The Algerians

by Pierre Bourdieu

Translated by Alan C. M. Ross

W i t h a preface by Raymond A r o n

B e a c o n Press Boston
F i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n F r a n c e i n 1958 u n d e r t h e title

Sociologie de L'Algérie

Revised edition ig6i

Copyright © 1958 by Presses Universitaires de France

English translation copyright © ig62 b y Beacon Press

All rights reserved

Published simultaneously in Canada by

S. J. Reginald Saunders and Co., Ltd., Toronto

Library of Congress catalog card number: 62-15604

Printed in the United States of America

Maps and graphs by Françoise Mallet

 Preface

T h i s book by my friend Pierre B o u r d i e u concerns itself

w i t h A l g e r i a , n o t w i t h the w a r in A l g e r i a . B o u r d i e u , a sociologist
a n d p h i l o s o p h e r , has lived i n that country for m a n y years. H e
has the ability to observe w i t h d e t a c h m e n t a n d to u n d e r s t a n d
w i t h s y m p a t h y , to reconstruct the o u t l o o k and system of values
of different c o m m u n i t i e s at the same time that h e perceives the
g r o w i n g u n i t y of those c o m m u n i t i e s as they r a n g e d themselves
against the colonial c o n d i t i o n .
F o r almost eight years the d r a m a of A l g e r i a w e i g h e d u p o n
the F r e n c h like an obsession, a g u i l t , a n d also like a duty. It
precipitated t h e f a l l of a regime, split a nation asunder. It im-
periled domestic peace a n d spread t h r o u g h o u t the m o t h e r coun-
try a climate of passion a n d crime. It c o u l d n o l o n g e r be con-
sidered a simple episode in a historically irresistible m o v e m e n t
called " d e c o l o n i z a t i o n " ; it became a tragic m o m e n t in the history
of F r a n c e . T h o s e w h o care a b o u t the destiny of F r a n c e and of
the W e s t c a n n o t r e m a i n indifferent t o A l g e r i a ; they w i l l find
in this v o l u m e the necessary data for reflection and j u d g m e n t .
T h e p o p u l a t i o n of A l g e r i a is neither ethnically n o r cul-
turally h o m o g e n e o u s : Kabyles, Shawia, M o z a b i t e s a n d A r a b i c -
s p e a k i n g p e o p l e s — a l t h o u g h all Islamized to a certain e x t e n t —
share n e i t h e r the same traditions, the same w a y of life, n o r the
same social structure. F o r m a n y reasons, g e o g r a p h i c a l as well as
psychological, the A l g e r i a n c o m m u n i t i e s t h r o u g h o u t the cen-
turies have been unable to build a nation c o m p a r a b l e to the
ones that existed to the east and west, in T u n i s and M o r o c c o .
T h e idea of the "clean board of 1830"—i.e., that before the
F r e n c h conquest n o t h i n g w o u l d h a v e existed in A l g e r i a — i s un-
questionably a legend. B u t it is true that political unification
was far f r o m b e i n g a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h o u t the territory that is
to b e the A l g e r i a n r e p u b l i c . T h e i m m i g r a t i o n of F r e n c h m e n
a n d Europeans into a n A l g e r i a officially assimilated into the

v
vi Preface
m e t r o p o l i t a n territory a n d d i v i d e d i n t o départements has pro-
gressively created the situation that Pierre B o u r d i e u analyzes
at the end of his book.
B e t w e e n the traditional c u l t u r e of all the peoples of A l g e r i a
a n d the c u l t u r e — F r e n c h a n d m o d e r n — t h a t the colons b r o u g h t
w i t h t h e m , there is a radical i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y . T h e E u r o p e a n s
d i d not u n d e r s t a n d a n d did n o t wish to u n d e r s t a n d the au-
thentic nature of the traditional culture. A s the d o m i n a n t mi-
nority, they feared that they w o u l d b e s w a m p e d by the majority
if they a c c o r d e d to the v a n q u i s h e d the civic equality w h i c h the
latter h a d l o n g d e m a n d e d . T h e Moslems, for their part, sus-
tained the shock of b o t h a f o r e i g n c u l t u r e and a h u m i l i a t i n g
status. T h e i r culture was shattered, partially b r o k e n u p by con-
tact w i t h the m o d e r n c u l t u r e of the d o m i n a n t g r o u p . T h e swift
g r o w t h of the M o s l e m p o p u l a t i o n (2.5 p e r cent a n n u a l l y ) also
h e l p e d to upset t h e traditional p a t t e r n , to i n c r e a s e the n u m b e r
of those w h o h a d n o r e g u l a r w o r k a n d w h o felt themselves lost
in a hostile w o r l d , w i t h o u t m e a n i n g in an i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e
society. T h u s , all the conditions were j o i n e d to a pitiless war,
i n which nationalists fought for the i n d e p e n d e n c e of their
country-to-be and for their d i g n i t y , and i n w h i c h the E u r o p e a n
m i n o r i t y defended its right to live on the land w h i c h their
fathers' toil had made productive. A s for the F r e n c h in the
h o m e l a n d : some w a n t e d to h a n g o n to the last segment of
e m p i r e , others w i s h e d to protect their c o m p a t r i o t s w h o h a d
settled o n the opposite shore of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , and still
others h o p e d passionately that France w o u l d p u r s u e her voca-
tion of l i b e r t y to its ultimate end.
W e already k n o w w h a t the horrors of the A l g e r i a n w a r
h a v e b e e n . W h a t the f u t u r e will b r i n g , n o one can tell. B u t ,
in spite of the b l o o d that has been spilled a n d the crimes that
h a v e b e e n committed, the mere fact of a final agreement be-
tween the A l g e r i a n r e p u b l i c a n g o v e r n m e n t a n d the F r e n c h
g o v e r n m e n t does not permit us to conclude o n a note of de-
spair. Precisely because the struggle has g i v e n them an aware-
ness of their o w n w o r t h , the Moslems of A l g e r i a henceforth are
o p e n to m o d e r n civilization. T h e F r e n c h , o n the other h a n d ,
d o n o t feel that they h a v e b e e n defeated. T h e y realized finally
Preface vii
that the conflict itself h a d lost its m e a n i n g a n d that the accession
of A l g e r i a to the status of n a t i o n was b o t h i n e v i t a b l e and just.
W i l l Algeria's E u r o p e a n m i n o r i t y resign itself to l i v i n g in a n
A l g e r i a n r e p u b l i c , or will its members r e t u r n to t h e m o t h e r
country? W h a t p r o p o r t i o n of E u r o p e a n s w i l l m a k e the decision
one way or the other? W i l l the g o v e r n m e n t of an i n d e p e n d e n t
A l g e r i a that e m e r g e d f r o m r e v o l u t i o n tolerate i n actuality the
preservation of a E u r o p e a n minority? W i l l the association w i t h
F r a n c e be a n y t h i n g m o r e than a brief a n d precarious transition
b e t w e e n the c o l o n i a l c o n d i t i o n and a socialism m o r e or less
totalitarian, a neutralism m o r e or less positive?
W e shall not a t t e m p t to p r e d i c t w h a t course of action w i l l
be followed. B u t let us c o n t i n u e to h o p e a n d , above all, let us
c o n t i n u e to p e r p e t u a t e the firm b o n d s w h i c h t h e d i a l o g u e ,
alternately peaceful and bellicose, has forged b e t w e e n the two
peoples.
RAYMOND ARON
 Maps and Graphs

Figure Page

1. P l a n o£ a Kabyle House 6

2. Plan of a Kabyle Village: A l t Hichem 14

3. Social Organization of the T r i b e of the A l t Y a h i a and of the Village

of Ait Hichem 18-ig

4. T h e T r i b e of the A l t Yahia 21

5. T h e T r i b e s of the Aures 26

6. Simplified P l a n of the C i t y of Ghardai'a 52-53

7. Growth of the Principal Cities Between 1954 and 1960 63

8. P l a n of a Part of the D o m a i n (haouch) of the Ben Chaoua 76-77

g. Family T r e e a n d Social Organization of the T r i b e of the Ouled

Rechaich 86-87

10. Dynamics of the Social Groups in Kabylia 100

11. Distribution of Farm Properties According to Size and Ethnic

Category 124

12. Statistical T a b l e s According to Departement 126-127

13. Distribution of the M a l e Algerian Population According to T y p e of

Activity and Age Group 136

14. Population Shifts W i t h i n Algeria Between i g 5 4 a n d i g 6 o 142-143

15. T h e Military Situation in ig57 166-167

16. Population Shifts in the N o r t h of the Departement of Constantine 168

17. T h e "Resettlements" in the Territory of A'in A r b e l 173

18. T h e "Resettlement" of A'in Arbel (detail) 177

l g . T h e "Resettlement" in the Kerkera Region (Collo) 180-181

 Contents

Preface, by Raymond Aron v

' Introduction xi

C h a p t e r 1. T h e K a b y l e s 1
T h e Social Structures 2

T h e Gentilitial Democracy 16

C h a p t e r 2. T h e S h a w i a 25
Domestic Organization 27

T h e Social Structures g2

C h a p t e r 3. T h e Mozabites 37
T h e Challenge of the Desert g 7

Social Structure and City Government . . . 40

Puritanism and Capitalism 45

T h e Interaction Between Permanence and Change 50

Chapter 4. T h e A r a b i c - S p e a k i n g Peoples . . . . 56
T h e Gity Dwellers

N o m a d s and Semi-Nomads . . . . . . 65

T h e N e w Sedentary Peoples 70

C h a p t e r 5. T h e C o m m o n C u l t u r a l H e r i t a g e . . . 92
C u l t u r a l Interpénétration and Kaleidoscopic

Mechanism g2

T h e Economy and Attitude T o w a r d Life . 102

Islam and North African Society . . , . 107

C h a p t e r 6. D i s i n t e g r a t i o n a n d Distress . . 119
T h e Colonial System 12o

T h e Colonial Society , . . . .. . . 129

T h e T o t a l Disruption of a Society . . . . 134.

 Contents
C h a p t e r 7. T h e R e v o l u t i o n W i t h i n the R e v o l u t i o n 145
Special Form and Meaning o£ the W a r . . . 147

W a r as C u l t u r a l Agent 155

T h e Resettlement Policy 163

End of a W o r l d 184

Glossary of A r a b a n d Berber T e r m s 193

Selected B i b l i o g r a p h y 202

Index 204
 Introduction

A r a b writers relate that C a l i p h O m a r used to say (with a

p u n o n the A r a b i c root w o r d frq, m e a n i n g " d i v i s i o n " ) : " I f r i q i y a
[ N o r t h Africa] stands for b r e a k u p ! " Certainly the past a n d the
present of northwest A f r i c a — t h e M a g h r e b — w o u l d appear to
support this statement. W h i c h c o n d i t i o n , then, confronts us:
Diversity or unity? C o n t i n u i t y or contrast? If w e note only the
existing differences, are w e not liable to o v e r l o o k the under-
l y i n g identity w h i c h prevails? 1

T h e r e are so many criteria, so many lines of cleavage that

rarely coincide, so m a n y c u l t u r a l areas that o v e r l a p . F o r e x a m p l e ,
according to climate and t o p o g r a p h y , there is contrast b e t w e e n
the T e l l coastal r e g i o n a n d the " S a h a r a , " between m o u n t a i n
dwellers a n d the inhabitants of the plains a n d hills. A c c o r d i n g
to the way of life, contrast exists b e t w e e n n o m a d s and sedentary
peoples, b u t w i t h v a r y i n g intermediate degrees of semi-nomads
and semi-sedentary peoples. A c c o r d i n g to the type of h a b i t a t i o n ,
there is o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n those w h o live i n different types of
dwellings: terraced houses in the S a h a r a n A u r e s and M z a b ,
houses w i t h tiled roofs in K a b y l i a , M o o r i s h houses in the cities,
b u t a g a i n w i t h a series of transitional types, of w h i c h one of
t h e most c o m m o n is t h e h u m b l e earthen gourbi; o p p o s i t i o n b e -
t w e e n the g r o u p e d d w e l l i n g places of the " o l d sedentary p e o -
p l e s " a n d the dispersed d w e l l i n g places of the p e o p l e that h a v e

'It is obvious that Algeria, when considered in isolation from the rest
of the Maghreb, does not constitute a true cultural unit. However, I have;
limited my investigation to Algeria for a definite reason. Algeria is specifi-
cally the object of this study because the clash between the indigenous and
the European civilizations has made itself felt here with the greatest force.
T h u s the problem under investigation has determined the choice of subject.
This study, which is a conceptual outline of more extensive analyses,
includes a description of the original social and economic structures (Chap.
1-5) which, a l t h o u g h not the m a i n purpose of the book, is indispensable
for an understanding of the breakdown of the social structures caused by
the colonial situation and the influx of European civilization.

xi
xii Introduction
o n l y recently b e c o m e sedentary. A c c o r d i n g to the a n t h r o p o -
logical criterion, one finds antithesis b e t w e e n the local stock and
the additions f r o m the east (but a checkered history has b r o u g h t
a b o u t such a great i n t e r m i n g l i n g that o n e can rarely a n d w i t h
difficulty distinguish any perfectly p u r e types). A c c o r d i n g to
l a n g u a g e and culture, o p p o s i t i o n exists between B e r b e r - s p e a k i n g
and A r a b i c - s p e a k i n g peoples, b u t a m o n g the latter are a great
m a n y A r a b i c i z e d Berbers. A c c o r d i n g to different c u l t u r e traits,
such as women's r i g h t of inheritance, t h e r e is antithesis b e t w e e n
B e r b e r and M o s l e m law, b u t o n b o t h sides a system of counter-
acting balances w h i c h tends to abolish these differences. A c c o r d -
i n g to the degree of legislative p o w e r of the g r o u p , there is
a s i m i l a r opposition, b u t w i t h transitions of v a r y i n g degree.
A c c o r d i n g to artistic techniques, you discover contrast b e t w e e n
the b o l d , rectilinear o r n a m e n t a t i o n of B e r b e r art a n d the fine,
flowing lines of A r a b decoration. O n e c o u l d g o o n i n this way
contrasting the sharecroppers a n d the wage earners, the v a r y i n g
relationship of m a n to the soil, the magic-religious n a t u r e of the
oath, the judicial system, the d e g r e e of p e n e t r a t i o n of Islam.
A l l these lines traced o n a m a p w o u l d f o r m an almost i n e x -
t r i c a b l e maze, since n o t w o m a r k e d areas w o u l d o v e r l a p exactly
— f o r e x a m p l e , areas i n d i c a t i n g Berber-speakers a n d sedentary
peoples, or those i n d i c a t i n g Arabic-speakers and n o m a d s — a n d
since too the borders of these areas are seldom clearly defined.
C e r t a i n relatively distinct " c u l t u r a l areas" d o , h o w e v e r , stand
o u t f r o m this maze in strongly m a r k e d patterns. I n d e e d , where-
ever the B e r b e r dialects h a v e been maintained, p r i n c i p a l l y i n
t h e m o u n t a i n massifs ( K a b y l i a , Aures), there h a v e b e e n conserved
not only special culture traits but a special m o d e of life. H e r e
may be noted, a m o n g other features, a certain i n d e p e n d e n c e in
regard to Islam (with the e x c e p t i o n of the Mzab) w h i c h is par-
ticularly evident in the judicial system, a peasant love of the
soil a n d of the desperately h a r d w o r k r e q u i r e d to m a k e it fertile,
the p r e d o m i n a n c e of direct f a r m i n g of the l a n d by its o w n e r ,
a social structure w i t h strong, equalitarian features based on
the concept of the territorial p a t r i m o n y . W h i l e it is true that the
n o m a d i c A r a b s h a v e i n t r o d u c e d a different system of v a l u e s — a
disdain for the l a n d and direct f a r m i n g that is characteristic of a
Introduction xiii
pastoral civilization, an aristocratically m i n d e d s o c i e t y — i t w o u l d
b e dangerous to exaggerate the o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n A r a b s a n d
Berbers. B e t w e e n these two ways of life there are f r e q u e n t transi-
tions and deeply rooted affinities. Is it possible to i m a g i n e the
A r a b tribe, for e x a m p l e , as b e i n g separated f r o m its territorial
p a t r i m o n y , lands that are strictly defined to g u a r d against r i v a l
encroachment? O n the other h a n d , is it not true that the social
structures of the Berbers, like those of the A r a b s , h a v e b e e n
d e v e l o p e d in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the g e n e a l o g i c a l pattern? B e t w e e n
the t w o systems there is a constant i n t e r a c t i o n based o n a close
affinity b u t characterized by a conflicting m o t i v a t i o n : the temp-
tation to adopt the ways of one's n e i g h b o r a n d the desire to
r e t a i n o n e ' s o w n identity.
A l g e r i a is a l o n g , n a r r o w strip of l a n d b r o k e n u p i n t o a
tangle of small sections, with plains of any appreciable size only
at its western and eastern tips. By reason of its g e o g r a p h i c a l
multiplicity this country has, n o doubt, always seemed pre-
disposed to social particularisms. C e r t a i n factors, h o w e v e r , have
opposed this tendency: the intense m o v e m e n t that animates the
w h o l e territory, the migrations of shepherds, the cycle of markets
w h i c h are the occasion for cultural a n d judicial e x c h a n g e s (the
role of the meddah comes to m i n d i n this connection); the far-
r e a c h i n g influence of the cities w h i c h are centers of religious
o r t h o d o x y a n d Eastern civilization; the unity of faith; the fact
that the m a n y dialects use the one sacred l a n g u a g e of the K o r a n
as an i m p l i c i t reference. T h e result is that these t w o anti-
thetical a s p e c t s — u n i t y a n d p l u r a l i t y , continuity a n d d i v i s i o n —
c a n b e u n d e r s t o o d only w h e n considered i n relation to one an-
other. N o c o m p l e t e l y closed a n d , therefore, p u r e and intact
society exists i n the M a g h r e b ; h o w e v e r isolated a n d w i t h d r a w n
i n t o itself a g r o u p may be, it still thinks of itself a n d j u d g e s
itself by c o m p a r i s o n w i t h other g r o u p s . E a c h g r o u p seeks to
establish and base its o w n identity on the ways in w h i c h it differs
f r o m others; the result is diversification rather than diversity.
T h u s , w h i l e o u r analyses w i l l define these differences, it will b e
only to discover above a n d b e y o n d them the basic identity
that these differences conceal or seek to conceal.
W e h a v e n o i n t e n t i o n of r e d u c i n g to this p a t t e r n either the
XIV Introduction
contacts b e t w e e n the E u r o p e a n a n d the indigenous civilizations
or the u p h e a v a l s caused by c o l o n i z a t i o n , a n d w e are n o t i g n o r a n t
of the fact that, just as the o l d d i a l o g u e b e t w e e n Berbers and
A r a b s was u n e q u a l , so the n e w d i a l o g u e is u n e q u a l , but for
other reasons a n d w i t h m o r e absoluteness. Nevertheless, o n e of
the keys to the p r e s e n t d r a m a may b e f o u n d in the p a i n f u l
debate of a society w h i c h is c o m p e l l e d to define itself by refer-
ence to another, is torn between self-doubt a n d c o m p l a c e n t self-
p r i d e , between a d h e r e n c e to others a n d the fierce defense of its
besieged self. Its d r a m a is t h e acute conflict w i t h i n a n alienated
conscience, l o c k e d i n contradictions a n d c r a v i n g for a way to
re-establish its o w n identity, even by means of excess a n d vio-
lence.
 i. The Kabyles

Settled in very heavy densities (267 i n h a b i t a n t s to the square

kilometer in the arrondissement of F o r t N a t i o n a l ) in r e g i o n s of
hilly, r u g g e d terrain, the Kabyles are p r i m a r i l y arboriculturists.
T h e i r d w e l l i n g s are g r o u p e d i n villages. T h e backs of these
d w e l l i n g s face o u t w a r d a n d are connected to f o r m a sort of
w a l l e d enclosure that is easily defended. Inside the v i l l a g e the
houses face o n r o u g h , n a r r o w lanes. T h e threshing floors, the b a r n
for storing hay, the millstones a n d the rustic presses for the pro-
duction of olive oil are f o u n d at the entrance to the village, at
w h i c h p o i n t t h e paths leading to t h e village divide, so that the
stranger w h o has no business within may proceed o n his w a y
w i t h o u t entering. T h u s , at the first a p p r o a c h , the v i l l a g e reveals
its d e t e r m i n a t i o n to r e m a i n a closed a n d secret u n i t , resolutely
united against the outside w o r l d . P e r c h e d above its lands, w h i c h
extend d o w n the slopes to the b o t t o m of the n a r r o w valleys, w i t h
its v e g e t a b l e gardens m a i n t a i n e d by the w o m e n in the vicinity
of the houses, its tiny fields at the next l o w e r level, and its olive
groves at the b o t t o m of the valley, the v i l l a g e is b o t h watch-
t o w e r a n d fortress, f r o m w h i c h the K a b y l e can easily survey his
fields a n d o r c h a r d s . 1

T h e economy d e p e n d s m a i n l y o n two trees, the o l i v e a n d the

fig, together w i t h a few c o m p l e m e n t a r y crops ( h a r d w h e a t a n d
barley) a n d some small-scale stock raising. T h e l a n d was formerly
held j o i n t l y by the large family, but i n the last twenty years the
breaches in this system h a v e b e c o m e m u c h m o r e frequent. T h e r e
are also certain lands held in c o m m o n by the clan or v i l l a g e
(mechmel) which usually serve as pasture land. T h e small h o l d i n g
1
It is in the Kabylia o£ the Djurdjura that the customs have been best
preserved. T h e valleys o£ the S o u m m a m , the Guergour and the Babor, al-
though Berber-speaking, present characteristics that are foreign to the K a b y l e
culture and have been borrowed from the Arabic-speaking populations. In
various islands of peasants living in the mountainous regions there may be
observed a way of life that is similar, with a few variations, to that of
Kabylia.
2 T h e Algerians
p r e d o m i n a t e s : nine-tenths of the families o w n less t h a n twenty-
five acres, the average h o l d i n g being three to five acres usually
d i v i d e d i n t o several small plots. T h e métayage au quint (share-
c r o p p i n g system) is rare. A i d e d by the m e m b e r s of his family, a n d
o n certain occasions by the w h o l e clan or the w h o l e v i l l a g e , the
h e a d of the family farms his o w n l a n d , w h i c h , thanks to the legal
custom of j o i n t possession, remains sufficiently large to support
the family c o m m u n i t y . Because of the scanty p r o d u c t i o n , how-
ever, a strict control of c o n s u m p t i o n must b e m a i n t a i n e d . I n a
society w h e r e m o n e y is scarce and interest rates h i g h , and where
truly efficient technical methods are lacking, it has b e e n f o u n d
necessary to c o m b a t a singularly sterile n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t by
the c o o r d i n a t e d effort of all m e m b e r s of the c o m m u n i t y . So there
has b e e n a w i d e d e v e l o p m e n t of pacts ( p l o w i n g associations,
f a r m i n g leases, etc.) w h i c h are m u t u a l l y profitable and are of
such variety that all possible c o m b i n a t i o n s seem to h a v e b e e n
effected.
I t becomes e v i d e n t h o w sharp and strained is this struggle
b e t w e e n m a n and his e n v i r o n m e n t . B y a sort of p h e n o m e n o n of
c o m p e n s a t i o n , to the i m p e r f e c t i o n of techniques t h e r e is a corre-
s p o n d i n g e x a g g e r a t e d p e r f e c t i o n of the social o r d e r — a s if the pre-
cariousness of the a d j u s t m e n t to the n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t were
c o u n t e r b a l a n c e d by the excellence of the social o r g a n i z a t i o n ; as
if, to c o u n t e r a c t his powerlessness in r e g a r d to t h i n g s , m a n h a d n o
o t h e r recourse than to d e v e l o p associations w i t h other m e n i n a
l u x u r i a n t g r o w t h of h u m a n relationships. B u t o n e w o u l d b e n o
less justified i n considering that the u n d e r l y i n g i n t e n t i o n of this
society is perhaps to devote the best of its energy a n d its genius to
the e l a b o r a t i o n of relationships b e t w e e n m a n a n d m a n , at the
risk of g i v i n g secondary i m p o r t a n c e to the struggle of m a n against
nature.

T h e Social Structures

T h e K a b y l e society, w h i c h is composed of w h a t m i g h t b e de-

scribed as a series of i n t e r l o c k i n g c o m m u n i t i e s , may be repre-
 T h e Kabyles 3
sented by concentric circles of allegiances w h i c h h a v e their
o w n n a m e , their o w n property a n d their o w n h o n o r . T h e small-
< _f£t-scoal^.dlis_the.e>ygnded iamilyjakham, the "large house").
TJte_iajnilies4âfflJL9g?ther to form the takharroubt, whose m e m -
bjrs_generally bear__UieLsame_.name_and considerTtSemselvesjo be
" b r o t h e r s , " since they descend from a c o m m o n ancestor to the
f o u r t h or fifth generation. Sometimes, h o w e v e r , the takharroubt
joins together families of different names a n d origins. T h e r e m a y
also generally be f o u n d attached to the descendants of the com-
m o n ancestor d e p e n d e n t g r o u p s w h o h a v e been a d o p t e d a n d
integrated. Each takharroubt has its t'amen, its spokesman, cho-
sen b y c o m m o n consent, w h o represents it at assembTïëT"arLd w h o ,
at the time of the timechret', receives the share of the m e a t that
is intended for the members of his group. T h e takharroubt m a y
j o i n w i t h others i n v a r y i n g numbers to form a larger g r o u p called,
in G r e a t e r K a b y j i a ^ j h e adroum. T h e village, taddart, w i t h its
amin (the e x e c u t i v e agent of the decisions of t h e tajmaât, the
c o u n c i l chosen b y the elders), is_made up_of__seyeral id^rman
felural of adroum). E a c h of these social units occupies its o w n
q u a r t e r so that the p l a n of the village shows the social structure.
SejïeraL:riUag£j^Qmppj^ n a m e of
a m y t h i c a l ancestor a n d w h i c h formerly h a d its o w n assembly
composed of a representative from each village. T h e confedera-
tion,^^^i^Js.aja.£X,trem.ely v a g u e unit- with-ill-definecL limits.
Domestic organization.—Th£_extended__family is the basic
social cell, tlie^ocaLpiQinLjvhere converge the most varied orders
of f a c t s — e c o n o m i c s , magic, customary l a w , ethics, r e l i g i o n — t h e
m o d e l o n w h i c h a l l social structures h a v e been developed. It is
not restricted to the g r o u p m a d e u p of the m a r r i e d c o u p l e a n d
their d i r e c t descendants, but b r i n g s together a l l the agnates (de-
scendants from a c o m m o n m a l e ancestor), thereby u n i t i n g several
generations i n intimate association a n d c o m m u n i o n u n d e r a sin-
gle chief. Thg_ father, who is leader, priest a n d j u d g e , assigns a
precise place w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y to each h o u s e h o l d a n d to
each bachelor. H i s a u t h j o n t y ^ i s j j e n j ^ H e has
two_greatly feared_sai^tjoj^_a^Jris_aUsjrjosal—the p o w e r to disin-
herit a n d the_ p o w e r to call d o w n c u r s e s — t h e latter b e i n g u n -
4 T h e Algerians
d o u b t e d l y the m o r e p o w e r f u l w e a p o n , since it is d e e m e d to b r i n g
d o w n d i v i n e p u n i s h m e n t u p o n the ungrateful, the p r o d i g a l or the
rebel. H i s o m n i p o t e n c e is displayed each day in connection w i t h
any e v e n t concerning f a m i l y life or organization (the m a k i n g of
purchases, the a l l o t m e n t of tasks, m a n a g e m e n t of the family
b u d g e t , etc.). H e decides u p o n a n d presides over all family cere-
monies. T h u s , for marriages, it is he w h o decides the date a n d the
a m o u n t of solemnity to b e accorded to the ceremony. O n certain
grave occasions h e s u m m o n s a family council comprised of his
sons a n d brothers, a n d sometimes he has a m a r a b o u t (priest)
participate in its deliberations. T h e father has the right to c o m p e l
m e m b e r s of the family to marry. O n his death, the eldest son in-
h e r i t s his a u t h o r i t y a n d , even w h e n the p r o p e r t y has b e e n di-
v i d e d , h e c o n t i n u e s to w a t c h o v e r the c o n d u c t of his brothers a n d
sisters, g i v i n g t h e m aid a n d a c t i n g as t h e i r representative in cer-
tain circumstances. T h e m o t h e r , for her part, has charge of all the
d o m e s t i c tasks a n d of c e r t a i n f a r m chores (the g a r d e n , g a t h e r i n g
w o o d , the f e t c h i n g of water). She usually helps h e r h u s b a n d in the
m a n a g e m e n t of the family provisions a n d is responsible for their
safeguarding and thrifty distribution to m e m b e r s of the family.
Finally, she represents the p o w e r of the father w i t h i n the female
society (allotment of tasks, etc.) so that she often is regarded as
" t h e pillar of the c o m m u n i t y . "
T h e family cell is a f u n d a m e n t a l u n i t : a n e c o n o m i c u n i t of
p r o d u c t i o n and c o n s u m p t i o n , a political unit w i t h i n the confed-
eration of families that makes u p the clan, a n d finally a religious
u n i t , since each d w e l l i n g is the site of a c o m m o n cult (rites of the
threshold, of the h e a r t h , of the g u a r d i a n spirits of the family,
etc.). T h i s cohesion is strengthened by the fact that the g r o u p
lives i n a single a r e a — t h e houses of the descendants of a c o m m o n
ancestor b e i n g g e n e r a l l y g r o u p e d a r o u n d a c o m m o n c o u r t y a r d —
a n d by the custom of commensality, or that of e a t i n g together
(see Fig. i ) . T h e family is also a unit w i t h c o m m o n interests a n d
o c c u p a t i o n s : the o u t d o o r tasks, those of b o t h the m e n a n d
w o m e n (construction, s o w i n g , harvests, p o t t e r y m a k i n g , a n d the
like), are the business of all m e m b e r s of the g r o u p . T h i s involve-
m e n t extends to a n y t h i n g that affects the h e a d of the family,
T h e Kabyles 5
particularly i n a n y t h i n g that affects his h o n o r , w h i c h they must
d e f e n d at all costs.
T h e families o w n the houses a n d c u l t i v a t e d lands a n d are
represented by their chiefs, w h o h a v e p o w e r to act for the corpo-
rate body. I n actual fact the JjLK-^Qf^canj_possessionpreyai
a m o n g the K j r t > y l e j ^ b o t h the eco-
n o m i c a n d m o r a l balance of the g r o u p ) , so that each m e m b e r
(househoIcT a n d even i n d i v i d u a l ) has a share w h i c h grants h i m
tenure b u t n o t r i g h t of ownership. T h e fact that each h o u s e h o l d
has its o w n property does not give it any excuse to disobey the
m o r a l i m p e r a t i v e w h i c h prescribes that the family p r o p e r t y must
b e conserved a n d increased. M o r e o v e r , the customary l a w protects
the l a n d e d inheritance. F o r this purpose was established the
chefda, the right of repurchase or pre-emption of real estate, to
w h i c h custom has g i v e n a n e x o r b i t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t a n d w h i c h
a l l o w s any strangers to the g r o u p to be d e p r i v e d of rights of
o w n e r s h i p . A l s o w o r k i n g to safeguard the l a n d e d inheritance are
the habous, charitable f o u n d a t i o n s w h i c h m a y b e set u p f o r a
wife's a d v a n t a g e a n d w h i c h a l l o w her a life interest i n the p r o p -
erty, a l t h o u g h as a " h a b o u s e d " property it c a n n o t be transferred
and must return to the m a l e heirs o n the d e a t h of the beneficiary.
T h i s summary analysis has so far described only features that
are c o m m o n to all types of family i n N o r t h Africa. T h e p r i n c i p a l
originality of the K a b y l e system concerns the status of w o m e n .
U n l i k e M o s l e m law, w h i c h grants a w o m a n the r i g h t to inherit,
flTm?Z?B^alhird~orari^al shaifcJSerber ^ w ^ s ! 5 K a i t 8 ~ w r j m e n
by virtue of the agnatic jjmicj.ple,. a c c o r d i n g to wHich the suc-
cessional choice d e p e n d s primarily o n the degree of kinship in
the m a l e line a n d exists to the e x c l u s i v e profit of the m a l e heirs.
T h e disinheritance of w o m e n is i n the first place an economic
necessity. G i v e n the heavy density of p o p u l a t i o n a n d the e x t r e m e
scarcity of arable l a n d , the excessive d i v i d i n g u p of the p r o p e r t y
that w o u l d ensue from the i n t e r v e n t i o n of too great a n u m b e r of
heirs w o u l d r u i n the family. It must also be realized that the
w i f e remains a stranger to h e r h u s b a n d ' s g r o u p , a m o n g w h o m she
has the status of an i n v i t e d guest; thus she w o u l d not b e justified
in l a y i n g claim to an inheritance f r o m ancestors w h o are not her
Fig. i. P l a n of a Kabyle House

A K a b y l e h o u s e is g e n e r a l l y r a t h e r s m a l l : 23 to 25 f e e t l o n g a n d 16
f e e t w i d e . T h e w a l l s a r e f r o m 10 to 12 feet i n h e i g h t a n d f r o m ii/2 to 2
feet thick. T h e y are c o n s t r u c t e d b y laying t w o p a r a l l e l rows of stones
cemented t o g e t h e r by clay or m u d .
T h e h o u s e is d i v i d e d i n t o t w o parts, the stable, adainin (2), and the
taqaats, the area reserved for the h u m a n s . A b o v e the stable is the loft,
taaricht (sA), made of planks and partly hidden by jars (7), ikufan,

o w n . I t is logical, then, that if the h u s b a n d dies intestate the

p r o p e r t y should g o to the closest m a l e descendant. T h i s ruthless
f a v o r i n g of the m a l e l i n e is, however, tempered i n several ways.
A s a result of the resolutions of 1748, the K a b y l e s refused to obey
any l o n g e r the prescriptions of the K o r a n i c law c o n c e r n i n g inheri-
tance a n d r e t u r n e d to the custom of the disinheritance of w o m e n .
Since that time the habous, w h i c h previously served to disinherit
w o m e n (as they do i n A r a b c o m m u n i t i e s ) , h a v e p e r m i t t e d them
to enjoy a life interest i n the lands of their husbands. Further-
m o r e , the code of h o n o r requires a m a n to assume responsibility
for any of his female relatives w h o may b e o r p h a n e d , w i d o w e d ,
or r e p u d i a t e d by their h u s b a n d s .
I n the d o m a i n of family rights, the same b r u t a l i n e q u a l i t y
a p p a r e n t l y prevails. M a r r i a g e liberates a w o m a n f r o m the abso-
6
T h e Kabyles 7
p l a c e d a l o n g the tadekuant (6), a small w a l l t w o or three feet i n h e i g h t ,
w h i c h separates the s t a b l e f r o m the l i v i n g quarters. Hollowed out in
the l o w e r p a r t of t h i s w a l l are t h e m a n g e r s f o r t h e c a t t l e . A g a i n s t the
w a l l o p p o s i t e the s t a b l e is a n a r r o w , l o w w a l l a b o u t three feet in h e i g h t
c a l l e d t h e adekuan (10), o n w h i c h are p l a c e d t h e k i t c h e n u t e n s i l s and
t h e o i l l a m p a n d i n w h i c h a r e n i c h e s to h o l d the c o o k i n g p o t , t h e p a n
for f r y i n g the g r i d d l e cakes, a n d the other s o o t - b l a c k e n e d pots of terra
cotta. A l o n g the f r o n t w a l l b e t w e e n the adekuan a n d the d o o r w a y is a
sort of w i d e , raised step u n d e r w h i c h is p l a c e d the m u t t o n o r the v e a l
f o r t h e festival of t h e A i d . A t t h e b a s e of t h e adekuan is t h e hearth,
kanun (3), d u g o u t at g r o u n d l e v e l a n d p l a s t e r e d o v e r w i t h a c o a t i n g of
lime and gravel. T h e handmill (8) occupies one c o r n e r of the house.
T h e w a t e r j u g (5) is p l a c e d b e h i n d the d o o r . T h e w o m e n set u p their
weaving loom opposite the door (4). The house has only one small
w i n d o w , w h i c h serves to let o u t t h e s m o k e a n d g i v e l i g h t to the loft.
T h e d o o r (1), w h i c h p r o v i d e s a n e n t r y for b o t h h u m a n s a n d cattle, o p e n s
on the inner courtyard. The Kabyles give the name of lhara to the
g r o u p of h o u s e s t h a t o p e n o n t h e s a m e i n n e r courtyard. T h i s courtyard
is closed in b y a w a l l a n d has a c o m m o n g a t e w a y w h i c h is o f t e n covered
b y a roof.
T h e house w i t h t h e roof of r o u n d tiles is t y p i c a l of K a b y l i a . It is
found p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the D j u r d j u r a r e g i o n of Kabylia a n d i n p a r t of
t h e B a b o r s r e g i o n (from the Isser V a l l e y to t h e W a d i A g r i o u n ) . I n the
s o u t h it e x t e n d s as far as t h e c h a i n of the B i b a n s a n d to t h e G u e r g o u r ,
then gives w a y to the terraced h o u s e . On the other frontiers it is re-
p l a c e d b y the gourbi—a hut w i t h walls e i t h e r of u n c e m e n t e d stones or
of clay covered with thatch, esparto grass or diss—which is found
t h r o u g h o u t all of the T e l l , e x c e p t in t h e regions m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , a n d
in the area of D a h r a a n d t h e T r a r a s .

l u t e a u t h o r i t y of h e r father only to h a n d h e r over to the c o m p l e t e

d o m i n a t i o n of h e r h u s b a n d , or, m o r e precisely, to the d o m i n a -
tion of her h u s b a n d ' s family g r o u p a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y of h e r m o t h -
er-in-l^iw. She must be b o t h an o b e d i e n t a n d faithful wife. W i t h
marriage, h e r f o r m e r fear of l o s i n g her virginity is replaced b y the
fear o f sterility, w h i c h she seeks t o w a r d off by amulets, pilgrim-
ages, votive offerings a n d all sorts of m a g i c rites. T h e h u s b a n d
hjjj^mpleXe_jiberty_to end^the m a r r i a g e . H e m e r e l y l i a F T c r p n ) -
n o u n c e the f o r m u l a of r e p u d i m i f i i f in the presence of friends, of
a m a r a b o u t , of the assembly or, at the present time, before the
cadi (a m i n o r j u d g e or magistrate).
T h e status g i v e n to w o m e n is, i n fact, a consequence of the
absolute primacy of the family g r o u p or, m o r e precisely, of the
agnatic group. " T h e whole social organization of K a b y l i a , " write
8 T h e Algerians
H a n o t e a u a n d L e t r o u n e u x , " a l l the K a b y l e institutions (politi-
cal, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , civil . . . ) c o n v e r g e o n this single g o a l : to
m a i n t a i n a n d d e v e l o p the solidarity b e t w e e n the m e m b e r s of the
same c o m m u n i t y , to g i v e to the ' g r o u p ' the greatest possible
strength." H e n c e there is f o u n d , a m o n g other characteristics, the
right of m a t r i m o n i a l c o m p u l s i o n . A s a social necessity f r o m w h i c h
n o one can escape, marriage is the affair of the g r o u p a n d not of
the i n d i v i d u a l . F u r t h e r m o r e , the absolute separation of the sexes,
w h i c h excludes the wife f r o m p a r t i c i p a t i o n in any outside activ-
ity, deprives h e r of the possibility of l i v i n g elsewhere t h a n in h e r
l a w f u l abode. T h e investigation of m a t r i m o n i a l prospects is
t h e n very logically t h e business of t h e family, since the u n i o n of
t w o i n d i v i d u a l s is merely the occasion f o r effecting the u n i o n of
two g r o u p s . T h e fathers seek out a " g o o d f a m i l y , " meet one an-
other, come to an a g r e e m e n t , all w i t h o u t the k n o w l e d g e of the
i n d i v i d u a l s c o n c e r n e d . T h e y o u n g lad may b e b e t r o t h e d by his
father at any age; h o w e v e r , once he has r e a c h e d m a j o r i t y he is
consulted, t h r o u g h the i n t e r m e d i a t i o n of a friend, in order that
h e may freely express his o p i n i o n . If he refuses (a rare possibility)
his father m a y m a k e a n o t h e r choice. T h e girls, o n the other h a n d ,
are usually i n f o r m e d only after the marriage has b e e n decided
u p o n . I n actual fact marriage is often arranged b y the w o m e n ,
w i t h the h e a d of the family merely i n t e r v e n i n g to authorize agree-
ments that h a v e already b e e n reached. M o r e o v e r , the K a b y l e girl
has b e e n prepared b y h e r whole e d u c a t i o n for her future l e g a l
a n d social c o n d i t i o n . E v e r y t h i n g is d o n e to impress u p o n h e r the
fact of m a l e superiority: for e x a m p l e , the i m p o r t a n c e g i v e n to
the different ceremonies that m a r k the m a i n stages of a boy's life
(birth, first h a i r c u t , first trip to the m a r k e t , circumcision, etc.).

N o r is i t s u r p r i s i n g that a m a r r i a g e s h o u l d in n o w a y c h a n g e
the family. M a r r i e d or u n m a r r i e d , the i n d i v i d u a l remains b o u n d
to the a g n a t i c g r o u p a n d s u b j e c t to the same p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y ;
the w i f e , for h e r p a r t , is considered as a means of i n c r e a s i n g the
size of the f a m i l y a n d of t i g h t e n i n g its ties. Such is the true con-
t e x t in w h i c h marriage a n d the m a t r i m o n i a l compensation must
be i n t e r p r e t e d . C e r t a i n authors have seen in the K a b y l e m a r r i a g e
(and in the M o s l e m m a r r i a g e i n general) a k i n d of sale, w i t h the
Compensation (paid by the father of the g r o o m to the father of
T h e Kabyles 9
the bride) constituting a true purchase price; others, a sort of
contract for hiring out of services; others, an original contract
designed to m a k e the father take a n interest i n the good conduct
of his d a u g h t e r (thereby a l l o w i n g h i m to k e e p the marriage pay-
m e n t ) ; still others consider this p a y m e n t as a sort of j o i n t guaran-
tee b o t h for the h u s b a n d — t h e bride's father b e i n g i n d u c e d to
w a t c h over the c o n d u c t of his d a u g h t e r — a n d for the wife, w h o
may, according to certain customary laws, d e m a n d the use of the
m a r r i a g e p a y m e n t w h e n her f a m i l y a p p e a r s to b e deserting her.
T h e first i n t e r p r e t a t i o n must be rejected; the others a p p e a r to b e
stressing certain "secondary f u n c t i o n s , " to w h i c h s h o u l d b e a d d e d
the e c o n o m i c f u n c t i o n (circulation of capital). T h e m a r r i a g e
p a y m e n t should really b e u n d e r s t o o d in the c o n t e x t of the " h o n -
orable e x c h a n g e " w h i c h implies the e x c h a n g e of gifts and coun-
tergifts: one e x a m p l e of this i n s t i t u t i o n is the taousa, the gift
that the guest makes to his host w i t h great fanfare o n festive or
ceremonial occasions. T h e s e gifts create a m o r a l a n d religious
b o n d a n d i m p l y the duty of g i v i n g back m o r e than has b e e n
received in the way of deferred exchanges. N o t e , h o w e v e r , the
" m a r r i a g e by e x c h a n g e " in w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l gives his sister
i n marriage to a n o t h e r whose sister he in turn marries w i t h o u t
any marriage p a y m e n t . M a r r i a g e is just o n e m o r e occasion for
such reciprocal e x c h a n g e s , w h i c h are requisites of social existence
and the n o r m a l m e t h o d of transferring goods a n d chattels, a m o n g
w h i c h wives must be included. T h e s e transactions do n o t b e l o n g
i n the logic of e c o n o m i c calculation; the marriage p a y m e n t is
a countergift a n d marriage is an e x c h a n g e w h i c h creates alliances
b e t w e e n groups (consequently, the simulated struggles w h i c h , in
the rites c o n n e c t e d w i t h the m a r r i a g e ceremony, p o r t r a y the
o p p o s i t i o n of the clan of the g r o o m to that of the b r i d e ) a n d takes
the f o r m of reciprocal gifts, because the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n the
marriage and the m a t r i m o n i a l compensation is n o t an arbitrary
one, the m a r r i a g e b e i n g considered as a n integral part of the gifts
that a c c o m p a n y it.

T h e m a t r i m o n i a l c o m p e n s a t i o n restores a b r o k e n b a l a n c e
in that it is used as a p l e d g e , a substitute for the w o m a n w h o
s h o u l d h a v e b e e n p r o v i d e d by the b r i d e g r o o m ' s family in ex-
change for the b r i d e . T h e continuity of the g i f t a n d countergift
io T h e Algerians
m e c h a n i s m is t h u s m a i n t a i n e d by t h e m a t r i m o n i a l compensation.
P r o o f of this is the fact that if the h u s b a n d dies first the m a r r i a g e
p a y m e n t is r e t u r n e d and the wife goes b a c k to her family, b u t
t h e r e is n o r e t u r n of this m o n e y if the wife dies first, the h u s b a n d ' s
f a m i l y thereby s t a n d i n g definitely as the loser. H e n c e the ex-
t r e m e l y i n s u l t i n g n a t u r e of the berrou bat'el ( r e p u d i a t i o n of the
w i f e w i t h o u t asking for r e t u r n of the m a r r i a g e p a y m e n t ) , w h i c h
breaks the system of reciprocity by g i v i n g w i t h o u t r e c e i v i n g in
r e t u r n as h o n o r d e m a n d s . T h e wife thus r e p u d i a t e d , a gift that
has been r e t u r n e d and for w h i c h there is n o possible counter-
gift, is e x c l u d e d f r o m the cycle of m a t r i m o n i a l exchanges
(tamaouokt). O n the o t h e r h a n d , to r e t u r n the m a t r i m o n i a l
c o m p e n s a t i o n w h e n the h u s b a n d dies, or the wife is r e p u d i a t e d ,
shows that the " c o n t r a c t " is b r o k e n b u t that the system of reci-
procity instituted by the m a r r i a g e continues u n c h a n g e d .
T h e m a r r i a g e p a y m e n t is also a pledge i n another sense: the
wife remains a m e m b e r of h e r original g r o u p w h i c h , t h r o u g h her,
secures a h o l d over the m a g i c p o w e r of the g r o u p that accepts her,
since the gift still remains a t t a c h e d to the giver; the p a y m e n t of
m a t r i m o n i a l compensation thus restores the b a l a n c e i n magic
powers. I n the same c o n t e x t it appears also to b e a compensation
i n t e n d e d to atone for the v i o l a t i o n of the sexual taboo. T h u s , in
the A u r e s , the n u p t i a l gift consists of a "douro," called the haqd-
dkhoul (right of entry) a m o n g the Beni-Bou-Slimane and a
"douro lahlil" {douro m a k i n g lawful) a m o n g the T o u a b a . L i k e -
wise, the M o z a b i t e jurists m a i n t a i n that " t h e n u p t i a l d o w r y is
the c o n d i t i o n that actually m a k e s the m a r r i a g e l e g i t i m a t e and
confers the r i g h t to intercourse w i t h the b r i d e . " A n d finally,
s h o u l d it n o t be considered that this gift m a d e to m e n is in reality
b e i n g offered t h r o u g h t h e m to the powers of n a t u r e , in order
that they m a y g r a n t as a s u p r e m e blessing a fruitful marriage?
It is n o t surprising, then, that the f a m i l y g r o u p s h o u l d b e t h e
f o c a l p o i n t of K a b y l e society: primacy of the f a m i l y g r o u p , w h i c h
rules out celibacy and w h i c h , t h r o u g h the father, exercises the
r i g h t of m a t r i m o n i a l c o m p u l s i o n and arranges for the girls to b e
m a r r i e d at t h e e a r l y age of t w e l v e or thirteen; p r i m a c y of the
g r o u p , w h i c h g r a n t s a b s o l u t e authority to the h u s b a n d and in-
vests h i m w i t h the r i g h t of r e p u d i a t i o n because of the fact t h a t
T h e Kabyles 11
it is n o t the married c o u p l e , b u t the c o n t i n u i t y of the f a m i l y
g r o u p , that m u s t above all be p r o t e c t e d ; primacy of the g r o u p ,
w h i c h t h r o u g h various legal devices ensures the p r o t e c t i o n of the
family p a t r i m o n y against any outside intrusion, and w h i c h
excludes w o m e n f r o m i n h e r i t i n g in order to p r e v e n t a r e d u c t i o n
in the size of the property.
T h e superior role of the g r o u p also appears clearly in the
m a t t e r of emigration. I n d e e d , if i n N o r t h A f r i c a those w h o emi-
grate for temporary periods are for the most part sedentary Ber-
bers and p a r t i c u l a r l y K a b y l e s , it is because the strong cohesion
and the solidarity of the agnatic g r o u p guarantees to the e m i g r a n t
that the family he has left b e h i n d o n the c o m m u n a l p r o p e r t y —
w h i c h provides subsistence for each m e m b e r of the g r o u p — w i l l
be protected in his absence by those of his m a l e relatives w h o
h a v e r e m a i n e d on the land. I t is the t h o u g h t of the f a m i l y that
sustains h i m d u r i n g his e x i l e , that inspires h i m t o w o r k desper-
ately h a r d and save his money. Finally, it has b e e n n o t e d that
w h e n they are j o i n e d together i n F r a n c e to f o r m c o m m u n i t i e s
w h i c h are p a t t e r n e d on the family structure and w h i c h recreate
that system of solidarity a n d m u t u a l support w h i c h animates
K a b y l e life, the emigrants will u n d e r g o severe p r i v a t i o n i n order
to send back to their families the greater part of their earnings.
Since it is aware of the e x t r e m e l y i m p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n of the
agnatic family, the g r o u p does e v e r y t h i n g i n its p o w e r to d e f e n d
it and to continually proclaim those values o n w h i c h it is based,
particularly the virtues of solidarity and m u t u a l a i d w h i c h can-
n o t be a b a n d o n e d w i t h o u t t h r e a t e n i n g the r u i n of the entire
social organism and the destruction of that b a l a n c e b e t w e e n m a n
a n d his e n v i r o n m e n t w h i c h is m a i n t a i n e d o n l y b y c o o r d i n a t e d
effort. I n a d d i t i o n to the m u t u a l loans and contracts of all types,
certain tasks (construction of houses, road b u i l d i n g , w e e d i n g ,
harvesting, g a t h e r i n g of the olive crop, etc.) are carried o u t
t h r o u g h the c o o p e r a t i o n of the whole clan or village; l a b o r that"
is g i v e n g r a t u i t o u s l y b u t w h i c h has been m a d e m a n d a t o r y b y
c u s t o m — a m u t u a l l e n d i n g of services, a fraternal system of m u -
tual aid i n v o l v i n g for the beneficiary o n l y the necessity to p r o v i d e
f o o d a n d the o b l i g a t i o n to r e c i p r o c a t e — t h e tiouizi is a gift of
l a b o r to w h i c h a c o u n t e r g i f t w i l l later c o r r e s p o n d . T h e conclu-
12 T h e Algerians
sion of those tasks w h i c h are a c c o m p a n i e d by acts of r i t u a l is
celebrated by ceremonies a n d by a c o m m o n repast. T h u s the
collective task becomes b o t h a form of collective celebration and
prayer and, above all, an occasion for the solemn reaffirmation
of family, clan or v i l l a g e solidarity. I n all these customs is
expressed the strong desire to keep the ties of the g r o u p tightly
d r a w n . Doubtless their l i m i t e d m e t h o d s of p r o d u c t i o n h a v e neces-
sitated this c o l l a b o r a t i o n and association, b u t in a deeper sense
this cult of solidarity may b e regarded as the reverence of this
society for their c o m m o n ancestor, w h e t h e r real or mythical,
f r o m w h o m all solidarity and fertility e m a n a t e and t h r o u g h
w h o m this society worships itself.
The family as structural model.—The most restricted as well
as the widest social units have been conceived o n the m o d e l of
the family u n i t . G e n e a l o g y is resorted to i n an attempt to ration-
alize the social structure by s h o w i n g that it is rooted in the past.
H e n c e there is a certain lack of precision in the p o l i t i c a l n o m e n -
clature, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n regard to the g r o u p i n g s of families, the
takharroubt and the adroum; these terms designate social units
of a size that varies b o t h w i t h the r e g i o n and w i t h the social
structure a n d history of the villages. T h i s is because the transi-
tion takes p l a c e i n a g r a d u a l and c o n t i n u o u s m a n n e r f r o m the
narrowest to the most e x t e n s i v e u n i t s , a l t h o u g h p o t e n t i a l points
of s e g m e n t a t i o n d o exist, any one of w h i c h c o u l d b e c o m e real
g i v e n the p r o p e r occasion or situation.
A m o n g these segmentation points there are some, h o w e v e r ,
w h i c h m a r k o u t true thresholds d e n n i n g m o r e stable groups. So
it is that the most vital u n i t is the s i m p l e or c o m p l e x clan (tak-
harroubt or adroum). U p to a relatively recent date the clan was
the f r a m e w o r k i n w h i c h social life d e v e l o p e d , and a great m a n y
of its features p r o v e d that it had its o w n separate existence: it
h a d its tajmadt, its cemetery, its o w n section in the village, its
fountains, a n d sometimes its o w n festivals a n d customs, a n d e v e n
its o w n l e g e n d of its origin. T h e members of the same c l a n feel
j o i n e d together i n an actual b r o t h e r h o o d that makes for very
familiar relationships and leads to attitudes of spontaneous soli-
darity, w h e t h e r it be a q u e s t i o n of a v e n g i n g b l o o d that has b e e n
shed or carrying o u t a c o m m u n a l task. T h e timechret'—the com-
T h e Kabyles 13
m u n a l sharing of meat and the act of commensality, w h i c h defines
the limits of the c o m m u n i t y a n d at the same time asserts its
u n i t y — w a s formerly carried out w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k of the
clan.
T h e v i l l a g e u n i t was p r i m a r i l y territorial. O n e m u s t be
o n g u a r d against false analogies suggested by w h a t a n u m b e r of
features w o u l d seem to indicate: t h e v i l l a g e , p r o v i d e d w i t h its
o w n council h o u s e a n d w i t h the l a w s t h a t are l a i d d o w n by its
o w n council (qanoun), w h i c h differ f r o m Islamic l a w a n d w h i c h
g o v e r n d a i l y b e h a v i o r in great detail, calls to m i n d the i d e a of
the rural c o m m u n e . Bjit_in_j3oint of fact the clan exists alongside
itjsjidgjtiborjs^
social unit. C o n s e q u e n t l y , w h e t h e r g r o u p e d together or sepa-
rated f r o m one a n o t h e r (toufiq), the c l a ^ J o j H L ^ ^ o r d e j d e r a t i o n
rather t h a n a c o m m u n i t y . Different influences h a v e resulted in
the factid^mFa good n u m b e r of practices and institutions p r o p e r
to the clan n o l o n g e r exist today e x c e p t at the level of the village,
w h i c h is b e c o m i n g progressively a true p o l i t i c a l u n i t (see F i g . 2).
M o r e fragile and m o r e v a g u e l y defined than the clan, the
t r i b e — a confederation of villages that exists in n a m e o n l y and
has n o tangible e m b o d i m e n t — i s o n l y activated in special circum-
stances and for special purposes, so that it is defined p r i n c i p a l l y
t h r o u g h its o p p o s i t i o n to h o m o l o g o u s groups. It m a y b e seen,
then, that cohesion and a feeling of solidarity are in inverse ratio
to the size of the g r o u p . Y e t a quarrel c o n c e r n i n g the larger
g r o u p will b r i n g to a halt any quarrels a m o n g the lesser g r o u p s
(see F i g . 10).
T h e c o m p l e x i t y of this system, w i t h the v a r i e d rights of ini-
tiative it confers, is greatly increased by the interaction of the
coffs—diffused a n d abstract organizations, systems of political
a n d agonistic alliances, w h i c h may d i v i d e the village, the c l a n o r
even the f a m i l y a n d w h i c h are organized i n t o t w o general leagues,
a n " u p p e r " and " l o w e r " l e a g u e ; organizations that are p r i m a r i l y
o n o m a s t i c (name-related) in n a t u r e and h a v e a p o t e n t i a l r a t h e r
than an actual existence. T h e s e " a s s o c i a t i o n s " (in the sense of " a
social u n i t that is n o t based o n the factor of k i n s h i p " ) come i n t o
action on every occasion and at every level, w h e n e v e r a q u a r r e l
breaks out b e t w e e n m e m b e r s of different foffs, h o w e v e r trifling
F i g . a. P l a n of a K a b y l e V i l l a g e : A l t H i c h e m
T h e s i t u a t i o n of this t y p i c a l v i l l a g e i n t h e D j u r d j u r a r e g i o n of
K a b y l i a a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n d e c i d e d u p o n to m e e t s e v e r a l c o m b i n e d
r e q u i r e m e n t s . A fortress a n d o b s e r v a t i o n post, it is b u i l t at t h e s u m m i t
of a 4,000-foot crest a n d , as a result, is c o m p l e t e l y isolated f r o m o t h e r
v i l l a g e s , w h i c h are also p e r c h e d o n the s u m m i t of o t h e r p e a k s . T h e
scarcity of arable l a n d p r o v i d e s a n a d d i t i o n a l reason for c h o o s i n g this
unfertile soil of shale a n d s a n d s t o n e as a site for t h e houses of t h e

14
T h e Kabyles !5
v i l l a g e . M o r e o v e r , the p e a s a n t c a n w a t c h o v e r t h e fields a n d o r c h a r d s
w h i c h s u r r o u n d the peak o n w h i c h t h e v i l l a g e stands. T h e p r o x i m i t y
of w a t e r p o i n t s a n d of c o m m u n i c a t i o n routes does n o t a p p e a r to b e a
factor d e t e r m i n i n g the p o s i t i o n of the s e t t l e m e n t : i n d e e d the s p r i n g s ,
w h i c h are n u m e r o u s o n the h i l l slopes, are often q u i t e a d i s t a n c e a w a y
f r o m the v i l l a g e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s are p r o v i d e d b y p a t h s r u n n i n g
a l o n g t h e crest of the hills.
E v e n the l a y o u t of t h e v i l l a g e is t h e result of different t e c h n i c a l
a n d social r e q u i r e m e n t s . O f t e n , as i n t h e adroum of the A i t M a h d i in
the p r e s e n t e x a m p l e , t h e m a i n street f o l l o w s the crest l i n e w i t h t h e
h o u s e s r u n n i n g d o w n the s l o p e s i n a h e r r i n g b o n e p a t t e r n . I n t h e p a r t
of t h e v i l l a g e o c c u p y i n g the side of the crest, t h e h o u s e s are b u i l t at
r i g h t a n g l e s to t h e c o n t o u r l i n e s , w h i c h are m a r k e d o u t , a p p r o x i m a t e l y ,
b y a l l e y w a y s just w i d e e n o u g h to a l l o w a l a d e n m u l e to pass. I n b o t h
cases, the a r r a n g e m e n t of the houses is such t h a t the stable is n a t u r a l l y
sited l o w e r d o w n t h a n t h e p a r t reserved f o r h u m a n h a b i t a t i o n a n d t h e
l i q u i d m a n u r e , t h e dirty w a t e r a n d t h e r a i n c a n r u n d o w n t o w a r d s t h e
g a r d e n s (situated b e h i n d the houses a n i n the area of t h e A'it M a d h i ) o r
to the r o a d t h a t serves for d r a i n a g e .
T h e m a i n t h i n g to b e n o t e d is t h a t t h e p l a n r e v e a l s the social
structure. M a r k e d o u t b y t w o p a r a l l e l h o u s e s a n d b y t h i c k w a l l s o r
else b y t h r e e h o u s e s p l a c e d at r i g h t a n g l e s , t h e c o u r t y a r d is a l w a y s
c o m m o n to m e m b e r s of t h e same l a r g e f a m i l y , n a m e l y the families o f
t h e f a t h e r a n d h i s m a r r i e d sons o r the f a m i l i e s of s e v e r a l brothers. T h e
p l a n t h e n s h o w s u p as c l e a r l y as w o u l d a g e n e a l o g i c a l tree t h e s u b -
d i v i s i o n s of the v i l l a g e c o m m u n i t y — t h e e x t e n d e d f a m i l y , t h e l i n e a g e
(takharroubt), the c l a n (adroum)—with the n e i g h b o r i n g g r o u p s a l l
b e i n g g r o u p s b a s e d o n b l o o d ties.
T h e village i n c l u d e s a n e n d o g a m o u s family of a m a r a b o u t a n d
strangers w h o have f o u n d r e f u g e (as the r e s u l t of a m u r d e r , f o r e x a m p l e )
w i t h a related family. T h e isolated houses h a v e been constructed m o r e
r e c e n t l y b y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o h a v e n o t f o u n d a n y p l a c e w i t h i n the v i l l a g e .
T h e v i l l a g e is s u r r o u n d e d b y s e v e r a l h o l y places: (1) " t h e w h i t e
stone," t h e r o c k o n w h i c h c a n d l e s are p l a c e d b y t h e w o m e n ; (2) " t h e
f o u n t a i n of the w e l l , " w h e r e l i g h t s h a d b e e n seen b y c e r t a i n p e o p l e
a n d to w h i c h c a n d l e s a r e a l s o c a r r i e d ; (g) Sidi A z z a b , t h e t o m b of the
ancestor of the m a r a b o u t f a m i l y of the A z z a b e n e , a h o l y place sur-
r o u n d e d by a n e n c l o s u r e of dry-stone c o n s t r u c t i o n t o w h i c h offerings
are b r o u g h t o n t h e o c c a s i o n of r e l i g i o u s festivals; (4) " t h e f a l l o w
g r o u n d of t h e w a t e r f a l l , " a p l o t of g r o u n d p l a n t e d w i t h o a k trees o n
w h i c h cattle are not p a s t u r e d a n d w o o d is not cut; (5) " t h e s u m m i t , "
a n e m i n e n c e to w h i c h offerings are carried a n d w h e r e candles a r e l i t ;
(6) " B o u Sehel," a s a n c t u a r y s i t u a t e d o n a p e a k (3,600 feet) o n t h e r o a d
to T a k a , to w h i c h p i l g r i m a g e s are m a d e a n d offerings t a k e n .
i6 T h e Algerians
the i n c i d e n t m a y b e , a n d n o matter w h e t h e r it is o n a n i n d i v i d u a l
or o n a collective scale. T h i s division i n t o opposed a n d comple-
m e n t a r y halves appears to constitute one aspect of a d e e p e r
structural o p p o s i t i o n w h i c h d o m i n a t e s the whole social, spiritual
a n d ritualistic life of the people. Different features l e a d one to
t h i n k that these conflicts b e t w e e n the leagues assumed an institu-
t i o n a l f o r m a n d that the combats resulted f r o m the logic of the
ritual g a m e rather t h a n from a proper war. T h i s "dualist organi-
z a t i o n " guarantees a balance of forces t h r o u g h strange proc-
esses of w e i g h i n g , a stalemate resulting from the crisis itself. T h e
forces are b u i l t u p , come i n t o o p p o s i t i o n and c o u n t e r b a l a n c e one
another. T h u s it seems as if e q u i l i b r i u m were b e i n g sought u n d e r
conditions of the greatest tension.

T h e Gentilitial Democracy

T h e g e n t i l i t i a l , or genealogical, family, the keystone of this

society, is at the same time (as in all of A l g e r i a ) the m o d e l o n
w h i c h the w h o l e social system has b e e n constructed, w i t h o u t a n y
distinction b e i n g m a d e as to a difference i n o r d e r a n d k i n d
b e t w e e n domestic o r g a n i z a t i o n (the res privatae) a n d political
o r g a n i z a t i o n (the res publicae), since the b o n d s of c o n s a n g u i n i t y
are considered as the archetype for every social tie, p a r t i c u l a r l y
for p o l i t i c a l ties. If genealogy is used i n m o r e or less a r b i t r a r y
2

f a s h i o n every time that it is i m p o r t a n t to create or to justify a

social u n i t , it is because it allows a k i n d of r e l a t i o n of k i n s h i p to
be created, t h r o u g h the fiction of the e p o n y m o u s ancestor,
b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s j o i n e d together as the result of the o p e r a t i o n

• It would be easy to demonstrate that the relations of kinship are the

model for economic relations, for the relation between man and nature or
between master and servant (see mitayagc au quint). T h i s has led, on the
one hand, to the great importance and significance that have been conferred
on exchange, the things exchanged (gifts, services, etc.) never being merely
things but also utterances, and, on the other hand, to the fact that the
economic domain is never considered as autonomous, as being endowed
with its own principles and rules (e.g., the law of interest) and consequently
is controlled, at least ideally, by the same system of values (namely the c o d e
of honor) as other interhuman relationships.
T h e Kabyles 1^
of q u i t e different forces; it is as if this society c o u l d n o t conceive
of any type of r e l a t i o n s h i p existing w i t h i n a social body other
than that w h i c h exists b e t w e e n relatives, n o r c o u l d they conceive
of any u n i f y i n g p r i n c i p l e for a p o l i t i c a l b o d y other than that
w h i c h makes for the cohesion of the most e l e m e n t a r y form of
society, the family.
T h u s , a l t h o u g h n u m e r o u s features may m a k e us think of o u r
o w n k i n d of d e m o c r a c y (a k i n d of p a r l i a m e n t a r i a n i s m , an equali-
tarianism, the concept of the general interest, a r o u g h l y d e n n e d
e x e c u t i v e power, a n d so on) are w e entitled to c o n c l u d e that the
K a b y l e democracy is the same as ours because of these analogies?
H o w then can w e e x p l a i n that this " d e m o c r a c y " can really func-
tion only w i t h i n the most restricted social u n i t , the a g n a t i c sub-
g r o u p , a n d that the l a r g e r units w h i c h are b r o u g h t into b e i n g by
some e x c e p t i o n a l circumstance disappear as soon as the crisis
has been overcome? Since they h a v e b o t h b e e n constructed in
a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the same p a t t e r n , the political a n d the d o m e s t i c
o r g a n i z a t i o n are really h o m o g e n e o u s . T h u s a n u m b e r of peculiar-
ities of this system may m o r e easily b e understood. T h e functions
of the tajmadt, i n w h i c h only the elders are, i n fact, a l l o w e d to
deliberate, are those w h i c h d e v o l v e o n the " f a t h e r , " acting as
h e a d a n d delegate of the g r o u p w i t h i n a p a t r i l i n e a r society. T h e
c o u n c i l administers, governs, legislates a n d arbitrates; it has the
d u t y of d e f e n d i n g the collective h o n o r ; it must see that its deci-
sions are d u l y e x e c u t e d a n d has at its disposal a m u c h feared
m e a n s of coercion, the ostracism or b a n i s h m e n t of the offender.
If the w h o l e of society is o r g a n i z e d arounrf such a restricted basic
u n i t as the c o n s a n g u i n e o u s clan, it is because the clan represents
in the political sphere the largest organization i n w h i c h family
solidarity is still a n effective influence. T h e result is that the
f u n d a m e n t a l social u n i t finds its o w n p r i n c i p l e of limitation i n
the very basis o n w h i c h it has been established. M o r e o v e r , since
all decisions m u s t b e taken u n a n i m o u s l y , the political organiza-
t i o n is c o m p e l l e d to restrict itself to the m a x i m u m limits w i t h i n
w h i c h u n a n i m i t y is p r a c t i c a b l e — t h o s e of the clan whose mem-
bers are j o i n e d together by a n intense sentiment of solidarity. I n
any u n i t of greater size this sentiment becomes more spurious
i8 T h e Algerians
Fig. 3. S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the T r i b e of t h e A i t Y a h i a a n d of the
V i l l a g e of A l t Hichem
I s o l a t e d o n a p e a k b e t w e e n d e e p r a v i n e s w h i c h s e p a r a t e it f r o m its
n e i g h b o r s , t h e v i l l a g e s e e m s to c o n s t i t u t e a s o c i a l u n i t t h a t h a s b e e n
closely d e n n e d b y t h e t o p o g r a p h y i t s e l f . B u t , i n f a c t , is n o t t h i s a p p e a r -
a n c e of u n i t y r a t h e r d e c e p t i v e ? T h e v i l l a g e is m a d e u p of i n t e r l o c k i n g
g r o u p s . T h e takharroubt joins t o g e t h e r s e v e r a l p a t r i a r c h a l families
w h o c o n s i d e r t h e m s e l v e s as b e i n g d e s c e n d e d f r o m a c o m m o n ancestor.
It must n o t be t h o u g h t , h o w e v e r , t h a t its m e m b e r s are a l w a y s j o i n e d
t o g e t h e r b y r e a l ties of k i n s h i p . F o r e x a m p l e , i n t h e takharroubt of t h e
A i t Issaad, there m a y b e f o u n d (as w e l l as t h e A i t Issaad, p r o p e r l y
s p e a k i n g ) t h e A i t A b b a , the Ai't F e r h a t , a n d the Ai't B e l l i l . T h e m e m b e r s
of the takharroubt c o n s i d e r t h e m s e l v e s to be b r o t h e r s ; the c h i l d r e n
g i v e to a l l the m a l e a d u l t s the n a m e of " f a t h e r " ; t h e y call a n o l d e r
m a n " d a d d a " (big b r o t h e r ) , w h a t e v e r m a y b e t h e real b o n d of k i n s h i p ,
a n d t h e y call an o l d e r w o m a n " n a n n a " (big sister). T h e effective ties
are v e r y s t r o n g a n d i n t i m a c y is great. T h e w o m e n are n o t o b l i g e d to
h i d e t h e m s e l v e s f r o m t h e men. T h e g i v i n g of m u t u a l aid is d o n e
s p o n t a n e o u s l y a n d is a n e v e r y d a y o c c u r r e n c e . E a c h takharroubt has
a t'amen, a " s p o k e s m a n , " w h o r e p r e s e n t s it a t t h e m e e t i n g s of t h e
tajmadt; w h o , at t h e t i m e of t h e timechret'', divides u p the meat into
as m a n y s m a l l a m o u n t s as t h e r e are " h o u s e s " ; w h o offers the g i f t s of
the g r o u p at the t i m e of r e l i g i o u s festivals o r w h e n a l m s a r e r e q u e s t e d .
It s o m e t i m e s h a p p e n s t h a t t h e takharroubt has its o w n c u s t o m s : f o r
e x a m p l e , a m o n g the Ai't A b d e s s e l a m it is f o r b i d d e n to set a h e n . S o m e -
times it has a site r e s e r v e d for the c l a n c e m e t e r y . A n i n d i v i d u a l c a n
l e a v e his takharroubt to j o i n u p w i t h a n o t h e r . T h e takharroubt has
n o l e g a l j u r i s d i c t i o n n o r a n y p o l i t i c a l l i f e p r o p e r . It m a y , h o w e v e r , o n
rare o c c a s i o n s , h o l d a secret a s s e m b l y to d e c i d e o n i n t e r n a l m a t t e r s .

T h e real p o l i t i c a l u n i t is the clan, adroum; the Ai't M a d h i a n d

t h e Ai't O u s s e b a a each h a v e t h e i r o w n a s s e m b l y house (the tajmadt),
t h e i r o w n m o s q u e , a n d t h e i r separate cemeteries. T h e v e g e t a b l e g a r d e n s
c u l t i v a t e d b y the w o m e n are g r o u p e d a r o u n d the houses of each
adroum, since the w o m e n of o n e adroum are not p e r m i t t e d to be
seen b y t h e m e n of t h e o t h e r adroum. T h e Ai't M a d h i h a v e t h e i r o w n
t h r e s h i n g floor a n d t h e i r o w n f o u n t a i n . T h e m e m b e r s of t h e adroum
c o n s i d e r themselves to b e d e s c e n d e d f r o m a c o m m o n a n c e s t o r . A c c o r d -
i n g to l e g e n d , the Ai't O u s s e b a a are s u p p o s e d to be the d e s c e n d e n t s of
a w o m a n of m a r a b o u t i c o r i g i n c o m i n g f r o m t h e tribe of t h e Ai't
M e n g u e l l e t , w h o r e m a i n e d for a l o n g time w i t h o u t a n y suitor. H a v i n g
m a r r i e d a c e r t a i n Ai't O u a z z o u g , she h a d seven c h i l d r e n b y h i m a n d
t h e s e v e n t h ( O u s s e b a a ) g a v e his n a m e to t h e c l a n . T h e Ai't M a d h i are
s u p p o s e d to b e the d e s c e n d e n t s of strangers w h o came to settle o n
t h e p e a k w h i c h d o m i n a t e s t h e m o u n t a i n s l o p e o n w h i c h t h e Ai't
O u s s e b a a were already l i v i n g .

T h e c l a n , of w h i c h all m e m b e r s c l a i m to b e b r o t h e r s , h o l d s its
o w n a s s e m b l y at w h i c h are m a d e all the d e c i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e
c o m m u n i t y ( p r o c l a m a t i o n s as to h a r v e s t , r e l i g i o u s festivals, the b e g i n -
n i n g of p l o w i n g , c o l l e c t i v e tasks, etc.). T h e c o m m u n a l sacrifice, w h i c h
w a s c a r r i e d o u t at t h e b e g i n n i n g of p l o w i n g time a n d t h r o u g h w h i c h
 Tribe Village Clan Lineage "House "
(arch) (taddart) {adroum) (takharroubt) {akham)

/ Boudaf.el
AltMelUl
Igoures
Ait Itourar Ai't Z i r i
Ait Illilten Ai't A h t a r Ai't Madhi
AIT MADHI
Ai't Menguellet Tafraout Ait Saada
Ai't Bou Youcef Koukou Ait Ali ou Amar
Ai't Ouakbils Tagounits Ai't Moussa

AIT Y A H I A < AIT HICHEM ^

Ai't Issa
Ai't Y a t t a f e n Takana Ai't R a b a h Ai't O u a z z o u g
A i t Boudrar Issendalene Aft Messaoud
Ait Ouacif A g o u n i Guessaad Ai't Slimane Ai't A b d e s s e l a m
Ai't B o u a k a c h e AIT OUSSEBAA A i t Abdesselam
Taka Ai't K a c i o u S a d o u n
A i t o u Ogdal Ai't M a a m a r
Ai't Boutchour Ai'tKaci Azzoug
AitKettout
Ai't Si A m a r a Ai't Issaad Ait Issaad
Ai't Abba
ATt Ferhaf
Ai't Ouirad
Ai't Bellil

was affirmed a n d c o n f i r m e d the e x i s t e n c e of the c o m m u n i t y , was c a r r i e d

out within t h e confines o f t h e adroum. T h e latter also h a d its insti-
t u t i o n s f o r g i v i n g m u t u a l aid, its o w n c o d e (more r i g o r o u s a m o n g t h e
Ait Madhi than among t h e A i t O u s s e b a a ) , its o w n traditions a n d be-
liefs. I n t h e case o f t h e Ai't H i c h e m , t h e d i v i s i o n i n t o coffs coincided
w i t h t h e d i v i s i o n i n t o clans, t h e Ai't M a d h i b e i n g a p a r t o f t h e l o w e r
goff a n d the A i t O u s s e b a a b e i n g p a r t o f the u p p e r poff.
T h e u n i t y o f the v i l l a g e (taddert) is p r i m a r i l y territorial i n n a t u r e .
However, since about 1930, a n u m b e r of collective institutions a n d
practices which w e r e formerly p e c u l i a r t o t h e adroum are n o w tend-
ing to become common to the village. O n e r e a s o n f o r this is t h a t b y
making t h e village into an administrative unit with its amin, a sort
of mayor, t h e authorities have favored the development of c o m m o n
v i l l a g e i n t e r e s t s . E m i g r a t i o n , s c h o o l i n g a n d e c o n o m i c c h a n g e s h a v e also
p l a y e d a d e c i s i v e role. T h e n e w v i l l a g e s q u a r e n e a r t h e s c h o o l is " t h e
n e u t r a l g r o u n d " o n w h i c h the v i l l a g e assembly meets. T h e latter m a k e s
all d e c i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g m a t t e r s of p u b l i c interest.
The v i l l a g e o f A i t H i c h e m f o r m s a p a r t o f t h e t r i b e o f t h e Ai't
Y a h i a (the douar A i t Y a h i a has t h e s a m e limits as t h e tribe). T h e latter
t r i b e exists p r i m a r i l y t h r o u g h t h e fact o f its o p p o s i t i o n t o o t h e r tribes.
Thus it is that a t r a d i t i o n a l r i v a l r y exists b e t w e e n the A i t Yahia and
their neighbors, the A i t Menguellet. T h e tribe of t h e A i t Yahia is
part of w h a t one might call the confederation of t h e I g a o u a o u e n , a
r a t h e r i l l - d e f i n e d a n d u n s t a b l e social unit.
The generic names of t h e social units vary according to regions.
O n e r e a s o n f o r this is t h a t w h e n g i v i n g o u t these n a m e s , t h e K a b y l e s
passed b y g r a d u a l stages f r o m the patriarchal family t o t h e clan. T h e
i n t e r m e d i a t e social u n i t s are m o r e o r less a r b i t r a r y a n d v i r t u a l d i v i d i n g
p o i n t s w h i c h b e c o m e m a n i f e s t p a r t i c u l a r l y i n cases w h e n they m u s t m e e t
opposition. T h e s e units are i n a constant evolution and transformation;

!9
 1

20 T h e Algerians
c e r t a i n of t h e m increase i n size w h i l e o t h e r s d e c r e a s e . T h e v i l l a g e , a n d
e v e n m o r e so the " t u f i q , " w h i c h g r o u p s t o g e t h e r s e v e r a l h a m l e t s , reas-
sembles a f e d e r a t i o n m o r e t h a n it d o e s a t r u e c o m m u n i t y . T h u s the
adroum of the A i t M e n d i l , m a d e u p of t w o tikharroubin ( p l u r a l of
takharroubt), the A i t B o u r n i n e a n d the A i t Said, a n d s i t u a t e d f a r t h e r
d o w n the s l o p e , is j o i n e d to the idermen ( p l u r a l of adroum) of the A i t
M a d h i a n d the A i t O u s s e b a a a l t h o u g h it is s e p a r a t e d from t h e m o n
t h e g r o u n d . T h e c l a n , t h e n , constitutes the f u n d a m e n t a l p o l i t i c a l u n i t .
( F o r p r o p e r n a m e s , t h e a u t h o r has f o l l o w e d the s p e l l i n g u s e d o n t h e
1 /50,ooo maps.)

a n d m o r e c o n v e n t i o n a l , as d o the political units w h i c h are based

upon it. 3

I t is also f r o m the p o i n t of v i e w of this l o g i c t h a t the a t t i t u d e

of the i n d i v i d u a l in regard to the c o m m u n i t y must b e understood.
A d h e s i o n to the injunctions of the g r o u p is assured by the senti-
m e n t of solidarity that is indissociable f r o m the feeling of real
fraternity, the sentiment of existing only in a n d t h r o u g h the
g r o u p , of e x i s t i n g o n l y as a m e m b e r of the g r o u p a n d n o t as an
i n d i v i d u a l i n his o w n right. For this reason social regulations
are n o t c o m p r e h e n d e d as an inaccessible ideal or as a restraining
i m p e r a t i v e , b u t are r a t h e r present in the consciousness of each
i n d i v i d u a l . P r o o f of this may b e f o u n d in the qanoun, a collection
of customs p e c u l i a r to each village a n d consisting m a i n l y of a
detailed e n u m e r a t i o n of special offenses, or, in other words,
e x a m p l e s of c o n d u c t capable of d i s t u r b i n g the c o m m u n a l w a y
of l i f e — t h e f t s , acts of v i o l e n c e , breaches of s o l i d a r i t y — f o l l o w e d
b y the i n d i c a t i o n of the c o r r e s p o n d i n g penalties. Matters affect-
i n g the essential n a t u r e of this society are n o t dealt w i t h in these
qanouns because they are accepted as u n q u e s t i o n a b l e , such essen-
tial matters b e i n g the sum total of values and principles that are
affirmed b y the c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h its very existence, the i m p l i c i t
n o r m s o n w h i c h are based the acts of j u r i s p r u d e n c e , customs
that h a v e been i n s t i t u t e d a n d f o r m u l a t e d as circumstances de-
m a n d e d . A s M o n t e s q u i e u has said, " W h a t e v e r is defended by
4

3
These analyses are very largely true for all other Algerian groups.
4
For e x a m p l e , the qanoun o£ the village o£ Agouni-n-Tesellent (Ait
Akbil) out o£ 249 articles includes 219 "repressive" laws (88 per cent), 25
"restitutive" laws (10 per cent), and five articles concerning the more
general principles (political organization).
Fig. 4. The Tribe of the A i t Yahia
T h e symbols r e p r e s e n t (1) f o u n t a i n , (2) c o n s e c r a t e d place, (g) c e m e -
tery.

h o n o r is even better d e f e n d e d w h e n it is n o t defended by l a w ;

w h a t e v e r is prescribed by h o n o r becomes e v e n more o b l i g a t o r y
w h e n it is n o t required by l a w . " A n d w h y s h o u l d anyone t h i n k
of prescribing for s o m e t h i n g that no o n e w o u l d dream of trans-
gressing?
I n reality^jthe g r o u p . k n o w s n o other code th^^tJTatj2lilQno > r

w h i c h d e m a n d s that the crime, \vTieTEH rnulFc!er7 insult or adul-

r

tery, should contain within itself its o w n p u n i s h m e n t ; it has n o

court of l a w other than p u b l i c o p i n i o n ; each i n d i v i d u a l passes
sentence o n himself i n accordance w i t h the c o m m o n and i n w a r d l y
felt code of the g r o u p , a n d w i t h o u t i n t e r f e r e n c e f r o m any
p o w e r p l a c e d o u t s i d e a n d above. It will b e o b j e c t e d that the
21
22 T h e Algerians
c o u n c i l of the c l a n or village acts as a c o u r t of l a w , t h a t it
p r o m u l g a t e s " a code of l a w " (qanoun) t h a t is sometimes p u t
i n w r i t i n g , that it sees to t h e preservation of l a w a n d order a n d
has at its disposal a w h o l e system of punishments, penalties,
reprisals a n d b a n i s h m e n t . B u t rather t h a n a court of l a w i n the
sense of a specialized o r g a n i s m c h a r g e d w i t h p r o n o u n c i n g ver-
dicts in c o n f o r m i t y w i t h a system of f o r m a l , r a t i o n a l a n d ex-
p l i c i t n o r m s , the assembly is i n fact a c o u n c i l of arbitration a n d
p e r h a p s even a f a m i l y c o u n c i l . T h u s it is that lawsuits concern-
i n g a n a g r i c u l t u r a l association or b o u n d a r y disputes are usually
settled by the j u d g m e n t of close acquaintances, either n e i g h b o r s
or relatives, of the t w o parties. F o r more serious questions the
assembly often limits itself merely to e x h o r t i n g the two parties to
come to a n agreement. T h i s is because collective o p i n i o n is at
o n c e the law, the l a w court and the agent entrusted w i t h carry-
i n g out the p u n i s h m e n t . T h e tajmaat, in w h i c h all the families
are represented, is the i n c a r n a t i o n of this p u b l i c o p i n i o n , whose
values a n d sentiments it b o t h feels a n d interprets. T h e most
d r e a d e d p u n i s h m e n t is ostracism. T h o s e w h o are s e n t e n c e d to it
are e x c l u d e d f r o m the timechret', f r o m t h e council a n d f r o m
all c o m m u n a l activities, so that it is really e q u i v a l e n t to a sym-
b o l i c a l p u t t i n g to death. It is, then, the sentiment either of h o n o r
or justice, w h i c h , according to each particular case, dictates b o t h
j u d g m e n t a n d p u n i s h m e n t , a n d n o t a r a t i o n a l a n d formal justice.
T h e collective oath, a last resort w h e n all a t t e m p t s at concilia-
tion a n d all other m e t h o d s of p r o o f h a v e failed, merely reveals
w i t h greater clarity the u n d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e of the w h o l e
system. T h e refusal to take the oath is inspired b y the belief that
perjury bears w i t h i n itself its o w n p u n i s h m e n t , a n d for this
reason refusal to swear the oath is d e e m e d a confession. T h e
collective oath is a n ordeal, that is to say it is at once a trial,
a proof, a j u d g m e n t a n d a p u n i s h m e n t , the sentence a n d the
p u n i s h m e n t b e i n g a n i n t e g r a l p a r t of the trial; the t r u e j u d g e
is n o t the tajmaat, w h i c h is a mere witness c h a r g e d w i t h s e e i n g
that the forms of a d e b a t e that exceeds its competence are re-
spected, a d e b a t e w h i c h brings face to face w i t h o u t i n t e r m e d i a r y
the two parties swearing the oath a n d the supernatural powers
charged w i t h ratifying the sentiment of equity that m e n bear
T h e Kabyles 23
w i t h i n themselves by associating p u n i s h m e n t w i t h wrong-doing.
T h e collective o a t h may b e understood as the invocatory ex-
p e c t a t i o n of the restoration of a h i d d e n unity, that c o n n e c t i o n
"between crime a n d p u n i s h m e n t which the innate sentiment of
justice experiences as a necessary i n n e r correlation prior to all
experience. I n short, the f o u n d a t i o n s o n w h i c h justice is based
are n o t c o m p r e h e n d e d as such, n o r are they understood as a
system of f o r m a l a n d r a t i o n a l standards, b u t rather they are
u n a n i m o u s l y lived, acted u p o n a n d e x p e r i e n c e d , the c o m m u n i t y
of sentiment b e i n g rooted i n the sentiment of the c o m m u n i t y .
T h e principles w h i c h g o v e r n the social o r g a n i z a t i o n are
s i m i l a r l y affected. T h e cohesion of the g r o u p is based less o n an
objective a n d rational organization, as i n o u r society, t h a n o n
the c o m m u n a l feeling w h i c h makes any truly p o l i t i c a l institu-
t i o n s superfluous. W i t h i n the clan or v i l l a g e c o m m u n i t y the
f u n d a m e n t a l values transmitted b y an i n d i s p u t a b l e tradition are
a d m i t t e d by all w i t h o u t h a v i n g to be e x p l i c i t l y a n d deliberately
affirmed. T h e reason for this is that the political institution is
g i v e n life a n d a n i m a t i o n t h r o u g h the organic a t t a c h m e n t of the
i n d i v i d u a l to the c o m m u n i t y ; it is based o n sentiments that are
actually felt a n d n o t o n f o r m u l a t e d principles, on c o m m o n
presuppositions w h i c h are so intimately a d m i t t e d a n d so little
d e b a t e d that there is n o need to justify t h e m , to p r o v e them or
to enforce t h e m . It can be understood, then, that such a system
c a n o n l y f u n c t i o n o n the level of the agnatic family g r o u p , of
•which all its m e m b e r s feel themselves to b e united by effective
ties of k i n s h i p and b o u n d b y direct a n d intimate relationships.
A s the political units g r o w larger, these sentiments b e c o m e more
.superficial a n d fragile. T h u s this type of society has the same
limits as those sentiments o n w h i c h it is based. T h e transition to
a w i d e r form of democracy w o u l d presuppose that the m u t a t i o n
lay w h i c h sentiments are converted i n t o principles h a d b e e n
accomplished. B y the v e r y reason of the intensity of c o m m u n a l
sentiments, the rules o n w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y is based d o n o t
need to b e m a d e to a p p e a r as imperatives. T h e y p e r m e a t e the
l i v i n g reality of m a n n e r s a n d customs. T h e g e n t i l i t i a l democracy
does n o t h a v e to define itself in order to exist; perhaps it even
exists w i t h a m u c h greater vitality in p r o p o r t i o n as the senti-
24 T h e Algerians
merits on w h i c h it is b a s e d are less defined. I n the K a b y l e democ-
racy, the ideal of a democracy seems to h a v e b e e n realized; indeed,
w i t h o u t the i n t e r v e n t i o n of any restraint other t h a n the pressure
of p u b l i c opinion, the will of the i n d i v i d u a l is immediately and
spontaneously made to conform to the g e n e r a l will. B u t this
i d e a l is p u t into effect only in so far as it is n o t realized as an
i d e a l , n o t objectively f o r m u l a t e d as a f o r m a l a n d abstract prin-
ciple, but instead felt as a sentiment, as s o m e t h i n g i m m e d i a t e l y
and i n w a r d l y manifest.
1

2 . T h e Shawia

A vast m o u n t a i n o u s q u a d r i l a t e r a l situated b e t w e e n the H i g h

Plains a n d the Saharan borders, the A u r e s is cut by deep and
p a r a l l e l valleys (the W a d i el A b i o d , i n h a b i t e d by the tribe of
t h e O u l e d D a o u d ; the W a d i el A b d i , inhabited by the O u l e d
A b d i ) w h i c h present v a r y i n g n a t u r a l zones corresponding to the
different climatic levels: at its base, the desert, w i t h oases a n d
d a t e p a l m s ; at the 2,400- to 4,500-foot level, o r c h a r d s a n d irrigated
cereal crops; i n the cool zone of the u p p e r valleys a n d the north-
ern slope, fruit trees a n d pasture lands. E x c e p t i n a few favored
r e g i o n s , the economy of the A u r e s , d o m i n a t e d b y the scarcity of
a r a b l e soil a n d the dictates of climate, is based o n a c o m b i n a t i o n
of agriculture a n d stock raising. T h e p r o m i n e n c e a n d importance
g i v e n to transhumance (the p e r i o d i c m o v e m e n t of flocks b e t w e e n
regians_jQ.L varying" climate) m a y b e ascribed partly tcTthe role
tlvaJM^Jiack_plays i n m a i n t a i n i n g the economic balance of the
S?2HR_5B^ JP J-ty ar t o t n
g e o g r a p h i c a l location of these groups.
e

Less p o o r than the other tribes, a n d above all more n u m e r o u s ,

the O u l e d A b d i a n d the O u l e d D a o u d take full a d v a n t a g e of the
w i d e range of possibilities offered t h e m by the different levels of
terrain a n d the diversity of climatic r e g i o n s : culture of cereals
o h the u p l a n d s , in the i r r i g a t e d valleys a n d i n the oases; horti-
culture and a r b o r i c u l t u r e in the valleys; stock raising w h i c h in-
volves the transhumance of the animals; a n d , finally, e x p l o i t a t i o n
of the resources of the zone b o r d e r i n g the Sahara.
T h e Shawia territory has l o n g existed as a closed economy,
w i t h its needs strictly measured to conform to its resources. T h e
primary g r o u p lives in almost complete self-sufficiency, as (apart
f r o m the difference i n the tasks performed by m e n and w o m e n )
there is practically n o division of l a b o r except for a few semi-
specialized or specialized artisans. T h e man is called u p o n to d o
t h e m a j o r part of t h e w o r k of the fields, while the w o m a n ,
t h r o u g h her handicrafts,—procures for the g r o u p certain of its
F i g . 5. T h e T r i b e s of t h e A u r e s

most needed resources. T h e great s u m m e r markets, w h i c h gener-

ally coincide with the great pilgrimages (Djebel Bous), were
formerly the occasion f o r the m o s t i m p o r t a n t e x c h a n g e s . A n y
large p u r c h a s e s designed to b u i l d up the group's reserves were
m a d e i n the f o r m of e x c h a n g e s i n k i n d , " h e a d f o r h e a d " as t h e
S h a w i a w o u l d say. Besides this c o m m e r c e directly c o n n e c t e d w i t h
a g r i c u l t u r e , t h e r e is the commerce e n g a g e d i n b y i t i n e r a n t ped-
dlers who are usually K a b y l e s . T h u s has developed ail e c o n o m y
ofjres_pQnse to needs, established on a p r i n c i p l e gf_"a.UtQcpnsump-
t i o n , " implying the existence of reserves whose use is controlled
by a very rigid discipline. T h e r e are relatively few commercial ex-
changes, a n d even these few are rarely motivated b y the desire to
m a k e a profit. T h e result is that the family g r o u p is its own
agent of p r o d u c t i o n and distribution and a market f o r its own

26
 T h e Shawia 27
goods. I n other words, it lives i n itself, t h r o u g h itself a n d f o r
itself.
T w o of the southeastern tribes, while h a v i n g all the char-
acteristics of the other Shawia groups, speak A r a b i c and call
themselves Arabs. T h e _ S h a w i a l a n g u a g e is thus strongly m a r k e d
^bv_AraMcinñ^ence. T h e p o p u l a t i o n s located to the south of the
A h m a r K h a d d o u come d o w n to d o business i n the m a r k e t s of
the small, A r a b i c i z e d cities of the Sahara; twice a year A r a b
n o m a d s cross the massif, m a k i n g their way t h r o u g h the valleys
and t r a d i n g the salt of the Sahara for cereals a n d fruit. T h e
S h a w i a are Moslems; they receive some r u d i m e n t s of a religious
e d u c a t i o n , are u n a n i m o u s in p r a c t i c i n g the r u l e of fasting a n d
display a d e e p r e v e r e n c e for their m a r a b o u t s , w h o are often of
f o r e i g n origin. H o w e v e r , because of its l o c a t i o n a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y
because of its physicial structure, the closed country of the A u r é s
has preserved the S h a w i a f r o m any e t h n i c a d m i x t u r e . T h e i r iso-
lation has h e l p e d to make t h e m a h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p and has
assured the p e r m a n e n c e of the ancient social structures. I t is
principally because of differences in the way of living that a
distinction may b e m a d e b e t w e e n the sedentary peoples of the
fertile valleys of the northwest, w h o are e n g a g e d in the g r o w i n g
of cereals a n d in arboriculture a n d w h o live in large villages,
and the semi-nomads of the near-desert valleys of the southeast,
herders of goats and sheep, cultivators of w h e a t a n d barley, w h o
live sparsely settled i n widely scattered d w e l l i n g s or, for part
of the year, in tents. T h e s e g r o u p s , b r o u g h t into association b y
their c o m m e r c i a l e x c h a n g e s , h a v e i d e n t i c a l social structures.

Domestic Organization

I n a d d i t i o n to b e i n g an e c o n o m i c u n i t t h e family is also a
social a n d religious unit. W i t h i n the family the h u s b a n d is legally
the master. aifiJough~~the wife., does, in fact, " t a k e tne ~leacT"in
JuaDie^rousjnatters; t h r o u g h h e r influence she p l a y s ' a n i m p o r t a n t
part in the m a n a g e m e n t of affairs and by her w o r k at handicrafts
helps the family to b e self-supporting.
T h e g r a n d f a t h e r , the chief w h o is consulted, h o n o r e d and
28 T h e Algerians
o b e y e d (as in K a b y l i a ) , has complete a u t h o r i t y o v e r his c h i l d r e n
a n d g r a n d c h i l d r e n , w h o live' u n d e r the same roof or i n contigu-
ous dwellings, so that p e o p l e of the same g r o u p are q u a r t e r e d in
the same area. T h e e x t e n d e d family of .the p a t r i a r c h a l _type is
the f u n d a m e n t a l social unit. Its cohesion is protected a n d main-
tained by the system of m a t r i m o n i a l alliances a n d also by differ-
ent judicial measures (e.g., the r i g h t of pre-emption, the dis-
inheritance o f - w o m e n , etc.) designed to conserve for the males
the o w n e r s h i p of a n u n d i v i d e d p a t r i m o n y , as i n K a b y l i a . Soli-
darity is most strongly displayed b e t w e e n m e m b e r s of the same
clan, for the g i v i n g of m u t u a l aid is i n c e r t a i n cases restricted to
this gro„up (work of the- fields, c o n s t r u c t i o n of houses; cf.
Kabylia). O n the family also falls the d u t y of g i v i n g h e l p to the
u n f o r t u n a t e , a n d the hospitality offered to a stranger is consid-
ered i n v i o l a b l e . T h e p o w e r and u n i t y of the f a m i l y is also dis-
p l a y e d in affairs of h o n o r : quarrel, fight, lawsuit or crime. T h e
v i t a l p r i n c i p l e a n i m a t i n g the g r o u p is u n d o u b t e d l y a sense of
h o n o r , that gentilitial p r i d e w h i c h is the basis for fraternal soli-
darity i'n the carrying out of c o m m u n a l tasks or i n the a v e n g i n g
of a n offense c o m m i t t e d against a m e m b e r of the g r o u p .
T h e primacy of the g r o u p is also evident i n the question
of marriage. A c c o r d i n g to a Shawia p r o v e r b , " F o r a girl there
is only marriage or the t o m b . " T h e Shawia w o m a n , like the
K a b y l e w o m a n , is m a r r i e d very y o u n g , aiid her father has the
r i g h t to c o m p e l her to marry. A l t h o u g h , as in K a b y l i a , she may
be b e t r o t h e d while still very y o u n g , it is n o t rare, however, for
h e r to m a k e her o w n choice of a h u s b a n d after she has reached
the age of puberty. In a n y case the y o u n g m a n prefers to choose
a w o m a n .from w i t h i n his o w n clan (the d a u g h t e r of a p a t e r n a l
u n c l e or, f a i l i n g that, of a m a t e r n a l uncle) t h r o u g h a desire to
d r a w closer the family ties.
W h i l e the g r o u p exerts less pressure t h a n it does i n K a b y l i a
o n m a t t e r s p e r t a i n i n g to the d e c i d i n g of the m a r r i a g e , it neverthe-
less reacts w i t h v i g o r w h e n its " h o n o r " is c o m p r o m i s e d by
a d u l t e r y o n the part of the wife. T h e h u s b a n d is the sole j u d g e
of the p u n i s h m e n t to b e inflicted, w h i c h can b e e i t h e r r e p u d i a -
tion or the penalty of d e a t h , b u t his f a m i l y , t h r o u g h the pres-
T h e Shawia 29
sure of threats a n d t h r o u g h censure, ensures that h e carry o u t
a p r o p e r vengeance.
T h e distinctiveness of the system lies in the status of the
wife. Since the e d u c a t i o n of the d a u g h t e r is entrusted to h e r
m o t h e r , w h o tea.ches "her her h o u s e h o l d tasks a n d her social
duties, the little S h a w i a n girl is from the outset r a p i d l y i n i t i a t e d
into the secrets, intrigues, ruses a n d tricks of f e m i n i n e society,
and so feels very strongly that sentiment of solidarity,-bordering
on complicity, w h i c h unites w o m e n across differences in age and
social c o n d i t i o n and w h i c h is constantly b e i n g strengthened by
their c o m m o n cares and t o l l ' a n d , above all, by their n e e d to
unite against a " c o m m o n adversary," m a n . T h i s society of w o m e n ,
strong in the magic by w h i c h it hopes to assure its d o m i n a t i o n
over m e n , strong in its cohesion and, in b o t h A u r é s and K a b y l i a ,
in its tireless activity (care of the children, d o m e s t i c tasks, h a n d i -
crafts, w o r k in the fields), is one of the c h a r a c t e r i s e s of N o r t h
A f r i c a n civilization.
Perhaps as a consequence of the above, a n o t h e r p a r a d o x i c a l
feature is the separation b e t w e e n woman's very u n f a v o r a b l e legal
situation a n d h e r relatively f a v o r a b l e actual situation. W h i l e
the life of the Shawia w o m a n is very hard, primarily b e c a u s e
of the m a n y heavy tasks she is called u p o n to perform, and
while, in ...early marriage, her a c t u a l situation corresponds to
her legal s i t u a t i o n — c o m p l e t e submission to her h u s b a n d w h o
m a y exercise oyer her the "right, of c o r r e c t i o n " a n d w h o allows
her no. say in i m p o r t a n t d e c i s i o n s — s h e nevertheless rap'idly^ac-
quires considerable influence. She will tolerate neither p o l y g a m y
nor infidelity o n l j i e part of her h u s b a n d a n d prefers divorce.
W i t h i n the...home the J i u s b a n d and wife a^e, in fact, .equals,; the
wife has an advisory, if not a decisive, voice in domestic affairs,
w i t h the sole e x c e p t i o n of the budget a n d the m a n a g e m e n t of
the reserves. W o m e n h a v e even b e e n k n o w n to take part in politi-
cal disputes (quarrels of the goffs). A n o t h e r feature is that the
marriage p a y m e n t r e m a i n s to such a degree her property that
she may, if she wishes, r e d u c e its a m o u n t by subtracting f r o m it
t h e theoretical s u m she m i g h t be c a l l e d u p o n to contribute to
t h e future almsgiving of h e r h u s b a n d , or she may allow h e r
30 T h e Algerians
h u s b a n d complete use of the marriage p a y m e n t , w h i c h thereby
becomes a purely n o m i n a l sum. She does this to avoid being
b o u n d b y any conjugal ties a n d to reserve for herself the possibil-
ity of a divorce w i t h o u t r e s t i t u t i o n of the m a t r i m o n i a l compensa-
tion. M o r e o v e r , the S h a w i a w o m a n , w h o like the K a b y l e w o m a n
could be arbitrarily repudiated by her h u s b a n d , has eagerly
availed herself of the possibilities offered h e r by the a p p o i n t m e n t
i n 1 8 6 6 of M o s l e m cadis j u d g i n g i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h M o s l e m law,
w h i c h authorizes a wife to d e m a n d the dissolution of a m a r r i a g e .
A s h a p p e n s w h e n e v e r a c u l t u r a l b o r r o w i n g occurs, the b o r r o w e d
feature is r e i n t e r p r e t e d in terms of its r e c e i v i n g c o n t e x t ; but
the b o r r o w i n g itself w o u l d n o t h a v e b e e n m a d e e x c e p t t h a t the
r e c e i v i n g c o n t e x t d e m a n d e d it i n the first p l a c e . T h u s , w h i l e
w o m e n i n K a b y l i a h a v e t a k e n little a d v a n t a g e of the n e w possi-
b i l i t i e s offered t h e m , i n A u r e s o n the c o n t r a r y , because it ful-
filled a c o l l e c t i v e n e e d , this institution has been r a p i d l y a d o p t e d .
T h e wifj^_does in_ fact h a v e the p o w e r to o b t a i n a d i v o r c e : the
reasons g i v e n in s u p p o r t o f her request are u s u a l l y o n l y pretexts
w h i c h h i d e the desire either to achieve the status of azriya (a free
w o m a n ) or to make a n e w marriage. T h e m e t h o d of o b t a i n i n g a
divorce is q u i t e i n g e n i o u s : the Shawia wife causes h e r h u s b a n d
to r e p u d i a t e her by issuing a sort of challenge to w h i c h the
h u s b a n d c a n reply only b y r e p u d i a t i n g her. T h i s c o n d u c t m a y
be c o n s i d e r e d s y m b o l i c of the relationships e x i s t i n g b e t w e e n the
sexes i n S h a w i a society. Legall,y^oB-ly-JJie_lmsband has j . h e r i g h t
of r e p u d i a t i o n , b u t i n this.case it is t h e w o m a n w h o i n c i t e s h i m
to use1._this, r i g h t and- is- really- .using i t . against h i m t h r o u g h his
o w n action. T h u s , g e n e r a l l y speaking, the wife has a strong and
real authority, a l t h o u g h officially all authority is exercised by the
husband.

A final feature is that the r e p u d i a t e d wife or w i d o w becomes

azriya u n t i l she remarries. T h e azriya, literally the wife w h o has
n o h u s b a n d , b g h a r c s like a courtesan. "Showered w i t h attentions*
she wields considerable influence, since she is considered to h a v e
certain religious powers. T h u s , religious ceremonies a n d even
certain c o m m u n a l tasks could n o t possibly be p e r f o r m e d w i t h o u t
the a c c o m p a n i m e n t of h e r singing a n d d a n c i n g . T h e Shawia
w o m a n possesses, then, a liberty that is u n u s u a l i n N o r t h A f r i c a n
T h e Shawia 31
society, especially w h e n she h a s the status of a w i d o w o r of a
repudiatecLjAofe; b u t it w o u l d be w r o n g t o T o n s i d c r her influ-
ence as b e i n g particularly unusual. It is p r o b a b l e that she owes
her privileged position to her role of sorceress and " a g r a r i a n
priestess." T h e w o m a n alone may enter i n t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n
with the w o r l d oTTnagfc, a m a g i c that is p r i m a r i l y amatory b u t
m a y also be maleficent, d i v i n a t o r y or m e d i c a l in n a t u r e . W o m e n ,
therefore, particularly e l d e r l y w o m e n , are the object of a super-
stitious respect b o r d e r i n g o n fear. W o m a n is also the g u a r d i a n
and organizer of agrarian rites, designed either to favor the crops
a n d fields or to p r o t e c t them against various dangers, such as the
evil eye and evil spirits.
I n short, the situation of the S h a w i a w o m a n , a p p a r e n t l y en-
slaved a n d w i t h o u t rights b u t i n reality invested w i t h immense
prestige a n d influence, may perhaps be considered, a l t h o u g h as
a borderline case, to offer an e n l a r g e d a n d so more easily inter-
preted image of the p a r a d o x i c a l status of the N o r t h A f r i c a n
w o m a n . T o account for this paradox, the hypothesis of survivals
has sometimes b e e n p u t forward. B u t w h i l e the structure of
an institution does i n d e e d d e p e n d on its p r i o r history, its sig-
nificance depends on its f u n c t i o n a l position w i t h i n the social
system of w h i c h i t forms a p a r t at a g i v e n moment. In this way
the opposition b e t w e e n the masculine a n d the f e m i n i n e worlds
is illustrated n o t only i n the division of l a b o r b e t w e e n the two
sexes w i t h , for e x a m p l e , the h a r d work of h o e i n g the fields fall-
i n g to the w o m e n w h i l e the m e n h a n d l e the team and the p l o w ,
b u t also i n political life a n d i n the l e g a l status of the two sexes,
i n the ritual practices, a n d i n the w h o l e social outlook; the
o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n the two c o m p l e m e n t a r y p r i n c i p l e s , m a s c u l i n e
a n d f e m i n i n e , appears to constitute one of the f u n d a m e n t a l cate-
gories of S h a w i a t h o u g h t a n d of N o r t h A f r i c a n t h o u g h t i n gen-
eral. Similarly certain c u l t u r a l traits w h i c h seem, o u t of place
i n a society based o n p a t r i l i n e a r d e s c e n t — t h e fact, for e x a m p l e ,
t h a t the son of_tlie.azziyjijwho is b o r n p u t of w e d l o c k is t a k e n i n t o
the mother's c l a n — c o u l d be e x p l a i n e d b y reference to the am-
1

1
Observers have noted here a case o£ filiation on the mother's side
analogous to that w h i c h may be observed among the T o u a r e g s in connection
with the tamesroit, a free w o m a n whose status is very similar to that of
azriya.
32 T h e Algerians
b i g u o u s status of the married w o m a n . Does she b e l o n g to h e r
h u s b a n d ' s c l a n or does she r e m a i n attached to her c l a n of origin?
T h e marriage ceremonies i n c l u d e rites i n t e n d e d to " m a k e h e r
forget the way to her parents' house," b u t she c o n t i n u e s to b e a r
h e r father's n a m e , and, should she b e c o m e j i w i d o w , she returns
to live a m o n g Eer brothers instead of r e m a i n i n g w i t h her
brothers-in-law.

T h e Social Structures

E a c h social u n i t has its o w n n a m e , w h i c h is considered to be

the n a m e of the c o m m o n ancestor. T h e m e m b e r s of the most
restricted g r o u p , the e x t e n d e d family, consider themselves to b e
really descended f r o m the ancestor whose n a m e they bear. I n the
larger units, the clan (hmrjiqt) and p a r t i c u l a r l y the tribe (irch),
this n a m e is sometimes t h a t of the most i m p o r t a n t or the oldest
of the sub-groups, sometimes the result of an arbitrary choice.
The harfiqt is..the most organic and mos.t„dkJdnctive-social unit.
I t bears the n a m e of the c o m m o n ancestor w h o is the o b j e c t of an
anrmal^ceremom' of w o r s h i p ; i n the case i n w h i c h it is m a d e u p
of a p u r e agnatic g r o u p , it includes all the male descendants of
the c o m m o n ancestor, all the "sons of the p a t e r n a l u n c l e , " as the
S h a w i a say. I t can also be f o r m e d by a f r a g m e n t of an a g n a t i c
g r o u p or even by the association of several agnatic groups, i n
w h i c h case, a l t h o u g h t h e m e m b e r s c l a i m to b e related, t h e b o n d
u n i t i n g them is jn_.rgality a fraternity.Jbjasj&d~cm~mutual,.agree-
ment. I n the latter case, the harfiqt is d i v i d e d i n t o subgroups
of different degrees of r e l a t i o n s h i p . In other words, even w h e n
m e r e l y an association of different groups, it is by t a k i n g the
e x t e n d e d family, the g e n e a l o g i c a l l y based u n i t , as its m o d e l
that the harfiqt proves and establishes its o w n unity. B u t since
the S h a w i a may be d i v i d e d into "sedentary p e o p l e s " and "no-
m a d s " (in a very relative sense since the " n o m a d s " o w n land and
the "sedentary peoples" o w n flocks), can the clan b e said to
h a v e the same function and the same structure i n b o t h types of
people? W h i l e it is true t h a t a m o n g the "sedentaries" of the
N o r t h l i v i n g in villages, the harfiqt may b e c o m p a r e d rather to
T h e Shawia 33
a village section, whereas a m o n g the n o m a d s i t m a y b e com-
pared to a clan w h i c h lives i n tents the greater part of the time,
nevertheless this contrast m u s t n o t be e x a g g e r a t e d . For e v e n
a m o n g the sedentary p e o p l e s cohesion is n e v e r based on the
territorial b o n d a l o n e , as is p r o v e n by the cult of the c o m m o n
ancestor and by the fact that marriages are arranged by prefer-
ence w i t h i n the clan, preferably w i t h a parallel cousin, w i t h the
purpose of strengthening family ties. T h e clan is then the
strongest social u n i t ; the m e m b e r s of the harfiqt are obliged to
d e f e n d its p a t r i m o n y ( w o m e n , lands and dwellings) and above
all its h o n o r , the supreme v a l u e , m o r e precious than life itself.
T h e council of the clan retained u n t i l 1 9 5 4 the m a i n
j u d i c i a l powers (in spite of the reforms of 1 8 6 5 ) a n d c o n t i n u e d
to d e c i d e lawsuits in accordance w i t h l o c a l custom. I n a d d i t i o n
to h a n d l i n g a l m o s t all marriages and divorces, it arbitrated civil
differences by using the t r a d i t i o n a l m o d e of proof, the collective
o a t h ; it imposed penalties, presided over the rulings of the diia
w h i c h w e r e m a d e i n accordance w i t h a strict r i t u a l , tried cases
r e l a t i n g to inheritances, etc.
T h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the guelda, the granary-citadel, was also
the business of the harfiqt. E a c h a g g l o m e r a t i o n has several forti-
2

fied houses i n w h i c h the harvests are stored d u r i n g the absences

m a d e necessary b y the semi-nomadic existence. F o r m e r l y these
granaries were also fortresses and o b s e r v a t i o n posts; a m o n g the
T o i i a b a , they f o r m e d a sort of defensive line p r o t e c t i n g the culti-
v a t e d lands against the raids of the A b d a o u i . T h e guelda, the
cornerstone of the e c o n o m i c life of the g r o u p , is also a center
for its social life: a r o u n d the guelda, the m a n y factors r e l a t i n g to
the e c o n o m i c life of the g r o u p h a v e b e e n c o m b i n e d into w h a t
m i g h t be c a l l e d a collective i n s t i t u t i o n — t h e foresight r e q u i r e d
to ensure a g o o d harvest at some f u t u r e date, the right vested in
the h e a d of the f a m i l y to control c o n s u m p t i o n , the life-long
privations that the S h a w i a must impose u p o n himself even i n

* In many regions, the clan guelda was abandoned some years ago in
favor of granaries common to a whole village or tribe. As the clan has
lost its importance this tendency h a s increased, particularly in correlation
with the development of private property (made possible by the facilities
afforded by the Senatus Consulte) and with the resulting increase in sales of
land.
 34 T h e Algerians
times of plenty. Conscious of t h e f u n d a m e n t a l r o l e of t h e col-
lective granary as a r e g u l a t i n g force that is indispensable for the
m a i n t e n a n c e of a precarious e c o n o m i c balance, the c o u n c i l of
the harfiqt decides_on its construction a n d also prescribes w i t h
e x t r e m e precision and i n g e n u i t y h o w it w i l l operate a n d f u n c t i o n .
It is the council of the elders w h o decide on the g u a r d i a n s w h o
w i l l b e responsible for the p r o t e c t i o n against theft a n d the up-
k e e p of the b u i l d i n g . I n a society that lives as a closed e c o n o m y
cut off from the n o r m a l currents of monetary e x c h a n g e a n d that
is i n any case quite u n a c c u s t o m e d to financial s p e c u l a t i o n , the
a c c u m u l a t i o n of goods i n k i n d (barley a n d wheat, salted meat
a n d dried fruits, h o n e y or rancid butter), w h i c h i n such a system
h a v e m o r e value than money, constitutes the only assurance
against the uncertainty of the future a n d the only possible form
in w h i c h reserves may b e built u p . T o a d d to the i m p o r t a n c e of
the guelda, it frequently h a p p e n s , as i n the u p p e r valley of the
W a d i el A b i o d , t h a t a n ancestor is b u r i e d , e i t h e r w i t h i n it or
close to it. T h e g r o u p t h e n is d o m i n a t e d by the granary, w h i c h
is also the h o l y place where a great m a n y f a m i l y rituals, such
as marriages a n d circumcisions, formerly took place; the a n n u a l
p i l g r i m a g e s to the t o m b of the ancestor were a c c o m p a n i e d by
sacrifices and w e r e f o l l o w e d b y a c o m m u n a l m e a l . T h e collective
granary, as a t a n g i b l e s y m b o l of the p o w e r of the g r o u p , of its
w e a l t h a n d of its c o h e s i o n , was invested w i t h a m e a n i n g a n d
f u n c t i o n at o n c e social a n d religious, e c o n o m i c a n d sentimental.
T h u s the harfiqt appears to b e the widest social u n i t that
can f u n c t i o n p r o p e r l y in a system in w h i c h all social g r o u p s are
p a t t e r n e d o n the m o d e l of the family g r o u p . T h e w i d e r social
units are, in fact, less cohesive and less p e r m a n e n t i n n a t u r e ;
so it is w i t h the v i l l a g e , w h i c h has little social life of its o w n and
is rarely p r o v i d e d w i t h an assembly house; so it is also w i t h the
tribe, because of the fact that gatherings of g r o u p s b e l o n g i n g to
t h e same tribe are r a r e l y h e l d , a p a r t f r o m the g r e a t assemblies
that meet for war, or for m a k i n g decisions as to the t r a n s h u m a n c e
of the animals a n d the a l l o t m e n t of collective lands, or for the
great a n n u a l markets. P o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y u n i t s , organizations
w h i c h are created only for special circumstances, the tribes are
aligned i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h their a l l e g i a n c e to the t w o great coffs
 T h e Shawia 35
centered respectively o n the O u l e d A b d i a n d the O u l e d D a o u d .
As i n K a b y l i a , the goffs ensure a b a l a n c e of p o w e r t h r o u g h the
i n t e r p l a y of compensating tensions. " A restricted world w h i c h
becomes conscious of itself as a g r o u p only w h e n faced w i t h ene-
mies camped on all its b o r d e r s " (G. T i l l i o n ) , each tribe is u n a b l e
to m a k e w a r against any of its neighbors without e x p o s i n g one of
its flanks to the attacks of the tribe o n its opposite border. T h u s
it finds itself faced w i t h two tribes w h i c h are united i n coalition
b u t w h i c h are i n t u r n subjected to the same law: b e y o n d these
first enemies are allies; farther on, still other enemies. E a c h goff
controls one valley; the i n h a b i t a n t s of t w o confluent valleys
b e l o n g to o p p o s i n g goffs. Sometimes the goff overflows t h r o u g h
the passes o n t o the territory of its adversary. I n the Saharan
Aures, a m o n g those groups that are attached to the two great
leagues of the n o r t h e r n A u r e s , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the two goffs
e x h i b i t s this same alternating arrangement, each village b e i n g
the adversary of the two n e i g h b o r i n g villages that are situated
above and b e l o w it in the valley.
G e n e a l o g y appears as the m o d e l o n w h i c h all social units
have b e e n conceived. B u t this m o d e l has also b e e n a p p l i e d to
other d o m a i n s — d o m a i n s as different as the p r e s c r i p t i o n of
festivals or the decisions as to t r a n s h u m a n c e , the m a k i n g of
survey plans, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of d w e l l i n g s or the a r r a n g e m e n t
of the tombs i n the cemetery. T h u s it was that i n the investiga-
tions of the Senatus Consulte they observed a j u m b l e of habitats
a n d of properties w h i c h seemed q u i t e meaningless. " A m o n g the
O. A b d i and the O . D a o u d , " wrote L a r t i g u e , "the organization
was so confused that w e h a d n o success i n a t t e m p t i n g to divide
these tribes into territorial douars"; thus i n the W a d i el A b i o d ,
the five clans of the O u l e d D a o u d h a v e interspersed their prop-
erties all a l o n g the valley, w i t h the result that lands of t w o ,
three, i n d e e d of all the clans m a y b e f o u n d i n each of the
villages. E x c e p t in M e n a a , t h e fourteen sub-groups of the O u l e d
A b d i are m i x e d u p i n checkerboard fashion; the same situation
prevails a m o n g the Beni-Bou-Slimane, w h e t h e r it is a question
of the location of lands u n d e r c u l t i v a t i o n , of pasture lands or of
d w e l l i n g places. T h e statement of a m e m b e r of the t r i b e of t h e
B e n i M e l k e m as to the principles that determine the arrange-
 36 T h e Algerians
merit of the tombs in the cemetery m a y g i v e us the k e y to the
w a y i n w h i c h the lands are distributed: " T h e r e are five ceme-
teries i n the arch; a person may be b u r i e d i n any of these, b u t it
m u s t be in the area allotted to his harfiqt. T h e dead are b u r i e d to-
wards the east, but in places where the limits of the hirfiqin
(plural of harfiqt) may be confused, the t o m b s are b u i l t slightly
slanted i n order to distinguish them. E v e r y harfiqt has an area
i n w h i c h each family has its o w n row, and people of the same
family are always b u r i e d beside one a n o t h e r in this r o w " (G. T i l -
l i o n ; a similar o r g a n i z a t i o n m a y be n o t e d in K a b y l i a ) . T h u s ,
since several localities are possible, there is o n l y one restriction
o n choice; the site must be selected i n the area allotted to the
harfiqt, for its distinctiveness must be m a i n t a i n e d at all costs.
Similarly at Mzira, a Saharan village b e l o n g i n g to the tribe of
the O u l e d A b d e r r a h m a n e , the u n d e r g r o u n d dwellings are d i v i d e d
a c c o r d i n g to clans, w i t h an e m p t y space b e i n g left b e t w e e n
the harfiqt areas (T. R i v i e r e ) . It appears that the same m o d e l
is f o l l o w e d in the division of property; it is as t h o u g h the inter-
l o c k i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n of territories were the result of a calcula-
tion of m a x i m u m and m i n i m u m ; it allows the different g r o u p s
to disperse their territory to the m a x i m u m degree (this quest
for dispersion b e i n g inspired by the desire to avail t h e m s e l v e s as
widely as possible of the r a n g e of natural resources), p e r h a p s over
the whole expanse of a valley, but always w i t h i n the limits im-
p o s e d by the necessity of g i v i n g the strongest p o s s i b l e cohesion
to the harfiqt, the v e r y f o u n d a t i o n stone of social e q u i l i b r i u m .
3. T h e Mozabites

I n the n o r t h e r n Sahara is situated the unusually desolate

chebka of the M z a b . T h e w o r d chebka, A r a b i c for " n e t , " is a
g o o d description of this m o n o t o n o u s a n d fantastic landscape,
this rocky p l a t e a u , the hamada, in w h i c h the dried-up valleys of
the Saharan wadis stand out like a mesh around the mass of
rocky pillars, or gours, that have resisted erosion. T h i s "desert
w i t h i n a desert" is cut by the valley of the W a d i M z a b , i n w h i c h
are situated the five cities of the Mozabites.

T h e Challenge of the Desert

O n t h e w h o l e there a r e f e w countries so ill-favored by na-

ture: a soil almost exclusively rocky; i n the b o t t o m of the wadis,
sandy beds, w h i c h were o r i g i n a l l y unfit for c u l t i v a t i o n and w h i c h
h a v e h a d to be p r e p a r e d at the cost of e x t r a o r d i n a r y and continu-
ous effort; a climate characterized by the torrid excesses of sum-
mer, by considerable variations i n temperature, and by the ex-
treme dryness of the air; a precarious m o d e of existence, de-
p e n d e n t o n the torrential rains that cause the w a d i to overflow
every two or three years, r e q u i r i n g endless toil to wrest the water
from the g r o u n d . T h e g o o d years are those of w h i c h they can
say, "L'oued a parte"—the w a d i has overflowed its banks. T h u s
the very fact of the existence of p a l m groves presupposes a truly
c o n t i n u o u s process of creation, or rather a c o n t i n u i n g miracle.
D a y after day amid a g r i n d i n g of chains, asses and camels m u s t
p u l l the leather containers w h i c h p o u r out i n t o the irrigation
basins the water d r a w n from the d e p t h s of the wells. A d a p t a t i o n
to the n a t u r a l s u r r o u n d i n g s d e m a n d s an extremely strong social
cohesion, a n d one of the reasons w h y such a cohesion is r e q u i r e d
is to ensure the f u n c t i o n i n g of the m a r v e l o u s l y clever system of
irrigation a n d w a t e r supply: the cliffside is r i n g e d by a n e t w o r k

37
g8 T h e Algerians
of collecting canals w h i c h receive the w a t e r f r o m the run-off a n d
l e a d it i n t o reservoirs; in the construction of d a m s designed to
permit the utilization of these periodic overflows, the same skill
is displayed.
B u t this masterpiece of conversion, as w e l l as d e m a n d i n g an
enormous o u t p u t of energy, also consumes the greater part of
the revenues. Oases a n d gardens require enormous quantities of
water to "wash the e a r t h . " T h e expenses entailed in the extrac-
tion of the water, the pay of the workers a n d the w o r k of culti-
v a t i o n , are n o t repaid by the relatively scanty yield. E v e r y t h i n g
contributes to m a k i n g a r u i n o u s l u x u r y of these g a r d e n s a n d
s u m m e r homes. A s G a u t i e r has written: " T h e oases . . . c o u l d
n o t l o n g exist on their o w n resources. . . . T h e oases system is a
vicious circle, a financial p a r a d o x , or, more accurately, a m i l l i o n -
aire's w h i m . " W e shall n o w a t t e m p t to e x p l a i n the h o w a n d the
w h y of this p a r a d o x .
T h e Mozabites are K h a r e d j i t e A b a d h i t e s (a sect of Islam),
w h o owe their n a m e to the fact that they f o r m e d a dissident
g r o u p against A l i , the f o u r t h c a l i p h , son-in-law of the P r o p h e t ,
i n the n a m e of two principles that they derived f r o m a strict
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the K o r a n , considered as the u n i q u e l a w , T o
w h i c h n o t h i n g can be a d d e d or taken away, namely, that all
believers^are e q u a l and t h a t . e v e r y action is either g a o i L o r b a d ,
-

a r b i t r a t i o n as to the Tightness or wrongness of t h e s e acts b e i n g

a l l o w e d o n l y in e x c e p t i o n a l circumstances. T h u s these equali-
tarian rigorists, a c c o r d i n g to w h o m religion must be vivified not
only by faith but also by works a n d p u r i t y of conscience, w h o
attach great v a l u e to pious intention, w h o reject the worship of
saints, w h o w a t c h over the purity of morals w i t h extreme severity,
c o u l d be called the Protestants a n d Puritans of Islam.
T h e p r i m e consideration in the b u i l d i n g of the cities of the
M z a b was to defend this religious exclusivism. T h e result has
been that the A b a d h i t e s have h a d to impose u p o n themselves
increasingly difficult living conditions d u r i n g the course of their
t u r b u l e n t history. T h e first five cities were built w i t h i n fifty
1

1
Since they were considered heretics, the Kharedjites were obliged to flee
from persecution; they established in 761 the kingdom of T a h e r t which fell in
909 to the attacks of tjie Fatimides. They then moved to Sedrata, near
O u a r g l a , and from there to the Mzab.
T h e Mozabites gg
years after the f o u n d i n g of E l A t e u f i n 1011; all are situated in
t h e same w a d i w i t h i n close r a n g e of o n e another, w i t h t h e ex-
ception of the two more recent (seventeenth century) cities of
G u e r r a r a a n d Berriane.
It is the history, then, of these "dissenters" that reveals the
reason for this p a r a d o x i c a l settlement, created in defiance of
n a t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s . B u t h o w has m a n m a n a g e d to h a v e the last
w o r d in this desperate debate w i t h the desert? T h e e x p l a n a t i o n
is that the life, the s u r v i v a l , of the cities of the M z a b is d e p e n d -
ent on t e m p o r a r y e m i g r a t i o n a n d o n the commercial u n d e r t a k -
ings (one-third of the m a l e p o p u l a t i o n lives outside the M z a b )
w h i c h allow the M o z a b i t e to a c q u i r e the capital needed to assure
the u p k e e p of the oases a n d the expensive cultivation of the p a l m
groves. B u t this solution itself poses a p r o b l e m : if it is true that
" t h e real M z a b is n o t in the M z a b , " that " a l l its strength is . . .
i n the small groups of M o z a b i t e merchants scattered all t h r o u g h
A l g e r i a , " h o w has the cohesiveness of the whole been m a i n t a i n e d
against all the forces of dispersion? H o w , moreover, h a v e these
rigorous Puritans been able to b e c o m e financiers, specialists in
b i g business a n d h i g h finance, w i t h o u t d i s a v o w i n g t h e i r d e v o u t
h e t e r o d o x y i n any way? H o w can a k e e n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of
capitalistic techniques be u n i t e d in the same persons w i t h the
most intense forms of a piety that penetrates a n d d o m i n a t e s their
w h o l e life? H o w is it that this religious s o c i e t y — t i g h t l y closed
u p o n itself, a n x i o u s to assert itself as b e i n g different—has been
able to participate in a completely m o d e r n economic system with-
out letting itself be affected or i m p a i r e d in any way a n d , at the
same time, preserve its o w n originality intact?
T h e M o z a b i t e c u l t u r e finds the basis f o r its cohesion in the
w e a l t h of its historical, l e g e n d a r y a n d doctrinal traditions, i n
the smooth, h a r m o n i o u s adjustment of the groups w i i h u i the
different c o m m u n i t i e s , in the ingenious w o r k i n g of the ittifaqdt,
the w r i t t e n codes that contain m a n y principles of j u r i s p r u d e n c e
a n d , finally, in a doctrine that is both flexible and r i g i d , a n d
w h i c h determines a way of life that is q u i t e distinctive in N o r t h
Africa.
40 T h e Algerians

Social Structure and City Government

T h e cities of t h e M z a b , b u i l t in close p r o x i m i t y to one

a n o t h e r , are the result of the carrying o u t of a r a t i o n a l plan.
T h e h'orm is the sacred territory in w h i c h stand the five cities
of the M z a b p r o p e r and in w h i c h the observance of the true
faith is maintained, free f r o m any c o n t a m i n a t i o n ; thus departures
or returns are accompanied by a ritual deconsecration a n d con-
secration. T h e city of G h a r d a i a is situated o n the left b a n k of the
W a d i M z a b . D o w n s t r e a m o n the same b a n k is B e n i I s g u e n , the
sacred city of the A b a d h i t e doctors and jurists, the city of a
resolute traditionalism set s t u b b o r n l y against any heretical in-
novations. O p p o s i t e Beni Isguen is M e l i k a , the stronghold of
j u r i d i c a l conservatism. Farther a l o n g are B o u N o u r a and El
Ateuf, whose activity has greatly declined in recent times. Finally,
there are the two eccentric cities of Berriane, the c o m m e r c i a l
center, and G u e r r a r a , the center of the reformist m o v e m e n t .
G h a r d a i a is laid o u t in the f o r m of an ellipse: at the highest
point is the mosque; below it are streets w h i c h rise u p the hill-
side one above the o t h e r in c o n c e n t r i c c i r c u m v o l u t i o n s and w h i c h
are themselves cut by p e r p e n d i c u l a r streets descending like spokes
to the base of the hill; at the foot of this hill and at the edge of
the city is the m a r k e t place, cut lengthwise by a main thorough-
fare; b e y o n d this is a p o l y g o n a l , wide-angled wall. A l l a r o u n d
the city e x t e n d cemeteries a n d waste g r o u n d . T h e mosque then
appears to have b e e n the center a r o u n d w h i c h the city was
created, and history confirms this fact. A t once a stronghold,
a religious edifice and, in certain cases, a storehouse like the
guelda, it assures the m o r a l and material protection of the city
living in its shadow. T h e cities of the Mozabites, like the life of
the people, have two very distinct centers: the m o s q u e and the
market place. T h e m o s q u e , the center of religious life, has d r i v e n
back the m a r k e t place, the c e n t e r of e c o n o m i c life and of pro-
fane, or secular, a c t i v i t i e s : the houses are p i l e d u p like toy
2

2
All business is forbidden in the area of the mosque; on the market
square and in five of the streets adjacent to it are situated 60 per cent of
the business establishments.
T h e Mozabites 41
b u i l d i n g blocks a n d rise in tiers as if attracted a n d d r a w n u p
b y t h e m o s q u e , w h i c h prolongs their ascent 'with t h e skyward
soaring of its minaret. Moreover, the secular part of the city is
shut in, as it were, b e t w e e n the mosque a n d those immense
necropolises w h i c h s u r r o u n d the Mozabite cities, great fields of
a n o n y m o u s tombs a m o n g w h i c h stand c h a p e l s a n d sanctuaries,
in w h i c h solemn p u b l i c ceremonies take place and w h e r e even
the judicial assizes are h e l d , as if to affirm the solidarity of the
l i v i n g a n d the dead. T h e cemetery, the i m m e n s e , projected
s h a d o w of the l i v i n g c i t y ^ j ^ d o u b t l e s s , as it is i n N o r t h A f r i c a
in g e n j ; r a l , _ j l i e _ ^
b o n d w h i c h unites a m a n to his soil. It is the religious d u t y of
t h e ' S b a d h i t e s to ensure tfiaTThey are T5vTfied~lrT the M z a b . E a c h
clan has its o w n separate cemetery, n a m e d after the ancestor
w h o , according to tradition, is b u r i e d there. F i n a l l y , the p l a n
of the city gives an indication of the social structure. T h e ex-
tended f a m i l y , the basic indivisible element, g r o u p s together
people of the same n a m e , descended to the fourth or fifth
generation f r o m a c o m m o n ancestor. T h e clan, w h i c h unites
several e x t e n d e d families, generally has its o w n district, its o w n
cemetery, its e p o n y m o u s ancestor a n d its o w n p a t r i m o n y . C e r t a i n
clans j o i n t o g e t h e r n o t o n l y several families b u t also several
already constituted sub-clans. T h e ancestor of the clan or sub-
clan is w o r s h i p e d at an a n n u a l c e r e m o n y , w h e n , standing b e f o r e
the g r o u p assembled at the cemetery, the " n o t a b l e s " recall the
m e m o r y of the revered personage and give advice to the y o u n g
m e m b e r s of the g r o u p ; the ceremony t h e n concludes w i t h a
c o m m u n a l m e a l . T h e clan, the f u n d a m e n t a l u n i t , has its o w n
c o m m o n treasury, its assembly house, its council made u p of
a l l the adults w h o assemble to deal w i t h affairs of common
interest (the adoption of orphans, the inflicting of p u n i s h m e n t
or censure, decisions as to collective labor and a l l o t m e n t of
tasks, preparations of family ceremonies, etc.). T h e " g r e a t " men
(or " n o t a b l e s " ) , r e n o w n e d for their piety, their v i r t u e a n d their
wisdom, actually direct and k n o w the "secrets" of the g r o u p ' s
business; they sometimes f o r m a restricted assembly w h i c h meets
i n the presence of one of the m e m b e r s of the halqa. C l a n ties,
w h i c h r e m a i n v e r y s t r o n g even a m o n g the emigrants to the
42 T h e Algerians
cities, h a v e b e c o m e even stronger w i t h t h e r e d u c t i o n in t h e
p o w e r of t h e coffs (of the east and west), w h i c h u s e d to q u a r r e l
v i o l e n t l y at the slightest pretext. T h e division into coffs is n o w a
thing of the past, as witness the fact that intermarriages b e t w e e n
coffs h a v e b e c o m e m o r e a n d m o r e f r e q u e n t .
E a c h clan designates its o w n chief a n d selects several
elders f r o m different families to represent it, a n d these m e n , to-
gether w i t h the magistrates, f o r m the djemda; the latter formerly
w o u l d meet at the haouita, an elliptical area m a r k e d out by
twenty-six stones w h i c h had been borrowed from certain tombs
and laid out o n the m a r k e t square, as if judicial deliberations
and political debates affecting decisions o n temporal matters
sought the scene of c o m m e r c i a l activity and secular dealings b u t
were, at t h e s a m e time, i n v o k i n g t h e protection of t h e dead.
Just as the secular city is d o m i n a t e d by the mosque, all
secular or political activity a n d the body t h r o u g h w h i c h it finds
expression, the c o u n c i l of l a y m e n , is d o m i n a t e d by the priests.
T h e latter generally live in close p r o x i m i t y to the moscnie a n d
are d i v i d e d i n t o t w o groups, the m a j o r clergy, a n i m a t e d by a
p r o f o u n d religious rigorism, and the minor clergy. T h e council
of l a y m e n has legislative a n d judicial p o w e r as it does in K a b y l i a
a n d the A u r e s . H o w e v e r , in the M z a b , it has n o a u t h o r i t y or
effective p o w e r itself a n d is often l i m i t e d m e r e l y to ^ensuring
that decisions are carried out. F o r all questions of i m p o r t a n c e
it assembles i n the m o s q u e in the presence of the " c i r c l e , " a
council composed of twelve representatives of the m a j o r clergy
u n d e r the presidency of a cheikh or sheik, chosen by the clergy
to be the local leader in religious affairs. T h e s e meetings are also
sometimes h e l d i n the cemeteries, as if to strengthen the a u t h o r i t y
of the clergy, w h o are the custodians of ancestral t r a d i t i o n a n d
final arbiters in any matter that depends o n the observance of
principles c o n t a i n e d in the K o r a n or in the w o r k s of A b a d h i t e
doctrine. A m o n g the m e m b e r s of the lay djemda, only the " n o t a -
b l e s " are a l l o w e d to speak, and the role of_ the elders consists
merely of attending the meetings and g i v i n g their assent. It is
also f r o m a m o n g the m a j o r clergy that the M o z a b i t e cadi is
elected. T h i s magistrate j u d g e s cases b o t h in accordance w i t h
the law of the K o r a n a n d a c c o r d i n g to the ittifdqdt, the w r i t t e n
 T h e Mozabites 43
c o m p i l a t i o n of M o z a b i t e customs. T h e s e ittifdqdt, w h i c h c a n be
modified at any time to settle current p r o b l e m s , but w h i c h are
always interpreted by reference to religious jurisprudence, gov-
ern political life as well as private morals and provide for archaic
but very f o r m i d a b l e p u n i s h m e n t s — b a s t i n a d o , fines, b a n i s h m e n t
and e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , the latter being the supremely d r e a d e d
p u n i s h m e n t which excludes the g u i l t y person f r o m the religious
and social c o m m u n i t y and entails the loss of all his rights.
G e n e r a l l y speaking, n o i m p o r t a n t decision, n o civil regulation,
n o n e w p r o h i b i t i o n , n o sanction against a serious crime, is taken
without the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the " c i r c l e . " T h e chapter of priests,
w h i c h also supplies the dignitaries of the mosque, the i m a n , the
muezzin, the masters of the K o r a n i c schools, a n d above all the
five "priests w h o wash the d e a d " a n d w h o are at the same time
"censors of m o r a l s " e n d o w e d w i t h an i m m e n s e moral authority,
possesses considerable p o w e r . Since all Mozabites are e q u a l w i t h
o n e e x c e p t i o n — u n l e s s the r a t h e r hazy distinction b e t w e e n the
acils, the descendants of the first i n h a b i t a n t s of the city a n d
the nazils, the m o r e recent arrivals, can also be c o u n t e d as an
e x c e p t i o n — a n d since the exception lies in the s u p e r i o r i t y gf t h e
clergy over the laity, one can safely call this f o r m of g o v e r n m e n t
a^theocracy. N o d o u b t the clergy holds itself apart f r o m daily
affairs a n d leaves to the assembly of l a y m e n the care of t e m p o r a l
matters, authorizing it to draw u p the ittifdqdt concerning the
organization of the city. Doubtless, too, l a y m e n h a v e a voice in
the g o v e r n m e n t of the city t h r o u g h their representatives o n the
assemblies w h o must always be consulted (before g i v i n g sentence
of e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , for e x a m p l e ) ; b u t , in case of conflict, the
clergy always has the last w o r d , because it possesses f o r m i d a b l e
w e a p o n s — e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n against i n d i v i d u a l s and against the
c o m m u n i t y , the suspension of all religious activities. 3

T h u s the consistory w h i c h rules the cities is at once a n as*

sembly of the elders and a moral a u t h o r i t y . T h e ittifdqdt, in
w h i c h is expressed the scrupulously d e t a i l e d realism a l r e a d y
8
The authority o£ the clergy has been steadily weakened in the past
twenty years. T h e lay djemda is tending to free itself from the control of
the priests and to dispute their r i g h t to judicial and legislative powers, al-
though the sheik of the halqa (the circle) still has the duty of verifying
whether decisions have been made in conformity with Abadhite doctrine.
44 T h e Algerians
n o t e d in the K a b y l e or S h a w i a customary l a w s — t h e constant a n d
meticulous intervention of the g r o u p b e i n g g r o u n d e d in this case
in the religious d o c t r i n e — i l l u s t r a t e the w h o l e c o h e r e n t com-
p l e x i t y of the M o z a b i t e m o r a l o r d e r , the basis for o n e of the
most astonishing of social successes, and the key to this m i r a c l e
of c o m b i n i n g a completely successful a d a p t a t i o n to m o d e r n in-
novations w i t h a total fidelity to an e x t r e m e l y strict tradition.
T h e opposition b e t w e e n clergy and laity, b e t w e e n the sacred
a n d the p r o f a n e worlds, is echoed by the contrast b e t w e e n the
m o r e or less e x t e n d e d p o l i t i c a l g r o u p and the f u n d a m e n t a l social
u n i t of the a g n a t i c t y p e , between the w i d e r a n d therefore less
substantial solidarities and the n a r r o w particularisms w h i c h
find their strength in f a m i l y sentiment. N o d o u b t all the Moza-
bites are conscious of b e l o n g i n g to a larger u n i t that one m a y ,
for l a c k of a better w o r d , call a confederation, a u n i t created (like
its K a b y l e h o m o l o g u e ) by circumstance. A l l the reasons favor-
a b l e to a d e v e l o p m e n t b e y o n d the particularism of the agnatic
g r o u p s seem here to b e c o m b i n e d : an insular situation in a
hostile n a t u r a l a n d h u m a n e n v i r o n m e n t , the memory of a com-
m o n past, the feeling of b e l o n g i n g to a religious c o m m u n i t y
d i s t i n g u i s h e d by its excessive rigor a n d intransigence, " t h e
f a m i l y of G o d , " the chosen people. A l t h o u g h this religious faith,
established i n opposition to the o r t h o d o x M o h a m m e d a n f a i t h ,
possesses a n acute awareness of its uniqueness, its w a y of assert-
i n g this fact consists p r i m a r i l y of e m p h a s i z i n g its essential differ-
ences. A t t e m p t s at political u n i o n by the cities appear to h a v e
b e e n m a d e only f r o m temporary motives, either political or
j u r i d i c a l in n a t u r e (for e x a m p l e , at the time of the submission
of the M z a b to French r u l e ) . T h e representatives of the M o z a b i t e
cities w o u l d meet on n e u t r a l g r o u n d to deal w i t h questions con-
cerning the general interests of the M o z a b i t e confederation. B u t
these attempts at syncecism, constantly compromised by a spirit
of particularism, w o u l d v a n i s h w i t h the s i t u a t i o n that h a d
p r o m p t e d them. T h u s (as in K a b y l i a a n d A u r e s ) , once the great
disturbances w h i c h led to a revival of the wider political organ-
ization had died d o w n , a b a l a n c e was re-established that was
based on the narrow social units of the agnatic type, since the
ties j o i n i n g the cities h a d been created rather t h r o u g h their
 T h e Mozabites 45
c o m b i n e d o p p o s i t i o n to external forces t h a n t h r o u g h internal
cohesion.

Puritanism and Capitalism

W h e n o n e becomes aware of the p o w e r of the forces of

dispersion, h o w e v e r , one realizes h o w g r e a t must b e t h e forces
of integration: indeed, it seems that n o t h i n g can m a k e the Moza-
bite break w i t h his c o m m u n i t y — n e i t h e r the hardness and severity
of the w o r k on the ancestral l a n d n o r the attraction of the easier
way of life that he encounters in the cities of the T e l l , neither the
c h a r m of acquired riches (for it seems, as if in the fairy tale, the
g o l d becomes o n l y sand outside the confines of the M z a b ) , n o r
the l o n g sojourns far f r o m his family a n d the life of the com-
m u n i t y , n e i t h e r b a n i s h m e n t because of a m u r d e r c o m m i t t e d
d u r i n g a fight between the coffs, nor the conflicts of interest
b e t w e e n cities, g r o u p s or individuals. A l l these disintegrating
influences are o p p o s e d by the e x t r e m e l y vigorous pressure t h a t
the g r o u p exercises o v e r all its m e m b e r s t h r o u g h the intermediary
of its religious doctrine, t h r o u g h the cohesion caused by its
intensely active religious life, t h r o u g h the constant presence of
religious law in every act of life a n d in the hearts of all m e n ,
a religious law w h i c h is felt b o t h as a rule of life i m p o s e d from,
w i t h o u t a n d as an inner guide to conduct. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the
least concession or the slightest relaxation of the rule w o u l d
suffice to b r i n g a b o u t the ruin of this society which has been
artificially constructed in an artificially created world (for ex-
ample, the island of Djerba). I t is only, then, t h r o u g h a purpose-
ful rigorism a n d an exclusivism based o n a h i g h awareness of its
o w n originality a n d excellence, only by virtue of an affirmed
particularism conscious of its o w n identity, that M o z a b i t e society?
is able to resist disintegration. E v e n w h e n e n g a g e d in the most;
secular activities of m o d e r n e c o n o m i c life, e v e n w h e n l o n g sepa-s.
rated from the center of his religious a n d social life, the Moza-.
bite maintains u n i m p a i r e d his attachment to the soil, to the
society a n d to the r e l i g i o n of the cities w h i c h r e m a i n f o r h i m
" t h e A r k of the C o v e n a n t , the closed cell in w h i c h the soul of
46 T h e Algerians
n e w generations is f o r m e d and d e v e l o p e d in the r i g i d discipline
of the i n v i o l a t e families a n d the t h e o l o g i c a l a t m o s p h e r e of the
seminaries" (E. F. Gautier).
T h e c h a r m and the attractions of T e l l lands c a n n o t h o l d the
e m i g r a n t s , because every device is used to impress u p o n t h e m
— p a r t i c u l a r l y those customs w h i c h r e q u i r e them to m a k e p e r i o d i c
returns to the M z a b b o t h in order to m a i n t a i n the p e r m a n e n c e
of the g r o u p a n d to expose the emigrants once again to the
religious a t m o s p h e r e — t h a t the end of e m i g r a t i o n is not emigra-
tion in itself, n o r even what it can procure, but the conservation
of the group, the necessary condition for the survival of the
religious c o m m u n i t y . T h e fact is that by comparison w i t h this
absolute imperative all else is relative. T h e religious doctrine
a n d the w a y of life that it inspires is the key to the Moza-
bite p a r a d o x . A n attempt c o u l d no d o u b t b e m a d e to e x p M n the
spirit and the success of this civilization by ecological determina-
tions; it m i g h t be claimed that, by reason of the poverty of their
l a n d , the Mozabites c o u l d d o n o t h i n g but emigrate a n d e n g a g e
i n commercial pursuits, a n d this type of activity w o u l d , in any
case, have required t h e m to display certain of the virtues that
t h e i r religious d o g m a imposes on them. B u t w o u l d it n o t be m o r e
accurate to say that the d o c t r i n e a n d the rules f o r l i v i n g that
it prescribes prepared the M o z a b i t e s f o r their success in the
w o r l d of business a n d f o r t h e i r a d a p t a t i o n to the m o d e r n eco-
n o m i c system?
Since the u n f a t h o m a b l e j u d g m e n t s of G o d are final a n d the
destiny of m e n , their election or their d a m n a t i o n , is fixed f o r all
eternity, faith is n o t sufficient in itself to assure salvation if it is
not made manifest by m o r a l b e h a v i o r a n d g o o d works. T h e true
believer must m a i n t a i n a h a p p y m e d i u m b e t w e e n fear and h o p e ;
h e must n e i t h e r rely entirely u p o n G o d f o r his salvation n o r
a b a n d o n himself to his fate; n e i t h e r despair absolutely of G o d
n o r h a v e a b s o l u t e h o p e of salvation. B y insisting o n the absolute
transcendence a n d u n i t y of A l l a h , the A b a d h i t e s refuse to recog-
nize any m e d i a t i o n or intercession b e t w e e n m a n and God. Thus^
they c o n d e m n the worship of saints. Intercession can only raise
the elect to a h i g h e r rank; it c a n n o t o p e n the gates of Paradise
to the sinner. S a l v a t i o n can o n l y be w o n t h r o u g h p r a y e r , p i o u s
 The Mozabites 47
living a n d hard work. U n d e r s t o o d as a form of asceticism and as
a discipline, w o r k becomes a religious act a n d duty, w h i l e idle-
ness is considered as one of the most serious vices. It often h a p -
pens that the council w i l l c o m p e l certain m e m b e r s of the g r o u p
to g o and w o r k i n the T e l l a n d w i l l u n d e r t a k e to find them a
j o b . T h e lazy man often has m u c h t r o u b l e in finding a wife.
W o r l d l y success can be based only o n h a r d w o r k , piety a n d re-
spect for the precepts of the K o r a n ; it is therefore r e g a r d e d as a
sign of election, especially w h e n the a c c u m u l a t e d wealth is de-
voted to praiseworthy ends (legal almsgiving, charity). Fierce de-
fenders of the purity of public morals, desirous of returning to
the very origins of their faith by a strict a n d literal interpreta-
tion of the sacred texts, the A b a d h i t e s c o n d e m n l u x u r y as a
sin, just as they condemn all h u m a n passions. I n keeping w i t h
this, t h e y reject celibacy, the use of tobacco, alcohol a n d per-
fumes, a n d disapprove h i g h l y of music and dancing. A n activity
is of no v a l u e unless it is i n t e n d e d to be pleasing to G o d a n d to
p r o v i d e a means of g a i n i n g Paradise, t h e seat of t h e infinite,
i n t a n g i b l e a n d invisible D i v i n i t y ( w h o w i l l r e m a i n so e v e n in
the hereafter). I n such a society t h e ideal m a n is distinguished
p a r t i c u l a r l y by his m o r a l qualities: the taleb must be wise,
v i r t u o u s , detached f r o m any desire for the goods of this w o r l d ,
pious a n d simple-hearted, d e v o i d of all passion; h e must con-
d u c t himself as a " l i v i n g r u l e , " d o w h a t he preaches a n d p r e a c h
w h a t he does. T h e religious doctrine also prescribes the virtues
of honesty, exalts w i l l p o w e r a n d self-discipline, recommends an
attitude of d e t a c h m e n t in r e g a r d to the things of this w o r l d a n d
strictly f o r b i d s prodigality. A n y i n f r a c t i o n of these principles is
c o n d e m n e d by the ittifdqdt. W h i l e t h e y i n c l u d e articles resem-
b l i n g those of B e r b e r customary law in their c o n d e m n a t i o n of
m u r d e r s , assaults a n d w o u n d i n g s , thefts, breaches in solidarity
or in the respect d u e to w o m e n , these ittifdqdt always i n c l u d e a
g o o d n u m b e r of s u m p t u a r y regulations. Indeed, in the code of
the city of Melika may be f o u n d a whole series of articles fixing
the m a x i m u m v a l u e of the presents a n d gifts authorized for
family festivals; other articles forbid any form of amusement.
T h u s , since he cannot spend o n l u x u r i e s the m o n e y he has
amassed, the Mozabite has no other recourse but to reinvest it.
48 T h e Algerians
Because this i m p o s e d asceticism in e v e r y d a y life excludes any
enjoyment of wealth, the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital becomes an
end in itself. M o r e o v e r , the religious doctrine holds as i n v a l i d
those prayers whose m e a n i n g is not perfectly u n d e r s t o o d by those
w h o recite them; the believer must k n o w h o w to read a n d write
the l a n g u a g e of the K o r a n , and thus public e d u c a t i o n is the ~
prime task of the clergy. A s a m a t t e r of tradition there has
always been m u c h interest in education, even among the c o m m o n
people. T h e cultural associations and the K o r a n i c schools re-
ceive very large subsidies. H a v i n g been provided w i t h this mini-
m u m of l e a r n i n g d e m a n d e d by r e l i g i o n , the M o z a b i t e is e q u i p p e d
to engage in busihess pursuits. W h e n r e i n t e r p r e t e d , a n u m b e r
of precepts of the religious and social tradition take on a n e w
m e a n i n g a n d function in the context of a modern e c o n o m i c sys-
tem. T h u s the m u t u a l aid characteristic of the solidarity existing
b e t w e e n m e m b e r s of the same faith, city or clan, is c o n v e r t e d
i n t o a " c o m m e r c i a l a g r e e m e n t , " a b u y i n g c o o p e r a t i v e , a limited
p a r t n e r s h i p , a n d sometimes into a j o i n t stock c o m p a n y . Gener-
ally speaking, the business establishments of the T e l l are the
p r o p e r t y of the f a m i l y g r o u p a n d , w h i l e the active partners con-
trol the finances, the profits are all returned to the family l i v i n g
back in the Mzab. Often the father employs his o w n sons or the
u n c l e , his nephews; in most cases the employees are members of
the owner's family or else come from the same clan or,.city. T h i s
" f a m i l y " o r g a n i z a t i o n of the business enterprise allows the ivTc'Ja^
bite merchants to sell at competitive prices; thanks to their very
l i m i t e d general expenses (expenditures being reduced to a mini-
m u m and labor costs not even b e i n g t a k e n i n t o account) they can
be satisfied w i t h a very small profit. W i t h their early initiation
into selling and a c c o u n t i n g techniques, the Mozabites a r e ' h i g h l y
efficient traders. M u t u a l aid is practiced on every possible occa-
sion; the Mozabites e x c h a n g e i n f o r m a t i o n ( d u r i n g their meet-
ings at the m o s q u e , for e x a m p l e ) c o n c e r n i n g prices a n d products,
they grant each other loans and h e l p newcomers to set u p jn
business. I n this w a y fidelity to the precepts of tradition, far f r o m
being an obstacle to their a d a p t a t i o n to the world qi a competi-
tive, capitalistic economic system, rather favors it a n d makes it

easier. ^
f
T h e Mozabites 49
T h e extremely strong cohesion of the family, combined w i t h
the s e n t i m e n t of b e l o n g i n g to a u n i q u e r e l i g i o u s c o m m u n i t y a n d
the desire to r e m a i n faithful to this c o m m u n i t y , prevents the
dispersion of this society w h i l e it m a k e s possible the e m i g r a t i o n
of its members (cf. Kabylia). It is t h r o u g h t h e Mozabite w o m a n ,
the real safeguard of the g r o u p , that the society of emigrants
remains firmly attached to their h o m e l a n d , as m a y be seen from
the f u n d a m e n t a l r e g u l a t i o n , a true " l a w of p u b l i c safety," w h i c h
forbids any w o m a n to leave the M z a b and by w h i c h is asserted
the firm desire to preserve the c o m m u n i t y by p r e v e n t i n g any
p e r m a n e n t exodus. It is reported that i n 1 9 2 8 the w h o l e p o p u l a -
tion of B e r r i a n e c o m b i n e d to p r e v e n t a w o m a n f r o m l e a v i n g for
A l g i e r s . T h i s was done because it is felt that the w o m e n a n c h o r
4

the Mozabites to the l a n d of their fathers, to their past a n d to

their traditions, of w h i c h they, the w o m e n , are the guardians;
u n d e r the surveillance of the elders, w h o w a t c h over their con-
duct, they teach the c h i l d r e n the f u n d a m e n t a l virtues a n d strict
respect f o r the laws.
Just as they do in the w h o l e of N o r t h A f r i c a , the M o z a b i t e
w o m e n f o r m a society separate f r o m the men. T h e y h a v e a special
forni of w o r s h i p w h i c h includes m a n y superstitions n o t recog-
nized by the official religion, w h i c h is the concern of the m e n :
they have their o w n magic, their o w n songs, their o w n special
tasks or special m e t h o d s of p e r f o r m i n g c o m m u n a l tasks, their o w n
l a n g u a g e that is o r i g i n a l in its phonetics, v o c a b u l a r y a n d phrase-
ology. T h e separation of the-masculine and f e m i n i n e societies is
almost complete (the veil which reveals only one eye, the reserved
area i n the mosque, etc.), and this helps to confer a certain
a u t o n o m y o n f e m i n i n e society as is attested by the role of the
w o m e n w h o wash the dead. T h e s e w o m e n exercise over the other
w o m e n a n authority a n a l o g o u s to that h e l d by the twelve priests
over the men. T h e y ' a r e granted the p o w e r of e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n ,
and their main task is'to teach the other w o m e n the principles of
r e l i g i o n a n d to w a t c h over their conduct.

T h e reformists have been endeavoring since 1953 to make it permissible

4

for women to leave for the T e l l . A certain number of Mozabites have taken
their wives with them. Others have married the daughters of Mozabites
already settled in the T e l l .
5° T h e Algerians

T h e Interaction Between Permanence

and Change

I n order to u n d e r s t a n d a culture as coherent as t h a t of t h e

Mozabites, one m u s t abandon the attempt to a t t r i b u t e every-
thing to o n e p a r t i c u l a r cause. W h i l e it cannot be d o u b t e d that
the challenge issued by an extremely hostile n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t
a n d their status as a m i n o r i t y g r o u p h a v e m a d e it imperative to
react by this purposeful conduct, this incessant m o b i l i z a t i o n of
all their energies, this tense, o b s t i n a t e and stubborn effort to
assure the survival of the group, i n o t h e r words, b y the very
virtues demanded by their religion, it is nonetheless certain that
by holding u p w o r k a n d m u t u a l aid as sacred duties, by prescrib-
ing the giving up of luxuries and by inspiring in all the m e m -
bers of the religious c o m m u n i t y a strong sense of their d i s t i n c t i v e \
ness a n d a firm resolve to defend their special way of life, the
rigid, p u r i t a n i c a l doctrine they profess has not only supplied
t h e m with weapons that were i n d i s p e n s a b l e i n overcoming
natural obstacles but has given them the means a n d the w i l l
to succeed i n the m o d e r n business w o r l d a n d , at the same t i m e ,
has preserved t h e m from t h e disintegration w i t h w h i c h their
society was threatened through contact with W e s t e r n civilization.
E v e r y t h i n g is inseparably j o i n e d a n d c o n n e c t e d , a n d conse-
q u e n t l y everything is at the same time cause and effect, a n d this
holds true for d o g m a , for the natural and economic -environ-
m e n t , a n d for the social and family structure. I n each of these
domains is manifest the whole spirit of this civilization, a build-
ing in w h i c h each stone may be considered a keystone. I f |we
begin with any o n e of these c u l t u r a l traits as t h e center of o u r
investigations, it will be possible to r e c r e a t e the e n t i r e c u l t u r e ,
since t h e r e is n o o n e trait that is not c o n n e c t e d with all t h e
o t h e r s ; thus the d e s o l a t i o n a n d hostility of the n a t u r a l environ-
m e n t refers us, on the one hand, to the irredentism a n d e x - t
clusivism of the religious d o c t r i n e which led to the choice of this j
e n v i r o n m e n t and, on the other h a n d , to the system of emigration
T h e Mozabites
w h i c h permits this survival in t h e desert. B u t e m i g r a t i o n itself
presupposes, on t h e one h a n d , the religious doctrine, the guaran-
tee of cohesion, which incites its followers to m a k e a r a t i o n a l
a d a p t a t i o n to t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t a n d w h i c h is r e g a r d e d as t h e
s u p r e m e value to be safeguarded by m a i n t a i n i n g its e c o n o m i c
f o u n d a t i o n s at all costs; and, on the o t h e r h a n d , e m i g r a t i o n pre-
supposes the strong cohesion of the family, the f o u n d a t i o n of
social e q u i l i b r i u m a n d the secure base f o r the e m i g r a n t . T h e
stability and solidity of the family are themselves b r o u g h t about
by the religious doctrine, by the m o r a l order established u n d e r
the priestly government, a n d by the w h o l e political organization;
but t h e l a t t e r , in return, owes a great p a r t of its coherence to
t h e education given to t h e children by the family group, w h i c h
is c h a r g e d with teaching i n accordance with precise, strictly de-
fined methods, the respect for principles a n d the practice of
virtues which are the basis f o r the society's existence.
It is n o t surprising, then, that a society so strongly conscious
of its values, particularly those values that c a n n o t b e rejected
without the loss of g r o u p identity, has been able to m a i n t a i n its
o r i g i n a l c h a r a c t e r . A f t e r the a n n e x a t i o n of the Mzab, certain
observers debated the o u t c o m e of the clash between the tradi-
tionalist pentapolis and the rational a n d t e c h n i c a l forces of the
m o d e r n world, a n d predicted the rapid decadence of these cities
of the desert. B u t in actual fact, while they have b e c o m e business-
m e n a n d very astute financiers, the Mozabites m a i n t a i n the cus-
t o m of leaving b e h i n d their families a n d their homes i n the
desert, a n d continue to a r r a n g e to be buried in the soil of their
own valley.
T h e resistance of a t r a d i t i o n a l group to the pressure of
W e s t e r n civilization c a n n o t be based on willpower a l o n e a n d
must have at its disposal considerable material, spiritual a n d
intellectual resources. T h e Mozabites are p r o t e c t e d against dis-
i n t e g r a t i o n by their wealth and by their a d m i r a b l e u r b a n gov^
e r n m e n t . T h a n k s to their education t h e y have b e e n able to
master modern c o m m e r c i a l techniques a n d capitalistic practices
sufficiently well to invest their assets i n a highly competitive
e c o n o m y . F u r t h e r m o r e , their cities have never been in direct
5* T h e Algerians
F i g . 6. S i m p l i f i e d P l a n of the C i t y of G h a r d a i a
G h a r d a i a , the p r i n c i p a l city of the M z a b , is built a r o u n d its m o s q u e
w h i c h is s i t u a t e d at t h e h i g h e s t p o i n t of the city (1,780 feet). D o m i n a t e d
by a m i n a r e t seventy-two feet h i g h in the f o r m of a p y r a m i d w h i c h ,
i n cross-section, m e a s u r e s t w e n t y feet at the base a n d six feet at the
t o p , the m o s q u e is b o t h a place f o r p r a y e r a n d a fortress (the m i n a r e t
s e r v i n g as a w a t c h t o w e r ) , w h e r e the reserve p r o v i s i o n s w e r e forrperly
stored. A r o u n d this religious center the houses are laid out in con-
c e n t r i c circles, as if to reduce as m u c h as p o s s i b l e the d i s t a n c e they
a r e s e p a r a t e d f r o m this c e n t e r of r e l i g i o u s life and also to reduce the
l e n g t h of the r a m p a r t s . T h e result is that the city p r e s e n t s the f o r m of
a p y r a m i d made u p of a series of ellipses laid out in tiers. C o n t i n u o u s
streets s u r r o u n d the g r o u p s of houses ( f o r m e r l y o c c u p i e d by d i s t i n c t
s o c i a l u n i t s ) , w h i l e the h o u s e s themselves are s e r v i c e d by d e a d - e n d
streets. F r o m the districts in the l o w e r t o w n a w h o l e n e t w o r k of r o a d s
c o n v e r g e on the m o s q u e . A t first w i d e a n d g e n t l e in g r a d i e n t , t h e y
b e c o m e steep a n d w i n d i n g o n r e a c h i n g the u p p e r l e v e l . T w o streets
o n l y give access to the m o s q u e : one leads to the main door, the o t h e r ,
w h i c h is e n t i r e l y c o v e r e d o v e r , is r e s e r v e d f o r the w o m e n .
T h e M a l e k i t e M o s l e m s l i v e i n s e p a r a t e districts; the district of
the M ' d a b i h , in t h e n o r t h w e s t p a r t of t h e city, a n d t h e d i s t r i c t of the
B e n i M a r z u g , in the east. T h e Israelites also live in s e p a r a t e districts
isolated b e y o n d the r a m p a r t s in the southeast p o r t i o n of the city. T h e
M o z a b i t e s occupy the a n c i e n t d i s t r i c t n e a r the mosque, a district w h i c h
is the most t r a n q u i l , the cleanest, a n d also the m o s t a u s t e r e . A n y f o r m
o f business is f o r b i d d e n w i t h i n its confines.
T h e commercial c e n t e r is situated to the south of the city; the
m a r k e t s q u a r e alone h a r b o r s 15 per cent of the businesses a n d t o these
t h e r e must b e a d d e d t h e 45 per cent w h i c h are set u p in stree'ts
a d j a c e n t to the s q u a r e . T h i s m a r k e t s q u a r e , almost r e c t a n g u l a r i n f o r m
and b o r d e r e d on f o u r sides by i r r e g u l a r l y s h a p e d arcades, is, t h e n ,
s i t u a t e d in a n o u t l y i n g p a r t of the city q u i t e close to the r a m p a r t s
(the latter are closed off by t w o massive gates, the G a t e of the S h e p -
h e r d s a n d the G a t e of t h e B l a c k s m i t h s ) . In the s o u t h e r n section of t h e
m a r k e t is the mgalla of Sidi el H a d j B o u a f s , a b l o c k of m a s o n r y a p -
p r o x i m a t e l y s i x t e e n feet b y t h i r t e e n feet, p r o j e c t i n g a b o u t three feet
a b o v e t h e g r o u n d w h i c h is r e g u l a r l y w h i t e - w a s h e d a n d to w h i c h m e r -
chants and customers come to carry out their a b l u t i o n s and m a k e their
p r a y e r s a w a y f r o m the business w o r l d and its blemishes. B e s i d e this
are twenty-four rough-cast stones of u n e q u a l sizes, half b u r i e d in the
g r o u n d , i n the f o r m of a n ellipse, the haouita. T h e s e stones w e r e d e e m e d
to c o n f e r u p o n a n y o n e w h o sat u p o n t h e m the w i s d o m a n d the g r a c e
of those ancestors w h o w e r e c o n s i d e r e d to be the p r o t e c t o r s of the
c e m e t e r i e s f r o m w h i c h the stones h a d been t a k e n . T h e haouita was
f o r m e r l y the site of the city assembly.
T h r e e h u n d r e d and fifty business enterprises may be c o u n t e d i n
G h a r d a i a (out of a total of 482 for the w h o l e of the M z a b ) , that is to
say, a p p r o x i m a t e l y o n e f o r every fifty i n h a b i t a n t s . A g r e a t p a r t of t h e
business transactions are c a r r i e d out i n the m a r k e t p l a c e in m a k e s h i f t
stalls o r s o m e t i m e s e v e n on the g r o u n d . F o r m e r l y a f o c a l p o i n t of the
g r e a t c a r a v a n r o u t e s , Ghardai'a is still t o d a y a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and tran-
sit center. T h e M o z a b i t e s h a v e b e e n able to a d a p t themselves to the
m o d e r n m e t h o d s of t r a n s p o r t a n d c o m m e r c i a l t e c h n i q u e s ; they o w n the
b u l k o f the t r u c k i n g c o m p a n i e s w h i c h serve the S a h a r a (fifteen s u c h
c o m p a n i e s m a y b e c o u n t e d in the w h o l e of t h e M z a b ) . W i t h t h e i r
1,489 businesses ( o c c u p y i n g 5,000 h e a d s o f families), a m o n g w h i c h are
72g textile businesses, 662 g r o c e r y stores a n d g8 m i s c e l l a n e o u s establish-
ments, they h a v e m a i n t a i n e d a p r e p o n d e r a n t place in the c o m m e r c e
o f the Sahara. M o r e o v e r , one can estimate at a p p r o x i m a t l y 4,000 the
n u m b e r of c o m m e r c i a l e s t a b l i s h m e n t s ( e m p l o y i n g a b o u t 16,000 per-
sons) w h i c h are o w n e d b y M o z a b i t e s in the w h o l e of A l g e r i a .
A l t h o u g h the n e w trends in business d e v e l o p m e n t are difficult to
e v a l u a t e , t h e r e is still n o d o u b t t h a t e v e n t o d a y the m a i n t e n a n c e o f
the p o p u l a t i o n s of t h e M z a b is a l m o s t e n t i r e l y p r o v i d e d for b y t h e
profits r e a l i z e d f r o m d o i n g b u s i n e s s i n t h e T e l l , s i n c e the p r o d u c t i o n ;
o f the p a l m g r o v e s is not at a l l sufficient to s u p p o r t an over-all p o p u -
l a t i o n of 58,000 "inhabitants ( m a d e u p o f 39,000 A b a d h i t e s , 18,000
M a l e k i t e s and 1,000 Israelites). T h e 130,000 p a l m trees, w h i c h c o v e r
a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1,500 acres, p r o d u c e an a v e r a g e o f 35,000 quintals of
dates a year. Since the p r o d u c t i o n of vegetables and f r u i t is l o w t h e r e
is, then, scarcely a h u n d r e d m a r k e t g a r d e n e r s w h o can l i v e e x c l u s i v e l y
o n the results of their l a b o r . If o n e takes into a c c o u n t the fact t h a t to
cultivate one hectare (2.5 acres) requires a n outlay of $2,000 a year,
a c c o r d i n g to the f a r m e r s , one gets some idea o f the h u g e sums w h i c h
m u s t be i n v e s t e d e a c h y e a r t o m a i n t a i n these oases.

53
54 T h e Algerians
a n d continuous c o n t a c t with E u r o p e a n s . B u t all this w o u l d be
5

of little avail were it not f o r the spiritual force w h i c h animates

this c o m m u n i t y . M o r e o v e r , their world of values is organized
around two opposite poles: the d o m a i n of the secular, the eco-^
n o m i c life, and the d o m a i n of the sacred, the religious Ijfe. A
real consciousness of this distinction on the p a r t of the Moza-
bites can a l o n e e x p l a i n the fact that fierce resistance, obstinate
a n d scrupulous particularism, and a touchy self-loyalty can
coexist with a cautious desire f o r evolution, an attempt at com- v

promise a n d p l a n n e d development; n e v e r perhaps has the inter-

action between permanence and change b e e n presented so clearly
a n d distinctly. T h e m a i n t e n a n c e of stability, f a r f r o m e x c l u d i n g
change, presupposes the capacity to modify oneself to adapt to
new situations. But these adjustments (for which theological
justification is f o u n d in the concepts of takiya, p r u d e n c e , a n d of
kitmdn, the act of veiling, which authorize the M o z a b i t e to dis-
pense with the prescriptions of religion i n cases w h e n t h r e a t e n e d
with damages) m u s t be a c c o m p a n i e d e i t h e r by a clear o r an
obscurely felt awareness of the values and norms whose per-
m a n e n c e must be m a i n t a i n e d at all costs, as opposed to those
which c a n be modified o r reinterpreted in order to assure the
stability of the really i m p o r t a n t values. I t is in this context that
the material success of the Mozabites and t h e i r almost m i r a c u l o u s
a d a p t a t i o n to f o r m s of e c o n o m i c activity that are foreign to
t h e i r strict t r a d i t i o n t a k e on their f u l l significance. T h i s change
in their way of life has been consciously a d o p t e d in o r d e r to
guarantee the c o n t i n u e d existence of those u n a l t e r a b l e values on /
which their spiritual c o m m u n i t y is f o u n d e d .
J u s t as the city develops a r o u n d two distinct c e n t e r s — t h e
p r o f a n e world of t h e m a r k e t place, which is open to the great .
currents of modern life, and the religious acropolis with its
m o s q u e , a secret world o n l y to be r e a c h e d through a l a b y r i n t h
of tortuous, n a r r o w streets which seem i n t e n d e d to protect this
most i n t i m a t e and precious d o m a i n f r o m any outside i n t r u s i o n —
so the soul a n d the life of the Mozabites are organized a r o u n d
two distinct centers w h i c h stand in the same opposition as the
5
T h e Mzab, like most o£ the Saharan oases, is now experiencing the after-
effects of the upheavals caused by the discovery of oil.
T h e Mozabites 55
sacred a n d the p r o f a n e . T h u s it is t h a t the m o d e r n i s t i c adaptation
to the world of finance a n d business does n o t contradict the
rigid traditionalism of the religious life but, on the contrary,
preserves it and makes it possible.
4. The Arabic-Speaking Peoples

Perhaps it is somewhat arbitrary to group together iii the

same cultural ensemble individuals a n d groups w h o have a
c o m m o n language and religion, and a c o m m o n way of life im-
posed by this religion, b u t who, nevertheless, differ in t h e i r
o r i g i n s , in their m o d e of living and in t h e i r traditions. T h e re-
gions presently i n h a b i t e d by Arabic-speaking peoples have b e e n
the scene of an e x t r a o r d i n a r y i n t e r m i n g l i n g of populations. T h e
valley of the Cheliff, a great, n a t u r a l h i g h w a y , provides a char-
acteristic e x a m p l e : in addition to the fact that it has always
k n o w n i m m i g r a t i o n by the m o u n t a i n peoples of the north and
south (Berbers), it has been the p a t h followed by the great Pre-
H i l l a l i a n a n d Hillalian A r a b invasions, the b a t t l e g r o u n d f o r the
clashes that o c c u r r e d w h e n m i g r a t i n g peoples f r o m the east a n d
west c a m e face to face, a n d f o r the conflicts between these peoples
a n d the tribes of the D a h r a and the Ouarsenis. E v e n before
the H i l l a l i a n invasions, the society of the Cheliff plain, p e o p l e d
by B e r b e r tribes, had a l r e a d y been c o n v e r t e d to I s l a m as a result
of A r a b infiltrations. T h i s c o n s t a n t c o m i n g a n d g o i n g of tribes
i n giddy succession did n o t give rise to a simple substitution of
Arabs f o r B e r b e r s , since those converted to A r a b ways r e m a i n e d
m o r e n u m e r o u s than the Arabs themselves. T h e same situation
has prevailed to a g r e a t e r o r less d e g r e e i n all t h e r e g i o n s in-
h a b i t e d by Arabic-speaking peoples. T h e result is that it is almost
impossible to divide the A r a b element f r o m the B e r b e r e l e m e n t I
with any degree of certainty.
I n this infinitely c o m p l e x society several criteria, particu-
larly those of a linguistic n a t u r e , p e r m i t a distinction to b e v

drawn between different cultural u n i t s : the cities in which Pre-

H i l l a l i a n dialects are spoken (called city dialects in opposition
to the village dialects spoken, f o r e x a m p l e , in L i t t l e K a b y l i a ) ; the
zone of the B e d o u i n dialects which comprises, on the o n e h a n d ,
the coastal region and the region of the plains a n d hills (the H i g h

56
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 57
P l a i n s a b o u t C o n s t a n t i n e , M i t i d j a , Cheliff, the hills b o r d e r i n g
Ouarsenis and D a h r a , the plains of O r a n i e ) , at present i n h a b i t e d
by new sedentary peoples (originally "semi-sedentaries") w h o live
in a dispersed h a b i t a t and, on the o t h e r h a n d , the H i g h Plains,
the area i n w h i c h B e d o u i n dialects are most p r e v a l e n t , i n h a b i t e d
by n o m a d s , by semi-nomads in the process of b e c o m i n g sedentary,
o r by p o p u l a t i o n s that have recently become sedentary.
A c c o r d i n g to the way of life, a distinction can also be m a d e
between t h e n o m a d s a n d semi-nomads, the i n h a b i t a n t s of t h e
desert and of the steppes, a n d the city dwellers, who have l o n g
b e e n a c c u s t o m e d to a sedentary l i f e . B e t w e e n t h e two, however,
there is a w h o l e series of gradations both i n space and, if one may
say so, in time. T h e distance covered by the moves of the nomads
is d e t e r m i n e d by the aridity of the country, b y the quality of the
pasture lands and by the degree of i m p o r t a n c e attached to stock
raising, these different factors themselves being correlated to one
another. T h u s the moves b e c o m e l o n g e r a n d longer as the nomads
move closer to the desert. B u t the various modes of living are in
constant evolution, and a general tendency to b e c o m e sedentary
is evident. A m o n g the new sedentary peoples b o t h of the plains
and hills, a n d in the area of the H i g h Plains, certain peoples
have led a settled existence f o r m o r e t h a n a century, others f o r
some f o r t y o r fifty years, still others have only very recently
become attached to the soil.
T h e zone i n h a b i t e d by Arabic-speaking peoples, of which t h e
area of B e d o u i n i n f l u e n c e f o r m s t h e largest part, is in all Algeria
the zone that has felt most strongly the direct shock of coloniza-
tion, a n d the o n e in w h i c h the w e a k e n i n g of the old social struc-
tures has b e e n most severe. E u r o p e a n colonists have t a k e n over
nearly all the best land. T h i s l a n d includes the well-watered
plains in the temperate zone (the i n l a n d plains in the O r a n dis-
trict, the valley of the Cheliff, M i t i d j a , the p l a i n of B o n e ) a n d a
good part of the H i g h P l a i n s near C o n s t a n t i n e , which are rela-
tively well watered a n d f o r this reason suitable f o r the extensive
cultivation of cereal crops. Most of the original inhabitants of
these regions h a v e b e c o m e the h i r e d h a n d s of the colonists. T h e
native farmers a n d stockbreeders h a v e b e e n progressively driven
b a c k to the margins of the good f a r m land, to the regions of the
58 T h e Algerians
m o u n t a i n forests of the T e l l and to the regions of the South.
W i t h their r u d i m e n t a r y agricultural i m p l e m e n t s they have hWe
m a n a g e d to eke out a living on l a n d that the E u r o p e a n s consider
too p o o r f o r profitable f a r m i n g . H a v i n g thus been driven out,
these people were compelled to b r i n g new lands i n t o cultivation,
p a r t i c u l a r l y since p o p u l a t i o n was increasing rapidly w h i l e >the
l a n d u n d e r cultivation was b e i n g reduced in size. B e c a u s e the
land was p o o r e r and was n o t allowed to remain fallow for suffi-
ciently long periods, it necessarily gave a poorer yield a n d deteri-
orated m o r e rapidly. M o r e o v e r , on b e c o m i n g "sedentarized," a
good many of the semi-sedentary peoples a n d semi-nomads were
n o l o n g e r a b l e to engage in the occupation of stock raising w h i c h ,
together with the g r o w i n g of cereal crops, h a d been the basis of
e c o n o m i c e q u i l i b r i u m in the t r a d i t i o n a l society. F i n a l l y , the
extension of cultivated lands into the dry regions reduced the
size of pasture lands a n d at the same time placed restrictions on
the free m o v e m e n t of the nomads into the T e l l . T h e Senatus
Consulte of 1 8 6 3 , as a result of their investigations, gave the
tribes the o u t r i g h t ownership of a definitely fixed territory. B y
so d o i n g they m a d e it possible f o r the tribes to sell t h e i r best
l a n d to t h e E u r o p e a n colonists a n d at t h e same time h a s t e n e d t h e
d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e t r i b a l structure.
W e are here e x a m i n i n g a society that is u n d e r g o i n g a radical
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . T h e a n c i e n t social structures, w h i c h have been
s h a k e n o r altered to a degree varying with t h e i r i n h e r e n t power
of resistance and the violence of the shock they have received,
b e l o n g , t r u t h f u l l y speaking, n e i t h e r to the present n o r to the
past; consequently the r e a d e r must r e f r a i n f r o m r e g a r d i n g the
following analyses e i t h e r as a mere r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a b y g o n e
society or as a strictly accurate description of the existing state of
affairs. I n d e e d , even w h e n they seem to be utterly destroyed, these
structures continue to have an effect o n the present; at least, if
o n e m a y say so, they h a v e an effect through t h e very f a c t that
they n o l o n g e r exist. T h i s e x p l a i n s , t h e n , the anguish of individ-
uals w h o are adrift between the ancient structures, w h i c h would
be cruelly missed if abolished b u t if m a i n t a i n e d intact would
prove an obstacle to m u c h needed i n n o v a t i o n s , a n d the m o d e r n
T h e Arabic-Spekking Peoples 59
structures, which c a n be adopted only at the price of a t h o r o u g h
transformation a n d a complete restructuring o f society. 6

T h e City Dwellers

T h e Algeria of 1 8 3 0 / a country of tribes a n d villages, h a d a

very small urban p o p u l a t i o n . As the scene of conflict and bargain-
ing between the rural a n d the u r b a n societies, the great cities
were defined m a i n l y by t h e i r f u n c t i o n s : t r a d i n g m a r k e t s a n d reli-
gious centers, their vital core was the p r i n c i p a l m o s q u e a n d , close
beside it, the h i g h l y a n i m a t e d business district. T h u s , in Algiers,
the lower town with its great c o m m e r c i a l street r u n n i n g f r o m t h e
Bab-el-Oued gate to t h e Bab-Azoun gate was the site of several
fine residences and of A e largest m o s q u e s . T h e u p p e r town, a
7

l a b y r i n t h of narrow, w i n d i n g streets, often t e r m i n a t i n g in a b l i n d

alley, w h i c h were c o n s t r u c t e d f o r the use o f pack a n i m a l s , was t h e
residential district of private h o m e s . 8

E x e r c i s i n g a m a g n e t i c a t t r a c t i o n f o r t h e n o m a d a n d his cara-
vans laden with merchandise as well as f o r the f a r m e r of t h e
small s u r r o u n d i n g douars, w h o comes to sell the produce o f his
land a n d to buy the objects fabricated by the u r b a n worker, t h e
city is the c e n t e r of c o m m e r c i a l e x c h a n g e s a n d is filled with great
social a n i m a t i o n because of the fact that it groups together people
with very different social b a c k g r o u n d s . R e l i g i o u s worship is cele-
brated in close p r o x i m i t y to t h e m a r k e t place, a n d the c a l e n d a r
of great c o m m e r c i a l events coincides exactly with the calendar

' T h i s remark is more or less true for all the regions of Algeria, although
in varying degree, and is also true for all the societies discussed in this book.
7
In 1817 the dey abandoned his palace in the lower town, which was
situated beside the great mosque and the souq, to take u p residence in the
fort of the Casbah, w h i c h overlooks the city.
8
Certain hypotheses shed some light on the apparently incoherent plan
of the traditional city (Algiers, for example). T h e great streets of the lower
town that follow the contour lines were probably former Roman roads;
the roads running along the summit were probably paths. Finally, the narrow
streets and alleyways that wind down the side of the hill probably follow
the course of the little ravines that were hollowed out by the run-off and
that were utilized in early times as sewers.
6o T h e Algerians
of the great religious festivals. B y r e a s o n o f t h e i r c o m m e r c i a l
roles the cities are the intersecting points of m a n y channels of
trade, a n d their e c o n o m i c prosperity is closely l i n k e d with t h a t
of t h e surrounding countryside. T l e m c e n , f o r e x a m p l e , w h i c h
was situated at the crossing of two i m p o r t a n t trade routes (Fez-
Oran, desert-coast) had b e c o m e the great warehouse f o r caravans
f r o m M o r o c c o or the Sahara. I n addition to its decaying m a n u -
f a c t u r i n g activity, this great c o m m e r c i a l city assumed the role
of i n t e l l e c t u a l center, with its fifty K o r a n i c schools a n d two
medersas, institutions f o r secondary education a n d h i g h e r learn-
ing. T h u s , a l t h o u g h it is distinguished f r o m r u r a l society by
its social structure, b y quite a different f o r m of collective exist-
ence, a n d by an entirely different way of life (language, c u l t u r e ,
m a n n e r s , c l o t h i n g , f o o d , etc.), the city nevertheless lives in sym-
b i o t i c relationship with the surrounding countryside f r o m which
it draws its supplies a n d which, in turn, furnishes a market f o r
its m a n u f a c t u r e d products; as a result, any crisis i n agriculture
leads to a d r o p in sales a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t f o r the shopkeepers
a n d m a n u a l workers i n the city.
As a place of residence a n d as an industrial center, the city
is divided i n t o districts p r o v i d e d with amenities considered indis-
pensable for the life of the c o m m u n i t y — t h e mosque, the p u b l i c
b a t h , t h e o v e n f o r b a k i n g b r e a d a n d t h e shops. T h e s e districts
t e n d to f o r m relatively a u t o n o m o u s a n d self-contained units. T h e
divisions i n t o e t h n i c groups often coincide with divisions into
trade guilds because certain professions are traditionally followed
by certain groups. T h e particularism of the districts thereby
becomes even stronger. T h e c o r p o r a t i o n , placed u n d e r the pa-
tronage of a saint whose day is celebrated b y c o m m u n a l re-
j o i c i n g s , constitutes a k i n d of " g r e a t f a m i l y " that is p a t t e r n e d
o n the m o d e l of the r e g u l a r f a m i l y u n i t , even w h e n its m e m b e r s
are n o t j o i n e d by real ties of consanguinity. T h i s social body,
w h i c h is wider t h a n the family but does not include the whole
city, is f o r t h e city dweller (along with his district) w h a t the clan
o r the tribe is f o r the c o u n t r y dweller; the f e e l i n g of corporative
solidarity, whose strength varies according to t h e particular city
a n d trade, is revealed by the m u t u a l aid a n d assistance that the
m e m b e r s give to o n e a n o t h e r , b y the reciprocal i n v i t a t i o n s that
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 61
are e x t e n d e d on the occasion of f a m i l y ceremonies a n d b y all t h e
forms of c o m m u n a l festivities. T h e corporation is subject to a
strict e c o n o m i c moral code which tends to e x c l u d e c o m p e t i t i o n ,
which insists on the m a i n t e n a n c e of j u s t wages a n d f a i r prices,
a n d which guarantees professional honesty.
T h e r e are almost n o i m p o r t a n t business associations; the
central bazaar groups t o g e t h e r a wide variety of articles, but each
article is sold by a different m e r c h a n t . T h e largest m a n u f a c t u r i n g
c o n c e r n s include only a b o u t twenty workers a n d apprentices; the
o w n e r , who earns very little m o r e t h a n his workers, works a m o n g
them a n d shares their troubles; any advantages that he may draw
f r o m his position are m a i n l y those of h o n o r a n d prestige. I n
s h o r t , a l t h o u g h t h e u r b a n society is c o n s t r u c t e d on t h e hierarchi-
cal system, a n d a l t h o u g h a few m e n of wealth, particularly the
great merchants, stand out above the mass of small craftsmen,
shopkeepers, modest scholars a n d small landowners, who are half
citizens a n d h a l f peasants, there is n o real class rivalry any m o r e
t h a n there is in r u r a l society. B y reason of the spirit which ani-
mates the whole of this society, a n d also because of the small size
a n d r e l a t i v e u n i m p o r t a n c e of the business concerns, the relation-
ships between o w n e r a n d w o r k e r , between r i c h a n d poor, are
f a m i l i a r , equalitarian a n d fraternal.
T h e spirit of the u r b a n e c o n o m y is not greatly different f r o m
that of t h e r u r a l economy. T h e c o n c e r n for productivity is un-
k n o w n , a n d the m a i n purpose of all c o m m e r c i a l activity is the
satisfaction of needs. C o m p e t i t i o n remains in a latent state. T h e
r h y t h m of the w o r k i n g day is irregular a n d w o r k i n g h o u r s vary.
Religious ceremonies a n d family festivals considerably reduce
the time devoted to work. E x p e n d i t u r e s on l u x u r i e s eat up a
great p o r t i o n of the profits. F o r lack of capital, n o new m e t h o d s
can be introduced. T e c h n i q u e s are t r a n s m i t t e d by rule of t h u m b
a n d , like the p l a n t and e q u i p m e n t , are never renewed. T h e spirit
of traditionalism, reinforced by the corporative system, stifles the
spirit of free enterprise. T h e systems of m e a s u r e m e n t vary f r o m
one city to another, a n d often they m a y vary within the same city,
d e p e n d i n g on what is b e i n g measured. C o m m e r c i a l practice is
based not on r a t i o n a l calculation but on speculation and c h a n c e ;
industry a n d trade are almost completely divorced; c o n c e r n f o r
6a T h e Algerians
t h e p r o p e r investment of f u n d s is u n k n o w n . I n short, e c o n o m i c
relationships are n e v e r c o m p r e h e n d e d in all their b r u t a l reality;
they are always h i d d e n b e h i n d t h e veil of prestige relationships
a n d are t e m p e r e d by the s e n t i m e n t of f r a t e r n i t y . T h e fascination
f o r social relations relegates the pursuit of profit to a position of
secondary i m p o r t a n c e .
T h e city, w h e r e reside moralists, ascetics a n d jurists w h o
r e b e l against the ritualism of the r u r a l religion, is -the b a s t i o n of
religious o r t h o d o x y and at the same time a c e n t e r o\ i n t e l l e c t u a l
activity because of its m a n y schools a n d scholars. As centers of
e x p a n s i o n f o r Islam a n d f o r Eastern civilization, the cities are
animated by a refined m o d e of life that revolves a r o u n d the
mosque as its religious a n d cultural hub. T h e souq ( m a r k e t ) , the
hammam (public b a t h ) a n d the cafe are meeting places in which
is developed the art of u r b a n e conversation, and in which the
different social classes m a y i n t e r m i n g l e . O n the o n e h a n d is the
h o m e , situated at the e n d of the quiet, winding street, w i t h d r a w n
into itself, a private retreat, a closed world reserved f o r the
w o m e n ; in contrast to this is the open society, the men's world,
the souq, the public square or the cafe, the d o m a i n of public life,
of strictly controlled and codified social relationships, of l e n g t h y
conversations full of " w i t t y slander a n d accepted p l a t i t u d e s "
( W . M a r c a i s ) . B e t w e e n these two poles is e n a c t e d the life of
these cultivated a n d refined city dwellers, of this society that is
p r o f o u n d l y M o s l e m in character a n d is i n t i m a t e l y attached to a
way of life whose center may perhaps be said to be the art a n d
the cult of social relations.
T u r k s , K o u l o u g h l i s (descendants of T u r k s and of native
w o m e n ) , A n d a l u s i a n M o o r s d r i v e n out of Spain ( w h o formerly
made up three-quarters of the p o p u l a t i o n of Algiers a n d who were
very numerous in N e d r o m a , T l e m c e n , M&iea a n d M i l i a n a ) , and
new-rich " A r a b s " a n d " B e r b e r s " formerly made up the m i d d l e
class of t h e cities. E x c l u d e d from all e m p l o y m e n t u n d e r t h e
T u r k i s h r e g i m e , t h e Andalusians c o n t r o l l e d all l o c a l industry a n d
engaged i n c o m m e r c e . T o these w e r e added whole c o m m u n i t i e s
of half-urbanized city dwellers, w h o preserved t h e i r relationships
with t h e i r h o m e l a n d , safeguarded their customs a n d t h e i r lan-
g u a g e , a n d , b e i n g g r o u p e d t o g e t h e r i n families, g e n e r a l l y fol-
 (Thousands of inhabitants)
miniers d'iiab.

1954-1960
I Européens ESS Algériens
(Europeans) (Algerians)

Fig. 7. G r o w t h of the P r i n c i p a l Cities b e t w e e n 1 9 5 4 a n d i960

T h e t r e n d t o u r b a n i z a t i o n h a s n o t b e e n l i m i t e d t o the large cities.
M o s t of the t o w n s a n d cities h a v e h a d a large-scale increase. T o g a i n
an accurate i d e a of t h e size a n d f o r m of these i n t e r n a l shifts in p o p u -
l a t i o n , the d a t a s u p p l i e d b y this d i a g r a m s h o u l d b e c o m p a r e d w i t h
that in F i g u r e 14. T h e o v e r - a l l p o p u l a t i o n of t h e t o w n s a n d cities h a s
i n c r e a s e d by 67.5 p e r cent i n t h e r e g i o n of A l g i e r s , b y 63 p e r cent i n
the C o n s t a n t i n e r e g i o n , a n d b y 48 p e r cent i n t h e r e g i o n a b o u t O r a n ,
a fact that illustrates that the w a r h a s b e e n a decisive f a c t o r i n s p e e d i n g
u p t h e m o v e m e n t t o the cities (see F i g . 16). Since the E u r o p e a n p o p u -
l a t i o n of the cities h a s r e m a i n e d a l m o s t c o n s t a n t , the increase i n size
of t h e p r i n c i p a l cities (52 p e r c e n t f o r A l g i e r s , 53 p e r cent f o r C o n -
s t a n t i n e , 47 p e r c e n t f o r B o n e , 38 p e r c e n t f o r B l i d a , 37 p e r c e n t f o r
O r a n ) is d u e m a i n l y to the influx of the n a t i v e A l g e r i a n s . T h u s the
A l g e r i a n p o p u l a t i o n of A l g i e r s has risen f r o m 295,000 i n 1954 to 558,000
i n i960, that of C o n s t a n t i n e f r o m 103,000 t o 181,000, t h a t of O r a n
f r o m 131,000 t o 218,000.

lowed the same trade: Kabyles, who came to hire out their
services o r to sell oil, figs a n d c h a r c o a l ; N e g r o e s , w h o sold l i m e
a n d worked as m a s o n s ; O u a r g l i a n d B i s k r i , water-bearers, p o r t e r s
a n d s e r v a n t s ; M o z a b i t e s , o p e r a t o r s of p u b l i c b a t h s , g r o c e r s a n d
b u t c h e r s ; J e w s , w h o were d r i v e n b a c k to the p e r i m e t e r a n d m a d e
to live in a special district; finally, a w h o l e f l o a t i n g mass of
c o u n t r y dwellers w h o h a d c o m e to do t e m p o r a r y l a b o r a n d w h o
lived close to the city gates o r i n lean-to gourbis erected a g a i n s t
the city walls.
T h e c o n s t a n t l y i n c r e a s i n g i n p o u r i n g of r u r a l masses a t t r a c t e d
by the wages to b e earned i n the c i t i e s ; 9
the c r e a t i o n a n d e x p a n -
0
T h e proportion of urban population to the total population increased
quite regularly (at the rate of 0.16 per cent per annum on the average),
going from 13.9 per cent in 1886 to 24.9 per cent in 1954. In ig5g it went
up to 26.6 per cent, the average annual increase having tripled (0.42 per
cent). Between 1936 and 1954 the urban population increased by 943,000
inhabitants (including ng,ooo Europeans), and between 1954 and igsg i t
increased by 550,000, including 50,000 Europeans.

63
64 T h e Algerian
sion of a capitalistic system of free enterprise which is concerned
primarily with mass production, p l a n n i n g a n d profit; the develop-
m e n t of the m o d e r n city, audacious and t r i u m p h a n t , built f o r
purposes of c o m m e r c e , speculation and administration; the influx
of a E u r o p e a n society which, a l t h o u g h in close contact, still
r e m a i n s a l o o f a n d which incarnates a n d imposes t h e a d o p t i o n of
a n entirely different m o d e of l i f e — a l l these factors h a v e b r o u g h t
a b o u t a p r o f o u n d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n in the way of life and the art
of living that were peculiar to the city of the past. T h e u r b a n
bourgeoisie, whose prosperity a n d influence were formerly based
o n business, handicrafts, a n d the practice of law a n d scholarly
pursuits, has been able to resist the competition f r o m an indus-
trial economy a n d the influx of new techniques a n d values only
at the cost of a complete transformation. New social classes have
a p p e a r e d : a new bourgeoisie, created by trade a n d industry,
w h i c h has f o r several years been intermarrying with the old city
families; intellectuals trained i n E u r o p e a n universities; a n e w
proletariat, too, m a d e u p of m o u n t a i n dwellers f r o m K a b y l i a ,
shepherds f r o m the H i g h Plains, gardeners f r o m the oases of t h e
S a h a r a . T h e m e m b e r s of this new proletariat have streamed
toward the cities as the e c o n o m i c a n d social e q u i l i b r i u m of t h e i r
c o u n t r y districts has b e e n shattered a n d , a l t h o u g h they g r o u p
themselves in districts a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r o r i g i n a n d preserve
close contacts with t h e i r h o m e territory, nevertheless they are
n o w detached f r o m the r u r a l society without being truly inte-
grated into the u r b a n society. Driven f r o m their country districts
b y poverty r a t h e r t h a n attracted by the city, they are t h r o w n
with n o training into a city that, owing to the nature of its occu-
pations a n d its structure, is i n c a p a b l e of e n s u r i n g t h e m e m p l o y -
m e n t a n d h o u s i n g . T h u s placed a m i d m a t e r i a l conditions that
10

1 0
In 1954 the part-time workers and the unemployed made u p about
30 per cent o£ the urban male population o£ working age. Algiers and O r a n
attract rural workers from those regions of which they are the administrative
centers. In the area around Constantine the rural workers who do not leave
for Algiers proceed to several different centers, particularly Constantine,
Bone, Setif and now Bougie. Generally speaking, the influx of country
dwellers bears no relation to the possibilities of employment, and this is
particularly true in the Constantine area. T h u s Setif, a r u r a l market place,
an administrative and military center, has had an increase which cannot be
justified from an economic point of view (1,000 inhabitants in 1881, 51,000
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 65
a r e o f t e n catastrophically b a d , this p o p u l a t i o n of destitute s m a l l
wage-earners 11
t h a t encamps itself on t h e periphery of t h e
E u r o p e a n city, may also be considered to be l i v i n g on t h e fringe
o f the modern e c o n o m i c system and of modern society. T h e
city usually can offer to these disenfranchised citizens only its
worst conditions and a life of u t t e r poverty.

Nomads and Semi-Nomads

N o m a d i s m makes its appearance w h e n the resources of the

n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t are n o l o n g e r sufficient f o r the p e r m a n e n t
m a i n t e n a n c e of the g r o u p — t h a t is to say, in a line r u n n i n g
a p p r o x i m a t e l y below the isohyet indicating over 157 inches of
a n n u a l r a i n f a l l , the n o r t h e r n limit of the s t e p p e — a n d has a
f u n c t i o n that is both pastoral a n d c o m m e r c i a l in n a t u r e . T h e
vegetation, although s c a n t y , still permits the large-scale breed-
12

i n g of sheep, goats a n d camels to be carried on, provided that

t h e entire group can m i g r a t e between the south (rainy season)
a n d the n o r t h (dry season) so that the shepherds may m o v e their
flocks according to the variations in vegetal resources. O n the
routes that were f o l l o w e d by their ancestors but w h i c h are n o w

f o r the w h o l e of the commune in 1954), because of the influx of rural workers

from the northwest and from the east who, at the beginning of the twentieth
century, were driven out by the concentration of the great European land-
holdings and who in recent times have been driven out by the introduction
of mechanized methods of cultivation. T h e percentage of the population
that had some form of employment was found to be very low in Sétif (about
25 per cent).
u
One of the characteristic features of the Algerian cities is the hyper-
trophic development of the tertiary sector, a considerable number of inter-
mediaries who are engaged in petty commerce and who speculate on the
individual resale of such things as a bunch of bananas or a packaji of
cigarettes.
1 2
T h e contrast between the well-watered east and the drier west may
be noted both in the H i g h Plains and in the Tell. T h e H i g h Plains around
Constantine, which receive more rainfall, are suitable for the culture of
cereals. Those around Oran and Algiers, in which the predominant crop is
esparto grass, are more favorable to stock raising. Among the sheep-raising
nomads of the west, densities of population vary between 5 to 15 inhabitants
to the square kilometer (in the arrondissement of Aflou, 5; of T e l a g h , 7; of
Frenda, 11, of Sa'ida, 12). A m o n g the cereal growers of the east, the densities
are somewhat heavier (in the arrondissement of Tebessa, 13; of M'Sila, 20).
66 T h e Algerians
strictly controlled, the tribes of the A r b a a a n d the Said A t b a m o v e
by clans f r o m the regions of L a g h o u a t a n d O u a r g l a and c o n c l u d e
t h e i r n o r t h w a r d m i g r a t i o n by spending the s u m m e r at the ap-
proaches to t h e western T e l l in the Sersou and T i a r e t regions.
Several tribes f r o m a r o u n d T o u g g o u r t a n d Biskra r e t u r n to the
H i g h Plains of the C o n s t a n t i n e area f o r the summer. O t h e r
g r o u p s may s u m m e r in the i n t e r i o r plains of the S a h a r a n Atlas.
W h i l e t h e nomads, w h o o b t a i n most of t h e i r r e q u i r e m e n t s f r o m
their flocks (their food consists largely of m i l k products, t h e i r
clothing of w o o l , their tents of hide) a n d w h o generally o w n some
p a l m groves a n d gardens in the oases, sow o n l y a few acres o f
barley or w h e a t , t h e semi-nomads devote a m u c h g r e a t e r share
of their activity to the c u l t u r e of cereal crops a n d only leave their
fixed residence f o r a five-month period, the period f r o m the e n d
of harvest to the spring plowing. I n s h o r t , t h e l i f e of t h e n o m a d ,
t h e m a n of the desert, is distinguished f r o m that of the semi-
n o m a d , the m a n of the steppes, only by the relative i m p o r t a n c e
given to a g r i c u l t u r e a n d by the a m o u n t of time devoted to sed-
entary activities d u r i n g the year.
T h e n o m a d i c m i g r a t i o n s presupposed the m a k i n g of agree-
ments with the tribes whose territories h a d to b e crossed a n d the
payment of tolls to these tribes. Conflicts rarely developed, and
relations were particularly friendly during the final period of
the grazing cycle, which o c c u r r e d at the end of spring a n d coin-
c i d e d with the sedentary tribes' harvest; t h e nomads w o u l d t h e n
take p a r t in the work of b r i n g i n g in the crops a n d w o u l d h i r e
o u t their animals for the moving of the harvest. Moreover, they
brought with them the products of the south, p r i n c i p a l l y dates,
a n d the products of t h e i r flocks, which t h e y w o u l d e x c h a n g e f o r
cereals in accordance with fixed values set by custom. T h i s type
of association has been m a i n t a i n e d m o r e o r less i n t a c t in t h e
C o n s t a n t i n e region, b u t has led to conflict in t h e districts sur-
r o u n d i n g O r a n a n d Algiers.
T h e distinctiveness of the n o m a d lies m a i n l y — a n d perhaps
e x c l u s i v e l y — i n his way of life, which is inseparably l i n k e d to his
own special attitude of life. T h u s one must b e careful not to
regard h i m as radically different f r o m the sedentary peoples. O n
the contrary, the thing that strikes o n e most is the continuity of
 T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 67
the social structure a m i d t h e d i f f e r e n t ways of l i f e of t h e Algerian
peoples. F o r the n o m a d , as f o r the sedentary peoples, the con-
sanguineous clan is the f u n d a m e n t a l social u n i t ; the n o m a d clan
travels over a f a m i l i a r , c o m m u n i t y - o w n e d grazing territory,
whereas the sedentary clan is restricted to the precisely defined
limits of a village district, since each large family treats its land
as private p r o p e r t y . W h i l e the d e m a r c a t i o n of boundaries is
m o r e precise between the fields of the sedentary clans, it is also
true that in n o m a d territory the theoretical or real ties of kin-
ship have b e e n , as it were, projected o n t o the land to such an
e x t e n t that one can distinguish all the grazing lands b e l o n g i n g
t o a p a r t i c u l a r tribe and, within them, the area b e l o n g i n g to each
clan. T h e same u n i f o r m i t y may b e noted in matters c o n c e r n i n g
the techniques of production. W h e n they cultivate areas irrigated
by the overflow of the wadis or low-lying lands (djelj lands), the
nomads use a swing plow similar to that of the peasants. I n t h e
Sahara the n o m a d is the m a n of the plow w h o cultivates great,
u n i r r i g a t e d expanses in contrast to the ksourien, the m a n of t h e
hoe, the g a r d e n e r of the small plots in the oases. T h e n o m a d dif-
fers from the ksourien in many w a y s ; on the one hand, the vil-
13

lages, with t h e i r houses of clay o r u n m o r t a r e d stone, h u d d l e

t o g e t h e r in the shelter of the walls f o r p r o t e c t i o n against t h e
raids of the nomads, w h o are t h e i r protectors' rivals; o n the o t h e r
h a n d , the wandering tent a n d the great o p e n spaces; here, t h e
desperately h a r d a n d exacting work of the soil, all the virtues a n d
tenacity of the peasant; there, the dawdling gait of the s h e p h e r d
following along behind his flocks, the disdain f o r t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l
techniques considered fit only f o r farmers, a n d the fatalism o f
a p e o p l e subjected to the hazards of c l i m a t e . However, the f a c t
1 4

1 8
T h e medina differs from the ksar (plural, ksour), which is mainly agri-
cultural (palm groves and gardens), in its appearance (minarets ol I tic
mosques, larger and better constructed dwellings) and in its function as a.
manufacturing and commercial center. But there, too, all gradations may be
found.
According to an investigation carried out by M. Capot-Rey in t h e
1 4

southern territories, the percentage of nomads, semi-nomads and sedentary

peoples in 1938 was 58 per cent, 17.6 per cent and 24.3 per cent in the Plains
and the Saharan Atlas, 30.3 per cent, 12.8 per cent and 56.8 per cent in the
pre-Saharan zone, and 27.7 per cent, 8.8 per cent and 63.4 per cent in the
Sahara proper. Since then the proportion of sedentary peoples, and semi-
nomads has greatly increased.
 68 T h e Algerians
that t h e i r interests were c o m p l e m e n t a r y necessarily l e d to agree-
ments a n d cooperation between the two types of people. T h e
great markets of the Sahara (Gharda'ia, L a g h o u a t , etc.) are p r o o f
of t h e e c o n o m i c symbiosis that unites t h e nomads a n d t h e seden-
tary peoples. T h e city, with its armorers, blacksmiths, shoemakers,
a n d weavers, welcomes t h e n o m a d w h o , d u r i n g t h e periods of
the great markets, comes to sell his meat, w o o l a n d leather, t h e
products o f his flocks; f u r t h e r m o r e , t h e n o m a d formerly provided
these cities with t h e greater p a r t of t h e i r e x t e r n a l trade, b r i n g i n g
t h e m t h e grain f r o m t h e T e l l f o r w h i c h h e h a d e x c h a n g e d his
dates a n d fruit. M o r e o v e r , t h e ksourien could n o t do w i t h o u t
the h e l p of t h e n o m a d , w h o would offer h i m o r f o r c e u p o n h i m
p r o t e c t i o n against pillage b y o t h e r n o m a d s . I n r e t u r n t h e pastoral
n o m a d w o u l d leave to t h e sedentary dweller, his t e n a n t f a r m e r ,
the task of irrigating his palm trees a n d gardens, a n d w o u l d
entrust h i m with a p o r t i o n of his reserves. So t h e b o n d u n i t i n g
t h e m c a n n o t b e i n t e r p r e t e d as b e i n g based solely o n self-interest.
T h e pastoral e c o n o m y a n d t h e way of life it implies a r e
inseparably l i n k e d with a special attitude o f m i n d . T h e p e r m a -
n e n c e of t h e n o m a d i c society, c o n f r o n t e d with a n e x t r e m e l y
u n p r o d u c t i v e l a n d a n d a pitiless climate, d e m a n d s a p r o u d
a d h e r e n c e t o this way of life. T h e n o m a d is aware o f t h e fact that
t h e t e m p t a t i o n to lead a sedentary existence is f o r h i m a sure
promise o f m o r a l decline a n d that his very existence depends
u p o n r e t a i n i n g that p r o f o u n d a n d i n n a t e wisdom w h i c h is
m a d e u p o f h a u g h t y pessimism a n d resignation, of ascetic p a t i e n c e
a n d g e n t i l i t i a l pride. T h e absolute a u t h o r i t y of t h e leaders of
t h e family, t h e g r o u p o r t h e t r i b e , is a g u a r a n t e e b o t h of t h e con-
t i n u a n c e of t h e social order a n d of e c o n o m i c s u r v i v a l . 15
While
t h e n o m a d i c life d i d not rule out t h e acquisition of riches, its
sole s o u r c e of w e a l t h lay i n the flock which^wasjubject td'TKe
h a z a r d s l n h e r e n t in T h e a l t e r n a t i o n of good and lean y e a r s . T h e
18

desert world puts t h e n o m a d on guard against excess a n d

'"extremes and at tKe I^e'Sme'reminds'liim of the need j o r col-
le]Etive~cIi«:ipline. T h e c o m m u n i t y , a kind of circle whose cenFer

1 5
See para., The social structures, ft
" A s a consequence of a year of drought (1945) the sheep population
fell from 5,832,000 (1944) to 2,808,000 (1946).
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 69
is everywhere a n d yet n o w h e r e , is indeed the f o u n d a t i o n and
necessary c o n d i t i o n f o r all life in the desert.
T h i s society has fallen i n t o a great decline. T h e widespread,
vigorous nomadism of the period p r i o r to 1 8 3 0 has been replaced
b y a limited, c o n t r o l l e d and w e a k e n e d f o r m of n o m a d i s m . D u r i n g
t h e past fifty years stock raising has steadily d e c l i n e d , while farm-
ing has increased u n t i l it now extends as far south as the steppes.
T h e pasture lands h a v e b e e n reduced in size by the advance of
colonization, particularly in the area of T i a r e t and Sersou. M o r e -
over, the years of d r o u g h t , the absence of any efficient methods
o f protecting a n d i m p r o v i n g the flocks, the f a i l u r e to set a firm
value on the products of stock raising, e x p l a i n the decrease in
size of the flocks of sheep, which were reduced f r o m ten to twelve
m i l l i o n head at the b e g i n n i n g of the century to l i t t l e m o r e t h a n
s i x million i n 1 9 5 4 . O t h e r influences have aggravated this crisis
o f the n o m a d i c way of life: the appearance of new methods of
transportation (railway and t r u c k ) a n d the increase in the m o n e y
supply (eliminating the need for b a r t e r ) have b r o u g h t a b o u t the
d e c l i n e in the caravan trade, w h i c h was the monopoly of the
nomads; the establishment of law a n d order has permitted small
g r o u p s to m o v e f r e e l y f r o m place to place a n d has s t r i p p e d t h e
n o m a d of t h e prestige attached to his r o l e as " p r o t e c t o r " of t h e
ksourien; " t h e suzerainty of the n o m a d has ceased to be a f o r m of
i n s u r a n c e a n d has b e c o m e a b u r d e n " ( C a p o t - R e y ) ; t h e discovery
o f oil a n d the creation of the oil industry have speeded u p the
overthrow of the f o r m e r hierarchies—workers in the oil fields,
o f t e n liberated slaves formerly employed as f a r m hands, some-
times earn wages m u c h h i g h e r t h a n the i n c o m e of the t r i b a l
chiefs; the r a p i d increase in p o p u l a t i o n related t o (and perhaps
d e p e n d e n t on) becoming sedentary; the crisis t h a t oases f a r m i n g
is undergoing combined with the crisis in the s h a r e c r o p p i n g
system have disrupted the balance of the Saharan economy. A
great n u m b e r of r u i n e d nomads, semi-nomads, and sedentary
peoples have been c o m p e l l e d to look for new sources of i n c o m e ,
e i t h e r by f a r m i n g p o o r lands, o r by g a t h e r i n g esparto grass, o r by
e m i g r a t i n g to the cities of the T e l l . T h e n o m a d i s m of the shep-
herds, m o v i n g i n great caravans made up of an entire tribe o r of
clans led by t h e i r sheik, has very f r e q u e n t l y given way to t h e
*]0 T h e Algerians
n o m a d i s m of the work-hungry, a nomadism which brings to the
cities wretched persons who have been torn f r o m their ac-
customed way of life and cut off f r o m their now completely dis-
integrated c o m m u n i t y .

T h e N e w Sedentary Peoples

Economic equilibrium and human relationships.—Former

nomads whose main o c c u p a t i o n was stock raising and who lived
i n tents f o r p a r t of the year, but who have been m a d e sedentary
f o r a fairly long period, m a k e t h e i r living by the cultivation of
cereal crops c o m b i n e d with stock r a i s i n g . Less attached t o
17

t h e soil t h a n t h e settled village folk, such as t h e Kabyles, they

o f t e n retain the scorn of the herdsman f o r agricultural pursuits,
a n d f o r m a less strongly i n t e g r a t e d society. E x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s
a r e the e n d result of a process that may be o u t l i n e d in the follow-
i n g way: I n t h e b e g i n n i n g , stock raising is favored. T h e flock is
the private property of the extended family, b u t the pasture lands
are owned in c o m m o n by the whole clan or tribe. E a c h year, at
the first a u t u m n rains, the t r i b a l djemda a n d the djefnda of the
clans a l l o t t h e lands that are to be cultivated i n a c c o r d a n c e With
the capacities a n d needs of each f a m i l y , that is to say, in accord-
a n c e w i t h the n u m b e r of m e n and the number of teams of plow
animals (cf. in Kabylia, the distribution of lands by l o t ) . T h e
family has full use of the land f o r o n e or two years, at the end of
which time a new a l l o t m e n t is made. A m o n g all the tribes great
expanses are set aside f o r pasture lands o r left fallow by c o m m o n
accord, b u t they may also be used for f a r m i n g if need arises. T h e
fencing-in of the fields would be useless, since, even w h e n o w n e d
as private property, they b e c o m e c o m m u n a l pasture l a n d every
o t h e r year; thus their boundaries are very poorly m a r k e d , irreg-
ular, a n d sometimes even zigzag in o u t l i n e . D i s t r i b u t e d here a n d
there over the countryside, they enclose small islands of shrubs,

" T h e limits of the area in which this type of people has settled are
rather vague. It may be said to occupy all zones that are not inhabited either
by the old established sedentary people or by semi-nomadic or nomadic
shepherds, that is, principally in those areas of the plains in which the rain-
fall is over 138 inches, and in the wooded massifs.
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 71
mastic trees or j u j u b e trees. T h i s w h o l e system obviously leads
t o a r a t h e r disorganized r u r a l landscape. T h e group moves a b o u t
o v e r t h e areas of w h i c h they a r e the virtual owners. E a c h g r o u p
and each family farms according to its needs and its means; by
so d o i n g , it establishes the size of its o w n area w i t h i n the c o m m o n
territory, its force of e x p a n s i o n finding w i t h i n itself its own p r i n -
ciple of limitation. T h e w i n t e r e n c a m p m e n t is the m o r e stable,
since it lasts f r o m N o v e m b e r to M a r c h . H e r e the g r o u p puts down
its roots; here it has its u n d e r g r o u n d g r a n a r y (matmoura) and
its cemetery, the tangible symbol of its a t t a c h m e n t to the soil
a n d to its ancestors. A r o u n d t h e w i n t e r mechta some f a r m i n g
is done on small fields which were first roughly cleared by fire;
in spite of the system of letting part of the land lie fallow, the
soil is quickly exhausted and the fields have only a relative stabil-
ity. D u r i n g the w i n t e r the flock is pastured in the i m m e d i a t e area
of t h e mechta. I n the spring the w h o l e o r p a r t of the group leaves
t h e w i n t e r mechta, a n d , since the flocks must b e r e m o v e d f r o m the
lands u n d e r cultivation, they are p u t to graze on the lands t h a t
will be sown in a u t u m n , an o r i g i n a l m e t h o d of ensuring that the
fields will be properly fertilized. T h e animals are shut in at n i g h t
within the circle of tents (douar) o r w i t h i n an enclosure of j u j u b e
trees. W h e n s u m m e r comes, the g r o u p returns to harvest the c r o p ,
the flocks feed on the stubble fields, a n d the w i n t e r e n c a m p m e n t
is again set up. Different causes (particularly the reduction of the
flocks resulting f r o m bad years) m a k e the stock raisers decide to
increase the size of the seeded areas; this i n t u r n leads to the
progressive a b a n d o n m e n t of the system of a n n u a l distribution
of l a n d as each f a m i l y now begins p e r m a n e n t l y to cultivate the
same fields; it also results in the group's b e c o m i n g p e r m a n e n t l y
settled i n the winter camp, while t h e n o m a d i c system of grazing
flocks over l i m i t e d pasture lands is replaced by a system of lrtiular
t r a n s h u m a n c e in c h a r g e of the shepherds. W i t h the i n s t i t u t i o n of.
family property, there finally appears w i t h i n the tribe the dis-
tinction between those w h o own the land a n d those who c u l t i v a t e
it.

E x t e n s i v e f a r m i n g , d e v o t e d p a r t i c u l a r l y to cereals, is thus
c o m b i n e d with extensive sheep raising; this type of f a r m i n g is
based on the a l t e r n a t i o n of growing a n d leaving the fields to
72 T h e Algerians
lie fallow, thereby p e r m i t t i n g the soil to rest a n d at the same
t i m e providing f o o d f o r t h e flock. I n this subsistence-level econ-
o m y the c o m b i n a t i o n of agriculture a n d sheep breeding ensures
the satisfaction of essential needs. T h e staple diet consists of the
barley a n d wheat w h i c h ( m i x e d with salt water, with meat a n d
vegetables o f t e n added) are used to m a k e the couscous. T h e flock
provides meat, the m a i n course f o r the meals that are h e l d d u r i n g
family or religious festivals, a n d m i l k , w h i c h is d r u n k fresh o r
18

i n the f o r m of whey. T h e wool of the sheep a n d the skin of the

goat are used in m a k i n g c l o t h i n g a n d tents. T h u s the m a r k e t s
p r o v i d e only a small e x t r a source of i n c o m e to the f a m i l y econ-
omy. A g r i c u l t u r a l yields are low and vary greatly with the cli-
m a t e ( f o u r to five h u n d r e d w e i g h t p e r h e c t a r e f o r wheat a n d
b a r l e y a n d sometimes, if r a i n f a l l is a b u n d a n t and well d i s t r i b u t e d
d u r i n g the year, 15, 20 or 25 h u n d r e d w e i g h t ) . However, b a l a n c e is
m a i n t a i n e d b e t w e e n the resources and the relatively small popula-
tion. A b a l a n c e has also b e e n achieved between the t e c h n i q u e s
employed and the n a t u r a l conditions. L a n d is n o t cleared by
g r u b b i n g a n d u p r o o t i n g b u t is merely c l e a n e d off by b u r n i n g .
T h e fellah first sows the seeds, then buries t h e m by merely scratch-
i n g the g r o u n d ; the swing-plow is also well adapted to the soil
c o n d i t i o n s ; a n d f u r t h e r m o r e it spares the living plants w h i c h
19

preserve the soil f r o m erosion a n d which will provide f o o d f o r the

flock w h e n the cultivated land is left to l i e fallow again. A heavier
a n d h e n c e m o r e expensive plow would d e m a n d a long a n d diffi-
cult preparation of the g r o u n d , would risk b r i n g i n g about the
rapid e x h a u s t i o n of a soil that is n o t e n r i c h e d by fertilizers, a n d
would probably b e too heavy for u n d e r n o u r i s h e d animals to p u l l .
O n e c o u l d s h o w in a s i m i l a r way t h a t t h e m o s t a r c h a i c features
(harvesting with the sickle, lack of shelters f o r the animals,
absence of reserves of hay, etc.) all h a v e a f u n c t i o n a l significance
w h e n r e f e r r e d to the over-all system. T h i s type of f a r m i n g
requires only a small c a p i t a l — t h e land, the seed, the plow, and,

3 3
T h e poorest of the poor would be dishonored if he did not have his
quarter of mutton on the day of the Aid. If the w o r k e r is too poor to buy it,
tradition demands that the master give him a supply of mutton on the oc-
casion of the great festivals. T h i s is often stipulated in the contracts.
" A c c o r d i n g to the latest farm census (1951), those engaged in traditional
farming were still using swing-plows on 300,000 of the 630,000 farms.
1

T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 73
above all, the team to p u l l the plow. T h e r u d i m e n t a r y techniques
produce only a very low yield, but at the lowest possible cost.
T h u s b a l a n c e appears to h a v e b e e n a t t a i n e d at t h e highest possi-
ble level within the limits imposed by the lack of advanced
methods and techniques a n d by the lack of capital. It would
therefore appear to be impossible, given equal means, to achieve
any greater success. T h e attainment of any higher level of adapta-
tion would presuppose the acquiring of better technical methods
and devices, and the possession of extensive capital, and would
involve a complete t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the social, e c o n o m i c and
psychological structures.
T h i s insecure and constantly t h r e a t e n e d e q u i l i b r i u m con-
ceals considerable tension. T h e reason for this is that agriculture
a n d stock raising are c o m p l e m e n t a r y b u t at the same time com-
petitive. H e a v y r a i n f a l l leads to an e x t e n s i o n of the area u n d e r
cultivation at the expense, and to the detriment, of the share of
the l a n d given over to the flock; a f a v o r a b l e l a m b i n g season, a
good cereal crop which will e n a b l e him to buy livestock—the
fellah's pride, the tangible display of his wealth and the only way
in which he can a c c u m u l a t e capital — a n d the flock will increase
2 0

far beyond the possibility of providing it with water a n d pasture

lands, b o t h of w h i c h a r e subject to the hazards of c l i m a t e . T h e
animals b e i n g n o w less well fed are m o r e v u l n e r a b l e , a n d a severe
winter, a period of drought or an epidemic kills off great n u m -
bers; the f o l l o w i n g year, f o r lack of d r a f t animals and the neces-
sary cash to buy seed, the size of the areas u n d e r cultivation is re-
stricted. I n short, the balance between the size of the flock and
the f a r m value of the pasture l a n d is established n o t so much by
the will o f m a n as by the forces of n a t u r e working to p r o d u c e
the alternation of a b u n d a n c e and f a m i n e which has so pro-
foundly m a r k e d the life a n d vision of the world of the N o r t h
A f r i c a n fellah.
W h i l e it is true that as the g r o u p becomes m o r e sedentary

T h i s attitude in regard to the flock is widespread even among the-

2 0

sedentary farmers. Wealth is measured by the size of the flock as much as

by the extent of the land under cultivation. Since land is held in joint pos-
session, the continuance of w h i c h is ensured by various protective measures,
it cannot be easily assigned a commercial value. Hence the function of the
flock.
74 T h e Algerians
each family tends to retain as its own property the lands used f o r
f a r m i n g , the c o m m o n ownership of pasture lands a n d u n c l e a r e d
sections (arch lands) maintains the cohesion of the tribal com-
munity. H o w e v e r , the territorial u n i t does n o t always coincide
with the social unit (tribe o r c l a n ) . It f r e q u e n t l y happens as a
result of land sales that the p a t r i m o n y is farmed by several
families of different origins. T h u s there is much criss-crossing of
the lands u n d e r cultivation, since a certain social unit may own
fields that are hemmed in by the lands of oUe or of several o t h e r
groups, a n d vice versa. T h e patrimony, which generally bears the
n a m e of its f o u n d e r , remains the j o i n t property of the e x t e n d e d
f a m i l y , that is, of all the descendants of the same ancestor down
to the third a n d f o u r t h g e n e r a t i o n s , the share of each of these
virtual heirs being fixed by vernacular tradition. I n most cases
the land is f a r m e d in c o m m o n by the m e m b e r s of the same
e x t e n d e d family or by several families issuing f r o m the same stock.
It is n o t the property of a collective entity, b u t of individuals
w h o have been ascribed rights that may differ greatly but are
always well defined, and these individuals are free (at least theo-
retically) to withdraw t h e i r share of the j o i n t l y h e l d property.
T h e shares due to each of t h e m are expressed in fractions whose
d e n o m i n a t o r s have sometimes seven or eight figures; the s i t u a t i o n
is c o m p l i c a t e d , moreover, b y t h e fact that t h e r i g h t of full owner-
ship is here g r a n t e d to the surviving husband or wife, so that
a m a r r i a g e always offers an outside f a m i l y the possibility of
a c q u i r i n g rights to a j o i n t l y h e l d property. T o avoid h a v i n g it
g o out of t h e possession of t h e family, a property is f r e q u e n t l y set
u p as a private habous a n d so becomes i n a l i e n a b l e . E x a m p l e s
have been cited of acts of p a r t i t i o n (freda) which have allotted a
beneficiary two or three square centimeters from o n e h e c t a r e held
by several h u n d r e d j o i n t owners. W e r e it not f o r the system of
j o i n t possession, the p a t r i m o n y w o u l d f r e q u e n t l y b e c o m e worth-
less as a result of b e i n g divided into e x t r e m e l y small plots t h r o u g h
the strict enforcement of Moslem law. T h u s legalism, carried to
extremes, ends by thwarting its original i n t e n t a n d demands, as
it were, its own negation.

T h e i n s t i t u t i o n of j o i n t possession is, then, a guarantee of

e q u i l i b r i u m . L o o k e d at f r o m the standpoint of the m o d e r n eco-
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 75
n o m i c system, it m a y , n o d o u b t , merely a p p e a r as an absurd
archaism because it chains the peasant to a strict r o u t i n e by for-
b i d d i n g the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new methods and the exercise of
individual initiative. I n reality, however, it protects the integrity
of the p a t r i m o n y and, t h e r e f o r e , of the family g r o u p , against
excessive division, against the intrusion of outsiders, and against
the absorption of small lots by large-scale f a r m i n g developments.
T h e same purpose is served by the legal right to pre-empt prop-
erty (chefda). F u r t h e r m o r e , by b r i n g i n g about a u n i o n of all the
means a n d all the forces available to the g r o u p , j o i n t possession
permits a realization of the best possible a d a p t a t i o n to the
n a t u r a l surroundings and guarantees subsistence to those indi-
viduals who would generally be u n a b l e to survive on the tiny
plot of g r o u n d they would b e awarded were the property to b e
divided by the c o u r t . B e c a u s e of the scarcity o f capital and the
21

prevailing high interest rates, a n d because of the high cost of

plow animals, c o m m u n i t y f a r m i n g becomes the only feasible
c o u r s e of action. Moreover, through this i n s t i t u t i o n (as t h r o u g h
the private habous), the community protects itself against im-
providence, indifference o r wastefulness on the part of its indi-
v i d u a l members, since it can strictly c o n t r o l both methods of
p r o d u c t i o n and of c o n s u m p t i o n . F i n a l l y , this type of association
affords the best f o r m of p r o t e c t i o n in an e c o n o m y characterized
b y the alternation of good and b a d years. T h u s j o i n t possession
p e r f o r m s the same f u n c t i o n , a l t h o u g h i n a different setting, as
t h e m u t u a l aid characteristic of r u r a l society; i n d e e d , only by
c o m b i n i n g t h e i r efforts c a n these p e o p l e m o r e o r less compensate
f o r the unreliability of t h e techniques at their disposal.
I n this m o b i l e society with its vaguely defined " n o m i n a l
p r o p e r t y , " a society in w h i c h real property is i n fact only the
l a n d that is under c u l t i v a t i o n , so that the most i m p o r t a n t fact
is the p a r t i c u l a r relationship existing between man and the soil,
a n d in which the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the natural pasture lands re-
q u i r e s great expanses to be set aside f o r grazing purposes, the
quest f o r e q u i l i b r i u m b e t w e e n m a n and m a n brings into p l a y
mechanisms t h a t a r e n o less c o m p l e x t h a n those involved i n t h e

T h e n u m b e r of peasants r u i n e d by selling off their property by auction

2 1

to speculators is proof of this.

76 T h e Algerians
pursuit of e q u i l i b r i u m between m a n a n d t h e soil. H e n c e t h e
e x u b e r a n t flowering of pacts a n d agreements, w h i c h time a n d
again are jeopardized by the t e m p t a t i o n to indulge i n p i l f e r i n g
a n d strife.
E v e r y t h i n g c o m b i n e s to b r i n g a b o u t a d y n a m i c b a l a n c e , "the
result of various tensions, t h e i n t e r n a l tensions that have already
been analyzed a n d the external tensions caused by the fact t h a t
t h e efforts of expansion of t h e group a r e l i m i t e d by t h e e x p a n -
sions of rival groups. " O n e o f the p e r m a n e n t causes of agitation
a n d division a m o n g t h e A r a b s , " wrote C a p t a i n R i c h a r d , "is t h e
vagueness of the boundaries separating the various parts of t h e
territory. T h e o l d cai'd of the B e n i Merzoug, w h e n questioned
as to how it came a b o u t that a vast piece of l a n d situated between
his tribe a n d that of the B e n i M e n n a h a d always r e m a i n e d u n -
cultivated, answered that f r o m time i m m e m o r i a l this field of
f a t a l memory h a d never b e e n seeded by anything but the corpses
of t h e i r t r i b e s . " I n o t h e r words, the d o m a i n of the tribe is defined
by opposition to the l a n d of the n e i g h b o r i n g tribes. O n this
t r i b a l territory each g r o u p o r each f a m i l y has j o i n t ownership
of t h e portion that it brings i n t o cultivation. T h u s , u n d e r a n
appearance of disordered a n d a n a r c h i c a l distribution, of a waste-
ful use of l a n d , t h e r e is a whole n e t w o r k of contracts, each of
w h i c h represents a conflict that is e i t h e r b e i n g resolved o r is
l a t e n t . N o w h e r e is t h e r e illustrated m o r e clearly t h e essential
n a t u r e of the pact (cf. the agreements between the nomads o f
t h e S a h a r a a n d t h e tribes of t h e T e l l ) , which creates a p r e c a r i o u s
a n d constantly t h r e a t e n e d reciprocity between groups t h a t m a y
f o r m associations while c o n t i n u i n g , nevertheless, t o r e m a i n h o s t i l e
to o n e a n o t h e r .
E q u i l i b r i u m is b o r n o f tension—^the rivalries b e t w e e n groups
c o m p e n s a t e f o r o n e another. Such a situation favored t h e de-

F i g . 8. P l a n of a P a r t of t h e D o m a i n (haouch) of t h e B e n C h a o u a
T h i s p a r t of t h e d o m a i n of t h e B e n C h a o u a is s i t u a t e d n o r t h o f
the m a i n r o a d r u n n i n g f r o m B l i d a t o A l g i e r s . T h e s h a d e d a r e a s r e p r e -
sent: (1) u n c l e a r e d l a n d ; (s) c u l t i v a t e d l a n d ; (3) p a s t u r e l a n d ; (4) d w e l l -
ings. (After I s n a r d , La réorganisation de la propriété rurale dans la
Mitidja, Algiers, 1948.)
78 T h e Algerians
v e l o p m e n t of the "great f a m i l y , " the sole g r o u p endowed with the
necessary authority and prestige, partly by reason of its fecundity,
w h i c h assured it a c o n t i n u i t y a n d a power superior to the hazards
of the n a t u r a l and social world; partly because of its cohesion
a n d solidarity, which permitted it to e x t e n d its power over the
soil a n d to c o u n t e r b a l a n c e the e x p a n s i o n of rival groups; partly
also because of its n o b l e or religious origin. So M . Y a c o n o has
discovered, in the Chéliff, the existence of about ten great families
a m o n g some thirty tribes. A chart representing the division of
w e a l t h a m o n g the O u l e d K h e l o u f , t h e Ouled K h o u i d e m a n d the
B o r d j i a reveals clearly m a r k e d contrasts in wealth, w h i l e at the
same time there appears to be no intermediary g r o u p between
the rich a n d the poor.
T h e great family offers çohba, or protection, in e x c h a n g e f o r
fidelity a n d a l l e g i a n c e , r a t h e r t h a n f o r servitude a n d depend-
ence. I n the métayage au quint system, the t e n a n t f a r m e r o n a
one-fifth share basis contributes his m a t e r i a l services, the m a s t e r
his spiritual services. T h i s r e l a t i o n is even m o r e c l e a r l y revealed
w h e n t h e " s e i g n e u r " is at the same time a personage of the
m a r a b o u t class, a possessor of the m a g i c a l religious power t h a t
is believed to f a v o r t h e w o r k of the farm. T h e means, that is t o
say, the h u m a n relation, the pact u n i t i n g m a n to m a n , w o u l d
h e r e seem to b e m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n the e n d , the w o r k i n g
of the land; concern f o r technical a c t i o n and a calculated
d e v e l o p m e n t is s u b o r d i n a t e to the concern f o r d e v e l o p i n g a wide
r a n g e of h u m a n relationships. T h i s type of e c o n o m y — i n w h i c h
d i r e c t f a r m i n g of t h e l a n d by the o w n e r is i n f r e q u e n t a n d
is, i n d e e d , looked u p o n w i t h disdain, in w h i c h those w h o a r e in
possession of a n y w e a l t h leave field w o r k t o others a n d in which,
consequently, the carrying out of f a r m tasks always presupposes
t h e c o o p e r a t i o n of two people, the o w n e r a n d the t e n a n t f a r m e r —
is evidently much different from that which has been n o t e d
a m o n g t h e sedentary f a r m e r s . O n e is s t r u c k by the m e d i a t e
n a t u r e of the r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n m a n a n d t h e soil; this m e d i a t i o n
is t h e h u m a n r e l a t i o n , the pact interposed b e t w e e n the o w n e r
a n d his land. B u t , one will say, is n o t the tenant f a r m e r in direct
a n d immediate contact with the soil? N o d o u b t he is, but he
is a t t a c h e d to it by ties that are quite different f r o m those c r e a t e d
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples yg
by ownership, a n d perhaps it is not exaggerating to say that the
tie between the worker and the soil involves the master.
I f such is indeed the n a t u r e of the s h a r e c r o p p i n g system, it
is evident that the tenant f a r m e r benefits f r o m this i n s t i t u t i o n
and that the change to the status of wage e a r n e r w h i c h , accord-
i n g to o u r way of t h i n k i n g , may appear as a promotion, is, in
this context, to be considered as a d e m o t i o n . J u d g e d according
22

to our criteria, this contract is very much like servitude: the

sharecropper is b o u n d to the master, who dictates the clauses of
the c o n t r a c t and is apparently t h e only one ensured against risk;
t h e f o r m e r gives u p his l i b e r t y a n d i n i t i a t i v e a n d receives in re-
t u r n o n l y a very small share of t h e c r o p (generally one-fifth, w i t h
l o c a l variations). I t m a y e v e n h a p p e n that he is c h a i n e d to his
m a s t e r by a debt w h i c h c o m p e l s h i m to r e n e w his c o n t r a c t indefi-
nitely so that sometimes, w h e n reduced to e x t r e m e poverty, he
has n o recourse o t h e r t h a n flight.
H o w e v e r , the above description overlooks the essential fea-
tures of a pact which reveals a u n i q u e view of e c o n o m i c relations.
H i r e d by v e r b a l c o n t r a c t at the b e g i n n i n g of the f a r m i n g year, in
t h e m o n t h s of O c t o b e r o r N o v e m b e r , t h e sharecropper merely
contributes his physical l a b o r while the master provides h i m with
t h e l a n d , the seed, the i m p l e m e n t s , a n d the team to do t h e
plowing. Since the c o n t r a c t comes i n t o effect i n a u t u m n a n d t h e
harvest is n o t r e a p e d u n t i l M a y o r J u n e , the m a s t e r must advance
the necessary supplies to tide the sharecropper and his family
over this period. At the festival of the Achoura he must give the
tenant a gandoura of cotton a n d a pair of shoes; at the time of
the great Moslem festivals he must provide h i m with a supply of
m u t t o n . T h e pact is a man-to-man a r r a n g e m e n t , and one would
seek in vain to find any guarantee o t h e r t h a n that of the " f i d e l i t y "
d e m a n d e d by h o n o r . Its one-sided n a t u r e is tempered I>\ the
pressure of a p u b l i c o p i n i o n that is quick to censure any abuses
on the part of the master. T h e r e are no abstract regulations, n o

23
Estimates as to the number of sharecroppers vary from 60,000 to 150,000.
T h e discrepancy may be explained by the fact that a number of farmers
and temporary or permanent agricultural workers are at the same time
tenant farmers. From being approximately one-third of the active rural
population in 1914, the number of sharecroppers has been reduced to less
than one-tenth at the present time.
8o T h e Algerians
definite sanctions. T h e pact is vitalized a n d m a i n t a i n e d by a
sense of h o n o r a n d the fear of p u b l i c disapproval. B e c a u s e he
would be b r e a k i n g his word if he failed to live up to the contract,
the t e n a n t remains f a i t h f u l to the master. F o r the same reason,
if he judges himself to be oppressed or e x p l o i t e d , he can d e n o u n c e
h i m publicly, a n d the pressure of public o p i n i o n is generally able
to force the l a n d o w n i n g class to live up to its r a n k , to behave in
a way t h a t commands respect, a n d to p r o t e c t t h e p o o r . M a g n a -
nimity and generosity are not only attributes of greatness but are
virtues with which greatness is naturally endowed, so that to be
lacking in these virtues would be an act of self-repudiation and
self-denial. Moreover, far f r o m considering himself as a slave
o r p r o l e t a r i a n , the w o r k e r participates i n t i m a t e l y in the life of
t h e family g r o u p whose cares, troubles, a n d sometimes poverty,
h e shares, whose interests he regards as his own, since h e considers
himself to b e " a n associate" a n d not a m e r e h i r e d h a n d . F o r these
reasons the contract appears to have been patterned on a deeper
r e l a t i o n s h i p , t h a t of f a t h e r a n d son, since, in fact, the master
pledges himself to ensure the l i v e l i h o o d of the t e n a n t a n d to
f r e e h i m f r o m all worry c o n c e r n i n g t h e f u t u r e . C o n s e q u e n t l y ,
t h e latter is generally assured against the uncertainties of the
f u t u r e , against u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d total destitution. T h e tenants
generally f a r m the areas that are suitable f o r cereal crops, a n d it
is only because o f this i n s t i t u t i o n o f sharecropping that the
poor worker is assured of his supply of semolina, his basic diet.
T h u s it is n o t surprising t h a t , as has b e e n n o t e d recently, paid
workers should at times d e m a n d t h e advantages of s h a r e c r o p p i n g
(payment i n k i n d , advances), f o r e x a m p l e , at the time of the
heaviest f a r m work. I n an e c o n o m i c system that is c o n t i n u a l l y
overshadowed by t h e threat of f a m i n e , does not this i n s t i t u t i o n
o f sharecropping afford the best f o r m of p r o t e c t i o n a n d insurance?
P r o t e c t e d against e x t r e m e poverty, the s h a r e c r o p p e r is also pro-
tected against isolation f r o m his fellows, an inestimable advan-
tage in a society in w h i c h the individual exists only in a n d
t h r o u g h the g r o u p , is conscious of his own identity only t h r o u g h
t h e g r o u p , a n d has a legal a n d social existence only to the
e x t e n t that the group will consent to be responsible f o r h i m
a n d to defend h i m .
 •1

T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 81
I t is very easy to show t h e advantages t h e m a s t e r obtains
u n d e r this system. T h e institution of s h a r e c r o p p i n g facilitates
the m a n a g e m e n t of his p r o p e r t y , a n d requires h i m to use only
the resources provided by his estate, a considerable advantage
i n an economy in which money is scarce. F u r t h e r m o r e , the master
is assured of diligent a n d conscientious w o r k on the part of the
tenant, w h o is also interested in o b t a i n i n g a g o o d c r o p . B u t is
the profit he derives f r o m this association really of an e c o n o m i c
order? O n e may d o u b t this w h e n one thinks of his obligation to
support t h e sharecropper, even in years of scarcity a n d without
any h o p e of r e p a y m e n t . I n reality, riches are valued less f o r them-
selves or f o r t h e m a t e r i a l satisfactions they provide than f o r the
e n h a n c e m e n t in prestige, influence, a n d ascendancy that is pro-
cured by the possession of a " c l i e n t e l e , " that group of dependents
which is, as it were, a p r o j e c t i o n of the power of its protector.
I f the p r o p r i e t o r does gain by this system (although he would
a p p e a r to lose by it if o n e considered only e c o n o m i c factors) it
is because the pact is p r i m a r i l y a r e l a t i o n based on h o n o r a n d
prestige, even t h o u g h it may be u n d e r m i n e d by the m o r e o r less
hidden temptation to e x p l o i t a t i o n o n the o n e h a n d a n d to
parasitism on the other.
F u r t h e r m o r e , since t h e r e is n o m o n e t a r y e x c h a n g e o r circula-
tion of currency in the m o d e r n sense, s h a r e c r o p p i n g a n d the
o t h e r types of a g r i c u l t u r a l association provide the only possible
solution b o t h f o r the o w n e r a n d the w o r k e r . I n d e e d , m o n e y in
this society does n o t play the r o l e of universal m e d i u m f o r deal-
ings a m o n g m e n as it does in a capitalistic e c o n o m y ; thus money-
lending, while an integral part of the system, is the business of
specialized m i n o r i t i e s ; a n d even then interest-bearing transactions
are generally carried out only with allogeneous groups, the no-
mads of the desert a n d particularly the m o u n t a i n dwellers, whose
e c o n o m y is of a c o m p l e m e n t a r y n a t u r e . T h u s it is that the
honor-ruled e x c h a n g e of gift and countergift, of p r o t e c t i o n a n d
homage, is the p r e d o m i n a n t f o r m of e x c h a n g e . Consequently,
wage e a r n i n g c a n n o t really exist in a system of this n a t u r e , a n d
s h a r e c r o p p i n g appears to b e the only f o r m of association possible
between the m a n who owns the l a n d a n d the means of produc-
82 T h e Algerians
tion a n d the m a n who has nothing to offer but his arms f o r the
working of this l a n d .
T h e p r e c e d i n g analyses will have s h o w n to w h a t e x t e n t the
social a n d the e c o n o m i c structures are closely i n t e r l o c k e d . T h e
c l a n a n d the tribe may b e defined primarily as the g r o u p in
possession of a particular domain, pasture lands, forests a n d
f a r m lands. It has also b e e n shown that the jointly h e l d patri-
m o n y is the basis of unity f o r the e x t e n d e d family. T h u s the
aim of customs and laws t h r o u g h o u t all Algeria, and especially
a m o n g the B e r b e r - s p e a k i n g peoples, is to protect the integrity
of this p a t r i m o n y . T h e sale of land is, in point of fact, impos-
sible, since it demands the consent of all the heirs. Moreover,
should it h a p p e n that o n e of the owners could b e induced
to sell, the other m e m b e r s of the family always have the right
(and to a certain extent the duty) to pre-empt the land, chef da,
a c c o r d i n g to an o r d e r established by custom. F o r the same rea-
sons the m o r t g a g e loan, w h i c h may lead to the dispossession of
the d e b t o r , is almost u n k n o w n , whereas the pledging of real
estate as security f o r a debt, the n o n - p a y m e n t of w h i c h only al-
lows the creditor to enjoy the use of the land, is quite c o m m o n .
T h e daughter, t h r o u g h w h o m the p a t r i m o n y m i g h t pass out of
t h e o w n e r s h i p of the agnatic g r o u p , is often in actual fact dis-
i n h e r i t e d ; the f a t h e r c a n dedicate his p r o p e r t y t o some pious
f o u n d a t i o n (private habous), thereby m a k i n g it i n a l i e n a b l e .
I f this society surrounds the p r o p e r t y of the agnatic g r o u p with
such a g r e a t n u m b e r of protective laws, it is because the integ-
rity of the p a t r i m o n y , the u n i t y of the e x t e n d e d f a m i l y and the
authority of the h e a d of the f a m i l y a r e i n t i m a t e l y c o n n e c t e d .
I f one or a n o t h e r of these were w e a k e n e d , t h e very existence
of the family, the keystone of the whole social edifice, w o u l d be
t h r e a t e n e d . T h e Senatus Consulte of 1 8 6 3 , b y f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e
division a n d commercialization of t h e arch lands, s h o o k t h e
t r i b a l structure to its very foundation. I n a different way, t h e
breaches in t h e system of j o i n t possession, which h a v e b e c o m e
m o r e and m o r e f r e q u e n t d u r i n g the last twenty years, have coin-
cided (without its b e i n g possible to determine cause and effect)
with the c h a l l e n g e to t h e authority of the h e a d of the family,
V

T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 83
w i t h t h e disruption of t h e n o r m a l c h a i n of m a t r i m o n i a l ex-
changes, and with the disintegration of the family u n i t .
The social structures.—The preceding analyses m a y h a v e
given the r e a d e r a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the various social
structures, particularly the structure of the tribe, the most com-
plex of all social units. It appears, in fact, that all the different
interpretations that have been m a d e as to the nature of the tribe
must b e placed in question, w h e t h e r they e x p l a i n it by con-
sanguinity, or by the initial e x p a n s i o n of m o t h e r stocks project-
ing their shoots in all directions, or by the dissemination of
wandering groups. Before dealing with the intricacies of con-
crete cases, it would perhaps be useful to give a rough definition
of the " i d e a l t y p e " of tribe, a l t h o u g h it is rarely met with in reality.
T h e e x t e n d e d f a m i l y , the basic social unit, groups together
several c o n j u g a l families f o u n d e d by the direct male descendants
of a c o m m o n ancestor. T h e patrilinear structure and the patri-
archal system imply both the role of the " f a t h e r " a n d the absolute
p r e p o n d e r a n c e g r a n t e d to the men, women's rights b e i n g sub-
ordinate to those of the agnates. T h e " f r a c t i o n " (Jerqa), or clan,
is also f o u n d e d on m a l e c o n s a n g u i n i t y and is comprised m a i n l y
of the agnates. I t includes several e x t e n d e d families of w h i c h
the male m e m b e r s consider themselves to be "sons of the p a t e r n a l
u n c l e , " w i t h o u t defining their precise degree of relationship. T h e
m e m b e r s of the same clan d o not seek b l o o d v e n g e a n c e on o n e
a n o t h e r . T h e clan has its own leader, the sheik, who decides on
the moves of the group, a n d its o w n n a m e , which distinguishes it
f r o m the o t h e r units t h a t m a k e up t h e tribe. Usually it honors
with a special cult its eponymous f o u n d e r . It has rights to a fixed
portion of the tribal territory, a n d all its flocks (bearing the same
b r a n d ) m o v e out as o n e flock to the pasture lands, although each
family i n the g r o u p has outright ownership of its animals, its
grain, a n d its i m p l e m e n t s . T h e tribe is a federation of clans
whose m e m b e r s claim to have descended f r o m a c o m m o n ancestor,
an ancestor who is likewise h o n o r e d with a cult. It is led by a
sheik, generally the leader of one of the more i m p o r t a n t clans.
F i n a l l y , t h e r e are the c o n f e d e r a t i o n s , v a g u e a n d ill-defined organi-
zations that usually stem f r o m war, w h e n a coalition may bring
84 T h e Algerians
together two o r m o r e tribes t h r e a t e n e d b y a c o m m o n danger. A
weaker tribe may then seek the p r o t e c t i o n of powerful strangers
at the price of its own submission, or groups of e q u a l power
may join together to oppose a c o m m o n enemy or m a k e new
conquests. It sometimes happens that a vast confederation will be
f o r m e d a r o u n d a particular great family which holds the weaker
tribes i n a state of loose vassalage. T h u s on the eve of the F r e n c h
o c c u p a t i o n eastern Algeria was dominated by the sheik of the
H a n e n c h a of the H a r a r f a m i l y in the east, the sheik el A r a b
of t h e B o u O k k a z f a m i l y in the south, a n d the sheik of the
M e d j a n a of the Ouled M o k r a n family in the west.
T h e real state of affairs is, however, infinitely m o r e com-
plex t h a n this simplified o u t l i n e . I n the first place, the extreme
variety of family origins that is concealed u n d e r the a p p a r e n t
unity created b y the c o m m o n n a m e , a consequence of the fiction
of t h e c o m m o n ancestor, forces o n e to a b a n d o n the hypothesis
of consanguinity. T h e tribe is a patchwork agglomeration f o r m e d
b y the j o i n i n g together of various elements; a single e x a m p l e w i l l
i l l u s t r a t e this (Despois, Hodna, p. 1 1 9 ) : t h e t r i b e of t h e O u l e d
M a d h i not only i n c l u d e s some descendants of t h e A t h b e d j , b u t ,
e v e n m o r e i m p o r t a n t , a large foreign e l e m e n t (Moroccans, the
O u l e d Nail, m o u n t a i n people, etc.). Secondly, how much credit
should be given to the hypothesis of dissemination f r o m m o t h e r
stocks that have projected their branches in all directions?
G r o u p s w h i c h swarm over t h e t r a n s h u m a n c e routes, social units
w h i c h b r e a k u p i n t o segments, " c o l o n i e s " of nomads settled in
the T e l l , i n d i v i d u a l migrations and collective e x p a n s i o n as the
result of commercial activities, all these p h e n o m e n a of the past
are supposed to e x p l a i n , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e fact that the same n a m e
can b e f o u n d i n groups that are a considerable distance a p a r t .
I n p o i n t of f a c t , t h e genealogical system is o n l y an a t t e m p t at a n
i m a g i n a r y reconstruction (see t h a t shown in Fig. 9 ) . T h e attempt
to p r o d u c e a h i s t o r i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n is scarcely a n y b e t t e r substan-
tiated. T h i s , however, raises a n u m b e r of questions: b y g r a n t i n g
that the e x p l a n a t i o n lies partly in the swarming of peoples a n d
partly in migrations, will o n e thereby have taken all the factors
into account? W h y does this recourse to the fiction of t h e epony-
m o u s f a t h e r keep on r e c u r r i n g ? W h y do certain tribes attract
1

T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 85
others to t h e m ? I t is necessary t o r e p l y to t h e s e questions before
e x a m i n i n g the p r o b l e m — w h i c h seems to be at the core of all
these difficulties—of the relation between the n a m e and the tribal
reality.
I n the first place, social or political relations are f o r m e d on
the model of family relations. T h e result is that the pattern of
social organization is merely the p r o j e c t i o n of the family organi-
zation: several families m a k e up the clan a n d several clans con-
stitute the tribe, envisaged as an association of clans u n i t e d by
a bond analogous to that existing between members of the same
family. W i t h i n this framework the genealogical fiction is allowed
to come into play in order to establish a family relationship
(filiation or cousinship) between individuals w h o have been
j o i n e d together in accordance with quite different mechanisms.
" T h i s social organism may split up, or it may increase in size
by the adoption of f o r e i g n elements, or it may even fuse together
with o t h e r organisms . . . that have b e e n fortuitously b r o u g h t
in contact. B u t with the passage of time an entirely theoretical
e x p l a n a t i o n covers over a n d hides this utilitarian g r o u p i n g ; most
of the great tribes are really only disguised confederations. T h e
i m p o r t a n t t h i n g is that its m e m b e r s should be i g n o r a n t of this
fact or should have wilfully forgotten it, and that they should
attribute to the bonds that unite them the same value that they do
to the n a t u r a l ties of b l o o d r e l a t i o n s h i p " (G. M a r c a i s ) . I n short,
once it is admitted that the pattern of genealogical affiliation
constitutes the structural model, then the constant recourse to
the fiction of t h e eponymous ancestor as the f o u n d a t i o n of every
social u n i t — e v e n when, in reality, this unit is merely a cluster
—obviously becomes the only possible f o r m of r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n
that can e x p l a i n the r e a l lack of c o h e s i o n that exists. T h i s ac-
counts, then, f o r the sort of desperate eagerness to establish a
b o n d of fictitious k i n s h i p when real kinship is lacking; it ex-
plains why the tribe, too, claims to be of one n a m e and o n e
blood, and descended from a c o m m o n ancestor, whereas in reality
tribal ties are not based on a n a t u r a l but on a c o n v e n t i o n a l kin-
ship.

A g a i n , it is the h o m o g e n e i t y of the social and f a m i l y struc-

tures w h i c h helps us realize that this society is organized around
 Legendary Family Tie e

f ZAiD
Zaïd j SELIM

MOGDAD - All { Abdesselem — Necer ben Abdesselem

ben Mogdad
Abdeljouatad-— K h a l i f a - A l l
Mebarek
ben ben

RECHAICH Abdeljouahad Khalifa'

ben Ouachah
ben Mohammed ( All — SiThabet
Eelgacem

ben Ahmed
ben Othmane

Relleb

Maîou
NABET Zitoun
Rabah — Achour ben Rabah

Fig. 9. F a m i l y T r e e and S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the T r i b e of the O u l e d

Rechaïch
A c c o r d i n g to the o r a l traditions, a c e r t a i n R e c h a ï c h b e n O u a c h a h
b e n M o h a m m e d , b e n A h m e d b e n O t h m a n e is supposed to h a v e c o m e
a n d settled i n the c o u n t r y that is still occupied t o d a y by the tribe of
the O u l e d R e c h a ï c h , w h i c h takes its n a m e f r o m h i m . T h e O u l e d Z a ï d
a n d O u l e d Selim c o n s i d e r t h e i r a n c e s t o r s to h a v e b e e n Z a ï d a n d S e l i m ,
the sons of a Z a ï d w h o was the son of R e c h a i c h . M o g d a d is said to
b e the c o m m o n ancestor of the f o u r present-day g r o u p s t h a t are j o i n e d
t o g e t h e r u n d e r the n a m e of M e g a d d a a n d to w h i c h f o u r of his descend-
ants, r e l a t e d to h i m by v a r y i n g d e g r e e s of k i n s h i p — N e c e r b e n A b d e s -
selem, A h m e d b e n A l i , B e l g a c e m b e n A l i , a n d Si T h a b e t b e n A l i b e n
M e b a r e k — h a v e g i v e n t h e i r n a m e . N a b e t is said to b e the a n c e s t o r of

the clan. B e y o n d the clan the b o n d of unity becomes a fictitious

o n e , so that the f e e l i n g of f r a t e r n i t y w h i c h spontaneously unites
t h e m e m b e r s of this great f a m i l y must be r e p l a c e d by o t h e r prin-
ciples of cohesion, and, lacking these, the larger unit will be
disrupted. Consequently, because of t h e fragile f o u n d a t i o n s on
w h i c h its u n i t y is b a s e d — t h e cult of a c o m m o n e p o n y m o u s an-
cestor, " f i c t i t i o u s " k i n s h i p between its m e m b e r s , e t c . — t h e tribe is
aware of itself as a distinct entity o n l y w h e n it comes i n t o op-
position with o t h e r similar groups. T h u s M . Despois notes that
the c o h e s i o n of the O u l e d M a d h i was f o r g e d during the course
of the struggles w h i c h opposed this tribe to several clans of the
Ouled N a ï l . S i m i l a r l y the t r i b a l p a t r i m o n y is defined b y o p p o -

86
 I

Social Units

Q Zald

O . Selim
O . Necer
} O ZAID

O. Ahmed ben Ali

MEGA D D A O U LED RECHAICH
O . Belgacemben Ali
O. Si Thabet

•ULED RELLEB

Kiata
O. Zitoun O. N A B E T '
O. Achour

the three g r o u p s c a l l e d the O u l e d N a b e t . His son Zitoun and g r a n d -

son A c h o u r , the son of his son R a b a h , h a v e g i v e n their names to the
O u l e d Z i t o u n a n d the O u l e d A c h o u r , w h i l e the K i a t a are s u p p o s e d to be
d e s c e n d e d f r o m a certain M a i o u , an a d o p t e d son of N a b e t .
M o r e o r less i m a g i n a r y , in a n y case s u r r o u n d e d by l e g e n d s l i k e t h a t
of M a i o u , this g e n e a l o g y r e a l l y a p p e a r s to b e that of a f e w g r e a t f a m i l i e s
w h o h a v e i m p o s e d their a u t h o r i t y o n t h e o t h e r g r o u p s t h a t g o to
m a k e u p the tribe. T h i s m a y be seen, f o r e x a m p l e , in the f a c t t h a t
t h e f a m i l y t r e e of t h e M e g a d d a , t h e d o m i n a n t g r o u p , is g i v e n in m u c h
m o r e d e t a i l t h a n t h a t of t h e o t h e r g r o u p s , t h e O u l e d Z a i d a n d O u l e d
N a b e t . S i m i l a r l y , it m a y b e a s s u m e d t h a t R e l l e b w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n t o
t h e g e n e a l o g i c a l p a t t e r n to establish the s o c i a l tie t h a t l i n k s t h e
M e g a d d a to t h e O u l e d N a b e t a n d t h e O u l e d Z a i d .

sition to that of o t h e r tribes. " A group that is m u c h m o r e ex-

tensive t h a n the clan, the tribe has a less developed personality;
its f u n c t i o n s relate p a r t i c u l a r l y to what o n e m i g h t call 'external
affairs,' relations with o t h e r tribes, questions of alliances, de-
cisions as to the h'orma of the tribe, a n d its limits, a n d matters
c o n c e r n i n g weapons a n d w a r " ( D o u t t £ ) . W h e r e a s the c l a n finds
w i t h i n itself its own p r i n c i p l e of i n t e r n a l l i m i t a t i o n , the tribe is
essentially defined t h r o u g h its opposition to other tribes.
W h y should a certain tribe be endowed with a m a g n e t i c
power which attracts to it isolated, scattered a n d v u l n e r a b l e
groups? N o doubt i n a society i n w h i c h e q u i l i b r i u m is achieved
o n l y t h r o u g h tension, the power of each social unit b e i n g
87
88 T h e Algerians
c o u n t e r b a l a n c e d by that of the o t h e r units t h r o u g h a l t e r n a t i n g
o r coexisting agreements a n d conflicts, there is scarcely any place
f o r the small, weak group, which therefore finds itself obliged to
j o i n with a n o t h e r f o r protection. B u t w h a t is the e x p l a n a t i o n
f o r this p h e n o m e n o n of aggregation? T h e isolated g r o u p tends
to j o i n forces with the i m p o r t a n t a n d powerful tribe, which
thereby becomes even stronger by a sort of cumulative action
analogous to that which, in a different c o n t e x t , causes c a p i t a l to
attract capital. B u t , to p r o l o n g the c o m p a r i s o n , how was the
initial a c c u m u l a t i o n of this capital of c o m b i n e d power a n d
prestige effected?
T h i s initial capital is apparently n o n e o t h e r t h a n the name
a n d t h e ascendancy that this n a m e confers on t h e g r o u p that
bears it. T h i s fact offers an a d d i t i o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the preva-
lence of the genealogical p h e n o m e n o n . " T o d a y particularly,
w h e n the exploits of the first c o n q u e r o r s , magnified by the pass-
ing of time, have been popularized by the rhapsodists, in a coun-
try in w h i c h almost every feature of the g r o u n d recalls these
deeds to m i n d , there is not a shepherd who does not openly
boast and actually believe that he is a descendant of the H i l l a l i a n
w a r r i o r s " (Vaissiere). W e are in a l a n d in w h i c h c e r t a i n names
resound like the chansons de geste. I n the eyes of the farmers,
the nomads are endowed with an immense prestige: they speak
the language of the K o r a n , move a b o u t on horseback, own flocks
and do not work the land. T h e peasants seek out their protection,
strive to speak their l a n g u a g e a n d to b e c o m e m e m b e r s of t h e i r
tribe. T h e y then adopt the p a t r o n y m i c n a m e of the clan or t r i b e ,
a n d , as time passes, they e n d up b e l i e v i n g themselves related to
it. F r o m then on they wish to b e called Arabs, because they speak
A r a b i c a n d h a v e an A r a b name. It is doubtless in this m a n n e r that
o n o m a s t i c changes h a v e occurred in the course of time. O n e m u s t
t a k e c a r e n o t to c o n c l u d e that onomastic identity m e a n s e t h n i c
identity; the g r o u p may profess b o t h its l i n k with the t r i b a l
a n c e s t o r and the different ancestry traditionally assigned to its
clan or f a m i l y , a n d may call u p o n o n e o r the o t h e r as occasion
offers. T h u s certain names are conserved, while the social ag-
gregate is entirely altered, and certain groups r e m a i n i d e n t i c a l ,
1

T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples 89
while their n a m e may c h a n g e — a c o m p l e x interplay of perma-
nence a n d change that is centered on the n a m e .
T h e n a m e is a p o w e r in itself. I n the f o r m a t i o n of t h e t r i b e
of t h e O u l e d M a d h i t h e m a i n role a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n p l a y e d
by t h e A t h b e d j of t h e R i y a h confederation, t h e advance-guard
of the H i l l a l i a n Arabs. I n o t h e r tribes it was the moral a n d re-
ligious ascendancy of the marabouts that served as a cementing
b o n d . W i t h i n the vicinity of the most venerated zaouia, " m a r a -
b o u t i c " tribes have been f o r m e d whose m e m b e r s consider them-
selves to be descendants of the saint and who, in addition to
a d o p t i n g the n a m e of the m a r a b o u t , have considered themselves
as b e l o n g i n g to a religious n o b i l i t y . I n all these cases it is not
at all surprising to find that the names conserved by tradition
are those of the victorious clans o r of the p r i n c i p a l families whose
protection was sought by the o t h e r different groups. N o r is it
surprising to find that the n a m e s vary f r o m o n e p e r i o d to the
n e x t . Sometimes, f r o m a previously constituted g r o u p , an influ-
ential family will emerge w h i c h imposes its n a m e and authority
u p o n the tribe. T h e result is that quite often the various ele-
ments w h i c h m a k e up the tribe have n o t h i n g i n c o m m o n but a
n a m e a n d the history of this n a m e . " S o m e t i m e s , even, there is no
d o m i n a n t group. T h e tribe, properly speaking, is only a con-
federation, an assemblage of heterogeneous elements j o i n e d to-
gether under a collective a p p e l l a t i o n a n d under an illustrious
n a m e to w h i c h o n e of the m e m b e r families has t h e sole r i g h t "
(G. M a r c a i s ) .

I n o r d e r to u n d e r s t a n d the i m p o r t a n c e of the n a m e a n d t h e
fact that it takes precedence over historical o r social reality, o n e
must l o o k on it f r o m the standpoint of h o n o r a n d prestige. A
certain group o r family may place itself e i t h e r under the protec-
tion of a family with a great name that has been m a d e illustrious
by legendary ancestors, or of a proud chief marked by divine
favor, or even of an i n f l u e n t i a l m a r a b o u t . I n r e t u r n for t r i b u t e
the family or group is allowed to develop under the wing of its
defender, whose p r o t e c t i o n is at first g r a n t e d as a t e m p o r a r y
measure b u t in the course of time comes to be e x t e n d e d to its
descendants. A l l those who b e a r the same n a m e a r e united b y
a f u n d a m e n t a l solidarity a n d b y w h a t m i g h t be called a n i d e n t i t y
go T h e Algerians'
of being. T h e d e p e n d e n t g r o u p may be allowed to assume t h e i r
protector's n a m e , w h i c h they t h e n b e a r like a sort of e m b l e m
that is b o t h respected and f e a r e d . It w o u l d seem that a m a g i c
b o n d unites the n a m e to the t h i n g n a m e d ; to b o r r o w the n a m e is
to share in the virtues of its o w n e r and particularly in his baraka
or vital force, t h a t mysterious a n d beneficent p o w e r that favors
o u t s t a n d i n g men. T h u s we see the power a t t a c h e d to the n a m e ,
w h i c h is b o t h a symbol a n d a g u a r a n t e e of p r o t e c t i o n , a symbol
a n d g u a r a n t e e of h o n o r a n d prestige, or, better, a g u a r a n t e e of
p r o t e c t i o n because it is a symbol of h o n o r a n d prestige.
T h e actual m e c h a n i s m is, however, m u c h less simple t h a n
the preceding analyses m i g h t lead one to believe. I n point of fact
the p h e n o m e n a of assimilation are always a c c o m p a n i e d by phe-
n o m e n a of dissimilation. As F e r d i n a n d de Saussure has remarked:
" I n every mass of people, two opposing forces are simultaneously
at w o r k : on the one h a n d the particularist spirit, the 'parochial
spirit'; o n the o t h e r h a n d the desire to have m u t u a l dealings
with o t h e r peoples, to have c o m m u n i c a t i o n with o t h e r m e n "
(Cours de linguistique générale, p. 2 8 1 ) . T h i s law is o p e r a t i n g
with full force in N o r t h A f r i c a n society; we have seen o t h e r
examples of it. T h e t e m p t a t i o n to identify oneself with others
a n d lose one's individuality is being constantly c o u n t e r b a l a n c e d
by the desire to oppose others, t o assert oneself as b e i n g different,
to be oneself. T h e n a m e , j u s t as it constitutes the best symbol
a n d b o n d of unity, may also b e employed as the best m e a n s of
developing the distinguishing f e a t u r e o n w h i c h the g r o u p will
seek to base its special identity. T h e result is a t e n d e n c y t o
classify groups a c c o r d i n g to n a m e only, a n d the dispersal o f
tribal names appears to reflect this tendency.
T h e principle of e q u i l i b r i u m between the forces of assimila-
tion a n d dissimilation may also perhaps provide the key to those
strange organizations, the çoffs. H e r e the m e c h a n i s m is possibly
even m o r e in evidence; w h a t is the unity of a çoff based o n if it
is not on a name? T h e use of the n a m e as the only basis f o r clas-
sifying groups here becomes the purest k i n d of formalism, since
the different "classes" have n o real distinction, and the antithesis
between classes is either purely onomastic o r is expressed by sim-
p l e symbols (e.g., the opposition between the O u l e d M a d h i a n d
 V

T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples gi
the O u l e d N a ï l is s h o w n by b l a c k as opposed t o r e d tents). T h e
f a c t t h a t t h e p h e n o m e n a r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e o p e r a t i o n of this law
s h o u l d h o l d such an i m p o r t a n t p l a c e i n A l g e r i a n society can,
moreover, be e x p l a i n e d : indeed, if o n e admits, as M. Lévi-Strauss
suggests, that h u m a n societies are defined " b y a certain optimum
of diversity b e y o n d w h i c h t h e y c a n n o t g o , b u t below which they
likewise cannot go without being endangered" (Race et histoire,
p. 9) it w o u l d appear that the existence of a c o m m o n f u n d of
culture of such a size a n d e x t e n t that it seemed liable to b r i n g
a b o u t a m o n o t o n o u s u n i f o r m i t y , m a d e it necessary f o r the prin-
ciple of dissimilation to come i n t o o p e r a t i o n . T h i s is n o d o u b t
23

why, w h e n we consider the reality of Algeria, we a r e in t u r n

struck b y its unity a n d by its diversity.

23
T h e fact that only those groups that are kept in equilibrium by an-
other form of tension should escape this division into two opposing factions
(for example, the opposition between the nomads and the gardeners of the
oases, or between the nobles and vassals among the Touaregs) seems to con-
stitute a proof a contrario.
5- T h e Common Cultural Heritage

C o n t i n u i t y and contrast, assimilation and d i s s i m i l a t i o n —

in fact, b e n e a t h these appearances runs a single t h e m e allowing
infinite variations. B u t just as o n e must take care n o t to confuse
diversification, that is, the conscious creation of differences, with
diversity, so o n e must oppose identity to identification, w h i c h is
a product of t h e contact a n d i n t e r a c t i o n between two cultural
groups.

Cultural Interpénétration and

Kaleidoscopic Mechanism

E x c h a n g e s h a v e been so intense a n d so prolonged that o p -

posed terms such as " A r a b i s m " a n d " B e r b e r i s m " now can scarcely
b e distinguished except by an artifice of the m i n d ; o n e must see
in them ideal types that are b o r n of a merely historical recon-
s t r u c t i o n — w i t h all the uncertainties that this i m p l i e s — a n d that
are necessary f o r the understanding of that original synthesis
resulting f r o m the dialectical c o n f r o n t a t i o n which has always
placed the local culture in opposition to eastern cultural importa-
tions. A n e x a m p l e of this is K a b y l e law, in which it is impossible
t o distinguish the borrowings that have b e e n r e i n t e r p r e t e d in
terms of the r e c e i v i n g c o n t e x t f r o m the v e r n a c u l a r institutions
a n d f r o m the dissimilating reconstructions p r o t e c t i n g against
invasion by K o r a n i c law. Inversely, everywhere the B e r b e r r o c k
may be seen j u s t b e n e a t h the surface of M o s l e m legislation. A
mass of local institutions have been absorbed by M o s l e m law in
the n a m e of the principle of "necessity" a n d of "necessity mak-
ing l a w . " It has been noted by G. Marcy that the most typical
Moslem institutions are m a r k e d by the spirit of B e r b e r law, f o r
e x a m p l e , the agricultural a n d stock-breeding associations, a n d
t h e accessory stipulations of m a r r i a g e contracts. A n additional

92
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 93
e x a m p l e may b e n o t e d i n q u i t e a different d o m a i n : while the
n o m a d i c Bedouins have spread values p e c u l i a r to a pastoral
civilization, a m o n g w h i c h may be i n c l u d e d a scorn f o r t h e
techniques of t h e f a r m worker o r artisan a n d a dislike f o r field
work, on t h e o t h e r h a n d the sedentary m o u n t a i n dwellers,
as they have come down i n t o the plains, have b r o u g h t with
them their way of life and, above all, their a t t a c h m e n t to the
l a n d and to the s t u b b o r n toil r e q u i r e d to m a k e it fertile a n d
their desire to m a k e it their p e r m a n e n t possession. O n e must be
careful n o t to t h i n k only in terms of the p h e n o m e n a due to A r a b
influence simply because they are the m o r e obvious. T h e B e d o u i n
groups b e c o m e B e r b e r i z e d as they b e c o m e " s e d e n t a r i z e d " ; they
are constantly absorbing B e r b e r s i n t o their groups and with t h e m
f o r e i g n techniques and t r a d i t i o n s (political ones, f o r e x a m p l e ) .
I n the dialogue that b r i n g s the different groups of A l g e r i a face
to face, there is b e i n g w o r k e d out an original f o r m of civilization,
a cultural koinè. As a final e x a m p l e , it may be noted that the
way of life p e c u l i a r to the I s r a e l i t e s indicates that they were
1

very closely related to the o t h e r A l g e r i a n " c u l t u r e s " ; a few

characteristics will suffice: intensity of c o m m u n i t y feeling, patri-
a r c h a l structure of the family, whose h e a d is revered as m u c h
as any o v e r l o r d , simultaneous or successive polygamy, a cult of
saints r e s e m b l i n g the cult of m a r a b o u t s , superstitions and m a g i c
beliefs, A r a b l a n g u a g e , etc. T h u s n o g r o u p escapes this intense
cultural i n t e r p é n é t r a t i o n , a n d t h e r e is n o g r o u p w h i c h does n o t
seek to give itself a distinctive personality by stressing certain as-
pects of the c o m m o n c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e ; the result is that while
certain motifs stand out against this tapestry of i n t e r w e a v i n g
lines, they always do so as shade u p o n shade. N o d o u b t the princi-
ple of dissimilation is coming i n t o play, but it operates within
well-defined l i m i t s : shiftings of accent, p a r t i a l r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , a
different c o m b i n a t i o n of elements, all are c a p a b l e of b r i n g i n g
forth entirely new entities. I f indeed it is a fact that A l g e r i a n

1
The Israelites, about 150,000 in number, are divided according to origin
into two groups, the "Spaniards," driven from Spain in 1492, and the autoch-
thons, who are very similar in manners and civilization to the other natives
of Algeria. W h i l e conserving a number of their traditions, they are for the
most part engaged in the Moslem business sector and follow the European
mode of life. T h e y are particularly numerous in the cities.
94 T h e Algerians
society is organized in a c c o r d a n c e with this kaleidoscopic m e c h a -
nism, t h e n it becomes c l e a r why it presents these contradictory
aspects of diversity and uniformity, of unity a n d m u l t i p l i c i t y . 2

T h i s society has always l o o k e d to the past f o r its ideal way of

life, so that, while change does take place, it has come a b o u t
slowly. " F o l l o w in t h e p a t h of y o u r f a t h e r a n d y o u r g r a n d f a t h e r , "
says a K a b y l e proverb. T h e general respect f o r the past becomes,
in the B e d o u i n , a worship of the past. T h e latter is continually
measuring his present position by r e f e r e n c e to a golden age, an
epic of c o n q u e r i n g nobles that is sung by the meddah and that
delights his soul; this i n n e r m i g r a t i o n t o w a r d the past, en-
c o u r a g e d by myth and by the retrospective illusion, is an effort
to obscure the harsh picture of present-day reality t h r o u g h evo-
cations of ancient nobility and greatness which also seem to give
promise of an imaginary k i n g d o m to come. T h u s it is that even
the f u t u r e is conceived of in t h e light of the past a n d that
criticism o r refusal of the present arises not so much from the
vision of a better order o r f r o m the c o n d e m n a t i o n of the present
and the past, but f r o m the stirring m e m o r y of the a n c i e n t o r d e r ,
the basis of pride a n d the supreme defense against self-doubt. 3

Fidelity to ancestral tradition, the highest of all values,

dominates all the p r i n c i p a l acts of social existence. I t controls
first of all the cultural apprenticeship of the y o u n g , b o t h by
d e t e r m i n i n g the ends to b e pursued a n d the m e a n s to b e em-
ployed to achieve these ends. T r a d i t i o n is c o m m u n i c a t e d by the
elders m a i n l y by means of o r a l traditions, stories, legends, poems
a n d songs, through which is transmitted that tight n e t w o r k of
values w h i c h hems in the i n d i v i d u a l and inspires his every act.
T h e s e teachings seem to h a v e a double purpose: on the o n e
h a n d , to i m p a r t t h e l e a r n i n g of the ancients a n d , on the other,
to pass on the group's i d e a l image of itself. H e n c e these g n o m i c

a
Since the principle o£ dissimilation operates mainly against the Euro-
peans, the colonial situation and the war have aided in breaking down partic-
ularisms and have fostered the development of a national consciousness.
" A distinction must be made between traditional traditionalism and
colonial traditionalism. In the first case there is fidelity to oneself, in the
second, opposition to others. In one, there is inner adherence to the values
offered by a sacred tradition, in the other, a passive resistance opposed to the
intrusion of values that are being imposed from without.
 1

T h e Common Cultural Heritage 95

poems, so n u m e r o u s in K a b y l i a f o r e x a m p l e , these epitomes of
wisdom a n d experience w h i c h provide a solution to the most
distressing problems of existence a n d allow f o r t h e avoidance
of errors by the repetition of b e h a v i o r that has been tested in the
past. " M o r e than j u s t a rule of life, the mos majorum, Idada
imezwura, is a g u a r a n t e e against b a d luck, sometimes a vital
necessity" ( M o u l o u d M a m m e r i ) ; in short, a shelter f r o m the
anguish of i m p r o v i s a t i o n a n d f r o m " c a t a s t r o p h i c reactions."
W o m e n play an essential role in ensuring the p e r m a n e n c e of
tradition; t h e little girls learn f r o m t h e i r elders t h e virtues t h a t
the wife s h o u l d possess (absolute submission a n d discretion) a n d
the m a g i c a n d ritual practices ( t h e cult of the " g e n i i , " local pil-
grimages, rites, etc.) so that they may in t u r n play t h e role of
guardians of tradition. T h i s type of e d u c a t i o n tends to m o l d
t h e c h i l d on t h e p a t t e r n of his ancestors a n d to forge f o r h i m
a f u t u r e w h i c h will be a l i v i n g i m a g e of t h e past, so m u c h so
t h a t this past is n o t e x p e r i e n c e d as such, t h a t is as something left
b e h i n d a n d situated some distance b a c k in the t e m p o r a l series,
but as b e i n g lived again in the e t e r n a l present of the collective
m e m o r y (cf. p r o p e r names: A l i the son of A l i ) .
W i t h i n his family t h e c h i l d also learns the rules of politeness
and, to b e m o r e exact, the words h e must say i n each circum-
stance. T h e code of politeness supplies ready-made formulas f o r
all the situations of existence, a g e n u i n e devotion to the cliche. A
conversation can be carried on almost indefinitely without any-
thing being left to improvisation. I n short, the c u l t u r a l ap-
prenticeship tends to p r o d u c e t r u e psychological sets o r prepared
attitudes, the purpose of which is apparently to guard against,
o r even to forbid, any improvisation, o r at least to impose an
impersonal f o r m on t h o u g h t o r personal feeling. I n these for-
mulas is expressed a whole philosophy of dignity, resignation
a n d self-control, a philosophy which, f r o m b e i n g constantly re-
peated a n d acted upon, pervades all thought a n d behavior."; I f
it is realized that most of these expressions are confessions of
faith and that in them is affirmed a wisdom in c o n f o r m i t y with
the Moslem vision of the world, then it will p e r h a p s be b e t t e r
u n d e r s t o o d why the religious i m p r i n t on this society should be
so m a t t e d ) . I n d e e d " p o l i t e n e s s " is n o t only good m a n n e r s b u t
g6 T h e Algerians
an art of living; f o r e x a m p l e , hachouma, w h i c h is both dignity
a n d reserve, forbids the display of the self and its inmost feelings;
it is as though relationships with o t h e r s — e v e n within the family
— m u s t necessarily be mediated by the culture, as t h o u g h the per-
son, in his u n i q u e oneness, h a d to efface himself b e h i n d the
mask of c o n v e n t i o n , which, b e i n g identical f o r all, suppresses
individuality in the interests of u n i f o r m i t y a n d conformity.
T h e concrete attitude of this society towards language is
revealed i n the f o l l o w i n g c o n f o r m i t y : whereas o u r civilization
uses l a n g u a g e excessively a n d even thoughtlessly, N o r t h A f r i c a n
civilization makes a parsimonious and controlled use of it, forbids
people to talk indiscriminately on any subject, while verbal
manifestations of feeling are limited t o certain occasions and
then can be repeated only in the f o r m prescribed by the social
culture. H e r e , t h e n , takes shape a way of life that is based on
a modesty which hides f r o m others one's true n a t u r e a n d char-
acter a n d which prizes the pleasure of the formal word a n d the
measured gesture above the search for novel expressions and
effective action.
T h i s _ p r e f e r e n c e f o r the artificial, this desire to reveal to
others n o t one's inmost b e i n g but a s e m b l a n c e of oneself, a stage
personage, appears ...to-be characteristic of a personality which
envisages itself primarily as a " b e i n g who exists for others"_ (être
pour autrui), w h o is constantly before t h e eyes of others a n d who
is c o n t r o l l e d by the overwhelming f o r c e of p u b l i c o p i n i o n . W h i l e
the g r o u p controls b e h a v i o r very carefully, particularly in t h e
realm of social relations, it is satisfied with this s e m b l a n c e of
h i m s e l f offered by the individual a n d counts on e n s u r i n g f r o m
without a n outer c o n f o r m i t y of behavior. H e n c e it becomes evi-
dent how the sentiment of h o n o r , like its reverse, t h e fear of
s h a m e a n d g r o u p censure, c a n affect so deeply the most trivial
actions of daily life a n d c a n d o m i n a t e all relations with o t h e r
people.
A b e i n g who exists f o r others, the i n d i v i d u a l is also " a b e i n g
w h o exists t h r o u g h o t h e r s " (être par autrui), who is, as it were,
the point of intersection of m a n y relationships, a n d who has
m u c h difficulty in t h i n k i n g of himself as an a u t o n o m o u s per-
sonality. It is almost impossible f o r h i m to dissociate his o w n a n d
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 97
his children's destiny f r o m the c o m m o n destiny of the family
g r o u p . I n the r u r a l communities, closed microcosms in w h i c h
everyone k n o w s e v e r y o n e else, social pressure is very strong, a n d
the i n d i v i d u a l is h i g h l y d e p e n d e n t on the g r o u p . Social life
stifles any real personal life. T h e i n d i v i d u a l is n a r r o w l y confined
w i t h i n the e x t e n d e d family, whose choices a n d decisions rule
his actions as they dp. his thoughts.-But h e d^es^jioi-CQnsiclgr this
pressure to be a f o r m of c o m p u l s i o n , since, his-.greatest_fear is to
lose the vital solidarity w h i c h unites h i m to the g r o u p ; a n d
since he feels that he exists o n l y as a m e m b e r of the totality,
that he has b e i n g only in relation to the group, that he is im-
mersed in the " u n a n i m o u s " g r o u p , that is to say, that he is
engaged in a relationship that is prior in fact a n d in v a l u e to
the terms which constitute it.
T h e family is t h e a l p h a a n d o m e g a of t h e w h o l e system: the
primary g r o u p and structural m o d e l for any possible g r o u p i n g ,
it is the indissociable atom of society w h i c h assigns a n d assures to
each of its m e m b e r s his place, his f u n c t i o n , his very reason
for existence and, to a certain d e g r e e , his existence itself; the
center of a way of life and a tradition w h i c h p r o v i d e it w i t h a
firm f o u n d a t i o n and which it is therefore resolutely determined
to m a i n t a i n ; last but by n o means least, it is a coherent and
stable unit situated i n a n e t w o r k of c o m m o n interests whose
p e r m a n e n c e and security must be assured above all else, e v e n , if
necessary, to the detriment of individual aspirations and inter-
ests.
T h e p r e p o n d e r a n c e w i t h i n the e x t e n d e d f a m i l y of the ag-
natic group implies, among other things, the superiority of rights
of descent over the rights of marriage a n d the complete sub-
jection of the wife, a fact w h i c h leads to the custom of either
simultaneous or successive p o l y g a m y . T h i s custom is facilitated
4

by the p o w e r of r e p u d i a t i o n conferred on the h u s b a n d and b y

the separation of the sexes. A p a r a d o x i c a l consequence of m a l e
4
Polygamy is steadily becoming less frequent (89,000 polygamists in 1886
as opposed to 29,571 in 1954). T h e ratio of polygamists to the total male
population was reduced from 64 per 1,000 in 1911 to 30 per 1,000 in 1948.
T h e proportion is higher in the territories of the south (47.2 p e r 1,000
compared to 23 per 1,000 in the département of Algiers in 1948). It is very
low in the mountainous regions.
98 T h e Algerians
superiority is the existence of a female society that is sub-
ordinate but at the same time relatively autonomous. T h i s so-
ciety of women who live in a closed world, who are not p e r m i t t e d
to assume any i m p o r t a n t responsibilities and who, f o r the most
p a r t , r e c e i v e n o religious education, exerts a g r e a t i n f l u e n c e over
the m a s c u l i n e society, both because it gives the children their
earliest training and passes on to them the magic beliefs in
r i t u a l practices and because it opposes an effective, secret and
u n d e r g r o u n d resistance to any modification of a t r a d i t i o n a l order
of which, at first sight, it would appear to be the victim.
T h e o u t s t a n d i n g f a c t , however, is the invariability of the
social structures, w h i c h r e m a i n c o n s t a n t in spite of t h e great
diversity of ways and conditions of life. I n all cases family
descent is defined in terms of the patrilinear r e l a t i o n s h i p ; the
social u n i t s are based on the existence of a c o m m o n ancestor w h o
is often revered a n d worshiped. Everywhere the social system is
p a t t e r n e d on t h e m o d e l of t h e genealogical system, thereby p e r -
m i t t i n g — i n theory at least—dispersed a n d r a m i f i e d groups to
discover c o m m o n ancestors. A l t h o u g h it constitutes the best sys-
tem around which to organize social units a n d their i n t e r c o n n e c t -
ing relations, the real or mythical genealogy supporting the
o n o m a s t i c logic is really only the social structure p r o j e c t e d into
the past and t h e r e b y r a t i o n a l i z e d and legitimized (see Fig. 10).
I n each village (or clan) of K a b y l i a , o n e f a m i l y b e l o n g i n g , i n
certain cases, to t h e oldest b r a n c h a n d f o r t h i s reason deemed
to have sacred powers, was given the privileges of officiating at
t h e solemn spring-plowing ceremonies and of leading the g r o u p
into war. I n the southern Aures, in addition to p e r f o r m i n g these
functions, this family was called u p o n to m a r c h at the head of
t h e g r o u p w h e n it was time f o r it to m o v e with t h e flocks. T h i s
c u s t o m was t h e s a m e as that prevailing a m o n g the n o m a d s a n d
semi-nomads. Everywhere is f o u n d the same l a c k of precision in
p o l i t i c a l n o m e n c l a t u r e . T h e r e a r e several reasons f o r this: (1)
there are few occasions w h e n the use o f p r o p e r names t o desig-
nate social units will not suffice, if exception is made of the great
tribal gatherings which formerly met for war, f o r the a l l o t m e n t
of specific territories, a n d f o r decisions as to flock m o v e m e n t s ;
(2) the definition of the social u n i t varies with the u n i t in terms
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 99
of which it is being defined; (3) a p a r t from those restricted
groups that are u n i t e d by ties of r e a l consanguinity, the political
organization may b e on occasion redefined to meet the needs of
the m o m e n t , with the result that, in case of conflict between
groups of different lineages, different political units a r e f o r m e d ;
a n d most i m p o r t a n t , (4) b o t h the narrowest and the widest
social units h a v e b e e n organized in accordance with the same
structural p a t t e r n , so that there exist a great n u m b e r of almost
e q u i v a l e n t p o t e n t i a l points of segmentation, a l t h o u g h it remains
true that the most stable and c o h e r e n t group is the clan in which
the tie of kinship is effectively felt by its members. I f one is to
believe p o p u l a r interpretations, the different groups are supposed
to b e the result of a process of subdividing w h i c h b e g a n with
the o r i g i n a l stock a n d proceeded in accordance with the logic of
kinship t h r o u g h the m a l e descendants. It is c l a i m e d that the
tribe, originally only o n e great family, b r o k e u p i n t o several
groups w h i c h were f o r m e d by the descendants of each of the
sons of the c o m m o n ancestor and which took their n a m e from
these sons. T h r o u g h successive dividings and subdividings operat-
ing in accordance with the same principle, it is claimed that
these groups h a v e in t u r n given rise to the present multiplicity.
T h u s t h e r e is said to be n o difference b e t w e e n the most e x t e n d e d
a n d the narrowest g r o u p e x c e p t f o r differences i n size and in re-
moteness f r o m the f o u n d i n g a n c e s t o r , the latter distinction deter-
m i n i n g the degrees of alliance a n d the types of allegiance. Al-
t h o u g h this spontaneous theory is usually only a rationalization,
it b r i n g s out the fact that t h e whole system is d o m i n a t e d by the
tension between the t e n d e n c y to fusion and the t e n d e n c y to fis-
sion, the basic group tending to dissociate itself f r o m its counter-
parts as it becomes m o r e self-contained a n d strengthens its own
unity. T h e ambiguity of the whole system may again be f o u n d in
the basic u n i t o n w h i c h it is modeled, namely the f a m i l y , the
scene of rivalry b e t w e e n two types of r e l a t i o n s h i p , t h a t of author-
ity, m o d e l e d o n the r e l a t i o n between father a n d son, and that of
b r o t h e r h o o d . E a c h b r o t h e r is the p o t e n t i a l b r e a k i n g point of the
family c o n t i n u u m and of opposition between the segments of
the same line of descent (cf. the K a b y l e p r o v e r b : " I hate my
brother, but I hate whoever hates h i m " ) ; the r u p t u r e remains in
Fig. 10. D y n a m i c s of the S o c i a l G r o u p s in K a b y l i a
T h i s simplified family tree illustrates clearly the logic i n v o l v e d
in conflicts b e t w e e n p a t r i l i n e a r b r a n c h e s . W h e n i n d i v i d u a l A is op-
posed to i n d i v i d u a l E, w i t h the t w o b e l o n g i n g to g e n e r a t i o n I, o n l y
their r e s p e c t i v e g r o u p s e n t e r i n t o the q u a r r e l . W h e n A (or E) is o p -
p o s e d to C (or F ) , t h e g r o u p of A joins t h e g r o u p of E, t h a t is to say
all the d e s c e n d a n t s of A (II) are o p p o s e d to g r o u p s C a n d F, t h e
d e s c e n d a n t s of C (II). W h e n A (or E, or C o r F ) is o p p o s e d to B (or G ,
or D , or H ) , t h e g r o u p s of A , C, E a n d F, n a m e l y t h e d e s c e n d a n t s of A
(III) are o p p o s e d to g r o u p s B, G, D, a n d H , the d e s c e n d a n t s of B
( I I I ) . W h e n A (or E, or C, etc.) is opposed to N o r P, d e s c e n d a n t s of a
different ancestor, the g r o u p s of A , E, C, F, B, G, D, H , that is to say
all the d e s c e n d a n t s of A (IV) are opposed to N or P. T h u s each family
c o n n e c t i o n , even at the lowest level, constitutes a v i r t u a l social u n i t .
T h e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n is r e d e f i n e d in e a c h case in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h
the r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n in the family tree of the i n d i v i d u a l s w h o are in
conflict w i t h one a n o t h e r . C o n s e q u e n t l y the same logical process c a n
b r i n g t o g e t h e r g r e a t l y e x t e n d e d g r o u p s , t h a t is to say, all t h e descendants
to the f o u r t h o r fifth g e n e r a t i o n of a k n o w n o r a m y t h i c a l ancestor,
as w e l l as v e r y restricted g r o u p s such as the e x t e n d e d f a m i l y or even
the single f a m i l y .
T h e same process comes into o p e r a t i o n w h e t h e r d e a l i n g w i t h
conflicts b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s o r conflicts b e t w e e n g r o u p s , the q u e s t i o n
of m e m b e r s h i p i n a c e r t a i n g r o u p b e i n g settled by r e f e r e n c e to t h e
n a t u r e of the o p p o s i n g g r o u p . W h e n Zi is o p p o s e d to Za (or else
w h e n A c o n s i d e r s himself to b e a m e m b e r of Z i in r e l a t i o n to E a n d
c o n s i d e r s the l a t t e r to b e a m e m b e r of Za b e c a u s e h e is his o p p o n e n t ) ,
100
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 101
n o o t h e r g r o u p i n t e r v e n e s . W h e n Y 1 is fighting against Y a (or else
w h e n A considers himself to be a m e m b e r of Y 1 t h r o u g h his o p p o s i t i o n
to C w h o is c o n s i d e r e d to b e a m e m b e r of Y a ) , t h e n Z i a n d Za u n i t e
to f o r m Y i . W h e n X i is o p p o s i n g X a (or w h e n A , m e m b e r o f X i , is
o p p o s i n g B , m e m b e r of X a ) , Y i a n d Y a u n i t e to f o r m X i . W h e n W i
i s o p p o s i n g W a (or w h e n A , m e m b e r o f W i , is o p p o s i n g N o r P ,
m e m b e r o f W a ) , t h e n X i a n d X a j o i n t o f o r m W i , a n d so o n .
T h e existence o f possible o p p o s i t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e a g n a t i c b r a n c h e s
of different g e n e r a t i o n s , e v e n the existence o f o p p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n t h e
same f a m i l y , m u s t n o t b e a l l o w e d t o h i d e the f a c t that society is
o r g a n i z e d at a l l levels i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the same p r i n c i p l e . Para-
d o x i c a l l y , it is b e c a u s e the p r i n c i p l e of u n i f i c a t i o n — t h e o p p o s i t i o n
m e c h a n i s m — i s t h e same f o r t h e w i d e s t as f o r t h e m o s t r e s t r i c t e d g r o u p s
that cohesion b e t w e e n b r a n c h e s o r w i t h i n the a g n a t i c sections is n o t
p e r m a n e n t b u t is d e p e n d e n t o n c i r c u m s t a n c e . T h e s i n g l e o r g a n i z i n g
p r i n c i p l e does n o t p r e v e n t g r o u p s f r o m b e i n g u n i t e d in a g r e a t m a n y
different ways.
M o r e o v e r , a l t h o u g h it plays a decisive role, it w o u l d b e q u i t e w r o n g
to r e g a r d this m e t h o d o f a t t a i n i n g s o l i d a r i t y t h r o u g h o p p o s i t i o n t o
similar g r o u p s as b e i n g t h e o n l y p r i n c i p l e of u n i f i c a t i o n f o r t h e social
g r o u p s . T h e K a b y l e s m a k e a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n taymat, m e a n i n g
b o t h " f r a t e r n i t y " a n d t h e g r o u p o f b r o t h e r s , a n d tadjadit, c o n s a n -
g u i n i t y a n d l i n e a g e , t h e e n t i r e g r o u p of d e s c e n d a n t s o f t h e same r e a l
o r m y t h i c a l ancestor. T h e p o i n t b e i n g r a i s e d h e r e is t h a t t h e r e a r e
two w a y s o f i n t e g r a t i n g an i n d i v i d u a l into t h e g r o u p . T h e taymat is
i n v o k e d w h e n it is a< q u e s t i o n of o p p o s i n g oneself to a n o t h e r g r o u p ;
f o r e x a m p l e , if the c l a n is a t t a c k e d , t h e i n d i v i d u a l considers h i m s e l f
to b e a m e m b e r o f t h e c l a n tagmat. T h i s is a real a n d active s o l i d a r i t y
b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s j o i n e d b y true ties of k i n s h i p w h i c h possibly g o
b a c k t o the t h i r d a n d f o u r t h g e n e r a t i o n . M e m b e r s h i p i n t h e tadjadit
is d e t e r m i n e d n o t b y circumstances b u t b y the position of the i n d i v i d u a l
in t h e g e n e a l o g i c a l tree, a position w h i c h d e t e r m i n e s his b o n d s of
solidarity w i t h a specific g r o u p of i n d i v i d u a l s . T h e tadjadit is m u c h
w i d e r i n scope t h a n t h e taymat w h i c h is b u t o n e b r a n c h , w h o s e i m -
p o r t a n c e varies w i t h circumstances, of the total unit o f solidarity that
is based o n g e n e a l o g i c a l ties. T h e K a b y l e s resort to the c o n c e p t of
tadjadit t o establish solidarities that are w i d e l y e x t e n d e d b u t are m o r e
or less consciously u n d e r s t o o d as b e i n g m y t h i c a l in o r i g i n . I f s o m e o n e ,
f o r e x a m p l e , is r e j e c t e d b y t h e g r o u p , h e c a n p l e a d that h e b e l o n g s t o
the tadjadit. In such a c o n t e x t , a c l e a r e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g m a y b e g a i n e d
of the f u n c t i o n o f a system based o n g e n e a l o g y w h i c h a l l o w s p r e s e n t d;i\
g r o u p s to lay claim t o h a v i n g roots i n a m o r e o r less i m a g i n a r y past.

T h u s the c o h e s i o n of the g r o u p can be established i n t w o v e r y

different w a y s , e i t h e r by o p p o s i t i o n a n d in r e l a t i o n to a n o t h e r g r o u p ,
o r i n a n a b s o l u t e m a n n e r a n d b y r e f e r e n c e t o itself. U n d o u b t e d l y
" f r a t e r n i t y , " o r taymat, the i n t e g r a t i n g p r i n c i p l e f o r social u n i t s w h i c h
are o n l y d e f i n e d t h r o u g h t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n to o t h e r s i m i l a r u n i t s ,
a c t u a l l y p l a y s a m u c h g r e a t e r r o l e t h a n does the consciousness o f a
c o m m o n h e r i t a g e , tadjadit. F o r d o they not say: "Taymat is today,
tadjadit b e l o n g s to y e s t e r d a y " ?
102 T h e Algerians
T h e s e analyses also a l l o w one to u n d e r s t a n d c e r t a i n characteristic
features of N o r t h A f r i c a n societies: the l a c k of precision in p o l i t i c a l
t e r m i n o l o g y r e s u l t i n g f r o m the fact that t h e social u n i t s a n d their
generic n a m e are a l w a y s d e f i n e d in r e l a t i o n to special a n d v a r y i n g
frames of reference; the f u n c t i o n of m a r r i a g e w i t h the p a r a l l e l f e m a l e
cousin i n o r d e r t h e r e b y to t i g h t e n the b o n d s w i t h i n the smallest social
u n i t , w h i c h is itself constantly t h r e a t e n e d w i t h b e i n g split (in this case,
f o r e x a m p l e , A a n d E), a n d to isolate it f r o m the o t h e r units at the
same l e v e l (C a n d F, B and G , D a n d H ) ; a n d finally the a u t h o r i t y of
the f a t h e r o r g r a n d f a t h e r (djeddi) w h o a l o n e can m a i n t a i n real co-
hesion w i t h i n the g r o u p of agnates.

a p o t e n t i a l state as l o n g as the authority of the father is fully

exercised, such authority b e i n g founded m a i n l y on the institu-
t i o n of j o i n t property, on the s e n t i m e n t of h o n o r , a n d o n the
power of disinheriting. I t is f r o m the p o i n t of view of this logic
that marriage with the parallel cousin, the closest female r e l a t i o n
in the family line outside the limits of incest, may be u n d e r s t o o d ;
this u n i o n , w h i c h presupposes t h e authority of the h e a d of the
family, tends in point of fact to strengthen the cohesion of the
m i n i m a l agnatic unit, a n d at the same t i m e tends to dissociate i t
f r o m h o m o l o g o u s segments b y tying marriage b o n d s w i t h i n t h e
g r o u p r a t h e r t h a n outside it. T h u s light is s h e d on the f u n c t i o n
of the genealogical m o d e l , w h i c h allows, if need b e , f o r the set-
ting u p of the most extensive types of social units i n spite of the
real division that may exist a m o n g the associated groups a n d in
spite of their diversity of origin.

T h e Economy and Attitude T o w a r d Life

T h i s distinctive f o r m of i n t e r h u m a n relationships c a n be
understood only by reference to the specific mode of r e l a t i o n s h i p
existing b e t w e e n m a n a n d the soil. I n d e e d , if this civilization is
inseparable f r o m a particular type of e c o n o m y (which even i n
the present day affects three-quarters of the indigenous popula-
t i o n ) , the e c o n o m y itself can b e understood only in terms of this
civilization, because of the fact that it is closely tied to the social
structures whose cohesion m o r e or less guarantees a balance be-
tween m a n a n d his natural e n v i r o n m e n t . T h i s e c o n o m y is domi-
\^The Common Cultural Heritage 103
nated by a lack of technological resources, w h i c h leads to various
consequences: i n the first place, an almost t o t a l d e p e n d e n c e on
p h j ^ i c a l ^ u r r o m d i n g s , _ a n d o n ^ l i m a t i c c o n d i t i o n s , the b a l a n c e
b e t w e e n resources md.needs, being. jnfinitely_ m o r e semitiye to
tlie r a i n cycle t h a n to fluctuations in the w o r l d m a r k e t ; secondly,
the i m m e n s e d i s p r o p o r t i o n between p r o d u c t i o n o n the one h a n d
a n d ^ f h T T 5 c ^ n d i t u r e q f t i m e ^ a n d effort a n d the n u m b e r of work-
ers employed on the_ o ^ of
h u m a n relationships w h i c h have b e e n developed partly b y way
of compensation. "
rnsu^h~a"System, work aims only at satisfying primary needs
and at ensuring the group's subsistence. E a c h unit seeks to b e
self-sufficient, c o n s u m i n g its own produce. M o s t of the trade is
done by b a r t e r . M o n e y , t o g e t h e r w i t h certain articles o f con-
sumption, is used to provide a c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r of value,
b u t is not employed in speculation. T h u s this society is almost
totally i g n o r a n t of c a p i t a l a n d capitalistic mechanisms. W h i l e
t h e r e exists an a c c u m u l a t i o n of transferable property and assets
(particularly i n the f o r m of jewels), there is n o amassing of c a p i t a l
i n the t r u e sense. B o t h i n p r o d u c t i o n a n d i n trading exchanges
relations are personal, direct a n d specific; h e n c e the i m p o r t a n c e
of the e x c h a n g e based on h o n o r a n d prestige, of those protec-
tive agreements a n d cooperative associations w h i c h , in the ab-
sence of c a p i t a l and a labor market, ensure the c i r c u l a t i o n of
goods a n d services.
T h e b o n d w h i c h unites the fellah to his l a n d is mystical
r a t h e r t h a n u t i l i t a r i a n . H e belongs to his fields m u c h m o r e t h a n
his fields b e l o n g to h i m . H e is a t t a c h e d to his l a n d by deeply
affective ties, as witness the a g r a r i a n rites i n w h i c h is expressed
a s e n t i m e n t of dependency i n r e g a r d to this land, which c a n n o t
be treated as a mere raw m a t e r i a l but r a t h e r as a foster-mother
whose authority must be obeyed, since, in the final analysis, it is
on h e r b e n e v o l e n c e or ill-will; m u c h m o r e t h a n on h u m a n effort,
t h a t wealth or poverty depend. Shguld. njjtjjhd§_ fatalism that has
b e e n assoeiat-ed-4^h_Islam be r a t h e r considered to be the fatalism
of the peasant conscious of his pbwerlessness w h e n c o n f r o n t e d
with the caprices~of naTure?" ~ ' "—•
~ T h e w o r l T ^ F t E e individual, w h i c h is prescribed a n d deter-
 ic>4 * T h e Algerians
m i n e d by the head of the family a n d carried out in a f a m i l i a r
setting in c o l l a b o r a t i o n with the f a m i l y g r o u p , is felt to be b o t h
c r e a t i o n and c o m m u n i o n . T h e l a n d is a n e n d in itself a n d not
a mere means of existence, a n d work is n o t a way of e a r n i n g a
living but a way of life. W i t h this in mind, the following often
noted characteristic of the precapitalist spirit may perhaps be
b e t t e r understood: a n increase in wages brings a b o u t a r e d u c t i o n
in the a m o u n t of work p e r f o r m e d . I n o t h e r words, f o r the tra-
ditionalist m i n d , the prospect of e a r n i n g m o r e m o n e y is less
attractive t h a n that of doing less work. T h e w o r k e r does n o t ask
himself how m u c h he c o u l d earn in a day by w o r k i n g his hardest,
but, indifferent to the e x t r a m o n e y to b e gained, how h a r d he
will have to w o r k to earn his previous wage, w h i c h was a d e q u a t e
to supply his needs. As M a x W e b e r has said, " M a n does not
have a n a t u r a l desire to k e e p on e a r n i n g m o r e m o n e y , but simply
wishes to lead his accustomed life a n d to earn j u s t e n o u g h m o n e y
to m a i n t a i n this m o d e of l i v i n g . "
T h i s c o n c e p t i o n of w o r k is inseparable f r o m a n o t h e r char-
acteristic feature of this traditionalist spirit, namely the absence
of r a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c p l a n n i n g . F o r the peasant living in a
n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t , time does not have the same significance
that it does in a t e c h n i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t in w h i c h w o r k i n g time
is closely calculated; since the c o n c e r n f o r p r o d u c t i v i t y w h i c h
leads to the q u a n t i t a t i v e evaluation of time is completely u n -
k n o w n , it is the work to be d o n e w h i c h prescribes the time
schedule, a n d not the time schedule w h i c h limits the a m o u n t of
w o r k that is done. P r o o f of this attitude is seen in the fact that
land is evaluated in terms of plowing-days. T h e r h y t h m of
work on the f a r m is closely linked to biological, a n i m a l and
vegetable cycles; life is given a rhythm by the divisions of the
r i t u a l calendar, the actualization of a mythology; the peasant
spirit t r a d i t i o n a l l y implies a submissiveness to time, since r u r a l
life is o n e l o n g wait f o r the n a t u r a l cycles to revolve. N o t h -
ing is m o r e foreign to it than an attempt to gain power over
the future. T h i s does n o t m e a n that there is a total absence
of that economic c a l c u l a t i o n w h i c h consists, by definition, of
m a k i n g a c h o i c e f r o m a m o n g different possibilities that c a n n o t be
s i m u l t a n e o u s l y satisfied. T h e existence of reserves (the guelda)
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 105
is a proof of this. B u t is this really an example of a r a t i o n a l eco-
n o m i c calculation? E c o n o m i s t s distinguish between direct wealth,
w h i c h offers or may offer an i m m e d i a t e satisfaction, a n d indirect
wealth, w h i c h aids in the p r o d u c t i o n of direct wealth but w h i c h
in itself affords no satisfaction. T h e b u i l d i n g u p of reserves,
which consists of setting aside a portion of the direct wealth as
a reserve f o r f u t u r e use, a n d w h i c h presupposes forethought act-
ing to impose a b s t e n t i o n f r o m c o n s u m p t i o n , must be distin-
guished f r o m the h o a r d i n g and a c c u m u l a t i o n of indirect wealth
f o r capitalistic purposes (investment), this " c r e a t i v e s a v i n g " b e i n g
based u p o n a calculated, r a t i o n a l forecast. T h u s the e c o n o m i c
calculation to be f o u n d in an a g r i c u l t u r a l e c o n o m y , in which the
whole p r o d u c t i o n cycle can be taken i n at a single glance, in
w h i c h t h e peasant does n o t separate his l a b o r f r o m its e c o n o m i c
result, and in which the setting aside of reserves is simply a de-
f e r r e d f o r m of c o n s u m p t i o n , presupposes the idea of a concrete
a n d almost tangible future. So it is, for e x a m p l e , that the e x -
penditures for investment i n new stock are decided n o t i n terms
of the a n t i c i p a t e d profit, but i n terms of the revenue from the
preceding year's harvest. T h e m o d e r n e c o n o m i c system, in w h i c h
the p r o d u c t i o n process is e x t r e m e l y long a n d can be set up
o n l y after precise calculations, presupposes on the c o n t r a r y the
e x i s t e n c e of a n abstract objective. I n short, the c o n c e p t i o n of an
abstract and symbolic f u t u r e is the c o n d i t i o n that m a k e s possible
the c o m m o n e s t a n d most f u n d a m e n t a l e c o n o m i c institutions a n d
activities of o u r society: fiduciary currency derived from e x c h a n g e
through a process of symbolization, conceptualization a n d pro-
j e c t i o n into the future; wage earning and the rational t i m i n g
of wage distribution, w h i c h implies a r a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c calcula-
tion; industrial operations and commercialization which i m p l y
p l a n n i n g , etc.
N o t h i n g is f a r t h e r removed f r o m this r a t i o n a l speculation
dealing with an abstract f u t u r e than t h e life of t h e fellah. I f
the i n s t i t u t i o n of credit is as difficult f o r h i m to u n d e r s t a n d as
the cruel h o l d of usury and rahnia would seem to indicate, it is
because it is associated with a completely different way of think-
ing (cf. P. B o u r d i e u , " T h e A t t i t u d e of the Algerian P e a s a n t , " in
Mediterranean Countrymen, J u l i a n P i t t - R i v e r s , ed., pp. 45-62).
io6 T h e Algerians
T h e credit to w h i c h he resorts is a k i n d of e m e r g e n c y credit
i n t e n d e d only to relieve consumers' needs, b u t , in this society,
credit is n o r m a l l y r e p l a c e d by a solidarity and m u t u a l aid or
by the h o n o r a b l e e x c h a n g e of which t h e taousa affords an ex-
a m p l e . T h e modern institution of credit, like the taousa, pre-
supposes t r u s t — a trust, to be sure, that is not u n m i x e d with
distrust, since, because the r e p a y m e n t or countergift is deferred,
the future intervenes as a factor and with it the element of risk.
B u t while each takes on analogous functions in its own system,
these institutions differ greatly. W h e r e a s in the e x c h a n g e based
on h o n o r the duty of r e t u r n i n g and of r e t u r n i n g m o r e than o n e
has r e c e i v e d is imposed by p e r s o n a l honesty, the guarantees b e i n g
p r o v i d e d by the m a n r a t h e r t h a n by the wealth at his disposal,
in the m o d e r n credit system the l e n d e r takes care to g u a r a n t e e
his loan by d e m a n d i n g securities (solvency of the debtor, etc.);
moreover, credit implies the idea of interest a n d presupposes t h a t
the v a l u e of t i m e c a n be reckoned as an o b j e c t of r a t i o n a l calcu-
lation. Such a calculation, as well as exact methods of account-
ing, is absent f r o m the traditional economy, w h e t h e r due to
the logic of overgenerosity in repayment or because the prices of
goods have b e e n set by tradition so that t h e seller restricts his
efforts to disposing of as m u c h as he c a n at these fixed prices.
F i n a l l y , the g i f t establishes a supra-economic b o n d b e t w e e n two
persons, since t h e idea of the c o u n t e r g i f t is already implied in the
inter h u m a n relation created by the original gift a n d to w h i c h i t
lends a n added solemnity; m o d e r n credit presupposes, o n the
o t h e r h a n d , completely impersonal relationships and t h e t a k i n g
i n t o account of a purely abstract future. T h u s we see contrasted
two radically different c o n c e p t i o n s of business dealings a n d of
the most f u n d a m e n t a l h u m a n and e c o n o m i c values, the o n e based
on h o n o r and prestige, the o t h e r on self-interest a n d c a l c u l a t i o n .

As a final characteristic of this civilization, i n w h i c h eco-

n o m i c relations are always personal and direct, we have the
absence of class antagonisms: to b e sure, considerable differences
i n wealth a n d status separate the o w n e r f r o m the w o r k e r or the
landed p r o p r i e t o r from the sharecropper, but the pact which
unites them is interpreted according to a logic of h o n o r , so that
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 107
the major conflict is not, as i n our society, b e t w e e n wage earners
and employers, b u t between borrowers and usurers.
I t is as if this society refused to face e c o n o m i c reality a n d
to understand that an e c o n o m y is g o v e r n e d by its own laws—laws
different from those w h i c h regulate interpersonal and, m o r e
particularly, family relationships. T h i s has resulted in a per-
m a n e n t ambiguity: the system of exchanges is played in the dou-
ble register of unavowed self-interest a n d loudly p r o c l a i m e d gen-
erosity, a n d this may explain why the true economic motives
(from o u r p o i n t of view) are always h i d d e n u n d e r the veil of
fraternity, loyalty or prestige. Is n o t the logic of t h e g i f t , of
m u t u a l aid or of t h e p a c t of h o n o r a way of s u r m o u n t i n g or of
c o n c e a l i n g t h e calculations of self-interest? W h i l e t h e bestowing
of the gift, like the extending of credit, demands in return the
duty of repaying m o r e t h a n one has received, this h o n o r a b l e
obligation, however i m p e r a t i v e it may be, is only implied. Since
the c o u n t e r g i f t is postponed, one m i g h t t h i n k that the generous
e x c h a n g e , c o n t r a r y to the brutal cash-down o r c h a r g e , tends by
means of this time lag to conceal the self-interest that would
b e manifest in a simultaneous transaction. It is as if this society
were c o n t r i v i n g to deprive e c o n o m i c dealings a n d relations of
t h e i r strict e c o n o m i c m e a n i n g by a c c e n t u a t i n g t h e i r symbolic
significance a n d f u n c t i o n .

Islam and N o r t h African Society

Everywhere in the M a g h r e b may be seen the i m p r i n t and

the ascendancy of I s l a m ; n o m a t t e r how restricted a social u n i t
may be, it e x a m i n e s , e l a b o r a t e s o r reinterprets itself by reference
t o K o r a n i c dogma. T h e set phrases o f polite speech or the social
gestures w h i c h are all so m a n y affirmations of I s l a m i c values, the
daily conversation p u n c t u a t e d by eulogies of, a n d invocations to,
t h e P r o p h e t a n d m a n y o t h e r traits i l l u s t r a t e the t i g h t control
that religion exercises over daily life. T h e w h o l e of life from
birth to death is m a r k e d by a series of Islamic, or Islamized,
io8 T h e Algerians
c e r e m o n i e s , rites, customs and prescriptions. T h e r e are the
obligations and the interdictions, t h e distinction between the
kinds of meats that may or m a y not be eaten, the p r o h i b i t i o n s
against f e r m e n t e d drinks, against g a m b l i n g , and against charg-
ing interest on loans. T h e r e is the custom of circumcision or the
wearing of the veil. T h e r e are the law courts, whose j u d g m e n t s
are based on the j u r i s p r u d e n c e of the K o r a n , and the cadis,
whose f u n c t i o n is b o t h religious and social. T h e r e are the rites
p e r f o r m e d at b i r t h and at d e a t h , a n d those w h i c h m a r k all life's
activities—meals, illnesses a n d marriages. T h e r e are the religious
festivals, w h i c h give a r h y t h m to social and f a m i l y life; the call
to prayer uttered by the muezzin five times a day f r o m the top of
the m i n a r e t s , m a r k i n g the passing of time. T h e r e a r e the con-
j u g a l ties, the testamentary laws, the domestic customs, a n d the
institutions of a c o m b i n e d legal, religious and social c h a r a c t e r .
T h e r e is the feeling of b e l o n g i n g to a c o m m u n i t y of believers,
of b e l o n g i n g to the " H o u s e of I s l a m . " I n short, it is the atmos-
p h e r e of Islam which permeates all of life, n o t only religious o r
i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e , b u t private, social and professional life.
H o w e v e r , to consider Islam as the d e t e r m i n i n g or predomi-
n a n t cause of all cultural p h e n o m e n a would be n o less fallacious
t h a n to consider c o n t e m p o r a r y religion as b e i n g merely a
reflection of the e c o n o m i c a n d social structures. Indeed Islam,
considered as a religious message, is n o t c o n n e c t e d with a n y par-
t i c u l a r e c o n o m i c or social system; a n d justification c o u l d very
well be f o u n d f o r r a d i c a l l y different p o l i t i c a l orders or e c o n o m i c
systems in the n a m e of the same religious d o c t r i n e . I n the second
place, t h e r e exist obvious analogies between historical I s l a m a n d
the religion of civilizations n o t yet subjected to industrial revolu-
tion, p a r t i c u l a r l y in their attitude to economic facts. C e r t a i n
writers consider that the total, absolute c o n t r o l of r e l i g i o n o v e r
daily l i f e , the f a i l u r e to d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n d o g m a and law,
b e t w e e n law and ethics, b e t w e e n the spiritual a n d the t e m p o r a l ,
are all characteristic of Islam; but have they not m a d e the e r r o r
of a t t r i b u t i n g solely to the Islamic spirit an attitude to r e l i g i o n
that is n o t p e c u l i a r to the M o s l e m o n l y and that must b e u n d e r -
stood as one aspect of the A l g e r i a n s ' m o r e g e n e r a l attitude to-
 T h e Common Cultural Heritage 109
ward the world? C o u l d it not be that they have confused the
"age of theology" (as C o m t e would have p u t it) o f the Moslem
society with the theology of the Islamic religion?
L e t us consider, f o r e x a m p l e , the traditionalist attitude that
has so often been i m p u t e d to Moslem " f a t a l i s m . " Doubtless, in
the o l d A l g e r i a , traditionalism assumed its p a r t i c u l a r f o r m be-
cause all the acts of existence were tinged with religiosity; mara-
bouts, religious b r o t h e r h o o d s , a n d the khouan c o n s t i t u t e d t h e
framework of r u r a l life; the cult of p a t r o n saints, c o n n e c t e d with
the seasonal cycle of f a r m tasks a n d with the c a l e n d a r specifying
social a n d ritual events, c o n f e r r e d upon the driest aspects of
religious dogma a vivid, eloquent f o r m ; t h e i n n u m e r a b l e set
phrases with which everyday conversation is interspersed a n d i n
which a r e expressed resignation to t h e hazards of existence, aban-
d o n m e n t to the Divine W i l l a n d submission to the mektoub,
helped t o strengthen this inner attitude by giving it a means of
expression, a language, by providing justifications a n d ration-
alizations. I t is n o less true that the f u n d a m e n t a l traits of the
traditionalist spirit p e c u l i a r to the native of Algeria, n a m e l y ,
t h e a t t i m d e jofjuiHuission^to time,
can also be obsej^TdJrJLjrjacj&t rivihgdons which have n o t yet
h a a ^ n _ i n d u s t r i a l revolution, and h e n c e these characteristics
rnu£t noMbe_jconsidered as the consequences of an adherence to
the I s l a m i c religion. ™ — — —•—•
~T3~6reoverv. theologians have noted that the K o r a n hesitates
between t h e d o c t r i n e of p r e d e s t i n a t i o n a n d the affirmation o f f r e e
will. T h a t the d o c t r i n e of p r e d e s t i n a t i o n , w h i c h could very well
h a v e r e m a i n e d a belief reserved f o r l e a r n e d theologians, should
h a v e b e c o m e a p o p u l a r b e l i e f that is p r o f o u n d l y felt a n d is
reaffirmed at every o p p o r t u n i t y , that t h e believers should par-
ticularly h a v e r e t a i n e d the fatalistic aspect of the K o r a n i c mes-
sage a n d should h a v e f o u n d i n it the justification f o r a tindi-
tional way of life (whereas predestination does not necessarily
signify p r e d e t e r m i n a t i o n and b e l i e f in predestination can actu-
ate an entirely different way of behavior)—these are the facts that
create a problem. I f we e x p l a i n the fatalistic attitude o f the be-
liever as b e i n g caused by religion a l o n e , would we n o t b e p u t -
110 T h e Algerians
ting f o r w a r d as an e x p l a n a t i o n the very t h i n g that needs to be
explained? B

T h e religious message combines both allusion a n d ellipsis; it

suggests more t h a n it defines. I t is characterized by a superabun-
dance of m e a n i n g s and by a great n u m b e r of possible interpreta-
tions. Consequently it offers only glimpses of its true m e a n i n g ,
a n d n o one image conveys the entire message. I t has often been
r e m a r k e d that w h a t seem to theologians to b e the crudest and
most superficial aspects of the K o r a n i c message are often those to
w h i c h the greatest i m p o r t a n c e is attached in social l i f e . Inversely,
the most strictly prescribed ways of conduct are not the ones that
are most rigorously o b e y e d . T h e r e a r e few M o s l e m Algerians, for
e x a m p l e , w h o say their five prayers daily, particularly in the
urban e n v i r o n m e n t , whereas prescriptions that are secondary
from the p o i n t of view of dogma (taboos c o n c e r n i n g food, cir-
cumcision, the wearing of the veil, etc.) are scrupulously observed
a n d play an i m p o r t a n t role in the life of the religious c o m m u n i t y .
W e also k n o w that historical Islam is quite the opposite of a
m o n o l i t h i c reality and that in it there may be distinguished pro-
foundly different and even contradictory tendencies (modernist,
traditionalist, Secularist, r e f o r m i s t ) . T h u s it would seem as if
the actual religion of a civilization were the result of a selection,
a selection w h i c h would illustrate the totality of choices (con-
scious or unconscious) that this civilization is m a k i n g by the very
fact of its existence. W i t h o u t denying that each religious message
has its own structure and presents an original system of mean-
ings and values which are offered as " o b j e c t i v e p o t e n t i a l i t i e s , "
w i t h o u t denying that a m o n g these potentialities t h e r e are some
w h i c h offer themselves with greater urgency a n d w h i c h seem to

5
One could make a similar analysis concerning the social character of
the religious duties. T h e fact that the fundamental religious practices
(prayer, fasting, almsgiving, pilgrimage) should often assume the form of
social demonstrations, the fact that the observance of the religious impera-
tives may often be attributed primarily to group pressure, all these features
and many others besides are by no means special features of the Moslem reli-
gion, but must be understood by reference to the type of social attitude fa-
vored by Algerian society: the relationship to others takes precedence over
the relationship to oneself, and consequently the feeling of the fault as
shame in the eyes of others takes precedence over the feeling of sin as shame
in one's own eyes or in the eyes of God.
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 111
have a greater claim t o existence, o n e must nevertheless a d m i t
that everything seems to indicate that every civilization, at each
period of its development, "was making a c h o i c e , " by r e f e r e n c e
to the system of its f u n d a m e n t a l choices (a culture being a system
of choices which n o one makes), of those aspects of the religious
message which were t o be turned i n t o reality while the others
w o u l d b e discarded.
T h u s it is that all the choices that the culture has t u r n e d
i n t o reality in such spheres as religion, economics, politics, etc.,
appear t o h a v e b e e n organized a r o u n d t h e s a m e f u n d a m e n t a l
intention. T h e strength of Islam in A l g e r i a is due, indeed, to
the fact that it is i n h a r m o n y with the spirit of the A l g e r i a n
civilization. T h e K o r a n i c message contains prescriptions that are
i n conformity with the traditionalist way of life, a n d the system
of standards that it proposes is i n agreement with the underlying
structures of Algerian society. B u t are we not merely illustrating
the miracle of the pre-established h a r m o n y between the two by
m a k i n g an arbitrary distinction between the i m p l i c i t patterns
of b e h a v i o r and the e x p l i c i t standards set by religion? A r e not
the patterns of b e h a v i o r in reality t h e n o r m s that a r e imposed
by religion, even when they are n o t understood as such? L e t
us t a k e , f o r e x a m p l e , the p r o h i b i t i o n against l e n d i n g m o n e y at
interest. Does this n o t illustrate t h e influence of t h e religious
doctrine, a n d should we not then conclude that the Islamic ethi-
cal system determines the economic ethos of Algeria? I n reality,
the control of religion over daily life a n d particularly over eco-
n o m i c behavior is due to the fact that it is " p r e a c h i n g t o the
c o n v e r t e d , " so to speak, to the fact that the standards a n d the
values w h i c h it proposes are in full agreement with established
patterns of b e h a v i o r . Since the f o r m of credit they e m p l o y is a
credit devised t o m e e t t h e needs of c o n s u m p t i o n a n d not of
p r o d u c t i o n , p o p u l a r conscience is strongly aroused against
excessive usury. I n the o r i g i n a l A l g e r i a n society, speculative prac-
tices were left t o the members of h e t e r o d o x sects, such as t h e
Mozabites, or of different faiths such as the Israelites. T h e system 6

of values that is implicitly affirmed in the economic life does n o t

" In the cities, lending at usurious rates o£ interest has always been
practiced by certain Moslems, a l t h o u g h in a disguised form.
112 T h e Algerians
p e r m i t m a t e r i a l values to be recognized. M o r e o v e r , is n o t the
p r o h i b i t i o n against l o a n i n g money at interest merely the negative
aspect of a positive d e m a n d f o r a m o r a l i t y based on h o n o r , as
exemplified in the obligation to extend f r a t e r n a l aid? I n short,
the e c o n o m i c ethos of this civilization finds a perfect expression
in the m o r a l philosophy of Islam. T h e j e x a l t a t i o n of the attitude
of c o n t e m p l a t i o n o y e r that of a c t i o n , the sense of_the futility of
all earthly things, the c o n d e m n a t i o n of c u p i d i t y a n d of the love
of' wealtR",Tne censure cf"those who look down u p o n the poor and
the~unforturiate, the e n c o u r a g e m e n t given to the virtues of hospi-
tality, ' m u t u a l aid a n d politeness (adab), the feeling of b e l o n g i n g
to a religious f r a t e r n i t y that is f r e e o f any e c o n o m i c or social
basis, are all prescriptions of t h e K o r a n i c doctrine that are in
close agreement with t h e spirit of t h e A l g e r i a n culture. Historical
Islam has codified the c o n c e p t i o n of p r o p e r t y that is characteristic
of A l g e r i a n society (joint possession, t h e right of pre-emption,
etc.), a n d has sanctioned the essential structures of this society.
T h e K o r a n makes the agnatic family the base of the umma a n d
recognizes the a g n a t i c g r o u p to be the m a i n concern of law: h e n c e
all the regulations c o n c e r n i n g m a r r i a g e , repudiation or inherit-
a n c e ; h e n c e the primacy of the group and the inferior status of
w o m a n . F i n a l l y , while w o r k i n g to create a universal c o m m u n i t y
f o u n d e d on ties o t h e r t h a n those of kinship, Islam has neverthe-
less allowed social c o m m u n i t i e s such as the clan or the tribe to
c o n t i n u e to exist, so that ties of blood have long c o n t i n u e d to
prevail, at least in r u r a l society, over the ties created by b e l o n g i n g
to the M o s l e m c o m m u n i t y .

I t is, t h e n , because of t h e acknowledged fact that t h e r e ex-

ists a structural affinity between the way of life f a v o r e d by
the M o s l e m r e l i g i o n and the way of life p e c u l i a r to the A l g e r i a n
society that the K o r a n i c message has been able to penetrate so
deeply into this society. But, in addition, o n e has the feeling that
h a v i n g called u p o n the religious message to provide solutions to
the problems created by its existence, A l g e r i a n society has re-
t a i n e d m a i n l y those answers w h i c h consecrate, that is to say cor-
r o b o r a t e a n d ratify, sanction and sanctify, the answer that it h a d
already provided through the very fact of its existence. T h u s the
l i n k between A l g e r i a n society and the Moslem religion is n o t that
of cause a n d effect, b u t r a t h e r that of the i m p l i c i t to the e x p l i c i t ,
T h e Common Cultural Heritage 113
or, we could equally say, of the experienced to the f o r m u l a t e d .
T h e Moslem religion provides an u n e x c e l l e d means of expres-
sion whereby the tacit rules of conduct may be enunciated.
A l g e r i a n society avows a n d proclaims itself to b e M o s l e m , a n d
the n a t u r e of this confession is such that it brings into b e i n g what
is b e i n g confessed by the mere fact of expressing it in words.
T h e p r o d u c t of an involved i n t e r a c t i o n between the under-
lying structures of the culture a n d the standards proposed by the
religious message, o r t h o d o x religion is o n e of the forms of self-
awareness acquired by the c o m m u n i t y . A c c o r d i n g to W i l h e l m
von H u m b o l d t , " M a n a p p r e h e n d s objects m a i n l y . . . as lan-
guage presents t h e m to h i m . I n accordance with the same process
by which he unravels l a n g u a g e out of his own being, h e also be-
comes i n e x t r i c a b l y e n t a n g l e d in this l a n g u a g e ; and each lan-
g u a g e f o r m s a m a g i c circle a r o u n d the people to w h i c h it b e l o n g s ,
a circle f r o m w h i c h one can escape only by taking a leap i n t o a
different c i r c l e . " I l i s t c j r j a d j r e j j j ^ o n , as a l a n g u a g e ^ j K j t j j t simple
r e p r o d u c t i o n of reality, b u t indeed t h e symbolic form t h r o u g h
w h i c h the reality itself is revealed. R e l i g i o n unveils reality, b u t
at t h e s a m e t i m e r t v S T s T t , since this reality is unveiled only by
way of r e l i g i o n . T h e s e r i t u a l words, t h e vows, the reflections con-
c e r n i n g e x i s t e n c e , the p r o h i b i t i o n s a n d prescriptions, the in-
n u m e r a b l e f o r m a l phrases of daily language, do n o t m e r e l y de-
scribe the world and actual e x p e r i e n c e , b u t , by expressing t h e m
in words, they are actually creating t h e m ; by saying them a l o u d ,
they shape them to the spoken word.
T h e religious life of A l g e r i a bears witness to this reciprocal
a d j u s t m e n t of the standards set u p by religion a n d the c u l t u r a l
structures. A m o n g the f u n d a m e j i t a l j ^ n g ^
whichjxe^unanimously^obseryed^ ones whose social char-
acter is most clearly m a r k e d ; thus the fast of R a m a d a n , w B i i h is
c o n t t o i l e d .By t£e pressure of'"pTrMic'ISpTnTon, is I n m o s t u n a n i -
mously practiced, whereas prayer is often neglected. Islam is felt
as a pressure r a t h e r t h a n as a call, a n d the religion of the masses
tends to ensure that a m i n i m u m of e x t e r i o r c o n f o r m i t y of behav-
i o r will be observed. T h i s type of religiosity, expressed princi-
pally by ways of conduct that are regulated by ritual prescription
a n d controlled by custom, results f r o m the way of life peculiar to
the masses r a t h e r t h a n f r o m the Moslem religion itself. As M a x
114 T h e Algerians
W e b e r h a s written, " A religion fit f o r a 'hero' o r a 'virtuoso' has
always opposed a religiosity of t h e masses"; i n this r e s p e c t o n e
must n o t take the word " m a s s " to m e a n those who occupy a
socially i n f e r i o r position in the secular hierarchy, but r a t h e r
those who, f r o m the religious point of view, are not " v i r t u o s o s . "
A n d how could they be? T h e great m a j o r i t y of the Moslems of
A l g e r i a do not have access to the religious texts, and generally
k n o w t h e message of M o h a m m e d only t h r o u g h oral traditions
w h i c h have deformed a n d caricaturized it; they possess only frag-
ments of Moslem law, which have b e e n often r e i n t e r p r e t e d
a n d c o n f u s e d with p o p u l a r beliefs. T h e teaching of the K o r a n ,
which f o r m e r l y flourished even in the c o u n t r y districts, has lost
its vitality a n d its d y n a m i s m . M o r e o v e r , because of the absence
of any properly constituted clergy, the religious e d u c a t i o n of t h e
masses r e m a i n s i n a very r u d i m e n t a r y state. R i t u a l phrases
a n d ways of b e h a v i o r are t r a n s m i t t e d m u c h m o r e easily t h a n are
the d o c t r i n a l writings, w h i c h are generally reserved f o r scholars.
So it is not surprising that religious f e r v o r and the uplift of the
h e a r t are often replaced by the automatisms of custom a n d the
illusions of superstition. 7

I n the t r a d i t i o n a l society the religion of the city dwellers,

t h a t of the often cultivated and refined b o u r g e o i s w h o are con-
scious of b e l o n g i n g to a universal religion a n d who seek to define
t h e i r f o r m of religion by contrasting it with the ritualism of the
c o u n t r y dwellers—the cities h a v e always b e e n the f a v o r i t e site
of the r e f o r m i s t m o v e m e n t — h a s b e e n opposed by the religion of
the r u r a l dwellers, a religion completely p e r m e a t e d with survivals
f r o m the past, profoundly rooted in the soil, and generally un-
aware of the subtleties of dogma or theology. B u t each of these
forms of religion was defined by comparison with the other: the
religion of the country districts, however far removed it was in

7
The o b s e r v a n c e of t h e M o s l e m religion, particularly the prescriptions
w h o s e s o c i a l a s p e c t is e v i d e n t ( f a s t i n g , etc.) is a l s o , i n t h e c o l o n i a l context,
a w a y of d e f e n d i n g t h e p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y , a n d it has n o w t a k e n o n t h e func-
tion of a s y m b o l , a s y m b o l w h i c h expresses b o t h an alliance and an exclusion.
H e n c e m a y b e e x p l a i n e d , at least in p a r t , t h e r e v i v a l of I s l a m f o l l o w i n g the
conquest (e.g., t h e erection of the mosques in Kabylia between 1925 and
1945) a n d t h e r e n e w e d d e v o t i o n t o r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s w h i c h h a s b e e n noted
s i n c e 1955.
 T h e Common Cultural Heritage nj
spirit and in practice from the a u t h e n t i c M o s l e m religion, never-
theless remained a t t a c h e d to Islam because of the fact that it
never ceased j u d g i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t i n g itself b y reference t o the
standards prescribed by I s l a m ; as for the religion of the city
dwellers, it was certainly not unaffected by the n a t u r i s t i c beliefs,
the f e a r of t h e " g e n i i " o r the cult o f saints t h a t were character-
istic of the r u r a l r e l i g i o n . 8

T h e Islam of the r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s is closely l i n k e d to the

cultural reality; it is c o r r e l a t e d w i t h the social structures a n d the
e c o n o m i c activities. I n d e e d , this f o r m of religiosity is basically
a p p r o p r i a t e to the c o m m u n i t y - m i n d e d , to the m a n whose reli-
gious e x p e r i e n c e springs f r o m his awareness o f c o l l e c t i v e ties.
T h e v e n e r a t i o n f o r the h e a d o f the f a m i l y ( t h e s y m b o l of the
c o m m u n i t y a n d the priest o f the d o m e s t i c religion) a n d t h e ances-
tor-worship (which was f o r m e r l y the focal point of all rites a n d
c e r e m o n i e s ) illustrate the fact t h a t the e x t e n d e d family, the
k e y s t o n e of the c u l t u r a l system, is also a religious u n i t - ^ T h e cult
of n a t u r e , of grottoes a n d springs, trees and rocks; the b e l i e f that
the world is peopled with " g e n i i , " mysterious beings everywhere
present and i m b u e d with a sort of diffused and impersonal
holiness, the baraka, this mysterious and beneficent power
w h i c h favors elite beings a n d can b e t r a n s m i t t e d b y heredity, by
i n i t i a t i o n or b y the b o r r o w i n g of t h e n a m e ; the m a g i c p r a c t i c e s
designed to c o n j u r e up the powers of n a t u r e and t o m a k e t h e
"liuir]Jterjilr>.a«d^ . t h e reli-
g i o n of A^,pejasanj^ii.jnan_3KhO; feffils^g%eatlY d e p e n d e n t on the
natjiKil_v^ pn ritual," m a k e s
life b e c o m e a kind of long-drawn-out liturgy!.
T h e G o d o f K o r a n i c dogma r e m a i n s r e m o t e , inaccessible a n d
i m p e n e t r a b l e ; the c o m m o n m a n feels the n e e d to b e in closer
c o n t a c t w i t h this D i v i n i t y , a n d attempts to draw n e a r H i m by
calling on m e d i a t o r s and intercessors. T h e fellah a n d the w o m a n
of the people, who q u i t e often are completely i g n o r a n t of the
true religion, beg favors of those saints w h o are b o t h f a m i l i a r a n d
prestigious, h u m a n a n d s u p e r h u m a n , whose miracles h a v e b e e n
recorded b y the ancients, whose n a m e s are attached to p a r t i c u l a r

8
O n e c o u l d also m a k e a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e r e l i g i o n o f the men
and that of the w o m e n .
116 T h e Algerians
sites, regions or tribes, a n d to w h o m are a t t r i b u t e d specific
powers. Since the saints have b e e n e n d o w e d with baraka, they c a n
c u r e illnesses, foresee the f u t u r e or bestow the blessing of fertility.
So it is that the belief in baraka has b e c o m e the essential tenet
u n d e r l y i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the rdjgious__bjjpjh£rfioo^is and
the zaouia, b o t h of w h o m claim to b e invested w i t h t h e a u t h o r i t y
o f some fjarticularly revered and powerful saint. T h e m a r a b o u t s
a n d the dignitaries of the~T>rotherhoods offer a f o r m of religion
w h i c h speaks to the heart a n d to the imagination; by their
material a n d m o r a l power they exercise an immense influence
over the life of the c o u n t r y districts. O n the whole, Islam has
a c q u i r e d its strength a m o n g t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n a n d t a k e n o n
its p r e s e n t f o r m b e c a u s e it has b e e n a b l e t o a c c o m m o d a t e itself
t o the aspirations of these country f o l k at t h e s a m e t i m e as it
was assimilating them a n d because they were shaping it while it
was shaping them. T h e p o p u l a r religion is the scene a n d t h e
result of a c o n t i n u o u s , c o m p l e x i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n the local
forces a n d the u n i v e r s a l message. T h e attitude of t h e o r t h o d o x
religion with respect to this m a r g i n a l religion has always been
o n e b o t h of intransigence a n d of tolerance. T h e tendency to
consider the local laws, such as the B e r b e r customs, or the beliefs
i n m a g i c and the n a t u r i s t i c cults as survivals o r deviations has
always b e e n c o u n t e r b a l a n c e d by the m o r e or less m e t h o d i c a l
attempt t o a b s o r b these f o r m s of religion or these laws w i t h o u t
g r a n t i n g t h e m open r e c o g n i t i o n . I n the same way a great n u m b e r
of local customs h a v e b e e n i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the p e n a l a n d civil
law, a l t h o u g h they were n o t officially recognized as legal obliga-
tions. Against this b a c k g r o u n d , because the " m a r g i n a l " f o l k reli-
gion, for its part, is at all times referring to the universal religion
f o r guidance, there is an i n e x t r i c a b l e m i n g l i n g of r e c i p r o c a l atti-
tudes: certain a n i m i s t i c or m a g i c a l practices a r e t r a n s l a t e d i n t o
t h e language of the universal religion: f o r e x a m p l e , it is f r e -
quently the case that sacred springs, grottoes a n d rocks are p l a c e d
u n d e r the p r o t e c t i o n of a holy personage; precepts of the univer-
sal religion are redefined i n terms of local customs; thus there is
b o t h an o b s t i n a t e defense of the r u r a l religion's individuality and
a u n a n i m o u s l y felt r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e fact that it is a part o f
I s l a m . T h e secret feeling o f shame inspired b y c o n t a c t with the
T h e Common Cultural Heritage ny
o r t h o d o x r e l i g i o n is always c o u n t e r a c t e d by the sometimes exag-
gerated assertion of irreducible uniqueness. T h e i n t e r a c t i o n of
reinterpretations, oppositions, a n d compromises has made Al-
gerian Islam into a singularly c o m p l e x whole, in which n o dis-
t i n c t i o n can be made, except arbitrarily, b e t w e e n what is p e c u l i a r
to Islam and w h a t has been c o n t r i b u t e d by the local stock, a n d
in w h i c h a g r a r i a n beliefs c a n n o t b e distinguished f r o m the strictly
religious beliefs. Islam i n N o r t h A f r i c a presents itself as a strati-
fied system in w h i c h different levels can be isolated by analysis:
animistic devotion, n a t u r i s t i c cults, agrarian rites; the cult of
saints and m a r a b o u t s ; the c o n t r o l of p r a c t i c a l affairs by religion;
applied law; dogma and esoteric mysticism. A differential analysis
would n o d o u b t reveal a diversity of " r e l i g i o u s profiles." T h e s e
w o u l d indicate the h i e r a r c h i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n in each i n d i v i d u a l o f
the different levels, the relative i m p o r t a n c e of w h i c h would vary
with his way of life, his education, and his aspirations.
H i s t o r i c a l religion, j o i n e d b y a thousand ties to the c u l t u r a l
reality, was b o u n d to feel the repercussion f r o m the upheavals to
w h i c h A l g e r i a n society was subjected as a result o f t h e clash
b e t w e e n avlTizationsxaused by E u r o p e a n colonization. T h e result
i s j h a t there can n o w be discerned, in a d d i t i o n to the traditional"
I s l a m of the r u r a l C o m m u n i t i e s o r of the cities, a religiosity
of the masses. T h e disintegration of the o r g a n i c c o m m u n i t i e s
a n d the process of urbanization have given b i r t h to the m a n o f
the masses, b e r e f t of roots a n d traditions, of aspirations and con-
victions, of social ties a n d of laws. T o r n f r o m his f a m i l y surround-
ings a n d the social setting in w h i c h his entire life, and p a r t i c u l a r l y
his religious life, was spent, r e m o v e d f r o m the religious atmos-
p h e r e of his f o r m e r c o m m u n a l existence, placed i n e x t r e m e l y try-
ing m a t e r i a l circumstances and c o n f r o n t e d with radically new
p r o b l e m s , the m a n of the masses has no choice o t h e r than indif-
ference or superstition, a l t h o u g h his i n c l i n a t i o n to indifference
is checked b y the historical situation, which has made of Islam a
social and p o l i t i c a l signum. T h e superstition that constitutes
his alternate choice is a sort of institutionalized piety, a series o f
gestures, devoid of m e a n i n g , that are passively a n d m e c h a n i c a l l y
c a r r i e d out, a w h o l e g r o u p of observances d e t e r m i n e d by t h e
apathetic submission to a c h a n g i n g tradition. T h e r u p t u r e with
} 1 g T h e Algerians
t r a d i t i o n b r o u g h t about b y e m i g r a t i o n , the contact with a techni-
cal civilization that is completely directed towards secular ends,
the passing over f r o m the clan, whose members are u n i t e d by
sacred bonds, to the workshop a n d the factory, or to the p o l i t i c a l
party and the trade u n i o n , in w h i c h solidarity is based on mate-
r i a l interest or political c h o i c e — a l l these are influences w h i c h
have led to a veritable t r a n s m u t a t i o n of values a n d are destroy-
ing the very soil in which t r a d i t i o n a l religion was rooted.
Must this decline of c o m m u n i t y religion, w h i c h is l i n k e d to
the disintegration of the social structures, be considered an irre-
sistible and irreversible movement which can have no conclusion
o t h e r t h a n a slow death b y indifference, or a possible reprieve
in the f o r m of superstition? O r can one expect that a per-
sonal religion, f o u n d e d on the conscious adherence a n d the elec-
tive will of individuals, may arise f r o m the ruins of the com-
m u n i t y religion? W i l l the attempt at revival be m a d e by the n e w
elite, who have generally b e e n educated i n W e s t e r n schools? I n
t h e case of t h e A l g e r i a n i n t e l l e c t u a l — a m a n standing b e t w e e n
two civilizations, who has b e e n deeply stricken by all t h e trage-
dies of his people, and who q u i t e often is himself i n c l i n e d to a
l u k e w a r m or an indifferent attitude in regard to r e l i g i o n — i s it
possible that h e w i l l have the ability, the knowledge o r the desire
to lead a m o v e m e n t for t h e revival of Islam w h i c h will offer the
disorganized masses a new kind of personal r e l i g i o n , a r e l i g i o n
t h a t will b e f r e e of the r i t u a l i s m a n d f o r m a l i s m w h i c h , in t h e
past, have b e e n imposed only b y the f o r c e of p u b l i c o p i n i o n , a
r e l i g i o n that will be free at last from the spell a n d f r o m the en-
c h a n t m e n t s of magic? W i l l h e consider this task to be the m o s t
urgent? W h a t we c a n be sure of is t h a t t h e o n l y message t h a t will
m a k e itself heard, w h e t h e r it b e religious or political, will be the
one in which this deeply disrupted society will be a b l e to recog-
nize its true self a n d find justification f o r its existence.
6. Disintegration and Distress

T h i s society, w h i c h has been successful i n achieving the

highest degree of e q u i l i b r i u m compatible with the limited tech-
niques at its disposal, a n d whose i n t e g r a t i o n seems to be in in-
verse ratio to its precarious a n d uncertain adjustment to the
natural world, has b e e n subjected to a radical c h a l l e n g e as a
result of colonization and the influx of E u r o p e a n civilization.
T h i s explains t h e o c c u r r e n c e of those p h e n o m e n a r e l a t i n g to the
destruction a n d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the social structures whose
p r i n c i p a l laws may b e defined as follows: the law of u n e q u a l
rates of change, w h i c h applies w h e n c e r t a i n aspects of t h e cul-
t u r a l system are transformed m o r e rapidly t h a n o t h e r s (for ex-
ample, the p o p u l a t i o n increase on the one h a n d , the e c o n o m i c
system and p r o d u c t i o n t e c h n i q u e s on the o t h e r ) , with a resulting
i m b a l a n c e ; the law of differential c o m p a t i b i l i t y , w h i c h allows
the l i m i t of possible borrowings between two civilizations to be
defined, a l i m i t beyond which the b o r r o w i n g can no longer be
integrated e x c e p t at the cost of a complete m u t a t i o n of the so-
ciety; the law of c o n t e x t , according to which the b o r r o w i n g is
reinterpreted in terms of t h e receiving c o n t e x t ; t h e l a w of change
i n scale and of change in the f r a m e of reference, according to
w h i c h native cultural traits are significantly altered when placed
i n a new cultural setting: f o r example, w h e n situated in the
f r a m e w o r k of a n economic system based on m o n e t a r y e x c h a n g e
the marriage p a y m e n t tends to be i n t e r p r e t e d as a purchase priee
a n d the b o n d of h o n o r b e t w e e n master and sharecropper b e -
comes a simple r e l a t i o n s h i p between c a p i t a l and labor; finally,
the law of i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n of cultural elements, according to
which o n e c h a n g e in detail may suffice, in certain cases, to b r i n g
a b o u t a complete a n d r a d i c a l disruption of the whole culture.

* The dogmatic tone o£ t h i s c h a p t e r (very schematically organized) is

m e r e l y a r e s u l t o£ a l a c k o£ s p a c e , w h i c h p r e v e n t e d t h e i n c l u s i o n o£ c o r r o b o r a -
tive analyses and examples.

119
1 20 T h e Algerians

T h e Colonial System

T h e c o l o n i a l society is a system whose i n t e r n a l necessity a n d

l o g i c it is i m p o r t a n t to understand, b e c a u s e it is t h e c o n t e x t
w h i c h gives m e a n i n g to all f o r m s of behavior, particularly to t h e
r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n the two e t h n i c c o m m u n i t i e s . W h i l e the con-
tact between a highly industrialized civilization, s u p p o r t e d b y a
strong e c o n o m i c system, and a completely u n m e c h a n i z e d civiliza-
t i o n m i g h t have b e e n sufficient to b r i n g a b o u t a b r e a k d o w n i n the
structures of the t r a d i t i o n a l society, i t is nevertheless true t h a t
to these disturbances, w h i c h a r e t h e n a t u r a l a n d i n e v i t a b l e con-
sequences of the contact b e t w e e n two civilizations w h i c h are so
very different f r o m an e c o n o m i c and social p o i n t of view, t h e r e
m u s t be a d d e d the disruptions t h a t were knowingly a n d m e t h o d i -
cally produced i n o r d e r to ensure the c o n t r o l of the d o m i n a n t
power a n d to f u r t h e r the interests of its own n a t i o n a l s .
O n e of the main consequences of the colonial s i t u a t i o n is
t h a t the exercise of the power of c h o i c e , w h i c h theoretically
b e l o n g s to those societies that c o n f r o n t o n e a n o t h e r , has not b e e n
g r a n t e d to the d o m i n a t e d society; the m e r e fact that the d o m i n a n t
power should have b e e n able to impose its own judicial a n d
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e standards, i n defiance of the social realities a n d
i n c o n t e m p t of the resistance offered by the d o m i n a t e d society,
was sufficient to b r i n g a b o u t a b r e a k d o w n i n the social structures
o f the d o m i n a t e d society. T h u s the i m p o r t a n t laws p e r t a i n i n g
t o l a n d e d p r o p e r t y — t h e C a n t o n m e n t of 1856-1857, the Senatus
Consulte of 1863 a n d the W a r n i e r law of 1873—were conceived,
e v e n by their orig nators, as measures which would lead to the
destruction of the f u n d a m e n t a l structures of the e c o n o m y and of
the t r a d i t i o n a l society. O n e of the advocates of the Senatus Con-
sulte of 1863, A. de B r o g l i e , declared t h a t this measure h a d a
d o u b l e purpose: in the first place, " t o cause a general l i q u i d a t i o n
o f t h e l a n d , " so that one p o r t i o n would r e m a i n in the h a n d s of
its f o r m e r owners, n o t as a collective h e r i t a g e of the t r i b e , b u t
as "strictly defined, privately o w n e d , personal p r o p e r t y , " a n d
t h e r e m a i n i n g p o r t i o n w o u l d b e available " t o attract a n d receive
 Disintegration and Distress 121
e m i g r a t i o n f r o m E u r o p e " ; in the second place, " t o disorganize
the t r i b e , " the main obstacle to the " p a c i f i c a t i o n " of the c o u n t r y . 1

A true example of social vivisection that c a n n o t be confused w i t h

mere cultural' contagion, this agrarian policy, w h i c h tended to
transform j o i n t l y owngcTTalid^^
t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the best properties in the hands of the
Europeans through the sale by auction to a single purchaser of
lands held in c o m m o n , o r through the ill-considered sale of farms
by individuals; .at the same time it c o n t r i b u t e r L t a J J i e disintegra-
timuaL^h^j^lj^^
hakjice_3£h^S£_b£s4_^^ of
the l a n d by thejjmiilyj3r_the t r i b e ; finally t h e disintegration o f
thï~trîBe ahcTthe h r n x i e v i c l ^
letariat. .a-mass of disgc^s^sjed^uprooted individuals, fit only to
provide a reserve of cheap l a b o r . 2

C a p t a i n Vaissière relates that when the O u l e d R e c h a i c h

f o u n d out that the law of the Senatus Consulte was going to b e
applied to t h e i r tribe they were t h r o w n i n t o c o n s t e r n a t i o n , so
clearly were they a w a r e of the destructive p o w e r contained i n
this m e a s u r e . " T h e F r e n c h defeated us i n t h e p l a i n of S b i k h a , "
declared one o l d m a n . " T h e y k i l l e d o u r young m e n ; they forced
us to m a k e a w a r c o n t r i b u t i o n when they occupied o u r territories.
A l l that was n o t h i n g ; wounds eventually heal. B u t the setting up
of private property a n d the authorization given t o each individ-
u a l to sell his share o f the l a n d , this m e a n s the death sentence
f o r the tribe, a n d twenty years after these measures have b e e n
carried out the O u l e d R e c h a i c h will have ceased to exist." T h e 3

clearly reasoned resistance that the whole of the d o m i n a t e d

society offered to this law, which h a d b e e n i n t r o d u c e d like a
T r o j a n horse a n d was capable of striking at the very h e a r t of its

1
A. de Broglie, Une Réjorme administrative en Algérie, Paris, i8(»i
s
By the e n d o£ 1961, t w o - f i f t h s of the f a r m lands were under Ficnch
c o n t r o l , t h a t is t o say, s u b j e c t to t h e r e g u l a t i o n s of F r e n c h l a w (all E u r o p e a n -
owned land plus an a d d i t i o n a l 5,607,500 acres); two-fifths of the non-French
lands were private property (melk); one-fifth of the non-French lands re-
mained the property of the tribes (arch). During the last twenty years
breaches i n the f a m i l y system of j o i n t possession h a d b e c o m e m o r e a n d more
frequent.
3
C a p t a i n V a i s s i è r e , Les Ouled Rechaich, A l g i e r s , 1863, p . g o .
122 T h e Algerians
c u l t u r a l system, has r e m a i n e d ineffective, because it clashed w i t h
t h e interests a n d t h e powers of t h e d o m i n a n t society. W h e t h e r
it was openly a n d cynically confessed to be an " e n g i n e of w a r , " 4

or w h e t h e r it was supposed to be based on an assimilationist

ideology that was m o r e g e n e r o u s in i n t e n t b u t n o less fatal in
its result, t h e c o l o n i a l policy with its a f o r e m e n t i o n e d property
laws, its sequestrations of land after the early revolts, its expro-
priations, its forestry laws, its regulations c o n c e r n i n g pasture
lands, a n d a host of o t h e r measures that were e i t h e r f o r c e d upon
the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n or inspired by its policy of giving p r e f e r e n t i a l
consideration to the interests of the E u r o p e a n s , weakened the
keystone supporting the w h o l e of the t r a d i t i o n a l cultural system.
A c c o r d i n g to a g r i c u l t u r a l statistics, 22,037 E u r o p e a n f a r m
properties (of which 13,017, a b o u t 59 per cent, are less than 125
acres in size; ,2,635 are from 125 to 250 acres; 2,588 from 250 to
500 acres; 3,797 or 17 per c e n t are m o r e t h a n 500 acres in size)
occupy an area of 6,815,000 acres, whereas 630,732 native-owned
farms (of w h i c h 438,483 or 69 per c e n t are ^less t h a n 25 acres,
167,170 f r o m 25 to 125 acres, 16,580 f r o m 125 to 250, 8,499 o r

1.3 per cent are over 250 acres) cover an area of 18,372,900 acres,
the average size of each f a r m — E u r o p e a n and n a t i v e — b e i n g 300
as c o m p a r e d to 27 acres (see Fig. 11). Moreover, while the m o r e
fertile, usually i r r i g a t e d E u r o p e a n properties produce profit-
able crops (870,000 acres of vineyards, citrus fruits, early vege-
tables), at least half of the lands b e l o n g i n g to the Algerians are
m a d e up of pasture lands, and the o t h e r h a l f consists m a i n l y of
soils w h i c h are suitable only for cereal crops and small orchards
(fig and olive trees) and w h i c h produce very p o o r yields. B u t the
state did n o t stop at merely facilitating the settlement of colo-
nists by procuring them the necessary land. It constantly gave
them aid in various f o r m s : the creation of the substructures that
are indispensable f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l development, such as drainage

* Captain Vaissiere comments as f o l l o w s on the above incident: "Such

p e r s p i c a c i t y is s u r p r i s i n g o n t h e p a r t o f s i m p l e , i g n o r a n t m i n d s . T h e Senatus
Consulte of 1863 is i n d e e d the most efficient e n g i n e of w a r that could be
devised against the native society and the most powerful and most useful
tool that could be placed in t h e h a n d s of o u r colonists." H e r e can b e seen
t h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f c l e a r - s i g h t e d n e s s as t o t h e s h o r t - t e r m r e s u l t s a n d inability
to r e a l i z e the long-term results.
Disintegration and Distress 123
and i r r i g a t i o n projects (three-quarters of the irrigated lands
b e l o n g to E u r o p e a n s ; the result is that n o w o n e hectare, o r
a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2.5 acres, o f irrigated l a n d produces ten times m o r e
than o n e h e c t a r e of u n i r r i g a t e d l a n d a n d , in t h e case of certain
crops, twenty to thirty times more), financial a n d technical assist-
ance, a n d c o m m e r c i a l p r o t e c t i o n .
B e t w e e n the years 1830 a n d 1880, t h e state sought to b r i n g
i n colonists on lands that it h a d taken over, purchased or cleared
for their use. I t was a very small-scale a t t e m p t at colonization in
w h i c h progress was slow a n d success u n c e r t a i n . S h o r t of capital,
a n d wishing to o b t a i n a c r o p d u r i n g their first year of settlement,
the early colonists devoted t h e i r efforts m a i n l y to the growing
of cereal crops. I n 1880, however, the p h y l l o x e r a disease that
attack£d_thjs4&«aeli- v4ne^ ;
a b o u t a' sudden trarTifor-
matipn.irixQionizjng niethQrJs,wi.th the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the wine-
growing industry. T h e j a t t e r r e q u i r e d h e j y y j n v e s x m e i r t s . i n farm-
ing ecjmpjnjeni^-stQrage f a c i l i t i e s and processing plants; this, in
t u r n , led to thj..rj£Kelaprjient-oIIxQQperative associations and to
the close c o n n e c t i o n which has existed since that time between
the winegrowing industry a n d the B a n k . I t was in 1880 that the
BaiikjDf_A^£riaj^ to e x t e n d credit to indivictuals.
T h i s c a p i t a l i s t f o r m of a g r i c u l t u r e ^ h ^ a T W a y s ^ r o d u ^ d - f o r - e x p o r t
(43 p e r cent o f the total vajue of exports in^ 1907;_66-.pfiLcent i n
^S22lS9-peX-C£jiX-in^ig§!o). I t was in 1884 t h a t a customs u n i o n
was established. T h e railway network, b u i l t between 1879 a n d
1892, c o n n e c t e d t h e great winegrowing regions. T h e ports were
developed. T h e wine^awer-s--assoeiations formed prt'ssuu: groups
w h o soon demonstrated their power i n t h e p o l i t i c a l and e c o n o m i c
domains. F r o m 1900 to 1946, i n accordance with the policy of
granting- t h e colony financial autonomy, t h e administration of
the Algerian budget was h a n d l e d b y the F i n a n c i a l Delegations,
which i n c l u d e d ^ o j a n d e d p r o p r i e t o r s out of a total of 7 2 ' s i t t i n g
ipemiifiiSjjrhe first industries to b e created suppli^cTtKe^iro'dSets"
r e q u i r e d f o r t h e u p k e e p o f the p l a n t a t i o n s and processed the' by-
products of f e r m e n t a t i o n . P a r a l l e T t o T E i s de^eIoprnenfrdle~Euro-
p c a n p o j x u l a j j o n increased,frorn_4io,ooo in 1882 to 780,000 in
i g n a n d at the same time began to b r e a k u p i n t o jioriaT"classes:
the 11,500 v i n e ^ r f _ r j r o £ r i e t o r s were highly_ privileged persons
 moinsdelOha.. del h a .
(From Z'A to less than 25 acres) (Less than 2 Vi acres)

Fig. 11. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Farm Properties According to Size and Ethnic

Category

The surface area of each circle is p r o p o r t i o n a l to the total area

covered by the farms in a particular category. The sector in black
represents the percentage of t h e total area t h a t is c u l t i v a t e d b y Euro-
peans (indicated by the figures inside the circle). T h e figure inside the
square represents the percentage of farms o w n e d by Europeans.
The average size of the European property is about 225 acres,
whereas the average property owned by Algerians is only about 45
a c r e s i n size. T h e s m a l l o r a v e r a g e - s i z e E u r o p e a n f a r m is r a r e l y found,
although such farms d o exist in the Sahel of Algiers a n d in the wine-
growing coastal region of Cherchel, both of which were settled as a
result of the colonizing efforts of Marshal Bugeaud and the govern-
m e n t o f 1848. T h e s e s m a l l E u r o p e a n f a r m s , p l a n t e d w i t h v i n e y a r d s and
o r a n g e groves, m a y also b e f o u n d in the coastal r e g i o n of Mostaganem
a n d of O r a n , i n t h e v a l l e y o f t h e Issers, i n t h e c o a s t a l r e g i o n o f Bougie,
B o n e a n d P h i l i p p e v i l l e , a n d in the w i n e g r o w i n g r e g i o n s of M 6 i e a and
Miliana. On the H i g h Plains, on the other hand, the large property
(from 125 t o m o r e t h a n 250 a c r e s ) predominates.

compared to the grain growers (160,000 francs gross i n c o m e per

h e c t a r e as opposed to 30,000). Property b e c a m e c o n c e n t r a t e d in
a few h a n d s . T h e contrast b e t w e e n t h e e a s t e r n a n d t h e western
5

sections of the c o u n t r y b e c a m e accentuated as winegrowing con-

t i n u e d to e x p a n d i n O r a n i e (67 p e r cent of the total in 1954)
a n d to d i m i n i s h in the areas around Algiers and C o n s t a n t i n e .
W i n e g r o w i n g is essentially, however,, a E u r o p e a n f o r m of enter-

5
In 1930 s o m e 26,153 E u r o p e a n s o w n e d 5,585,000 a c r e s ; i n 1950, 22,037
o w n e d 6,815,000 a c r e s . T h e 6,385 p r o p e r t i e s t h a t a r e m o r e t h a n 250 a c r e s i n
size c o v e r a p p r o x i m a t e l y 80 p e r c e n t o£ t h e t o t a l a r e a .

124
 Disintegration and Distress 125
S e v e n t y p e r c e n t o f t h e f e l l a h s o w n f a r m s o f less t h a n 25 a c r e s , of
which on an average only 12 a c r e s can be farmed each year, a fact
which tends to prevent any modernization of farming methods and
techniques. The fellahs who farm more than 125 acres are few in
number. The small Algerian property only exists in very small num-
bers in the rich zones of heavy European density, whereas it is in
these zones that the small E u r o p e a n property predominates. T h e High
Plains, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , is t h e area in which are located the large
E u r o p e a n properties a n d in w h i c h the small A l g e r i a n farms have been
pushed back to the less fertile land bordering the plains. At Saint
Arnaud, for example, in the wheatgrowing plains of the Stkif region,
the 13 E u r o p e a n farms are all over 250 a c r e s i n s i z e ; a l o n g s i d e them,
157 f e l l a h s a r e e a c h f a r m i n g less t h a n 25 a c r e s , 120 a r e f a r m i n g from
25 t o 125 a c r e s , 30 f r o m 125 t o 250 a c r e s , and 50 o n l y have farms of
o v e r 250 a c r e s . A t Littr£, in t h e Ch£liff area, o u t of 14 E u r o p e a n s , 13
are farming over 250 acres, w h e r e a s among the neighboring fellahs,
64 a r e e a c h c u l t i v a t i n g l e s s t h a n 25 a c r e s a n d o n l y f o u r h a v e properties
g r e a t e r t h a n 250 a c r e s i n s i z e .
Thus it is o n l y i n t h e c o a s t a l r e g i o n s a n d i n t h e z o n e s producing
lucrative crops (vineyards and particularly the vineyards planted on
the hillsides) that the small European property has been able to
establish itself. In the Sersou district, on the High Plateaus of Con-
stantine, on the High Plains of Setif, the small farms created by the
official p r o j e c t s o f c o l o n i z a t i o n d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e nineteenth
century have been replaced by the i m m e n s e modern farms, w h i l e in
the same zones the small Algerian f a r m has continued to exist.
Whether h e is f a r m i n g a small property o n w h i c h h e raises lucra-
tive c r o p s , s u c h as g r a p e s , e a r l y v e g e t a b l e s o r c i t r u s fruits, o r whether
he is managing a large-scale farming development, the European
c o l o n i s t is a l w a y s t h e h e a d o f a b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e o r is a h i g h l y paid
m a n a g e r r a t h e r t h a n a m e r e farmer. T h i s fact e x p l a i n s to a c o n s i d e r a b l e
extent his behavior and psychological attitude. (Based on the De-
partment of Agriculture census.)

prise. T h u s the rapid d e v e l o p m e n t of this industry coincided w i t h

t h e a p p e a r a n c e of a geographical f o r m of segregation t h a t is
revealed by t h e r e g i o n a l structure of Algeria (see F i g . 12): on t h e
o n e h a n d , the rich facade o f the coastal plains a n d hills contain-
ing 75 per cent of the vineyards a n d 80 per cent of the E u r o p e a n
p o p u l a t i o n (cities i n c l u d e d ) ; on the o t h e r h a n d , the H i g h P l a i n s
devoted to the growing of cereal crops and to sheep raising. Since 6

winegrowing requires a p l e n t i f u l supply of labor, the dispos-

0
It is e s t i m a t e d t h a t i n t h e M i t i d j a m o r e t h a n 80 p e r c e n t o£ t h e lands
b e l o n g to t h e c o l o n i s t s a n d i n t h e S a h e l o£ A l g i e r s m o r e t h a n 90 p e r cent.
A n a l o g o u s p e r c e n t a g e s m a y b e o b s e r v e d i n t h e p l a i n s o£ B o n e a n d o£ P h i l i p p e -
v i l l e as w e l l as i n c e r t a i n r e g i o n s a r o u n d Oran.
 (Thousands of inhabitants)
Milliers
d'habitanrsAlger (Algiers) POPULATION (19601
-IS00
1500
[Européens E3Algériens
(Europeans) (Algerians)

Sétif

Tizj-Ouzou .
Balna
600-
«00
300
200
150
100
i-0
OJ

sessed fellahs and the f o r m e r t e n a n t farmers b e c a m e the h i r e d

w o r k e r s of the colonists. T h e gap widened between the colonists
(who tended m o r e and m o r e to take up residence in the cities,
leaving the w o r k i n g of their lands to their f a r m m a n a g e r s or
f o r e m e n ) and their very poorly p a i d A l g e r i a n w o r k m e n .
As a result of the regulations c o n t r o l l i n g the w i n e industry
that were set up in 1929, the r a p i d growth of the vineyards was
q u i c k l y checked a n d t h e m a x i m u m of 1 m i l l i o n acres was r e a c h e d
i n 1935. T h e e c o n o m i c e q u i l i b r i u m that h a d b e e n based on con-
tinuous e x p a n s i o n was b r o k e n . As M. I s n a r d has remarked, " A n
industry that was f o r m e r l y o n e of risk n o w b e c a m e o n e of privi-
lege, winegrowing b e i n g a h i g h l y profitable u n d e r t a k i n g . . . .
T h e pioneers were r e p l a c e d b y the bourgeois, jealpns_af i h e j r legal
advantages, keen to d e f ^ n d t h e i r class interests, c o n t i n u a l l y
vays ready, in c a s e o F d i s p u t e s , to c a l l
e t e c t S n T A f t e r having*Te^nprogressive
a n d even revolutionary in character, winegrowing b e c a m e a con-
servative b r a n c h of a g r i c u l t u r e . " However, the growing of citrus
fruits, w h i c h also r e q u i r e s l a r g e capital investments, soon c a m e
to r e p l a c e it a n d e x p a n d e d r a p i d l y as a result of the increase in
irrigated areas ( c o n s t r u c t i o n of the great dams) a n d the o p e n i n g
u p of the metropolitan m a r k e t (the civil war in S p a i n ) . T h e years
1940 to 1953 m a r k t h e e n d of the progress of colonization, f o r i n
126
 (Doctors) (Beds)
Médecins
10ÛD

5.00<>

Fig. 12

Statistical Tables According to Département

T h e t h i r t e e n A l g e r i a n départements have been arranged in descend-
ing order according to the n u m b e r of E u r o p e a n inhabitants. It will be
noted that the indices of economic development (equipment, resources
and revenues) vary proportionately t o the size o f the E u r o p e a n popu-
lation. V a l u e of the franc: 5 n e w f r a n c s t o $1.00.

127
128 T h e Algerians
that p e r i o d t h e lands p u r c h a s e d by A l g e r i a n s f r o m E u r o p e a n s
exceeded those purchased by E u r o p e a n s from Algerians. |
T h e progress of colonial agriculture has coincided w i t h t h e
m a r k e d d e c l i n e in native agriculture. T h e great g a p b e t w e e n
these two sectors has constantly become wider, since o n e uses t h e
most m o d e r n methods a n d techniques a n d the other (some
5,125,000 people) has r e m a i n e d f a i t h f u l to the methods a n d
i m p l e m e n t s h a n d e d down by tradition. W h i l e t h e colonists'
share of t h e n a t i o n a l product has c o n t i n u a l l y increased in relative
a n d in total value, the A l g e r i a n s ' share has n o d o u b t decreased
in total value a n d most certainly has decreased in relative value,
since t h e p o p u l a t i o n has been steadily increasing. A l t h o u g h t h e
total area u n d e r c u l t i v a t i o n by t h e f e l l a h s has b e e n i n c r e a s e d
t h r o u g h encroachments on the pasture lands (this p a r t l y e x p l a i n s
the decrease i n the size of the flocks) a n d t h r o u g h t h e develop-
m e n t of less fertile lands, it has been calculated that the quantity
of grain available for c o n s u m p t i o n was 500 pounds p e r 2.5 acres
in 1871, 400 pounds in 1900 a n d 250 pounds in 1940. T h i s is
because the yield appears to have i k o p j J e d _ ^ a n average of 500
pounds peT~2j[7acres f o r cereal crops J K i t w e e i i , 1950 and, 1956),
w h i ! e _ t E e j o p u l a t i o n has^njcreasjdjve^^ reason
o f _ t h e j y e j x J ^ i - ^ t i i - i a i e _ ^ h i c h is closely connected with t h e
J

paujperizatioiijjj^^ the upsetting of t h e econom-

ic a n d social e q u i l i b r i u m s , ancTjoarfTy.JxyZithe. dx<j£ i j r l j l i e d e a t h
rate, particularly^tiiat^f-Gh.Udr.en,_as_acomej^ujence of- i m p r o v e d
rriedical J j e a t m e n t.
T h u s the lack of b a l a n c e between t h e size of t h e p o p u l a t i o n ,
the area that can b e cultivated, a n d t h e n a t u r a l resources, is
steadily growing worse. T h e 438,483 small farmers can n o l o n g e r
live o n plots averaging less than 12 acres in size. Since 1948 t h e
a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n has r e m a i n e d fairly constant (5.8 mil-
l i o n ) ; it is estimated that, out o f 2.7 m i l l i o n m e n of w o r k i n g age,
1.7 m i l l i o n are employed on the average f o r 100 days a year. F o r
all A l g e r i a n s who live by m e a n s of agriculture, the average f a m i l y
i n c o m e was estimated in 1957 at about 175,000 francs ($350) a
year. I n 1954 t h e E u r o p e a n s produced 55 per cent of the total
gross r e v e n u e , t h e Algerians only 45 p e r cent (of w h i c h 20 p e r
 Disintegration and Distress 1 2 g
cent came f r o m stock raising). W i t h respect to the total real
m o n e y i n c o m e r e s u l t i n g f r o m the sale o f their p r o d u c t s , t h e
E u r o p e a n s h a v e a 2 to 1 advantage,, since t h e f e l l a h consumes
m o r e than 40 p e r cent of his own produce as opposed to 3 to 4
per cent f o r the colonist. A large part of the rural p o p u l a t i o n has
g r e a t difficulty in e k i n g out a b a r e subsistence. T h i s explains t h e
a b n o r m a l u r b a n i z a t i o n of r u r a l workers t h a t has t a k e n p l a c e , par-
ticularly after 1930, as a result of their being driven from their
farms by sheer poverty. S i n c e 1954 there has been a great increase
in the n u m b e r of g o v e r n m e n t employees a n d m i n o r officials, a
group that was relatively few in n u m b e r u p to that time. Com-
merce a n d t h e m a n u a l trades employ a good p o r t i o n of the pop-
u l a t i o n . B u t , in 1957 w o r k m e n a n d unskilled laborers m a d e u p
the most i m p o r t a n t social g r o u p : t h e t o t a l u n e m p l o y e d o r part-
time workers—some 900,000 persons, families i n c l u d e d — p r o b a b l y
remained constant between 1954 a n d 1957 a n d decreased slightly
between 1957 a n d 1959.
Partly u n i n t e n t i o n a l , partly m e t h o d i c a l , depending o n t h e
time a n d circumstance, this colonial policy of systematically
induced disintegration operated in the same direction as the laws
g o v e r n i n g the contacts between civilizations a n d t h e laws of
i n t e r c u l t u r a l exchanges a n d so h a s t e n e d their action a n d in-
creased their effectiveness, r a t h e r t h a n h a v i n g a t e m p e r i n g o r
m o d e r a t i n g effect u p o n them; thus it was to b e e x p e c t e d that
A l g e r i a n society, thrown off b a l a n c e a n d i n a c o m p l e t e state of
disorder, should have b e e n swept d o w n a dizzy path l e a d i n g to
t h e abyss.

T h e C o l o n i a l Society

It is in reference to the colonial situation, that o n e m u s t at-

t e m p t to achieve a c o m p r e h e n s i o n of t h e way o f l i f e p e c u l i a r t o
the Europeans, a n d to know their system of values a n d the type o f
relationship they m a i n t a i n with the indigenous society. Indeed, if
we merely consider this society as a n empire w i t h i n a n e m p i r e ,
as being c u t off f r o m any relations with the colonized society a n d
igo The Algerians

the m e t r o p o l i t a n society, if we note only its origins a n d present

7

s t r u c t u r e , we should be overlooking the factors which give it its

8

specific character.
T h e history of the settling of E u r o p e a n society gives us
a b e t t e r understanding of its o r i g i n a l characteristics. J F j i e "first
colonists, settled in large numbers on farms that were too small
for efficient production, often ignorant of farming methods, con-
f r o n t e d with a difficult a n d u n h e a l t h y c l i m a t e , generally lacking
i n capital resources, were of ten_the v i c t i m s o j speculators. As a
result, the small colonial farms (in 1954, 8,000 accounted f o r
only 1.5 per cent of the total l a n d owned by colonists) have pro-
gressively b e e n replaced by large-scale projects.
T h e spirit peculiar to the E u r o p e a n s of A l g e r i a was forged
during the time of the e x p a n s i o n of the winegrowing industry,
a n d it was also during this p e r i o d that the r u r a l landscape a n d
t h e social and r e g i o n a l structure of the A l g e r i a n countryside
began to assume their present form. T h e first colonists emigrated
m a i n l y in order to have a b e t t e r life than they had h a d in F r a n c e ;
wjjrh__t1m s u r r p K s o£ the JvJTigEXgdllg - Y £ E L V X f l J J l ^ j i g i l ^ - - ^ J i g r s

had c o m e to a new-country a s j j r e h e i r s of a technical civilization

b u t also as peasants who were desirous of a c q u i r i n g a larger prog-^
erty, were replaced by_ the capitalistic spe^ulat__rs7 w h o ' devoted
all their profits and any m o n e y they could borrow to increasing
the size of their d o m a i n a n d developing their means of produc-
tion. F o r c e d to work quickly i n order to overcome the hazards
of climate, a n d compelled as a result to use heavy technical

'The p i o n e e r (or pied noir) p o r t r a y s h i m s e l f as t h e o p p o s i t e of h i s d e f i -

nition of the F r e n c h m a n ( w h o m h e c a l l s a "jrancaoui"): on the one hand
g e n e r o s i t y , v i r i l i t y , t h e c u l t o f t h e b o d y , t h a t is, o f t h e e n j o y m e n t of physical
strength and beauty—a cult whose temple is the bathing beach; on the
other hand pettiness, impotence, intellectualism, asceticism, etc. But then
a g a i n , h e d e s c r i b e s h i m s e l f as b e i n g t h e opposite of the " A r a b , " w h o i n his
eyes i n c a r n a t e s an i n s t i n c t i v e w a y of life, a lack of c u l t u r e , i g n o r a n c e , r o u t i n e ,
etc. T h u s his description of himself is s o m e w h a t contradictory.
8
According to the census of 1954, 79 p e r cent of the Europeans were
born in Algeria, 11 p e r cent i n F r a n c e , 6 p e r cent a r e f o r e i g n e r s (59,000). I t
is estimated that half are of French origin and half of foreign origin
(Spaniards, Italians, Maltese, etc.). T h e structure of t h e E u r o p e a n society is
analogous t o t h a t of F r a n c e ; the most important difference lies i n t h e small
percentage o f f a r m e r s (6 p e r c e n t ) ; o n t h e o t h e r h a n d the tertiary sector is
larger. T h e percentage of w o r k e r s is p r a c t i c a l l y t h e s a m e as i n France.
Disintegration and Distress igi
e q u i p m e n t r e q u i r i n g a l a r g e financial outlay, the colonists were
necessarily o b l i g e d to resort to credit. T h i s was true in the case
of the g r a i n growers and even m o r e so in the case of t h e wine-
growers. T h u s , in 1914, the p r o p o r t i o n o w n e d by Algerians of
the total value of stocks a n d bonds a n d the total value of chattels
a n d personal fixed assets, particularly the value of real estate, was
e x t r e m e l y low (32.5 a n d 73.7 per cent in F r a n c e as opposed to
4.5 and 6 per cent in A l g e r i a ) . I f to this we add the fact that the
colonists were, to a certain e x t e n t , persons w h o had been up-
r o o t e d f r o m t h e i r h o m e l a n d , h a d b r o k e n with t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l
world and, in their isolated condition, h a d b e e n c o m p e l l e d to
d e p e n d on themselves to create their own land and their own
world, then it becomes clear why they developed a realistic atti-
t u d e of m i n d , m o r e a t t a c h e d to m a t e r i a l values t h a n to specula-
tive t h o u g h t . A t the same time the face of the c o u n t r y was b e i n g
c h a n g e d : the accurately surveyed fields w o r k e d by machines a n d
marked by r e g u l a r furrows; the gigantic grain elevators; the
f e r m e n t a t i o n plants; at the heart} Cjf the new domain, the house
of the colonist. A l l these things indicated his c o m p l e t e appropri-
ation of the land, his desire to introduce his own way of l i f e
a n d to enforce its a d o p t i o n w i t h o u t m a k i n g any concessions to
the t r a d i t i o n a l o r d e r . T h i s same attitude was evident in t h e
c o l o n i a l villages, w h i c h w e r e laid out in perfectly straight lines,
a n d in the great cities, w h i c h were then b e g i n n i n g to take on
their p r e s e n t a p p e a r a n c e . T h u s the E u r o p e a n gradually created
an e n v i r o n m e n t that reflected his own image a n d was a n e g a t i o n
of the t r a d i t i o n a l order, a world in w h i c h h e n o l o n g e r felt
himself to be a stranger a n d in which, b y a n a t u r a l reversal, t h e
A l g e r i a n was finally considered to be the stranger.
T h e capitalistic speculators, the industrialists of agriculture,
had been superseded by inheritors, w h o were b o r n i n t o this
w o r l d already m o l d e d and fashioned by t h e i r fathers and whose
attitude was often like that of parvenus d e t e r m i n e d to defend
their new privileges. All through c o l o n i a l history the A r a b seems
9

to be receding i n t o the b a c k g r o u n d ; the E u r o p e a n has b e c o m e

"While it is m o r e particularly characteristic o£ t h o s e colonists among

w h o m i t d e v e l o p e d , t h i s a t t i t u d e is m o r e o r less e v i d e n t i n t h e w h o l e o£ t h e
E u r o p e a n p o p u l a t i o n , w h i c h h a s l o n g h a d t h e g r e a t l a n d o w n e r s as its l e a d e r s .
 132 The Algerians

more and more separated from him by the many walls a n d ob-
stacles that have been erected between them; as proof of this,
we have the evolution i n the image of the A r a b given to us b y
l i t e r a t u r e a n d p a i n t i n g , an i m a g e varying f r o m pure r o m a n t i c i s m
a n d exoticism to sheer i g n o r a n c e or caricature. T h e E u r o p e a n ' s
k n o w l e d g e of the a u t o c h t h o n o u s peoples has steadily d i m i n i s h e d
with the d e v e l o p m e n t of a de facto segregation that is based
on differences in standards of living a n d on the e c o n o m i c iso-
lation of the various regions. T h e ' A r a b " n o l o n g e r receives a n y
n o t i c e apart f r o m his e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n to the E u r o p e a n . R e l a -
tions are b e c o m i n g m o r e a n d m o r e tinged with p a t e r n a l i s m o r
racism. As the E u r o p e a n moves in a n d b e c o m e s established, t h e
Algerian society b e c o m e s even more disintegrated, thereby giving
the E u r o p e a n an a d d i t i o n a l excuse f o r a v o i d i n g it a n d f o r view-
ing it with c o n t e m p t . j Q i » i c £ n j ^ t ^ c l j £ i t ^ the
Europeanjljsj^rkts^f_th^ popu-
l a t i o n lives u n t o itself a n d finds_irjua. c o m p l a c e n t press sufficient,
jujitriicatlon^ to-
wardsthejxag£jlies --ti^^ y

As the E u r o p e a n s d r a w _ f a r t h e r u a p a r t . i r o m .tbe-Ar-absr-they
also d r a w j a x t h e r ^ a p a r t faraiJxanccyjn Qto n l y .fj&m—t-he i d e a l
F r a n c e T w h o s e values all seem r a t h e r naive and in r a d i c a l con-
trast to the logic o f j t h e c o l o n i a l systemTfnit | r o r Q E e I i I E r . e n c h -
rheri of T r a n c e , " who are always suspected of liberahjm_arjd.jv.ha
a r e "assigned" t h e r o T e ^ o f _ ^ a p e g o a t whenever^ i t. is. a .question., o f
e x p l a i n i n g a clash between t h e real world a n d the i m a g i n a r y
w o r l d i n which this w h o l e society seeks t o l i v e . -*""
Considered from a synchronistic~p?int of view, the colonial
society makes one think of a caste s y s t e m . It is, in point o f 11

fact, composed of two distinct, j u x t a p o s e d " c o m m u n i t i e s " w h i c h

1 0
Seven h u n d r e d and sixty t h o u s a n d E u r o p e a n s were l i v i n g in the urban
c o m m u n i t i e s in 1954.
"•Although there are n o racial laws in Algeria, although the Algerian
c a n t r a v e l in t h e s a m e buses o r in t h e same r a i l w a y c o m p a r t m e n t s , g o to the
s a m e h o t e l s o r s e n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n to t h e s a m e s c h o o l s as t h e E u r o p e a n s , the
d i f f e r e n c e s i n c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s ( t h e r o l e of t h e w o m a n i n s o c i e t y is a c a s e
in p o i n t ) and in e c o n o m i c s t a n d a r d s as w e l l as t h e f r e q u e n t separation of
residential districts, tends to create a real form of segregation, since social
relations beyond those developed at w o r k or i n b u s i n e s s a r e r a r e l y entered
into.
Disintegration and Distress 133
h a v e n o t u n i t e d to f o r m a l a r g e r g r o u p . M e m b e r s h i p i n each o f
t h e s e c o m m u n i t i e s is d e t e r m i n e d by b i r t h ; t h e b a d g e of m e m b e r -
ship is one's physical appearance o r sometimes one's clothing o r
f a m i l y n a m e . T h e fact of b e i n g b o r n w i t h i n the s u p e r i o r caste
a u t o m a t i c a l l y confers privilege, a n d this tends to develop a feel-
ing o f n a t u r a l superiority i n the person benefiting f r o m these
advantages. The_ separation b e t w e e n t h e castes is also illustrated
by t h e f e w instances of i n t e r m a r r i a g e a n d by the rarity of a n y
kJnrT^r*mutu^r~ex between them in t h e form o f such
things as gifts, meals, etc. T h e two societies are placed in a rela-
tion of superior t o i n f e r i o r a n d are separated by a great m a n y
i n v i s i b l e barriers, set u p by i n s t i t u t i o n s o r b y spontaneous self-
defense. As a result, relations b e t w e e n members .of ..the two castes
seem to have been r e d u c e d to a n ^ i n g d j i c j M e m m i r n u m , by a
sort of tacit agreement. T h e two " c o m m u n i t i e s " are thus con-
tent t o coexist w i t h o u t m a k i n g a n y real a t t e m p t to c o m m u n i c a t e
a n d , still less i n f a c t , to cooperate with o n e another. Every-
thing, then, will r u n smoothly, provided that each i n d i v i d u a l
p e r f o r m the role f o r w h i c h h e is n a t u r a l l y fitted. H e n c e a de facto
racial segregation h a s developed. T h e f u n c t i o n of racism is n o n e
o t h e r t h a n t o provide a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of t h e existing state o f
affairs so as to m a k e it a p p e a r to b e a lawfully instituted order.
Similarly, paternalism is the privileged m o d e of b e h a v i o r of t h e
superior, so l o n g as t h e system is n o t challenged a n d e a c h person
remains i n his p r o p e r place. T h e E u r o p e a n society, a m i n o r i t y
exercising t h e r i g h t s ^ o f a m a j o r i t y i n the social, economic a n d
p o l i t i c a l spheres, is a t t e m p t i n g , through_j-acisFi(ieoingy, to trans-
form its privileges i n t o law, in o t h e r words, to a u t h o n z e ~ e a c h
society t o r e m a i n as~it~Is7with the dominanf^oTTtmuifig'to domi-
nate a n d the d o m i n a t e d c o n t i n u i n g to b e d o m i n a t e d . T o be sure,
the hierarchy ruling social status will not in fact b e f o u n d t o
coincide exactly with the h i e r a r c h y system governing the t w o
societies, since each caste is itself divided i n t o classes. B u t w h i l e
each caste has its o w n system of graded social positions, a n d each
individual is permitted to climb the r u n g s of the social ladder o f
his caste, it is practically impossible to cross the abyss that
separates the two ladders. Caste spirit stifles class conscious-
ness, a fact that is clearly demonstrated by t h e attitude of the
134 T h e Algerians
E u r o p e a n lower classes; political life and political conscience
have b e c o m e M a n i c h e a n in f o r m .
B u t the c o l o n i a l system can function properly only if the
d o m i n a t e d society is willing to assume the very negative n a t u r e
or " e s s e n c e " (the " A r a b " c a n n o t b e e d u c a t e d , is i m p r o v i d e n t ,
etc.) that the d o m i n a t i n g society holds u p f o r it as its destiny.
A n d thus the situation has developed whereby, as the system
gains in logic, it loses r e a l i t y ; as it tends to b e c o m e fully realized,
it tends to prepare f o r its own d i s a p p e a r a n c e . T h e gap separat- 12

ing the d o m i n a n t society f r o m the dominated society steadily

becomes wider, as much in the social a n d psychological as i n t h e
e c o n o m i c d o m a i n . T h e effect of the system is to produce persons
w h o m the colonists scornfully call " n a t i v e s , " that is to say, in-
dividuals w h o have been d e t a c h e d f r o m t h e i r c o m m u n i t y b u t
w h o , e v e n t h o u g h t h e y have b e e n cast i n t o a capitalistic econ-
omy m a r k e d by c o m p e t i t i o n , have m a i n t a i n e d a way of life a n d
an attitude of m i n d w h i c h o n l y h a d m e a n i n g in the c o n t e x t of
their old c o m m u n i t y . T h e c o l o n i a l situation thus creates the
" c o n t e m p t i b l e " person at the same time t h a t it creates the con-
t e m p t u o u s attitude; but it creates in turn a spirit of revolt against
this c o n t e m p t ; a n d so the tension that is tearing the whole so-
ciety to pieces keeps on increasing.

T h e T o t a l Disruption of a Society

T h e p h e n o m e n a of disintegration can be observed in a l l

aspects of A l g e r i a n existence a n d a r e all inseparably connected,
a l t h o u g h for greater clarity each must be dealt with i n turn.
T h e p o p u l a t i o n explosion resulting f r o m the coexistence of an
e x t r e m e l y h i g h b i r t h rate that is l i n k e d to the conditions of ex-
treme poverty a n d a d e a t h rate that has been appreciably reduced
by i m p r o v e d sanitation is undoubtedly one of the m a i n factors
c o n t r i b u t i n g to the present m a l a d j u s t m e n t , because the f o r m e r
h i g h l y precarious state of e q u i l i b r i u m was based in part on the
1 3
S i n c e t h e s y s t e m t e n d s t o p r e s e r v e i t s e l f i n t a c t , it w o u l d b e e a s y to
d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t i t r u i n s a n y a t t e m p t s at r e f o r m , e i t h e r b y t u r n i n g t h e m to
t h e a d v a n t a g e of t h e E u r o p e a n s o r b y m a k i n g t h e m i n e f f e c t u a l .
Disintegration and Distress 135
s m a l l size of the p o p u l a t i o n . T h e disparity between p o p u l a t i o n
and resources is f u r t h e r increased by the fact that the soil, w h i c h
is n o w less f e r t i l e a n d m o r e intensively c u l t i v a t e d , is rapidly 13

b e c o m i n g exhausted, with a resultant d r o p in yield, a n d above

all by the fact that a population that has increased enormously
i n size (to the d e m o g r a p h i c factor has been added the mass
descent of the m o u n t a i n dwellers i n t o the p l a i n s ) must live on
a m u c h reduced p a t r i m o n y . W i t h the very foundations of the
a g r a r i a n order shaken a n d in certain regions completely de-
stroyed, a rapid decline in the standard of living has become
evident. T h e closed a n d static traditionalist economy c a n n o t
stand up to competition with a capitalistic economy w h i c h pro-
motes the growth of large commercial enterprises, is provided
with the most m o d e r n e q u i p m e n t , has its own credit corpora-
tions, and utilizes a method of f a r m i n g that is designed to pro-
duce high yields and is aimed primarily at the e x p o r t trade,
a m e t h o d which, needless to say, has quickly b r o u g h t about the
r u i n of the rural craftsmen a n d of the way of life exemplified by
the n o m a d s a n d semi-nomads, w h o h a v e now been driven b a c k
to t h e H i g h Plains. T h e peasant, c a u g h t up i n t h e machinery of
t h e m o d e r n financial system—whose r e g u l a t i n g mechanisms (sale
at the lowest price immediately a f t e r the harvest, purchase at
t h e highest price i n o r d e r to tide h i m o v e r ) b r i n g a b o u t t h e
irrevocable r u i n of t h e w h o l e previous system of b a l a n c e s — s o o n
has no resort o t h e r than to b o r r o w at usurious rates, to sell his
l a n d or to emigrate a n d assume the status of a sub-proletarian;
as such, he will b e "considered as good for a n y t h i n g a n d conse-
quently as good f o r n o t h i n g by his e m p l o y e r s " (Dresch), will be
placed in conditions of m a t e r i a l a n d m o r a l misery, will feel " d e -
socialized" a n d dehumanized, a n d , with the u n d e r m i n i n g of his
f u n d a m e n t a l values, will be a prey to a feeling of chronic frus-
tration (see Fig. 13). W i t h the changes i n j j i e prcjpef4y.Jaws a n d
thejn_rocki£tic^^

tjtk^jvliichjiasj^ for the small f a r m e r to sell his

l a n d , all the protections of the agrarTan~orcfer, such^sTrlFInTtltu-
1 8
T h e f e l l a h h a s h a d t o c l e a r a n d b r i n g into c u l t i v a t i o n n e w l a n d s w h o s e
s o i l is o f t e n r a t h e r p o o r ; h e h a s a l s o b e e n o b l i g e d t o w o r k m o r e continuously
the lands which he f o r m e r l y allowed to lie fallow.
 Whole of Algeria Large Cities

Other Citles-aad Towns Rural Cross-Section

EUD Employed EM Unemployed Inactive Sick, aged, unfit

Real rate of unemployraenl

Fig. 13. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e M a l e Algerian Population According to

T y p e of A c t i v i t y a n d A g e Group

(Based on an investigation carried out by sampling representative

groups during the summer of 1961, the results of which are to be
published under the title, Travail et Travailleurs en Algérie, Vol. I,
Statistical D a t a , b y A . D a r b e l , J . P. R i v e t and Claude Seibel; Vol. II,
S o c i o l o g i c a l S t u d y , b y P. Bourdieu.)
T h e real rate of e m p l o y m e n t ( d e n n e d b y t h e p e r c e n t a g e of people
w h o w e r e w o r k i n g o n t h e d a y t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n w a s m a d e ) is i n general
very low (57.5 p e r cent) and particularly, if one considers the whole
of Algeria, for the people in the fourteen- to t w e n t y - y e a r age group
(36.7 per cent). Life histories indicate that the years of adolescence
have been the most difficult years of existence for the great majority
of Algerians. A good number of them have been compelled to look
136
Disintegration and Distress 137
f o r w o r k v e r y early, s o m e t i m e s e v e n at t h e a g e o f ten. B e f o r e s u c c e e d -
i n g in finding a stable e m p l o y m e n t , most of the w o r k e r s a n d the m i n o r
e m p l o y e e s h a v e e n g a g e d i n several t e m p o r a r y trades. T h e p e r c e n t a g e of
those e m p l o y e d increases q u i t e r a p i d l y f r o m t h e age of f o u r t e e n to the
age of twenty-five, t h e n r e m a i n s r e m a r k a b l y c o n s t a n t until a b o u t the
a g e o f fifty, a f t e r w h i c h t h e r e is a s u d d e n d r o p . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e p r o -
p o r t i o n of p e o p l e over seventy years of age w h o d e c l a r e that t h e y are
still e m p l o y e d r e m a i n s q u i t e h i g h . T h e m a i n b r e a k in employment
t a k e s p l a c e a t t h e a g e o f fifty i n t h e / l a r g e c i t i e s a n d is a p p a r e n t l y q u i t e
d r a s t i c . 8g.a p e r c e n t o f t h e m e n f r o m f o r t y t o f o r t y - n i n e y e a r s o f a g e
w e r e e m p l o y e d t h e d a y o f t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n a s c o m p a r e d t o 59 p e r c e n t
o f t h e m e n f r o m fifty t o fifty-four years of age; the s a m e sharp break
o c c u r s a t fifty y e a r s o f a g e i n t h e o t h e r c i t i e s , b u t f r o m t h e n o n t h e r e
is n o p e r c e p t i b l e d r o p u n t i l t h e a g e o f s i x t y - f i v e ; t h e s a m e s i t u a t i o n
p r e v a i l s i n t h e r u r a l c r o s s - s e c t i o n ; i n t h e K a b y l e s t r a t a , t h e r e is a v e r y
sharp b r e a k w h i c h takes place at the age of sixty. F i n a l l y , in the
s o u t h e r n areas, t h e d r o p i n t h e r e a l rate of e m p l o y m e n t o n l y shows u p
a t t h e a g e o f s e v e n t y , a n d e v e n t h e n 80 p e r c e n t o f t h e m e n o v e r
seventy years of age d e c l a r e d themselves to be e m p l o y e d .

T h e p e r c e n t a g e of the m e n w h o declare themselves to b e e m p l o y e d

is a l w a y s h i g h e r t h a n t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f t h e m e n w h o a r e a c t u a l l y e m -
p l o y e d . T h e g a p is p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t i c e a b l e i n t h e s o u t h e r n c r o s s - s e c t i o n s ,
s i n c e h e r e , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e m e n f r o m fifty t o fifty-five y e a r s o f a g e d e -
c l a r e d t h a t t h e y w e r e 100 p e r c e n t e m p l o y e d . T h e r e a s o n f o r t h i s is t h a t
the ideas of e m p l o y m e n t o r u n e m p l o y m e n t a r e r e l a t i v e to t h e w h o l e of
t h e c u l t u r a l system. T h u s , in t h e case of r e a l rates of employment
w h i c h are v e r y m u c h the s a m e , the r u r a l d w e l l e r s of the K a b y l e cross-
s e c t i o n s q u i t e r e a d i l y state t h a t t h e y a r e u n e m p l o y e d if t h e y j u d g e
that their activities are insufficient to p r o v i d e a living, w h e r e a s the
i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e S o u t h p r e f e r t o say t h a t t h e y a r e e m p l o y e d . T h i s
m a y easily be u n d e r s t o o d because of the fact that the former, by reason
of a l o n g t r a d i t i o n of e m i g r a t i o n to F r a n c e a n d to t h e A l g e r i a n cities,
have a direct or m e d i a t e experience of the m o d e r n e c o n o m i c system,
w i t h w h i c h the latter h a v e r e m a i n e d relatively unacquainted. I n the
t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t , t h e l a c k o f w o r k is n o t u n d e r s t o o d as
b e i n g u n e m p l o y m e n t . Agriculture a n d stock r a i s i n g h a v e their rhythms,
t h e c h a n g e s f r o m p e r i o d s of g r e a t activity to p e r i o d s w h e n w o r k p r o -
ceeds at a m u c h r e d u c e d p a c e . A l l t h e m e m b e r s of t h e f a m i l y , f r o m
the old p a t r i a r c h d o w n to the y o u n g adolescent, take part in the f a r m
tasks i n v a r y i n g d e g r e e s a n d w i t h d i v e r s functions. T h u s they all f e e l
that they are fully o c c u p i e d a n d p e r m a n e n t l y e m p l o y e d because, h o w -
e v e r l i t t l e i t m a y b e , t h e r e is a l w a y s s o m e t h i n g to d o f o r e v e r y o n e .
T h e m a n w h o declares himself to be u n e m p l o y e d , o n the c o n t r a r y ,
u n d e r s t a n d s a n d j u d g e s his c o n d i t i o n i n relation to a n e w system of
r e f e r e n c e a n d b r i n g s i n , e i t h e r i m p l i c i t l y o r e x p l i c i t l y . T h e i d e a o f full
e m p l o y m e n t w h i c h h e has d e r i v e d f r o m his e x p e r i e n c e of t h e m o d e r n
e c o n o m y a n d f r o m his w o r k in the E u r o p e a n e n v i r o n m e n t . T h i s is
also i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e fact that the y o u n g m e n f r o m f o u r t e e n to t w e n t y -
five y e a r s of a g e w h o h a d n o e m p l o y m e n t the d a y on w h i c h the
investigation w a s m a d e almost all d e c l a r e d that they w e r e u n e m p l o y e d
i n contrast to the statements of the o l d e r i n d i v i d u a l s .
i 8
3 T h e Algerians
It m a y b e seen, m o r e o v e r , that t h e real chances of o b t a i n i n g e m p l o y -
m e n t i n c r e a s e as o n e m o v e s f r o m t h e c o u n t r y t o t h e c i t y , t h e r e a l r a t e
o f e m p l o y m e n t r i s i n g f r o m 46.5 p e r c e n t i n t h e K a b y l e a r e a s t o 54.8
p e r c e n t i n t h e n o n - K a b y l e r u r a l a r e a s , 61 p e r c e n t i n t h e c i t i e s o f
a v e r a g e s i z e , a n d f i n a l l y t o 78.8 p e r c e n t i n t h e l a r g e c i t i e s . I t is a l s o
a k n o w n fact that industrial wages are h i g h e r in the l a r g e cities t h a n
they are in the smaller t o w n s a n d cities a n d that, g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g ,
u r b a n incomes are h i g h e r than r u r a l incomes.

tion of j o i n t property, have either b e e n abolished or have lost a

great deal of their effectiveness. I n addition, t h e J r f n x u l a n r A . g i v e n
to^£cmiojriicva|u^^
a n order" that was formerly bascU on personal relations. T h u s
the f o r m e r b o n d of patronage that united the l a n d o w n e r a n d the
tenant f a r m e r is now b r o k e n : either the advances to the t e n a n t
are considered as a loan w h i c h must b e repaid, so that the latter,
n o l o n g e r finding the system to his advantage, p r e f e r s to b e c o m e
a wage e a r n e r , or else the f o r m e r system is m a i n t a i n e d ; but h e r e
too, a l t h o u g h the situation may appear i d e n t i c a l to w h a t it was
before, the w h o l e relationship has been a l t e r e d . T h e result has 14

b e e n the advent of wage-earning, w h i c h implies an i m p e r s o n a l

relationship between capital a n d labor, a n d the a p p e a r a n c e of
the f a r m w o r k e r who has b r o k e n with his family or his tribe, a
person u n k n o w n to the f o r m e r society. Moreover the colonist,
with his techniques, his different attitude to the l a n d — h i s way
of looking on it as a m e r e raw m a t e r i a l — a n d the surveyor, w i t h
his i n t r o d u c t i o n of the n o t i o n of property limits, have b r o u g h t
about a t r a n s m u t a t i o n of values a n d the collapse of the f o r m e r
agencies which mediated the relationship between the peasant
a n d his l a n d . T h e very n a t u r e of this relationship is b e i n g modi-
fied; a l o n g with E u r o p e a n agricultural m e t h o d s a n d techniques,
there is b e i n g i n t r o d u c e d a " m a t e r i a l i s t i c " view of the land, a n d
the old methods of f a r m i n g are losing their r i t u a l significance.
T h i s land, m o r e o v e r , seems to s h r i n k in size o n c e its com-

W n 1956 the traditional tenant farming system was prohibited and

replaced by the metayage system (sharecropping). Certain owners at that

time demanded a sum of money or an acknowledgment of indebtedness
c o v e r i n g t h e h i r i n g o u t of a n i m a l s , t h e p r o v i s i o n o f f a r m i m p l e m e n t s , and
half t h e cost o f the feed. In other cases t h e tenant (khammès) became a
f a r m w o r k e r . C e r t a i n o n e s c o n t i n u e d as i n t h e past i n spite o f t h e n e w law.
Disintegration and Distress igg
m e r c i a l value is revealed. A n impersonal a n d abstract m o n e t a r y
value is replacing t h e f o r m e r values of prestige a n d h o n o r . I n
this topsy-turvy world each o n e adapts h i m s e l f as best he can
or succumbs; there is a strong temptation to convert one's miser-
a b l e little plot of g r o u n d i n t o cash a n d b u y i n g power, a n d
those w h o yield to this t e m p t a t i o n e n d by j o i n i n g the ranks of
the u p r o o t e d a n d disoriented r u r a l proletariat. T h e cleverest
a m o n g them m a k e use of legal techniques to accumulate a f o r t u n e
or to acquire great domains; the great lords, loath to adapt them-
selves to these new conditions, preserve a mere facade of wealth
by mortgaging their lands, a fact w h i c h has c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e
relative overthrow of t h e traditional hierarchies; finally, t h e r e
are those w h o r e m a i n f a i t h f u l to the soil a n d c o n t i n u e to work
it as i n the past, b u t with a m u c h k e e n e r awareness of their
wretched condition.
B y reason of their f u n c t i o n a l i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n , the e c o n o m i c
a n d the social structures were doomed to a similar, parallel dis-
i n t e g r a t i o n : the e m i g r a t i o n o f the uprooted, poverty-stricken
p r o l e t a r i a t to the towns a n d cities, t h e destruction of t h e eco-
n o m i c unity o f the family, the weakening of the ancient solidari-
ties a n d of the restraints which had been imposed by the group
a n d which h a d protected the agrarian order, t h e rise of t h e
individual a n d of e c o n o m i c individualism w h i c h shattered t h e
c o m m u n i t y framework, w e r e all so m a n y breaches in t h e c o h e r e n t
f a b r i c of the social structures. T h e administrative and political
measures that were adopted m e r e l y increased t h e shock to t h e
a n c i e n t o r d e r : t h e SexmLus Cnnsidte^pL i86ft created n e w social
units, t h e douais^iq£the_most p a r t A e j n e j y _ ^ r r i t o j j c _ j h a t . were
:

car-V£d^ouTaf"that"' time_djd_jigt follow t h e j i a t m ^ W j ^ ^ of

t h e j t j a d i i i f i n a l s o c i e t y ; j . h e family g r o u p w a s o j f t e n j i i v i d e d a m o n g
s e
X _ _ y j ^ S 2 i J > K f e ? . ^ ? g r P o f different family^orighi. would
J
o u s

b e j o i n e d together i n the same douar. It even h a p p e n e d that,

when a tribe was considerecTto be t o o small in n u m b e r s , it was
i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the douars o f a n e i g h b o r i n g tribe. W h e r e a s
i n A r a b territory the Senatus Consulte divided what had been
united, in K a b y l i a they united what h a d been divided by group-
ing several villages into the same douar. If, in K a b y l i a a n d the
A u r e s , p a r a l l e l institutions long c o n t i n u e d to f u n c t i o n (the
140 T h e Algerians
c o u n c i l of the clan or group) while the djemda o f the douar
r e m a i n e d an artificial a n d superimposed organization, the ad-
ministrative unit in the Arabic-speaking territories gradually
b e c a m e a real social entity at the expense of the traditional units,
because m e m b e r s of t h e same douar c a m e to feel u n i t e d by t h e i r
c o m m o n interests, preoccupations a n d administrative problems.
T h e a p p o i n t m e n t of the cai'ds has also tended to hasten the
disintegration of the ancient structures by substituting an ad-
ministrative hierarchy for the traditional hierarchies.
T h e l a w s o f aemltrrxation have been_operating in the same
direction as t h e ill-considered policy of i n t e r v e n t i o n o n the*part
of tdre a d m i n i s t r a t i o n : new methods of transportatiojiJ^ay^J^ed
to a shifting of the m a i n trade routes; thus,_wjth the cormng of
the r a i l f S M 7 ~ T l e r n c e n gradually losTTts i m p o r t a n c e as a great
comme^rcTal7center;Thefe haTTJearTa widening i n the r a n g e of
r

h u m a n contacts;_a_numlaexjxEjtl^_small tribal markets have lost

their i m p o r t a n c e j n ^ J i a y e disappeared, ~being replaced b y t h e
markets of the E u r o p e a n cities, stocked~wifh~the i n d u s t r i a l wares
(kitchen utensils, toilet articles, fabrics, etc.) that have t a k e n the
place of the products formerly made by the family_in r u r a l com-
m u n i t i e s ; the once closed social units n o w have m a n y outside
contacts, and t h e r a n g e of m a t r i m o n i a l exchanges has greatly in-
creased. T h e wider a c q u a i n t a n c e with t h e w o r l d b r o u g h t a b o u t
by e m i g r a t i o n , by u r b a n i z a t i o n a n d b y increasing m o b i l i t y , t h e
i m p a c t of t h e n e w ideas a n d i m a g e s i n t r o d u c e d by the school,
radio, c i n e m a a n d newspaper, h a v e f a v o r e d the creation of new
needs and of a rise i n t h e aspiration level. B o t h o f these have
developed m o r e quickly than the techniques and values re-
q u i r e d f o r a d a p t a t i o n to the W e s t e r n e c o n o m i c system c a n be
t r a n s m i t t e d (saving, t h e r a t i o n a l utilization of money, credit, the
sense of the i m p o r t a n c e o f workmanship) a n d far m o r e quickly
t h a n the production of the goods r e q u i r e d to satisfy these needs
a n d ambitions can b e increased (see F i g . 14). A t the same time
there developed a g r o w i n g awareness of the inequalities a n d
barriers separating the two societies, the f u n d a m e n t a l cause of
t h e revolt against the d o m i n a n t society. T h i s new awareness is
all the more acute, since it is developing both at a t i m e when
the Algerians are discovering, above a n d b e y o n d the c o l o n i a l
 Disintegration and Distress
system, the i m a g e of the ideal F r a n c e , a F r a n c e that is the h e r a l d
of new ideals, and at a time w h e n the d o m i n a t e d society is b e i n g
swept along in a great proletarianizing m o v e m e n t .
V a r i o u s disruptive forces are b r e a k i n g down the unity of
the family, whose f u n c t i o n a l significance has already been ana-
lyzed. W e have seen those forces being exerted against the r u r a l
f a m i l y ; i n the cities the challenge is even m o r e radical. T h e
disintegration of the agrarian o r d e r has led to an a b n o r m a l de-
v e l o p m e n t of the cities. L i f e appears to have n o t h i n g stable or
d u r a b l e to offer the u r b a n populace, w h i c h has b e e n completely
a n d i r r e v o c a b l y cut off f r o m its f o r m e r e n v i r o n m e n t , lives
c r a m m e d together in i n c r e d i b l e densities in the unsanitary dwell-
ings of the old city districts or of the new s h a n t y t o w n s , a n d is 15

generally filled with u n c e r t a i n t y as to the f u t u r e . T h e misery

a n d insecurity have b e e n m a d e even worse by the distress re-
sulting f r o m the loss of the g r o u p ties on w h i c h the individual's
psychological and social stability was based i n the old c o m m u n i -
ties. O n e can imagine how precarious family unity must b e in
such a c o n t e x t , u n d e r m i n e d as it is by a g r e a t m a n y factors: b y
t h e f r e q u e n t r e p u d i a t i o n o f wives; by t h e tension existing
between the traditional standards, which d e m a n d widely ex-
tended solidarities, and the imperatives of the individualistic
e c o n o m i c system, in which the single f a m i l y household is the
basic unit; b y the crisis in the m o r a l e d u c a t i o n of the children,
w h o are n o w often left to r o a m the streets; by the disorientation
of the young people, w h o are gaining a p o l i t i c a l consciousness,
are h a u n t e d by the fear of u n e m p l o y m e n t , a n d are generally
being induced to challenge b o t h t h e traditional standards a n d
p a t e r n a l authority; b y the conflict between the different genera-
tions, a conflict that is especially n o t i c e a b l e in matters concern-
i n g the concept of marriage a n d the role of the wife in society
(the law of m a t r i m o n i a l constraint, the wearing of the veil, the
question of equality in marriage, of e m p l o y m e n t f o r women,
etc.); by the dispersion of the single-family units, connected with
the new e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s a n d with the desire to attain t h e

A n e f f o r t h a s b e e n m a d e to r e s o l v e t h e p r o b l e m o£ u r b a n h o u s i n g .
1 5

T h u s t h e r e h a v e b e e n c o n s t r u c t e d d u r i n g t h e l a s t f o u r y e a r s s o m e 100,000
dwellings.
status of wage earner a n d thereby gain e c o n o m i c i n d e p e n d e n c e .
T h j r s j i h f i ^ x t e n d e d f a m i l y is b e i n g replaced by t h e ^ i n g l e - f a m i l y
u n i t ; t h e c o m m u n i t i e s of t h e old society are d i s i n t e g r a t i n g ' i n t o
a cloud of separate i n d i v i d u a l s at the same time that the tradi-
tions they m a i n t a i n e d and on which they were based are also dis-
appearing.
T h i s radical u p h e a v a l of the e c o n o m i c , social a n d psychologi-
cal world has led to a deep feeling of anguish, which finds ex-
pression in the F r e n c h - l a n g u a g e novel and in the oral l i t e r a t u r e
of the c o m m o n people. All these contradictions affect the i n n e r
n a t u r e of " t h e m a n b e t w e e n two w o r l d s " — t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l , the
m a n who formerly worked in France, the city dweller—is exposed
142
7

Fig. 14. P o p u l a t i o n Shifts Within Algeria Between 1954 a n d i960

T h i s m a p , which has been d r a w n u p in accordance w i t h the figures

g i v e n f o r e a c h c o m m u n e o r d i s t r i c t as a r e s u l t o f t h e c e n s u s of 1954
a n d of ig6o, s h o u l d b e c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e m a p s h o w i n g t h e m i l i t a r y
s i t u a t i o n i n 1957 ( F i g . 15) a n d a r e l i e f m a p . I t c a n b e o b s e r v e d , o n
the one h a n d , that the zones in w h i c h the p o p u l a t i o n has decreased
t h e most are those in w h i c h t h e a r m y of national liberation has b e e n
m o s t firmly e n t r e n c h e d f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g of the revolution a n d w h i c h ,
as a r e s u l t , h a v e b e e n m o s t a f f e c t e d b y t h e w a r . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d ,
it c a n b e s e e n t h a t , i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e f r o n t i e r z o n e s , t h e r e g i o n s i n
w h i c h a g r e a t decrease has b e e n r e c o r d e d c o r r e s p o n d to the m o u n t a i n
zones, w h o s e i n h a b i t a n t s h a v e d e p a r t e d for the cities or h a v e b e e n re-
s e t t l e d in t h e p l a i n s . T h e b l a c k spots, i n d i c a t i n g a n i n c r e a s e of o v e r
100 p e r c e n t i n p o p u l a t i o n , c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e c i t i e s o r t o t h e a r e a s
in w h i c h the resettlement centers h a v e been established.

143
144 T h e Algerians
to the conflicts created by the weakening of the t r a d i t i o n a l sys-
tems of sanctions and by the development of a double set o f
m o r a l standards. Constantly being faced with a l t e r n a t i v e ways
of b e h a v i o r by reason of the intrusion of new values, a n d there-
fore compelled to make a conscious e x a m i n a t i o n of the i m p l i c i t
premises or the unconscious p a t t e r n s of his own t r a d i t i o n , this
m a n , cast between two worlds a n d r e j e c t e d b y b o t h , lives a
sort of double inner life, is a prey to frustration and i n n e r
conflict, with the result that he is c o n s t a n t l y b e i n g t e m p t e d
to a d o p t e i t h e r an attitude of uneasy oyeridentification or o n e
of rebellious negativism.
W h i l e presented only in broad outline, the preceding pages
m a k e possible a b e t t e r understanding of the war in Algeria. T h i s
conflict was not merely t h e sum total of t h e i n d i v i d u a l passions
involved, that is to say, the i r r a t i o n a l and s u b j e c t i v e manifesta-
tion of i n n e r tensions, n o r was it by any means a mere misunder-
standing which could b e cleared up by a conversion of m i n d s
i n d u c e d b y p r o p a g a n d a or education o r e v e n by some s i m p l e
e c o n o m i c changes; b u t in reality it was based o b j e c t i v e l y on a n
o b j e c t i v e situation of w h i c h the individual tensions a r e only t h e
resultants. Its underlying causes may b e f o u n d i n a b i t t e r l y real
d r a m a : the overthrow of a vital o r d e r and the collapse of a
w h o l e world of values.
7- T h e Revolution Within
the Revolution

T h e causes of the war in A l g e r i a , the p a r t i c u l a r f o r m it

assumed and the consequences it has e n t a i l e d are all aspects of
a single p h e n o m e n o n of w h i c h it is i m p o r t a n t to u n d e r s t a n d
the over-all significance. I f any o n e of these t h r e e aspects is dis-
associated f r o m the w h o l e of w h i c h it f o r m s a part, it c a n n o t be
properly understood.
T o deny that the revolutionary war had its basis in an ob-
j e c t i v e situation is to refuse to admit its true character and to
deny the real reason f o r its existence. T o claim that the war was
imposed u p o n the A l g e r i a n people by a h a n d f u l of ringleaders
w h o resorted to compulsion a n d trickery is to deny the fact that
the struggle was able to draw on strong p o p u l a r sentiment for its
vital strength a n d purpose, a s e n t i m e n t inspired by an o b j e c t i v e
situation. I t is true that the war existed and c o n t i n u e d only in
relation to t h e situation within which a n d because of w h i c h it
c a m e i n t o being; b u t at the same t i m e it modified the original
situation by the very fact of its existence a n d its persistence.
As we have already seen, the indigenous society h a d been
shaken to its f o u n d a t i o n o n t h e eve of the r e v o l u t i o n as a result
of the c o l o n i a l policy and the clash of opposing civilizations.
M o r e o v e r , the whole of this society was b e i n g t o r n asunder b y
the h i d d e n or open tensions that existed between the d o m i n a n t
E u r o p e a n society a n d the d o m i n a t e d A l g e r i a n society. N o w t h e
evolution of the c o l o n i a l system causes the gap (and the correla-
tive tension) which separates the d o m i n a n t and the d o m i n a t e d
societies to k e e p on widening, a n d this occurs in all the spheres
of e x i s t e n c e — e c o n o m i c , social a n d psychological. T h e almost
stationary state of e q u i l i b r i u m in w h i c h the colonial society was
m a i n t a i n e d is the resultant of two opposing forces whose strength

145
146 T h e Algerians
is constantly increasing: on the o n e h a n d , the force that tends
to b r i n g a b o u t an increase in inequalities a n d in real discrimina-
tion, a c o n s e q u e n c e due in part to the pauperization of the people
a n d to the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e o r i g i n a l A l g e r i a n c u l t u r e ; on
the o t h e r h a n d , t h e f o r c e constituted by the feelings of revolt
and r e s e n t m e n t aroused against this increase i n social inequali-
ties a n d discrimination. I n short, w h e n carried along by its own
i n t e r n a l logic, the colonial system tends to develop all the con-
sequences implied at the time of its f o u n d i n g — t h e c o m p l e t e
separation of the social castes. V i o l e n t revolution a n d repression
by force fit in perfectly with the logical c o h e r e n c e of the system;
while the colonial society is as u n i n t e g r a t e d as ever, the war
now b e c a m e completely integrated within the colonial system a n d
allowed it to be recognized f o r what it really is.
I n d e e d , the war plainly revealed the true basis f o r the
c o l o n i a l order: t h e r e l a t i o n , backed by force, w h i c h allows the
d o m i n a n t caste to keep the d o m i n a t e d caste i n a position of
i n f e r i o r i t y . T h u s it becomes evident why the r e t u r n of peace
should i n t h e eyes of certain m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a n t caste seem
t h e worst k i n d of m e n a c e . W i t h o u t the exercise of f o r c e , t h e r e
would be n o t h i n g to c o u n t e r b a l a n c e the force directed at the
very roots of the s y s t e m — t h e rebellion against a n i n f e r i o r social
position.
T h a t o n l y a revolution c a n a b o l i s h the c o l o n i a l system, that
any c h a n g e s to be m a d e must be subject to the law of all o r
n o t h i n g , a r e facts n o w consciously realized, e v e n if o n l y con-
fusedly, j u s t as m u c h by the m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a n t society
as by the members of the dominated society. T h o s e a m o n g the
f o r m e r who l i n k e d t h e i r very e x i s t e n c e to their m e m b e r s h i p in
the d o m i n a n t caste w e r e u n a b l e to conceive that any possible
o r d e r c o u l d b e substituted that w o u l d n o t e n t a i l t h e i r disappear-
ance f r o m the scene. T h e m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a t e d society,
f o r their part, understood that they c o u l d expect n o real result
f r o m reforms carried out f r o m within the system and directed at
c h a n g i n g it internally, because these measures tended in reality
to s t r e n g t h e n o r at least to conserve a n d protect the system u n d e r
t h e p r e t e x t of an a t t e m p t to transform or abolish it. T h u s it must
be g r a n t e d that the primary a n d indeed the sole r a d i c a l challenge
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 1417
to t h e system was the o n e that t h e system itself engendered; the
revolt against the principles on which it was founded.

Special Form and M e a n i n g of the W a r

W e must now define very roughly the special form and mean-
ing that this war acquired because of its b e i n g waged in this
unique situation. I f , as is so o f t e n done, o n e adopts the stand-
point of f o r m a l legality, a n d i f o n e admits that in i n t e r n a t i o n a l
relations violence may legitimately b e resorted to by b o t h sides,
whereas within a single c o u n t r y it may be legitimately employed
only by those w h o represent the power of the state, then o n e will
a p p a r e n t l y b e justified in looking o n the A l g e r i a n war as a
rebellion against the established order a n d in regarding the re-
pressive measures adopted as being a mere police operation in
which the forces of law a n d order have the legal right to act
against t h e criminals. I t w o u l d b e only too easy to show t h a t the
p o i n t o f view of f o r m a l legality implies an ignorance of the
sociological facts a n d a refusal to recognize the situation in w h i c h
the r e v o l u t i o n b r o k e out a n d against which it was directed.
Once the false issues have b e e n put aside, the t h i n g that
strikes o n e is that t h e "hostile i n t e n t i o n " of this war h a d a c e r t a i n
abstract quality. T w o texts f r o m a great m a n y that could b e
cited will suffice to i l l u s t r a t e this p o i n t : " T h e Algerian revolu-
tion is n o t a holy war but an attempt to regain o u r liberty. It
is not a work of hate but a struggle against a system of oppres-
s i o n . " " T h e war in Algeria is n o t the war o f Arabs against
1

Europeans n o r that of Moslems against Christians, n o r is it the

war of the Algerian people against the F r e n c h p e o p l e . " O n e 2

will possibly look on these sentences as mere tricks of propaganda.

However, they do seem to express one of the essential character-
istics of this war, namely, that it was directed less (in its hostile
i n t e n t i o n , it must b e r e p e a t e d ) against actual enemies than
against a system, t h e c o l o n i a l system.

1
Letter f r o m the Front d e Libération Nationale to t h e French: quoted
b y F a v r o d : La révolution algérienne ( P i o n , 1959), p. 174.
2
F e r h a t A b b a s : Speech of February 17, i960.
148 T h e Algerians
T h e revolutionary radicalism of the A l g e r i a n rebels is a
direct consequence of their conscious awareness that the colonial
society constitutes a system and for this reason can not b e only
half-destroyed; that what must b e changed are not attitudes of
m i n d , e c o n o m i c structures or legal and political institutions, b u t
t h e established system in its entirety. As M o h a m m e d D i b has said:
" N o d o u b t racism was evident even i n t h e looks directed o u r
w a y — b l a n k looks which seemed to relegate us to t h e b a c k g r o u n d .
B u t we used to t h i n k that even this was the result of a system;
it is the system in its entirety that we wish to b e rid of, n o t
o n l y these looks." 3
T h e colonial situation is t h e c o n t e x t in
w h i c h a l l actions must b e judged. T h u s as long as there is a con-
tinuance of this system f r o m which the European, w h e t h e r will-
ingly o r unwillingly, knowingly o r unknowingly, c o n t i n u e s to
derive advantages, t h e most generous actions from t h e p o i n t of
view of strict i n t e n t i o n , w h e t h e r they b e t h e acts of individuals
or those of government, will turn out in practice to b e e i t h e r
p e r f e c t l y useless or, because they take on their meaning f r o m
the social context, actually h a r m f u l . T h e benevolent or generous
acts that the members of the d o m i n a n t society p e r f o r m (more
f r e q u e n t l y than is c o m m o n l y believed) in favor of the m e m b e r s
of the d o m i n a t e d society are almost necessarily b o u n d to be
misunderstood, because they are interpreted in the light of the
relationship based on d o m i n a t i o n which exists between the two
societies; thus in answer to benevolent acts, which may be e i t h e r
subjectively or objectively t i n g e d with paternalism, the usual
response is an attitude of dependency. So intersubjective com-
m u n i c a t i o n rarely fulfills its end. W o u l d it n o t b e easy to show,
f o r e x a m p l e , that the u n a c k n o w l e d g e d purposes of m a n y individ-
ual acts of generosity is to allow the b e n e f a c t o r himself to hide
f r o m himself the fact that injustice is consubstantial with the
existing state of affairs and that, all things considered, they are
really taking advantage of the injustice of the system in order to
do good?

E v e n if the relations between two persons are perfectly h a p p y

a n d harmonious, there is always lurking in the b a c k g r o u n d the
8
Interview granted to the newspaper El Pueblo o£ Buenos Aires,
M a r c h 16, 1958.
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 149
hostility which separates the two groups a n d w h i c h is constantly
t h r e a t e n i n g to come forward to i m p a i r the good will. T h i s may
perhaps be an e x p l a n a t i o n of the fact that t h e ties b e t w e e n per-
sons of the two societies are often exceptionally intense, when
they do succeed in getting established. B u t the colonial situation
n e v e r lets itself be forgotten, and sometimes it succeeds in com-
ing between men who considered themselves to be face to face.
T h u s it would appear in this context as if the most generous
intentions c a n n o t h e l p having a h a r m f u l effect. T h i s is why,
although it may be pure and sincere in its i n t e n t i o n s and al-
t h o u g h it is a thousand times to be preferred to a passive or
cynical adherence to the prevailing conditions, f o r m a l good
will is perverted in its very essence by a situation w h i c h it seeks
to overcome, because it tends to sanction an established order
while appearing to be attempting to correct it. I n the c o l o n i a l
c o n t e x t , no o t h e r f o r m of g o o d will is possible e x c e p t that which
works f o r the c o m i n g of an order in which good will some day
will be the ruling force in d e t e r m i n i n g h u m a n relations. 4

N o t h i n g w o u l d then be m o r e e r r o n e o u s t h a n to see in the

A l g e r i a n conflict a m e r e e x p l o s i o n of aggressiveness and h a t r e d ,
an i r r a t i o n a l and s u b j e c t i v e m a n i f e s t a t i o n of i n n e r tensions b o r n
of frustration and insecurity. A l t h o u g h aggressiveness may h a v e
m a d e this war take o n a special f o r m in p r o p o r t i o n as individuals
came to find in it an o p p o r t u n i t y to resolve t h e i r personal con-
flicts, and a l t h o u g h the role of individual passions and of sub-
jective m o t i v a t i o n s may have c o n t i n u e d to b e c o m e m o r e im-
p o r t a n t as the conflict was prolonged, it is nevertheless a fact that
the individual conflicts were based on an o b j e c t i v e situation
w h i c h c o n d i t i o n e d all the d r a m a s that went on in men's con-
sciousness.
T h e real question concerns the k i n d of situation in w h i c h

4
O n e e x a m p l e w i l l suffice to p r o v i d e a f a c t u a l c o n t e n t f o r these a n a l y s e s
w h i c h m a y a p p e a r r a t h e r s o p h i s t i c a t e d . A f t e r t h e u p r i s i n g s i n M a y 1958 s i g n s
w e r e posted b e a r i n g this text: " E a c h M o s l e m h a n d t h a t y o u s h a k e b r i n g s
i n t e g r a t i o n n e a r e r . " I s f r a t e r n i t y p o s s i b l e w h e n " f r a t e r n i z a t i o n " is o f f i c i a l l y
e n c o u r a g e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n t h i s p o l i c y is l i n k e d t o t h e p o l i c y o f r e p r e s -
sion? H e n c e o n e c a n u n d e r s t a n d t h e difficult p o s i t i o n i n w h i c h t h e a n t i - c o l o -
n i a l i s t E u r o p e a n s , w h o h a v e a c t u a l e x p e r i e n c e of a l l t h e s e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , f i n d
themselves.
igo T h e Algerians
personal relations may b e established i n the f u t u r e , since the
n a t u r e a n d f o r m of these relations are d e t e r m i n e d by the sit-
u a t i o n in w h i c h they are established. I t w o u l d i n d e e d b e use-
less to h o p e to abolish racism w i t h o u t destroying the c o l o n i a l
system of w h i c h it is the product; it would b e t h e h e i g h t of
pharisaism to c o n d e m n the r a c i s m a n d t h e racists spawned b y
t h e c o l o n i a l situation w i t h o u t c o n d e m n i n g t h e c o l o n i a l system
itself, that is to say, the oppression e x e r c i s e d by o n e g r o u p of
m e n o v e r a n o t h e r group of m e n .
T h e destruction of t h e c o l o n i a l system c a n n o t b e the result
of a conversion of m i n d s w h i c h w o u l d i n d u c e the m e m b e r s of
the d o m i n a n t society solemnly a n d collectively to give u p t h e
privileges they h o l d in order, by a conscious c h o i c e , to " i n t e g r a t e
t h e m s e l v e s " willingly into the d o m i n a t e d caste o r to " i n t e g r a t e
i t " i n t o their caste, w h i c h would m e a n the same t h i n g if we
ascribe to t h e words t h e i r f u l l m e a n i n g . T h i s conversion c a n
only b e the act of a few "traitors to t h e i r c a s t e . " T h e w h o l e
r a t i o n a l e of the c o l o n i a l system tends, on the contrary, to m a k e
this sort of collective suicide impossible, a n d it w o u l d b e even
m o r e impossible in this war, which m a d e the schism m o r e
m a r k e d . T h e "miracles of the t h i r t e e n t h of M a y " must be re-
garded as m e r e attempts at mystification or as staged demonstra-
tions.
T h e awareness of the fact that the c o l o n i a l system c a n only
b e e i t h e r m a i n t a i n e d in its e n t i r e t y or totally destroyed was
e q u a l l y acute among the m e m b e r s of b o t h societies. I f the idea
of a n A l g e r i a n state was inconceivable to the m a j o r i t y of E u r o -
peans, it was because they felt that it w o u l d i n v o l v e a r e p u d i a t i o n
of all they stood f o r a n d their c o m p l e t e destruction. Hence is
e x p l a i n e d a n extremist type of radicalism w h i c h is i n perfect
conformity with the logic of the colonial situation.
If the first d e m a n d of the m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a t e d so-
ciety is that they be t r e a t e d with respect a n d dignity, it is be-
cause the real n a t u r e of the c o l o n i a l system and the caste division
of the c o l o n i a l society h a v e b e e n concretely e x p e r i e n c e d t h r o u g h
h u m i l i a t i o n or alienation. E v e n when they do not think of it
in this manner on a r a t i o n a l level, the i m p l i c i t a n d affective
attitude of the masses towards the colonial society is to regard
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution ip^
it as a system w h i c h can be r e p l a c e d o n l y by destroying it in its
entirety. T h u s it follows that the r e v o l u t i o n directed against
a distinctive social o r d e r has itself certain distinctive charac-
teristics and c a n n o t be considered as purely a n d simply a class
struggle inspired by economic demands, a l t h o u g h it is true that
m o t i v a t i o n s of this sort a r e present, o w i n g to t h e fact that differ-
ences in economic status are one of the most obvious indications
of b e l o n g i n g to one or o t h e r of the castes, a n d a l t h o u g h e c o n o m i c
r e v o l u t i o n appears to be a necessary step i n the destruction of
the c o l o n i a l order. F o r the same reason the A l g e r i a n revolution
c a n be considered n e i t h e r an i n t e r n a t i o n a l n o r a civil war, al-
though it presented features reminiscent of b o t h . I f the struggle
against the caste system assumed the form of a war of n a t i o n a l
l i b e r a t i o n , it was because the creation of a n a u t o n o m o u s n a t i o n
together with the setting up of a g o v e r n m e n t of the Algerians
by the Algerians appeared to be the only decisive way of bring-
ing a b o u t the radical change in situation that could cause the
total a n d definitive collapse of the caste system.
T h e war unveiled the true face of the colonial system. All
the masks and ambiguous expressions were removed; h e n c e there
became evident a m o n g a good n u m b e r of the m e m b e r s of the
d o m i n a n t society a conscious or unconscious fear of peace, moti-
vated by the realization that the war b r o u g h t a b o u t an irreversi-
ble change which would become fully a p p a r e n t with the return
of peace; h e n c e also the admitted or unadmitted desire a m o n g
certain others f o r a total war that would e n d in absolute victory
or, i n o t h e r words, i n the restoration of the caste system, un-
c h a n g e d a n d intact. F o r the m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a t e d caste,
the disagreement a n d the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the ideal F r a n c e ,
which is often passionately loved,, and the colonial F r a n c e , which
based its d o m i n a t i o n on force a n d discrimination, became glar-
ingly apparent. B y its very logic or, if o n e prefers, by force of
circumstance and o f t e n contrary to the i n t e n t i o n of those en-
gaged in it, the war, as repression, tended to reveal b o t h its own.
n a t u r e a n d the n a t u r e of t h e colonial system a n d to s h o w u p
F r a n c e as a c o l o n i a l power.
So it is that even today the Algerians often distinguish
between " t h e true F r e n c h m e n " or the " F r e n c h m e n of F r a n c e "
152 T h e Algerians
a n d the " F r e n c h of A l g e r i a " or, better, " t h e E u r o p e a n s of Al-
g e r i a . " B y the latter expression and by the insistence with which
they recall the Spanish origin (and m o r e rarely the Italian ori-
gin) of the pieds noirs (descendants of the pioneers), they m e a n
to u n d e r l i n e the fact that they refuse to ascribe to these people
the qualities of the t r u e F r e n c h m e n . A l l these stereotype phrases,
which are based to a certain extent on actual e x p e r i e n c e (par-
ticularly a m o n g those who formerly w o r k e d in F r a n c e ) but whose
m a i n f u n c t i o n is to express the distinction they wish to m a i n t a i n
b e t w e e n ideal F r a n c e and c o l o n i a l F r a n c e , were called i n t o
q u e s t i o n by the actual fact of the war in w h i c h all F r e n c h m e n
indiscriminately participated, and in which the soldier " o f
F r a n c e " sometimes behaved as t h e worst of t h e pieds noirs would
(or would n o t . . . ) behave. H a v i n g learned by e x p e r i e n c e that
the m e m b e r s of the H o m e A r m y (métropolitains), when placed
in the colonial situation, would be c o n v e r t e d very rapidly to the
colonialist a n d racist attitude—is it n o t true that the great
m a j o r i t y of the leaders of the extremist movements were f r o m
m e t r o p o l i t a n F r a n c e ? — t h e Algerians have felt (without always
stating it explicitly o r admitting it) that this a t t i t u d e was n o t
a t t r i b u t a b l e to individual malice or to a congenital disposition
p e c u l i a r to a c e r t a i n e t h n i c g r o u p , but r a t h e r to a special situa-
tion a n d the c o n d i t i o n i n g it imposes. 5

0
In the colonial situation, collective pressure and social determinants
a c q u i r e e x c e p t i o n a l s t r e n g t h a n d i n t e n s i t y . T h e s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n i n g o£ t h e
i n d i v i d u a l is g o i n g o n c o n s t a n t l y . T h e r e f u s a l to a d o p t t h e r a c i s t a n d c o l o -
n i a l i s t a t t i t u d e o n t h e p a r t o f t h e E u r o p e a n m e a n s t h a t h e is c u t t i n g h i m s e l f
off f r o m h i s o w n g r o u p a n d e x p o s i n g h i m s e l f to b e i n g r e j e c t e d as a t r a i t o r .
T h a t is w h y t h e r e is a g o o d d e a l o f u n f a i r n e s s i n t h e a t t i t u d e o f t h o s e F r e n c h -
m e n w h o m a k e t h e pieds noirs their scapegoats and b l a m e all the tragic
h a p p e n i n g s i n A l g e r i a o n t h e i r r a c i s m . W h e n d e a l i n g w i t h t h e F r e n c h of
A l g e r i a , one can adopt t w o p o i n t s of view, w h i c h m u s t b e sharply distin-
g u i s h e d f r o m one another: by a d o p t i n g the standpoint of f o r m a l morality,
o n e can c o n d e m n racist d e h u m a n i z a t i o n , or, b y c o n s i d e r i n g t h e fact t h a t it
is t h e c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n t h a t m a k e s t h e r a c i s t a n d , m o r e p r e c i s e l y , t h a t i t is
t h e c o l o n i a l A l g e r i a t h a t h a s p r o d u c e d t h e pied noir a n d n o t t h e r e v e r s e , o n e
c a n c o n c l u d e t h a t a l l ( " F r e n c h m e n o f F r a n c e " a n d pieds noirs) a r e e q u a l l y
r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e c o l o n i a l s y s t e m w h i c h h a s g i v e n r i s e to r a c i s m . W h i l e
t h e r e is n o q u e s t i o n of d e n y i n g t h a t r a c i s m i n t h e a b s o l u t e is a c r i m e , o n e
cannot h e l p t h i n k i n g that the virtuous i n d i g n a t i o n displayed by those w h o s e
m a i n c o n c e r n is t o r e l i e v e t h e m s e l v e s of a n y r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n t h e m a t t e r h a s
a l l t h e a p p e a r a n c e of p h a r i s a i s m .
 T h e Revolution Within the Revolution jgg
T h u s the war carried t h e c o l o n i a l system to its e x t r e m e
limits. Generous actions p r o m p t e d by an ethic of pure good
intention stood out as ridiculously weak palliatives w h e n viewed
against the b a c k g r o u n d of this system of oppression. T h e dis-
play of a false solicitude that is i n t e n d e d to hide the reality
of the colonial situation appeared either as a c o n t r a d i c t i o n or
as a cynical m e t h o d of reconquest. T h e ideology that favors as-
similation, the last resort of those w h o h a d f o u g h t with t h e
utmost violence against any a t t e m p t to give equality of rights
to the Algerians, appears as a r a t h e r crude effort to obscure
the issue at a time when the i n f e r n a l logic i n h e r e n t in terrorism
and repression was tending to reveal the schism between the
castes i n the most clear-cut m a n n e r . I n such circumstances, any
attempts at trickery or s u b t e r f u g e are at o n c e revealed in their
true light. T h e war helped to b r i n g a b o u t a h e i g h t e n e d aware-
ness.
T h e effectiveness of terrorism lies in the fact that it causes
a violent b r e a k between the m e m b e r s of the two castes by creat-
ing an atmosphere of m u t u a l fear and distrust. A n d repression
c a n n o t fail to p r o d u c e the same effect. T h e reason f o r this is
that those engaged in repression cannot help considering all the
members of the dominated caste as being suspect, even w h e n
they try to discriminate between them. B y the mere fact of re-
g a r d i n g them all as suspect, it separates them f r o m the m e m b e r s
of the o t h e r caste a n d develops in them an awareness of the
existing schism. O n e of the objectives of the war of subversion
was precisely to m a k e Algerians aware of this schism, and thereby
to strengthen the solidarity between the m e m b e r s of the domi-
nated society. T e r r o r i s m , then, increases scission and provokes
repression; this, in turn, f u r t h e r increases the scission w h i c h it
is supposedly intended to prevent.
O n the one h a n d , certain Europeans claimed that the vtar
of l i b e r a t i o n was being carried o n by a h a n d f u l of conscienceless
killers directed by cynical ringleaders who sought to stir u p
against F r a n c e , by ruse and terror, p o p u l a t i o n s that h a d really
r e m a i n e d f a i t h f u l to h e r , but, on the o t h e r h a n d , t h e behavior
of these same people appeared to b e based, consciously or un-
consciously, on their real feeling that all " A r a b s " were in league
154 T h e Algerians
w i t h o n e a n o t h e r and were supporters of the a r m y of the
N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t . T h e result was that this type of
b e h a v i o r merely s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e solidarity of the Algerians.
T h e g e n e r a l attitude of suspicion, the m e t h o d i c a l searching o f
cars whose passengers are wearing the veil or Chechia, the iden-
tity checks, the arbitrary arrests, t h e daily vexatious measures (to
cite only the m i n o r ones) are all e x a m p l e s which illustrate the
existence of racial discrimination and w h i c h force all m e m b e r s
of the d o m i n a t e d caste to b e c o m e aware of their opposition to the
d o m i n a n t caste and t h e i r solidarity with the o t h e r m e m b e r s of
their o w n caste.
M o r e o v e r , every w a r , carried along by a sort of dizzy m o -
m e n t u m , tends to go to extremes a n d b e c o m e a total war. A n d
this is e v e n m o r e t r u e i n the case of a war in w h i c h the civil
p o p u l a t i o n is b o t h the prize that is at stake a n d the p l a y t h i n g
of the opposing forces, a war without a f r o n t l i n e or w i t h o u t
f r o n t i e r s , a war in w h i c h the e n e m y is everywhere and n o w h e r e ,
i n which neutrality, or the adoption of a wait-and-see policy or
a policy of indifference, a r e practically impossible, in w h i c h the
a r m y c h a r g e d with repressing the r e v o l t finds itself besieged a n d
surrounded a n d inevitably distressed by the collective conspiracy
with w h i c h it is c o n f r o n t e d .
T h e c h a i n of v i o l e n c e causes t h e adversaries, w h o a r e placed
in an i n e v i t a b l e c o n c a t e n a t i o n of acts a n d counter-acts, to be
d r i v e n i n e x o r a b l y into m a k i n g u n l i m i t e d use of every avail-
able weapon. T h e r e seems to b e a spiral movement, in w h i c h
any increase i n the size of the forces of repression leads to in-
creased tension a n d a corresponding increase in the revolu-
tionary forces a n d vice versa. N o doubt o u r abstract a r g u m e n t
as to the n o r m a l evolution of a war of liberation was n o t strictly
fulfilled by the t u r n of events, and the actual war, however
atrocious it might be, still remained short of absolute war. How-
ever, this spiral movement tends to lead not only to a q u a n t i t a -
tive increase i n the opposing forces and in the intensity of t h e i r
e m p l o y m e n t , but also to a qualitative transformation, a m u t a t i o n
in i n t e n t i o n s a n d sentiments. T h e hostile i n t e n t i o n , t h a t is to
say, the o b j e c t i v e t h a t o n e desires to a t t a i n through w a r , a n d the
feeling of hostility, the hatred that o n e feels toward the enemy,
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 155
tend to develop in inverse r a t i o . T h e hostile intention, in this
case the abolition of the caste system—an i n t e n t i o n which, when
considered in its pure f o r m , excludes all hatred towards those
who, whether they like it o r not, benefit f r o m the system o n e
desires to destroy—could very well b e replaced by a passionately
e m o t i o n a l feeling o f hostility directed against an e n e m y w h o is
not distant a n d abstract, as in other wars, but w h o is intimately,
closely a n d f a m i l i a r l y k n o w n .

W a r as C u l t u r a l Agent

T h u s the Algerian war, by its mere existence as well as by

its special form a n d its duration, transformed t h e situation in
which a n d by w h i c h it was b r o u g h t i n t o b e i n g . T h e social set-
ting in which the acts of everyday existence are carried o n was
radically c h a n g e d a n d , with it,, t h e attitude of the individual.
H o w are we to describe a n d u n d e r s t a n d this c o m p l e t e a n d sud-
d e n transformation, this revolution within t h e revolution?
O n e e x p l a n a t i o n is that t h e war of l i b e r a t i o n constituted the
first really severe challenge to the colonial system, and, above
all, constituted the first c h a l l e n g e which was n o t , as in the past,
symbolic a n d , to a certain e x t e n t , m a g i c . T h e a d h e r e n c e to
certain traditions, to certain ways of conduct, to certain beliefs
a n d values, could formerly b e considered as a way of expressing,
t h r o u g h forms of b e h a v i o r which were implicitly or explicitly
e n d o w e d with a symbolic f u n c t i o n , t h e refusal o n the p a r t of
the Algerians to a d h e r e to a W e s t e r n civilization that was iden-
tified with t h e colonial o r d e r , t h e i r will to affirm their radi-
cal a n d irreducible difference f r o m t h e E u r o p e a n s , their re-
sistance to any attempt to m a k e them deny their own way o f life
a n d their desire to defend their besieged identity. I n the co-
l o n i a l situation any r e n o u n c e m e n t of their original way of life
would have m e a n t , in fact, a r e n o u n c e m e n t of themselves a n d
the acceptance of a n allegiance to the other civilization, that is
to say, to the colonial order. A n d s u c h is, indeed, the m e a n i n g
that t h e supporters o f the c o l o n i a l order gave to what they
t e r m e d " t h e signs o f e v o l u t i o n . "
156 T h e Algerians
Colonial traditionalism h a d c o m e to replace the traditional-
ism of the t r a d i t i o n a l society. As a result, ways of b e h a v i o r
w h i c h in appearance h a d r e m a i n e d u n c h a n g e d were really en-
dowed with a very different m e a n i n g and function, because of
the fact that they were now set in relation to a totally new
f r a m e of r e f e r e n c e . T h e veil and the Chechia, for e x a m p l e , had
been in the t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t e x t mere vestimentary details en-
dowed with an almost forgotten significance, simple elements of
an unconsciously devised system of symbols. I n t h e colonial situ-
ation, however, they take on the f u n c t i o n of signs that a r e
b e i n g consciously utilized t o express resistance to the foreign
order and to foreign values as well as to pledge fidelity to their
own system of values.
I n a society whose self-knowledge is o b t a i n e d exclusively
by r e f e r e n c e to itself, the cultural models, a l t h o u g h c o n v e n t i o n a l
a n d therefore a r b i t r a r y , are yet considered n o r m a l a n d n a t u r a l .
W i t h the discovery of a f o r e i g n cultural system, however, t h e i r
hidden essence is suddenly revealed. T r a d i t i o n a l traditionalism
m e a n t f o l l o w i n g a tradition that was considered, not as the best
possible (which w o u l d h a v e presupposed t h e awareness a n d
knowledge of o t h e r possibilities), b u t as t h e only possible tradi-
tion. T h e discovery of the existence of a n o t h e r tradition leads to
a new understanding of one's own tradition as b e i n g o n l y o n e
a m o n g several, or, in o t h e r words, as b e i n g just as c o n v e n t i o n a l
a n d a r b i t r a r y as all the others. W h e n this happens, it means
the e n d of t r a d i t i o n a l traditionalism, w h i c h can o n l y c o n t i n u e
to exist on c o n d i t i o n t h a t it r e m a i n in i g n o r a n c e of its t r u e na-
t u r e — t h a t is to say, that it r e m a i n as a c h o i c e n o t b e t w e e n but of.
T h e colonial situation favors the e m e r g e n c e of a new tradition-
alism. A l l those f o r m s of b e h a v i o r which, in a society that con-
stituted its own f r a m e of r e f e r e n c e , were felt to be quite n a t u r a l ,
a n d whose c o n v e n t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r b e c a m e evident only by com-
parison with o t h e r f o r m s of b e h a v i o r characteristic of different
cultures, are now being purposely adopted and chosen in opposi-
tion to a whole series of o t h e r possible choices that the d o m i n a n t
society proposes and whose a d o p t i o n it o f t e n imposes by the m e r e
fact of its existence a n d by t h e compulsion inherent in t h e co-
l o n i a l order.
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 157
Such is the significance a n d the f u n c t i o n o f all the f o r m s of
resistance w h i c h seem to have been accumulated consciously or
unconsciously, the significance and function of all the a p p a r e n t l y
a b e r r a n t and absurd f o r m s of refusal. I t is as if this society had
chosen to r e m a i n tightly closed upon itself, as if it had taken
great pains to set u p a thousand invisible, i m p r e g n a b l e barriers
against the intrusion of new methods and ideas. Feeling that
they w e r e constantly exposed to the c r i t i c a l eye of t h e E u r o p e a n s ,
anxious not to give them any p r e t e x t or reason f o r their unfavor-
able j u d g m e n t s , the Algerians, by their behavior, their clothing
and their whole way of life, created a language of refusal. Such
a refusal, to be sure, c o u l d only be expressed in a symbolic
fashion.
Consequently the existence of a revolutionary organization
c a p a b l e of standing up to and attacking the c o l o n i a l order, the
existence of an effective f o r m of negation of the system o p e r a t i n g
within the system itself a n d recognized as s u c h — w h e t h e r they
liked it or n o t — b y those who were going to great lengths to
deny its effectiveness, was e n o u g h to m a k e valueless m a n y of the
forms of b e h a v i o r by which the d o m i n a t e d caste had expressed
its refusal to be d o m i n a t e d . T h e war, in itself, constituted a
language; it gave the Algerian people a voice, a voice capable
of saying " N o ! " B e t w e e n the m e m b e r s of t h e d o m i n a t e d a n d
the d o m i n a n t castes a n e w presence, a third m a n , was interposed:
the c h a r m of the straightforward conversation ended; the dialec-
tic between h u m i l i a t i o n and c o n t e m p t b r o k e off. T h e c o n t e x t i n
which personal relations formerly were established is now q u i t e
different and the r e l a t i o n s themselves h a v e c h a n g e d . Understand-
able now is the extremely i m p o r t a n t role p e r f o r m e d by t h e
clandestine radio broadcasts a n d b y the passage of i n f o r m a t i o n
by word of m o u t h . T h r o u g h these media each Algerian was a b l e
to catch an echo of the language of the combatants, spokesmen
whose very existence constituted a language.
E a c h A l g e r i a n may h e n c e f o r t h assume full responsibility for
his own actions and for the widespread borrowings he has m a d e
f r o m W e s t e r n civilization; he can even deny a portion of his
cultural h e r i t a g e w i t h o u t denying himself in t h e process. B e -
cause t h e negation of t h e system r e m a i n s , p e r m a n e n t a n d un-
158 T h e Algerians
c h a n g e d , a n e g a t i o n m a d e u p of the sum total of all the refusals
o n the part of individuals, any i n n o v a t i o n i n t r o d u c e d by the
W e s t can b e adopted w i t h o u t its a c c e p t a n c e b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d as
an expression of allegiance. A n A l g e r i a n o n c e said: " T h e war
has killed off a g o o d m a n y p h a n t o m s . " H e m e a n t by this that the
war h a d allowed a n u m b e r of traditions, institutions a n d be-
liefs, w h i c h they h a d tried to keep alive by artificial means, to be
finally c o n s i d e r e d as dead a n d b u r i e d . I t m a d e possible a self-
confession that had been impossible previously. One often hears
t h e m say, " T i m e s have c h a n g e d . " B y this they m e a n that, with
the c h a n g e i n situation, ways of b e h a v i o r that h a d m e a n i n g i n a
different context have now lost their significance.
T h i s total c h a n g e i n attitude reveals itself i n different
spheres. T h e most obvious transformations have occurred in the
traditions e n d o w e d with an essentially symbolic significance,
such as the customs p e r t a i n i n g to dress. A second f u n c t i o n has
been added, for e x a m p l e , to the traditional f u n c t i o n of the wear-
i n g of the veil. L i k e the Chechia (distinctive cap worn by the m e n ) ,
the veil has the role of a s y m b o l that expresses b o t h an a l l i a n c e
a n d an exclusion; it is p r i m a r i l y a defense of the i n n e r self a n d
a p r o t e c t i o n against any i n t r u s i o n f r o m without. B u t i n addition
to this, b y the w e a r i n g of the veil, the A l g e r i a n w o m a n is also
creating a situation of non-reciprocity; like a c h e a t i n g g a m b l e r ,
she can see without being observed; and it is t h r o u g h h e r t h a t
the w h o l e of this d o m i n a t e d society is symbolically refusing to
establish a n y reciprocal relations, is looking on w i t h o u t letting
itself b e observed. T h e veil is the most obvious symbol of this
closing in u p o n oneself, a n d the E u r o p e a n s h a v e always obscurely
felt it to b e such. I n this way it becomes evident why all a t t e m p t s
at assimilation have t a k e n the discarding of the veil to be t h e i r
p r i m a r y o b j e c t i v e . T h e demonstrations of M a y 13, 1958, i n t h e
c o u r s e of w h i c h several A l g e r i a n w o m e n r e m o v e d t h e i r veils o r
" b u r n t t h e m s y m b o l i c a l l y " (as t h e newspapers r e p o r t e d ) , a m i d
t h e applause of the c r o w d of E u r o p e a n s present, was t a n t a m o u n t
t o a c e r e m o n i a l m a g i c rite by w h i c h the w h o l e of A l g e r i a n society
was offering itself, n a k e d and willing, to the embrace of the
E u r o p e a n society.
T h i s s y m b o l of refusal, like m a n y others, can n o w b e aban-
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 159
d o n e d . T h e girls a n d even the m a r r i e d women who h a v e given
u p the veil are every day b e c o m i n g m o r e n u m e r o u s in the
cities. A n d if, as a result of the demonstrations of May 1 9 5 8 , there
was a slowing down and even a regression i n this m o v e m e n t ,
it was because the wearing of the veil o n c e again was taking on
its m e a n i n g as a symbolic f o r m of n e g a t i o n a n d because to discard
the veil m i g h t a p p e a r to b e a sign of a d h e r e n c e to the policy of
integration.
T h i s total t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n attitude can also b e n o t e d in
o t h e r domains. Certain institutions, such as education or the
m e d i c a l services, which were instinctively felt to be p a r t a n d
parcel of the c o l o n i a l system a n d which, because of this fact, pro-
voked ambiguous a n d ambivalent attitudes towards them on the
part of the Algerians, are n o w ascribed quite a different signifi-
cance because the tie l i n k i n g them to the system of colonial
d o m i n a t i o n has b e e n b r o k e n . 6

T h i s c h a n g e is particularly noticeable in the field of edu-

cation. T h e r e was o r i g i n a l l y a good deal of resistance to the first
attempts at m a k i n g education available f o r all c h i l d r e n , particu-
larly for girls. T h e school, it was said, produced renegades
(m'turni), individuals who h a d b r o k e n with their c o m m u n i t y
and their ancestral traditions. T h e first teachers, who, with m u c h
zeal and devotion, c a m e to teach in A l g e r i a a b o u t the year 1 8 8 5 ,
were astonished at t h e swift progress m a d e b y their p u p i l s , w h o
were eager to a c q u i r e a general education a n d even m o r e eager
to obtain technical or agricultural training. B u t the years t h a t
followed b r o u g h t n o t h i n g e x c e p t cries of d i s a p p o i n t m e n t a n d
acknowledgment of failure. I t seemed that o n c e t h e children h a d
g o n e b a c k to t h e i r h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t they forgot everything
they h a d learned in school. O n e of the reasons for this was t h a t
the r e l a t i o n between master and pupil (like the relation b e t w e e n
a
T h e fact t h a t t h e a r m y of t h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t ( F . L . N . ) took
over responsibility for these institutions a n d t e c h n i q u e s b y levying taxes, by
t a k i n g o v e r t h e v e r i f i c a t i o n of v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s , b y o c c a s i o n a l l y o p e n i n g u p new
schools, etc., has been a major factor contributing to this disassociation.
S i m i l a r l y , w a y s of b e h a v i o r w h i c h , i n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t , w o u l d h a v e b e e n c o n -
s i d e r e d a n a b s o l u t e d e n i a l o f t h e A l g e r i a n w a y of l i f e h a v e b e c o m e p o s s i b l e ,
b e c a u s e t h e y h a v e b e e n a u t h o r i z e d o r p r e s c r i b e d b y o r d e r s of t h e F . L . N . Thus
m o d e r n institutions and techniques h a v e been assigned a change in symbol
a n d m a y n o w be adopted without hesitation o r reserve.
 160 T h e Algerians
doctor a n d patient) was set against the b a c k g r o u n d of the colonial
situation, so that the teaching of the schoolmaster or the instruc-
tor in a g r i c u l t u r e was intuitively felt (without t h e r e necessarily
being any conscious awareness of the basis for this feeling) as
a n a t t e m p t to impose the norms of a foreign civilization. D u r i n g
the past few years, however, there has n o longer been any re-
sistance to education. I n all social classes, in the r u r a l as well as
the u r b a n communities, an e x t r a o r d i n a r y desire for education has
become evident. T e a c h e r s are besieged by parents coming to de-
m a n d an education for their children. It is b e c o m i n g m o r e and
more f r e q u e n t for poor families to undergo great sacrifices in
order that their children may be allowed to c o n t i n u e their
studies. T h i s devotion to education is undoubtedly the clearest
possible i n d i c a t i o n of an over-all adherence to the m o d e r n world,
a world to which education opens the door.
B u t it has g o n e even beyond this. W h a t was considered to be
an imposed restraint or a gracious gift u p to a few years ago is
now r e g a r d e d as a due right or as a prerogative won by right of
conquest. T h i s was n o t e d in the d e m a n d i n g attitude of the
parents who came to ask that their children be e n r o l l e d in t h e
schools or in the attitude of the w o m e n w h o crowded a b o u t the
doors of the f r e e medical dispensaries or w e l f a r e centers. Every-
where the same consciousness of their rights is now in evidence:
the right to work, the right to decent housing, the r i g h t to the
different social benefits (social security, f a m i l y allowances, etc.).
F o r t h e attitude of t h e beggar w h o comes h u m b l y to solicit a
c h a r i t a b l e gift there has been substituted a d e m a n d i n g a n d revo-
l u t i o n a r y state of mind which is inducing the Algerians to insist
on t h e i r rights to social benefits a n d services.
T h e image that the individual of the d o m i n a t e d caste h a d
f o r m e d of the individual of the d o m i n a n t caste was composed
of certain basic concepts. O n the one h a n d the Algerian, particu-
larly the A l g e r i a n of the poorer classes, tended to identify the
E u r o p e a n with all social superiors. A n d on the o t h e r h a n d he
tended to perceive all the m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a n t s o c i e t y —
teacher, colonist, doctor, engineer, foreman, p o l i c e m a n a n d
a d m i n i s t r a t o r — i n an i n d i s t i n c t or s y n c r e t i c fashion, in o t h e r
words, as having solidarity with one a n o t h e r a n d indissolubly
 T h e Revolution Within the Revolution
c o n n e c t e d with the c o l o n i a l situation. T h e attitude of d u t i f u l
o b e d i e n c e was l i n k e d confusedly to an attitude of resignation,
p r o m p t e d by an awareness of the real obstacles w h i c h m a d e it
actually impossible t o i m i t a t e o r e q u a l the E u r o p e a n . R o u g h l y ,
then, the social order was such that the experience of the r e l a t i o n
to the boss or the superior was superimposed u p o n , and identified
itself with, the e x p e r i e n c e of the r e l a t i o n to the E u r o p e a n . As
a consequence the A l g e r i a n t e n d e d to play the role of the A r a b -
as-seen-by-the-Frenchman. T h e m a n who is going to apply f o r
a certain j o b knows that he must speak a certain language, that
he must arrive on time, a n d that he must adopt a specific atti-
t u d e a n d so on. R e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n the m e m b e r s of the two
societies, therefore, were g e n e r a l l y based on m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g .
T h e Algerian's answer to the European's protective paternalism
was to assume an attitude of d e p e n d e n c y tinged with aggressive-
ness. T h e relations between the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and those b e i n g
a d m i n i s t e r e d were f o r m e d o n the same p a t t e r n . T h e war re- 7

vealed to everyone that the position of the d o m i n a n t caste can

be b r o u g h t i n t o q u e s t i o n a n d with it the situation of the domi-
nated caste. T h e E u r o p e a n a n d his w h o l e world no l o n g e r cast a
spell over the Algerian, now resolutely p e n e t r a t i n g into this world
and seeking to take it over for himself. T h e discovery that the
d o m i n a n t caste can b e h e l d i n check and that the order over
w h i c h it r e i g n e d c a n be shaken led the A l g e r i a n to set a h i g h e r
value o n his own situation. H e n o l o n g e r felt ashamed of the
i n f e r i o r i t y of his social c o n d i t i o n ; h e r a t h e r regarded as scan-
dalous injustice all that he f o r m e r l y e n d u r e d as an i n e l u c t a b l e
a n d i n e s c a p a b l e necessity. T h e sense of shame that o n e c o u l d

' M e d i c i n e and, generally speaking, all f o r m s of social service have often

b e e n u t i l i z e d ( e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e 1954) as " i n s t r u m e n t s f o r t h e p e n e t r a t i o n a n d
c o n q u e s t of p o p u l a t i o n s , " t o a d o p t a c e r t a i n officialese, t h a t is t o s a y , a s a
m e a n s e m p l o y e d f o r t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of t h e c o l o n i a l o r d e r . T h u s it 111.i\ In-
u n d e r s t o o d w h y i t is t h a t m e m b e r s o f t h e d o m i n a t e d c l a s s h a v e t r o u b l e i n con-
c e d i n g t h a t t h e acts o f t h e m e m b e r s of t h e d o m i n a n t caste c a n e v e i he m
s p i r e d b y a n e t h i c b a s e d o n p u r e i n t e n t i o n o n l y — t h a t t h e s e a c t i o n s c a n conT
s t i t u t e a n e n d i n t h e m s e l v e s . T h e y a r e a l w a y s i n c l i n e d t o see t h e m as m e r e l y
a m e a n s to a n e n d , b e c a u s e t h e a c t i o n t h a t is m o s t g e n e r o u s i n i n t e n t i o n i s
i n t e r p r e t e d against this b a c k g r o u n d of the c o l o n i a l situation a n d h e n c e
r e c e i v e s a q u i t e d i f f e r e n t m e a n i n g t h a n t h a t w h i c h its a u t h o r w i s h e d t o c o n -
f e r u p o n it. T h u s i t is t h a t t h e A l g e r i a n s a t t r i b u t e a l l t h e s o c i a l m e a s u r e s
f r o m w h i c h t h e y h a v e b e n e f i t e d f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s to t h e a c t i o n o f t h e F . L . N .
 i6g T h e Algerians
n o t e in certain individuals has been replaced by pride i n them-
selves a n d a shame at h a v i n g b e e n ashamed. Because he n o longer
looks on his condition as being an i n e v i t a b l e destiny but r a t h e r
as a situation that can b e c h a n g e d , the A l g e r i a n can at the same
time accept himself as an Algerian and can i g n o r e his status as a
d o m i n a t e d member of society; he can adopt the techniques a n d
institutions i n t r o d u c e d by the colonizer w i t h o u t accepting the
position of the colonized.
T h e relations b e t w e e n the m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a t e d so-
ciety have also b e e n modified. T h e war was, at the b e g i n n i n g ,
a r a t h e r episodic affair that each A l g e r i a n lived f r o m day to day
within the confines of his own village. Gradually, however,
t h r o u g h exchanges of i n f o r m a t i o n , t h r o u g h the reading of news-
papers and listening to the radio, each person b e g a n to realize
that the same events were g o i n g on t h r o u g h o u t all the regions
of Algeria. T h e feeling of b e i n g engaged i n a c o m m o n a d v e n t u r e ,
of being subject to a c o m m o n destiny, of c o n f r o n t i n g the same
adversary, of s h a r i n g the same preoccupations, the same suffer-
ings and the same aspirations, widened a n d deepened the senti-
m e n t of solidarity, a sentiment which was u n d e r g o i n g at the
same time a v e r i t a b l e transformation as the idea of fraternity
tended to lose any ethnical or religious coloration a n d b e c a m e
s y n o n y m o u s with n a t i o n a l solidarity. T h e village, the closed
microcosm in w h i c h the country dweller once lived, was n o w
i n contact with the whole of Algeria. T h r o u g h the press, t h r o u g h
the radio, t h r o u g h wider contacts, through the action of the
p o l i t i c a l commissaries, each Algerian c o m m u n i c a t e d with a n d
was in c o m m u n i o n with a wider social unit; h e participated in
a national existence. 8

T h e war p r o v i d e d this people, kept so long on leading

strings, with an o p p o r t u n i t y to d e m o n s t r a t e that it c a n b e adult,
sensible a n d responsible. It allowed t h e m to gain a true e x p e r i -
ence of a self-discipline that was voluntarily adopted because im-
posed by their own freely recognized authorities; in o t h e r words,
6
T h i s d e e p s o l i d a r i t y finds e x p r e s s i o n in m a n y different ways: usurers
h a v e p r a c t i c a l l y d i s a p p e a r e d , w h e t h e r because t h e y w e r e the object of popular
sanction, or because loans are n o w b e i n g m a d e w i t h o u t d e m a n d i n g a n y secu-
r i t y ; to d e m a n d t h e p a y m e n t o f a n y d e b t c o n t r a c t e d b e f o r e 1954 is c o n s i d e r e d ,
i n c e r t a i n cases, d i s h o n o r a b l e .
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 163
the Algerian people h a v e e x p e r i e n c e d a u t o n o m y . T h u s , f o r e x -
a m p l e , in various regions a very definite r e d u c t i o n in the n u m b e r
of repudiations was n o t e d as a result of t h e instructions issued by
the F . L . N . It was also reported by the cadis that the n u m b e r of
lawsuits had greatly decreased. T h e instructions issued by t h e
F . L . N . , w h i c h were of all kinds a n d c o n c e r n all aspects of daily
life, quickly p u t a n e n d to w h a t was formerly considered a n
u n s h a k a b l e resistance to c h a n g e o n t h e p a r t o f t h e A l g e r i a n
people a n d induced them to accept efforts, sacrifices a n d be-
h a v i o r a l changes w h i c h o n e h u n d r e d a n d t h i r t y years o f "civiliz-
ing influence" h a d never been able a n d never would have been
able to b r i n g about. T h u s the war created a p r o f o u n d altera-
tion i n the situation, a n d there is n o t a single aspect o f the
social system that has n o t been modified as a result of this
change in context. W i t h the outbreak o f war, there began the
process of decolonization.
T o this total m u t a t i o n that the w a r p r o v o k e d through t h e
fact of its existence a n d t h r o u g h t h e resulting a w a k e n i n g of
consciousness it produced, there must be added the upheavals
and disturbances which are the direct consequence of the conduct
of the war or o f t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d economic measures that were
adopted to meet the e m e r g e n c y . B y reason of its special f o r m a n d
its duration, this war affected all aspects of reality: the e c o n o m y
and the vital statistics as well as t h e social structures, t h e religious
beliefs a n d observances, a n d even the system of values.

The Resettlement Policy

T h e A l g e r i a n p e o p l e h a v e b e e n subjected to a v e r i t a b l e
diaspora. T h e f o r c e d o r voluntary displacement o f peoples as-
sumed gigantic proportions. T h e n u m b e r of persons w h o n o
longer i n h a b i t the h o m e in w h i c h they were living in 1954 m a y
be roughly estimated at a b o u t 3 m i l l i o n , if one takes i n t o ac-
c o u n t t h e moves that occurred as a r e s u l t of the resettlement o f
c o m m u n i t i e s a n d t h e exodus to t h e towns a n d cities. T h i s m e a n s
that a p p r o x i m a t e l y o n e A l g e r i a n o u t of three is n o l o n g e r l i v i n g
i n his f o r m e r place o f abode. W h i l e t h e regroupings of c o m m u n i -
164 T h e Algerians
ties are only one aspect of these i n t e r n a l shifts in p o p u l a t i o n ,
they are u n d o u b t e d l y the most i m p o r t a n t .
A f t e r h a v i n g first b e e n carried out i n the most t r o u b l e d
regions, in o r d e r to facilitate the c o n d u c t of m i l i t a r y o p e r a t i o n s ,
these regroupings or resettlements of p o p u l a t i o n later b e c a m e
m u c h m o r e f r e q u e n t , particularly d u r i n g the years 1958 a n d
1959 (and often in spite of the instructions issued by the civil
authorities), until finally they were b e i n g carried out as a
systematic policy. I n addition to the purely m i l i t a r y reasons and
the desire to cut off the forces of the F . L . N , from the civil popu-
lation w h o were giving them m u c h - n e e d e d support, new reasons
were put f o r w a r d in favor of this policy, reasons inspired m a i n l y
by the integrationist d o c t r i n e resulting f r o m the demonstra-
tions of May 13, 1958, a n d by a strategy f o r w a g i n g counter-
revolutionary war that was very p o p u l a r in m i l i t a r y circles,
particularly a m o n g the readers of M a o Tse-tung and the veterans
of the war i n I n d o c h i n a . Communities w h i c h h a d formerly lived
i n widely scattered dwellings or in r e m o t e regions, a n d w h o as
a r e s u l t w e r e naturally difficult to administer, to e d u c a t e a n d
to control, were to be settled in villages that w o u l d be r u n on a
collective basis and would be located along the great c o m m u n i c a -
tion routes. I t was hoped t h e r e b y to effect a reconstitution of
the social structures a n d to set i n m o t i o n a m o v e m e n t of acceler-
ated social evolution.
F r o m the standpoint of the total society, t h e r e has resulted
f r o m these measures an upheaval without precedent i n the
history of A l g e r i a (see Fig. 15): the m o u n t a i n o u s regions (Aurès
a n d N e m e n c h a s , K a b y l i a a n d the T e l l i a n Atlas) a n d the zones
b o r d e r i n g t h e frontiers have b e e n almost c o m p l e t e l y cleared of
t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s . T h e s e people were either resettled i n the
plains of P i é m o n t or have g o n e to the towns a n d cities. As a
result of this m i g r a t i o n the cities have all had a n increase in
p o p u l a t i o n varying from 50 to more than 100 per cent.
T h e most severely d i s t u r b e d regions are those which had
b e e n relatively spared up to the o u t b r e a k of war because they h a d
been partially sheltered f r o m the colonizing enterprises. I t was
in the m o u n t a i n o u s zones, those that were most affected by the
war a n d the policy of resettlement, that the little r u r a l c o m m u n i -
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 165
ties, l e a d i n g a secluded way of life a n d r e m a i n i n g obstinately
f a i t h f u l to their past and to t h e i r traditions, h a d b e e n able to
safeguard the essential features of a civilization which can hence-
forth be spoken of only in the past tense. T h i s situation pre-
vailed a m o n g the Kabyles a n d in the Aures, where the B e r b e r -
speaking societies h a d maintained themselves relatively un-
changed, in spite of the sequestrations of their property that
were made after their early insurrections, in spite of the creation
of new administrative units (see C h a p . 6) and m a n y other hostile
measures (see Fig. 1 6 ) . Doubtless the c o n t a c t with the E u r o p e a n
civilization, particularly the influence of e m i g r a t i o n (especially
i m p o r t a n t a m o n g t h e Kabyles) a n d also that of the school (the
first classes h a v i n g b e e n o p e n e d in K a b y l i a a b o u t 1 8 8 0 ) , h a d re-
sulted in great changes in the e c o n o m i c sphere and the social
structures as well as in t h e system of values. However, because of
their isolation, because also of the extremely powerful i n t e -
g r a t i o n of t h e cultural system, the K a b y l e a n d S h a w i a n societies,
a n d to a lesser degree t h e societies of the o t h e r m o u n t a i n o u s
regions, had conserved the m a i n essentials of their ancestral
traditions. Indeed, only the coherence of the social structures,
the intensity of the collective sentiment, a n d the force of tradi-
tion could cause these peasants to r e m a i n attached to a land
that was b e c o m i n g less a n d less capable of supporting them,
particularly when they were exposed to the powerful a t t r a c t i o n
of the h i g h wages b e i n g paid in the cities of Algeria or of F r a n c e .
T h u s the war and its a f t e r m a t h merely finished what colonial
policy had b e g u n . O n l y the great land acts a n d the i n t r o d u c t i o n
of large-scale colonization i n t o the areas of the plains a n d hills
— t h e effects of which were to create a sub-proletariat of agri-
cultural workers, cut off from their geographical and social en-
v i r o n m e n t a n d from t h e i r traditions a n d way of life—have b e e n
able to cause any c o m p a r a b l e u p h e a v a l in Algerian society. 9

O n e is struck by the fact that, when c o n f r o n t e d with identi-

9
The comparative study o£ t w o g r o u p s who had a very different history
during the nineteenth century—on the one hand, the populations o£ regions
situated on the border o£ t h e areas o£ l a r g e - s c a l e colonial development (in
t h e p l a i n o£ t h e C h e l i f f , f o r e x a m p l e ) and who thereby escaped the forces of
disintegration, and on the other hand, the agricultural workers employed
on the great European properties, a class resulting from an analogous, al-
cal conditions, a l t h o u g h a century apart, those responsible f o r
f r a m i n g c o l o n i a l policy have resorted to measures that are iden-
tical i n both f o r m a n d spirit. E v e r y t h i n g that has already b e e n
said a b o u t the Senatus Consulte and the motives b e h i n d its for-
m u l a t i o n of policy is also true of the policy of resettlement. Origi-
nally conceived as a means of " t a k i n g i n h a n d " and " c o n t r o l l i n g "
communities by p l a c i n g t h e m in close p r o x i m i t y t o a military
post, the resettlements were also supposed to "assure the e m a n c i -
pation of the Moslem masses" according to the army theorists.
T h e confusion between the two objectives was increased by the
c o n v i c t i o n that in order t o b r e a k d o w n the resistance that this
society opposed t o the F r e n c h o r d e r and t o the m o d e r n w o r l d ,
it was necessary t o destroy its social structures.
A l t h o u g h the widest powers of initiative h a d i n most cases
been g r a n t e d t o the m i n o r officials in charge, the villages con-
structed for these resettlement projects all h a d a basic similarity,
because they were created in pursuance of this i m p l i c i t or ex-
p l i c i t policy, and because Algeria has b e e n the e x p e r i m e n t a l
g r o u n d to w h i c h the military m i n d , as i n a projective test, has
a p p l i e d its own structures. Often, i n point of fact, g r a n t e d an
absolute authority, the army officials decided on e v e r y t h i n g —

t h o u g h l e s s b r u t a l a n d less c o m p l e t e , u p h e a v a l t o t h a t w h i c h is b e i n g caused
b y t h e p o l i c y o£ r e s e t t l e m e n t — c a n p r o v i d e a b a s i s f o r f o r e c a s t i n g t h e con-
sequences of this policy.

166
Fig. 15. T h e Military Situation in 1957

T h i s m a p , w h i c h d i s t i n g u i s h e s (1) t h e " r o t t e n douars" (the regions

i n w h i c h "90 t o 100 p e r c e n t " o f t h e p e o p l e h a v e r a l l i e d t o t h e
n a t i o n a l i s t c a u s e ) , (2) t h e " v e r y h e a v i l y c o n t a m i n a t e d douars" (50 t o
90 p e r c e n t ) , a n d (3) t h e " c o n t a m i n a t e d douars" (20 t o 50 p e r c e n t ) ,
w a s d r a w n u p b y t h e a r m y a t t h e e n d of t h e first y e a r of t h e w a r . If
o n e sets a s i d e t h e f r o n t i e r z o n e s , t h e r e g i o n s i n w h i c h t h e a r m y of
t h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t e n t r e n c h e d itself m o s t s t r o n g l y and
most rapidly were the mountainous r e g i o n s , t h e m o s t difficult of
access a n d , c o n s e q u e n t l y , the m o s t f a v o r a b l e for the c o n d u c t of a
r e v o l u t i o n a r y w a r . B u t these a r e also the p o o r e s t r e g i o n s , i n which
75 t o 100 p e r c e n t o f t h e f a r m s o w n e d b y A l g e r i a n s a r e less t h a n 25
a c r e s i n size. T h e y a r e t h e r e g i o n s i n w h i c h t h e B e r b e r - s p e a k i n g socie-
ties h a v e m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r w a y of life, strongly i n t e g r a t e d societies
w h i c h h a v e b e e n relatively spared the disintegration that has been
t h e l o t o f s o c i e t i e s i n t h e r e g i o n s o f l a r g e - s c a l e c o l o n i z a t i o n (as i n t h e
H i g h P l a i n s of C o n s t a n t i n e , the valley of the Cheliff, the Plains in the
O r a n District, for e x a m p l e ) . Finally, they are regions (particularly the
K a b y l e regions) in w h i c h the F r e n c h i n f l u e n c e has b e e n most d e e p l y
f e l t t h r o u g h t h e effects o f s c h o o l i n g a n d e m i g r a t i o n (it is i n K a b y l i a , f o r
e x a m p l e , that the m o s t acute awareness of c o n d i t i o n s of unemploy-
m e n t h a s b e e n n o t e d : cf. t h e c o m m e n t a r y a c c o m p a n y i n g F i g u r e 13).
T h e s e characteristic features of the regions in w h i c h the r e v o l u t i o n has
b e e n m o s t s t r o n g l y r o o t e d m a y a p p e a r c o n t r a d i c t o r y ; i n r e a l i t y , 1«.
c a u s e o f t h e f a c t o f t h e i r s t r o n g i n t e g r a t i o n , t h e m o u n t a i n peoples
h a v e r e m a i n e d h i g h l y c o n s c i o u s of t h e i r o w n o r i g i n a l i t y , w h i l e at t h e
same time c o n t a c t with F r e n c h civilization has h e l p e d to m a k e t h e m
a w a r e of their p o v e r t y a n d h a s s u p p l i e d t h e m w i t h the r e v o l u t i o n a r y
ideologies t h r o u g h w h i c h they can express their r e v o l t against a situa-
t i o n w h i c h gives t h e m a n i n f e r i o r status, b o t h in the e c o n o m i c and
in the social d o m a i n .

167
 Fig. 16
P o p u l a t i o n Shifts i n the N o r t h
o f t h e Departement of C o n s t a n t i n e

A d e t a i l d r a w i n g of a p o r t i o n of t h e m a p i n d i c a t i n g t h e population
shifts taking place in Algeria between 1954 and i960 (Fig. 14), this
map gives a more exact idea of the upheavals that have taken place
in Algeria since 1955 ( t h e f i g u r e p l a c e d w i t h i n each c o m m u n e , or dis-
trict, indicates the rate of increase or decrease). However, it fails to
indicate the sometimes very large-scale movements which have taken
p l a c e w i t h i n a s i n g l e c o m m u n e , s u c h as t h e shifts i n p o p u l a t i o n result-
ing f r o m the resettlement carried out by the military authorities in the
r e g i o n of C o l l o (see F i g u r e ig).

168
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 169
the site of the villages, the layout, the width of the streets, the
interior arrangement of the houses and many other details.
E i t h e r u n a c q u a i n t e d with, or willfully i g n o r a n t of, the tradi-
tional structures and standards, little inclined to consult the peo-
ple involved, and b e i n g placed in a situation such that, even if
they h a d sought it, this c o o p e r a t i o n w o u l d h a v e b e e n tacitly re-
fused t h e m , they went a h e a d a n d i m p o s e d t h e i r o w n arrange-
ments, generally without n o t i c i n g the distress caused by the meas-
ures they i n i t i a t e d . C o n v i n c e d that they must m a k e m e n h a p p y in
spite of themselves, persuaded that they k n e w t h e real needs of
others b e t t e r t h a n t h e latter d i d themselves, assured of b e l o n g i n g
t o a superior civilization that was absolutely good in itself, the
officials were u n a b l e to conceive of the customary life of the
people as b e i n g a n y t h i n g o t h e r t h a n a p r i m i t i v e and b a r b a r o u s
survival, a n d c o n c l u d e d that any resistance offered to the order
they wished to impose was the m e r e expression of an o b s t i n a t e
and a b s u r d r o u t i n e way of t h i n k i n g .
T h u s , through either a deliberate or an unconscious ig-
norance of the h u m a n realities involved, the local authorities
charged with o r g a n i z i n g these new settlements usually imposed,
without any r e g a r d f o r the desires a n d aspirations of those b e i n g
resettled, an o r d e r that was absolutely f o r e i g n to t h e m , a way of
life for w h i c h they were not suited and w h i c h was not suited to
t h e m . A n i m a t e d by t h e f e e l i n g that they were carrying out a
great p l a n , were " b r i n g i n g a b o u t the evolution of the masses,"
e x a l t e d by t h e i r passion for p u t t i n g things in order, a n d often
devoting all of their enthusiasm, good will a n d resources t o the
p e r f o r m a n c e of their activities, the officers i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y put
i n t o p r a c t i c e plans whose implications h a d n o t b e e n t h o u g h t out.
T h e y b e g a n by a t t e m p t i n g to discipline space, as if t h r o u g h it
they h o p e d t o discipline m e n . E v e r y t h i n g was characterize! 1 l)\
u n i f o r m i t y and straight lines. B u i l t on prescribed sites i n . u -
cordance with set standards, the houses were laid out i n straight
lines along wide streets, which could serve equally well to o u t l i n e
the plan of a R o m a n c a m p or a colonial village. I n the center is
the square, with the characteristic t r i a d of the villages of F r a n c e
— t h e school, the town hall and the war m e m o r i a l . I t is as if the 10

1 0
O n t h e w a r m e m o r i a l o£ a r e s e t t l e d v i l l a g e i n t h e r e g i o n o£ C o l l o there
is a s i n g l e n a m e , t h a t o£ a c a i d w h o w a s k i l l e d b y t h e F.L.N.
 T h e Algerians
authorities thought that they could create village life by c r e a t i n g
its outer symbols. A census would be taken, a m u n i c i p a l council
a n d a m a y o r chosen, a g r o u p organized for defense of the village,
a c o m m e r c i a l center set u p preferably i n the m a i n street, with a
grocery store, a butcher shop and a M o o r i s h cafe, and the most
l o y a l villagers w o u l d be g r a n t e d as a reward a n d a favor the au-
thority to set u p shop; an infirmary w o u l d be b u i l t , t o w h i c h t h e
military doctor came to g i v e consultations a n d administer t o t h e
sick once or twice a week. A n d they would consider that they h a d
accomplished the m a i n p a r t of t h e i r task w h e n they were able to
show the visitor a v i l l a g e with well-laid-out houses a n d wide,
clean streets, with the basic essentials of collective e q u i p m e n t
a n d with a r u d i m e n t a r y administrative organization. T h e y
seemed to have been f a i t h f u l to the revolutionary p r i n c i p l e of all
or n o t h i n g . B u t this was only in appearance. T h e resettlements
m i g h t really have b e e n (and still c o u l d b e , i n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t )
the occasion f o r a true revolution of the a g r i c u l t u r a l society, if
they had been a c c o m p a n i e d by an a g r a r i a n reform, by a redis-
tribution of l a n d , and by a concerted attempt to i m p r o v e agricul-
tural methods; but that would have presupposed a challenge to
the very foundations of the colonial order.
A l l these villages, even those that a p p e a r to b e the m o s t
"successful," n o w have t h e desolate aspect of d e a d c i t i e s . T h o s e
w h o live i n t h e m , even w h e n they a r e e n j o y i n g a standard of
comfort previously u n k n o w n ( a n d this is sometimes the case)
express i n t h e i r w h o l e a t t i t u d e a p r o f o u n d discontent a n d i n n e r
d i s t u r b a n c e . T h e mere fact of a c h a n g e of residence (by emigra-
tion to the cities, f o r example) is known to be sufficient to b r i n g
about a c o m p l e t e c h a n g e in the attitude toward the world. I n the
case of the resettled populations, the s h a r p b r e a k w i t h their famil-
iar e n v i r o n m e n t and their customary social world, in w h i c h
the t r a d i t i o n a l ways of b e h a v i o r were felt to b e the n a t u r a l ways,
led t o the a b a n d o n m e n t of these f o r m s of b e h a v i o r , o n c e these
people h a d b e e n cut off f r o m the original soil in w h i c h they were
r o o t e d . T h e e x t e n d e d family, clan or village b r o k e u p o n c e it was
placed i n a resettled c o m m u n i t y . T h e c h a n g e i n e n v i r o n m e n t
really requires a c o m p l e t e c h a n g e i n conduct. B u t the f e e l i n g
of h a v i n g b e e n u p r o o t e d f r o m their accustomed surroundings
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 171
was usually so s t r o n g that disgust, a n g u i s h a n d despair almost
always t r i u m p h e d over the desire t o i n v e n t the new ways of
c o n d u c t r e q u i r e d for the a d a p t a t i o n to radically n e w conditions
of existence.
T o u n d e r s t a n d the full e x t e n t of the upheavals b r o u g h t
a b o u t by these resettlements of population,, it is first necessary to
realize that they affected peasants almost entirely, and it is also
necessary to recall that g r o u p of characteristics that is almost
i n s e p a r a b l e f r o m the peasant c o n d i t i o n i n its traditional f o r m .
It is his a t t a c h m e n t to his land a n d t o his animals that makes
the peasant. T h e quality of his w o r k is d e t e r m i n e d by the
strength of his devotion to his o c c u p a t i o n as f a r m e r , a devotion
that is m u c h m o r e mystical t h a n r a t i o n a l i n c h a r a c t e r (see C h a p .
5, para. 2). T h e t r u e peasant identifies himself with his f a r m :
his whole existence and all his t h i n k i n g are t u r n e d toward his
l a n d and his flock; his property possesses h i m m u c h more than
he possesses it. T h e house is often the center of his domain. It
is i m p o r t a n t , indeed, t o be as close as possible to the plots o f
l a n d that h e owns. I n K a b y l i a t h e most prized lands are those
w h i c h immediately s u r r o u n d the village, and this p r e f e r e n c e can-
not be e x p l a i n e d merely on e c o n o m i c grounds. Does not the
peasant have the h a b i t of going, as they say, " t o pay a visit to his
field?" T h e w o r k of the f a r m is carried on w i t h i n the domestic
g r o u p , as well as on f a m i l i a r l a n d in the i m m e d i a t e vicinity of
the house. T h e i n t e r i o r a r r a n g e m e n t of the house itself is the
best i n d i c a t i o n of the i n t e r p é n é t r a t i o n of h o m e life a n d of the
life of the f a r m . I n the K a b y l e house, composed of a single r o o m ,
the section reserved for the a n i m a l s is separated f r o m the p a r t
l i v e d i n b y the h u m a n s o n l y by a low w a l l , o n which a r e placed
the earthenware jars c o n t a i n i n g the wheat f r o m the last harvest.
T h u s t h e field, t h e animals, the implements, the f a r m products
a n d all t h e preoccupations c o n n e c t e d with these things have
taken their place at the center of the h o m e a n d family life. B u t
the peasant enjoys great a u t o n o m y . W h e t h e r a small f a r m e r or
a sharecropper, h e determines his own w o r k i n g conditions; he
himself, decides on the n a t u r e of his tasks, on the time to d o them
and the rate at which they will be carried o u t ; he disposes of his
p r o d u c e as he sees fit. B u t the independence it assures h i m can-
 172 T h e Algerians
n o t b e considered as the real cause of the peasant's devotion to
his calling, this complete a n d utter adherence, n o t to a trade, but
to an art of l i v i n g that is inseparably l i n k e d to the peasant atti-
tude of m i n d . I t is indeed this peasant spirit or attitude of m i n d
that makes the peasant, but this spirit, like any o t h e r passion,
must be able to feed on the o b j e c t of its devotion and fares badly
when separated f r o m it.
R e m o v e d from t h e i r lands, which were often inaccessible
because situated in f o r b i d d e n t e r r i t o r y , r e m o v e d f r o m t h e i r
houses, w h i c h they were almost always o b l i g e d to destroy with
their own h a n d s b e f o r e l e a v i n g to j o i n the resettlement p r o j e c t ,
sometimes separated f r o m their a n i m a l s for h y g i e n i c reasons,
c o m p e l l e d to place t h e whole of t h e i r cereal crop in the store-
house of the m i l i t a r y authorities w h o allocated a set amount each
m o n t h f o r t h e i r use, these peasants felt t h e i r f o r c e d r e m o v a l to
be a s e p a r a t i o n in t h e strongest sense of the t e r m ; stricken to t h e
core of t h e i r being, they gave vent to t h e i r indignations and de-
spair (the w o r d is not too strong) in a voice of wretched suffer-
ing."
T h e peasant c a n e x i s t o n l y w h e n r o o t e d to his l a n d , the
l a n d where he was b o r n , w h i c h he received from his parents a n d
to w h i c h he is attached by his habits and memories. O n c e he
has b e e n u p r o o t e d there is a good chance that he will cease to
exist as a peasant, that t h e instinctive a n d i r r a t i o n a l passion
w h i c h binds h i m to his peasant existence will die w i t h i n h i m .
N o d o u b t t h e r e are degrees of deracination, and the m o n o g r a p h i c
study of different resettlement villages has shown that there are
also degrees of " d e r e a l i z a t i o n . " B e f o r e the resettlements took
place, the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n was almost entirely composed of work-

1 1
T h e a n a l y s e s p u t f o r w a r d h e r e a r e t h e r e s u l t of i n v e s t i g a t i o n s u n d e r -
t a k e n d u r i n g t h e s u m m e r of i960 i n d i f f e r e n t A l g e r i a n c e n t e r s . I n t h e v i l l a g e s
i n t h e r e g i o n o f C o l l o , of w h i c h a s t u d y w a s m a d e , t h e p e r s o n s w h o h a d b e e n
r e s e t t l e d w e r e c o m p e l l e d to ask f o r a pass i n o r d e r to g o a n d w o r k t h e i r fields;
t h e y t u r n e d o v e r t h e w h o l e of t h e i r c r o p t o t h e S . A . S . ( S e c t i o n A d m i n i s t r a t i v e
Spécialisée). M a n y h a d given u p cultivating their farms, either because these
w e r e s i t u a t e d in the f o r b i d d e n zone, or b e c a u s e they h a d b e e n o v e r r u n b y
p r o w l i n g a n i m a l s and w i l d boars, since the farmers could n o l o n g e r w a t c h
o v e r t h e i r fields. A t D j e b a b r a , a c e n t e r in the r e g i o n a b o u t M i l i a n a , t h e g r e a t -
est c a u s e of i n d i g n a t i o n w a s t h e f a c t t h a t t h e s e p e o p l e w e r e s e p a r a t e d f r o m
their animals, w h i c h w e r e n o w all b e i n g kept together in a collective stable
s o m e 50 y a r d s r e m o v e d f r o m t h e i r gourbis (houses).
Fig. 17. T h e "Resettlements" in the Territory of Ai'n Arbel

Situated to t h e east o f C o l l o , o n t h e t e r r i t o r y o c c u p i e d b y t h e
zariba o f A i ' n A r b e l , t h e n e w v i l l a g e g r o u p s t o g e t h e r a b o u t 2,500 p e r -
s o n s b e l o n g i n g t o g r o u p s (zaribat) t h a t w e r e f o r m e r l y settled at dis-
tances v a r y i n g f r o m a half-mile to t w o miles f r o m one another. S i t u a t e d
i n t h e c e n t e r of a f a r m i n g area o n l a n d that h a d b e e n c a r v e d o u t of
t h e f o r e s t , e a c h zariba (clan) g r o u p e d together all t h e descendants of
a c o m m o n a n c e s t o r , t h a t is t o s a y , t h e r e w e r e s o m e s e v e n t y p e r s o n s i n
t h e s m a l l e s t zariba a n d s o m e 420 p e r s o n s i n t h e l a r g e s t . H a v i n g a b a n -
d o n e d t h e i r houses, m o s t of these resettled persons h a v e also g i v e n
u p f a r m i n g t h e i r l a n d s (all those that w e r e s i t u a t e d to the east of t h e
h a c h u r e d l i n e ) . I t is n o t s o m u c h t h e f a c t t h a t i t t a k e s f r o m h a l f a n
h o u r to a n h o u r a n d a half to w a l k to t h e m (resulting i n the a b a n d o n -
m e n t o f t h e f a r m s ) , as t h e f a c t t h a t t h e o w n e r s c o u l d n o l o n g e r l i v e
s u r r o u n d e d b y t h e i r fields.

ers w h o m a d e their living directly f r o m agriculture—fellahs, f a r m

workers, sharecroppers—while the unvaried a n d generally simi-
lar n a t u r e of f a r m work tended to give r u r a l society its uimv
L i v i n g in t h e s a m e district as t h e peasants, engaging in dealings
with them and often doing f a r m work themselves, the small
merchants, the owners of cafes or c h e a p restaurants, and the
artisans did not stand out in contrast to the f a r m worker because,
in g e n e r a l , t h e i r activity was still very m u c h the same a n d was
at any rate c o m p l e m e n t a r y to the agricultural activities. As a

173
 174 T h e Algerians
result of the policy of resettlement this situation has been totally
c h a n g e d : in all of the f o u r centers studied, only 25 per cent of
the heads of families said that they w e r e farmers (landowners
a n d paid f a r m workers); 4 4 per cent claimed to be u n e m p l o y e d ,
while the r e m a i n d e r of the p o p u l a t i o n was largely m a d e up of
small merchants, shopkeepers, peddlers, cafe owners a n d small
craftsmen.
Compelled to give up f a r m i n g all or p a r t of their l a n d , a
good n u m b e r of the fellahs w h o have been resettled are now con-
d e m n e d to idleness or to a m o r e or less reduced f o r m of activity.
T h e w o r k on the land, even w h e n interrupted by rest periods
a n d even t h o u g h it never gave e m p l o y m e n t to all the available
w o r k e r s , was n o doubt sufficient t o keep alive i n each individual
the f e e l i n g that he was fully e m p l o y e d ; f o l l o w i n g r e s e t t l e m e n t ,
h o w e v e r , this seasonal inactivity a l t e r n a t i n g with busy periods of
full employment in accordance with the r h y t h m of f a r m work
b e c a m e , for certain individuals, a condition of p e r m a n e n t inac-
tivity, a n d h e n c e was felt to be a b n o r m a l a n d n o t t o be en-
dured. 12
B u t generally speaking, because it is i n t e r p r e t e d as
b e i n g t h e c o n s e q u e n c e of a situation to w h i c h t h e y a r e a b -
solutely o p p o s e d , an o r d i n a r y r e d u c t i o n i n e m p l o y m e n t , even
w h e n very slight, is sufficient to b r i n g a b o u t a r a d i c a l c h a n g e in
the attitude t o w o r k a n d a realization of t h e i r c o n d i t i o n of
c h r o n i c u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t that has o f t e n only b e e n m a d e worse
by resettlement.
N o d o u b t the fellahs h a d already gone t h r o u g h m o r e o r less
l o n g periods of inactivity in t h e past. B u t these fitted i n with an
accustomed cycle that was fixed by tradition a n d l i n k e d t o the

" H e r e are two e x a m p l e s : "Formerly, w h e n m y c h i l d r e n w e r e here, I got

a l o n g , I w a s w e l l established, I used to w o r k m y fields w i t h m y b r o t h e r s a n d
m y children. W e could m a n a g e . N o w here I a m in the resettlement village";
" I u s e d to s e l l w h e y i n C o l l o , n o w I o n l y h a v e f o u r g o a t s l e f t . I u s e d t o t a k e
t w o h o u r s to m a k e the trip to C o l l o . A l l that h a s b e c o m e impossible today,
w e h a v e n o t h i n g left. Since I w a s m o v e d to this center, I haven't d o n e a single
day's w o r k . " To the partial or total a b a n d o n m e n t of the farms there has
g e n e r a l l y b e e n a d d e d c o n s i d e r a b l e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e a m o u n t of l i v e s t o c k . The
c o n s e q u e n c e s of r e s e t t l e m e n t e v i d e n t l y a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y s e r i o u s w h e n t h e m o v e
is o n e t h a t c o n c e r n s t h e n o m a d s (200,000 of t h e m a p p r o x i m a t e l y a r e s a i d to
h a v e been r e s e t t l e d ) w h o s e sole w e a l t h consisted of t h e flock a n d f o r whom
t h e s e d e n t a r y l i f e m e a n s a c o m p l e t e c h a n g e i n t h e i r m o d e of e x i s t e n c e .
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 175
rhythms of n a t u r e . W i t h r e s e t t l e m e n t , however, these cycles a n d
these rhythms c h a n g e d ; as a c o n s e q u e n c e , w h a t was b e i n g ques-
tioned was n o t only the actual a m o u n t of e m p l o y m e n t provided,
but the actual schedule of e m p l o y m e n t a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t as
well. H e n c e f o r t h , t h e f e l l a h h a d a different o u t l o o k on both his
p r e s e n t and his past occupations. " A l l these p e o p l e , " o n e of
t h e m said, " a r e b e g i n n i n g to find out what work really is and
t o realize that what they used to d o before, digging away at the
g r o u n d , was n o t really w o r k at a l l . " T h e peasant now regards as
b u s y w o r k what was formerly his lifework. T h e total devotion to
his peasant existence w h i c h e n a b l e d h i m t o endure often
w r e t c h e d living conditions is n o w a t h i n g of the past.
A l t h o u g h t h e i r love of the l a n d was sometimes expressed
t h r o u g h the nostalgic recall of the way of life they had h a d to
a b a n d o n , all the peasants w h o were q u e s t i o n e d in t h e resettle-
m e n t villages i n the Collo region said that they did not like t h e i r
o c c u p a t i o n . N o d o u b t this must b e r e g a r d e d as a n effect of the
tendency t o p r o j e c t i n t o all spheres the discontent roused by
their f o r c e d settlement. It r e m a i n s to b e seen, however, w h e t h e r
this attitude was t h e result of special circumstances and will
disappear entirely w i t h the r e t u r n of t h e i r usual way of l i f e , or
w h e t h e r there is a possibility that it may have b e c o m e firmly
e n t r e n c h e d — i n which case one could prophesy that, with free-
d o m of m o v e m e n t restored, a good n u m b e r of these " d e r u r a l i z e d "
country m e n will go to increase the p o p u l a t i o n of the city
suburbs r a t h e r t h a n r e t u r n t o t h e i r f a r m s a n d their ancestral
pursuits. " O n c e peace has c o m e , " said a b u t c h e r of K e r k e r a
(Collo), " I shall not go b a c k to the zariba [a quarter in w h i c h a r e
g r o u p e d together the m e m b e r s of the same c l a n ] ; I shall go instead
t o T a m a l o u s or to some o t h e r city, b u t not b a c k to the zariba.
W h e r e v e r I find a j o b , that will b e my c o u n t r y . W e ' v e h a d
e n o u g h of ' h a r d ' l i f e ; we w a n t a 'soft' life, an 'easy' life. Any-
one w h o wants the life in the m o u n t a i n s , let h i m go there. H e
can have i t . "
T h e awareness of t h e i r l a c k of e m p l o y m e n t , c o m b i n e d with
t h e f e e l i n g of r e b e l l i o n against their f o r c e d displacement, d o m i -
n a t e d the w h o l e of t h e i r existence. Partially or totally deprived
of their old occupations, many of the f o r m e r fellahs aspired t o
176 T h e Algerians
b e c o m e wage earners. I n those areas in which a tradition o f
e m i g r a t i o n existed, they departed for France when they c o u l d
o b t a i n the necessary authorization, which generally presupposes,
their o b t a i n i n g a certificate that they have a j o b w a i t i n g f o r t h e m
or a letter f r o m a relative w h o is willing to give t h e m b o a r d and
l o d g i n g . Certain individuals succeeded d u r i n g the war in find-
13

i n g e m p l o y m e n t in local concerns or factories or in the b u i l d i n g

yards o p e n e d u p by t h e a r m y . B u t these were usually only
t e m p o r a r y means of support, and the f e e l i n g of insecurity per-
sists.
I t is this c o n t e x t that explains t h e excessive growth i n the
n u m b e r of very small businesses and of m a n u a l trades. W h a t
are they waiting for, these merchants without customers, w h o m
we see sitting all day l o n g i n f r o n t of their shops that stretch
out in a row a l o n g the m a i n street of c e r t a i n resettlement vil-
lages? W h a t can be the f u n c t i o n of these p r e t e n d e d trades f o r
those engaged in them? T h e y c a n n o t b e considered as m e r e l y a
m e a n s of livelihood, because their m a t e r i a l result, or the profit
to b e g a i n e d f r o m t h e m , only partially e x p l a i n s their real sig-
nificance. I t is as if, because these pseudo-tradesmen h a v e b e e n
u n a b l e to have access t o w o r k as a means of o b t a i n i n g a wage
or an income, they have ended, through force of circumstances,
by disassociating w o r k f r o m its e c o n o m i c result, a n d n o w look
on it, not so m u c h as b e i n g connected with its product, b u t as
being opposed to n o w o r k at all. Is n o t this m u l t i p l i c i t y of small
shops and businesses p a r t i c u l a r l y illogical at a time w h e n the
d r o p in b u y i n g power, correlative to the d r o p i n the standard of

1 3
A n e w f a c t t h a t h a s b e e n o b s e r v e d is t h a t m o r e a n d m o r e f r e q u e n t l y
e n t i r e f a m i l i e s a r e l e a v i n g f o r F r a n c e as a r e s u l t , p r i m a r i l y , of t h e p r e v a i l i n g
i n s e c u r i t y . It o f t e n h a p p e n s t h a t t h e e m i g r a n t r e t u r n s t o g e t h i s f a m i l y as s o o n
as h e h a s t h e m e a n s to a s s u r e t h e m d e c e n t l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . T h u s i n A g h b a l a ,
f o r e x a m p l e , a v i l l a g e of a b o u t 2,000 i n h a b i t a n t s , o n l y s i x f a m i l i e s h a d g o n e
to F r a n c e b e f o r e 1954. B y e a r l y 1962 e i g h t e e n f a m i l i e s h a d m o v e d t h e r e , a n d
f o u r of t h e s e i n c l u d e , i n o n e c a s e , t h e m o t h e r a n d s i s t e r of t h e h e a d o f t h e
f a m i l y a n d , in t h e o t h e r cases, his n e p h e w s a n d nieces. A b o u t t w e n t y f a m i l i e s
h a v e m o v e d t o n e i g h b o r i n g s m a l l t o w n s , S i d i A r c h a n d E l K s e u r , o r to A l g i e r s .
T h e e x o d u s w o u l d h a v e b e e n o n a s t i l l l a r g e r s c a l e , if it h a d n o t b e e n c h e c k e d
b y t h e m a y o r , w h o w o u l d g r a n t a u t h o r i t y to l e a v e o n l y i n r e t u r n f o r t h e
p a y m e n t o f a l a r g e s u m of m o n e y . A t K e r k e r a a w h o l e c l a n , c o m p r i s e d of
a b o u t o n e h u n d r e d p e r s o n s , e m i g r a t e d to P h i l i p p e v i l l e as a c o n s e q u e n c e o f
t h e p o l i c y of r e s e t t l e m e n t .
Fig. 18. T h e "Resettlement" of Ain Arbel (detail)
T h e black squares represent the site of the houses that formerly
belonged to the members of the zariba Ain Arbel and the zariba
Brouta. These people have now been resettled in the new village. Each
group of houses sheltered a single social unit and was surroiuickil by
the lands cultivated by the group.

177
 178 T h e Algerians
l i v i n g caused by the resettlement policy, w o u l d be sufficient to
cause a slump in business and i n the m a n u a l trades? W o r k of this
n a t u r e constitutes to a certain extent its own end, since i n
reality it has n o end apart from its own existence. T o be en-
gaged in some k i n d of work, even w h e n o n e works f o r n o t h i n g
or f o r a m e r e pittance, is, in one's own eyes and i n t h e eyes of
the g r o u p , to do all that one can to rise a b o v e the position of
the u n e m p l o y e d w o r k e r . T h u s the f u n c t i o n of these o c c u p a t i o n s ,
w h i c h c a n n o t be called trades or professions, is symbolic i n a
d o u b l e sense: they b r i n g a fictitious satisfaction to those engaged
in them, a n d at the same time provide them with justification
i n the eyes of t h e g r o u p . B y giving t h e m a s e m b l a n c e of a n
o c c u p a t i o n , these s m a l l businesses provide an outward show of
a d a p t a t i o n f o r these c o u n t r y dwellers c o n d e m n e d to idleness b e -
cause of the remoteness of their lands a n d because of the l a c k
of e m p l o y m e n t . 14

T h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n of small business is o n e aspect of t h e

process of shantytown d e v e l o p m e n t ("bidonvillisation"), in
which t h e whole of r u r a l A l g e r i a was b e i n g swept along as a
result of the resettlement p o l i c y . A soulless agglomeration w h i c h
15

has the superficial aspect of a town b u t w h i c h c a n n o t ensure t h e

a d v a n t a g e s n o r m a l l y associated with u r b a n l i v i n g — e m p l o y m e n t ,
housing and a m i n i m u m of c o m f o r t — t h e resettlement p r o j e c t is,
in t r u t h , a k i n d of r u r a l shantytown. B y depriving t h e m of t h e
assurance a n d security provided by the social a n d e c o n o m i c
order of f o r m e r days, by a b a n d o n i n g t h e m t o idleness o r t o m a k e -
shift forms of e m p l o y m e n t , by stripping t h e m completely of any
responsibility f o r their own destiny, by g i v i n g t h e m the status

1 4
T h e c o u n t r y d i s t r i c t s h a v e a l w a y s b e e n t h e s c e n e o£ a s o r t o£ p e n d u l u m
m o v e m e n t : d r i v e n f r o m t h e l a n d b y a p o o r y e a r , s o m e o£ t h e f e l l a h s a n d the
a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k e r s w o u l d g o a n d seek a l i v e l i h o o d in t h e cities. A promising
y e a r w o u l d b r i n g b a c k to t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l life this p a r t i c u l a r p o r t i o n of the
rural population. T h e resettlement has given full scope to this movement
of derealization, to such an extent that it has perhaps made the latter
irreversible.
1 6
T h e large-scale resettlements, l i k e all great social u p h e a v a l s , f a v o r e d the
a p p e a r a n c e o f a c l a s s of p r o f i t e e r s , w h o w e r e o f t e n supported by the army
b y r e a s o n o f t h e i r " l o y a l t y , " w h o h e l d a m a j o r i t y of t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n -
sibilities (the m a y o r a l t y functions, f o r e x a m p l e ) , a n d w h o w e r e a l l o w e d to r u n
the p r i n c i p a l business concerns.
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 179
of persons on r e l i e f , t h e a u t h o r i t i e s transformed these deruralized
country dwellers i n t o a sub-proletariat who h a d lost all m e m o r y
of their f o r m e r ideals of h o n o r a n d dignity a n d w h o wavered
between attitudes of m e e k resignation and ineffectual revolt.
T h e whole of their existence was l a c k i n g that w h i c h nor-
mally constitutes its m a i n f r a m e w o r k : the daily w o r k at one's
customary occupation, with its t e m p o r a l a n d spatial rhythms,
the demands it imposes, the security that it offers, the future t h a t
it allows one to envisage a n d p l a n for. T h e tragedy of unemploy-
m e n t does not lie solely in being deprived of real opportunities
t o work, but i n b e i n g deprived of a regular daily o c c u p a t i o n
a n d the stability g u a r a n t e e d by the assured p r o d u c t of one's
labor. F o r individuals p l a c e d in this catastrophic situation, w h a t
is t h r e a t e n e d is t h e i r whole psychological b a l a n c e and, m o r e
particularly, t h e i r e m o t i o n a l b a l a n c e . T h e y gradually lapse i n t o
a n a p a t h e t i c attitude of fatalistic r e s i g n a t i o n . T h e y inevitably
b e c o m e reconciled and accustomed to a parasitic a n d vegetative
f o r m of existence. Is it not a fact, for e x a m p l e , that, after two
years of idleness a n d misery, the inhabitants of a resettlement
p r o j e c t in the Collo r e g i o n refused the c h a n c e t o m o v e to an-
o t h e r place w h e r e they were assured of finding f a r m s that could
be worked? Is it not likely that f a m i l i a r i z a t i o n w i t h p r o l o n g e d
u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d the h a b i t of p r e t e n d i n g to b e busy at poor
trades will produce parasites w h o are l a c k i n g i n dignity, com-
placently resigned to b e i n g on r e l i e f a n d i m b u e d with a vague
a n d peevish f e e l i n g of resentment r a t h e r t h a n with any truly
revolutionary ideas? T h e r e is a good c h a n c e that such m a y be
t h e fate of the p o p u l a t i o n s of c e r t a i n centers who, as a result
of the lack of any f a r m work, were placed i n a situation of
absolute d e p e n d e n c y on t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o r t h e m i l i t a r y au-
thorities, a n d h a d n o o t h e r means of support t h a n t h e i r p e r i o d i c
a l l o t m e n t of semolina, their pay as auxiliary police, a n d t h e
wages they were able to e a r n i n the workshops t h a t h a d b e e n
o p e n e d u p by the a r m y .

Moreover, the constraints, persecutions a n d u n f a i r m a n i p u -

lations to w h i c h they h a d been subjected finally b r o k e down
their resistance. At Cheraia, in t h e C o l l o r e g i o n , the people c a m e
a long distance ( f r o m two to f o u r miles) t o b u i l d at t h e i r own
i8o T h e Algerians
Fig. ig. T h e "Resettlements" in the Kerkera Region (Collo)

I n t h e w h o l e o f t h e arrondissement ( a d m i n i s t r a t i v e district) of
C o l l o , s o m e 33,000 p e r s o n s — o r m o r e t h a n a t h i r d o f t h e t o t a l p o p u -
l a t i o n — h a v e b e e n r e s e t t l e d . T h e r e s e t t l e m e n t c e n t e r o f K m 10 ( k i l o -
m e t e r 10) w a s c o m p r i s e d o f 3,264 p e r s o n s ( a b o u t 589 f a m i l i e s ) t o w h i c h
w e r e a d d e d i n S e p t e m b e r i 9 6 0 t h e i , o g i i n h a b i t a n t s (205 f a m i l i e s ) o f
t h e zariba K e r k e r a , situated about one-half m i l e a w a y f r o m the re-
s e t t l e m e n t center o n the side of the hill w h i c h o v e r l o o k s the valley of
t h e W a d i G u e b l i . A t R e d i r , 3 7 1 f a m i l i e s , c o m p r i s i n g i,8g4 p e r s o n s ,
w e r e r e s e t t l e d . F i n a l l y , a t K m ig t h e a u t h o r i t i e s g r o u p e d t o g e t h e r t h e
zaribat Lazilet, el Afia, O u t a i e t A i c h a , el H a m m a m a n d Bourguel.
W h e r e a s at A i n A r b e l the n e w v i l l a g e w a s established in a n a r e a a l r e a d y
o c c u p i e d b y o n e of the c o n t r a c t e d g r o u p s , t h e site of t h e r e s e t t l e m e n t
p r o j e c t o f K e r k e r a , at t h e e d g e of t h e W a d i G u e b l i w i t h its d a n g e r o u s
spring overflows, had been occupied by only a few scattered houses. By
r e a s o n o f its s i z e a n d t h e a r b i t r a r y w a y i n w h i c h i t s s i t e w a s s e l e c t e d ,
the K e r k e r a project, w h i c h brings together formerly separate groups,
is t h e p r i z e e x a m p l e o f t h e r u r a l s h a n t y t o w n (bidonville).

(See m a p o n o p p o s i t e page.)

e x p e n s e houses in w h i c h they were to l i v e — a n d they were aware

of this—only u n t i l such time as the definitive site of the village
c o u l d be acquired. A t K e r k e r a the i n h a b i t a n t s of a zariba, situ-
ated h a l f way up the slope of a hill, were obliged before the
e n d of s u m m e r to leave their houses, which were almost all
solidly b u i l t a n d very c o m f o r t a b l e , to go a n d live in gourbis situ-
ated in a p a r t of t h e valley t h a t was regularly flooded i n w i n t e r
by the W a d i G u e b l i . T h u s , gradually, they get used to a n un-
stable existence. A n d each o n e experiences i n his inmost heart all
the tragedy of having his customary existence a n d way of life
shattered about h i m .
Groups of different origins were b r o u g h t together, a fact
w h i c h tended to w e a k e n the old c o m m u n a l ties. A new type of
solidarity n o w m a d e its appearance, q u i t e different f r o m the
f o r m e r solidarity a n d closely l i n k e d to a f e e l i n g of r e v o l t against
commonly shared conditions. T h e real a n d sometimes terrible
m a t e r i a l misery they h a d to endure was, however, n o t h i n g com-
p a r e d to the m o r a l misery of these m e n w h o had been torn f r o m
their f a m i l i a r world, their h o m e , their lands, t h e i r customs, their
beliefs, e v e r y t h i n g that h e l p e d them to l i v e . 16
Placed by force i n

1 0
As a consequence o£ t h e d e p r e s s e d c o n d i t i o n o£ a g r i c u l t u r e and stock
r a i s i n g , t h e r e m a y b e n o t e d i n n e a r l y a l l c a s e s a d r o p i n t h e s t a n d a r d o£ l i v i n g
a situation they detested, prevented f r o m taking control of t h e i r
own destiny, they could not turn their thoughts to devising
methods of developing a cooperative m o v e m e n t that would b e
based on the c o m m o n interest and o n deliberate p a r t i c i p a t i o n in
a c o m m o n effort. R a t h e r , they d e m o n s t r a t e d i n a great m a n y

t h a t is difficult t o e v a l u a t e p r o p e r l y . I n s u c h c o n d i t i o n s a n y a v a i l a b l e capital—
flock, p o u l t r y , r e s e r v e s — i s r a p i d l y consumed. Life becomes a hand-to-mouth
e x i s t e n c e , a s i n k - o r - s w i m affair. T h e p h y s i o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n of these people
l e a d s to a v e r y h i g h d e a t h r a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y a m o n g children.

181
 182 T h e Algerians
ways t h e i r refusal to p a r t i c i p a t e . Is there, indeed, any b e t t e r
17

way of g a i n i n g vengeance against the oppression of w h i c h t h e y

are t h e victims t h a n to s h i f t t h e responsibility f o r t h e i r o w n fate
to the shoulders of those w h o a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r it?
T h u s this policy o f resettlement achieved results which are
the direct opposite of its p r o p o s e d objectives. It o n l y succeeded
i n increasing the feelings of revolt a n d r e s e n t m e n t against the
c o l o n i a l authorities without i n any way depriving the F . L . N ,
of t h e support it was o b t a i n i n g from t h e native p o p u l a t i o n . I t
played a p a r t in m a k i n g a whole society adopt a n attitude o f
opposition t o m o d e r n progress, a society which, at t h e same t i m e ,
h a d b e e n disrupted to the greatest possible e x t e n t . F i n a l l y , by
encouraging the working out of a new k i n d of collective exist-
ence, by causing the peasants to become fully aware of the true
nature of their condition, by splitting the old collectivities based
o n genealogical ties, by c r e a t i n g new c o m m u n i t i e s that h a v e
b r o k e n with t h e i r traditions and t h e i r past and that are, as a
result, ready to try any new e x p e r i m e n t , it may be that a
situation has been created of such a n a t u r e that it will impose
solutions of a collectivist type o n people w h o will be ready to
a c c e p t them.
T h e i n t e r n a l m o v e m e n t of p o p u l a t i o n also took the f o r m of
a n exodus to the cities, w h i c h appear to the c o u n t r y dwellers as
a refuge against w a r a n d poverty. T h e shantytowns c o n t i n u e to
increase in size. Citizens of long standing take in t h e i r c o u n t r y
relatives. L i k e the persons i n the resettlement villages, those w h o
have sought r e f u g e in the cities find themselves suddenly thrown
into an unaccustomed world that is i n c a p a b l e of assuring them
steady e m p l o y m e n t and, above all, of providing them with the
security that could give b a l a n c e and stability to their existence.
T h i s will b e seen in the following typical s t a t e m e n t :

I have been i n C o n s t a n t i n e since M a r c h 1959. B e f o r e that

I was at C. du R . . . . I came to the s h a n t y t o w n at H. T h e y
destroyed our gourb is a n d they f o u n d us a new h o m e in the city
1 7
T h i s m a y be seen, f o r e x a m p l e , in the fact that the p e o p l e w h o h a v e
b e e n r e s e t t l e d r a r e l y m a k e a n y m o d i f i c a t i o n t o t h e i r h o u s e s o r a t t e m p t to
b e a u t i f y t h e m i n a n y w a y , a n d h e n c e d o n o t d i s p l a y a n y r e a l f e e l i n g of
ownership.
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 183
of E l B i r . T h e house b e l o n g s to the S.A.S. [Section Administrative
Spécialisée]. T h e r e is n e i t h e r water n o r electricity. T h e r e are
eight of us in two rooms, one f o r my brother a n d his family, the
o t h e r for me. M y f a t h e r was a day laborer, "a pick-and-shovel
m a n , " and a fellah before that. I used to work as a "trabadjar"
[the pejorative name f o r a f a r m worker]. Now I am u n e m p l o y e d .
E v e r y day I go looking f o r a j o b in several work yards, b u t I
haven't found one, e i t h e r in B. or elsewhere. I would do anything
at all if I could find a job, provided I could b r i n g h o m e a b i t
of bread to m y children. B u t I have n o trade [ n o specialty]. T h e
specialist, he gets a j o b right away. He's never out of work. I ' d
do any work at all, but I haven't any trade. T h e m a n who hasn't
a trade is always u n e m p l o y e d .

Characteristic of the class of r u r a l dwellers who h a d recently

c o m e to the city to flee f r o m war a n d poverty, driven f r o m pillar
to post, n o t understanding very clearly what was h a p p e n i n g to
h i m — e i t h e r when the powers that be demolish his tin-can hut to
find h i m a new l o d g i n g in the city or when they refuse h i m work
in yard after y a r d — h e had been able to o b t a i n only a few days'
e m p l o y m e n t here a n d there since his arrival in the city over a
year before. H e was able to exist only with the help of his b r o t h e r ,
a little candy peddler whose i n c o m e is completely dependent on
chance.
U n e m p l o y e d w o r k e r , unskilled laborer, unlicensed peddler,
all may be successive occupations of the same individual; in any
case they are three callings that a r e easily i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e . T h e r e
was n o t h i n g solid, n o t h i n g stable, n o t h i n g p e r m a n e n t f o r all
these m e n w h o were ready to do a n y k i n d of w o r k and were
conscious of t h e i r ignorance of all trades; w h o were always avail-
able f o r e m p l o y m e n t and c o m p l e t e l y at the m e r c y of e x t e r n a l
forces; who were c o n d e m n e d to live a hand-to-mouth existence
and who craved security; who h a d n o real trade and so were
forced to engage in all kinds of pseudo-trades; w h o were com-
pelled to gain a knowledge both of the technical world and of
city l i f e — t o become a c q u a i n t e d with work regulations, to l e a r n
the F r e n c h language, to learn the use of tools and m e a s u r i n g
instruments, a n d to acquire certain skills. T h e i r whole life ap-
peared to be a series of temporary j o b s . Poorly adapted to an
u r b a n society i n which they seemed quite out of place, cut off
 184 T h e Algerians
f r o m the r u r a l society a n d its reassuring traditions, they w e n t
a b o u t , persons without a past a n d w i t h o u t a future, desperately
t r y i n g to gain a hold on a present which i r r e m e d i a b l y escaped
them.
T h e m a n of the rural communities, held in the powerful
g r i p of c o m m u n i t y ties, placed under the strict guidance of the
elders, and supported by a whole g r o u p of traditions, has b e e n
replaced by the isolated, defenseless and gregarious m a n , torn
from the organic units in which and through which he formerly
existed, cut off from his group and his h o m e soil, often placed
in such m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s that he is u n a b l e to recall his f o r m e r
ideals of h o n o r and dignity.

End of a W o r l d

N o one is unaware of the fact that a deep gulf now separates

A l g e r i a n society f r o m its past and that an irreversible change
has taken place. T h e i m p o r t a n t thing is, however, not so m u c h
the b r e a k with the past as the f e e l i n g that such a b r e a k has
occurred. T h e result of this realization has been t o raise doubts
a n d questions a b o u t the values w h i c h gave m e a n i n g t o the
f o r m e r existence. T h e p e r m a n e n t state of insecurity, the experi-
ence of a way of life constantly unsettled and threatened with
sudden change, has m a d e these people consider the traditions and
beliefs which were formerly h e l d sacred to be futile. T h e strictest
p r o h i b i t i o n s have been v i o l a t e d . T h e revolutionary s i t u a t i o n
18

has upset t h e former social hierarchies, now associated w i t h the

system of outmoded values, a n d has substituted f o r them new
m e n to w h o m a u t h o r i t y was g r a n t e d f o r reasons o t h e r t h a n
b i r t h , wealth, or m o r a l or religious ascendancy. T h e f o r m e r
values based on h o n o r have crumbled as a result of the cruel-
ties of the war. T h e ideal i m a g e these people h a d f o r m e d of

M
T o t a k e a s i n g l e e x a m p l e : a t t h e t i m e o£ a l a r g e - s c a l e m i l i t a r y o p e r a -
t i o n i n 1959, t h e w i v e s o£ a m a r a b o u t , f r o m a v i l l a g e n e a r M i c h e l e t , f l e d i n
t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i g h t to a n e i g h b o r i n g v i l l a g e w h e r e t h e y h a d n o a c q u a i n t -
ances. T h i s c o n d u c t , w h i c h w o u l d formerly h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d scandalous,
s i n c e t h e w i v e s of a m a r a b o u t r a r e l y l e a v e t h e i r h o m e , w a s l o o k e d o n as b e i n g
almost normal.
 T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 185
t h e i r society a n d t h e values they associated with it have b e e n p u t
to t h e cruelest k i n d of test. As witness of this, we h a v e these
words of an old m a n of the K a b y l e s : " A t the end of all this, there
will not be a m a n left w h o can say 'I am a m a n . ' " T h e r e are the
cases of rape a n d abduction of women, of army interrogations
during w h i c h the husband was slapped or k n o c k e d about in the
presence of the w o m e n . T h i s r e n o u n c e m e n t of traditional values
took place in an atmosphere of despair and great m o r a l anguish.
L i k e some i n f e r n a l m a c h i n e , the war has m a d e a clean
sweep of the social realities, g r i n d i n g u p a n d scattering to the
four winds the t r a d i t i o n a l communities of the village, clan or
f a m i l y . T h o u s a n d s of m e n were in t h e u n d e r g r o u n d movement,
i n the i n t e r n m e n t camps, i n prison, or living as refugees in
T u n i s i a a n d M o r o c c o ; others departed f o r the cities of Algeria
or F r a n c e , leaving their families b e h i n d i n the resettlement p r o j -
ects or in their h o m e villages; m a n y others have died or disap-
peared. I n entire regions there are practically n o m e n left. I n
these deserted villages will there r e m a i n even a memory of the
f o r m e r traditions? F o r this enforced separation i n t e r r u p t e d the
transmission of the t r a d i t i o n a l civilization, which, because of
t h e i r adherence to n e w values, t e n d to be n o l o n g e r regarded
with reverence by the young people. T h e w o m e n and the old
m e n h a v e r e m a i n e d b e h i n d in t h e villages w i t h t h e children.
T h e young men, t h r o w n i n t o an u r b a n way of life, n o longer
learn f r o m their elders the precepts, the customs, the legends or
the proverbs w h i c h f o r m e d the soul of t h e c o m m u n i t y . T h e
teaching of t h e elders has b e e n r e p l a c e d by a k i n d of politi-
cal education i m p a r t e d by those w h o are able to read. T h e
m a i n t e n a n c e of t r a d i t i o n presupposes a c o n t i n u i n g contact be-
tween the successive g e n e r a t i o n s and a respect f o r the elders o n
the p a r t of the young. T h e patriarchal family, the p r i m o r d i a l
c o m m u n i t y which h a d escaped disintegration to a m u c h grc.ner
e x t e n t in the country areas t h a n in the cities, and which r e m a i n e d
the keystone of the whole social structure, now is sometimes
dispersed a n d is split by the conflict between the different
generations, w h i c h is really the expression of the conflict b e t w e e n
the old and the new systems of value.

T h e young m e n of the great cities are n o l o n g e r subject to

186 T h e Algerians
t h e t r a d i t i o n a l controls a n d the pressure of p u b l i c o p i n i o n , t h e
p r i n c i p a l means of e n f o r c i n g respect f o r law a n d o r d e r in the
village c o m m u n i t i e s . M o r e o v e r , t h r o u g h the absence of a f a t h e r
or of an older b r o t h e r , they are often left entirely to their own
devices. A good n u m b e r of them, especially i n the cities, are
now in the position of the young m a n w h o m the Kabyles call
" t h e widow's son," that is to say, t h e one w h o has been deprived
of a past, of traditions a n d ideals, because he has not received
any p a t e r n a l education. T h e authority of the f a t h e r , a l t h o u g h it
still makes itself felt, is often weakened. I n any case the h e a d o f
t h e family is n o longer regarded as the f o u n t a i n h e a d of all
values a n d t h e director of all family affairs. T h i s is b e c a u s e t h e
w a r has upset t h e scale of values which gave precedence a n d
authority to t h e elders. T h e revolutionary values a r e those of the
younger generation. Schooled by the war, turned towards the fu-
ture, and completely i g n o r a n t of a past to w h i c h t h e i r elders
c a n n o t h e l p r e m a i n i n g attached, the adolescents are often ani-
mated (and the part they played in the revolutionary war bears
witness to this) by a spirit of radicalism a n d n e g a t i v i s m which
often separates them f r o m their elders.
T h e t r a d i t i o n a l patterns f o r the relations between t h e sexes
have also b e e n a l t e r e d . W i t h the d e p a r t u r e of the m e n f r o m
the villages, the w o m e n themselves gradually b e c a m e m o r e a n d
m o r e affected by t h e war. I n many cases they now find them-
selves responsible for matters w h i c h traditionally devolved u p o n
the m e n . O f t e n they must w o r k to support the f a m i l y , even w h e n
they are receiving aid f r o m a b r o t h e r , a brother-in-law or a n
u n c l e . T h e i r f o r m e r severely restricted field of a c t i o n has n o w
b e e n greatly enlarged. T h e y go a b o u t in t h e E u r o p e a n city, e n t e r
t h e b i g d e p a r t m e n t stores, u n d e r t a k e business ventures a n d carry
out administrative formalities. T h e y are now b r e a k i n g out of
t h e i r closed a n d secret w o r l d to t a k e p a r t in activities formerly
reserved f o r the men. T h e y are sharing i n the p o l i t i c a l preoccupa-
tions a n d aspirations which, i n the t r a d i t i o n a l society, were the
prerogatives of the men. E n g a g e d in the war, either directly or
indirectly, as actor or victim, driven by the force of circumstances
to take on totally new roles, the A l g e r i a n w o m a n has a c q u i r e d a
 T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 187
g r e a t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d , at the same t i m e , a k e e n e r p r i d e in h e r
tasks a n d responsibilities.
T h u s , c o m b i n e d with o t h e r influences such as e d u c a t i o n ,
w h i c h has increased the d e m a n d s of the young and t h e i r desire
f o r e m a n c i p a t i o n , t h e wider a c q u a i n t a n c e with other cultures
that has been p r o d u c e d by the shifts in p o p u l a t i o n , the urbaniza-
t i o n a n d political i n d o c t r i n a t i o n of the masses w h i c h has led to
a w i d e n i n g of t h e " i n t e l l e c t u a l o u t l o o k , " the war s i t u a t i o n has
upset the entire cultural system. H o w e v e r , c o n t r a r y to what
o n e m i g h t t h i n k , a state of open w a r f a r e is less u n f a v o r a b l e to
c u l t u r a l exchanges t h a n a s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h resistance is under-
ground and disguised. Paradoxically, open conflict brings the two
sides together j u s t as m u c h as it places t h e m in opposition, be-
cause, i n order to win the war, it is necessary to b o r r o w t h e most
efficient weapons of one's adversary, a n d perhaps, also, because
war r e m a i n s a d i a l o g u e w h e n all is said and done.
T o express the present state of affairs the old Algerians
often say: " W e are now i n the fourteenth c e n t u r y . " T o t h e m
t h e f o u r t e e n t h century is the century of the end of the world,
at which time e v e r y t h i n g that was the rule will b e c o m e the
exception, w h e n all that was f o r b i d d e n will b e now p e r m i t t e d ,
a t i m e , f o r e x a m p l e , w h e n c h i l d r e n will n o l o n g e r respect t h e i r
p a r e n t s , the wife will go to the m a r k e t p l a c e and so on. T h e
mind of the people thus expresses its e x p e r i e n c e of a topsy-turvy
world i n which everything works backwards; it sees in the dis-
o r d e r a n d chaos w h i c h surround it the final state a n n o u n c i n g
the e n d of t h e world. A n d indeed, i n Algeria, we are witnessing
t h e e n d of a world. B u t t h e e n d of this world is felt by the people
t o be the a n n o u n c e m e n t of a new world to come.
A l g e r i a n society h a s b e e n u n d e r g o i n g for 130 y e a r s — a n d is
u n d e r g o i n g t o d a y — a great u p h e a v a l . N o domain has b e e n s p a i e d .
T h e pillars of the t r a d i t i o n a l order have b e e n shaken or over-
t h r o w n by the c o l o n i a l situation and the war. T h e u r b a n m i d -
dle class has b e e n b r o k e n u p a n d dispersed; the values that it
represented and protected have been swept away by the e r u p t i o n
of new ideologies a n d by the a p p e a r a n c e on the scene of a new
elite, of new leaders w h o often c o m e f r o m t h e c o m m o n p e o p l e
188 T h e Algerians
a n d w h o are a r m e d with an authority that has been forged in
the struggle f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e g r e a t f e u d a l chiefs, o f t e n
compromised by t h e s u p p o r t that they gave to t h e F r e n c h ad-
m i n i s t r a t i o n , a n d h e n c e associated in the eyes of the masses with
the system of oppression, h a v e lost in most cases t h e i r m a t e r i a l
p o w e r a n d t h e i r spiritual authority. T h e g r e a t mass of peasants,
w h o opposed t h e i r deeply r o o t e d traditionalism and conservatism
to any innovations offered by the W e s t , have b e e n carried along
i n the whirlwind of violence which is sweeping away even the
vestiges of the past. Because it has b e e n disassociated f r o m the
m a g i c o - m y t h i c a l practices a n d beliefs that kept it r o o t e d t o the
soil, because for a time it was m o r e or less deliberately used
as a revolutionary ideology capable of m o b i l i z i n g the masses a n d
e n l i s t i n g them in the struggle, Islam has b e c o m e progressively
c h a n g e d i n m e a n i n g a n d function. I n short, the war, by reason
of its n a t u r e , its special f o r m and its d u r a t i o n , was a c c o m p a n i e d
by a r a d i c a l revolution. O n e could forecast with some assurance
that the r e t u r n of peace would reveal an A l g e r i a quite different
f r o m t h e Algeria at the outbreak of war, a n A l g e r i a highly
revolutionary because it has been highly revolutionized.
O f all the countries of N o r t h Africa, A l g e r i a is u n d o u b t e d l y
the o n e in w h i c h the influence of W e s t e r n culture, t e c h n i q u e s
a n d ideology has m a d e itself felt most strongly. I t is significant
that d u r i n g the years of war A l g e r i a f o u n d the replies t o its
questions in F r e n c h newspapers and F r e n c h books a n d f o r m u -
lated its problems, its anxieties, its feelings of revolt and its hopes
of r e v o l u t i o n i n the very terms employed by W e s t e r n thought.
It must not be overlooked that the n u m b e r of c h i l d r e n e n t e r i n g
the schools is steadily increasing, that m o r e a n d m o r e of the m a l e
a n d e v e n female p o p u l a t i o n c a n now express themselves i n
F r e n c h , a n d that t h e provision of m o d e r n h o u s i n g f o r an increas-
i n g n u m b e r of city dwellers has led to a p r o f o u n d change in
habits a n d attitudes. Equally significant is the fact that the
efforts of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the a r m y , whatever one may
t h i n k of t h e m , did have an effect in all d o m a i n s — b a s i c e d u c a t i o n ,
professional t r a i n i n g , a g r i c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g , etc. A n o t h e r i m p o r -
t a n t fact is that the revolutionary situation a w a k e n e d a political
conscience in all A l g e r i a n s , of all classes a n d of all ages, and at
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution 189
the same time led to a new attitude toward society and toward
the f u t u r e that is featured by a great thirst for l e a r n i n g , under-
standing, i n f o r m a t i o n and material progress. O n e can see a
m a n i f e s t a t i o n of this awakening of the political conscience in
the appearance of an oral l i t e r a t u r e composed principally of
p o p u l a r songs which exalt the revolutionary struggle. Usually
anonymous and i n s p i r e d by precise events,, they sing of the
atrocity of the war, the heroism of the c o m b a t a n t s a n d of h o p e
f o r peace. S i m p l e a n d naive, these poems i n B e r b e r or A r a b
language, sung in accordance with the modes of the traditional
music, are b o t h c h r o n i c l e and chanson de geste.

T h e r e has b e e n an infiltration of traitors i n t o the A r m y of L i b e r -

ation—
T h e y almost succeeded in shaking it to its f o u n d a t i o n s ;
De G a u l l e is b e g i n n i n g to boast a b o u t it, happy at his success,
H e continues to watch m o r e and m o r e closely, t h i n k i n g that his
seeds of discord have t a k e n root,
W h e r e a s we h a v e sworn that A l g e r i a will live, even should only
o n e m a n survive.
T h e n u m e r o u s students [ w h o have j o i n e d the F . L . N . ] have been
forced by traitors to a b a n d o n their post.
I f they slumber, they dream, b u t if t h e y a r e awakened, they will
say " A l l right, c o u n t o n m e . "
A t the b o t t o m of his h e a r t , h e wishes to betray his brothers.
O n the m a n who goes astray f r o m his duty the eagle will p o u n c e
a n d he will be carried off.
T h e flag is u n f u r l e d by t h e w i n d a n d d a w n has risen over it.
A n d o n the day when Algeria lives again, t h e o r p h a n will o n c e
m o r e find his father.
( R e c o r d e d in K a b y l i a in 1958.)

Listen to this story.

B e attentive and in order to hear
A n d understand w h a t I say,
B e sure n o t to fall asleep.

W h e r e v e r t h e F r e n c h m a n goes,
H e leaves b e h i n d bloody traces;
N o one is spared,
E v e n the old are struck down.
H e has despoiled the trees which were l a d e n with fruit.
H e has p o i s o n e d t h e waters of t h e streams.
 igo T h e Algerians
W h e r e v e r the F r e n c h m a n goes,
B u l l e t s pierce the walls,
T h e wheat fields are destroyed by fire.
T o feed the people even acorns are b e c o m i n g h a r d to find.
A n d as for the h o n o r that has been violated,
W o r d s are not sufficient to describe it.

F r o m one generation to a n o t h e r
T h e message will b e transmitted
So that it will never be f o r g o t t e n —
H o w the people were seized by the throat.
Every day each village can count one m o r e person w h o has died.
P o o r child w h o weeps w i t h o u t understanding
T h e stiffness of the body of its m o t h e r .

Everywhere the F r e n c h m a n goes

T h e fields are left b u r n e d b e h i n d him,
T h e cattle that were tied up
Have died b u r n e d to a crisp.
T h e y even b u r n the swaddling clothes
I n w h i c h are wrapped the new-born babes.
N o t o m b will be opened f o r t h e m —
Only the c o m m o n grave
W i l l receive the dead.
( R e c o r d e d in Algiers in i960.)

F i n a l l y , it must b e r e m e m b e r e d that the Algerians f e e l

themselves to b e affected by t h e experiences of all the countries
that were f o r m e r l y c o l o n i a l possessions, a n d that the C h i n e s e
v e n t u r e , of w h i c h they are generally ill-informed, has aroused
a m b i v a l e n t attitudes of m i n g l e d interest a n d distrust. A l g e r i a
has n o w b e c o m e resolutely open to the world.
T h e size a n d d u r a t i o n of the c o l o n i a l enterprise, the n u m e r i -
cal i m p o r t a n c e of the E u r o p e a n population settled in A l g e r i a
a n d the influence it has exerted through the power of e x a m p l e ,
t h e setting u p of a capitalistic economy, the p r o l o n g e d control
of the civil a n d military administration in a great m a n y fields,
t h e u n u s u a l appeal a n d deep p e n e t r a t i o n of F r e n c h c u l t u r e , t h e
severity and l o n g d u r a t i o n of the war of l i b e r a t i o n , w h i c h h a d
a direct or an i n d i r e c t effect on all spheres of existence a n d on
all social classes—all these a r e factors w h i c h h a v e led to a com-
plete transformation of the old Algeria. T h e economic and social
T h e Revolution Within the Revolution lgi
structures, the system of values, a n d the categories of thought
have also been greatly altered. Contrary t o what has h a p p e n e d
i n o t h e r new countries, it will b e impossible for any f u t u r e
political r e g i m e to draw support f r o m the f o r m e r social struc-
tures, such as the tribe, or f r o m the old social hierarchies, such
as the great landed proprietors or the educated bourgeoisie of
t h e cities; n o r will it be a b l e to base itself u p o n the old r u r a l
traditions or even u p o n the c o m m o n r e l i g i o u s beliefs of t h e
p e o p l e . B e c a u s e of t h e development of a capitalistic economy in
w h i c h a constantly increasing p r o p o r t i o n of the Algerian popu-
lation is f i n d i n g e m p l o y m e n t , a n d because of the diffusion of
e d u c a t i o n , a new elite has c o m e to the f o r e . T o g e t h e r with an
enormous sub-proletariat of u n e m p l o y e d workers, day laborers
and peddlers, there has appeared i n the cities a proletariat m a d e
u p of p e r m a n e n t employees in the public a n d private sectors,
qualified tradesmen, employees of the railways, of the large
t r u c k i n g companies and of the P u b l i c W o r k s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,
etc. B o t h a m o d e r n lower m i d d l e class—composed of m i n o r gov-
ernment employees and administrative officials and of a section
of the shopowners a n d factory w o r k e r s — a n d a n u p p e r m i d d l e
class—which includes m e m b e r s of the l i b e r a l professions, the
h i g h e r officials of the p u b l i c a n d p r i v a t e sectors, c o m m e r c i a l a n d
industrial c o n t r a c t o r s — h a v e been added to that small p o r t i o n
of the old m i d d l e class w h i c h survived because it was able to
adapt itself to the m o d e r n e c o n o m i c system. W h i l e t h e conflicts
between classes are n o t consciously felt o r explicitly expressed,
and while they r e m a i n h i d d e n o r attenuated because the g e n e r a l
f e e l i n g of the d o m i n a t e d society was one of opposition t o the
d o m i n a n t E u r o p e a n society, these conflicts nevertheless poten-
tially exist. I n this c o n n e c t i o n , too, the war favored an awakening
of consciousness. T h e p r o l e t a r i a n i z e d a n d uprooted r u r a l dwell-
ers, as well as the sub-proletarians and proletarians of the cities,
are conscious of having played a decisive role in this war, a n d
it could be expected that with the termination of the war of
n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n they w o u l d insist on a true social revolution.

It is n o t only the interests of one social class but the w h o l e

e c o n o m i c and social situation that will m a k e m a n d a t o r y the
adoption of a revolutionary policy. A society which has b e e n so
192 T h e Algerians
greatly revolutionized d e m a n d s that revolutionary solutions be
devised to meet its problems. I t will insist that a way be f o u n d
to mobilize these masses w h o have been f r e e d f r o m the t r a d i t i o n a l
disciplines a n d thrown i n t o a chaotic, disillusioned world, by
h o l d i n g u p b e f o r e them a collective i d e a l , the b u i l d i n g of a har-
monious social order a n d the d e v e l o p m e n t of a m o d e r n economy
capable of assuring e m p l o y m e n t and a decent standard of living
for all. A l g e r i a contains such explosive forces that it could well
be that there n o w r e m a i n s only a choice between chaos a n d an
o r i g i n a l f o r m of socialism that will have been carefully designed
t o meet the needs of the actual situation.
 Glossary of A r a b and Berber T e r m s

T h e F r e n c h s y s t e m o£ o r t h o g r a p h y f o r t h e f o l l o w i n g t e r m s is employed
in this book because it reflects the local dialect in a way the standard
orthography does not; also, since almost all works on the subject are in
F r e n c h a n d use t h e F r e n c h o r t h o g r a p h y , it was d e e m e d advisable for con-
v e n i e n c e of reference to f o l l o w the practice in the field.

French Standard Definition

Orthography Orthography
achoura 'ashura' (Arabic.) R e l i g i o u s festival.

acils asil (Arabic.) Descendants of the first

city inhabitants in the Mzab; see
nazils (nazil).

adab adab (Arabic.) Education, culture, cour-

tesy.

adainin adaynln (Berber.) Part of Kabyle house

situated on the lower level, serves
as stable.

adekuan adukan (Berber.) Little wall. Protrusion of

g a b l e w a l l s e r v i n g as s h e l f o r c u p -
board for utensils; see tadekuant
(tadukant).

adroum adhrum (Berber.) Clan; pi. iderman (id-

harman).

akham akhäm (Berber.) T h e "large house." Both

a social unit (extended family) and
collection of buildings where this
same group lives.

akharroub akharrub (Berber.) All the families whose

members are descended from the
s a m e ancestor to the f o u r t h or fifth
generation, generally having the
same name and considering them-
selves as "brothers"; see takhar-
roubt (thakharrubth) and khar-
rouba (kharrubah).

193
 194 Glossary
French Standard Definition

Orthography Orthography
akoufi aküfi (Berber.) Large jar of dried clay,
placed either in the u p p e r part of
the house near the entrance, for
i m p o r t a n t f o o d supplies (grains), or
on the p r o t r u d i n g wall that sepa-
rates stable from living quarters,
for smaller provisions (dried figs,
meal, beans and other leguminous
f o o d s , seeds). T h e l a t t e r j a r s , much
smaller, are also called tikoufiyin
(tikufiyin), sing, takoufit (thaku-
fith).

amin amln (Arabic, Berber.) Representative a n d

r e s p o n s i b l e p e r s o n of village.

árch 'arsh (Arabic, Berber.) Tribe, group of

v i l l a g e s . Arch land is l a n d belong-
ing in an indivisible manner to
tribe as a whole and is not the
personal property of individual
members.

azriya azriyah (Local Arabic.) Woman without a

husband, widowed or repudiated.
In the Aures region she conducts
herself as a veritable courtesan
(azri: single).

baraka barakah (Arabic, Berber.) Mysterious and

beneficent power favoring selected
persons. C a n be transmitted t h r o u g h
heredity, initiation or name-bor-
r o w i n g ; c a n b e w i t h h e l d b y g i f t of
nature or divine power.

berrou bat'el b a r r u b a t a l (or t i n a - (Berber.) Act by which husband

brawth batal) sends wife back to h e r parents, p r o -
nouncing the traditional formulas
and refusing to accept the equiv-
alent of w h a t he paid at the time
of marriage. This repudiation
w i t h o u t r e t u r n of the m a r r i a g e p a y -
ment is particularly offensive be-
cause it shatters the s y s t e m of rec-
iprocity—giving without receiving
in exchange—which is c o n t r a r y to
t h e l o g i c of h o n o r .
 Glossary *95
French Standard Definition
Orthography Orthography
chebka shabakah (Arabic.) Net, netting.

chefda shafä'ah ( A r a b i c . ) R i g h t o£ r e d e e m i n g r e a l
e s t a t e o r o£ p r e - e m p t i o n , whose
d e v e l o p m e n t received great i m p e t u s
f r o m B e r b e r c u s t o m in o r d e r to
keep strangers or foreigners a w a y
f r o m the property.

cheikh shaykh (Arabic, Berber.) L o c a l h e a d of reli-

gious life.

COS saff (Arabic.) Moiety. Political and ag-

onistic alliance (pi. sufuf).

çohba suhbah (Arabic.) "The company." Patron-

age. Protection assured by a p o w e r -
ful family to poorer families in
exchange for fidelity and allegiance.

diia dïyah (Arabic, Berber.) Blood money.

Compensation paid by murderer's
f a m i l y to f a m i l y o f victim.

djelf jalf (Local Arabic.) Hollow, soil of

w h i c h is c u l t i v a t e d b y n o m a d s .

djemda (Arabic.) Assembly of all male

jama'ah members of village; see tajmadt
(tajma'th).

douro lahldl (Arabic.) Douro piece or sum of

dürü lahläl money) of s a l e by auction among
Touaba; see haqd-dkhoul haqq-
dukhul).

•fellah falläh (Arabic.) Fellah, peasant.

ferqa firqah (Arabic.) Division, fraction (social

unit).

freda faridah (Arabic.) A c t b y w h i c h a cadi (Mos-

l e m magistrate) establishes the share
o f e a c h of t h e p a r t i e s e n t i t l e d i n
the inheritance.

gandoura gandürah (Arabic.) Man's robe of linen or

wool.
 Glossary
French Standard Definition
Orthography Orthography
gourbi gurbi (Arabic.) Roughly built dwelling,
often consisting of single apart-
ment made of mud or boughs
daubed with earth.

guelâa qal'ah (Arabic, Berber.) Granary—citadel,

castle—fortress; small t o w n or vil-
lage situated on plateau or steep
rock. T h e defensive site e n c o u r a g e s
t h e g r o u p to store t h e i r provisions
here for safekeeping.

habous hubus (Arabic.) Religious foundation; do-

nation made to religious establish-
ment consisting of property, the
r e v e n u e f r o m w h i c h is k e p t f o r o n e -
self and heirs.

hachouma hishmah (Arabic.) Shame, modesty. Dignity,

halqa halqah (Arabic.) The "circle"; assemblage

of l e a r n e d p e r s o n s i n Mzab.

hammam hammam (Arabic, Berber.) Moorish bath.

haouch hawsh (Arabic.) " F a r m . " Continuous prop-

erty with building in the center.
C o u r t of city dwellings.

haouita hawitah (Arabic.) G e n e r a l l y a s m a l l , roofless,

stone enclosure, encompassed by a
high wall around the tomb of a
marabout. In the Mzab, an ellipse
of 26 t o m b s t o n e s laid out in the
m a r k e t place, w h e r e questions of a
secular nature (legal deliberations,
financial transactions, political de-
bates) are discussed u n d e r the pro-
tection of the dead.

haqd-dkhoul haqq dukhul (Arabic.) Wedding present from

s a l e b y a u c t i o n c o n s i s t i n g of o n e
douro a m o n g t h e B e n i - B o u - S l i m a n e
in the A u r e s region.

harfiqt harfïqth ( B e r b e r . ) C l a n , g r o u p u n i f y i n g sev-

e r a l e x t e n d e d f a m i l i e s ; pi. hirfiqin
(hirflqln).
Glossary *97
French Standard Definition
Orthography Orthography
h'orm hürm ( L o c a l A r a b i c . ) S a c r e d t e r r i t o r y , site
of t h e five t o w n s of t h e M z a b ,
w h e r e t h e o b s e r v a n c e of t h e t r u e
r e l i g i o n , free f r o m all c o n t a m i n a -
t i o n , is m a i n t a i n e d .

h'orma hurmah (Arabic, Berber.) Honor by oposi-

t i o n to p o i n t of h o n o r .

iderman idharmän (Berber.) Clans; sing, adroum ad-

hrum).

ikufan ikufan (Berber.) Large jars; sing, akoufi

(akufi).

ittifâqât ittifäqät (Arabic.) Collection of Mozabite

written customs.

kanum känün (Arabic, Berber.) Entrance, hearth

c o n s i s t i n g of a h o l e h o l l o w e d i n t h e
g r o u n d in u p p e r p a r t of h o u s e and
d a u b e d inside w i t h clay.

kharrouba kharrübah ( A r a b i c . ) S e e akharroub (akharrub).

khouan khüwän (Local Arabic.) "Bothers." Mem-

b e r s of a r e l i g i o u s brotherhood.

( A r a b i c . ) A c t of v e i l i n g , h i d i n g , si-
lencing; arrangement permitting
hitman kitmän
M o z a b i t e a u s t e r i t y to a d j u s t t o r e l i -
gious prescriptions.

(Local Arabic.) Oasis gardeners'

v i l l a g e ; t h e h o u s e s of s t o n e o r d r i e d
ksar kasr or qasr
e a r t h c l i n g to t h e s h e l t e r o f t h e
r a m p a r t s as a p r o t e c t i o n against
n o m a d i n c u r s i o n s ; pi. ksour.

lâada al'ada (Arabic, Berber.) Custom, tradition,

rule. Ldada imezwura (al'ada
imazwura): "the custom of the
fisrt," o r " t h e c u s t o m ( e s t a b l i s h e d )
b y t h e first o n e s . " T h e ancestral
tradition.

lhara al-härah (Berber.) "The house." Dwelling

p l a c e . C o l l e c t i o n of h o u s e s s h e l t e r -
 iç.8 Glossary
French Standard Definition
Orthography Orthography
ing Berber family, cattle leased o u t
and food supplies.

matmoura matmürah (Arabic.) Underground silo, prop-

e r t y of f a m i l y o r g r o u p .

mçalla musalla (Arabic.) Slab raised up on and

supported by a parallel-faced block
w h e r e prayers are said.

mechmel mashmal (Arabic.) C o m m o n l a n d s of the c l a n

o r v i l l a g e , g e n e r a l l y s e r v i n g as p a s -
tures.

mechta mashtä (Arabic.) At first, winter encamp-

ment of semi-nomads of eastern
Algeria, eventually a village.

meddah madah (Arabic.) P o p u l a r singer, k i n d of

wandering t r o u b a d o u r w h o recites
p o e t r y , n a r r a t e s r e l i g i o u s h i s t o r y of
Islam or relates local legends.

mektoub maktüb (Arabic.) Fate, or what has been

written.

nazils nazil ( A r a b i c . ) A s o p p o s e d to acils (asil),

recently arrived inhabitants of
towns in the Mzab.

qanoun qanun (Arabic, Berber.) C o l l e c t i o n of cus-

toms, usually oral, belonging to
each village.

rahnia rahnlyah (Arabic.) M o r t g a g e of r e v e n u e s of a

p r o p e r t y i n p a y m e n t of i n t e r e s t on
a loan.

souq siiq (Arabic, Berber.) Market.

srir sarir (Arabic.) "Bed"; elevation con-

s t r u c t e d of e a r t h , i n t h e f o r m of a
b e n c h o n w h i c h is s p r e a d bedding,
particularly of important person-
ages.

taâricht ta'rishth (Berber.) A sort of loft. Apartment,

or room, situated under the same
 Glossary
*99
French Standard Definition
Orthography Orthography

r o o f as t h e r e s t o f t h e h o u s e , a b o v e
t h e s t a b l e , adainin, and connecting
with the living quarters (taqa'at).
Reached by ladder or by "adhab-
dhar," a small built-up elevation
s u p p o r t i n g l i t t l e akoufi (akufi).

taddart thaddarth (Berber.) Village. C a n be m a d e up

o f a s i n g l e c l a n , adroum, or several.

tadekuant tadükant (Berber.) Small adekuan.

( B e r b e r . ) L i t e r a l l y , of jadd; grand-
tadjadit tajaddith
father, ancestor. Consanguinity;
l i n e a g e . A l l t h e d e s c e n d a n t s of the
same ancestor, real or mythical.

tajmaât tajma'th (Berber.) See djemda (jam'ah).

takharroubt thakharrübth ( B e r b e r . ) S e e akharroub and khar-

rouba. L i t t l e akharroub; pi. tikhar-
roubin (tikharrubln.)

takiya (Arabic.) Prudence in supplying

taqïyah
dogmatic justification for adjust-
ments made with traditional con-
servatism.

taleb (Arabic.) Scholar, student in gen-

tälib
eral. O n e w h o seeks k n o w l e d g e : by
extension, a wise man, virtuous,
pious, uncomplicated, detached
f r o m the world's goods and devoid
of a l l p a s s i o n .

tamaouokt tim'awäqth (Berber.) Literally, "the woman

w h o is p u t i n distress, l e f t i n a
s t a t e of h e s i t a t i o n . " W o m a n w h o ,
b y t h e f a c t of barrou batel, o r b y
refusal of d o w r y settlement a n d its
c o u n t e r p a r t s , finds h e r s e l f in an
a m b i g u o u s s i t u a t i o n , w i t h o u t a set-
t l e d social status a n d thus e v e n ex-
c l u d e d f r o m t h e c y c l e of m a t r i m o -
nial exchanges after the m a n n e r of
a gift refused to w h i c h n o counter-
gift can be made.
200 Glossary
French Standard Definition
Orthography Orthography

t'amen (Berber.) "Spokesman" o£ takhar-

roubt, i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n t h e as-
s e m b l i e s , o£ w h i c h it is t h e g u a r a n -
t e e b e c a u s e i t is t h e d e p o s i t o r y o£
the confidence (amen) o£ all its
members.

taousa tâwsah (Arabic.) Gift in kind made by

guest to host and publically pro-
c l a i m e d o n t h e o c c a s i o n o£ f e s t i v a l s
and ceremonies.

taqaat taqa'at ( B e r b e r . ) P a r t o£ h o u s e contiguous

(adainin) (adaynin) w i t h stable a n d specifically reserved
for human beings. Habitable part
o£ h o u s e .

taqbilt thaymat ( B e r b e r . ) C o n f e d e r a t i o n o£ t r i b e s .

taymat thaqbilt ( B e r b e r . ) L i t e r a l l y , o£ ayma: brother.

Brotherhood, all the brothers.

tikharroubin tikharrubïn (Berber.) Sing, takharroubt (tha-

kharrflbth).

timechret' timashrat / (Berber.) Apportionment o£ meat

among all the inhabitants o£ a
village on t h e o c c a s i o n o£ a g r i c u l -
tural ceremonies (festivals of the
first autumnal plowing, rain cere-
m o n i e s , e t c . ) , o r of r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s
('id-assghir, Mulud, etc.).

tiouizi tiwizi (Berber.) C o l l e c t i v e w o r k ; see touiza.

toufiq tüfiq (Local Arabic.) Territorial unit

where clan or "confederation" of
clans has taken root.

touiza tüwizah (Arabic.) Collective work; see ti-

ouizi.

ummah (Arabic.) M o s l e m c o m m u n i t y ; mod-

e r n s e n s e of t e r m : n a t i o n .

zâwiyah (Arabic.) E s t a b l i s h m e n t for instruc-

tion a t t a c h e d to a r e l i g i o u s b r o t h e r -
hood.
Glossary 201
French Standard Definition
Orthography Orthography

zariba zariba (Arabic.) Village of mountain

dwellers in the C o l l o massif, g r o u p -
ing within an enclosure of thorns
a n d s h r u b s the m e m b e r s of families
descended from a c o m m o n ancestor
(pi. z a r a ' i b ) .
 Selected Bibliography

BERNARD and LACROIX. Evolution du nomadisme, 1906.

B E R Q U E , J . Etudes d'histoire rurale maghrébine, T a n g i e r s , 1938.
. Les Arabes, R o b e r t D e l p i r e , Paris, 1959.
BIROT a n d D R E S C H . La Méditerranée et le Moyen-Orient, Presses
Universitaires de F r a n c e .
C A P O T - R E Y . Le Sahara français, Presses Universitaires de F r a n c e ,
1953-
CHARLES. Le droit musulman, " Q u e sais-je?" séries n o . 702, Galli-
mard.
CHOURAQUI. Les Juifs d'Afrique du Nord, 1952.
DEPONT and COPOLANI. Les confréries religieuses musulmanes,
1897.
DERMENGHEM. Le culte des saints dans l'Islam maghrébin, 1954.
DÈSPARMET. Ethnographie traditionnelle de la Mitidja, 1918.
. Coutumes, institutions, croyances des Musulmans d'Al-
gérie, 2d éd., 1948.
DESPOIS. L'Afrique du Nord, Presses Universitaires de F r a n c e ,
1949-
DOUTTE. Magie et religion dans l'Afrique du Nord, 1909.
EMERIT. L'Algérie a l'époque d'Abd-el-Kader, Algiers, 1951.
E.S.N.A. Cahiers nord-africains, Paris.
Fichier de Documentation berbère, F o r t - N a t i o n a l .
G A R D E T . La cité musulmane, V r i n , 1954.
G A U D E F R O Y - D E M O M B Y N E S . Les institutions musulmanes, %d éd.,
1946.
G A U D R Y . La femme chaouïa de l'Aurès, G e u t h n e r , 1929.
G A U T I E R . Le passé de l'Afrique du Nord, Payot, 1937.
. Moeurs et coutumes des Musulmans, Payot, 1931.
G O I C H O N . Lavie féminine auMzab, G e u t h n e r , 1927.
HANOTEAU a n d L E T O U R N E U X . La Kabylie et les coutumes kabyles,
3 vols., 1873.
I S N A R D . Algeria, trans. by O . C. W a r d e n , O x f o r d , 1955.
202
Selected Bibliography 203
. La réorganisation de la propriété rurale dans la Mitidja,
Algiers, 1948.
. " V i g n e et structures sociales en A l g é r i e , " Diogène, Sep-
t e m b e r 1959.
LARCHER. Traité élémentaire de législation algérienne, Algiers,
1903-
LETOURNEAU. L'Islam contemporain, E d . I n t . , Paris, 1950.
. Les villes musulmanes de l'Afrique du Nord, Algiers,
1957-
MARÇAIS, G. Les Arabes en Berbérie du XI au XIV siècle, 1913.
e e

MASQUERAY. Formation des cités chez les populations sédentaires

de l'Algérie, 1886.
M A U N I E R . Mélanges de sociologie nord-africaine, Alcan, 1930.
. Coutumes algériennes, Paris, 1935.
M E R C I E R . La civilisation urbaine au Mzab, Algiers, 1922.
MiLLioT. L'association agricole chez les Musulmans du Maghreb,
1911.
. " L e s institutions k a b y l e s , " Rev. et. isl., 1932.
MINER, H. M., a n d D E V O S , G. Oasis and Casbah: Algerian Cul-
ture and Personality in Change, University of M i c h i g a n
Press, i960.
RAHMANI. Coutumes du Cap Aokas, 1936.
Revue Africaine, Algiers.
T a b l e s on Algerian E c o n o m y , Statistique générale de l'Algérie,
1958.
TILLION, G. Algeria: The Realities, trans, by R. M a t t h e w s ,
K n o p f , 1958.
. " D a n s l ' A u r è s , " Annales, J u l y - S e p t e m b e r 1957.
. " L e s sociétés berbères de l'Aurès m é r i d i o n a l , " Africa,
1938-
Y A C O N O . Les bureaux arabes, L a r o s e , Paris, 1953.
. La colonisation des plaines du Chéliff, Algiers, 1955.
 Index

Abadhite doctrine, 38-42, 44, 45-48, Banishment. See Ostracism

Bank of A l g e r i a , 123
A b a d h i t e s , 38. See also Mozabites Baraka, go, 115, 116
Abodaoui, 33 Bedouins, cultural interpénétration
Abderrahmane, Ouled, 36 w i t h B e r b e r s , 56, 57, 93
A b d i , O u l e d , 25, 35 Beni-Bou-Slimane, 10, 35
Abdi, Wadi el, 25 Beni I s g u e n , 40
Abiod, Wadi e l , 25, 34, 35 Beni Melkem, 35
Achoura, festival of, 79 B e n i M e n n a , 76
A cils, 43 Beni Merzoug, 76
Adab, 112 Berber culture, interchange with
Adroum, 3, 12 A r a b . See Arab culture
Aggregation, t r i b a l , 87-91; p o w e r of B e r r i a n e , 39, 40, 49
name in, 88-90 Berrou bat'el, 10
Aghbala, i76n B ô n e , 57, i25n
Agnatic principle, 3, 5, 7-8, 10-12, B o r d j i a , 78
17, 23, 32, 44, 82, 83, 97, 102. See Bou N o u r a , 40
also F a m i l y organization Bourdieu, P., 105
A g o u n i - n - T e s e l l e n t (A'it A k b i l ) , 2on B o u r g e o i s i e , i n A r a b cities, 64
Agriculture, decline of n a t i v e , i28n. D e B r o g l i e , A., 120
See also Resettlement policy; Fel- B u r i a l c u s t o m s , 12, 35-36, 41
lah, dispossession of Business success, M o z a b i t e , 51-54
A h m a r K h a d d o u , 27
Akham, 3
Algeria, topography, xiii C a d i , 7, 30, 42
Algiers ( c i t y ) , 59, 62, 65n, 66, 124, C a ï d s , 140
i25n, i76n C a n t o n m e n t of 1856-1857, 120
Algiers (département), yjn C a p i t a l , 9, 39, 48, 64, 72, 73, 103
Algiers, Sahel of, i25n C a p o t - R e y , 67n, 69
Almsgiving, 30, 47 C e r e a l g r o w i n g , 27, 58, 66, 67, 70-72,
Amin, 3 73, 80; c o l o n i a l , 123
Arab culture, interchange with Chebka, 37
Berber, xii-xiv, 5, 27, 30, 56, 92, Chechia, 154, 156, 158
93. See also Bedouins Chefâa, 5, 6, 75, 82
Arch, 3, 32, 36 C h é l i f f , 56, 57, 78, 16511
Assimilation and dissimilation, prin- C h e r a ï a , 179
ciple of, 90-91, 93, 94n Citrus growing, colonial industry of,
Athbedj, 84 123-126
Atlas: Saharan, 66; T e l l i a n , 164 C l a n , 1, 2, 4: A r a b , 67, 82, 83; K a -
Aurès, topography, xiii b y l e , 12-13, 17, 22; M o z a b i t e , 41,
Autoconsumption, 26, 103 42, 48; S h a w i a n , 31, 32-36
Azriya, 30-31 C l a s s e s , u r b a n , 64, 191
índex 205
Climate, effect on economy, 57, 65, Family solidarity, as social factor,
68, 72, 7 3 , 103 97: A r a b , 60; K a b y l e , 1 2 ; M o z a b i t e ,
Çoff: Arab, go-gi; Kabyle, 13-16; 49, 51; Shawian, 28; breakdown
M o z a b i t e , 4 2 , 4 3 ; S h a w i a n , 2 9 , 34- of, 141-142. See also Social Struc-
35 tures
Çohba, 78 Fatalism, Islamic, 103, 109-111
Collo, i6gn, i72n, i74n, 175, 179 Father, role of, 3-4, 102, 186: Arab,
Colonists, alienation o£, 132 83; Kabyle, 10-11; Shawian, 25,
Colonization and French rule, xiv, 27-28, 31
44, 5 7 , 64, 6 5 n , 84, 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 . See also Favrod, 14711
Resettlement policy Fellah: attitude to life, 103-106; dis-
C o m m e n s a l i t y , 3, 4, 13 possession of, 64, 126, 129, 135,
Comte, 109 139, 171-176; religion, 115-116
Confederations, tribal, 83-84 Ferhat Abbas, i47n
Constantine, 124, 182 Ferqa, 83
Constantine, High Plains of, 56-57, Financial Delegations, 123
64, 6 5 n , 125, 1 3 5 . See also Woman Fort National (arrondissement), 1
Corporations, urban Arab, 60-62 France, images of, 151-152
C r i m e a n d p u n i s h m e n t , 20-23, 4 1 , 4 3 , Freda, 74
47 Front de Libération Nationale
(F.L.N.), i47n, 154, i gn,
5 16111,
Curse, 3-4
163, 164, i 6 g n , 182

D a h r a , 57
Gandoura, 7g
Daoud, Ouled, 25, 35
G a u t i e r , E. F., 38, 45-46
Despois, 84, 86
G e n t i l i t i a l f a m i l y . See F a m i l y o r g a n i -
Diia, 33
zation
Divorce, 29-30
G h a r d a ' i a , 4 0 , 68
Djebabra, i72n
Gourbi, xi, 63, i72n, 182
Djebel Bous, 26
Gours, 37
Djelj lands, 67
Granary, as s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n , 33-34.
Djemâa, 42, 43n, 70, 140
See also Guelâa
Djerba, 45
G r e a t f a m i l y , 78; a n d p o w e r of n a m e ,
Djurdjura, in
88-go
Doutrs, 35, 59, 7 1 , 1 3 9 - 1 4 0
Guebli, Wadi, 180
Douro, 10; lahlâl, 10
Guelâa, 33, 40, 104
Doutté, 87
Guerrara, 3g, 40
Dresch, 135
Education, 48, 5 1 , 95, 165. See also
Habous, 5 , 6, 7 4 , 7 5 , 82
War, effects of
Hachouma, g6
El Arab (Bou Okkaz family), 84
Halqa, 4 1 , 43n
El Ateuf, 39, 40
Hamada, 37
Emigration, 39; and group ties, 11,
Hammam, 62
45- 4 6 - 4 7 . 49- 5 0 - 5 . 7 " 2 . 1 8 8 l 6
5
E x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , 43, 4 9 Hanencha (Harar family), 84
Hanotreau and Letrouneux, 7-8
Family organization, 3-5: Arab, 60; Haouita, 42
K a b y l e , 5-12; Mozabite, 41; Shaw- Harfiqt, 32-34, 36
ian, 27-32; of b u s i n e s s , 4 8 , 60; as Haqd-dkhoul, 10
structural model, 97-98: Kabyle, Hillalian Arab invasions, 56, 8g
12-24; S h a w i a n , 3 5 - 3 6 Home Army, 152
2o6 Index
H o n o r , 96, 1 1 2 : K a b y l e , 3, 6, 10, 17, Mao Tse-tung, 164
2 0 - 2 3 ; S h a w i a n , 28, 33; d e c l i n e o£, Marabouts, 4, 27, 89, 93; tribes of
184; as g u a r a n t o r of sharecropper 89. See also P r i e s t s
pacts, 78-81 M a r ç a i s , G., 85, 89
Honorable e x c h a n g e , 9, i 6 n , 8 1 , 103 M a r ç a i s , W . , 62
H'orm, 40 M a r c y , G., 92
H'orma, 87 M a r k e t s , x i i i , 26, 40, 5 9 , 62, 68
Hospitality, 28 M a r r i a g e c o m p e n s a t i o n : K a b y l e , 8-10;
Humboldt, Wilhelm, von, 113 S h a w i a n , 29-30
Marriage customs, 4: Kabyle, 5-10;
Inheritance customs, 3, 5, 102; Ka- S h a w i a n , 29-30
byle, 5-6; Shawian, 28 Matmoura, 71
I r r i g a t i o n , 6 7 , 68 M a y , 1958, d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of, i4gn,
I s l a m , c o n v e r s i o n s t o , 5 6 , 62 150, 1 5 8 - 1 5 9 , 164
Islamic law, 6, 13, 38, 42, 7 4 , 92; Mechmel, 1
cultural influence, 107-118 Mechta, 71
Isnard, 126 Meddah, x i i i , 94
Ittifâqât, 39, 42-44, 47 Médéa, 62
Médersas, 60
J e w s , 63, 93, 111 Medina, 67n
Medjana, Ouled (Mokran family),
Kabylia, topography, 1
84
Kerkera, i76n, 180
Mektoub, 109
Khammès, I38n
M e l i k a , 4 0 , 47
Kharedjites, See Abadhites
Melk, 12 i n
Khelouf, Ouled, 78
M e n a â , 35
Khouan, 109
Métayage au quint. See Sharecrop-
Khouidem, Ouled, 78
ping
Kinship, fictitious, 84-86
Michelet, i84n
Kitmân, 54
M i l i a n a , 62, i 7 2 n
Koranic s c h o o l s , 4 3 , 48, 60
M i t i d j a , 57, i 2 5 n
K o u l o u g h l i s , 62
M o h a m m e d D i b , 148
Ksar, 67n
M o n t e s q u i e u , 20-21
Ksourien, 67-68, 69
M o o r s , A n d a l u s i a n , 62
Liada imeitvura, 95 M o r o c c a n s , 84
Laghouat, 66, 68 M o r o c c o , 60, 185
Landholding, 5, 102: Arab, 66-67, M o s q u e , 40-42, 49, 59, 60, i i 4 n
70, 7 4 - 7 6 ; K a b y l e , 1-2, 5 ; M o z a b i t e , M o u l o u d M a m m e r i , 95
34-36; a b a s i s f o r s o c i a l u n i t y , 82-83; M'turni, 159
colonial policy on, 120-122; sale Mutual a i d , 2, 1 1 - 1 2 , 28, 4 8 , 6 0 , 7 5 ,
of nomads' lands, 58. See also 112; pacts, 76
Resettlement policy M z a b , t o p o g r a p h y , 37
Lartique, 35 M z a b , W a d i , 37, 40

L a w , 20-23, 92. See also ittifâqât M z i r a , 36

Lévi-Strauss, 91
N a i l , O u l e d , 84, 86, 91
L i t t l e K a b y l i a , 56
Nazils, 43
M a d h i , O u l e d , 84, 86, 89, 90 N e d r o m a , 62
Magic, 10, 1 1 8 ; a n d w o m a n , 29, 30- N e g r o e s , 63
N e m e n c h a s , 164
3 - 49- 93. 95. 9
1 8
 Index
207
Nomads, Saharan, 76; Shawian, 27, Sersou, 69
32-33 Sétif, 64, 65n
Shantytowns, 178
Oases, paradox of, 37-38 Sharecropping, 2, 78-82
O a t h , collective, 22-23, 33 Sheik, 42, 83-84
O i l , 5 4 " . 69 Social structures: continuity of, 66-
Oran, 57, 60,6511, 66, 12511 67, 98; decline of, 139-144
Oranie, plains of, 57 Souq, 62
Ostracism, 17, 22, 43, 45 Speech, conventions of, 96, 107
Ouarsenis, 57 Standard of living, 135, 177-178
Stock raising, 57, 58, 65, 70-73, 128,
Pacts, 76, 78-82, 103 i34-»35
Past, idealization of, 94-95. See also Swing-plow, 67, 72

T r a d i t i o n a l i s t society
Syncecism, 44
Pastoral society, decline of, 69
Patrimony: legalized break-up, 58,
Taddart, 3
82-83; as social factor, xii, xiii,
Tajmaât, 3, 12, 17, 22
33. " 3
8 2 8

Takharroubt, 3, 12
Personality, concealment of, 96
Takiya, 54
Philippeville, i25n, i76n
Taleb, 47
P i é m o n t , 164
Tamaouokt, 10
Pied noir (pioneer), i3on, 152
T'amen, 3
Politeness, 95
Tamesroit, 3m
Population: growth, 63n, 119, 128,
Taousa, 9, 106
134-135; ratios, 67n
Taqbilt, 3
Population growth, European, 123 T e l l region, xi, 45-49, 58, 65n, 66,
Priests, 42-44. See also Marabouts 68, 69, 76, 84
Proletariat, in A r a b cities, 64, 191 Terrorism, 153
Theocracy, 43
Qanoun, 13, 20-23 Thresholds, 12
Tiaret, 69
Racism, 133-134, 150 T i l l i o n , G., 35, 36
Rahnia, 105 Timechret', 3, 12, 22
Ramadan, fast of, 113 Tiouizi, 11
T l e m c e n , 60, 62, 140
Rechaich, Ouled, 121
Tolls, paid by nomads, 66
Resettlement policy: economic ef-
T o u a b a , 10, 33
fects, 164, 170-179; failure, 182;
Touaregs, 3111,9111
motives, 164, 166; procedures, 169-
Toufiq, 13
170; social effects, 164-165, 171-176
Trabadjar, 183
Resolutions of 1748, 6
Traditionalism, colonial, 155-156
Richard, Captain, 76
Traditionalist society, 94-96; aUi-
Rivière, T . , 36
tudes toward work, 104; and eco-
nomic planning, 104-105; sources,
Sahara, x i , 25, 27, 60, 64, 67, 68, 69 109-114
Saussure, Ferdinand, d e , 90 T r a n s h u m a n c e , 25, 35, 71, 334
Section Administrative Spécialisée, T r i b e : A r a b , 82, 83-84, 86-87; Kabyle,
i72n, 183 3; Shawian, 32, 36
Senatus Consulte of 1863, 33n, 35, 58, Tunisia, 185
82, 120, i22n, 139, 166 T u r k s , 62
208 Index
Umma, 112 W e b e r , M a x , 104, 114
Unemployment, 129, 174-176, 182- Wife, role of, 1, 4, 95: Arab, 83;
183, 191 K a b y l e , 7; S h a w i a n , 25, 27-31. See
U s u r y , 39, 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 also W o m a n , status of
Winegrowing, colonial industry of,
V a i s s i e r e , C a p t a i n , 88, 121, i22n 123-126
V e i l , 154, 156 Woman, s t a t u s o f , 97-98: K a b y l e , 5-
Village, Kabyle: layout, 1; social 10; M o z a b i t e , 49; S h a w i a n , 29-32;
u n i t , 3, 13 c h a n g e i n , 186-187. S e e
Wife,
r o l e of
W a r , A l g e r i a n : c a u s e s , 145-147; a n d
cultural exchange, 187-188; and Y a c o n o , 78
decolonization, 163; a n d native
v i e w o f d o m i n a n t c u l t u r e , 159-162 Zaouia, 8g, 116
W a r n i e r l a w o f 1873, 120-121 Zariba, 175, 180