromessida Costantinosopraquelliposamen-
ti di dove li levo SistoV. Soprail medesimo posamentovi er-
ano due Costantinidi marmo,qualiPaoloIIItrasportoin Cam-
pidoglio . . ." (Mem.10, cited in Lanciani1902-1912, 3:217).
262 RABUN TAYLOR [AJA108
Maxentius's need for columns was acute, partic-
ularly at the Temple of Venus and Roma. The
mightiest monolithic columns in Rome to survive
into the modern period were those on the surviv-
ing northeast side of the central hall of the Basili-
ca of Maxentius.168Paul V removed the last intact
column shaft in 1613, and it stands today in the
Piazza S. Maria Maggiore (fig. 37). 169It is a mono-
lith of Proconnesian marble- the very same mate-
rial that dominated the main order of the Quiri-
nal temple. Predictably, there is disagreement
about its precise length. Palladio's measurements
suggest about 53-54 Roman feet;170Wilson Jones
and Anthony Minoprio claim 55. 171The most au-
thoritative measurement is that of G.P. Stevens,
who found the shaft to be 52.33 English feet, or
53.94 Roman feet.172Within the compass of our
imperfect knowledge, this shaft fits the require-
ments of the Quirinal temple adequately. At 54
Roman feet, it may reflect the common practice of
adjusting all the column shafts on site to match
the shortest, whereupon the loss of height is
(sometimes) compensated by the capitals and
bases. It has the right number of flutes,173and it is
made of the right material. Proconnesian marble
was favored in workshops under Hadrian and the
Antonines, and its supply fueled the Asiatic mar-
ble trade. The Temple of Venus and Roma and
the Hadrianeum in Rome- two of the three struc-
tures in the capital city that shared its newly im-
ported entablature style- featured this marble
prominently.174One likely catalyst for its massive
influx into Rome was Hadrian's patronage of the
city of Cyzicus on the northern coast of Asia Mi-
nor; since the Proconnesos was within its purview,
it is likely to have been (along with Nicomedia)
an administrative center of the Proconnesian mar- Fig. 37. Column from Basilicaof Maxentiusnow in PiazzaS.
ble trade. Hadrian's mighty Cyzicene temple, MariaMaggiore. (R. Taylor)
made entirely of this distinctive striated marble,
was probably the loftiest trabeated temple ever peum in Alexandria was on a smaller scale, the
built in Roman antiquity, a fitting cousin to the one standing column remaining on its site,
new sanctuary in Rome.175Although the Sera- "Pompey's Pillar," actually an honorific column

168Atleasttwocolumns,one withitscapitaland entablature 171

intact,were in situ when an anonymousartistdrew them in
the 15th century (Florence,Uffizi sch. 1711); see Minoprio
1932, fig. 4.
169Lanciani1902-1912, 5:67.
170Palladio1570,4:13, 14. The base is measuredat 3.45 Ro-
manfeet, the capitalat 6.125Romanfeet;subtractedfromthe
round number of 53 piediVicentini for all three elements to-
gether, the shaftstandsat 53.13 Romanfeet. Another known
set of measurementsand drawingsare in Berlin Codex Des-
tailleurD, which I have not seen. This collection of Renais-
sance architecturaldrawingsof antiquities,fullythe equal of
otherDestailleurcodicesbut largelyunknownto scholars,will
soon be publishedbyB. Kulawikof the BibliothecaHertziana.
WilsonJones 2000, 208. Mymeasurementsof Minoprio
(1932) were establishedby checkingthe scaleof his extreme-
lyprecisedrawings.
172Stevens 1924, 125, 146. These are
probablythe most
accurate measurements ever made. Peria (1989) mistakes
Stevens's measurementsfor Romanfeet.
173
Minoprio (1932) incorrectlyrestoresthe columnswith
22 flutes;in fact they had the canonical 24.
174
Almostallthe remainsof the Hadrianeumaremadeof it,
including the famous reliefs of conquered provinces.The
Temple of Venus and Roma has architecturaldecorationin
Lunaand Proconnesian;see Boatwright1987,268.The white
marblecolumnsknowntodaymayall be Maxentian.
175Schulz and Winter 1990;Barattolo1995.
2004] HADRIAN'S SERAPEUM
erected by Diocletian's prefect Postumus,176is the
largest standing monolithic column known from
Roman times. Perhaps its very scale was a response
to the giant honorific columns flanking the Sera-
peum in Rome.
To conclude our final chapter in our hypothetical
columnar odyssey: in one of the fires that swept
through Rome in the late third and earlyfourth cen-
turies, the porch of the Temple of Serapiswas dam-
aged irreparably.Some of the salvageable statuary
was preserved and re-erected within the temple's
precinct; spolia from the entablature frieze were
applied, smooth side out, to the base of the Dioscu-
ri. Maxentius directed that eight survivingcolumns
of the principal order be redeployed in his "basili-
ca."This building wasinnovativeonly in size;its form,
usually on a scale accommodating eight 36-foot or
40-foot shafts fronting the piers of the central vault-
ed hall, had been tested in imperial bath buildings
for centuries. Maxentius's architects and engineers
may have conceived of its unprecedented scale be-
cause they knew that eight mighty columns were
ready to hand, waiting to be rescued from the hulk-
ing wreckon the QuirinalHill. This is not to say that
the damaged temple was abandoned to dereliction
and impiety; doubtless the cella remained in use.
But the god's fortunes were giving way to a final
spasm of public munificence in Rome before Con-
stantine would arrive to change the rules forever.
From Proconnesos to Pantheon to Serapeum to
the Basilica of Maxentius: This is the unlikely itin-
erary that eight columns and eight capitals may
have taken, their various companions broken,
sawed, burned, or otherwise insulted along the
way. Of those 16 elements, 15 are now gone. One
column shaft alone made a final journey, to the
Piazza S. Maria Maggiore. Standing on a high ped-
estal adorned with verses taunting its fallen gods,
crowned with an alien capital, the last survivornow
abides safely in the service of a foreign god.
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY OF ART AND
ARCHITECTURE
ARTHUR M. SACKLERMUSEUM
485 BROADWAY
HARVARDUNIVERSITY
CAMBRIDGE,MASSACHUSETTSO2 1 38
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