Father Daniil Sandu Tudor

1/16/2019 Sandu Tudor - Wikipedia
Sandu Tudor
Sandu Tudor (Romanian pronunciation: [ˈsandu ˈtudor]; born Alexandru
Sandu Tudor
Al. Teodorescu, known in church records as Brother Agathon, later
(Brother Agathon,
Daniil Teodorescu, Daniil Sandu Tudor, Daniil de la Rarău;
Father Daniil Teodorescu)
December 22 or December 24, 1896 – November 17, 1962) was a
Romanian poet, journalist, theologian and Orthodox monk. Having had an
adventurous youth, he first became known in the late 1920s, when he
contributed to the modern Orthodox revival, rallying with the journal
Gândirea. Although a traditionalist and a critic of materialism, he was
closely associated with the modernist scene, and generally supported left-
wing causes. Tudor was also a scandal-prone journalist and newspaper
owner, who faced accusations of slander and was avoided by his peers.
From 1927, when he wrote his first akathist, Tudor made overtures toward
Orthodox monasticism. Demanding universal penance, seeking to revive
medieval hesychasm, he joined other mystics and writers in creating the
"Burning Pyre" religious movement, and took orders in 1948. He was soon
branded an enemy of the Romanian communist regime, and twice arrested
for supposed political crimes. Tudor died at Aiud prison, a victim of torture Tudor's Securitate file photograph
and criminal neglect. His body was never recovered. Born Alexandru Al.
Teodorescu
Sandu Tudor is generally considered an unaccomplished writer, although
December 22/24,
his fusion of modernism and traditionalism has drawn critical interest. He
1896
enjoys a sizable following in the field of Orthodox theology, and, after the
Bucharest, Kingdom
fall of communism, has been considered for canonization.
of Romania
Died November 17, 1962
(aged 65)
Contents Aiud prison,
Biography Communist Romania
Early life and career
Occupation poet, journalist, priest,
The Christian Futurist
soldier, sailor
Dissident Orthodoxism
Athonite pilgrimage and Floarea de Foc Theological work
Anti-fascism Language Romanian
Criterion scandal
Kulygin and the Burning Pyre
Tradition or Orthodox theology
At Antim movement (Romanian
Final activities Orthodoxy), Esoteric
Kangaroo trial Christianity,
Death Creationism
Legacy Main Hesychasm
Censorship and recovery interests
Enduring controversy
Signature
Notes
References
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sandu_Tudor 1/15
Biography
Early life and career

The future Sandu Tudor was born Alexandru Teodorescu in the Romanian capital, Bucharest. His birthday, as
recorded in reference works, is December 24, 1896,[1][2] even though he himself gave it as December 22, 1896[3] (1886
in some sources).[4] He had many siblings, including a brother who became a painter.[1] Their father, also Alexandru,
was a judge, who earned a modest income.[1] Their mother was a Sofia Teodorescu.[3][4]
Tudor had a troubled and adventurous youth. He graduated high school in Ploiești city, where his history teacher gave
him his first lessons in Christian philosophy.[1] In 1916, as he was about to complete his secondary education, Romania
entered World War I. Tudor was drafted into the Romanian Land Forces, fought in the defensive war of 1917, and
reached the rank of Sub-Officer; he was eventually demobilized in 1921.[1]
An aspiring painter, Tudor made his way back to Bucharest, and enlisted at the Academy of Arts. He lacked the means
to support himself, interrupted his studies, and traveled to the Black Sea port of Constanța, to live with his family.[1]
He then qualified as a seafaring officer, employed by the Romanian Merchant Fleet between 1922 and 1924.[1] Tudor
alternated these assignments with work in education, and was a substitute teacher at the high school in Pogoanele
town.[1]
Once he decided to begin a fifth career, in journalism, Tudor returned to Bucharest. He had acquired a passion for
book collecting: he is said to have gathered over 8,000 volumes in one place, making his one of the largest collections
in Bucharest.[2] He married and divorced three times, but did not have any children.[2]
The Christian Futurist

Tudor's literary work and worldview were already assuming a Christian Orthodox and neo-traditionalist ethos. He
soon rallied with the mystical Orthodox ("Orthodoxist") circles, whose informal leader was poet-theologian Nichifor
Crainic. Beginning 1924, Tudor was among the writers affiliated with Gândirea literary magazine, helping Crainic to
divert that publication from its modernist and secular agenda.[5] After moving back to Bucharest, Tudor headed the
Welfare department of the Association of Christian Students,[1] publishing his first poetry collection, Comornic
("Cellar", or "Cellar-Keeper"), in 1925.[6] It received a poor review from critic George Călinescu, who described Tudor's
style as "baroque" and "superficial". According to Călinescu, Tudor imitated the art of pre-Orthodoxists D. Teleor and
Mateiu Caragiale, without blossoming into a "real writer."[7]
Tudor's other contributions as a poet and literary theorist were in the extreme of Romanian modernism, and hosted by
the avant-garde journal Contimporanul. They include the February 1927 essay Logica absurdului ("The Logic of the
Absurd"). According to literary historian Adrian Marino, it should be read as a "nihilistic" text, echoing the
irrationalism of Dada and Futurism.[8] In March, he contributed the Contimporanul editorial, a polemical text about
the impact of cultural modernity. Researcher Paul Cernat sees in it a sample of "rather Futurist" Orthodoxism, noting
its attack on the "supersexual" content and "gallantry" of minor modernism, as well as its praise of purity in high
modernism. Taking its references from the modern spirituality espoused by Sâr Péladan, John Ruskin and Jean
Cocteau, the article postulated an essential conflict in modern art, between the "Sons of suicide" and "the warrior Art
of immortality".[9]
Tudor's other contributions at Contimporanul were short poems, heavily influenced by Futurism and Expressionism,
but structured around apocalyptic Orthodoxist visions.[10] As Cernat notes, Tudor the poet surprised critics with his
"organic" assimilation of modern "purism", while his Gândirea roots were still on display.[11]
With his synthesis of literary nihilism and Orthodox devotion, Tudor found himself at odds with the modernists' hero,
poet-journalist Tudor Arghezi. In Contimporanul, Tudor had hinted that Arghezi's "pseudo-avant-garde" poetry was
vulgar and hedonistic.[12] Arghezi, a defrocked monk, wrote to inform Tudor that he could see no profound link
between Orthodoxy and the Romanian psyche. As Arghezi had it, modernized Orthodoxism was only kidding itself by
assuming the contrary.[13] Tudor's comments in Contimporanul showed that the magazine staff was withdrawing from
the revolutionary wing of Romanian modernism. Its conservative stance alarmed the radicals at unu magazine. They
soon nominated Tudor as one of the authors who were sabotaging the whole modernist school.[14]
Around 1928, Tudor was in contact with the young religious scholar Mircea Eliade, who was becoming an exponent of
experimental neo-traditionalism in Romanian philosophy. Both were influenced by Nae Ionescu, the theologian and
logician, theorist of an eclectic ideology known as Trăirism. Looking back on that period in his 1980s memoirs, Eliade
wrote: "I met often with Stelian Mateescu, Paul Sterian, Mircea Vulcănescu, and Sandu Tudor. Together we planned a
journal of religious philosophy, for which Tudor had found a title: Duh și Slovă (Spirit and Letter)."[15] The magazine,
described by Eliade as a would-be successor of Ionescu's mystical journal Logos, never saw print.[16]
Dissident Orthodoxism
For his part, Tudor still defied classification. According to Cernat, he should be read as more of a "church-goer",
facade, writer than a "religious" poet.[17] In a November 1928 interview for the journal Tiparnița Literară, Tudor was
very critical of the militant Orthodoxist circles. In Tudor's view, Romania's Orthodox literati could find themselves
duped by "a spirituality of the Dark one, very similar to that of Christ". He proposed that the religious revival needed
to focus on "vigorous and harsh penance", with "the signs of a true confession".[18] With Vulcănescu and Gheorghe
Racoveanu, Tudor wrote the polemical tract Infailibilitatea Bisericii și failibilitatea sinodală ("Church Infallibility and
Synodal Fallibility"), published on the front pages of Nae Ionescu's daily, Cuvântul (January 22, 1929). It presented
arguments in favor of raising sacred tradition over the Romanian Synod's authority, and therefore in support of
Ionescu's dissident stance on the computation of Easter (which the Synod affixed to March 31).[19] In later articles for
the same paper, Tudor challenged Church politics to the point of arguing that the Synod was schismatic.[20]
Reportedly, Sandu Tudor never managed to earn respect the principal Trăirist figures. According to the Trăirist writer
Mihail Sebastian, Nae Ionescu regarded Tudor as an amusement; moreover, others in the press simply felt that Tudor
was a "cretinous journalist".[21] An even more virulent critic was the maverick Gândirea editor and left-leaning
Trăirist Petre Pandrea, who contends that Tudor was notorious as a blackmailer.[22] Pandrea and Tudor first clashed
around 1928, shortly after Pandrea published his White Lily Manifesto of the revolutionary youth. Tudor criticized the
document in his articles for Contimporanul.[23]
In 1932, however, the young art critic and political thinker Petru Comarnescu wrote that Tudor, Sterian, Vulcănescu
and Petru Manoliu were four of the leading Orthodoxist Trăirists (or, as he called them, "Experiencialists").[24] For his
part, Vulcănescu recognized such a categorization, but noted that Gândirea's Orthodoxism was rather antiquated by
the standards of "our generation". In his view, Tudor was one of the few men who could fit in with both Crainic's old
Orthodoxists and the Nae Ionescu faction.[25]
In this context, Crainic co-opted Tudor and Eliade on his Gândirea editorial staff. The other new arrivals, reinforcing
the magazine's traditionalist editorial policy, were Pandrea, Zaharia Stancu, G. Breazul, Dragoș Protopopescu, Vintilă
Ciocâlteu and Sorin Pavel.[26] While this reshuffling took place, Tudor consolidated his reputation as a mystic. His
passion for the Orthodox tradition was voiced in his first religious hymn (or akathist), honoring Saint Dimitrie
Basarabov, published by Gândirea in 1927, and collected in a 1940 volume.[27] Described as a "superb" piece by
theologian Marius Vasileanu, it earned Tudor blessings from the Synod.[2] Sterian, who announced that, thanks in part
to Tudor, Romanian poetry had entered its age of "religious glory",[28] was directly inspired to write his own Akathist
to the Venerable Mother Parascheva the New.[27]
Literary critics were less impressed. The immediate reactions to the reinvention of akathist verse ranged from the
positive (literary columnist Perpessicius) to the derisive (author Alexandru Sahia).[27] According to comparatist Geo
Vasile, Sandu Tudor's hymn is typical of "minor, mimetic, illustrative poetry", strictly in the vein of Gândirea
traditionalism.[29] Philologist Elivira Sorohan summarizes critical consensus: Sandu Tudor was a "sub-mediocre
poet".[30]
Athonite pilgrimage and Floarea de Foc

Shortly after receiving the Synod's accolades, Tudor left on pilgrimage to Mount Athos, the Orthodox sacred site. In
effect, his journey had a mundane subtext: the Romanian writer wanted to testify on the negative aspects of Athonite
monasticism.[2][31] For some eight months, he was allowed to follow around, and imitate, a whirling monk who was
held in high esteem by the Athonite clergy.[31] Vasileanu suggests that Tudor "was in a position to witness the true face
of Orthodox Christianity and uncover secret bits from the prayer of the heart."[2] Tudor detailed his experience in
travel notes that were published by Gândirea. As Tudor writes (to Călinescu's amusement), his was a serendipitous or
divinely-inspired journey, with tiny miracles occurring throughout.[32]
In early 1930, Tudor was involved in a debate about modernist theater, part of a "defense team" for the Expressionist
Vilna Troupe. With fellow writer Ilarie Voronca and artist M. H. Maxy, he supported the Vilna actors and their mentor,
Yankev Shternberg, for having broken up with old-school drama, even when their "lugubrious" productions had
scandalized the Romanian public.[33]
Tudor's own journalistic venture was the political and literary magazine Floarea de Foc ("Fire Flower"), published
sporadically (1932, 1933, 1936), and having for collaborators some of the leading Trăirists, modernists or political
radicals: Eliade, Manoliu, Sterian, Emil Cioran, Eugène Ionesco, Arșavir Acterian, Haig Acterian, Dan Botta, Ovidiu
Papadima, Camil Petrescu, Henri H. Stahl, Horia Stamatu and Octav Șuluțiu.[30] The art manifesto, signed by Tudor
himself, proclaimed the need for a "nurturing word", "clean thinking", and obedience to "the Redeemer".[30] As
Sorohan argues, the text covered its "lack of ideas" with "exultation", with Tudor displaying his "bewilderingly
impoverished vocabulary."[30]
Sorohan divides Floarea de Foc into quality articles (those by Cioran, Eliade, Ionesco, Stahl etc.) and Tudor's
"Prolegomenos" column, an "insufferable rigmarole".[30] Another controversial aspect is Floarea de Foc's opposition
to the established school of cultural criticism: a Manoliu essay (called "ridiculous" by Sorohan) posthumously attacked
literary theorist Titu Maiorescu as a manipulator of the reading public.[30] Maiorescu's modernist disciple, Eugen
Lovinescu, was also scolded by Floarea de Foc, in what Sorohan calls a "disgusting" piece, written by one whose name
"is forever buried in the pages of that magazine".[30]
More famously, Ionesco used the magazine for his polemical pieces targeting the contemporary literary scene and the
mainstream of modernism, with a stern defense of authenticity—short essays which were collected in his volume
No!.[30] Tudor, meanwhile, was attacking the backbone of Romanian modernism. His art chronicles chided modernist
artists Marcel Janco and Olga Greceanu. According to Tudor, contemporary artworks were "inhuman", and
modernism itself looked doomed. This critique had less to do with Orthodox conservatism, and more with left-wing
anti-capitalism—as noted by art critic Mihai Rădulescu, Tudor was going through a "leftist drift".[1] In 1932, Floarea
de Foc acted as a platform for young communists to explain their revolutionary ideals.[34]
By 1933, Tudor was also putting out a political newspaper, Credința ("The Faith"). Eliade was again in contact with
him, but was critical of Tudor's shadier dealings: Credința, he writes, was secretly funded by an anonymous magnate,
surviving on "political circumstances" and on "scandals", with Tudor's own columns being "aggressively
moralistic".[35] Eliade claims that he himself only agreed to work with Tudor after the latter insisted; he published his
subsequent articles under a pseudonym, Ion Plăeșu, explaining that he was thus bypassing the exclusivity rights of
Ionescu's Cuvântul.[36]
Although declaring itself neutral in the ideological debate,[37] Tudor's newspaper soon acquired a left-leaning staff:
Manoliu, Zaharia Stancu, Eugen Jebeleanu. According to Eliade, they were only employed by Tudor when he realized
that Cuvântul men would not join him on the "cheap tabloid".[36] The collaboration between Tudor and his leftist
friends was also taken to the field of literature. In 1934, Stancu hosted samples of Tudor's poetry in his Antologia
poeților tineri ("Young Poets Anthology").[11] Cartoonist Neagu Rădulescu, who joined the group at this time, recalls
that Tudor, striking the figure of a "Church martyr", was a literary sponsor of the "writing republic".[38]
Anti-fascism
During that interval, Nae Ionescu and his Cuvântul were moving to the far right,
aligning themselves with the fascist Iron Guard. Enlisted in 1932 with the more
moderate National Agrarian Party,[39] Tudor criticized the Trăirists' sympathy for
radical solutions, either fascist or communist, defending Romania's young
democracy. In a December 1933 issue of Credința, he reacted: "We say that
democracy is not the good thing for us, yet we have never even truly implemented
it".[40] Writing from a Christian perspective, Tudor accused Romania's
revolutionary youth of "monkeying" foreign experiments in totalitarianism,
describing Adolf Hitler as the Antichrist, and equating all revolutionary ideologies
with the triumph of "animality".[41] Tudor and Eliade were among the 31 Christian
and Jewish Romanian intellectuals to have signed a protest against antisemitism
in general and against Nazism in particular. Their appeal to ventilate Romania's
"medieval atmosphere" was hotly condemned by the pro-Nazi Axa magazine.[42]
Also in December 1933, Credința hosted a plea in favor of anti-fascist political

activism. Signed by Stahl, the opinion piece proposed that political involvement
was a civic duty, citing fascism as the enemy of freedom, and also implying that
"Bolshevik" communism was "left-wing fascism".[43] Eliade supported that stance,
in the name of non-racial "Romanianism", noting that both political extremes
advanced "a dictatorship of the brute, of the imbecile, of the incompetent."[42][44]
Also in Credința, philosopher Constantin Noica spoke out against the advocates
of cultural isolation and nativism. His articles of 1933 and 1934 noted that
Romanian culture was eminently parochial, and openly criticized Gândirea
Alexandru Bassarab's
traditionalism.[45] Noica also rejected the political ambitions of his generation
Nașterea ("Birth"), engraving
colleagues. During the 1933 election, he recommended passive resistance and inspired by the Iron Guard
abstention, rather than ideological combat, as methods of raising awareness at the version of Orthodoxism. The
top.[46] Four years before his own conversion to fascism, Noica's Credința texts Archangel Michael watching
described Romanian youths as being "diseased with politics".[47] over the crib of future Guard
leader Corneliu Zelea
Floarea de Foc was less categorical in its defense of the democratic state. Codreanu
According to cultural historian Zigu Ornea, who wrote an overview of Trăirism
(published 1995), Tudor's other publication remained an "ideologically
unaffiliated" magazine, and as such open to all sorts of political opinions.[48] For Paul Costin Deleanu, the Orthodoxist
columnist at Floarea de Foc, the legacy of Romanian liberalism was suspect, and Orthodox Romania existed outside
the Western world. Deleanu's Floarea de Foc articles described modernization and secularism as a "betrayal" of "the
Eastern cross."[49] Eliade's contributions backed up such claims from an antihumanist point of view. He was
suggesting that Romanian liberalism, an "abstract defense of Man", was a "dead, barren, inefficient formula", stifling
"our nation's creative forces".[50] Writing for Credința in February 1934, "Plăeșu" explained that he did not mean to
defend either fascism, "Hitlerism", or "ridiculous" Marxism, since they trampled on religious freedoms; Eliade
idealized direct action in support of "civic pride", "social justice" and "the courage to defend liberty".[51]
Early in 1934, after the Guard managed to assassinate Premier Ion G. Duca, the authorities shut down Cuvântul and
prosecuted its editor, whereas Credința continued to appear.[36] Young fascists took their revenge, attacking the
editorial offices of left-wing periodicals. In December 1934, an unknown man surprised Tudor at his Credința office,
and gave him a severe beating.[52] However, in February 1935, Sandu Tudor was making his peace with Nae Ionescu,
describing his teaching as the "nourishing bread", and Ionescu himself as an "awakener of consciences", "one of the
greatest journalists alive."[1] Credința also published an homage piece by a Glicon Monahul, who depicted Ionescu as a
guardian of "The True Faith".[53]
Criterion scandal
Soon after that episode, Tudor and Eliade found themselves in opposite camps. It happened once Eliade's literary and
art club, Criterion, opened its doors to several of Tudor's ideological enemies. Credința seized on an opportunity for
scandal, accusing several Criterion people (Comarnescu, Vulcănescu, Alexandru Christian Tell, and dancer Gabriel
Negri) of promoting "pederasty". Researcher Ruxandra Cesereanu describes Tudor's allegations as a diversion: "The
scandal had erupted for political and cultural reasons, and reflected a series of backstage arrangements that had
exploded in dishonorable manner."[54] According to historian Lucian Boia, the decisive factor was Stancu, already
infamous as a blackmailer; the main victim was Comarnescu, who suffered a nervous breakdown.[55] Art historian
Barbu Brezianu, who witnessed the incidents as a Criterion admirer, calls the Credința articles "horrible calumnies
aimed at Comarnescu."[56]
The campaign was aggravated when Vulcănescu showed up at the Credința offices and pummeled Stancu, and
degenerated further when Tudor himself participated in a brawl at Corso Coffeehouse.[57] Brezianu recalls that
Vulcănescu "grabbed Sandu Tudor by the collar", then slapped him.[56] The incidents disgraced both sides. Stancu's
gossip column introduced the infamous homophobic taunt cavaleri de Curlanda ("Knights of Courland", with a pun
on the word cur, "ass").[54][58] With Comarnescu and Negri in mind, Tudor himself wrote: "Only now do we get to see
all the pestilent buggery in their unfulfilled, masturbating, inverted souls. I shout for all to hear, I address this thirty-
year-some non-generation: avast! thou tricksters, though barren and vicious ones, thou that are rotten to the core,
mediocre and neurotic".[59] According to Ornea: "The strange fact is that Sandu Tudor, a religious poet and trained
theologian [...], could stoop down to the level of such inurbane attacks".[58]
Credința took its battle to court, in a trial still that was still ongoing during the troubled autumn of 1935. Brezianu
recalls that Tudor was the plaintiff, citing Vulcănescu for assault and injury.[56] Criterion's Mihail Sebastian, a
practicing attorney, represented Comarnescu and Vulcănescu in court, seconded by Ionel Jianu (better known as an
art critic).[56] Sebastian's Journal, discovered and published in the 1990s, documents the hidden aspects of the affair:
the Jewish Sebastian writes that, at the time, the Credința journalists and some members of Criterion were more or
less openly antisemitic; Eliade surprised him as an "extreme and categorical" supporter of fascism.[60] He was also
upset that, while he stood by his friends and refused to even shake Tudor's hand, Comarnescu made "peace overtures
to Credința".[21]
In his entry for November 27, 1935, Sebastian concludes: "I am waiting for the day when [Criterion members] make
their peace with Sandu Tudor [...] and discover that the Jews are alone responsible for the quarrel—especially myself,
who has aroused discord among the Christian fraternity. It sounds like a joke, but it's plausible enough."[61] Almost a
year later, when Credința focused its attack on Sebastian, the latter noted: "The only thing that surprises me is that the
attack came so late."[62] Tudor and Stancu were defeated in court, and were obliged to formally recant. Ornea, who
writes that Credința only published the verdict with much reluctance and discretion ("somewhere deep in the pages of
one issue"), concludes that the scandal was a decisive blow for Criterion, causing Eliade's club to dissolve itself.[63]
However, while some former members of Criterion were attracted into the Iron Guard, the Credința writers were still
critical of totalitarianism. Before a fascist government was formed by the minor National Christian Party, Credința
hosted contributions from Alexandru Mironescu, the physicist and center-nationalist author. These documented the
encroachment of liberal democracy in Europe, defended political freedoms, and honored Romanian peacemaker
Nicolae Titulescu.[64] Although situated to the left, Credința and Floarea de Foc were largely anti-communistic, and
Tudor's own news digests took a highly critical view of the Soviet Union. In one such piece, he expressed alarm about
the outcome of the Moscow Trials.[4] However, according to files kept by the Siguranța Statului police force, Tudor
still intended to collaborate with communist agent Scarlat Callimachi on the anti-fascist review Munca ("The
Labor").[65]
Kulygin and the Burning Pyre

As noted by Neagu Rădulescu, Credința came to an abrupt "sad end", which Tudor took shame in recounting. An
focused on his new passion, aviation, and bragged about having survived a plane crash.[66] He maintained his religious
focus during World War II. The Ion Antonescu dictatorship joined in Nazi Germany's attack on the Soviet Union.
Romania's war on the Eastern Front gave an impetus to Romanian monastic life, by restoring the Romanian church's
direct contacts with Russian Orthodoxy. The country witnessed the arrival of Russian monks, including one trained at
the prestigious Optina Monastery. He was Ivan Kulygin (known to Romanians as Ivan Kulîghin, Ivan Kulâghin, or
Ivan Străinul, lit. "Ivan the Foreigner"), a victim of the Soviet regime, who took refuge to Romania after the Battle of
Stalingrad.[67][68][69][70]
At around that time, Tudor and his friends organized a pilgrimage to Cernăuți, in newly reattached Bukovina. There,
he began writing about the possibility of more regular "spiritual retreats",[71] and adopted the Transfiguration of Jesus
as his spiritual symbol.[69] He was soon joined in Bukovina by other figures of the Orthodoxist revival: Fathers
Benedict Ghiuș and Nicolae M. Popescu, philosophers Noica and Anton Dumitriu, journalist colleagues Manoliu,
Mironescu and Sterian.[2][69]
Tudor and Andrei Scrima (later a major figure in Orthodox monasticism) first met Kulygin at Cernica Monastery, and
were taken aback with his charisma.[72] Kulygin instructed them about performing the "prayer of the heart", and
Tudor, an avid student, was soon able to proselytize.[69][73] His target audience included many of those who had joined
him on the 1943 retreat, leading some of his biographers to suggest that Kulygin addressed a fully formed community
of believers.[71] An additional connection is noted by historiographers of Romanian hesychasm: the "prayer of the
heart" was already practiced at Cernica, directly based on the instructions of 18th-century elder Paisius Velichkovsky;
Kulygin's Romanian disciples were adding intellectualist interpretations to this regular practice.[74]
In August 1944, King Michael's Coup ended Romania's alliance with Germany, and inaugurated a brief period of
political liberalism, with communism looming on the horizon. Tudor and other Kulygin-inspired Romanians joined
together in the "Burning Pyre" (Rugul Aprins), a prayer group which sought to register as a citizens' association. The
authorities rejected their first application, in 1944, but Tudor persisted: the Burning Pyre received its legal recognition
in 1945[75] or 1946.[67] The association's stated purpose was to educate theology students about the moral and spiritual
requirements of monastic life.[4] The Burning Pyre cell also offered a form of Orthodoxist resistance against the growth
of communism in Romania. According to Scrima, it had "resurrected liberty".[68]
At Antim
The Burning Pyre met daily, usually at the Antim Monastery Library, Bucharest. Other than Tudor (Kulygin's trustee),
Dumitriu, Mironescu, and Scrima, the group had among its members some high-profile intellectuals of various
backgrounds. They include the avant-garde author Marcel Avramescu and critic Vladimir Streinu, poet-scientist Ion
Barbu, mathematicians Valentin Poénaru and Octav Onicescu, novelist Ion Marin Sadoveanu, poet-physician Vasile
Voiculescu etc.[68][76] Together with historian Virgil Cândea came a cell of social scientists and classical scholars,
among them Alexandru Duțu.[77] They were joined by high-profile Orthodox clergymen: Ghiuș, Dumitru Stăniloae,
Sofian Boghiu and Arsenie Papacioc.[68][73] Another occasional guest was Bartolomeu Anania, the outspoken anti-
communist priest.[78]
The Rugul Aprins title was perhaps inherited from

Floarea de Foc,[75] or could be referencing the
biblical burning bush, a manifestation of God.[69][79]
Scrima understood the meetings as "an Eucharist of
God, brought to us by the angels", noting that the
sessions were free, regulated only by "trust".[80]
Sandu Tudor would also explain that the incessant
prayer is the very "heavenly prayer" of (sinless)
Adam, revived by Virgin Mary "when she was taken
to the Holy of Holies, where she lived in
uninterrupted prayer [...] for 14 years".[81]
Patristic scholar Ioan I. Ică Jr. sees Tudor's neo- Antim Monastery. The living quarters
hesychasm as a throwback to Paisius, with echoes
from Gregory Palamas.[81] However, according to
religious anthropologist Radu Drăgan, hesychasm itself is a "prudent" form of Esoteric Christianity, and Tudor's
movement a Gnostic revival "in the bosom of Orthodox spirituality", "the only one of its kind."[82] Drăgan also notes
that, among the affiliates, Avramescu, Dumitriu, and possibly Scrima, were esotericists of the "Guénonian" variety.[83]
In his interpretation, the Burning Pyre blended a Guénonian traditionalism into Kulygin's teachings and "Desert
Fathers" monasticism, to the point of resembling a "new religious movement".[84] A particularity of Tudor's movement
was its critique of materialism. Opposed to Marxist doctrines and to the atheists, Tudor preached classical
Creationism.[85]
Soviet occupation troops arrested Kulygin in March 1946, and deported him back to Russia in early 1947. The
missionary managed to send Tudor a series of farewell letters, appointing him his successor in Romania, the
beneficiary of his will, and the representative of Optina rules.[86] In his other briefs, Kulygin protests against being
branded a "counter-revolutionary" under Soviet law, writing that his captors "understand nothing of things spiritual in
nature", warning his disciples that they should hide all written records of their conversations.[87] Records about what
eventually happened to Kulygin are few and disputed. According to an unverified account, he died in the prison of
Odessa,[88] while others propose that he was transported to the Gulag.[74]
In 1948, when the Burning Pyre association was dissolved by government decree,[67][89] Tudor abandoned his public
career and became a monk at Antim, with the monastic name Agathon. That monastery received his entire estate,
including his massive book collection.[2] He also began writing his new religious poem: Imn-Acatist la Rugul Aprins al
Născătoarei de Dumnezeu ("Hymn-Akathist to the Burning Pyre of the Theotokos"), with the refrain: Bucură-Te,
Mireasă urzitoare de nesfârșită rugăciune! ("Rejoice, Thou Bride, Thou weaver of the eternal prayer!").[81]
The proclamation of a Romanian communist state that year introduced a wave of repression against Orthodox
devotees in general, and mystics in particular. Tudor left Bucharest altogether, moving between Crasna and Govora
monasteries.[4][90] His new project, to establish a monastery home for world-weary intellectuals, was supported by the
local bishops.[90] He was arrested in 1948 or 1949, and the Antim meetings, closely supervised by the Securitate secret
police, ceased altogether in 1950.[69][91] Fathers Ghiuș, Boghiu and Papacioc were moved far away from Bucharest,
forced to reside at Neamț Monastery.[69]
Final activities
When he reemerged from prison, in 1952, Brother Agathon decided to enter the priesthood as a hieromonk, and
became Father Daniil. He was originally assigned to Crasna, then moved to more remotes sketes. After a stint at
Sihăstria Monastery,[2] he moved high up in the Rarău Mountains, Bukovina. With the help of Ilie Cleopa, the
influential Orthodox preacher at Sihăstria, Daniil was appointed

Starets.[2] In this new capacity, he resumed the spreading of Kulygin's
ideas, forming a prayer group with about a dozen followers,[2][73] and
outlined a new plan for a monastery of the intellectual elite.[92]
According to his visitors at Rarău, Daniil was living an exemplary

austere life, but was prioritizing the internal prayer over all exterior
ritual, and would spend half a working day submerged in
meditation.[2] He did provide the occasional sermon, and earned
much respect from the Bukovinan peasants he addressed, especially
because he would freely express his emotions in front of them.[2]
The communist regime caught eye of Tudor's frequent returns to

Bucharest, where he contacted the other Burning Pyre people, and
continued to preach about the "prayer of the heart".[2][73] Tudor's
work was again becoming a kind of religious resistance and, as
Drăgan writes, intolerable for the communists. Such activities were
evading "the more readily controllable ecclesiastic milieu".[93] The Church of the Nativity, part of the
Securitate branded Tudor and Voiculescu as authors of "mystical, Sihăstria Monastery complex
enemy-like" poetry, collecting testimonies about how Tudor's prayer
group cultivated free speech.[94] It is possible that the Burning Pyre
unwittingly antagonized the communists after its ideas were publicized outside the Eastern Bloc. In 1957, inspired by
the self-exiled Scrima, theologian Olivier Clément wrote an essay about "Brother Agathon", which saw print in a Swiss
Reformed newsletter.[95]
However, according to Daniil's accuser Petre Pandrea, the Burning Pyre lobby was not entirely adverse to
collaborating with the communists. In his memoirs, Pandrea claims that Scrima and "the ex-sailor" Tudor were
together responsible for slandering the anti-communist and religiously innovative nuns of Vladimirești, eventually
rounded up by the Securitate with the tacit approval of Orthodox prelates.[22] The Securitate tried to persuade Scrima
to work as an informant on the Burning Pyre, but came to the conclusion that "he presents no trust in what concerns
our activity."[78]
On the eve of June 14, 1958, Securitate forces descended on the Burning Pyre. The group had officially been branded a
danger to "the social order" of Communist Romania,[69][89] reflecting the Securitate's fears about the country's
monastic revival. The communist apparatus had ordered a full clampdown on the Orthodox Church, masterminded by
Securitate chief Alexandru Drăghici.[89][96]
Sandu Tudor was arrested in the home of his disciple Alexandru Mironescu,[2] and kept in a cell together with a
Securitate informant. According to the latter's taps, the Rarău hieromonk resented Scrima and Clément for having
blown his cover—neither were aware that the Securitate had for long been intercepting all of Scrima's letters to his
Burning Pyre colleagues.[97] Subjected to interrogations, Tudor refused to nominate any of his student followers, and
was apathetic during the interrogations of supposed witnesses.[4] As noted by researcher Ioana Diaconescu, Tudor's
unyielding stance may have even served to inspire the Securitate spy in his cell, whose notes indicate a growing
admiration and a shared Orthodox faith.[4]
Kangaroo trial
With an August 4 raid, the Securitate apprehended most of Tudor's disciples.[70] In the end, the Burning Pyre was
made subject to a kangaroo trial for high treason, officially defined as "crime of conspiracy against the social order and
crime of intense activity against the working class and the revolutionary movement."[4][98] According to one of the co-
defendants, the accusation was incoherent and misleading. It claimed that the prayer group intended to have
government members burned at the stake, and that the 4th-century theologians honored at Antim were anti-
communists.[89] The sentences, Drăgan notes, "were known in advance".[73]
Cherry-picking the defendants' political files, prosecution determined that the Burning Pyre was a neo-fascist cell and
a front for the Iron Guard. In doing so, they silenced evidence about Tudor's left-wing anti-fascism, and focused on
Arsenie Papacioc's history of contacts with the Guard.[89][99] Tudor cared little about the past activities of his Burning
Pyre colleagues, but, even in 1947, he had denounced the Iron Guard as an anti-Christian enterprise.[100]
As records of the prosecution show, the authorities were on the verge of admitting that the hieromonk had no criminal
connections, and decided instead to focus on his activities as a 1930s anti-communist. They recovered Tudor's
Credința columns, which, they claimed, read as "intense anti-communist propaganda, slandering and defiling the
Soviet Union and eulogizing the capitalist order."[4] According to their tendentious interpretation, Tudor had been at
once "a faithful defender of the bourgeois-landowning order and a fiery propagator of the fascist ideology."[4] The
defense team was also asked to debunk the prosecution's allegations about the fascist nature of Tudor's Creationism.
According to one Burning Pyre attorney, "that some students were informed about Creationism is, if anything, a
matter to be addressed by education, not by punitive measures".[101]
At the height of the anti-religious campaigns, in 1959, the Rarău skete was one of the establishments that were
temporarily shut down by the Securitate.[2] Father Daniil, identified as the ringleader "Teodorescu Alexandru", was
sentenced to "25 years in strict confinement and 10 years disfranchisement" for "conspiracy against the social order",
and "15 years in rigorous confinement" for "intense activity against the working class."[4] He was originally held at
Jilava prison, where he began serving his sentence on January 31, 1959.[4] The Securitate was on the search for his
belongings. Tudor proudly indicated that he never carried any personal items. His other belongings, hosted by the
monastery, became state property. They include some 600 books, a fountain pen, a lens, and a compass.[4]
Death
As historians would discover decades later, Daniil Sandu Tudor spent the last part of his life in the infamous Aiud
prison. He was held there together with other Burning Pyre group members, but also reunited with his old rival, Petre
Pandrea. Pandrea mentions Tudor's name on his humorous list, the "Writers' Union of Aiud"—an unwitting
alternative to the official, communized, Writers' Union of Romania.[102]
At Aiud, Tudor became a victim of repeated torture, and, according to various commentators, suffered a martyr's
death.[2][3] Burning Pyre inmate Roman Braga attesteded that: "Father Daniil died in the Aiud Hole following four
months of tortures and beatings, one of the few prisoners to have worn shackles throughout their detention".[3] Also
held in Aiud, Bartolomeu Anania later attested that both he and Tudor went through the process of "reeducation", a
communist form of coercive persuasion. As a former sympathizer of the Iron Guard, Anania clashed with the
hieromonk, who reportedly supported the use of reeducation methods against obdurate fascists.[103]
Officially, Daniil died at 1 AM on November 17, 1962 (1960 in some sources), at Aiud prison hospital, having suffered a
stroke that left him comatose—afflictions which, in themselves, seem to suggest that he had been severely beaten in
confinement.[3][4] Prison records have it that, since 1959, he had been under medical supervision for hypertonia.
However, it is unlikely that he was ever administered the medicine specified in his chart, which appears to have been
forged and backdated.[3] The hieromonk's body is said to have been dumped at the nearby Trei Plopi burial site, an
iron spike driven through his heart by prison guards who meant to certify Tudor's death.[3]
Legacy
Censorship and recovery

According to Diaconescu: "With Sandu Tudor's death, the world of the spirit and of the faith was extinguished,
violently and savagely crushed, at least in its worldly form."[4] However, Orthodoxist philosopher Petre Țuțea implies,
the incarceration had the unexpected effect of strengthening hesychasm, since the Cernica school and the Kulygin
school could still communicate behind the prison doors.[70] Vasileanu also writes that, from among Father Daniil's
disciples at Rarău, "most would, strangely enough, become Starestses". One of them, Antonie Plămădeală, was even
enthroned as an Orthodox Church dignitary.[2] According to Plămădeală, "The pyre of the heart never was
extinguished".[3] Already in the period after Tudor's death, the Aiud collective had begun referring to him as "Saint
Daniil".[3]
Bartolomeu Anania was among the last people to be sentenced in connection with the Burning Pyre movement. Tried
separately, and probably drugged on scopolamine, he agreed to become a Securitate informant.[78] Vasile Voiculescu
was the first of Tudor's spiritual followers to be granted a reprieve, in 1962. He was severely weakened by repeated
torture, terminally ill with Pott disease, and only survived into 1963.[3][67][73][89] The other Burning Pyre affiliates were
all released from prison in 1964, when the communist regime enforced a set of liberalization measures.[73]
Sandu Tudor's literary work was banned by communist censors. His Burning Pyre manuscripts were confiscated by
the Securitate, and presumably destroyed or lost.[104] Using his contacts abroad, Father Scrima typed and salvaged
some of Tudor and Voiculescu's last known texts, including an akathist to the Theotokos. He took them to India,
where he began a second career in Sanskritology,[80] or, in Securitate parlance, "placed himself in the service of
imperialists."[78]
The Romanian Revolution of 1989, which brought down Romanian communism, also signified a recovery of Sandu
Tudor's work. Andrei Scrima played a significant part in Burning Pyre revivalism, publishing several new
introductions to Father Daniil's preachings, including the 1991 Timpul Rugului Aprins ("Age of the Burning
Pyre").[80][105] In 1999, a neo-Orthodoxist publishing house (Editura Anastasia) issued Sandu Tudor's autobiography
and other selected works: Ieromonahul Daniil Sandu Tudor.[71][81] Another such venture (Editura Christiana) began
putting out installments of his complete works.[71]
Tudor's exact date of death was still a mystery: various post-revolutionary sources have it that he most likely died in
1960, and specify that his place of burial was unknown.[73] Other working theories located that event in 1962 or
1963.[3] The matter was partly solved ca. 2006, when scholars were given clearance for selectively researching
Securitate archives.[3] In keeping with his renunciation of earthly possessions, Tudor left behind only a handful of
personal belongings: a fufaika jacket, a pair of sandals, a brown shirt and a beret. All were marked as "3rd-class
quality" goods.[3]
Although the general location of his burial is known, Daniil's grave was never rediscovered. According to one account,
Aiud prisoners working on a ditch in the 1960s dug up a shackle-wearing skeleton, and were convinced that it
belonged to their spiritual leader.[3] The bodily remains are still judged irretrievable, and he is commemorated
together with other prisoners with whom he presumably shares an improvised grave in Aiud.[2]
Enduring controversy
Several theologians and priests came to suggest that Daniil Sandu Tudor is worthy of canonization. This proposal is
endorsed by Marius Vasileanu (who otherwise notes that "nonsense and inexactitudes" about the hieromonk still exist
in his official biographies)[2] and by Tudor's pupil, Antonie Plămădeală.[3] In December 2006, speaking before
Parliament and outlining his resolution to condemn communism, President Traian Băsescu paid homage to Sandu
Tudor as a "martyr of the Church".[106]
Tudor's other activities, particularly his polemical stances of the 1930s, created enduring controversies, beyond
Pandrea's allegations. Published shortly after the Duca assassination, Eliade's novel Întoarcerea din rai ("Return from
Paradise") constructed the character Eleazar by fusing together Comarnescu's "words" and Tudor's "ticks".[107] Tudor's
attacks on Criterion, and the homophobic vocabulary he introduced, have been cited as possible influences for
România Mare, a modern-day far-right weekly directed by Corneliu Vadim Tudor.[54] According to Barbu Brezianu,
Vadim Tudor resembles the Sandu Tudor of 1934, and, like him, is an "aggressive extremist."[56]
After Pandrea, critics have continued to scrutinize some aspects of Tudor's monastic life. Bartolomeu Anania first
publicized his claim about Father Daniil's alleged support of communist "reeducation" in his Memoirs (Polirom,
2008). Historian Cristian Vasile nuances this verdict, suggesting that Anania was "embittered" by his political
background:
Sandu Tudor was no Guardsman, not even a Guard sympathizer; in the 1930s he was rather the leftist,
criticizing the far right. Therefore, he defined himself as anti-Guard even in his freedom years [...]; he
probably thought, in 1935 like in 1962, that Guardsmen ought 'to be dusting off their conscience of the
crimes they committed in the name of the Cross'.[103]
Notes
1. (in Romanian) Mihai Rădulescu, "Sandu Tudor în derivă spre stânga. Floarea de Foc nr. 5" (http://www.hotnews.r
o/stiri-arhiva-1217994-sandu-tudor-deriva-spre-stanga-floarea-foc-5.htm), Hotnews.ro, July 28, 2005; retrieved
September 11, 2012
2. (in Romanian) Marius Vasileanu, "Adevăratul Sandu Tudor" (http://www.zf.ro/ziarul-de-duminica/adevaratul-sandu
-tudor-de-marius-vasileanu-9021985), in Ziarul Financiar, December 2, 2011
3. Oprea, Marius (April 6, 2007). "Averea unui martir" (https://www.zf.ro/ziarul-de-duminica/averea-unui-martir-30331
06). Ziarul Financiar (in Romanian).
4. (in Romanian) Ioana Diaconescu, "Sandu Tudor și gruparea 'Rugul Aprins' " (http://www.romlit.ro/sandu_tudor_si_
gruparea_rugul_aprins), in România Literară, Nr. 43/2006
5. (in Romanian) Florin Rotaru, "Avataruri", in Serghei Esenin, Zaharia Stancu, Moscova cârciumăreasă. Ediție
bibliofilă (http://www.bibliotecametropolitana.ro/Uploads//3_2011/155602.pdf), Editura Biblioteca Bucureștilor,
Bucharest, 1999, pp. 342–343
6. Călinescu, pp. 885, 1024
7. Călinescu, p. 885
8. Adrian Marino, "Tendances esthétiques", in Jean Weisgerber (ed.), Les Avant-gardes littéraires au XXe siècle II,
John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam & Philadelphia, 1986, pp. 671–672. ISBN 978-963-05-4367-5
9. Cernat (2007), pp. 236–237
10. Cernat (2007), pp. 151–152, 236
11. (in Romanian) Paul Cernat, " 'Chipuri' ale poeziei tinere interbelice" (http://www.revista22.ro/bucurestiul-cultural-nr
-108--chipuri-ale-poeziei-tinere-interbelice-11099.html), in Revista 22, Nr. 1118, August 2011
12. Cernat (2007), p. 237
13. Ornea, pp. 104–105
14. Cernat (2007), pp. 237–238
15. Eliade, pp. 148–149
16. Eliade, p. 149
17. Cernat (2007), p. 236
18. Gabriel Hasmațuchi, "Nichifor Crainic and the interwar 'New Spirituality' ", in the Ștefan cel Mare University of
Suceava Annals II (http://www.apshus.usv.ro/arhiva/2011II.pdf), 2011, pp. 62, 64. Partly rendered in Enache, pp.
145–146
19. Mihai, pp. 166–167
20. Mihai, pp. 167, 169, 171
21. Sebastian, p. 21
22. (in Romanian) Ion Simuț, "Justițiar cu orice risc" (http://www.romlit.ro/justiiar_cu_orice_risc), in România Literară,
Nr. 3/2004
23. Cernat (2007), p. 238

24. Ornea, pp. 165, 180–181; Laura Pavel, "Eliade and His Generation - Metaphysical Fervour and Tragic Destiny" (h
ttp://jsri.ro/ojs/index.php/jsri/article/view/390), in Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies (http://jsri.ro/),
Nr. 15, Winter 2006, p. 17
25. Ornea, pp. 180–181
26. (in Romanian) C. D. Zeletin, "Vintilă Ciocâlteu" (http://www.romlit.ro/vintil_cioclteu), in România Literară, Nr.
6/2002
27. (in Romanian) Victor Durnea, "Cazul Paul Sterian - Ortodox și futurist" (http://www.romlit.ro/cazul_paul_sterian_-_
ortodox_i_futurist), in România Literară, Nr. 29/2007
28. (in Romanian) Victor Durnea, "Cazul Paul Sterian. Ortodoxistul" (http://revistacultura.ro/cultura.php?articol=1813),
in Cultura, Nr. 95, October 2007
29. (in Romanian) Geo Vasile, "Gândirea, fără prejudecăți" (http://www.romlit.ro/gndirea_fr_prejudeci), in România
Literară, Nr. 5/2009
30. (in Romanian) Elivira Sorohan, "O revistă și colaboratorii ei" (http://convorbiri-literare.dntis.ro/SOROHANap.html),
in Convorbiri Literare, April 2002
31. (in Romanian) Andrei Găitănaru, "Athosul e o capcană" (http://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-opinii-12306093-athosul-capc
ana.htm), Hotnews.ro, May 20, 2012; retrieved September 12, 2012
32. Călinescu, p. 886
33. Cernat (2007), p. 277
34. Boia, pp. 38–39, 42
35. Eliade, pp. 281–282
36. Eliade, p. 282
37. Boia, pp. 39, 40, 45
38. Rădulescu, pp. 42–43
39. Emilia Motoranu, "Un scriitor uitat: Alexandru Vianu", in Sud. Revistă Editată de Asociația pentru Cultură și
Tradiție Istorică Bolintineanu, Issues 1–2/2016, p. 5
40. Ornea, p. 68
41. Ornea, pp. 68–69, 173
42. (in Romanian) Cassian Maria Spiridon, "O biografie Mircea Eliade (I)" (http://convorbiri-literare.dntis.ro/TATAapr7.
html), in Convorbiri Literare, April 2007
43. Ornea, p. 173
44. Boia, p. 40
45. Ornea, pp. 132–133
46. Ornea, pp. 169–170
47. Ornea, pp. 300–301
48. Ornea, p. 31
49. Ornea, pp. 29–31
50. Ornea, pp. 31–32
51. Ornea, pp. 171–172
52. (in Romanian) Marian Petcu,
[https://web.archive.org/web/20101214140718/http://www.jurnalismsicomunicare.eu/rrjc/arhiva_pdf/2007/1_2007.pdf
"Întâmplări cu ziariști morți și răniți. O istorie a agresiunilor din presă", in Revista Română de Jurnalism și
Comunicare, Nr. 1/2007, p. 61
53. Mihai, p. 172
54. (in Romanian) Ruxandra Cesereanu, "Zavistia. Imaginarul lingvistic violent al extremei drepte românești" (http://w
ww.observatorcultural.ro/Zavistia.-Imaginarul-lingvistic-violent-al-extremei-drepte-romanesti*articleID_814-articles
_details.html), in Observator Cultural, Nr. 109, March–April 2002
55. Boia, pp. 45–47
56. (in Romanian) Adriana Bittel, "Cu Barbu Brezianu despre Momentele privilegiate ale prieteniei" (http://www.romlit.r
o/cu_barbu_brezianu_despre_momentele_privilegiate_ale_prieteniei), in România Literară, Nr. 9/1999
57. Ornea, pp. 154, 155

58. Ornea, p. 154
59. Ornea, pp. 154–155. See also Boia, p. 46
60. Sebastian, pp. 28–29
63. Ornea, p. 155
64. (in Romanian) Mircea Coloșenco, "Spirit politic românesc superior" (http://convorbiri-literare.dntis.ro/COLOSENC
Odec5.htm), in Convorbiri Literare, December 2005
65. (in Romanian) Stelian Tănase, " 'Prințul Roșu' " (http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/135/art07-arhiva.html), in Sfera
Politicii, Nr. 135
66. Rădulescu, p. 43
67. Constantin Cubleșan, "V. Voiculescu și taina 'Rugului aprins' ", in Astra, Nr. 26, January 2009
68. Maria-Elena Ganciu, "Vasile Voiculescu și experiența isihastă", in Tabor, Nr. 7, October 2008
69. Horia-Roman Patapievici, "Rugul aprins", in Idei în Dialog, Nr. 12/2005
70. Țuțea & Popescu, p. 284
71. Drăgan, p. 142
72. Drăgan, pp. 131–132
73. Drăgan, p. 137
74. Țuțea & Popescu, pp. 282–283
75. Drăgan, p. 136
76. Drăgan, pp. 136–137
77. (in Romanian) "In memoriam - Virgil Cândea. 16 februarie 2007" (http://www.bibliotecametropolitana.ro/Uploads/B
iblioteca_Bucurestilor_2007_nr3.pdf), in Biblioteca Bucureștilor, Nr. 3/2007, p. 18
78. (in Romanian) Ioana Diaconescu, "Bartolomeu Anania - dosare de urmărire informativă (II)" (http://www.romlit.ro/b
artolomeu_anania_-_dosare_de_urmrire_informativ_ii_-), in România Literară, Nr. 11/2012
79. Bercea, pp. 23; Țuțea & Popescu, p. 284
80. Marius Oprea, "Ultima călătorie a părintelui Scrima", in Ziarul Financiar, October 7, 2005
81. Ioan I. Ică, Jr., "Sfântul Grigore Palama, scriitor duhovnicesc isihast", in Irimie Marga, Paul Brusanowski (eds.),
Anuarul IV (XXIX). 2003-2004 (Andrei Șaguna Faculty of Theology), Lucian Blaga University, Sibiu, 2008, p. 127.
ISBN 978-973-739-633-4
82. Drăgan, pp. 135–136
83. Drăgan, pp. 132–135, 136
84. Drăgan, pp. 138–139
85. Enache, pp. 148–150
86. Drăgan, pp. 124, 129
87. Drăgan, p. 130
88. Drăgan, p. 141
89. (in Romanian) Serenela Ghițeanu, "Patimile lui Zahei" (http://www.revista22.ro/patimile-lui-zahei-4777.html), in
Revista 22, Nr. 964, August 2008
90. Enache, p. 147
91. Drăgan, pp. 137, 138
92. Enache, pp. 147–149
93. Drăgan, pp. 137–138
94. Enache, p. 148
95. Drăgan, pp. 136, 138, 142
96. Enache, passim
97. Drăgan, p. 138
98. Enache, pp. 149–150

99. Drăgan, pp. 138, 142; Enache, pp. 143–145, 149–150
100. Enache, pp. 144–145
101. Enache, pp. 150–151
102. (in Romanian) Alex. Ștefănescu, "Scriitori arestați (1944-1964)" (https://web.archive.org/web/20120804110804/htt
p://www.romlit.ro/scriitori_arestai_1944-1964), in România Literară, Nr. 23/2005
103. (in Romanian) Cristian Vasile, "Memorii incomplete (Cronică de carte)" (http://www.revista22.ro/memorii-incomplet
e-cronic259-de-carte-6512.html), in Revista 22, Nr. 1017, September 2009
104. (in Romanian) Alex. Ștefănescu, "Din 'realizările' regimului comunist - Cărți interzise" (https://web.archive.org/we
b/20120804110725/http://www.romlit.ro/din_realizrile_regimului_comunist_-_cri_interzise), in România Literară,
Nr. 50/2004
105. Bercea, passim
106. (in Romanian) Traian Băsescu, "Un regim ilegitim și criminal" (http://www.revista22.ro/nou/articol.php?id=3318), in
Revista 22, Nr. 876, December 2006
107. (in Romanian) Gabriel Stănescu, Sanda Golopenția, "Mircea Eliade, între abstragere și fervoare" (http://www.viata
romaneasca.eu/arhiva/56_viata-romaneasca-12-2008/24_interviu/189_mircea-eliade-intre-abstragere-si-fervoare.
html), in Viața Românească, Nr. 12/2008
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2004, pp. 135–153
Pr. Constantin Jinga, "Ieroschimonahul Daniil Sandu Tudor. Omul și opera", București, Editura Christiana, 2005,
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Constantin Mihai, "Elita intelectuală interbelică și Ecclesia. Campania de presă în jurul Pascaliei (1928–1929)", in
Raduț Bîlbîie, Mihaela Teodor (eds.), Elita culturală și presa (Congresul Național de istorie a presei, ediția a VI-a),
Editura Militară, Bucharest, 2013, pp. 162–172. ISBN 978-973-32-0922-5
Neagu Rădulescu, Turnul Babel, Cugetarea-Georgescu Delafras, Bucharest, 1944
Z. Ornea, Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească, Editura Fundației Culturale Române, Bucharest, 1995.
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Father Daniil Sandu Tudor

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Father Daniil Sandu Tudor

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1/16/2019 Sandu Tudor - Wikipedia

Early life and career

The Christian Futurist

Athonite pilgrimage and Floarea de Foc

Also in December 1933, Credința hosted a plea in favor of anti-fascist political

Kulygin and the Burning Pyre

The Rugul Aprins title was perhaps inherited from

influential Orthodox preacher at Sihăstria, Daniil was appointed

According to his visitors at Rarău, Daniil was living an exemplary

The communist regime caught eye of Tudor's frequent returns to

Censorship and recovery

23. Cernat (2007), p. 238

57. Ornea, pp. 154, 155

98. Enache, pp. 149–150

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sandu_Tudor&oldid=874510103"

This page was last edited on 19 December 2018, at 18:37 (UTC).

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