Anton-Hermann Chroust

A Brief Account of the Traditional Vitae Aristotelis

In: Revue des Études Grecques, tome 77, fascicule 364-365, Janvier-juin 1964. pp. 50-69.

Abstract
The Vita Aristotelis of Diogenes Laertius to a large extent relies on Hermippus whose original account might be reconstructed
with the help of Diogenes Laertius. Hermippus' is a strange though in the main encomiastic melange of fact and fiction, praise
and slander. With the exception of the Vila Hesychii (Vita Menagii), all the other Vitae — the Vita Marciana, the Vita Vulgata (Vita
Pseudo-Ammoniana ) , the Vila Latina, the two Syriac Vitae and the four Arabic Vitae — ultimately go back to, or are derivates of
a Vita (or an epitome of a Vita) of Ptolemy (el-Garib), a member of Porphyry's or Jamblichus' school of Neo-Platonists. The Vita
of Ptolemy, the essential contents of which can fairly well be reconstructed with the help of its several derivates, is strongly
encomiastic. It is based on what seems to be an adequate mastery of the biographical materials available around 300-400 A. D.,
but its uncritical admiration for Aristotle greatly reduces its historical value.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Chroust Anton-Hermann. A Brief Account of the Traditional Vitae Aristotelis. In: Revue des Études Grecques, tome 77, fascicule
364-365, Janvier-juin 1964. pp. 50-69.

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A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITIONAL

VITAE ARISTOTELIS

In recent years there has been a stupendous and most fruitful

revival of historical studies of Aristotle, both of the man and of his
philosophical work. W. Jaeger's « evolutionary theses, » first
expounded in 1912 (1) and further elaborated in 1923 (2), have
stimulated a veritable flood of important scholarly investigations
which are by no means concluded (3). One of the most significant
by-products of Jaeger's work was a renewed interest in the so-
called « lost » or « exoteric » compositions of the young Aristotle (4).

(1) W. Jaeger, Studien zur Enlwicklungsgeschichle der Metaphysik des Aristo-

teles (1912). — It should be noted, however, that T. Case, in his article « Aris
totle, » in : Encyclopaedia Britannica (llth edit., 1910), vol. 2, pp. 501-522,
already anticipated some of Jaeger's evolutionary theories.
(2) W. Jaeger, Aristoteles, Grundlegung einer Geschichte seiner Enlwicklung
(1923).
(3) See, for instance, A.-H. Chroust, « The First Thirty Years of Modern
Aristotelian Scholarship (1912-1942) », to be published in Classica el Mediaevalia,
vol. XXIV (1964).
(4) See, for instance, I. During, Aristotle's Prolrepticus : An Attempt at
Reconstruction, Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia, vol. 12 (1961) ;
A.-H. Chroust, Aristotle: Prolrepticus A Reconstruction (1964) ; P. Moraux, A
la Recherche de VArislole Perdu : Le Dialogue « Sur la Justice », Aristote, Tra
ductions et Études, Collection publiée par l'Institut Supérieur de Philosophie
de l'Université de Louvain (1957) ; M. Untersteiner, Arislolele : Delia Filosofia
(1963). ·— Several scholars at present are attempting to reconstruct some of
the more important « lost » works of the early Aristotle : O. Gigon, Aristoteles'
Dialog Eudemos : Ein Versuch der Wiederherstellung ; P. Wilpert, Aristoteles''
Dialog « Ueber die Philosophie »; Ein Versuch der Wiederherstellung ; S. Mansion
and Ë. de Strycker, Arislole «Du Bien »: Essai de Reconstruction; and G. E.
L. Owen, Aristotle's Essay κ On Ideas»: An Attempt at Reconstruction. All
these attempted reconstructions await publication in the near future. See also,
in general, E. Berti,, La Filosofia del Primo Arislolele, Université di Padova
Pubblicazioni délia Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia (1962).
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 51

At the same time it was pointed out repeatedly and emphatically

that in order to understand more adequately the development of
Aristotle's philosophic thought we must pay increased attention
to the ancient biographical tradition concerning the Stagirite (1).
The following pages are an attempt to give a brief account of the
traditional Vitae Aristolelis which, compiled in antiquity, have
managed to survive in one form or another.
The most important ancient biographies (2) of Aristotle which have
come down to us are : Diogenes Laertius, The Lives of Eminent Philo
sophers, book V, chapters 1-35 ; the Vita Hesychii (3) ; the Pseudo-
Hesychius (4) ; the Vila Marciana (5) ; the Vita Vulgata (6) ; the
Vita Lascaris (7) ; the Vila Lalina (8) ; the Vila Syriaca I (9) ;

(1) See here, in general, I. During, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical

Tradition, Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis (1957), passim.
(2) Except for the purpose of shedding some additional light on the several
Vitae Arislotelis, no attention will be paid here to occasional biographical
references to Aristotle by a host of ancient authors, historians, grammarians,
critics, etc. For an exhaustive treatment of our subject, see also I. During,
op. cil. supra note 1, passim; O. Gigon, « Interpretationen zu den Antiken
Aristoteles-Viten,», Museum Helveticum, vol. 15 (1958), pp. 147-193. Also,
no mention is made here of the « abridgement » found in Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus, Epist. ad Ammaeum I. 3-6. This epitome, it will be noticed, is based on
several Vitae Aristotelis that were in circulation during the latter part of the
first century B. C.
(3) This Vita, which contains an important « list of Aristotle's writings »,
is also known as the Vita Menagiana or Vita Menagii. It is reprinted in V. Rose,
Aristotelis Fragmenta (1886), pp. 9-18.
(4) This relatively unimportant Vila is a brief compilation from Diogenes
Laertius and the Vita Hesychii.
(5) This important Vita was first edited by L. Robbe, Vita Aristotelis ex
Codice Marciano Graece (1861) ; V. Rose, op. cil. at pp. 426-436. See here, in
general, A. Busse, « Neuplatonische Lebensbeschreibung des Aristoteles »,
Hermes, vol. 28 (1893), pp. 252-273. The Vita Marciana is dependent on an
abridgement of Ptolemy's lost Vila Aristotelis.
(6) This Vita, which is also called Vita Pseudo-Ammoniana, is probably an
abridgement of Ptolemy's Vita Aristotelis. See A. Busse, Die Neuplaionischen
Ausleger der Isagoge des Porphyrius (1892), passim.
(7) This Vita is an unimportant abridgement of the Vita Marciana.
(8) This Vita, which can be found in V. Rose, op. cit. at pp. 442-450, is a
rather « liberal » Latin translation from the Vita Marciana with some minor
additions from the Vila Vulgala.
(9) This brief Vita, which might be called a Syriac version of the Greek
Vita Vulgata (see supra note 6), goes back to Ptolemy's Vita which probably
was brought to Nisibis when Emperor Zeno closed down the Neo-Platonic
school in Edessa. It was edited and translated by A. Baumstark, Syrisch-
Arabische Biographien des Aristoleles (1900), appendix to p. 130, and ibid.
at p. 38.
 52 A.-H. CHROUST

the Vita Syriaca II (1) ; the Vita Arabica I (by an-Nadim) (2) ;
the Vita Arabica II (by al-Mubassir or, Mubashir) (3) ; the Vita
Arabica III (by al-Qifti) (4) ; and the Vita Arabica IV (by
Usaibia) (5).
According to C. A. Brandis, Ε. Zeller, R. Susemihl, E. Heitz,
W. Christ, R. Littig, W. Jaeger, D. W. Ross, L. Robin, I. During,
and others (6), Hermippus, the disciple of Callimachus and librarian
at Alexandria (towards the end of the third century B. C), must be
considered the main source for the biographical notations found in
Diogenes Laertius. It has been claimed that as a distinguished
librarian at Alexandria this Hermippus had at his disposal ample
materials on Aristotle. In the year 306 B. C, when all «alien»
philosophers were banished from Athens by the decree of Demet
riusPoliorcetes, Ptolemy Soter, the King of Egypt, invited Theo-
phrastus, Aristotle's successor in the scholarchate of the Lyceum,
to come to Egypt and thus transfer the Peripatetic School and its
library to Alexandria. Although Theophrastus turned down this

(1) This very brief and relatively unimportant Vila was translated by
A. Baumstark, op. cit. at p. 116. It follows Ptolemy's Vita.
(2) This Vita is based on Ptolemy (el-Garib)'s Vita. It was translated by
A. Baumstark, op. cit. at pp. 39 ff.
(3) This Vita, which shows the influence of the Vita Marciana, Ptolemy's
Vila, the Vila Vulgala, the Vita Syriaca I and //, and the Vita Arabica I,
was translated by A. Baumstark, op. cil. at pp. 39-51, and ibid, at pp. 120-124 ;
and by J. Lippert, Studien auf dem Gebiete der Griechisch-Arabischen Ueberset-
zungslileralur (1894), pp. 4-19.
(4) This Vita, which is a sort of « article » on Aristotle, to a large extent
is based on the Vita of Ptolemy as it has been excerpted by several Arabic
authors. See J. Lippert, Ibn al-QifiVs Tarih-al-hukuma (1903) ; M. Stein-
schneider, Al-Farabi : Des Arabischen Philosophen Leben und Schriften (1869),
pp. 187-191.
(5) This Vita, which likewise follows Ptolemy's Vita, contains the important
« Catalogue of Aristotle's Writings » by Ptolemy (el-Garib). See here P. Moraux,
Les Listes Anciennes des Ouvrages d'Aristoie (1951), passim. — The important
Greek Vita Aristotelis of Ptolemy, which underlies the Syriac and Arabic Vilae,
is preserved only in the garbled, mutilated and abridged form of these Vilae.
See infra.
(6) These scholars were opposed by V. Rose, J. Bernays, H. Diels, A. Gerke,
and others, who insisted that the primary source of information used by
Diogenes Laertius was Andronicus of Rhodes, the alleged « restorer » of the
Corpus Aristotelicum around the middle of the first century B. C. The thesis
which sees in Andronicus the original source of Diogenes Laertius by now
has been completely abandoned.
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 53
invitation, his disciples, Strato of Lampsacus and Demetrius of
Phaleron, went to Egypt (1). Undoubtedly, these two men brought
to Alexandria some of the writings of the Peripatetics, including
probably some of Aristotle's compositions or, at least, notes and
excerpts from his works. It has also been suggested that on his death
Theophrastus (died in 288/7 or 287/6) left and bequeathed his as
well as Aristotle's writings to Neleus of Scepsis (2). Neleus (or his
heirs) subsequently sold parts of this collection of writings to Pto
lemy Philadelphus, the successor to Ptolemy Soter (3).
All this would indicate that in the course of the third century B.
C, Alexandria had become one of the great centers of Aristotelian
or Peripatetic scholarship, a fact which enabled Hermippus to draw
much reliable information concerning the life and works of Aristotle
from the accumulated materials. This somewhat idealistic picture,
however, was badly shattered by I. During, who on the strength
of his detailed and searching studies came to the well-founded
conclusion that Hermippus' reports were uncritical accounts heavily
slanted in favor of Aristotle (4). In keeping with the general literary
tendency of the times primarily to entertain and amuse his readers,
Hermippus, according to During, concocted a strange mélange of
fact and fiction, history and anecdote, truth and gossip, praise and
slander. Hence, Hermippus' biography contains many items
which are correct or almost correct. But it is also replete with
fanciful stories wholly devoid of all foundation in fact. His most
important contribution to the biographical tradition about Aristotle
was probably his effort to make Aristotle out to be the true and sole
founder of the whole Peripatetic School. Among the many fanciful
stories he invented, probably the most conspicuous was the legend,
subsequently widely accepted, that Aristotle seceded from the
Academy and from Plato's basic teachings while Plato was still

(1) Strato probably went to Egypt because he was an «alien», Demetrius

because of political difficulties.
(2) See A.-H. Chroust, « The Miraculous Disappearance and Recovery of
the Corpus Arisiotelicum », Classica et Mediaevalia, vol. 23 (1963), pp. 50-67.
(3) Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae I. 3AB. — See here also I. During, Notes
on the History of the Transmission of Aristotle's Writings, Acta Universitatis
Gothoburgensis, vol. 56 (1950), pp. 59-60.
(4) I. During, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition, Acta Univers
itatis Gothoburgensis, vol. 68 (1957), pp. 464-467.
54 A. -H. CHROUST

alive (1), — a story intended to demonstrate the original genius

of Aristotle which developed in complete independence from Plato.
According to I. Diiring's conjectural sketch of the likely content
of Hermippus' biography of Aristotle, the latter probably contained
the following bits of information : descent and family of Aristotle
(Diog. Laert. V. 1) ; Aristotle was the most genuine disciple of
Plato (ibid.) ; Aristotle's personal appearance (ibid.) (2) ; Aris
totle had a son (Nicomachus) by his concubine Herpyllis (ibid.) (3) ;
Aristotle seceded from the Academy during Plato's lifetime (Diog.
Laert. V. 2) (4) ; the metaphor about Aristotle's spurning Plato « as
colts kick their mother who bore them » (ibid.) ; on the whole
Aristotle was ungrateful towards Plato (5) ; after Plato's death
Speusippus became the new scholarch of the Academy, and when
Speusippus died during Aristotle's absence in Macedonia as Athe
nian envoy to King Philip, Xenocrates was elected scholarch
(ibid.) ; on his return from Macedonia and with Xenocrates as the
new head Aristotle founded his own school in the Lyceum (ibid.) ;
Aristotle's rivalry with Isocrates and the beginning of Aristotle's
course of lectures on rhetoric (Diog. Laert. V. 3) (6) ; Aristotle's
departure to join Hermias in Atarneus (ibid.) ; Aristotle's friendship

(1) Hermippus, it seems, made use of a story, probably invented by the

frequently slanderous Aristoxenus of Tarentum, that during Plato's sojourn
in Syracuse in 361/60 a few young members of the Academy, in a spirit of
antagonism to Plato, started a rival school. Later authors apparently identified
these rebellious young men with Aristotle — a substitution which seems to
have suited Hermippus and his plan to depict the young Aristotle as an
independent philosopher and founder of an independent « school of thought ». —
When Speusippus died in 339/8, Aristotle should have been made the scholarch
of the Academy instead of Xenocrates, but at that time he was at the court
of Philip on a diplomatic mission. And when he returned from Macedonia in 335,
he established his own school in competition with the Academy. These are,
in brief, Hermippus' main contributions to the biographical tradition about
Aristotle. See I. During, loc. cit.
(2) See also Vita Hesychii 1 ; Plutarch, De Adulaiore et Amico 9 ; Plutarch,
De Audiendis Poelis 8.
(3) See also Aristocles, in : Eusebius, Praeparalio Evangelica XV. 2 ; Suda,
«article» Nicomachus; Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae XIII. 589 C.
(4) See also Aelian, Varia Hisloria IV. 9.
(5) Aelian, loc. cit. ; Eusebius, loc. cit. (Aristoxenus, Aristocles) ; Aelius
Aristides, Oratio II, p. 249 ; Origen, Contra Celsum II, p. 397.
(6) See also Cicero, De Oratore III. 35. 141 ; Cicero, Tuscul. Disput. I. 4. 7;
Quintilian, Institutio Oratorio III. 1. See also Gellius, Attic Nights XX. 5 ;
Syrianus, Scholia ad Hermogenem IV. 297 (edit. Walz).
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE AKISTOTELIS 55

with Hermias (ibid.) ; Aristotle's stay in Assos (1) ; the death of

Hermias (Diog. Laert. V. 6) and Callisthenes' encomium on
Hermias (2) ; the « Hymn » to Hermias (Diog. Laert. V. 7) (3) ;
Aristotle's epigram on Hermias (Diog. Laert. V. 6) (4) ; at the
request of King Philip Aristotle went to Macedonia to become the
tutor of Alexander (Diog. Laert. V. 4) ; he asked Philip to rebuild
Stagira (ibid.) (5) ; he devised a code of laws for the restored
city (ibid.) (6) ; Aristotle returned to Athens leaving behind his
nephew Callisthenes as his successor in the tutorship (Diog. Laert.
V. 4-5) (7) ; he stayed in Athens for twelve years as the head of his
school (Diog. Laert. V. 5) ; indicted by Eurymedon for impiety, Aris
totle fled to Chalcis (ibid.) ; some bitter remarks of Aristotle on
the occasion of his flight (8) ; the several stories about the cause
of Aristotle's death (Diog. Laert. V. 5-6) (9) ; he was 63 years old
at the time of his death, and 17 years old when he joined the Academy
(Diog. Laert. V. 9-10) ; the story that he selected his own
successor (10) ; Theocritus' of Chios epigram on Aristotle (Diog.

(1) See also Areius Didymus, In Demoslhenis Oraliones Commenlaria (edit.

H. Diels and W. Schubert, 1904), vol. I, p. δ, 21 ff., and ibid, at vol. I, p. 5, 51 ff. ;
Philodemus, Aeademicorum Philosophorum Index Herculanensis (edit.
S. Mekler, 1902), p. 22, col. V.
(2) See also Areius Didymus, op. cit. at I, p. 5, 64 fi\, and ibid, at I, p. 6, 50 ff.
(3) See also Areius Didymus, op. cit. at I, p. 6, 18.
(4) See also Areius Didymus, op. cit. at I, p. 6, 36.
(5) See also Diodorus Siculus XVI. 52. 9 ; Valerius Maximus V. 6. 5 ;
Pliny, Hist. Nat. VII. 109 ; Plutarch, Ne Suaviler Ouidem Vivi Posse Secundum
Epicurum 15 (1097 B) ; Dio Chrysostom, Oratio II. 29, and Oralio XLVII. 8
(frag. 657 Rose) ; Aelian, Varia Historia XII. 54, and ibid, at III. 17.
(6) Plutarch, Adversus Coloten 32 (1126 C).
(7) See also Diogenes Laertius V. 10 ; Plutarch, Alexander 53 ff., and ibid.
at 55 ; Arrian, Anabasis IV. 9. 10 ; Valerius Maximus VII. 2. 11 ; Themistius,
Oratio X, p. 155, 6 (edit. Dindorf), and ibid, at p. 112, 12; Suda, «article»
Callislhenes.
(8) See Philochorus, in : Vila Marciana 9-12 (Frag. Graec. Hisior. 328 F. 223,
Jacoby) ; Aelian, Varia Hisloria III. 36 ; Origen, Conlra Celsum I. 380 (MigneXI,
p. 781 B) ; Elias (olim David), Commenlaria in Porphyrii Isagogen el in Aristo-
telis Categorias (edit. A. Busse, 1900), in : Commenlaria in Arislolelem Graeca,
vol. XVIII, part 1, p. 123, 15; Eustathius, In Odyss. H. 120-121; Seneca,
Dialogus VIII. 8, 1.
(9) See also Strabo X. 1. 11 ; Gellius, Attic Nights XVII. 21. 25, and ibid.
at XVII. 21. 34 ; XIII. 5 ; Justin Martyr, Cohorlalio ad Graecos 34 Β ; Gregory
of Nazianzus, Oralio IV. 72 ; Procopius VIII. 6. 20 ; Censorinus, De Die Natali 14.
(10) Gellius, Attic Nights, XIII. 5.
56 A.-H. CHUOUST

Laert. V. 11) (1) ; Timon's epigram on Aristotle (ibid.) ; Aristotle's

testament (Diog\ Laert. V. 11-16) (2) ; some anecdotes about
Aristotle credited to Lycon (Diog. Laert. 16) (3); the «list» of
Aristotle's writings (Diog. Laert. V. 22-27) ; and possibly some of
« the sayings » ascribed to Aristotle by Diogenes Laertius (V. 17-21)
and others. It will be noted that Hermippus cites as his authorities
Eumelus, Bryon (Bryson?) from whom he quotes Theocritus of
Chios, Timaeus, Timotheus, Lycon, and Timon. But we have no
assurance whatever that he cites all of the sources from which he
derived his information, or even his main source (4) ; or that he cites
them correctly.
In complete opposition to the general views held by a vast
majority of scholars, P. Moraux vigorously advanced the far-
reaching thesis that a Vila Aristotelis by Ariston of Ceos, the scho-
larch of the Peripatus towards the end of the third century B. C,
rather than the biography of Hermippus, constitutes the main
source of information relied on by Diogenes Laertius (5). Moraux
observed that in his biographical remarks about Strato of Lamp-
sacus, Diogenes Laertius expressly mentions Ariston of Ceos as
his authority (6). As a matter of fact, Ariston is quoted here as the

(1) See also Areius Didymus, op. cil. at I, p. 6, 43 fî. ; Ε. Diehl, Anlhologia
Lyrica Graeca, vol. I (2nd edit), p. 127 (Theocritus of Chios) ; Plutarch, De
Exilio 10 (603 C).
(2) See also Athenaeus, Deipnosophislae XII. 589 C.
(3) See also Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica XV. 14 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist.
XXXV. 162; Theoderetus, Graecorum Affeclionum Curatio VIII. 34, and ibid.
at XII. 50-51.
(4) See I. During, op. cit. supra note 4 (on p. 53), at p. 466. — The remainder of
Diogenes Laertius' Vila, that is, V. 28-35, which contains a brief and rather
superficial account of Aristotle's philosophy, in all likelihood is not by
Hermippus. — O. Gigon, op. cit. supra note 2, (on p. 51), subjects the Vita
Aristotelis of Diogenes Laertius and its reliance on Hermippus to a searching
analysis. At the same time he occasionally disagrees with some of the findings
of I. During and, in all probability, will also disagree with some of the stat
ements found in this paper.
(5) P. Moraux, Les Listes Anciennes des Ouvrages d'Aristote (1951), pp. 243-
247, et passim. — See also the criticism of Moraux's theses by G. Berbecke,
« Les Listes Anciennes des Ouvrages d'Aristote », Revue Philosophique de
Louvain, vol. 50 (1952), pp. 90-112. — For a summary (and criticism) of Moraux,
see I. During, «Ariston or Hermippus?», Classica et Mediaevalia, vol. 17
(1956), pp. 11-21.
(6) Diogenes Laertius V. 64.
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 57
source from which Diogenes Laertius derives his information about
the last will and testament of Strato of Lampsacus. Moraux also
insisted (1) that Ariston of Ceos not only wrote a « History of the
Peripatetic School » (2), but also that he transmitted, perhaps in
the form of a « Collection », the testaments of Aristotle, Theophras-
tus, Strato of Lampsacus, and Lycon (3). In the opinion of Moraux,
these four testaments were not handed down separately, but were
part of a major « History of the Peripatetic School » (or, « History
of the Peripatetic Scholarchs ») which contained a great deal of
biographical materials concerning the members or scholarchs of
the School, as well as lists or catalogues of their writings (4). The
fact that Diogenes Laertius' account of the Peripatetic school
ends with Lycon, according to Moraux, is a definite indication that
the Alexandrian biographies, on which Diogenes Laertius relies,
are under the spell of the « History of the Peripatetic School » by
Ariston of Ceos, the successor of Lycon in the scholarchate (in 226/5
B. C). And we know that Ariston wrote an account of his prede
cessors (5).
The theses advanced by P. Moraux were seriously challenged
by I. During (6), who re-affirmed the traditional view that
Hermippus constitutes Diogenes Laertius' prime source of info
rmation concerning the life and writings of Aristotle. During made
the following arguments in favor of Hermippus : 1) A number of
ancient authors credit Hermippus with having composed a bi
ography of Aristotle in several books (7). 2) Hermippus authored
the catalogue of Theophrastus' writings (probably in his « Life of

(1) P. Moraux, op. cit. at p. 244.

(2) Indeed, we actually possess five minor fragments of Ariston's biography
(or, biographies) of his predecessors in the scholarchate.
(3) See Diogenes Laertius V. 1 1-16, and ibid, at V. 51-57 ; V. 61-64 ; V. 69-74.
Ibid, at V. 64, Diogenes Laertius actually speaks of a « Collection » (συνήγαγε)
by Ariston of Ceos.
(4) See also K. Praechter, Die Philosophie des Allertums, in : Ueberweg-
Heinze, Grundriss der Geschichle der Philosophie, vol. I (12th edit., 1926),
p. 485.
(5) Ariston of Ceos is also credited with having written a general history
of the several philosophical schools in antiquity.
(6) See note 5, (on p. 56), supra.
(7) See, for instance, Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae XII. 589 C, and ibid.
at XIV. 696 F.
58 A. -H. CHROUST
Theophrastus ») (1). 3) There exist some ancient references to
the differences that exist between Hermippus' catalogue of Aristo
telian writings and the catalogue of Andronicus of Rhodes (2).
This in itself would indicate that already in antiquity there existed at
least two major catalogues, namely, that of Hermippus and a
later catalogue, that of Andronicus. But During conceded that it
is impossible fully to ascertain whether Hermippus is the original
author of Diogenes Laertius' list of Aristotelian compositions.
4) The « stichometric method » — the method of reporting the sum
total of lines published by an author (3) — is definitely a method
that must be traced back to the Alexandrian library (and Her
mippus, though not Ariston ofCeos, was a librarian at Alexandria) (4).
Since Diogenes Laertius uses this method in his accounts of Aristotle
and Theophrastus (as well as of Speusippus and Xenocrates), his
source must have been Hermippus rather than Ariston of Geos who
probably never employed this particular method of stating the
total literary output of an author.
I. During admitted, however, that it is impossible to ascertain
with absolute certainty whether Hermippus was in fact the
original source of information used by Diogenes Laertius or, to be
more exact, the source from which the latter derived his catalogue
of Aristotelian writings and. for that matter, some of his biogra
phical data about Aristotle. Since Hermippus was practically a
contemporary of Ariston of Ceos, and since Hermippus' biogra
phical work in all likelihood was composed around the year 200 B.
C., it is not impossible, During conjectured, that Hermippus made
use of Ariston's biographies of the Peripatetic scholarchs from
Aristotle to Lycon, of Ariston's « Collection » of their last wills and

(1) See here H. Usener, Analecla Theophraslea, in : Kleine Schriften, vol. I

(1910), pp. 50 ff. — That Hermippus was interested in compiling lists of the
works of famous authors, in the opinion of I. During (op. cit. at p. 18), is
confirmed by Diogenes Laertius VIII. 85, and ibid, at VIII. 88.
(2) See H. Usener, op. cit. I, p. 69. See also Plutarch, Sutla 26.
(3) See, for instance, Diogenes Laertius V. 27 (Aristotle), and ibid, at V. 50
(Theophrastus). See also ibid, at IV. 5 (Speusippus) ; IV. 14 (Xenocrates).
(4) P. Moraux, op. cil. at pp. 242-243, insisted, however, that the sticho
metric method antedates the Alexandrian library. I. During (op. cit. at p. 19),
with equal determination, maintained that this method was first used in the
Alexandrian library and, perhaps, even invented there.
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 59
testaments (1), and of some of the anecdotes preserved by
Ariston (2). But the bulk of Hermippus' (and, hence, Diogenes Laer-
tius') information about Aristotle and his writings, in all likelihood,
is based on materials that go back to the days of the Early Peripatus
and, perhaps, to the times of Theophrastus himself (3). These
materials, it must be assumed, gradually were collected in the
Alexandrian library.
By common consensus the extant Vita Ilesychii must be conside
red an abridged version of a more detailed biography which or
iginally might have constituted a part of Hesychius' Onomalologon.
Although it is extremely difficult to reconstruct with any degree of
definiteness the sources used by Hesychius for his Vila — a
difficulty which is multiplied many times by the fact that we
possess only an abridgement — it is possible to establish some
likely connections between the Vila Ilesychii and other extant
Vitae. Thus it seems that Hesychius draws upon Hermippus
(possibly through the intermediary of Diogenes Laertius) ; on
Diogenes Laertius (4) ; on some Neo-Platonic Vitae Arislotelis
(including, perhaps, the Vita Arislotelis of Ptolemy) (5) or some
other Neo-Platonic materials ; perhaps on Theocritus of Chios (6) ;
onTimaeus (probably through Hermippus via Diogenes Laertius) (7) ;
perhaps on Apollodorus' Chronica for his chronology ; and probably
on Eumelus as he is quoted in Diogenes Laertius (8). Hesychius'
« catalogue » of Aristotle's writings has been discussed and analyzed
in great detail by P. Moraux (9). The first 139 titles seem to follow

(1) See here also I. During·, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition
(1957), pp. 464 ff.
(2) During doubted, however, whether Ariston's biographies included
detailed catalogues. These catalogues, During surmised, probably were compiled
by Hermippus. See I. During, « Ariston or Hermippus ? », op. cit., vol. 17, p. 20.
(3) Ibid, at p. 20.
(4) Hesychius 1, for instance, sounds very much like Diogenes Laertius V. 1.
And Diogenes Laertius' biography of Aristotle, as has been shown, to a large
extent relies on Hermippus.
(5) Or, perhaps, on some of the sources used by Ptolemy.
(6) Hesychius 2 and Diogenes Laertius V. 3 indicate that both used a source
unfavorable to Aristotle. This particular source might have been Theocritus
of Chios or, perhaps, Demetrius of Magnesia. See Diogenes Laertius V. 3.
(7) Compare Hesychius 4 and Diogenes Laertius V. 1, where Timaeus is
cited.
(8) Compare Hesychius 6 and Diogenes Laertius 6, where Eumelus is cited.
(9) P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5, (on p. 56), at pp. 195-288, especially at
pp. 195-209.
60 A.-H. CHROUST
fairly closely the list of Hermippus as it is preserved by Diogenes
Laertius. The remainder of Hesychius' « catalogue » is probably a
compilation from a variety of sources that can no longer be identified
accurately. It appears, however, that Hesychius did consult the list
of Aristotelian writings compiled by Andronicus of Rhodes.
With the sole exception of Diogenes Laertius' and Hesychius'
reports, all other extant biographies of Aristotle, whether Greek,
Latin, Syriac or Arabic, by common consensus go back exclusively
to a Vita Aristotelis of Ptolemy. But we possess no reliable info
rmation about this Ptolemy, who has been identified by many with
Ptolemy Chennos, and whom the Arabic authors called Ptolemy-el-
Garib, that is, Ptolemy «the Stranger» (1). Until quite recently
this Ptolemy has also been called a member of the Alexandrian
School of Aristotelians or of the « Peripatus of the Early Roman
Empire » (2). This view, which was advanced by W. Christ and
others, has been vigorously attacked by P. Moraux, who flatly
denied that Ptolemy Ghennos and Ptolemy-el-Garib, the author of
the Vita Aristotelis, are one and the same person (3). I. During
likewise objected to this identification, insisting that the Vita
Aristotelis of our Ptolemy in essence is a glorification of Aristotle and
as such undoubtedly Neo-Platonic in tendency and character (4),

(1) Since the days of W. Christ (see Christ-Schmid, Geschichle der Grie-
chischen Literalur, vol. I (6th edit., 1912), p. 723, note 4), this Ptolemy has been
identified with Ptolemy Chennos who lived and wrote during the latter part
of the first and early part of the second century A. D. His surname « Chennos »
probably came to be confused with the Greek word ξένος (stranger). Hence the
Arabic el-Garib which means « the Stranger ». See here, in general, A. Chatzis,
« Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos » part I, Studien zur
Geschichte und Kullur des Alterlums, vol. VII, Heft 2 (1914), pp. ix ff. See also
E. Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen, vol. IT, part 2 (3rd edit., 1879), p. 54, note 2.
For additional literature on this problem, see P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5,
(on p. 56), at pp. 292-293, notes 15-22; for additional information about Ptolemy
Chennos, see Suda, « article » Plolemy, and « article » Epaphroditos. This Ptolemy,
it seems, was born in Alexandria after 160 A.D., where he received his edu
cation ; he spent some time in Rome ; and he authored a mystery play entitled
The Sphinx, an Epopé consisting of twenty-four rhapsodies, an Anti-Homer, a
History of Unusual Events, and a Strange (καινή) History which was much used
by Eustathius and Tzetzes, and of which Photius has preserved a lengthy
extract in his Bibliotheca.
(2) See K. Praechter, op. cit. supra note 4, (on p. 57), at p. 561.
(3) P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5 (on p. 56), at pp. 292-294.
(4) I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at p. 210.
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 61

as might be gathered from the works of Porphyry, Iamblichus and

the majority of the Neo-Platonic commentators. Our Ptolemy,
During continued, must have been a member of Porphyry's (232/3-
c. 310 A. D.) or Iamblichus' (a pupil of Porphyry) School of Neo-
Platonists (1). In brief, During maintained that we should discard
the traditional but unfounded identification of our Ptolemy with
Ptolemy Ghennos ; that Ptolemy's Vila Aristotelis clearly indicates
that its author was a Neo-Platonist ; and that this Ptolemy wrote
his Vita during the first half of the fourth century A. D. (2).
Dissenting to some extent from the views held by P. Moraux (3),
I. During also maintained (4) that of the Neo-Platonic Vita Aristot
elis composed by Ptolemy there exist three Neo-Platonic abridge
ments, all of the fifth century A. D. or there-abouts, namely, the
Vita Marciana, the Vita Vulgata, and the Vita Latina (5). The
two Syriac Vitae (6), which likewise are abridgements of the Vita
of Ptolemy, belong to approximately the same period. The four
Arabic Vitae (7) also go back to a translation of an abridgement of
Ptolemy's biography (8). Hence, all these nine Vilae have a single
common source : Ptolemy's Vita or, to be more exact, an abridge
ment or epitome of Ptolemy's Vita. This is eloquently brought out
by the fact that the materials contained in the nine « derivative »
Vitae on the whole are fairly uniform in their general tenor, although
on occasion they manifest some differences of detail.
The main characteristics, tendencies and peculiarities of
Ptolemy's Vita, as they are reflected in its nine « derivatives », may
be seen in its boundless exaltation of Aristotle — a typical Neo-
Platonic feature. According to Ptolemy, Aristotle was held in

(1) V. Rose, De Aristolelis Librorum Ordine et Aucloritale Commentatio

(1854), p. 45, already had identified our Ptolemy with a Neo-Platonist of the
same name mentioned by Iamblichus, Proclus and Priscinus.
(2) See also I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at p. 475. — The
surname, el-Garib, according to During, means nothing more than « the
Unknown ». It was given to our Ptolemy in order to distinguish him from
Ptolemy, the author of the Almagest. Ibid, at pp. 208 ff., and p. 475.
(3) P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5 (on p. 56), at pp. 289 ff.
(4) I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at pp. 469 ff.
(5) See notes 5, 6 and 8 (on p. 51), supra, and the corresponding text.
(6) See notes 9 (on p. 51) and 1 (on p. 52), supra, and the corresponding text.
(7) See notes 2, 3, 4 and 5 (on p. 52), supra, and the corresponding text.
(8) This translation, which dates back to the end of the ninth century A. D.,
was probably the work of Ihaq ibn Hunayn.
62 A. -H. CHROUST
highest esteem by all people with whom he came in contact, be
they kings, conquerors, scholars or plain common folk. In contrast
with other biographers, Ptolemy also makes ample use of « Aristotle's
letters » (1), probably relies on Hermippus' chronology of Aristotle's
life, and in all likelihood derives some of his detailed information
from the self-same Hermippus (2) as well as from a number of other
biographers, historians or authors who can no longer be identified.
On the whole he manifests an unquestionable ability of carrying on
extensive scholarly investigations. Whenever he refutes stories
about Aristotle that might be damaging to the latter's reputation,
he displays a certain critical acumen. But his uncritical admiration
for Aristotle in itself detracts much from his reliability as a reporter,
although it appears that on the whole his Vita is based on an
adequate knowledge of the biographical materials that were avai
lable around the year 400 A. D.
In the opinion of the present author, I. During (3) has made a
most successful attempt to piece together, in form of a « collection
of materials » culled from the nine Vitae Arislolelis which ultimately
are based on Ptolemy, the likely content of Ptolemy's original
Vila Arislolelis (4). This Vita probably began with Aristotle's name
and, possibly, with the etymology of his name (5), his family and

(1) Ptolemy probably relied on the « Collection of Letters » by Artemon as

well as on a later « Collection » by Andronicus of Rhodes.
(2) From Hermippus, for instance, Ptolemy probably derived the story that
because Aristotle was on a diplomatic mission to King Philip of Macedonia
and, hence, absent from Athens, he was not elected scholarch of the Academy
after the death of Plato in 348/7.
(3) I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at pp. 472-474.
(4) According to Elias, Ptolemy wrote about Aristotle's « list of writings,
life and last will and testament ». Elias (olim David), Commentaria in Porphyrii
Isagogen et in Arislolelis Categorias (edit. A. Busse, 1900), in : Commenlaria in
Aristotelem Graeca, vol. XVIII, part 1, p. 107, 11. See also Vita Arabica I
(an-Nadim) 19, subsequently cited as I VA 19 : « Ptolemy-el-Garib... is the
author of a book ' On the Life of Aristotle, His Death, and the Classification
of His Writings '. » Similarly Vita Arabica III (Al-Qifti), subsequently quoted
as III VA ; and Vita Arabica IV (Usaibia), subsequently quoted as IV VA.
Combining all available information we might conjecture that the original
title of Ptolemy's work was something like « On the Life of Aristotle, His Last
Will and Testament, and a List of His Writings ».
(5) The etymology of Aristotle's name (I VA 1 ; II VA 1 ; III VA), and the
epigram (Vita Marciana 1, subsequently cited as VM 1 ; Vita Vulgata 1,
subsequently quoted as VV 1 ; and Vita Latina 1, subsequently quoted as VL 1),
cannot be found in Diogenes Laertius and, in all probability, was not a part of
Hermippus' Vita.
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 63
descent, his birth place, and his date of birth (1). In his early youth
he received a «liberal» and «well-rounded» education (2). After
the death of his father, Aristotle was sent to Plato by his uncle and
guardian Proxenus of Atarneus (3), presumably on the advice of
the Delphic Oracle (4). He was then seventeen years of age (5).

(1) With some very minor exceptions all the Vitae agree on this.
(2) VM 4; VV 3; VL 4. II VA 3-4 contains an elaborate account of
Aristotle's early youth which probably goes back to Ptolemy : « (3) When he
[scil., Aristotle] was eight years of age he was sent by his father to the country
of Athens... and there the boy stayed at the Lyceum. His father handed him
over to a school of poets, orators and school-masters, and he stayed there for
nine years. (4) This branch of learning, namely, the knowledge of language,
was called 'the all-embracing [education]' by the Greeks... ». This elaboration
on Aristotle's earliest education probably goes back to Ptolemy's somewhat
exaggerated efforts to counteract some stories, unfavorable to Aristotle, that
before he met up with Plato he was a boorish and uneducated barbarian. See.
for instance, Epicurus, frag. 171, Usener. — The remark found in VM 2, thai
« from his father, and in keeping with family tradition, he [scil., Aristotle]
inherited an inclination towards the natural sciences and towards medicine »,
might imply that, in keeping with an old family tradition (Aristotle's mother
was a descendant of Asclepius), young Aristotle was initiated into the science
of medicine. E. Barker, The Politics of Aristotle (1946), p. xi, for instance,
suggests that young Aristotle studied anatomy, and J. Aubonnet, Introduction
à Aristote, vol. I (1960), p. ix, believes that in his early youth Aristotle studied
the works of Hippocrates.
(3) VM 3 ; VV 2 ; VL 3 ; IV VA 3. — Usaibia, in IV VA 3, states that « some
maintain that he [scil., Aristotle] was entrusted to Plato [by Proxenus]...
because Proxenus and Plato were personal friends ».
(4) VM 5 ; VV 4 ; VL 5 ; Vita Syriaca I 4 (subsequently quoted as I VS 4) ;
I VA 4 ; IV VA 3. — II VA 3 relates that Aristotle was brought to Athens at
the age of eight. See note 2, supra. At the same time al-Mubashir, II VA 9,
emphasizes that he joined Plato only at the age of eighteen.
(5) VM 5 ; VV 4 ; VL δ ; II VS 2 {Vila Syriaca II 2) ; II VA 11. — The
statement in VM 11 that Aristotle was approaching forty when he entered the
Academy is probably based on a scribal error. Diogenes Laertius V. 6, who
attributes this story to Eumelus, reports that at the time he entered the
Academy Aristotle was thirty years old. VL 11, which completely garbles its
sources, states that Aristotle was with Plato forty years. I VS 6 points out that
« it is not true what is said about him [scil., Aristotle], namely, that he did not
turn to philosophy until he was thirty years old, and after having practiced
medicine ». See also I VA 6 : « He [scil., Aristotle] began his study of philosophy
at the age of forty. » IV VA 12 : « ... those who maintain that he [scil.,
Aristotle] did not devote himself to the study of philosophy until he had reached
the age of thirty, and that up to that time he tried his hand at governing cities,
are wrong. » These stories, unfavorable to Aristotle, probably had already been
refuted by Ptolemy, as might be gathered from VM 9-12, and VL 8.
64 A.-H. CHROUST
He joined the Academy while Eudoxus was (the acting) scholarch (1)
and he stayed in the Academy for twenty years (2).
During all this time he was on excellent terms with Plato who
admiringly referred to him as « the great reader » and « the brain »
(νους) (3). Because he made such a favorable impression on Plato,
the latter instructed him personally, not wishing him to be taught
by others (4). When Plato departed on his third journey to
Syracuse (361), he made Aristotle (acting) scholarch of the
Academy during his absence (5).
Then probably followed a description of Aristotle's personal
appearance (6). There were some ill-informed people who maligned
Aristotle and invented untrue stories about his unpleasant relations
with Plato (7). On the contrary, Aristotle was a life-long friend and
admirer of Plato, as evidenced not only by the fact that he dedicated

(1) VM 11 ; VL 11. — This bit of information, not to be found in the other

Vilae, might go back to Philochorus. At that time (367-365) Plato was in
Syracuse.
(2) Found in all Vilae.
(3) VM 6-7 ; VV 5 ; VL 7 ; I VS 5 ; II VA 11-12 ; III VA ; IV VA 29. In
II VA 38 we are told that Aristotle « was a persistent reader of books ». — Some
of the stories which make Aristotle's attitude towards Plato appear in an
unfavorable light, are expressly (or by implication) refuted : VM 25 ; VV 6 ;
VL 25 ; I VA 5 ; II VA 10, and ibid, at 13 ; IV VA 4. See also II VS 2. Some
doctrinal disagreements between Plato and Aristotle are likewise explained in
a manner favorable to Aristotle. VM 28-30 ; VV 7-10 ; VL 26-29 ; II VA 37.
For some other unfavorable stories, see Aelian, Varia Historia III. 19, and
ibid, at IV. 9, as well as the stories that go back to Aristoxenus and Epicurus.
(4) II VA 10. —■ II VS 2 reports that Aristotle studied under Plato's (personal)
guidance.
(5) I VA 5 ; II VA 13 ; IV VA 4. See also II VS 5, where this story is some
what garbled. All these biographies apparently confound the second (366-
365) and the third (361-360) Sicilian journey of Plato. — -According to Suda,
Heracleides of Pontus was « acting scholarch » during Plato's third journey to
Syracuse. During his second journey, that is, at the time Aristotle entered
the Academy, Eudoxus was scholarch.
(6) II VA 38 ; III VA ; IV VA 36. — According to al-Mubashir (II VA 38),
Aristotle was fair, a little bald, of a well-proportioned figure, and very bony.
He had small blue eyes, an aquiline nose, a thick beard, a small mouth and a
broad chest. Usaibia (IV VA 36) differs from al-Mubashir only in one respect
when he claims that Aristotle had « a sparse beard ». VM 31 likewise points
out that Aristotle had a « well-proportioned figure ». See also VV 24.
(7) The ultimate source of some of these unfavorable stories is probably
Aristoxenus and Aristeides. VM 25 ; VL 25. See also note 1 (on p. 54), supra.
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE AKISTOTELIS 65
and inscribed an altar in honored memory of Plato (1), but also by
his letters in which he boasted having been a disciple of the « kingly »
Plato (2). After Plato's death Speusippus was elected Plato's
successor as the new scholarch of the Academy because at the time
Aristotle was in Macedonia (on a diplomatic mission) (3).
Shortly after the death of Plato Aristotle went to Hermias
of Atarneus (4). King Philip of Macedonia then called him to
Pella and made him the tutor of Alexander (5). When Alexander
became king, according to the Arabic Vitae, Aristotle returned to
Athens (6), leaving Callisthenes with Alexander (7). According to
the Greek Vitae, he accompanied Alexander to Persia (8). But per
turbed by unfavorable omens he tried to dissuade Alexander from
undertaking the Persian expedition (9). He returned to Athens

(1) VM 26 ; VV 11 ; VL 30. — See also Olympiodorus, Scholia in Plalonis

Gorgiam (edit. W. Norwin, 1913), pp. 192-197, especially at p. 197. Olympio
dorus reproduces here Aristotle's elegy on Plato which contains the famous
line calling Plato the man « who alone or first among mortal men revealed it
clearly for everyone to see that man becomes happy if he becomes good ».
An « echo » of this elegy can still be discovered in VM 26, VL 30, and perhaps
VV 11. It is not unlikely that Olympiodorus quoted this elegy as he found it in
Ptolemy's Vita Arisloielis. VM 26, VV 11, and VL 30 are probably based on
a badly garbled summary of Ptolemy's Vita which mutilated and, perhaps,
misunderstood this elegy.
(2) VM 27. — See here also M. Plezia, Arislalelis Epistolarum Fragmenta
(1961), pp. 100 ff.
(3) VM 13-14; VV 13-14; VL 13-11. II VS 4 reports that «when Plato
died, Speusippus, since he was his nephew, became scholarch. He sent a message
[to Aristotle in Macedonia] requesting him to return and take charge of Plato's
school ».
(4) II VA 17 ; IV VA δ. — These two sources would indicate that Ptolemy
mentions (briefly ?) Aristotle's sojourn with Hermias. Although this Hermias
episode on the whole casts an unfavorable light on Aristotle, Ptolemy, despite
his studied efforts to turn his Vita Arisloielis into an encomium of Aristotle,
could not possibly suppress it entirely. The Hermias episode cannot be found
in VM, VV, or VL.
(5) VM 14 ; VV 14 ; VL 14 ; II VA 18 ; III VA ; IV VA 6.
(6) I VA 10 ; II VA 19, and ibid, at 24 ; IV VA 6, and ibid, at 23. — An-
Nadim (I VA 10) expressly mentions Ptolemy as his source.
(7) II VA 19 ; IV VA 6. — This bit of information might go back to
Hermippus. See Diogenes Laertius V. 4. — We know that Callisthenes, the
■

nephew of Aristotle, accompanied Alexander on his Persian expedition. He

was unjustly accused of having been involved in a conspiracy against Alexander
and put to death in 327 B. C.
(8) VM 23 ; VV 23 ; VL 23. — The abridgement used by the Greek Vitae
might have confounded here Aristotle and Callisthenes.
(9) VM 23. — This story might be an invention by Ptolemy.

REG, LXXVII, 1964/1, n» 364-365. 3

 66 A.-H. CHROUST
either after the conclusion of the Persian War (1), or after the
death of Alexander (2). After his return to Athens, Xenocrates and
Aristotle succeeded Speusippus in the Academy and in the
Lyceum (3) ; or, according to the Arabic Vitae, Aristotle founded
the Lyceum (4).
After the death of Alexander and during the ensuing revolt at
Athens, Aristotle was indicted for impiety by the hierophant
Eurymedon and expelled (or voluntarily withdrew) from Athens (5).
Not wishing to share the fate of Socrates (6), and remarking that
«it is difficult to be a stranger in Athens » (7), he fled to Ghalcis

(1) VM 23 ; VV 23 ; VL 23.
(2) VM 23 ; VL 23. — This information might be based on a misunderstan
ding : Alexander died in 323 B. C, Aristotle in 322. Perhaps the abridgement
used by the Greek Viiae confounds the death of Philip with that of Alexander.
(3) VM 24 ; VV 18 ; VL 24. — This tradition implies that at one time the
Academy and the Lyceum were joined under one scholarch, and that after the
death of Speusippus they became separated, Xenocrates taking over the
Academy, Aristotle the Lyceum. — See here also Philochorus, frag. 224, in :
F. Jacoby, Frag. Graec. Histor. part III, vol. 2 (1954), p. 484.
(4) II VS 5 ; I VA 11 ; II VA 14, and ibid, at 25 ; IV VA 4, and ibid, at 6
and 23. — The same sources, to which II VA 14 should be added, also contain
an explanation of the term « Peripatetic ». — See also Clement of Alexandria,
Stromateis I. 14 ; Diogenes Laertius V. 2 (Hermippus ?). It is not impossible
that the story of Aristotle's founding of the Lyceum goes back to Hermippus.
Prior to Clement of Alexandria, Aristotle was referred to only as the « founder
of the Peripatetic School », and only after the death of Theophrastus were the
members of this School called « Peripatetics ».
(5) VM 41 ; VV 19 ; VL 43 ; II VA 20-21 ; IV VA 7-9. — Apparently three
charges were brought against Aristotle : « Heretical views » (Origen, Contra
Celsum I. 380) ; «cult of Hermias » (Diogenes Laertius V. 4, and ibid, at 6) ;
and « treasonable dealings » with Antipater, a charge trumped up by the anti-
Macedonian party in Athens. ·— The hierophant Eurymedon is also mentioned
in Diogenes Laertius V. 5, who, on the authority of Favorinus, also names
Demophilus as the « prosecutor » of Aristotle. Ibid. — The reports of al-Mubashir
(II VA 20) and Usaibia (IV VA 7) sound very much like the indictment of
Socrates. Usaibia also states that « Aristotle speaks of this incident in his
letter to Antipater ». See also VM 42 and VL 44. — Aristotle's inscription for
Hermias' statue at Delphi is cited in Diogenes Laertius V. 6.
(6) VV 19 ; II VS 3 ; II VA 21 ; IV VA 8.
(7) VM 42. See also VM 41 ; VV 18-20 ; VL 44. VL does not mention the fact
that Aristotle was a « foreigner ». — IV VA 10 denies that Aristotle wrote a
« rebuttal » of Eurymedon's charges. Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae XV. 697 AB ;
Diogenes Laertius V. 9 (Favorinus) ; and Origen, Contra Celsum I. 380, on the
other hand, mention an « apology » of Aristotle, although Athenaeus adds the
remark, « provided this Apology is not a forgery ».
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 67

(on the Island of Euboea) (1). There he died (2), and his remains
were brought to Stagira (3), where a (meeting) place was named
after him (Aristoteleion) (4).
This was followed by Aristotle's last will and testament (5) ;
a reference to his children (6) ; and an enumeration of his
disciples (7). He was a benefactor and friend of individuals (8) ; of

(1) VM 41 ; VV 19 ; VL 43 ; II VA 21-22 ; IV VA 7-9. — Al-Mubashir and

Usaibia apparently confound Chalcis and Chalcidice.
(2) VM 43 ; VL 46, and ibid, at 19 ; II VS 7 (« watching the ebb and flow
of the Euripus ») ; II VA 22-23 (« watching the ebb and flow of the Euripus ») ;
IV VA 11. — The Arabic sources and II VS 8 make Aristotle 68 years old at
the time of his death ; I VA 15, 66 years. — See also Justin Martyr, Cohortatio
ad Graecos 34 Β ; Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio IV. 72 ; Procopius, History of
the Wars VIII. 6. 20.
(3) VM 17-18 ; VL 19 ; I VS 10 ; II VA 29 ; IV VA 13, and ibid, at 30.
(4) VM 18 ; VV 17 ; VL 19 ; I VS 10 ; II VA 29-30 ; IV VA 13, and ibid.
at 30-31. Al-Mubashir (II VA 30), who is also quoted by Usaibia (IV VA 31),
reports : « They [scil., the citizens of Stagira] sought comfort at the place of
his tomb, and peace and tranquillity where his bones rested. When something
in the domain of philosophy or learning seemed to them too difficult, they went
to that place and sat down to deliberate. They talked there with one another
about the matter, until that which previously was obscure became clear, and
until they were certain about that which had been an object of dispute. For they
believed that their coming to the place where Aristotle's remains were buried
would purify their minds, improve their judgment, and increase their understan
ding of things. They went there, too, in order to pay their respect to him after
his death, to show their mourning for his departure, and to manifest their grief
over the misfortune they had sustained by the loss of the source of wisdom that
he had been to them ». — This report indicates that a visit to Aristotle's last
resting place, aside from being an act of homage to the memory of Stagira's
benefactor and greatest son, not only gave wisdom to the visitor, but also
purified his mind — definitely a Neo-Platonic twist. In brief, Aristotle's tomb
became a « sacred » shrine. See also ibid, at 32.
(5) VM 43 ; VL 46 ; I VA 17 ; II VA 33-34 ; III VA ; IV VA 34. — He also
appointed Theophrastus as his successor to the scholarchate. I VA 16 ; II VA
32 ; IV VA 34. — VM 43 and VL 46 indicate that the abridgement made use
of Andronicus as well as Ptolemy.
(6) VM 44 ; VL 47 ; I VS 11 ; II VA 33 ; IV VA 36.
(7) VM 44 ; VL 47 ; II VS 6 ; II VA 31 ; III VA ; IV VA 33.
(8) VM 15-16, and ibid, at 46 ; VV 15-16 ; VL 15-16 ; I VA 12 ; II VA 26 :
« [Aristotle... began to devote himself] to supporting the feeble ; to getting
maidens married ; to protecting orphans ; to assisting those who were anxious
to learn and acquire an education, whoever they might be and whatever
schooling they might desire, and to obtaining ' scholarships ' for that purpose ;
to collecting alms for the poor... » IV VA 24, which practically repeats II VA 26
verbatim. See also III VA.
 68 A.-H. CHROUST
cities (I) ; of Athens and the Athenians in particular (2) ; and
of the whole of mankind (3). Probably here were inserted some
remarks about Aristotle's personal traits and about his character
in general (4). After Plato he was the greatest philosopher among
the Greeks (5). For his many noble deeds and achievements he was
esteemed and honored by King Philip (6) ; by kings and princes in
general (7) ; and by cities and communities (8).

(1) At Aristotle's request King Philip rebuilt Stagira. VM 17; VV 17;

VL 17 ; I VA 13 ; II VA 27 ; IV VA 25. — Aristotle devised a code of laws
(or, a constitution) for rebuilt Stagira. I VS 7 ; II VA 27 ; IV VA 14. — At
Aristotle's request Philip spared Eressus. VM 19 ; VV 17 ; VL 18. — The story
that he persuaded Philip to rebuild Stagira and that he drew up a code of laws
for that city, is also told in Diogenes Laertius V. 4, and, hence, might go back
to Hermippus.
(2) VM 20 ; VL 20 ; IV VA 17, and ibid, at 18. — Usaibia (IV VA 18) ment
ions that Aristotle « had intervened [on behalf of the Athenians] with King
Philip, and had succeeded in persuading the King that they should be well
treated... ». This passage might actually be a summary (and Usaibia's version)
of the content of an inscription honoring Aristotle.
(3) VM 21 (see also ibid, at 22) ; VL 21 ; I VA 12 ; II VA 25-26 ; IV VA 16,
and ibid, at 24. — VM 21 and VV 21 specifically cite Aristotle's work On
Kingship as one of his significant contributions to the welfare of mankind.
VV 22 merely mentions this work. As a matter of fact, throughout these sources
the impression is being created that his writings were deathless gifts to mankind.
Al-Mubashir (II VA 25) states that he «devoted himself to working for the
common weal ». Similarly VM 15. Usaibia (IV VA 16) maintains that he « strove
to serve well his fellow men », and that « by negotiations he promoted their
affairs and proved to be of great service to them ».
(4) VM 15-16, and ibid, at 31-32 and 46 ; VV 15-16 ; VL 15, and ibid, at 17
and 33-35; I VA 7, and ibid, at 12 ; II VA 26, and ibid, at 28 ; III VA; IV VA 15,
and ibid, at 24 and 26. —· The story, told in I VS 9, that « a swarm of bees was
found around the urn containing his ashes », implies that he was a most righ
teous man. See Porphyry, De Antro Nijmpharum 19, where we are informed
that the bee is a symbol of the soul of a righteous man.
(5) I VA 7. An-Nadim (I VA 7) in fact states : « He [soil., Aristotle] was the
most eloquent among the Greeks, and their most eminent writer of learned
works, the most distinguished of their philosophers after Plato, and the one
who attained the highest reaches of philosophy. » See also III VA. Plutarch,
Alexander 9 : « He sent for Aristotle, the most learned and most celebrated
philosopher of his time. »
(6) VM 15, and ibid, at 46 ; VV 15 ; VL 15, and ibid, at 49. VM 15 and
VL 15 also contain the information that Philip erected a statue in Aristotle's
honor. — A statue erected in honor of Aristotle by Philip (or Alexander) in
Stagira is mentioned by Pausanias, Description of Greece VI. 4. 8.
(7) VM 23, and ibid, at 49 ; VV 21 ; VL 49 ; I VA 8 ; II VA 28 ; IV VA 15.
(8) VM 17-18, and ibid, at 20 ; VV 17 ; VL 17, and ibid, at 19-20 ; I VS 10 ;
II VA 29-30; III VA ; IV VA 13, and i6id. at 17-18, 21, and 30-31. — For
 THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS 69
The whole report concluded with a list or catalogue of
his writings (1), and possibly with a cursory (and probably not too
accurate) summary of his philosophic teachings (2). There probably
was also a general chronology of Aristotle's life.
In the light of the surviving Vitae Aristotelis, which seem to be
dependent or, at least, to a large extent dependent on Ptolemy's
Vila Aristotelis or on some abridgement of Ptolemy's Vila, this is
about all that might safely be said about Ptolemy's original bio
graphy. Ours is not a « reconstruction » or, perhaps, a collection of
fragments or quotations in the traditional sense of the term, but at
best a kind of tentative and, in all likelihood, disorderly « table of
probable main contents » of Ptolemy's Vila, frequently based on
optimistic conjecture lacking precision and ultimate confirmation.
Needless to say, such a tentative « table of probable contents »
must limit itself to some fairly vague statements. For at this point
we cannot possibly know the exact wording of Ptolemy's Vita or
the particular order in which he originally presented his materials.

Mediaeval Institute Anton-Hermann Chroust.

of the University of Notre Dame,
Indiana.

his meritorious deeds the people of Stagira celebrated in his honor an annual
festival, called the Aristoteleia, and named one month of the year Slageirites.
VM 17 ; VV 17 ; VL 17. They also erected an altar and a monument (VL 19),
and named a place Aristoteleion, in his memory. IV Y A 13. — The story that
the Athenians erected a statue with a laudatory inscription in Aristotle's
honor (IV VA 17-21) is probably spurious. But they erected one in honor of
King Philip, and later voted a decree of proxenia in honor of Alexander and
Antipater. These honors apparently were « transferred » to Aristotle by some of
his admiring biographers. There also exists an inscription dedicated to
Aristotle, expressing the gratitude of the Amphictyonic League at Delphi for
his services to the League. See W. Dittenberger, Syll. Inseript. Graec. (3rd edit.),
no. 275.
(1) VM 45 ; II VA 35 ; Index Librorum in I VA 18 ; II VA ; III VA ; and
IV VA. For additional detail see P. Moraux, op. cil. supra note 5 (on p. 56),
passim.
(2) VM 29-40, and ibid, at 47-49 ; VV 24-29 ; YL 35-42 ; II VA 6-9, and ibid.
at 37 ; II VA ; IV VA 27.