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Abstract: Literature in the field of foreign language education frequently reports East Asian
students as reticent and passive learners. This paper examines this contention within the
teachers can mitigate the apparent culture of silence in Korean foreign language settings.
Based on the authors experience as an educator in this region, the position will be made
that Korean students are not only willing to participate in class, but also, they have a strong
desire to do so. In order to establish this learning environment however, teachers must
understand the sociocultural factors that contribute to student reticence and therefore take
countermeasures to combat it. The most proven way to overcome this obstacle, it will be
argued, is through the use of several key motivational strategies. By utilising the
motivational strategies outlined in this paper, EFL educators (and those teaching Korean or
East Asian students in other educational settings) can facilitate learning environments that will
According to MacIntyre, Clement, Dornyei, and Noels (1998), a second language program that fails to
produce students who are willing to use that language is simply a failed program (p. 547). This is a
viewpoint that resonates strongly with the position of this paper. Unfortunately, this yardstick does
not bode well for the English education programs in Korean primary and secondary schools. Despite,
on average, ten years of prior English education, most Korean students arrive at university unable to
perform basic conversations with their native English speaking teachers, incapable of constructing
simple sentences free of grammatical errors. The result is a disastrous situation where most students
label themselves as failures both academically and due to the use of English proficiency as a measure
of status within the culture socially. Their self-confidence takes a battering, their motivation wanes,
and the trait of reticence is perpetuated, both as a sociocultural expectation of Confucian values and as
a psychological defense mechanism used to avoid humiliation. Perusal of the literature on student
reticence reveals both the scope and the complexity of this research domain. Attracting the attention
of researchers from various fields, numerous studies have surfaced and several key causes have been
forwarded. Central among these are factors including language anxiety, motivation, willingness to
communicate, cultural differences, shyness and politeness (Marchland, 2010). I believe that all these
factors play their part, and that no single factor on its own can adequately explain students
unwillingness to participate in class. How then can teachers motivate their students to participate more
in class? A good place to start is for teachers to incorporate motivational strategies into their teaching
practices. A wealth of studies in the fields of educational psychology and second language acquisition
have examined student motivation, yet most it seems are directed at researchers and the facilitation of
further research, not educators and the facilitation of enhanced teaching practices (Dornyei, 2007).
Therefore, rather than provide yet another exhaustive account of motivation theory, this paper will raise
practical issues and make concrete recommendations for classroom practice. After a brief analysis of
two predominant theories of motivation, the remainder of the discussion will outline the motivational
strategies that have proven to be from this authors perspective the most successful with Korean
EFL university students.
Gardners (1985) pioneering socio-educational model identified two types of motivation in the
language learning process: integrative motivation and instrumental motivation. These two different
kinds of motivation, or orientations, as Gardner (1985) referred to them, can be defined as follows:
integrative motivation refers to a desire of the language learner to have contact with and identify with
members of a particular second language speech community. Instrumental motivation, on the other
hand, represents a more functional reason for learning a second language; a desire to gain an economic
advantage, for example, or to achieve a practical goal, such as a job promotion (Gardner, 1985, p.
54). Green (1999) asserts that this distinction between integrative and instrumental motivation for
language learning has, virtually become a linguistic law (p. 226). Yet under the umbrella of this
model, the significance of each of these motivational types was not evenly distributed. More weight
was given to integrative motivation, and, as a result, several researchers (Crookes & Schmidt, 1991;
Oxford & Shearin, 1994; Dornyei, 1994) began to question the relevance of integrative motivation in
monolingual societies and EFL teaching contexts, such as Korea. According to Dornyei (1994), the
exact nature of the social and pragmatic dimensions of second-language learning motivation is always
dependent on who learns what languages where (p. 275).
Dornyei (1994) expanded Gardners (1985) socio-educational model, and conceptualised second-
language learning motivation in terms of three levels: the language level, the learner level, and the
learning situation level. This expansion took into consideration not only the integrative and
instrumental motivational subsystems proposed by Gardner (1985), but also specific situations that
involved the learner and the surrounding context. At the learner level, motivation hinges upon
influential affective variables such as the need for achievement, self-confidence, language use anxiety,
perceived second-language competence, causal attributions, and self-efficacy (Dornyei, 2007). At the
learning situation level, motivation both intrinsic and extrinsic is connected with the teacher, the
course, and the group of language learners with whom the individual is in contact. While the intuitive
appeal of this model seems evident, it fails to shed any light on how educators can use this knowledge
to motivate learners. Realising this, Dornyei (2007) transformed his theoretical advances into
methodological developments through the conceptualisation of motivational strategies. Motivational
strategies, Dornyei (2007) maintains, are motivational influences that are consciously exerted to
achieve some systematic and enduring positive effect (p. 28). The results of Dornyeis (2007) work
is the most ambitious taxonomy of motivational teaching strategies offered to date; a taxonomy which
has as its core, a process-oriented approach to motivational teaching based on four parsimonious
dimensions: creating basic motivational conditions, generating initial motivation, maintaining and
protecting motivation, and encouraging positive retrospective evaluation (Guilloteaux & Dornyei,
2008). The fundamental features of this process-oriented approach are shown in Figure 1 below.
Figure 1: The Components of Motivational Teaching Practice in the Second Language Classroom.
From Motivational Strategies in the Language Classroom (p. 29), by Z. Dornyei, 2007, Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press.
Creating the Basic Motivational Conditions
According to Dornyei (2007), motivational strategies cannot be employed successfully in a
motivational vacuum certain preconditions must be in place before any further attempts to generate
motivation can be effective (p. 31). In my experience, the following two conditions are absolutely
critical at this stage of the motivational process: developing a strong rapport with the students and the
creation of a pleasant and supportive classroom atmosphere. Of all the motivational strategies to be
addressed in the investigation, I would argue that these two are the most important for Korean
learners. If a teacher fails to establish and maintain these two conditions, it is my opinion that all
subsequent attempts to promote classroom participation will be pursued in vain. At the tertiary level
of education in Korea, the relationship between Korean students and their lecturers starts much like it
does in the West: based purely on an academic relationship. However, over time, the relationship goes
beyond the purely academic and develops into what is commonly referred to as a susung-cheja
relationship, where teachers are regarded as consultants, even parents (Choi, 1997, p. 274). In
addition, there is also the concept of uye-ri. Considered an essential basis for the development of
interpersonal relationships, uye-ri represents a feeling of friendship, trust, warmth and
faithfulness. Uye-ri is deeply engrained into the collective consciousness of the Korean people, and
Westerners, by comparison, are often considered cold because their relationships appear contractual
and calculating (Han, 2005). Hardly surprising then are the results of a study conducted by Barnes and
Lock (2010) which reported the findings that Korean university students claimed rapport was one of
the most beneficial motivational strategies to reduce fear (of making mistakes, of foreigners, etc.), to
make students feel valued, to promote learning, and to make students feel understood.
The most effective way, in my view, to make this group of learners feel understood is to quite simply
show them that you understand them, both as Koreans and as students of a foreign language. In
addition, I would further contend that in this educational setting, the most effective teachers are those
that are genuinely empathic to the inherent difficulty of studying a second language (which, to me, is
best achieved by sharing your own second language learning experiences). Additionally, teachers
who are able to show that they understand the students prior English language training did little to
prepare them for the demands of their current learning environment tend to get better results. In
essence, the more compassionate, the more empathic, and the more culturally aware the teacher is, the
higher their chances are of establishing rapport with their students, and, therefore, the more likely it is
they will create a pleasant and supportive classroom environment. Another highly effective means to
improve classroom atmosphere with Korean learners is through the use of humour. The importance of
humour, I believe, cannot be overstated. Seemingly counterintuitive to the reticent and passive
reputation they have garnered for themselves, Korean students respond well to humour. In my
experience, teachers that are consistently ranked the highest on student evaluations are those that
incorporate humour into their classrooms. Korean students respond extremely well to lecturers who
use jokes, role plays, and amusing gestures an observation that lends support to Krashens (1982)
affective filter hypothesis. What is an affective filter? An affective filter is a psychological factor (i.e.
an emotive state such as motivation, self-doubt or boredom) that filters the amount of language
received by the second language learners brain. Humour therefore acts not only as a powerful agent
to create a relaxed classroom environment, but also lowers students affective filters, which in turn,
increases the availability of new language input (Krashen, 1982).
It is certainly no easy task to modify anothers value system, but I think it is possible if one is willing to
invest the necessary time and energy. Effective language teachers should commence each new
semester with a renewed investigation of the beliefs and attitudes that are currently governing their
students learning behaviour. It is therefore imperative that teachers, discover what students believe
or know about their learning and provide activities that allow them to examine these beliefs and their
possible impact on how they approach learning (Bernat & Gvozdenko, 2005, p. 8). Bassano (1986)
advises teachers follow the following six steps to address students beliefs:
Familiarise yourself with learners past classroom experiences and their assumptions about
language learning.
Build learners confidence.
Commence where the students are and progress slowly.
Show them achievement.
Promote learner autonomy.
Familiarise yourself with the students interests and concerns, their goals and objectives.
Regarding the last point, my observations concur with Kims (2010) study that reported the dominance
of competitive and instrumental motivation amongst this group of learners. Korean society is fiercely
competitive, and in my mind, appealing to the practical, pragmatic benefits of mastering English is
crucial for Korean students. As such, I constantly remind my students that communicative
competence in English will allow them to earn more money, get promoted more often, pursue further
studies where English is a requirement, and ultimately, improve their position within Korean
society. Promoting instrumental motivation is likely to produce higher levels of motivation and
therefore higher levels of classroom participation.
The issue of error correction has attracted a lot of attention in second language acquisition literature.
Thus, to avoid delving into the details too deeply, I will limit myself to the following assertion:
teachers that are in the habit of correcting every mistake they hear are doing their students a great
disservice. Language learning, just like learning to walk, is a skill where mistakes are an essential part
of progress. Unfortunately however, for this group of learners, by virtue of a highly competitive
education system, mistakes in all educational contexts - are viewed as being extremely bad and
therefore, are to be avoided at all costs. At this stage of the motivational process then, teachers must
help students diminish language anxiety by helping them to accept the fact that making mistakes is an
intrinsic part of progress.
For educators unfamiliar with Korean students or those from similar educational backgrounds,
getting these students to participate and communicate in class can be a challenging endeavour
to say the least. The major objective of this paper has been to illustrate that despite a
tendency to be reticent and passive in class, if given the right conditions, these learners are
more than willing to communicate and can become rather engaging indeed. This discussion
has therefore been written to offer those unfamiliar with the psychological and sociocultural
traits characteristic of Korean learners with a blueprint to successfully enhance classroom
participation. The information outlined in this paper has been generated through a process of
research and an arduous, yet rewarding ten year period of trial and error by the author. Of
the thirty-six motivational strategies outlined in Dornyeis (2007) taxonomy, this paper has
presented and hopefully made a strong case for seven of those strategies that I have found
to be the most relevant in the Korean educational environment. In essence, these motivational
strategies represent a counterbalance to the strong influence of an exam-based education system.
Such a system with its focus on memorisation, rote learning and discrete point tests is
instrumental in shaping both the nature of Korean students motivation and their attitudes
towards foreign language learning. By employing the motivational strategies outlined in this
paper, teachers can help students become aware of various sociocultural obstacles to learning
through a cooperative exploration of previously unexamined belief systems. Teachers can use
these strategies to boost their students self-confidence, minimise their anxiety and to remind
them that successful mastery of English is instrumental to the accomplishment of their valued
goals. A salient pedagogical implication of this assertion is that foreign language teachers
would clearly benefit from culture specific training in the use of motivational strategies.
Having said that, due to the internationalisation of education, student reticence and passivity is no
longer restricted to EFL educators working in this region. As Asian students particularly those from
China, Korea and Japan have increasingly sought out tertiary education abroad, this situation is now a
pedagogical concern for educators working in western settings (Dalglish & Chan, 2005). As such,
this paper can also serve to provide educators, both in non-English and English speaking countries,
with insights to inform the development of effective learning and teaching environments; not only for
Korean students, but also for those from similar cultural contexts. In western university contexts,
where teaching practices focus on critical analysis, oral discussion and active participation, students
coming from backgrounds that focus on rote memorisation and individual work are oftentimes left
feeling overwhelmed. To illustrate this point, in a study aimed at examining the intercultural
experiences of Korean students studying at Australian universities, Choi (1997) discovered that
voluntary participation and the demonstration of critical thinking skills were very unsettling
expectations for the Korean students. Following on from this, the subjects in Chois (1997) study
expressed the view that Australian academics failed to understand their study difficulties and that they
lacked knowledge about Korea and Korean education. In light of this, I find myself in strong
agreement with Volet and Angs (1998) position that where there is a willingness within an institution
to learn about the backgrounds of students from other countries, a process of intercultural
communication can begin. According to Knight and de Wit (1995), one major educational function of
internationalisation is to enable students, "to understand, appreciate and articulate the reality of
interdependence among nations (environmental, economic, cultural and social) and therefore prepare
[those involved] to function in an international and inter-cultural context" (p. 13). Yet the challenge
of preparing students to function in an international and inter-cultural context is one which few students
and, it seems, few academics seem to have taken seriously (Volet & Ang, 1998). Hellstein and
Prescott (2004) maintain that at the core of the issue is the communication between international
students and university staff. Research suggests that cultural engagement is largely unidirectional in
Australia, for example, it has been suggested that academics expect international students to adjust to
them, not vice versa (Marginson, 2002).
In order to establish quality learning relationships, educators need to discard assimilative viewpoints
and create an atmosphere of openness, where students feel encouraged to set their own learning
agendas and to participate in class discussions. As noted above, this is certainly no easy task, but if
we as educators are committed to the educational success of our students, it is crucial that we actively
seek ways to encourage participation from the more reserved students. By employing the
motivational strategies outlined in this paper, teachers can promote higher levels of participation in
their classes. The result is a more inclusive learning environment which promotes confidence and
diminishes anxiety, two outcomes which obviously contribute to a more productive and enjoyable
educational experience for everyone involved. I would argue that best practice in teaching whether
as an EFL educator in Korea or as a lecturer in a western university demands effective
communication. To this end it is imperative that teachers, as well as students, take responsibility for
improved learning outcomes. Moreover, educators need to reflect upon their cultural affiliations, to
explore their ethnicities and acknowledge that these are not only traits we identify in others but also in
ourselves (Hellsten & Prescott, 2004, p. 349).
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