Narrating the past: History and the Novel of Memory in Postwar Spain

Author(s): David K. Herzberger

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Source: PMLA, Vol. 106, No. 1 (Jan., 1991), pp. 34-45
Published by: Modern Language Association
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Narrating the
and the Novel
in Postwar Spain
DAVID K. HERZBERGER is
professor of Spanish and com-
parative literature at the
University of Connecticut,
Storrs. He is the author of two
books,TheNovelisticWorldof
Juan Benet (AmericanHispan-
ist, 1976) and Jesus Fernandez
Santos (Hall, 1983). His arti-
cles have appeared in Hispanic
Review,MLN,Journalof Aes-
thetics and Art Criticism,
Revistacanadiensede estudios
hispanicos,Symposium,and
elsewhere. The article pub-
lished here is part of a larger
project on the relation between
historiography and fiction in
Francoist Spain.
34
DavidK. Herzberger
Past: History
of Memory
Dissonance
(if you are interested)
leads to discovery.
W. C. Williams,Paterson
HE NARRATION of time is a crucial determinant in the
writing of both fiction and history in post-Civil War
Spain. It not only impinges on the way the presentis bound to the past
within the scheme of cause and effect but serves as well to show how
truth and meaning relate to a discourse that urges the reader always
to discern the temporal landscape beyond the text's internal configu-
rations.For the writingof history,the contingenciesof truth and mean-
ing are profoundly unsettling in this period.' I do not mean this in a
positive sense-that a cogent and restorative debate compelled the
Franco regime to question either its significance or its authenticity
within the flow of Spanish history. Unsettling here alludes to the ten-
sions of narrativeparadox. On the one hand, it suggests the absence
of choices and alternatives in framing history within a discourse that
narrowlyconstrues truth. On the other, it insinuates the virtual capac-
ity of discourse to deepen the resonances of dissent and to open nar-
rationto difference,not as a construct of reference,but within narrative
structure and time. Matters of truth, meaning, and time (and, in this
instance, the correlativeissue of intellectual dissonance) are implicitly
held up to scrutiny in all narrations. In Francoist Spain, however,they
stand resolutely at the core of discourse and inhere critically in the
authority asserted over the past by historians of the state. The full
diversity of the past is therefore either expanded or constricted into
particulartypes of narrativestructures.Both prose fiction and histori-
ographylay claim to the process of revealingthe past in postwar Spain,
 David K. Herzberger
but their way of knowing history is contentious
and contestatory, not only in intention but also in
performance and experience.2
This essay focuses primarilyon the way that one
type of narration, the novel of memory, explores
history and makes it discernible. By the novel of
memory I mean, in the largestsense, those fictions
that evokepast time through subjectiveremember-
ing, most often through first-person narration.3
The past that each examines (the externalreferent
of the text) is the past largely eschewed or ap-
propriated by historiography under Franco, the
lived past of the Civil Warand the strains of dis-
sent that anticipated the conflict and persisted in
its aftermath. I am not concerned, however,with
the specific content of these novels (i.e., I am not
trying to get at the so-called facts of the matter as
they may or may not have occurred in the real
world). My aim instead is to disclose certain nar-
rativestrategies, as well as the conception of writ-
ing history these strategies convey, in order to
revealthe imbrications of truth and meaning that
lie at the heart of much prose fiction in Spain from
the early 1960s to the present.
Historiography during the first two decades of
the Franco era was largely intended to affirm the
regime's morally correct role within Spanish his-
tory.4 The government therefore used strategies
both to suppress and to engender the past, that is,
to arrestdissonance in the discourse of history as
well as to assert continuity between the glories of
an imperial Catholic Spain and the illustrious
present of the Franco era. Franco himself fre-
quently linkedhis regimeto the birthof Spain (e.g.,
"Para que la Historia de Espana no se tuerza-
Historia de Espafia que es tambien la vuestra [del
pueblo]-es necesario que continuemos fieles a
aquel espirituque ilumin6 el despertarde Espafia"
'In order that the History of Spain not become
distorted-History of Spain that is also yours [the
people's]--it is necessary for us to remain loyal to
that spirit which illuminated the awakening of
Spain' [96-97]5), and the historiographersinsisted
that a diversity of discourses on the past would
compel the dehiscence of all that was held noble
and authentic. Thus when a historian such as
Rafael Calvo Sererwrites, "No puede vacilarseen
la repulsa de aquellos elementos que se hagan a si
mismos inasimilablesparala tradici6nunitariana-
35
cional y ortodoxa" 'One cannot hesitate to reject
those elements that make themselves unassimila-
ble within the national and orthodox unifying tra-
dition' (Diaz 72-73) or when Florentino Perez
Embid affirms that diversity in evoking the past
threatens"el sentido permanentede la historia [de
Espafia]" 'the permanent meaning of the history
[of Spain]' (149), the agenda of the government
plainly crystallizesin the consequences of the offi-
cial discourse: the rule of Franco has a firm hold
not only on history but also on the truth of that
history.
Certainly many of the "truths" of Francoist
historiography have been denounced and sub-
verted since the end of his regime, and recent
historians in Spain have become aware that all
historiographicassumptions aretenuous. But dur-
ing the first two and a half decades of Franco'srule
the state historians' pattern of writing and the
structures of narration embedded in their dis-
course werelargely mythic.6The concept of myth
that is crucial to Francoist historiography refers
to the exaltation of the static, to the adherence to
a pattern of discourse that eschews equivocation
and ennobles all that is fixed and unvaried (see
Barthes'sMythologies for a discussion of this con-
cept). Myth embodies PerezEmbid's"sentidoper-
manente de la historia" and Calvo Serer's
"tradici6nunitaria nacional y ortodoxa." It func-
tions both to coerce belief and to compel silence
in the laying out of history, and its overriding
power for the state stems from the intransigence
of tautology: its truths are a matter not of confir-
mation but of affirmation; it turns not on the in-
trusion of external facts but on the self-verifying
immediacy of its own narrativestructure.Myth in
the hands of the regimeis epic in scope and heroic
in value. As Franco himself insists,
Nuestravictoriafue el triunfode Espafiacontrala
la heroicareconquista
anti-Espafia, deunaPatriaque
se precipitabaporla pendienterapidade su destruc-
ci6n.Porello,nuestravictoriafuey es paratodoslos
hombresy las clasesde Espafia. (21)
Ourvictorywasthetriumphof Spainagainsttheanti-
Spain,the heroicreconquestof the Fatherlandthat
wasmovingheadlongdownthepathof destruction.
Therefore,ourvictorywasandis for all menandfor
all classesof Spain.7
36 Historyand the Novel of Memoryin PostwarSpain
Such thinking sets Franco squarely in the line of
"La Espana eterna" and legitimates the regime's
rhetoricalagenda, which is neatly compressedinto
the lapidary dictum "One Spain, one race, one
religion."In short, the mythicalconception of his-
tory serves as the founding matrix for historiog-
raphy during at least twenty-five years of the
Franco era, and its discourse of closure bears
directlyon the openly dissentious narrationof his-
tory in the novel of memory.
One of the most intriguing forms of dissent
from the history propagated by the state was
shaped by a group of Spanish novelists who pub-
lished their first important works during the early
1950s-among others, Juan Goytisolo, Luis Goy-
tisolo, Jesus Fernandez Santos, Carmen Martin
Gaite, and Rafael Sanchez Ferlosio.8Their social-
realistic fiction stands as the dominant narrative
force in Spain from the early 1950s to the
mid-1960s and reflects a small but compelling
cluster of literarycanons: the belief that objective
reality is available to the writer and translatable
into a story;the perceivedcoincidence betweenthe
sign and its referent;the assertion that to narrate
life is to re-present it in the whole of its authen-
ticity; the faith that literaryengagement can trans-
form the world into something other than it is. Of
course, not all Spanish novelists of this period
adhered to the ideas of social realism, but the
writers who did inscribed its precepts rigorously
in their novels.9
Yet these novelists' dissent from history has
something paradoxical about it. The paradox is
not that dissent should spring from writersof fic-
tions but that it inheresin narrativesthat focus ex-
clusively on the present. The paradox is easily set
straight, however,if we pursue the larger field of
intention (i.e., what the novelists meant to reveal
and transform) and context (the implicit dialogue
that social realism maintains with temporal
causality and historical narration). Since the do-
main of the past had become the exclusive(and ex-
clusionary) enterprise of the state under Franco,
and since writers could not directly contest the
official version of that domain by narrating the
past, social realists set about depicting the full
scope of the real in the present. On the one hand,
their novels convey a reality that is less discursive
than experiential (i.e., it is "lived"life written into
discourse, rather than discourse reframed in an-
other discourse) and thus less overtly vulnerable
to corruption by other narrations. On the other
hand, the causal arguments in these novels imply
a past necessarily divergent from the one trum-
peted by the historiography of the state. While
Francoist historians sought to expurgatethe con-
tingencies of dissonance with a mythic historiog-
raphy,the social realistscontestedthe state'smyths
by creating a mythic discourse in reverse: their
novels portray a specific present that suggests a
specific past. Indeed, instead of implying the en-
nobling continuity of an epic past, this fiction calls
forth the bathos of the mock epic. Ratherthan en-
noble the individual, the social realists esteem the
virtues of the collective, and ratherthan deify the
heroic,they celebratethe mundane and quotidian.
In this way social realismplaces itself in what Paul
Ricoeur in another context calls the "sphereof the
horrible" (3: 188-89)-the countermyths of pov-
erty, isolation, alienation, and the like that the
state sets out not only to forget but to annul.
The novels of social realismdo not, however,co-
opt or manipulate the historical within a dissident
narrative structure but, rather, convey the sense
that historyis receivedin an eternaland unvariable
story that conforms to life itself. 0 Like historians
of the regime, the social realists assume that lin-
guistic existence is merely a copy of another exis-
tence outside language, which we commonly call
the real. Such thinking, of course, affirms that the
pure and direct relation of facts is simply a mat-
ter of getting things straight. And getting things
straight, in turn, is coequal to affirming truth.
Narrationthus becomes for the social realistsboth
sign and proof of reality, a mechanism enabling
history to tell itself.
With the referential illusion firmly embedded
in its narrative,social realism at once opens itself
to the world and closes itself to the contingencies
of its own storytelling. It urges a kind of necessity
and certitude in what it relates (i.e., it imitates the
actual) and thereby converts the real into a series
of essences by reciprocally asserting both its own
truth-value and the value of its truth. Within this
scheme any particular myth (e.g., that Francoist
values embody the values of Spain's Catholic past
or that the Spanish people are the chosen of God)
may be countered or neutralized by a divergent
 David K. Herzberger
myth (e.g., that the young bourgeois are bored or
that the ruralpeasants are isolated and poor), but
the mythic foundations of both discourses are
bound up by the same narrativeassumptions. The
purpose of myth, as Barthessuggests, is "to immo-
bilize the world" (Mythologies 155). Myth estab-
lishes the structure within which human beings
must envisage their possibilities, and it advances
a hierarchy of values and meanings within that
structure. Thus it forecloses the possibility of
change and affirms the constancy of its truth
based on what it contends is the solid terrain of
the real. There is a prevailingirony here, of course,
since mythic discourse actually deprivesthings of
their historic quality by denying origin and open-
ness and emptying reality of happenstance. Like
a parent responding to a child's persistent ques-
tioning, myth says forcefullythat things are as they
are because that's how they are (Barthes, Mythol-
ogies 153).
What the historiographic discourse of the re-
gime achievedby mythifyingthe past in the sphere
of the admirable, and what the social realists
grafted on the past through mythic counterpoint
in Ricoeur's sphere of the horrible, is eroded and
dispersed in the novels of memory during the
1960s and 1970s. Though by no means single-
voiced in its propositions or tied to a precise set
of literarycanons, the novel of memory portrays
the individual self (most frequently,but not exclu-
sively,through first-personnarration)seeking def-
inition by commingling the past and presentin the
process of remembering. This process may be ac-
tivated either voluntarily or involuntarily, but it
turns consistently on a bimodal correlation: the
self in search of definition; the definition of self
perceived always within the flow of history. His-
tory is thus preeminent in these novels: it places
the individual in "real" time and serves as the
backdrop against which characters are revealed,
ideas conveyed,and beliefs posited or disaffirmed.
While any of these functions may be played out
in the novel of memory, history emerges most
resonantly as what Hayden White terms "the con-
tent of the form." It is offered both as a conse-
quence of memory and as the originator of
memory; it gives meaning to the narrative and
shapes that meaning. Above all, however,history
occupies the narration in a way that subvertsthe
37
structured tautness of mythic discourse and ad-
vances in its place the contingencies of time and
meaning. Though clearly sharing social realism's
opposition to the historiography of Franco's re-
gime, the novel of memory differs from social-
realistic fiction in stripping history of its struc-
tured oneness, of its mythical enactment of
progression, and, most important, of discourse
that prohibitsdissent in the narrativecapturingof
the past.
Prose fiction (and art in general, as Gadamer
shows in Truth and Method) mediates by self-
assertion rather than by self-effacement. This is
especially true of the novel of memory, but in an
ironic sense, since what is asserted is the impossi-
bility of narrativeassertion. On the one hand, the
novel of memory reveals (and asserts) the deter-
minants of its own form, and thus lays bare the
contingenciesof narrationas a way of knowingthe
past. On the other hand, the novel of memory is
self-effacing in the content of its form, in what it
proposes about the discourse of history. In con-
trast to the single-voiced discourse of myth that
shapes social realismand Francoisthistoriography
and asserts authority over the real (i.e., truth) and
the meaning of the real, the novel of memory
offers a different claim on history and historical
truths. Propositional rather than assertive, this
claim recognizes that to know the historical is to
mediate and to narrateit with the voice of a sub-
ject in the present who is also positioned within
history. If one of the proclaimed truths of our ex-
istence is that "being"means alwaysbeing in time,
it is a derivativebut no less cogent conclusion that
we are also in history-we belong to history. As
Dilthey suggests, the only way to be objective
about history is not to objectify it, not to devise
a subject-object dualism that plays out the myths
of a univocal epistemology.l Thus in a novel such
as Juan Benet's Una meditacion the whole notion
of creating a self is tied up with the narrator'sur-
gency to find his place in time and history.Change
is perceived as both virtual and real within the
meditationsof the narratingself. In the same fash-
ion that Faulknerportrayspost-Civil Warsociety
in Sartoris as "silent, sickly desolate of motion or
any sound" (7), Benet's narrator establishes the
diseased-body metaphor as the foundation of
stasis:
38 Historyand the Novel of Memoryin PostwarSpain
Si el espiritude postguerrafue o quisoseruna con-
valecenciaprontose habiade convertiren un nuevo
mal que. . . se hizo endemico como vino a demos-
trar ... el resultado que obro sobre aquel cuerpo
enfermoy mutiladoporla guerrael conjuntode nu-
merosas,horrendasy paralizantesmedicinasque le
fueronsuministradasen la paz que sigui6. (88)
If the postwarspiritwasor wantedto be a convales-
cence,it wassoon to be convertedinto a newillness
that . . . became endemic ... as was later shown
in the result that workedon that body, sick and
mutilatedby the war,by the collectionof numerous
horrendousand paralyzingmedicinesthat weread-
ministeredto it in the peacethat followed.12 (97)
This notion of stasis is especially relevantto the
writing of history, for it points to the paradoxical
content of the narrativeform. While Spanish his-
tory itself may appear mired in paralysis, Benet's
prescription for narrating that paralysis is reso-
lutely open and subjective. His rhetoric of am-
biguity is rooted in what Robert Spires calls the
"poetics of open spaces,"which implies, for mem-
ory and history, a concrescence of a self and the
past within a narration that actively controverts
the closure of myth. In El angel del Senor aban-
dona a Tobi'asBenet asserts that "solo la am-
bigiiedad tiene capacidad para hacer historia"
'only ambiguity has the capacity to make history'
(56), and he affirms this principle throughout his
fiction. As the narrator proclaims in Benet's He-
rrumbrosaslanzas, "En definitiva, el veredicto fi-
nal acerca de un hecho asi, tan controvertido, no
se halla ni se hallara en ninguna parte porque para
cada momento la historia tiene muchas explica-
ciones" 'Most definitely, the final verdictconcern-
ing such a controverted fact is not found and will
not be found anywhere,because for each moment
history has many explanations' (123). The chal-
lenge for the novelist of memory, then, is not only
to recover the past by setting narrative over and
againstthe historiographicmyths of Franco,as the
social realists do, but to undermine the myth-
generatingmechanisms that constitute the found-
ing matrix of such writing.
In the novel of memory in postwar Spain, his-
tory does not stand outside individual conscious-
ness as a form imposed but, rather, impinges on
the consciousness of charactersand forces its way
into their considerations. History supervenes
against the discourse of myth in these novels be-
cause it both shapes and is shaped by the private
affairs of the self. In a practical sense, the most
transparent manifestation of this reciprocity ap-
pears in the mechanisms of plot. While the social
realists transferredlife to literaturethrough logi-
cal causality and traditional emplotment (i.e., by
depictingpast eventsaccumulatingto presentcon-
sequences), the novels of memory turn on what
Lennard Davis in another context calls "teleo-
genic" plots-the orderingof action and informa-
tion to suggest "the transformation of past events
by subsequent ones" (213). The novelists of social
realismgenerally conceive their plots as reporting
the real through a temporal unfolding that leads
to an inevitable conclusion (in a narrative sense
rather than a deterministic one). The novel of
memory, in contrast, unravelsthe plot of the past
and transformsthe potential for historical knowl-
edge into a web of relations and interactions be-
tween the self and history. Its teleogenic plotting
thus works on two levels: (1) the fragmentedcom-
position compels the readerto reconfigurethe de-
sign of storytellingthroughthe evocation of a past
that is not static but dynamic and ever changing;
(2) the external referent of the narrative,the his-
tory of Spain, is now an internalcomponent of the
self and thus open to re-formation as the in-
dividual claims authority not over truth but
against myth.
The teleogenic plotting of history is perhaps
most purposefully exemplified in Carmen Martin
Gaite's El cuarto de atrds. The narrator-protago-
nist of the book, a fictive Martin Gaite, shuttles
back and forth in time during the course of the
narrative,and the reflections she offers on her past
are intimately bound up with the past of Spain.
Her temporal divagationslead her first to contem-
plate the stultifying myths of Franco's historiog-
raphy,then to perceivehow she has been deprived
of history: "[Y]o entonces aborrecia la historia y
ademas no me la creia;nada de lo que venia en los
libros de historia ni en los periodicos me lo creia"
'[A]t the time I scorned history, and furthermore
I didn't believe it, I didn't believe a word of what
was recounted in history books or in the
newspapers' (54; 48). Throughout El cuarto de
atrds Martin Gaite disaffirms not only the so-
 David K. Herzberger
called facts of Spanish history but also its most
compelling narrations. She refuses to embracethe
"acontecimientos gloriosos" 'glorious exploits'
(97; 91) of the regime's heroes, and she renounces
in particularthe cult of Isabel la Catolica, through
whom historians have fashioned a line of progres-
sion directly to Franco himself. Indeed, what
representstemporal reciprocityand continuity for
the regime becomes for Martin Gaite the embodi-
ment of stasis:
[N]o soy capazde discernirel paso del tiempoa lo
largo de ese periodo,ni diferenciarla guerrade la
postguerra,pense que Francohabia paralizadoel
tiempo,y precisamenteel dia que iban a enterrarlo
me desperte pensando eso con una particular
intensidad.
(133)
I amsimplynot capableof discerningthepassageof
timeall duringthatperiod,or differentiating
thewar
yearsfromthepostwarones.Thethoughtcameto me
thatFrancohas paralyzedtime,andon the veryday
thattheywereaboutto buryhimI wokeup, withmy
mind focusedon that one thoughtwith a veryspe-
cial intensity. (130)
The importance of Martin Gaite's perspective
on time and history under Franco lies less with
what she denounces than with what she conceives
as the alternative. Instead of inventing new myths
that dispute the old ones, she posits a counter-
discourse in which history is awakened to the
fragmented and indeterminate essence of the
subjective:
[N]osomosunsoloser,sinomuchos,delamismama-
neraquetampocola historiaes esaquese escribepo-
niendo en ordenlas fechasy se nos presentacomo
inamovible,cadapersonaquenos ha vistoo hablado
algunavez guardauna piezadel rompecabezasque
nuncapodremoscontemplarentero. (167)
Wearenot just one being,but many,exactlyas real
historyis not whatis writtenbyputtingdatesin their
properorderand thenpresentingit to us as a single
whole.Eachpersonwho has seenus or spokento us
at a certaintimeretainsone pieceof the puzzlethat
we will neverbe able to see all put together. (166)
Thus when Martin Gaite contemplates a histori-
cal discourse of her own, she calls forth the cre-
39
ative authority embedded in the metaphor of her
"cuarto de atras":
[E]llibrosobrela postguerra tengoqueempezarloen
un momentode iluminaci6ncomo el de ahora,rela-
cionandoel pasode la historiaconel ritmodelos sue-
fios,es un panoramatananchoy tan revuelto,como
unahabitaciondondecadacosaestaen su sitiopre-
cisamenteal habersesalidode su sitio,todo partede
misprimerasperplejidades frenteal conceptode his-
toria,alli, en el cuartode atras,rodeadade juguetes
y librostiradospor el suelo. (104)
I mustbeginthebook on thepostwarperiodin a mo-
mentof suddenenlightenment likethisonerightnow,
the march of
tyingtogether historyandthe rhythm
of dreams.It is such a vast panoramaand such a
topsy-turvyone, like a roomwhereeach thingis in
its properplacepreciselybecauseit is out of place.
All thisgoesbackto myinitialperplexitiesintheface
of theconceptof history,therein thebackroom,sur-
roundedbytoysandbooksstrewnall overthe floor.
(98-99)
In Cuarto Martin Gaite clearly opens the theme
of history to the reader,but it is the novel's teleo-
genic plotting that impels her view of history be-
yond myth. It revealsthe transformativepower of
individual memory to undermine the inertial
monologism and fixed continuity of the past and
to show instead that history is necessarily malle-
able. Such thinking reverses the traditional for-
mula of first-personplotting, "Once I was lost but
now I am found," and posits in its place an open-
ended "I" whose discourse is epistemically fun-
damental to both the self and the understanding
(i.e., the writing) of history.
The conception of history as the discourse of
remembranceconfigures the opposition to myth
in other postwar novels of memory as well. Luis
Goytisolo's Recuento, for example, relies heavily
on the exigencies of memory to disclose the un-
reliabilityof a single-voicedhistoriography.As his
title suggests, Goytisolo's concern is with retelling,
with renarratingthe past to lay out the historical
in an alternativeframe. His story overtly criticizes
the political dissidence and barren lives of the
young bourgeois in postwar Spain and grows
harshly sardonic as it demythifies the Spanish left
and exposes the sterility of its dissent. By reject-
40 History and the Novel of Memoryin PostwarSpain

ing the narrative of closure, moreover, Goytisolo What emerges from the lengthy sequence that
vitiates the very concept of mythic historiography. brackets the historical here points to the two im-
In the first part of Recuento he strategically reliesportant levels of the novel that oppose social real-
on the narrativetraditions of social realismto por- ism: (1) the way in which history, still the referent
traybourgeois revolutionariesplotting against the of the narrative,is demythified through the draw-
regime. Clearly unsympathetic to the Franco ing forth of a range of dialectical propositions;
government, he confounds the image of a heroic (2) the mediation of history by a subjective voice
and imperialist Spain and posits in its place a whose very subjectivity implies a hermeneutics
movement of dissent bound closely to the rhetor- based not on "beingthere"(i.e.,the testimonialob-
ical myths of the Communist party.But once these jectivity of social realism) but on narration and
countermythsare establishedwithin the traditions memory-history that is "true"not because it in-
of social realism, Goytisolo forcefully subverts heresin an abstractor found discourse outside the
their underlyingstructure.He does so through the text but because it is tied to a subjective life that
mediation of Raul, who seeks a personal identity is always bound up with the past, with history. In
within a narrative of memory that reverses the the novels of memory this "withinness"supersedes
spiraling energy of mythic discourse toward clo- "beingthere"and revealsthat history (and histori-
sure and stasis. ography) must always be redeemed outside the
The hermeneutics of writing in Goytisolo's static structures of myth and within the discern-
scheme claims historical authenticity not by the ment of a narrating self. The double redemption
proclaimed objectivity of the referential illusion of history and the self is embodied through the
but by the insertion of a self (Rauil)into the tell- evocation of an individualpast and, as Proust puts
ing of a story whose implied referent is the fixed it, "the joy of rediscoveringwhat is real" (3: 913).
structures of mythic discourse. The narrative Proust'sdiscoveryof the real hinges, of course, on
moves from the traditional perspective of third- the way in which the self and history open the con-
person omniscience early in the novel to more tingencies of their truths to each other and on the
stylisticallyand technically intricatemachinations way in which these contingencies are narrated.
in the later chapters,wherethe retellingof the past Thus when Raul contemplates his writing in re-
grows evermore personal and subjective.The long lation to the past (both his own and that of events
and complex sequence on the history of Catalufia outside himself), he rejects"la prosa heroica de su
and Spain at the end of chapter 7 (277-91) illus- epoca de militancia" 'the heroic prose of his mili-
trates the intensity of the subjective within a dis- tant period'(626), that is to say,a single-voiceddis-
course whose subject is history. The narratorfirst course. He first recognizes that discourse may
proposes "una historia intrincada" 'an intricate congeal into a solidified mass of repetitive mus-
history' (278) and then lays out how such a history ings: "Y es asi como, al tiempo que se establece ya
can be opened to diversity and dissent: en la primerainfancia un determinado sistema de
relaciones entrelos nombresy las cosas, se excluye
desde entonces cualquier otra posibilidad de sis-
la tareade construirunaEspaia diferenteen cuanto tema de relacion" 'And thus it is, from the time
unidadvoluntariaen el socialismo,unidadsin uni- that in earliest infancy one establishes a specific
formidad,unidaden la diversidad,descentralizaci6n system of relationsbetweennames and things, one
compatibleconel centralismodemocratico,naciona- excludes the possibility of any other system of re-
lismo revolucionarioentendidocomo oposici6nal lations' (621-22). But he opts finally for the cre-
mundo capitalista. . . . (290) ative dispersion of subjective narration over the
thetaskof buildinga differentSpainas it pertainsto sterileimposition of the referentialillusion. In this
voluntaryunity in socialism, unity without uni- way Raul combats the implicit agenda of myth
formity,unity in diversity,decentralizationcom- through which change bears no meaning and
patible with democraticcentralism,revolutionary meaning can undergo no change. This process is
nationalismunderstoodas oppositionto thecapitalist explicitly laid out by the insinuation of the "yo"
world... (Raul) into a long narration of historical events
 David K. Herzberger
that run from the founding of Rome through the
growth of modern Europe and finally to Raul's
own incarcerationin the Model Jail in Barcelona.
At the end of his historical discourse, however,
Raul controverts the rigid chain of chronological
progression, first by inserting himself squarely
within it and then by undermining the possibility
of temporal certitude:
yo aquien esteinstante,o porel contrarioquetal ca-
dena no existe,que la alternativade un hecho con-
tingenteno puedeser sino otro hecho contingente,
dominioabsolutode lo arbitrario. (616)
I, hereat this moment,or on the contrary,thatsuch
a chaindoesn'texist,thatthealternativeof a contin-
gentfactcanonlybe anothercontingentfact,theab-
solutedomainof the arbitrary.
Nothing can be preservedfor the present without
being changed, and Raul's insistence on the
"dominio absoluto de lo arbitrario"confirms both
his own indeterminacyin history and the tentative-
ness with which his discourse exposes the aporias
of being in time.
Another way in which the "withinness" of the
remembering character shapes the narration of
history pertains closely to the use of texts. Narra-
tors who consistentlyevokethe past in the first per-
son most often give their historical accounts the
feeling of a memoir. First-personnarrationgener-
ally provokesanxiety overmattersof truth, less be-
cause a narrowed perspective suggests overt
unreliability (though it may, indeed, have this ef-
fect, as it does, for example,in Luis Goytisolo's La
colera de Aquiles) than because special pleadings
are inherentin a highly personalized discourse on
the past and the associative uncertaintiesof mem-
ory. To diminish the imputation of unreliabilityin
their treatmentsof the historical (and, conversely,
to enhance the authenticity of their perspectives),
narrators of memory often insert a wide variety
of texts into their discourses: news items, reports,
photograph albums, maps, portraits, and the like.
These texts appear in narrated form, of course
(with the exception of Benet's cartographic im-
ages), and bear on two issues that directlyconfront
all first-person discourse: (1) the preoccupation
with providing corroborativeevidence to buttress
41
the remembering narrator'sevocation of events;
(2) the fundamental role of interpretation in the
discernment, not of the truth, but of the meaning
of discourse. While social realism derives its
historiographicimpact largelyfrom the way it col-
lapses truth and meaning into a structure that
seeks to close itself to interpretation (i.e., to make
truth evident and available for all to see), the
novelists of memory imply several possible an-
swersand intimate that each text engendersseveral
possible questions. In this sense the narrativenot
only states and asserts but also possesses a hori-
zon of unasserted possibilities of meaning (i.e.,
propositions)that lie beyond intention and beyond
myth.
For example, Juan Goytisolo's Sentasde iden-
tidad contains texts both as a sign of the real and
as a mechanism for foregroundingthe operations
of interpreting. Alvaro Mendiola's reliance on
photographs, postcards, letters, maps, and other
documents to piece together the past (Spain's as
well as his own) revealsthe reciprocitybetweenhis-
tory as a formative component of the self and the
self as a formativecomponent of history.The texts
validate the "realness" of the past (i.e., confirm
that people, places, and events actually exist), but
the meaning of this past has yet to be determined.
What is crucial about the determination of mean-
ing here (and in other novels of memory as well)
is that Alvaro does not set out to reconstruct the
past as past, as if it were an isolated whole within
its own structureof meaning. Instead, he drawson
texts as framersof experienceand integratesthem
into his own thoughts, desires, and needs in the
present. Alvaro does not stand apart from all that
surroundsand precedeshim; he is firmly attached
to history; he is in history. As Joel Weinsheimer
writes, summarizing Gadamer,"Our present, our
differencefrom the past, is not the obstaclebut the
verycondition of understandingthe past. . . and
the past to which we have access is alwaysour own
past by reason of our belonging to it" (134). The
history that Alvaro is in, of course, is only know-
able through his narration of it, laid out by the
multitude of telescopic relationsamong the events,
photographs,and documents of the past. The texts
themselves stand inert and lifeless until they are
awakenedto meaning by memory and narration.
Indeed, as Alvaro contemplates the past during
42 Historyand the Novel of Memoryin PostwarSpain
the course of the novel, he is struck by his obliga-
tion to narrate that past: "Muerto tu (te decias),
,a quien corresponderacontarlo [el pasado]?" 'If
you are dead (you said to yourself), on whom will
it fall to tell it [the past]?'(230);"[S]u rebeldiacon-
tra la sociedad espafiola de su tiempo muri6 con
el [su tio] como morira sin duda la tuya si no le
das forma concreta y precisa si no logras encau-
zarla" 'His rebelliousness against the Spanish so-
ciety of his time died with him [his uncle] as no
doubt yours will die with you if you don't give it
a concrete and precise form, if you don't manage
to give it shape' (346). History is thus set forth as
a component of narration and is shaped by Al-
varo's complementary needs to interpretthe past
and to define himself.
Goytisolo constantly moves the definition of
self between past and present as his character
erupts into the epiphany of knowing. Again, the
role of texts is preeminent.This is most acutely ex-
emplified in the final chapter of the novel, where
Alvaro concurrently listens to fragments of
tourists' conversations and reads a government
pamphlet outlining the history of Barcelona.Now
in the pure present, beyond memory, he absorbs
the full extent to which the regime has appropri-
ated the past and made it the enterprise of the
state. Alvaro disdains the foreign words of the
tourists just as he does the new buildings of
Barcelona-both in their own ways have strangled
the city and effaced its identity.Moreover,because
the pamphlet is framed within the narrativeby the
persistent alienation that informs Alvaro's mem-
ory, it revealshow the government uses narration
to abridge culture and rid it of its complexity and
richness. The regime's official discourse (whose
syncopating function has alreadybeen established
by the intercalated texts of the press and the po-
lice) is now exposed in all its sterility as antitheti-
cal to truth. It revealsless about Barcelona-as is
its intention-than about the reductivistefficiency
and mythifying power of narration when ap-
propriated by the government to provide histori-
cal continuity and orthodoxy.
Narrated texts also inform the historiographic
concerns of El cuarto de atras. Though overrun
by a number of texts (e.g., the "novela rosa," let-
ters, detective fiction, poetry, songs, film, a book
on insanity, and paintings) the novel is overtly
shaped by Todorov's view of the fantastic. As
critics have frequently pointed out, Cuarto both
embodies a fantastic novel and discusses the writ-
ing of a fantastic novel, and the two functions are
centralto its meaning. But what is most pertinent
here is the way in which text, memory, and history
are balanced on the fulcrum of interpretation to
convey that history is always provisional. While
Martin Gaite explicitly sets Cuarto over and
against the texts of social realism as a mode of
writing, she does not deny her novel a social
agenda. Here the social coincides intimately with
historiographyand the appropriationsof the past
under Franco, as well as with the way in which the
past is made known. From the cult of Isabel la
Catolica and the myth of "la espafiola perfecta"
(96) to the recurrentimage of Carmencita Franco
(with songs of the 1940sand segments from news-
reels interspersed prominently), Cuarto affirms
how interpretation of the past is always ongoing,
always contingent on memory even when a text
offers compelling evidence of truth. Memory for-
gets, revises, and transforms, so that the past re-
mains everopen to rewritingand reinterpretingin
ways that defy the design of myth. The texts that
Martin Gaite infiltrates in Cuarto are both in his-
tory (existing in "reality,"outside her novel) and
about history (used by the regimeto tell its version
of the truth). They are renarratized within the
frame of memory, and what they recover is time
itself. As Martin Gaite writes:
[C]uantosratosperdidos,cuantasvueltasinftilespor
esta casa, a lo largode los afnos,en buscade algo.
LQuebuscoahora?Ah, ya,unrastrodetiempo,como
siempre,el tiempoes lo que mas se pierde. (33)
How muchtimewasted,how manyuselesswander-
ings back and forth throughthis apartment,down
throughtheyears,searchingforsomething.Whatam
I searchingfor now?Ah, yes, the trackof time.As
always,time is what gets lost most often. (25)
The reconciliation between a past once closed to
interpretationand a memory with full desireto in-
terpret recaptures history as subjective meaning
engendered to annul myth. In short, nothing is
preserved for Martin Gaite, nothing is remem-
bered and given meaning, without being altered.
 David K. Herzberger
Luis Goytisolo's La colera de Aquiles speaks
even more explicitly to the textual foundation of
memory and narration and the contingencies of
writing history. Its historical referent (the same
anti-Francoist militants living in Paris that Juan
Goytisolo portrays in Senas) is open both to the
narration'schanging paradigmsand to the reader's
creative interpretation. Matilde Moret's interca-
lated short novel, El edicto de Mildn, recounts her
experienceswith Spanish exiles in Paris,but as her
narrativedevelops, it offers varied and conflicting
perspectives on the same set of incidents. It can
thus be seen as doubly contestatory:it directlysub-
verts the myth of its own context (i.e., the framing
narration of Aquiles, which, ironically, is por-
trayed through a painting-a text-that may be
purelyfictitious);and it destabilizesa single-voiced
discourse that asserts truths about the past
(Matilde'srecollectionsof anti-Francoistactivities
among the students). In addition to casting doubt
on the mythical wrath of Aquiles (236, 239), the
novel challenges all narrativethat pretends to as-
sert truths ratherthan to propose meanings. While
the demythificationof the Spanish intellectualleft
is deeply embedded in Colera, Goytisolo offers no
alternative myth. Instead, his focus shuttles back
and forth between the writing and the reading of
texts, demonstratinghow both activitiesarebound
up with our understanding of the past. The entire
process, however,is tied intimately to the invent-
ing of texts and the creation of a self:
[A]trav6sde las obrasde ficci6n,en medidamucho
mayorquea travesde textostestimonialeso especu-
lativos,el lectordescubreen el mundoaspectoshasta
entoncesno imaginadosque le ofrecenun conoci-
mientoinmediatoasi del mundocomo de si mismo.
(239)
In worksof fiction,in muchgreatermeasurethanin
testimonialor speculativetexts,the readerdiscovers
in the worldthingsuntilthenunimaginedthatoffer
himan immediateknowledgeof the worldas wellas
of himself.
Fiction is superior to history here (and implicitly
to myth), not because of the truth-valueof its dis-
course but because of its propositions about truth.
The epistemological fabricof narrationalwaysim-
43
plies the hand of the weaver,which in turn affirms
the presenceof a self throughwhich meaning (here
the historical meaning of intellectual dissidence)
is mediated and engendered. It is in this sense that
the novel of memory affords history the most di-
verse and profound possibilities. As with Ricoeur,
"the meaning of history resides in its aspect as a
drama of the human effort to endow life with
meaning" (White, Content 181). Time is always
corrosive, and memory can never recoup time it-
self but can recover only the meaning of time for
a remembering self. This is what the novelists of
memory propose at everyturn of their writingand
what places their narrativesin opposition to the
assertive truths of social realism and Francoist
historiography.
For the novelists of memory, as I have sought
to show, the writing of history cannot be collapsed
into the reductivist and debilitating paradigm of
myth. Indeed, for the major lineage of Spanish
novelists from the mid-1960s to the present (e.g.,
Juan Benet, Juan Goytisolo, Luis Goytisolo, Car-
men Martin Gaite, and parts of Camilo Jose Cela
and Miguel Delibes), memory saps the roots of
myth-producing narrations and strips away their
thick wrapping of narrativeclosure. Evoking the
historical past for these writersis conceived not as
experiencing that past as it once might have been
lived but as filtering time through the conscious-
ness of a rememberingself at once in history and
open to history. Thus time is not a chasm that is
merely bridged to recover the historical. Rather,
as Gadamerwrites, it is "a ground which supports
the arrivalof the past and where the present takes
its roots" ("Problem" 152). This interplay(or dia-
logue, as some would have it) between presentand
past defines the narrating selves of these works
and their discourses on history. In contrast to so-
cial realism and the historiography of the state,
therefore,the novel of memory lays out history as
a series of disruptions-of time, of self, of narra-
tion, and, most important, of the referentialillu-
sion of truth and wholeness.
The remembering discoursers in the novels I
have discussed are most often alienated and adrift
in postwar Spain-in part because they bear the
full weight of the past, in part because they know
that this weight, while it can be grasped as
meaningful, has nothing immutable about it ex-
44 Historyand the Novel of Memoryin PostwarSpain
cept its inability ever to be defined once and for
all. To respect the wholeness of the past means to
leave it open to inquiry, to refuse to neutralize the
contingencies of history by transforming them
into the safe zone of myth. Indeed, the novel of
memory works consistently to decenter the para-
digm of myth and to reconstitute the center as a
movable construct that always questions the past
and remains subject to the hermeneutics of
dissent.
Notes
I wish to distinguish here and elsewhere in my study be-
tween history (the occurrence of events in time) and histori-
ography (the inscribing of events into a narrative form, the
writing of history).
2The complex arguments linking historiography and fic-
tion have been made elsewhere and are too lengthy to repro-
duce here. For the present study I have drawn particularly
on the works of White and Ricoeur, while the philosophical
base of Gadamer's hermeneutics and Barthes's writings on
myth (Rustle and Mythologies) have served as secondary but
no less pertinentpoints of departure.I referthe readerto these
writers, as well as to LaCapra, Cowart, D'Amico, Gearhart,
and Morson for significant insights into the commingling of
history and fiction and the way in which our knowledge of
the past is shaped.
31 would classify as novels of memory such representative
works as Juan Benet's Volverdsa Regidn (1967), Una medita-
cion (1970), and Sau'l ante Samuel (1980); Miguel Delibes's
Cinco horas con Mario (1966);Juan Goytisolo's Sefias de iden-
tidad (1966); Luis Goytisolo's Recuento (1973) and La colera
de Aquiles (1979); Carmen Martin Gaite's El cuarto de atras
(1978). The list could, of course, include many other novels,
as well as relatedworks (with complementarynarrativestrate-
gies and problematic points of view) that Francisco Caudet
identifies closely with the "boom" in the writing of memoirs
in the past decade: for example, J. M. Gil Robles'sLa monar-
qufa por la que luche (1976);Carlos Barral'sAnfosde peniten-
cia (1975);Jaime Gil de Biedma'sDiario del artistaseriamente
enfermo (1975); Pedro Lain Entralgo's Descargo de concien-
cia (1976);and Martin Gaite's Usos amorosos de la postguerra
(1988).
4See, for example, Elias Diaz's fine overview of historiog-
raphy during the Franco years, as well as Randolph Pope's
thoughtful essay on the heroic and imperialistic writing of
history in postwar Spain. Pope's study of Luis Goytisolo's
Antagonia is also helpful in showing how history can be
framedin discourseto serveas a crucialnarrativedeterminant.
Additionally, both Jo Labanyi (ch. 2) and Paul Ilie offer im-
portant insights into Francoist historiography and its rela-
tion to myth and ideology.
5All translations of Spanish quotations are my own except
for those given for passages from Martin Gaite's El cuarto
de atrds and Benet's Una meditacidn; translations of these
passages are from the English-language editions listed under
Works Cited.
6It is true that as early as 1951 Jaime Vicens Vives pub-
lished the first issue of Estudios de historia moderna, in which
he advocates a more objective approach to the writing of his-
tory, and Enrique Tierno Galvan, in XII tesis sobre fun-
cionalismo europeo (1955),urgesthe regimeto rid the academy
of the "absolutismo ideol6gico" that contaminates the pur-
suit of truth (Diaz 142). But the overriding concern with
historical hegemony remained firm during this period, and
historiography continued to prop up the myths on which the
Franco regime had been constructed. For pertinent informa-
tion on the current state of Spanish historiography and the
trends that oppose the historiographic norms of the regime,
see Diaz (265-81); Manuel Tufi6nde Lara;and Tufi6nde Lara
and Jos6 Antonio Biescas.
7Franco'spreoccupation with all that is illustrious in Span-
ish history (including of course his own regime) is frequently
bound up with the heroic. For example: "Todo lo grande que
existe en Espafia no ha sido obra de la casualidad: ha sido
obra de hidalgos, de santos y de heroes, fruto de grandes
empefios, de minorias selectas, de hombres elegidos .. ."
'Everything great that exists in Spain has not been the work
of happenstance: it has been the work of nobles, of saints
and of heroes, the fruit of great boldness, of select minori-
ties, of chosen men . . .' (96).
81 would also include Miguel Delibes and Camilo Jose Cela
among the novelists closely identified with the origins of so-
cial realism, but both writers published their first important
works during the 1940s. For a discussion of social realism
as a generational norm during the 1950s and 1960s, see Gon-
zalo Sobejano.
9Many novelists who write important works of social real-
ism early in their careers expressly oppose that conceptual
foundation in later years. This is true, for example, of Car-
men Martin Gaite, Juan Goytisolo, and Luis Goytisolo, who
in the past decade and a half have written complex novels
of memory, which I discuss below.
10The representation of time in these novels is an exam-
ple. When social realism implies temporal causal antecedents
(i.e., argues that the past must have been thus to produce a
present that is thus), it does so without accounting either for
the aporias of time or for discourse as a conditioner of time.
Social-realist fiction generally represents a brief period with
external markers of time clearly delineated. This is true, for
example, in such prototype social-realistworks as Rafael San-
chez Ferlosio'sEl Jaramaand Jos6 Manuel CaballeroBonald's
Dos dias de septiembre, in which the felt presence of time
is at once specific and eternal. It is specific in the way that
hours, days, and weeks oppress the characters and intensify
their sufferingbut eternalin that the vastnessof time afflicting
the characters knows no origin and portends no end. These
novels embody a sense of time as repetition and sameness
and preclude the troublesome uncertainties of narrativethat
reveal the self engendering a personal and variable time per-
 David K. Herzberger
tinent only to the experiencing individual.
1 White, Ricoeur, and Gadamer often draw on Dilthey's
writing to flesh out the fundamental issues that both
philosophers and historians face in dealing with the past.
12I have modified Rabassa's translation of this passage to
make it more faithful to the original Spanish.
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