PERSPECTIVES
Forest Shrines and Sacred Groves
Impact of Changing Economy on
the Kodavas
Veena Poonacha
The article delineates the
life-affirming values of caring
for the earth among the Kodavas
in Kodagu district, Karnataka. It
argues that the coffee economy
under colonial rule depleted the
forestland, a trend exacerbated
by the post-independence
economic and forest policies.
The full impact of these policies
are apparent from the growing
conflict in the area between wild
elephants and humans.
Veena Poonacha (veena.poonacha@gmail.com)
is retired director, Research Centre for
Women’s Studies, SNDT Women’s University,
Mumbai.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JUNE 30, 2018
K
odagu—the land of a thousand
hills, primeval forests, and lush
green valleys—lies on the sum-
mits and slopes of the Western Ghats in
Karnataka. The splendour of the moun-
tains encircled by clouds and early
morning mists is perhaps what made the
ancient poets exclaim, “This land of our
birth is the loveliest chain of gold in
Jambera, India” (Chinnappa 1924: 33–34).
In more prosaic terms, scientists have
described Kodagu (also known as Coorg)
as a “micro hotspot of biodiversity,” for it
supports a rich diversity of plants, in-
sects, reptiles and animals. The land
nurtures a “veritable pool of genetic
diversity” (Raghavendra and Kushalappa
2011: 3). Second only to the sub-Himala-
yan region in biodiversity, the land is
home to 1,300 species of plants spread
over 700 genera and more than 160 fam-
ilies. Its forests contain some priceless
tropical trees, such as sandalwood, teak
and rosewood, as well as wild forms of
cultivated plants (Kamath 1993: 114).
These forests are vital for the sustenance
of the local agricultural economy as well
as soil conservation and moisture (Verma
2017: 10).
Changing Context of Kodagu
Kodagu is part of the Western Ghat
mountain ranges that are spread over
1,64,280 km, traversing 1,500 km across
six states in India. The report of the High
Level Working Group (HLWG) set up by
the Ministry of Environment, Forest and
Climate Change in 2013, also referred to
as the Kasturirangan report, speaks of
the biodiversity and the scenic beauty of
the mountain ranges.1 It simultaneously
points to the threat posed to the ecosys-
tems of the Western Ghats by increased
“human habitation.” The report indicates
vol lIiI nos 26 & 27
that while 60% of the Ghats is under
“human dominated land use,” only 41%
of terrain is still a “natural landscape,”
wherein 37% of the natural landscape
has very high biological richness, low
fragmentation and low population den-
sity” (Government of India 2013: 1–9). It
also includes world heritage sites, and
tiger and elephant corridors. The Ghats’
forests are catchment areas for the ma-
jor rivers of peninsular India, including
the Krishna, Godavari and Cauvery. The
ecological destruction of these forests
and the consequent drying up of rivers
will spell a death knell to the cities,
towns and villages dependent on these
rivers for sustenance (Singh 2017: 10).
However, taking a pragmatic view of
the prevailing socio-economic require-
ments, the HLWG report balances devel-
opment needs with the need to protect
the environment. It identified certain
areas as eco-sensitive areas (ESA) in
need of protection, wherein any pro-
posed infrastructure development pro-
jects should be scrutinised for their envi-
ronmental impact.2 Kodagu is consid-
ered an ESA because it still has substan-
tial areas of forestland. It has 1,45,661
hectares of forest cover: out of which
1,34,179 hectares comprise reserved for-
ests, national parks, and sanctuaries,
and 11,482 hectares comprise protected
forests (Forest Department 2017). Accord-
ing to recent studies, the forest cover in
Kodagu is shrinking at an alarming rate
because of ill-conceived development
projects and timber smuggling.3 In the
last 40 years, it has lost 30% of its forests
(Singh 2017: 10).
Disregarding the need to protect the
forests, the Government of Karnataka
reduced the mandatory requirement of
instituting a 10-kilometre-long buffer
zone around the forests down to 100
metres (Singh 2017: 10). This sets the
stage for increased encroachment of
forestland, poaching and timber smug-
gling. It will increase the existing con-
flict bet ween the animals (such as tigers
and elephants) and human communities.
Moreover, since these forests are the
catchment area for the river Cauvery,
the destruction of the forests will create
33
PERSPECTIVES
a water crisis for Karnataka and Tamil
Nadu (Singh 2017: 10). Apart from cli-
matic change, the destruction of forests
has caused water scarcity, which com-
promises the survival of local communi-
ties dependent on agriculture and paves
the way for human and elephant conflict
(Government of India 2013: 18–26;
Antony 2017: 10).4
This article explores some deep-rooted
indigenous cultural ethos of caring for
the land, the trees and the animals,
that still exists among the forest and
agricultural tribes in Kodagu.5 The bio-
diversity of the forests has been con-
served through a culture of restraint in
the use of forest resources and by desig-
nating certain forests as sacred. Called
devakadus, the cutting of trees, hunting
and poaching in these sacred forests are
proscribed by tribal religious sanctions.6
This article traces the alienation of
the people from their environment under
colonial political economy, particularly
its land use and forest policies. The con-
tinuation of these policies after inde-
pendence has meant that the forests are
assessed more for their commercial value
than their intrinsic worth. By document-
ing this historical process of alienation
experienced by the indigenous commu-
nities, this article fills a gap in the report
of the HLWG (2013). This technical report,
written by geoscientists and environ-
mentalists, provides a macro picture of
the problem. It does not include in-
depth, microstudies of specific areas, or
elaborate on the cultural practices of
various indigenous tribes and communi-
ties living in the Ghats, or critique the
historical causes for their alienation.
In the writing of this history, I focus
on one of the indigenous communities in
Kodagu called the Kodavas. The Kodavas
are a small kin-based community, who
are described by 19th-century ethno-
graphic records as “the principal tribe of
the country and from time immemorial,
the lords of the soil” (Richter 1870/1984:
117; Rice 1878: 218).7 As hunters and agri-
culturists, it is inevitable that their reli-
gion that evolved over time celebrates
the earth and its bounty; each agricul-
tural activity they undertook and each
hunting expedition they went on, in the
past, was an act of veneration of nature.
34
The gods they worship resided in the
sacred forests with the spirits of their
ancestors walking through them. This
focus on the Kodavas is not to suggest
that the idea of the sacredness of the forest
was restricted to the Kodavas. It was a
shared ideal that protected the forests
through the ages. The focus on the Kodava
cultural ethos is because they dominated
the socio-historical landscape of Kodagu
and that the sacred groves they worship
are the most numerous.
Sacred Groves
This land of dark, primeval forests, paddy
fields, and green meadows, was through-
out history a sparsely populated region.
The cultural metaphor that defined the
lives of indigenous communities, like
the Kodava, Gaudas, Kembattis, Maran-
gi, Kukka, and even the Jamaa Maaples,
a Muslim community, was the venera-
tion of the sacred groves.8 In India, this
reverence for the forests finds expres-
sion in the “little traditions” of Hindu-
ism.9 What is unique about the forest
groves in Kodagu is that the Kodavas
along with other agricultural, pastoralists
and hunting communities forced the co-
lonial state to recognise their rights to the
sacred forests and groves (Raghavendra
and Kushalappa 2011: 6). Accordingly,
when the Indian Forest Act (IFA) of 1878,
was made applicable to Kodagu province,
vide notification No 13 of 1887, it did
not deny the rights of the locals to
these sacred forests. Categorised as
“protected forests,” these groves were
state property, but the local communities
were involved in their maintenance.
This entitlement was acceded to even
when the more stringent regulations of
the IFA, 1927 were made applicable to
Kodagu, vide notification number 120 of
1930. The act, however, extended its
purview over village commons and
meadows (Government of Coorg 1936:
144; Utthappa 2011: 15–16).
Despite these restrictions on access to
forests by the British, the people of
Kodagu have been able to protect their
sacred groves. What has developed is
community-linked conservation practi-
ces; it means that although the forests
are under the control of the forest dep-
artments, they are protected by the
JUNE 30, 2018
community, the temple trust or even an
individual clan (okka). Consequently, a
survey conducted by the forest depart-
ment of Kodagu in 2011 reveals that
there are 1,215 devakadus in Kodagu
covering an area of 2,550 hectares (that
is, about 2% of the district’s forestland).
This means that there is at least one
sacred grove in every 300 acres of
land and that there is a devakadu in
every village of Kodagu (Ragavendra
and Kushalappa 2011).
The success that the local communi-
ties had in forcing the colonial state to
recognise the entitlements of the village
communities to the devakadu is signifi-
cant when we consider the forest poli-
cies instated by the British who sought to
protect the commercial enrichment of
Britain. For the people of Kodagu, these
sacred groves are the sites of worship
and cultural performance of events that
affirm lineage bonds and community
identity. The ecological integrity of these
forests is maintained through custom-
ary religious sanctions. Human entry
into these areas, for worship, is also re-
stricted (depending on the myths associ-
ated with the presiding deity) to a few
hours in the morning or to a particular
day of the week or month.
Some of these groves, like Chomana-
male in Kadiatnadu and Iruli Bane in
Kunkingeri, worshipped by the Kodavas
are considered so sacred that people do
not enter them. In addition, Kodagu is
also dotted with sacred groves dedicated
to Ayyappa, the hunter god, and Muth-
appa, the protector of animals, where
hunting is banned, as it is believed that
these are sites where the gods hunt. The
Kodavas also do not hunt in the forest
groves in which are located the memorial
shrines (kaimadas) dedicated to their
ancestors. The worship in these shrines
are restricted to a clan, or a particular
village or cluster of villages. In contrast,
the Igguthappa, the god of agriculture,
is worshipped by the entire community.
It is he, who is consulted, before the
commencement of the harvesting of
crops. His temple in Paliknadu is a beau-
tiful structure built in the Kerala–Dravida
style, against the backdrop of an
inaccessible forest grove known as the
Iggutappa Devakadu. Similarly, the
vol lIiI nos 26 & 27 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

forests near the temple of the river god-
dess Cauvery in Tala Cauvery is a sacred
forest left untouched by humans (Raga-
vendra and Kushalappa 2011: 4–10).
Most of the forest shrines I have visit-
ed are simple, unpretentious structures
set against the backdrop of a rugged
mountain peak, clothed in greenery.
These shrines are protected by tall ma-
jestic trees and an overhanging canopy
of forest vines through which sunlight
filters down. The play of light on the
deity carved out of a rough-hewn stone
or moulded out of iron into a symbolic
trident evokes a sense of timeless sanctity.
The silence in the shrine is only occasio-
nally shattered by the chirping of birds.
Along with the ritual worship con-
ducted in these shrines, festivals are or-
ganised in the groves to affirm the unity
of the community, the village or a group
of villages. Some of these festivals are
occasions for the coming together of dif-
ferent castes and communities. These
forest groves located in the outskirts of
the village (urukadu) are dedicated to
goddesses like Bhagavathi, Bhadrakali and
Chamundi. Worship in these shrines are
conducted by non-Brahmin priests (Srini-
vas 2003: 180–81). Representatives of dif-
ferent communities associated with the
temple ritual have specific roles to per-
form in these rites of worship. This apart,
certain consecrated trees in each village
have a circular platform, known as
pavithra kata, built around it; these trees
are the focal point for worship, where
devotees assemble and organise cultural
events. Some, though not all, pavithra
katas have a crudely carved stone repre-
sentation of the village deity.10
This culture of restraint in the use of
earthly resources extends to all aspects
of the Kodava culture. There were res-
training norms observed even in forests
where hunting was allowed. On certain
days in the week, Kodavas did not hunt,
since those were the days when god
Ayyappa, the mighty hunter god, was
on a hunting expedition with his dogs.
People propitiated Ayyappa with offer-
ings of terracotta images of dogs and
other animals so that they were safe while
on a hunt. Hunting was also restricted to
certain seasons. It commenced after the
worship of weapons in the festival of
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JUNE 30, 2018
Kailpod. The weapons were then distrib-
uted by the clan elder with a solemn
injunction restraining their use.11 The
sacredness of the earth is also indicated
in their songs and dances as well as the
prayers offered to the river goddess
Cauvery, and Igguthappa, the god of
agriculture, before commencing agricul-
tural activities.
These cultural norms in Kodagu are
living traditions that are transmitted
orally from one generation to another as
the people celebrate the earth and the
seasons in the sun. The tradition is fast
losing its meaning because of the growth
of market economy that has skyrocketed
the commercial value of land. The ques-
tions that need answers are as follows:
(i) what was the socio-economic and
political frames which supported this
kind of a cultural ethos; and (ii) what
were the factors that triggered a shift in
the approach to land and forest resources.
To do this, I turn my attention towards
the precolonial economy and its trans-
formation during the colonial and post-
colonial periods.
Precolonial and Colonial Kodagu
While it is not possible to trace here the
ancient roots of these customary forms
of worship, we can examine, from tex-
tual sources, the precolonial socio-eco-
nomic structure, 200 years prior to the
British annexation of Kodagu in 1834.
The precolonial land use system seems
to support these traditions (Wodiyar
1911). Paddy fields were divided into
plots of various sizes known as wargs
(holdings). Attached to these fields was
the bane land demarcated by a sist (that
is, a stone); these holdings were then
recorded in the revenue books. The size
of the bane land (largely comprising for-
ests varied from 4 or 5 acres to 300
acres). It was intended to meet the farm-
er’s needs for firewood and fodder;
therefore, only a small part of the bane
land was cleared to grow vegetables and
fruits required by the household. In
addition, there were large stretches of
forestland dedicated to the village deities
(devakadu) and those reserved for the use
of the entire village community (urukadu).
The assessment of land was only on
the basis of rice cultivation at the rate of
vol lIiI nos 26 & 27
PERSPECTIVES
1/10th the gross produce. The bane land
was not taken into account for tax
assessment. The actual tax paid by the
farmers varied according to the nature
of his holding. The farmers, who had
hereditary rights over the land (jama
ryots) and had to render military servi-
ces, were entitled to tax concession
while the others, sagu ryots, had to pay
the full rate. Land (umbali land) gifted
by the king for exemplary services was
exempted from tax. The point to be
noted in this discussion is the definition
of what constituted “wasteland.” Under
the Hukumnamma XI issued by Lingaraja
Wodiyar, only paddy fields lying fallow
for a certain number of years were con-
sidered wasteland. This land could be
transferred to another farmer (Wodiyar
1811 in Curvengen 1911: 4–10; Lyall
1885/1936: 146–57).
Kodagu was administered as a sepa-
rate province after British annexation
and administered by the chief commis-
sioner, subordinate to the Governor
General, through the Resident of Mysore
(Rice 1878: 25–26). After independence,
Kodagu was constituted as a “C” state
until its merger in 1956 with Karnataka
(Kamath 1993: 103). Some of the fiscal
issues confronting the colonial state in-
cluded the assessment of land tax and
forest policies. Regarding taxation of
land, the British revenue system held
that land tax could be revised from time
to time unlike the earlier system of fixed
land taxes. Similarly, altering the forest
policies of the previous regime regard-
ing community ownership of forests, the
British policies placed forest and com-
munity land (bane) under state control;
categorised as “wasteland,” this land
could be auctioned by the government.
Sale of this land was also encouraged.
To encourage the growth of coffee plan-
tations, the British treated forestland as
“wasteland.” Most of the European and
“native” estates were held under the
wasteland rules, under which the land
was put up for auction. The land so
assessed was exempt from tax for four
years and then assessed at a conce-
ssional rate.
Coffee cultivation: In the current con-
text of environmental degradation, the
35
PERSPECTIVES
HLWG report (2013) describes coffee
plantations as an environment-friendly
routine, because, coffee plantations require
shade trees and support undergrowth.
This, however, is not to downplay the
historic destruction of the Ghat forests
in Kodagu through the commercial in-
troduction of coffee. Since 1854, both
Europeans and Indians, destroyed ex-
tensive forestland to plant coffee. As
Richter (1870/1984) writes:
Everyone who beheld a hillside covered
with the rich luxuriant coffee shrubs was
bewitched by its promise. Soon the Coorgs
[Kodavas] too enriched by sale of forest land
followed the example of the European plant-
ers and opened up large estates; public and
private companies were formed to embark
in lucrative speculation. Forest land was to
be had from the Government for the mere
asking and could be also purchased from
the people. Cooly flowed in plentiful. Thou-
sands of the finest forest land felled under
the planter’s axe. (pp 95–96)
In the first three decades of the intro-
duction of coffee, the total acreage of
forests destroyed by both Europeans and
Indians was 81,035. Large companies
like Messrs Mateson and Co brought
coffee under corporate holding by open-
ing 7,000 acres of coffee estates in the
north-eastern part of Kodagu. The
wanton destruction of forests in the ear-
ly years of coffee planting was because it
was still at an experimental stage. Entire
forests were denuded before the plant-
ers discovered the importance of shade
trees for the coffee crop, which thereaf-
ter helped to conserve the forests to an
extent (Elliot 1894: 275–300).
Forest laws: Under colonial rule, forests
were categorised as “reserved” and “pro-
tected.” Reserved forests were intended
to meet the demand for timber by the
empire, while the protected forests were
intended to protect its long-term interests.
These laws restricted the rights of local
communities but denuded the forests to
meet the commercial interests of the
British. Some of the finest trees, sandal-
wood, teak, kuve, poospar, blackwood,
anjili, ebony hone, and irup were
destroyed. (Richter 1870/1984: 162–72:
Elliot 1894: 275–300). The IFA 1927 pro-
vided for any area of land to be notified
as protected or reserved forests for
36
colonial use. These policies exercised
control over land that had multiple uses.
Postcolonial Policy
The economic frames established under
colonial rule continued after independ-
ence. In Karnataka, the IFA 1927 was left
unchanged until the 1970s. Forest con-
servation efforts, during this period, fo-
cused on timber such as teak, silver oak,
and eucalyptus. It did not recognise the
importance of fruit trees, plants, and
shrubs to support animal and birdlife.
The demand for commercial wood esca-
lated between the 1950s and 1980s be-
cause of the growth of forest-based in-
dustries, such as paper, plywood, polyfi-
bre, and matchwood. This demand led
to timber smuggling (Kamath 1993: 114).
Concurrently, more and more forest
area was brought under coffee cultiva-
tion: in the 1950s, the acreage under cof-
fee was 44,408 acres in Kodagu, approx-
imately 19.43% of the total planted area
of coffee in India (Government of India
1953: 230). By the 1990s, the total area
under coffee in Kodagu was 41,320 hec-
tares of land, that is, 41% of the coffee
grown in Karnataka (Kamath 1993: 210–
41). Currently, the total area under cof-
fee cultivation in Kodagu is 1,06,527 hec-
tares (Coffee Board 2016). This expan-
sion has occurred partly through the en-
croachment of forestland and partly
through conversion of all other cultiva-
ble land to coffee. The 1990s ushered in
the liberalisation of the Indian economy,
which impacted the Indian coffee indus-
try in many ways: (i) it weakened the
hold that the Coffee Board of India, a co-
operative of coffee growers, had over
pricing and sale of coffee; (ii) it ensured
a competitive price for coffee, but also
escalated the cost of production; (iii) the
rising cost of production alienated many
small farmers from their land; and (iv) the
conversion of land to other uses has not
only depleted the land, but also under-
mined the customary ethos of caring for
the earth (Poonacha 2000: 82–99).
The HLWG report (2013) sees coffee
plantations as an eco-friendly option to
save the forests. Historically, the rapid
expansion of coffee plantations have
been at the expense of the forests. Yet,
undeniably coffee plantations have
JUNE 30, 2018
saved the green cover of this region. The
destruction of forests, however, has
meant that wild elephants are entering
human habitats, making the lives of the
villagers insecure. This is because the
reforestation efforts have focused on
commercial forestry rather than fruit
trees, while no effort has been made to
regenerate the water sources in the for-
ests (Antony 2017: 10). Tourism promot-
ed to save local economies has been
through the sale of forestland for luxury
hotels and getaway homes. Local com-
munities are denied their entitlements
in the name of conservation (personal
interviews 2017).
Conclusions
This article has argued for the need to
rethink development policies since the
current model of economy is based on
the over-utilisation of natural resources.
It recalls the existence of a sustainable
world view that conserves biodiversity.
The lives of forest people, living in the
tropical forests, were not necessarily
easy; and yet the idea of the sacredness
of the web of life prevailed. The repre-
sentation of the sacred in Kodava cos-
mology was both male and female. If the
male god Igguthappa presided over agri-
culture, it was the river goddess, Cauvery,
who was the giver of life. Similarly, if the
hunter god, Ayyappa, and the protector of
animals, Muthappa, were represented in
the sacred groves, the mother goddesess
Bhagavathi, Bhadrakali, and Chamundi
were worshipped in other groves. These
mother goddesses are not benign con-
sorts of male gods, they are ferocious
and independent, like nature Itself.
The philosophical underpinnings of
this sacred cosmology contrasts sharply
with the values of domination over the
earth, ushered in by colonialism into
Kodagu less than 200 years ago. Colonial
policies defined forests as “wasteland”
and trees assessed for their commercial
value rather than intrinsic worth. The
continuation of this model of develop-
ment, after independence, has exacerbat-
ed the destructive trend. The introduction
of the coffee economy has contributed
historically to the destruction of forests.
However, it is now seen as eco-friendly
and labelled “private forests.” This change
vol lIiI nos 26 & 27 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

in nomenclature serves to statistically
conflate the total area under forests. It
also provides the rationale for the sale of
forestland to other private enterprises.
There is community rancour against
these changes. The Coorg Wildlife Society
and Save Kodagu, Save Cauvery campaign
are struggling to protect the environment.
There is political demand to break away
from Karnataka in order to protect the
land. However, their voices remain muted
because of their lack of numerical
strength. The way forward is to involve
the forest communities in decisions af-
fecting the land use in Kodagu as envis-
aged in the Scheduled Tribes and Other
Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recogni-
tion of Forest Rights) Act of 2006.
Notes
1 The HLWG was constituted by the Government
of India, Ministry of Environment and Forests
(MoEF) on 17 August 2012 to suggest a holistic
approach to sustainable development, while
keeping in focus the preservation and conser-
vation of ecological systems in the Western
Ghats. The HLWG was expected to review the
Report of the Western Ghats Ecology Expert
Panel (WEEP) set up earlier by the MoEF in
2011 and make fresh recommendations on pro-
tection of the Ghats. This was because various
stakeholders were not happy with the stringent
regulations formulated earlier by the WEEP
report also known as Gadgil report.
2 The HLWG followed a detailed geospatial anal-
ysis through Satellite Remote Sensing of ESAs
with the village as the unit. The ESAs are those
areas which still represent a band of contigu-
ous vegetation, rich biodiversity, low fragmen-
tation and sparse population density. The re-
port says that there should be no tolerance to
environmental damage to these areas and ef-
forts should be made to protect them (Govern-
ment of India 2013: 43–97).
3 Examples of ill-conceived development pro-
jects include: (i) 400 KV high tension power
line from Mysuru (Karnataka) to Kozhikode
(Kerala) via Kodagu. It destroyed over a
1,00,000 trees; and (ii) a mini hydro-electric
power plant to be located in the Brahmagiri
Wildlife Sanctuary. Additionally, timber smug-
gling, in connivance with forest guards, illegal
construction near game sanctuaries, and sand
mining in the river Cauvery threaten the biodi-
versity of Kodagu.
4 The main crops grown in Kodagu are paddy
(requiring abundance of water), cardamom
and coffee. Because of the cash crops, the farm-
ers are not necessarily poor, but water shortage
and destruction of crops by elephants are mak-
ing agriculture very difficult. Many farmers are
abandoning paddy cultivation. The state re-
sponse is to take away their land for housing
projects rather than resolve the water crisis
(personal interviews 2017).
5 Although sparsely populated, Kodagu like any
other part of India is a complex sociocultural
space. Immigration into Kodagu began after the
opening up of the area to coffee plantations.
The earliest migrants were Tamilian labourers
from Tamil Nadu and Muslim traders from
Kerala. Since the 1990s, agricultural labourers
hail from far-flung states like Assam, Odisha
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JUNE 30, 2018
and Bihar. The growth of tourism has also at-
tracted many traders from Rajasthan.
6 This reverence for nature—a characteristic
feature of indigenous societies—contrasts
sharply with the world view shared by modern
societies. Dependent on over-utilisation of
natural resources, modern societies see nature
as inanimate—a mechanistic conception born
out of the growth of scientific developments of
the 17th century. Further, the illusion that hu-
mans are at the top of the evolutionary chain,
entitles them to exploit the resources of earth.
In contrast, the ecologically sensitive world-
view of tribal communities calls for the conser-
vation and preservation of the natural world. It
recognises that the indiscriminate destruction
of planet earth will ultimately destroy us (Sar-
aswati 2002; Knudtson and Suzuki 1992).
7 The Kodavas are not a Scheduled Tribe nor do
they fit into the Hindu caste system. They are
loosely located within the Hindu fold. They fol-
low none of the rites and rituals prescribed by
Hinduism.
8 The Jamma Maaples were members of the Ko-
dava community who were taken as prisoners
of war during the long-drawn-out Mysore Wars
in the 18th century. On their return to Kodagu
after the war, they sought integration into their
former clans, but were not accepted within the
Kodava fold. The point is that the deeply held
belief in the sacredness of the forests continues
even within a monotheistic religion like Islam
in Kodagu.
9 In India, there are more than 4,125 sacred
groves covering a forest area of 39,063 hec-
tares. These groves have different names in
different regions. They are called “Varan” in
Rajasthan, and “Kavu” in Kerala. Karnataka
has a rich heritage of sacred groves, called
naga bana in Dakshina Kannada district and
kaan in Uttar Kannada district (Ragavendra
and Kushalappa 2011).
10 These devakadus in Kodagu can be categorised
as follows: (i) those that belong to temples such
as the Jina Basdi Kadu; (ii) privately-managed
devakadus, such as the Muthappa devara kadu
in Nemmale, Machangala devakadu in Kot-
tangeri, and Bhadrakali devakadu in Balamuri;
(iii) Paisari deva kadus that are located on gov-
ernment land and managed by the village com-
munity; (iv) Hole devakadu belonging to the
aboriginal communities such as the Kembatti,
Marangi and Kukka tribes; and (v) Karanova
kadu or groves that are preserved in the memory
of the ancestors. There are approximately 165
dieties revered in these forest groves
(Raghavendra and Kushalappa 2011).
11 A traditional Kodava household was a joint
family with the members of the clan living to-
gether in their ancestral homes. The weapons
were stored in the sacred room and only taken
out when required. The clan members no
longer live in their ancestral homes. But they
do get together for ceremonial occasions and
for the celebrations of life cycle events of any
clan member.
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EPW Index
An author-title index for EPW has been
prepared for the years from 1968 to 2012.
The PDFs of the Index have been uploaded,
year-wise, on the EPW website. Visitors can
download the Index for all the years from
the site. (The Index for a few years is yet to be
prepared and will be uploaded when ready.)
EPW would like to acknowledge the help of
the staff of the library of the Indira Gandhi
Institute for Development Research, Mumbai,
in preparing the index under a project
supported by the RD Tata Trust.
37