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Abstract
Thispaperreviewstherecentliteratureonempiricalresearchintodeliberativedecision
making.FollowingThompson,itdistinguishesbetweentheconceptualcriteria,
evaluativestandardsandempiricalconditionsassociatedwithgoodoreffective
deliberation.Itfindsthatthequestionofempiricalconditionshasbeenapproachedfrom
threedistinctdirections.Inonestreamintheliterature,whichitcallsthebehavioural
proceduralstream,workhasfocusedonproducinganempiricaldefinitionof
deliberationwhichpermitsanassessmentofthedegreetowhichdeliberationis
occurring.Asecondstreamintheliterature,thefeasibilitycapacitystream,hasinvolved
seekingevidencetosupport(orundermine)theclaimsofnormativetheoryabout
deliberationasasocialprocess.Athirdstream,theinstitutionalenvironmentalor
boundaryconditionsstream,involvesconsideringtheeffectondiscursivepracticeofa
seriesofcontingentfactorsexternaltotheprocessofdeliberationitself.Notablebyits
almostcompleteabsence,however,isanyworkthataimstoevaluatethetechnical
effectivenessofdeliberativepolicyanddecisionmakingrelativetoothertypesof
process,democraticorotherwise.
Introduction
Inthispaperwereviewaselectionoftherecentliteraturereportingtheresultsof
empiricalresearchintodeliberativedecisionmaking.Thiscurrentofresearchappearsto
bearesponsetotheincreasingincidenceofandinterestinparticipatoryapproachesto
governanceandpolicydecisionmaking.Theseapproachesareinturnaresponsetothe
perceptionthatexistingmodesofsocialandpoliticalgovernancelacklegitimacy.Hartz
KarpandBriand,forexample,arguethatinadvancedsocieties,
thepublichasunquestioninglyhandedovermuchofthenecessarydecision
makingtoexperts,towhomimplicitlywehaveassignedtheabilitytodetermine
whatcountsasknowledgeandwhatdoesnot.Thuspolicymakerstooreadily
accepttheirownviewsassound,buttreattheviewsofordinarycitizensevenin
regardtomattersproperlywithintheirrealmofexpertise,suchasvaluesand
prioritiesasmerepreferenceandopinion1
Inasimilarvein,Wagenaarsuggeststhat
theincreasingtechnicalcomplexityofsocietalsectors,incombinationwitha
complexcrosscurrentofadministrativeideologiesthatfavorexpertness,
managerialefficacy,andallocativeefficiency,hasresultedinratherahigh
handed,technocraticstyleofpolicymakinginwhichadministratorsandexternal
expertsclaimtherighttomanageentiresocietalsectorsandinwhichthecitizens
whoareatthereceivingendofthesepoliciesareconsequentlydisenfranchised
fromthegovernanceoftheirownenvironment.2
Politicalparticipationcantakeadizzyingarrayofdifferentforms,butHuitemaandhis
colleagueshaveusefullyparsedtheseintothosearisingfromapluralistdiscourseand
thosethatemergefromthediscourseofdeliberation.3Theemphasisintheformercaseis
2
onparticipationasameansofguaranteeingtheeffectiverepresentationofindividuals
andgroupsinapoliticalprocessbasedonbalancingcompetingvaluesandinterests.In
thelattercase,bycontrast,theemphasisisontheidentificationandarticulationofa
singleauthenticcollectiveinterestRousseausgeneralwillasopposedtothemere
willofallandtheassemblyofareasonedargumentforthepursuitofaparticular
courseofsocialorcollectiveactioninthelightofthatsharedinterest.4Accordingto
Baccaro&Papadakis,theprincipalclaimoftheadvocatesofdeliberativeparticipation
isthatitproducesnotjustarichertextureofdemocracybutalsomoreeffectivepublic
policy.5Onemightaddthat,particularlyforthoseauthorswhoadoptbroadly
Habermasiantheoreticalapproaches,theincreasedeffectivenessofpolicyoutcomesis
heldtobeadirectresultofthedemocraticnatureofthedecisionmakingprocess.
Whilethereissomedoubtaboutwhetherasharpdistinctionbetweenpluralistand
deliberativeformsofparticipationcanbemaintainedinpractice,inthisreviewwewill
neverthelessconfineourselvestoconsideringthoseformsofdemocraticparticipation
that,atleastasaregulatoryideal,aimtoseekconsensusnotjustonactionbutonthe
technicalandnormativereasonsforaction.Thebooksandpapersreferencedinthe
reviewwereidentifiedviaatrawlofthewebsitesofthemainacademicresearchcentres
andprincipalfiguresknowntobeinvolvedinworkondeliberativedemocracy,together
withacloselyfocusedsearchofelectronicjournals.6Thesearchrequestedarticleswith
thewordsdeliberationordeliberativetogetherwiththewordempiricalinthetitle
orabstract.Intheendatotalofaround75journalarticlesandworkingpaperswere
reviewed.Therelativelynarrowoverallsearchstrategymeansthatmostworkonnon
deliberativeformsofparticipatorygovernanceanddemocracyislikelytohavebeen
3
excluded.
WhatisDeliberativeDemocracy?
Thompsonsuggeststhattherearethreeelementsintheanalysisofpoliticaldeliberation
thatneedtobedistinguished:conceptualcriteria,evaluativestandards,andempirical
conditions.Conceptualcriteriastipulatewhatisnecessaryforapracticetocountas
deliberation.Evaluativestandardsspecifywhatcountsasgood(orbetter)deliberation.
Empiricalconditionsindicatewhatisnecessaryforproducinggooddeliberation(orless
strongly,whatmaycontributetoproducinggooddeliberation).7Wewilluse
Thompsonsanalyticalmodeltostructurethediscussionthatfollows.
ConceptualCriteria
While,asRosenbergpointsout,8workintheangloamericanpoliticalsciencetradition,
particularlythatofJohnRawls,hasbeenofgreatsignificanceinthedevelopmentof
workondeliberativedemocracy,thewritingofJrgenHabermasseemstohavebeenthe
mostimportantcatalystfortheincreasinginterestindeliberationapparentfromthemid
1990s.Thisisreflectedintherelativelynarrowrangeofconceptualdefinitionsof
deliberativedemocracythatfeatureintheliterature.AsSchneiderhanandKhanpoint
out,9almostwithoutexceptionthesedefinitionsfocusonreasongivingand
inclusiveness,therebytakinguptheessentialsofHabermassconceptofcommunicative
actionandhisdiscourseprinciple.Thusnormativetheoriesofdeliberativedemocracy
emphasizecommunicationaboutpreferencesratherthantheaggregationoffixed
preferencesviaindividualchoiceorvoting.10Normativetheoryalsoproposesthat
democraticlegitimacyresidesintheright,abilityandopportunityofthosesubjecttoa
4
collectivedecisiontoparticipateindeliberationaboutthecontentofthatdecision.11
Althoughtherenosuggestionintheliteraturethatinclusivenessisthelessimportantof
thetwoprinciples,itiscertainlylessuniquelycharacteristicofdeliberationthanreason
giving.AsThompsonputsit,themostimportantdistinguishingcharacteristicof
deliberation,ismutualjustificationpresentingandrespondingtoreasonsintendedto
justifyapoliticaldecision.12
Evaluativestandards
Intheliteraturetheprimaryevaluativestandardsappliedtoreasongivingare:
thatreasonsarecouchedintermsofthecommongood,includingthegoodthat
arisesfrompermittingindividualsorgroupstopursuetheirparticularinterestsin
certaincircumstances;
thatreasonsareusedsincerelyand/ortruthfully;and
thatthereisalogicalrelationbetweenagivenreasonandthepreferenceit
supports.13
Asappliedtotheconceptofinclusiveness,wefindstandardsthatevaluatenotsomuch
whethertherelevantsubjectsortheirrepresentativesareformallyinvolvedinthe
deliberativeprocess,butthedegreetowhichparticipantsindeliberationaregenuinely
abletocontributetothediscussionandtohavetheirvoicesheard.Thuswehavethe
standardsof:
5
participationinthesenseoftheavailabilityofsubstantiveopportunitiesto
contributetothediscussion;
respectfortheargumentsandtheperspectiveofotherparticipants;and
opennesstochangingpreferencesinresponsetotheforceofthebetter
argument.14
Intruththislaststandardappliestobothreasongivingandinclusiveness.Reasongiving
obviouslylosesitseffectivenessasameansofreachingagreementthemoreunwilling
participantsaretobepersuadedawayfromtheirstartingpositions.Itisalsotruethatitis
pointlesstoincludeawiderangeofparticipantsinadeliberativeprocessifthereisno
possibilitythattheymightchangetheirmindsinresponsetothedifferentperspectives
broughttothediscussionbyothers.
Empiricalconditions
Thequestionoftheempiricalconditionsassociatedwithgoodoreffectivedeliberation
hasbeenapproachedfromthreedistinctdirections.Inonestreamintheliterature,which
wecancallthebehaviouralproceduralstream,workhasfocusedonproducingan
empiricaldefinitionofdeliberationwhichpermitsanassessmentofthedegreetowhich
deliberationisoccurring.Theconditionsspecifiedtendtobeafairlystraightforward
operationalisationoftheevaluativestandardswehavejustdiscussed,andthusfocuson
theattitudesanddiscursivebehaviourofparticipantsaswellasthelogicandstructureof
theargumentstheypropose.Inthisstream,thepossibilityofdeliberationasadistinct
modeofdiscursiveinteractionisnotinquestion.Rather,specifyingtheempirical
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conditionsfordeliberationismerelyanintermediatesteptowardsansweringmore
substantivequestionsabouttheoutcomesandeffectsofdeliberation.
Asecondstreamintheempiricalresearchliterature,thefeasibilitycapacitystream,has
involvedseekingevidencetosupport(orundermine)theclaimsofnormativetheory
aboutdeliberationasasocialprocess.Researcherscontributingtothisstreamdonot
assumethatdeliberationisalways(or,insomecases,ever)possible,andtendtobe
concernedwiththesocialpsychologyofdiscursivepracticeandwithpowerrelations
arisingfromdifferencesofclass,sexandethnicity.Theyareinterestedinwhether
supposedlydeliberativeinteractionshavetheclaimedeffectconsensus,legitimacyand
soonaswellastheextenttowhichtheeffectsofsuchinteractionscanbetracedto
socialandpsychologicalprocessesthatarecoherentwithnormativetheory.
Athirdstreamintheempiricalliterature,theinstitutionalenvironmentalorboundary
conditionsstream,isslightlydifferentinthatitoverlapswithbothoftheother
approachesandispotentiallycoherentwitheither.Thisapproachinvolvesconsidering
theeffectondiscursivepracticeofaseriesofcontingentfactorsexternaltotheprocess
ofdeliberationitself.
Thebehaviouralproceduralstream
Thediscursivebehaviourofparticipantshasbeenanimportantfocusofempirical
researchondeliberationthataimstoassessthedeliberativenessofexistingpolitical
institutionsandprocesses.Forexample,Holzingerhasanalysedthedebateinthe
Germanparliamentonthecontentiousissueofstemcellresearch.15Herwork,basedon
theanalysisoftranscriptsofthesessionsinquestion,seekstoassesstherelative
7
importanceofarguingandbargaininginthedebate.ThislatterdistinctionisbasedonJ
LAustenandJohnSearlesworkonspeechacts.Arguinginvolvesspeechactssuchas
claiming,establishing,assuming,asking,justifying,contradictingandjudging,whereas
bargaininginvolvesanentirelydifferentsetofdiscursivepracticeslikedemanding,
offering,promising,threatening,acceptingandrejecting.WhatHolzingersanalysis
shows,however,isthatthisdistinctionisnotadequatetotheidentificationof
deliberativebehaviour.Assheherselfconcedes,therewasagreatdealofarguingand
verylittlebargaininginthedebate,aswouldbeexpectedfromthenatureoftheissuein
question,butverylittleofthisargumentwasdeliberative.Rather,nondialogical
rhetoricwasthedominantformofspeech,noconsensuswasreachedandtheissuewas
ultimatelyresolvedbyvoting.
ConoverandSearingcomeatthequestionofidentifyingdeliberationrathermore
directlyintheiranalysisofpoliticaltalk.16Analysingthetranscriptsoffocusgroupsand,
lessconventionally,thetextofletterspublishedinBritishnewspapers,theauthorsseek
toassesstheextenttowhichpoliticaltalksatisfiestheirversionoftheempirical
conditionsfordeliberation:reciprocity,publicity,nontyrannyandequality.They
concludethatingeneral,thiskindoftalkfallswellshortofthedeliberativeideal:
Althoughcitizensarecommittedtoreciprocityinprinciple,inpracticetheysometimes
finditdifficulttorespecttheirfellowcitizens.Publicdiscussionsoccurinfrequently,for
mosteverydaytalkisrelativelyprivateinnature.Finally,whileeverydaytalktypically
involvesweakcontestation,italsoreflectsinequalitiesinsociety,particularlywhen
politicaldiscussionbecomesmorepublic.17
8
Perhapsthebestknownattempttoprovideanempiricaltestfordeliberationisthe
workofSteinerandhiscolleaguesattheUniversityofBerne.18Thiswork,whichaims
toevaluatethequalityofdebateinnationallegislatureswithrespecttotheevaluative
standardsofdeliberation,revolvesaroundthediscoursequalityindexorDQI.The
DQIprovidesameasureofthedeliberativenessofthediscursivebehaviouroflegislators
alongthefourprincipaldimensionsofparticipation,justification(dividedintoleveland
contentofjustification),respect(dividedintorespectforothergroups,respectforgroup
interestsanddemandsandrespectforcounterarguments)andconstructivepolitics
(consensusbuilding).Participationreflectstheopportunityaffordedtolegislatorsto
speakwithoutinterruption.Justificationisameasureofthesophisticationwithwhich
argumentsaregroundedandofthedegreetowhichargumentsarecouchedintermsof
thecommongoodasopposedtogroupinterests.Respectmeasuresthedegreetowhich
participantsinterventionsreflectnegativeorpositiveattitudestoopposinggroups,
interestsandarguments.Finally,constructivepoliticsisameasureoftheextenttowhich
legislatorsmakeeffortstofinduniversallyacceptablesolutionsasopposedtosimply
tryingtoinsistthattheirparticularviewprevail.
TheDQIframeworkisarguablythemostmethodologicallysophisticatedapproachtoan
operationalizationoftheevaluativestandardsfordeliberation,despiteits(deliberate)
omissionofanymeansofassessingthesincerityortruthfulnessofparticipants.
However,evenifitwerepossibleeffectivelytoaddressthislacuna,theDQIwould
remainatooloflimitedempiricalvaluebecauseinitselfitcanshednolightontwo
crucialissues:first,whetherhighqualitydeliberationhasagreatertendencytoproduce
policyconsensus;and,second,whetherthepoliciesanddecisionsthatemergefrom
9
deliberativeprocessesareinsomesensesuperiortothosearrivedatviamoretraditional
methods.19Wewillreturntothesequestionsinamoment.
Finallyinthissection,itisworthmentioningtheentirelydifferentmeansofidentifying
deliberationproposedbyNanzandSteffek.20Theyarguethatintheparticularcaseof
internationalgovernanceinstitutions,inwhichanykindofmassparticipationis
impossibleforpragmaticreasons,wecanneverthelessevaluatethedeliberativequality
ofdecisionmakingprocessesbyaskingifthereisawarrantedpresumptionthatpublic
opinionisformedonthebasisofadequateinformationandrelevantreasons,andthat
thosewhoseinterestsareinvolvedhaveanequalandeffectiveopportunitytomaketheir
owninterests(andtheirreasonsforthem)known.21NanzandSteffeks
operationalisationofthisquestioninvolvesassessingthedegreetowhichcivilsociety
organisations(CSOs)areabletoaccessandinfluencethepolicyanddecisionmaking
proceduresofinternationalorganisations.Theyproposefourcriteria:theaccessgranted
toCSOs(noaccess,observerstatusortherighttospeakinmeetingsandsubmit
documentation);thedegreeoftransparencyandaccesstoinformation(noaccessto
documentation,accesstobackgrounddocumentationorfullaccesstobackgroundand
policydocuments);theresponsivenessofinternationalorganisationstostakeholder
concerns(CSOconcernsandpositionsnotdiscussedatall,stateactorsjustifyproposals
withreferencetoconcernsvoicedbyCSOsorCSOconcernsbecomepartofthe
agenda);andfinallythedegreetowhichpolicyprocessesareactivelyinclusive(whether
ornotinstitutionalarrangementsaremadetoensuretheinclusionofallrelevantCSOs).
10
Thefeasibilitycapacitystream
Seriousdoubtshavebeenexpressedaboutthecapacityofindividualstodeliberateina
waythatmeetsthecriteriaestablishedinnormativetheory.AsRyfeputsit,weneedto
askwhetherdeliberativedemocracycanworkatthefundamentallevelofhuman
reasoning.22Thereareatleastthreeaspectstothisquestion:psychological,sociological
and(forwantofabetterword)educational.
Rosenberg,drawingbothonhisownresearchandareviewofotherrelevantpsychology
literature,arguesthatonlyasmallminorityofindividualsdemonstratedeliberative
rationality,thatistherequisitecapacitytoreflectontheirpreferencesandorganizethem
withregardtohigherordergoalsoroverarchinglifeplans...Similarlyonlyasmall
minorityofpeopledemonstratesdeliberativereasonablenessandthustakesthe
perspectiveofanotherandmakesargumentsthatarepersuasiveinhisterms.23A
numberofotherauthorsarguethatopinionorpreferenceformationisonlyinfrequently
amatterofsystematicreasoning,moreofteninvolvingaratherlesscognitively
demandingprocessofrespondingtoheuristiccues24orassessingnewinformationfor
itscompatibilitywithexistingbeliefsandvaluesorconceptualframes.25Individuals
Scepticismaboutdeliberationhasalsoarisenfromworkinsociology.Threeparticular
problemshavebeenidentifiedthat,apriori,seemlikelytohaveanimpactonthe
11
possibilityofdeliberation.Thefirstisthatthecapacitytodeliberateandtheabilityto
haveideasandopinionstakenseriouslyisunevenlydistributedamongdifferent
membersofsociety.Forexample,Sandersarguesthatnotonlydotheeducationand
culturalcapitalassociatedwiththeabilitytoargueacaseconvincinglyvarywith
income,butinequalitiesaresodeeplyingrainedinoursocietiesthatthesimplefactof
being,say,ablackwomanmeansthatyouropinionislikelytocarrylessweightin
discussion.27Hence,theargumentgoes,ratherthanpermittingparticipationonanequal
basisregardlessofsex,race,classandsoforth,deliberationmayactuallytendto
reinforceexistingstructuresofpowerandinequality.Asecondproblem,closelyrelated
tothefirst,isthatdeliberationisitselfaculturallyloadedprocedurethatprivilegescalm,
dispassionatemodesofdiscourseoverovertlyemotivebut(arguably)equallyvalid
formsofexpressionlikestorytellingortestimony.Participantsfromsocialbackgrounds
orculturescharacterizedbytheselessrationalmodesofexpressionarethusprevented
frommakingtheirvoicesheard.Finally,thedeliberativeemphasisonconsensusand
compromise,thesearchforwhatunitesratherthanwhatdivides,putsatriskthe
expressionofdifferenceandparticularity.AsSandersputsit,Insettingswherethereare
grossinequalitiesinpowerandstatus,callingforcompromisemaybeperilouslycloseto
suppressingthechallengingperspectivesofmarginalisedgroups.28
Ifthesepsychologicalandsociologicalcritiquesarewellfoundedandthequestionis
clearlyanempiricalratherthanatheoreticalonethenthebasicconditionsfor
deliberationcannotbemet.Evenwhereanapparentlyconsensualdecisionemergesfrom
discussion,itcannotbeassumedtohavetheprivilegedepistemicandnormativestatus
thatinprincipleaccruestotheoutcomesofdeliberativeprocesses.Theprincipal
12
differencebetweenthepsychologicallyandsociologicallygroundedcritiques,other
thanthefactthatthereisrathermoreconcreteevidencefortheformer,isthatthe
psychologistsaremoreoptimisticaboutthepossibilityofcorrectingtheproblem.
AlthoughNeblohassuggestedthatthereisunderappreciatedroomformutual
accommodationamongdeliberativetheoristsonquestionsofemotion,rhetoricaand
alternatecommunicationforms,29mostofthesociologicalcriticsofdeliberationseem
unwillingtoacceptthatanyconceivableinterventionwouldcorrectthedifficultiesthey
identify.30Ontheotherhand,DelliCarpiniandhiscolleagues,arguethatalthoughthe
researchevidenceshowsthatsuccessfuldeliberationishighlycontextdependentand
rifewithopportunitiesforgoingawry,31italsoprovidesagreatdealofindirect
supportforthedemocraticpotentialofdeliberation.Rosenbergtakestheresearch
evidenceasachallengetobemetratherthananimmovableobstacle:
ifdeliberationsweredesignedwiththelimitationsoftheparticipantsinmind,two
goalsmightbeaccomplished.First,morereasonedandjustprocessesand
outcomesmightbeobtained.Second,thedeliberationmightprovideacontextfor
thefurtherdevelopmentoftheparticipantsexistingdeliberativecapacities...In
eithercase,theconsiderationofthenatureanddesignofdeliberativeinstitutions
necessarilyshiftsawayfromthemoretypicalfocusonestablishingconditionsand
processesthatfreeindividualstodowhattheyalreadycan.Insteadattentionturns
toestablishingconditionsandprocessesthatguideindividualssothattheycan
achieveapotentialthattheypossessbuthavenotrealized.32
WorkcarriedoutbyresearchersattheAustralianNationalUniversitysdeliberative
13
democracyresearchgroupprovidesfurtherimportantevidenceboththatdeliberationisa
distinctivesociocognitiveprocessandthatithastheeffectspredictedbynormative
theoryforthereasonsthattheseeffectsareexpected.33Aswesawabove,oneofthetwo
mostbasicconceptualcriteriafordeliberationisreasongiving.Boththeepistemicvalue
andnormativelegitimacyofdecisionsreachedviadeliberativemethodsarisefrom
consensusontheunderlyingreasonsfortakingsomecollectiveaction.Onthisbasis,the
ANUresearchersarguethatanincreaseinwhattheycallintersubjectiveconsistency
canbeusedasameasureoftheeffectivenessofdeliberation.Intersubjectiveconsistency
occurswhenagroupofindividualsnotonlyhavecommonpreferences,butalsoshare
thebeliefsandvalues(subjectivity)thatgiverisetothosepreferences.Whilea
convergenceofpreferencesalonemaybetheresultofnondeliberativesocialprocesses,
wherethesubjectivereasonsunderlyingpreferenceformationalsoconvergeasaresult
ofdiscussionanddebatewehavestrongevidencethatdeliberationhasoccurred.The
ANUresearchershavebeenabletoshowthatintersubjectiveconsistencydoesindeed
increaseasaresultofdeliberation.
Thethirdaspectofthefeasibilitycapacityresearchstreamisconcernednotwiththe
inherentintellectualorpsychologicalcapacitiesofparticipantsindeliberation,butwith
theirlevelofeducationandtheirknowledgeoftheissuesunderdiscussion.Apotential
problemthatisfrequentlyraisedisthatthetechnicalcomplexityofcertainpolicyissues
issuchthatmostparticipantswillbeunabletograspthemsufficientlywellfor
meaningfuldeliberationtobepossible.Forexample,inadiscussionofthetransition
economiesofcentralandeasternEurope,Przeworskiarguesthatmarketeconomic
reformsarebasedonamodelofeconomicefficiencythatishighlytechnical.They
14
involvechoicesthatarenoteasytoexplaintothegeneralpublicandthatdonotalways
makesensetopopularopinion.34However,theevidencethatnonexpertparticipantsin
deliberationarecapableofmakingsenseofcomplextechnicalissuesisverystrong.35
Esterlingandhiscolleaguesalsofoundthatparticipantsindeliberationusetheprocess
preciselytobecomeinformedaboutpolicyissues,36whileRyfesuggeststhatparticipants
whoareknowledgeableaboutaparticularissuemayactuallybelessabletodeliberate
effectivelyonthatissuethanthosewhoarenot.Ryfearguesthatexpertparticipantstend
tobemorerigidintheirthinking,lesstolerantofothersviewsand,perhapsmost
importantly,moreadeptatrationalizingtheirown.37
Theinstitutionalenvironmentalstream
Theimpactoffourmaintypesofcontingentfactorexternaltodeliberativeprocesseshas
beenconsideredinthisstreamintheliterature:institutionalcharacteristics(whetherthe
institutionsinquestionarespecificallydesignedtopromotedeliberationornot);the
featuresofthesocialandpoliticalenvironment;theinitialpoliticalandvalue
commitmentsofparticipants;andthenatureoftheissuesunderdiscussion.
Thereislittleconsensusonwhatinstitutionalfeaturesmakeforaneffectivedeliberative
forum,therangeofpossibledesignsbeingextremelywide.AsFungputsit,Themenu
ofinstitutionalalternativesisfarricherthanthedichotomybetweenrepresentativeand
participatorydemocracysupposes,andmostoftheitemsonthatmenuremain
empiricallyandnormativelyunexplored.38Adetailedassessmentoftheprosandcons
ofdifferenttypesofforumisbeyondthescopeofthisreview,butwecanatleast
indicatetheprincipaldimensionsoftheproblem.Intheliterature,discussionfocuseson
15
theaimorpurposeoftheforum,theintegrationoftheforumintothelargerpolitical
process,theselectionofparticipants(includingprofessionaladvocatesorother
stakeholders),theorganisationofparticipantswithinthedeliberativeprocessandthe
roleplayedbyexperts.
Anissueraisedbyseveralauthorsistheultimateaimorpurposeofthedeliberative
forum.Forexample,Setletaldistinguishbetweenprocessesthatrequireparticipants
tocomeupwithsomekindofcollectiveconclusionandthosethatallowparticipantsto
expressanindividualopinionattheendoftheprocessbyvotingorrespondingtoan
attitudesurveyorpoll.39ThisisrelatedtotheissueofwhatGroganandGusmanocall
thepurposeandstyleofdeliberation.40CitingtheworkofButton&Mattson,they
outlinefourpossiblemodels:educative,intendedtoprovideparticipantswith
informationandknowledge;consensual,aimedatfindingagreementonanissue,value
orplanforthefuture;activist/instrumental,leadingtopoliticalorlegislativeaction;and
conflictual,emphasisingtheprovisionofthewidestpossiblespacefortheexpressionof
differentpointsofview.41
Relatedtothequestionofwhatdeliberativeforumsareforistheissueoftheconnection
betweenthedecisionorpolicyofaforumandthelargerpoliticalprocess.Goodinand
Dryzeklisteightdifferentwaysinwhichdeliberativeforumscanbeintegratedinto
politics,fromactuallymakingpolicytosimplyinformingpublicdebates.42Dryzekand
Tuckersuggestthattheoutputofdeliberativeforumscanbedeployedinintegrativeor
managerialwaysorasadvocacy.43Inthefirstcase,theoutputofdeliberationis
integratedintotheestablishedpolicymakingstructure,andisdesignedtohelpintegrate
16
informedpublicopinionandkeyactorsintothatstructure.44Inthesecondcase,the
deliberativeforumisusedasatoolthroughwhichkeypolicymakersproducean
alternativerepresentationofinformedpublicopiniontocontrastwiththeuninformed
skepticismofthemasspublicontheissueinquestion.45Inthethirdcase,theresultsof
deliberationaremobilizedbycivilsocietyactorsinlobbyingandadvocacywork.
Whileparticipationintownmeetingstyledeliberativeforums46tendstobeentirely
openorselfselecting,mostothertypesofforumadoptarepresentativityruleforthe
selectionofparticipants.Deliberativepolls,forexample,aimtoattractasetof
participantsthat,whileotherwiserandomlyselected,isasstatisticallyrepresentativeof
therelevantpopulationaspossible.47Othertypesofforumoperateonthebasisof
descriptiverepresentationorsocialmirroringasHendrikscallsit.48AsGoodinand
Dryzekputit,whatthismeansisthatthediversityofsocialcharacteristicsandplurality
ofinitialpointsofviewinthelargersocietyaresubstantiallypresentinthedeliberating
minipublic.Socialcharacteristicsandviewpointsneednotbepresentinthesame
proportionsasinthelargerpopulation.49Descriptiverepresentativityarguablyincludes
thosesituationsinwhichcertainsocialgroupsarerepresentedbyprofessionaladvocates
who,whilenotelected,havesomewarrantedclaimtobeabletospeakonbehalfof
thosegroups.Finally,thereiselectoralrepresentativitywhich,obviouslyenough,
involvesparticipantswhoareelectedbyandareaccountabletocertainsectionsof
society.Althoughnoconclusionsseemtohavebeendrawnaboutwhetherstatisticalor
descriptiverepresentativitymakesforbetterdeliberation,thereissomeagreementthat
whetherornotparticipantsarepartisanisanimportantvariable.Thedistinction
betweenpartisanandnonpartisanparticipantsturnsessentiallyonwhetherornotthey
17
haverelativelyopenpreferencesontheissueunderdiscussion.Astothequestionof
whetherpartisanshipisagoodorabadthing,Hendriksetalfoundthat[w]hilethe
partisanparticipants[intheirstudy]acceptedthatdeliberationrequireswillingnessto
adjustpreferences,theyfailedtotranslatethisintoactionandheldontightlytotheir
positions.Ourcasesuggeststhatpartisansmightbemorallycommittedtotheideaof
deliberation,buttheystruggletoputitintopractice.50Ontheotherhand,Groganand
Gusmanoarguethatwhileitiscrucialtoinvolveanappropriaterangeofdescriptively
representativebutotherwisenonpartisanparticipants,thisshouldnotbeseenasan
alternativetothepresenceofprofessionaladvocatesfortheinterestedsocialgroups
becausetheseprofessionalpartisansaremoreinclinedtochallengetheviewsof
experts.51
Theorganisationofparticipantswithinthedeliberativeprocesstheirallocationto
differentworkinggroups,therelationshipbetweenthesegroupsandanyplenary
discussionsessionsandsoforthseemsinmostcasestobeofrelativelylittleinterest.
However,twocasesareworthmentioning.DaviesandBurgessreportonadeliberative
forumdealingwiththeallocationoforgansfortransplantationinwhichparticipants
weresegregatedbybothsexandsocioeconomicstatus.52Theauthorsfoundsignificant
differencesinthediscursivepracticesofthemaleandfemalegroups,inparticularwith
respecttotheirinteractionwiththehealthcareprofessionalsadvisingtheforum.Intheir
studyofeducationalsegregation,MendelbergandOleskereportonaseriesofopen
participationtownmeetingswhichwerespontaneouslysegregatedbyrace.53This
segregationprovedtobeaseriousobstacletodeliberativeinteractionasthearguments
putforwardbyparticipantsremainedwithintheboundsoftypesofdiscoursewhich,
18
whilelargelyheldtobevalidwithineachracialgroup,werenotsorecognizedoutside
themor,worse,wereinterpretedascodedformsofracism.
Thereisratherlessresearchontheinstitutionalandproceduralcharacteristicsthatare
associatedwithdeliberativeformsofinteractioninnormaldemocraticpolitical
contextsasopposedtoforumsspecificallydesignedtopermitdeliberation.
Nevertheless,theDQIandsimilarapproacheshavebeenabletoshedsomelightonthe
relationshipbetweenthenatureofdiscussionanddebatethattakesplacewithin
legislativebodies,differenttypesofpoliticalinstitutionsanddifferentaspectsofthe
politicalenvironment.Bchtigerandhiscolleaguesfoundthatfivefactorswereof
relevance.54Presidentialsystemsofgovernment,inwhichtheexecutiveandlegislative
functionsarestrictlyseparated,apoliticalculturethatemphasizesconsensusover
competition,debateinsecondchambers,nonpublicdebateandlowissuepolarisation
wereallfoundbeassociatedwithhigherqualitydiscourse.
FallingsomewherebetweentheDQIandtheAustralianNationalUniversitys
intersubjectiveconsistencyapproachwefindtheworkofKarlssonontheEuropean
Convention,therepresentativegroupthatpreparedthetextoftheillfatedEuropean
constitution.55OnthebasisofinterviewswithparticipantsintheConvention,Karlsson
attemptstodeterminetowhatextentparticipantswentintotheprocesswithopenminds
aboutwhattheoutcomesmightbe;thedegreetowhichtheyactuallydidchangetheir
viewsinthecourseoftheprocess;andthedegreetowhichthischangewasduetoa
rationalengagementwithargumentsmadebyotherparticipantsratherthana
consequenceof,forexample,threatsorpoliticalexpediency.Hefoundthatthe
19
participantswidelysharedviewthattheprocesswasmoredeliberativethannegotiated
wasconsistentwiththeiraccountsofthedevelopmentoftheiropinionsandtheir
narrativesofhowtheConventionhadunfolded.
Theissueofopenmindednessandthepossibilityofpreferencechangehasalsobeen
examinedbyHendriksandhercolleaguesintheirworkontheeffectofpartisanshipon
deliberation.56Partisansarethosewhopossessfirmandestablishedopinionsonan
issue,orwhoareactiveadvocatesforaparticulargrouporpointofview.The
researchersstudiedexistingforumsfordiscussion,debateanddecisionmaking,dividing
themintothoseinwhichpartisanparticipantsweredirectlyinvolvedindeliberationand
thoseinwhichtheyweremerelyinvitedtopresentanddefendtheirpositionbefore
panelsoflaycitizens.Thedifferenttypesofforumwerecomparedonthebasisoftheir
deliberativecapacity,thelegitimacyoftheirproceduresanddecisionsintheviewofkey
stakeholdersandthemedia,andthepoliticalimpactoftheirfindings.Arguablythemost
importantfindingoftheresearchwasthatthepartisanforumshadlowerdeliberative
capacitythanthenonpartisanforums:Whilethepartisanparticipantsacceptedthat
deliberationrequireswillingnesstoadjustpreferences,theyfailedtotranslatethisinto
actionandheldontightlytotheirpositions.Ourcasesuggeststhatpartisansmightbe
morallycommittedtotheideaofdeliberation,buttheystruggletoputitintopractice.57
Thepartisanforumswerealsoperceivedashavinglowerlegitimacy,althoughthismay
havebeenduetothemeansofmeasuringlegitimacyusedintheresearch.Astheauthors
putit,Legitimacyinthepartisancaseturnedlargelyonwhetherthedeliberations
producedthepreferredoutcomefortheorganizationswithaninterestinthecase.58On
theotherhand,theauthorsreportthatthesesameorganisationscriticizedthenon
20
partisanforumsonthegroundsthattheparticipantsdidnotproperlyappreciatethe
scienceoftheissues,norwhatitwasliketobeaffected.
Finallyinthissectionweshouldmentiontheissuedimension,whichistosaythetypeof
policyissueordecisionunderdiscussion.Wehavealreadyconsideredthequestionof
thescientificortechnicalcomplexityofthesubjectmatterofdeliberation.Beyondthis,
theliteratureonthetopicisnotextensive.Fewifanyresearchershavebeenabletogo
beyondsuggestingthatnoncontentiousissueslendthemselvesrathermoreeasilyto
highqualitydeliberationthan,say,stemcellresearch,andthatthemoreconcretethe
issuethecloserthedeliberativeforumistohavingtomakeanactualfinaldecision
themorelikelyitisthatparticipantswilladoptratherentrenchedandinflexible
positions.Forexample,Papdopoulos,citingworkcarriedoutbyKlausEder,reportsthat
ResearchondeliberativeinstitutionsofenvironmentalpolicyinGermany...showsthat
theircontributiontoconsensusbuildingishigherwhenconcretedecisionsarenotat
stake,andconfirmsthattheinitiallevelofpolarisationshouldnotbetoohigh.59
Methodologicalapproaches
Inthisfinalsectionofourreviewwewillgiveabriefoverviewofthemethodological
approachesadoptedbyempiricaldeliberationresearchers.Onceagainwecanidentifya
numberofdifferentbutnonexclusivestreamsintheliterature.Firstofallthereare
thoseapproachesbasedonthedirectanalysisofdiscursivepracticeasithappened.
SteineretalsDQIisperhapsthebestexampleinthiscategory,althoughwehavealso
mentionedtheworkofHolzingerandConoverandSearing.60Inallthreeofthesecases,
theresearchersapplyformalcontentanalysistothetranscriptsofdiscussions,coding
21
differenttypesofspeechortheattitudesmanifestedbyparticipantsinordertocarryout
somekindofstatisticalanalysis.Otherresearchersalsomakeuseoftranscriptsof
discussionsbutwithoutusingformalanalytictechniques.61
Asecondstreamintheliteratureinvolvesthediscussionandanalysisofparticipants
postdeliberationreflectionsontheprocessandoutcomesofdeliberation.Thisapproach,
generallyinvolvingsemistructuredinterviews,isclearlythemostwidelyused,whether
asaprincipalresearchmethodorinsupportofothermoreformaltechniques.Karlssons
workontheEuropeanConvention,forexample,isbasedexclusivelyoninterviews,
whileNiemeyerandhiscolleaguescombinepostdiscussioninterviewswithparticipants
withbothinformalcontentanalysisofdiscussiontranscriptsandsurveytechniques.62
Workinvolvingsurveymethodsrepresentsathirdsubstantialstreamintheliterature.
Deliberativepollingisthebestknownandbestestablishedofthesurveybasedempirical
approaches,functioningessentiallyviaarelativelystraightforwardcomparisonof
participantsexpressedpreferencesbeforeandafterdeliberation.Morerecently,the
AustralianNationalUniversityresearchgrouphasmadeagoodcasefortheuseofQ
methodology.63Thisisatypeoffactoranalysisperformedonsubjectsrankingsoftheir
degreeofagreementordisagreementwith30to60statementsaboutanissue.TheQ
factoranalysisprovidesapictureofeachsubjectssubjectivebeliefsataparticularpoint
intimeandsopermitsacomparisonnotjustofpreferencesbeforeandafterdeliberation,
butthereasonsforwhichthosepreferencesareheld.
Finally,wehavethosemethodologicalapproachesthatfocusontheanalysisof
institutionalcharacteristicsorthestructureofdeliberativeprocessesandtheeffectof
22
contingentenvironmentalfactors.Thistypeofapproachismostfrequentlyfoundin
conjunctionwithothertechniquesaimingtoevaluatethequalityofdiscursivepractices
ortheoutcomesofdeliberation,althoughtheworkofNanzandSteffekisanunusual
exampleofanattempttomeasurethedemocraticqualityofinstitutionsasanendin
itself.64Inmostofthesecases,theanalysisinvolvesthecategorisationofinstitutionalor
environmentalfactorsintotwoormoretypesthatmightbeexpectedtohaveadifferent
effectondiscursivepractice.Hencewehave,forexample,Dryzekscategorisationof
politicalsystemsaccordingtotheiropennesstoinfluencefromorganizedactivistgroups
orHendrikssdivisionofdeliberativeforumsintopartisanandnonpartisan.65
Conclusions
Inthisreviewwehavedescribedtheprincipaltheoreticalandtechnicalissuesinvolved
inempiricalresearchondeliberativedemocracyanddecisionmaking.Wehaveseen
that,insofarasitaddressestheempiricalconditionsfordeliberation,existingresearch
canbedividedintothreestreamswhichwehavecalledthebehaviouralprocedural,
feasibilitycapacityandinstitutionalenvironmentalstreams.Notablebyitsalmost
completeabsence,however,isanyworkthataimstoevaluatethetechnicaleffectiveness
ofdeliberativepolicyanddecisionmakingrelativetoothertypesofprocess,
democraticorotherwise.Althoughanumberofauthorsposethequestion,66itisonlyto
notethatithasnot(yet)beenanswered.Thisisallthemoresurprisingbearinginmind
thatoneofthemostfrequentclaimsinthenormativeliteratureisthatdeliberationhasa
strongepistemicortruthtrackingpotential.Inprinciple,then,itoughttoleadtothebest
possiblepolicyoutcomes,althoughasHabermasputsit,Whetherdeliberationdoes
23
indeedintroduceanepistemicdimensionintopoliticalwillformationanddecision
makingis,ofcourse,anempiricalquestion.67
24
25
1
JanetteHartzKarp&MichaelK.Briand,Institutionalizingdeliberativedemocracy,JournalofPublicAffairs,9(2)
(2009),p.1356.
2
HendrikWagenaar,Governance,Complexity,andDemocraticParticipationAmericanReviewofPublic
Administration,37(1)(2007)1750,p.22.
3
DavidHuitema,MarleenKerkhof&UdoPesch,Thenatureofthebeast:arecitizens'juriesdeliberativeorpluralist?
PolicySciences,40(2007),287311.
4
Mansbridgeusesthetermsadversaryandunitarydemocracyindrawingessentiallythesamedistinction.SeeJane
Mansbridge,BeyondAdversaryDemocracy,(Chicago:UniversityOfChicagoPress,1980).
5
LucioBaccaro&KonstantinosPapadakis,Thedownsideofparticipatorydeliberativepublicadministration,Socio
EconomicReview,7(2)(2009),p.246.
6
The literature search was carried out in July 2009.
7
DennisF.Thompson,DeliberativeDemocraticTheoryandEmpiricalPoliticalScienceAnnualReviewofPolitical
Science,11(1)(2008),497520,p.501.
8
ShawnRosenberg,AnIntroduction:TheoreticalPerspectivesandEmpiricalResearchonDeliberativeDemocracyin
ShawnRosenberg,ed.,Deliberation,ParticipationandDemocracy:CanthePeopleGovern?(London:Palgrave
Macmillan,2007).
9
ErikSchneiderhan,&ShamusKhan,ReasonsandInclusion:TheFoundationofDeliberation,SociologicalTheory,
26(1)(2008),124.
10
AndrBchtiger,MarcoSteenbergen&AxelTschentscher,Developingdeliberativedemocracy:Aresearchreportand
aresearchagenda,UniversityofBerneInstituteforInterdisciplinaryDeliberationStudies(2008)Availableat:
http://www.bids.unibe.ch/unibe/rechtswissenschaft/oefre/bids/content/e3409/e3822/e3824/linkliste3826/Bchtiger:Steenb
ergen:Tschentscher.pdf[AccessedMay12,2009].
11
JohnDryzek,Democratizationasdeliberativecapacitybuilding,UniversityofBerneInstituteforInterdisciplinary
DeliberationStudies(2008),p3.Availableat:
http://www.bids.unibe.ch/unibe/rechtswissenschaft/oefre/bids/content/e3409/e3822/e3824/linkliste3831/Dryzek.pdf
[AccessedMay12,2009].
12
Thompson, DeliberativeDemocraticTheoryandEmpiricalPoliticalScience,p.504.
13
SeeforexampleJrgSteiner,AndrBchtiger,MarkusSprndli&MarcoSteenbergen.DeliberativePoliticsinAction:
AnalysingParliamentaryDiscourse(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004);Wagenaar,Governance,
Complexity,andDemocraticParticipation;RobertE.Goodin,SequencingDeliberativeMomentsActaPolitica,40(2)
(2005),182196.Dryzek,Democratizationasdeliberativecapacitybuilding;TaliMendelberg&JohnOleske,Race
andPublicDeliberation,PoliticalCommunication,17(2000),169191.
14
See for example Andr Bchtiger&JrgSteiner,Introduction,ActaPolitica,40(2)(2005),153168;Christer
Karlsson,DeliberationattheEuropeanConvention:TheFinalVerdict,EuropeanLawJournal,14(5)(2008),604619;
SimonNiemeyer,S.,SelenAyirtman&JanetteHartzKarp,AchievingSuccessinLargeScaleDeliberation:An
AnalysisoftheFremantleBridgeCommunityEngagementProcess,AustralianNationalUniversity(2008),Available
at:http://deliberativedemocracy.anu.edu.au/Frembridge/FremBridgeRpt.pdf[AccessedMay11,2009];MichaelNeblo,
ThinkingthroughDemocracy:BetweentheTheoryandPracticeofDeliberativePolitics,ActaPolitica,40(2)(2005),
169181.
15
KatharineHolzinger,ContextorConflictTypes:WhichDeterminestheSelectionofCommunicationMode,Acta
Politica,40(2)(2005),239254.
16
PamelaJ.Conover&DonaldD.Searing,StudyingEverydayPoliticalTalkintheDeliberativeSystem,Acta
Politica,40(3)(2005),269283.
17
Conover & Searing, StudyingEverydayPoliticalTalkintheDeliberativeSystem,p.278.
18
Steineretal.,DeliberativePoliticsinAction:AnalysingParliamentaryDiscourse;AndrBchtiger,MarkusSprndli,
MarcoSteenbergen&JrgSteiner,TheDeliberativeDimensionsofLegislatures,ActaPolitica,40(2)(2005),225
238.
19
ItshouldbeemphasisedthattheauthorsoftheDQImakenoclaimthatitcanbeusedasanythingotherthanameansto
identifyauthenticallydeliberativeprocessesandinstitutions.Theythemselvesarguethatthereallyinterestingquestions
ariseonlyoncewehaveareliablemeansofidentificationinhandandthatthepointoftheDQIistoprovidethatand
nothingmore.SeeBchtigeretal.,TheDeliberativeDimensionsofLegislatures,p.226.
20
PatriziaNanz&JensSteffek,AssessingtheDemocraticQualityofDeliberationinInternationalGovernance:Criteria
andResearchStrategies,ActaPolitica,40(3)(2005),368383.
21
Nanz & Steffek, AssessingtheDemocraticQualityofDeliberationinInternationalGovernance:CriteriaandResearch
Strategies,p.370.
22
DavidM.Ryfe,Doesdeliberativedemocracywork?Astateofthefield,AnnualReviewofPoliticalScience,8(2005),
4971,p.50.
23
ShawnRosenberg,TheEmpiricalStudyofDeliberativeDemocracy:SettingaResearchAgenda,ActaPolitica,40(2)
(2005),212224,p.221.
24
Ryfe, Does deliberative democracy work ? A state of the field ; Hans-Peter Kriesi,ArgumentBasedStrategiesin
DirectDemocraticVotes:TheSwissExperienceActaPolitica,40(3)(2005),299316.
25
ShaneJ.Ralston,IntelligentlyDesigningDeliberativeHealthCareForums:Dewey'sMetaphysics,CognitiveScience
andaBrazilianExample,ReviewofPolicyResearch,25(6)(2008),619630.
26
SimonNiemeyer&JohnDryzek,Intersubjectiverationality:Usinginterpersonalconsistencyasameasureof
deliberativequality,paperpresentedattheEuropeanConsortiumforPoliticalResearch35 thJointSessionsof
Workshops,Helsinki,2007,p.17.Availableat:
http://deliberativedemocracy.anu.edu.au/documents/ECPSRHelsinkiPaper_NiemeyerandDryzek2007.pdf[Accessed
May12,2009].
27
LynnM.Sanders,AgainstDeliberation,PoliticalTheory,25(3)(1997),347376.
28
Sanders, Against Deliberation, p. 362.
29
MichaelA.Neblo,FamilyDisputes:DiversityinDefiningandMeasuringDeliberation,SwissPoliticalScience
Review,13,527557(2007),p.535.
30
SeeforexampleChantalMouffe,DeliberativeDemocracyorAgonisticPluralism?,SocialResearch,66(3),745758;
Sanders,AgainstDeliberation;ElaineStratford,DenbeighArmstrong&MartinaJaskolski,RelationalSpacesandthe
GeopoliticsofCommunityParticipationinTwoTasmanianLocalGovernments:ACaseforAgonisticPluralism?,
TransactionsoftheInstituteofBritishGeographers,28(4)(2003),461472.
31
MichaelX.DelliCarpini,FayL.Cook&LawrenceR.Jacobs,Publicdeliberation,discursiveparticipationandcitizen
engagement:AReviewoftheEmpiricalLiterature,AnnualReviewofPoliticalScience,7(1)(2004),315344,p.328.
32
Rosenberg,TheEmpiricalStudyofDeliberativeDemocracy:SettingaResearchAgenda,p.222.
33
Niemeyeretal.AchievingSuccessinLargeScaleDeliberation:AnAnalysisoftheFremantleBridgeCommunity
EngagementProcess;Niemeyer&Dryzek,Intersubjectiverationality:Usinginterpersonalconsistencyasameasureof
deliberativequality.
34
CitedinDryzek,Democratizationasdeliberativecapacitybuilding,p.13.
35
SeeforexampleJohnDryzek&AviezerTucker,Deliberativeinnovationtodifferenteffect:Consensusconferencesin
Denmark,FranceandtheUnitedStates,AustralianNationalUniversity,2005.Availableat:
http://deliberativedemocracy.anu.edu.au/documents/DryzekandTucker2005.pdf[AccessedMay10,2009];KasparM.
Hansen,VibekeN.Andersen,Deliberativedemocracyandthedeliberativepollontheeuro,ScandinavianPolitical
Studies,27(3)(2004);GiorgosKallis,DionyssiaHatzilacou,AlexandraMexa,HarryCoccossis&EleniSvoronou,
Beyondthemanual:PracticingdeliberativevisioninginaGreekisland,EcologicalEconomics,68(2009),979989;
CarolynM.Hendriks,JohnDryzek&ChristianHunold,Turninguptheheat:partisanshipindeliberativeinnovation,
PoliticalStudies,55(2007),362383.
36
KevinM.Esterling,MichaelA.Neblo,DavidM.Lazer,Means,Motive,&OpportunityinBecomingInformedAbout
Politics:ADeliberativeFieldExperiment,paperpresentedattheannualmeetingoftheAmericalPoliticalScience
Association,Chicago,2007.Availableat:http://www.hks.harvard.edu/netgov/files/png_workingpaper_series/PNG07
006.pdf[AccessedJune8,2009].
37
Ryfe, Does deliberative democracy work ? A state of the field, p. 5.
38
ArchonFung,DemocraticTheoryandPoliticalScience:APragmaticMethodofConstructiveEngagement,American
PoliticalScienceReview,101(3)(2007),p.445.
39
MaijaSetl,KimmoGrnlund&KaisaHerneCitizendeliberationonnuclearpower:AComparisonoftwodecision
makingmethods.UniversityofBerneCenterforInterdisciplinaryDeliberationStudies,2004.Availableat:
http://www.bids.unibe.ch/unibe/rechtswissenschaft/oefre/bids/content/e3409/e3822/e3824/linkliste3828/Setl:Grnlund:H
erne.pdf[AccessedJune7,2009].
40
ColleenM.Grogan&MichaelK.Gusmano,Deliberativedemocracyintheoryandpractice:Connecticut'smedicaid
managedcarecouncilStatePoliticsandPolicyQuarterly,5(2)(2005),126146.
41
Grogan&Gusmano,Deliberativedemocracyintheoryandpractice:Connecticut'smedicaidmanagedcarecouncil,p.
132.
42
RobertE.Goodin&JohnS.Dryzek,DeliberativeImpacts:TheMacroPoliticalUptakeofMiniPublics,Politics&
Society,34(2)(2006),219244.
43
Dryzek & Tucker, Deliberativeinnovationtodifferenteffect:ConsensusconferencesinDenmark,Franceandthe
UnitedStates.
44
Dryzek&Tucker,op. cit., p. 15.
45
Dryzek&Tucker,op. cit., p. 22.
46
Mansbridge,BeyondAdversaryDemocracy;Mandelberg&Oleske,Race&PublicDeliberation.
47
JamesS.Fishkin&RobertC.Luskin,ExperimentingwithaDemocraticIdeal:DeliberativePollingandPublic
Opinion,ActaPolitica,40(3)(2005),284298;RobertC.Luskin,JamesS.Fishkin&RogerJowell,Considered
opinions:DeliberativepollinginBritain,BritishJournalofPoliticalScience,32(2002),455.
48
CarolynM.Hendriks,Oninclusionandnetworkgovernance:thedemocraticdisconnectofDutchenergytransitions,
PublicAdministration,86(4)(2008),10091031.
49
Goodin & Dryzek, Deliberative Impacts : The Macro-Political Uptake of Mini-Publics, p. 221.
50
Hendriksetal,Turninguptheheat:partisanshipindeliberativeinnovation,p.370.
51
Grogan & Gusmano, Deliberativedemocracyintheoryandpractice:Connecticut'smedicaidmanagedcarecouncil.
52
GailDavies&JacquelinBurgess,Challengingtheviewfromnowhere:citizenreflectionsonspecialistexpertiseina
deliberativeprocess,Health&Place,10(2004),349361.
53
Mendelberg & Oleske, Race & Public Deliberation.
54
Bchtigeretal,Thedeliberativedimensionsoflegislatures.
55
Karlsson,DeliberationattheEuropeanConvention.
56
Hendriksetal,Turninguptheheat:partisanshipindeliberativeinnovation.
57
Hendriks et al, op.cit., p. 370.
58
Hendriks et al, op. cit., p374.
59
YannisPapadopoulos,Towardssomeresearchquestionsonthemeritsandlimitsofdeliberativepolicymaking,paper
presentedattheconferenceEmpiricalApproachestoDeliberativePolitics,EuropeanUniversityInstitute,Florence,
2004,p.9.
60
Steineretal,DeliberativePoliticsinAction;Holzinger,Contextorconflicttypes;Conover&Searing,Studying
EverydayPoliticalTalkintheDeliberativeSystem.
61
See for example Davies & Burgess, Challenging the view from nowhere; Kallis et al, Beyond the manual.
62
Karlsson,DeliberationattheEuropeanConvention;Niemeyeretal,Achievingsuccessinlargescaledeliberation.
63
Niemeyer&Dryzek,IntersubjectiveRationality;Niemeyeretal,op.cit.
64
Nanz&Steffek,AssessingtheDemocraticQualityofDeliberationinInternationalGovernance.
65
Dryzek & Tucker, Deliberative Innovation to Different Effect; Hendriks et al., Turning up the Heat.
66
See,forexample,PatriciaFitzpatrick,A.JohnSinclair&BruceMitchell,Environmentalimpactassessmentunderthe
MackenzieValleyResourceManagementAct:DeliberativedemocracyinCanada'sNorth?Environmental
Management,42(1)(2008),118,p.16;DavidM.Ryfe,Thepracticeofdeliberativedemocracy:astudyof16
deliberativeorganizations,PoliticalCommunication,19(2002),359377,p.370.
67
Jrgen Habermas, PoliticalCommunicationinMediaSociety:DoesDemocracyStillEnjoyanEpistemicDimension?
TheImpactofNormativeTheoryonEmpiricalResearchCommunicationTheory,16(206),411426,p.413.