The General Strike in Belgium, April 1902

Author(s): Ernest Mahaim and Harald Westergaard

Source: The Economic Journal, Vol. 12, No. 47 (Sep., 1902), pp. 421-430
Published by: Blackwell Publishing for the Royal Economic Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2956917
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 THE GENERAL STRIKE IN BELGIUM, APRIL, 1902 421

lives in a climate which is sufficiently healthy to permit the rearing of

white children, but insufficiently stimulating to create an enterprising
and energetic race. The Creole looks to take life easily. He is not
going to "hustle around" and learn new miethods. Even when the
absentee owner, mentally stimulated by residence in England, spends
tens of thousands on new machinery, the inan on the spot will not
trouble to exert himself to get the best results out of this costly plant.
His blood-corrupted by the climate forbids exertion. Mtoreover,
like all unenterprisingpersons, he resists enterprise on the part of others.
The new Department of Agriculture in the West Indies, maintained
and controlled by the Imperial Government, is by no means popular
with the planters. It tries to teach theim more than they want to
know. The attempt made by Mr. Chamberlainto open up the Hinter-
land of British Guiana was blocked by the Colonial legislature. The
sugar planters who doininate that body prefer to confine the colony to
the fringe of land alonigthe sea coast. The opening up of the interior
might deprive thenii of their cheap labour.
It is this absence of enterprise that is killing the West India sugar
industry, not Continental bounties. As a matter of fact most of the
sugar produced in the West Indies goes to the United States where it
is protected against bounty-fed sugar by the American countervailing
duties. That portion at any rate of the West Indian sugar industry
will not be benefited by the abolition of bounties, for it will lose its
present protection against German and Austrian sugar in the American
market. In any case, however, this trade with the United States is
precarious, because it is at the mercy of the sugar trust. Even now
the sale of low class " Muscovado " sugar to the States does not appear
to pay so well as the sale of high class Demerara to the United
Kirngdom.
What the future will bring, it is impossible to predict, except
negatively. The abolition of bounties will make but a slight difference
in. the selling price of sugar, because the industry is now so well
established thlrou(ghoutthe world that the withdrawal of the bounties
will not greatly diminish production. The difference in price will
certalinlynot be equal to the increased profit that the West Indian
planters could now obtain by a more intelligent management of their
business, but the intelligent management will certainly not be forth-
coming from the present generation of planters. HAROLD COX

THE GENERAL STRIKE IN BELGIUM, APRIL, 1902

IT is impossible to give an adequate account from an economic point

of view of the general strike which took -place last April in Belgium
without setting forth the political situation through which it was
brought about. Nor are the effects of it on the course of industry, on
422 THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL

wages and on trade in general, of any consequence as compared with

its political importance. So much is this the case, that the Revue du
Travail, issued by the Belgian Labour Department, which publishes
monthly statistics of strikes, refused to look upon this great labour
movement as a strike properly so called, describing it as a " chonage
(cessation of work, ' play ') volontaire, etranger a tout desaccord entre
les ouvriers et leurs patrons respectifs." The estimate is accurate, and
is not dictated by administrative indolence, nor by the party spirit of
opposed politics. But it is no less true that this colossal demonstra-
tion, whatever we may call it, interfered powerfully for some days with
the functioning of certain essential organs of the national economy,
and may be reckoned among the active methods of the Belgian trade-
unions. To this extent it is of interest to the economist.
Agitation in Belgium for the extension of the franchise may be said
to have begun twenty years ago, when, under the Frere-Orban ministry,
the Radicals demanded a revision of the Constitution.
When, however, in 1893, a revision had been agreed to by the
Catholic ministry headed by M. Beernaert, the movement received a
check which seemed likely to last many years at least. The system
of basing the electorate on the census was then replaced by the system
now in force. The parliamentary votes rose in number from about
120,000 to over a million. Every Belgian citizen who had attained the
age of twenty-five, and had resided for one year in the same commune,
had the right to vote. This seemed nothing short of "manhood
suffrage." But, with the object of " mitigating " or " organising" it, a
supplementary vote was granted to any man, not under thirty-five
years of age, having legitimate offspring and paying direct taxation of
not less than five francs to the state, or to any man who either owned
real estate to the value of 2,000 francs, or was a bond-holder in Belgian
Government stock drawing an annual dividend of not less than 100
francs. And to any man who had had a complete course of secondary
education, or was exercising a public function or profession requiring
the qualification of secondary education, two supplemlentary votes were
allotted.
There was thus a franchise of single, dual, and triple votes.
The result, of course, was that the greater part of the middle classes
had two and three votes per head, while most of the working men had
but one. Very many of them, nevertheless, received two votes, and
still more among the peasantry, a fact which gave rise among the
opposition to the saying, " vote plural, vote rural."
That the working classes benefited by this system of franchise, as
compared with that which it superseded, is evident from the par-
liamentary election of 1894, following the revision of the Constitu-
tion, when some thirty representatives of the Labour party obtained a
seat in the House.
These new members lost no time in denouncing the electoral machine
as unjustly favouring the middle classes, whose supplementary votes
 THE GENERAL STRIKE IN BELGIUM, APRIL, 1902 423

outbid and annihilated those of the masses. They demanded manhood

suffrage " pure and simnple,"that is to say, a vote for every citizen over
twenty-one years of age.
For a long time none but Socialists had demanded this fresh
electoral reform. But when, in consequence of the introduction of
proportional representation (1899) the Liberal party came in, it joined
the Socialists in demanding, if not the abolition of the plural vote, at
least certain modifications in the conditions under which the supple-
mentary votes were conferred. It had, in fact, become evident that, if
the effect of the plural vote was to limit manhood suffr-age, it mainly
benefited the Catholic party and agricultural classes. Besides, it was
alleged that frauds and false allotment of supplementary votes were
sufficiently numerous to vitiate the system entirely. From that time
the Liberal party made common cause with the Labour party in
demanding a fresh revision of the Constitution.
It should be stated that a revision is practically only possible when
the different parties agree to it. Parliament can, it is true, decide that
a revision of the Constitution is desirable. This suffices legally for a
dissolution of both Chambers. But the new Parliament may only
discuss the motion if two-thirds of each Chamber are present. And no
resolution introducing a change is carried unless the majority be at
least two-thirds.
Now the opposition, consisting of Socialists and Liberals, was in a
minority of about twenty. Hence it was necessary to win over a
considerable portion of the Government majority.
This it was hoped to achieve through energetic pressure on public
opinion. The Liberals counted on working this through pacific and
legal methods, but the Socialists had recourse to street agitation. Two
precedents encouraged them therein. In 1893, when Parliament could
not agree on the revision of the Constitution, a solution-that, namely,
of the plural vote-was unquestionably precipitated by vehement
manifestations at Brussels and a strike in the collieries of the Hainaut
district. In 1899, similar agitation, in which, moreover, some of the
bourgeois took part, brought on the fall of the Vandenpeereboom
Catholic Ministry.
This time, however, it was clear that the Government meant to
resist with every resource it could command. In Parliament precau-
tions were taken for paralysing obstruction. In the country many
classes de miliciens, men, that is, who had discharged their year of
military -service, were mobilised, apd troops were concentrated so as to
be ready to protect the capital and manufacturing localities.
From the beginning of April meetings and manifestations in favour
of the reform bill grew miore violent in character, and in the second
week of the month riots took place at Brussels and in the province
Hainaut. Bands of youths, disowned for that matter by the Labour
party, came into collision with the police and gendarmerie, windows
were smashed, pistol-shots were fired, officials were wounded. The
424 THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL

National Guard-the militia of the bourgeoisie-was mobilised on

special service lasting at Brussels for nearly a fortnight.
It was only after that week of outbreaks, which, for that matter,
were at once suppressed, and which had no other practical result except
undermining the confidence of the Liberal middle class, that the
Council of the Labour party decided to give the word for a general
strike.
Such a crisis had been for months "in the air." It was known
that, at the critical moment, the Labour party would use it against the
middle classes and the Government. And that moment was supposed
to have arrived when the Chamber was about to consider the motion
of revision. Oii the 14th April, two days before the date fixed for the
Parliam-lentarydebate, the Brussels Federation of the Labour party
issued a inanifesto calling on the working " classes to reply to the
sanguinary and odious brutalities of the police and gendarmes by
having recourse, calm in their strength, to their sole remaining legal
weapon-a General Strike."
The appeal was heard. With a unanimity which amazed not only
their opponents, but even the Labour chiefs themselves, the working
classes obeyed the signal. From the morrow 150,000 to 200,000
workiingmen were on strike; in three days, 300,000 to 350,000. If
the Belgian working classes engaged in trades and industry be esti-
mated at 700,000, it will be seen that the strike, if not absolutely
general, deserved fairly well to be so called. Never had so formidable
a rising of the working classes been seen.
What were the constituent elements ? Unfortunately, we have no
sound statistics to draw upon.. But we can form approximate estimates.
The miners were the first to come out, and the last to stay out. They
were certainly the kernel anidchief support of the movement. Out of
130,000 Belgian miners, some 120,000 decided to " play." In certain
collieries hardly enough workmen were left to keep the wells in good
order. Next to the miners came the metal-workers of the great
foundries of the Hainaut and of Lieoe. Their calling is closely bound
up with the collieries. Their opinions and their aims they have in
common with the colliers. There were probably 50,000 or 60,000 of
them on strike at the height of the agitation. All the workshops
of the great John Cockerill Society at Seraing were closed, an event
hitherto unprecedented. Then came the quarryrmen,among whom the
Socialists have a numerous following, and lastly only, textile workers
-in wxoolat Verviers and in cotton and linen at Ghent. It should be
noted that the Socialist workers of Ghent did not go on strike till the
Thursday or Friday. I do not know if this was due to the slow-moving
deliberate Flemish intellioence as contrasted with the heedless im-
pulsiveness of the Walloon. But I am inclined to believe the more
probable reason to be that, at Ghent, the powerful co-operative societies
of the Labour party have to compete with the equally prosperous co-
operative societies supported by the clerical party, and that ther the
 THEI GENERAL STRIKE IN BELGIUM, APRIL, 1902 425

trade unions (synidicatsouvriers)are richer and better organized than

elsewhere. It needed no long reflection to understand that the strike
threatened to ruin these institutions.
Side by side with these groups of workers belonging to large-scale
industries there stood only a small minority of tradesmen. In the
towns trade went on almost as usual. No bakers, butchers, or carriers
were noted among the strikers.
Thus it is not true, as has been fancied abroad, and as certain
French theories about the general strike would have it, that we were
confronted by a vast intimidation of the middle classes by the labouring
classes. There was no instantaneous suspension of all the functions
of social life. But there was a cessation of some of the most im-
portant. Coal anldiron are the staple products of Belgium. Hence,
throughout whole districts there reigned a deathly stillness in place of
the humming of the hive which was the usual sign of activity and of life.
From a business point of view, the strike broke out at a very
unfavourable moment for these two leading industries. The stock of
coal was getting very low. And a recuperative movement in metal-
working had just set in after the worst period of crisis that had been
known for years. " Consumption "-to quote La Revute du Travail-
" has been radically checked, and the recovery which seemed to be
taking shape in the metal industries has received through the strike a
blow that has reacted heavily on the coal market. On the one hand,
the colliers of the Mons valley have now to struggle against the sharp
foreign competition which has found its opportunity in the strike of
the coal-mines-a longer affair than that of the foundries. It has been
noted that, even in our own ports there have been large deliveries of
English, French, and German coals, and that several consumers, to
secure their supplies, have been forced to enter into contracts binding
for a relatively considerable time."
In some branches of inclustry, where the crisis is still felt, em-
ployers have not looked upon the strike as a misfortune. It is true
that they have not been careful to retain their full staff on their books,
and have even, in some cases, taken the initiative in a lock-out, glad to
practise economy for some days in their employ and in the general
expenses of a scarcely remunerative rate of production. This is said
to have been the case at Ghent, where the textile industry is under-
going a period of depression.
Some employers, again, judged it opportune not to resist the
voluntary play of their workmen, lest they should expose themselves
not only to the animosity of their own employees, but also to annoy-
ance, or possibly violence, at the hands of the operatives of other
establishments.
Finally, there were a few who, through their political sympathies,
gave leave of absence to their staff. The journal of the Labour party,
Le Peujple,asserts that some did not even allow their men to lose by
ceasing work.
426 THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL

None among employers held that the movement was directly aimed
against their interests. It may even be said, as a general fact, that in
large establishments the men took the trouble to go to their directors
to explain the purely political character of their secession.
Being, as it was, a strike among the larger industries and, to a less
extent, among urban working men, it did not affect either home-
workers, or artisans properly so-called, or country labourers. Hence,
too, it follows, as has been noticed by Al. Van Overbergh in his inter-
esting study entitled La GiIevegyM6raleBelge d'Avril, 1902 (Bruxelles:
Schepens), that Wallonia plays the leading part in it. For the large
industries are, as is well known, located in Wallonia, i.e. in Le Hainaut,
and in the Liege country.
As it only completely stopped certain branches of industry, the
strike could only succeed if it were long in duration. Coal, iron,
stones, even textiles are unquestionably articles of prinmarynecessity.
But in a mcdern nation, waited on by trade, wholesale and retail, and
maintaining its lines of communication and transport, life does not
depend, altogether and absolutely, on these industries as it does on
those which deal with food. To use the language of M. Bohm-Bawerk,
the arrested production consisted, for the most part, of goods of a
" remote order." It followed that several weeks were required before
the general strike could make itself felt by the public as sufficiently
appalling to compel the Government to give way.
But it could not hold out, and that for two reasons. The one was
psychological. Of the 300,000 strikers, there was certainly a third
who went on strike because others did so, and without enthusiasm.
Their heart was not in it, and they would certainly ask nothing better
than to be allowed to return to their work.
The second reason was want of money. The strike had been
taking shape a long time in idea, through speech and print, but it had
not been guaranteed by the purse. The Belgian trade unions are weak
and poor. In a remarkable work on the subject by M. L. Varlez,
published in the Mmrnoiresdut Mus&e Social de Paris, and entitled
"Quelques pages d'histoire syndicale, 1902," he reckons the number of
working men who are unionists and affiliated to the central organisation.
or Labour Party as 90,000. But their subscriptions are very small,
only 65 of the 146 trade unions under observation in 1900 requiring of
their members over one franc per month I In other words, the union
funds were incompetent to assist a strike in any way whatever. There
were, it is true, the co-operative societies, and they furnished consider-
able subsidies. But they depend for their very credit and reputation
on the system of cash down. It'would have been suicidal for them to
have supplied funds proportionate to the needs of thousands of strikers.
The journal Le Petiple opened a fund to which Liberald bourgeois
contributed. The Social Democrat party in Germany sent ?500
(10,000 marks). In eight days, however, this subscription list
amounted to only ?2,000. This would not avail much among 300,000
 ECONOMICS IN SCANDINAVIA 427

men, with a probable total of 1,000,000 to 1,200,000 mouths to

feed.
From Friday, April 18th, the very day on which the Chamber
rejected the nmotionito discuss the revision of the Constitution by eighty-
four votes of the Right to sixty-four of the Left, it became evident that
the strike could not be maintained. By the next day secessions had
begun everywhere. The central committee of the Labour party, to
avoid checlkmate, published an instruction to working men to return to
work. They thus had the satisfaction of seeing their orders promptly
carried out, for on Monday, the day following, work was everywhere
recomnmenced. The Hainaut miners alone showed a sulky and
grudging temper by keeping up the strike eight or ten days longer.
From the political point of view the general strike was a grievous
mistake. It estranged the Liberal middle classes from the Labour
party, after they had made common cause to get the reform of the
plural vote. And it broughlt coinsterniation to manyminds, even among
the ranks of those who had hitherto voted Socialist. This is why,
in the parliamentary election of the 25th May following, there was a
falling off in the number of Socialist votes.
Notwithstanding, theve seems a disposition to repeat the experiment,
and the order has gone forth among Socialist trade unions to prepare
for the next general strike.
It is doubtful, however, if a fresh appeal.by the central committee of
the Labour party would have the prestige of the first. It was shown
rather too clearly that so far from dictating to circumstances they were
its slave.
However that may be, the episode must react on the organisation of
the Belgian trade unions. It has coincided with the existing tendency
toward a grouping according to trade, an increase of subscriptions, the
formation of workable strike-funds, paymnent of permanent secretaries,
in a word, toward the best possible practical conistitution of the unions.
They have now thrust uponi them an object that is purely political and
revolutionary. It is to be feared that this will not work altogether for
the good of their members.
ERNEST MAHAIxI,
Correspondent of the British Economic
Association for Belgitti
a.

THE Scandinavian universities have only a moderate number of

professorships in political economy. In Christiania there are two pro-
fessors, one of whom also lectures on constitutional law, Copenhagen
has two or three, and the two old Swedish Universities in Upsala and
Lund altogether three. The latest appointment is that of K. JYicksell in
Lund (not without considerable opposition on account of certain radical
views which he has publicly professed). In Sweden, however, an im-
428 THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL

portant change is going to take place, the private University in Gothen

burg (founded in 1891) has resolved to appoint a professor in political
economy and sociology, an example which the sister university in
Stockholm (founded in 1878) will probably follow. Two well-known
political econonaists are candidates for these professorships, viz Dr.
Gutstav Steffem and Dr. Cassel. The former has spent several years in
England, where he was an intimate friend of Philip JFicksteed,who has
dedicated his " Co-ordination of the Laws of Distribution " to him. He
has just published a study on the history of wages in England (Studien
zur Geschichte der Englischen Lohnarbeiter, I, 1901), containing several
interesting investigations into the economic and social history of the
working class. Dr. Cassel has written several papers on financial and
economic subjects, miiostly in Swedish and German journals. In 1900
he published a remarkable treatise with the same subject and the satme
title as A. Menger's well-known: Recht auf dent vollet Arbeitsvertrag.
He is also the author of a remarkable scheme for progressive taxation,
published in the EcoNoMic JOURNAL, vol. xi, p. 481, 1901. Looking over
the list of publications of the two authors, it would probably be found
that Dr. Steffen is best qualified for the Gothenburg chair and Dr. Cassel
for that in Stockholm, the university in Stockholm being chiefly a faculty
of science and mathematics, whereas the Gothenburg institution chiefly
deals with history, philosophy and languages.
The Scandinavian economic literature canrnot of course be very ricb,
partly because the authors often prefer publishing their ideas in English
or German instead of burying them in a hardly known language. Still
some valuable contributions to political economy have recently been
published. Wicksell has written the first part of an elaborate text-book
(Teoretisk Nationalekonomi, 1, 1901). After a short introduction fol-
lows a chapter on population, in which the author pleads for New-
Malthusianismn, the next chapters deal with value, production and dis-
tributioni and capital. As appears from his former works, he belongs to
the mathematical school of political economists, chiefly perhaps follow-
ing Walras, if it is right to use this expression of an author with such
an independent mind as Wicksell. It is not easy to foreshadow the
outlines of the following parts, in which Wicksell will have to deal
with several practical questions; but at all events I feel sure that they
will have the same stimulating power as his former works, whether
we can follow him in his final conclusions or not.
If Wicksell perhaps takes too li,ttle interest in the historical side of
political economy, especiallv Lkeepingthe modern society in view, with-
out caring much for its gradual evolution, this is not the case with the
Norwegian economist, J. H. Aschehong, the famous author of several
works on constitutional law, who will this year celebrate his fiftyyears
jubilee as university professor in Christiania. Norway is the country
of loDg-lived people, and he seenms to be one of them, with youthful
energy following the rapid evolution of social science in the present
age. His treatise on the history of the theory of value and price
 ECONOMICS IN SCANDINAVIA 429

(1902) bears testimony to his vast reading and his thorough grasp
of modern thought as well as of that of past times. He has just now
published the first part of a great work on political economy, which
will, on the whole, contain about eighty sheets. It is very character-
istic of Aschehong as a contrast to Wicksell, that he, after a short
introduction on the scope and method of political economy, begins
with an elaborate treatise of its history from Aristotle downwards,
whereas Wicksell immediately takes up the great problems of the
day.
The University of Copenhagen has for many years had a peculiar
examination under the faculty of law in political economy an(] statist-
ics combined with the outlines of Danish constitutional law, civil
law and sociology. This study can be completed in the course of
about four to five years, a little less than usual for the law students,
who make the great bulk of the students of the faculty of law. The
students who pass this examination partly find a position in the civil
administration, in the post-office, the custom-house, &c., partly in
insurance offices, banls, and other private institutions. Some im-
portant changes of the examinations of the faculty of law have lately
been proposed.
The students of law will have to follow an elementary course in
political economiy,as is the case in Norway, so that nearly the whole
staff of civil officers, judges and barristers, will in future have some
knowledge of social science. On the other hand, it has been proposed
to establish a course in applied matheinatics. c-)mbinedwith political
economy in order to provide life-offices with actuaries (something
corresponding to-though probably very different from-the examin-
ations of the Institute of Actuaries in England). There is a very great
chance that at least the former scheme will be realised, and in con-
sequence thereof some less important change in the original examin-
ation in political economy will probably take place. Each of the
faculties in the Copenhagen University has its doctorate,requiring the
writing of a book and the public defence thereof, and giving the possessor
of the degree the right to lecture in the University as a " Privatdocent,"
a riAghtwhich is frequently made use of, especially in the faculty of
medicine with its immense division of labour. There has now of late
been established a special doctor's degree in political economy (like the
German Doctor der Staatswissenschaft), and the first dissertations have
been published. Pio has written: Det fr,i Ionknltrreces Gennernbritd
Eizglanzd: wlhich, in 318 pages, deals with the social evolution of
England till the middle of the 19th century, with an appendix on the
craft-guilds in Denmark. The following dissertation, by L. Birck, deals
with value and price, and the third, by M Helenius, with alcoholism.
The Scandinavian statistical literature contains several interesting
contributions. One of the most important is, perhaps, the report of a
Norwegian Parliamentary Committee for working-men's insurance
(Socialstatistike,by A. N. Kiaer and E. Hanssen), which contains a
430 THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL

mass of curious details as to the influence of age and profession on

invalidity and income, the influence of the profession of the parents on
the choice of the profession of the children, &c. It would be very
useful if a condensed translation into one of the great languages could
be published. The statistical method has been explained by A. N.
Kiaer in StattistischesArchiv; its principle is to use " representatives: "
instead of observing the whole mass of population, a proportionally
small number of observations is taken out at random, after a curious
and well-contrived system, just sufficient to draw correct statistical
conclusions. HARALD WESTERGAARD,
Copenhagen, July, 1902. Corres_pondentof the British Economic
Association for Denmark.

RECENT OFFICIAL PAPERS.

Annuital Review of the Trade of India for the Year ezdizg

MaGrch31, 1902.
MR. O'CONNOR'S report shows a recovery from the effects of the
famine. Both exports and imports exceeded the figures for the last five
years. The share of the United Kingdom in the total import trade
amounts to 64 5 per cent., whereas in 1898-9 and 1899-1900 it was 68 8
and 68 9 per cent. respectively. The decline is partly due to the larger
share taken by Austria-Hungary and Germany in consequence of their
large shipments of bounty-fed sugar. In spite of the imposition of the
countervailing duties, the importation of beet-sugar into India largely
increased, amounting to about 151,517 tons, as compared with 95,000
tons in 1900-1. Accordingly a law has been passed " imposing further
additional duties on sugar imported from Austria-Hungary and Ger-
many."

Correspondence relating to the Brussels Sugar Bomnty Conferece.

[Cd. 1013 and Cd. 940.]

Royal Comm,issionlontLocal Taxqtion. Fin al Report. Scotlantd.

[Cd. 1067.]
A MAJORITY report, on lines similar to the majority report for
England and Wales, is followed by separate recommendations by Lord
Balfour of Burleigh and Lord Blair Balfour, and a report on urban
rating and site values by Lord Balfour of Burleigh and those who were
his co-signatories in the analogous separate report for England and
Wales.