Hibrid Deities in South Dalmatia PRUSAC PDF

Marina Prusac
Hybrid Deities in South Dalmatia
Introduction
Mountains and rivers form a natural border around South Illyria-Dalmatia, an area stretching over
parts of present-day Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and North Albania. The area has a narrow
coastline with river plains (fig. 1) meeting a steep mountain chain (fig. 2) with limited areas for people to
settle. Such a landscape caused slower creolisation processes than what was common in the
Mediterranean, which are expressed through hybridities in the iconographical expressions, in particular in the
cultic material. Hybridity and creolisation have become common terms for hidden transcripts in the material
culture, since links between artefacts and ethnicity are disputable. Hybridity and creolisation are terms
borrowed from post-colonial studies and linguistics, where they are used to express discrepant experiences,
1
or overlapping events, which are perceived differently by different groups of people .
These terms are useful when trying to explain how the cultic iconography of South Illyria-Dalmatia
Fig. 1 - The river plain around Vid, the Roman city of Narona Fig. 2 - The coastal landscape of Dalmatia, south of Makarska
(Photograph: author). (Photograph: author).
1
Hybridity is generally connected with BHABHA 1994, 25. See also, CARR 2006, 2; LATOUR 1996, 915; MODOOD, WERMBER 1997, 23,
57 and 88. See also, SAID 1978, 3550. Cf. YOUNG 1995, 25; 2000, 154158. For creolisation, see CHAUDENSon 2001, in particular 137
138; HYLLAND ERIKSEN 2007, 27.
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2
M. Prusac Hybrid Deities in South Dalmatia
was altered during the cultural transformation of the area. The latter corresponds to the Conventus
2
Naronitanus, named after the largest centre of the area, the cosmopolitan harbour city of Narona . There, the
mainstream Roman pantheon could be described both as an implant by Rome and a multicultural common
ground, where different groups negotiated cult practices and traditions, with increasing intensity after A.D. 9,
when Illyria was reorganised as Dalmatia. The coastline represented likewise to the city of Narona a third
space with intense traffic and a large pantheon of deities from various parts of the Roman Empire, whereas
3
pre-Roman customs and cults could survive more undisturbed in the more inaccessible mountain areas .
The distribution of archaeological materials and in particular the selection of which deities were
revered reflects how the cultural transformations occurred differently along the coast and in the interior
mountain settlements; differently, but with several common features. There are several examples of
transformed deities from South Illyria-Dalmatia, which appear as hybridities in the iconographical material.
Among these, Silvanus, Liber, the nymphs and the cult of the sun dominate, and reflect aspects of the
human interaction with the landscape which make them important carriers of the cultural transformations
which took place.
Silvanus
Transformations of indigenous cults are

characterised by non-figurative expressions which,
in an encounter with a culture with a strong tradition
of figurative representations, imitate the figures. This
is the case particularly when these correspond to
notions of divinities common to the cultures
involved, as was the case with Silvanus-Aegipan-
4
Pan . The references to Silvanus dominate the cultic
iconography in the mountain settlements, clearly
mirroring the shepherd societies, which formed the
basic way of living in the hill sides and mountain
plains. The cult of Silvanus, god of shepherds and
wild nature, is a prime example of a popular cult with
a wide following which never became an
5
institutionalised cult . In Illyria-Dalmatia, the pastoral
deity of the indigenous groups became known and
widely worshipped in the form of the Greek Aegipan,
the Latin Silvanus, sometimes associated with
6
Priapus .
The qualities of Silvanus as a fertility god
made him a suiting choice in the negotiation of cult
practices. In a relief from the mountain plain at
Glamo in the interior of present-day Bosnia,
Fig. 3 - Relief with Silvanus from Glamo. Sarajevo, Zemaljski
muzej (Photograph: author). Silvanus appear with his characteristic goat legs, but
2
W ILKES 1969, 46.
3
For discussions of the term third space, see e.g. FALCK 2003, 110.
4
CAMBI 1968, 136. The easy absorption of the Graeco-Roman deities has led to an understanding that the original Illyrian pantheon was
not very wide, see PAKVALIN 1985-1986b. Another explanation might be that the nature gods worshipped by the pre-conquest
populations had several characteristics which made a large number of them superfluous.
5
NORTH 1995, 142144.
6
ZANINOVI 1971, 299304. Silvanus is often surrounded by fertility symbols in the form of fruits. In the areas around the river Cetina
north of the Conventus Naronitanus he is often depicted as an old man with a beard. Sometimes he holds the syrinx and pedum,
accompanied by a goat and a dog. RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 540.
14
XVII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Roma 22-26 Sept. 2008
Session: Interaction, Urbanisation and Cultural Changes in the Balkans
with a more typical Roman upper body and head (fig. 3). On the frame around the reliefs, there are vines
st nd
clearly imitating more typical mainstream Roman floral ornamentation of the 1 and 2 centuries A.D.
7
Sometimes Silvanus is accompanied by Mercury or another male figure interpreted as Hercules .
The encounter with Liber Bacchus and Asclepius seem to have spurred the first associations with Aegipan
8
and Pan into further assimilations . There are also iconographical references to a Silvanus-Mithras from the
mountain areas which probably reflect a fusion of aspects of rebirth which existed in both cults, and which
9
were attractive to soldiers whose lives were constantly at risk . The Silvanus-variations which refer to
10
Mithras, alternatively Attis and Ganymedes , seem to have evolved from the areas original traditions, in
contrast to the Silvanus-representations found along the coast and in urban areas, which were more
11
influenced by the Latin Silvanus . There are three types of Silvanus representations which, when combined,
can shed light on different aspects of the cult and characteristics of cultural identities in the area: the goat-
god with a syrinx, beard and phallus; with Phrygian cap and tunica covering the upper part of his body; with a
serpent. The first group can be understood as either the Illyrian Silvanus Vidasus or the Graeco-Roman
12
Silvanus Aegipan, or both, as the god of shepherds . This version should be seen in connection with
Cernunnos, the Celtic god with horns, as in the many examples from the early and middle Imperial age found
at Aquileia. The second group clearly indicates eastern influence and a syncretism of Silvanus-Attis. The
syncretistism of Silvanus and Attis is supported by the regenerative aspect symbolised by the phallus of the
13
first and the castration of the other .
Although the cult of Silvanus was widespread no temples were built for its worship. Large number of
14
reliefs and inscriptions indicate that the alternative for Silvanus temples took many forms, sub divo . The
stronger presence of Silvanus in the hinterland might be seen in relation to the pastoral communities which
were more widespread here than along the coast, where agriculture and trade were of larger importance.
A particularly interesting feature of the Silvanus cult in Dalmatia is his female companions. The god
15
generally appears flanked by female deities such as Diana and the nymphs . Diana might be a Latin version
of the Illyrian name Thana, who is attested as a female companion to Silvanus by an inscription from
16
Toposku . Feasts which included dance, shown by the depictions of female figures holding hands, seem to
17
have had a central function in this cult , particularly in cases where the god appears as Aegipan, as for
18
example in two reliefs from Vrba, Klis near Split and Apollonia (figs. 4-5) . In an example from Narona,
Silvanus is represented in a more institutionalised version of the figure, also here accompanied by nymphs,
7
BOJANOVSKI 1977-1978 pl. 1-2; see also RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 6.
8
Two reliefs, one from Sumnjaci on the Glamo plain and the other from Vasarovine by Livno where according to an inscription there
was a Liber temple during the early 2nd century AD have representations of Silvanus assimilated with Liber and Asclepius, with
symbols such as the serpent, alluding to a chthonic cult. Both reliefs indicate Greek and Roman influence on the Delmatae, see
PAKVALIN 1985-1986. See also, PAKVALIN 1985-1986b.
9
A relief from a mithraeum at Dieburg from the end of the 2nd century AD likewise indicates the relationship between Mithras and
Silvanus. Several iconographical attributes surround Mithras, Cautes and Cautopathes. On top there is a temple faade. In the low
panel there is an inscription with Silvestrus Silvinus; see LIMC 1981 vol. 3, Mithras no. 330.
10
GIOVANNI ET AL. 2003, 663664; CAMBI 1968, 136.
11
The worship of Silvanus among soldiers up until the 3rd century AD is accounted for by Julius Pastors dedication to Silvanus, found in
Numidia and Mauretania where it was brought by Illyrian officers, see PATSCH 1922, 8084; ZANINOVI 1971, 299304.
12
For Vidasus, see RENDI-MIOEVI 1989, 464.
13
CAMBI 1968.
14
There are indications that Silvanus was worshipped in caves and under the open sky, sub divo, see BASLER 1975-1976, 121216;
PAKVALIN 1979, 5584; PAKVALIN 1985-1986b; RENDI-MIOEVI 1979-1980, 105123.
15
DEVESCOVI HANSEN 2004; RENDI-MIOEVI 1979-1980, 105123. A relief of Silvanus found at Jajce shows the nymphs in regional
costumes, see PAKVALIN 1964, 151152 also for Silvanus Agipan surrounded by nymphs from Jajce, inv. 526 in the museum in
Sarajevo.
16
RENDI-MIOEVI 1989, 464.
17
RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 540; RENDI-MIOEVI 1979-1980, 105123. See also PAKVALIN 1964, 151152. See also, RENDI-
MIOEVI 1955, 540; IMAMOVI 1979, 97103; HANSEN, GILKES, CROWSON 2004, appendix 1 fig. 11.6.
18
BOJANOVSKI 1977-1978, 126127; RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 2324 plate 3 no. 2; RENDI-MIOEVI 1989 plate 85 no. 1; NAGY 1994,
771 no. 149; DEVESCOVI HANSEN 2004 no. D52. See also, DORCEY 1992, 119; IMAMOVI 1977, 330 no. 36; PAKVALIN 1963, 134 no.
KI34; REMONIK 1956, 111126 plate 1 no 1; SCHNEIDER 1885, 4344; RENDI-MIOEVI 1974, 34.
13
Fig. 4 - Relief with Silvanus and the nymphs from Vrba, Klis. Fig. 5 - Relief with Silvanus and the nymphs from Apollonia. Tirana,
Split, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author). Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).
although along the coast, he is normally depicted alone.

A dedication to Augustus and Diana is carved on a relief
19
from Narona . Whereas the others depict a more
pastoral version, the relief from Narona is carved in a
more Romanised style.
Diana, or Thana, most probably reflects a
female goddess which was worshipped in Illyria during
the Iron Age, as a counterpart to the shepherd god
which was transformed into Silvanus. The Latin version,
20
Diana Nemorensis, was worshipped at Narona , and
an example of a naive expression of trinity is presented
by the Roman period relief from Opaii by Glamo in
21
the hinterland (fig. 6) . The forest and water source
aspects of the cult is expressed by the numerous
22
references to nymphae another possible name for
the matronae in Dalmatian areas suggest that the
23
tradition was ancient, even in Roman times . Likewise
to the natural component in the cult of Silvanus, the
popularity of the worship of nymphs was clearly rooted
in the karstic landscape with its many rivers, both above
and under ground, and a large number of water
sources. The origin of these female deities is complex,
Fig. 6 - Relief with female deities. Sarajevo, Zemaljski since the cult was influenced from both the Celtic north
muzej. (from BASLER 1966, 151, fig. 9).
19
MARIN 1997, 4042.
20
MARIN 1999, 115 with reference to CIL 3.1773.
21
BASLER 1966, 151 fig. 166; WILKES 1995, 246; CAMBI 2005, 39 fig. 48.
22
HERZ 2003, 144 accounts for the origin of names on the matronae in rivers and waters, and that it seems plausible that nymphae
could also refer to the same goddesses.
23
The significance of the matronae in Dalmatia is also supported by a dedication inscription found in Lyon to the health of Emperor
Septimius Severus, and the mother of the Pannonians and Delmataeans, from the military tribune Tiberius Claudius Pompeianus of
Legio I Minervia from Bonn, see HERZ 2003. 142143 with reference to CIL 13, 1766 = ILS 4794; RGER 1987; HORN 1987.
14
and the Aegean south. These cults had certain fertility aspects in common, which are equally much
24
represented by the Celtic Magna Mater as the Phrygian Cybele .
The shared nature of the Illyrian female goddess and other mother goddess cults evidently
contributed to keep the worship alive among different immigrating groups. Inscriptions indicate for example
rd th
that Diana was worshipped both by the locals and immigrant soldiers as late as in the 3 and 4 centuries
25
AD .
A Female Solar Deity?
In addition to the nymphs,

there are references to a winged
goddess in Dalmatia of interest
with regard to cultural transforma-
tions. The winged goddess pro-
bably represents a surviving ele-
ment from a prehistoric tradition.
Since the Illyrian tradition was non-
figurative, the exact nature of this
goddess is difficult to grasp, but
indications of the content of the cult
may be discerned in the icono-
graphy. Metal works from the site
of Oani, the centre of the Daorsi,
one of the Illyrian groups which
inhabited the Naro valley in the
hinterland of Narona, may give a
clue (fig. 7). A treasure which was
found here in a grave in the early
Fig. 7 - The site of the Daorsi at Oani (Photograph: author). 1970s contained an assortment of
metal artefacts dating between the
th nd 26
4 and 2 centuries BC . Greek influence in the iconographic ornamentation of the material has led to
27
interpretations of Oanii as a thoroughly Hellenised settlement , but rather, it can be argued that the
Oanii treasure is a prime example of the synergy between the Greek and Roman merchants at Narona
and the Illyrians in the hinterland.
24
The cult of the Phrygian mother goddess Cybele, or Magna Mater, as she was called in Rome, reached Liburnia towards the end of
the 1st century AD, see AEL KOS 1999, 8489 and 142. MARIN 2002, 13 for a sarcophagus in the Archaeological museum in Split with
Juno, Mars and Cybele. The plural form connects the cult of Magna Mater in the Roman period with the important Celtic cult of the tres
matres, or matronae, which is the most attested cult from the north western provinces, see WOOLF 2003, 131; RGER 1972, 251260.
See also, COOK 1905, 80; CAMBI 2005, 46 fig. 61; GIRARDI-JURKI 1997; W ILKES 1969, 194195; JURKI 1976; VERMASEREN 1977, 143;
STICOTTI 1913, 74.
25
MARIN 1999, 115 presents CIL 3.1773 at Humac, with a copy in Ere tower at Narona and a parallel in CIL 2.5613 from Tudae, Galizia
in Spain. The inscription was made by a prefect of the Cohors I Bracaraugustorum and invokes Diana Nemorensis, who was particularly
popular in Latium; see for example GULDAGER BILDE, MOLTESEN 2002. The parallel in Tudae can be explained by the stationing of the
cohort in Hispania before it was sent to Dalmatia.
26
MAROVI 1970, 265284. Iron Age cultures are characterised by their metal art work, and the Illyrians had elaborate techniques for
metal artefact production. Their ornamented belt plates have parallels in Celtic areas, and the helmets are amongst the most known
Illyrian items, assuming that they are in fact Illyrian. Cf. RENDI-MIOEVI 1989 plate 52; for examples from Albania see KOKA 1985 no.
119 from Koroja, no. 178 from Perlati, Mirdita; see also KORKUTI 1971, 32; see also OSMANI 1988, 209211.
27
MARI 1995. It could conversely be argued that the Daorsi had maintained their traditional customs in spite of their frequent contact
with Greek merchants in the emporium at the site of Narona. Similar helmets from Gradina near Crvenica have, however, been
considered as Greek imports, see BOJANOVSKI 1967 with an overview of helmets found in present Bosnia-Hercegovina. For OANI, see
MARI 1972-1973 a-c; 1973; 1974; 1985; 1989; 1992-1993; 1995; MARJANOVI 1984.
13
The treasure includes a 20 cm long bronze plaque which probably

28
was used for decoration on the head of a horse (fig. 8) . The symbolic
ornamentation may indicate that the plaque was meant for a cultic use. It
shows a mask at the bottom. On each side of the mask there are wings,
and from the top a lance shoots upwards flanked by narrow, vertical
scrolls or spirals. Birds and serpents were sacred symbols among the
29
Illyrians , while the spiral is an ancient solar symbol. The mask
resembles Medusa, but I would suggest that it cannot be interpreted as
her in this context. We are rather dealing with a female personification of
the sun, an indigenous goddess translated through the Hellenistic
iconography, depicted with rays resembling scrolls and lances departing
30
from her winged head . Indigenous solar cult symbols, such as
swastikas, also appear all through the Roman period in the Dalmatian
31
hinterland . In these plaques, the wings of the sun, and the fact that she
is flanked by birds in all examples, indicate a close connection with the
bird, or more specifically the water bird, which was a female fertility
symbol and the second most important Illyrian symbol after the serpent, a
male fertility symbol. The presence of the serpent, often in the birds beak,
32
might refer to other fertility aspects .
The plaque may have been associated with a heros cult, like a
33
few other examples from northern Croatia and one from Italy . In these
examples a similar figure is represented in the upper part of the plaques,
with the solar rays pointing downwards. Aa pair of men is represented,
either on horseback riding in the same direction, or standing, sometimes
in a boat, with shields, facing each other. The men are rendered in a style
recalling that of the Bronze Age rock carvings from northern Europe, and
Fig. 8 - Bronze plaque from Oani
suggest a Celtic influence. The horsemen have been interpreted as (from MARI 1974, pl. 2b).
34
Castor and Pollux, or resembling heroes .
The rare occurrence of such objects suggests that the preserved
examples derive from heros graves, since heroic
figures in combat are represented, as well as horses.
The solar symbol with a winged head with rays is
however the most dominating feature in these
plaques, and a connection between the hero cults
and the solar cult seems convincing. In a pair of
resembling plaques from Dacia there are dedications
35
to Diana and the nymphs ..
Fig. 9 - Metal mould from Oani (modified from MARI 1979.

pl. 19).
28
MARI 1974, 3540.
29
TIPEVI 1981, 198. Birds appear in different variants in Illyrian-Greek contexts, see for example Korkuti 1971 no. 47 for golden
earrings in the shape of birds from Dyrrachium.
30
For female representations of the sun, e.g. GOODISON 1989, 16.
31
E.g. CAMBI 2005, 202 fig. 306.
32
W ITTKOWER 1938-1939, 307.
33
RENDI-MIOEVI 1998, 925 pl. 54 nos. 1-2; TIPEVI 1963, 17 pl. 54-55.
34
RENDI-MIOEVI 1998, 925.
35
SLEJ ET AL. 2004, 180181 no. 97-98, 100 and 102.
14
The reverence for the winged deities is also reflected in

moulds from the treasure at Oani (fig. 9). Several of the moulds
had female figures with long gowns, and separately within the same
mould, were wings which would fit perfectly on these figures, as well
as other imaginary creatures such as hippocamps. The winged
female may also have been introduced to the Daorsi as Nike or
Victoria, as is shown in a Greek, imported ornamented architectural
st
figure from the 1 century BC1st century AD, found at the Roman
town of Diluntum at the foot of the hill of Oani (fig. 10). It is more
likely, however, that these examples of winged females indicate that
Fig. 10 - Architectural element from Diluntum.
Humac, the Franciscan monastery (Photo-
the Illyrians began expressing their ideas and beliefs figuratively
graph: author). following their encounter with the Greeks and the Romans. If this is
right, the winged females are important examples of cultural
36
hybridities and bear testimony to the creolisation of a community .
The transformation of stylistic and iconographical techniques after
the groups had met makes it possible to understand otherwise
inaccessible aspects through hybridical translation. This can be
compared to Latin translations of aspects of non-literate provincial
communities.
The Cultic Significance of the Serpent
The most significant indigenous symbol in Illyria-Dalmatia is

Fig. 11 - Relief with serpent from Narona. Vid, the serpent. Among the Greeks and Romans, the serpent was not
Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).
only the most important attribute of Asclepius, but also central in the
Dionysus/Bacchus or Liber Pater/Sabazius cult. Assuming that viticulture was
not practised in Illyria before the Greek expansion it seems natural that the local
fertility god would have integrated the qualities of Dionysus, later Liber, in his
37
divine character . The indigenous fertility god is probably discernible in the
many references to serpents from the pre-Greek and pre-Roman period, and
after, through Roman iconography, as is seen in these reliefs (figs. 11-14).
Although the serpent is often considered a male symbol of chthonic
character, the presence of the serpents in the cultic iconography related to the
Illyrian female goddess should not be underestimated, such as seen in the
plaques from Oani. The serpent could easily be assimilated as an attribute of
various Roman deities, such as Bona Dea, attested in Dalmatia, in particular
38
connected with freedmen . Bona Dea was the daughter of Faunus, who was
regarded as the Roman version of Pan, who was again closely connected with
Silvanus. The central role that wine played in the cult of Bona Dea furthermore
Fig. 12 - Fragment of a column
with serpent from Narona. Vid led to a strong association with Dionysus/Liber. This, in connection with
Archaeological museum (Photo-
graph: author).
36
For the Daorsi coins, see e.g. AEL KOS 2005, 317. For the Delmatae, see e.g. ALFLDY 1965, 369 with references to VELL. 2.110-
116; CASS. DIO 56.16.3; PLIN. HN 7. 149.
37
A Roman relief in the museum at Imotski show Bacchus and Diana, the two latter as large figures surrounded by other deities of a
smaller size such as nymphs; among these Silvanus appears twice, see KIRIGIN and MARIN 1989, 242, fig. 57.
38
AEL KOS 1999, 8889. At Hissa, present-day Pag, the pre-Roman goddess Heia or Eia was assimilated with Bona Dea, and related
to Magna Mater, see TIPEVI 1981, 169. The cult of Bona Dea is also testified in an inscription from Corinium in Liburnia, see WILKES
1969, 331. See also PRUSAC 2007, 116 with further references.
13
Fig. 13 - Relief with the Dioscuri and giant serpents from Narona. Fig. 14 - Relief from Glamo. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej
Vid, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author). (Photograph: author).
the fact that variants of a female goddess and Dionysus were worshipped by the same social groups,
suggests that they were strongly correlated with each other, and probably, with Asclepius and his female
39
counterpart Hygieia .
Freedmen and Liber Pater at Narona
The significance of the cult of Liber Pater is

attested by many inscriptions in Narona. One of these
40
inscriptions mentions a Liber temple , and different
iconographical representations of Bacchus have been
found, such as a fresco fragment from a villa (fig. 15).
Inscriptions indicate that the social groups which
adhered to Bona Dea or Cybele and Liber/Sabazius
in Narona were composed by freedmen, slaves,
41
merchants, craftsmen and soldiers . The cult of Liber
is understood to have been particularly strong
Fig. 15 - Bacchus fresco from Narona. Vid, Archaeological because of the many freedmen that inhabited the city.
museum (Photograph: author).
Liber was believed to be the god of the free, and the
surroundings of Narona had the largest production of wine in the region. Viticulture was of major importance
nd st 42
from the mid- 2 century BC until the mid- 1 century AD .
st nd
A krater from the 1 -2 centuries AD found during the excavation of the Augusteum at Narona
43
may be of particular interest for the understanding of the hybridisation of the indigenous cults (fig. 16) .
Snakes coil around the handles towards two kernoi on top of each handle, and a moulded tragedy mask is
applied on the exterior with a tear falling from one of its eyes. The krater has a few parallels which have been
44
discussed by Mira Topic. It can also be compared to a vessel at the museum at Cosa (fig. 17) . The Cosa
vessel is fragmented, and only the snakes on the handles are recognisable. The fragments derive from a
39
STAFFORD 2005, 122.
40
PATSCH 1922, 71.
41
MEDINI 1980, 206.
42
LINDHAGEN 2009.
43
TOPI 2004, 219-221 esp. note 77 with further references.
44
See also, BRAITHWAITE 2007.
14
Fig. 17 - Kratr from the Augusteum at Narona. Vid Archaeo- Fig. 18 - Fragments of a vessel with serpents from Cosa. Cosa,
logical museum (Photograph: author). Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).
th 45
presumed Liber Pater sanctuary by the Forum of Cosa, dated as late as the 4 century AD . This krater
considerably strengthens the association of the Narona vessel with Liber Pater. There are, however,
important features such as the serpents and the kernoi, which point towards the cults of fertility and mother
46
goddesses such as Demeter, Bona Dea or Magna Mater . However, the serpent is also a symbol for
Dionysus and Liber Pater, and the tragic mask with its inherent connotations to theatre is difficult to
associate with any other deity than Dionysus, or a version of this god. In any case, the iconography of the
vessel clearly must have stirred a range of associations to closely related divinities connected with wine-
drinking, serpents and the under-world, and is a good example of the vast range of associations and
interpretations that a single cultic object like this could transmit.
The context of the find, an Augusteum, is of great interest. It shows that a cult vessel associated
with Liber Pater/Dionysus and perhaps also Bona Dea/Magna Mater was probably used as a votive offering
in the Augusteum, and that this sanctuary must have been the place for worship of a range of other deities,
within the frame of the imperial worship. It is thus a symbol of the very intense hybridisation and syncretism
of deities at Narona.
Conclusions
The cults of Silvanus, Liber Pater and various other Greek and Roman deities can be said to have
47
been rooted in the local nature religion which was later adapted to the Greek and Roman pantheon . The
indigenous deities were hybrids with both human and animal components, and the Illyrian serpent and bird
symbols could easily be translated into the attributes of Greek and Roman deities in the encounters between
the different groups, as a way of communicating and negotiating cultural traditions and ideas through hybrid
expressions. The transformation of cults reflects both stable natural factors and externally introduced
impulses which resulted in a set of deities which were characteristic for that particular landscape. The
importance of the landscape, with mountains and rivers should not be underestimated, as the nature formed
45
COLLINS-CLINTON 1977.
46
For this evidence, see COLLINS-CLINTON 1977, 2930, notes 69-70; idem p. 32-33 discusses the similarity of the iconography and
symbols with those used in the Mithras cult; see also, SWOBODA 1932, 1617.
47
E.g. RENDI-MIOEVI 1982, 121140. Cf. ALDOUS-GREEN 2005, 1316.
13
the basis for the indigenous cults and for the organisation of the immigrant settlements. The transformation
of cults illustrates the common points of interest between those who had lived in the area for generations,
and the settlers who had to adapt to a new cultural environment. The translatio romano of the indigenous
cults can not be seen independently of the Roman cultural organisation of the province of Dalmatia, and the
necessity of communicating with the indigenous groups through their religious beliefs.
Marina Prusac
Museum of cultural history
University of Oslo
E-mail: marina.prusac@khm.uio.no
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Hibrid Deities in South Dalmatia PRUSAC PDF

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Marina Prusac

Hybrid Deities in South Dalmatia

Transformations of indigenous cults are

although along the coast, he is normally depicted alone.

A Female Solar Deity?

In addition to the nymphs,

The treasure includes a 20 cm long bronze plaque which probably

Fig. 9 - Metal mould from Oani (modified from MARI 1979.

The reverence for the winged deities is also reflected in

The Cultic Significance of the Serpent

The most significant indigenous symbol in Illyria-Dalmatia is

Freedmen and Liber Pater at Narona

The significance of the cult of Liber Pater is

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