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Abstract
We are currently witnessing two concurrent trajectories in the field of research ethics, namely
the increasingly explicit and formalised requirements of research governance and the ongoing
debate around the implicit nature of ethics, which cannot be assured by these methods, and
related for some the role that reflexivity can play in research ethics. This paper seeks to
address two questions. Firstly, given the focus of these discussions is often theoretical rather
than on practice, how do our colleagues engage with research ethics and what is their ethical
extent does it influence (if at all) their ethics throughout the research process? Interviews
were undertaken with senior colleagues who have established modes of research practice and
ethical approaches. Drawing on understandings of reflexivity and ethics, this paper explores
an ethical subjectivity that was typically reflective and sometimes reflexive, and was usually
related to personal rather than procedural ethics. It demonstrates contrasting ethical concerns
of society, participant, and researcher community, and how some researchers saw their
research ethics.
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Are we ethical? Approaches to ethics in management and organization research
Much of the literature on research ethics focuses on the principles of ethical research and the
means by which this can be accomplished. Those who point to the limitations of formal
ethics stress the importance of individual and situational ethics, especially when facing
ethical dilemmas in the moment that require an immediate and personal response and
cannot be codified. Alongside these debates, there has been a growing interest in the notion
of reflexivity as a means to improve the trustworthiness (Finlay, 2002) and, some argue, the
validity of research (Guillemin and Gillam, 2004; see also Pillow, 2003), and recognize the
partial nature of knowledge produced. Curiously, despite reflexivity having become claimed
by some as the marker of the good researcher (Alvesson, et al., 2008) it is not often drawn
into discussions of research ethics or is usually limited to knowledge construction rather than
the researchers construction of ethical judgment in the field. Indeed a review of the literature
suggests that its employment in research practice may be limited apart from some notable
exceptions (e.g. Cunliffe, 2002a, Finlay, 2005). Furthermore, the literature rarely goes
beyond abstract debate to look at our ethical practice or community. The paper therefore
seeks to answer the questions, what do we understand by the term research ethics? How do
we practice research ethics and what informs it (to what extent is it influenced by formal
ethics, personal ethics, the academic community for examples)? And, to what extent are we
reflexive in our ethics? To achieve this, the paper examines accounts of research practice in
order to understand the nature of ethical practice and how researchers constitute themselves
as ethical subjects.
Rather than relying on the authors personal experiences, as much of the literature addressing
ethics does, this paper draws on in-depth interviews with established and successful
academics within the field of organisation and management studies who have undertaken
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research ethics, and to frame their responses according to their own position on the subject
The paper is structured as follows: it summarises the literature exploring research ethics (in
management research particularly), drawing on literature critiquing and defending the formal
ethical governing mechanisms and how they relate to personal ethics, then it addresses
reflection and reflexivity and their relationship to research ethics. The empirical section of
the paper reveals how management researchers frame notions of research ethics, and the
dilemmas they encounter and negotiate in their relationships with organizations, research
participants, their colleagues and institutions. The paper reveals insights into the role of
research ethics. The discussion explores the different approaches to ethics, reflexivity and the
Discussions of research ethics typically orientate around practices such as seeking informed
consent, the avoidance of harm, ensuring privacy and confidentiality, the avoidance of
deception, and the contrast between dutifully following process and procedure and the reality
of ethics, which often calls upon different ethical perspectives. Much of the literature focuses
on the problems associated with increasing formalization and bureaucratization via codes and
committees (ethics or mission creep (Haggerty, 2004; Hammersley and Traianou, 2014;
Carr, 2015)). Concerns include the implied universality of ethical judgment through the use
of generic benchmarks to assess the ethical standards (Cannella and Lincoln, 2007), their
sectional and thus exclusionary nature (Brewis and Wray-Bliss, 2008), the ways in which
ethical committees limit academic freedom (Carr, 2015; Graffigna, et al., 2009; Lewis, 2008),
and are perceived as focused on institutional liability (Guillemin et al., 2012; Hunter, 2008;
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Criticisms are often blamed on review boards having evolved from a medical framework
which are considered to lack understanding of ethical problems in social research (Perlman,
researchers who do not fully grasp the nature of qualitative research (Goode, 1999; Johnson,
2014; Schrag, 2011), lack appropriate training (Boden, et al., 2009; Schrag, 2011) and a
review boards, particularly ethnographic research (Boden, et al., 2009), are more liable to be
rejected for failing to provide sufficient detail in terms of the intended process of data
collection and protection (Bell and Thorpe, 2013; Hedgecoe, 2008; Schrag, 2011). Broadly,
this body of work concludes that ethical committees are potentially irrelevant and/or
dangerous to researchers and research quality (Hammersley, 2006; Schrag, 2011) because
they rely on an inflexible Kantian ethics that requires us to follow rationalised universal rules
The consequence of these prescriptions are reflected in the nature, quality and innovation of
research (Wiles, et al., 2006), the framing of its design, the type of questions that can be
asked, who is included/excluded, and what methods of research are deemed valid (Cannella
and Lincoln, 2007; Graffigna, et al., 2009; Ramcharan and Cutcliffe, 2001; Schrag, 2011).
The outcomes may also be political, such as which individuals or groups are deemed as
vulnerable (Boden, et al., 2009; Schrag, 2011) and where committees may be over-
protective (Guillemin et al., 2012), which may have the effect of silencing certain voices
(Ferdinand et al., 2007) and masking these exclusions (Brewis and Wray-Bliss, 2008). The
framing of what constitutes ethics is thus a regulative effect of the discourse of ethics
governing research practice (Halse and Honey, 2007; Koro-Ljungberg, et al., 2007). It also
implies agreement on what constitutes ethical behaviour, where in fact there is often still
much debate, for example, in whether, when and to what extent deception may be permissible
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(see Christians, 2000). In essence, these arguments challenge the value of normative ethics
Some writers suggest that boards are in fact well-equipped to judge qualitative projects
(Hedgecoe, 2008) comprised as they are of our colleagues (Guta, Nixon and Wilson, 2013),
and that the formal process provides a framework for researchers (Perlman, 2006) which is
grounded in the realities of research (Guillemin and Gillam, 2004). The governing structures
may educate and sensitize researchers to the potential implications and consequences of their
research (Bell and Thorpe, 2013; Crow, et al., 2006; Wester, 2007). Evidence suggests for
example, that ethics is somewhat taken for granted or neglected by researchers, including
both those particularly in the case of more established researchers who have little formal
training (Bell and Bryman, 2007), and early career researchers who have received formal
training (Robertson, 2014), and that our reasons for resisting oppressive review procedures
may be less noble (Guta et al., 2013: 8). Furthermore, not all committees are deemed to be
as draconian as some of the critics imply, and often the process is characterised by discussion
(Robertson, 2014).
The extent to which codes actually direct research is also questioned (Marzano, 2007), since
they are also accused of being ambiguous and indeterminate (Goodwin et al., 2003; Wiles et
al., 2006) and treated as a tick-box exercise disconnected from the realities of everyday
ethics (Bell and Thorpe, 2013; Halse and Honey, 2007; Rossman and Rallis, 2010). Such
prescriptions can create the false impression of ethical research by absolving the researcher of
further responsibilities (Boden, et al., 2009; Hardy, et al., 2001) such as the longer term
of rules (Cannella and Lincoln, 2007; Rossman and Rallis, 2010) where researchers unlearn
approaches which avoid forbidden territory (Coupal, 2005) and can damage rapport (Crow,
et al., 2006).
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Formal processes are argued to be abstracted from the actual doing (Calvey, 2008: 905) and
can operate at the expense of personal and situational ethics in which judgement in the
moment is required, and may be contrary to or beyond guidance, particularly in cases where
the topics of research or the nature of the researched-researcher relationship are sensitive,
motherhood and work-life balance (Haynes, 2006) and exploring death (Young and Lee,
1996) where harm may be unavoidablei. These are skills that may not be directly teachable
but crafted over a lifetime, being inherently ambiguous and indeterminate, requiring
flexibility and accommodation (de Laine, 2000). Indeed whilst much of the debate around
The literature reflects a shift in interest away from a Kantian (or what Ferdinand et al. (2007)
might term traditionalist) approach, which relies upon a universal code that remains
abstract, depersonalised and is considered to mask sectional interests as duty and suppress
our faculties for reflection (Brewis and Wray-Bliss, 2008). In its place is an emphasis on the
situational and critical realities of ethics that operate outside of pre-defined codes, and require
freedom in how we respond to the demands placed upon us and how we become ethical
subjects. For others these relate to an interpersonal ethics (Cunliffe and Karunanayake,
2013): an ethics-of-care (Gilligan, 1982) in which the safeguarding required is a fluid, co-
constructed notion (Gatrell, 2009) that reflects the embodied and emotional experience of
research (Sergi and Hallin, 2011). The radical position of the latter relies upon self-
reflexivity (Ferdinand et al., 2007), and the former requires as a minimum processes of
reflection. Interestingly, alternative notions of ethics such as virtue ethics (the embodiment
(where intended consequences of actions are considered as the basis for judging ethics) are
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not explicit in this literature, even though they are sometimes implied in practice-based
situational ethics (judging how best to behave based on perceived consequences) and in terms
Habitual self-reflection is, for Foucault, the means through which we create the ethical
subject. Foucault argues there are four aspects to this: the ethical substance to be worked on
(e.g. feelings, intentions), the mode of subjectivation (how we are incited to recognise
moral obligations), the means by which we change ourselves to become ethical subjects, and
the kind of being to which we aspire (Foucault, 2000: 265). Ethical subjectivity sets out how
we define our ethical positions and how we constitute ourselves as ethical subjects
(McMurray, et al., 2010), which draws on but is not limited by the discourse of formal ethics.
The specific techniques or technologies used to achieve this vary, but self-examination and
reflection are key (Foucault, 2000). Reflection is an important aspect of the research process,
such as considering how oneself, ones dispositions, position in the scholarly community and
approach to a field of study impacts scholarship (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992), and
provides the basis for ethical action that may resist codified ethics.
Going beyond reflection, there is the so-called reflexive turn (Willmott, 1998), which has
(presentational) manners (Lee and Hassard, 1999: 397) particularly within Critical
Management Studies (Fournier and Grey, 2000). It is primarily, though not exclusively, seen
as a concern for qualitative researchers (Macbeth, 2001; Ryan and Golden, 2006, see
Alvesson, 2003; Alvesson and Skldberg, 2000). Reflexivity requires us to situate ourselves
within discourse of knowledge/power (Caldwell, 2007; Hardy and Clegg, 1997) and to avoid
certain discourse or methods becoming ossified (ODoherty, 2007). Reflexivity as far as the
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(Rhodes, 2009; Rhodes and Brown, 2005; Weick, 2002) and focuses on inquiry into
knowledge production (Hardy, et al., 2001; Holland, 1999; Tsoukas and Knuden, 2003),
ethics and reflexivity of critical writing (Wray-Bliss, 2002), and textual practice (Alvesson et
al., 2008). Whilst ethical in its ambitions, reflexivity is less frequently drawn into discussions
of research ethicsii and the role it might play, and yet it is arguably crucial if we are to
partially engage with, go beyond, or eschew formal guidelines, as the literature suggests
many of us wish or claim to do. Indeed the use of reflexivity itself warrants attention as it has
methodological toolkit which authors hide behind (Grey and Sinclair, 2006: 447; see also
Letiche, 2009; Mahadevan, 2011) to legitimate their research (Alvesson et al., 2008), a
There are, as Mahon (2003) notes, a number of species of reflexivity such that we should
speak not of reflexivity but of reflexivities (see: Ashmore (1989), Lynch (2000) and Woolgar
(1988)). Reflexivity goes beyond reflection in that it asks us to question our taken-for-granted
assumptions, and that which we already know (Cunliffe, 2009). It is therefore more
fundamentally disruptive (Pssil et al., 2015). Hibbert et al. (2010) distinguish between
types or degrees of reflexivity on the basis of whether reflections are open (o) or closed (c) to
others, and whether the recursion is passive (p) or active (a): repetition (cp), extension (ca),
disruption (oa) and participation (op). The closed reflections result in the repetition of
accepted practices that create the conditions of verification (see also Pels, 2000, and Archers
reflections are guided by others, and either resemble Archers (2003) disruptive, critical
construction of knowledge (see also Davies, 1999). Claims to be reflexive can therefore
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Different epistemological and ontological assumptions lead us to different approaches to
reflexivity (Tomkins and Eatough, 2010), which make different knowledge claims (Johnson
and Duberley, 2003; Pillow, 2003), some of which seek to enhance objectivity, whilst others
seek to undermine it (Lynch, 2000). Bourdieu (1988, 2000, 2004) calls for a collective
institutional context and ones position in it, and 3) the scholarly gaze, or theoreticist bias,
which, it is argued, will provide rigour to the research process by neutralizing the bias
(Golsorkhi, 2009: 786). Cunliffe (2003: 990), however, argues for a radical reflexivity with a
more critical and ethical basis (see also Pollner, 1991), which seeks to be critical in its
people) and the research process itself (including the researchers constructions) exposing
doubts and dilemmas as well as other possibilities, and questioning the authority of our
accounts (Cunliffe, 2004; 2009; Cunliffe and Karunanayake, 2013). This in turn unsettles
claims of neutrality in the de/construction of research data (see also: Brewis and Wray-Bliss,
2008; Cals and Smircich, 1999; Hardy, et al., 2001; Tomkins and Eatough, 2010), and
recognises the limits to our self-knowledge (Linstead, 1994; Johnson and Duberley, 2003;
Pillow, 2003).
Reflexivity has often been treated only as a theoretical rather than an embodied (Wray-Bliss,
2002, 2003; Turner and Norwood, 2013) or emotional concern (Burkitt, 2012; Koning and
Ooi, 2013; Sergi and Hallin, 2011); an intellectual critique rather than a practice (Cunliffe,
2002b). Even studies that emphasise the relationality of reflexive practice tend to focus on the
account and its theorisation (Cunliffe, 2011; Hibbert et al., 2014). But as Mauthner and
Doucet (2003) argue, the division between reflexive theory and practice is a false divide of
which one consequence is a lack of engagement and few accounts of its adoption in practice
(Bell and Thorpe, 2013) beyond autoethnographic accounts (Alpaslan et al., 2006; Ellis and
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Bochner, 2000; Haynes, 2011; Humphreys, 2005) or reflections separated from the research
itself (Thomas et al., 2009). Exceptions can be found in the work of Cunliffe (2002a), Finlay
(2005), Riach (2009), and Riach and Wilson (2014). Similarly, Burns et al. (2014) challenge
production (see also Wray-Bliss, 2003). Yet despite the call for a disciplined reflexivity in
knowledge production (Weick, 1999) its take-up has been limited and no such equivalence is
found in ethical guidelinesiii. Its practicality (Abraham, 2008; Maton, 2003) as well as the
emotional cost for the researcher (Sampson et al., 2008) is little explored with reflexivity still
remaining a potential tool for ethical research practice (Guillemin and Gillam, 2004: 262;
Ultimately many of these arguments remain abstracted from practice. It is claimed that
formal ethics are increasingly sidelined in the name of an ethical subjectivity that lays claim
situated ethics, which cannot be prescribed in advance. For critical researchers there is also
the implied claim of reflexivity, following Fournier and Grey (2000). What is not so well
understood is how this is put into practice: what ethics means to researchers, how it is
negotiated and practiced, and how it is informed. To explore this, the study examined the
Fieldwork
To explore these issues, I draw on the research experiences of those with a recognised track
record in research and an established career. The reason for this focus was five-fold. Firstly,
successful and established researchers would have more experience of ethics in research by
dint of time and number of projects in which they had been involved. Secondly, their relative
success suggests that their research and practice is to some degree accepted by the
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community as scholarly practice (through refereeing processes, for example recognising
that this doesnt necessarily mean ethical practice). Thirdly, and perhaps more critically, we
might have particular interest in the practices of the top publishers, and what kind of ethical
practice(s) they adopt to achieve their success particularly since they may be role models for
others and thus central to the reproduction of research practice. Fourthly, it enables us to
examine the embedded practices or habitus of researchers that has developed over time.
Fifthly, it allows for the fact that reflexivity in research may take time to develop. The
sample, therefore, is specifically focused on those who have established ways of working and
who in many cases, as critical researchers, by implication make claims to be both ethical and
reflexive in their research and in some cases also explicitly write about ethics and/or
A review of high-ranked journals in the field of management and organization studies was
used to identify those with extensive publication records (specifically the top ten most
published in each of the journals), which provided the sample group. The search was done
using Web of Science or Scopus and was based on the Association of Business Schools
journal rankings (including 3-4 rated journals). The date limiter was from 1992 onwards (the
earliest limiter available). In selecting the participants, a precise ranking of the top
publishers (for example the top 15) was avoided as this would enable someone to
determine the identity of the interviewees. Further factors considered were: length of career
and seniority (a minimum of fifteen years as an academic was required as a proxy for
experience), geographical location (ensuring the sample included representation from Europe,
America and Australasia), and gender (desiring a mix, even though the sample was biased
towards men) alongside the practical considerations of access (reflecting a preference for
selecting the subsample. The focus was on researchers who used, primarily or exclusively,
qualitative methods in their work (recognizing that multiple paradigms are represented under
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the qualitative inquiry umbrella Malone (2003)) and who therefore were more likely to
and Honey, 2007). However many used mixed methods, or had experience in quantitative
methods. All researchers were aware of ethical guidelines and there was little difference in
attitude towards guidelines between those who had been formally trained at the start and
those who had been exposed to procedural ethics during their careers.
were conducted via video conferencing software), drawing on the experiences of researchers
from the United Kingdomiv (8), the rest of Europe (4), the United States (3), and Australia
(1). The bias in the data collection reflects the prevalence of highly-ranked qualitative journal
articles being written by this community and means the analysis is focused on countries with
(typically) more developed formal review processes (with the US the most regulated,
followed by Australia and then the UK). However the European perspective is also reflected
in the experiences of two of the US and two of the UK-based respondents who had
experience of European institutions. All the interviews were transcribed. The interviews
were conducted over a period of 12 months, partly as a result of practical constraints and a
There were no refusals to a request for an interview, which were around one hour in duration.
The sample included a number of academics with current or previous journal editing roles as
of the research process thus extended beyond their own research projects, and, consistent
with the projects objectives, included a broad range of ethical concerns. Unlike Wiles et al.
(2006) there was no sense that the respondents were seeking to provide procedurally
ethical and many were apparently comfortable relaying practices that could be considered
ambivalence towards formal ethics, a challenge to norms which some may have felt was
Semi-structured interviews were utilised which sought responses to three broad areas of
concern, namely: the researchers understanding of research ethics (for example: what do you
understand by the term research ethics?); their approach to research ethics and experience
of ethical dilemmas (for example: can you give me some examples of challenges or dilemmas
you have faced? If so, can you talk me through what happened and why?); and reflections on
formal mechanisms for ethical guidance (for example: what mechanisms are in place to guide
your research? To what extent do they guide your research?). These questions may have
produced a cultivated reflexivity (Bryman and Cassells, 2006) through the explication of
Preliminary analysis of the interviews was undertaken throughout the year, affording the
opportunity to consider refinements to the interview process (see: Strauss and Corbin, 1990)
and supporting a process of purposive sampling (Mason, 2002). As the interviewing process
progressed, similar themes were identified across the individual accounts (Guest, et al., 2006;
Morse, 1994). When it became apparent that no new categories or substantively new
properties with established categories were being identified, no further interviews were
arranged as I felt that a point of saturationvi had been reached. Interviews were utilised
because the focus was on the interviewees reflections on practice, drawing on their entire
career. Furthermore there were ethical, practical and validity-based concerns with
observational or diary methods (for example, the impact on their research subjects when
practice).
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Analysis of the interviews initially involved a process of reading, and re-reading of the
transcripts to inductively draw out themes within and then between transcripts. Themes were
nature of the interviews meant that categories resulted from a mixture of inductive and
deductive methods, the latter limited to the broad areas drawn from the literature review
(Fereday and Muir-Cochran, 2006) around procedural and personal ethics, and reflexivity.
Key themes identified were taken from each transcript and compared. The consistency of the
themes led me to conclude the findings were robust. The quotations representing the various
themes were collated and each transcript re-read to ensure that the process had not resulted in
disembodied accounts that no longer reflected the voices of the participants (Ribbens and
Edwards, 1998).
and the study was not designed to compare responses from researchers located in different
countries, or make generalized claims about communities. Yet it was interesting to note that
despite the diversity of national and institutional settings, many of the approaches to ethics
were remarkably similar. Regrettably, some of the richness of the narratives is sacrificed in
order to protect the identity of researchers whose work and related stories may be familiar to
colleagues in the community (see Wiles, et al., 2006). The inclusion of the selected quotes
Interviewees are identified in the text by: sex, interview number and country of their primary
employer (e.g., M/Int4/UK). The data is discussed in two sections, broadly following the
debates in the research ethics literature, namely the engagement with procedural ethics and
personal ethics.
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Engagement with procedural ethics
In this section I explore their engagement with procedural ethics, including a critical stance
towards formal ethics, views that they are irrelevant to research ethics, limiting to research,
and compromised in practice, before concluding with the recognition of the guidance they
provide.
A critical stance
Echoing critiques in the extant literature around formal ethics (e.g., Boden, et al., 2009;
Graffigna, et al., 2009; Wiles et al., 2006), interviewees were predominantly critical of the
(Ferdinand et al., 2007): Ethics is ethos; ethos is not about rules, not even perhaps about
principles, but about ways of being You cant legislate human judgement (M/Int6/UK)
reflecting the idea that the self becomes ethical in exercising freedom (Foucault, 2000).
Irrelevant
Ethics committees, which were believed to have increasingly high transaction costs
only lip service (F/Int1/Europe) being paid to them. Responses reflected the different
institutional and national distinctions, with the US, followed closely by Australia,
elsewhere. These formal aspects were viewed as something to get out of the way
respondent noted, the attitude was to satisfy [them] and not lie (F/Int14/US). The
interviewees consistently argued that the formal procedures within universities were
motivated by the prevention of litigation and fear of being sued (F/Int10/US) (see also
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Furedi, 2002) a focus on consequences rather than duty that diluted genuine concern
provided evidence for this likelihood, reflecting the institutional environment and experience
of ethical committees.
Some researchers had developed strategies to circumvent formal processes such as delegating
the completion of ethics paperwork to junior researchers or avoiding the process altogether.
Interestingly, many of the procedural critics seemed to have little experience of or direct
engagement with formal processes, hinting at a reflex response, which reflects ambivalence
Limiting
The respondents discussed how the processes of ethical governance, perceived (perhaps
methods (e.g. covert observation), or research topics (e.g. death and dying) from being
undertaken, although little evidence was given of their own experiences in this regard.
Interviewees gave examples of how sensitive research topics had been re-shaped, hidden, or
carried out surreptitiously for the purpose of getting through institutional review
(F/Int10/US) in a context where increasingly many felt research was expected to be primarily
concerned with enhancing corporate effectiveness (Syed, et al., 2009). This stressed the
importance of the consequences of being able to undertake the research. The following
quotation illustrates how the conduct of potentially enlightening forms of research may be
People like Huw Beynon, you know Working for Ford: nobody knew who he was
Has it done harm? No, not really. I think it has been a very classic, good case study
that would have breached the ethical codes of that time, but it has helped us
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immensely to understand the lot of the ordinary worker. So in all it is controversial
Compromised
Often cited as problematic was the requirement to ask participants to sign informed consent
forms. One participant described how she turned it into a plaything, making people laugh
at consent forms even as they sign it (F/Int14/US). Whilst acknowledging the importance of
participants being aware of what they were doing and why they were doing it
(M/Int16/UK), they differed in their assumptions and approaches to this. One researcher for
example, argued that if the respondent had agreed to the interview how can it not be full
consent theyve agreed to it, what the hell, why would I have some form filled in?
(M/Int3/UK) clearly rejecting its formalisation. In contrast, another interviewee critiqued the
false impression of voluntariness, pointing out that some of them can tell you to go to hell,
but many of them cannot or may not, or prefer not to (F/Int1/Europe) suggesting more
reflexively - personal ethics may be more sensitive to the position of respondents than formal
procedures (see Fine et al., 2000). Others also considered formalised consent as just words
on what theyre actually going to tell me (M/Int16/UK) and worrying about potential
breaches rather than trying to get at the authenticity of the experience (M/Int6/UK) which
suggests that the Kantian maxim of not treating people solely as a means to an end could be
As the following quote demonstrates, many respondents pointed out that informed consent
was often subverted by the lack of complete openness of the researcher regarding their own
views (recognising the politicised nature of research), or their undisclosed intentions for
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[I]ts kind of an ethical compromise because youre not revealing your own ethics. I
dont believe that workers are lazy and greedy, so I should really challenge that
[managerial assumption], but you cant afford to do that. Otherwise you wont get
access (M/Int3/UK).
reality no such governability exists (M/Int4/UK) and the false sense of security that was
assumed to arise from having ticked the box of ethical approval (M/Int8/UK). The failure to
disengagement with formal ethics. One respondent questioned the lack of evidence for the
efficacy of regulation, arguing there was a need for some justification of what all the
policing of many of the codes (M/Int13/UK), which curiously suggests their failure may
Guidance
However, while all respondents to some extent criticised ethical governance mechanisms,
responses were not uniformly negative. Some researchers pointed to their role in providing
guidance, a reminder to avoid taking things for granted (F/Int12/US), a way of achieving
legitimacy in our society (F/Int1/Europe) and for some, a tacit security or backup from the
institution (M/Int16/UK). Few, especially of those working outside of the US, recognized
the impact codes may have had in shaping their personal ethics, although one respondent
described many practices (such as keeping data in secure locations and destroying it after the
Respondents were typically unsupportive of the idea of a bespoke code for management and
organisation studies researchers as it meant the replication of the problems found with any
codes. However, the process of writing was seen by many as potentially beneficial in creating
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an ethical sensibility (F/Int7/Europe). Only one respondent referred to issues of collegial
relationships being covered by codes that incorporated your obligation as a researcher the
ways in which youre supposed to uphold certain ways of dealing with one another
procedural ethics (indifferent attitudes towards training were also expressed), and relied upon
Personal ethics
In this section I explore how they account for their personal ethics, including their ethical
stance and sense of responsibility, the importance of giving voice, protecting participants,
Ethical stance
Despite their disengagement with formal ethics, respondents were not neglectful in their
approach towards ethical practice and were articulate in explaining their ethics. Indeed, while
one respondent expressed the view that he was not only atypical but unethical (M/Int5/UK)
social experiences (Chia, 1996; Cunliffe, 2003). Personal ethics led to different approaches to
their research, such as their tendency to either place an emphasis on the value/outcome of
on the question: to whom do we owe responsibility? (Ferdinand et al., 2007). For example,
flexible interpretations of, or challenges to, ethical protocol, which at best would suggest a
closed form of reflexivity. For others, care for respondents was the primary concern,
voices they bring to the project (F/Int14/US), the obligation to protect informants and not
expose or hurt them in any way (F/Int10/US), and to challenge motivations, especially about
whether the engagement is to get insights into the human condition or to further your own
2003). Indeed, many of the principles that guided fieldwork, such as confidentiality,
anonymity, informed consent, avoiding risk and harm to participants, and for some,
reciprocity, reflect those found in codes but were claimed to be driven by their personal
ethics, often informed by gossip (F/Int1/Europe) or conversations that led to the common
code [that] circulates in the community and becomes a code (F/Int7/Europe), highlighting
the roles others play in shaping our reflexive stance (Burkitt, 2012) and ethical subjectivity.
These concerns were complicated when cooperative relationships with organisations were
crucial to accessing research participants, or where compromises between the needs of the
organisation and individual research participants were required a tension over which there
is a lack of clarity in codes (Bell and Bryman, 2007) and thus is by necessity informed by
ones own ethics. In respect of whether to anonymize organizations, one respondent claimed
I dont think we should be protecting organisations (F/Int1/Europe) and another argued that
in some cases the companies deserve the stick (M/Int15/Europe). However, others were of
the view that organizations were entitled to anonymity, or more instrumentally this was a
necessary strategy to ensure continued access. There were also moments where the ethical
warranted it (see: Ferdinand et al., 2007), such as when 2,000 peoples jobs are going to
disappear and they are not being told (M/Int8/UK). Such a consequentialist approach
transcends guidelines and requires reflexive consideration of possible impact but can also be
20
Ethics was often implicitly or explicitly linked with power (and, for Critical Management
2000)), concern for which was almost entirely associated with a personal ethics. One
interviewee spoke of research being a way of giving voice to the people who have less
power because you actually speak for them and in an anonymized way (M/Int11/Australia)
(see also Kvale (2006) and Essers (2009)). But there was also a fear that the process of
research replicated these power relations whereby giving advice in a workplace contributed
to the control of employees and hence, the reproduction of the inequalities within work
(M/Int2/UK) (see also Wray-Bliss, 2003), indicating that potential consequences were often
uppermost in researchers minds. Respondents were particularly sensitive to the needs of, and
effect on, respondents at the lower end of the hierarchy, and some viewed senior managers as
being less in need of protection than junior employees. These concerns are suggestive of a
closed reflexivity which may be based on self-questioning, though may equally be influenced
many noted that they tended not to go back to their research site, and thus didnt see the
impact of the research process and outputs (see also Wray-Bliss, 2002).
Giving voice
Respondents spoke at length about the dilemmas associated with gathering and reporting data
and setting people up to give the responses your heart wishes they would give (F/Int10/US),
balancing the desire to be convincing and compelling (M/Int16/UK) and honouring the
voices of participants, whilst retaining control of how the story is told; a negotiation that
exceeds the scope of ethical guidance and that often reflected an ethics-of-care. One
respondent described the challenge of negotiating the authorial voice (Bell and Thorpe, 2013;
21
The project could be read as reproducing a certain kind of privilege, and voice ... the
idea is ... to dismantle that voice a little bit what does it mean to do justice and
honour to what they say and not take it at face value? (F/Int14/US).
The desire for authentic data and perceived importance of the study had led one interviewee
avoid a spooked thing where they tell me the company line (M/Int5/UK) which can be
Ethical concerns were also raised by the mania for dissemination (M/Int8/UK) by funding
bodies:
[W]hat are we going to do, disseminate information which shows that supermarkets
are just giant bullies and that the managing directors of companies hate them with a
passion? ... There are ethical issues around power and transparency that the people
who insist on your disseminating have not even thought about (M/Int8/UK).
Protection
The interviewees expressed almost unequivocal support for anonymizing the identity of
research participants, which whilst reflecting procedural ethics was predicated on a concern
for the consequences. One expressed the view that good researchers ... depend on a
perception of integrity and that normally means you dont blab (M/Int8/UK). Other
interviewees argued that protecting individuals was paramount because its peoples jobs
that are on the line their careers and future security (M/Int2/UK). The following
interviewee identified a strong commitment towards the protection of participants but went
22
We are sometimes so arrogant in ethical discussions about our power and influence ...
I can sit here and stew over that. And then realise ... maybe 20 people will ever read it
One interviewee took this further noting that in some circumstances it may be appropriate to
identify research participants; that some actually wished to share their experiences openly
(M/Int6/UK), which suggests the possibility of an open reflexivity in which participants were
involved in ethical decisions (Hibbert et al., 2010). In contrast another respondent viewed the
desire to be named with suspicion, whilst another took the decision to observe anonymity
irrespective of whether research participants were happy to be named. Journal reviewers were
also implicated in the pressures placed on authors to reveal more information about their
research site, which could, in turn, risk identification of the organisation (see also: Lincoln
Sensitivity
Sensitivity towards participants was a key area of concern and demonstrated the limitations
of codes, even leading to contrasting versions of good practice motivated by personal ethics.
The consequences of seeing oneself on paper where, as one interviewee noted people look
like idiots, further noting: you dont hurt them, their dignity (F/Int1/Europe) also persuaded
reflexively disruptive (Hibbert et al., 2010) formative experience early in his career regarding
the impact of reporting data in which his feedback on a leaders style devastated the subject
exclude from written outputs. This was described by one interviewee as the need to
recognize that ethics was perhaps of most concern when participants were not present,
23
physically, in the project (F/Int14/US). Sensitivity was also raised as a concern for the
researcher: the need to ensure there was no personal harm and to balance care-for-self (Koro-
Ljungberg, et al., 2007) with care-for-others, particularly as research participants were not
considered entirely powerless and often had their own agenda requiring a reflexivity which
Community-level concerns
Interestingly, the critical community was identified as often lacking the very reflexivity it
would be identified, and self-identified, with this community (see also Wray-Bliss, 2002,
2003). The tendency for some scholars to treat organisations as stupid and the researcher as
A bit of a bugbear of mine is what I call the scorched earth policy of some
researchers ... You find this particularly with leftist researchers who are so anti-
capitalist that they regard the companies they get answers from as kind of dispensable
... where do you get that in an ethics form? What are you going to do, have a box
I feel also often like, I dont know your participants but I am pissed on their behalf ...
because even as an outsider reading this project ... there [are] 9 times more things ...
going on in that single quote than youre allowing, but youve picked up on your
Lacanian insight and now youre going to dust off the rest and move on. ... I think as a
qualitative researcher one of your ethical obligations is ... a genuine curiosity and
openness (F/Int14/US).
24
Hence the use of different research perspectives led not only to different questions,
approaches (such as doing research with or on the researched see Pillow, 2003) and
analyses, but also different orientations to ethical questions (Ferdinand et al., 2007). This
suggests Pels notion of the silent sovereignty of politicized theory (2000: 14) that he
argues leads to a vicious reflexivity in which reflexivity is grounded in (and limited to)
ones own analytical framework that can explain and thus liberate the previously unknowing
subject. Rather than being non-exploitative, such research fails to reflexively address its
mode of production and the interests it serves (Pillow, 2003), reflects personal feelings
towards participants (Haynes, 2006), and violates the Kantian maxim of never treating people
merely as a means to achieving ones aims (of research) (Guillemin and Gillam, 2004).
Criticisms were also levelled at researchers who apparently lacked reflexivity and who were
narcissists (Gabriel, 2009) or had a careerist focus (Alvesson, 2013; Wray-Bliss, 2002):
What are we actually doing are we doing interesting linguistic work where I can
boost my career or confirming our own research community ... rather than
(M/Int15/Europe).
Challenges in the practice of research ethics extended to concerns associated with fellow
researchers. Indeed, interviewees believed matters arising within research teams, such as
Dillon, 2005), were critical when considering the scope and nature of ethics and the
environment into which researchers are socialised (Bell and Thorpe, 2013). One interviewee
felt there were far more ethical dilemmas between people doing research than there are
between researchers and the researched subjects (M/Int3/UK) and another felt there was
more awareness of ethical problems concerning the relationship with the field than the
25
students and certain colleagues and putting down people you dislike as being seen as
Interviewees stressed their ethical approach to working with PhD students, indicating that
they either put their students name first on joint publications, or in two cases, didnt publish
you have to younger colleagues (F/Int7/Europe) and echoing the idea of a structural
reflexivity. A number of respondents cited cases from their early career where supervisors or
project leads had published their work without acknowledgment or treated them as little
slaves (M/Int5/UK), insisting on having their name attached to work to which they hadnt
contributed (see Wester, 2007). As one interviewee stated: Ultimately, who supervises you is
critical (M/Int6/UK). More worryingly, when these concerns were raised they were often
dismissed or those raising the concerns were intimidated (F/Int7/Europe) into dropping
their accusations.
Interestingly, these reflections on the community that emerged, unsolicited, in the interviews
suggest an inward gaze in which our ethical concerns lie as much with our experiences of the
relationally reflexive practice (Hibbert et al., 2014) that acknowledges it's not just what we
do, but also what others do to us that is at stake. But its focus is on the self in the context of
the academic community rather than those outside (participants, site of study and so on).
Reflections on reflections
The findings contribute to understandings of what constitutes research ethics, how the ethical
and what role reflexivity may play. It argues that while interpersonal ethics and reflexivity is
26
The different approaches discussed suggest an ethical subjectivity that is at least reflective
and sometimes reflexive but that some of these positions are no longer questioned, acting in
much the same way as procedural ethics (see also Wray-Bliss, 2003) which suggests
reflexivity may only play a limited role in these cases. This is perhaps influenced by the fact
that they have become established in the field, and have not been challenged or unsettled in
their approaches, embedding their conceptual assumptions (Letiche, 2009: 293). Indeed if
one has built a successful career based on particular practices there will be less motivation or
understanding for a need to change. This highlights the significance of studying those who
are established in their career and the distance between training (formal, through
supervisory guidance, or learning on the job) and establishing a mode of practice which
becomes taken-for-granted. The effect of these embedded assumptions that inform their
ethical subjectivity can be seen in the distinction between a procedural and interpersonal
ethics, differing emphasis on the research outcome or research participant, and the frequent
emphasis on ethics within the community. Broadly the ethical subjectivities can be seen to
care.
interpersonal ethics and this was reflected in the data as interviewees were keen to distance
themselves from formal ethics, despite engaging with many of their principles (see also:
Brewis and Wray-Bliss, 2008). Given they were all familiar with ethical guidelines it seems
probable (though only partially demonstrated here) that these played a significant role in
creating the ethical subject and informing their interpersonal ethics, even though interviewees
were keen to construct themselves as acting on personal ethics. The choice of research
subject, the framing of the question(s), and theoretical bias werent explicitly discussed as
ethical concerns for the participants themselves (even if they were found in colleagues
work). Furthermore, reflections on the self and the immediate structural context (Bourdieu,
27
2000) were also limited, unless reflecting on the ethics within the community. This suggests
some limits to the extent of reflexive consideration, but those with heightened sensitivities to
emphasis on an interpersonal ethics suggests that reflexivity should be central to their ethical
The way in which protocols were considered, and when, illustrates different reflexive
strategies whereby researchers place variable weight on the importance of the research, and
the need to explore interesting, important and meaningful issues and get to the reality of the
situation first and foremost, in contrast to a more dutiful, Kantian form of ethics in adhering
to ethical principles, or an ethics-of-care, and giving voice to participants on their own terms,
or at least making those needs paramount. This led to variation in approaches, some of which
would be considered unethical, such as lying to gain access and covert recording, and yet
were framed as justified by a higher ethical purpose a form of moral ideal. Those who
routinely placed society ahead of participant sought ethical justification in the research
consideration of the relative harms and benefits from this course of action, which is
challenging and may not always be undertaken. There is a risk that a utilitarian rule that
considers the principle of more good than harm could be presumed, perhaps on the basis that
emphasising the consequences of research, but how one recognises moral obligations and
reaches these conclusions is crucial particularly in the context of academia where research
may have limited societal impact and given the limited evidence of researchers returning to
their site of study to witness the impact of their research. Here the mode of subjectivation by
emancipatory intent that could be corrupted by failing to engage with these critical ambitions
28
reflexively, with significant effects on the moral framing of some critical research.
Furthermore, participatory and collaborative approaches were not evident in this study
indicating a distancing that would reduce moral intensity, suggesting a need for open forms
of reflexivity (though also recognising that such participatory approaches may not always be
The consistent emergence of community-level ethical concerns was also notable (see also
Jeanes et al., 2014). Whilst a rule-based approach was largely rejected for research ethics, it
often appeared to be favoured in the context of the community, where some operated by
principles that they felt lead to moral practice, recognising a duty to their junior colleagues,
and claimed to work on being ethical senior colleagues. Indeed it was in the context of their
own community that they were in broad agreement in presenting an ethical ideal. One could
suggest that consequences of behaviour here have the most resonance, visibility and
repercussions leading to greater moral intensity as well as self-interest, although it was clear
our learned ways of thinking, feeling and acting in shaping ethical custom and practice
(Bourdieu, 2004) by taking a collective approach (see: Hardy, et al., 2001; Knight, et al.,
2004; Mauthner and Doucet, 2003) to explore the naturalisation of reflexive predispositions
within the academic communities (Golsorkhi et al., 2009) and provide the opportunity for
discussion, critique and development not only of what reflexivity entails as a practice, but
also its use in practice. This may, for example, challenge the tendency for closed rather than
open, disruptive or participative approaches to ethics in the field, and question the critically-
informed focus on consequences over duty. This study demonstrates an emphasis on closed
forms which do not go outside of the academic community and thus may do more to confirm
than challenge preconceptions, retain the position of the authoritative researcher, and create
virtues out of practices that place the end result ahead of the participants involved to achieve
29
it. On a more procedural level, community-level reflexivity would also enable a more
rigorous and theoretically-grounded account of the ethical process (Guillemin and Gillam,
2004). Crucially, this also needs to go beyond the community and engage with participants in
the field to ensure we dont remain unaccountable to our subjects (Wray-Bliss, 2003) and end
for example. Without this, the reflexive turn appears to be more rhetorical than evidential,
and certainly more challenging to engage with in practice than has previously been suggested
There are a number of challenges facing this process, such as re-shaping habitual forms of
practice particularly those sustained by certain critical narratives, the risks of reducing
to embedding reflexivity in ethics, and finding effective ways to reach beyond the
community. The aim, therefore, should not be to prescribe how this is approached, but to
The study has a number of limitations that warrants further research. Those who have tackled
more ethically problematic research, such as covert research, were not targeted though these
challenges were reflected in the accounts given. The fact that such research is not frequently
seen in top journals may be an interesting point of future study (the data presented suggests
that research is typically avoided that is, at best, ethically ambiguous when evaluated against
ethical guidelines (Cannella and Lincoln, 2007)). Furthermore the study focuses on senior
researchers, many of whom have not experienced the more extensive ethical training required
for some early career researchers (ECRs), though most have worked under comparable
career-based pressures.
30
A follow-up study with ECRs, or mid-career academics might render interesting, and
possibly contrasting, perspectives. Alternatively it may reveal the extent to which the
correct ethico-political stance relative to the community is adopted, such that formal
training is experienced through this critical lens. This idea links to the importance of the role
of the community in shaping reflexive practice. Further explorations of the role of the
studies would enable more engagement with the national and institutional context (see Hayes
Reflexive practice may also usefully be explored over a longer time period, reflecting not
only career development, and the role of the community, but also the effects of experiences in
shaping the researcher (Mahadevan, 2011), emotion work (Dickson-Swift et al., 2009),
shifting relations of power, and reflexive awareness that is (co)created over time. Reflexivity
isnt something that one can just read up on and enact and it may result in a change in the
researcher, not just the research (Hibbert et al., 2010). Capturing reflexivity and its
relationship with ethics in a longitudinal study could reveal more about the processes and its
Future research could further explore how management scholars and those in other
disciplines explicitly engage with ethics as a way of better understanding (ethical) reflexivity
in tangible rather than abstract ways such as a sustained exploration of how reflexivity could
be utilised in real-time (Riach, 2009; Weick, 2002). Further, practical considerations could
address the problems in accounting for the claims of reflexivity in the constraints of standard
journal word limits (Finlay, 2002) and the demands of publishing (Kara, 2013; Koning and
Ooi, 2013) whereby giving account of reflexivity is forcibly left out or limited by our
Conclusion
31
This paper has explored the ethics of research practices of well-established organizational
and management researchers. It has identified that they are typically ambivalent to or resist
consequences. In exploring their accounts, reflexivity was found to be partial and often
closed in nature, suggesting that reflexivity will not lead to modified theoretical positions
(c.f. Guillemin and Gillam, 2004) but may sustain the ethical stances adopted, which is
problematic where interpersonal ethics is relied upon. While in the main the practices
articulated would be considered ethical when compared to formal ethical guidelines, and all
practices were supported by an ethical stance, many raised ethical questions that warrant a
The paper also explores the difficulties in addressing the role of reflexivity in ethical practice
certain theoretical positions and practices which may be seen as integral to ones academic
identity. Given the pressures on publication, and the limited scope for reflexive practice in
the context of word limits and reviewer preferences, it is likely that reflexive practice will
remain peripheral in the community, though this raises questions about critical researchers
reflexivity in training (which should exist alongside and supplement, question and inform
codes) at an early stage, and sustaining this throughout researchers careers, and seeking
changes at the community level for example by engaging with journal editors may enable
and sustaining critical reflection on and reflexivity in practice. Writing about reflexivity
(certainly in abstract terms) is important but insufficient. This study demonstrates that writing
about reflexivity does not necessarily equate to its practice, and that changing practice is
32
probably more challenging when faced with established careers, which tend to confirm rather
33
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i
In searching for examples of these challenges being discussed by researchers in management and organization
studies I was struck by how often studies of sensitive topics such as sexual harassment had short methodology
sections with no reference to ethical considerations, making it hard to assess how they are tackled in practice.
See, for example: Kensbock et al (2015).
ii
Indeed, when ethical reflexivity is discussed it tends to refer to the more narrowly defined field of political
values (Abraham, 2008; Gewirtz and Cribb, 2006, but see Collins and Wray-Bliss, 2005).
iii
Guilleman and Gillam (2004) argue that the gulf between procedural and situated ethics is not vast, given that
codes are designed to encapsulate experience when providing principles. However this underplays the role of
habitus in how ethical issues are framed, and the lack of self-reflexivity in accounting for this.
iv
A distinction is made between the UK and rest of Europe given the proportion of participants based in the UK.
v
Interviews with fellow researchers are peculiar in that both parties have a shared understanding of the research
process and in this case also the topic of research; consequently identity work plays a significant role (Bryman
and Cassell, 2006) and may have framed their responses. It is worth noting, however, that the interviewees were
all senior to the interviewer and unlikely to feel compelled to say the right thing (procedurally or politically).
vi
This notion derives from Grounded Theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967), but a Grounded Theory approach was
not taken.
39
vii
The project emerged out of a conversation with this colleague. Both of us are qualitative researchers, and
have acted as ethics officers. However our experience of and approach to the role had been different, reflecting
our different national and institutional contexts, and our own perspective on ethical review processes and
practice. The colleague was experienced in, and more sympathetic to, extensive formal review processes
(though also recognized their limitations) but was unfamiliar with notions of reflexivity. My own experience
was that of a lighter touch review involving less paperwork, alongside a concern that (regardless of the formal
review process) ethical concerns were insufficiently understood or (self-) regulated. Sharing and discussing the
data forced me to confront my own predilection for a critical attitude towards formal review and reflect on
influences at the (UK) institutional and (Critical Management) community-level on my approach to data and its
analysis. University ethical guidelines were followed throughout this project.
viii
Such concerns are gaining more attention through the Committee of Publication Ethics (COPE), journal codes
of ethics (See for example the Academy of Managements code of ethics: http://aom.org/Content.aspx?id=798)
and initiatives such as retraction watch (http://retractionwatch.com ).
40