Turkish invasion of Cyprus

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This article is about the 1974 Turkish Invasion. For the 1570 Ottoman conquest, see
OttomanVenetian War (15701573). For the planned Nazi invasion of France with the
same operation name, see Operation Attila (World War II).
Turkish Invasion of Cyprus
Part of the Cyprus dispute
Cyprus 1973 ethnic neutral.svg
Ethnic map of Cyprus in 1973. Yellow denotes Greek Cypriots, purple denotes Turkish
Cypriot enclaves and red denotes British bases.[1]
Date 20 July 18 August 1974
(4 weeks and 1 day)
Location Cyprus
Result
Turkish victory[2]

Turkish occupation of 36.2% of Cyprus by the end of the Second Invasion.[3][4][5]

[6][7][8]
Fall of the junta in Cyprus and Greek military junta in Athens on 23 July 1974
Formation of the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration, which later evolved
into the internationally unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
140,000[9][10]200,000[11] Greek Cypriots displaced from the north in place of
42,000[12]65,000[13] Turkish Cypriots from the south.
Belligerents
Turkey

TMT
Flag of Cyprus (1960-2006).svg Cyprus

EOKA B
Greece
Commanders and leaders
Turkey Fahri Korutrk
Turkey Blent Ecevit
Turkey Necmettin Erbakan
Turkey Rauf Denkta Flag of Cyprus (1960-2006).svg Nikos Sampson
Flag of Cyprus (1960-2006).svg Glafcos Clerides
Greece Phaedon Gizikis
Greece Dimitrios Ioannidis
Strength
Turkey:
40,000 troops[14]
Turkish Cypriot enclaves:
11,00013,500 men, up to 20,000 under full mobilization[15]

Total: 60,000 Cyprus:

12,000 standing strength (40,000 fully mobilised, theoretical)[16]
Greece:
1,8002,000 troops[17]

Total: 42,000[neutrality is disputed]

Casualties and losses
568 killed in action (498 TAF, 70 Resistance)
270 civilians killed
803 civilians missing (official number in 1974)[18]
2,000 wounded[19]
[20][21][22]
4,5006,000 casualties (military and civilian)[20][21]
including Flag of Cyprus (1960-2006).svg 1,273 deaths[23]
Greece 105 deaths[23]
10001100 missing (as of 2015)[24]
United Nations UNFICYP:[25]
9 killed
65 wounded
[show] v t e
Cyprus dispute
The Turkish invasion of Cyprus[26] (Turkish: Kibris Bari Harekti, lit. 'Cyprus
Peace Operation' and Greek: ???????? ?????? ???? ?????, code-named by Turkey as
Operation Attila,[27][28] Turkish: Atilla Harekti) was a Turkish military invasion
of the island country of Cyprus. It was launched on 20 July 1974, following the
Cypriot coup d'tat on 15 July 1974.

The coup had been ordered by the military Junta in Greece and staged by the Cypriot
National Guard[29][30] in conjunction with EOKA-B. It deposed the Cypriot president
Archbishop Makarios III and installed the pro-Enosis Nikos Sampson.[31][32] The aim
of the coup was the annexation of the island by Greece,[33][34][35] and the
Hellenic Republic of Cyprus was declared.[36][37]

In July 1974, Turkish forces invaded and captured 3% of the island before a
ceasefire was declared. The Greek military junta collapsed and was replaced by a
democratic government. In August 1974 another Turkish invasion resulted in the
capture of approximately 40% of the island. The ceasefire line from August 1974
became the United Nations Buffer Zone in Cyprus and is commonly referred to as the
Green Line.

Around 150,000 people (amounting to more than one quarter of the total population
of Cyprus, and to one third of its Greek Cypriot population) were expelled from the
occupied northern part of the island, where Greek Cypriots constituted 80% of the
population. A little over a year later in 1975, roughly 60,000 Turkish Cypriots,
amounting to half the Turkish Cypriot population,[38][not in citation given] were
displaced from the south to the north.[39] The Turkish invasion ended in the
partition of Cyprus along the UN-monitored Green Line, which still divides Cyprus,
and the formation of a de facto autonomous Turkish Cypriot administration in the
north. In 1983 the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) declared
independence, although Turkey is the only country that recognizes it.[40] The
international community considers the TRNC's territory as Turkish-occupied
territory of the Republic of Cyprus.[41] The occupation is viewed as illegal under
international law, amounting to illegal occupation of European Union territory
since Cyprus became its member.[42]

The invasion's Turkish Armed Forces code name was Operation Atilla. Among Turkish
speakers the operation is also referred as "Cyprus Peace Operation" (Kibris Bari
Harekti) or "Operation Peace" (Bari Harekti) or "Cyprus Operation" (Kibris
Harekti), as Turkey took military action on the pretext of a peacekeeping
operation.[43]

Contents [hide]
1 Background
1.1 Ottoman and British rule
1.2 1950s
1.3 19601963
1.4 19631974
2 Greek military coup and Turkish invasion
2.1 Greek military coup of July 1974
2.2 First Turkish invasion, July 1974
2.3 Collapse of the Greek junta and peace talks
2.4 Second Turkish invasion, 1416 August 1974
3 Atrocities and human right abuses
3.1 Against Greek Cypriots
3.2 Against Turkish Cypriots
3.3 Missing persons
3.4 Destruction of cultural heritage
4 Opinions
4.1 Turkish Cypriot
4.2 Greek Cypriot
5 Aftermath
5.1 Declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
5.2 Ongoing negotiations
5.3 Turkish settlers
5.4 United States arms embargo on Turkey and Republic of Cyprus
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
8.1 Official publications and sources
8.2 Books and articles
8.3 Other sources
9 External links
Background[edit]
Main article: Cypriot intercommunal violence
Ottoman and British rule[edit]
In 1571 the mostly Greek-populated island of Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman
Empire, following the OttomanVenetian War (15701573). The island and its
population was later leased to Britain by the Cyprus Convention, an agreement
reached during the Congress of Berlin in 1878 between the United Kingdom and the
Ottoman Empire. Britain formally annexed Cyprus (together with Egypt and Sudan) on
5 November 1914[44] as a reaction to the Ottoman Empire's decision to join the
First World War on the side of the Central Powers; subsequently the island became a
British Crown colony, known as British Cyprus. Article 20 of the Treaty of Lausanne
in 1923 marked the end of the Turkish claim to the island.[44] Article 21 of the
treaty gave the minority Muslims on the island the choice of leaving the island to
live as Turkish subjects in Turkey, or to stay on the island and become British
subjects.[44]

At this time the population of Cyprus was composed of both Greeks and Turks, who
identified themselves with their respective "mother" countries. However, the elites
of both communities shared the belief that they were socially more progressive
(better educated and less conservative) and therefore distinct from the
mainlanders. Greek and Turkish Cypriots lived quietly side by side for many years.
[45]

Broadly, three main forces can be held responsible for transforming two ethnic
communities into two national ones: education, British colonial practices, and
insular religious teachings accompanying economic development.[citation needed]
Formal education was perhaps the most important as it affected Cypriots during
childhood and youth; education has been a main vehicle of transferring inter-
communal hostility.[46]

British colonial policies also promoted ethnic polarization. The British applied
the principle of "divide and rule", setting the two groups against each other to
prevent combined action against colonial rule.[47] For example, when Greek Cypriots
rebelled in the 1950s, the colonial office expanded the size of the Auxiliary
Police and in September 1955, established the Special Mobile Reserve which was made
up exclusively of Turkish Cypriots, to crush EOKA.[48] This and similar practices
contributed to inter-communal animosity.[citation needed]
Although economic development and increased education reduced the explicitly
religious characteristics of the two communities, the growth of nationalism on the
two mainlands increased the significance of other differences. Turkish nationalism
was at the core of the revolutionary program promoted by the father of modern
Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatrk (18811938)[49] and affected Turkish Cypriots who
followed his principles. President of the Republic of Turkey from 1923 to 1938,
Atatrk attempted to build a new nation on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire and
elaborated the program of "six principles" (the "Six Arrows") to do so.[citation
needed]

These principles of secularism (laicism) and nationalism reduced Islam's role in

the everyday life of individuals and emphasized Turkish identity as the main source
of nationalism. Traditional education with a religious foundation was discarded and
replaced with one that followed secular principles and, shorn of Arab and Persian
influences, was purely Turkish. Turkish Cypriots quickly adopted the secular
program of Turkish nationalism.[citation needed]

Under Ottoman rule Turkish Cypriots had been classified as Muslims, a distinction
based on religion. Being thoroughly secular, Atatrk's program made their Turkish
identity paramount, and may have further reinforced their division from their Greek
Cypriot neighbors.[citation needed]

1950s[edit]
In the early fifties a Greek nationalist group was formed called the Ethniki
Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (EOKA, or "National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters").
[50] Their objective was to drive the British out of the island first, and then to
integrate the island with Greece. EOKA was a Greek nationalist organization. EOKA
wished to remove all obstacles from their path to independence, or union with
Greece.

The first secret talks for EOKA, as a nationalist organization established to

integrate the island with Greece, were started under the chairmanship of Archbishop
Makarios III in Athens on 2 July 1952. In the aftermath of these meetings a
"Council of Revolution" was established on 7 March 1953. In early 1954 secret
weaponry shipments to Cyprus started with the knowledge of the Greek government.
Lt. Georgios Grivas, formerly an officer in the Greek army, covertly disembarked on
the island on 9 November 1954 and EOKA's campaign against the British forces began
to grow.[51]

The first Turk to be killed by EOKA on 21 June 1955 was a policeman. EOKA also
killed Greek Cypriot leftists.[52] After the September 1955 Istanbul Pogrom, EOKA
started its activity against Turkish Cypriots.[53]

A year later EOKA revived its attempts to achieve the union of Cyprus with Greece.
Turkish Cypriots were recruited into the police by the British forces to fight
against Greek Cypriots, but EOKA initially did not want to open up a second front
against Turkish Cypriots. However, in January 1957, EOKA forces began targeting and
killing Turkish Cypriot police deliberately to provoke Turkish Cypriot riots in
Nicosia, which diverted the British army's attention away from their positions in
the mountains. In the riots, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and this was
presented by the Greek Cypriot leadership as an act of Turkish aggression.[54] The
Turkish Resistance Organization (TMT, Trk Mukavemet Tekilati) was formed
initially as a local initiative to prevent the union with Greece, which was seen by
the Turkish Cypriots as an existential threat due to the exodus of Cretan Turks
from Crete once the union with Greece was achieved. It was later supported and
organized directly by the Turkish government,[55] and the TMT declared war on the
Greek Cypriot rebels as well.[56]

On 12 June 1958, eight Greek Cypriot men from Kondemenos village, who were arrested
by the British police as part of an armed group suspected of preparing an attack
against the Turkish Cypriot quarter of Skylloura, were killed by the TMT near the
Turkish Cypriot populated village of Gnyeli, after being dropped off there by the
British authorities.[57] TMT also blew up the offices of the Turkish press office
in Nicosia to falsely put the blame onto the Greek Cypriots.[58][59] It also began
a string of assassinations and murders of prominent Turkish Cypriot supporters of
independence.[56][59] The following year, after the conclusion of the independence
agreements on Cyprus, the Turkish Navy sent a ship to Cyprus fully loaded with arms
for the TMT. The ship was stopped and the crew were caught red-handed in the
infamous "Deniz" incident.[60]

19601963[edit]

Ethnic map of Cyprus according to the 1960 census.

British rule lasted until 1960 when the island was declared an independent state
under the London-Zurich agreements. The agreement created a foundation for the
Republic of Cyprus by the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities, although
the republic was seen as a necessary compromise between the two reluctant
communities.[citation needed]

The 1960 Constitution of the Cyprus Republic proved unworkable however, lasting
only three years. Greek Cypriots wanted to end the separate Turkish Cypriot
municipal councils permitted by the British in 1958, made subject to review under
the 1960 agreements. For many Greek Cypriots these municipalities were the first
stage on the way to the partition they feared. The Greek Cypriots wanted enosis,
integration with Greece, while Turkish Cypriots wanted taksim, partition between
Greece and Turkey.[61][citation needed]

Resentment also rose within the Greek Cypriot community because Turkish Cypriots
had been given a larger share of governmental posts than the size of their
population warranted. In accordance with the constitution 30% of civil service jobs
were allocated to the Turkish community despite being only 18.3% of the population.
[62] Additionally, the position of vice president was reserved for the Turkish
population, and both the president and vice president were given veto power over
crucial issues.[63]

19631974[edit]
Main article: Cyprus intercommunal violence
In December 1963 the President of the Republic Makarios proposed thirteen
constitutional amendments after the government was blocked by Turkish Cypriot
legislators. Frustrated by these impasses and believing that the constitution
prevented enosis,[64] the Greek Cypriot leadership believed that the rights given
to Turkish Cypriots under the 1960 constitution were too extensive and had designed
the Akritas plan, which was aimed at reforming the constitution in favor of Greek
Cypriots, persuading the international community about the correctness of the
changes and violently subjugating Turkish Cypriots in a few days should they not
accept the plan.[65] The amendments would have involved the Turkish community
giving up many of their protections as a minority, including adjusting ethnic
quotas in the government and revoking the presidential and vice presidential veto
power.[63] These amendments were rejected by the Turkish side and the Turkish
representation left the government, although there is some dispute over whether
they left in protest or whether they were forced out by the National Guard. The
1960 constitution fell apart and communal violence erupted on December 21, 1963,
when two Turkish Cypriots were killed at an incident involving the Greek Cypriot
police.[65] Turkey, the UK and Greece, the guarantors of the Zrich and London
Agreements which had led to Cyprus' independence, wanted to send a NATO force to
the island under the command of General Peter Young.[citation needed]

Both President Makarios and Dr. Kk issued calls for peace, but these were
ignored. Meanwhile, within a week of the violence flaring up, the Turkish army
contingent had moved out of its barracks and seized the most strategic position on
the island across the Nicosia to Kyrenia road, the historic jugular vein of the
island. They retained control of that road until 1974, at which time it acted as a
crucial link in Turkey's military invasion. From 1963 up to the point of the
Turkish invasion of 20 July 1974, Greek Cypriots who wanted to use the road could
only do so if accompanied by a UN convoy.[66]

700 Turkish hostages, including women and children, were taken from the northern
suburbs of Nicosia. The violence resulted in the death of 364 Turkish and 174 Greek
Cypriots,[67] destruction of 109 Turkish Cypriot or mixed villages and displacement
of 25,00030,000 Turkish Cypriots.[68] The British Daily Telegraph later called it
the "anti Turkish pogrom".[69]

Thereafter Turkey once again put forward the idea of partition. The intensified
fighting especially around areas under the control of Turkish Cypriot militias, as
well as the failure of the constitution were used as justification for a possible
Turkish invasion. Turkey was on the brink of invading when US president Johnson
stated, in his famous letter of 5 June 1964, that the US was against a possible
invasion and stated that he would not come to the aid of Turkey if an invasion of
Cyprus led to conflict with the Soviet Union.[70] One month later, within the
framework of a plan prepared by the US Secretary of State, Dean Rusk, negotiations
with Greece and Turkey began.[71]

The crisis resulted in the end of the Turkish Cypriot involvement in the
administration and their claiming that it had lost its legitimacy;[68] the nature
of this event is still controversial. In some areas, Greek Cypriots prevented
Turkish Cypriots from travelling and entering government buildings, while some
Turkish Cypriots willingly refused to withdraw due to the calls of the Turkish
Cypriot administration.[72] They started living in enclaves in different areas that
were blockaded by the National Guard and were directly supported by Turkey. The
republic's structure was changed unilaterally by Makarios and Nicosia was divided
by the Green Line, with the deployment of UNFICYP troops.[68] In response to this,
their movement and access to basic supplies became more restricted by Greek forces.
[73]

Fighting broke out again in 1967, as the Turkish Cypriots pushed for more freedom
of movement. Once again, the situation was not settled until Turkey threatened to
invade on the basis that it would be protecting the Turkish population from ethnic
cleansing by Greek Cypriot forces. To avoid that, a compromise was reached for
Greece to be forced to remove some of its troops from the island; for Georgios
Grivas, EOKA leader, to be forced to leave Cyprus and for the Cypriot government to
lift some restrictions of movement and access to supplies of the Turkish
populations.[74]

Greek military coup and Turkish invasion[edit]

See also: Timeline of the 1974 Invasion of Cyprus, Military operations during the
Invasion of Cyprus (1974), and Air combat during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus
Greek military coup of July 1974[edit]
Main article: 1974 Cypriot coup d'tat
In the spring of 1974, Greek Cypriot intelligence discovered that EOKA-B was
planning a coup against President Makarios[75] which was sponsored by the military
junta of Athens.[76]

The junta had come to power in a military coup in 1967 which was condemned by the
whole of Europe but had the support of the United States. In the autumn of 1973
after the 17 November student uprising there had been a further coup in Athens in
which the original Greek junta had been replaced by one still more obscurantist
headed by the Chief of Military Police, Brigadier Ioannides, though the actual head
of state was General Phaedon Gizikis. Ioannides believed that Makarios was no
longer a true supporter of enosis, and suspected him of being a communist
sympathizer.[76] This led Ioannides to support the EOKA-B and National Guard as
they tried to undermine Makarios.[77]

On 2 July 1974, Makarios wrote an open letter to President Gizikis complaining

bluntly that 'cadres of the Greek military regime support and direct the activities
of the 'EOKA-B' terrorist organization'.[citation needed] He also ordered that
Greece remove some 600 Greek officers in the Cypriot National Guard from Cyprus.
[78] The Greek Government's immediate reply was to order the go-ahead of the coup.
On 15 July 1974 sections of the Cypriot National Guard, led by its Greek officers,
overthrew the government.[76]

Makarios narrowly escaped death in the attack. He fled the presidential palace from
its back door and went to Paphos, where the British managed to retrieve him by
Westland Whirlwind[citation needed] helicopter in the afternoon of 16 July and flew
him from Akrotiri to Malta in a Royal Air Force Armstrong Whitworth Argosy
transport and from there to London by de Havilland Comet the next morning.[76][79]

In the meantime, Nikos Sampson was declared provisional president of the new
government. Sampson was an ultra-nationalist, pro-Enosis combatant who was known to
be fanatically anti-Turkish and had taken part in violence against Turkish
civilians in earlier conflicts.[76][80]

The Sampson regime took over radio stations and declared that Makarios had been
killed,[76] but Makarios, safe in London, was soon able to counteract these
reports.[81] In the coup itself, 91 people were killed.[citation needed] The
Turkish-Cypriots were not affected by the coup against Makarios; one of the reasons
was that Ioannides did not want to provoke a Turkish reaction.[82][page needed]

In response to the coup, US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger sent Joseph Sisco to
try to mediate the conflict.[76] Turkey issued a list of demands to Greece via a US
negotiator. These demands included the immediate removal of Nikos Sampson, the
withdrawal of 650 Greek officers from the Cypriot National Guard, the admission of
Turkish troops to protect their population, equal rights for both populations, and
access to the sea from the northern coast for Turkish Cypriots.[83] Turkey, led by
Prime Minister Blent Ecevit, then applied to Britain as a signatory of the Treaty
of Guarantee to take action to return Cyprus to its neutral status. Britain
declined this offer, and refused to let Turkey use its bases on Cyprus as part of
the operation.[84]

First Turkish invasion, July 1974[edit]

Main article: Military operations during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus

Location of Turkish forces during the late hours of 20 July 1974.

Turkey invaded Cyprus on Saturday, 20 July 1974. Heavily armed troops landed
shortly before dawn at Kyrenia (Girne) on the northern coast meeting resistance
from Greek and Greek Cypriot forces. Ankara said that it was invoking its right
under the Treaty of Guarantee to protect the Turkish Cypriots and guarantee the
independence of Cyprus.[85] The operation, codenamed 'Operation Atilla', is known
in the North as 'the 1974 Peace Operation'.

By the time the UN Security Council was able to obtain a ceasefire on 22 July the
Turkish forces were in command of a narrow path between Kyrenia and Nicosia, 3% of
the territory of Cyprus,[86] which they succeeded in widening, violating the
ceasefire demanded in Resolution 353.[87][88][89]

On 20 July, the 10,000 inhabitants of the Turkish Cypriot enclave of Limassol

surrendered to the Cypriot National Guard. Following this, according to Turkish
Cypriot and Greek Cypriot eyewitness accounts, the Turkish Cypriot quarter was
burned, women raped and children shot.[90][91] 1,300 Turkish Cypriots were confined
in a prison camp afterwards.[92] The enclave in Famagusta was subjected to shelling
and the Turkish Cypriot town of Lefka was occupied by Greek Cypriot troops.[93]

According to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the prisoners of war
taken at this stage and before the second invasion included 385 Greek Cypriots in
Adana, 63 Greek Cypriots in the Saray Prison and 3,268 Turkish Cypriots in various
camps in Cyprus.[94]

Collapse of the Greek junta and peace talks[edit]

On 23 July 1974 the Greek military junta collapsed mainly because of the events in
Cyprus. Greek political leaders in exile started returning to the country. On 24
July 1974 Constantine Karamanlis returned from Paris and was sworn in as Prime
Minister. He kept Greece from entering the war, an act that was highly criticized
as an act of treason. Shortly after this Nikos Sampson renounced the presidency and
Glafcos Clerides temporarily took the role of president.[95]

The first round of peace talks took place in Geneva, Switzerland between 25 and 30
July 1974, James Callaghan, the British Foreign Secretary, having summoned a
conference of the three guarantor powers. There they issued a declaration that the
Turkish occupation zone should not be extended, that the Turkish enclaves should
immediately be evacuated by the Greeks, and that a further conference should be
held at Geneva with the two Cypriot communities present to restore peace and re-
establish constitutional government. In advance of this they made two observations,
one upholding the 1960 constitution, the other appearing to abandon it. They called
for the Turkish Vice-President to resume his functions, but they also noted 'the
existence in practice of two autonomous administrations, that of the Greek Cypriot
community and that of the Turkish Cypriot community'.

By the time that the second Geneva conference met on 14 August 1974, international
sympathy (which had been with the Turks in their first attack) was swinging back
towards Greece now that she had restored democracy. At the second round of peace
talks, Turkey demanded that the Cypriot government accept its plan for a federal
state, and population transfer.[96] When the Cypriot acting president Clerides
asked for 36 to 48 hours in order to consult with Athens and with Greek Cypriot
leaders, the Turkish Foreign Minister denied Clerides that opportunity on the
grounds that Makarios and others would use it to play for more time.[97]

Second Turkish invasion, 1416 August 1974[edit]

Map showing the division of Cyprus.

The Turkish Foreign Minister Turan Gne had said to the Prime Minister Blent
Ecevit, "When I say 'Aye[a] should go on vacation' (Turkish: "Aye Tatile
iksin"), it will mean that our armed forces are ready to go into action. Even if
the telephone line is tapped, that would rouse no suspicion."[99] An hour and a
half after the conference broke up, Turan Gne called Ecevit and said the code
phrase. On 14 August Turkey launched its "Second Peace Operation", which eventually
resulted in the Turkish occupation of 40% of Cyprus. Britain's then foreign
secretary (later prime minister) James Callaghan later disclosed that U.S.
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger "vetoed" at least one British military action to
pre-empt the Turkish landing. 40% of the land came under Turkish occupation
reaching as far south as the Louroujina Salient.

In the process, many Greek Cypriots became refugees. The number of refugees is
estimated to be between 140,000 and 160,000.[100] The ceasefire line from 1974
separates the two communities on the island, and is commonly referred to as the
Green Line.
After the conflict, Cypriot representatives and the United Nations consented to the
transfer of the remainder of the 51,000 Turkish Cypriots that had not left their
homes in the south to settle in the north, if they wished to do so.

The United Nations Security Council has challenged the legality of Turkey's action,
because Article Four of the Treaty of Guarantee gives the right to guarantors to
take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs.[101] The
aftermath of Turkey's invasion, however, did not safeguard the Republic's
sovereignty and territorial integrity, but had the opposite effect: the de facto
partition of the Republic and the creation of a separate political entity in the
north. On 13 February 1975, Turkey declared the occupied areas of the Republic of
Cyprus to be a "Federated Turkish State", to the universal condemnation of the
international community (see United Nations Security Council Resolution 367).[102]
The United Nations recognizes the sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus according
to the terms of its independence in 1960. The conflict continues to affect Turkey's
relations with Cyprus, Greece, and the European Union.

Note

Jump up ^ Aye is a daughter of Turan Gne, today Aye Gne Ayata[98]

Atrocities and human right abuses[edit]
Atrocities and/or human right abuses towards the civilian Greek Cypriot and Turkish
Cypriot communities have been committed.

Against Greek Cypriots[edit]

Varosha (Mara), a suburb of Famagusta, was abandoned when its inhabitants fled in
1974 and remains under military control
Turkey was found guilty by the European Commission of Human Rights for displacement
of persons, deprivation of liberty, ill treatment, deprivation of life and
deprivation of possessions.[103] The Turkish policy of violently forcing a third of
the island's Greek population from their homes in the occupied North, preventing
their return and settling Turks from the mainland there is considered an example of
ethnic cleansing.[104][105][106][107][108][109][110][111][112][113][114][115][116]
[117]

In 1976 and again in 1983, the European Commission of Human Rights found Turkey
guilty of repeated violations of the European Convention of Human Rights. Turkey
has been condemned for preventing the return of Greek Cypriot refugees to their
properties.[118] The European Commission of Human Rights reports of 1976 and 1983
state the following:

Having found violations of a number of Articles of the Convention, the Commission

notes that the acts violating the Convention were exclusively directed against
members of one of two communities in Cyprus, namely the Greek Cypriot community. It
concludes by eleven votes to three that Turkey has thus failed to secure the rights
and freedoms set forth in these Articles without discrimination on the grounds of
ethnic origin, race, religion as required by Article 14 of the Convention.

Enclaved Greek Cypriots in the Karpass Peninsula in 1975 were subjected by the
Turks to violations of their human rights so that by 2001 when the European Court
of Human Rights found Turkey guilty of the violation of 14 articles of the European
Convention of Human Rights in its judgement of Cyprus v. Turkey (application no.
25781/94), less than 600 still remained. In the same judgement, Turkey was found
guilty of violating the rights of the Turkish Cypriots by authorising the trial of
civilians by a military court.[119]

The European commission of Human Rights with 12 votes against 1, accepted evidence
from the Republic of Cyprus, concerning the rapes of various Greek-Cypriot women by
Turkish soldiers and the torture of many Greek-Cypriot prisoners during the
invasion of the island.[120] The high rate of rape resulted in the temporary
permission of abortion in Cyprus by the conservative Cypriot Orthodox Church.[121]
[122] According to Paul Sant Cassia, rape was used systematically to "soften"
resistance and clear civilian areas through fear. Many of the atrocities were seen
as revenge for the atrocities against Turkish Cypriots in 196364 and the massacres
during the first invasion.[123] In the Karpass Peninsula, a group of Turkish
Cypriots, called a "death squad", reportedly chose young girls to rape and
impregnated teenage girls. There were cases of rapes, which included gang rapes, of
teenage girls by Turkish soldiers and Turkish Cypriot men in the peninsula, and one
case involved the rape of an old Greek Cypriot man by a Turkish Cypriot. The man
was reportedly identified by the victim and two other rapists were also arrested.
Raped women were sometimes outcast from society.[124]

Against Turkish Cypriots[edit]

Locations of Turkish Cypriot villages that were targeted in major massacres by

Greek Cypriot forces
Atrocities against the Turkish Cypriot community were committed during the invasion
of the island. In the Maratha, Santalaris and Aloda massacre by EOKA B, 126 people
were killed on 14 August 1974.[125][126] The United Nations described the massacre
as a crime against humanity, by saying "constituting a further crime against
humanity committed by the Greek and Greek Cypriot gunmen."[127] In the Tochni
(Takent) massacre, 85 Turkish inhabitants were massacred.[128]

The Washington Post covered another news of atrocity in which it is written that:
"In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village near Limassol, 36 people out of a
population of 200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to
kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces
arrived."[129]

In Limassol, upon the fall of the Turkish Cypriot enclave to the Cypriot National
Guard, the Turkish Cypriot quarter was burned, women raped and children shot
according to Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot eyewitness accounts.[90][91] The
rapes reportedly included those of "very young girls", who were brought back home
after being raped and "thrown over the threshold".[124] 1300 people were then led
to a prison camp.[92]

Missing persons[edit]

Greek Cypriot prisoners taken to Adana camps in Turkey

The issue of missing persons in Cyprus took a new turn in the summer of 2007 when
the UN-sponsored Committee on Missing Persons (CMP)[130] began returning remains of
identified missing individuals to their families (see end of section).

However, since 2004, the whole issue of missing persons in Cyprus took a new turn
after the Committee on Missing Persons (CMP)[citation needed][131] designed and
started to implement (as from August 2006) its project on the Exhumation,
Identification and Return of Remains of Missing Persons. The whole project is being
implemented by bi-communal teams of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriot scientists
(archaeologists, anthropologists and geneticists) under the overall responsibility
of the CMP. By the end of 2007, 57 individuals had been identified and their
remains returned to their families.[citation needed]

The missing persons list of the Republic of Cyprus confirms that 83 Turkish
Cypriots disappeared in Tochni on 14 August 1974.[132] Also, as a result of the
invasion, over 2000 Greek-Cypriot prisoners of war were taken to Turkey and
detained in Turkish prisons. Some of them were not released and are still missing.
In particular, the Committee on Missing Persons (CMP) in Cyprus, which operates
under the auspices of the United Nations, is mandated to investigate approximately
1600 cases of Greek Cypriot and Greek missing persons.[133]

Destruction of cultural heritage[edit]

A view from the interior of Antiphonitis, where frescoes have been looted
In 1989, the government of Cyprus took an American art dealer to court for the
return of four rare 6th-century Byzantine mosaics that survived an edict by the
Byzantine Emperor, imposing the destruction of all images of sacred figures. Cyprus
won the case, and the mosaics were eventually returned.[134] In October 1997, Aydin
Dikmen, who had sold the mosaics, was arrested in Germany in a police raid and
found to be in possession of a stash consisting of mosaics, frescoes and icons
dating back to the 6th, 12th and 15th centuries, worth over $50 million. The
mosaics, depicting Saints Thaddeus and Thomas, are two more sections from the apse
of the Kanakaria Church, while the frescoes, including the Last Judgement and the
Tree of Jesse, were taken off the north and south walls of the Monastery of
Antiphonitis, built between the 12th and 15th centuries.[135] Frescoes found in
possession of Dikmen included those from the 11th12th century Church of Panagia
Pergaminiotisa in Akanthou, which had been completely stripped of its ornate
frescoes.[136]

According to a Greek Cypriot claim, since 1974, at least 55 churches have been
converted into mosques and another 50 churches and monasteries have been converted
into stables, stores, hostels, or museums, or have been demolished.[137] According
to the government spokesman of the de facto Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus,
this has been done to keep the buildings from falling into ruin.[138]

In January 2011, the British singer Boy George returned an 18th-century icon of
Christ to the Church of Cyprus that he had bought without knowing the origin. The
icon, which had adorned his home for 26 years, had been looted from the church of
St Charalampus from the village of New Chorio, near Kythrea, in 1974. The icon was
noticed by church officials during a television interview of Boy George at his
home. The church contacted the singer who agreed to return the icon at Saints
Anargyroi Church, Highgate, north London.[139][140][141]

Opinions[edit]
Turkish Cypriot[edit]
Turkish Cypriot opinion quotes President Archbishop Makarios III, overthrown by the
Greek Junta in the 1974 coup, who opposed immediate Enosis (union between Cyprus
and Greece). Makarios described the coup which replaced him as "an invasion of
Cyprus by Greece" in his speech to the UN security council and stated that there
were "no prospects" of success in the talks aimed at resolving the situation
between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, as long as the leaders of the coup, sponsored
and supported by Greece, were in power.[142]

In Resolution 573, the Council of Europe supported the legality of the first wave
of the Turkish invasion that occurred in July 1974, as per Article 4 of the
Guarantee Treaty of 1960,[143][144] which allows Turkey, Greece, and the United
Kingdom to unilaterally intervene militarily in failure of a multilateral response
to crisis in Cyprus.[145] The Court of Appeal in Athens further stated in 1979 that
the first wave of the Turkish invasion was legal and that "The real culprits... are
the Greek officers who engineered and staged a coup and prepared the conditions for
the invasion".[146]

Greek Cypriot[edit]
Greek Cypriots have claimed that the invasion and subsequent actions by Turkey have
been diplomatic ploys, furthered by ultranationalist Turkish militants to justify
expansionist Pan-Turkism. They have also criticized the perceived failure of
Turkish intervention to achieve or justify its stated goals (protecting the
sovereignty, integrity, and independence of the Republic of Cyprus), claiming that
Turkey's intentions from the beginning were to create the state of Northern Cyprus.

Greek Cypriots have also claimed that the second wave of the Turkish invasion that
occurred in August 1974, even after the Greek Junta had collapsed on 24 July 1974
and the democratic government of the Republic of Cyprus had been restored under
Glafkos Clerides, did not constitute a justified intervention as had been the case
with the first wave of the Turkish invasion that led to the Junta's collapse.

The stationing of 40,000 Turkish troops on Northern Cyprus after the invasion in
violation of resolutions by the United Nations has also been criticized.

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 353, adopted unanimously on 20 July
1974, in response to the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, the Council demanded the
immediate withdrawal of all foreign military personnel present in the Republic of
Cyprus in contravention of paragraph 1 of the United Nations Charter.[147]

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 360 adopted on 16 August 1974
declared their respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity
of the Republic of Cyprus, and formally recorded its disapproval of the unilateral
military actions taken against it by Turkey.[148]

Aftermath[edit]
Declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus[edit]

Flag of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, an entity recognised only by

Turkey
In 1983 the Turkish Cypriot assembly declared independence of the Turkish Republic
of Northern Cyprus. Immediately upon this declaration Britain convened a meeting of
the United Nations Security Council to condemn the declaration as "legally
invalid". United Nations Security Council Resolution 541 (1983) considered the
"attempt to create the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is invalid, and will
contribute to a worsening of the situation in Cyprus". It went on to state that it
"Considers the declaration referred to above as legally invalid and calls for its
withdrawal".

In the following year UN resolution 550 (1984) condemned the "exchange of

Ambassadors" between Turkey and the TRNC and went on to add that the Security
Council "Considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people other than its
inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the
administration of the United Nations".[149]

Neither Turkey nor the TRNC have complied with the above resolutions and Varosha
remains uninhabited.[149]

On 22 July 2010, United Nations' International Court of Justice decided that

"International law contains no prohibition on declarations of independence". In
response to this non legally binding direction, German Foreign Minister Guido
Westerwelle said it "has nothing to do with any other cases in the world" including
Cyprus.[150]

Ongoing negotiations[edit]
Further information: Cyprus dispute EU accession and the settlement process,
1997present

Proposed flag of the United Republic of Cyprus under the Annan Plan
The United Nations Security Council decisions for the immediate unconditional
withdrawal of all foreign troops from Cyprus soil and the safe return of the
refugees to their homes have not been implemented by Turkey and the TRNC.[151]
Turkey and TRNC defend their position, stating that any such withdrawal would have
led to a resumption of intercommunal fighting and killing.

In 1999, UNHCR halted its assistance activities for internally displaced persons in
Cyprus.[152]

Negotiations to find a solution to the Cyprus problem have been taking place on and
off since 1964. Between 1974 and 2002, the Turkish Cypriot side was seen by the
international community as the side refusing a balanced solution. Since 2002, the
situation has been reversed according to US and UK officials, and the Greek Cypriot
side rejected a plan which would have called for the dissolution of the Republic of
Cyprus without guarantees that the Turkish occupation forces would be removed. The
latest Annan Plan to reunify the island which was endorsed by the United States,
United Kingdom and Turkey was accepted by a referendum by Turkish Cypriots but
overwhelmingly rejected in parallel referendum by Greek Cypriots, after the Greek
Cypriot Leadership and Greek Orthodox Church urged the Greek population to vote No.
[153]

Greek Cypriots rejected the UN settlement plan in an April 2004 referendum. On 24

April 2004, the Greek Cypriots rejected by a three-to-one margin the plan proposed
by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the settlement of the Cyprus dispute. The
plan, which was approved by a two-to-one margin by the Turkish Cypriots in a
separate but simultaneous referendum, would have created a United Cyprus Republic
and ensured that the entire island would reap the benefits of Cyprus' entry into
the European Union on 1 May. The plan would have created a United Cyprus Republic
consisting of a Greek Cypriot constituent state and a Turkish Cypriot constituent
state linked by a federal government. More than half of the Greek Cypriots who were
displaced in 1974 and their descendants would have had their properties returned to
them and would have lived in them under Greek Cypriot administration within a
period of 31/2 to 42 months after the entry into force of the settlement. For those
whose property could not be returned, they would have received monetary
compensation.

Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

The entire island entered the EU on 1 May 2004 still divided, although the EU
acquis communautaire the body of common rights and obligations applies only to
the areas under direct government control, and is suspended in the areas occupied
by the Turkish military and administered by Turkish Cypriots. However, individual
Turkish Cypriots able to document their eligibility for Republic of Cyprus
citizenship legally enjoy the same rights accorded to other citizens of European
Union states.[citation needed] Nicosia continues to oppose EU efforts to establish
direct trade and economic links to TRNC as a way of encouraging the Turkish Cypriot
community to continue to support the resolution of the Cyprus dispute.

Atatrk Square, North Nicosia

Turkish settlers[edit]
Main article: Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus
As a result of the Turkish invasion, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of
Europe stated that the demographic structure of the island has been continuously
modified as a result of the deliberate policies of the Turks. Following the
occupation of Northern Cyprus, civilian settlers from Turkey began arriving on the
island. Despite the lack of consensus on the exact figures, all parties concerned
admitted that Turkish nationals began arriving in the northern part of the island
in 1975.[154] It was suggested that over 120,000 settlers came to Cyprus from
mainland Turkey.[154][dead link] This was a violation of the Article 49 of the
Fourth Geneva Convention, which prohibits an occupier from transferring or
deporting parts of its own civilian population into an occupied territory.[155]
UN Resolution 1987/19 (1987) of the "Sub-Commission On Prevention Of Discrimination
And Protection Of Minorities", which was adopted on 2 September 1987, demanded "the
full restoration of all human rights to the whole population of Cyprus, including
the freedom of movement, the freedom of settlement and the right to property" and
also expressed "its concern also at the policy and practice of the implantation of
settlers in the occupied territories of Cyprus which constitute a form of
colonialism and attempt to change illegally the demographic structure of Cyprus".

In a report prepared by Mete Hatay on behalf of PRIO, the Oslo peace center, it was
estimated that the number of Turkish mainlanders in the north who have been granted
the right to vote is 37,000. This figure however excludes mainlanders who are
married to Turkish Cypriots or adult children of mainland settlers as well as all
minors. The report also estimates the number of Turkish mainlanders who have not
been granted the right to vote, whom it labels as "transients", at a further
105,000.[156]

United States arms embargo on Turkey and Republic of Cyprus[edit]

After the hostilities of 1974, the United States applied an arms embargo on both
Turkey and Cyprus. The embargo on Turkey was lifted after 3 years by President
Jimmy Carter, whereas the embargo on Cyprus remained in place for longer.[157] The
embargo of arms was officially enforced on 18th November 1992 [158].

See also[edit]
flag Turkey portal
flag Greece portal
Cyprus portal
War portal
icon 1970s portal
Timeline of events in Cyprus, 1974
1974 Battle of Pentemili beachhead
1964 Battle of Tylliria
1974 Military operations during the Invasion of Cyprus
1974 Reported Military Losses during the Invasion of Cyprus
Cypriot refugees
Cyprus Air Forces
Cyprus National Guard
Cyprus Navy and Marine Police
Cyprus under the Ottoman Empire
Rodger P. Davies
Enclaved Greek Cypriots
Greco-Turkish relations
Military Equipment of Cyprus
Modern history of Cyprus
Turkish Cypriot Enclaves
List of modern conflicts in the Middle East
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Iletiim Yayinlari, 1995, ISBN 975-470-510-0, p. 34.
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York: Praeger. p. 6. ISBN 0-275-97072-8.
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York: Routledge. p. 48. ISBN 0-415-30413-X.
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thrive The Greenwood Press "Endangered peoples of the world" series Endangered
peoples of the world, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001, 0313310068, 9780313310065,
p. 53
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minorities in Europe: from the Edict of Nantes to the present day, Palgrave
Macmillan, 2000. ISBN 0-312-23556-9, ISBN 978-0-312-23556-7, p. 207
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Foundation, 2002, ISBN 1-889247-05-7, ISBN 978-1-889247-05-2, p. 236
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2005, ISBN 1-85043-580-4, ISBN 978-1-85043-580-8, p. 147
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University Press, 1998, ISBN 0-19-820538-4, ISBN 978-0-19-820538-8
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studies yearbook, ???? 9, University of Minnesota, 1993, p.577
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world, Making of the contemporary world, Routledge, 1999, ISBN 0-415-18327-8, ISBN
978-0-415-18327-7, p. 52
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Analysis, Kokkalis Foundation, NATO and southeastern Europe: security issues for
the early 21st century, a publication of the Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis
& the Kokkalis Foundation, Brassey's, 2000, ISBN 1-57488-289-9, ISBN 978-1-57488-
289-6, p. 187
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Applications 6780/74 and 6950/75" , Council of Europe, 1976, p. 120,124.
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Transnational Feminist Practices. University of Minnesota Press. p. 65. ISBN
9780816621385.
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Law in Cyprus. Kluwer Law International. p. 179. ISBN 9789041134387.
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Missing Persons in Cyprus, Berghahn Books, 2007, ISBN 978-1-84545-228-5,
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the Republic of Cyprus) Retrieved on March 2, 2012.
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Council of Europe. "Regretting the failure of the attempt to reach a diplomatic
settlement which led the Turkish Government to exercise its right of intervention
in accordance with Article 4 of the Guarantee Treaty of 1960."
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establishing the state of affairs created by the present Treaty."
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Further reading[edit]
Official publications and sources[edit]
The House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee report on Cyprus.
1st Report of the European Commission of Human Rights; Turkey's invasion in Cyprus
and aftermath (20 July 1974 18 May 1976)
2nd Report of the European Commission of Human Rights; Turkey's invasion in Cyprus
and aftermath (19 May 1976 to 10 February 1983)
European Court of Human Rights Case of Cyprus v. Turkey (Application no. 25781/94)
Books and articles[edit]
James H. Meyer, "Policy Watershed: Turkeys Cyprus Policy and the Interventions of
1974", Princeton University Press
Brendan O'Malley and Ian Craig, "The Cyprus Conspiracy" (London: IB Tauris 1999)
Christopher Hitchens, "Hostage to History: Cyprus from the Ottomans to Kissinger"
(New York: Verso, 1997)
Christopher Hitchens, "The Trial of Henry Kissinger" (Verso, 2001)
Christopher Hitchens, "Cyprus" (Quartet, 1984)
Christopher Brewin, "European Union and Cyprus" (Huntingdon: Eothen Press, 2000)
Claude Nicolet, "United States Policy Towards Cyprus, 19541974" (Mannheim:
Bibliopolis, 2001)
Dudley Barker, "Grivas, Portrait of a Terrorist" (New York Harcourt: Brace and
Company 2005)
Farid Mirbagheri, "Cyprus and International Peacemaking" (London: Hurst, 1989)
James Ker-Lindsay, "EU Accession and UN Peacemaking in Cyprus" (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2005)
Pierre Oberling, "The Road to Bellapais: the Turkish Cypriot exodus to northern
Cyprus" (Social Science Monographs, 1982)
Nancy Cranshaw, "The Cyprus Revolt: An Account of the Struggle for Union with
Greece" (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1978)
Oliver Richmond, "Mediating in Cyprus" (London: Frank Cass, 1998)
Dr. Stavros Panteli, "The history of modern Cyprus", Topline Publishing, ISBN 0-
948853-32-8
Marios Adamides-The Tragic Duel and the Betrayal of Cyprus-2012
Other sources[edit]
ITN documentary, Cyprus, Britain's Grim Legacy
Channel 4 Television documentary, Secret History Dead or Alive?
CIA World Factbook
UN Chronicle
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
Cyprus-conflict.net a neutral educational website on the conflict
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Cyprus articles
Categories: Turkish invasion of CyprusConflicts in 1974Cyprus disputeHistory of
CyprusHistory of Northern CyprusInvasions of CyprusInvasions by TurkeyMilitary
history of CyprusWars involving CyprusWars involving Turkey1974 in Cyprus1974 in
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