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NORGES HANDELSHØYSKOLE
This thesis was written as a part of the Master of Science in Economics and Business
Administration program - Major in International Business. Neither the institution, nor the
advisor is responsible for the theories and methods used, or the results and conclusions
drawn, through the approval of this thesis.
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Preface
This thesis is written by Erkut Duranoglu and Guzide Okutucu, two M.Sc. students
at Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration (NHH), under the
supervision of Associate Professor Stig Tenold. The aim of answering the question
of ”How did the Ottoman Empire economically decline?” is to show, the domestic
and international reasons of decline in terms of economic aspects. Although the
authors considered comparing Ottoman economic history with today’s modern
Turkish economic history, it is not included in this study since there was a time
limitation for preparation.
Eleven main economic factors that influenced the decline of the empire are
analyzed in the “Analysis” part. While some of these factors had global effects,
some of them were specific to the Ottoman Empire.
In the first part of the thesis; the part titled with “Research Design”, the aim of the
paper is discussed in details with important questions to be answered throughout
the paper.
After the research design part, “Theoretical Background” of the paper is prepared in
order to follow the paper in the light of the relevant theories of economics.
Before the analysis part of the thesis, in the “Introduction” part, the reader can find a
brief history of the Ottoman Empire starting from the 13th century up to 17th century
including a brief explanation of the empire’s longevity and the developments in the
decline period of the empire.
Limitations that the authors came across during the writing process and further
research suggestions are mentioned in the “Limitations and Implications for Further
Research” part.
At the end of the paper, the reader can find the “Conclusion” part where authors
discuss and weigh the various points that they described.
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Abstract
This study addresses the economic reasons of the decline and fall of the Ottoman
Empire. On the contrary to the previous researches, by undertaking both global and
domestic developments, the paper examines the decline of the empire from an
economical point of perspective. Although international developments such as
industrialization in European countries, pressure on the Ottomans in terms of
integrating with the world economy, global economic factors like depressions and
wars, as well as domestic factors such as weaknesses of the central government in
rural areas, traditional style of governing and structure of economic institutions along
with demographic characteristics of the empire had great influence on the decline,
the main reason is found to be the inability of the empire to adapt itself to the both
internal and external changes and not being resilient which resulted in significant
economical trauma.
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Acknowledgement
In the process of writing our Master thesis, we would like to thank many people for
their unsparing support and help. First we would like to thank our instructor of
international economic history class and also our supervisor, associate professor
Stig Tenold for his untiring efforts, support and guidance. Secondly, we would like to
thank Bilkent University’s library staff especially Hakan Arslan responsible of Halil
Inalcik’s Ottoman History collection, for their help and providing valuable sources.
Finally, we would like to thank our dear families for their never-ending support and
two best friends Burak and Didem for their insight and patience.
Ankara, 2009
Contents
PREFACE .............................................................................................................................................. 2
ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................... 3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .................................................................................................................... 4
CONTENTS ........................................................................................................................................... 5
5.1.1
Growth Models Explaining the Influence of Industrialization and International Trade on
Economic Growth ....................................................................................................................... 27
5.6.1 Debts...............................................................................................................................46
5.11.2 How Ready was Ottoman Empire for a Long Term War? ........................................... 76
1. Glossary
Ayan: The term ayan was used in the Ottoman Empire to refer to a variety of elites,
particularly landed notables in either cities or the countryside.
Duyun-i Umumiye: (Office of Public Debt) Established in 1881 that oversaw tax
collection and debt payments of the Ottoman Empire.
Enderun: was a free-boarding school for the Christian Millet (captive people) of the
Ottoman Empire, forced conscription and conversion to Islam. Enderun was fairly
successful in this forceful transculturation of students, which produced many
Ottoman statesmen. Enderun School functioned strictly for bureaucratic purposes,
and ideally the graduates were permanently devoted to government service and had
no interest in forming relations with lower social groups.
Esham: was equivalent to a long-term loan, making it possible for the Ottomans to
stave off foreign indebtedness until the 19th century.
Iltizam: was a form of tax farm that appeared in the 17th century in Ottoman Egypt.
Iltizams were sold off by the government to wealthy notables, who would then reap
up to five times the amount they had paid by taxing the peasants and extracting
agricultural production
Inebahti: The five-hour battle which was fought at the northern edge of the Gulf of
Patras, off western Greece, where the Ottoman forces sailing westwards from their
naval station in Lepanto met the Holy League forces, which had come from
Messina, on the morning of Sunday, 7 October 1571. The battle gave the Holy
League temporary control over the Mediterranean, protected Rome from invasion,
and prevented the Ottomans from advancing into Europe. This was the last major
naval battle to be fought solely between rowing vessels.
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Miri mubayaa: is a policy imposing a kind of tariff to facilitate the supply of goods
and services for the Ottomans at a price usually lower than the market levels.
Narh lists: are the lists including the prices of goods and services, which were
determined by the government
Nizam-i Cedid: (new order) was a series of reforms carried out by the Ottoman
Empire sultan Selim III during the late 18th century in a drive to catch up militarily
and politically with the western powers.
Sened-i Ittifak: (The Alliance Treaty) was an agreement with ayans including some
constitutional attributions.
Timar: is a land granted by the Ottoman Sultans between the 14th and 16th
centuries. The revenues produced on this land acted as compensation for military
service.
Turkmen: are Turkic people located primarily in the Central Asian states of
Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, northern Iraq and northeastern Iran.
Ulema: It refers to the educated class of Muslim legal scholars engaged in the
several fields of Islamic studies
Yeniceri: (janissary) Comprised infantry units that formed the Ottoman sultan's
household troops and bodyguards.
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2. Research Design
3. Introduction
From the Balkans and the Black Sea to the Syria, Mesopotamia over Anatolia
including Basra Gulf, Egypt and North Africa; Ottoman Empire was holding the most
important international trade routes and crossroads. During the period between 17th
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and 18th centuries, the population was over 30 million including many different
ethnic origins. It is naturally expected of this fact to attract attention of many
historians. However, long wars during the 17th century, turned the balance against
Ottoman but in favor of Europe. In the 18th century, the empire became dependent
to the Europe in terms of economics and politics (Inalcik, 2006, p.9).
Unfortunately, for many years economic historians were neglecting the structure of
this huge empire’s land policies, factories, economic policies and the daily life of its
society. Thus longevity and durability of this empire remained for most of the people
as a paranormal fact or like mystery.
It would be proper if we consider this giant empire lived for six hundred years as a
bureaucratic agricultural empire. All of its economical institutions and policies
formed according to the priorities of the central bureaucracy.
Unlike others, the Ottoman Empire was a so desirable piece of property that it
remarkably remained independent until 1900. Holding the whip hand of the large
part of Asia and Europe was the most interesting development in the history. In the
13th century, Ottomans were ruling only one of the Turkmen beyliks that surrounded
the Byzantine Empire during its period of decline. In two centuries, Ottomans
established an empire including not only Southeastern Europe and Byzantines lands
in Anatolia but also, Hungary and Arabian lands (Shaw, 2004, p.17). The empire
stood on important trade routes, and it was the site of the most important Christian
religious shrines. Besides, it was a great potential as a producer of agricultural
products and raw materials for the markets of any colonizer. Therefore, we should
first ask, “how did the Ottomans survive so long?” (McCarthy, 2001, p. 6) before
answering the question, “how did the Ottomans become economically backward? ”
Flexibility and pragmatism means that in the modifications of the institutions and the
policies applied; Ottomans were able to conduct without being dependent to the
strict rules, customs and traditions, religion, old behavioral patterns and hostilities. In
the Anatolia and the Balkans where Muslims and Christians, Turkish and Greek
languages live together; their adaptation ability and gathering different talents from
many different sources were the crucial factor behind Ottoman’s success and
longevity (Pamuk, 2009, p.3).
Ottomans embraced firearms more effectively and earlier than its neighbors.
Ottomans were untroubled to learn from other nations and borrowing their
institutions while conquering and expanding the empire. They managed to take local
elites’ support by negotiating in the places where the empire cannot establish full
sovereignty. In another words, contrary to expectations, Ottomans followed flexible
and pragmatic behavioral patterns rather than following religious rules (Heath, 2003
& Kafadar, 1995).
It may well be argued that flexible, pragmatic and negotiator Ottomans achieved to
move their empire into modern era while many other European and Asian states
collapsed. Pamuk do not argue that Ottomans performed necessary institutional
changes on the way of capitalism before the 19th century however thanks to
Ottoman society and bureaucracy, which carried out some changes leaded to
improvements starting before Tanzimat, Ottoman Empire existed for longer in the
history. It is important to note that although some of the institutions in the empire
altered, traditional genuine Ottoman organizations such as government ownership
on land, trade guilds, averted private capital accumulation remained the same until
the 19th century (2009, p.3).
control over North Africa. Therefore, naval forces in Tripoli, Tunisia and Algeria were
no more acting under the rule of sultan and these places became the nest of pirates
who were acting in favor of their own priorities. Starting from the beginning of 17th
century, the central government was losing control over distant states. In the Black
Sea region, the empire couldn’t oppose to Kazakhs. They concentrated their
pressure on coasts; and burned down Sinop in 1614 and Yenikoy in 1625. There
was no security in the Black Sea region, which was the Ottomans’ one of the most
important economic vessels, and Ottomans’ volume of trade and number of harbors
started to decline (Inalcik, 2006, p.46-47).
Another factor that influenced the Ottoman Empire’s economy was the motivation of
looking for new routes to transport silk from Iran to Europe. Anatolia was the
passing route for Iranian silk and European wools. British fabrics were sent to
Middle Asia by passing through Anatolia until the end of the 16th century. The
Ottoman Empire obtained considerable amount of income from custom duties of this
trade. However, when Shah Abbas (king of Iran) challenged Ottomans in 1603, he
restricted sales of silk to Ottomans, and in order to prevent the scarcity of gold and
silver provided from this trade, he started to sell silk directly to Europe through the
Indian Sea. By this restriction, Ottomans lost its status in silk trade, which was one
of its major income sources. In addition to the transition of Indian trade to Atlantic
Ocean in which Britain and Holland were dominant, trade route in Europe and
Middle Asia began to be controlled by Russia. Thus, the control of the Ottoman
Empire became limited with Balkans and Arabian regions in the beginning of the
17th century (ibid.).
On the contrary, professor Halil Inalcik (2006) claims that the reasons for the decline
of the Ottoman Empire were mainly domestic factors (p.51). Until 1580s, Ottomans
were seen as harmonic and stable within their own system and ideals. Maintaining
the ratio between gold and silver in coins was an important indicator of economic
and social stability and Ottomans achieved that for seventy years. Producer class
knew how much tax they would pay and officers protected poor local people. Central
government was powerful. Every member of every social class was recorded in
books. The empire was self-sufficient in terms of its basic needs. The main imports
were luxury goods like Iranian silk, European wools and Russian fur. However, in
thirty years, this glorious structure would be shaked from its foundation. Managers
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who had future concerns started to oppose to authority of the sultan. They didn’t
take law into consideration and stole from the national treasury. Harshness,
profiteering, bribe and other corruptions were spread with the increase in domestic
chaos (ibid.). Increase in population from the beginning of the 16th century and
dissolution of timar system (which will be explained in the later chapters) at the end
of this century, ignorance attitude to the developments in Europe brought with the
Industrial Revolution and rebellions in many minority regions with humanism
activities in Europe were other factors that affected the empire on the course of its
decline.
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4. Theoretical Background
After that, the modern concept of economic growth developed in Western Europe by
David Hume and Adam Smith. This model of growth remained the predominant
model of Classical Growth until 1817. David Ricardo modified this theory by adding
diminishing returns to land and the effects of machinery in 1817. During the period
between 1867-1894, Karl Marx modified the Classical Theory once again. He
envisioned the future of capitalism in his work, however his frightening vision did not
carry over into neoclassical theory. In the General Theory of J.M Keynes in 1936,
the theory of demand-determined equilibrium was developed. However, Keynes did
not extend his theory into a theory of economic growth. The first to come up with an
extension was Sir Roy F. Harrod with Evsey Domar who introduced the "Harrod-
Domar" Model of growth in 1939 and 1946 independently. This model is used to
explain an economy's growth rate in terms of level of saving and productivity of
capital. Robert M. Solow (1956), Trevor Swan (1956) and, a bit later, James E.
Meade (1961) criticized this theory and they claimed that the capital-output ratio of
the Harrod-Domar model should not be regarded as exogenous.
In fact, they proposed a growth model where the capital-output ratio was precisely
the adjusting variable that would lead a system back to its steady-state growth path.
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The resulting model has become famously known as the "Solow-Swan" or simply
the "Neoclassical" growth model. Unlike the classical growth theory, neoclassical
model states that advance in technology induces economic growth since it triggers
saving and investment, which leads an increase in capital per hour of labor. In
neoclassical growth models, the long-run rate of growth is exogenously determined
by either a savings rate (the Harrod–Domar model) or a rate of technical progress
(Solow model). However, the savings rate and rate of technological progress
remained unexplained in this model. Endogenous growth theory, also called new
growth theory, was developed by Paul Romer in 1980 as a response to criticism of
the neoclassical growth model in order to overcome this shortcoming.
4.2 Theories
The term “economic growth” didn’t exist in early human societies, living based on
hunting and gathering. According to the economist Parkin, economic growth began
when societies evolved with three key institutions, markets, property rights and
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monetary exchange that created incentives (2003, p.551). Then people began to
specialize in producing some goods or services and trade each other. It is already
known that real GDP increases when the quantity of labor and capital increases and
technology advances. But the question is that, is it also true for economic growth?
(Parkin, 2003, p.557). In development process, every nation struggle to achieve
economic development since it is an important element, and there are some factors
or their interactions that may affect economic growth. In this part of this paper, three
different growth and economic theories will be examined, which may partially
highlight the reasons behind why the nature of the development process in some
nations are slow and in some are fast (Todaro, 1997, p.69).
Classical growth theory states that when the real GDP per person rises above the
subsistence level, which is a minimum wage rate that one can survive, a population
explosion will occur thus real GDP per person is supposed to turn back to the
subsistence level again (Parkin, 2003, p.557).
Explosion in population induces by advances in technology. Since advances in
technology lead investments in new capital, labor become more productive. As labor
become more productive, new start up businesses want to hire those productive
labors. Therefore, rise in demand for labor leads to a rise in wages. At this stage,
economic growth has occurred and everyone has benefited from it. However,
according to the economists supporting the classical growth theory, this new
situation is not persistent because, increase in real GDP as well as increase in real
wage rate cause explosion in population (Parkin, 2003, p.557-558). More money in
pockets leads to have more children. Nonetheless, this dismal effect of population
growth on economic growth should be explained and viewed in another aspect.
Neoclassical growth theory studied in the next part will try to give that aspect.
The model can be explained in detail by separating economies into two; open and
closed economies. In closed economies (having no external activities), if the saving
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rate is low, the economic growth process is slower than when the saving rate is high
in the short-run. In open economies (having foreign trade and investments), income
convergence level is high since there is a capital flow from rich countries to poor
countries where capital labor ratios are lower thus returns on investments are higher
(Todaro, 1997, p.89). Although, the neoclassical model claims that the countries
with lower starting level of real per capita gross domestic product (GDP) have higher
growth rate, if these less developed countries inhibit foreign trade and investments
then it may slow down the economic development process (Barro, 1997, p. 1).
As it has just studied through, in the neoclassical theory, technological change has a
great influence on economic growth. The theory assumes that technological change
occurs by chance and argues that, “When we get lucky, we have rapid technological
change, and when bad luck strikes, the pace of technological advance slows”
(Parkin, 2003, p.559). Therefore, the problem with this theory is poor explanation of
how and why technological progress occurs. Besides, failure to take the effects of
institutions, government, entrepreneurship and geography into account is the other
missing points in the theory. To overcome these limitations of the neoclassical
model, new growth theory was developed.
Endogenous growth theory, also called “New Growth Theory”, was developed by
Paul Romer in 1980 to provide a better explanation to the sources of economic
growth by providing a theory of technical progress. According to Romer, the key
determinant of economic growth is accumulation of knowledge (Hubbard & O’Brian,
2008, p.684). The economist Parkin agrees and adds that, it is a source of both
increased productivity and technological advance (2003, p.552). Knowledge is a
capital, which does not diminish as physical capital. On the contrary, by making
labors and machines more productive, it brings increasing return (ibid).
In order to sell more than others, firms have to produce distinctive products, thus
people need knowledge capital. Because it will lead to an increase in profits and
profit urges competition. Competition encourages people to seek new technologies,
and it is not determined by chance like neoclassical model claims. It depends on
people’s ability to innovate. Besides, the new growth model considers economy as a
perpetual motion. Insatiable nature of mankind drives people to innovate, create
new products and technologies. Advance technology leads more leisure time and
higher standards of living. Furthermore, new businesses born and old ones die,
which implies new and better jobs for people (Parkin, 2003, p.562).
There are various types of explanations for the state, which may be depicted by
different theories. By using a simple neoclassical theory, North (1981) described the
state with the following characteristics based on the idea of a contract between the
ruler (king or sultan) and his constituents:
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1. The ruler trades protection and justice for revenue. The basic service that the
state provides consists in the development and enforcement of a written or unwritten
constitution. The constitution specifies the structure of property rights in order to
maximize the rent accruing to the ruler. To achieve this, it is necessary to provide a
set of public goods and services “designed to lower the costs of specifying,
negotiating and enforcing contracts, which underlie economic exchange”.
3. The ruler is constrained in his activities to some extent with respect to;
a. The costs of emigration to another state with more favorable living conditions.
b. The costs required overthrowing the current ruler and installing a rival who
promises better living conditions.
North developed his neoclassical model of the state in order to explain two
important aspects of economic history:
2. “The inherent instability of all states, which leads to economic change and
ultimately to economic decline” (North, 1981, p. 23).
In the work of Margaret Levi, she argues that rulers are predatory because they try
to extract as much revenue as they can from the population. They maximize their
personal objectives, which require them to maximize state revenue. North (1981)
also notes that the property-rights structure, which maximizes the social product,
may not maximize the ruler’s long-term monopoly rents (p.23).
North widens his theory of state in the following sense: “The state will specify rules
to maximize the income of the ruler and his group and then, subject to that
constraint, will devise rules that would lower transaction costs. Non-voluntary forms
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5. Analysis
Before starting to analyze the reasons behind the decline of the Ottoman Empire, it
would be better to draw the boundaries of this research first. Authors’ aim is not to
give a comprehensive economic history of the Ottoman Empire as it is stated
before. The main purpose is to analyze either internal or external elements
considered as significant factors that directly or indirectly caused economical
deterioration of the Ottoman Empire. It is difficult to separate and examine those
factors under a certain category as international or domestic because of their
complex nature. However, this paper separated and examined those factors
according to their zone of influence, whether they have affected a specific region in
the world or remained limited within the empire and affected the Ottoman economy.
The analysis of this paper is starting with the Industrial Revolution, which was one of
the most fundamental international factors behind the decline. After examining the
influence of industrialization on Ottoman economy and the situation of the empire
during revolution, reform efforts of the empire will be studied. Although globalization
and development of capitalism was an ongoing process, their effects and results on
Ottoman economy will be investigated in the aftermath of reform movements. It will
be touched upon the efforts of generating income of the empire while the
economical decline was deepening. Following that, the effects of the empire’s debt
policies and debasements on Ottoman price and wage levels will be analyzed. It will
be also mentioned about the effects of long depression and devastating World War I
while Ottoman economy was getting closer to the collapse. However the decline of
the Ottoman Empire cannot be fully explained by considering only international
factors. The importance of the effects of domestic factors should not be
underestimated. Existing framework of Ottoman institutions, traditional governing
styles, characteristics of demographics and social dynamics of the empire had an
important role on decline as well. These factors will be also highlighted in several
parts of the paper in order to comprehend the big picture of the course of Ottoman
economic decline.
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Industrialization and international trade are the two most important engines for
economic growth. Especially the Industrial Revolution is accepted as the key for fast
growth. Beginning with the steam engine, new inventions led rise in labor
productivity in this period, which was the exogenous factor of growth. Besides,
during the Industrial Revolution, many countries adopted new technologies to
promote developments in manufacturing sector. Due to that, the importance of
agriculture was placed after manufacturing sector in most of the industrialized
countries. Addition to that, in international trade, which is seen as a second
important factor in growth, open economies had experienced rapid economic growth
during the 19th century. In order to see the influence of industrialization and
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The Industrial Revolution was first turned Great Britain then other countries in
Western Europe into such economies that produce finished goods with low-cost and
large amounts. In the second quarter of the 19th century, some leading countries in
Europe were trying to find new markets for their finished goods and rich and low-
priced raw material sources. After Industrial Revolution, the relations between
industrialized countries got stronger and the finished-good trade between Western
Europe and third world countries was rapidly expanded. Between 1820 and 1913,
the economic integration of the Middle East with the world economy had occurred.
As a result of this integration, the foreign trade of Middle East grew more than fifteen
times. As the foreign trade grew, significant change in production facilities occurred.
In the most of the regions around Middle East, agriculture became commercialized
and the remaining agricultural production was directed to export markets. On the
contrary, the development in foreign trade, industry was deteriorated. Handicraft
tried to stand still but it deteriorated in opposition to the competition of import
products (Pamuk, 2008, p.39).
Trade was not the only way that European economies utilized to flourish, Europe
also exported its capital to other countries. European equity owners invested in
infrastructure activities in railways and harbors to expand the trade. Besides, the
exported capital from Europe was used as debt by third world countries, along with
other investments utilized for agriculture and industry, which limited direct
production until the WWI (Pamuk, 2008, p.4-5). Since the debts of Middle Eastern
countries taken from Europe reached to high levels, Europe could have voice in
affairs about Middle Eastern economy. After all, when it is compared with Europe,
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the economical growth and living standards in the Middle East was lower (Pamuk,
2008, p.40).
If a country cannot catch up with the developments in the pattern of the trade, it
cannot keep in pace with the rest of the world and produce agriculture only (Wong &
Yip, 1999, p.164). That was what Ottoman had experienced during the Industrial
Revolution. “If the economy is completely specialized in agriculture, then no
learning-by-doing effect exist, and the home economy will have no incentive to
invest in physical capital because physical capital is not used in agricultural sector”
(Wong & Yip, 1999, p.179).
Ottoman industry in the 18th century was not like the explosive industrial growth
occurring in Western Europe during the Industrial Revolution. Ottoman industry
sometimes expanded or shrunk and at other times it remained motionless.
Nonetheless, patterns of Ottoman industrial development do not show trends, which
are potential symptoms of modern economic growth.
One of the reasons for the failure of the Ottoman Empire to initiate a process of
economic growth, might be policies that barred such a process. The principles –
provisionism, traditionalism and fiscalism – that guided the Ottoman economic
system, might have hindered the introduction of new technology. However, as it was
emphasized in the neoclassical growth theory, advance in technology is the key
determinant of economic growth since it triggers saving and investment. By
hindering the introduction of new technologies, the productivity of labor force
declined so as the capital per hour of labor. As no capital means no investment, the
empire couldn’t catch up with developed countries.
The first principle which Ottomans relied on called provisionism was postulating the
maintenance of a steady supply so that all goods and services were cheap, plentiful,
and of good quality. Provisionism sought to keep the supply of goods and services
to internal markets at optimum level so that there could not be any shortage. This
leads to the policies, which motivates imports instead of exports. Export was not
encouraged with quotas, and extra taxes but imports, by contrast, were fostered and
facilitated. There were no import substitution policies such as tariffs, quotas or taxes
as long as imports helped to maintain the steady supply. At times when imports
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could not carry out this purpose, import substitution polices were put in operation
(Genc, 1994, p.60). The miri mübayaa regime was one of the measures in Ottoman
Empire to reduce expenses. This policy imposed a kind of tariff to facilitate the
supply of goods and services for the empire at a price usually lower than the market
levels. This policy was not concerning imports thus an import substitution policy was
only implemented when the volume of imports threatened the state’s fiscal standing.
Even in these times, Ottomans did not prefer to pursue strong protectionist customs
since this might lead to an increase in prices on the internal market. Later in the
year 1838, these policies became very limited by Baltalimani Agreement, which will
be mentioned in details on later chapters. In the following years, the empire would
encounter with huge budget deficit on the current account resulted from exceeded
import demands that couldn’t be provided by revenues generated from exports. As
the budget deficit expanded, Ottomans began to borrow foreign debts in order to
finance the deficit. According to the theory of international trade, those severe
deficits in most of the developing countries including Ottomans, led depletion in
international monetary reserves, caused a slow-down in economic growth (Todaro,
1997, p.435).
The second important principle that ruled Ottoman economic policy was
traditionalism. It may be summarized as the tendency to maintain existing systems
and conditions instead of searching for new models and alternatives to find solutions
when changes occurred. There was a very-well known genuine Ottoman motto
’kadimden olagelene aykırı iş yapılmaması’, which means one should not work
against what comes from the olden time. Mehmet Genc (1994) claimed in his article
that this expression remained a vital component of the referential framework of the
Ottoman economic system that remained unchanged during the 18th century (p.60).
Fiscalism was the third principle guiding Ottoman economic system. Fiscalism was
suggesting maximizing the treasury income and preventing it from falling below
already-attained levels. According to Genc, increasing the income of the treasury
was difficult and slow since it was parallel to the rhythm of slow increase in the
production capacity of the Ottoman economy and the degree of monetization.
Consequently, Ottoman fiscalism developed in the direction of preventing a fall in
incomes and reducing expenses. This principle was so inflexible that it viewed all
economic activity only in terms of the tax income yielded (1994, p.60).
31
In the 18th century industrial developments in Ottoman Empire with its three
economic principles (provisionism, traditionalism, fiscalism) the state control over
production increased especially in urban industrial sector. In order to avoid the
pressure and limitations of the state control, producers moved to small production
places in distant provinces of the empire where such controls had not yet been
established. However, rural industry was always active but because of the
provisionist policies of the Ottoman Empire, never had the chance to develop.
Furthermore, in such rural industry where producers produced and sold finished
goods in the local markets, required the possibility of exporting in order to develop.
However this was only possible along with active export policy against mercantilist
and protectionist west. Due to the provisionist policies, export remained always as a
marginal sector that the state heavily taxed and actively hindered (Genc, 1994,
p.64).
The state was not only imposing policies against development of manufacturing, but
it also worked against capital accumulation that might be necessary grounds for
these developments. Along with the regime of miri mübayaa, those producing or
trading cotton, thread, iron, timber etc. were burdened. Starting from 1770s, more
burdens were imposed on the manufacturers who had some accumulated capital.
Ottoman state forced these producers to equip troops or provide compulsory loans
when the treasury was dangerously low. Furthermore, during the period 1770-1810,
when finances were in a crisis, state confiscated the inheritance of private
individuals who were rich. In these conditions, which were totally against capitalist
developments in the world, the obstacles to capital accumulation and investment
reached to a peak (Genc, 1994, p.66). The empire temporarily provided capital by
confiscating properties and inheritance of private individuals. According to the
neoclassical model of the state developed by North (1981), inefficient property rights
and inherent instability of the state leads economic change and ultimately to
economic decline (p.23). North (1981) also notes that the property-rights structure,
which maximizes the social product, may not maximize the ruler’s long-term
monopoly rents. If the empire would have strong political institutions, these
institutions might have limited the absolute power of the ruler (sultan). Considering
the role of the political institutions on economic system, with strong political
institutions, the government couldn’t have confiscated the wealth of its citizens. By
the same token, empire would have had an appropriate system of property rights
32
with a law of contracts and a secure political foundation that limits the ability of the
state to confiscate wealth (Weingast, 1995, p.1).
The only group, which was not affected by this destructive atmosphere, was small-
scale, craft production in the local markets. These craft organizations were the
predominant form of organization in Ottoman industry during the 18th century. One
of the feature of this Ottoman industry in the 18th century is that, the main
concentration of the production was ordinary commodity products for non-luxury
consumption such as cotton and woolen cloths, food, building materials, household
items, earthen-and wooden-wares. Most of the high-quality products consumed by
upper-income society were imports and according to provisionisim; obtaining these
goods from abroad was not considered as harmful in anyway. According to the
Ottoman economic principles that the state relied upon, providing a custom
protection would be meaningless. Thus, Ottoman manufacturing and factories faced
stiff competition from Western Europe’s increasingly developed industrial products.
For instance, in Ottoman woolen market around 18th century, imports from Western
Europe formed nearly fifty percent of the total. The amount of imports were
constantly increasing thus the price of the imported goods were continually
decreasing. The imported products became more available and a lot cheaper in the
empire. The survival of local manufacturing under these circumstances required
strong protectionist policies as well as entrepreneurs with accumulated capitals in
order to establish most advanced industrial technology and organizational forms of
manufacturing (Genc, 1994, p.73). However, there had never been any policies
neither protecting against imports nor supporting capital accumulation in the empire.
In writing the story of Ottoman industrial development, it is clear that many important
manufacturing groups diminished and disappeared in opposition to European
competition during 18th century. Other industries temporarily lost customers during
the high amount of imports between 1820 and 1850, but later regained their
customers after adapting themselves to new conditions. Beginning from the early
1870s and continuing, there was a manufacturing revival in the 19th century’s
Ottoman Empire fluctuating until World War I (Quataert, 1993, p.87). However this
was limited in compare to international developments and efforts might not enough
to change the empire’s destiny.
33
5.2 Reforms
Countries in Middle East carried out many reforms as a response to Europe’s
developing military and political power, which has occurred after the Industrial
Revolution. Existence of the new technologies in military, communication and
transportation areas supported these reforms (Pamuk, 2008, p.78). The period
under the royalty of Mahmut II (1808-1839) was a difficult time for Ottoman Empire.
During 30 years, the government tried to cope with many commotions, nationalist
revolutions and wars. Especially the wars with Russia, Iran and Egypt hurt the
Ottoman economy badly. This period was a crucial period in which Ottomans were
entering into reforms in order to shape governing style in Western type. Before that,
under the royalty of Selim III (1789-1807), they tried to form an army in Western
standards but encountered by yeniceri (janissary) opposition. After abolishing the
janissary division in 1826, the activities to form a standing army “Nizam-i Cedid”
accelerated. In 1820s, reforms were not limited in only military area but also covered
management, justice and education areas. For those reforms, Ottomans
necessitated more assets. Between 18th century and 1840, half of the government
expenditures were in military area. Since the share of military expenditures rose in
war times, it brought a huge burden to the government. Therefore, one of the targets
of the reform process was to reorganize the empire and centralize the revenues
(Pamuk, 2008, p.101). During the 18th century, since Ottoman Empire necessitated
the financial support of the West, the empire had to give concessions. Due to that,
two main reforms were prepared.
The Tanzimat and Islahat (The Reform Edict) Decrees promulgated under the ruler
of Abdulmecid I and Abdulaziz, who were the pioneers of the first democratic
attempts of the Ottoman Empire in order to prevent an economic and social disorder
in the state. The two reforms were aiming to leave the decision making process to
an independent parliament by limiting the absolute power of the sultan. Besides, in
both reforms there were new arrangements in education, army, administration,
provinces and the society. Besides its economic and social effects, political
implications of the prescripts would have deeper effects in economy in the long run.
34
From the Ottoman point of view, the main purpose of declaring Tanzimat was to
maintain and preserve the Ottoman state against uprisings and together with, to
gain sympathy and diplomatic support of European countries. However, Europeans
had a different goal by accepting Tanzimat. They were concerning about the rights
of Christians living within the empire and they wanted those rights such as;
principles of individual liberty, freedom from oppression, and equality before the law
etc. to be improved. This led an increase in economic and political power of
Christian middle class. On the other hand, Muslims received none of these benefits
brought by the two reforms.
Islahat Decree was intended to carry out the promises of Tanzimat, but it was more
specific about the religious issues. Since there was a constant pressure on non-
Muslims to be converted into Islam, the idea of freedom to practice one’s own
religion without harassment was promoted by Islahat Decree (Deringil, 2000).
The effectiveness of these two reforms is open to debate. There were two sides
during the Tanzimat period. On one side, which was against the reforms, claimed
that “…although the movement was a democratic approach to the stagnant
economic and political system, the concessions and incentives involved in the
reforms allowed foreign powers to become more and more prominent in the stately
affairs after the declaration” (Bayraktar, 2009). On the other hand, supporters of the
reforms believed that new arrangements brought clarity to issues such as the
equality of all subjects before the law, regardless of religion as well as being a
decisive step towards extended guarantee by the Great Powers to the territorial
integrity of the empire.
The state has an important role to establish a legal framework, however the
economists accepted that institutional change might not be always parallel to the
economic development. In the last 500 years history of societies, it is observed that
institutional changes might not always be in the same direction with the capitalism
and economic growth and states could be interventionist and obstructive to
economic development rather than being supportive. In another words, political
struggles and institutional changes do not yield results in the favor of capitalism and
economic prosperity all the time, on the contrary it is exceptional if the institutional
change is in favor of economic growth according to economists (Pamuk, 2009, p.2).
35
As a result, according to Bayraktar (2009), whether or not the reforms weakened the
integrity of the empire and made it susceptible to foreign incursion is debatable, yet
it is an accepted fact from both parties that the reforms intended for the Ottoman
Empire was not applicable due to the absence of manufacturing performance, which
is in turn fueled by the monopoly of the guilds and the autarchic governance of the
economy. Combined with the failures in military campaigns and the failing timar
system in the early 19th century, the decrees severely curbed the flow of income
into the state (p. 7).
5.3 Globalization
One of the factors explaining why some of the developing countries didn’t
experienced rapid growth in the 19th century after the Industrial Revolution can be
explained by classical growth theory, which is mainly related with low rates of saving
and investment. In order to develop, countries should invest in factories,
machineries etc. so that labor become more productive and businesses demand
more labor. As the demand for productive labor increases, wages go up so does
population. But for these investments the government needs funds. However, since
in most of the developing countries, households barely survive by their income, so it
was impossible to save enough. Hubbard and O’Brian (2008) states that, low saving
rates in developing countries contribute to a vicious cycle of poverty (p.684). Since
households couldn’t save enough, few funds were available for firms to borrow and
invest in physical capital. Therefore, most of the developing countries couldn’t catch
up with the European countries in terms of economic growth, and household
incomes.
The most important characteristic that distinguished Ottoman Empire from other
developing countries during globalization period of opening into the World economy
was a strong centralized government. From the beginning of the 19th century under
the royalty of Mahmut II, Ottoman made many reforms against increasing military
and economic power of Europe and nationalism movements of ethnic minorities in
distant provinces and Balkans. As a result of these activities, influence of these
36
European countries demanded Ottomans to open into the foreign market as much
as possible as a reward for military, political and financial support. Therefore, reform
activities followed with concessions in foreign trade and foreign capital. Besides,
European control was increasing gradually as Ottoman Empire opened its economy
to the world market. For instance, with the reform, which mandated in 1856, foreign
capital investment and in 1867 purchasing land by foreigners were allowed.
Although these activities were mentioned as a European control over Ottoman
economy, according to Hubbard and O’Brian (2008), by allowing foreign capital
investment, Ottoman Empire had a chance to break the vicious cycle of low saving
and investment, which led low growth (p.697). With foreign capital investment,
Ottomans could access new technologies by know-how and additional funds. The
importance of technological change, which is more important than increase in
capital, is mentioned in both economic growth models (neoclassical and
endogenous). The easiest way that governments of developing countries should
follow to access new technology is the path through foreign capital investment.
Ottoman governors were thinking short-term political and financial support of
European countries, not long-term financial results. The turning points of Ottomans’
economy in the period of opening into the foreign market were; 1838s free trade
agreement, 1854s foreign debt period and 1850s privileges given to foreign capital
for establishing railways. (Pamuk, 2008, p.5-7)
In 1838, Baltalimani free trade agreement was first signed between Ottomans and
Great Britain, then France and the rest of the European countries. According to this
agreement, monopolies in foreign trade were taken out and Ottomans forwent its
right to put higher taxes or limitations on foreign trade. These applications made it
easier for Ottomans’ economy to open into the foreign markets. However, Ottomans
37
were also losing most significant source of income by this agreement. Another
arrangement that the agreement brought was about customs duty. The free trade
agreement led customs duties to decline and made it difficult for Ottomans to raise
the customs duties for financial or protectionist reasons (Pamuk, 2008, p.80).
Before 1838, Ottoman Empire was taking 3 percent customs duty from both imports
and exports. Addition to that, both domestic and foreign dealers had to pay 8
percent internal customs duty when they transport their products within the empire’s
borders. This agreement increased the customs duty ratio on exports to 12 percent,
and on imports to 5 percent. Besides, while domestic dealers continued to pay
internal customs duty, foreign dealers were out of this application. Thus, foreign
dealers obtained privilege against domestic dealers. In the following years,
European countries caught some opportunities to decrease the customs duty ratio
from 12 percent to 1 percent in 1860s. Only after WWI, Ottoman could able to
retract Baltalimani agreement and followed more independent foreign trade policy.
The volume of trade between Ottoman Empire and Great Britain was increasing
starting from 1820s. But British dealers were complaining about trade limitations put
by Ottomans and wanted to secure their relationships with long-term agreements.
Great Britain was waiting for a weak time of Ottomans to sign those long-term trade
agreements. That time arose with rebellion of Mehmet Ali Pasa in Egypt. When this
38
rebellion got bigger with the support of Russia, Ottomans wanted Britain to help.
Britain supported Ottomans in terms of military and politics by taking financial
concessions as a return. Therefore, Baltalimani agreement signed under these
conditions. As a result of this agreement; imported goods invaded domestic markets
and expanded quickly. Domestic goods deteriorated in opposition to the competition
of imported goods. Some of the crafts showed endurance with respect to the
developed technology coming from Europe by accepting working with low salaries.
However, both using new technology, instead of animal or human power, and taxes
paid for its usage hurt economic growth (Leung, 1999, p.184). Working with low
salaries with intense production is accepted as an important reason for
underdevelopment. (Pamuk, 2008, p.29-37)
In the early 19th century, foreign trade level per capita of Asian states in Ottoman
Empire was comparable to Iran’s. However, between 1840 and World War I, the
export of Ottoman Empire grew twice as Iran’s. Although, Ottomans’ foreign trade
grew gradually, the empire could not catch the great growth speed occurred during
1850 in world markets. It would be easier to comprehend Ottoman industrial growth
rate when it is compared with other countries in the neighborhood. For instance,
before WWI, the export per capita in Egypt was as big as 1,5 times of Ottomans’
and four times of Iran’s. In the early 20th century, income per capita in Egypt was
lower than Ottomans’ but higher than Iran’s. In the view of this table compared to
Ottomans and Iran, it is argued that unlike Ottoman Empire, Egypt achieved to
direct a large part of its production to export (Pamuk, 2008, p.48).
After the year 1860, the demand of industrialized countries was increasing
gradually, however, the total demand was receding from export products of Ottoman
Empire, Iran and Egypt. Ottomans left its place in industrialized country markets to
other countries, which export the same products as Ottomans after 1870s (Pamuk,
2008, p.51).
Until the beginning of the 20th century, the share of export in total production was
less than 10 percent in Ottoman Empire. If those economies provided a rise in
production per capita -Ottoman achieved in pre WWI- the explanation of this fact
should be looked for another place. The growth in exports is one of the factors that
affect economical growth (Pamuk, 2008, p.53).
encourage the enlargement of foreign trade and integration with the world economy
(Pamuk, 2008, p.63-64).
In the article of Mehmet Genç, economic policies and priorities of the central
bureaucracy are investigated. Genç argued that economic issues should always
been considered among religious, military, administrative and fiscal concerns in the
Ottoman Empire. According to Genç, the number one priority of the Ottomans about
the economic issues was feeding of the city economy including army, palace and
bureaucracy. Ottomans were aware of the importance of merchants supplying the
city markets (1989).
In the 16th century, after conquering Syria and Egypt, long-distance trade and
controlling of the trade routes became even more important (Güçer, 1987 & Inalcik,
Quataert 1994).
Ottomans were showing a special interest to foreign merchants since they brought
the goods, which were not available in the empire. The privileges, which is going to
be mentioned as capitulations later, given to foreign merchants starting from the 16th
century was emanated from these concerns.
According to Genç, the second priority of the central state was generating financial
income. State was intervening to the economic activities in order to collect tax.
Ottoman authorities were aware that the economy should be vital and strong in
order to stay fiscally powerful however, they were not hesitating to force producers
and charge extra taxes to them in the short-term economic recession periods. The
third priority was closely related with the first two; maintaining the traditional order.
According to Ottoman ruling class, there was a social order and a balance between
farmer, merchant and guild. State was trying to protect this order and balance in the
society (1989).
State’s attitudes towards merchants was involving serious dilemmas. On one side, it
was accepted that small or big; all merchants had an important role in the
administration of the city economy. However, profit oriented activities of the
merchants may cause scarcity of some of the fundamental goods and put guilds and
city economy in difficult situations. In those cases, state prefers to inspect these
merchants instead of support or protect them. State’s attitudes towards
moneylenders and usurers were also including ambiguities (İslamoglu & Keyder,
1977, p. 31-55).
Ottoman government did not hesitate to intervene to the local and long-distance
trade in order to manage city economy by following these priorities. When it is
43
compared to the other states’ ruled by Islamic laws and practices, it is observed that
Ottomans intervened more to the economy (Pamuk, 2009, p.22).
Why Ottomans did not follow mercantilist policies supporting merchants and
producers, while other European states did follow in the same era, and why
Ottomans did not foresee the destructive effects of the imports on economy are
among the frequently discussed issues. In the Ottoman Empire, importing was
supported by the state, since it caused the supply of the local goods increase in the
local markets. However, exporting was only allowed if the local demand was met.
The state was not hesitating to ban exporting of food and raw materials during
economic downturns.
The difference is apparent between the Ottoman policies, which give priority to
urban consumers, and mercantilist practices in the Europe. Ottomans were aware of
the mercantilist concept and practices. For instance, in the beginning of the 18th
century, Efendi defended mercantilist practices and argued that Ottoman money
would stay in the empire if Muslims preferred to buy local goods instead of exports
(1968).
There could be many reasons behind Ottoman policies, which were not mercantilist
at all. Could it be the Ottoman bureaucrats’ shortsighted thoughts? Or maybe
because of vast majority of the Ottoman imports were not usually produced in the
empire, thus not threatening the local production. According to Pamuk (2009), these
arguments should include some elements of truth, but the main reason behind is
that, the economic practices of the Ottoman Empire were demonstrating the
priorities of the central bureaucracy (p.30).
The pioneers of the mercantilist concept, merchants and producers in Europe, were
not effective on Ottoman economic policies. Even in the 17th and 18th centuries of
the Ottoman Empire, where the influence of the regions far away from the center got
stronger, the priorities of the central bureaucracy dominated the motives behind
economic practices in the Ottoman Empire. As a result, Ottomans were successful
to maintain their traditional order by ruling flexible and pragmatic. They averted the
local regions to empower, which might harm this social order. However, starting
from the 15th centuries, after all institutional and technological reforms and
44
transformations, Ottomans could not stop loosening of this traditional order in the
19th century (Pamuk, 2009, p.30).
The spread of European capitalism was not only occurred by foreign trade but also
with foreign capital investments, which were given as debts to the Third World
countries including the Ottoman Empire. Besides, most of the European investment
in Ottoman was oriented to infrastructure, railways, harbors and canals in order to
expand foreign trade. In compared to that, the foreign capital investments directed
to production activities such as agriculture, mining and industry, were limited until
the WWI. This sector-specific dispersion shows the tendency of the foreign capital to
support foreign trade and exports. Although before the WWI, the trade between
Ottoman and Europe was deteriorated, foreign investment activities especially with
France and Germany increased. While foreign direct investment was stable in early
1860s till the late 1880s, increased rapidly between 1890 and 1914 (Quataert, 1987,
p.18).
5.5.2 Railroads
management of railroads, were the most profitable ones from these investments
(Quataert, 1987, p.20).
5.6.1 Debts
European powers often used debts to increase their activities in Istanbul. They
supported their investors to give debts to Ottoman Empire and they sometimes gave
guarantees. In 1881, with the establishment of Duyun-i Umumiye, Europeans took
the control of Ottomans’ internal affairs such as economical policies. This also gave
a guarantee to the investors (Pamuk, 2008, p.72).
In the 18th and 19th century, since Ottomans’ political and managerial capacity was
limited, the financial income arriving to the center was limited too. The government
was lack of network to gather taxes, so had to share those tax incomes with strong
groups living in distant provinces. However, starting from 1820s, the empire
attenuated the power of these provinces thus could control tax gatherings again.
This led incomes to increase in real terms; nevertheless, expenditures were rising in
that time. Therefore, the financial reorganization and centralization activities of the
empire were managed together with long-term internal borrowing.
Since the 16th century, the empire was taking credits from money agents, but they
couldn’t even compensate the empire’s gradually increasing needs. Then, the
empire started a system called esham (share certificates), a long-term internal
borrowing. With this system, the empire was aiming to expand the base of the public
debt, discourage equity owners instead, support small and medium size owners of
capital. However, the empire couldn’t control or restrict selling eshams from a
person to another. As a result, it was realized that the internal borrowing provided
from esham system had high costs (Pamuk, 2008, p.102-103).
Ottoman Empire, half of the total foreign investments in Egypt has gone to national
debt. The period between 1870s and WWI, Ottoman Empire and Egypt became the
most indebted ones among other countries in the world. These foreign borrowings
had many effects over both Ottomans’ and Egypt’s economies (Pamuk, 2008, p.83).
Ottoman used most of the debts that were taken to finance military expenses and
current expenditures. A small part of the funds were directed to railways and
irrigation infrastructure investment projects. Britain and France perceived this
process as a significant tool to maintain influence over the Ottoman Empire.
Although, they were aware of Ottomans’ troubles with repaying, they encouraged
their bankers and financial markets to issue loans.
On the other hand, in Egypt the debts were directed to large-scale farming and
irrigation projects. However, those projects couldn’t provide the expected yield in
terms of production and tax income (Pamuk, 2008, p.83).
At the end of the year 1875, the Ottoman Empire announced a partial moratorium.
In 1876, the empire ceased the whole debt payments. Egypt had to do the same at
the beginning of 1876. Although Ottomans’ debts diminished by 40 percent, Duyun-i
Umumiye authority was established as a European attorney controlling Ottomans’
leading source of incomes. Until the end of the century, Ottomans’ loans were
limited and under the Duyun-i Umumiye authority’s close supervision. Therefore
repaying of the existing debts maintained in a coordinated way. However, especially
after 1903, because of military and financial problems, Ottomans started to borrow
again. At this time, France and Germany used their credits given, as a tool to
reinforce their influence on Ottoman Empire. New credits for manufacturing railways
or other essence of economic projects were given to the countries’ investors who
lent money (Pamuk, 2008, p.85).
Different financial and political supervision systems that Europe had built over
Ottoman Empire provided important guarantees to the European investors. This
supervision encouraged European capital to be invested directly after 1880. Foreign
investments, excluding national debts, played an important role in directing to export
and entering to the world economy (Pamuk, 2008, p.86).
48
Domestic Borrowing
System of iltizam were being used in the domestic borrowing of Ottoman Empire
starting from the middle ages up to the 19th and 20th centuries. Iltizam means tax
farming in Ottoman and it allowed individuals with enough capital to have the rights
of collecting tax revenues from a certain region in return of cash payments to the
government. In the 15th and 16th centuries, only a limited part of the tax revenues of
the empire were being collected by iltizam system. Knights collected the major part
of the revenues via timar system from farmers. However, along with the changing
war technology, the necessity of having bigger and settled armies in the center
appeared, thus timar system started to lose its economical and military importance.
Consequently state started to give up on timar system and focus on iltizam more
and more. On the other hand, stalling financial circumstances empowered the
state’s tendency to borrow more via iltizam (Pamuk, 2009, p.14).
Along with the increasing need of borrowing, in 1695 a new system called malikane
was applied. Malikane system allowed individuals to use their rights to collect tax
revenues for a lifetime. In compare to short-term iltizam, the new system of
malikane allowed state to borrow with longer-terms (Genç & Okyar & Nalbandoglu,
1975, p. 231-296). This system had some positive economic impacts on Ottoman
income; however, it was less than anticipated by the state. New contractors helped
to improve productivity in the malikanes they bought, maintained security and made
long-term investments. Nevertheless, malikane owners started to sub-contract their
tax collecting duties to second or even third parties. Thus, this system could not help
to reduce the burden of taxes, on the contrary increased by transferring the surplus
(Genc, 1994, p.61).
Eventually this system was not enough to solve the empire’s fiscal problems. When
the owner of the rights died, it was almost impossible for the contracts to return to
state’s control again. Thus this system did not increase tax revenues, on the
contrary, caused to decrease. After the war between 1768 and 1774, fiscal
bureaucracy started a new system called esham, which was mentioned before. In
this system, state was designating the annual tax revenue in advance. This amount
was going to be divided in many portions and each portion was going to be sold to
numerous buyers. The tax was going to be collected by the state and esham parts
49
were going to be sold with 6 or 7 times higher prices than their annual returns. The
fundamental motive behind esham was to distribute domestic borrowing among
many equity owners instead of a couple of giant equity owners. However, state did
not manage to control internal trading of these esham parts between equity owners,
thus after the first owners died, the inheritors of the owners were continuing to earn
from the state. This was why the benefits of the esham system were limited. In the
period of over 50 years, the bureaucracy tried to end this expensive way of
borrowing during economic revivals, on the contrary they tried to expand this system
at all expenses during recessions (Pamuk, 2009, p.15).
Another phase in Ottomans’ domestic borrowing was started in 1830 along with the
increasing military expenses and reform attempts. The empire started to use special
sales notes called kaime in order to afford its expenditures when the financial
resources depleted. These sales notes were 8-year time loans with 12,5 interest
rate by the time they were launched. However, when the interest was ceased to be
in effect in Ottoman Empire, these sale notes lost their functions (Pamuk, 2009,
p.15).
In the 18th century, there were many developments in terms of public financing, tax
collecting and institutions dealing with domestic borrowing, however, it is important
to note that the developments in private finance sector was limited because of
religious reasons, which is going to be mentioned later. It should be noted that, the
institutional changes in private finance field affected operations of non-Muslims who
were involved with Europe not Muslim businessmen’s (Pamuk, 2009, p.16).
borrowing. However, after the Crimean war, borrowing from European money
market started. Between 1854 and 1876, Ottoman borrowed large amount of debts
with higher interests compared to other countries. These borrowings used to finance
current account deficit, renovate palaces, establish a huge navy and compensate
bureaucracy’s salaries instead of reviving the economy and investments to increase
financial income. Therefore, Ottomans borrowed money to finance its debts and
their interests. While, repaying process was gradually getting difficult for Ottoman
Empire, Europe was yielding from this situation (Pamuk, 2008, p.119-120).
5.6.2 Debasement
Ottomans’ budget deficit started to enlarge at the end of 1760s and culminated in
1820s and 1830s. In that case, the government tried to raise its control over the
income sources, tried internal borrowing and invoked debasing when the pressures
peaked (Pamuk, 2008, p.97-98).
18th century is relatively a peaceful, stable and prosperous period for Ottoman
Empire till the end of 1760s. The data shows us that, in this period, the empire made
a lot of investments in agriculture and handicrafts areas in Anatolia and Balkans
(Genc, 1984, p.52-61). In addition to that, the trade between Ottoman Empire and
Middle and Western Europe -through the Mediterranean Sea by land route-
increased significantly. This period was also a stable period from financial side.
Ottomans’ financial data shows that the empire’s budget was in balance till the end
of 1760s, even there were sometimes budget surpluses (Pamuk, 2008, p.99).
Wars between 1768 and 1774 with Russia and wars between 1787 and 1792 with
both Russia and Habsburg Ruling House shook Ottomans’ economy. Not after the
first war but after the second war, Ottomans diminished the ratio of gram silver in
51
coin (kurus) by one third. With debasing, the government invited the public to hand
in the silver they have at a price determined under the market (Pamuk, 2008,
p.100).
However, in case the public realizes that the empire would renew the debasement
process, they would lose their trust to the monetary unit, which could make the
things even more difficult for the empire to provide additional income. Then, people
would want to hold foreign coins instead of their own kurus. This case was
happened first in the beginning of the 17th century and then under the royalty of
Mahmut II. A drift had happened from kurus to the foreign coins in the markets.
Another disadvantage of debasing was increased difficulty for the empire to borrow
from domestic market. Since the domestic market expected that the empire would
renew the debasement process, they forwent to lend money or demanded more
interest (Pamuk, 2008, p.105-106).
Researches show that the most rapid debasement and inflation period were around
the beginning of the 19th century by the time wars, rebellions and reforms were
taking place throughout the empire. According to Pamuk’s work (2009), in the
medium and long run, prices in the cities outside the capital was moving along with
the prices in the capital city; Istanbul. In terms of silver grams, it is observed that the
prices in the capital were also moving along with the prices around Mediterranean.
This shows that, the empire was strongly connected to the thousand miles away
markets and economies depending on the weight of maritime trade (p.104).
In the research of Pamuk, over 6 thousand book of accounts and price lists such as
narh lists for standard goods for Istanbul and less for other cities in the Prime
Ministry’s Ottoman Archives are used and price series for four and a half centuries
are formed. These narh lists were made by local authorities to determine the prices
of fundamental goods in the empire. According to the records dating from the 15th
century to the 19th century, it is observed that these lists were not published
periodically or continuously but especially after the 16th century they were published
during poverty, recessions or instability periods. However during stable periods, we
understood that these lists were not prepared for up to 30 years (Pamuk, 2009,
p.10). As it is observed from the table in the appendix figure 2, the consumer prices
54
in the empire increased by 300 times starting from the year 1496 until the World
War I. That means 1,3 percent annual increase in average (Pamuk, 2009, p.110).
Indexes showed that from the mid of the 16th century until the mid of the 17th
century, prices increased five fold and it seems that Istanbul experienced a severe
inflation period along these years.
The price increase in this period usually explained by price revolution, which refers
most specifically to the high rate of inflation that characterized the period across
Western Europe, with prices on average rising perhaps six fold over 150 years
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Price_revolution). However, Pamuk argued that
Ottoman prices increased mainly because of debasements in this period (2009,
p.110).
The figures also indicate that there was another and more severe inflation wave
starting from the end of the 18th century and extended until 1850 in the empire. In
this second period, prices increased twelve to fifteen folds. And these second climbs
in the prices could be explained by mainly debasements, which started from 1780
and accelerated during the sultan Mahmud II (1808-1839). However, the overall
price level in Istanbul remained more stable during 1650-1780 and 1860-1914.
Figure 4: Consumer Prices in Istanbul, 1469-1914 (in terms of gram silver; 1469=1,0)
Source: Pamuk, 2009, p.113
On the other hand, according to Ljuben Berov’s price data gathered from the
Balkans during 16th and 17th centuries showed that prices increased in a similar
manner (1976). All these data showed that from the Balkans to the Anatolia and
Syria, all Ottoman money zones have similar price tendencies. When we look at the
price indexes from Egypt formed by Andre Raymond, it is observed that prices in
terms of gram silver in Cairo between the years 1624 and 1800 moved parallel to
56
the other Ottoman cities. It may be argued that sea trade and transportation was the
reason behind similar price movements around East Mediterranean region (Pamuk,
2009, p.110).
According to Pamuk, although there were various reasons behind price changes
such as the quality of harvest, wars etc., the main reason was debasements. The
main reason behind debasement was the intention of raising extra fund for the state.
The relation between price level and debasements could be observed better when
the amount of silver in Ottoman money is tracked after the year 1450. The graph
showed that the fastest decrease in the amount of silver in money happened at the
end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century, and later at the end of
the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century.
However, there were some slight changes in the amount of silver during 1650-1770
and never changed again after 1844. When the two graphs, figure 3 and figure 6,
are analyzed together, the correlation between debasements and changing price
levels could be observed easily (Pamuk, 2007, p.114).
As it is stated before, for four and a half hundred years, the nominal prices
increased by 300 fold in the empire, however, when prices are expressed in silver
57
According to Robert Allen’s research (2001), which includes vast amount of price
data, in terms of gram silver, from Europe gathered from Middle Ages up to the
World War I, leads us to different questions and interesting observations (p. 411-
47).
The research showed that in the first half of the 16th century the prices in the South
Europe were higher than any other parts of Europe. In a similar manner, the prices
in Istanbul around these dates were highest among all other European cities.
Figure 7:
Consumer Prices in
European cities, 1450-
1913 (in terms of gram
silver; Strasbourg 1700-
49=1,0) Source: Pamuk,
2007, p. 117
Istanbul
58
Another point is that the prices in Istanbul in terms of gram silver increased in a
slower pace than other cities of the Europe up to 1650. After Price Revolution, the
price levels in Istanbul started to remain lower than Mediterranean and European
price levels. This incident has occurred around the same date when difference of
income per capita levels between Ottoman Empire and North Europe increased. In
the later centuries, the Ottoman price levels were still lower than European levels.
These long term price movements showed that just like today, the prices in the
countries with high income per capita are tend to be high as well. Starting from the
16th century, while the level of income per capita were increasing in Northwest
Europe, the price levels increased faster than Southern Europe and Ottoman
Empire price levels. It is important to note that, in the 18th and 19th centuries the
most expensive city of Europe in terms of gram silver was London, which was the
city with highest income per capita in Europe as well (Pamuk, 2007, p.119).
For the last 20 years, the economists and economic historians put a lot of efforts to
distinguish different countries’ per capita production and income levels and the
tendencies of the differences between ’leaders’ and ’followers’. It is the fact that the
difference between these levels of the countries was so small or equal before the
Industrial Revolution and modern economic growth, although today the gap is huge
(Pamuk, 2007, p.155).
The research of Angus Maddison (2001) shows that this difference was an actual
fact in the year 1820. Furthermore, the difference between developed and
developing countries was not only increasing during the Industrial Revolution but
also during 1914 and 1950.
In order to analyze per capita income and level of living standards of a country, an
alternative way is to compare real wage rates of the workers in specific regions of
this country. A decrease in wage rates means, less consumer products per worker
or less prosperity for this worker’s family. Pamuk (2009) conducted a research in
which over 5000 account books of construction projects of the empire are used to
form accurate wage data. In figure 8 attached in the appendix, the real daily wage
rates are presented for regular and skilled workers.
59
It is difficult to distinguish the effects of institutional factors and market situation over
daily wages. However, it is still observed that in the periods of fast debasements,
the wages dropped first and moved upward afterwards. This proves to some extent
the process of formation of daily wages is connected to the market structure. The
indexes shows that the wage rates of regular construction workers in the Ottoman
Empire decreased by 30 to 40 percent in the 16th century, slightly changed during
the 18th century, increased by 30 percent until the mid-19th century and again
increased by 40 percent later at the end of the 19th century up to the beginning of
the 20th century. Wages of the regular workers were 20 percent higher before the
World War I in compare to its levels around 1500. It is also observed that real wage
rates of skilled workers in 1914 were 50 percent higher than the level in 1500 since
the difference between regular and skilled worker in terms of wages started to
increase at the end of the 19th century (p.172).
Pamuk’s research (2009) shows that wages in terms of gram silver in Istanbul and
East-Mediterranean cities at the beginning of the 16th century were so close to the
wage levels in North and South Europe. However, at the same period of time, the
price levels in terms of gram silver in Istanbul were highest among all other
European cities in the research thus the real wages in Istanbul were between 60
and 90 percent of other European cities.
Figure 9: Real
Wages of Regular
Construction Worker
in European Cities
(wages in terms of
gram silver/CPI)
Source: Pamuk,
2007, p.174
Istanbul
60
Figure 10: Real Wages of Skilled Worker in European Cities (wages in terms of gram silver/CPI)
Source: Pamuk, 2007, p.174
Istanbul
Real wages were intended to decline in most of the European cities just like in
Istanbul. It is interesting that, although the real wages had a declining trend after
1600 in European cities, in Istanbul they slightly changed until the end of the 18th
century. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the wages in Istanbul had a tendency to get
close to the levels in Northwestern Europe. However, the difference in wage rates
(from 1/3 to 1/2) between Istanbul and Northwest Europe continued until the
Industrial Revolution (p.173).
When the price rates in Istanbul were compared to West Holland in the first half of
the 16th century, it is observed that prices in Istanbul was higher than West Holland
by 60 to 80 percent. During two hundred years after that, nominal wages following
prices in terms of gram silver have increased by 250 percent in West Holland.
However in Istanbul, prices in gram silver almost did not change and real wages
declined slightly (Pamuk, 2007, p.173).
Real wage rates in Istanbul increased by approximately 66 percent beginning from
the last quarter of the 18th century until the World War I. As a result, the difference
between Istanbul and Northwestern European cities, in terms of wages, increased
after the Industrial Revolution. Before the World War I, the wages of the regular
61
construction workers in London were 2,7 times higher than in Istanbul. This was 1,9
for Amsterdam and 1,6 for Paris (Pamuk, 2007, p.174).
All of these results guided us towards three important conclusions. First, the real
wages in Ottoman cities in 1750 were lower than it was in 1500. However, this
deterioration was not as big as it was in Europe around these dates. Consequently,
until the mid of the 18th centuries, real wages in Istanbul and any other Ottoman
cities were so close to the real wages in many cities of Europe. Second is that,
comparisons shows that real wages in Northwestern Europe were higher than
Istanbul’s levels at the beginning of the 16th century and this situation remained
same until the Industrial Revolution. The third is that, after the Industrial Revolution
especially after 1850, the real wages in most of the European cities had tendency to
increase. At the same period, real wages in Western Europe increased more than
Eastern Mediterranean and the difference between the wage levels increased as
well (Pamuk, 2007, p.175).
In the 19th century Ottomans’ foreign trade was depended on exports of basic
products and imports of finished goods. In the last quarter of the century, the export
of grain, rice and sugar became important (Aybar, 1939 & Issawi, 1988). Between
1780 and 1830, the growth speed of trade relationship between Ottoman Empire
62
and Europe was under 1,5 percent (Issawi, 1966, p.30 & Paris, 1957, p.572-577 &
Masson, 1911). Compared to that, in the 19th century, according to the calculations
made by current prices and 1880’s fixed prices, the growth speed of exports and
imports was approximately over 5 percent. The free trade agreement signed
between Ottomans and European countries in 1838 played a significant role in
Ottomans’ entrance to the world market. The foreign trade share of Western-
Eastern Europe and USA was over 70 percent in 1870s (Pamuk, 1978, p.36-37).
The growth speed of Ottoman foreign trade was clearly low in 1880s and 1890s. As
it is seen from the table (figure 11), increase in the scale of imports and exports
calculated by fixed prices of 1880 were under 3 percent per annum between the
periods 1879-81 and 1897-99. When the growth and exchange ratio is calculated by
current prices, exports deteriorated by 0,9 percent per annum between the periods
1879-80 and 1887-88. Between the periods 1887-88 and 1898-99, a recovery
happened so; year-to-year growth rate became 1,2 percent between the periods
1879-81 and 1897-99. Year-to-year growth rate in imports calculated by current
prices became 0,6 percent through the recovery process (Pamuk, 2008, p.128).
Exports Imports
Years
Current Prices 1880 Prices Current Prices 1880 Prices
1839/41-
5,3 5,3 5,5 6,4
1852/54
1857/59-
5,0 6,2 4,9 5,2
1871/73
1879/81-
1,2 2,7 0,6 2,5
1897/99
1879/80-
0,9 2,8 -0,8 2,0
1887/88
1887/88-
2,3 2,2 1,4 2,7
1898/99
1897/99-
4,3 3,4 6,0 4,3
1905/07
Figure 11: Growth Speed of Ottoman Foreign Trade (prices in terms of pound sterling)
Source: Pamuk, 2008, p.127
63
The slowing down process in Ottoman foreign trade didn’t affect the allocation of
trade among countries. The share of industrialized Western-Eastern European
countries and the USA continued to increase relative to Ottomans’. Germany started
to expand its share in Ottoman foreign trade with respect to Great Britain in 1880s.
However, Great Britain maintained its position as having the biggest share in
Ottomans’ exports and imports until 1913 (Pamuk, 1978, Section 2). It is only
possible to compare total trade numbers until 1907 because, the empire had lost
one fourth of its population living in European region, developed in trade and
agriculture and had higher living standards, and lost over 10 percent of its land in
1908 (Eldem, 1970, p.56-62). However in 1913, the empire caught the export level
of 1907 again, and import level exceeded by 25 percent of its levels in 1907s
(Pamuk, 2008, p.126-129).
The Ottoman Empire was a small country in terms of international trade. Tobacco
was the only product that Ottoman had an important share in the world trade. Still,
the total share of this product in export didn’t exceed 10 percent until 1913 (Eldem,
1970, p.134). Since Ottoman economy couldn’t affect the prices of imports and
exports by itself, foreign trade prices were accepted as the data for Ottoman
economy. One of the reasons for the negative disposition of Ottomans’ terms of
trade during the long depression was, rapid and constant decrease in world wheat
prices. Between 1873 and 1894, wheat production in the USA increased by 350
percent and USA got ahead of the total production of Western Europe and Russia.
As the USA entered into the international market, wheat prices decreased 60
percent between 1873 and 1894. This decrease in prices affected the economy of
Ottoman Empire, as a producer of wheat, negatively. These developments in wheat
prices ruined small and medium peasants who produce wheat. Since 90 percent of
Ottomans’ land was cultivated with wheat and one-fourth of tax incomes were
coming from agricultural production, the empire’s economy affected badly (Shaw,
1975, p.451-453).
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What could it be said for Ottomans’ economic performance between 1873 and
1896? Could it be said that, the basic disposition of this period was a decline in total
production growth speed, as it was contending for industrialized countries? Or, was
it more serious than that? First of all, neither in composition of total production nor in
Ottomans’ international division of labor, there wasn’t any substantial change. On
65
To sum up, two main points show how Ottomans’ economy was influenced by the
developments in the world economy;
2. Regression in terms of trade, and decline in growth rate, along with rapid
decline in global wheat prices, had influence on Ottomans’ economic
performance negatively (Pamuk, 2008, p.136-137).
5.9 Demography
5.9.1 Education
Since Ottoman Empire included many people differ in ethnicity and religion, the
educational system was complicated. For instance, heirs to the throne of Ottomans,
commanders and government officers were educated in enderun universities where
they could take physical training, Islamic education, learn palace (saray) activities in
practice and specialize in one of the branches of art. Education for the rest of the
Muslims was controlled by the ulema, a clergy formed by people who have studied
Islamic sciences. Besides, foreign people were allowed to open their own schools
next to churches, which were controlled by patriarchates independent from the
empire.
5.9.2 Population
There are several different data about Ottomans’ population. According to the most
reliable data, the total population of the empire was 17,134,000 in 1884, 17,381,670
in 1893, 19.050.000 in 1897, 28.652.000 in 1910 and increased gradually, then
reached to 29,357,000 in 1913 (Bilginin Adresi: Ottomans population and Regime,
2008)
Population is another factor that distinguishes the difference between the developed
and developing countries, because population growth is exogenous and has an
impact on economic growth. However, it is important to recall classical growth model
where population growth is endogenous. Following Thomas Malthus (1798) as it is
depicted in figure 13, growth in food supplies couldn’t keep pace with the growth in
population so that it led to a decline in per capita income (Todaro, 1997, p.202-203).
Lower per capita income brings poverty, diseases and starvation. This argument is
also related with
saving rates. As the
income per capita
decreases, saving
rates decrease, which
leads slowing down in
economic growth
process as it is stated
in neoclassical growth
model.
Figure 13: The Malthusian Population Trap, Source: Todaro, 1997, p.204
67
In the 19th century, Ottomans’ population reached to its peak level and, the
economic growth of the empire declined. However, it would be a mistake by
explaining the decline in economic growth only with population growth.
Technological change is one of the points that the Malthus model has ignored. With
the advance in technology, machineries could take the place from human or animal
power, which would increase productivity and quality, thus brings an upward shift to
income level.
Figure 14: How Technological and Social Progress Allows Nations to Avoid the Population Trap
Source: Todaro, 1997, p.206
The second point, which was ignored in the model, is the relationship between the
population growth rates and levels of per capita income. As it is shown in the graph
(figure 14), there is no definite relationship between population growth rate and per
capita income levels.
5.9.3 Ethnicity
Ottomans didn’t have a homogenous population. There were several different ethnic
and religious groups. Determining the size of all the ethnic groups was difficult in the
light of limited data about the 19th century. However, there were four largest ethnic
groups, which formed most of the population; and those were Turks (10 millions),
Arabs (6 millions), Kurds (1.5 millions), Greeks (1.5 millions), and Armenians
(between 1.5 and 2 million) (Encyclopedia Britannica: Ottoman Empire). Even the
rulers of the empire could have different ethnic origins because of harem, which
contained women brought from various countries. The sultan of the empire chose
his wife among those foreign women, so the heir of the throne could have a different
ethnic origin.
Although, there were many diverse ethnic and religious groups, the empire identified
itself with a common ethnic background, history, culture and language. While doing
this, the Ottoman Empire was tolerant to different beliefs and cultures. Non-Muslims
were allowed to go to churches and perpetuate their cultures. Therefore, they could
develop their own nationalisms. Before 1850, Ottomans had sought to organize the
various ethnic and religious communities into a smaller number of religious nations,
called millets; in which each of the millets organized, funded, and administered its
own religious and educational institutions (Encyclopedia Britannica: Millet). For
some economists and historians, this separatism was one of the fundamental
reasons for the end of Ottoman Empire. Since the empire established non-patriotic,
non-loyal millet system, during war periods the empire was lack of support from
most of the minority groups (ibid.).
Like the ethnicity in the empire, the religion was also equally diverse. There were
Christians of various denominations, and also Armenian and Greek Orthodox
Catholics. There was a diverse but small population of Jews as well. Within the
Ottoman Islamic community, there were adherents of Sunni Islam and out-
numbered adherents of Shiʿism. However, during the 19th century, Islam became
the predominant religion in the empire, just as Turks became the dominant ethnic
group. By 1914, about 83 percent of the population practiced Islam (Encyclopedia
Britannica: Ottoman Empire).
69
Paul and Feng (2005) explain that, diversity in both ethnicity and religion has effects
on economic growth in most of the countries in the world. Diversity in ethnic and
religious groups creates ideological conflicts, which play a major role in social
instability that affects economic development of a nation negatively. Social instability
is associated with poor economic performance and high economic inequality (Nettle,
Grace, Choisy, Cornell, Guégan, et al. 2007).
5.9.4 Religion
Before speculating about the effects of the dominant religion on different issues like
finance, society etc. in the empire, it would be right thing to start trying to get
acquainted with the major religion, Islam first. Islam as a word formed by two
different root words, which are silm and selam in Arabic language. The first one
literally means peace and the second one means happiness. That tells us that the
religion of Islam by its name should be a religion of peace, happiness and wellbeing.
Unfortunately it is observed in today’s world that these values do not reflect upon
the land of the geography of this religion (Ozturk, 1997, p.8).
It is important to note that the speculations below about the effects of Islam in
Ottoman Empire cannot reflect the real religion itself since many of the practices
were products of this historical corruption and not reflecting the original content of
Qur’an.
the absence of deposit banking, many observations from outside concluded that
there are no financial institutions and instruments in Islamic societies. It is true that
there is a religious ban in both Muslim and Christian societies in order to prevent
usury around Mediterranean in the Middle Ages (Pamuk, 2007, p.6).
However, as it is in Islam, riba in Arabic, which means usury is strictly banned not
the interest. Interest income at the inflation rate could only compensate loss on
wealth due to the inflation. Islam and almost all religions are against ill-gotten gains
and this is why usury is banned. Interest is to protect wealth against inflation thus it
would be inconceivable to consider interest as banned by Islam.
Although interest was frequently criticized among many traditional Islamic parties,
eventually Ottomans did not find it against Islam. Religious consensus maintained
their pragmatic approach and they concluded that if something is beneficial for
Islamic society, it is also beneficial for Islam as well. Consequently, it was not
difficult for Ottomans to develop financial institutions and instruments in the Middle
Ages (Pamuk, 2007, p.6).
Research of Ronald Jennings (1973) shows that there was an intense credit
relationships between money lenders and debt raisers during the 16th centuries
around Anatolia and it is observed that interest was applied to all of these credits
according to the records. Interest rate was fluctuating between 10 and 20 percent
annually around these dates. However, it is important to note that there was some
differences about the credits with interest and its incidence vary according to
different geographies of the empire. These regional differences considering the
practice of interest shows us that Islam was interpreted more strictly in Arabian
provinces than Anatolian provinces (Çizakça, 2000).
Ottomans’ economic policies and the structure of its institutions depended on the
characteristics of the relationship between state and society. Different social groups,
segments in the empire were constantly trying to affect state policies and they were
trying to secure their benefits. In the Ottoman society, up until the end of the 15th
century, there were intensive conflicts between Turkish originated aristocracy living
in the provinces of the empire and bureaucracy in the central government. After
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Sultan Mehmed II, state confiscated the lands under private property and power
shifted to the bureaucracy in the center. This was the end of aristocracy based on
lands possessed. After this reform the effect of landowners, merchants and
moneylenders on state’s economic policies became limited (Pamuk, 2007, p.9).
However, Ottomans did not put efforts to establish their genuine institutions in all
conquered territories. It is known that Ottomans gave importance to collect tax
revenues and did not interfere to existing rules and organizations to a large extent in
the distant geographies such as East Anatolia, Baghdad, Basra, Egypt, Yemen,
Wallachia, Moldavia, Georgia and Northwest Africa (Pamuk, 2007, p.5).
It is the fact that Ottomans preferred to accept existing institutions and legislations in
these places instead of forcing to replace with Ottoman institutions and legislations
(Barkan, 1942 & Akgunduz, 1990-94, p.180-85).
72
For example, when it comes to monetary in the Ottomans, they preferred to live with
the existing monetary units in the new conquered lands with minor changes like just
printing the name of Ottoman sultan on it.
The important reason behind keeping the pace of institutional change limited in
distant provinces, was not to cause economic, social and political disturbance. On
the other hand, it was not certain that central government had enough fiscal and
political power to make these radical changes. It may well be argued that Ottomans’
down-to-earth assessment of their capabilities and efficient utilization of their
economic, military and political power throughout the empire could be another
reason (Pamuk, 2007, p.5).
When we consider today’s efforts of moving to single monetary unit in Europe, its
slow pace and difficulties shows us that, Ottomans were being realistic by not
forcing to establish a single monetary unit in the empire (Pamuk, 2007, p.12).
Agriculture in the Ottoman Empire was not the only the basic key source of
economic foundation but it was a dominant way of life, providing both livelihood and
employment for the majority of Ottomans throughout the history. According to the
calculations of the economist Vedat Elkem (1970), agriculture directly contributed 59
percent of Anatolian GNP, while Anatolia provided 55 percent of all agricultural
income and 48 percent of total GNP (p.302-303). Especially the fertile soil in
northern Greece, where 88 percent of all cultivated land was set aside for wheat,
barley and other cereals, accounted for 76 percent of the total value of agricultural
production excluding animal products in 1907 (Pamuk, 1987, p.181).
Although, there were many areas with high birth rate, especially in western and
southern Anatolia, since the empire had to deal with many problems, the efficiency
from agriculture couldn’t be provided or improved enough. One of the problems was
the ayan class. Together with the weakening power of central government, ayan
class became more powerful and dominant in Anatolia by the late eighteenth
century, who was responsible as an intermediary between the government and the
public in collecting taxes. They were collecting taxes in favor of large landowners,
and burdening heavy taxes on small and medium peasant enterprises. It is argued
that, although the empire or the ruler needed tax collectors (i.e., agents), in the
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In the early 19th century, by signing Sened-i Ittifak agreement (1808) the balance of
power between central government and ayan class changed. This agreement was a
signal of the beginning of centralization in the empire.
Second reason was scarcity in agrarian labor force compared to abundance of land.
Between the 16th and 18th centuries, the population in Anatolia showed a net
decline. Besides, wars, exploitation of peasants by ayans with heavy taxes, and
economic and fiscal crisis, contributed to this outcome (Pamuk, 1987, p.183). The
empire was aware that, the economic growth of the empire was dependent on the
growth in agricultural production and inexpensive transportation of those products.
Therefore, in the 19th century the population began to increase by immigration of
Muslims from Caucasus and Crimean Khanate. The government settled those
immigrants to places where there were labor shortage and railways. However,
scarcity of labor continued to be an important feature of Ottoman agriculture until the
WWI.
Limited use of technology and inadequacy of transportation was another problem for
Ottoman in agricultural production. After the Industrial Revolution, most of the
European countries began to exploit the benefits of the new technology since
technological progress is an essential factor explaining the long-term growth in
Solow’s model. It explains how people today are more productive than they were a
hundred years ago. Technological changes throughout the years make huge
contribution to increasing productivity (Parkin, 2003, p.552). However, this
technology came to the empire in the late 19th century. Large landowners in the
western Anatolia began to employ laborsaving machinery since there was a labor
shortage. In a normal economy, when there was an abundance of land but scarce
labor, wages were expected to increase. However, in order not to lose their jobs,
peasants accepted to work with great effort in consideration of lower wages.
Although, this led small peasant enterprises to survive, it also prevented new
technologies to be used in agriculture. Like agricultural production, the
transportation of the products was also important for economic growth to be
74
Todaro (1997) states that, “the core problems of widespread poverty, growing
inequality, rapid population growth, and rising unemployment all find their origins in
the stagnation and often retrogression of economic life in rural areas” and he
continues “if development is to take place and become self-sustaining, it will, have
to start in the rural areas in general and the agricultural sector in particular” (p.296).
An economy like Ottomans’, which was mainly based on agriculture and labor force,
should have followed technological improvements, necessary institutional reforms
and price incentive changes, in order to try to rise domestic demand for agricultural
output and diversify activities that supports farming community. By this way, the
empire could have developed in agriculture and support sustainable economic
growth.
Despite the growth in global economy in the 19th century especially after 1880,
Ottoman still had agricultural economy before the WWI. Also national income per
person was under Western and Eastern Europe’s averages (Pamuk, 2008, p.140).
As it is mentioned earlier, the 19th century was a period that Ottoman Empire made
many political, social and economical reforms to hold the empire together against
inside and outside threats. Besides, during the 19th century Ottoman economy
entered to the world economy. Empire’s foreign trade grew more than ten times
between 1820 and 1914. 12 percent of the total productions were exporting, before
the WWI. On the other hand, this rapid growth in foreign trade led the empire to
import large amounts of finished goods. Due to the free trade agreement, domestic
producers couldn’t be supported; the grain produced within hinterland couldn’t
compete with imported grain. More than three fourth of Ottomans’ foreign trade was
among European countries including Great Britain, Germany and France (ibid).
75
In rural areas, both small and large peasant enterprises had activities. The basic
production unit was family enterprises who had two oxen and a land to cultivate.
Coastal areas were cultivated intensively compared to hinterlands, which were
scarce in terms of labor force and convenient land (ibid.).
On the other hand, manufacturing activities were mostly relied on craft. Tanneries,
cotton mills, flour mills, factories producing glass and brick, which were using new
technology arose barely at the end of the 19th century. According to the industrial
census in 1913, within the borders of today’s Turkey there were only 600 industrial
enterprises, which employed ten or more labors. In these enterprises approximately
35,000 people were employed and this number formed 0,2 percent of the total
population. Most of these employments were intensively in textile, food processing,
paper and printing and construction products (ibid).
Another important aspect of Ottoman economy opening into the world economy
was, direct investments made by European capital. These investments became 75
million pound sterling when it reached at its peak level. 60 percent of this amount
was invested to railways especially in Anatolia and Syria. Railways helped Ottoman
economy to integrate with the world economy by attaching productive agricultural
areas to harbors. European capital made direct investments to infrastructure areas,
public services, insurance and navigation, but investments to agriculture; mining and
industrial areas were limited (ibid).
Beginning from the Crimean war, Ottoman Empire tried to finance its budget deficit,
which was mainly made up of military expenditures. In 1876, Ottoman announced
that, the empire couldn’t continue to repay its debts. This is why Duyun-i Umumiye
started to control most of the income sources. In 1914, the total amount of national
debts was 140 million pound sterling. This amount was nearly 60 percent of the
national income. More than half of the Ottoman Empire’s equity securities were
76
belonging to France, more than 20 percent was belonging to Germany and less than
15 percent was belonging to Great Britain. Industry was poor and foreign debts were
increasing gradually. Together with loss of lands in Balkans war, Ottomans’
population was increasing 1 percent per annum. Between 1880 and 1914, income
per person was increasing a little less than 1 percent per annum (Pamuk, 2008,
p.143).
5.11.2 How Ready was Ottoman Empire for a Long Term War?
Ottoman was less prepared for a long-term war than the other countries in terms of
economic indicators. Ottoman Empire had over 12,000 km borders with 8,000 km
shoreline and over 1,7 million km2 area excluding Arabian peninsula. Before the
commencement of WWI, most of the trade was taking place via sea routes. After
transportation by sea was stopped by allied powers, Ottoman could only use land
route transportation for military activities. Years before the WWI, infrastructure
programs of the empire had risen. Although, the government managed to maintain
building railways, roads and telegraph lines, which first started under Abdulhamit II
royalty, Ottomans’ transportation network was not enough to cover this wide
geography (Pamuk, 2008, p.144). Eastern Anatolia, which had a significant place in
the war, was lack of railways because Ottomans agreed on not to build any railways
without Russia’s permission. In addition to that, when the war started, the railway
connection between Anatolia, Syria and Mesopotamia was not built yet. Land routes
were poor; pack animals were used in carrying. The empire was also lacking of
modern communication tools, and communication network was limited (McCarty,
2001, p.95-98 & Erickson, 2001, p.51-73).
Ottoman Empire was not able to manufacture necessary war materials. Before the
war, production of raw iron and steel was limited. Chemical production and refined
petroleum production was also limited. There were only one gun foundry, one squib
factory and one gunpowder factory. All of these factories were built outside Istanbul
and they were not enough to meet internal demand. Another scarcity was energy.
The empire was adequate for itself in terms of coal, but after bombing of coalmines
in Black Sea region by Russia, Ottoman had to import coal from Germany. The
production of coal was declined by 40 percent in 1916 and 75 percent in 1918.
Another important point was the scarcity in skilled labor force. Since a lot of men
77
had gone to the war, the scarcity of labor force in industry sector was increased and
this problem couldn’t be solved until the end of the war (Eldem, 1994, p.75-82). In
addition to all these scarcities, Ottoman had to fight against British, French, Russian
and Arabs in many fronts.
Beginning from the end of 19th century, Ottoman was taking military consultancy
support from Western European countries. Activities of German committee were
started in 1880s during the royalty of Abdulhamit II. In the beginning of 20th century,
Ottoman army was configured by taking German army as a model. However, in
1912 and 1913 from Balkans alliance point of perspective, Ottoman suffered a
defeat. Therefore, a radical change had happened; military budget was doubled and
activities to form a modern army were started. Ottoman gave an order to British
navy yard for new war ships and a new air force. Old army officers were retired to
give their places to young better-educated officers (Pamuk, 2008, p.145).
However, in 1914 the army was exhausted because of the Balkans War. In order to
improve the army to the European standards, there was a limited time. Addition to
that, there were some barriers to conscript men for the army too. 20 percent of the
population was non-Muslim and they were paying taxes not to join the army.
Besides, Ottoman had difficulties in keeping Muslims in the army. The total number
of soldiers in the army was 800,000 during the war. This number was approximately
less than 4 percent of the whole population and it was under the level of other
countries’ average. Ottomans were dependent to import guns and military supplies
until the end of the war. After the campaign of Serbia at the end of 1915, the empire
faced with a scarcity of military supplies and raw materials until re-establishment of
the railways between Western Europe. Despite these scarcities, while the other
countries’ armies surrendered to the enemy, Ottoman army remained the last until
October 1918 (Zurcher, 1996). During the war, support from German army was no
more than giving consultancy. Both financial support and materials provided were
poor. Right to the end of 1914, sources provided from Germany were increased.
However, German military union in Ottoman army was still limited. (Pamuk, 2008,
p.146-147).
78
After entering into the war, Ottoman government performed three important
changes. First of all, they terminated the practice that allowed low customs duty on
the value of the import products and started to apply higher customs duty on some
of the specific import products to protect and support domestic industry. Secondly,
Ottomans stopped repaying debts to France, Germany and Great Britain,
suspended the activities of Duyun-i Umumiye. Lastly, capitulations were revoked
(Pamuk, 2008, p.149-150). However, all of these efforts were so late to have
enough corrective impacts on Ottoman economy.
War period causes disequilibrium between the demand and the supply of food. But
there is a difference between underdeveloped economies and developed
economies in this respect. Agricultural structures in developed economies tried to
maintain their production level as in the peace period. Since agricultural production
of those developed economies was diversified, the sector did not affected seriously
from stagnation. When there was a scarcity in labor force, this problem could be
79
With the commencement of WWI, the military expenditures were increased rapidly.
One way of financing war expenditures was to increase taxes. Before the war, total
income coming from taxes was 12 percent of the empire’s national income (Eldem,
1970, p.243-303). Two third of these taxes were collected from agricultural area.
With the commencement of the war, all direct and indirect taxes were increased, but
despite of all these efforts, income taxes didn’t increase. One of the reasons was, a
serious decrease in agricultural and industrial production. The second, maybe the
most important reason was, increased affinity to be reluctant to pay taxes in both
cities and rural areas, and decrease in empire’s force to collect those taxes (Pamuk,
2008, p.157-162).
Rapid increase in war expenditures caused budget deficit to become huge. In order
to control this deficit, the empire targeted salary payments, which was 40 percent of
the empire’s total expenditures. Although, the number of civil servants increased by
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20 percent during the war, the expenditures in terms of salaries decreased to the
levels under 18 percent of the empire’s total expenditures (ibid).
During the war, the empire indebted to foreign countries especially to the allied
countries. 56 million pound sterling from Germany, 8,5 million pound sterling from
Austria-Hungary was provided. The total value of all credits in terms of pre-war rate
was 20 million pound sterling (ibid).
Since the empire couldn’t achieve any results from all these methods, it introduced
kaime (special sales notes) into the market. Therefore, printing banknotes became
an important tool for Ottomans to finance its war expenditures. While the amount of
money in circulation increased, its value against gold coins decreased as it is
expected. Not only because of this monetary expansion but also along with
encountering problems in food supply, caused prices to soar continuously.
According to the data from Duyun-i Umumiye, prices were increased by over 20
times from July 1914 to the end of 1918, and by over 18 times in the last quarter of
1918. The inflation rate was 300 percent and this rate has never been experienced
before in Ottoman history (ibid).
Considering the reliability of the data used, there are some limitations in terms of its
quality. It is important to note that comparisons are fraught with uncertainty, for
instance as a result of differing consumption patterns in different locations and
across time related to consumer price indices presented. There might be problems
with comparisons across time and across regions, and, thus, that the data
presented should be understood with a certain amount of caution.
Besides, this paper looks events in an economic perspective and authors spent
maximum effort in order not to include political and/or social perspectives. Thus, the
probability of deviation in interpretation of the events shouldn’t be ignored.
7. Conclusions
Throughout its history, Ottoman Empire put a significant effort to maintain its
traditional order, however due to various reasons Ottomans could not stop
loosening its power. Most of the problems faced were not only related with domestic
reasons but also global for most of the time by their nature. Developments around
the empire created a turbulent environment and Ottomans could not catch up with
the new situation emerged. Considering all internal and external factors, it is
observed that almost all of the conditions were met for an empire to decline. In order
to understand these factors and their results for the empire, it is preferred to
highlight them while mentioning their both positive and negative effects to the
empire.
Extremely wide borders of the empire is another factor that should be analyzed.
Standing at a crossroads of intercontinental trade allowed the empire to control most
of the important trade routes and contributed to empire’s development. It is also a
fact that the fertile lands of the empire especially in Anatolia contributed to empire’s
agricultural development. However, while Ottomans were expanding their lands, the
difficulties of controlling and governing distant provinces became a real challenge
83
for central bureaucracy. Increasing population and ethnic diversity along with
expanding borders could be considered as another burden for the empire.
Moreover, while the empire was getting wider, the demand for protecting these
lands was increasing and maintaining order was getting difficult. Authors speculate
that this situation might lead Ottomans to allocate most of its resources to national
security instead of economic growth and, thus, contributed to economical decline.
Around 1750, while most of the European countries were enjoying a long run
economic growth during Industrial Revolution, Ottoman Empire were not fully aware
of the fact that industrialization and international trade are the two most important
engines for economic growth. Instead, Ottomans preferred to rely upon their
traditional principles of governing and they stayed reluctant to transform these
principles according to the new world. Although Ottomans’ institutions and their
policies had an important role on its longevity, the same structure of government
started to become a reason for their decline up to a certain point in history. The
advantages of Ottomans, which gave them unique competitiveness in the past,
started to become obsolete one by one as the time passes. Ottomans did not follow
any mercantilist policies, which may assist the local merchants and industries to
develop. The institutional frameworks were insufficient in order to give necessary
incentives to entrepreneurs to create new technologies, establish new industries,
manufacturing factories, mining sites etc. to catch up with rapid western industrial
growth. Up until the year 1839, there were a limited effort to change and Ottomans
were not only unable to forecast the future but also reluctant to take corrective
measures. The latter efforts of reforms and corrective measures taken during WWI
were simply late and Ottoman Empire became already vulnerable to exploitation of
European capitalism. European countries demanded Ottomans to open into the
foreign markets as much as possible in return of a reward for military, political and
financial support. Therefore, reform activities followed with concessions in foreign
trade and foreign capital without any protectionist policies. Thus, these policies
caused local premature industries of the empire to extinct before they develop. All of
these accepted agreements and compromises with Europe in an effort of survival
caused only to expedite the pace of decline instead of saving the empire. Efforts of
generating income of the empire were ineffective and caused the empire became
more dependent to the developed economies. Shortsighted thoughts and policies to
84
finance increased budget deficits gave rise to increasing difficulties to maintain price
stability of the empire. This situation led lower saving rates and lower investments
within the empire, which was burdening any possible economic improvement.
Under all these circumstances it is not a surprising fact that Ottoman Empire was
defeated in WWI, and collapsed in the aftermath of the war. Authors concluded that
beside all of the factors mentioned, the true reason behind the decline and collapse
was the inability of the empire to adapt itself to the both internal and external
changes and not being resilient to foreign threats, which resulted in significant
economical trauma.
85
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Data Appendix
Figure 2, Figure 8:
CPI in CPI in
Quantity CPI Quantity CPI
terms of terms of
of gram (grams of gram (grams
Coins Coins
silver in silver) silver in silver)
Coins 1469=1,0 Coins 1469=1,0
1469=1,0 1469=1,0
Years Years
Figure 2: Summary of Price Index (ten years average) TFE: Consumer Price Index
Source: Pamuk, 2007, p.110
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