Empire of Honour

Empire of Honour
The Art of Government in the
Roman World

J. E. LENDON

CLARENDON PRESS • OXFORD

1997
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For my parents and brother
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

BLINKERED, heel-dragging, mulish obstinacy—the natural state of all

authors, but especially of young authors, and of this author in particu­
lar—makes giving them advice at best ungratifying and often positively
disagreeable. My gratitude to those I thank here is therefore as much for
their courageous honesty as for their generous erudition. Ramsay
MacMullen, who directed the Yale dissertation of which this book is a
distant descendant, has long mastered the difficult balancing act of being
both a close friend and a frank critic. Elizabeth Meyer's ideas, sugges­
tions, and corrections have always directed my thinking along new and
profitable lines. Gordon Williams and Richard Garner cheerfully read the
manuscript several times and the book has profited enormously from
their attention. I had no legitimate claim upon the time of Richard Sailer,
R. F. Tannenbaum, or Kenneth Harl, but from kindness and collegiality
they, too, read the manuscript and offered signal improvements. John
Drinkwater and David Potter, the perceptive readers for the Press, cast off
their judicial robes and laboured happily along with the rest, providing
deep counsels. Errors that remain are not only my own, but have prob­
ably been maintained against better advice to the contrary.
To my friends D. A. Cohen and J. Freeman I am grateful for illuminat­
ing conversations about honour. Editorial duties I have ruthlessly levied
upon my family and friends (especially D. and M. Lendon, J. Campbell,
and R. Berkhofer III), and this editorial mantle has been ably inherited by
Julian Ward, copy-editor for the Press. Hilary O'Shea and Liz Alsop at the
Press have been ceaselessly cheerful, helpful, and tolerant. Both financial
support and relief from teaching have been provided by the John M. Olin
Foundation and my generous employer, the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology. I am also grateful to the Corcoran Department of History of
the University of Virginia, which gave a visiting scholar a hospitable
home where much of the book was written.
A project of this scope enforces a highly selective citation of modern
scholarship, and this must inevitably fall short of paying off in full the
author's intellectual debts. Similarly, while translations are my own
unless signalled otherwise, they cannot fail in many cases to echo the
viii Acknowledgements

work of selfless generations of previous translators. To those I may have

slighted I offer my grateful acknowledgements here.
J.E.L.
Cambridge, Massachusetts
September 1996
 CONTENTS

Abbreviations X

1. Introduction 1
2. Honour and Influence in the Roman
World 30
3. The Emperor 107
4. Officials 176
5. The Roman Army 237
6. Agamemnon's Empire 267

Appendix: The Latin and Greek Lexicon of

Honour 272
References 280
Index 303
 ABBREVIATIONS

Standard abbreviations (sometimes expanded) are used for ancient

authors and works cited in the notes. See especially the list of abbrevia­
tions in the Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd. edn.). I have used the fol­
lowing abbreviations for modern journals, reference books, collections of
inscriptions (of which I have tried to cite accessible publications), papyri,
and some variorum assemblages of ancient material.

AE l'Annee epigraphique
AJP American Journal of Philology
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt
BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellenique
BICS Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University
of London
CE Carmina Latina Epigraphica
CGL G. Goetz (ed.), Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum, 7 vols.
(Leipzig, 1873-1901)
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CPL R. Cavenaile (ed.), Corpus Papyrorum Latinarum
(Wiesbaden, 1958)
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
EJ V. Ehrenberg and A. H. M. Jones (eds.), Documents
Illustrating the Reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, 2nd edn.
(Oxford, 1976)
FGH F. Jacoby (ed.), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker
(Leiden, 1923-58)
Gk. Const. J. H. Oliver (ed.), Greek Constitutions of the Early Roman
Emperors from Inscriptions and Papyri (Philadelphia,
1989)
GRBS Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies
HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
IG Inscriptiones Graecae
IGR R. Cagnat et al (eds.), Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res
Romanas Pertinentes 3 vols. (Paris, 1906-27)
 Abbreviations xi

IKEph. Die Inschriften von Ephesos in the series Inschriften

griechischer Stadte aus Kleinasien
IK Smyrna Die Inschriften von Smyrna in the series Inschriften
griechischer Stadte aus Kleinasien
I.L.Alg. S. Gsell et al (eds.)> Inscriptions latines de VAlgerie, 2 vols.
(Paris, 1922-57)
ILCV Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres
ILS H. Dessau (ed.), Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, 3 vols.
(Berlin, 1892-1916)
IRT J. M. Reynolds and J. B. Ward-Perkins (eds.), The
Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania (Rome, 1952)
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
LSJ H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, and H. S. Jones, A Greek-English
Lexicon, 9th edn. (Oxford, 1940)
MAAR Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome
MAMA Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua
McC. & W. M. McCrum and A. G. Woodhead (eds.), Select
Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors
(Cambridge, 1961)
OGIS W. Dittenberger (ed.), Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones
Selectae, 2 vols. (1903-5)
OLD P. G. W. Glare (ed.), Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford,
1982)
PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome
PCPS Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society
PG Patrologia Graeca
PGM K. Preisendanz et al (eds.), Papyri Graecae Magicae: Die
griechischen Zauberpapyri, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1973-4)
PL Patrologia Latina
PLREi Jones, A. H. M. et al, Prosopography of the Later Roman
Empire, i (Cambridge, 1971)
P.Oxy. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri
RDGE R. K. Sherk (ed.), Roman Documents from the Greek East
(Baltimore, 1969)
RE Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Altertumswis-
senschaft
RIB The Roman Inscriptions of Britain
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
xii Abbreviations

Sel Pap. A. S. Hunt et al. (eds.), Select Papyri (London and

Cambridge, Mass., 1932-42)
Small. Gaius E. M. Smallwood (ed.), Documents Illustrating the
Principates of Gaius, Claudius, and Nero (Cambridge,
1967)
Small. Nerva E. M. Smallwood (ed.), Documents Illustrating the
Principates of Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian (Cambridge,
1966)
TAM Tituli Asiae Minoris
TAPA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological
Association
TLL Thesaurus Linguae Latinae
ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
 1

Introduction

O N what was to be the last day of his life, the emperor Nero awoke to find
that the palace sentries had abandoned their posts. His friends did not
respond to his summons. He rushed around to their rooms with a hand­
ful of servants, and pounded on the doors. If they were within, they did
not answer. Returning to his own chamber he found that his very body­
guards had slipped away, taking with them the bedclothes and his box of
poison. To the empty halls of his vast palace he cried, 'Have I neither
friend nor foe?' Here was an emperor who no longer commanded obedi­
ence, an emperor at last bereft of his power. And the last hours of
Vitellius were eerily similar: he wandered an empty palace, tried locked
doors, and shuddered at vacant rooms until he was finally discovered and
1
dragged away to his death.
Yet only a few hours, a few days, earlier, thousands upon thousands of
people had stood prepared to do the emperor's bidding: some formally in
the imperial service, but the vast majority not; some at Rome, but most
scattered far and wide across the empire. A few perhaps were personally
acquainted with the emperor, but most had never set eyes upon him. It
is, as a consequence, easier for a modern observer to understand why
Nero and Vitellius were finally deserted than to explain why they were
ever obeyed at all. To us the emperor seems a terribly lonely figure. How
to armour him again in the obedience which fell away in extremis?
This book is a contribution to the solution of that mystery—an
attempt to advance our understanding of how power worked under the
empire, to illuminate how the emperor got his officials and subjects to do
what he wanted, how officials procured the obedience of subjects, and
how subjects and officials could bend other officials, and even the
emperor, to their will. It is a study of the nature, and some of the histor­
ical consequences, of the system of thought and emotion we call honour.
1
Nero, Suet. Nero 4 7 . 3 ; Dio 63. 2 7 . 3 . Vitellius, Tac. Hist. 3. 84; Suet. Vit. 1 6 . Cf. Didius
Julianus, Herod. 2 . 1 2 . 7; HA Did. Jul. 8. 6; and this vision of the abandoned emperor was
resonant, Orig. Cels. 8. 68.
2 Introduction

It is, therefore, a study of government, but not a study of government

institutions: it is an investigation of a slow-changing facet of human
motivation, an investigation carried on with an eye to fears, desires, and
beliefs expressed across the empire—common to the Greek East and the
Latin West, to the capital and the provinces. The focus, moreover, is not
on what changed over time, but on methods of rulership that can be
shown to have worked consistently over the four centuries from the
founding of the Empire to the barbarian sack of the city of Rome.
It is best, at the outset, not to overstate the responsibilities and abilities
of Roman government. Its aims were limited: the gathering of taxes, the
fielding of an army, and the maintenance of civil peace—that is, the pre­
2
vention of civil war and major riot. Justice also was administered, at least
to those whose wealth, influence, or misdeeds secured them a place on
3
the governors' overloaded court schedule. The Roman government did
not undertake to provide food, housing, mass education, or any of the
manifold social services taken for granted from modern governments,
the supply of grain, water, and amusements to a few great cities notwith­
standing. It is, then, unsurprising that the Roman government did not
bulk very large in the consciousness of a majority of its subjects, who had,
from week to week and month to month, few, if any, dealings with it at
4
all. But even the achievement of the modest aims of Roman government
is astonishing. The Roman authorities kept peace and collected taxes
from a population of some fifty to sixty million souls, a bafflingly diverse
throng speaking many different languages, and living their lives in infi­
nitely varied ways: the emperor's subjects ranged from the magnificent
nobles of Rome to savage tribesmen lurking half-unseen in hill and
wood, from the superb grandees of the great cities of Asia Minor to the
Berber on the slopes of the Atlas mountains, the Bedouin wandering the
wastes of Arabia Felix, and the fellah of Egypt, solemnly convicted of can­
5
nibalism by Juvenal. Over this vast and scattered multitude, the Romans

2
Millar (1977: esp. 6), emphasizing Roman governments passive, reactive quality;
Garnsey and Sailer (1987), 20. For ancient analyses of imperial concerns, see Dio 5 2 . 1 4 - 4 0 ;
Pliny, Paneg. passim.
3
Pressure on the governor's court docket, judged by petitions received in Egypt,
Hopkins (1991), n. 9. A n d the administration of Egypt (of old deemed an exceptional case)
was not essentially different from other provinces, see Lewis (1970) and (1984); Bowman
and Rathbone (1992); Rathbone (1993).
4
Lack of contact with government: the locus classicus (if perhaps somewhat exaggerated)
is Syn. Ep. 148 (Garzya); see also D . Chr. 7; and, for 2nd-cent. Galilee, G o o d m a n (1983), 141,
151. But the workings of Roman justice did make a considerable impression on provincials,
Lieberman ( 1 9 4 4 - 5 ) .
5
Juv. 1 5 . 1 3 , 7 9 - 8 3 .
 Introduction 3

presided with a tiny civil administration. At its largest extent, in the

fourth century, the imperial government had somewhat over thirty thou­
sand functionaries, roughly one for every two thousand subjects. And in
the earlier centuries, when the empire was at the height of its power and
6
glory, it employed only a fraction of that number. By contrast, the
Federal Government of the United States, a country under-governed by
European standards, employs more than three million civilians, one for
every eighty inhabitants; and the governments of the fifty states employ
four and a half million more.
Yet this relatively small number of officials was able to keep enough
peace and extract enough tax to maintain an army of more than three
hundred and fifty thousand men under the high empire, with the
weapons, transport, roads, and fortifications required for the defence of
7
an imperial frontier thousands of miles in length. In the fourth century,
8
the paper strength of the army was larger. And while the military payroll
was surely the imperial government's single greatest expense, there was
money available for vast building projects which still inspire awe, and for
the feeding and entertainment of the masses at Rome and, later, at
9
Constantinople. How were the Roman authorities able to accomplish
this? Necessarily by a combination of means and ways. Conventional
views—quite right as far as they go—have stressed the crude application
of force (or its insidious threat), reliance on the willing compliance of the
subject to authority he acknowledged as legitimate, and the subtle work­
ings of patronage.
The disproportion between the size of the army and the civil adminis­
tration naturally leads to a suspicion that the army was expected both to
defend and to govern the empire—that ruling depended on the direct
action of the soldiers upon the civilian population, that Roman govern­
ment depended largely on force and its handmaiden, fear. The army, the

6
Fourth cent., A . H . M . Jones (1964), 1057 n. 44. The size of the administration in earlier
centuries is harder to estimate: Eck ( 1 9 8 0 : 1 6 ) counts some 10,000 in the provinces under
Trajan, mosdy seconded soldiers (see n. 11 below); independently R. F. Tannenbaum (pri­
vate communication) estimates a total of some 1 0 , 0 0 0 - 1 2 , 0 0 0 including Rome and Italy,
but excluding the central and local administration of Egypt. Hopkins ( 1 9 8 0 : 1 2 1 ) observes
that i2th-cent. China, with a population roughly equal to that of the Roman empire, had
twenty-five times as many elite officials in the provinces.
7
A r m y size, MacMullen (1984a).
8
But the paper strength bore more relation to payroll than to fighting strength:
MacMullen (1980); (1988), 1 7 3 - 4 ; Liebeschuetz (1990), 4 0 - 1 ; cf. esp. Kennedy and Riley's
( 1 9 9 0 : 1 9 - 2 0 , 4 5 , 1 3 1 ) observations on the small sizes of forts that late-antique units occu­
pied.
9
Budget, Duncan-Jones (1994), 3 3 - 4 6 .
4 Introduction

ultimate prop of imperial power, was called upon to put down the
occasional great rebellions against imperial authority. Moreover, its
appallingly brutal campaigns, however rare, did create a terrifying
impression out of proportion to their number: the Roman destruction of
Jerusalem and its temple is still vividly remembered, as any visitor to the
Wailing Wall today realizes. Soldiers were also involved in the day-to-day
10
business of government, police work, and the collection of taxes. The
imperial legate governing a province had a military staff and guard, and,
11
in a border province, the latter could be substantial. And where ban­
ditry and sedition were endemic, as in Judaea, the army might strive for
12
centuries to bring them under control. The great cities of the empire—
Rome, Carthage, and Alexandria—had substantial garrisons to maintain
civil order, as did other towns with quarrelsome reputations, like
Jerusalem; much of the army on the eastern frontier seems to have been
billeted near cities, and perhaps this became a more general practice all
13
over the empire in the fourth century. Even where only a modest force
was available, the Roman authorities stretched it as much as they could
by inspiring terror: the governor progressed through his province deal­
ing with malefactors in a way that locals would remember, by having
them crucified, or burnt alive, or fed to wild beasts. And the provincials
did remember: the prospect of coming to such ends inspired nightmares
14
in Greeks.
Fear is a very economical way of ruling: a great deal of fear can be pro­
duced with very little force. Necessarily, for force had its limits. As King
Agrippa said, in Josephus* Jewish War, 'What of the five hundred cities of
Asia, do they not bow down before a single governor and his consular
1 0
A r m y involvement in ruling the Eastern provinces, Isaac (1990), 5 6 - 2 1 8 , 2 6 9 - 9 1 ; and
esp. for police functions, Hirschfeld (1891); Lopuszanski (1951); Alston (1995), 7 9 - 9 6 .
1 1
Austin and Rankov ( 1 9 9 5 : 1 5 1 - 2 ) estimate a military staff of 1 0 0 - 1 5 0 for the legate of a
province with one legion; proconsuls had smaller, largely civilian staffs (pp. 1 5 4 - 5 ) . A d d also
a governor's guard of some hundreds in military provinces, Speidel (1978a), 1 3 - 1 4 . Whether
provinces without major legionary armies had garrisons is uncertain. Literary evidence
(esp. Jos. BJ 2. 3 6 5 - 8 7 ) would imply that garrisons were exiguous or non-existent: yet
inscriptions recording auxiliary cohorts and alae keep turning up, although it can rarely be
known if the units were stationed in the province, summoned for an emergency, or just
passing through. It m a y be safest to assume, with Speidel (1983a: 1 2 ) , for Asia Minor, that
the inermes provinciae (the term is Tacitus', Hist. 1 . 1 1 ) were each garrisoned with at least an
auxiliary cohort or ala (c.500 men).
1 2
Judaea, Isaac (1990), 7 7 - 9 7 ; elsewhere, Nippel (i995)> 1 0 1 - 2 .
1 3
Rome, Nippel (1995), 9 0 - 8 ; Carthage, Le Bohec (1989X 21; Alexandria, Lesquier (1918),
3 8 8 - 9 3 ; the East, Isaac (1990), 1 2 3 - 3 1 , 1 3 9 , 1 5 7 , 2 6 9 - 8 2 ; on Jerusalem, ibid. 2 7 9 - 8 0 , 428; 4th
cent., MacMullen (1988), 2 0 9 - 1 7 .
1 4
Horrors of governor's justice, publicity, MacMullen (1986a); nightmares, Artem. 2.
52-4.
 Introduction 5
15
fasces without need of a garrison?' Over the whole of the empire in its
prime, as Aristides remarked in a telling comparison to the Spartan and
Athenian hegemonies centuries before, 'the cities are free of garrisons;
cohorts and wings of cavalry suffice as the guard of whole provinces, and
few of these are quartered among the cities of each r a c e . . . they are scat­
tered in the country: many provinces do not know where their garrison
16
is.' He was putting the best face on Roman government's weakness: the
imperial authorities lacked the strength to patrol the hinterland. So trav­
ellers went armed and guarded outside the cities of the Roman world, and
17
still people vanished, even people with retinues. The business of gov­
ernment, if done with soldiers, had to be done with a handful: a freedman
procurator in Bithynia, charged with the collection of taxes, had to make
18
do with four troopers. The emperor was stingy with his armies, unwill­
ing that soldiers should be detached to help with the business of govern­
ment in the interior. When the prefect of the Pontic shore, an important
equestrian official, complained to the emperor that his military escort of
thirteen was insufficient, his request for more men was refused on the
grounds that, in the emperor's words, 'all care must be taken that soldiers
19
not be called away from the standards'. If, in the fourth century, there
were more soldiers near centres of population, there still were astonish­
ing gaps: hardly any soldiers were available to keep the peace in either
Rome or Antioch, and it was by no means certain that soldiers in other
cities would co-operate with the civil authorities. Indeed, they might well
20
work at cross purposes to them.
Nor could the imperial authorities rely upon police to fill in where sol­
diers were unavailable or unwilling. There was no imperial civilian police
force—no police force worth the name at all outside a few great cities.
Under the high empire, what passed for a secret service—army supply
sergeants who came to serve as couriers and had subtler duties as well—

1 5
Jos. BJ2.366; cf. Herod. 7. 8 . 5 . Perhaps not strictly true, see n. 11 above.
1 6
Aristid. 26. 67 (Behr).
1 7
Shaw (1984a), 9 - 1 2 ; the law expected travellers to go armed, Dig. 4 8 . 6 . 1 (Marcianus);
and there was trouble even in towns because of the distance of the auxilia praesidis, Apul.
Met. 2 . 1 8 .
1 8
Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 2 7 - 8 .
1 9
Ibid. 10. 2 2 (for number see 1 0 . 2 1 ) ; cf. 1 0 . 2 0 , 1 0 . 7 8 ; and note the suggestion that if all
foreign foes were conquered, the army could be abolished, HA Prob. 2 0 . 3 - 6 — s o its domes­
tic duties did not come instantly to mind.
2 0
Rome, A . H . M . Jones (1964), 693; Antioch, Liebeschuetz (1972), 1 1 6 - 2 6 ; despite the
fact that there seem to have been plenty of soldiers in the area, Isaac (1990), 2 7 2 - 6 . N o n -
co-operation of army in the 4th cent., MacMullen (1988), 1 5 9 - 9 3 , and esp. Lib. Or. 47.
6 Introduction
21
was no more than eight hundred strong. Late-antique government
offers a mysterious bureau, that of the 'Doers of Things' (agentes in
rebus), which may have served as a secret service, but which was only
22
slightly over a thousand strong. By contrast the government of the for­
mer German Democratic Republic (East Germany) employed nearly a
hundred thousand secret policemen, lavishly equipped with modern
means of surveillance, and relied upon three hundred thousand inform­
23
ers, to watch over a compact population of only seventeen million.
The force at the emperor's disposal seems less unequal to the task of
ruling upon the recognition that the empire's territory was, for the most
part, divided among her cities. The day-to-day business of government—
collecting taxes, providing drafts for the army, and keeping the peace—
was invested in those cities, and was the responsibility of the local
24
notables who presided over them. The power to collect rents (the basis
of the delectable manner of life of most of those notables) presupposed
25
the power to collect the emperor's taxes. 'As many town councillors, so
26
many tyrants', observed Salvian, bluntly. Thus, instead of needing to
coerce many millions, all the emperor needed was the force to coerce
some thousands; these, in turn, could compel the rest. Yet it was precisely
those local strongmen, with their castle-like houses and their swarms of
well-armed slaves and club-wielding tenants, whose force could dwarf
that which the Roman official had at his disposal. When official and local

2 1
Frumentariiy Clauss (1973), 8 2 - 1 1 3 . A strength of 800 is the high estimate of Austin and
Rankov (1995), 152. Sinnigen (1961: 6 7 ) , estimates a more modest 200.
2 2
Agentes in rebus, Blum (1969); Giardina (1977); the bureau had an authorized strength
of 1,174 in AD 430 (CTh 6. 27. 2 3 ) . Against the agentes being secret policemen at all,
Liebeschuetz (1970).
2 3
Kramer (1992), 4 3 , 5 2 .
2 4
On the general responsibilities of cities and their notables to the imperial government
see, briefly, Garnsey and Sailer (1987), 32; Lepelley ( 1 9 7 9 - 8 1 ) , i. 207. For collecting imperial
taxes, see esp. A . H . M . Jones (1974), 165 n. 83; Liebeschuetz (1972), 1 6 1 - 6 ; in general on tax
collection under the principate, Neesen (1980), Brunt (1981). Furnishing military recruits,
Brunt (1974a), 1 1 3 - 1 4 ; keeping the peace, Hopwood (1983) and (1989). Also transport ser­
vices, Mitchell (1976); and the custody of prisoners, Millar (1984), 130.
2 5
Power of the local notables over their inferiors: A u g . Ep. 58 takes it for granted that a
great proprietor has the religious faith of his tenants in his gift; see also MacMullen (1974),
6 - 1 2 , 3 4 - 7 (including the brutal extraction of taxes); (1988), 8 4 - 6 ; also, with emphasis on tax
collection, Brown (1992), 2 6 - 7 ; and see esp. for force, Apul. Met. 9. 3 5 - 8 . For the power of
landlords over tenants, Foxhall (1990); creditors over debtors, Philostr. VS 2.1 (549): the
family of Herodes Atticus held debts going back generations (cf. Antonio Savorgnan in
i6th-cent. Friuli, Muir (1993). 1 2 2 - 3 ) .
2 6
Salv. Gub.Dei5.1S.27.
 Introduction 7

strength clashed, local strength often won. In the empire the power to
27
collect taxes might well presuppose, also, the power to resist taxes.
In fact, the imperial authorities and the local elites did not often come
to blows; at least in the first two centuries AD, their relations were cosy.
'There is no need of garrisons holding acropolises, but the most impor­
tant and powerful people in each place guard their countries for you,' as
28
Aristides observed to the Romans. One of the roles imperial force
played in the ruling of the empire was that of supporting the power of
local notables over their social inferiors. And this was a service for which,
in turn, the locally eminent returned the loyalty necessary to drive
29
Roman government. Yet too often, in practice, when the power of local
notables was threatened—as when the mob came to burn down Dio
Chrysostom's house, and was deterred only by its strong location—the
imperial authorities were nowhere in sight. During a grain riot, it was
said, Apollonius of Tyana found a local magistrate clinging to a statue of
the emperor as the populace merrily lit a fire to burn him alive: surely if
any live Roman official had been available to protect him he would have
30
clung instead to him. The day-to-day invisibility of Roman government
in the provinces could make it as impotent in defending the local author­
ities as it was in getting its own way by force.
It is certainly true, then, that the Roman empire could not be ruled
without force and the fear that force inspired, but the modest provision
of force available makes it unlikely that it was the sole operative principle
of Roman imperial government. Moreover, the realization of the impor­
tance of force and fear to imperial power just pushes the question back a
step. For it still remains to explain how the imperial authorities, and espe­
cially the emperor, commanded the obedience of the agents of force, the
soldiers. This may be in part beyond the scope of historical enquiry to
answer: everywhere and in all eras, regardless of cultural peculiarities and
barring exceptional circumstances, soldiers seem to obey, and armies
seem to work. For the most part civilians too, in all societies, obey the
authorities established over them. 'We charge you yield—in Queen

2 7
Local armed power, MacMullen (1988), 7 2 - 3 (including castle-like houses, cf.
H o p w o o d (1986)); notice too the wide availability of weapons in the Roman world, Brunt
(1975a); and local bigwigs' co-operation with bandits, Shaw (1984a), 38. For local strength
bettering official strength, MacMullen (1988), 9 4 - 6 , and esp. Cic. 2Verr. 1 . 6 7 - 7 0 , 1 . 8 5 , 4 . 9 5 ;
Herod. 7 . 4 . 3 - 6 ; T a c . Hist. 2 . 1 6 ; Sym. Rel 31; also, the rich assumed to be able to resist taxes,
A m m . Marc. 1 6 . 5 . 1 5 (on which see Matthews (1989), 89).
2 8
Aristid. 26. 64 (Behr; trans. Behr); cf. Jos. BJ2. 5 6 9 - 7 1 .
2 9
Ste Croix (1981), 3 0 7 - 1 7 .
3 0
D . Chr. 4 6 . 1 2 - 1 3 and Philostr. VA1.15; cf. Philostr. VSi. 23 (526).
8 Introduction

Victoria's name,' sing the policemen, and the pirates (of Penzance) reply,
'We yield at once, with humble mien, because, with all our faults, we love
our Queen.' At some level obedience may be bred in the bone; or perhaps
it is an essential quality of men living in society, a disposition that a
previous century would have rooted in the social contract. Whatever its
origins, moreover, obedience would have become habit and then tradi­
tion as the imperial centuries wore on. The Greeks and Romans were
fiercely conservative peoples, and there was plenty of time for conser­
vatism to assert itself: Augustus himself outlived most of those who
remembered the free Republic, and from Actium to the Gothic sack of
Rome were thirty generations of men. Yet beyond pointing to such uni­
versal tendencies to obedience, it is useful to identify specific sources of
authority that men obey uncompelled, sources of authority that they
obey because they have been brought up to deem them legitimate.
Legitimate authority can, for example, be vested in the idea of a nation,
and the mantle of that authority can rest on the shoulders of men whose
commands are obeyed by virtue of its citizens' patriotism. Some of the
power of the Roman emperor may have been rooted here. Yet the ability
of the empire of the Romans to inspire such devotion may have been
more limited than that of modern Germany, say, or Serbia. 'You have
made a city from what was once the world', said a poet, for contempo­
raries conceived of the Roman empire less as a nation and more as a city
31
with vast possessions. Although in the Roman world loyalty to one's
home city, or tribe, or creed, was often intense, it cannot be known
whether a loyalty to a distant Rome (despite suggestions that it might be
encouraged) could ever have been more than a pallid affection among the
millions who had never seen the city, even if they were, at law, its citi­
32
zens. Those resolute parochial loyalties might, however, offer a power­
ful bulwark to a government that could somehow draw strength from
them.
Authority can also be vested in the law, and imperial subjects brought
up to obey the law and respect legal claims to their obedience. The hyp­
notic majesty of Roman jurisprudence inclined the learned of genera­
tions past to ground the empire in the rule of law, and so to devote
themselves to minute examination of the legal nature of the power of
3 1
Rutil. N a m . de Redit. 66; cf. Athen. l. 2 o b - c .
3 2
On local loyalty, see pp. 88-89 below. Provincials' loyalty to Rome discussed, urged,
Dio 5 2 . 1 9 . 6, Aristid. 26. 5 9 - 6 4 (Behr) with Oliver (1953), 9 2 6 - 9 . For lack of patriotism for
empire, refs. gathered by Paschoud (1967: 13 n. 1 7 ) , detecting an increasing devotion to
Rome among Latin intellectuals after Adrianople; but the rest of society cheerfully gave
comfort to the enemy, E . A . Thompson (1980).
 Introduction 9

governors, and exactly what legal powers—proconsular imperium, tri-

bunician authority, and so on—the emperors enjoyed. Authority
grounded in law and constitutional tradition is a real part of imperial
33
power; yet visions of a law-based empire tended to exaggerate it. From
day to day, among the vast mass of peoples in the empire—even among
aristocrats and the emperor's servants themselves—little attention was
paid to constitutional niceties. Indeed, the perennial legal ignorance of
officials and subjects, remarked upon by Justinian, was equalled only by
their lack of interest in technicalities: the centurion, nailing a bandit to a
cross, never gave a thought to whether his struggling victim was to pant
out the last hours of his life by virtue of the proconsul's imperium or his
34
ius gladii. 'For a king, the laws are no protection against betrayal', said
an orator to Trajan with refreshing frankness. No conspirator against the
emperor ever slept less well at night because the emperor technically had
tribunician sacrosanctity: it was visions of glowering German body­
35
guards that woke him with a start.
Authority can, furthermore, be vested in a man: could the Roman
emperor have ruled as some medieval kings did, by a magical or super­
natural authority? Certainly Vespasian and Hadrian were each twice
credited with having miraculously cured the sick, and Vespasian with
awareness of the political potential of such acts. Perhaps some part of
36
imperial power lies here. Yet compared to other miracle-working mon-
archs, the Roman emperors were distinctly unmagical. Only a handful of
imperial miracles are attested before the fourth century, even though
miracles were exactly the kind of detail that ancient writers would have
reported, judging by their attention to omens and portents. By contrast,

3 3
Honors (1978:35 n. 373) collects ancient statements grounding the empire in arms and
the law. For an effective attack on law-based views of the empire, Ste Croix (1981), 3 8 3 - 9 1 ;
cf. (by a Romanist) Kunkel (1973), 4 8 - 5 5 ; and Millar (1977), 6 1 6 - 1 7 .
3 4
Justinian, C. Tanta 17. For officials' ignorance of the law, and their seeming lack of
concern to provide themselves with assistants who were learned in it, see Brunt (1975&),
1 3 2 - 6 . Indicative is Men. Rhet. 415. 2 4 - 4 1 6 . 2 6 : one is to praise a governor for experience in
the law ( 4 1 5 . 2 6 - 7 ) but this is only one of nineteen headings under which he is to be praised.
For ignorance of the law on the part of Tacitus and Cassius Dio, both of w h o m had official
careers, R. S. Rogers (1933).
3 5
D . Chr. 3 . 8 8 ; fear of bodyguards, Jos. A]19. 6; Herod. 4 . 1 3 . 3 - 6 .
3 6
Vespasian, see p. 110 below; Hadrian, HA Hadr. 2 5 . 1 - 4 (reported with some suspi­
cion). Other imperial wonders (usually, like Vespasian's healing, depicted as indicating the
favour of the divine rather than emperors working miracles in their own right), HA Marcus
2 4 . 4 with Dio 7 U 7 2 L ) . 8 (on which see Jobst (1978)); Herod. 1 . 7 . 5 ; Dio 74(75U- 7- 6 - 8 with
Herod. 3 . 3 . 7 - 8 (see Rubin (1980), 1 1 7 - 2 0 ) ; HA Aur. 2 5 . 3 - 6 ; Zos. 1 . 6 7 . 1 - 2 with Zon. 12. 29;
and they become more c o m m o n under 4th cent. Christian emperors, MacMullen (1968),
especially as described in 5th-cent. works, Brown (1992), 134.
10 Introduction

the healing touch of the medieval kings of Britain and France was fre­
quently remarked upon, and came to be systematically applied to scro­
fula on a regular basis. Louis VI touched the sick every day, and as late as
the 1680s, Charles II was applying his marvellous touch to the King's Evil
37
more than eight thousand times a year. In comparison, Roman emper­
ors of the empire in its prime seem to partake of little more than the
ambient magic of a superstitious world. Hadrian was a devoted sorcerer,
but his magical knowledge was gained like that of any other inhabitant of
the empire, by paying an Egyptian wizard, and his magical power in the
conventional way, by sacrifice: some reported that he had even slain
38
Antinous as a blood offering.
Yet temples were built to the Roman emperor by the hundred, and
their altars smoked with sacrifices. Could it be said that the emperor
ruled by divine authority—as a god, or demi-god, on earth? It would not
do to underrate the political significance of the imperial cult; nor to over­
rate it. For the emperors, especially the principate's architects Augustus
and Tiberius, were reluctant to be worshipped; even the third-century
Greek historian Cassius Dio, fixing the empire of his day with a gimlet
eye, urged the emperor to forbid temples to be built to him. Emperors
could accept or refuse cult as they saw fit, so perhaps religious devotion
to the emperor was not an indispensable source of imperial power. An
understanding of the imperial cult is central to an understanding of
Roman government, but it may be as much part of the question as part
39
of the answer.
Perhaps the emperor ruled by a manufactured charisma—perhaps he
appeared as superhuman, and thus worthy of obedience, by means of a
40
cult of personality crafted by propaganda. Certainly what survives of
imperial pronouncements—chiefly the legends on coins—lays stress on
the supreme moral virtues of the emperor, as well as his victories, and

3 7
O n the King's Touch, Bloch (1924) (Louis V I , p. 94); Barlow (1980); Charles II,
Thomas (1971), 193; for magic of early medieval kings, J . M . Wallace-Hadrill (1971), 8 - 2 0 .
3 8
Hadrian and the magician, PGM 4. 2 4 4 7 - 5 5 ; and Antinous, Dio 6 9 . 1 1 . 2 - 3 . For non-
wondrous nature of emperor, note also the lack of ex-voto dedications, Fishwick (1990a).
3 9
For the imperial view of cult and that of Cassius Dio, pp. 1 6 8 - 1 7 2 below; on the cult in
general, pp. 1 6 0 - 1 7 2 below. Against a crass understanding of the imperial cult as
Herrschaftslegitimation, Price (1984a: 2 4 0 - 8 ) , w h o also discusses the strategies Greeks used
to distinguish 'divine honours' for the emperors from their worship of the Olympian gods
(pp. 1 4 6 - 5 6 , 2 0 7 - 2 0 ) ; Veyne (1990), 308.
4 0
For surveys of forms of publicity available to emperors, J . B. Campbell (1984), 1 4 2 - 5 5 ;
Potter (1994), 1 1 0 - 3 0 .
 Introduction 11
41
sometimes the coins claim also that he is the chosen of the gods. The
omens and portents that litter imperial history may be the spoor of lost
attempts to attribute to the emperor—or rebellious, would-be emper­
42
ors—divine sanction. Imperial ceremonial was awe-inspiring; imperial
art and architecture, too, sounded the ponderous themes of victory, con­
43
quest, and might. Yet the efficacy of such methods—if they are viewed
as the self-conscious practising of a cynical few upon a passive multi­
tude—is hard to gauge. The late twentieth century has seen the fall of
regimes which had for decades employed all possible contemporary
media (newspapers, radio, television) to mould public perceptions of
the leader, without fully convincing the people; although most of the
emperor's subjects were much more naive, the techniques at the
emperor's disposal were much feebler, and much less systematically
applied. It is by no means certain, indeed, that the emperors purposed the
creation of mass loyalty with their various forms of publicity. But the
emperor's intention is less interesting than his subjects' reactions. Paul
Zanker has shown how imperial subjects came actively and willingly to
participate in the ideology that Augustus' art and architecture expressed,
44
adopting its themes and motifs for their own use. A similar voluntary
process of imitation and adaptation can be traced in provincial use of that
most potent and ubiquitous imperial symbol, the sculpted image of the
45
emperor. So it may be profitable, later, to consider ways in which loy­
alty to the emperor might be useful to his subjects; and rather than inves­
tigating merely the imposition of imperial dogma on the ruled, to study
also the connivance of the ruled with the rulers in the exaltation of the
monarch.
The preceding interpretations of the working of Roman government
arise from modern experience or comparison to other societies; the ex­
planation of Roman government in Roman terms begins with the thesis
of von Premerstein. Noticing the large role played in Roman writings by
the rhetoric of favours given and owed, he argued that imperial power
actually rested upon patronage. The emperor was the patron, the bene­
factor, of his every subject. The subjects, in turn, paid him back for his
4 1
Imperial virtues, Charlesworth (1937); A . Wallace-Hadrill (1981a); victory, Gag£
(1933); M c C o r m i c k (1986: 1 1 - 4 6 ) , discussing also the related festivities, esp. the triumph.
Chosen of the gods, Fears (1977), 189-315; divine election stressed especially by Christian
emperors, M a c C o r m a c k (1981).
4 2
Rubin (1980); Bowersock (1987); Potter (1994), 1 6 1 - 7 3 ; also miracles, see n. 36 above.
4 3
Ceremonial, Alfoldi (1970 ( 1 9 3 4 - 5 ) ) ; and esp. for the great public ceremony of adven-
tuSy M a c C o r m a c k (1981), 1 7 - 6 1 .
4 4 4 5
Zanker (1988). Zanker (1983); Smith (1987).
12 Introduction

benefactions with their loyalty; this was the basis of his power. Thus, the
empire was a single enormous spider's web of reciprocal favours. As the
younger Seneca put it: 'An emperor is kept safe by benefaction: he has no
46
need for guards—weapons he keeps for decoration.'
Although scholars have successfully criticized some of the details of
von Premerstein's thesis, its basis has gained wide acceptance. Given the
size of the empire the emperor could not possibly have been everyone's
direct patron, as von Premerstein more or less assumed. Nor need he
have been. The emperor did favours for leading aristocrats and generals,
who repaid him with loyalty. These men had clients of their own, who
looked to them for boons; and these clients might thereby be put, albeit
indirectly, at the emperor's disposal, thus creating a great spider's web
made up of smaller spiders' webs. And where the emperor seemed to
have a hundred servants, suddenly he had thousands. 'It is the web of
favors given or owed that enables an imperial administration of only a
47
few hundred really to rule an empire,' as MacMullen puts it. A neat,
elegant, and, as far as it goes, convincing thesis; helpful too because it
offers insight not only into how the great could command the small, but
into how the comparatively small could influence the great, how consent
could be widened by placing government at the service of the subject.
Yet there are puzzles. How exactly do boons produce loyalty? For the
loyalty that follows benefaction is more than a canny appraisal of the like­
lihood of getting more boons in future (although that certainly plays its
role). In AD 360, Julian, having assumed the purple and revolted against
Constantius, administered an oath of loyalty to his followers.
Surrounded by Julian's enraged soldiery, and facing the greatest likeli­
hood of death, the praetorian prefect, Constantius' appointment, refused
to swear, 'because he was bound to Constantius by many and frequent
48
benefactions'. The prefect is driven by something he valued more than
his life. What? Von Premerstein imagined that the force of the
patron-client relationship lay in mighty oaths sworn by the client, but
this aspect of his argument has been battered to pieces, for oaths of clien­
49
tage are a myth. Part of the psychological basis of patronage as a
method of rulership remains obscure.

4 6
Sen. Clem. 1.13.5; cf. Dio 53.4.1. V o n Premerstein (1937), 13-116; and in practice, Syme
(1939), 349-86.
4 7
MacMullen (1988), 121; see also 111-12; cf. e.g. Garnsey and Sailer (1987), 148-50; A .
Wallace-Hadrill (1989). 79-84- For a detailed criticism of aspects of von Premerstein,
Rouland (1979X 348-400,500-9.
4 8 4 9
A m m . Marc. 21. 5.11. Oaths, Herrmann (1968), esp. 93.
 Introduction 13

Consideration of some conspiracies against the emperor, moreover,

points to the limits of patronage as an explanation for the working of
Roman government. The man who stabbed Caligula, many of the men
who formed the ill-fated Pisonian conspiracy against Nero, and the men
who arranged and carried out the murder of Caracalla suffered no lack of
benefactions from the emperors they plotted against; indeed, Caligula's
killer had frequent occasion to thank him for boons, one of the Pisonian
conspirators was a consul designate while others were familiars of the
emperor, and Caracalla's nemesis, Macrinus, was praetorian prefect.
Rather, when the historians deduce conspirators' motives, they often
insist that such men conspired against the emperors because, to put it
somewhat quaintly, the emperors had offended against their honour.
Caligula had mocked Cassius Chaerea, and had publicly accused him of
effeminacy. Caracalla had treated Macrinus similarly, and had baited the
centurion who actually slew him with his base birth and cowardice. Nero
had composed a saucy poem about the senator Afranius Quintianus, and
had denied Lucan what the poet felt was his rightful share of fame.
Indeed, as Tacitus tells it, the one man the Pisonian conspirators
approached precisely because they believed that Nero's failure to requite
him for his services might have turned him against the emperor,
promptly informed Nero of what was going on. He was Volusius
Proculus, a naval captain at Misenum who had assisted in the murder of
50
Nero's mother, Agrippina. So the empire was more than a colossal
back-scratching scheme; in the eyes of some observers the principate evi­
dently depended not only on a well-directed stream of boons, but also on
careful regard for the honour of those around the emperor.

L O O K I N G AT ROMAN IMPERIAL G O V E R N M E N T

Force, authority, and patronage cannot, therefore, complete the recon­

struction of imperial power. There are still aspects that need explaining:
the workings of honour and pride, the underpinnings of loyalty and
gratitude for benefactions. Nor, I think, are these incidental oddities: a
glance at how inhabitants of the empire perceived those who ruled them
reveals the centrality of this constellation of thoughts and feelings to an

5 0
Cassius Chaerea, conspirator against Caligula, Suet. Gaius 56. 2; Jos. A]19. 21, 2 9 - 3 2 ;
Dio 59. 29. 2; cf. Sen. Const 1 8 . 3 . The Pisonian conspirators, Tac. Ann. 1 5 . 4 8 - 5 1 ; Suet. Vit.
Luc; Dio 6 2 . 2 9 . 4 ; T a c . Hist. 1 . 2 0 reports that Nero had given H S 220,000,000 to his friends.
Macrinus conspires against Caracalla, Herod. 4. 1 2 . 1 - 2 , 4. 1 3 . 1 - 2 , 5. 1. 3. See also,
C o m m o d u s , Herod. 1. 8.4; Pertinax, HA Pert. 10. 9; and cf. Tyr. Trig. 8. 6 - 7 .
 Introduction

understanding of Roman government. To understand Roman govern­

ment, it is helpful to try to get a glimpse of government through Roman
eyes. If a Roman official appears to attract more attention as a dignitary
than as a functionary, if the most clearly perceived hierarchy of which he
is a part is social and not administrative, and if he seems to be interested
more in being honoured than in being dutiful, an explanation of Roman
government must account for these perceptions.
First, how was the top, the emperor, viewed by the bottom—the low­
est social stratum whose opinions can be canvassed—peasants in the
provinces, far away from Rome? 'There are among us', wrote Synesius of
Cyrene about the rustics of North Africa, 'those who think that
Agamemnon, son of Atreus—he who went to Troy—still rules, a man
exceedingly good and true, whose name was handed down to us as royal
51
from childhood.' At the most extreme remove, therefore, two aspects
appeared important to the subject: the name and the personality of the
emperor, even if drawn from fable.
Another depiction stressing the same aspects, again from an observer
far from the centre and not of high status, is the vision of the emperor fig­
ured as Revelation's beast from the sea:
And I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, hav­
ing seven heads and ten horns, and upon his horns ten crowns, and upon his
heads the name of blasphemy. A n d the beast which I saw was like unto a leopard,
and his feet were as the feet of a bear, and his mouth as the mouth of a lion: and
the dragon gave him his power, and his seat, and great authority. And I saw one
of his heads as it were wounded to death; and his deadly wound was healed. A n d
all the world wondered after the beast. A n d they worshipped the dragon which
gave power unto the beast: and they worshipped the beast, saying, who is like
unto the beast? W h o is able to make war with him? A n d there was given to him a
mouth speaking great things and blasphemies; and power was given unto him to
continue forty and two months. And he opened his mouth in blasphemy against
God, to blaspheme his name, and his tabernacle, and them that dwell in
heaven Here is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the number
of the beast: for it is the number of a man; and his number is six hundred three­
52
score and six.

Here the emperor's name lies concealed by a code—so well concealed,

indeed, that the exact emperor meant is still hotly disputed—but
although the expression is metaphorical, the concerns were the same:
5 1
Syn. Ep. 148 (Garzya).
5 2
Rev. 13: i - 6 , 1 8 (Authorized Version trans.). O n this passage, see Price (1984a), 1 9 6 - 8 .
W e deduce John's low social origin from his corrupt Greek, S. Thompson (1985).
 Introduction 15
53
who and what is the emperor? What is his nature? What are his (in this
case horrible) characteristics and attributes? This description is no badly
regurgitated civics lesson: the emperor at far remove was not seen as a
collection of duties and powers, as the American president is depicted in
54
the classroom to every American child. He was, rather, an individual
with personality.
Further up the social scale, the views of those more knowledgeable and
closer to the emperor show more continuities with than differences from
this most distant view. When the educated and sophisticated Philostratus
imagined the advice given to the sage Apollonius of Tyana to prepare him
for his trial before Domitian, it was the emperor's appearance—his
beetling brow and puffy cheeks—as well as the grim tone of his voice
which seemed worth relating. Indeed, in general it seems that it was the
personal appearance of the emperor, and his quirks, that interested edu­
55
cated provincials. It was his 'personhood' that attracted attention: this
was the emphatic category.
Moreover, through panegyric modern readers can approach the impe­
rial presence, and listen to how those actually addressing him describe
him. Here too the emperor was perceived just as those further away per­
ceived him, for panegyrics to an emperor assumed that his actions were
the result of various attributes of personality—good attributes, obvi­
ously, of the reigning emperor, or bad ones in the case of an evil prede­
cessor adduced for purposes of comparison. Thus, for example, his
success in war was a result of his personal courage, his achievements in
56
peace the result of self-control, justice, and wisdom. In this view, an
emperor was, as it were, a self-activating actor: his actions grew out of his

5 3
Which emperor is concealed behind the number 666 is a notorious crux. The key is
that Greek and Hebrew letters serve as numbers, giving rise to the magical practice of gema-
tria, expression of words as the sum of the numerical values of their letters. T h e traditional
view (recentiy well expressed in Collins (1976), 1 7 4 - 8 6 ; older discussions are collated in
Bocher (1980), 8 4 - 7 ) favours the numerical value for the Hebrew 'Nero Caesar', which has
the dual advantage of explaining the beast's death-wound (Rev. 1 3 : 3 — i n legend, Nero does
not die, but goes into hiding and returns) and the textual variant 616 (a slightly different
spelling in the Hebrew).
5 4
O n the progress of American children, with age and education, from a person-based
to a duty-based conception of the U S president, Easton and Dennis (1969), 1 4 2 - 2 0 7 .
5 5
Apollonius, Philostr. VA 7. 28. Also D . C h r . 21. 6; T a c . Hist. 1. 7; HA Macr. 1. 4;
MacMullen (1988), 114; and Potter (1990:139) on the Sibylline Oracles. Cf. PGM 12. 2 7 9 , 1 3 .
2 5 1 - 3 : when the emperor appears in magic spells, it is as an individual whose anger the
mages seek magically to assuage.
5 6
Men. Rhet. 372. 2 8 - 3 7 6 . 23; cf. Pliny, Paneg. 25; [Aristid.] 35 (Behr), passim; Pan. Lat.
2(12). 2 5 - 9 . On the genre of panegyric to emperors see M a c C o r m a c k (1975); (1981); and
Nixon (1983).
16 Introduction

own character. The emperor was perceived not as the occupant of an

abstract box, 'emperorship', into which the man fitted, and which pre­
scribed his duties qua emperor; the emperor was not thought of as for­
mulating policy as a function of his position; rather, he did what he did
because of the kind of man he was.
Of course remarks made at court in the presence of the imperial body­
guards should not be taken too seriously: woe to the orator who strayed
very far from what the emperor wanted to hear. But the way the pane­
gyrists organized their thoughts is none the less significant. And histori­
ans, who had no cause to flatter and, indeed, often took a very dim view
of the emperors they wrote about, viewed the emperors in exactly the
same way. When as hardbitten an observer as Ammianus Marcellinus
described the low taxes in the reign of the emperor Julian as testimony to
his 'liberality', and high taxes in the reign of Valentinian as evidence of
his 'avarice' (even though he was fully aware of the financial stringency
under which Valentinian operated), he offers more than rhetorical com­
monplace: this was how well-educated, knowledgeable people preferred
57
to think about their emperors.
As the emperor, so the emperor's officials. Beginning again at the fur­
thest and lowest point, with Synesius' peasants, we read, 'and the worthy
rustics name a certain Odysseus as the emperor's friend, a bald man, but
remarkable in dealing with affairs and at finding expedients in difficul­
58
ties'. Last to fade into obscurity was a name, an appearance, a person­
ality, even if of the wrong individual. Closer in and higher up, in one of
those rare contexts where there is no reason to suspect flattery, a distin­
guished Alexandrian described a Prefect of Egypt:
[He was] a man who at the start gave countless examples of gentlemanliness, for
he was shrewd and persevering, quick to think and perform what he had deliber­
ated, extremely apt at speaking and perceiving what was not said as well as what
was. In a short time he became experienced at all Egyptian affairs, as complicated
and intricate as they are, nay, understood with difficulty even by those who have
put themselves to that labour from their youth. . . . And all matters concerned
with accounting and the revenues he managed successfully, and if these deeds, as
great and necessary as they were, did not display an example of a soul meet for a
governor, he performed ones which showed a more glorious, nay, a kingly [or

5 7
A m m . Marc. 25. 4. 15, 30. 8. 8, with Matthews (1989), 239-40. See also Philo, Leg.
Gaium 86-91; Suet. Tib. 5 9 . 1 ; Claud. 3 4 - 5 ; Herod. 7 . 1 . 2 , 7 . 3 . 3 ; Dio 6 7 . 1 . 1 , 7 3 ( 7 4 L ) . 5 - 1 - 2 ;
HA Claud. 1 . 3 ; Prob. 1 8 . 4 ; cf. MacMullen (1976), 3 0 - 1 . Even the emperor himself takes this
view: Julian, Sytnp. 3o8d-3i5d; Ep. 73 (Bidez); Gk. Const. 275.
5 8
Syn. Ep. 148 (Garzya).
 Introduction 17

imperial] nature: he bore himself rather grandly, for pomp is most advantageous
5 9
to a ruler, and judged important cases together with those in authority.. ,

The official's competence and success were attributed to his 'gentleman-

liness', not his devotion to duty. His conduct as a judge showed not that
he was a good official, but that he had a kingly soul. And when the author
moved on to examine why the same Prefect of Egypt's administration
decayed into a tyranny, he was not interested in how he ceased to perform
60
his official functions, but in how he came to be a bad man.
This view of officials as self-activating actors appears in a great many
contexts in the historians, in the orators, in the astrologers—it was the
61
communis opinio of the educated classes. It was no different from the
way the emperor thought of his officials. Trajan wrote to Pliny, governor
of Bithynia, in some irritation at his subordinate's insistence on consult­
ing him over trivial matters: 'I chose your wisdom', said he, 'so that you
62
would exercise a moderating influence on the morals of your province.'
He didn't say, 'shut up and do your job.' He said, 'shut up and be your­
self.'
Much more immediately visible to most inhabitants of the empire than
the emperor or the governor were soldiers and tax-collectors. These were
not viewed fondly: 'He goes into the city and a tax-collector meets him,
then it is as though a bear had come upon him.' They were considered the
most horrific menaces, the tax-collectors for extortion and dishonesty, the
soldiers for murder, pillage, rape, any crime that monsters with swords in
63
their hands could possibly commit against the unarmed. Such men did
not perform terrible misdeeds because they were appalling ex officio;
rather, they were perceived as personally and morally appalling. 'I cannot
serve in the army, I cannot do evil, I am a Christian,' cried a martyr object­
ing to his conscription, illustrating how inseparable, to this Roman mind
64
at least, joining the army was from falling into moral vice.
5 9 6 0
Philo Flacc. 2 - 4 , KaXoKayaOia. Ibid. 8 - 1 0 3 ; cf. A m m . Marc. 29. 2. 2 2 - 3 .
6 1
See esp. T a c . Agric. 9, and also Pliny, Ep. 9. 5; Tac. Hist. 3. 49; Apul. Apol. 102; Herod.
1 . 1 2 . 3 - 4 , 2 . 8 . 2 ; Firm. Mat. 3 . 1 0 . 1 ; HA Trig. Tyr. 6 . 6 - 7 ; Musurillo (1972), 4. c. 1 , 1 4 . 2 ; A m m .
Marc. 2 6 . 8 . 1 2 , 2 7 . 8 . 1 0 , 2 8 . 1 . 1 0 ; Eunap. VS 480; John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 5 7 - 6 5 (6th cent.); and on
a great many honorific inscriptions, e.g. AE1931.38. Cf. Sailer (1982), 1 0 2 - 3 .
6 2
Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 1 1 7 ; cf. AE 1 9 6 2 . 1 8 3 a .
6 3
Quoted, Bavli Sanhedrin 98b, trans. Sperber (1978), 83. Menace of tax-collectors, C i c .
Off 1 . 1 5 0 ; Luke 3 : 1 2 - 1 3 ; Artem. 4 . 5 7 ; D. C h r . 1 4 . 1 4 . Crimes of soldiers, Luke 3 : 1 4 ; Petr. Sat.
82; Apul. Met. 9 . 3 9 ; Goodman (1983), 143, and see MacMullen (1963), 8 5 - 9 . M o r e generally,
a rabbi describes the retinue of a governor as bandits, Sperber (1978: 5 4 ) , citing Leviticus
Rabba 9 . 8 .
6 4
Soldiers, quoted, Musurillo (1972), 1 7 . 1 ; cf. Juv. 16 passim. Moral badness of tax-col­
lectors, Luke 19: 2 - 1 0 ; Matt. 9: 9 - 1 3 ; 2 1 : 3 1 ; Artem. 1. 23.
18 Introduction

Thus the representatives of the Roman government, at several levels,

were perceived as moral agents, and not as professional puppets jerked
about by their official duties, pursuing policies emanating from their job
descriptions. The Romans were not incapable of seeing their officials in
other terms, but it was the perception of their rulers as people first that
was most important to contemporaries. This realization poses a series of
allied questions: how did these men seem to relate to one another in the
context of government? To what extent were they seen as organized in
hierarchies, and how were they ranked one against another?
A soldier shook down the peasants because he was a horrible man, but
the same soldier obviously did not obey his centurion by virtue of his
character—he did so by virtue of military discipline. 'I am a man under
>
authority, says the centurion in Matthew, 'and I have soldiers under me,
and I say to one "go", and he goes, and to another "come", and he
65
comes.' Even at a great distance from the capital, in far Judaea, military
discipline and military hierarchy were clearly understood: the power to
command and the obligation to obey were seen to arise chiefly from the
respective positions of individuals in the hierarchy, not from considera­
66
tions of personality. Here categories natural to us, and those natural to
antiquity, are very close. But if we leave aside the army, and look for other
official hierarchies, ancient perceptions rapidly blur. The Romans did not
67
see their government as an abstraction. To the emperor's subjects all
68
their rulers together were 'the authorities' rather than 'the state'. They
did not automatically see the connection between government's parts. It
was possible to hate the tax-collectors and soldiers, as nearly everyone
did, without hating the emperor, or even the governor. Josephus
described King Agrippa II patiently explaining to the Jews that they could
not make war on the procurator Florus without making war against Nero
as well, and that their refusal to pay tribute would be interpreted not as a
69
blow against Florus, but against the emperor. In the same part of the
world, gleefully contemplating the ruin of the enemies of Israel, the rab­
bis listed (in transliteration) what would be destroyed—consuls, gover­
70
nors, centurions, Roman matrons—an apparent nonsense list, a jingle.

6 5
Matt. 8: 9; cf. Livy 8 . 3 4 . 7 ; T a c . Hist. 1. 8 3 - 4 .
6 6
Judaea, Goodman (1983), 144; Isaac (1990), 1 3 7 - 8 .
6 7
Kunkel (1973), 9. By contrast, U S children develop a conception of'government' quite
early, Easton and Dennis (1969), 1 1 2 - 1 3 .
6 8
R o m . 1 3 : 1 , egovoiai; Musurillo (1972), 1 . 1 0 ; Goodman (1983), 151.
6 9
Jos. BJ 2. 4 0 2 - 5 ; cf. Goodman (1983: 1 6 6 ) , citing Sifre Num. p. 1 0 2 , 1 1 . 14. 1 4 - 1 6 ,
Belhaalotekha 103.
7 0
Goodman (1983:5*)> citing Sifre Deut. 317 p. 360.
 Introduction 19

At a distance, they see only the individuals, or the positions, not the rela­
tions between them.
Among the more knowledgeable, official hierarchies were perceived,
although not entirely the ones we might expect. For example, ancient
observers are prepared to tell us that an official received his authority
from Caesar. 'I am judge over the Greeks/ a great magnate was imagined
as saying to Epictetus. 'So you know how to judge? How come?' 'Caesar
71
wrote me a codicil.' The educated provincial public were not deeply
impressed by fine distinctions between senatorial and imperial authority;
rather, this public by and large perceived that the authority of Roman
officials derived from the emperor by a very literal form of delegation.
Said the apostle Paul to the governor of Judaea: 'I have not offended
against the Law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar...
I stand at the tribunal of Caesar, where it is necessary that I be judged...
I appeal unto Caesar.' The governor, in this view, simply stood in for
Caesar by sitting atop Caesar's judgement seat. He was an outlet for the
72
emperor's power. Later, this literalism would produce the perception
that portraits of the emperor actually had to be present in court for judi­
cial business to be done:
Consider how many governors there are in all the world. Since the emperor is not
present at the side of them all, it is necessary for the image of the emperor to stand
in courts of justice, in markets, in meeting-houses, and in theatres. The emperor's
image must consequently be present in every place where the governor acts, in
73
order that his acts have authority.

This view has its parallel in his subjects' views of the emperor's coinage:
a coin could not reliably circulate in the market-place without the
74
emperor's head upon it.
The origin of the authority of officials was, therefore, perceived by con­
temporaries: they could imagine a crude hierarchy based on delegation
by the emperor. Some relations of obedience between persons in the
emperor's service also attracted contemporaries' attention. Soldiers have
already been seen to obey by virtue of military discipline and their posi­
tion in a military hierarchy. Slaves and freedmen in the imperial service
were thought to obey by virtue of their status. Thus in the emperor's
7 1
A r r . Epict. 3 . 7 . 3 0 ; see also Small. Nerva 216; Gk. Const. 17.
7 2
Acts 2 5 : 8 - 1 1 ; see also 1 Pet. 2:13-14; Philo, Leg. Gaium 230; Men. Rhet. 3 7 8 . 1 0 .
7 3
Severian, deMund. Great. Or. 6 . 5 ( = P G 5 6 . 4 8 9 ) . Imperial portraits are clearly present
in court from the 2nd cent., Apul. Apol. 85. For a convenient compendium of the power o f
the imperial image in society, see Price (1984a), esp. 1 7 0 - 2 0 6 .
7 4
Lendon (1990).
20 Introduction

letter of appointment to a freedman functionary he describes the freed-

man's duty as an opera, the technical term for the services owed to a
patron by his freedman after manumission. Members of what is even
today too often called the 'slave and freedman civil service* performed
their duties not as civil servants (in our sense) who happened to be slaves
or freedmen, but as slaves and freedmen whose duties happened to fall in
what we would call the public realm. His slaves obeyed the emperor as
75
their master, his freedmen obeyed the emperor as their patron.
Between upper-class officials, however, relations of obedience were far
more problematic. A good entree into the thought-world of such men,
and into their views of obedience to each other and the emperor, is a
work of the satirist Lucian, who wrote to defend his acceptance of a post
in the imperial government late in life. A defence was needed because
some time earlier he had written an essay on how disgraceful it was for
educated men to take up salaried posts in the houses of the rich. Now he
defended himself against a hypothetical charge of hypocrisy, a charge
based on the fact that 'in both cases there is pay and one obeys another\
To escape from this embarrassing conundrum required a good deal of
puffing and blowing on Lucian's part, and readers are left with this fact:
the relations between an official and his superior (either another official
or the emperor) were very similar, in the mind of Lucian's presumed
audience, to those between a magnate and his wretched hireling, a rela­
tionship which he described, in turn, as not much different from that of
76
master and slave.
Far from surprising, then, is the audible quiet of the ancient sources on
the subject of aristocrats' obedience. The stigma which slavery cast on
such relations was of the most profound significance to Roman govern­
ment. Although it was understood that a gentleman official had to obey
his chiefs orders, he might be insulted if another gentleman official pre­
77
sumed actually to give him an order. Thus even the emperor was
extremely tactful, phrasing his directives to his grand officials as sugges­
78
tions and advice. Letters of appointment for his equestrian officials,

7 5
Opera, CIL vi. 8619; and Dio 57. 8. 2 for the emperor and his slaves; see also Boulvert
(1974), 1 0 - 1 0 9 , 1 8 0 - 9 7 , and Burton (1977), 165.
7 6
Lucian, Apol. 11; cf. Hopkins (1983), 1 7 8 - 9 . Lucian's previous essay was his de Merc.
Cond. O n these works, C . P. Jones (1986), 7 8 - 8 4 .
7 7
Duty to obey, Polyb. 6 . 1 2 . 2 ; Cic. Leg. 3 . 7 . 1 6 ; ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 1 1 ; Jos. AJ18. 89; HA Verus
4. 2. Danger of insult, Cic. ad Fam. 13. 2 6 . 3 .
7 8
Pliny, Ep. 10 passim, for the correspondence of Pliny and Trajan. There are, of course,
exceptions, Philo, Leg. Gaium 256; Gk. Const. 276. A n d late emperors were more brusque:
see Eus. Hist. Eccl. 1 0 . 5 . 1 7 and some of the forged imperial letters in the later lives of the HA.
 Introduction 21

where, of all places, a modern reader expects some reference to obedi­

79
ence, avoided all mention of it. And this antipathy to seeming to obey
manifested itself in practical terms: the early and high empire simply
avoided hierarchies of obedience as much as possible. Pliny (for exam­
ple), when he governed Bithynia and Pontus, had no authority over the
80
equestrian prefect of the Pontic shore. Where there was an explicit hier­
archy of obedience, there was groping for a metaphor to describe the rela­
tions of one official to another: a consul to his quaestor is l i k e . . . perhaps
81
a father. In late antiquity, when the number of officials became larger
and the administration was regularly more than one aristocrat deep,
another metaphor was employed: now it was envisioned that the func­
tionaries served in the army, because it was especially under military dis­
82
cipline that aristocrats could obey one another without loss of face.
These evasions are symptoms of more than the euphemistic concealment
of an ugly reality; they were an attempt to ameliorate the acute discom­
fort that stark relations of obedience between one aristocrat and another
inspired. This was a world where aristocrats, even privately, did not think
of themselves primarily as the servants of others.
One key to understanding the hierarchy that Romans thought was
most important among aristocratic officials lies in noting the significance
of the Roman practice of granting the insignia of political offices—the
robes and tokens, both on the municipal and imperial level—to persons
who had not held those offices, for use either from day to day, or on spe­
83
cial occasions. This only makes sense when it is understood that offices
were social distinctions, and that the hierarchy that was marked to con­
temporaries was not any official hierarchy, in our sense, but a social hier­
archy—a hierarchy of prestige and standing—in which official rank was
a vital criterion of ranking. When an aristocrat received his callers in the
84
morning, the cry went up, 'first the praetor, second the tribune!' Thus
the scandal when Claudius' assistant Pallas, a freedman and therefore a
person of low social status, was given the insignia of a praetor, because a
85
praetor ranked much higher in society than any freedman should. And
another scandal, one which provoked extended debate in the senate
7 9
AE 1962.183a; CPL 238.
8 0
Pliny, Ep. 10. 2 1 , 2 2 ; see Sherwin-White (1966), 588.
8 1
Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 5 . 9; Cic. ad Earn. 1 3 . 1 0 . 1 ; also for quaestor and praetor, Div. Caec. 6 1 .
8 2
A . H . M . Jones (1964), 3 7 7 - 8 , and esp. MacMullen (1963), 4 9 - 7 6 . N o stigma attached
to obedience in war, see esp. Plut. Fab. Max. 2 4 . 3 , and see p. 248 below for obedience in the
Roman army.
8 3
M o m m s e n ( 1 8 8 7 - 8 ) , i. 4 5 5 - 6 7 ; Borzsdk (1939).
8 4 8 5
Juv. 1 . 1 0 1 , 'da praetori, da deinde tribuno*. Pliny, Ep. 8. 6.
22 Introduction

about the conduct of youth, erupted when the glittering young Lucius
Sulla failed to give up his seat at the games to an ex-praetor. Having been
praetor, the aggrieved party had achieved a certain position in society,
86
and was entitled to social deference. Three centuries later, one of the
central interests of surviving late-antique law, and late-antique observers,
was still the social rank signified by the holding of various offices.
Ammianus Marcellinus lauded the late emperor Constantius because
'under him no military officer was advanced to the station of clarissimus
["most glorious", the level of senators]. They were, as I recall, perfectis-
simi ["most perfect", a lower level].' Ammianus thus praised the emperor
87
for having avoided Claudius' solecism with Pallas.
Ancient perceptions of how officials were ranked were echoed by two
unequally emphatic views of the subject's duty to officials. There was per­
ceived, without question, a duty to obey the emperor, the governor, or a
local official when he gave an order: 'Let every soul obey the governing
authorities, for there is no authority except from God, and the authori­
88
ties that exist are established by God,' as St Paul wrote to the Romans.
But when the Christians found a problem with this dictum—during per­
secution pagan sacrifice was required, thus making obedience impossi­
ble—their reaction is informative: men about to be martyred patiently
explained to their judges, and Tertullian expounded in detail, the view
that despite this disobedience Christians too could be loyal subjects as
89
long as they 'honoured' the emperors. And, in fact, even allowing for
obvious self-interest when this subject is broached by Christians, the duty
to 'honour' or respect officials, whether local, imperial, or the emperor
himself, is vastly more prominent in ancient writings than the duty to

8 6
T a c . Ann. 3 . 3 1 . Cf. Plut. Quaest. Rom. 283a; Aul. Gel. 2. 2; Lib. Or. 2. 7 - 9 . Putting this
outlook another way, Veyne (1990), 48; for more on this subject, C h . 4 below.
8 7
A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 6 . 2 . Rank of offices, see CTh 6 passim; cf. John Lyd. Mag. (6th cent.),
passim.
8 8
R o m . 13: 1; for patristic discussions, Clark (1991). See also 1 Pet. 2: 1 3 - 1 4 ; cf. Justin
Martyr, Apol. 1 . 1 7 . Duty of obedience to local officials, Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8i6f; to Roman
officials, Cic. Leg. 3. 3. 6; Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8i4e; to the emperor, Tac. Ann. 6. 8; Pliny,
Paneg. 9. 4; D . C h r . 3. 6; Dio 5 2 . 1 5 . 2; Eus. Hist. Eccl. 9 . 1 . 6 - 7 (by civic officials). But of six
surviving inscriptional texts of loyalty oaths to the emperor (Herrmann (1968), 1 2 2 - 6 , two
are rather fragmentary), only one (SEG xviii. 578) specifies duties viraKovacadai
neidapxrioew, 'to be obedient and to obey one in authority'.
8 9
Musurillo (1972), 1 . 1 0 , TifjLrjv . . . dnovefieiv (note esp. the martyr's reinterpretation of
Rom. 13: 1 from a question of obedience to a question of paying honour), 6. 9, 7. 6.
Tertullian, Apol. esp. 3 3 - 6 , a work intended for both Christian and pagan readers, Barnes
(1971), 1 0 3 - 4 , 1 0 9 - 1 0 . Earlier, Rom. 1 3 : 7 , 1 Pet. 2:17.
 Introduction 23
90
obey. Cicero, when expounding the 'law of nature', placed duty to offi­
cials under the rubric of'respect': 'The duty of respect', said he, 'requires
us to reverence and cherish those outstanding because of age or wisdom,
91
or office, or any other claim to prestige.' The duty to obey could be
viewed as a subset of the wider duty to honour one's rulers.
The marked perception, therefore, is not of subjects, officials, and
emperor dealing with each other in terms of obedience. Rather, the sub­
ject paid 'honour' to his rulers as individuals deserving of it in them­
selves, and, in turn, the rulers are seen to relate to their subjects by
92
'honouring' them. Subject and official were linked by a great network
of honouring, and obedience was an aspect of that honouring. Moreover,
it was very largely in terms of honour that relations between individuals
in the government were described: 'Both military and civil officials
looked up to the praetorian prefects with the ancient custom of rever­
93
ence, as at the apex of all distinctions,' as Ammianus Marcellinus said.
And at the very centre of this network stood the Roman emperor, relent­
lessly honoured by the men and cities of his world, and busily honouring
them in return, or augmenting the honours they had bestowed upon oth­
ers. This focus on the business of honouring in no way set the relations of
subject and official, or official and official, apart from relations within
society at large. As Cicero revealed, there was nothing specifically gov­
ernmental in honouring people: it was an everyday social function, the
constant expectation of a man in any respect distinguished. In the eyes of
contemporaries, just as officials' marked hierarchy was social, rather than
specifically governmental, so was the way in which people interacted with
their rulers, and the rulers with each other. Government was no separate
mental category, sharply distinguished from civil society; it was some­
thing 'embedded' in society, to borrow a term from the anthropologists.
When the objective was the governor's crucifixion of a Jewish trouble-

9 0
Duty to honour local officials, Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 816a, 817D-C; imperial officials, D .
Chr. 3 1 . 1 0 5 ; Pliny, Ep. 1 . 2 3 . 2 ; Dig. 3 . 1 . 5 (Ulpian); the emperor, Lucian, Apol. 13; Nic. Dam.
FGH 90 F 1 2 5 ; Philo, Leg. Gaium 1 4 0 - 5 4 ; Herod. 4 . 2 . 9 ; Men. Rhet. 3 6 8 . 1 9 . This is matched
by a concern on the part of officials and the emperor that they be honoured, e.g. D . C h r . 1.
27; Dio 53. 6 . 4 . For much more on this subject, Chs. 3 - 4 below.
9 1
Cic. Inv. 2.66, 'observantiam, per quam aetate aut sapientia aut honore aut aliqua dig-
nitate antecedentes reveremur et colimus'; cf. Off. 1 . 1 4 9 .
9 2
For emperor honouring, C h . 3 below; imperial officials, C h . 4 below; local officials,
Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8o8b-c.
9 3
A m m . M a r c . 2 1 . 1 6 . 2, 'ut honorum o m n i u m apicem, priscae reverentiae more, prae-
fectos semper suspexere praetorio'. See pp. 1 7 7 - 8 0 below. Officials' duty to honour
emperor, Suet. Vesp. 15; Dio 66(65L). 1 2 . 1 ; Lib. Or. 1 8 . 1 5 9 .
24 Introduction

maker, the crowd did not cry, 'Do your duty', or 'Do your job'; it cried,
94
'If you let him go, you are no friend of Caesar's.'

H O N O U R AND G O V E R N M E N T

The curious circumstances surrounding the conspiracies against

Caligula, Nero, and Caracalla suggested the presence of sentiments of
honour on the imperial stage. Now their significance seems corrobo­
rated: when a contemporary thought about his government, he first per­
ceived individuals, acting by virtue of their individual character, ranked
in relationship to each other chiefly in accord with their position in the
greater social hierarchy, and relating to each other, and to the rest of soci­
ety, through socially prosaic relations of'honour'.
The purpose of this book is to investigate the ramifications of these
perceptions; to describe and analyse the role relations of honour played
in Roman imperial government. Chapter 2 offers evidence of honour
working as a form of power in society at large. The following chapters
consider how honour contributed to the power of the rulers over the
ruled, and how it contributed to the power of the ruled over the rulers,
on the level of the emperor (Chapter 3), of imperial officials (Chapter 4),
and in the Roman army (Chapter 5). An understanding of power directed
upwards is no less essential to an understanding of government: such
power dictates the degree to which the rulers govern in the interest of the
ruled, thus, in part, the consent the rulers can rely upon, and so how
powerful government must be to succeed.
To be more precise, these chapters offer the testimony of authors who
describe honour as working in these ways. For one of honour's main
functions was to conceal sterner realities. It was a fanciful and grandiose
icing on a predictably bitter cake. When a subject or official says honour
or shame has moved him to action, it can never ultimately be known
whether honour is a plaster fig-leaf concealing something less publicly
acceptable. Old and reputable, honour was ready to hand as a face-saving
way to describe the interaction of man and authority, to conceal greed
and fear, to depict obedience in a world where slavery cast a stigma upon
it. A rhetoric of concealment so elaborated invites investigation in its own
right: permitting the efficient exercise of brute power under an unobjec­
tionable veil, it allows proud men to obey without balking, orders to be

9 4
John 1 9 : 1 2 . Non-governmental outlook of officials, Sailer (1982), 9 6 - 1 0 8 ; MacMullen
(1988), 59,79> 2 0 5 - 8 ; Veyne (1990), 2 0 5 - 6 .
 Introduction 25

given without inspiring hatred, sacks of gold to be accepted without

shame by men who could not bear to be imagined other men's hirelings.
First, then, honour is part of power because it acts as a cloak or a lubri­
cant to other forms of power.
Yet perhaps honour had a deeper significance also, for not only do
men describe themselves (suspiciously, we might think) as moved by
honour, but other men may—many years, even centuries, later, with no
reason to conceal realities—describe their predecessors in the same way.
Tacitus can hardly be accused of trying to hide the bad motives of most
of the people he depicts; his vice is meanness of spirit, not generosity. If
the historical tradition depicts honour as an important part of ruling,
then honour is more than a rhetoric: it is at least an ideology. If fooling is
going on, the historians are fooling not only their contemporaries, and
us, but themselves as well. So here relations of honour are studied also as
the articulation of power of other types—as one of the ways Romans and
Greeks represented power to themselves, as one of the ways they recon­
ciled themselves to it, in order to make living under, and participating in,
a cruel and often alien authority tolerable, even attractive. The psycho­
logical techniques by which subjects extorted from themselves consent to
government are also an important aspect of empire.
I suspect, finally, that honour was useful as a rhetoric of concealment,
and appealing as an ideology, not least because it did have a day-to-day
practical function in society and government. A terrified or greedy man
could say (and even convince himself) that he acted out of respect, yearn­
ing for honour, or fear of shame, because he knew plenty of people who
had. A good screen, because a believable one. In the ancient world, hon­
our was a form of power in its own right; it had its own independent well-
spring in the soul, in the sense of pride, in that aggression for social ends
anthropologists call the pecking order, and had broad significance for
Roman imperial government. It could therefore be a real tool of ruler-
ship, mingled with fear (and, in part but not in whole, a consequence of
fear), greed, and obedience to legitimate authority. It seems to me that
the evidence is not inconsistent with honour playing a considerable role
in the day-to-day business of government, not only because ancient
authors portray the emperor using honour to secure the obedience of his
great officials, other distinguished men, and the cities of his empire; not
only because we are shown great officials using honour to gain the co­
operation of the local notables in whose hands the actual governing of the
empire largely lay; but finally because the Graeco-Roman system of hon­
our underlay political gratitude—thus patronage—and was perceived to
26 Introduction

be important also to understanding the obedience and loyalty of the

emperors' agents of force, Roman soldiers.
Historically, there is nothing at all peculiar about using honour to rule.
Few Roman practices in this sphere would have been inexplicable to
Louis XIV, honorific admission to whose royal person was regulated to a
nicety from the moment he rose, one class of courtiers attending on him
as he got out of bed, an inferior order being admitted only after he had
95
put on his dressing-gown. The granting of titles, medals, and orders of
chivalry as an instrument of policy is a broad theme of European history.
Living under a government of this sort, Montesquieu naturally con­
cluded that while the operative principle of democracy was virtue, and
that of despotism fear, the operative principle of monarchy was hon­
96
our. As late as 1790, Edmund Burke could stand on the edge of an old
world in many ways similar to that of the Romans and look with horror
upon the new, comparing old turmoils in France to the Revolution. In
former days,
a conscious dignity, a noble pride, a generous sense of glory and emulation was
not extinguished. On the contrary, it was kindled and inflamed... All the prizes
of honour and virtue, all the rewards, all the distinctions remained. But your pre­
sent confusion, like a palsy, has attacked the fountain of life itself. Every person
in your country, in a situation to be actuated by a principle of honour, is dis­
graced and degraded, and can entertain no sensation of life except in a mortified
97
and humiliated indignation.

With a native understanding of how men could be driven by honour,

Burke was far better equipped than we to understand Roman imperial
rule. That a government making broad and systematic use of appeals to
honour seems odd and alien to us, that the concept of honour itself seems
impossibly distant and romantic, is a consequence of the particular out­
look of the late twentieth century; a sign of our removal from the ancient
rhythms of rulership and subjection, an indication that we have finally
arrived in Burke's nightmare, among the sophisters, economists, and cal­
culators. Historically, government by honour is usual; it is we who are
strange.
Historically unexceptional too is the power that honour permitted
inferiors to exert over superiors in the Roman world. 'L'honneur a ses lois
98
et ses regies, et qu'il ne saurait plier.' For those in power to be hon­
ourable in their own eyes, they must follow honour's laws, and frequently
9 5 9 6
Saint-Simon ( 1 9 8 3 - 8 ) , v. 605. Montesquieu, Esprit des lois iii. 7 - 8 .
9 7 9 8
Burke (1955 (1790)), 55- Montesquieu, Esprit des lois iii. 8.
 Introduction 27

those laws—a code of chivalry, say—embody expectations about rela­

tions between high and low, even the honourless low, or create other vul­
nerabilities in the great which the small can exploit. I suspect that Roman
imperial government, despite its autocratic structure, was more
amenable to influence from below than has perhaps been realized, and
that this power of the ruled over their rulers is to be understood not least
in terms of honour." The ability of local notables and cities to use influ­
ence grounded in honour to control the governors set over them (some­
times even the emperor), or at very least to protect themselves, is
important for understanding their consent to and co-operation with
Roman government. Honour softened the brittleness of an authoritarian
regime and introduced an easy, flexible quality into government, helping
to ensure that the empire was responsive and adaptable enough to rule its
world for centuries. At the same time, the ability of increasingly hon­
ourable subjects to face down officials in late antiquity may play some
role in explaining the troubles of that era.

The Use of Evidence

Whatever the ultimate importance of honour to Roman government, the
road to understanding it is necessarily somewhat circuitous. Our own
inherited concept of honour inhabits a misty, half-familiar, treacherous
region, not yet alien enough for us to view it dispassionately as utterly
exotic, nor now familiar enough for us to be sure we properly understand
it and use it as a reliable basis for comparison. We live in honour's
churchyard. Honour's bones are still with us, but the muscles that drove
them and the tissues that joined them have rotted away. We speak casu­
ally of a person being honoured by the Queen, but entirely without the
consequence once naturally assumed, that something fundamental about
him changed, that he came thereby to possess more honour. The honour
of the Greeks and Romans, moreover, is naturally far different from later
Anglo-European honour. To approach the ancient evidence, only a very
broad chronological and geographical focus, providing the fullest possi­
ble context, will permit us to understand the often puzzling information
that survives. The foreignness of the territory demands that as little as
possible should be taken for granted. The camera must be pulled back far
enough to allow a comprehensible picture, even if some blurring results,
even if the distance imposes a certain spurious sameness on the subjects.

9 9
On such influence, Brown (1992), emphasizing c o m m o n literary culture and religious
authority.
28 Introduction

A broad focus, furthermore, allows a certain compensation for the

eccentric way the ancient testimony must be treated. The quality of the evi­
dence, as conventionally estimated, is uniformly poor. Not only do a great
proportion of the statements made about honour by contemporary sub­
jects or officials labour under the suspicion of being insincere; statements
made by non-contemporaries, say historians looking into the past, are post
hoc attributions of (usually secret) motive, and are properly treated with
the greatest scepticism. The only practical method is to use the data we
have not as sure indications of motive in individual instances, but as clues
to how observers expected things to work; that is, to treat all the evidence
as a kind of fiction, but as fiction that gives the historian legitimate insights
into norms and broader realities. So this is an investigation of political cul­
ture rather than political history; the aim is not to discover why individual
events occurred, but (ideally) to discover how a whole political world
worked by studying how a range of people expected it to work.
In consequence, a great deal of perfectly dreadful evidence is employed.
Not only are attributions of private motive in good historians used, but
also anecdotes from bad historians, like the late fourth-century forger of
the Historia Augusta, whose later lives are largely invention; statements
(like some in Herodian) contradicted by superior ancient authorities (like
Cassius Dio); statements whose reliability is vitiated by an overwhelming
suspicion of flattery (from imperial panegyrics and honorific inscriptions
especially), a known enmity, or any other sort of bias; and, finally, mater­
ial from avowed works of the imagination—all of these are used, for all of
them, whatever their relation to fact, reveal how people expected things to
100
work, and deducing a pattern of expectation is the goal.
The test applied to such material can hardly be whether it is true, but
rather whether it broadly represents common perceptions and common
expectations, and whether one man's expectations, if they cannot be pre­
cisely paralleled (as often), can at least be fitted in, like the pieces of a jig­
saw puzzle, with the contiguous expectations of others. If men make the
same guesses, and tell the same lies, over several centuries and many
miles, we can deduce something from those guesses and lies. So the net
has been cast wide, and evidence from all over the empire, and from a
great span of years, is marshalled, while the conventional distinctions
between Greek East and Latin West, between first century AD and fourth,
are not given their usual weight; indeed anecdotes from the middle and
1 0 0
For the date of the Historia Augusta, Syme (1971), 1 6 . Readers must, of course, apply
the conventional filters for veracity to any ancient anecdotes they seek to export from the
logic of this book.
 Introduction 29

late Republic and the sixth century AD are cited, sometimes in vertiginous
proximity. This is not to imply that the outlooks of Cicero and Libanius
were identical; far from it. But if first-century BC Rome and fourth-
century AD Antioch seem to agree on how government worked and how
government could be influenced, that is a singularly valuable datum.
Cicero and Libanius may share the same expectations, of course,
because they had seen much the same things, or because they had read the
same books. The expectation that unwise insults destroy monarchical
governments, which we have seen manifested in the falls of emperors, is
an old commonplace of ancient political thinking, attested in Aristotle
101
and Polybius. The danger is that the authors we rely upon for our
descriptions of political reality are mechanically applying the shop-worn
topoi of political philosophy learned in school to a world which operates
on entirely different principles. But the historical actors were, for the most
part, educated in the same assumptions as the authors. The creaky tale of
Harmodius and Aristogeiton—the locus classicus for insult leading to a
plot against tyranny—may well contaminate our literary descriptions of
the murders of emperors, but probably no more than it contaminated the
minds of those actually contemplating imperial assassinations. The old
stories were part of the political as well as the literary culture, guiding lines
of action as well as lines of text, and influencing bloody reality.
Yet as the particularities of time and place are ground away, as Tacitus
is dispatched, blushing, to the dungeon usually reserved for the menda­
cious Scriptor Historiae Augustae, so broad a focus results in a consider­
able loss of nuance. There is always the danger, moreover, of reforming
into a single false mosaic the tesserae of several real originals. This
approach to evidence also produces an unusual volume of material, and
that, together with the foreignness of honour, requires somewhat narrow
concentration on the book's main theme. Depicted here is not the whole
Roman world, but a selective one, dominated by the emotions of pride,
envy, and shame. Other emotions—fear, greed, and civic patriotism
especially—appear, but for the most part where they illuminate, are illu­
minated by, or seem visible behind the primary emotions under study; a
properly encyclopaedic account would give them much greater promi­
nence. Other emotions have been downplayed, the lights upon them
dimmed, in order to allow our eyes to adjust to the gloom of a dark and
puzzling area. Half-light and close attention may reveal something about
the strange, cold genius of the Romans.

1 0 1 a b
Arist. Pol i 3 i i " with Fisher (1992), 2 7 - 3 1 ; Polyb. 6 . 7 . 8 - 9 .
 2

Honour and Influence in the

Roman World

No rich man am I, said the orator Dio Chrysostom to his townsmen. His
father had relied upon his influence in managing the family's financial
affairs, trusting to it to ensure that no one would controvert his claims;
on his father's death Dio found it very difficult to reclaim money in other
men's hands. Dio's admission transports his reader from a mental cos­
mos in which power depends largely on money to one where money
depends as largely upon power, from New York to the Mafia's Sicily. In
the Roman world personal influence could be mobilized for the cheap
purchase of a farm, for the return of a loan, for a roof over a traveller's
head far from home, for a post in the army, or even for the capture of a
runaway, book-stealing slave; it pervaded the whole sphere of action.
What a great man wanted, he frequently turned first to his influence to
1
gain.
Many of the forms of influence mobilized in the Roman world are per­
fectly familiar, or easily imagined: the favour done by employee for
employer, debtor for creditor, tenant for landlord—economic power by
other means—but also that of man without knife for man with knife,
cousin for cousin, friend for friend, townsman for townsman, or by the
pious for the churchman rattling the keys to heaven and hell. Yet the
Romans cast across their world other, less familiar, webs of influence too,
broad and powerful ones, of great historical significance—as vital to the
working of Roman government as they were to the working of Roman
society in general.
These less familiar forms of influence were strong because they were
rooted in strong foundations: the Graeco-Roman sense of personal hon­
our, of prestige, of dignity, of distinction—words that are used inter­
changeably here and which stand for a galaxy of partial synonyms, gloria,
1
D . C h r . 4 6 . 5 , Svvafjus. Farm, Pliny, Ep. 1 . 2 4 ; debt, ibid. 6.8; traveller, Basil, Ep. 31; army
post, Pliny, Ep. 7. 22; slave, Cic. ad. Earn 1 3 . 7 7 . 3 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 3i

honos, dignitasy auctoritas Tipr}, Sofa, dftcofia. In this chapter the

y
2

importance of honour to ancient upper-class people—an irreducible

fact—must first be made explicable in modern terms, expressed as some­
thing with which we can sympathize. Secondly, the nature of the honour
which aristocratic men and women sought will be scrutinized, for the
complex make-up of that honour—created both by public opinion and
the expressed opinions of individuals—explains its wide-ranging force in
society. Next to be considered is how ancient aristocrats were moved, and
moved each other, to action by virtue of their sense of honour, honour as
a form of power. The ancient mind, moreover, did not confine honour to
humans: honour was assigned to things and institutions as well, espe­
cially cities. Since Greeks and Romans lived in a world of cities, and
Roman government in large part worked through those cities, the inter­
action of the honour of men and cities must be considered, especially the
characteristic product of that interaction, the phenomenon of public
benefaction. Finally, potential challenges to aristocratic conceptions of
honour posed by philosophy, Christianity, and communities of honour
other than the aristocracy will be surveyed. After the workings of those
aspects of influence rooted in honour are understood, the workings of
Roman government can be approached.
A system of beliefs, thoughts, and feelings is inherently difficult to
describe, for there are few clear lines, no obvious beginnings and endings.
An alien civilization's unconscious adherence to alien norms must be
presented as conscious strategy where they would have seen none. Even
imagining the constraints a system of honour exerted over ancient con­
duct in terms of social norms imposes a spurious formality on the flexi­
ble standards of behaviour that are themselves one of the battlegrounds
of a politics of reputation. As we shall see, one of the benefits of being
held in great honour was the ability to ignore, or even manipulate, the
rules that bound others. An attempt to schematize perceptions so natural
to ancient man that he needed no such explicit ordering is at once artifi­
cially tidy and incomplete, but perhaps adequate to offer an inkling of
how men and entities to which honour was ascribed could exert power in
their world.

ARISTOCRATIC HONOUR

The conceptions of honour held by aristocratic Greek- and Latin-

speakers of the Roman empire evolved from the values of their distant
2
For a discussion of these words, see Appendix.
32 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

ancestors. The mental world of the Iliad—which reflects, however dimly,

the outlook of the Greek dark ages or early archaic period—is one where it
is essential to be able to affirm 'that I am not forgotten for the honour that
3
should be my honour among the Achaeans'. The values of Homeric
heroes bear striking similarities to those the anthropologist finds in the
modern Mediterranean, where the state is distant or weak, and where men
are thrown upon their own resources for the defence of their lives, prop­
erty, and self-opinion—which is contingent upon the opinion others have
4
of them. Thus the application of the insights of modern anthropology to
Homeric conceptions of honour, and honour as it existed in classical
5
Athens, has proved extremely fruitful. The evidence for early Roman atti­
tudes is much inferior to that for the Greeks. But if scattered indications
and lexical survivals be credited, and if the Romans' old stories—the rape
of Lucretia and the vendetta which arose from it, the murder of Verginia
to preserve her chastity—echo old values even if they are unsafe guides to
old events, primitive Romans too had afierceand bloody sense of honour.
Whether it arose from social circumstances similar to those in old Greece,
6
or a common Indo-European heritage, cannot be known.
The luxurious, sophisticated, cosmopolitan world of the well-to-do in
the Roman empire was profoundly different from Homer's Greece and
primitive Rome. But a vivid sense of honour remained. It was fundamen­
tally the same sentiment which had moved Achilles that launched the ver­
bose contests of rhetoricians in second-century AD Smyrna. It was the same
emotion that elicited juristic responsa on what—in the Roman law—con­
stituted an actionable insult that had driven out the Tarquins so many cen­
turies before. A revolution of circumstances, of ways of life, of attitudes in
other areas had not uprooted the Greek or Roman sense of honour.

3
//. 23. 6 4 8 - 9 , Ti/aij, Tt/Maa> (trans. Lattimore). On Homeric honour see esp. Adkins
(i960); Lloyd-Jones (1990 (1987)), 2 5 4 - 9 ; van Wees (1992).
4
For the substantial anthropological literature on honour in the modern Mediterranean
littoral see esp. the collections of papers by Peristiany (1966) (within which Pitt-Rivers
(1966) is fundamental), Gilmore (1987a), and J. CampbelTs (1964) book. O n the non-exis­
tence or weakness of the state, Black-Michaud (1975), 1 4 6 - 9 .
5
See esp. Walcot (1970); Cohen (1991), with an able defence of the legitimacy of such
comparisons (pp. 3 8 - 4 1 ) , noting that historical continuity need not be assumed; Cairns
(1993); Cohen (1995). W e will note some ethnographical parallels, but not rely on them:
while anthropologists concentrate on the experience of low-status persons, evidence from
Roman antiquity is confined largely to those of high status, and, as Pitt-Rivers (1966)
stresses, conceptions of honour can be very different at different levels of society.
6
T h e Twelve Tables ( 4 5 1 - 4 5 0 BC) made slander a capital offence (Cic. Rep. 4 . 1 2 ) , perhaps
implying that it inspired blood vengeance. Lexical survival: not only the rich vocabulary of
honour (see Appendix), but also words like ulciscor, to take vengeance. Lucretia, Livy 1.
5 7 - 6 0 ; Verginia, Val. Max. 6 . 1 . 2; cf. Livy 3. 4 4 - 5 0 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 33

The abiding psychological strength of honour derives at least in part

from the universal human desire for the esteem of those around one. The
middle-aged head, shaking sadly over the deaths of teenagers propelled
into impossibly hazardous behaviour by 'peer pressure', can understand,
even if it cannot approve, some of the force of honour in ancient society:
the yearning for human solidarity, to be included, is an extremely pow­
erful motivation. But so is the other side of that longing: one man's desire
to exclude others, to distinguish himself, to excel, whether by having
more money, a more beautiful mate, or supremacy at squash. Graeco-
Roman honour drew its vigour from both impulses, from its ability to
include and from its role in differentiating one man from another.
Artemidorus of Daldis' second-century AD work on the interpretation
of dreams quite inadvertently demonstrates this second, exclusionary
aspect of honour, by offering a remarkable treatment of the criteria for
social ranking in the Greek provinces of the Roman empire. In his analy­
sis, the meaning of dreams varies with the social status of the dreamer;
thus, to dream one is sleeping on a heap of dung signifies to a poor man
that he will become rich, but to a rich man that he will gain public office.
Because his interpretations are differentiated by status, his books are a
7
mine of data on attitudes towards status in the city.
Artemidorus' universe, schematically represented, has four levels:
City magistrate and/or priest
The rich man
The poor man
The slave; the prisoner; the debtor
These divisions are basic to Artemidorus' thought, and are emphasized
by inversions of the portent of omens: a dream that is auspicious to one
status category will often bode ill for its neighbouring categories. Thus,
for example, to dream that one is wearing a purple robe is good for rich
8
men and slaves, and bad for poor men. Each of these social levels has a
characteristic ambition, whose fulfilment or frustration dreams regularly
7
Dung, Artem. 3. 52; Artemidorus' mental world is that of the Greek city under the
empire with its council (2. 3 7 ) , magistrates, municipal priests and colleges of priests, ath­
letes, and public benefactions (2. 30). T h e most illuminating recent discussion of this
author, although with a quite different focus, is Winkler (1990), 2 3 - 4 4 .
8
Purple robe, Artem. 2 . 3 . Important loci for working out the basic social structure envi­
sioned are: 1 . 1 7 , 2. 3 , 9 - 1 0 , 53, 6 8 , 3 . 47. Notable inversions: 1. 69, 2. 9, 2 0 , 3 . 1 4 , 23, 39, 4 . 1 5 ,
26. This is by no means a neat scheme. T h e poor are often assimilated to the fourth cate­
gory, as the magistrates are to the rich. It is far from clear what happens to members of the
fourth category when their problems are solved. Debtors, at least, may take their place again
among the rich.
34 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

portend. For the lowest, it is liberation from a plight: freedom from slav­
9
ery, fetters, or debt. For the poor man, it is wealth, which advances him
10
into the category of the rich man. For the rich man, it is fame, honour,
which he seeks, and which distinguishes him from the highest category,
11
which is associated with more of that attribute. Further, that same fame
or honour—yet more of it—is viewed as the goal of magistrates and
12
municipal priests (in practice, another type of magistrate). According
to Artemidorus, then, there is not one single criterion of social ranking
through the whole of society; but it is arresting that honour, in his work,
13
is the essential criterion for social ranking among the rich.
A pecking order defined by honour was natural to ancient authors. A
bishop might describe someone as 'a distinguished man, indeed, as the
14
secular world esteems pre-eminence, extremely glorious'. To Mark
Antony's magnificent grandfather, compared by Cicero to his descen­
dant, 'life itself, and good fortune, was to be equal to others in liberty, and
15
first in honour'. Honour was certainly not the only way in which
ancient aristocrats reckoned themselves against one another. 'In birth
and nobility and wealth he was easily the first man not only of his town,
but indeed of the whole vicinity,' says Cicero of Sextus Roscius, his
client's father. Yet ranking by honour was emphatic—aristocrats were
inclined to think of it first—and tended to subsume other methods. For
faced with the need to establish the ranking-order of men with a variety
of claims to standing, the ancient mind tended to convert their claims
into the common currency of honour. When Sextus Roscius appears
again in Cicero's speech, his various attributes have been mentally cashed
16
in for prestige: he is 'splendidus', distinguished. Thus the competition
for honour in society might subsume all other competitions, and become
overwhelmingly important to its participants. If, therefore, Caesar
believed that Pompey 'desired that no one be his equal in dignity', and if
9
Artem. 2 . 3 , 1 4 , 3 . 1 3 , and esp. slaves, 2 . 9 , 3 0 , 6 1 .
1 0 1 1
Ibid. 1 . 1 4 , 1 7 , 3 3 , 7 6 , 2 . 1 0 . Ibid. 2 . 3 , TI/AI? and cvSogla; 2 . 3 0 , 3 . 4 7 .
1 2
Ibid. 2 . 9 , 2 7 , 3 . 1 3 , 4 . 4 9 .
1 3
For this contrast of goals, money vs. glory, between low and high, cf. C i c . Part. Orat.
9 1 - 2 ; Amic. 34; Lib. Ep. 154; a snobbish topos, but the reality is not so clear, see pp. 9 6 - 1 0 3
below.
1 4
Eus. Hist. Eccl. 8. 5. 1, TU>V OVK aor/fxtov ns, aXXd Kal ayav Kara ras iv rat flito
vevo/xiafxevas virepoxds ivSo^ordrajv.
1 5
C i c . lPhil. 34, 'principem dignitate\ For honour as criterion of social ranking see also,
Cic. Plane. 32; Mur. 15; Suet. Vesp. 9. 2; Tac. Ann. 2 . 3 3 ; D . C h r . 3 1 . 7 4 ; Eus. Hist. Eccl. 2.2. 4;
Jer. Ep. 6 6 . 7 ; Dig. 4 9 . 1 5 . 7 . 1 (Proculus). Cf. Garnsey and Sailer (1987:118), '[a] Roman's sta­
tus was based on the social estimation of his honour, the perception of those around him as
to his prestige.'
1 6
C i c . Rose. Am. 1 5 , 2 0 ; see also 2Verr. 3 . 5 6 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 35

it seemed to Cicero that Caesar and Pompey were 'pretty well equal in
17
dignity', this was a likely recipe for civil war. How little surprising, then,
the sentiments of Pliny the Younger: 'Men differ in their views, but I
deem that man happiest of all who enjoys the anticipation of good and
abiding fame, and who, assured of posterity's judgement, lives now in
18
possession of the glory that he will then have.' To the historian, it was
19
naturally the pursuit of renown that raised man above the animal. And
the orator took it for granted that honour stood at the root of human
motivation and human institutions:

You will discover that, among most men at any rate, there is nothing else that calls
them forth to scorn danger, endure labours, and forgo a life of pleasure and
ease This certainly is clear: neither you nor anyone else, Greeks or barbarians,
who are considered to have become great, advanced to glory or power, for any
other reason than that you were fortunate enough to have . . . men who lusted
after h o n o u r . . . A n d you could not get a single man out of a multitude to do what
20
he deems a noble deed for himself alone, if no one else shall know of i t .

Honour, decked out with a luxuriant vocabulary (the ancients having as

many words for what was important to them as fashion designers have
for blue), occupied, as any reader of classical texts quickly realizes, a con­
spicuous place in the attention of antiquity. Aristocratic life often appears
to us as a ceaseless, restless quest for distinction in the eyes of one's peers
21
and of posterity. From Achilles to Alcibiades to Alexander to Scipio
Africanus to Trajan, and on to the end of empire, soldiers and generals
made war for it, men of affairs intrigued for it, orators spoke for it, histo­
22
rians wrote for it, poets sang for it. One rounded up one's friends to
protect one's reputation—and reassured them that one would devote
23
one's attention to the protection of theirs. Failing them, one might
apply to an Egyptian sorcerer, who, amidst his reeking beast carcasses,

1 7
Quoted, Caes. B C i . 4, 'neminem dignitate secum exaequari volebat', and Cic. Lig. 1 9 ,
'dignitas... par'; cf. Flor. 2 . 1 3 . 1 4 and Wistrand (1978), 2 9 - 3 1 . On rivalry for honour, see e.g.
Sail. Cat 7 . 3 - 6 ; Tac. Hist 3 . 3 8 ; Plut. deSelps. cit Invid. Laud. 546c; Philostr. V S i . 8 ( 4 9 0 - 1 ) .
1 8 1 9
Pliny, Ep. 9 . 3 , ' f a m a . . . gloria'. Sail. Cat 1 . 1 - 4 , gloria; 2. 9; cf. Polyb. 6 . 1 4 .
2 0
D . C h r . 3 1 . 1 7 , 2 0 , </>iXorifiatVy 22; cf. Cic. Arch. 2 8 - 9 .
2 1
Rampant desire for honour, see Wistrand (1978), 2 8 - 9 ; Dupont (1992), 8; Wiseman
(1985) and esp. C i c . Off. 1 . 6 5 ; Arch. 14; Knoche (1934), 114 n. 66; Lucian, Pereg. 38; J . C h r . de
Ian. Glor. 4 - 1 4 ; at a very early age, Mart. 6. 38. Cicero wrote two books on gloria, now lost
(0#2. i). 3

2 2
Soldiers, Sen. Ben. 6. 38. 3; men of affairs, Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8o4C-d; for history,
Sail. Cat 3 . 1 - 2 ; poetry, Tac. Dial. 5.
2 3
C i c . Mil. 68; ad Earn. 1 2 . 1 7 . 3 ; Fronto ad Am. 2 . 4 (van den Hout); Sid. Ep. 1 . 1 0 . 2 , 9 . 1 .
3-
36 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

cast dreadful enchantments for honour. To the rhetorician, honour was

24
patently more important than life itself.

T H E E L E M E N T S OF A R I S T O C R A T I C H O N O U R

In Seneca's words, honour is 'the favourable opinion of good men; for

just as good reputation does not consist of one man's remarks, and bad
of another's ill opinion, distinction is not simply a matter of pleasing a
25
single individual.' A man's honour was a public verdict on his qualities
and standing, established publicly; and, among those who (in Cicero's
words) 'are in such a position of life... that men will talk about us all the
time', life was lived under the constant, withering gaze of opinion, every­
26
one constantly reckoning up the honour of others. The qualities
deemed honourable will be the first subject here, followed by a descrip­
tion of the unceasing process of weighing that honour—for the court of
prestige met many times a day, wherever men gathered, in the baths or
27
where wine flowed.
The elements that elicited the community recognition that was hon­
our—that is, the qualities that would be perceived as honourable—
included high birth in an illustrious home town, wealth (provided it
came from reputable sources, and preferably in the form of landed
estates), legal status (that of a senator or an equestrian, or at least a citi­
zen, not that of a freedman or slave), a great house, a grand procession of
28
slaves and clients on the street, expensive clothes. And there were more

2 4
Sorcerer, PGM 12. 2 7 1 - 2 ; 22a. 25. Rhetorician, C i c . $PhiL 35.
2 5
Sen. Ep. 102. 8, 'claritas autem ista bonorum virorum secunda opinio est. N a m quo-
modo fama non est unius sermo nec infamia unius mala existimatio, sic nec claritas uni
bono placuisse'. T h e speaker, Seneca's imaginary interlocutor, is presenting c o m m o n opin­
ion (see also Ep. 1 0 2 . 1 3 ) .
2 6
C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 38; for the public nature of honour, see also Cic. Off 2.31-6,44-5;
Tusc. 3 . 3 - 4 ; D . C h r . 6 6 . 1 2 ; Aug. Civ. Dei 5 . 1 2 ; Dupont (1992), 1 0 - 1 1 . The classic anthropo­
logical definition of honour is that of Pitt-Rivers ( 1 9 6 6 : 2 1 ) , 'honour is the value of a person
in his own eyes, but also in the eyes of his society. It is his estimation of his own worth, his
claim to pride, but it is also the acknowledgement of that claim, his excellence recognized
by society, his right to pride.'
2 7
Court of 86£a D . C h r . 6 6 . 1 8 , and cf. Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 7 . 8 ; Sid. Ep.
y 7.14.1.
2 8
Birth: Juv. 8; T a c . Ann. 4 . 4 4 ; Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 1 2 ; Philostr. VS 2 . 1 4 (594); M e n . Rhet. 435;
Quass (1993), 4 4 - 7 4 ; on legitimacy, Plut. de Lib. Educ. l a - b . H o m e town: D . C h r . 4 4 . 9 , 4 5 .
6; Philostr. VS 1 . 2 5 (532); Eunap. VS 498; HA Aur. 3 . 2 . Wealth: Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 4 ; Basil, Horn,
in III. Diet. Evang. 3 ( = PG 31. 265); and esp. Lucian, Nigr. 23. O n good and bad sources of
wealth, n. 38 below. Legal status: Cic. 2Verr. 1 . 1 2 7 ; Suet. Vesp. 9 . 2 ; T a c . Ann. 2.33; on freed­
men and slaves see pp. 9 6 - 8 , 1 0 1 below. Conspicuous consumption and display in general:
Tac. Ann. 3 . 5 5 ; Philostr. VS 2 . 2 1 (603); and see MacMullen (1988), 238 n. 9. Specifically for
houses: T a c . Ann. 3 . 5 5 , and see A . Wallace-Hadrill (1994: esp. 4 ) , citing Cic. Off. 1 . 1 3 8 - 9 . For
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 37

subtle qualities, all the signs of a proper upbringing and education and an
aristocratic manner: the proper accent, words, posture, bearing—in
short, elegance. Two aristocrats never needed to enquire of genealogies to
29
realize that they were both gentlemen; all they needed was a glance.
Among the upper classes, these characteristics enjoyed prestige only
because aristocratic opinion accorded it. But who were these aristocrats?
Within the general category of the rich, the possessors of property, a sub­
group can be distinguished—call it the aristocracy, although neither
Greek nor Latin had an exactly equivalent word, since 'us* and 'them'
sufficed—a group defined by its shared values, and in particular by its
members' esteem of the same qualities. The aristocracy was an opinion-
community; it granted, and was denned by, honour. 'For prestige to exist,
the agreement of many who are illustrious and outstanding [that is, have
30
prestige themselves] is required,' as Seneca put it. No quality was hon­
ourable in and of itself. Honour was mediated through the perceptions of
others, and even a superfluity of worthy qualities was of no use unless
these qualities were publicly known, and approved by other aristocrats.
You have no standing in aristocratic society if, like Apuleius' rich provin­
cial adversary in court, 'you are, through rusticity, an unknown'. To be
an aristocrat, then, was essentially to be thought well of by other aristo­
crats. It was not an objective quality, it was membership in a co-opting
club, and fundamentally it was membership in this club which distin­
guished, say, the unquestionably aristocratic Pliny the Younger from the
enormously rich but (to aristocratic opinion) diclassi freedman,
31
Trimalchio.
late antiquity, Shaw (1987), 1 3 - 1 4 . Clients: T a c . Ann. 3 . 5 5 ; and esp. John Lyd. Mag. 1 . 2 0 (6th
cent, but describing practices long before his time); see A . Wallace-Hadrill (1989), 8 2 - 3 .
Retinue: MacMullen (1974), 107, and add Comment. Pet. 36; Plut. Pomp. 2 3 . 3 ; Philostr. VS
1 . 2 5 (532). Lucian (Nigr. 23) gleefully imagines the plight of aristocrats if all the toadies were
to go on strike. Clothes: Philostr. VS 2 . 5 (572); A m m . Marc. 1 4 . 6 . 9 . One can deduce whole
lists of honourable qualities b y turning catalogues of deficiencies or vices on their heads,
Val. M a x . 2 . 1 0 . 8; A m m . Marc. 14. 6. 7 - 1 7 , 28. 4. 6 - 2 1 (see Matthews (1989), 4 1 4 - 1 6 ) . For
regional variation in standards, pp. 4 3 - 5 below. Cf. an analysis of the make-up of aristocratic
honour in i6th-cent. Spain, Caro Baroja (1966), 106; in Hobbes's world, Leviathan i. 10.
2 9
Aristocratic demeanour: Cic. Off. 1 . 1 3 0 - 1 ; Apul. Met. 1 . 2 0 , 2 3 ; Sid. Ep. 4. 9. 2; and see
Brown ( 1 9 8 8 : 1 1 - 3 0 ) and Gleason ( 1 9 9 5 : 7 0 - 3 ) for the upbringing that produced these qual­
ities. Apul. Flor. 9 contrasts the conduct of the town crier. On solecisms of speech to be
expected from lower-class persons, MacMullen (1974), 107 n. 58.
3 0
Sen. Ep. 102. 8, 'consentire in hoc plures insignes et spectabiles viri debent, ut claritas
sit*. Cf. Cic. Sest. 137.
3 1
Apul. Apol. 16; cf. Pliny, Ep. 6 . 2 4 , 7 . 2 5 . Simply becoming widely known was therefore
vital. It was in this sense that having a famous enemy (Aid. Gel. 7 . 1 1 . 3 with Epstein (1987),
21; T a c . Hist. 2. 5 3 ) , or being ceaselessly prosecuted (Pliny, Ep. 4. 9 . 1 - 2 , 2 2 ) , might confer
prestige upon one: fame, for good or ill, was the first step; cf. Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 2 . O n Trimalchio,
38 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

Slowly evolving custom laid down for aristocrats prestige value for var­
ious attributes and accomplishments, and aristocratic opinion enforced
those values in aristocratic society by means of an honour sanction.
Consider the prestige offered to literary accomplishment, whether in
32
rhetoric (most prominently), or in poetry or philosophy. High culture,
'which pertains to the greatest praise of the most brilliant men', as Cicero
put it, and its practitioners came to be universally revered among aristo­
33
crats and would-be aristocrats. Thus Trajan's utterance to the sophist
and philosopher Dio Chrysostom, 'I don't understand a word you're say­
34
ing, but I love you as myself.' So closely were high culture and high sta­
tus associated that a schoolmaster could pass himself off as a senator in
late second-century Gaul, and when, in the fifth-century whirlwind of
barbarian invasion, all other claims to honour had been turned topsy­
35
turvy, literature could be deemed the defining quality of aristocracy. To
admire high culture was required of all gentlemen, and the least talented
nabobs at Rome, even the emperors themselves, produced streams of
36
turgid prose and excruciating poetry. To do otherwise was to violate an
37
aristocratic code, and to risk slighting asides of'not our class, dear'. For
it was likewise crucial to one's honour not to trip over any of the many
codes which regulated aristocratic conduct. The club had rules. A mem­
ber must not work with his hands—indeed, best not to work for profit at
38
all. An aristocrat must not make a public display of himself—not sing
39
in the street or dance in the forum. Pompey was reviled for the licen-
D'Arms (1981), 9 7 - 1 2 0 . T h e term 'aristocracy' is used with due respect for the warnings of
Shaw (1984&), 455; it is not fully satisfactory, but it seems to connote the defining sense of
solidarity, the 'we-feeling', better than alternatives like 'upper classes' or 'elite', terms which
do not sufficiently exclude Trimalchio; cf. Mathisen (1993), 1 0 - 1 3 .
3 2
Literary pursuits, Cic. Tusc. 1. 4 - 6 ; Off. 2. 4 8 - 9 ; Juv. 1 0 . 1 1 4 ; Pliny, Ep. 6. 6 . 3 ; Fronto,
ad Am. 1 . 4 (van den Hout); Tac. Ann. 1 2 . 2 8 ; Dial. 5 - 7 ; Suet. Galbaj,. 3; Apul. Flor. 16; Men.
Rhet. 4 2 5 - 6 ; A m m . M a r c . 2 9 . 1 . 8; Neri (1981). Even a vociferous attack on, for example,
poetry—Aper's remarks in Tacitus' Dialogus—does not deny that prestige can be derived
from it (Dial. 5, cf. 1 0 ) ; Aper merely insists that this prestige is more fleeting than that
derived from oratory (9).
3 3
Cic. Rep. 3 . 5 , 'quod ad summam laudem clarorum virorum pertineret'.
3 4
Philostr. V S 1 . 7 (488).
3 5
Schoolmaster, Dio 75(76L). 5 . 1 - 3 ; 5th cent., Sid. Ep. 8. 2. 2, and see Mathisen (i993)>
1 0 5 - 1 8 . For an early modern elite defining itself in terms of culture, Amelang (1986), 1 0 2 - 2 1 5 .
3 6
Expectation, Brown (1992), 3 5 - 4 0 ; Raster (1988); and see esp. [D. Chr.] 37. 27; A m m .
Marc. 28. 4 . 1 5 . List of great aristocrats who wrote poetry, Pliny, Ep. 5 . 3 . 5 . Emperors' liter­
3 7
ary efforts, below, C h . 3 n. 57. e.g. A m m . Marc. 1 4 . 6 . 1 .
3 8
W o r k with hands, Dio 5 2 . 2 5 . 7 ; J. C h r . de Ian. Glor. 13; small-scale trade unacceptable,
D'Arms (1981); Veyne (1990), 49~54 and esp. Cic. Off. 1 . 1 5 0 - 1 .
3 9
MacMullen (1974), 112. Sing, Cic. Off. 1 . 1 4 5 ; dance, Cic. Off. 3 . 7 5 , 9 3 . Also bad: pulling
faces, Plut. de Vit. Pud. 535a; appearing in shows, Juv. 8 . 1 8 3 - 9 9 ; Dio 6 i ( 6 2 L ) . 1 7 . 3 - 5 ; Levick
(1983).
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 39

tious practice of scratching his head with a single finger, Crassus for
40
extravagant grief at the death of his pet lamprey. By the 370s AD aristo­
crats' chewing in public had become such a scandal at Rome that the
Prefect of the City forbade it, to the vast relief of Ammianus Marcellinus
41
and, one assumes, all other right-minded residents. Clearly taste is one
of the most slippery aspects of any society—'The unwritten norm of a
civilization resembles a melody more than what modern physicists and
jurists call a law,' as a modern commentator on Japan observes—and it is
very difficult to deduce what else Roman aristocrats would have
42
approved of and what they would have found uncouth. Suffice it to say
43
that it would have been instantly obvious to them. And an aristocrat
could go through life constantly checking his behaviour by studying the
faces of his peers: 'from a glance of the eyes, a raising or lowering of the
brows, a groan, a laugh', he could regulate his conduct. His competitors
44
were always watching him.
Indeed, the greater a man's honour, the higher his position in society,
the more people watched him, and the more he felt his actions hemmed
in by his own rank. It was signally disgraceful—especially destructive of
honour—for a nobilis, one of the highest born in Roman society, to waste
his fortune, or to be morally vicious, because of the 'bright light' his
45
ancestry held over him. When a senatorial deputation sent to
Germanicus fell among mutinous soldiers in the German camp the other
envoys fled; but Munatius Plancus did not, for his greater dignity forbade
46
such a course, and thus he was nearly killed. To remind a man of the
glory of his family and his need to act in accord with it was a usual way of
pressing him on to action; the unwelcome requests of a distinguished
man could be beaten off by sharply pointing out that they did not accord
47
with his dignity.
The opinion-community of the aristocracy granted honour to men for
a great many attributes and accomplishments, military and civil, as well

4 0
Pompey, Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8ooe; Crassus, ibid. 811a.
4 1
A m m . Marc. 2 8 . 4 . 4 .
4 2
Singer (1973), 92; see similar remarks in Cic. Off. 1 . 1 4 5 . There are even disapproved
ways of killing one's self, T a c . Ann. 6 . 4 9 ; Hist. 1 . 7 2 .
4 3
See Petr. Sat. and Apul. Apol. (esp. 82) for men who are sneered at for failing to con­
duct themselves properly despite their pretensions.
4 4
Glance, C i c . Off. 1 . 1 4 6 ; cf. D . Chr. 6 6 . 1 3 .
4 5
Tac. Ann. 6 . 7 ; Sail. Jug. 8 5 . 2 3 ; Juv. 2 . 1 4 3 - 8 ; 8 passim; quoted, 8 . 1 3 9 . Cf. Cic. Off. 2 . 4 4 .
4 6
Tac. Ann. 1 . 3 9 , dignitas; and see also C i c . adAtt. 1 6 . 3 . 4 . Cf. T a c . Hist. 2.32; A u l . Gel.
1. 6 . 5 ; Cass. Var. 6 . 1 1 . 1 .
4 7
Act according to dignity, T a c . Hist. 3 . 6 6 ; unwelcome requests, Plut. de Vit. Pud. 535b;
and cf. Cic. de Or. 2. 286; Mur. 13.
40 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

as for popularity among the lower orders and for political and religious—
48
in late antiquity, including ecclesiastical—offices. A brilliant speech in
court or in declamation, a profound knowledge of the Roman law, the
destruction of a political enemy, paying off a friend's debt, the proper
education of a young wife, or the possession of a remarkable ass: anything
49
praised by aristocrats conferred glory. Consider Sallust's famous equa­
tion of the honour of Julius Caesar and Cato the Younger:

In greatness of spirit they were equal, and in glory as well (although in other
things they differed). Caesar was deemed great because of the favours he did and
his generosity, Cato because of the moral stringency of his life. The former
became brilliant through his kindness and clemency, his austerity gave the latter
dignity. Caesar gained glory by giving, assisting, and pardoning, Cato by never
giving a bribe. The one was a refuge for the wretched, the other a bane to the
wicked. The one was praised for his adaptability, the other for his firmness.
Caesar . . . longed for a new war, a great command, an army, where his virtue
could shine; Cato's devotion was to moderation, propriety, and especially to aus­
terity. He competed not in riches with the rich nor in faction with the factious,
but with the hardworking in zeal, with the unpretentious in modesty, with the
guiltless in self-denial: he preferred to be good, rather than to seem it. Thus, the
50
less he sought glory, the more it panted after him.

As the description of Cato indicates, moral excellence formed an impor­

tant element of prestige. Thus Pliny observed that enforcement of the ban
on the taking of fees for legal work would result in 'less praise and
obscurer fame' for him, who had never taken them and who had derived

4 8
Offices and performance in office (including military glory), see below, pp. 1 8 1 - 2 0 1 ;
ecclesiastical office, below, p. 95. Popularity among inferiors: Cic. Off. 2.31; Plane. 21; an ele­
ment in decline under the empire, according to T a c , Ann. 3. 55; but still there in Boeth.
Consol. 3 . 2.
4 9
Speeches: Pliny, Ep. 6 . 2 9 . 3 ; Philostr. VS 2 . 8 (579); Cicero possesses a ' s p l e n d o r e m . . .
forensem', ad Att. 4 . 1 . 3 ; Sid. Ep. 8 . 1 0 . 3 . Study of the law: Cic. Off. 2.65; Tac. Ann. 3 . 7 5 ; Pan.
Lat. 3 ( 1 1 ) . 2 0 . 1 ; but see Cic. Mur. 25. Destruction of enemy, Epstein (1987), 22; debt, Philostr.
VS 2 . 2 1 (603); education of wife, Pliny, Ep. 1 . 1 6 . 6; ass, Apul. Met. 1 0 . 1 7 .
5 0
Quoted, Sail. Cat. 54, 'magnitudo animi par, item gloria, sed alia alii. Caesar beneficiis
ac munificentia magnus habebatur, integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine et misericor-
dia clams factus, huic severitas dignitatem addiderat. Caesar dando, sublevando, ignos-
cundo, Cato nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus est. In altero miseris perfugium erat, in altero
malis pernicies. Illius facilitas, huius constantia laudabatur. . . . Caesar . . . sibi magnum
imperium, exercitum, bellum novom exoptabat, ubi virtus enitescere posset. A t Catoni
studium modestiae, decoris, sed maxume severitatis erat. N o n divitiis cum divite neque fac-
tione c u m factioso, sed cum strenuo virtute, cum modesto pudore, cum innocente absti-
nentia certabat; esse quam videri bonus malebat; ita quo minus petebat gloriam, eo magis
ilium sequebatur*. Cf. T a c . Hist. 2.4-5; also for glory from giving, Mart. 1 2 . 3 6 ; Juv. 5 . 1 0 7 - 1 1 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 4i
51
social distinction from his moral restraint. In neither Greek nor Latin
are morality and prestige clearly distinct mental realms; if asked to put a
name to their stratum of society, Greek aristocrats would probably call
52
themselves 'the fair and good', Romans simply 'the good'. It would be
perverse to deny that ancient aristocrats felt the pangs of conscience, but
the fact that moral reputation was numbered among the qualities for
which aristocratic opinion conferred honour ensured that Graeco-
Roman society was to a great degree a shame culture, that concern for
reputation could be considered the main bulwark of morality, for 'to
53
scorn fame is to scorn virtue'. The ghastly thing about doing wrong was
being found out: as Pliny said, 'How few have the same concern for hon­
esty in secret as in public. Many stand in awe of bad reputation, few of
54
conscience.' The chief danger was that one would lose face. Of course
fear of public shame was internalized to a large degree: shame assailed
those even contemplating their undiscovered crimes. An ancient student
of the habits of mind of his contemporaries does not see them paralysed
by guilt, as a modern psychiatrist might, but instead diagnoses, and pre­
scribes a course of treatment for, those afflicted with a surfeit of unrea­
55
sonable shame. Little surprise; in the Roman world one's moral
reputation was an integral part of one's rank in society.
Of the moral virtues in which Greek aristocrats competed for honour,
one, sophrosyne, the wisdom of self-restraint, deserves a closer look.
Viewed comparatively, the remarkable quality of Graeco-Roman aristo­
cratic honour under the empire is the rarity of personal violence over it:
there was no day-to-day expectation of duels, vendettas, or blood-feuds,

5 1
Pliny, Ep. 5 . 1 3 . 9 , 'minor laus et obscurior fama'. T h e most useful source for the rela­
tions of morals and prestige is Val. Max. bks. 3 - 6 (with 2 . 1 0 . 8 ) ; also, for honour from good
morals, Cic. Plane. 60; Sail. Jug. 1 . 3 ; Plut. Cato Min. 1 . 1 , 1 6 . 4 . Dishonour from bad morals,
Hor. Sat. 1 . 2 . 1 2 , 5 7 - 6 1 , 1 3 3 ; Juv. 8.
5 2
KaXoi Kayadoi from KCLXOS = beautiful, morally beautiful, honourable (LSJ) and
ayados = good and well-born, gentle (LSJ). Bom from bonus = morally good and (in plural)
men of substance and social standing ( O L D ) , on which see Achard (1973); or they might call
themselves optimU 'the best*. Cf. honestus = title to respect, honour and moral rectitude,
integrity (OLD).
5 3
Quoted, T a c . Ann. 4. 38, 'contemptu famae contemni virtutes'; see also Rhet. Her. 4.
14; Sen. Clem. 1. 2 2 . 1 ; Plut. an Rect. Diet. iMt. Viv. i i 2 9 a - b ; de Se Ips. cit. Invid. Laud. 5 4 5 c
But note Cairns's ( 1 9 9 3 : 2 7 - 4 7 ) reservations on the over-facile use of the shame culture/guilt
culture dichotomy.
5 4
Pliny, Ep. 3 . 2 0 . 8 - 9 , 'eadem honestatis c u r a . . . multi famam, conscientiam pauci ver-
entur\
5 5
Surfeit of shame, Plut. de Vit. Pud. passim and esp. 5 2 9 a - e .
42 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

56
so often honour's terrible accompaniment. It was not always thus, as
the Homeric poems show; and nothing certain can be said about the rea­
sons for the drift away from violence. But it is striking that the departure
from violence over honour was accompanied by a shift in the meaning of
sophrosyne. In Homer sophrosyne means 'shrewdness', but by classical
57
times it had acquired a strong sense of'self-control'. Under the empire,
sophrosyne was one of four cardinal virtues, and Greek aristocrats were
trained in self-control almost from birth, tutored and tested in the
58
impassive solemnity that was the badge of their rank. Failure in self-
59
control brought dishonour. Under the empire, restraint was hon­
ourable and lashing out with afistwas shameful; thus the sense of honour
and shame, which had once required violence, now perhaps contributed
to preventing it. While Latin never found a fully adequate translation for
sophrosyne, a life distinguished by the marmoreal quality of gravitas,
which contributed to the honour of Roman aristocrats, hardly permitted
60
brawling over slights. It was among the inferior classes, deficient in self-
61
control according to their betters, that insults led to blows.
All qualities and accomplishments, estimable or disgraceful, were
added together when honour was reckoned up and a final estimate was
reached. 'He damaged his reputation under the emperor Nero,' said
Pliny of the poet Silius Italicus, 'for it was believed he accused people will­
ingly, but he conducted his friendship with Vitellius wisely and tactfully,
brought back glory from his proconsulate of Asia, and removed the stain
on his honour, which his previous activity had inflicted, by praiseworthy
leisure'—here the rattle and jingle of the aristocratic honour cash-regis­
ters can be heard. It seems odd today that a verdict could be reached by
adding and subtracting dissimilar activities. But for Romans, honour,
although it arose from the recognition of various qualities, was a unitary
attribute: Silius Italicus' poetry (his 'praiseworthy leisure') actually wiped

5 6
Violence over honour usual, Pitt-Rivers (1966), 29; and not totally unknown in impe­
rial Rome, see Cantarella (1991: 2 3 0 - 3 ) on the Augustan adultery law, which countenanced
it under limited circumstances. Note also the violence—even lethal violence—to insolent
social inferiors b y great men's retainers, Aul. Gel. 1 0 . 3 . 5 ; Philostr. VS 2.10 ( 5 8 7 - 8 ) ; but vio­
lence over honour was rare between aristocrats, except in the exceptional context of civil
war, see p. 50 below.
5 7
Sophrosyne and its evolution, North (1966).
5 8
Brown (1988), 12; Gleason (1995), 71; cf. Plut. de Lib. Educ. 8c, lob-e.
5 9
See esp. Philostr. V 5 2 . 1 ( 5 5 6 - 7 ) , the excessive grief of Herodes Atticus.
6 0
Roman translations of sophrosyne. North (1966), 2 5 8 - 3 1 1 . Gravitas, Hellegouarc'h
(1963), 280; honourable, Cic. Rose. Com. 7; Vel. Pat. 2. 86. 2; Pliny, Paneg. 46. 5.
6 1
Sen. Clem. 1. 7. 3 - 4 ; but not, it seems, to a full-fledged culture of vendetta, which
would surely be remarked upon even in our class-bound sources.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 43

out the disgrace he incurred through his delation under Nero. The pri­
mary identification of an ancient aristocrat was qua aristocrat, not as—
say—a lawyer or a litterateur (or indeed, later, as a bishop). One's gloria
as a poet or soldier or son was part and parcel of one's general prestige in
aristocratic eyes, and would be estimated as such by anyone who himself
62
had a claim to be an aristocrat.
Of course no two aristocrats, considering another man's honour,
would necessarily arrive at exactly the same total. Men in public life
inspired strong emotions: one wonders how many of their contempo­
raries would have accepted Sallust's neat equivalence between the honour
of Cato and Caesar. Martial's high estimate of Silius Italicus is less
reserved than Pliny's; it might well have been even if the magnificent
63
Silius had not been in a position to do things for Martial. Moreover, not
all aristocrats everywhere in the Roman world—from Antioch to
Gades—granted the same degree of honour to the same qualities and
achievements. Quintilian reminds the panegyrist to adapt his praise to
the character of his audience: don't laud a man's frugality at old Sybaris
64
or his luxurious life at old Rome. Some things were more valued in one
place than another. Aristocrats of the Greek East could gain honour in
65
athletic competition; adult Romans of rank, only disgrace. Just as
American signs of status—uncomfortable, smelly sailing shoes worn
without socks—are hilarious to the English, so the slippers of office of a
gymnasiarch of Alexandria might have caused the upturning of noses at
Rome. But a man far from home ensured that he was properly received
by providing himself with letters of introduction which laid out his
claims to honour in terms comprehensible to the recipients, a genre of
letters of which many survive. The aristocracy of the whole empire was
not a single community of honour, but many overlapping communities
as prepared to accept each other's standards of honour as they were, by
and large, prepared to accept others' gods. A Roman aristocracy whose
members had long held out against becoming doctors themselves was
prepared to receive Galen with the honour that doctors received in the
Greek East, where medicine was an honourable practice. Standards of
what was honoured might vary, but the fundamental structure—the
6 2
Quoted, Pliny, Ep. 3 . 7 . 3 , 'laeserat famam s u a m . . . s e d . . . ex proconsulatu Asiae glo­
riam reportaverat, maculam veteris industriae laudabili otio abluerat*. Cf. T a c . Ann. 3 . 7 5 , 4 .
4 4 , 1 4 . 1 9 ; Plut. Galba$. 1 - 2 ; HA Max. etBalb. 2.7. For primary identification qua aristocrats,
see Veyne (1990), 4 6 - 9 . Bishops, see pp. 9 4 - 5 below.
6 3 6 4
Mart. 7. 6 3 , 8 . 66. Quint. Inst. 3 . 7 . 2 3 - 4 .
6 5
On the aristocratic origins of Greek athletes under the empire, Robert (1934), 5 4 - 6 1 ;
Pleket (1974), 7 2 - 9 . Roman attitude, T a c . Ann. 1 4 . 2 0 .
44 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

understanding that honour was the appropriate response to esteemed

66
qualities—was largely the same.
The tolerance of others' standards was sharply bounded, and scarcely
extended beyond the dominant cultures of Greek- and Latin-speakers. As
powerful or honourable as he might be at home, an unhellenized Jewish
notable or unromanized Celtic chief was excluded, declasse by virtue of
his non-participation in the ruling civilizations, a cultural, religious, or
linguistic Trimalchio. The ever-shrinking class of grandees who lived in
the empire but did not participate in Greek or Latin culture formed quite
separate communities of honour, or perhaps had distinctive value sys­
tems where honour was not as central. But within the world of the
Roman and Romanized, the Hellenic and the Hellenized, standards of
honour converged over time; the long centuries of empire were a quiet
solvent of aristocratic particularism. Responsible in part was the mono­
lithic quality of ancient rhetorical education, which tended to ensure that
all boys of upper-class upbringing commanded extremely similar cul­
67
tural material over many miles and centuries. The disparity of outlook
we see best was that between Greek East and Latin West, but even here
attitudes had converged to a great degree by Augustus' day, and contin­
ued to do so through the empire. A proper smattering of literature had
certainly been no essential part of the Roman aristocratic persona in the
second century BC. It became so as part of that great process of cultural
adaption we call Hellenization. The size of the crowd at a great man's
levee, his salutatio, so rigorously scrutinized at Rome as a sign of honour
and influence, was not so valued in Greek-speaking lands; indeed, large
retinues of slaves, clients, and hangers-on, so vital to one's estimation in
Rome, could offend against propriety in the early imperial East. But by
the early second century AD some Greeks had adopted retinues, and by
the fourth century no man of position could bear to be seen on the streets
68
of Antioch without at least a score of satellites. By the mid-second cen­
tury a variety of Latin descriptive terms had begun to harden into titles of
honour, such as vir clarissimus, 'most glorious man', for senators, vir egre-

6 6
Slippers, Musurillo (1954), 11. 6 4 - 5 , an anti-imperial text, where the strangeness to
Romans of his outfit is emphasized. For the reception of a letter emphasizing a traveller's
status, Apul. Met. 1. 2 2 . Roman reluctance to practise medicine, Pliny, NH 2 9 . 1 7 ; Galen,
Bowersock (1969), 5 9 - 6 9 .
6 7
Education, M a r r o u (1982 ( 1 9 4 8 ) ) , 2 4 2 - 9 8 ; Raster (1988), 1 1 - 9 6 ; producing minds like
that of Aulus Gellius, see Holford-Strevens (1989).
6 8
SalutatiOy T a c . Hist. 2. 92; Dio 5 8 . 5 ; retinue embarrassing, Plut. Quaest. Conviv. 6i$d;
Lucian, Nigr. 13. Early 2nd cent., Philostr. VS 1. 25 (532); cf. VS 2 . 1 0 (587); Antioch, Lib. Or.
33-12.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 45

grius, 'excellent man', for equestrians. The Greeks drafted words of their
own into service as translations of these, using them initially with infuri­
ating imprecision, but with greater accuracy as time went on: standards
of honour were converging and Easterners were learning to appreciate
69
fine Roman distinctions. Finally, by the fourth century, in a synagogue
at Tiberias in Galilee, one can read of a benefactor glorying (in Greek) in
70
his membership of the household of'most glorious' Jewish patriarchs.
Although honour was a personal quality, its aura extended over house­
hold and connections by blood and marriage: a man's family was part
71
and parcel of his social persona. Its members' conduct reflected on him,
72
his on them: 'if my son is taken in adultery, I blush.' Thus Cicero was
desperately concerned about his brother's performance as governor of
Asia, for it impinged directly upon his own reputation, and he urged his
brother to keep watch on his household as well, lest the misdeeds of its
73
members bring the governor into disrepute. Having refused to let
Pompey marry a kinswoman of his, Cato was pleased to be free of the dis­
grace which would have seeped across the bonds of marriage when
74
Pompey practised outrageous bribery in the consular elections of 61 B C .
Women shared in the honour of their male relations by blood, and
their male relations shared in theirs. Thus Cicero refers to
Caecilia . . . a lady of the greatest distinction, who, although she has a brilliant
father, illustrious uncles, and a most distinguished brother, nevertheless, so
remarkable is her virtue that, as much honour as she draws from their dignity,
she, woman though she is, in turn confers upon them no less distinction from the
75
praise bestowed upon h e r .

6 9
For the Latin titles, C h . 4 n. 46. Greek usage, Stein (1912); Arjava (1991).
7 0
LifshitZ (1973: 5 1 ) , OpeTTTOS ratv Aa/i/TrporaTtov iraTpiapxiJ&v'y Xainrporaros being the
Greek translation of clarissimus. B y 404 patriarchs were viri spectabiles, a higher rank, CTh
16. 8 . 1 5 .
7 1
Sailer (1994), 9 3 - 4 . The reach of honour's nimbus is reflected in that fact that legally,
iniuria, an actionable insult, extends 'in h i s . . . qui vel potestate nostrae vel affectui subiecti
sint\ Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 . 1 . 3 (Ulpian).
7 2
Quoted, Sen. Ben. 5 . 1 9 . 5; cf. Tac. Ann. 1 6 . 1 7 ; Pliny, Ep. 5 . 1 1 ; Plut. Cato Min. 39. 4;
D. C h r . 4 4 . 3 ; Fronto ad Am. 2. 7 . 1 3 (van den Hout); IGR iii. 173. Cf. modern Greek shep­
herds, J . Campbell (1964), 40.
7 3 7 4
Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 4 3 - 4 ; household, 1 . 1 . 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 7 - Plut. Cato Min. 3 0 . 5 .
7 5
Cic. Rose. Am. 147, 'spectatissima femina, quae cum patrem clarissimum, amplissimos
patruos, ornatissimum fratrem haberet, tamen, c u m esset mulier, virtute perfecit, ut,
quanto honore ipsa ex illorum dignitate adficeretur, non minora illis ornamenta ex sua
laude redderet'. A n d see esp. van Bremen (1996: 8 2 - 1 1 3 ) on the family context of female
philotimia in Asia Minor.
46 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

Wives shared in the prestige of their husbands, husbands in the prestige

76
of their wives. The prestige of high birth—or the disgrace of low—came
77
from the maternal line as well as the paternal. Women could be partici­
pants in the rivalry for honour, and were well positioned to employ the
patterns of influence dependent on honour, although the qualities per­
ceived as honourable in women were different:

Let her be beautiful, becoming, rich, and fertile;

let her arrange her ancient ancestors about her porticoes;
more chaste let her be than the Sabine woman
78
with streaming hair, war's interrupter.
Like men, women derived distinction from high birth and wealth, and,
although they could not participate fully in political life or go to war
themselves, they shared in the glory of their male relatives, for they 'num­
79
ber triumphs in their dowry'. The prestige of high morals was available
to them, as was the obloquy of low. Their moral standards were, however,
different from those of men: important were chastity, faimfulness to the
80
husband, care for the family and house. Honour was conferred also by
admirable actions, like participating in the prosecution of the man who
had destroyed one's late husband, but was lost by base ones, like marry­
81
ing a rich old man.
A natural consequence of the ascription of honour by the aristocratic
community, of aristocrats regulating their conduct by close attention to
the opinion of those around them, was the ostentatious imitation of cel­
ebrated men. Since, as Cato the Censor is reported to have said to the
Roman people, 'Your young men learn and are zealous for such things as
gain your praise,' it made sense to act like, and be seen to act like, those
7 6
Wives share in husbands' prestige, Apul. Met. 2 . 3 ; Herod. 4 . 2 . 3 ; HA Aelius 5 . 1 1 ; hus­
bands in wives', T a c . Ann. 4 . 3 9 - 4 0 ; Agric. 6; Plut. Galba 19. 2; Sid. Ep. 2. 8 . 3 ; on both, van
Bremen (1996), 1 1 4 - 4 1 . The independence of Roman women's honour, and that men and
women reflect honour on each other mutually, confounds the anthropologist's expectation,
e.g. Gilmore ( 1 9 8 7 k 90), of a strict one-way dependence of the honour of men upon the
chastity of their women. But these are aristocratic women, and their honour may be differ­
ent from that of their inferiors, Pitt-Rivers (1966: 6 2 - 7 3 ) .
7 7
Maternal line, Apul. Met. 1. 2; Suet. Otho 1 . 2 .
7 8
Juv. 6 . 1 6 2 - 4 . Rivalry, Herod. 1. 8 . 4 ; IGR iii. 116, <piX6rifiov.
7 9
Triumphs, Juv. 6 . 1 6 8 . Conspectus of the elements of women's honour, ILS1259; T a c .
Ann. 13. 45; Eus. Hist. Eccl. 8 . 1 4 . 1 5 . Birth, Suet. Titus 4. 2; and see esp. IGR iii. 500, the vast
genealogical inscription of Licinnia Flavilla. Proper retinue and clothes necessary, Pliny, Ep.
6 . 3 2 ; cf. Apul. Met. 2. 2.
8 0
Honourable female virtues, Robert (1965), 3 4 ~ 4 2 ; Sid. Ep. 2 . 8 . 3 . Obloquy, Cic. Rep. 4.
6; Apul. Met. 9. 26.
8 1
Prosecution, Pliny, Ep. 9 . 1 3 . 5 ; cf. 3 . 1 6 , 6 . 2 4 ; ILS 8393 with Wistrand (1976). Old man,
Pliny, Ep. 8 . 1 8 . 8 - 9 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 47
82
whose behaviour had been praised in the past. A young man would thus
not only ensure that his conduct would be approved, but the imitation
would be noticed, and he would be perceived to possess the prestigious
qualities of the model. Thus by always being seen at 'the house of Publius
Mucius, Publius Rutilius gained a reputation for incorruptibility and
83
learning in the law', both honourable qualities. Particularly approved
was imitation of one's own ancestors: the antique inflexibility of a Cato
the Younger—so vexing to his would-be political allies, but so hon­
ourable—was modelled upon that of his great-grandfather, Cato the
84
Censor. A contemporary, Cicero, saw in this urge-to-imitate one of the
strongest forces controlling men's conduct in society. 'A few men—a
handful—great in honour and glory can either corrupt or correct the
85
morals of the city.'

Judgement by Honour and Dishonour

Emphasis on Graeco-Roman honour as a quality conferred on an indi­
vidual by the aristocratic community as a whole tends to conceal its phys­
ical realness, its visible quality to the Roman mind. When the great Gaius
Marius was at the nadir of his fortunes, a slave was sent to murder him,
but dropped his sword and fled—'blinded by the prestige of the man,' as
86
Valerius Maximus has it. Cicero also imagined prestige visibly to glow,
to shine, to blind. He castigates the wretched Vatinius for having tried to
destroy Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, 'whose dignity and splendour, I
87
think, blinded your eyes'. And one need not accept that these great men
actually glowed in the dark to appreciate the consequences of this
metaphor for describing honour: Roman honour was sharply reified.
More than merely the insubstantial sum of public perception, honour
was perceived as something with real existence. It could be conceived as
the possession of—or adhering to, or essential to—an individual, much
as we conceive merit as a quality that someone 'has', although upon
reflection we realize that merit is no more than an assumption
about other people's opinions. Moreover, unlike merit, honour was a

8 2
Plut. Cato Mai. 8 . 4 .
8 3
Quoted, Cic. Off. 2 . 4 7 . Imitation of men of prestige, urged, discussed, Cic. Off. 2. 46;
Sest. 102; Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8o5f-8o6a; Sid. Ep. 5 . 1 1 . 3 . In practice, Plut. Cato Mai. 3. 4;
Pliny, Ep. 6 . 1 1 , 7 . 2 0 , 8 . 23. 2 - 3 .
8 4
Ancestors, C i c . Mur. 66; Off. 1 . 7 8 , 1 1 6 ; T a c . Ann. 1 4 . 5 2 ; Pliny, Ep. 8 . 1 3 ; how inculcated,
ibid. 3 . 3 .
8 5
Cic. Leg. 3 . 3 0 - 2 , quoted 3 . 3 2 , 'honore et gloria amplificati'.
8 6
Val. Max. 2 . 1 0 . 6, maiestas, claritas.
8 7
C i c Vat. 25, dignitasy splendor, cf. Sid. Ep. 1 . 7 . 4 .
4 8 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

possession which its possessor could grant to another, although not los­
ing his own thereby.
For while ancient authors describe honour being granted by the com­
munity of those with honour, they admit that the court of honour was
neither impartial nor omniscient; its members were unbound by the
juryman's oath, often ignorant, and apt to disregard witnesses and evi­
88
dence. In practice, therefore, honour came to exist also through one's
being 'honoured'—publicly praised—by individuals who possessed it.
To be praised by any given aristocrat added to one's own prestige in pro­
portion to that aristocrat's prestige: 'My testimony can make no addition
to your honour. For the old saying runs "to be praised by a praised man",
and my humbleness cannot much help the brilliance of your reputation.'
The author of these words, Symmachus, one of the most distinguished
men of the fourth century, was being over-modest, but the principle is
89
plain. Such a remark only makes sense if Roman honour was not
merely a quality attributed by the community, like fame, but could be
attributed by one individual to another, and that attribution accepted by
the community. When one man honoured another in the Roman world,
he granted him a quantum of honour, which, provided that the bestower
was sufficiently distinguished himself, the aristocratic community at
large then accepted that the recipient possessed; a man's ability to mobi­
lize aristocratic opinion in favour of another man was proportional to his
own honour.
The practical consequence of this was that in the Roman world the
good opinion of distinguished men was hoarded, as if stored up in cof­
fers, in the form of laudatory letters. A letter of recommendation from
Cicero conferred a distinction (ornamentum) on its recipient—it puffed
90
him up, added to his honour. A certain high military officer in the
fourth century thought nothing of being asked for a letter by a lower offi­
cial to increase the latter's distinction: in this case he should have thought
again, for his flattering sentiments were erased and treasonable ones

8 8
Court, n. 27 above.
8 9
Sym. Ep. 9 . 1 1 0 , 'nihil tibi ex meo testimonio honoris accedere. N a m etsi laudari ab
laudato viro vetus dictum est, nostri tamen mediocritas non multam famae tuae clari-
tudinem iuvat\ See also Cic. ad Earn. 1 5 . 4 . 1 , 1 1 ; 1 5 . 6 . 1 ; Fronto, ad Am. 1 . 6 (van den Hout);
Apul. Flor. 16; Pan. Lat. 3(11). 2 . 5 . O f course the views of great aristocrats on all subjects are
widely known, Cic. Rose. Am. 2 - 3 ; Sen. Contr. 5 . 2 .
9 0
Ornamentum from letter: Cic. ad Earn. 1 3 . 3 6 , 4 9 ; see also Basil, Ep. 153; Lib. Ep. 1 0 3 6 . 3
with Liebeschuetz (1972), 196; A u g . Ep. 230; Sid. Ep. 9. 2 . 1 . There are Victorian parallels,
Mayhew (1987 ( 1 8 8 2 ) ) , 3 5 7 - 8 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 49
91
inserted over his signature. Letters from the exceedingly prestigious
(emperors, consuls, governors, and the like) were collected, shown
around, published, and even inscribed on yard after yard of stone. A let­
ter in the writer's own hand (a great man would usually dictate) was even
more honorific. The author of a letter need not be still alive: that
92
Domitian once thought well of you was enough.
Not only letters were valuable: a great man's laudatory remarks—or
speeches—in public, his greetings on the street, prompt admission at his
levee, his kisses, all such things were honours, closely watched by con­
93
temporaries, and added to the recipients' honour. His visit bestowed
94
prestige upon one, as did his invitations to visit and his presents. To be
known to be such a man's intimate, that was indeed worth boasting
about, as it conferred an ornamentum, a quantum of honour, upon one,
as did receiving favours from him, the tokens of his esteem. Favours and
honours mingle and cling in the ancient mind: even the most ordinary
acts of men towards one another might not be wholly devoid of honorific
95
quality. Above all, there were grandees' dinner parties, for here a com­
pliment could be paid not only by invitation, but also by where a guest
was seated (each place on the couches having a ranking value in relation
to the others), what food and drink was given him, and the utensils and

9 1
A m m . M a r c . 1 5 . 5. 3 - 4 , 'commendaticias ab eo petierat litteras ad amicos, ut quasi
familiaris eiusdem esset notissimus'.
9 2
Collections of testimonials, D . C h r . 77/78. 26; Pliny, Ep. 10. 58 (Domitian); Basil,
Ep. 112; IGR iv. 1756; and esp. TAM ii. 905. For letters of praise from emperors, see C h . 3 nn.
128, 214; from Roman officials, C h . 4 nn. 2 2 1 , 235. Libanius publicizing others' letters to
him, Ep. 1004; others his to them, Lib. Ep. 4 7 6 - 7 ; and see Julian, Ep. 40 (Bidez) for proudly
showing around letters from emperors. Writers expect their letters to be shown around,
Cic. ad Earn. 1 5 . 2 1 . 4 ; adAtt. 8. 9 . 1 - 2 ; Liebeschuetz (1972), 2 2 . Handwriting, A m b r . Ep. 1 . 5 ,
47.3.
9 3
Remarks, Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 7 . 7 - 9 ; speeches, Cic. ad Earn. 1 5 . 4 . 1 1 - 1 2 ; adAtt. 1 . 1 6 . 5 ; Pernot
(i993)> ii- 663; Aristid. 30 (Behr) is an example of such a speech, and rhetorical works
describe how such speeches (as well as speeches of insult) should be given, Pernot (1993), i.
1 3 4 - 7 8 , 4 8 1 - 9 0 . Greeting, D . C h r . 5 1 . 9 ; admission at levee, salutatio. Sen. Ben. 6 . 3 3 - 4 ; Epict.
Ench. 2 5 . 1 . Kissing, Lucian, Nigr. 21, and see MacMullen (1988), 239 n. 12.
9 4
Visit, Apul. Met. 1. 23; Greg. Nys. Ep. 9. 3. Invitation, Plut. Cato Min. 3. 2. Presents,
Fronto, Add. Ep. 5 . 4 (van den Hout).
9 5
Known intimacy, Cic. ad Earn. 3 . 1 0 . 9; Rose. Am. 1 5 - 1 6 ; Balb. 63, 65; Pliny, Ep. 6 . 1 8 ;
Apul. Flor. 16. Favours, Cic. ad Earn. 13. 25; Basil, Ep. 112; and see Liebeschuetz (1972), 1 9 2 ,
196. Favours and honours indistinguishable, D . C h r . 3 1 . 3 6 - 7 et passim; Herod. 2 . 3 . 6 - 7 ; Dio
59. 23. 2 - 4 ; Greg. N a z . Ep. 208. 5. Cf. van Wees (1992: 71): 'in Homeric society almost any­
thing that involves any kind of deference to anyone's wishes or interests, can be described
in terms of honour acknowledged and conferred, or denied and withheld.' For the mingling
of favours and courtesies in i6th-cent. France, Neuschel (1989), 7 4 - 6 .
50 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

96
plates he was given. In general, as Cassius Dio put it, 'it is native to the
human creature to rejoice in anything from a more powerful individual
97
which makes them seem his equal in honour.'
By the same token, the public blame of eminent aristocrats was alarm­
ing in the highest degree. Although Greek and Roman aristocrats did not
fight duels or pursue blood-feuds, they acted vigorously to avenge insults
and defend themselves against affront. The writings of the imperial jurists
indicate a lively tradition of lawsuits over insult, and there was a special
98
procedure, the sponsio, consecrated to legal battles over honour.
Sometimes things went beyond the courtroom: Sallust's Catiline insisted
that it was exactly the protection of his honour against insult which
moved him to plot against the Republic. Julius Caesar, in a work written
in self-justification, represented the defence of his dignity as his chief rea­
son for beginning a civil war. This was the most acceptable explanation he
could give for his acts, and he could rely on the fact that powerful con­
99
temporary opinion would believe this motive to be perfectly reasonable.
The great threat to honour was insult, contumelia or iniuria in Latin,
hybris in Greek, which attacked it at two levels, reflecting the fundamen­
100
tal tension in honour's make-up. First, honour could be damaged by
the simple fact of the bad opinion of a prestigious aristocrat—justified or
unjustified—whether publicized by nasty remarks, abusive speeches, the
circulation of letters and pamphlets, or by acts of contempt: by failure to
reply to a greeting in the street, by failure to admit a caller to the morn­
ing levee, by failure to invite a man to dinner, or if invited, by seating him
101
in a low place. Refusal to reply to a man's letters advertised to all the
9 6
Juv. 5 passim; Arrian, Epict. 4. 6. 4; Epict. Ench. 24. 1, 25. 1; Plut. Quaest. Conviv.
6i9b-f; Pliny, Ep. 2 . 6 ; Sid. Ep. 7 . 1 2 . 4 ; see MacMullen (1988), 6 4 - 5 , and esp. D ' A r m s (1984),
3 3 4 , 3 4 6 - 8 with refs.
9 7
Dio 5 2 . 3 2 . 1 , laorifioi. Cf. Basil, Ep. 104.
9 8
Horror of bad opinion, Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 43; Pliny, Ep. 2. 9 . 1 - 2 . Jurists, Dig. 4 7 . 1 0
passim. Sponsio, Crook (1976).
9 9
Catiline, Sail. Cat. 35. 3 - 4 . Caesar, BC1. 7 (cf. Pompey's plea at 1. 8 ) , see Raaflaub
(1974), 1 2 5 - 5 2 ; Wistrand (1978), 3 0 - 2 ; and Caesar could be considered easy-going, Suet.
Caes. 73. Cicero disapproves of taking things to such extremes, Off. 1 . 8 4 , but note Off. 1.71:
even those who do not seek glory are terrified of humiliation.
100 ffyfcns in this sense, Fisher (1992).
1 0 1
Insults of great men more damaging than those of others, Cic. $Phil. 22; Dio 59. 26.
9. Conspectus of insults, Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 (a rich catalogue); Sen. Const. 10. 2, Ira 2.24.1 (both in
the context of a philosophical attack on sensitivity to such things, see pp. 9 0 - 9 2 below). A n d
see esp. for remarks, C i c . Balb. 5 7 - 8 ; Sen. Const. 1 6 . 4 - 1 7 . 2; speeches, e.g. C i c . Sul. 2; Sest.
1 8 - 1 9 ; Vaf.; Pis.; v$Phil.; and rhetoricians give instructions for speeches of insult, see n. 93
above; letters, Cic. ad Att. 1 1 . 1 2 . 1 - 2 , 1 1 . 1 3 . 2; pamphlets, C i c . 2Phi\. (see ad Att. 1 5 . 1 3 . 1 ) ;
[Sail.] in M. Tull. Cic. Failure to reply in the street, Mart. 4. 83, 5. 51; to admit to salutatio,
Mart. 9. 7; Lucian, Nigr. 22; to invite to dinner, Epict. Ench. 24. 1. Insulting seating at
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 5i
1 0 2
w o r l d that y o u d e e m e d h i m ' u n w o r t h y ' . Just as the g o o d o p i n i o n o f a
c o n s p i c u o u s individual a d d e d to another's h o n o u r in p r o p o r t i o n to the
great m a n ' s prestige, so t o o d i d his b a d o p i n i o n detract: his h o n o u r also
allowed h i m to mobilize opinion against his enemies. Insult also d a m ­
aged h o n o u r in a second w a y , b y u n d e r m i n i n g an individual's claims to
b e perceived as h o n o u r a b l e b y the c o m m u n i t y , usually b y representing
h i m as m o r a l l y vicious, o r , say, as an insolvent debtor. H e r e the status o r
identity o f the critic did n o t matter: the shouted abuse o f the base, a n o n y ­
m o u s l a m p o o n s a n d verses, a n o n y m o u s gossip, a n d a n o n y m o u s slander
1 0 3
all excited acute c o n c e r n . Insult also a r g u e d weakness, the inability to
defend h o n o u r . T h u s the need for p u n i s h m e n t o f the insolent, w h i c h
exists 'when the dignity a n d distinction o f h i m w h o has been transgressed
against m u s t b e protected, lest the omission o f p u n i s h m e n t b r i n g h i m
1 0 4
into c o n t e m p t , a n d lessen his h o n o u r ' . W h o strikes y o u , o r thrashes
y o u r slave, s h o w s y o u u p to the w o r l d as an i m p o t e n t w r e t c h , a n d to
a v o i d c o n t e m p t y o u m u s t lash out, o r the circling sharks will smell
1 0 5
blood. N o t o n l y violence b u t aggressive acts o f almost a n y type c o u l d
b e construed as insults, even preventing a m a n from fishing o r b l o w i n g
1 0 6
s m o k e into his a p a r t m e n t . H o n o u r depends o n h a v i n g the p o w e r to
defend it. It is i m p o r t a n t to b e able to say, w i t h C i c e r o , ' Y o u will c o m p e l
m e to give t h o u g h t to m y o w n dignity: n o o n e ever b r o u g h t the tiniest
suspicion o n m e w h o m I d i d not o v e r t u r n a n d wreck,' a n d even m o r e
107
i m p o r t a n t , unlike C i c e r o , to b e b e l i e v e d .
dinner, Sen. Ira 3. 27. 4. Cf. honorific and dishonouring acts in Hobbes's world, Leviathan
i. 10.
1 0 2
Sid. Ep. 4 . 5 , 'indignum'.
1 0 3
General horror of slander, e.g. Cic. ad Earn. 13. 24; Sen. Ep. 81. 27 (classed with exile,
wounding, and poverty); Basil, Ep. 51. Debtor, Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 . 1 5 . 3 2 (Ulpian), 4 7 . 1 0 . 1 9 (Gaius),
20 (Modestinus), and again 4 7 . 1 0 passim for methods of insult. Emperors act to suppress
lampoons, T a c . Ann. 1. 72; Suet. Dom. 8. 3; CTh 9. 34 passim. See esp. Sid. Ep. 1 . 1 1 , for the
hysteria of Martian's courtiers at the appearance of an anonymous lampoon; and cf. Pliny,
Ep. 9. 2 7 , where aristocrats try to convince an historian to suppress his work. Possibility of
being humiliated b y the poor, Artem. 2 . 2 6 ; D . Chr. 6 6 . 1 5 , 1 8 ; Tac. Ann. 3 . 3 6 ; Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 . 3 5
(Ulpian), 4 7 . 1 0 . 4 5 (Hermogenian). See Usener (1913 (1900)) on flagitatio.
1 0 4
A u l . Gel. 7 . 1 4 . 3 , 'cum dignitas auctoritasque eius in quern est peccatum tuenda est,
ne praetermissa animadversio contemptum eius pariat et honorem levet\
1 0 5
Sen. Ira 2 . 3 3 . 1 ; Clem. 1 . 7 . 3 (of course the philosopher does not approve of such reac­
tions); Dio 5 5 . 1 9 . 6. Violence as insult, Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 . 1 , 4 7 . 1 0 . 7. 8 (Ulpian). For strong reac­
tion to insult, refs. gathered by MacMullen (1986b), 5 1 5 - 1 8 ; cf. Pitt-Rivers (1966), 2 5 - 9 .
1 0 6
Fishing, Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 . 1 3 . 7 (Ulpian); smoke, Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 . 44 (Javolenus). Cf. van Wees
( 1 9 9 2 : 1 0 7 ) , 'the [Homeric] h e r o e s . . . are strongly conscious of this symbolic dimension in
all kinds of actions, including violent ones such as murder and theft. All such acts seem to
them to imply a lack of respect for the victim.'
1 0 7
C i c . Sul 46, dignitas; on criticism of Cicero for failure to pursue his inimicitiae,
Epstein (1987), 8.
52 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

Power into Honour

T h e perception that individuals c o u l d confer h o n o u r a n d d i s h o n o u r o n
each other d r a w s attention to the richly a m b i g u o u s relationship between
h o n o u r a n d coercion in G r a e c o - R o m a n society. S o m e m e n — w e think o f
e m p e r o r s a n d their h e n c h m e n , b u t the s a m e m i g h t b e true o f a n y o n e
with cash, contacts, o r a b u r l y r e t i n u e — c o u l d c o m p e l others n o t to slight
them, a n d to g o t h r o u g h the m o t i o n s o f h o n o u r i n g them. B u t surely,
insincere h o n o u r s , h o n o u r s elicited b y terror, don't actually a d d to their
recipient's prestige? ' L ' h o n n e u r q u e n o u s recevons de c e u x q u i n o u s
craignent, ce n'est pas honneur'. S o w e naturally assume, a n d so ancient
authors insist, a d d i n g that insincere h o n o u r s , w h i c h are interpreted as a
r e p r o a c h a n d inspire m o c k e r y , actually destroy prestige, rather than c o n ­
1 0 8
tribute to i t . Y e t it is perfectly clear that s o m e m e n did coerce h o n o u r .
T h u s C a s s i u s D i o o n the tokens o f respect s h o w n to Sejanus, in c o m m a n d
o f the praetorian g u a r d a n d for all practical purposes ruler at R o m e while
T i b e r i u s s o j o u r n e d o n C a p r i : ' T h e r e w a s a crush a n d rivalry a r o u n d his
d o o r , n o t o n l y from fear o f n o t being seen b y h i m , b u t from fear o f being
a m o n g the last. F o r every w o r d a n d sign w a s closely w a t c h e d ; especially
1 0 9
those o f the leading m e n . ' H o w e v e r insincere, coerced signs o f h o n o u r
at least offered a d a y - t o - d a y gauge o f the p o w e r to coerce, a quiet test o f
m i g h t politely concealed u n d e r an i n n o c u o u s social function. A s C a s s i u s
D i o goes o n to say,

Concerning such men people are more punctilious than they are even towards
emperors, so to speak, for the emperors, if anyone should offend them, deem it a
virtue to excuse them, but to such men to pardon would seem to point up their
110
weakness, but to assail and avenge is deemed proof of great p o w e r .

T o w h i c h o n e m i g h t c o m p a r e the m o t i v e for the m u r d e r o f a p o l i c e m a n

in N e w Y o r k , 1989: ' M r . M a s o n felt that the p o l i c e — b y putting h i m in jail
and in other w a y s — h a d "disrespected" h i m in front o f his w o r k e r s
M r . M a s o n feared that loss o f respect w o u l d lead to "loss o f p o w e r " a n d ,
111
ultimately, to "loss o f control" o v e r his d r u g o p e r a t i o n . ' T o an evil
potentate o r a d r u g dealer, coerced h o n o u r , 'respect', is a m i n a t o r y dis-

1 0 8
Montaigne, Essais i. 42. 'Vera laus ornat, ita falsa castigat', Sid. Ep. 8 . 1 0 . 1 , quoting
Symmachus; Dio 5 2 . 3 5 . 2 , 5 9 . 2 5 . 4 .
1 0 9
Dio 5 8 . 5 . 2; on the respect he was paid, also below, C h . 3 n. 179.
1 1 0
Dio 58. 5 . 3 ; cf. Sen. Clem. 1. 2 1 . 1 . Thus Agrippina loses all her callers when she loses
influence with Nero, T a c . Ann. 1 3 . 1 9 , 'nihil rerum mortalium tarn instabile ac fluxum est
quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixae\ Cf. Hist. 4 . 1 1 .
1 1 1
Buder(i989).
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 53

play o f p o w e r , scrutinized like the c a n a r y in the m i n e because if it dies,

y o u die s o o n after.
B u t coerced h o n o u r is n o t m e r e l y a test, o r a threatening p a r a d e , o f
strength. A s m u c h as C a s s i u s D i o a n d other m e n o f his sort hate the fact,
it is real h o n o u r a n d it has standing in aristocratic society, as l o n g as n o
o n e dares to laugh. It is possible for T a c i t u s to i m a g i n e a m a n like V i b i u s
C r i s p u s , 'whose m o n e y , p o w e r , a n d character r a n k e d h i m a m o n g the
1 1 2
splendid rather than the g o o d ' . W h y , C i c e r o asks, has A n t o n y t u r n e d
against the Republic? N o t for a n y l o w m o t i v e , 'for I never s a w a n y t h i n g
sordid or base in y o u ' (this is, clearly, the first Philippic), b u t for the h i g h ­
est, for h o n o u r . 'I fear that, i g n o r a n t o f the true r o a d to glory, y o u t h i n k
it glorious to b e m o r e p o w e r f u l alone than e v e r y b o d y else a n d to b e
113
feared b y y o u r fellow c i t i z e n s . ' T h e secret is out: there is a l o w r o a d to
glory as well as a high o n e , as m u c h as C i c e r o m a y splutter a n d d e n y it.
E v e n C a s s i u s D i o , in the s a m e passage o n Sejanus, m u s t a d m i t the force
o f c o e r c e d h o n o u r s , although contrasting the quality o f the distinction
they create w i t h the prestige that invests c o n v e n t i o n a l aristocrats:

Those who are eminent from inherent prestige neither seek signs of approval
from anyone, nor, should they be lacking, censure those who have failed to pro­
vide them, knowing full well that they are not being scorned. On the other hand,
those whose grandeur is acquired seek such things very eagerly, as necessary to fill
up their worthiness, and should they fail to get them, are as irritated as if they
114
were being slandered, and as peeved as if they were being insulted.

T h e h o n o u r o f a m a n w h o has p r o p e r claims to h o n o u r , the m a n w i t h

'inherent prestige', is strong a n d lasting. A truly great aristocrat 'is s p r u n g
from distinguished ancestors: w h a t e v e r k i n d o f a m a n he is himself, let
1 1 5
h i m l u r k u n d e r their s h a d o w . ' H e w a s largely a r m o u r e d against the
snubs o f individual aristocrats if aristocratic o p i n i o n in general accepted
his w o r t h . B u t the inflated h o n o u r o f Sejanus, b y origin an equestrian, a
'small-town adulterer' as T a c i t u s sneeringly describes h i m , has less s u b ­
stance a m o n g the great o f R o m e . H i s h o n o u r is w o b b l y a n d insecure, a n d

1 1 2
Tac. Hist. 2.10, 'pecunia potentia ingenio inter claros magis quam inter b o n o s \
1 1 3
Cic. lPhil. 33, 'vereor ne ignorans verum iter gloriae gloriosum putes plus te unum
posse quam omnes et metui a civibus tuis\ O n the motif of true and false glory in Cicero,
Drexler (1962), 9 - 1 0 for refs.
1 1 4
D i o 58. 5. 3 , 01 fxev yap oUeiq d^iwaei irpovxovrzz ovre rd Se^icjfxara napd rivcav
ndvv aTraiTovoi, KOV dpa Kai CKAcupdr) rt avra>v, OVK iyKaXovai o<piatv, arc Kal cavrois
OVV€I86T€S on firj Kara<ppovovvrai' oi 8e inaKrcp KaAAa>7rta/u.aTi xprnpievoi irdvra luxvpa>s
rd rotavra, a»s' Kal esr rrjv rov d£ia>iiar6f a<pa)v irAr/pcuoiv avayjeafa, im^rfrovci, Kav fir)
rvxwoiv avrwv, dx&ovrai re d>s 8ia/}aAAo/nevoi Kal dpyl^ovrai <bs uj3pi£o/u,ei>ot.
1 1 5
Sen. Ben. 4 . 3 0 . 4 , 'egregiis maioribus ortus'.
54 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

he m u s t use fear to maintain it b y c o m p e l l i n g constant individual signs

1 1 6
o f h o n o u r . If the p o w e r to coerce vanishes, so does the h o n o u r . B u t it
1 1 7
is h o n o u r : y o u c a n p r o d u c e h o n o u r w i t h f e a r . T h i s is possible because
h o n o u r is a p u b l i c thing; it is n o t a c o n s e q u e n c e o f o p i n i o n merely,
but of opinion publicly expressed. Men's secret views, however
unfavourable, d o n o t enter into the calculation o f h o n o u r ; a n d fear,
greed, o r t o a d y i n g can m a k e m e n express o p i n i o n s they d o n o t feel.
Insincere h o n o u r s are said to inspire m o c k e r y , b u t m o c k e r y t o o is a p u b ­
lic thing, a n d it will not o c c u r if it is death to laugh. Peaceable aristocrats
naturally loathed such m e t h o d s , b u t their o w n a b a n d o n m e n t o f violence
over h o n o u r d i s a r m e d t h e m against those w h o w e r e p r e p a r e d to threaten
1 1 8
t h e m w i t h the w e a p o n s they h a d long before laid a s i d e . W h e n w e speak
o f m e n o f gigantic p o w e r in society, it m u s t b e accepted that fear creates
a great p r o p o r t i o n o f the h o n o u r they enjoy.
Y e t it should b e emphasized that although h o n o u r c o u l d b e coerced, it
w a s n e v e r m e r e l y a consequence, manifestation, o r ratification o f politi­
cal p o w e r o r wealth. H o n o u r always r e m a i n e d conceptually quite dis­
tinct. Indeed, h o n o u r w o u l d b e meaningless if this w e r e n o t so: n o o n e
w o u l d w a n t it a n y m o r e . T h e possibility o f the coercion o f h o n o u r exists
because it is possible to hijack a social function, h o n o u r i n g , w h i c h derives
its legitimacy from other sources. T h e separateness o f h o n o u r is e m p h a ­
sized b y the fact that it w a s possible to h a v e great p o w e r in the political
realm w i t h o u t proportionate h o n o u r — T a c i t u s remarks o n great i n c o n ­
gruities in his obituaries o f influential equestrians—and, then again, to
b e glorious in political eclipse a n d imperial displeasure, indeed, because
o f imperial displeasure:

Augustus accelerated Aetius C a p i t o l consulship in order to set him ahead of

Antistius Labeo, who was outstanding in the same [legal] studies as he, by the dis­
tinction of that magistracy But Labeo's inflexible independence rendered him
more celebrated in reputation, even if Capito's obedience was more to the taste
of princes. Labeo, stopping at the praetorship, won public commendation
because of the insult inflicted upon him, Capito, who advanced to the consulship,
119
won hatred through public ill w i l l .

1 1 6
Municipals adulter, Tac. Ann. 4 . 3 . Contrast the gloria, vera, gravis, and solida, which
Cicero insists the young Octavian has, $PhiL 50.
1 1 7
Cf. van Wees ( 1 9 9 2 : 1 0 9 - 2 5 , 1 5 3 - 6 ) on the coercion of signs of respect by Homeric
heroes.
1 1 8
Contrast the armed and armoured honour of i6th-cent. France, Neuschel (1989),
17-18.
1 1 9
Equestrians, e.g. Tac. Ann. 3 . 3 0 , 'sine dignitate senatoria, multos triumphalium
consulariumque potentia anteiit\ Cf. 14. 53. Quoted, T a c . Ann. 3 . 75, 'dignatione eius
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 55

A t the s a m e time, as the case o f T r i m a l c h i o s h o w s , it w a s possible to h a v e

e c o n o m i c p o w e r w i t h o u t being h o n o u r a b l e . A n d although loss o f his f o r ­
tune m i g h t inflict severe d a m a g e o n an aristocrat's h o n o u r , it w a s possi­
ble t o b e t h o u g h t p o o r a n d still b e h o n o u r a b l e , o r so the senate u n d e r
T i b e r i u s believed, d e e m i n g M a r c u s L e p i d u s a m a n for w h o m 'nobility o f
birth b o r n e w i t h o u t disgrace w a s to b e d e e m e d an h o n o u r , not a n
1 2 0
i g n o m i n y , given his ancestral p o v e r t y ' . Strength o f other types c o u l d
manifest itself as h o n o u r a n d potentially c o u l d create h o n o u r , b u t h o n ­
121
o u r w a s s o m e t h i n g quite s e p a r a t e .

H O N O U R INTO I N F L U E N C E

H o n o u r a m o n g aristocrats, o n c e acquired, w a s n o t a passive possession,

like a n engraved w a t c h o r a n h o n o r a r y degree. Rather, those w h o h a d
h o n o u r w e r e able to exert p o w e r in society b y virtue o f the desire o f oth­
ers for it, a n d the c o n c e r n o f others not to lose it. T h e techniques they
used, i m p o r t a n t b o t h in society a n d for the w o r k i n g o f g o v e r n m e n t , will
b e e x a m i n e d next. V a l e r i u s M a x i m u s ' definition o f the w o r d maiestas is
suggestive:

The maiestas of illustrious men is, as it were, a censorship held by private indi­
viduals: it is powerful at maintaining its own grandeur without a high tribunal,
and without the help of assistants, it slides welcome and happily received into the
122
souls of men, veiled in a cloak of admiration.

The word maiestas can express a f o r m o f prestige w i t h c o m p u l s i v e

1 2 3
force. B y virtue o f his h o n o u r , a n illustrious m a n w a s capable o f influ­
encing the c o n d u c t o f those a r o u n d h i m . H e c o u l d get his w a y b y prais­
ing o r blaming; the m e r e fact o f his h o n o u r m a d e others defer to him; b y
virtue o f his h o n o u r he c o u l d get his w a y b y participating, to his profit, in
the e x c h a n g e o f reciprocal favours. T h e strength, social significance, a n d
c o m p l e x interplay o f these m e t h o d s is a function o f the t w o f o l d c o m p o ­
sition o f G r a e c o - R o m a n h o n o u r , o f its being attributed b o t h b y the aris­
tocratic c o m m u n i t y as a w h o l e a n d b y individual aristocrats.
magistrates anteiret Labeo incorrupta libertate et ob id fama c e l e b r a t i o r . . . commen-
datio ex i n i u r i a . . . odium ex invidia'. Cf. 4. 2 6 , 6 . 27.
1 2 0
Loss, T a c . Ann. 6. 1 7 , 'eversio rei familiaris dignitatem ac famam praeceps dabat\
Lepidus, T a c . Ann. 3 . 3 2 , 'nobilitatem sine probro actam honori quam ignominiae haben-
d a m \ See also 4. 44; C i c . Quinct. 49.
1 2 1
Cf. Hatch (1989), who debunks crude materialist analyses of honour.
1 2 2
V a l . M a x . 2 . 1 0 . pr., 'est et ilia quasi privata censura, maiestas clarorum virorum . . .
potens in sua amplitudine obtinenda'.
1 2 3
Appendix, pp. 2 7 5 - 6 .
56 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

Influence from Honour and Dishonour

Persons o f great distinction c o u l d s i m p l y h o n o u r those w h o s e c o n d u c t
they liked, while d i s h o n o u r i n g those w h o s e c o n d u c t they disliked, a n d
others' expectation o f such treatment w o u l d drive t h e m to o b e y these
great m e n ' s wishes. D i o C h r y s o s t o m c o m p a r e d the life o f o n e vulnerable
to such treatment to that o f a slave w h o m u s t serve m a n y masters, all o f
1 2 4
w h o m g a v e different c o m m a n d s . Plutarch describes the plight o f the
tribune O c t a v i u s , w h o h a d vetoed T i b e r i u s G r a c c h u s ' agrarian legislation
in 133 BC. A t G r a c c h u s ' behest the tribes o f R o m a n citizens b e g a n to v o t e
to strip h i m o f his tribunate. W h e n seventeen o f the thirty-five tribes h a d
voted, a n d the v o t e o f o n e m o r e w o u l d return h i m to private life, T i b e r i u s
begged h i m to yield. O c t a v i u s w a s m o v e d a n d w e p t . 'But w h e n he looked
t o w a r d s the m e n o f wealth a n d p r o p e r t y w h o w e r e standing in a mass, his
awe o f t h e m , I think, a n d his fear o f ill repute a m o n g t h e m , led h i m
bravely to u n d e r g o every risk, a n d o r d e r T i b e r i u s to d o as he pleased.'
T h e senate c o u l d get its w a y simply b y glowering. T h e threat o f the
1 2 5
massed d i s a p p r o v a l o f the senators w a s o v e r w h e l m i n g . A n d the threat­
ened criticism o f a f e w — o r o n e — w a s effective enough: ' S a y t w o o r three
w o r d s a n d y o u ' v e hurled h i m into m i s e r y a n d w o e , ' as D i o C h r y s o s t o m
said. Atilius C r e s c e n s w a n t e d a loan returned: ' Y o u k n o w the m a n ' s
jokes,' w r o t e P l i n y to the m i d d l e m a n w h o m he h o p e d w o u l d arrange it;
'make it y o u r business that his h u m o u r does n o t b e c o m e a n g r y a n d
1 2 6
vicious because o f his i n j u r y . ' A sharp t o n g u e artfully used, like that o f
the f a m o u s S e v e r a n w i t A u s p e x , m a d e its o w n e r p o w e r f u l in society, 'able
to d o favours for friends, a n d avenge himself u p o n foes'. A t a l o w e r level,
a m a n c o u l d m a k e a m e a g r e living in s e c o n d - c e n t u r y A t h e n s b y threat­
ening to revile the f a m o u s rhetoricians w h o m a d e their h o m e s there
1 2 7
unless a n occasional j u g o f w i n e o r g a r m e n t o r c o i n c a m e his w a y .
T h e flip side o f calculated abuse w a s the strategic h o n o u r i n g o f those
w h o d i d , o r c o u l d thus b e i n d u c e d to d o , w h a t a great m a n desired.
Chiefly to gain C i c e r o ' s praise, Q . Fufidius, a R o m a n knight o f A r p i n u m ,
ran an errand for their m u t u a l h o m e t o w n — a l l the w a y to Cisalpine

1 2 4
D . Chr. 66.13.
1 2 5
Plut. Tib. Gracch. 12. 3, alSeadels SOKCI Kal opo/fyfleis' rr)v irap eKcivoif a8o£iav. Cf.
Plut. Caes. 1 0 . 1 1 .
1 2 6
W o e , D . C h r . 6 6 . 1 7 . Crescens, Pliny, Ep. 6. 8. 8. Cf. Mart. 6. 64. 2 4 - 8 .
1 2 7
Auspex, Dio 76(77!). 9. 3 . Abusing sophists at Athens, Philostr. VS 2.10 (587). F o r
insults getting things done, see also Caes. BC 1. 2; C i c . ad Earn. 12. 25a. 2; and esp. Lucian,
Nigr. 13. A ghost driven off by insult is natural to the Graeco-Roman imagination, Philostr.
VA2.4.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 57

G a u l . Assist Bassus, w r o t e the f a m o u s sophist L i b a n i u s to a c o r r e s p o n ­

dent, a n d 'I will praise y o u , for y o u d o everything in every w a y for praise;
o n this a c c o u n t y o u r n a m e will be glorious.' T h e eloquent a n d w e l l - b o r n
b i s h o p G r e g o r y (for the C a p p a d o c i a n Fathers w e r e masters o f this art)
asks the influential p a g a n T h e m i s t i u s for a f a v o u r , as b o t h his f r i e n d —
128
and eulogist. T h e R o m a n w o r l d preserves letters from i m p o r t a n t m e n
w h i c h begin w i t h high praise a n d e n d w i t h a request. T h i s w a s n o t s i m p l y
arid rhetorical captatio benevolentiae. in a w o r l d w h e r e letters from s u c h
m e n w e r e p r o u d l y s h o w n a r o u n d , the praise w a s p a y m e n t in a d v a n c e for
1 2 9
the d e e d .
Desirable c o n d u c t from others included h o n o u r , a n d a distinguished
m a n m i g h t therefore h o n o u r another to i n d u c e the other to h o n o u r h i m ,
or to secure for h i m h o n o u r in the w i d e r aristocratic c o m m u n i t y . T h u s
C i c e r o to an historian: ' T h e excellence o f y o u r writings, although I a l w a y s
expect m u c h , is even better than m y expectations,' a n d m u c h in that vein.
'I a m n o t afraid that I m i g h t seem to fish for y o u r f a v o u r w i t h this small
screed o f flattery'—but that w a s exactly his p u r p o s e , for h e w a n t e d the
historian to a b a n d o n his current project a n d instead turn his p e n to a
grovellingly favourable a c c o u n t o f C i c e r o ' s struggle against Catiline, a n d
thus to a u g m e n t C i c e r o ' s glory. ' A n d thus I o p e n l y beg y o u again a n d
again that y o u praise m y acts with even m o r e enthusiasm than p e r h a p s
y o u feel: ignore the laws o f h i s t o r y . . . a n d if bias in f a v o u r o f m e urges
y o u strongly, scorn it not! B e s t o w u p o n o u r love m o r e than truth
1 3 0
allows.' Letters from the magnificent bishops o f late antiquity l a u d e d
the recipient's virtues a n d requested a reply. T h e fortunate recipient, it
can b e assumed, s h o w e d the letter a r o u n d to his acquaintances a n d a d d e d
it to his file because it increased his status in the w o r l d , a n d then w r o t e
1 3 1
b a c k in kind, to the benefit o f the original w r i t e r . T h i s m a y seem c u r i ­
ous, b u t since praising s o m e o n e a n d thus increasing his h o n o u r cost
n o n e o f one's o w n , a great m a n w o u l d c a r r y o n a n y n u m b e r o f m u t u a l l y
laudatory correspondences. Indeed, o n e o f the chief p u r p o s e s o f friends
1 3 2
was to p r a i s e . Letters survive from antiquity w h i c h seem to h a v e n o

1 2 8
Fufidius, C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 1 2 . 2 . Bassus, Lib. Ep. 6 9 3 . 5 , rovvofia Xayurpov. Themistius,
Greg. N a z . Ep. 24. 6; cf. 83. See also Pliny, Ep. 5 . 1 7 ; J . C h r . Ep. 50; in parody, Apul. Met. 6.
2 8 - 9 , 7 . 1 4 - 1 5 . Letters of recommendation note a protegees praise of addressee, Cic. ad Fam.
13. 24; Fronto, ad Am. 1. 6 , 1 0 , 2 6 (van den Hout).
1 2 9
e.g. Greg. N a z . Ep. 1 0 3 , 1 3 4 ; Basil, Ep. 74; Lib. Ep. 268.
1 3 0
C i c . ad Fam. 5 . 1 2 . 1 , 6 , 3 ; cf. Pliny, Ep. 7 . 3 3 , 9 . 8 .
1 3 1
Basil, Ep. 6 3 , 1 6 3 ; Greg. Naz. Ep. 234; A u g . Ep. 2 2 9 - 3 1 , 2 6 0 - 1 ; Sid. Ep. 3 . 1 1 .
1 3 2
Friends, D . C h r . 3 . 109; Philo, Leg. Gaium 272; Lib. Ep. 810; Theodoret, Ep. X X X I
(Az£ma).
58 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

1 3 3
content at all, except praise; b u t praise is c o n t e n t . T h e letters f o r m e d
part o f a great n e t w o r k o f m e n h o n o u r i n g o n e a n o t h e r — h o n o u r i n g o n e
another to get things d o n e , a n d to elicit h o n o u r in return.
A n aristocrat w a s n o t free to exalt just a n y o n e with his praises; n o r
c o u l d he lay a b o u t himself w i t h insults a n d drive all before h i m . H e w h o
lauded the u n w o r t h y — t h e flatterer—or b l a m e d the w o r t h y — t h e slan­
derer—was a w r e t c h e d a n d hated creature in aristocratic society.
Plutarch expected these vices in the s a m e person, a n d n o w o n d e r : they
w e r e s y m p t o m s o f the s a m e cancer, the failure to give to each his d u e .
Aristocratic o p i n i o n d e m a n d e d that the h o n o u r o r d i s h o n o u r b e s t o w e d
u p o n a person b e appropriate to his claims; that is, that the ascription o f
h o n o u r to a p e r s o n b y an individual should a c c o r d , at least roughly, w i t h
the ascription o f h o n o u r to h i m b y the aristocratic c o m m u n i t y . If there
w a s n o such a c c o r d , the h o n o u r o f the o n e w h o praised o r b l a m e d i n a p ­
134
propriately s u f f e r e d . T h i s is o n e reason w h y the spectacle o f coerced
h o n o u r — w h e t h e r b e s t o w e d u p o n m o n s t r o u s e m p e r o r s o r their c r e a ­
tures: 'on such s c u m ! o n such filth!'—was so painful to a n aristocratic
1 3 5
Roman observer. A n aristocrat's ability to w o r k his w a y b y h o n o u r a n d
d i s h o n o u r w a s thus hedged a r o u n d b y a t h o r n y aristocratic code, o v e r
w h o s e b o u n d s he crossed at his peril. A n d this rule o f appropriateness,
this l a w that each m u s t b e given his d u e , this deference, w a s n o less vital
than strategic praise a n d b l a m e to the w o r k i n g o f influence in the R o m a n
world.

Deference
Status in the R o m a n w o r l d carried a great variety o f privileges: p u b l i c
donations w e r e regularly organized such that i m p o r t a n t t o w n s m e n , o r
m e m b e r s o f a guild, received m o r e m o n e y o r oil o r biscuits; the u n i m ­
portant, less. T h e big m a n w a s p u n i s h e d less severely than the little for the
1 3 6
same c r i m e . W h e r e there w e r e conflicting witnesses, the jurist told the
j u d g e to give greatest credence to prestige, a n d in C i c e r o ' s c o u r t r o o m it
w a s remarkable w h e n the testimony o f m e n o f the greatest dignity w a s

1 3 3
e.g. Basil, Ep. 64; Sid. Ep. 5 . 1 1 .
1 3 4
T h e flatterer and slanderer, Plut. quom. Ad. ab Am. Int. 59d-6of, 66d, 67e-68b; de se
Ips. cit. Invid. Laud. 547a; A m m . Marc. 2 8 . 4 . 1 2 .
1 3 5
Quoted, Pliny, Ep. 7. 29. 3 , of the praetorian insignia conferred by the senate on
Claudius' freedman Pallas; see also Ep. 8. 6. Severus' attitude was far better, Dio 76(771.). 6.
1-2.
1 3 6
Donations, Mrozek (1987), 8 3 - 1 0 2 . Punishments, see Garnsey (1970). In general,
MacMullen (i974)> 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 1 1 8 ; (1988), 6 4 - 5 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 59
137
disregarded. T o the m o s t distinguished volunteer w e n t the right to
1 3 8
prosecute w h e n there w a s m o r e than o n e candidate for the j o b . In
s u m , as P l i n y expressed the n o r m to a g o v e r n o r , ' C o n d u c t yourself so
1 3 9
that y o u m a i n t a i n a distinction b e t w e e n ranks a n d h o n o u r s . '
A l o n g s i d e familiar social codes requiring deference to parents, h u s ­
b a n d s , a n d age, ancient aristocrats w e r e especially b o u n d b y o n e r e q u i r ­
ing deference to h o n o u r . O n the streets o f R o m e m e n u n c o v e r e d their
heads w h e n a distinguished m a n passed. T h e y greeted h i m first, dis­
m o u n t e d at his a p p r o a c h , kissed his h a n d , o r chest, o r knee. T h e y m e n ­
tioned h i m w i t h respect a n d praised h i m in speeches a n d writing, a n d
offered h i m hospitality, since 'it is v e r y a p p r o p r i a t e that the houses o f
140
illustrious m e n lie o p e n to illustrious g u e s t s ' . W h e n C a t o the Y o u n g e r
departed from the theatre to a v o i d seeing an actor undress o n stage, s u c h
w a s his maiestas (in V a l e r i u s M a x i m u s ' v i e w ) that the rest o f the audience
1 4 1
followed h i m o u t . Prestige elicited, indeed required, h o n o u r from
1 4 2
those a r o u n d i t .
The honorific implications o f a great deal o f c o n d u c t c a n o n l y b e
u n d e r s t o o d w h e n the relative distinction o f the t w o parties, a n d thus
their d u t y o f deference t o w a r d s o n e another, is k n o w n . F o r if a m a n d i d
m o r e than deference required, that c o u l d b e an h o n o u r ; less, an insult.
T h u s an act o f deference a p p r o p r i a t e to a superior p e r f o r m e d for an infe­
rior w a s honorific: w h e n the great Sulla rose a n d u n c o v e r e d his h e a d for
the y o u n g P o m p e y , this w a s m e a n t a n d perceived as a t r e m e n d o u s h o n -

1 3 7
Credence to go to existimatio and dignitas. Dig. 22. 5. 3 . 1 (Callistratus); 'dignitas et
auctoritas', 22. 5. 3 . 2 (Callistratus); cf. CTh 11. 39. 3 (334). Cicero, Cic. Font. 2 3 - 4 ; cf. Val.
Max. 8 . 5 . 1 - 3 ; Dio 74(76L). 9. 5. O n honour in the law I am indebted to E . A . Meyer.
1 3 8
Dig. 48. 2 . 1 6 (Ulpian), first of a list of criteria; cf. Cic. Div. Caec. 64.
1 3 9
Pliny, Ep. 9. 5, 'discrimina ordinum dignitatumque custodias'. Cf. C i c . Rep. 1. 43;
Rhet. Her. 3 . 3 ; Theodoret, Ep. 91 (Az£ma); C h . 4 n. 158. It is remarkable when the evSogoi do
not have precedence over the a8o£o>i>, Philo, Leg. Gaium 13.
1 4 0
Uncovering, Plut. Quaest. Rom. 266c, f. Greeting, Plut. Pomp. 2 3 . 2 ; quom. Ad. abAm.
Inter. 62d; Mart. 3 . 95. Dismounting, Apul. Flor. 21; Dio 4 5 . 1 6 . 2. Kisses, Lucian, Nigr. 21;
A m m . Marc. 2 8 . 4 . 1 0 . Mention respectfully, Cic. Rose. Am. 15; Rose. Com. 18; Clu. 118. Praise,
Cic. Rose. Am. 3 3 . Hospitality, quoted, C i c . Off. 2. 64, Valde decorum patere domus
hominum illustrium hospitibus iUustribus'; cf. 2Verr. 4. 33. Also giving up one's seat at
table, Plut. quom. Ad. ab Am. Inter. 58b; Sid. Ep. 7 . 1 3 . 4 . Going to meet on the road, Cic. ad
Fam. 3 . 7 . 4 ; standing behind, Sid. Ep. 1. 6 . 4 .
1 4 1
Val. Max. 2 . 1 0 . 8 , ' p o p u l u s . . . confessus plus se maiestatis uni illi tribuere quam sibi
universo vindicare'.
1 4 2
Duty to honour prestige, Cic. Inv. 2.166; Livy 24. 4 4 . 1 0 ; Val. Max. 2 . 1 0 . 2; Sen. Ep.
1 0 2 . 1 0 ; Jos. AJ19. 52; Plut. Cato Min. 9. 5; C y p . Ep. 76.1 (CSEL); Sid. Ep. 7. 4 . 1 ; and see
Drexler (1988 ( 1 9 6 1 ) ) , 62. Deference to parents and prestige can conflict, D . Chr. 4 9 . 1 3 .
6o Honour and Influence in the Roman World

1 4 3
our. O n the other h a n d , for Julius C a e s a r to refuse to rise at the
a p p r o a c h o f the massed senate a n d magistrates w a s to s n u b t h e m , for his
144
act implied s u p e r i o r i t y . A n inferior insulted a great R o m a n w h o s e
invitation to d i n n e r he refused: 'Better to kill a m a n ' s b r o t h e r than to
1 4 5
refuse his invitation,' as A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s p u t i t . Relative posi­
tion defined w h e r e o n e kissed the great m a n : if he offered h a n d o r knee
to o n e w h o s e h o n o u r entitled h i m to kiss the lip, that w a s an insult, as w a s
to offer o n l y half the lip. Indeed, to a v o i d insulting people, a great m a n
w o u l d necessarily s u b m i t to being kissed b y m a n y repulsive a n d diseased
lips. P o s t u m u s t h o u g h t he w a s h o n o u r i n g M a r t i a l highly b y offering h i m
his lips to kiss, b u t Martial preferred to kiss his h a n d , not liking w h e r e the
1 4 6
lips h a d b e e n .
I n addition to defining the degree o f h o n o u r one m a n o w e d to
another, the deference d e m a n d e d b y prestige also included obedience.
W h y d i d o n e m a n o b e y another? A m o n g other reasons, 'on a c c o u n t o f his
1 4 7
b e i n g outstanding in prestige', said C i c e r o (or his ancient g l o s s a t o r ) .
Naturally, therefore, in obedience to the dignity o f those w h o asked h i m ,
C i c e r o took u p the defence o f Sextus R o s c i u s o f A m e r i a . In obedience to
their h o n o u r as nobiles it w a s expected that C i c e r o w o u l d a d m i t L e n t u l u s
a n d C e t h e g u s into his house; t h e r e u p o n they w o u l d kill h i m at Catiline's
1 4 8
orders. When evil Romans tried to kidnap the daughter of
P h i l o d a m u s , ' b y birth, office, wealth, a n d prestige easily the first o f the
citizens o f L a m p s a c u s ' , it seemed to C i c e r o that it w a s P h i l o d a m u s ' dig­
nitas, a n d the greatness o f the insult to it, that m o v e d the citizens o f the
1 4 9
t o w n to defend his h o u s e .

1 4 3
Sulla and Pompey, Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8o6e; Pomp. 8. 3. Cf. Plut. Cato Min. 1 4 . 1 ;
Brut. 4. 3 . Also honorific, a superior greeting first, Hor. Ep. 1. 7. 6 4 - 6 ; dismounting, Plut.
Pomp. 8 . 2 ; visiting inferior in his house, Lib. Or. 1 . 1 6 6 . See also Plut. Pomp. 1 9 . 5 ; Pliny, Ep.
4 . 1 7 . 6; A m m . M a r c . 14. 6. 2.
1 4 4
Plut. Caes. 6 0 . 4 - 5 ; cf. HA Maxim. 2 8 . 1 .
1 4 5
A m m . Marc. 2 8 . 4 . 1 7 ; see also Hor. Ep. 1 . 7 . 6 2 - 4 ; Lib. Or. 1 . 7 5 .
1 4 6
Offering unsatisfactory portions to kiss, HA Maxim. 28. 7; A m m . Marc. 28. 4. 1 0 ;
Lucian, Nigr. 21; kissing with half the lip, Mart. 2 . 1 0 , 'basia dimidio . . . l a b r o \ 2. 22; c o m ­
pelled to accept kisses, Mart. 7 . 9 5 , 1 1 . 9 8 , 1 2 . 5 9 . Postumus, Mart. 2 . 2 1 ; cf. Sen. Ben. 4 . 3 0 . 2.
Conspectus of insults to an ex-consul: no one approaches him, salutes him, or does him any
honour, Cic. Pis. 96, and see Clu. 41; see also MacMullen (1988: 69 n. 3 3 ) for the insult of
ostentatiously ignoring those to w h o m acts of deference are due.
1 4 7
C i c . Off. 2. 2 2 , 'dignitatis praestantia\ Cicero's authorship of this passage has long
been doubted, see Dyck (1980) for the controversy. Some think it Cicero's own addition,
others an interpolation. N o matter: it is in the text by the 4th cent., Dyck, p. 205.
1 4 8
Cic. Rose. Am. 4, dignitas, auctoritas; Catiline, A p p . BCi. 3 , aglwoiz; cf. Apul. Met. 8 . 2 .
1 4 9
C i c . 2Verr. 1. 64, 'genere, honore, copiis, existimatione facile principem
Lampsacenorum'; 67, 'Philodami dignitas turn iniuriae magnitudo movebat'. See also C i c .
Rose. Am. 119; Pis. 8; 2Verr. 2. 67; Herod. 4 . 3 . 3 ; [Victor], Vir. III. 7 2 . 9 ; Sid. Ep. 7. 8. 2.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 61

W h y h o n o u r a n d o b e y prestige? A t the conscious level, to refuse d u e

deference w a s shameful; that is, the o p i n i o n - c o m m u n i t y o f the aristoc­
r a c y p u n i s h e d the perpetrator w i t h d i s h o n o u r . Plutarch w a r n e d against
holding a d i n n e r w h e r e places w e r e n o t assigned: if e v e r y o n e s c r a m b l e d
for seats, the eminent m i g h t fail to get places a p p r o p r i a t e to their h o n o u r ,
1 5 0
they w o u l d b e offended, a n d the host w o u l d seem g a u c h e . A t the s a m e
time, zealous deference—say, putting u p a statue o f a distinguished
m a n — w a s esteemed in aristocratic society: it w a s a p u b l i c virtue that w a s
151
perceived to confer h o n o u r u p o n its p r a c t i t i o n e r . B u t deference w a s
not, fundamentally, calculating. It w a s inculcated early, v i g o r o u s l y
enforced in the household, a n d operated for the m o s t part at an u n c o n ­
scious level. B a d c o n d u c t in the presence o f prestige raised a blush, a n d ,
psychologically, it w a s m u c h m o r e difficult to refuse the requests o f dis­
1 5 2
tinguished m e n than those o f the o b s c u r e . W h e n Scipio Nasica, sur­
r o u n d e d b y senators, rushed from the senate building to kill T i b e r i u s
G r a c c h u s , n o o n e dared o p p o s e t h e m , as Plutarch has it, 'because o f the
worthiness o f the men'. Instead, onlookers t u r n e d a n d fled, t r a m p l i n g
one another. T h e r e is n o calculation here, just i n g r a i n e d — a l m o s t
153
instinctive—action in the face o f d i s t i n c t i o n .
The concept of auctoritas lay at the heart o f this pattern o f influence.
O n e m e a n i n g o f the w o r d w a s that aspect o f h o n o u r w h i c h required def­
erence in aristocratic society. A n d w h e t h e r deference w a s conscious o r
u n c o n s c i o u s , it is not h a r d to see h o w a distinguished m a n c o u l d use it to
get others to d o his bidding: w h e n a freedman, terrified b y his patron's
anger, secured the intercession o f the celebrated Pliny the Y o u n g e r for his
forgiveness, P l i n y w r o t e to his p a t r o n , 'I fear if I w e r e to j o i n m y pleas to
his, that I s h o u l d seem to c o m p e l y o u rather than ask y o u ; I d o so n o n e
the less.' T h e recipient o f the letter did as he w a s b i d , a n d received
another note, in w h i c h he w a s praised for 'yielding to m y auctoritas, or, if
y o u prefer, indulging m y prayers'. A l t h o u g h he is civil e n o u g h to suggest
a m o r e flattering c o l o u r for the patron's act, Pliny clearly h a d a right to
give orders a n d b e o b e y e d in a matter s u c h as this. A m a n in Pliny's
position w a s perfectly capable o f being his o w n enforcer, b y praising o r

1 5 0
Seating at dinner, Plut. Quaest. Conviv. 6 i 6 b - c . Similarly, order of admission at salu-
tatio should be b y honour; Juvenal rails when money jumps the queue, 1. 9 9 - 1 1 1 . Disgrace
for failure of deference, Cic. Mur. 8; Plut. Cato Min. 39. 2; Dio 4 5 . 1 6 . 1 - 2 with Val. M a x . 8.
5. 6.
1 5 1
Statue, Pliny, Ep. 1 . 1 7 . Cf. Sen. Ep. 1 0 2 . 1 0 .
1 5 2
Inculcation of deference in the young, Plut. de Vit. Pud. 5 2 9 b - d ; Pliny, Ep. 2 . 1 8 , 6 . 6 .
3. Blush, ibid. 3 . 1 2 , cf. Val. M a x . 4 . 5 . 4 . Refusing requests, Plut. de Vit. Pud. 534b-535b.
153 p j jijj Gracch. 1 9 . 4 , d^icjfxa; see also Jos.
u t AJ19.102.
62 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

b l a m i n g his target's conduct: ' A c c e p t m y applause a n d m y t h a n k s — b u t ,

154
in the future, b e forgiving to y o u r erring s e r v a n t s . ' Praise for the
m o m e n t , b u t w i t h a chilling undertone.
In practice, w h e n the individuals i n v o l v e d w e r e n o t well k n o w n to each
other, the c o m p u l s i v e p o w e r o f h o n o u r w a s i n v o k e d b y directly signify­
ing, often in letters o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n , the h o n o u r o f the individual for
w h o m a f a v o u r o r h o n o u r w a s desired, a n d thus to w h o m , a c c o r d i n g to
the c o d e , other aristocrats o u g h t to defer. T h u s one's protege w a s 'hon­
155
o u r e d m o s t highly', o r ' w o r t h y o f the greatest r e s p e c t ' . O r the letter
m i g h t indicate the i m p o r t a n c e o f the r e c o m m e n d e e b y s o m e r e c o g n i z ­
able standard ( a n d thereby hint at the practical advantages o f d o i n g a
favour for h i m ) : ' Y o u will find h i m the chief m a n not o n l y o f his t o w n ,
but a l m o s t o f A c h a e a ' ; 'His father w a s a distinguished m e m b e r o f the
order o f knights'; 'I h a v e f o u n d h i m w o r t h y o f his father a n d grandfather;
his is a family as noble as it is possible to be'; o r even, literary culture
1 5 6
being so h o n o u r a b l e , ' H e is a learned a n d eloquent m a n ' . Since moral
excellence w a s part o f prestige, a n d indeed, so m a n y Latin a n d G r e e k
w o r d s used to describe people w e r e freighted w i t h status a n d h o n o u r
connotations—'liberal', 'grave', 'fair'—letters o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n sig­
nalled the dignity o f r e c o m m e n d e e s to their recipients with a sophistica­
tion a n d finesse that c a n n o t always b e grasped t w o millennia later, just as
a foreigner c a n n o t taste the difference between the varieties o f Japanese
1 5 7
rice. B u t to read 'he got w h a t w e w a n t e d o n a c c o u n t o f his o w n
1 5 8
r e n o w n ' is to k n o w that h o n o u r got its w a y in p r a c t i c e .
'I d o n o t d e n y that sometimes I d o favours even for the u n w o r t h y in
1 5 9
order t o h o n o u r o t h e r s . ' If a m a n ' s o w n distinction failed, the r e n o w n
1 5 4
O n auctoritas, and related terms, see Appendix. Quoted, Pliny, Ep. 9. 2 1 . 3 , 9 . 24. Cf.
Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 1 2 .
1 5 5
Tt/LticoTaros', Greg. Naz. Ep. 169. 2 , 1 7 4 . 4, 2 2 7 . 1 ; J . C h r . Ep. 51; aiSeat/LMOTaros', Greg.
Naz. Ep. 1 2 7 . 2 . See also Cic. ad Q. Fr. 2 . 1 4 . 3 ; Greg. N a z . 3 8 . 3 ; Theodoret, Ep. 2 9 - 3 6 (Az£ma);
Sid. Ep. 6 . 5 .
1 5 6
Chief man, Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 7 8 . 1 . Knights, Pliny, Ep. 2.13.4, 'pater ei in equestri gradu
clarus\ W o r t h y , C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 3 4 . Learned, Fronto, ad Am. 1 . 1 0 (van den H o u t ) . See also
Cic. ad Fam. 13 passim; Pliny, Ep. 1. 1 4 , 7. 2 2 , 1 0 . 4; Syn. Ep. 18 (Garzya); Sid. Ep. 2. 4. 1.
Emphasis on literary culture, Fronto, ad Am. 1. 2 , 3 , 4 (van den Hout); Greg. N a z . Ep. 3 7 . 2 ;
Lib. Ep. passim. Cf. Victorian confidence tricksters, M a y h e w (1987 (1882)), 3 4 7 - 9 , 3 5 5 .
1 5 7
Liberalis - of or relating to free men, gentlemanly, noble, generous ( O L D ) ; gravis =
stern, grave, respected, august ( O L D ) ; for *aAos, 'fair', and other overlap of morality and
honour, n. 52 above. For baffling indications of status, compare a contemporary U K
author's reference to 'men . . . w h o look as if they might be accountants of the claret-buy­
ing variety' (Malcolm ( 1 9 9 0 ) ) . This is obscure enough to a North American reader. Imagine
how obscure it will be in two thousand years.
1 5 8
C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 1 9 . 1 , 'ipsius splendore'.
1 5 9
Sen. Ben. 4 . 3 0 . 1 , 'in honorem aliorum'; cf. 5 . 1 9 . 8.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 63

o f others to w h o m deference w a s d u e m i g h t succeed. Letters o f r e c o m ­

m e n d a t i o n certify that the r e c o m m e n d e e is extremely c l o s e — a relative, a
b o y h o o d friend, a hereditary c o n n e c t i o n — t o the r e c o m m e n d e r (or other
superior individuals). S u c h claims w r a p the r e c o m m e n d e e in the glory o f
1 6 0
others a n d bolster his chances o f getting the f a v o u r . T h e y also signal
the n e t w o r k o f persons w h o will b e placed u n d e r an obligation if the
f a v o u r is granted, alluding to another w a y h o n o u r exerted p o w e r in the
Roman world.

Reciprocity
'Receive this m o s t h o n o u r e d a n d highly sought-after m a n , a n d d o n o t
hesitate to s h o w h i m hospitality, thereby d o i n g w h a t is m e e t for y o u a n d
w h a t will obligate m e to y o u . ' T h u s a s a m p l e letter o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n in
an ancient pattern b o o k o f letters. ' H o n o u r e d ' a n d 'highly sought-after'
signal that deference is d u e the subject o f the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n . 'Obligate
161
m e to y o u ' introduces another aristocratic c o d e , based o n r e c i p r o c i t y .
If a m a n does a f a v o u r for y o u , y o u m u s t d o o n e for h i m in return. I n a
passage o f lyric didacticism, Seneca envisions a universe o f circulating
favours, represented b y the G r a c e s , Xdpircs, the w o r d in G r e e k usually
used to translate beneficia ( f a v o u r s ) .
W h y is the chorus [of the Graces], hand in hand, a ring turning on itself? Because
the course of a favour passing from hand to hand returns none the less to the
giver, and the fairness of the whole is lost, if it is anywhere interrupted, and it is
162
most beautiful if it holds together and preserves the c h a i n .

F a v o u r s are here envisaged as passing from h a n d to h a n d in a c o n t i n u o u s

u n b r o k e n circle, ending u p at their original bestower. A f a v o u r deserved
a f a v o u r in return; the greater the f a v o u r , the greater the return. O n e d i d
a f a v o u r , w h e n asked, in o r d e r to b e able to call u p o n the recipient w h e n
1 6 3
o n e w a n t e d a f a v o u r from h i m . T h e value o f a f a v o u r w a s its value to
the recipient: ' A t as m u c h as it is w o r t h to escape the necessities o f famine,
1 6 4
so m u c h shall w e value y o u r f a v o u r . ' T h i s value w a s envisioned as

1 6 0
K i m (1972), 4 8 - 5 1 ; Deniaux (1993), 1 3 5 - 6 1 ; and e.g. Fronto, ad Am. 1 . 1 , 3 , 1 0 (van den
Hout); Basil, Ep. 35. Boyhood friend, Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 5 ; Pliny, Ep. 2 . 1 3 , 6 . 8 . Relatives/hered­
itary connection, C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 1 5 , 39; Basil, Ep. 3 1 , 137; Lib. Ep. 275; foster-brother
(ovvrpo(poz)y Basil, Ep. 3 6 , 3 7 .
1 6 1
[Lib.] Char. Epist. 55, rnxi.d}rarov Kal 7T€pioirov8aoTov. Cf. Cicero's implicit definition
of political power under the Roman Republic, auctoritas et gratia, Hellegouarc'h (1963),
307-8.
1 6 2 1 6 3
Sen. Ben. 1 . 3 . 4 . Sailer (1982), 1 - 3 9 , and esp. C i c . Off. 1 . 4 7 - 9 .
1 6 4
Quoted, Basil, Ep. 86; see also Sen. Ben. 1. 5 . 1 for the clearest statement of this c o m ­
mon view. Sen. Ep. 81. 5 - 6 , Ben. 1. 5. 2 - 7 . 3 , and C i c . Off. 1. 49 are polemical against this
6 4
Honour and Influence in the Roman World

quite finely measurable. C i c e r o u r g e d his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s to b e 'good cal­

culators o f favours, to see b y a d d i n g a n d s u b t r a c t i n g . . . w h a t w e are o w e d
b y each a n d w h a t w e o w e to each*. A c c o r d i n g l y , there w a s a technical,
b o o k k e e p i n g v o c a b u l a r y in Latin, officium, beneflcium, meritum, all
165
w o r d s signifying 'favour' w i t h v a r i o u s c o m p l e x u n d e r t o n e s . A favour
that o n e failed to reciprocate in life w a s expressed in m o n e y terms a n d
paid o f f in one's will; or, failing that, the obligation w a s h a n d e d o n to
one's children. A v e r y p o w e r f u l m a n like T r a j a n , at the centre o f a h u g e
n e t w o r k o f favours given a n d o w e d a n d w h o m i g h t therefore h a v e t r o u ­
ble r e m e m b e r i n g w h a t w a s o w e d h i m , totalled u p the favours he h a d
1 6 6
d o n e in n o t e b o o k s .
T h i s mental m a c h i n e r y m a d e the principle o f reciprocity a p o w e r f u l
tool for a c c o m p l i s h i n g one's will. It m a d e it possible, for e x a m p l e , for
favours to b e e x c h a n g e d between m e n w h o enjoyed n o v e r y intimate
association, o r indeed w e r e o n b a d terms, b y sending a letter listing
favours already p e r f o r m e d for the recipient b y the sender, a n d d e m a n d ­
1 6 7
ing a f a v o u r in return, q u i d p r o q u o . M o r e commonly, however, a
f a v o u r w o u l d b e asked, a n d the asker's willingness to reciprocate sig­
nalled: 'Just as y o u w o u l d eagerly e m b r a c e chances to oblige m e , there is
n o o n e to w h o m I w o u l d rather b e obligated.' F o r m u l a e o f this type in let­
ters o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n are the ubiquitous traces o f the e c o n o m y o f
favours at w o r k ; they are f o u n d in the Latin W e s t a n d the G r e e k East from
the first to the fifth c e n t u r y AD, a n d at every social level that has left
1 6 8
records.
Reciprocity operated between m e n , w o m e n , h u m a n s a n d the old g o d s ,
1 6 9
a n d m a n a n d the G o d o f the C h r i s t i a n s . T h e recipient o f a letter

system of valuation, insisting (inter alia) that the state of mind in which the favour is
bestowed should be considered as well.
1 6 5
Calculators, Cic. Off. 1 . 5 9 (Sen. Ben. 1 . 2 . 2 - 3 is polemical against this). But the bene-
ficia of the Christian G o d are so great that they cannot be calculated, Musurillo (1972), 14.
13. For technical vocabulary, Hellegouarc'h (1963), 1 5 2 - 7 0 ; Sailer (1982), 7 - 2 2 .
166 wills, A . Wallace-Hadrill (1981&), 6 6 - 7 0 ; Sailer (1982), 7 1 - 3 , 1 2 4 ; and esp. Mart. 6 . 6 3 .
For favour-debts handed down generations, e.g. Sen. Ben. 4 . 3 0 . 2 - 3 ; D. Chr. 3 1 . 6 2 ; Syn. Ep.
20. Trajan, ILS 1792; see MacMullen (1986&), 521.
1 6 7
List of favours, C i c . ad Fam. 13. 77. Reciprocity among men on bad terms, ibid. 5. 5;
between men not well known to each other, Fronto, ad Am. 1 . 8 (van den H o u t ) .
1 6 8
Quoted, Pliny, Ep. 2 . 1 3 . Formulae of indebtedness in letters of recommendation,
Kim (1972), 6 6 - 8 , 9 0 - 4 .
169 W o m e n , Tac. Ann. 1 3 . 2 0 ; Pliny, Ep. 7 . 1 9 . 1 0 . Pagan gods, a truism, see e.g. MacMullen
(1981), 5 2 - 3 . So deep-set is this reciprocal ethic in the ancient mind that Cicero (Off. 1. 58)
can argue that duty to parents and country derives from the fact that we are 'beneficiis max-
imis obligati' to them; V a l . M a x . (5. 3 ext. 3) refers to 'dandi et accipiendi beneficii c o m -
mercium, sine quo vix vita hominum esset'. See also Sen. Ben. 1 . 4 . 2.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 65

b e g g i n g help in a tax matter w a s advised, 'In return for this benefaction

. . . G o d will g r a n t y o u , y o u r house, a n d y o u r line his a c c u s t o m e d a i d /
and, even m o r e explicitly, 'as m u c h h o n o u r a n d freedom o f speech as y o u
grant us . . . w e p r a y that the s a m e degree o f increase o f y o u r fame, n a y
170
m o r e ! be granted to y o u from o u r G o o d L o r d d u r i n g y o u r w h o l e l i f e . '
A s S t Basil here reveals, the principle o f reciprocity applied to h o n o u r s as
well: the value o f a f a v o u r , a n d the f a v o u r in return, m i g h t b e partly o r
w h o l l y honorific. T h u s a purely practical f a v o u r c o u l d be p a i d b a c k partly
or entirely w i t h praise, o r , for example, b y putting u p a statue o f the b e n e ­
factor. Practical (to the m o d e r n m i n d ) a n d honorific favours w e r e n o t
171
easily d i s t i n g u i s h e d . T h u s the relative quality o f the m e n involved c a n
determine w h o should b e grateful to w h o m . W h e n S m y r n a w a s destroyed
in a n earthquake, its people h a d to c a m p in neighbouring cities. ' W h o d i d
not regard it as his o w n g o o d fortune, w h o d i d n o t think h e h a d received
a f a v o u r rather than b e s t o w e d one, w h e n he t o o k such leading m e n into
his house?' If a m a n is g r a n d e n o u g h , to h a v e h i m as a guest is honorific:
1 7 2
he is d o i n g y o u a f a v o u r .
T h e extensive reach o f this pattern o f influence w a s a result o f the quite
complicated patterns o f debt that c o u l d b e p u t together in pursuit o f a
favour. T h e a u t h o r o f a letter o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n writes to a m a n w i t h a
desirable f a v o u r in his gift—help in business, help in c our t, an official
p o s t — o n behalf o f a prot£g£ ( w h o thereby incurs a debt to the writer b y
virtue o f the writer's effective intervention), saying that b o t h he a n d the
r e c o m m e n d e e will understand themselves to h a v e incurred a debt if the
addressee o f the letter does that f a v o u r for the r e c o m m e n d e e . If the recip­
ient o f the letter agrees, the r e c o m m e n d e e has received t w o favours a n d
n o w o w e s t w o , the letter's recipient has p e r f o r m e d t w o favours a n d is
n o w o w e d t w o , a n d the r e c o m m e n d e r has d o n e o n e f a v o u r a n d o w e s one.
T h i s system w a s stable, a n d ensured that everyone got an equal return for
his f a v o u r — i t w a s capable o f infinite repetition, elaboration, a n d exten­
sion a m o n g m e n w h o u n d e r s t o o d it, a n d it d i d n o t require charity o n
1 7 3
anyone's part, as long as everyone's obligation w a s c l e a r . T h e weakest
link in the system w a s evaluating the f a v o u r o w e d b y the r e c o m m e n d e e

1 7 0
Basil, Ep. 3 6 and 110, TI/ZI} and irepupdvaa. Cf. A u g . Ep. 5 7 , 2 0 6 .
1 7 1
Duty to reciprocate honours, Cic. Inv. 2. 66; Herod. 2 . 3 . 6 - 7 ; Dio 6 7 . 1 2 . 3 . Praise as
favour or return, Cic. ad Fam. 1 0 . 2 4 . 1 ; Pliny, Ep. 3 . 1 1 , 3 . 2 1 ; Apul. Flor. 16. Individuals hon­
our their benefactors, ILS 9 4 6 , 1 1 1 0 ; IGR iv. 1215. Honour returned for tangible favours in
i6th-cent. France, Neuschel (1989), 76.
1 7 2
Aristid. 2 0 . 1 7 (Behr); trans, adapted from Behr.
1 7 3
Conventional three-party scenario, Cic. ad Fam. bk. 13 passim. For more complicated
scenarios see e.g. C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 6 a - b , 13. 2 2 .
66 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

to the r e c o m m e n d e r , since the latter's role w a s chiefly that o f a m e d i a t o r ,

a n d indeed o n e w h o s e efficacy c o u l d n o t always h a v e been evident. W h a t
did the r e c o m m e n d e e o w e to a specific r e c o m m e n d e r if his w a s just o n e
o f a fat sheaf o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s , o r if the r e c o m m e n d e e h a d s o m e
other a t t r i b u t e — p e r h a p s he a n d the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n ' s recipient w e r e
intimate o f o l d — w h i c h m i g h t h a v e gained h i m the f a v o u r even w i t h o u t
1 7 4
a recommendation? F o r this reason a r e c o m m e n d e r m i g h t indicate in
his letter that the addressee o f the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n should m a k e clear to
the r e c o m m e n d e e exactly h o w w e i g h t y his r e c o m m e n d a t i o n has been,
thus allowing the r e c o m m e n d e e to place a value o n the f a v o u r - d e b t h e
1 7 5
o w e d to the r e c o m m e n d e r .
T h e fact that relations o f reciprocity w e r e perceived to operate w i t h
perfect efficiency even w h e r e n o equal return for favours w a s possible
extended the range o f such patterns b e y o n d persons o f r o u g h l y equal
p o w e r to m e n o f m a n y types a n d conditions. Indeed, w h e r e a f a v o u r w a s
v a l u e d at the p o i n t o f receipt, b u t w h e r e there w a s a significant disparity
o f p o w e r between the giver a n d the recipient o f a favour, it regularly
o c c u r r e d that an inferior recipient w a s entirely unable to p a y b a c k the
1 7 6
f a v o u r — h e w a s , in C i c e r o ' s phrase, 'unable to sustain the f a v o u r s ' .
H o w c o u l d a R o m a t i u s F i r m u s , w h o s e fortune w a s q u a d r u p l e d t h r o u g h
Pliny's beneficence, ever d o a n y t h i n g for Pliny as valuable to the distin­
guished senator as elevation to the equestrian census h a d been for
R o m a t i u s ? H e c o u l d not. H u m b l e m e n w e r e limited to returning g u m -
balls for d i a m o n d s , w h a t F r o n t o called 'everyday favours': s h o w i n g u p in
the m o r n i n g , f o r m i n g a retinue t h r o u g h the day, constituting, as a m e m ­
ber o f the corps de ballet, a tiny part o f the great m a n ' s p r e s t i g e . 177
All an
inferior c o u l d d o w a s b e 'grateful', that is, he c o u l d r e m e m b e r , a n d h o l d
1 7 8
himself in readiness to repay, for e v e r .
T h i s m a d e h i m , in the R o m a n lexicon, a client, w h e t h e r so called o r
referred to b y a e u p h e m i s m (since the t e r m cliens, o r the suggestion that
one h a d a patron, patronus, w a s considered d e g r a d i n g ) . 1 7 9
Clientage

1 7 4
Multiple recommendations: C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1. 2. 11; Basil, Ep. 112; Aristid. 50. 7 4 - 8
(Behr).
1 7 5
C i c . ad Fam. 13. 2 0 , 2 5 , 3 5 ; Basil, Ep. 149.
1 7 6
C i c . ad Fam. 2. 6. 2. On this situation, Sen. Ben. 5 . 2 - 6 .
1 7 7
Romatius Firmus, Pliny, Ep. 1 . 1 9 . 'Everyday favours', Fronto, ad M. Caes. 1. 3 (van
den Hout); see also C i c . Mur. 70; Comment. Petit. 3 4 - 8 ; and for these duties see
Hellegouarc'h (1963), 1 6 0 - 3 ; Rouland (1979), 4 8 3 - 8 , 5 1 5 - 1 7 ; Sailer (1982), 1 2 8 - 9 .
1 7 8
C i c . Off. 2. 69; ad Fam. 1 0 . 1 1 . 1 ; Publilius Syrus, S41 (Friedrich); Sen. Ben. 5. 4 . 1 , 7.
14-16.
1 7 9
Degrading, Sailer (1982), 8 - 1 1 , and esp. C i c . Off. 2.69; thus the exiguity of ancient
material clearly relating to the patronage-clientage of the freeborn.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 67

s h o u l d b e considered a f o r m o f c h r o n i c ( a n d s o m e t i m e s hereditary)
favour-debt, o n e in w h i c h the client c o u l d never, a n d w a s never expected
1 8 0
to, r e p a y the favours d o n e h i m . T h i s m a k e s freeborn patronage/clien­
tage identical in rationale to the clientage w h i c h existed between a freed­
m a n a n d his f o r m e r master, b y far the m o s t c o m m o n use o f the terms. A
slave's f o r m e r o w n e r e n j o y e d patronage—lifelong (indeed, heritable)
and enforceable u n d e r the l a w — a n d the services w h i c h derived from it,
because n o f a v o u r a freedman c o u l d b e s t o w c o u l d ever p a y a n adequate
return for the master's f a v o u r o f setting the slave free. S h o u l d a free-born
client find himself in a position p o w e r f u l e n o u g h to repay, p a t r o n a g e
c e a s e d — w h i c h is w h a t M a r i u s m e a n t w h e n he r e m a r k e d that a m a g i s ­
181
tracy freed h i m from the b o n d s o f hereditary c l i e n t s h i p .
Patronage, in the R o m a n sense, exists w h e n true reciprocity o f favours
has ceased. I n the fullness o f time, even the necessity o f c o u n t i n g favours
given o r o w e d also lapsed, as F r o n t o said, c o m p a r i n g the services o f a
y o u n g protege w i t h those o f a client:

He did not grudge it (nor did I feel ashamed) that he should pay me the same obe­
dience which clientes and faithful, devoted freedmen yield; this is not through
arrogance on my part or flattery on his, but our mutual affection and true love
182
have removed from both of us any hesitation in doing f a v o u r s .

T h e r e w a s , then, n o e n d to the duties o f a client. After the patron's

favours h a d b e c o m e such that the client w a s unlikely to b e able to r e c i p ­
rocate, he w a s s i m p l y expected to o b e y for ever. A l l he c o u l d d o w a s
d r e a m o f a disaster befalling his patron: o n l y then, b y s o m e i m a g i n e d act
o f d e r r i n g - d o , c o u l d the client p e r f o r m such great service as w o u l d free
1 8 3
him.
B u t h o w c o u l d an aristocrat rely o n another aristocrat's repaying a
favour? A n d w h y c o u l d he d e p e n d o n a client's obedience? First, because

1 8 0
C i c . Off. 2. 6 9 - 7 0 ; cf. Plut. Fab. Max. 1 3 . 3 ; Johnson and Dandeker (1989), 225.
1 8 1
Freedman and patron, Dig. 3 8 . 2 . 1 . pr. (Ulpian). A freedman's lack of respect for his
patron, or failure to perform such duties as his former master may have stipulated, is pros­
ecuted as 'ingratitude', see Treggiari (1969), 6 8 - 8 1 . Marius, Plut. Mar. 5. 4 - 5 ; Plutarch
argues that Marius was not correct in this, and that only curule magistracies relieved one of
hereditary clientship. O n personal patronage under the Republic, Brunt (1988a), 3 8 2 - 4 4 2 ;
Deniaux (1993); empire, Sailer (1982) and Rouland (1979), 4 9 3 - 6 1 7 .
1 8 2
Fronto, ad Ver. 1 . 6 . 2 (van den Hout), ' o b o e d i r e . . . officiis'; cf. Cic. ad Fam. 7 . 2 9 , 3 1
(see Wistrand (1978), 2 1 - 2 ) . Similar is the willingness of close friends to stop counting
favours, Cic. Amic. 58; ad Fam. 3 . 5 . 1 . O n amicitia, Hellegouarc'h (1963), 4 1 - 9 0 , 1 4 2 - 7 0 ;
Brunt (1988a), 3 5 1 - 8 1 ; Sailer (1989).
1 8 3
Clients' obedience, Sen. Brev. Vit. 19. 3: not even their love and hate are under their
own control. Clients' duties likened to slavery, Mart. 1 0 . 8 2 . Dreaming of disasters, Sen. Ben.
6.25-43.
68 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

the d u t y o f reciprocity w a s inculcated from an early age. O f children

C i c e r o said, ' W h a t a remarkable m e m o r y they h a v e for those w h o h a v e
1 8 4
d o n e well b y them; h o w eager they are to m a k e r e t u r n . ' Y e t reciproc­
ity w o r k e d at a conscious level as well. H e w h o failed to m a k e return
w o u l d get n o further favours. ' A c c o r d i n g to the d u t y o f friendship, a giver
1 8 5
need n o t give m o r e , b u t m u s t b e repaid,' says P l i n y . A humble man
'needs the help o f m a n y ' , a n d it w a s disastrous for h i m to become
k n o w n — a m o n g the set w h o w e r e able to g i v e — f o r n o t p a y i n g w h a t he
o w e d , o r not trying to d o w h a t e v e r lay within his p o w e r , h o w e v e r
186
insignificant.
Failing to get further favours w a s a b y - p r o d u c t o f the m o r e general
destruction o f the ingrate's position in society. R e t u r n i n g favours w a s
part o f one's m o r a l reputation, a n d one's m o r a l reputation, in t u r n , w a s
part o f one's social prestige. T o b e k n o w n as an upright trader o f favours,
1 8 7
as a grateful m a n , contributed to one's h o n o u r . A n d the m o r a l ghast-
liness o f the m a n w h o failed to m a k e return for favours he w a s given w a s
never in question. H e w a s castigated for his forgetfulness a n d ingrati­
t u d e — ' Y o u h a v e said everything possible w h e n y o u call a m a n an
188
ingrate.' F r o m the m a n to w h o m he h a d failed to m a k e return he
m i g h t expect stentorian abuse; people w o u l d stare at the miscreant; his
1 8 9
erstwhile friends w o u l d cheer at his f u n e r a l . A n d a man owed a favour
c o u l d flourish the c l u b o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n at his debtor to get his f a v o u r in
1 9 0
return. G r a t i t u d e m a y well h a v e been a private e m o t i o n a m o n g the
R o m a n s , b u t its great strength in R o m a n society d e p e n d e d o n its status
1 9 1
as a p r o m i n e n t p u b l i c virtue, frozen u n d e r the pitiless glare o f o p i n i o n .

1 8 4
Cic. Fin. 5. 61.
1 8 5
Pliny, Ep. 7 . 3 1 . 7 . B y contrast, Publilius Syrus, B8 (Friedrich), 'beneficia plura recipit,
qui scit reddere'.
1 8 6
Cic. Off. 2 . 7 0 .
1 8 7
Gratefulness a moral virtue, C i c . Plane. 8 0 - 1 ; Val. M a x . 5. 2; Sen. Ben. 4. 2 4 . 1 , cf.
Wistrand (1978), 1 1 . Contributes to honour, Sen. Ben. 4 . 1 6 . 3 ; Ira 2.32.1; Dio 8 . 3 6 . 1 3 .
1 8 8
Quoted, Publilius Syrus D 4 (Friedrich). For denunciation o f ' b a d memory*, 'ingrat­
itude* = not paying what one owes, see also C i c . Off. 2. 63; Sen. Ep. 81 passim; Ben. passim
and esp. 1 . 1 0 . 4 , 3 . 1 . 1 ; V a l . M a x . 5 . 3 ; D . Chr. 3 1 . 3 9 .
1 8 9
Public abuse, Sen. Ben. 5. 2 2 . 1 - 2 3 . 2 , 7 . 2 8 . 3 , 7 . 3 0 . 1 (Seneca is against this); stared at
and subjected to publicum odium. Sen. Ben. 3 . 1 7 . 1 - 2 ; cheer at funeral, Juv. 1 . 1 4 4 - 6 (dying
intestate, he thus fails to express his gratitude in his will, cf. Pliny, Ep. 8 . 1 8 . 3 ) . For the dis­
grace of ingratitude see also Dio 8 . 3 6 . 1 4 .
1 9 0
C i c . ad Fam. 5 . 5 . 2; cf. adAtt. 9 . 7 b . 2.
1 9 1
Fear for reputation, Sen. Ben. 6. 4 2 . T h e moralizing purposes of Cicero's de Officiis
and Seneca's de Beneficiis—indispensable sources for the operation of reciprocity—some­
what occlude the grounding of reciprocity in public shame; Seneca intends, inter alia, the
transfer of its enforcement from the realm of shame to that of conscience, Ben. 4. 2 1 , 6 . 4 2 .
1-43- 3> so one must carefully distinguish the world they inhabit from the world they would
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 69

Finally, even w h e n a f a v o u r w a s returned the transaction h a d h o n o u r

consequences, consequences w h i c h d e p e n d e d u p o n the relative distinc­
tion o f the parties. A f a v o u r f r o m a great m a n , it w a s perceived, c o u l d a d d
to one's prestige as an h o n o u r , b u t accepting a f a v o u r c o u l d also detract.
For to beg a f a v o u r w a s embarrassing: ' W h e n asking, a respectable m a n
192
shuts his m o u t h a n d b l u s h e s . ' N o t o n l y d i d getting a f a v o u r i m p l y that
o n e c o u l d n o t d o w h a t w a s required b y oneself; it obligated one, a n d debt
was d i s h o n o u r a b l e — ' W h o accepts a beneficium, sells his l i b e r t y . ' 193
It
was excruciating to h a v e one's debt m e n t i o n e d or, w o r s e , cast in one's
teeth. ' G i v e m e b a c k to Caesar!' cried a m a n saved from proscription b y
o n e o f Octavian's friends, for it w a s better to die than h a v e one's b e n e ­
factor continually h a r p u p o n the debt: 'in a t r i u m p h I w o u l d o n l y h a v e
had to m a r c h once!' B u t the h o n o u r o v e r c a m e the humiliation w h e n the
benefactor w a s v e r y m u c h greater than the recipient: the h o n o u r c o n s e ­
quences o f a f a v o u r c a n n o t b e determined w i t h o u t estimating the dispar­
1 9 4
ity o f prestige between the m e n .

Honour as Power
V a l e r i u s M a x i m u s insisted that maiestas, 'eminence', w a s p o w e r f u l in
getting its w a y , a n d s o m e o f the m e t h o d s it used have n o w been illus­
trated. C o m i n g into existence b o t h from ascription b y the aristocratic
c o m m u n i t y a n d b y individual aristocrats ( w h o s e ascription the c o m m u ­
nity as a w h o l e a c c e p t e d ) , h o n o u r played a variety o f roles in society.
First, h o n o u r w a s a source o f value: it constituted s o m e o r all o f the v a l u e
o f men's actions, w h i c h m i g h t b e honorific o r dishonouring. Inextricably
m i n g l e d w i t h the exchange o f g o o d s a n d services, h o n o u r c o u l d be traded
for g o o d s , services, a n d further h o n o u r . S e c o n d , h o n o u r w a s a source o f
legitimate social authority, that is, o f an authority people w e r e b r o u g h t
up to obey. Deference, including obedience, to a c k n o w l e d g e d possessors
o f h o n o u r w a s required in G r a e c o - R o m a n society. T h i r d , h o n o u r w a s a
social sanction. Fear o f loss o f h o n o u r — d i s g r a c e — e n f o r c e d social n o r m s
and s o m e o f those n o r m s , including deference ( a n d the appropriateness
o f praise a n d b l a m e ) a n d the d u t y o f gratitude, the reciprocity o f favours
and h o n o u r s , c o u l d b e used to w o r k one's will in society.

like to; see Wistrand (1978), 12, 2 0 - 1 . For credit in a system of reciprocal favours being
grounded in honour, cf. Neuschel (1989: 93) for i6th-cent. France.
1 9 2 1 9 3
Sen. Ben. 2.1.3, cf. 2. 2 . 1 . Publilius Syrus, B5 (Friedrich), cf. R15.
1 9 4
Quoted, Sen. Ben. 2.11.1. Also, accepting a favour proves one's weakness and inferi­
ority, Dio 5 9 . 2 3 . 2 - 4 , cf. Sailer (1982), 20. Having persons in debt for favours is prestigious,
Sid. Ep. 3 . 5 . 1 .
70 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

It is possible to see all three o f these roles that h o n o u r plays at w o r k

h a r m o n i o u s l y in a c o m m o n social institution like the R o m a n will. A
R o m a n w a s expected to p a y off outstanding favour-debts in his will. B u t
powerful m e n , a n d especially the e m p e r o r , regularly received legacies in
1 9 5
the wills o f m e n they h a d never m e t o r d o n e anything f o r . H o w curi­
ous, also, that P l i n y c o u l d write to T a c i t u s , ' Y o u m u s t h a v e noticed h o w
in wills, unless p e r h a p s s o m e o n e is the particular friend o f either o f us, w e
receive identical legacies.' H o w m a n y people c o u l d h a v e felt exactly the
same personal debt to Pliny a n d Tacitus? W h a t w a s similar, as Pliny
insisted elsewhere in his letter, w a s their prestige, particularly as littera­
teurs; the legacies that c a m e to t h e m w e r e an aspect o f their right to
receive as distinguished m e n , a nice c o m p l i m e n t f r o m o n e aristocrat to
1 9 6
another. B u t there w a s a final element. It w a s a terrible insult to b e cut
out o f the wills o f other aristocrats. S o wills c o u l d serve, finally, as an
after-death attack o n the r e n o w n o f others, as w h e n the distinguished
m a t r o n J u n i a m e n t i o n e d in her will almost all the leading m e n at R o m e ,
b u t left o u t T i b e r i u s . A g o o d strong dose o f abuse in the text o f the will
avoided the da ng e r o f being t h o u g h t to h a v e excluded s o m e o n e t h r o u g h
inattention. A legacy, finally, perhaps a c c o m p a n i e d b y a passage o f praise
1 9 7
in the will, w a s an h o n o u r . W i t h a large e n o u g h estate, all o f h o n o u r ' s
claims c o u l d b e satisfied.
A t the s a m e time, the tension between the attribution o f h o n o u r b y the
c o m m u n i t y a n d its attribution b y individuals manifested itself constantly
in social relations. F o r w h e n o n e m a n h a d substantially m o r e prestige
than another, he c o u l d use the o v e r w h e l m i n g strength o f his praise a n d
b l a m e to twist c o m m u n a l l y sanctioned relationships o f reciprocity a n d
deference to his benefit. A n c i e n t aristocrats c o m f o r t a b l y v i e w e d their sys­
tem o f reciprocal favours as equitable. B u t since the value o f favours
c o u l d never be m e a s u r e d objectively, a n d there m i g h t well be differences
o f o p i n i o n a b o u t a favour's practical a n d honorific value, the system w a s

1 9 5
Receipt of legacies from persons unknown to legatee, C i c . iPhil. 4 0 - 1 ; Suet. Aug. 66.
4; Tac. Ann. 2.48; HA Hadr. 1 8 . 5 . Obviously legacies to 'bad' emperors can be made in order
that the terms of the rest of the will be upheld (Suet. Gaius 3 8 . 2 ; Tac. Ann. 1 6 . 1 1 ) , but 'good*
emperors received such legacies as well. O n legacies to emperors see R. S. Rogers (1947); for
a list, Champlin (1991), 2 0 3 - 4 .
1 9 6
Quoted, Pliny, Ep. 7. 2 0 . 6 ; for like prestige of Tacitus and Pliny see also Ep. 9. 23. Cf.
Tac. Ann. 1. 8, and esp. the Testamentum Dasumii, CIL vi. 10229.
1 9 7
Wills used to honour, dishonour, Champlin (1991), 1 2 - 1 7 , 1 4 6 - 7 . Insult, Junia, T a c .
Ann. 3 . 7 6 ; cf. 6 . 3 8 ; Fronto, ad Ant. Pium 3 (van den Hout). Under Augustus a law was pro­
posed to prevent such libel, Suet. Aug. 5 6 . 1 . Honour, C i c . Quinct. 14; Pliny, Ep. 7. 24. 8;
Fronto, ad M. Caes. 1. 6. 8 (van den Hout); cf. Lib. Ep. 1 1 5 . 1 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 7i
1 9 8
necessarily i n e x a c t . T h e possibility o f profiting from the a m b i g u o u s
value o f favours w a s clearly u n d e r s t o o d in antiquity, a n d that is w h y
m u c h is heard of'investing* o r 'sowing' favours. A t o n e p o i n t Seneca even
199
says, ' A m a n is an ingrate w h o returns a f a v o u r w i t h o u t i n t e r e s t . ' To
get the best return o n y o u r f a v o u r , y o u plant it in the m o s t fertile soil, y o u
invest it w i t h the m o s t 'grateful' recipient. H e will place a high value u p o n
the favours d o n e h i m , a n d p a y t h e m b a c k m a n y times o v e r in action o r
2 0 0
praise. W h a t g o o d j u d g e m e n t , then, w h a t admirable R o m a n c u n n i n g ,
to d o a f a v o u r for A r t e m i d o r u s , ' w h o is o f such a benign nature, that he
talks u p the favours o f friends—he publishes a r o u n d m y f a v o u r to h i m at
a b o v e its true value'. O n e tried to a v o i d , needless to say, investing one's
f a v o u r with an ungrateful recipient: n o t h i n g is m o r e base than a recipi­
2 0 1
ent w h o v a l u e d the f a v o u r t o o l o w .
But m e n o f high status tended to b e ungrateful, as C i c e r o indicates:
'Men w h o consider themselves wealthy, distinguished, a n d fortunate d o
not even w a n t to feel that they h a v e been obligated b y a g o o d deed. I n
fact, w h e n they h a v e willingly accepted even a considerable favour, they
2 0 2
think they h a v e b e s t o w e d i t . ' T h e s e grandees are m e n w h o can indulge
themselves in the m a n y reasons for n o t returning favours properly: ' T h e
b o t h e r discourages one m a n , the expense another, the d a n g e r a third, a n d
vile s h a m e , lest the return o f a f a v o u r a d m i t that o n e accepted it in the
2 0 3
first p l a c e . ' B u t h o w c a n they get a w a y w i t h this w i t h o u t d a m a g e to
their reputation? Because w h o o w e s w h a t is a matter o f opinion, a n d
s o m e people's opinions are stronger than others. T h e unrequited credi­
tor, a superior in h o n o u r , b o o m s , ' H e is ungrateful for the greatest
favours!' 'I w i s h I'd never given h i m anything!' H e sends for his pattern
b o o k o f letters a n d copies o u t elegant epistles o f r e p r o a c h — n o need for
such care o v e r private letters; these insulting letters are published
2 0 4
t h r o u g h the t o w n . B u t the accusation's target does n o t lie supine, he
1 9 8
Sailer (1982), 1 6 - 1 7 , citing Cic. ad Fam. 2. 6 . 1 - 2 .
1 9 9
Quoted, Sen. Ep. 8 1 . 1 8 . For the metaphor see also Cic. ad Fam. 13. 2 2 . 2 , 2 8 a . 3; Pliny,
1
Ep. 4. 4 . 3 ; and TLL ii. 1881, v i . 476. 82 ff. for more Latin refs.; Basil, Ep. 118. Moralists dis­
approve, Cic. Amic. 31; Sen. Ben. 1. 2 . 3 .
2 0 0
'Gratefulness' in this sense, Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 4 . 1 ; Pliny, Ep. 2.13.9; Sen. Ben. 5 . 1 . 3 ; this
and allied concepts spring from the Latin gratia, which has a range of meaning extending
from 'gratitude' to 'favour paid back' to 'influence', see Moussy (1966), and briefly, Sailer
(1982), 21.
2 0 1
Pliny, Ep. 3 . 1 1 . 1 . Ungratefulness in this sense, Sen. Ep. 81. 23.
2 0 2
C i c . Off. 2. 69, 'locupletes, honoratos, beatos'. Cf. A m m . Marc. 14. 6 . 1 3 .
2 0 3
Sen. Ben. 7. 2 6 . 3 .
2 0 4
Sen. Ben. 4 . 1 6 . 2 , 7 . 2 6 . 2 . Letter pattern book, [Lib.] Char. Epist. 5 3 , 6 4 . Letters to third
parties accusing persons of ingratitude, C i c . ad Fam. 8. 1 2 (one complains before their
friends); adAtt. 8 . 4 .
72 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

heaps abuse u p o n his abuser in turn. R u m o u r s start: ' h o w c u r i o u s that h e

can't p u t u p w i t h a m a n to w h o m he o w e s so m u c h . . . m a y b e a g o o d rea­
son underlies this?' E a c h assails the other's reputation. W h o wins? T h e
lesser m a n is at a fatal disadvantage. H e can m e r e l y 'bespatter' the digni­
tas o f the greater; b u t b y implication the greater can 'defile' his. In the
end, the h o n o u r o f the little m a n is eclipsed, that o f the great m a n o n l y
2 0 5
clouded. T h e w e i g h t an individual c o u l d b r i n g against another's h o n ­
our, his ability to mobilize opinion, w a s p r o p o r t i o n a l to his o w n . A t the
s a m e time, the vulnerability o f individuals to the honorific o r insulting
acts o f others varied: as Cassius Dio's discussion o f Sejanus s h o w e d
(above, p . 53), the h o n o u r o f those higher u p w a s apt to be less subject to
the o p i n i o n o f individuals. T h u s a v e r y great aristocrat w a s b o t h sov­
ereign o v e r his inferior's prestige a n d little vulnerable to his inferior's
opinion. W h e r e there w a s a substantial g a p between the prestige o f the
t w o parties, o n questions o f w h a t he o w e d a n d w h a t he w a s o w e d , the
greater m a n w a s j u d g e in his o w n cause b y virtue o f his ability to destroy
the reputation o f the lesser. Indeed, the specific gratefulness o r u n g r a t e ­
fulness o f lesser m e n — t h e i r attractiveness as recipients o f the favours o f
the p o w e r f u l — w a s established b y the o p i n i o n o f the m o s t distinguished,
w h o reported to each other a b o u t prospective proteges: 'I c a n protect m y
favours to h i m in n o w a y better than b y a d d i n g to t h e m , especially since
he has rated their value so high that he earns n e w ones as he accepts the
2 0 6
old.'
A m a r k e d disparity o f prestige tended to transform the ideally equi­
table system o f reciprocity into the enslavement o f the lesser m a n to the
u n t r a m m e l l e d p o w e r o f the h o n o u r o f the greater: he m u s t d o as he is
told, o r take the consequences. T h i s w a s the true plight o f the R o m a n
client. O n c e he got in debt to his p a t r o n , o n l y his p a t r o n c o u l d say w h e n
that debt w a s p a i d off. Similarly, Pliny w a s a j u d g e in his o w n cause w h e n
it c a m e to the deference o w e d h i m . H e stated his claim, a n d then praised
c o m p l i a n c e . A m a n like C i c e r o , a consular b u t n o nobilis, should have
calculated carefully before failing in deference to the magnificent Metelli:
y o u s h o u l d n o t h a v e insulted m e a n d attacked m y brother, Q . Metellus
Celer w r o t e to h i m ; the h o n o u r o f our family (inter alia) should h a v e dis­
suaded y o u . Y o u h a v e failed to act in a c c o r d w i t h the c o n d u c t o f o u r

2 0 5
Sen. Ben. 7. 3 0 . 2, 'nemo non superioris dignitatem querendo, etiam si non
inquinavit, adspersit'.
2 0 6
Quoted, Pliny, Ep. 2.13. 9; for reporting see also Ep. 7. 8 , 7 . 1 5 . 3 ; C i c . ad Fam. 5 . 1 1 . 1 ,
6 . 1 1 . 2 , 1 3 . 2 5 , 1 3 . 2 7 , 1 3 . 4 2 . 1 , 1 3 . 5 4 , 1 3 . 6 4 . 1 ; Deniaux (1993), 1 8 4 - 6 . T h e humble man must
strive to show himself grateful, C i c . Off. 2.70.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 73

ancestors ( n o surprise that, riff-raff!): y o u will live to regret this. A n d o n e

m u s t imagine the bearer o f this letter to C i c e r o carrying others to p r o u d
friends a n d allies o f the Metelli, beating the d r u m s o f aristocratic o p i n ­
2 0 7
ion. P o o r C i c e r o h a d to write b a c k a crawling letter to M e t e l l u s .
H o n o u r , again, w a s a f o r m o f p o w e r .

THE CITY

In the blink o f an eye, the ancient aristocrat estimated the quality o f those
he met, a n d just as the gaze o f the artist t u r n i n g from the carefully
arranged elements o f the still life to e v e r y d a y reality continues to distin­
guish the essentials o f f o r m a n d colour, so did the inhabitant o f the
R o m a n empire, trained to reckon u p exactly the h o n o u r o f m e n , n a t u ­
rally assign h o n o u r to things other than h u m a n . T h e gods h a d their pres­
tige; the sky-coursing eagle rejoiced in his, a n d looking d o w n m i g h t gaze
u p o n an h o n o u r a b l e p r o v i n c e , a f a m o u s R o m a n legion, a distinguished
island, a glorious m o u n t a i n , o r an illustrious building, all in an e m p i r e
2 0 8
w h i c h itself h a d h o n o u r . H o n o u r w a s a filter t h r o u g h w h i c h the w h o l e
w o r l d w a s v i e w e d , a deep structure o f the G r a e c o - R o m a n m i n d , perhaps
the ruling m e t a p h o r o f ancient society. T o us value is a c o n s e q u e n c e o f
price; the G r e e k s , needing a w o r d for 'price', b o r r o w e d TiyL-q from the
realm o f h o n o u r . E v e r y thing, every person, c o u l d b e v a l u e d in terms o f
h o n o u r , a n d e v e r y g r o u p o f persons: the h o n o u r o f the R o m a n senate, o f
the equestrian order, or o f a c o u r t o f law, w a x e d a n d w a n e d a c c o r d i n g to
2 0 9
w h o its m e m b e r s w e r e a n d their c o n d u c t . T h e m o s t significant collec­
tivity in the R o m a n w o r l d w a s , h o w e v e r , the city. A grasp o f the h o n o u r
a n d influence o f cities is helpful for an understanding o f R o m a n g o v e r n ­
m e n t , a n d is particularly well illuminated b y the n o r m s o f civic benefac­
tion.

2 0 7
Pliny, see n. 154 above; Cicero and Metellus, paraphrasing Cic. ad Fam. 5 . 1 , 'familiae
nostrae dignitas'; 5. 2.
2 0 8
Gods, Cairns (1993), passim, and other objects, 210. Eagle, Fronto, de Eloq. 2 . 1 3 (van
den Hout); cf. for ranking the natural world by dignitas, Sid. Ep. 7 . 1 4 . 8 . Province, see n. 359
below; legion, pp. 2 5 0 - 2 , 2 6 2 - 3 below; island, Philo, Leg. Gaium 282; mountain, Verg. Aen.
1 2 . 1 3 5 ; building, C i c . ad Q. Fr. 3 . 1 . 1 ; Pliny, Ep. 7. 24. 9; even sewers, Cass. Var. 3. 3 0 . 1 .
Empire, Cic. 2Verr. 4. 25; Manil. 11; Herod. 2. 8. 2. Cf. Yavetz (1974), 3 6 - 7 , 4 7 - 8 . H o n o u r
vocabulary is also used in a technical sense in rhetoric, for weighing words, Fronto, de Eloq.
2 . 1 (van den H o u t ) , and describing style, Herm. Id. 1 . 5 - 6 , 9 .
2 0 9
The Roman senate, C i c . 2Verr. 1. 5; Florus 2. 5. 3. Equestrian order, Rhet. Her. 4. 47;
Mart. 5. 8. A court, C i c . 2Verr. 1 . 1 8 ; Clu. 61. See Yavetz (i974)> 37-
74 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

The Honour of Cities

T h e elements o f the h o n o u r o f a city w e r e parallel, a n d in m a n y respects
similar, to those o f h u m a n h o n o u r , a n d cities used influence g r o u n d e d in
h o n o u r t o effect their will in similar w a y s . G r e a t age a n d f a m o u s deeds in
the past contributed largely t o a city's h o n o u r , just as being s p r u n g from
a f a m o u s line d i d a m o n g m e n : indeed, the coins a n d inscriptions o f a n
old and proud city might style it cvyevrjs, 'well-born', and Dio
C h r y s o s t o m said o f N i c a e a ,

it is, in the nobility of its line, and the make-up of its people, inferior to no pres­
tigious city elsewhere... [it is] made up of the most illustrious families—not triv­
ial numbers of trivial men gathered together higgledy-piggledy—but the first
among the Greeks and the Macedonians, and what is most important, it had as
210
its founders both gods and heroes.

A l s o c o n t r i b u t i n g w e r e natural advantages: location, the wealth o f t h e

land, presence o f rivers, h a r b o u r s , the b e a u t y o f the spot; p o p u l a t i o n a n d
sheer size; the possession o f subject cities; the p u b l i c revenues; a n d the
w o r k s o f m a n : structures p u b l i c a n d private, notable temples, religious
2 1 1
festivals, a n d g a m e s .
M o r e o v e r , the city m u s t act well: a city h a d a m o r a l character just like
a m a n , a n d the city's prestige rested in part u p o n w i d e s p r e a d perception
o f that character. A n orator praising a city m i g h t boast that the neigh­
b o u r i n g peoples 'deem o u r city the v e r y definition o f justice, a n d c o m e
here t o handle their litigation; just as the A t h e n i a n s h a v e inherited their
A r e o p a g u s as a n arena f o r justice, so d o o u r n e i g h b o u r i n g cities regard

2 1 0
Nicaea, D. C h r . 3 9 . 1, ovScfiiaz IJTTOJ/UCVIJ TO>V OTTOIVOTC €V86£COV yevov? TC
ycwaiorqrt. Cities' prestige in general, D . C h r 3 1 . 4 0 , 1 2 6 , 1 5 9 ; Men. Rhet. 3 9 8 . 2 3 - 6 , CIL viii.
14394, 14728; Robert (i977«)> V n. 7 6 for coins bearing types like a c / x i ^ r ev8o^or4pa^.
Conspectus of the elements of cities' prestige, see esp. the elements praised in panegyrics on
cities, n. 241 below; and more briefly, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 4 6 ; Aristid. 1 8 . 3 - 6 , 2 3 . 1 3 - 2 6 , 2 4 . 4 5 - 5 6 , 2 7 .
5 - 1 5 (Behr); [Aristid.] 2 5 . 3 - 8 (Behr). Especially for age and deeds, [Julian], Ep. 198 (Bidez),
4 0 7 0 - 4 0 8 3 (on which see B. Keil (1913); Spawforth (1994): really a speech dating to the 1st
cent, AD); Cic. Mur. 22; D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 1 7 , 32. 9 2 - 3 . A g e , Robert (1937X 3 0 2 - 5 ; (1980), 2 0 4 - 5 .
Deeds, Robert (1937), 2 4 7 - 8 ; D . Chr. 31. 66. cvyevrj?, Robert (1977a), 17; and see Strubbe
( 1 9 8 4 - 6 ) for the bases of the claim. For perceptions among modern Greek shepherds of the
prestige of the nation as similar to that of family, J. Campbell (1964), 317.
2 1 1
See conspectus in previous note, and esp. for size and location, D . Chr. 32. 3 5 - 6 , 3 5 .
1 3 - 1 4 . Population, Pliny, Ep. 7. 32. Subject cities, D . Chr. 34. 4 7 , 3 5 . 1 4 ; public revenues, D .
Chr. 4 8 . 1 1 . Structures, Vitr. 1. pr. 2; Gk. Const. 138; Aristid. 23. 6 8 - 9 (Behr); Philostr. VS 1.
25 (532); which must be kept in repair, [Aristid.] 25. 2 (Behr). Tumbledown structures are
orjfjieia . . . aSo^ias', D . Chr. 40. 9. Walls, Dio 74(75!.). 1 4 . 4 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 75
> 2 1 2
us. In general the R h o d i a n s (for e x a m p l e ) c o n d u c t e d themselves w i t h
p r o p r i e t y — t h e i r gait w a s a d m i r e d , as w a s the t r i m o f their hair a n d their
m a n n e r o f dress. T h e i r m a n n e r s lent the city dignity. A n d even m o r e
u n u s u a l a n d distinguished, they sat in silence at public spectacles, a n d
a p p l a u d e d w i t h a sedate clucking. B u t vitiating these claims to r e n o w n
w a s their a l a r m i n g habit o f h o n o u r i n g n e w benefactors b y c h a n g i n g the
labels o n old statues, a cheese-paring practice destructive o f the p r o u d
islanders' reputation. T h e citizenry o f T a r s u s , given to emitting a c h a r a c ­
teristic snort, w e r e sharply advised b y D i o C h r y s o s t o m that they w e r e
2 1 3
snorting a w a y their city's l u s t r e . A n d a reputation for internal c o n c o r d
w a s likewise vital to prestige: ' w h o are m o r e equal in h o n o u r to their
rulers?' asked the same D i o rhetorically, castigating the N i c a e a n s for their
2 1 4
disharmony.
T o the G r a e c o - R o m a n observer the h o n o u r o f a city w a s n o t different
in k i n d o r i n c o m m e n s u r a b l e in quantity w i t h the h o n o u r o f a m a n . Cities
tended to h a v e m o r e prestige than private citizens, b u t this w a s b y n o
m e a n s invariably the case: S c i p i o A f r i c a n u s the Y o u n g e r , the destroyer o f
C a r t h a g e , s e e m e d to C i c e r o to h a v e as m u c h auctoritas as R o m e , a n d the
215
sophist P o l e m o 'addressed cities as if he w e r e their s u p e r i o r ' . T h u s it is
predictable that 'citizens [ o f cities] b r i n g distinction u p o n t h e m , just as
children d o u p o n parents', a n d that 'the greatest distinction a city has is
216
the praise given its c i t i z e n s ' . A city c o u l d derive prestige n o t merely for
its aggregate deeds a n d mo ra l s , b u t also from the present o r past a c c o m ­
plishments o f individual inhabitants. Especially valuable u n d e r the
e m p i r e w e r e f a m o u s practitioners o f h o n o u r a b l e intellectual pursuits like
rhetoric: since P o l e m o c o u l d sneer at w h o l e cities, his residence at

2 1 2
Men. Rhet. 385. 1 0 - 1 4 . In general on cities' character, Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip.
799b-8oob; D . C h r . 31. 5 - 6 . Widespread perception, D . C h r . 3 2 . 4 0 - 1 , 86. Conspectus of
cities' moral virtues, D . C h r . 34. 48, 4 4 . 1 0 . For virtuous cities see also Pliny, Ep. 1 . 1 4 . 4, 6;
D. Chr. 4 1 . 9 .
2 1 3
Rhodes, D . C h r . 3 1 . 1 6 2 - 3 , 3 2 . 52 (they even reproach visiting foreigners for walking
badly); Aristid. 24. 56 (Behr). Rhodes' statues, D . C h r . 31 passim and esp. 31. 2. Tarsus, D .
Chr. 3 3 . 3 4 , 3 8 , 5 1 , 5 5 ; and for being 'difficult' with governors, D . Chr. 3 4 . 9 . See also for dis­
graceful conduct of Athens, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 1 6 - 2 3 ; Philostr. VA 4 . 2 1 ; Alexandria, D . Chr. 3 2 . 4 1 ,
47 et passim; and other cities, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 5 8 ; [D. Chr.] 3 7 . 3 7 ; Pliny, Ep. 4 . 2 2 . 7 .
D . Chr. 3 9 . 4 , laoTifiorepoi; see also Aristid. 2 3 . 7 6 (Behr).
2 1 4

2 1 5
Cities have more prestige, Aristid. 24. 1 2 (Behr). Africanus, C i c . Mur. 58. Polemo,
Philostr. VS 1 . 2 5 (535); and cf. Apul. Flor. 16.
Quint. Inst. 3 . 7. 26, decus; and D . C h r . 48. 4, Koafio^ . . . encuvoz; see also Aristid.
2 1 6

29. 27 (Behr); Rouech6 (1993), no. 72; Sid. Ep. 7. 9. 23. T h u s one needs to attend closely to
the quality of members of city councils: Gk. Const. 184. 2. 5 7 - 6 1 ; Lib. Or. 1 1 . 1 3 3 - 4 9 -
76 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

S m y r n a glorified her, 'for a city n o t o n l y gives a m a n a great n a m e , b u t

2 1 7
can acquire o n e from a m a n . '
In time o f civil w a r the residents o f one Italian t o w n c o u l d easily b e
i m a g i n e d creeping b y night to fill their neighbour's amphitheatre w i t h
flammables, driven b y jealousy at their rival's possession o f the largest
building in Italy: as between m e n , c o m p e t i t i o n between cities for h o n o u r
2 1 8
was k e e n . A pecking o r d e r w a s clearly u n d e r s t o o d — a city's coins
m i g h t , for e x a m p l e , p r o u d l y p r o c l a i m it the sixth or, failing that, the sev­
enth, city o f the p r o v i n c e o f A s i a — a n d citizens w e r e eager to a d v a n c e
2 1 9
their h o m e t o w n s . T h e y chanted their city's praises—its claims to h o n ­
o u r — i n p u b l i c meetings, a n d they chanted abuse o f a rival city in the the­
2 2 0
atre. T h e impression visitors received o f a city w a s carefully attended
to: a native c o u l d earnestly assure a visitor, ' W e easily excel all the other
cities w i t h o u r temples, baths, a n d p u b l i c buildings.' W h e n distinguished
m e n visited, the city's m o r a l s i m p r o v e d , o r her vices w e r e at least hidden,
221
for fear o f g i v i n g a b a d i m p r e s s i o n . A n d the citizens o f rival cities
seized u p o n a n y vice, especially o n e as repulsive as the Tarsians' snorting,
a n d castigated it, to hurt a rival's reputation a n d thus i m p r o v e their o w n
2 2 2
relative s t a n d i n g . Just as citizens a d o r e d to hear speeches in praise o f
their city a n d attacks o n their rivals, they loathed to hear their rivals

2 1 7
Polemo, Philostr. VS 1. 25 (532). Citizens w h o confer distinction on their cities: C i c .
Plane. 1 9 - 2 0 , 22; Pliny, Ep. 7. 2 2 . 2; Aristid. 3 0 . 1 - 2 , 32. 5, 2 0 - 1 (Behr); [Apol. T y . ] , Ep. 47;
Greg. N a z . Ep. 207. 2; Theodoret, Ep. 3 0 , 3 2 (Az£ma); Sid. Ep. 4. 4 . 1 . A w o m a n confers dis­
tinction, A E 1910. 203. Liberal pursuits, Mart. 1 0 . 1 0 3 ; Men. Rhet. 3 6 0 - 1 , 3 6 4 ; Lib. Or. 1. 52.
The humiliation of a townsman can also detract: thus Alatrium begs Cicero to defend a cit­
izen's freedman on behalf of the town's dignitas, C i c . Clu. 49; see also 196, for conviction of
a townsman in court.
2 1 8
Burning amphitheatre, Tac. Hist. 2. 21, cf. Dig. 5 0 . 1 0 . 3 (Macer) for buildings erected
'ad aemulationem alterius civitatis'. On rivalry, N o r r (1966), 4 8 - 5 0 ; Robert (1977a);
Merkelbach (1978); Syme (1988 ( 1 9 8 1 ) ) . See esp. D . C h r . 38. 3 4 (explicitly compared to a
rivalry between i-mtpaveiz . . . avSpez); 3 1 . 1 2 0 - 7 , 34 passim, 38. 24, 29; 41. 2, TWV TTOXCCOV

<ptAoTi/Lu'av; Aristid. 23. 12 (Behr); Philostr. VS 1. 24 (529); and MAMA vi. 6 with Robert
(1969), 2 8 7 - 8 , a fragmentary Roman decree concerning rivalry. For violence, also Tac. Hist.
i- 65, 3 . 57, 4. 3 , 50; Herod. 3. 2. 7 - 9 , 3 . 3 . 3 . Cf. rivalry between towns in modern
Mediterranean, Bourdieu (1966), 203; Pitt-Rivers (1971), 9 - 1 2 .
2 1 9
Pecking order, esp. Lib. Or. 2 0 . 4 0 ; A u s . Ord. Nob. Urb.; also Cic. Flac. 74; D . Chr. 38.
5 (called a r d ^ i s ) , 4 3 . 1 ; Aristid. 23. 23 (Behr); M e n . Rhet. 433. 2 3 - 3 2 . Coins, Robert (1977b),
6 4 - 8 (but see Mitchell (1993), i. 206). See below, pp. 1 7 0 - 1 , for the relationship of this order
to the imperial cult.
2 2 0
Chanting praises, Rouech£ (1989 b). Abuse of others, in theatre D . Chr. 4 0 . 2 9 ; in gen­
eral, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 2 4 , 1 5 4 - 5 . 3 4 - 1 4 > 38. 4i> 48. 4~5; Aristid. 2 3 . 1 2 (Behr); ILS 6443.
2 2 1
Quoted, Apul. Met. 2.19. Attention to visitors' opinion, D . Chr. 7. 3 9 , 3 2 . 4 1 - 3 , 51. 2.
Improved conduct, Philostr. VS 2. 26 (613); concealing vices, D . Chr. 48. 2. Cf. modern
Andalusia, Pitt-Rivers (1971), 2 6 - 7 .
2 2 2
D . Chr. 33. 38, 51, mentioning the Cilician towns of Aegae and Adana as detractors.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 77
2 2 3
praised, thinking that praise of others d i s h o n o u r e d t h e m . A n orator
2 2 4
will appeal to this rivalry to get a city to d o w h a t he w a n t s . Just as w i t h
individuals, the greater a city's prestige the m o r e closely a n d the m o r e
jealously it w a s w a t c h e d , a n d just as the c o n d u c t o f a distinguished m a n
was imitated b y ambitious proteges, an orator c o u l d urge a city to imitate
2 2 5
the prepotently magnificent city o f R o m e . Another s y m p t o m (and one
o f w h i c h , as will be seen, the e m p e r o r s took advantage) w a s the eagerness
o f cities to stack u p honorific titles. B y the early third c e n t u r y as m o d e s t
a t o w n as G a z a w a s 'sacred, inviolable, a u t o n o m o u s , trustworthy, rever­
2 2 6
ent, brilliant, a n d g r e a t ' .
Because cities w e r e perceived to exist in the w o r l d o f h o n o u r , relations
between t h e m could b e conceived o f in h o n o u r terms, as w h e n A r g o s
c o m p l a i n e d that C o r i n t h ' s treatment o f her w a s ' u n w o r t h y o f her ancient
p o w e r a n d r e n o w n ' , o r E p h e s u s c o m p l a i n e d to the e m p e r o r o f be ing
insulted b y S m y r n a . 'I think that it w a s b y mistake that the S m y r n e a n s left
y o u r titles off the decree c o n c e r n i n g the joint sacrifice,' w r o t e A n t o n i n u s
Pius to the furious Ephesians, p o u r i n g oil u p o n turbulent waters, for the
cities w e r e old rivals. 'I a m sure that they will act better in future, as long
as y o u in y o u r letters to t h e m m e n t i o n t h e m appropriately in a c c o r d w i t h
227
w h a t has been d e c r e e d . ' S o u n d i n g the s a m e note, A e l i u s Aristides
u r g e d the rival cities o f A s i a to praise each other; a n d cities did h o n o u r
228
o n e another w i t h s t a t u e s . N o t o n l y did cities h o n o u r a n d defer, they
traded favours. If N i c o m e d i a really w i s h e d to b e m o r e highly esteemed b y
the cities o f her region, said D i o C h r y s o s t o m , she should grant t h e m as a
2 2 9
benefaction the free use o f her p o r t .

2 2 3
Love of panegyric, D . C h r . 3 2 . 3 7 - 8 ; hatred of criticism, D . C h r . 3 2 . 1 1 , 4 8 . 4 - 5 ; love of
attacks on rivals, Aristid. 23. 5 (Behr); praise of rivals hated as drifiia, Aristid. 23. 7, 29
(Behr).
2 2 4
D. Chr. 3 1 . 1 5 7 - 6 0 , 3 8 . 3 0 - 1 .
225 Watched, D . C h r . 3 1 . 3 9 - 4 0 ; [Aristid.] 25. 4 0 - 2 (Behr). Imitation, D . C h r . 4 1 . 1 0 .
2 2 6
Gaza, IGR i. 387. See pp. 1 3 6 - 7 b e l o w .
2 2 7
Argos, [Julian], Ep. 198 (Bidez), 409b (see n. 210 above), dpxatas Swd^iews T C /ecu
86g-qs avdgia. Ephesus and Smyrna, Gk. Const. 135 A. 1 0 - 1 5 . A n d see Spawforth and Walker
( 1 9 8 6 : 9 5 , 1 0 2 ) , for cities claiming kinship with Sparta and Argos to participate in their fame.
2 2 8
Aristid. 2 3 . 7 , 2 9 (Behr). For cities honouring one another, Liebenam (1900), 125 n. 3;
and e.g. IKEph. ii. 236; Hoghammar (1993), no. 53; Rouech£ (1993), nos. 5 8 - 6 3 ; and for the
Hellenistic background, Gauthier (1985), 1 6 2 - 4 .
2 2 9
Nicomedia, D . Chr. 38. 3 2 , interpreted by C . P. Jones (1978), 87. For relationships of
clientship (i.e. indebtedness for favours) between Rome and other states during the
Republic, Badian (1958), esp. 1 - 1 3 , 3 3 - 1 1 5 .
78 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

Men and Cities: Influence

S i n c e the h o n o u r o f cities a n d m e n w a s c o m m e n s u r a b l e , m e n c o u l d deal
w i t h cities, a n d cities w i t h m e n , in h o n o u r terms. Just as the praise o f a
m a n w a s valuable to the recipient's prestige in p r o p o r t i o n to the praiser's
celebrity, so t o o w e r e the prestige-bestowing h o n o u r s o f a city. T o the cit­
izens o f the ancient, p o w e r f u l , a n d rich city o f R h o d e s , w h i c h c o u l d claim
to be s e c o n d o n l y to R o m e in distinction, an o r a t o r c o u l d say, 'It is m o r e
prestigious to b e invited to take a seat o f h o n o u r o n c e a m o n g y o u than it
is to get a statue in other cities. A n d to b e praised b y y o u r assembly is g l o ­
rious; others s e e m not to h o n o u r e n o u g h if they burst their lungs w i t h
230
cheering.' C o m p a r i n g his city to others in the East, a R h o d i a n m i g h t
say, ' T h e R o m a n [governors] don't care v e r y m u c h a b o u t b e i n g given
statues a m o n g those people, b u t they are n o t heedless o f the h o n o u r
here.' B y the late R e p u b l i c the h o n o u r s a n d testimonials o f G r e e k cities
2 3 1
carried great w e i g h t at R o m e .
' T h e m o n u m e n t , the inscription, a n d the b r o n z e statue are t h o u g h t
great things b y n o b l e m e n , ' as D i o C h r y s o s t o m said; ' C r o w n s a n d p r o c l a ­
m a t i o n s a n d seats o f h o n o u r , costing n o t h i n g to those w h o give t h e m , are
2 3 2
w o r t h everything to those w h o receive t h e m . ' A n d citizenship, testi­
m o n i a l s from a city, titles like 'Best M e n , a n d O l y m p i a n s , a n d S a v i o u r s ,
a n d Foster-parents', speeches b y notables, a c c l a m a t i o n in the city assem­
bly, a n d being escorted b y the c r o w d w e r e honorific too, as w e r e a p p o i n t ­
233
m e n t s to embassies to the e m p e r o r a n d other c i t i e s . After death m e n

2 3 0
Second only to Rome, D . Chr. 3 1 . 6 2 . Quoted, D . C h r . 3 1 . 1 1 0 , oepvoTepov eon TO trap
vp.lv KArjdrjvai els irpoeopiav ana^ rrjs trap* erepois CIKOVOS. Kal TO fiev vfids Kad-qpcevovs
€77atv€aai Xapurpov dXXoi 8e ov8e dv hiappaywoi KCKpayoTes ov 8OKOVOIV tVavcDs' Tip.av;
and, of course, one must not cheapen honours b y giving them out too widely. Honour from
a city proportional to city's honour, see also Cic. Flac. 74; Apul. Flor. 16; D . Chr. 3 9 . 1 .
2 3 1
D . C h r . 3 1 . 1 0 6 , np.T\ (also giving the context for 31. 110 in the previous note).
Testimonials carry weight, Cic. Flac. 74; ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 4 2 ; ad Fam. 12. 25a. 2.
2 3 2
D . Chr. 3 1 . 2 0 , 7 5 . 7 ; see also for conspectus of civic honours, Tac. Dial. 8; Plut. Praec.
Ger. Reip. 82od; D . C h r . 31. 108, 66. 2 - 4 ; Apul. Flor. 16; TAM ii. 905. O n civic honours,
Liebenam (1900), 1 2 1 - 3 3 , 3 7 9 - 8 2 ; for women, van Bremen (1996), 1 5 5 - 9 0 ; for the origins of
the regime of civic honours in the Greek world, Gauthier (1985). For the sheer mass of hon­
orific monuments in a city of the Roman period see Geagan ( 1 9 6 7 : 1 4 0 - 5 9 ) , for Athens. A
substantial proportion of all surviving inscriptions record, or form part of, such honours.
2 3 3
Citizenship, [Apol. T y . ] , Ep. 62; D . C h r . 4 1 . 1 0 (here conferring Roman citizenship as
well, an additional honour). Written testimonials, D . C h r . 77/78. 26; Robert (1965), 207;
Reynolds (1982), no. 14. Titles, quoted, D . C h r . 4 8 . 1 0 ; see also J. C h r . de Ian. Glor. 4; they
are given by honorific acclamation, Robert (1949a), 7 4 - 8 1 ; (1960a), 5 6 9 - 7 6 ; (1981), 3 6 0 - 1 ;
Veyne (1990), 125. Speeches, D . C h r . 5 1 . 1 - 3 ; IGR iv. 1756. 5 2 - 6 2 . Acclamation, cheering, D .
Chr. 66. 2 - 3 ; Aristid. 3 0 . 9 (Behr); Sel. Pap. 239; Colin (1965), 1 1 2 - 3 2 ; Roueche" (1984).
Escorted, D . Chr. 7 7 / 7 8 . 3 3 . Embassies, D . Chr. 51. 9; Philostr. V S 1. 25 (539).
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 79

m i g h t b e h o n o u r e d w i t h public funerals, funeral g a m e s , a n d even

234
shrines. E a c h o f these h o n o u r s w a s ranked in relation to the others: the
best o f h o n o u r s in life w a s a statue o f w r o u g h t gold erected in 'the m o s t
235
distinguished s h r i n e s ' . T h e R o m a n s a d o p t e d this n u a n c e d a n d sophis­
236
ticated system o f G r e e k civic distinctions for use in their o w n c i t i e s .
The city c o u l d also dishonour: as D i o C h r y s o s t o m said to the
A l e x a n d r i a n s , 'If o n e o f the better people should d o something disgrace­
ful w h e r e e v e r y o n e is w a t c h i n g , y o u will p o u r c o n t e m p t u p o n h i m a n d
d e e m h i m w o r t h nothing, even if he has a t h o u s a n d times y o u r a u t h o r ­
ity.' S u c h c o n t e m p t c o u l d take the f o r m o f abusive chanting o r jeering in
2 3 7
public m e e t i n g s . T o a visitor, a n insult c o u l d b e offered b y a t o w n ' s
failure to receive h i m w i t h the c e r e m o n y d u e his prestige, or, indeed, b y
2 3 8
refusal to a d m i t h i m at all; he c o u l d also b e jeered o n his w a y . If the
m a n to b e censured h a d previously been h o n o u r e d , his statues c o u l d b e
2 3 9
pulled d o w n , o r a n y other public h o n o u r s taken a w a y . T h e ancient
m i n d also classified acts o f overt m o b violence—stoning, o r rushing at a
m a n ' s house w i t h b u r n i n g b r a n d s — a s acts o f dishonour. A t Sena, n o t
o n l y w a s a R o m a n senator beaten b y o r d e r o f the magistrates, b u t the
townsfolk p e r f o r m e d a m o c k funeral c o m p l e t e w i t h satirical lamentation
2 4 0
and abuse.
B y the s a m e t o k e n — a n d the m o d e r n m i n d finds this s o m e w h a t c u r i ­
o u s — a m a n , particularly a v e r y distinguished m a n , c o u l d h o n o u r , o r

2 3 4
D . Chr. 4 4 . 3 - 4 ; Cic. Flac. 75; ILS139-40.
2 3 5
Ranking of honours, D . Chr. 3 1 . 2 2 , 1 0 8 ; Philostr. VS1. 25 (530). Gold statue set up iv
rots' £iTi<pav€OTdToiz Upois, D . C h r . 44. 2; cf. D . C h r . 31. 8 7 - 8 ; IGR iv. 1236. 2 7 - 8 . T h e
honour conveyed b y a statue varies especially according to its material and placement in the
city, Ward-Perkins (1984), 9; for the placement of statues in the forums of two North
African cities, Z i m m e r (1989). Rhodes, D . Chr. 3 1 . 9 , 1 0 7 - 8 (and perhaps other cities, D . Chr.
3 1 . 1 1 6 ; [D. Chr.] 3 7 . 4 0 ; Cic. ad Att. 6 . 1 . 2 6 ) , only sculpted the likenesses of those honoured
highest; for lesser mortals, including some Roman governors ( D . Chr. 31. 4 3 - 4 ) , they rela­
belled old statues, sometimes quite inappropriate ones ( D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 5 5 - 6 ) . Notice also that
a town's civic bodies, the popular assembly and the councils (some cities had more than
one), may honour together or separately, Geagan (1967), 1 4 0 - 5 9 . Other civic honours (with
no attempt to be complete): gilded portrait plaque, IGR iv. 1 7 5 6 . 4 8 , 1 2 9 ; coins, Harl ( 1 9 8 7 ^
28-9; meals at public expense, Philostr. VS 2.15 (595); honorific banquets, Plut. Cato Min.
14. 3; meeting approaching honorands far from the city, D . C h r . 45. 4; and for elements of
honorific reception by a town, IGR iv. 1 4 5 . 1 8 - 2 5 .
2 3 6
A . Wallace-Hadrill (1990); see esp. C i c . ad Brut. 24.
2 3 7
D . Chr. 3 2 . 3 1 ; see also, for shouted abuse, 7. 25-6; 3 2 . 1 1 , 2 2 .
2 3 8
Failure to receive properly, Plut. Cato Min. 12. 2 - 5 ; refusal to admit, Cic. Clu. 193; ad
Fam. 1 2 . 1 5 . 2 - 3 ; jeering visitor, Cic. Clu. 192; Philo, Flacc. 3 3 - 4 , 1 5 3 .
2 3 9
Statues, Philostr. V S i . 8 (490); [D. Chr.] 37; Cic. ad Brut. 24.9; honorific inscriptions,
D. Chr. 31. 28.
2 4 0
M o b violence, D . Chr. 4 6 . 6 . Sena, Tac. Hist. 4.45. Other insults, D . Chr. 3 1 . 2 9 ; Philo,
Flacc. 3 6 - 4 0 ; Jos. AI19.357.
8o Honour and Influence in the Roman World

d i s h o n o u r , a city. In his speech u p o n taking leave o f a city, a notable w a s

expected to p r o c l a i m to its people that he w o u l d 'never forget t h e m ,
spreading n e w s o f t h e m e v e r y w h e r e in a d m i r a t i o n o f their excellent q u a l ­
ities'. P a n e g y r i c s u p o n cities survive, a n d rhetorical h a n d b o o k s g a v e
instructions a b o u t h o w cities w e r e to b e praised; an orator m i g h t p r o m i s e
to circulate his p a n e g y r i c t h r o u g h the p r o v i n c e s as a p a m p h l e t , a n d the
city praised m i g h t beg a c o p y . A great m a n ' s praise contributed to the
2 4 1
city's h o n o u r . S o did his decision to defend it in c o u r t o r to associate
himself w i t h it as its p a t r o n . M o r e o v e r , w h e n a distinguished m a n m a d e
2 4 2
a gift to a city, he h o n o u r e d i t . O n the other h a n d , the b l a m e o f indi­
viduals w a s disastrous to a city's h o n o u r :

And yet I have heard from many people that when, some time before, one of the
governors sent us an unfavourable reply about our finances, and our goal was not
achieved, many people ridiculed the city—not our neighbours, for that would
have been less terrible [rivals' gloating being expected], but our own c i t i z e n s . . .
feeling no shame, when they said those things, that they were lacerating their own
homeland and thoughtlessly ruining its reputation; for if they are among the
city's first men, or among those held in honour, they ruin themselves, as leaders
in a city which is weak and without prestige; but if they are of the base off-scour-
ings, then they make their own dishonour greater and more severe, as the most
243
wretched inhabitants of a most wretched c i t y .

W i t h cities as w i t h m e n , although the praise o f the l o w e r orders w a s

w o r t h little, their b l a m e w a s destructive.
The key to u n d e r s t a n d i n g relations between m a n a n d city in the
ancient w o r l d is the realization that cities w e r e fully a n t h r o p o m o r p h i z e d :
2 4 4
they w e r e t h o u g h t to act just as h u m a n s d i d . T h u s cities set o u t to c o n ­
trol the acts o f m e n , a n d m e n those o f cities, just as m e n dealt w i t h other
m e n : e m p l o y i n g — a m o n g other m e t h o d s — h o n o u r - b a s e d f o r m s o f influ-

2 4 1
Quoted, Men. Rhet. 4 3 1 . 2 5 - 7 . Panegyrics on cities, Aristid. 1 , 1 7 , 2 6 and see 21 (Behr);
D. C h r . 35, 50; and esp. Lib. Or. 11. For instructions on how to deliver them, Men. Rhet.
3 4 6 - 6 7 , 3 8 2 - 9 ; Quint. Inst. 3 . 7 . 2 6 - 7 ; Pernot (1993), i. 1 7 8 - 2 1 6 . Pamphlet, Apul. Flor. 16; beg­
ging a copy, Hall (1992). Panegyric an honour to cities, Aristid. 1. 2 , 1 7 . 7 (Behr).
2 4 2
Honorific: defence in court, ILS 6680; patronage, AE1937.119; benefactions, EJ 236;
CIL viii. 4418; IG xii. 5 . 9 4 6 .
2 4 3
D . Chr. 45. 6, Kai ravra Xiyovres OVK fjoxvvovTO Biaovpovres TI)V avratv irarpiha Kai
KaOaipovvres iv rots Xoyois ovrws dvorfrajs. €ire yap elai rd>v irpatrevovratv iv avrrj rj
rtficDfievcDV, avrovs KaSaipovoiv dodcvovs Kai d86£ov iroXeaiS npoeaTqKores' ctrc TWV
a €7ra>r av
aTreppifjLfjiivaiv iioi Kai TWV vardrajv, CTI /i.ei£o> Kai x ^ *P iroiovoi r-qv dri/Luap
avrois, €i rrjs ioxdrrjs noXeaJS eaxaroi rvyxdvovaiv OVTCS.
2 4 4
Thus a city may not only have a mother (metropolis) but children, and siblings,
Robert (1937), 2 4 7 - 9 ; even a soul, Syn. Ep. 31 (Garzya). Appian urges men to model their
conduct on that of cities, Fronto, Add. Epist. 4 (van den Hout).
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 81

ence. N a t u r a l l y the ancient observer considered a regime o f h o n o u r s vital

to the prosperity o f a city, for a city used its h o n o u r s to p r o c u r e services
245
from i n d i v i d u a l s . First, 'Cities praise both those w h o h a v e given t h e m
246
something o r w h o can give t h e m s o m e t h i n g . ' Prusa, for e x a m p l e , h o n ­
o u r e d influential m e n , in the h o p e that they w o u l d use their influence to
2 4 7
get a package o f concessions from the g o v e r n o r s . Others noticed the
h o n o u r s cities conferred, a n d this impelled t h e m to act o n the city's
behalf. ' W h a t m a r k o f h o n o u r h a v e y o u n o t enthusiastically bestowed?'
D i o asked P r u s a rhetorically, ' H a v e y o u n o t given portraits, statues, posts
o n embassies to cities a n d the e m p e r o r ? H a v e y o u n o t h o n o u r e d publicly,
and privately b y g r e e t i n g ? . . . W h o then w o u l d n o t b e eager to d o w h a t ­
2 4 8
ever g o o d he c o u l d for y o u ? ' A n d a m a n used the p o w e r o f his h o n o u r s
to m a n i p u l a t e cities. T h e orator s i m p l y assumes that a distinguished a n d
skilled panegyrist w o u l d use his talent to elicit grants o f citizenship from
249
Greek cities.
Cities should defer to the h o n o u r o f m e n . A great philosopher, 'infe­
rior to n o n e o f the R o m a n s in birth, a n d possessed o f m o r e glory than
a n y o n e h a d for ages', castigated the A t h e n i a n people for v i e w i n g gladia­
torial c o m b a t s in the T h e a t r e o f D i o n y s u s ; far from ceasing, h o w e v e r ,
they d r o v e h i m from the city. S u c h treatment o f a m a n o f his distinction,
2 5 0
w e are told, b r o u g h t disgrace u p o n A t h e n s . Sardis w a s n o t a b o u t to
m a k e the s a m e error: it h o n o u r e d a m a n 'on a c c o u n t o f his distinction in
251
every r e s p e c t ' . A t the s a m e time, the f a m e o f a city d e m a n d e d acts o f
deference from i m p o r t a n t m e n . P l i n y leapt to represent the F i r m a n i in
court: their splendor p r o m p t e d him. 2 5 2
C i c e r o expected his R o m a n j u r y
to respect distinguished t o w n s , a n d look f a v o u r a b l y u p o n litigants they
2 5 3
supported. T r o y , n o w a v e r y tiny place, felt the awful w r a t h o f

2 4 5
D . Chr. 3 1 . 2 5 , 3 9 . 7 .
2 4 6
Ibid. 5 1 . 3 . Cf. Cic. ad Fam. 1 0 . 1 0 . 1 ; ad Brut. 2 4 . 9 ; D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 0 8 .
2 4 7
D . C h r . 45. 4; cf. 4 1 . 7. Honours for those w h o did influence important Romans,
Robert (1960b), 3 2 6 - 9 . Also, honorific decrees of invitation, Lib. Or. 1 . 4 8 ; D . Chr. 4 1 . 1 .
2 4 8
D . C h r . 51. 9, rt ydp ra>v a€p.vwv . . . ov KOIVTJ TI/LIOH'TCS;
2 4 9
Ibid. 3 8 . 1 ; see also Julian, adAth. 268b-c.
2 5 0 r K€v
D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 2 2 , ool-av 8e T^AiKaunjj' exovra ovocis" £K TTOVV noAXov T€Ti>x i '
For the disgrace, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 2 0 - 1 , 1 2 3 . Other civic failures of deference, Cic. ad Fam. 1 2 . 1 5 .
4; [ D . Chr.] 3 7 . 3 7 -
2 5 1
IGR iv. 1 7 5 6 . 4 6 - 7 , iv iraoiv a€p.v6rT)ra. Cf. Cousin and Diehl (1886), 49; IGR iv. 144.
17 (a w o m a n ) ; AE 1 9 3 7 . 1 2 1 ; C i c . Arch. 1 0 . Also, a man made city patron (see below) 'pro
splendore dignitatis', ILS 6110, also 6114.
2 5 2
Pliny, Ep. 6 . 1 8 ; cf. C i c . Scaur. 27.
2 5 3
Cic. Gael. 5; Font. 14; and esp. Flac. 6 1 - 4 , 1 0 0 - 1 , where the prestige of Athens, Sparta,
other cities of Achaea, and Massilia, all supporting Cicero's client Flaccus, is set against that
of towns in Asia M i n o r accusing him.
82 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

A u g u s t u s ' lieutenant A g r i p p a w h e n Julia, A g r i p p a ' s wife a n d A u g u s t u s '

daughter, w a s nearly left to d r o w n in the swollen S c a m a n d e r b y T r o y ' s
citizens, w h o w e r e u n a w a r e that she w a s c o m i n g to visit. A g r i p p a fined
them one hundred thousand d r a c h m a e , rendering t h e m destitute.
A g r i p p a w a s persuaded to relent b y K i n g H e r o d ; he in turn w a s involved
in the case because it w a s b r o u g h t to his attention b y the historian
N i c o l a u s o f D a m a s c u s , to w h o m the Ilians h a d appealed: N i c o l a u s V e r y
2 5 4
eagerly gave his s u p p o r t to t h e m because o f the city's f a m e ' . C i v i c dis­
tinction yielded h o n o u r s as well as practical help. G i v e n the magnificence
o f P e r g a m u m , ' w h o . . . w o u l d n o t act wisely in meting out to it as m u c h
255
praise as p o s s i b l e ? '
Cities a n d m e n used the prospect o f h o n o u r s to control each other,
a n d w e r e b o u n d to defer to each other's distinction. Predictably, relations
o f reciprocity also operated between m a n a n d city. S o claimed A e l i u s
Aristides, assuring R h o d e s that m a n y w o u l d c o m e to her aid in the w a k e
o f an e a r t h q u a k e — s o m e to repay her for benefactions received, s o m e to
2 5 6
cultivate a hedge against fortune b y placing R h o d e s in debt to t h e m . A
city c o u l d b e in debt to a m a n for a benefaction, a n d could feel that debt
vividly. T h u s the o d d t r i u m p h of S c i p i o A f r i c a n u s the Elder, victor in the
s e c o n d w a r against C a r t h a g e , u n d e r tribunician prosecution at R o m e .
' O n this v e r y day, tribunes a n d citizens,' said he, 'I brilliantly defeated
H a n n i b a l a n d the Carthaginians in Africa,' a n d then he s i m p l y w a l k e d
out o f the c o u r t to sacrifice o n the C a p i t o l i n e followed b y the w h o l e
assembly, leaving the thwarted tribunes gnashing their teeth. S u c h w a s
the debt o f gratitude o w e d to Scipio b y R o m e that the v e r y bringing o f a
257
prosecution against h i m w a s w i d e l y t h o u g h t d i s g r a c e f u l . In a c c o r d
with this w a y o f thinking, a m a n w h o s e family h a d p e r f o r m e d m a n y ser­
vices for his city, D i o C h r y s o s t o m , listed t h e m before Prusa's o m i n o u s l y
r u m b l i n g assembly, a n d r e m a r k e d , 'being descended from m e n such as
these, y o u ' d think I'd be w o r t h y o f s o m e respect o n their a c c o u n t , even if
258
I w e r e a rat myself, rather than stoning o r b u r n i n g a l i v e ! ' A city's c r e d ­
itor c o u l d therefore call in his debts, a n d he expected that the city w o u l d
requite h i m w i t h h o n o u r as well. T h u s A q u i l e i a raised a statue to G a i u s

2 5 4
Troy, FGH 90 F 1 3 4 , 3 o £ a (trans. Sherk); cf. D . Chr. 3 3 . 4 6 .
2 5 5
Aristid. 23. 18 (Behr). Cf. D . C h r . 3 2 . 52. A commonplace in panegyric is that the
speech must be in proportion to the prestige of the town, Aristid. 1 . 5 - 6 , 26. 2 (Behr).
2 5 6 2 5 7
Aristid. 25. 55 (Behr). Livy 38. 50. 4 - 5 1 . 1 4 ; quoted, 38. 51. 7.
2 5 8
D . Chr. 4 6 . 4 . For city debts to individuals cf. Cic. Sest. 9 - 1 0 (the city passes a resolu­
tion of thanks); ad Fam. 1 2 . 1 4 . 6; Pliny, Ep. 6 . 1 8 . Since cities must pay back their favour-
debts, it is explicable that cities sometimes refuse great gifts, Fronto, Add. Epist. 5 . 2 (van den
Hout).
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 83

M i n i c i u s , w h o , in a long official career, w a s often the city's a d v o c a t e

before the e m p e r o r , 'that it be clear that there is n o other w a y to repay o u r
259
debts to so great a m a n , than b y glorifying h i m p u b l i c l y ' .
A city's gratitude w a s guaranteed b y c o n c e r n for the city's reputation.
T h e v o t i n g o f h o n o u r s to requite a benefactor 'pertains to the dignity o f
the city'. A benefactor w a s h o n o u r e d 'not so that he will be even m o r e
well-disposed t o w a r d s us . . . b u t so that w e m a y seem grateful to those
260
w h o decide s u c h t h i n g s ' . 'Those' w e r e the great m e n w h o reported to
o n e another o n exactly h o w grateful individual t o w n s w e r e , just as they
did o f proteges. Gratitude w a s , again, a public virtue. Ingratitude w a s as
signally destructive o f a city's prestige as it w a s o f a man's: the ungrateful
R h o d i a n practice o f c h a n g i n g the labels o n statues w a s w i d e l y m o c k e d ,
2 6 1
their statues c o m p a r e d to a c t o r s . P r o p e r l y grateful cities m i g h t expect
m o r e favours in future, while an aspect o f the collapse o f an ungrateful
city's h o n o u r w a s that it w o u l d e n j o y n o m o r e favours. ' N o o n e will j u d g e
those w h o insult their benefactors w o r t h y o f a favour. Y o u r danger is that
262
n o o n e ever again will d o y o u a b e n e f a c t i o n . '
Since the h o n o u r o f cities permitted t h e m to participate fully in rela­
tions o f reciprocity, their taking o f patrons, just as m e n m i g h t , b e c o m e s
intelligible. S o m e great m a n h a d d o n e the city a benefaction; incapable o f
equal return, the city senate v o t e d to c o - o p t the benefactor as their
2 6 3
patron. S u c h c o - o p t i o n w a s highly honorific, a n d since the t o w n o f
B o c c h o r i s in S p a i n , for example, c o u l d not v e r y well escort her p a t r o n
into the R o m a n f o r u m , the relationship w a s advertised o n a plaque in the
great m a n ' s house, there keeping c o m p a n y w i t h the busts o f his ancestors
a n d other m a r k s o f his status. T h u s the p a t r o n w o u l d continue protect­
2 6 4
ing the city, representing her in court, funding public b u i l d i n g s . Civic

2 5 9
M c C . & W . 336; cf. Pallas et al. (1959) ( = SEG xviii. 143), col. 3 . Also C i c . ad Earn. 10.
1 0 . 1 ; D . C h r . 31 passim; Apul. Met. 3 . 1 1 . In this sense the benefactor can metaphorically be
viewed as buying honour, D . Chr. 3 1 . 5 9 - 6 1 .
2 6 0
AE1947. 53, 'pertinere ad municipi [sic] dignitatem', and ILS 6680. See also Small.
Gaius 404. 2 6 - 3 6 .
2 6 1
Reporting, C i c . ad Earn. 1 3 . 4 . 1 , 1 3 . 7 . 5 , 1 3 . 1 1 . 3 . Disgraceful failures of civic gratitude,
Val. M a x . 5 . 3 . 2; Sen. Ben. 5 . 1 7 . 1 - 2 . Rhodes' ingratitude, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 5 4 - 5 et passim.
2 6 2
D . Chr. 31. 65; cf. 31. 22. M o r e favours from proper gratitude, D . Chr. 3 1 . 7 .
2 6 3
Individuals' patronage of cities, Harmand (1957), esp. 2 2 2 - 8 4 , 3 0 9 - 2 8 ; Krause (1987);
Nicols (1990a). Co-option from gratitude, Cic. Sest. 9, and see refs. in Harmand (1957),
3 5 7 - 8 ; Duthoy (1984), 145 n. 4. A city admits to an unrepayable moral debt, ILS 6680.
2 6 4
Honorific, ILS 6110; AE 1 9 3 7 . 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 ; often accompanied by other honours as well,
Harmand (1957), 3 4 5 - 5 3 . For tabulaepatronatus, conveniently ILS 6 0 9 3 - 1 1 6 , discussed (with
a complete list) by Nicols (1980a). For the aristocratic house as a museum of honour,
Wiseman (1987), 3 9 3 - 6 ; Rawson (1991 (1990)), 5 8 3 - 5 . Functions of the civic patron,
Harmand (1957), 3 5 8 - 9 6 , 4 3 2 - 4 7 ; Nicols (1980&); Duthoy (1984).
8 4
Honour and Influence in the Roman World

patronage seems to h a v e carried little stigma for the client c i t y — i n d e e d ,

2 6 5
h a v i n g i m p o r t a n t patrons w a s s o met h i n g to boast o f . T h e client city's
sense of indebtedness to the p a t r o n m a y therefore s o m e t i m e s be m o r e
rhetorical than real, a n o d to the n o r m s o f patronage necessary to estab­
lish a relationship advantageous to b o t h parties.
A city c o u l d b e in debt to a m a n ; so also a m a n to a city. 'I w a n t y o u to
believe m e w h e n I say that there is n o city to w h i c h I o w e m o r e than to
this one,' w r o t e C i c e r o , explaining his intervention w i t h C . C l u v i u s o n
behalf o f Atella. Julius Civilis, in rebellion from R o m e , w a s restrained
from turning C o l o g n e over to his soldiers to sack b y his gratitude for a
f a v o u r the city h a d d o n e him; the citizens h a d treated his son well w h e n
266
he h a d been arrested there at the b e g i n n i n g o f the t r o u b l e s . Dio
C h r y s o s t o m f o u n d himself facing a vast debt to the city o f Prusa that his
family h a d a c c u m u l a t e d o v e r m a n y generations. T h e city h a d h o n o u r e d
his ancestors for their g o o d intentions rather than for the benefits they
actually m a n a g e d to bestow, a n d thus the g a p between the family's b e n e ­
factions a n d the city's h o n o u r s h a d g r o w n great. Said the orator, 'I o w e
y o u favours for these h o n o u r s , a n d I p r a y to the gods that I m a y b e able
2 6 7
to p a y the d e b t . ' L u c k i l y for D i o , f a v o u r - d e b t to a city c o u l d be repaid
w i t h h o n o u r : indeed a speech w a s expected o f a n y distinguished m a n
departing from a city, a n d in it he should ' a n n o u n c e his gratitude to the
c i t y . . . a n d praise w h a t e v e r respects a d m i t o f e n c o m i u m , w h a t e v e r is dis­
tinguished a b o u t its history, its weather, o r the b ea u t y o f its appearance.'
T h e p r o b l e m D i o confronted in c h i p p i n g a w a y at his debt to Prusa w i t h
a p a n e g y r i c w a s that to praise so m o d e s t a city u n d e r the heading o f the
v i r t u o u s actions o f its leading m e n w o u l d h a v e compelled h i m i m m o d ­
estly to h y m n the deeds o f his o w n family. Perhaps he should have c o n ­
268
sulted Plutarch's w o r k On Praising Oneself Inoffensively.

City Finance and Public Benefaction

T h e r e is n o better illustration o f the p o w e r , ubiquity, a n d c o m p l e x i t y o f
the h o n o u r relations between m a n a n d city than the financial a r r a n g e ­
m e n t s for the d a y - t o - d a y r u n n i n g , a d o r n m e n t , a n d entertainment o f the

2 6 5
On municipal albums, for example, ILS 6 1 2 1 - 2 .
2 6 6
Atella, Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 7 . 4 . Civilis, Tac. Hist. 4 . 6 3 . Cf. C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 7 6 ; D . Chr. 41.
5 , 5 0 . 5; Apul. Flor. 16. Ingratitude to city, Sen. Ben. 5 . 1 6 - 1 7 .
2 6 7
D . C h r . 4 4 . 4 - 5 (evidently viewing the direction of the moral debt differently than at
46. 4: above, n. 258); very similar is Hall (1992), 11. 4 - 8 .
2 6 8
Panegyric from gratitude, quoted, Men. Rhet. 4 3 0 . 3 0 - 4 3 1 . 3 , a€fxvov\ see also Aristid.
1 . 1 - 2 (Behr); Apul. Flor. 1 6 , 1 8 ; Lib. Or. 1 1 . 1 - 2 , 9 (compared to a public benefaction). Dio in
Prusa, D . Chr. 44. 5 - 6 -
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 85

cities o f the R o m a n empire. T h e capital aside, the great expenses o f the

cities—the provision o f w o o d a n d oil for the baths, the elaborate reli­
gious festivals w i t h public banquets a n d g a m e s , the building o f temples,
aqueducts, a n d great public s t r u c t u r e s — w e r e m e t only in part b y t a x a ­
tion. Instead, wealthy individuals, usually m e n b u t sometimes w o m e n as
well, u n d e r t o o k these expenses themselves, spontaneously o r as a f u n c ­
tion o f the unsalaried magistracies o f their t o w n s — p o s t s w h i c h w e r e ,
m o r e o v e r , t i m e - c o n s u m i n g a n d w h i c h c a m e to require a large u p f r o n t
p a y m e n t . T h u s the financial provisions o f the cities o f the e m p i r e resem­
ble less those o f m o d e r n municipalities o r states (although s o m e indirect
taxes w e r e collected) a n d m o r e those o f provincial A m e r i c a n art galleries
a n d opera c o m p a n i e s , w h i c h d r a w part o f their funding from g o v e r n ­
m e n t grants (thus taxes) a n d receipts, b u t the b u l k o f their funds f r o m the
269
generosity o f w e a l t h y b e n e f a c t o r s . D i o C h r y s o s t o m c o u l d say p r o u d l y
of his grandfather that o n Prusa he 'spent all the wealth he received from
his father a n d his grandfather, so that he h a d nothing r e m a i n i n g at all'.
A n d he w a s b y no m e a n s u n i q u e in h a v i n g beggared himself for his
2 7 0
city.
T h i s civic ethos flourished from the beginning o f the e m p i r e to its end.
T h e r e h a d always been notables unwilling or unable to b e the benefactors
of their cities, a n d thus c o r r e s p o n d i n g legislation to c o m p e l t h e m to pull
their weight; perhaps the ranks o f these notables swelled in late antiquity.
Y e t o n the evidence, even in the face o f e c o n o m i c confusion a n d increas­
ing b u r d e n s i m p o s e d b y a p o n d e r o u s imperial g o v e r n m e n t , over large
areas o f the e m p i r e the spirit o f civic generosity w a n e d little, even if
p o v e r t y sharply restricted its late-antique expression. Y e t w h y did the
2 7 1
rich o f the cities o f the e m p i r e act in this w a y ?

2 6 9
For a list of the various munera a town handed out to its wealthy citizens, Lepelley
( 1 9 7 9 - 8 1 ) , i. 207; discussion, Neesen (1981). For the size of the phenomenon of benefaction
in the East and the range of possible benefactions, Quass (1993). On the financial aspects,
Duncan-Jones ( 1 9 9 0 : 1 7 4 - 8 4 ) , whose analysis of public buildings in North African towns
has 5 8 % built by benefactors, the rest from public funds. A n d by the 2nd cent., perhaps the
largest source of a city's 'public' money was summae honorariae, the required payments
made to the city upon election to the city council, a magistracy, or a priesthood (Duncan-
Jones (1982), 8 2 - 8 ; (1990), 1 7 6 - 8 ) . On female benefactors, Boatwright (1991), on the mag­
nificent Plancia Magna of Perge; but see van Bremen (1996) for the limits of female
participation.
2 7 0
Dio's grandfather, D . Chr. 4 6 . 3 (almost certainly untrue). Ruinous outlay, cf. D . C h r .
66. 2; J. Chr. de Ian. Glor. 7; Dig. 50. 2. 8 (Hermogenian); Harmand (1957), 385.
2 7 1
Against the old view that this spirit of benefaction declines through the centuries of
the empire: for the 3rd cent, see Jacques (1981); (1984), 3 5 1 - 7 8 , 7 1 9 - 6 5 ; Duncan-Jones (1990),
1 6 3 - 7 3 ; 4th cent, and later, see Mrozek (1978), 366; Lepelley ( 1 9 7 9 - 8 1 ) , i. 2 9 3 - 3 1 8 ; Rouech£
(1989a), p. xxv; V e y n e (1990), 2 6 - 9 . It can still be seen as the barbarians close in: Sid. Ep.
86 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

In Greek, o n e of the usual terms for a p u b l i c benefaction w a s philo-

timia, an act o f 'glory-love'. It w a s in h o n o u r terms that the rich m a n ' s
motivation, involving so m u c h trouble a n d expense, w a s chiefly u n d e r ­
stood: he devoted to the city his m o n e y a n d effort a n d got h o n o u r in
r e t u r n — c h e e r i n g in the assembly a n d the v o t i n g o f honorific decrees a n d
m o n u m e n t s . M e n w h o w e r e willing to serve their t o w n as magistrates
w e r e those w h o strove 'for accretions to their reputation a n d h o n o u r s
a n d greater p o w e r than others a n d c r o w n s a n d seats o f h o n o u r a n d p u r ­
ple garments, a n d h a v i n g fixed their gaze u p o n them a n d h a n g i n g u p o n
272
t h e m , they d o a n d say those things w h i c h will gain t h e m r e p u t a t i o n . '
'Bait', an orator termed the h o n o u r s a city h a d to offer its benefactors, for
they lured citizens into p e r f o r m i n g civic magistracies a n d benefac­
2 7 3
tions. Late t h i r d - c e n t u r y p a p y r i f r o m E g y p t permit us vicarious atten­
d a n c e at the meetings o f the city s e n a t e — w h e r e magistrates a n d liturgists
w e r e c h o s e n — t o see h o w this w o r k e d . A candidate w a s n o m i n a t e d a n d
the city senate cried out in unison, ' U p r i g h t , faithful N i l u s ! E v e r - h o n ­
ourable is N i l u s ! Success to him!' If a candidate p r o v e d reluctant to take
an office—'the office is b e y o n d m y p o w e r s ' — h e m i g h t be chivvied into
274
it: ' U p r i g h t , faithful P t o l e m a e u s ! ' A n d in the W e s t honorific a c c l a m a ­
tion w a s used to elicit benefaction as well. W h e n , in the arena, successful
beast-fighters appealed t h r o u g h a herald for a gratuity, the c r o w d
chanted at M a g e r i u s , the benefactor w h o h a d paid for the games, 'Let
future givers o f games learn b y y o u r example! Let past ones learn o f it!
W h e r e , w h e n , will w e get such g a m e s again? Y o u will give g a m e s as if y o u
w e r e quaestor! Y o u will give g a m e s f r o m y o u r o w n m o n e y ! T h i s will b e
y o u r day!' M a g e r i u s yielded. T h e c r o w d shouted, 'This is w h a t it m e a n s
to o w n property! T h i s is w h a t it m e a n s to b e powerful!' M a g e r i u s w a s so

5. 20. 2, 6 . 1 2 . O f course the type of projects undertaken evolved over time and the kind of
building inspired changed as the empire became Christian, Ward-Perkins (1984). For an
economical review of current approaches to the phenomenon of public benefaction, G . M .
Rogers (1991a: 2 9 - 3 0 ) ; and note particularly Veyne (1990: 5 - 1 5 6 ) , for a less reductionist
approach than mine.
2 7 2
D . C h r . 34. 29, Solas' Kal n/xas' (a good passage for bringing out the disproportion
between the desire for power and the desire for prestige). See also Philostr. VS 2 . 1 ( 5 5 1 - 2 ) ,
2. 25 (610); D . Chr. 3 4 . 3 5 ; Pliny, Ep. 5 . 1 1 ; IGR iii. 68. Honour from games, Apul. Met. 1 0 . 1 8 ;
Dio 5 3 . 2 7 . 6 ; Aug. Conf. 1 . 1 0 . 1 6 ; Robert (1940a) passim, for philotimia, pp. 2 7 6 - 8 0 : its mean­
ing stretches from the competitive emotion which gives rise to a civic benefaction to the
benefaction itself, especially games; cpiXorineiodai can be the verb used for giving an exhi­
bition of gladiators.
2 7 3
D . Chr. 66. 2.
2 7 4
P.Oxy. 1413. 13 and 1415. 25, 27 (trans. Grenfell and Hunt). Cf. P.Oxy. 1414. 2 5 - 7 ;
Aristid. 5 0 . 1 0 1 (Behr). On election procedure in Egypt, Bowman (1971), 9 8 - 1 0 7 . Honour for
benefactors in patristic authors, Robert (1960a), 5 7 0 - 3 , and esp. J. Chr. de Ian. Glor. 1 0 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 87

delighted b y the w h o l e episode that he h a d the occasion i m m o r t a l i z e d in

m o s a i c . S u c h focused honorific cheering w a s extremely h a r d for a G r e e k
275
or R o m a n to r e s i s t . A n d , as M a g e r i u s ' c r o w d h a d called u p o n t h e m to
do, other potential benefactors looked on in envy: h o n o u r s stoked the
roaring furnace o f rivalry. A priest o f the imperial cult at X a n t h o s w a s
h o n o u r e d for h a v i n g given g a m e s 'out o f rivalry in acts o f love o f g l o r y
2 7 6
w i t h the high priests o f the p r o v i n c e ' .
G r a t i t u d e to one's t o w n , w h e t h e r for u p b r i n g i n g , services, h o n o u r , o r
277
office, also p l a y e d its role in inspiring p u b l i c b e n e f a c t i o n . 'In o r d e r to
m a k e return for the h o n o u r Rufinus gave h a n d - o u t s to the t o w n c o u n ­
cillors . . . w i n e to the people, a n d p r o d u c e d g a m e s / O n a g r a n d e r level,
the t o w n o f T i f e r n u m T i b e r i n u m h o n o u r e d Pliny, w h e n he w a s a y o u n g
man, b y n a m i n g h i m their patron. H e felt a debt, a n d built t h e m a t e m ­
2 7 8
ple at his o w n e x p e n s e . A n d the town's o w n gratitude required h o n ­
o u r s for benefactors. T h u s a statue w e n t u p , w i t h an inscription o n the
base:

The whole people . . . put this up and dedicated it as a perpetual witness to their
gratitude to L. Rasinius . . . Saturninus M a x i m i a n u s . . . on account o f . . . his giv­
279
ing games, and his zealous liberality towards individual citizens.

T h e a p p r o p r i a t e degree o f gratitude w a s carefully reckoned, a n d h o n o u r s

doled out accordingly. A n o t h e r w o r t h y , L . P o s t u m i u s Felix C e l e r i n u s ,
gave his t o w n s m e n three days o f gladiatorial games, a n d in turn w a s
v o t e d not o n e statue, b u t o n e for each o f the t o w n ' s civic curiae^ 'in o r d e r
that his e x t r a o r d i n a r y goodwill b e equalled b y the n u m b e r o f statues—
2 8 0
s u c h great h o n o u r s — w i t h their dedicatory p l a q u e s ' .
Finally, a benefactor m i g h t act because the town's h o n o u r s i m p l y
d e m a n d e d benefaction. It naturally displeased L . Silicius, the c u r a t o r o f
Lambaesis, that the c o u n c i l c h a m b e r should b e t u m b l e d o w n a n d that the

2 7 5
Magerius, Beschaouch (1966). For the people as an active partner in setting the terms
of benefactions, G. M . Rogers (1991a), 1 9 - 3 0 ; (1991b), 9 4 - 5 . Irresistible strength of acclama­
tion, D . Chr. 66. 2 - 3 .
2 7 6
Xanthos, IGR iii. 631, SirjfjiiAAfjodai reus TWV TOV edvovs dpx^pewv <piAo8o£iais.
Honours inspire rivalry, IK Eph. i. 27. 8 - 1 2 ; J. Chr. de Ian. Glor. 4 - 5 .
2 7 7
Benefaction inspired by gratitude for upbringing, Robert (1948a), 1 3 3 - 5 ; office, Apul.
Met. 1 0 . 1 8 ; for honour, ILS 6559; Buckler (1937), B. 18; in general D . Chr. 31. 63; ILS 7196 (an
unrepayable debt).
2 7 8
Rufinus, ILS 6839. Tifernum, Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 .
2 7 9
Rasinius, CIL viii. 11349 (Sufetula). See also ILS 6113; CIL viii. 1 4 7 8 5 - 6 ; IRT 543; D .
Chr. 31 passim; Sid. Ep. 6 . 1 2 . 8-9; Robert (1955), 5 8 - 6 2 .
280 Celerinus, CIL viii. 5276, 'singulae curiae singulas statuas de suo posuerunt ut
eximiam voluntatem eius tanti honoris titulis adaequarent'. Cf. IRT 117; CIL x. 4725; Hands
(1968), 51.
88 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

w a t e r s u p p l y to 'so distinguished a city' s h o u l d b e defective, so he m a d e

2 8 1
repairs 'appropriate to the prestige o f a m o s t fortunate c i t y ' . A t the
s a m e time, the benefactor w a s h o n o u r e d because he w a s a m a n w h o s e
prestige entitled h i m to h o n o u r b y virtue o f the deference o w e d h i m .
T h u s P o s t u m i u s Felix C e l e r i n u s , w h o m w e h a v e just met, w a s h o n o u r e d
not o n l y from gratitude, b u t 'for his high m o r a l s a n d distinction' as well.
T h e fact o f p u b l i c benefaction revealed a n u m b e r o f prestigious virtues in
the benefactor, n o t least o f w h i c h w e r e generosity a n d magnificence;
these w e r e h o n o u r a b l e qualities, a n d their possessor w a s h o n o u r e d for
2 8 2
them.
T o attribute the gigantic p h e n o m e n o n o f p u b l i c benefaction entirely
to h o n o u r a n d its w o r k i n g s is far t o o simple: religious feeling played a
role as well, w h e n the benefaction h a d sacred associations; so d i d fear, for
the p o o r resented the rich, particularly if they s e e m e d u n g e n e r o u s to the
city, a n d the p o o r ' s displeasure m i g h t b e m a d e patent b y jeering o r riot­
ing. 2 8 3
T h e gracious world of philotimia m a y in part b e concealing alto­
gether m o r e ruthless social relations: benefactions as the r a n s o m the rich
pay for the u n t r o u b l e d e n j o y m e n t o f their wealth. B u t for a t o w n ' s citi­
zens (although p u b l i c benefactors w e r e b y n o m e a n s always local m e n )
the m o s t i m p o r t a n t admitted m o t i v a t i o n for p u b l i c benefaction besides
love o f glory w a s patriotism, devotion to the t o w n for its o w n sake. ' S o m e
rejoice in o n e thing, s o m e in another; s o m e in horses, s o m e in arms: b u t
I love m y h o m e l a n d ; I love it as m u c h as the rays o f sun rising o u t o f
O c e a n . ' T h u s the rhetorician; a n d the assent o f the G r e e k s a n d R o m a n s is
2 8 4
overwhelming. In m o d e r n terms, the ancient patriot c o m b i n e d in his
d e v o t i o n to his h o m e city o u r familiar loyalty to nation a n d the fierce
local loyalty so strong in inhabitants o f B r o o k l y n , say, o r G l a s g o w .
C o n v e n t i o n a l o p i n i o n expected this loyalty to b e m o r e p o w e r f u l than the

2 8 1
ILS 5520, 'in tarn splendidissima civitate . . . omnia pro splendore felicissime [sic]
urbis'; see also TAM ii. 905, col. 5 . 1 0 4 - 5 (ch. 20); col. 9. 9 1 - 3 (ch. 32); the emperor, Suet.
Aug. 2 8 . 3 . Constructions appropriate to the dignity of the city, D . Chr. 4 7 . 1 5 ; Jacques (1984),
7 1 5 - 1 7 . Also, an embassy to the emperor conducted dittos TTJS voXecosy IGR iv. 1 7 5 6 . 3 2 - 3 .
2 8 2
Celerinus, n. 280 above, 'innocentiam splendoremque'. Prestigious moral qualities
which benefaction reveals: Veyne (1990), 101 n. 106; Greek, Robert (1965), 2 2 2 - 8 ; Latin, see
Forbis (1988), esp. 2 8 9 - 9 0 , 298, or open Wesch-Klein (1990) at nearly any page. Greek and
Latin honorific inscriptions are formulaic, and often list the honorands' attributes and
virtues (for which deference is owed) and then the particular gifts for which the inscription
(often the base of a lost statue) is also a reciprocal honour, see e.g. IGR iv. 1756. 6 3 - 7 4 ; CIL
viii. 2 6 5 9 0 - 1 .
2 8 3
Religious feeling, Veyne (1990), 86-7. Fear, Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 822a; Suet. Tib. 37.
3; Philostr. VA1.15; see C . P. Jones (1978), 20.
2 8 4
M e n . Rhet. 382. 1 9 - 2 3 . Patriotism and eugenitism, Giardina (1988); Veyne (1990),
8 8 - 9 0 , 1 0 8 - 1 0 ; Mitchell (1993), i. 2 0 6 - 7 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 89
2 8 5
instinct for self-preservation: 'dulce et d e c o r u m est p r o patria m o r i \
A n d while there w e r e perfectly practical reasons for a provincial in the
e m p i r e to b e c o n c e r n e d a b o u t the status o f his c i t y — R o m a n citizenship,
and thus standing u n d e r the law, a n d tax obligations w e r e usually conse­
quences o f that status—ancient loyalty to city c a n n o t be r e d u c e d merely
to p r a g m a t i c considerations, a n y m o r e than m o d e r n patriotism can. It
was a n e m o t i o n at the basis o f the ancient character.
But this e m o t i o n w a s inextricably b o u n d u p w i t h considerations o f
h o n o u r . W h a t d i d it m e a n to love one's city? T h e ancient patriot c o n ­
cerned himself w i t h his city's h o n o u r , a n d the d u t y o f civic patriotism
was, in part, the d u t y to h o n o u r one's city. 'First, m e n need the gods . . .
secondly, their cities: for cities m u s t b e h o n o u r e d next after the gods,'
2 8 6
A p o l l o n i u s o f T y a n a is said to have w r i t t e n . W h y did ancient m e n love
their cities? ' W h a t is it to b e a g o o d citizen, w h a t is it to deserve well o f
one's c o u n t r y in w a r a n d peace, if not to r e m e m b e r the benefactions
2 8 7
bestowed u p o n o n e b y one's h o m e l a n d ? ' A n d part o f the devotion o f
citizens w a s a response to the city's h o n o u r : 'Glorious a n d great is m y
288
h o m e l a n d a n d w o r t h y to b e longed for,' said the t r a v e l l e r . T h e i r city's
prestige m a d e u p a part o f its citizens' o w n individual h o n o u r , a n d the
very love o f the city was a d m i r e d . T o b e philopatris, 'a lover o f one's h o m e
city', w a s an admirable quality w h i c h , w h e n demonstrated b y p u b l i c
benefaction, w a s d u l y recognized w i t h h o n o u r s . A n d indeed, the value o f
the h o n o u r s given to a citizen w a s increased in his heart b y the fact that
2 8 9
they w e r e given b y his native p l a c e . T h e w o r k i n g s o f patriotism, then,
c a n n o t easily b e separated from the w o r k i n g s o f h o n o u r . A n d p u b l i c
benefaction, so vast a n d characteristic o f G r a e c o - R o m a n civilization,
although it h a d n o single cause a n d responded to n o single need, c a n n o t
be u n d e r s t o o d w i t h o u t an understanding o f h o n o u r .

C H A L L E N G E S TO A R I S T O C R A T I C H O N O U R

E v e n v e r y h u m b l e citizens participated in, a n d w e r e expected to be a n x ­

ious about, the reputations, a n d rivalries, o f their cities: it w a s h a r d l y the

2 8 5
Hor. Od. 3. 2 . 1 3 ; cf. Cic. Leg. 2. 5.
2 8 6
[Apol. T y . ] , Ep. 11; see also Aristid. 1. 330 (Behr); D . C h r . 47. 2. Patriotism directed
towards city's honour, D . C h r . 4 0 . 1 0 , 4 3 . 1 , 4 4 . 8.
2 8 7
C i c . Plane. 80; cf. Off. 1. 58; Sid. Ep. 4. 2 1 . 3 - 4 .
2 8 8
M e n . Rhet. 4 3 2 . 1 7 - 1 8 , Xafxirpd Kai ixcydX-q; cf. D . C h r . 44. 6.
2 8 9
City's prestige contributes to its citizens', see n. 28 above. Glory from patriotism, C i c .
ad Earn. 10. 5. 2; lPhil. 29. Patriotism an honoured virtue, Robert (1965), 2 1 5 - 1 6 ; Giardina
(1988). Value of honours increased, D . C h r . 4 4 . 1 .
90 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

m a y o r o f N u c e r i a w h o crept o v e r to P o m p e i i to scratch on a wall, 'luck to

all N u c e r i a n s ; for P o m p e i a n s , the hook!' W h e n city rivalries t u r n e d v i o ­
lent, as the o n e between P o m p e i i a n d N u c e r i a did, it w a s mass v i o ­
2 9 0
lence. A city's h o n o u r i n g a n d dishonouring, as has been seen, w a s also
often a mass affair: ' T h e theatre is filling, a n d the w h o l e o f the c o m m o n s
sitting high u p offers a brilliant spectacle, m a d e u p o f so m a n y visages
that often . . . neither tiles n o r stones can b e seen, b u t all is the faces a n d
291
bodies o f m e n — ' a n d then they begin to acclaim their b e n e f a c t o r . At
least in this limited w a y , then, the c o m m o n s contributed to the w o r l d o f
h o n o u r inhabited b y their social superiors. B u t c o m m o n e r s also f o r m e d
c o m m u n i t i e s o f opinion w h i c h attributed h o n o u r to their m e m b e r s .
Indeed the R o m a n w o r l d w a s m a d e u p o f i n n u m e r a b l e c o m m u n i t i e s o f
h o n o u r , m a n y o f w h i c h h o n o u r e d qualities a n d achievements that aris­
tocrats ( w h o s e standards varied from place to place, a n d w h o f o r m e d
multiple c o m m u n i t i e s themselves) m i g h t find strange or repulsive, a n d
w h i c h constituted challenges to the w a y grandees conceived o f h o n o u r .
O n e such c o m m u n i t y o f h o n o u r w a s the R o m a n a r m y , w h e r e , as w e shall
see in C h a p t e r 5, a fiercer, bloodier, m o r e H o m e r i c h o n o u r held sway;
there aristocratic officers h a d a tenuous, even a m b i g u o u s , m e m b e r s h i p .
T h e r e w e r e , m o r e o v e r , other outlooks w h i c h denied the value o f h o n ­
o u r — t h o s e o f p a g a n p h i l o s o p h e r s — a n d other c o m m u n i t i e s — w e k n o w
the m o s t a b o u t the C h r i s t i a n s — w h o s e singular conceptions o f h o n o u r
also h a d the potential, never entirely fulfilled, to challenge a n d c h a n g e
aristocratic h o n o u r . T h e definition—the r e c i p e — o f h o n o u r , a n d to a
lesser extent its v e r y value, w a s always in contention between rival c o m ­
munities o f o p i n i o n in the R o m a n w o r l d , a n d the aristocratic c o n c e p t i o n
o f h o n o u r , b r o a d l y conceived, exerted a p r o f o u n d influence o n h o w the
rest o f society c o n c e i v e d o f h o n o u r .

Philosophers and Christians

S o m e denied the value o f h o n o u r altogether. It w a s a c o m m o n p l a c e o f
philosophers that the quest for h o n o u r w a s v a i n . C o n t e m p l a t e the vast
extent o f the w o r l d a n d o f time: it reduces to utter insignificance even the
greatest r e p u t a t i o n . 292
T h e philosopher is a m a n w h o 'will b i d adieu to
h o n o u r s a n d d i s h o n o u r s a n d to the praise a n d b l a m e o f foolish persons,
w h e t h e r they b e m a n y , o r few b u t p o w e r f u l a n d rich. R e p u t e he will

2 9 0
Commoners' concern for civic reputation, D . Chr. 3 2 - 3 . Hook, ILS 6443c (good luck
to the citizens of Puteoli as well). Nuceria and Pompeii, Tac. Ann. 1 4 . 1 7 .
2 9 1 2 9 2
J. Chr. de Ian. Glor. 4. e.g. C i c . Rep. 6. 2 0 - 5 ; cf. Boeth. Consol. 2 . 7 . 3 - 6.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 9i
2 9 3
regard as n o different than a s h a d o w . ' G l o r y is not a w o r t h y e n d in
itself. A t best (in s o m e v i e w s ) it m a y b e a subsidiary g o o d , o r offer a g u i d e
to virtue to persons o f inferior w i s d o m , b u t (others w o u l d a r g u e ) n o v e r y
reliable one since it is conferred b y the o p i n i o n o f the ignorant rather
2 9 4
than the w i s e . Indeed the powerful lure o f h o n o u r can d r a w m e n a w a y
f r o m the pursuit o f virtue, a n d inspire failures o f self-control, a n d fool­
2 9 5
ish, d a n g e r o u s , even evil d e e d s . W h e n the philosophical rigorist t o o k
to the roads o f the empire, a b a n d o n i n g city a n d social convention, w i t h
only his dark cloak, wallet, a n d staff to m a r k h i m , it w a s n o t least the all-
296
enveloping nets o f h o n o u r that he w a s fleeing. Y e t h o w e v e r bristly his
beard, h o w e v e r intimidating his stare, he c o u l d not escape h o n o u r .
Greeks a n d R o m a n s c o u l d n o t take off the spectacles o f h o n o u r , a n d thus
the a d m i r a t i o n contemporaries felt for philosophers' virtue, freedom
f r o m c o n v e n t i o n , free speech, o r miracles (since philosophers w e r e the
holy m e n o f later p a g a n i s m ) w a s necessarily expressed w i t h h o n o u r — b y
297
escorting a n d even civic tributes like s t a t u e s . 'Philosopher' even
298
b e c a m e a civic title, used to a c c l a i m — t o h o n o u r — c i v i c b e n e f a c t o r s .
T o describe the intellectual p r o m i n e n c e a n d following o f philosophers,
2 9 9
the t e r m i n o l o g y o f h o n o u r w a s perforce e m p l o y e d . A n d the influence
o f philosophers w a s conceived exactly in terms o f the h o n o u r they
enjoyed: 'If there should b e any', C i c e r o avers, ' w h o m a y b e m o v e d b y the
distinction o f philosophers, then let t h e m briefly p a y attention a n d listen
to those w h o s e distinction a n d g l o r y are the greatest a m o n g learned
3 0 0
men.' A s m u c h as philosophers m i g h t reject the personal pursuit o f
h o n o u r , they n o m o r e than a n y other m e m b e r s o f their society c o u l d
reject h o n o u r as a deep structure b y w h i c h to conceive, understand, a n d
interact with their w o r l d . T h e y h a d n o alternative p a r a d i g m to h o n o u r to
offer their c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , not even a c o m p e l l i n g alternative rhetoric o f
a d m i r a t i o n for their o w n ideas a n d w a y o f life. Philosophers w e r e
d o o m e d to b e h o n o u r e d for their s c o r n o f h o n o u r .
E v e n philosophers' personal rejection o f h o n o u r w a s b y n o m e a n s
unproblematic: accusations o f h y p o c r i s y from outside the w o r l d o f p h i -
2 9 3
D . Chr. 6 7 . 3 , 8 o £ a . For philosophical attacks on glory, cf. Epict. Erich. 1 9 . 2 , 2 4 . 1 ; Sen.
Const. 1 9 . 1 ; Ira 3 . 4 1 . 1 ; Lucian, M g r . 4; and Brunt (1974b: 20) gathers a crop from Marcus
Aurelius' Meditations.
2 9 4 2 9 5
C i c . Fin. 5. 69 and Plut. Agis 1 - 2 vs. D . Chr. 67. D . Chr. 66.
2 9 6
For the wandering philosopher see Philostratus' idealized portrait of Apollonius of
Tyana; for the philosophical outfit, Hahn (1989), 3 3 - 4 5 .
2 9 7
Lucian, Demon. 1 1 , 5 8 , 6 3 ; Peregr. 18; Philostr. VA 5 . 2 4 ; [Ap. Ty.] Ep. 1 1 , 4 7 , 5 3 , and esp.
62; Eunap. VS 477. For philosophers as holy men, Fowden (1982).
2 9 8 2 9 9
Hahn (1989), 1 6 1 - 4 . Eunap. VS 4 6 0 , 4 6 2 , 4 6 4 .
3 0 0
Cic. Rep. 1 . 1 2 , auctoritasy gloria. Cf. Eunap. VS 504.
92 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

l o s o p h y w e r e c o m m o n , a n d within that w o r l d , a m o n g philosophical

rivals, furious charges o f philotimia were exchanged. 3 0 1
C i c e r o observes,
not unjustly, that 'philosophers inscribe their o w n n a m e s o n those v e r y
b o o k s in w h i c h they write that glory should b e scorned.' T h e E p i c u r e a n
Lucretius is a case in point: he admits that he yearns for praise o f his
3 0 2
p o e m , a w o r k in w h i c h he sternly advocates scorn for p r a i s e . But per­
haps h y p o c r i s y is too h a r d a term. E x t i rp a t i o n o f the lust for h o n o u r w a s
the hardest tenet o f p h i l o s o p h y to live u p to. A s T a c i t u s notes o f the S t o i c
H el vid i us Priscus, ' E v e n a m o n g wise m e n the lust for glory is the last o n e
3 0 3
rooted o u t . ' Relations between philosophers a n d h o n o u r illustrate
a b o v e all h o w po we r f u l aristocratic conceptions o f h o n o u r w e r e in
G r a e c o - R o m a n society.
Potentially m o r e significant in its consequences, perhaps, than the
philosophers' critique o f aristocratic h o n o u r w a s the reinterpretation o f
h o n o u r b y the fathers o f the Christian C h u r c h . T h e Christian does n o t
p r o p e r l y seek g l o r y in this life: as A u g u s t i n e puts it, the Christian does
3 0 4
g o o d deeds n o t to gain himself glory, b u t to glorify G o d . John
C h r y s o s t o m expressed the Christian p a r a d o x : ' T o us gentleness, scorn for
wealth, scorn for reputation, m o c k e r y o f h o n o u r from the m a n y . . . this
3 0 5
is respectability, this reputation, this h o n o u r . ' In theory this Christian
h o n o u r w a s conferred b y G o d a n d w a s enjoyed in heaven; S t Basil i m a g ­
ines the v i r t u o u s m a n u p o n J u d g e m e n t D a y meeting with a celebration
similar to the o n e a public benefactor enjoyed in the theatre: ' G o d will
congratulate y o u , the angels will acclaim y o u , all o f h u m a n i t y from the
3 0 6
b e g i n n i n g o f the w o r l d will cast blessings u p o n y o u . ' It w a s a t o p o s to
describe m a r t y r s as the athletes o f C h r i s t , w i n n i n g a glorious c r o w n b y
3 0 7
their deaths, o r as soldiers w h o s e m a r t y r d o m w a s a glorious v i c t o r y . In
principle, then, Christian v i e w s o f h o n o u r offered the starkest possible
challenge to aristocratic p a g a n attitudes. Activities p r o m p t e d b y the lust

3 0 1
Hypocrisy, see esp. Lucian, Peregr. Accusations between philosophers, Julian, Ep. 1 2
(Bidez); [Ap. Ty.] Ep. 10.
3 0 2
Cic. Arch. 26; cf. Plut. an Red. Diet. Lat. Viv. 1128b. Lucretius, wants glory 1 . 9 2 2 - 3 , 4 .
4, but attacks the pursuit of glory, 3. 5 9 - 7 8 . 5 . 1 1 2 0 - 3 5 .
3 0 3
Tac. Hist. 4 . 6 , 'cupido gloriae'; cf. Lucian, Peregr. 38.
3 0 4
Aug. Serm. 54; in general on profane glory, Civ. Dei 5 . 1 2 - 2 0 . For a less cursory treat­
ment of patristic views of honour, von Muller (1977), 3 9 - 8 7 .
3 0 5
J. Chr. de Ian. Glor. 15, TOVTO tvaxwoovvq, TOVTO ooga, TOVTO TI/LO}.
3 0 6
Basil, Horn, in III. Diet. Evang. 3 ( = PG 31. 268). Christian glory after death, e.g. C y p .
Ep. 7 6 . 2 (CSEL); Musurillo (1972). 19- 3; Tert. ad Mart. 4 . 9 .
3 0 7
Athletes, Musurillo (1972), 5, esp. 5 . 3 6 , 8 . 1 0 ; Weismann (1972), m - 1 4 ; soldiers, C y p .
Ep. 2 8 , 5 8 . 4 (CSEL); Harnack (1981 ( 1 9 0 5 ) ) , 60, cf. 50.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 93

for h o n o u r in this life w e r e ruled out; ideally the w h o l e p r o u d , c o m p e t i ­

tive, jostling ethos o f the ancient city w a s a b a n d o n e d .
In practice, h o w e v e r , Christian glory c o u l d also be e n j o y e d before
death in the c o m m u n i t y o f believers. S u p p o s e s o m e Christians, i m p r i s ­
o n e d for their faith, should h a p p e n to be released rather than executed,
thus being denied the martyr's 'glorious r o a d to G o d ' ? T h e y w o u l d e n j o y
glory from their v e r y i m p r i s o n m e n t , a n d then 'flourish in the praise o f
the Church*. S o m u c h m i g h t they flourish in this earthly glory, indeed, as
to b e c o m e u n m a n a g e a b l y puffed u p , a n d thus require the intervention o f
B i s h o p C y p r i a n , w h o w r o t e that if they w i s h e d to maintain their high
reputation, they m u s t continue to b e h u m b l e a n d m o d e s t despite their
3 0 8
distinguished d e e d s . Clearly, Christian h o n o u r , although it arose from
the praise o f quite different qualities, c o u l d w o r k v e r y m u c h like p a g a n
h o n o u r . Indeed, the distinction o f a bishop's congregation (the confes­
sions o f its m a r t y r s ) reflected glory u p o n h i m , just as the distinction o f an
aristocrat's city d i d u p o n an aristocrat. Christian glory c o u l d b e i m a g i n e d
to adhere to families, just as profane glory did: the descendant o f m a r t y r s
gained glory from them, a n d if he w a s m a r t y r e d in his turn he conferred
glory u p o n his ancestors. Christian glory c o u l d even b e c o n v e y e d b y let­
3 0 9
ters o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n . Flourishing especially in the praise o f the
C h u r c h militant w e r e m o n k s a n d h o l y m e n , athletes o f C h r i s t w i n n i n g
310
glorious victories b y their piety a n d feats o f a s c e t i c i s m . Holy men
s c o r n e d earthly h o n o u r , b u t w e r e h o n o u r e d for their piety, so m u c h
indeed that the excess o f h o n o u r c o u l d be v i e w e d as the reason w h y S t
311
S y m e o n took refuge o n a p i l l a r . Just as ancient pagans grappled w i t h
the unusual distinction of philosophers by honouring them, so
Christians reached inevitably for the s a m e intellectual tools to deal w i t h
those w h o w e r e outstanding in their eyes.
N o t h i n g c o u l d b e further from the traditional definition o f aristocratic
h o n o u r than the Christian h o l y m a n , half-naked a n d stinking atop his
pillar. B u t o n c e the possibility o f Christian h o n o u r in this w o r l d w a s
admitted, the w a y was o p e n for a rapprochementbetween Christian h o n ­
our a n d the p a g a n h o n o u r o f the aristocracy. W a y n e M e e k s argues that
m e m b e r s o f even the early C h u r c h largely respected h o n o u r as it existed

3 0 8
C y p . Ep. 10.5 (CSEL); intervention, Ep. 1 3 , 1 4 . 2.
3 0 9
Bishop, C y p . Ep. 1 3 . 1 ( C S E L ) , 'ecclesiae enim gloria praepositi gloria est'. Families,
Ep. 3 9 . 3 . Letter of recommendation, A u g . Ep. 230.
3 1 0
Athletes, Weismann (1972), 1 1 4 - 1 7 ; Theodoret, Religiosa Historic^ passim (on the ago­
nistic quality of this asceticism esp. PG 82. i 4 6 8 b - d ) . O n Christian holy men, esp. Brown
(1982(1971)).
3 1 1
Theodoret, Religiosa Historic PG 8 2 . 1 4 7 3 a ; cf. i 3 i 6 a - b , 1412a, 1417a.
94 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

3 1 2
outside their c o m m u n i t y . In practice w h a t c a n be seen in late antiquity
is the t w o recipes o f h o n o u r blended together: instead o f the Christian
definition o f h o n o u r replacing the p a g a n definition as Christianity
spread, w e see instead the superaddition o f the Christian qualifications
for h o n o u r to the old p a g a n set, at least at the top o f society. T h e spirit o f
>
the age is well evoked in the Christian S i d o n i u s Apollinaris epitaph o n
his grandfather, a great official:

Here lies the Prefect Apollinaris,

received after his just prefecture over the Gauls
into the bosom of his mourning homeland.
Wisest and most advantageous husbandman
in field, war, and public business,
and a free man under tyrannical despotism
(an example—but dangerous—to others).
But this is esteemed his greatest dignity.
he cleansed his brow with the cross, his limbs with the font.
He was the first of his line
to renounce the sacrilegious rites of paganism.
It is a singular glory; a proud virtue,
to surpass by hope those equal in honour,
and ancestors, equal in standing here,
313
to excel from beyond the g r a v e .

S i d o n i u s begins w i t h a conventional set o f p a g a n accomplishments: they

confer dignitas u p o n his grandfather. Y e t , in Sidonius' view, his reception
into the C h u r c h also confers distinction, boosting h i m a b o v e his o w n
v e r y distinguished forebears. It does n o t surprise us to see the s a m e
a u t h o r r e c o m m e n d i n g a priest as 'a n o b l e m a n , in his h o m e town', a n d
3 1 4
' m y brother', n o t in Christ, b u t 'in the equality o f o u r b i r t h ' .
C h u r c h m e n seamlessly m i x a n d mingle Christian a n d profane claims to
consideration in their letters o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n . O f course Celestiacus,
for w h o m T h e o d o r e t solicits the help o f the b i s h o p o f A n t i o c h , has a
'wealth o f faith', b u t he is i n t r o d u c e d to the b i s h o p as a m a n 'to be w o n ­
dered at a n d magnificent to the greatest degree', a citizen o f 'famous

3 1 2
(i993)>49-
3 1 3
Sid. Ep. 3 . 1 2 . 5, 'haec sed maxima dignitas probatur I quod frontem cruce, membra
fonte p u r g a n s . . . hoc primum est decus, haec superba virtus I spe praecedere quos honore
iungas I quique hie sunt titulis pares parentes I hos illic meritis supervenire' (trans, adapted
from Anderson). Sidonius may indeed be a bishop when he writes this letter. Cf. ILCV1067
and 1070 for bishop's epitaphs.
3 1 4
Sid. Ep. 4. 4 . 1 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 95
3 1 5
C a r t h a g e , a n d o f a family b e c o m e glorious in that p l a c e ' . In short, n o t
even for c h u r c h m e n , despite their s e r m o n s , did the old claims to h o n o u r
cease to function. Indeed, their writings frequently p r o v i d e the best
examples o f p r o f a n e h o n o u r in action.
Predictably, ecclesiastical offices w e r e assimilated to p a g a n offices.
T h e y b e c a m e 'dignities' to b e c o m p e t e d for a n d boasted of, a n d an aris­
tocrat's line m i g h t be praised as 'flourishing illustriously w i t h b o t h bish­
316
ops a n d p r e f e c t s ' . Bishops w e r e v i e w e d as magnates, to b e toadied to
with assurances that 'however great y o u are in reputation, and
u n m a t c h e d in rank, y o u are not to b e lauded m o r e for y o u r distinction
317
than for y o u r c o n d e s c e n s i o n ' . B i s h o p s cultivated their reputations,
w e r e furious if they w e r e n o t treated appropriately to their high social
position, a n d a d o p t e d the insignia a n d garb o f the highest R o m a n digni­
taries. T h e y c o n d u c t e d themselves, in short, like the p a g a n aristocrats
3 1 8
m a n y o f them h a d been before their a p p o i n t m e n t to the e p i s c o p a c y .
It is a testament to the structural role o f h o n o u r in the G r a e c o - R o m a n
o u t l o o k that Christians c o n c e i v e d their heavenly r e w a r d so largely in
terms o f h o n o u r . It is a testament to the e v e r y d a y p r o m i n e n c e o f h o n o u r
in ancient life that Christians c o u l d n o t keep their h o n o u r confined to
heaven, b u t created a s c h e m e o f Christian h o n o u r — p a r a l l e l to profane
h o n o u r — o n earth. A n d it is a testament to the o v e r w h e l m i n g influence
o f aristocratic conceptions o f h o n o u r in G r a e c o - R o m a n society that
w h e n Christian h o n o u r a n d aristocratic h o n o u r c a m e together in the
m i n d s o f late-antique Christian aristocrats, those aristocrats lived w i t h
the contradictions that are so striking to us. Aristocratic h o n o u r quietly
e x p a n d e d to incorporate Christian h o n o u r ; Christian aristocrats w e r e
m o r e aristocrat than Christian.

Communities of Honour beneath the Aristocracy

A s a magistrate o f F u n d i discovered w h e n he t u r n e d out in his official
robes to greet s o m e i m p o r t a n t travellers o n the r o a d to B r u n d i s i u m , the

3 1 5
Theodoret, Ep. 31 (Azema), T W davixaoicoTaTU) Kai jicyaAoTTpeTTeoTaTtp KcAcoTiaKtp
narpls fiiv 17 TToAvdpvA-qros Kapxqhwv, yivos Be TO iv iKeivr) yeycvq/iivov TTepi^Aenrov.
3 1 6
Dignities, C y p . Ep. 4 8 . 4 (CSEL) dignitas; Basil, Ep. 239, d£i'o>/Lia, cf. Ep. 98. Competed
y

for, Sid. Ep. 7. 5, dignitas honor. Quoted, Sid. Ep. 7 . 9 . 1 7 , inlustris; cf. 7. 9. 24.
y

3 1 7
Sid. Ep. 7 . 4 . 1 , 'cum sitis opinione magni, gradu maximi, non tamen esse vos amplius
dignitate quam dignatione laudandos'.
3 1 8
Reputations, Basil, Ep. 73; Sid. Ep. 4 . 3 . 2 , 8 . 6 . 1 - 3 ; furious, Greg. Nys. Ep. 1 . 3 0 - 5 ; Syn.
Ep. 41 (Garzya); insignia and garb, Klauser (1974). On the outlook of late-antique bishops,
see Brown (1992: 118-25) and V a n Dam (1986) for the East; Heinzelmann (1976) and
Mathisen (1993:89-99) for Gaul. For the (usually curial) social origins of 4th-cent. bishops,
Gilliard (1966).
9 6 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

u p p e r reaches o f G r a e c o - R o m a n society w e r e subdivided b y finely gr ade d

barriers o f s n o b b e r y a n d hauteur. F u n d i w a s a substantial t o w n , a n d he
w a s o n e o f its m o s t distinguished citizens, at the top o f its social p y r a m i d ;
he t h o u g h t he deserved respect in the greater aristocratic w o r l d as well.
T h e travellers, w h o included a consular, t h o u g h t otherwise, a n d hooted
3 1 9
w i t h laughter as they p a s s e d . A sixth-century notable o f G a z a vividly
realized that he w o u l d b e beneath c o n t e m p t at A n t i o c h , to say nothing o f
320
Constantinople.
W h e n a great aristocrat peered d o w n into society beneath h i m , there
w a s a threshold beneath w h i c h , to his m i n d , h o n o u r did n o t exist; there
w e r e people, a great m a n y people, w i t h o u t h o n o u r , a n d best kept that
w a y . T h u s the great Metellus N u m i d i c u s (cos. 109 BC) dismissed a t u r b u ­
lent tribune w i t h the r e m a r k , 'I a c c o u n t h i m neither a friend n o r an
e n e m y . . . for I d e e m h i m n o t o n l y u n w o r t h y to b e praised b y m e n o f
position, b u t even unfit to b e abused b y upright persons. F o r if y o u even
n a m e a w r e t c h like h i m , w h e n y o u can't p u n i s h h i m , y o u confer h o n o u r
3 2 1
rather than insult u p o n h i m . ' E v e n to criticize such a m a n w a s to i m p l y
his m e m b e r s h i p in the o p i n i o n c o m m u n i t y o f the aristocracy, so o n e
ignored h i m . T h i s category o f persons w i t h o u t h o n o u r in aristocratic eyes
included those d e n n e d in the l a w ( b y aristocratic jurists) as ' i n f a m o u s ' —
brothel-keepers, actors, gladiators, convicted felons—persons whose
c o n d u c t revealed that they h a d n o sense o f s h a m e , a n d thus c o u l d h a v e
3 2 2
no h o n o u r . T h e slave is the archetype o f the m a n w i t h o u t h o n o u r , the
c o m p a r a t i v e historian notes, a n d the line between slavery a n d freedom
the elementary division in slave societies between those w h o possess h o n ­
o u r a n d those w h o d o not. T h u s it is n o t surprising to see the jurist
U l p i a n puzzling a b o u t w h e t h e r it is possible to c o m m i t iniuria, a legally
defined insult to h o n o u r , u p o n a slave. C e r t a i n l y if y o u thrash a slave, o r
sing a n abusive s o n g about h i m , it is an insult to his master, b u t is it a n
insult to the slave? Perhaps. T h e natural a s s u m p t i o n o f m e n o f the status
o f the jurists w a s that slaves h a d n o h o n o u r . S o utterly beneath consider­
ation w e r e they that one m i g h t p u t u p w i t h jocularities from slaves that
3 2 3
o n e w o u l d never endure from free m e n . B u t at the same time, m e n o f

3 1 9
Hor. Sat. 1. 5. 3 4 - 6 . O n the duty to snub those w h o get above their station,
MacMullen (1974), 1 0 4 - 1 3 , and esp. CTh 6. 5 . 1 . Cf. J . Campbell (1964), 2 7 3 , 3 0 5 .
3 2 0
Dorotheus Gazensis, Doctrina 2. 6 ( = PG 88. i 6 4 5 d - i 6 4 8 a ) .
3 2 1
A u l . Gel. 7 . 1 1 . 3 , 'indignissimum... a viris bonis benedicatur... maiore honore quam
contumelia adficias'. Cf. Sen. Ira 2.32.3; Plut. Cato Mai. 2 5 . 3 .
3 2 2
O n infamia in the law, Dig. 3. 2 with Levick (1983), 1 0 8 - 1 4 .
3 2 3
Slaves without honour, Patterson (1982), 1 0 - 1 3 et passim; in the Roman context Sailer
(1994), 1 3 4 - 9 ; and CTh 1 4 . 1 0 . 1 . 3 (382) on their inability to feel shame. L a w of iniuria, see
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 97

high status u n d e r s t o o d that slaves c o u l d have h o n o u r , o f a sort. ' T h e r e

are ranks in a household,' w r o t e C l a u d i a n , 'and its m e m b e r s have their
o w n prestige; he w h o has h a d b u t o n e master has the least stain u p o n his
condition.' ' T h e imperial slaves themselves—those to w h o m there is a
m o r e illustrious rank in s l a v e r y — g r u m b l e d at such an associate, a n d ,
3 2 4
haughty, for a l o n g time scorned' E u t r o p i u s the e u n u c h . A n d Dio
C h r y s o s t o m expected to see 'fellow slaves w r a n g l i n g with o n e another
325
over glory a n d p r e c e d e n c e ' . A n agricultural writer suggested that the
estate m a n a g e r 'should c o n d u c t festal days b y r e w a r d i n g each w h o is
strongest a n d m o s t frugal [of the field-hands] w i t h gifts, sometimes even
admitting t h e m to his o w n table a n d being willing to grant t h e m prestige
3 2 6
with other h o n o u r s ' . H e r e the slave bailiff o f an estate is to use h o n ­
orific dinners to get better w o r k o u t o f his labourers, slaves as well. If this
is to b e practical they m u s t hanker after the h o n o u r s he has to bestow.
T h e slaves o f f a r m or household thus constitute their o w n c o m m u n i t y o f
h o n o u r , although at a vast social distance from the c o m m u n i t y o f the
aristocracy a b o v e . A n d aristocratic authors, even if they grant slaves n o
h o n o u r in aristocratic eyes, realize that slaves grant each other slavish
h o n o u r in slavish eyes. F o r 'There is n o baseness so great', w r o t e V a l e r i u s
M a x i m u s , 'that it c a n n o t b e t o u c h e d b y the sweetness o f prestige.' O r ,
poetically, ' G l o r y drags along the o b s c u r e n o less than the n o b l y b o r n
3 2 7
b o u n d to her shining c h a r i o t . '
T h e existence o f c o m m u n i t i e s o f h o n o u r far beneath the aristocracy
can b e illustrated in m a n y contexts. M e m b e r s o f the l o w e r classes n a t u ­
rally structured religious sodalities, trade guilds, a n d burial insurance
clubs o n the s a m e basis as their social betters organized cities, relying o n
the better-off m e m b e r s to underwrite the expenses o f the organization
out of philotimioy in exchange for h o n o u r in the f o r m o f an ostentatiously
higher-piled plate at club banquets, a n d statues, a n d honorific decrees

esp. Dig. 4 7 . 1 0 . 1 5 . 3 4 - 4 5 (Ulpian). Jocularities, Sen. Const. 1 1 . 3 , 'et ut quisque contemptis-

simus et vel ludibrium est, ita solutissimae linguae est'.
3 2 4
Claudian, In Eutr. 1. 2 9 - 3 1 , 'discrimina quaedam I sunt famulis splendorque suus,
maculamque minorem I condicionis habet, domino qui vixerit uno'; 1 . 1 4 8 - 5 0 , 'ipsi quin
etiam tali consorte fremebant I regales famuli, quibus est inlustrior ordo I servitii, soci-
umque diu sprevere superbi'. Cf. C i c . Parad. 37; Stat. Silv. 3 . 3 . 6 4 - 7 8 .
3 2 5
D . Chr. 34. 51, irepl 86£r)s Kai irpwTeiwv.
3 2 6
Columella 1 1 . 1 . 1 9 , 'nonnumquam etiam mensae suae adhibeat, et velis aliis quoque
honoribus dignari'. Cf. Eunap. V S 4 6 7 (with free labourers).
3 2 7
V a l . M a x . 8 . 1 4 . 5 , gloria; and Hor. Sat. 1 . 6 . 2 3 - 4 , 'sed fulgente trahit constrictos Gloria
curru I non minus ignotos generosis'.
9 8 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

328
passed b y the m e m b e r s o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n . A b u s e o f a fellow m e m b e r
carried a twelve-sesterce fine in the Association o f D i a n a a n d A n t i n o u s , a
burial club at L a n u v i u m . B u t insult the quinquennalis (the club's highest
officer) at dinner, a n d the fine is t w e n t y sesterces: his greater h o n o u r
329
m u s t b e the m o r e p r o t e c t e d . T h e w a y standards o f h o n o u r in s u c h
associations differed f r o m those o f the aristocracy can be seen f r o m the
kinds o f people they elected to office. Aristocrats fastidiously e x c l u d e d
freedmen from positions o f h o n o u r in their realm, from the t o w n senate,
from being m a y o r or aedile. V e r y g r a n d persons even sneered at freed-
3 3 0
men's free-born sons. But freedmen (although not slaves) are
extremely c o m m o n as h o n o u r e d officials in Italian trade guilds u n d e r the
3 3 1
e m p i r e , guilds w i t h m a n y free-born m e m b e r s . T h e d i s h o n o u r i n g taint
o f servile origin w a s felt less in c o m m u n i t i e s o f h o n o u r l o w e r d o w n in
society; in a burial society even a freedman benefactor m i g h t h a v e attrib­
332
uted to h i m the s u p r e m e prestige e m b o d i e d in maiestas.
Indeed, aristocrats' o w n standards o f h o n o u r w e r e particularly v u l n e r ­
able to c o n t a m i n a t i o n b y far different, a n d fiercely held, conceptions o f
h o n o u r a m o n g professional c o m m u n i t i e s o f the legally i n f a m o u s , far
d o w n the social ladder, for such c o m m u n i t i e s m i g h t d r a w in aristocrats,
even e m p e r o r s . T o act, to c o m p e t e w i t h the lyre, as N e r o did, o r as a glad­
iator, as C o m m o d u s did, w a s p r o f o u n d l y offensive to R o m a n aristocratic
3 3 3
mores; to d o such things w a s to b e d i s h o n o u r e d in aristocratic e y e s .
B u t s u c h c o n d u c t w a s less a manifestation o f absolute c o n t e m p t for h o n ­
o u r than the u n w i s e pursuit o f h o n o u r a m o n g a different, a n d w r o n g ,

3 2 8
O n collegia in general, Waltzing (1895-1900); for refs. on their honour-for-money
organization, iv. 2 9 9 - 4 3 0 and esp. 6 7 6 - 8 5 . Banquets, i. 3 2 3 - 8 , iv. 685-99, and ILS 7212. 2.
2 5 - 6 levies a fine on anyone w h o changes his seat during a banquet: surely seating was hon­
orific, as at aristocratic banquets. For comic effect, Apuleius has bandits act like a collegium
(Met. 7. 7): when one is elected chief, he is clad in a splendid robe, kisses the members one
by one, and takes his seat on the highest couch, Met. 7 . 9 . Villages also work in the same way,
MacMullen (1974), 2 3 .
3 2 9
ILS 7212. 2. 2 6 - 8 ; cf. CIL viii. 14683.
3 3 0
Scorn of freedmen's sons, Hor. Sat. 1. 6. 5 - 6 .
3 3 1 3 3 2
Royden (1988), esp. 2 2 9 - 5 8 . ILS 7889.
3 3 3
T o the Roman aristocratic mind stage performers are ' e x . . . faece progenit[i]\ CTh
15- 7- 9 (381); Ducos (1990); gladiators even lower, Ville (1981), 3 3 9 - 4 3 ; for legal infamia, n.
322 above. But Roman aristocratic attitudes towards gladiators were complex, since gladia­
tors displayed admirable physical courage, Wiedemann (1992), 3 4 - 9 . A n d the status of some
performers was higher in the East: athletes (see p. 43 above) might be of gentle birth, as
might musicians on traditional instruments like the cithara, Nero's joy (Rouech£ (1993), no.
6 8 - 9 ) ; actors as well might rise to civic prominence. The West took fitful notice of the dif­
ferent standards of the East: Ulpian (Dig. 3. 2. 4. pr.) liberates athletes and musicians from
legal infamia.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 99
3 3 4
set. O f gladiatorial c o m b a t B i s h o p C y p r i a n o f C a r t h a g e w r o t e , ' F o r the
secular c o m b a t m e n are trained a n d p r e p a r e d , a n d reckon it a great g l o r y
for their h o n o u r , if it should h a p p e n to t h e m to b e c r o w n e d in the sight
3 3 5
o f the people a n d in the presence o f the e m p e r o r / ' T h e b o l d Polynices
has g l o r y in a r m s / reads o n e gladiator's epitaph; 'I w a s b y n o m e a n s
3 3 6
inglorious a m o n g the living,' reads a n o t h e r . Despite the epitaph o f a
beast-fighter w h i c h insisted that he w a s o f a 'conspicuous a n d glorious
line', the qualities—strength o f b o d y , boldness, skill at a r m s — w h i c h
contributed to the prestige o f gladiators (a savage a n d desperate breed,
m a n y o f t h e m slaves) w e r e predictably different f r o m those w h i c h exalted
337
an a r i s t o c r a t . It w a s exactly the simplicity a n d brutality o f this r u d e
h o n o u r , a n d the ferocity w i t h w h i c h it w a s p u r s u e d in the h o t h o u s e
a t m o s p h e r e o f the gladiator training-schools a n d amidst the frantic a d u ­
lation o f the c r o w d , w h i c h c o u l d m a k e it attractive even to the great. F o r
C o m m o d u s w a s b y n o m e a n s the o n l y R o m a n aristocrat to practise as a
338
gladiator a n d b e delighted to receive a gladiator's h o n o u r s a n d t i t l e s .
N o r w a s N e r o the o n l y R o m a n aristocrat to b e attracted b y the rival­
ries o f professional musicians, actors, m i m e s , the turmoils o f the theatri­
cal demi-monde so vastly despised b y the R o m a n a r i s t o c r a c y . 339
All of
these skills w e r e practised c o m p e t i t i v e l y — a s contests in p u b l i c g a m e s —
a n d the victors c r o w e d a n d gloried in their t r i u m p h s . T h e storage r o o m s
o f p e r f o r m e r s g l o w e r at o n e another across a passage in the theatre at
A p h r o d i s i a s , an inscription p r o c l a i m i n g the 'unbeatable e q u i p m e n t o f
the unbeatable A u t o l y c u s , v i c t o r at N e m e a ' facing 'the unbeatable e q u i p ­
m e n t o f K a p y r a s a n d Philologus, O l y m p i c victor'. T h e i r o w n e r s w e r e
p r o b a b l y m i m e s . P r o u d as well w a s 'Ulpius A p o l a u s t u s , the greatest o f
the p a n t o m i m e s , c r o w n e d in c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h actors a n d all p e r f o r m e r s

3 3 4
C o m m o d u s seeks an avopeias 86^av Herod. 1 . 1 3 . 8 . Nero, Tac. Ann. 1 6 . 4 , 'se aequum
y

adversum aemulos et religione iudicum meritam laudem adsecuturum'; and in general,

Suet. Nero 55, 'erat illi aeternitatis perpetuaeque famae cupido, sed inconsulta'. On Nero's
sense of competitiveness: Suet. Nero 5 3 - 4 ; he was rumoured to have killed the actor Paris
out of rivalry.
3 3 5
C y p . Ep. 58. 8 ( C S £ L ) , 'magnam gloriam conputant honoris sui'. Cf. Sen. Prov. 3 . 4;
Pliny, Paneg. 33.
3 3 6
Robert (1940a), nos. 169, Sofa, and 260, ov . . . [a8]ofo?.
3 3 7
Ibid. no. 25. 2, tvorjiiov 8e yevov* Kai €v8[6gov]; beast-fighting was less de*classe\
Roueche* (1993), 7 4 - 5 . Gladiators' honour and qualities, Robert (1940a), 3 0 2 - 5 ; see also ILS
5150; re-emphasized b y many of the professional names they took: Hector, Pugnax, Ferox,
etc., see Ville (1981), 3 0 8 - 9 .
3 3 8
For gladiators' honours, Ville (1981), 3 1 3 - 1 8 and esp. ILS 5083-833. C o m m o d u s ' glad­
iatorial honours, HA Comm. 1 1 . 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 2 . 1 1 - 1 2 , 1 5 . 8; Dio 72(731.). 22. 3; Herod. 1 . 1 5 . 8 - 9 .
Aristocrats as gladiators, Ville (1981), 2 5 5 - 6 2 ; and esp. Juv. 8 . 1 9 9 - 2 1 0 .
3 3 9
Leppin (1992), 1 4 2 - 7 ; and esp. Juv. 8 . 1 8 5 - 9 9 ; Tac. Hist. 3. 62.
100 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

twelve times'; indeed, the rivalries o f p a n t o m i m e s w e r e so intense, a n d so

keenly s u p p o r t e d b y their fans, that they gave rise to repeated riots at
3 4 0
Rome.
A f e w eccentric aristocrats aside, it w a s not likely in the l o n g r u n that
such c o m p e t i n g definitions o f h o n o u r w o u l d h a v e m u c h effect o n aristo­
cratic standards. Studies o f decoration o f the walls o f houses at P o m p e i i
a n d o f t o m b s t o n e s in imperial N o r t h A f r i c a v i v i d l y illustrate the ten­
d e n c y o f the empire's lesser inhabitants to a d o p t upper-class status s y m ­
3 4 1
bols. A s small m e n aped the w a y s o f their betters, cultural influence
flowed o v e r w h e l m i n g l y d o w n w a r d s in G r a e c o - R o m a n society, rather
than u p . Martial bitingly reflected o n s n o b b e r y o f this type:

Torquatus has a mansion four miles from the city:

Otacilius bought a tiny farm at the same place.
Torquatus built heated baths shining with many-coloured marble:
Otacilius organized a kettle.
Torquatus laid out a laurel grove in his grounds:
Otacilius sowed a hundred chestnut trees.
When Torquatus was consul, Otacilius was street-warden,
and in so vast a dignity did not think himself a jot the lesser man.
Just as a great ox once caused a toad to burst himself, I think
342
Torquatus will burst Otacilius.

S u c h emulation, besides being natural to a strongly hierarchical society,

also b r o u g h t rewards. T h e concentration o f wealth a n d p o w e r in the
hands o f a n a r r o w elite discouraged c o m m u n i t i e s o f h o n o u r beneath
from setting themselves u p in opposition to the values o f those a b o v e .
Associations o f h u m b l e m e n emulated aristocratic institutions as closely
as possible a n d used the h o n o u r s they c o u l d b e s t o w to attract generous
a n d influential aristocratic benefactors. T h e adherence o f these benefac­
tors a n d patrons helped to co n f i rm t h e m as corporate entities w i t h claims
to h o n o u r in aristocratic eyes, just as cities w e r e , a n d thus render t h e m
343
w o r t h y o f further b e n e f a c t i o n . W h e n an association c o u l d catch a m a n
3 4 0
O n competition among performers in the West, Leppin (1992), 1 2 3 - 6 , and cf. Jory
(1988); in the East, Herz (1990), and for musicians see esp. Roueche* (1993), nos. 6 7 - 9 .
Aphrodisias, Roueche" (1993), p. 1 7 , and 1 9 - 2 5 for discussion. Apolaustus, ILS 5184.
Pantomime riots, Cameron (1976), 2 2 3 - 4 ; Jory (1984). It took mimes and pantomimes time
to work their way into the more distinguished festivals, Roueche" (1993), 2 3 - 4 .
3 4 1
Pompeii, A . Wallace-Hadrill (1994), 1 4 3 - 7 4 ; North Africa, Meyer (1990), 8 3 - 9 1 ; and
esp. Cic. Leg. 3 . 3 1 - 2 .
3 4 2
Quoted, Mart. 10. 79, 'consule Torquato vici fuit ille magister I non minor in tanto
visus honore sibi'.
3 4 3
Patronage of associations, Waltzing ( 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 0 0 ) , i. 4 2 5 - 4 6 ; as an honour, 445; from
which other honours flow, 446. For practical benefits to collegia, Clemente (1972), 2 1 4 - 2 3 .
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 101

'loaded w i t h dignity a n d replete w i t h the h o n o u r o f rods o f office', its

m e m b e r s naturally offered h i m the position o f patron, 'glorying a n d
344
rejoicing'. T h e i r eyes w e r e directed u p w a r d s , at w h a t w o u l d please a n d
attract their social superiors.
Finally, the independent vitality o f c o m m u n i t i e s o f h o n o u r outside the
aristocracy w a s sapped b y the c o - o p t i o n o f their m o s t successful individ­
ual m e m b e r s b y the aristocracy, b y the eagerness o f such persons for h o n ­
o u r at aristocratic hands. T h e R o m a n s k n e w n o inflexible castes; a m a n
c o u l d rise from the lowest ranks o f the free-born to the highest offices o f
a provincial t o w n , to claritas in the eyes o f the local q u a l i t y . 3 4 5
T h e open­
ness o f the aristocracy tended to discourage the g r o w t h o f flamboyantly
different conceptions o f h o n o u r beneath it; unsurprisingly, the m o s t dis­
tinctive conceptions o f h o n o u r w e can trace exist a m o n g people w h o
w e r e excluded dejure from entry into the aristocracy, such as gladiators,
actors, a n d the like. B u t such m e n t o o w e r e vulnerable to aristocratic c o n ­
descension. T h u s w e see an honorific inscription for L . A u r e l i u s Pylades,
freedman o f the e m p e r o r , 'First a m o n g the p a n t o m i m e s o f his day,
c r o w n e d four times in sacred g a m e s , p a t r o n o f the association of
A p o l l o n i a n Parasites [a guild for m i m e s ] ; priest o f the S y n o d o f
Performers, h o n o u r e d b y decree o f the decurions o f Puteoli with the
o r n a m e n t s o f the decurionate a n d the j o i n t - m a y o r s h i p . . .' for giving
3 4 6
Puteoli a gladiatorial s h o w . H e r e the h o n o u r o f t w o quite different
w o r l d s is o n display: his distinctions as a p a n t o m i m e in the w o r l d o f play­
ers, a n d his distinction as a benefactor in the w o r l d o f cities a n d aristo­
crats. T o aristocratic eyes A u r e l i u s Pylades w a s d o u b l y base, a f o r m e r
slave practising an i n f a m o u s profession. H e w a s twice disbarred from
b e i n g m a d e a decurion, b u t he can b e given a d e c u r i o n ' s — e v e n a j o i n t
m a y o r ' s — o r n a m e n t s : the right to p a r a d e as if he w e r e . T h e senate o f
Puteoli does n o t scorn his cash; n o r does he, despite his e m i n e n c e in
another area o f life, scorn civic h o n o u r s w h i c h m i g h t appear to us to p r o ­
c l a i m the c o n t e m p t o f those granting them. I n general, the despised o f the
e m p i r e did n o t turn their backs o n the aristocratic society that despised
t h e m . T h e y w e r e willing to spend freely to gain h o n o u r s w h i c h publicized
their stigma: o r n a m e n t s , since they c o u l d n o t h o l d offices, o r m e m b e r ­
ship in the Augustales, a priesthood o f the e m p e r o r m u c h sought b y rich
3 4 4
CIL xi. 1354, 'dignitate accumulat(us) et honore fascium repletus . . . gloriosi gau-
dentesq(ue)'. Cf. ILS 6504, 7 2 1 8 . Like cities, associations adopt boastful titles, esp.
acfjLvoraros and splendidissimus Waltzing ( 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 0 0 ) , iv. 5 7 4 - 5 .
y

3 4 5
CIL viii. 11824 with MacMullen (1974: 47 n. 60) for other instances of similar social
mobility.
3 4 6
ILS 5186; cf. Leppin ( 1 9 9 2 : 1 0 3 - 6 ) for other honours to players.
102 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

freedmen w h o c o u l d not b e c o m e m e m b e r s o f the t o w n senate. Petronius

m o c k s this perverse ambition in T r i m a l c h i o , a n d Seneca shakes his head
at slaves ' w h o think death o r b l o w s m o r e tolerable than insulting w o r d s ' ,
3 4 7
ambitiously fearing the scorn o f their masters rather than their p o w e r .
T h e d o m i n a t i o n o f a c o m m u n i t y o f h o n o u r b y the values o f the aris­
tocracy is n o w h e r e m o r e evident than in the case o f the slave a n d freed­
m a n assistants o f the e m p e r o r . T h e y w e r e a sharply a n o m a l o u s g r o u p in
R o m a n society: often rich a n d powerful, b u t h e m m e d in b y their legal
status a n d v i e w e d with the greatest suspicion b y aristocrats. T h i s w a s a
p r o u d , stand-offish b a n d , w i t h a strong sense o f solidarity, w i t h its o w n
school, its o w n clubs, its o w n graveyards, a n d even pride in birth: to b e
b o r n within the emperor's household w a s s o m e t h i n g to be p r o u d of, a n d
3 4 8
w a s indicated o n a t o m b s t o n e . B u t the reason w e k n o w so m u c h a b o u t
them is the v i g o u r o f their attempts to act like, a n d report the a p p r o v a l
of, 'real' aristocrats, a n d to enjoy h o n o u r in the w i d e r w o r l d . T h e i r t o m b ­
stones boast o f posts achieved in the imperial service—sometimes listing
post after post, just as a senator's might. If a freedman in the imperial ser­
vice w a s chosen to assist a great aristocrat, then that aristocrat's n a m e ,
3 4 9
signifying his a p p r o v a l , m i g h t b e inscribed as w e l l . Just like an eques­
trian, a freedman m i g h t inscribe his imperial letter o f a p p o i n t m e n t , in
w h i c h — j o y ! — t h e e m p e r o r calls his post, M a s t e r o f Jollities at the palace,
350
'distinguished', splendidus. T h e i r taste for distinction outside the c o n ­
fines o f the palace m a d e imperial freedmen frequent public benefactors,
h o n o u r e d b y cities with plaques a n d statues a n d special seats at t o w n
3 5 1
banquets. A n d , o f course, imperial freedmen's thirst for h o n o u r s from
the e m p e r o r , a n d e m p e r o r s ' willingness to indulge t h e m with public h o n ­
ours o n l y suitable for m e n o f free birth, w a s a r u n n i n g scandal u n d e r the
3 5 2
empire. T h e o v e r w h e l m i n g impression w e get o f the emperor's slave-
a n d - f r e e d m a n staff is of aristocrats manque.
3 4 7
Augustales, C h . 3 n. 300. Trimalchio, Petr. 71. Quoted, Sen. Const. 5 . 1 .
3 4 8
School, 'a Caput Africae', de Ruggiero (1895), with proud alumni, CIL vi. 8987. Clubs,
Waltzing (1895-1900), iv. 1 5 3 - 6 2 , esp. CIL iii. 6077. Birth, indication of verna status, Weaver
(1972).
3 4 9
Hundreds of tombstones of imperial slaves and freedmen indicate their jobs, see ILS
1 4 7 3 - 1 8 5 0 or CIL vi. 8398-9101 passim, and Treggiari (1973). Freedman cursus inscriptions,
see Boulvert ( 1 9 7 4 : 1 2 1 - 4 ) for a list and discussion (adding AE 1972. 574), but Burton (1977:
1 6 3 - 4 ) corrects Boulvert's conclusions. Names of high officials, Weaver (1972), 2 3 1 - 3 .
3 5 0
Letter of appointment, CIL vi. 8 6 1 9 , ' [ . . . ] magistri tui hortantur ut te ad splendi-
dam voluptatum statio[nem promoveam' (?).
3 5 1
Imperial freedmen honoured by cities for benefactions, Boulvert (1974), 2 2 2 - 8 ; see
esp. Reynolds (1982), 1 5 6 - 6 4 ; ILS 6579 for special seating.
3 5 2
Bruun (1990), 2 8 2 - 3 , and esp. Suet. Claud. 28; Galba 14. 2; Tac. Hist. 2. 57; Dio 6 7 . 1 5 .
1, and see n. 135 above.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 103

T h e R o m a n w o r l d w a s , thus, m a d e u p o f countless c o m m u n i t i e s o f
h o n o u r , s o m e better attested than others, the great p r e p o n d e r a n c e n o
d o u b t lost to us. Standards o f h o n o u r differed from place to place,
between religions, social classes, professions; different conceptions of
h o n o u r jostled against o n e another, a n d c o m p e t e d for loyalty. B u t over
all the values o f those highest u p w e r e b o u n d to exert a disproportionate
p o w e r . T h o s e w h o s c o r n e d h o n o u r c o u l d m a k e v e r y limited h e a d w a y
c h i p p i n g at the b e d r o c k o f the inherited principles w h i c h g o v e r n e d the
c o n d u c t o f m o s t m e m b e r s of the G r a e c o - R o m a n u p p e r class. If aristo­
crats a d m i r e d such scorn they m i g h t h o n o u r its e x e m p l a r — t h e philoso­
p h e r o r h o l y m a n — a n d return to their lives o f philotimia. T h e challenge
o f Christian h o n o u r ( w h i c h the e x a m p l e o f aristocratic h o n o u r h a d
b r o u g h t into being a n d helped to m o u l d ) w a s m e t b y an expansion o f the
aristocratic definition o f w h a t w a s honourable: Christian h o n o u r w a s
d e v o u r e d rather than fought against. Aristocratic conceptions o f h o n o u r
exerted a p r o f o u n d influence o n the values o f those beneath them; a n d
the superior h o n o u r s aristocrats h a d in their gift exerted a p r o f o u n d
influence even o n those w h o m they half t h o u g h t incapable o f possessing
h o n o u r . T h e r e w a s a hierarchy a m o n g c o m m u n i t i e s o f h o n o u r , just as
there w e r e hierarchies everywhere else in the R o m a n w o r l d .

Borrowing Honour
A final aspect o f the a s c e n d a n c y o f the values o f the G r a e c o - R o m a n aris­
tocracy over their w o r l d w a s the w a y in w h i c h c o m m u n i t i e s of h o n o u r
c o u l d b o r r o w h o n o u r from one another. O f course a great m a n , like Pliny
the Y o u n g e r , s u m m o n e d his friends to h o n o u r along w i t h h i m . H e used
the prestige o f others to buttress his o w n , a n d w a s so used himself: thus
w h e n C a l p u r n i u s Fabatus built a portico for C o m u m , a n d p r o m i s e d a set
o f gates, the city n o d o u b t conferred u p o n h i m their conventional h o n ­
ours, b u t the benefactor also received a letter o f praise from Pliny, his fel­
l o w t o w n s m a n a n d relation, a letter perhaps m o r e p r o d u c t i v e o f prestige
3 5 3
than a n y n u m b e r o f statues at C o m u m . Similarly, w h e n C a r t h a g e
v o t e d A p u l e i u s a statue, it w a s the flattering interest o f the consular
A e m i l i a n u s Strabo, w h o p r o p o s e d the m o t i o n , w h o d e m a n d e d that the
statue be placed in a p r o m i n e n t place, a n d w h o said a n d did m u c h in
A p u l e i u s ' h o n o u r , w h i c h elicited the rhetorical question, ' W h a t is lacking
to place m e o n the s u m m i t , the peak o f fame, u p o n the v e r y pinnacle o f
354
praise?' B u t this b o r r o w i n g o f h o n o u r m o r e frequently w o r k e d in the
3 5 3
Pliny summons a friend to honour, Ep. 4 . 1 2 ; honours Fabatus, Ep. 5 . 1 1 ; cf. 6 . 3 4 .
3 5 4
Apul. Flor. 16.
104 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

opposite direction: w h e n a m a n , o r m o r e usually an association, felt in­

adequate to h o n o u r a benefactor, the city w a s applied to for help. T h e
association c o m m i s s i o n e d a statue, a n d applied to the local senate for
permission to set it u p in the f o r u m , w h e r e the city's benefactors w e r e
3 5 5
honoured.
Individuals a n d associations c o u l d m a k e u p for the i n a d e q u a c y o f their
o w n prestige b y b o r r o w i n g that o f their city. B u t if even a city's h o n o u r s
w e r e inadequate to the merits o f a benefactor, that city w o u l d e n d e a v o u r
to have the honours of the whole province added to its own.
Representatives o f the cities o f m a n y provinces m e t in provincial c o u n ­
3 5 6
cils. T h e y h a d their o w n titles b y w h i c h to acclaim their benefactors:
'First m a n o f the p r o v i n c e ! First m a n o f the race!' T h e y erected statues
and gilded portraits. Provincial assemblies h o n o u r e d the officials o f the
league a n d its benefactors in the same w a y , a n d for the same reasons, that
3 5 7
cities h o n o u r e d t h e i r s . Provincial councils also stood ready to second
the h o n o u r s o f individual cities o f their p r o v i n c e . T h u s the L y c i a n league
h o n o u r e d a benefactor w h o h a d m a d e vast contributions to the league's
cities, 'with the result that he has been given the testimony o f suitable
h o n o u r s b y all the cities; thus it w a s v o t e d that he b e h o n o u r e d annually
3 5 8
b y the p r o v i n c e as a w h o l e . ' T h i s w a s possible because p r o v i n c e s too
w e r e perceived to h a v e h o n o u r , to w h i c h the prestige o f individual m e m ­
359
ber cities c o n t r i b u t e d . Indeed, in late antiquity s o m e o f the patriotic

3 5 5
Individuals, ILS 1325, 5503. Associations, Waltzing ( 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 0 0 ) , iii, nos. 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 1 1 2 ,
and many Latin inscriptions where the approval of the city is marked with 'l(ocus) d(atus)
d(ecreto) d ( e c u r i o n u m ) \
3 5 6
Deininger (1965). N o t all provinces had them in the first three centuries of the empire
(pp. 3 3 - 5 ) , and the cities from which these councils drew their members did not always fall
within Roman provincial boundaries: the Romans made one province of Bithynia and
Pontus, but they had separate KOIVOL; Greece had many small ones, while the three Gauls
shared one, which met at Lugdunum. A preponderance of the useful evidence relates to the
Lycian league (pp. 6 9 - 8 1 ) : growing out of a pre-Roman institution, it enjoyed prestige by
virtue of its age, and thus was relied upon heavily by Lycia's rather undistinguished cities.
All its activities can, however, be paralleled elsewhere.
3 5 7
Provincial honours: acclaimed titles, irpwros rrjz iirapxeia^y irp&Tos TOV edvovty
Deininger (1965), 156 (councils also may play a role in bestowing titles on cities, IGR 4.
1249). For provincial honours see esp. TAM ii. 905; IGR iv. 1756; for Lycia, also Deininger,
p. 77 n. 7. Provinces honour their local officials and benefactors, Deininger, passim and esp.
TAM ii. 905 chs. 2 0 , 2 2 - 3 et passim; Pflaum (1948), col. 1; Gk. Const. 18; IGR iv. 1 7 5 6 . 7 5 - 1 1 9 .
Hadrian created a Panhellenic council, the Panhellenion, which acted similarly: see the
dossier of testimonials for Eurycles of Aezani, IGR iv. 5 7 3 - 6 with Spawforth and Walker
(1985), 89.
3 5 8
TAM ii. 905 ch. 58, and see passim; Pallas et al. (1959) ( = SEG xviii. 143) with Robert
(1960&), 3 2 4 - 4 2 .
3 5 9
Prestige of provinces, A m m . Marc. 14. 8. 2 - 1 4 ; also Cic. 2 Verr. 1 . 1 0 , 4 . 90; Fronto, ad
Ant. Pium 8 (van den Hout); TAM ii. 905 col. 3. 6 - 7 (ch. 7 ) , col. 5. 7 7 - 8 (ch. 1 9 ) ; CIL iii.
 Honour and Influence in the Roman World 105

loyalty once devoted to cities seems to have been transferred to the

3 6 0
empire's p r o v i n c e s . T h e h o n o u r o f p r o v i n c e s w a s recognized at R o m e :
C i c e r o insisted that his j u r y should defer to the prestige o f provinces, h a v ­
ing lined u p G a u l , Cilicia, Spain, a n d A c h a e a against a divided A s i a a c c u s ­
361
ing his client o f e x t o r t i o n . Reciprocity o f favours also existed between
m a n a n d p r o v i n c e , as Pliny the Y o u n g e r demonstrated w h e n he w a s loath
to plead against the p r o v i n c e o f Baetica, w h i c h he h a d 'attached to h i m ­
self w i t h so m a n y favours a n d labours'. Possessed o f h o n o u r , provinces
w e r e thus also capable o f gratitude, a n d so c a m e to a p p o i n t for t h e m ­
3 6 2
selves provincial p a t r o n s .
S o m e o f the w a y s in w h i c h individuals a n d institutions, from tiny clubs
to cities to vast provinces, c a m e to grips w i t h the w o r l d a r o u n d them w e r e
strangely similar; they all h a d h o n o u r , a n d all used h o n o u r ' s tools.
M o r e o v e r , the w a y in w h i c h institutions c o u l d b o r r o w h o n o u r from m e n
and each other, a n d m e n c o u l d b o r r o w h o n o u r from them, indicates that
c o m m u n i t i e s o f h o n o u r w e r e not o n l y arranged hierarchically, b u t w e r e
interlocking, a n d h o n o u r c o u l d frequently flow between them. T h i s c o n ­
firms that the c u r r e n c y o f h o n o u r w a s v e r y similar from place to place
and u p a n d d o w n the social order, reflecting n o t o n l y w i d e societal c o n ­
sensus about the value o f h o n o u r , b u t also the firm d o m i n a n c e o f one set
of standards o f h o n o u r , that o f the aristocracy. T h e u n i f o r m i t y created b y
that d o m i n a n c e w a s one o f the factors w h i c h permitted h o n o u r to spread
its tentacles so far over the R o m a n w o r l d .

CONCLUSION

T a k e n one b y one, testimonia to the w o r k i n g o f h o n o u r in the R o m a n

w o r l d d o not get us v e r y far. W e h a v e seen Pliny offer an inferior t w o p o s ­
sible interpretations o f his compliance: 'Yield to m y auctoritas* or (more
politely) 'Indulge m y prayers'. T h e r e c o u l d perfectly well b e a third
level as well, w h o l l y hidden: ' D o as y o u ' r e told o r suffer s o m e h a r m to
y o u r purse o r safety.' H o n o u r a n d p o w e r o f other types tended to b e

8257. Make-up of province's prestige: C i c . 2Verr. 2. 2 - 8 ; Viae. 62; Aristid. 21. 7 , 1 3 (Behr);
TAM ii. 905 ch. 14.
360 Province referred to as patria, Sym. Ep. 2. 63; A u r . Vict. Caes. 39. 26; cf. Norr (1966),
65; Rouech£ (1989a), 34.
3 6 1
Cic. Flac. 100. A n d a provincial assembly might honour a man, IGR iii. 4 7 3 . 1 3 - 1 4 , S i a
rd aefxvoTTjTay or as, IGR 4 . 1 2 3 6 . 20—1, iv dnaaiv iTricqfiov. Cf. IGR iv. 1756. 85—6, 92.
3 6 2
Pliny, Ep. 1. 7. 2; cf. 3. 4. 6. Also Caes. BCi. 29; TAM ii. 905 col. 8 . 1 3 (ch. 29); col. 9.
1 0 2 - 3 (ch. 3 2 ) . Provincial patrons, Nicols (1990b) with a list; for their functions, Nicols
(1980b), 3 7 0 - 7 .
106 Honour and Influence in the Roman World

concentrated into the same h a n d s , a n d the rhetoric o f h o n o u r c o u l d cer­

tainly conceal other considerations, invisible to us because w e lack the
context for a three-dimensional v i e w o f events. A letter from o n e m a n
m a k i n g a request o f another a n d alluding to h o n o u r as the g r o u n d s for
granting it w o u l d bear an altered c o m p l e x i o n if the m a n m a k i n g the
request w e r e k n o w n to b e the landlord o r creditor o f the other: s u d d e n l y
h o n o u r b e c o m e s a f o r m o f politeness. T h e a u t h o r o f a n y given letter o f
r e c o m m e n d a t i o n m a y always b e talking in code: for 'distinguished' a n d
'highly-sought-after' read 'dangerous' o r 'filthy rich'. A n inscription
h o n o u r i n g a m a n for building his t o w n a portico w o u l d appear in quite
a different light if it w e r e k n o w n that the t o w n s p e o p l e h a d recently been
b u r n i n g rich m e n in their houses: h o n o u r can conceal fear. I n a n y given
case the status o f an appeal to h o n o u r can never be k n o w n ; b u t w i t h
e n o u g h cases it is possible to establish a pattern o f w h a t people expected
to h a p p e n . T h e expectation w a s that w h a t w e call h o n o u r h a d great p o w e r
in society, a n d at all levels o f society.
H o n o u r w a s n o t o n e f o r m o f p o w e r , b u t m a n y . H o n o u r w a s the s u b ­
ject o f social rules, like deference, b u t it also enforced rules, like r e c i p r o c ­
ity. Y e t since h o n o u r lay n o t o n l y in the consensus o f the h o n o u r a b l e
m a n y b u t also in the utterances of a splendid few, it could b e a c o r r u p t
enforcer o f rules, a n d the praise a n d b l a m e o f individuals w a s a f o r m o f
p o w e r in its o w n right. T h e r e w e r e countless other w a y s to get things
d o n e in the R o m a n w o r l d w h i c h h a d n o t h i n g to d o w i t h h o n o u r . H o n o u r
d r a w s o u r attention because o f its strangeness to us, not because it
eclipsed m o r e familiar f o r m s o f influence. Indeed, aristocratic h o n o u r
w a s not a f o r m o f p o w e r w h i c h c o u l d easily exist u n s u p p o r t e d b y other
types. A m a n needed the p o w e r to h u r t to defend his h o n o u r , to protect
himself against slights a n d humiliations. W e a l t h w a s an h o n o u r a b l e qual­
ity, a n d although it w a s possible to i m a g i n e an h o n o u r a b l e b u t i m p o v e r ­
ished aristocrat, a h u g e discrepancy between h o n o u r a n d resources w a s
hardly usual. T h e p o w e r to h u r t c o u l d b e c o n v e r t e d into h o n o u r , b y c o m ­
pelling m e n to praise a n d n o t to blame; m o n e y c o u l d also b e converted
into h o n o u r , b y p u b l i c benefaction. B u t at the s a m e time h o n o u r c o u l d
be c o n v e r t e d into other f o r m s o f p o w e r , as w h e n a city's h o n o u r s o p e n e d
a benefactor's purse, o r w h e n clients—creatures o f the h o n o u r c u l t u r e —
w e r e used as an a r m e d m o b . T h e b o n d s o f influence that held R o m a n
imperial society together w e r e m a d e u p o f m a n y strands, a n d the p o w e r
o f h o n o u r w a s inextricably intertwined w i t h m a n y other forms o f p o w e r .
 3

The Emperor

W H E N A u g u s t u s learned o f his daughter Julia's adulteries, he w i t h d r e w

1
into seclusion, o v e r w h e l m e d , observers thought, b y s h a m e . S h a m e at his
o w n disgusting lusts a n d repulsive a p p e a r a n c e m i g h t explain T i b e r i u s '
2
lurking o n C a p r i . E v e n N e r o ' s m u r d e r o f C o r b u l o at C e n c h r e a e c o u l d b e
put d o w n to a fastidious unwillingness to b e seen b y his distinguished
3
general while dressed to play the l y r e . C o n j e c t u r e s like these, w h a t e v e r
their w o r t h , emphasize the e m p e r o r s ' participation in the w i d e r values o f
G r a e c o - R o m a n society. People w h o k n e w expected the e m p e r o r to h a v e
the s a m e sense o f s h a m e as e v e r y b o d y else, at least while he r e m a i n e d
sane. T h e collapse o f this sense o f s h a m e c o u l d b e depicted as an essential
part o f an emperor's transformation into a tyrannical monster, a n d
D o m i t i a n ' s r u d d y c o m p l e x i o n , w h i c h fortified h i m against blushing at
4
his acts, m i g h t therefore b e implicated in his t y r a n n y .
Y e t the emperor's s h a m e a n d h o n o u r h a d w i d e r significance than
those o f other m e n . A s T a c i t u s h a d T i b e r i u s a v o w , ' W h i l e other m e n take
counsel o n the basis o f w h a t they believe to b e in their private interests,
the lot o f princes is different: to t h e m , all the m o s t i m p o r t a n t matters
5
m u s t be considered w i t h regard to p u b l i c o p i n i o n . ' F o r the reputation o f
e m p e r o r s w a s perceived to be n o t merely a private affair, b u t a fact o f
rule. T h e R o m a n e m p e r o r ruled his e m p i r e n o t o n l y as head o f state, h e a d
o f g o v e r n m e n t , a n d generalissimo, b u t also, in the eyes o f c o n t e m p o ­
raries, as head o f a society w h i c h defined rank b y h o n o u r . T h i s chapter
examines perceptions o f the emperor's h o n o u r a n d of the consequences
o f that h o n o u r : expectations a b o u t the measures he u n d e r t o o k to

1
Suet. Aug. 65. 2, pudor cf. 66. 4; Dio 54. 21. 6.
y

2
T a c . Ann. 6 . 1 and 4 . 5 7 , pudor cf. 4 . 4 2 ; Suet. Tib. 4 2 . 1 .
y

3
Dio 63(62L). 17. 5; cf. Herod. 1 . 1 7 . 2.
4
Collapse: Tiberius, Tac. Ann. 6. 2 4 , 3 8 , 5 1 ; Dio 57. 2 3 . 1 - 4 , 5 8 . 2 5 . 3 - 4 ; Nero, Dio 61. 5 . 1 ,
6i(62L). 16. 3; Suet. Nero 2 6 - 7 , 39. 3; Domitian, T a c . Agric. 45. 2. On imperial shame see
Kneppe (1994), 3 0 8 - 1 4 .
5
T a c . Ann. 4. 40, 'principum diversam esse sortem quibus praecipua rerum ad famam
derigenda'.
io8 The Emperor

a u g m e n t a n d defend it; a b o u t h o w others strove to attack h i m a n d c o n ­

trol h i m b y exploiting his h o n o u r ' s vulnerability; a b o u t h o w he used his
s u p r e m e prestige ( a n d prestige b o r r o w e d f r o m others) to rule his officials
and subjects. It offers speculations o n w h y it w a s useful, a n d even neces­
sary, for e m p e r o r a n d subject alike to conceive o f imperial rule in terms
o f h o n o u r , a n d finally examines h o n o u r as a m i x o f subjective reality,
rhetoric, a n d ideology in the context o f the imperial cult, g r o u n d i n g the
emperor's s u p r e m e h o n o u r as m u c h in the aspirations o f his subjects as
in his o w n .

IMPERIAL H O N O U R

Tacitus describes the e m p e r o r D o m i t i a n ' s reaction to his general

Agricola's successful w a r in Britain:

This turn of events, although not talked up in boastful letters by Agricola, was
received by Domitian, as was his wont, with a glad face and an anxious heart. For
he knew that his recent German triumph was mocked as false because he had pur­
chased people on the market and had their clothing and hair arranged as if they
were captives. But he knew that now there was a great and genuine victory, with
many thousands of foemen slain, being celebrated with enormous glory. A n d he
dreaded this especially: that the name of a private individual should be raised
above that of the emperor. In vain had the practices of the forum and the prestige
of civil accomplishments been driven into silence, if another commanded mili­
tary glory: the rest could easily be ignored one way or another, but the excellence
of a good commander belonged to the emperor. Occupied by such worries, and
(this was a proof of his cruel purpose) indulging to the full his practice of seclu­
sion, he decided that it would be the best thing for the moment to store up his
hatred, until the first flush of Agricola's glory and the support of his army lan­
6
guished; for even now he still held Britain.

T h e historian, gazing into the imperial m i n d a n d divining the emperor's

motivation, presents D o m i t i a n as justifiably w o r r i e d that a m a n w i t h an
a r m y m i g h t have as m u c h prestige as he, c o n c e r n e d because he perceives
a threat to his p o w e r . Tacitus' v i e w in this passage, that great h o n o u r
m a d e its bearer potentially imperial, w a s perfectly conventional. F r o m
the first century AD to the fourth the actions o f the e m p e r o r s , a n d the

6
Tac. Agric. 39, 'nunc veram magnamque victoriam . . . ingenti fama celebrari. Id sibi
maxime formidolosum, privati hominis nomen supra principem attolli: frustra studia fori
et civilium artium decus in silentium acta, si militarem gloriam alius o c c u p a r e t . . . ducis
boni imperatoriam virtutem esse Optimum in praesens statuit reponere odium, donee
impetus famae et favor exercitus languesceret'. Cf. Dio 66. 2 0 . 3 .
 The Emperor 109

c o m m e n t s o f G r e e k a n d Latin authors u p o n t h e m , attest the s a m e i m p e ­

rial necessity: that the e m p e r o r s h a v e as m u c h aristocratic prestige as p o s ­
sible, a n d that n o o n e h a v e m o r e than they have. If s o m e o n e c o m e s to d o
so, o r the e m p e r o r loses t o o m u c h o f his, the emperor's political position,
it is perceived, crumbles.

The Nature of Imperial Honour

Observers envisaged imperial h o n o u r as the conventional h o n o u r o f
G r a e c o - R o m a n aristocrats: T a c i t u s points especially to glory in w a r , b u t
notes that D o m i t i a n also d e e m e d d a n g e r o u s in a potential rival, a n d thus
'drove into silence', the prestige derived from civil a n d legal a c c o m p l i s h ­
ments, 'civilium a r t i u m decus'. T o the ancient observer the h o n o u r o f the
e m p e r o r w a s little different in kind from that o f his subjects; there w a s
s i m p l y m o r e o f it. A s the s a m e T a c i t u s h a d a speaker p u t it in his Histories,
in an analysis o f the m e n j o c k e y i n g for p o w e r in AD 69:

Verginius hesitated with good reason, for his family was equestrian, and his father
an unknown—if he seized the empire he would be unequal to it, if he refused it,
he would be safe. But for Vitellius, the fact that his father was thrice consul,
censor, and a colleague in office of the emperor [Claudius] both gave him the
dignity of an emperor already, and also deprived him of the safety of a private
7
individual.

A n d H e r o d i a n described the just-acclaimed e m p e r o r Pertinax turning

restlessly in his b e d at night because his birth w a s n o t equal to his n e w
position, 'despite the fact that his m a n n e r o f life w a s praised for self-
control a n d that he h a d gained glory in military activities'. T h e m o r n i n g
s a w h i m enter the senate a n d offer to resign in f a v o u r o f A c i l i u s G l a b r i o ,
w h o s e prerogative w a s b a c k e d b y the tattered ghosts o f a line extending
b a c k nearly f o u r h u n d r e d years to the c o n q u e r o r o f A n t i o c h u s III, a n d
8
from there (it w a s claimed) b a c k to A e n e a s .
W h e n a G r e e k notable studied to deliver a p a n e g y r i c o n the e m p e r o r ,
the h a n d b o o k he consulted listed the topics he should cover, pointing o u t
every possible source o f imperial h o n o u r . T h e y w e r e just those for w h i c h
o n e m i g h t praise a n y great m a n : his city, his birth, his literary a c c o m ­
plishment, his deeds in peace a n d w a r w h i c h illustrate conventional aris­
9
tocratic v i r t u e s . H i s virtues m i g h t b e b e y o n d the h u m a n scale (a v i e w the

7 8
T a c . Hist. 1. 52, 'imperatoris dignationem'. Herod. 2 . 3 . 2, CVKXCTJS.
9
M e n . Rhet. 3 6 8 - 7 7 ; cf. Philo, Leg. Gaium 1 4 0 - 8 . M e n . Rhet. 371. 5 - 1 4 suggests that
prodigies which accompanied the emperor's birth should be adduced (or invented); but
these are also to be mentioned in a funeral speech over a private citizen, 4 1 9 . 2 5 - 3 2 . See also
the fragment attributed to Diotogenes, probably of imperial date, preserved by Stobaeus in
110 The Emperor

10
imperial coinage e n c o u r a g e d ) , b u t they w e r e n o r m a l , h u m a n v i r t u e s .
T h e orator's p u r p o s e is to present the e m p e r o r as exceptional in p r o ­
f o u n d l y conventional terms. U n u s u a l elements are used o n l y to stop u p
holes in the usual: the audience expects praise o f the e m p e r o r ' s origins,
b u t w h a t if b o t h the place o f his origin a n d his family are undistin­
guished? O n l y then does o n e 'hide the disgrace w i t h s o m e ruse' b y assert­
11
ing that he w a s begotten in h e a v e n . T h e r e are, o f course, exceptions to
the ordinariness o f imperial h o n o u r . T h e n e w l y a c c l a i m e d V e s p a s i a n g l o ­
rified himself at A l e x a n d r i a b y p e r f o r m i n g healing miracles. B u t T a c i t u s
represents h i m as scoffing at the suggestion at first. O n l y after a consul­
tation w i t h d o c t o r s (and consideration o f the h o n o u r consequences of
success a n d failure) did he try, a n d succeed. C l e a r l y the p e r f o r m i n g o f
miracles w a s n o t an expected part o f the imperial reputation, at least in
1 2
Tacitus' d a y . H o w e v e r else the e m p e r o r ' s subjects m a y h a v e seen their
e m p e r o r — a s the font o f law, as a s u p e r h u m a n , charismatic leader, as
military s u p r e m o , increasingly as G o d ' s chosen representative o n e a r t h —
they s a w h i m also as an aristocrat c o m p e t i n g w i t h other aristocrats for
aristocratic h o n o u r .
T h e prize o f this c o m p e t i t i o n w a s the e m p i r e . ' C o m m o d u s slew also
Salvius Julianus . . . w h o after the death o f M a r c u s A u r e l i u s c o u l d h a v e
d o n e w h a t e v e r he w a n t e d against h i m , since he w a s e n o r m o u s l y distin­
guished a n d in charge o f a great a r m y . ' T h u s Cassius D i o , echoing
T a c i t u s ' description o f the positions o f D o m i t i a n a n d A g r i c o l a . W i t h
h o n o u r equal to o r greater than that o f the e m p e r o r , a n d an a r m y , a great
aristocrat w a s perceived b y the empire's ruling classes to be in a position
1 3
to topple the e m p e r o r . A n d to s o m e observers, even an a r m y w a s b y n o
m e a n s vital: thus Plutarch described G a l b a as 'a m a n w h o d i d n o t give
place to m a n y R o m a n s in lineage a n d wealth, a n d stood first in t h e m
a m o n g those o f his o w n time. H e lived t h r o u g h the reigns o f five e m p e r ­
ors w i t h h o n o u r a n d distinction, a n d b r o u g h t d o w n N e r o rather b y his

his collection peri Basileon 6 1 - 2 , for the conventional origins of ac/zvorij?. O n these frag­
ments, and those of 'Ecphantus' (peri Bos. 6 4 - 6 ) cited below, also of uncertain date, Delatte
(1942); for a summary of the dating controversy, A . Wallace-Hadrill (1982), 34 n. 13.
1 0
Men. Rhet. 3 7 6 . 1 8 ; Philo, Leg. Gaium 143. Virtues on coins, C h . 1 n. 41.
1 1
Men. Rhet. 370. 31, fxedoSco rivl Kpvxjiou TO aoo£ov.
1 2
Suet. Vesp. 7. 2, auctoritas and maiestas; Dio 66(65!.). 8 . 1 - 2 , io€p.wv€v. Scoffing, Tac.
Hist. 4. 81, gloria. See Henrichs (1968: 6 5 - 7 2 ) for the whole affair. Further on imperial mir­
acles, see above, C h . 1 n. 36.
1 3
Salvius Julianus, quoted, Dio 72(731,). 5. 1 - 2 , iXXoyifMcoraTo^. Cf. Dio 62. 23. 5
(Corbulo), 65(64!.). 8. 3 - 4 (Vespasian); Tac. Ann. 1 1 . 1 (Valerius Asiaticus), 14. 57 (Plautus
and Sulla); Herod. 2 . 7 . 4 - 5 (Pescennius Niger). Or to provide powerful support, Tac. Hist.
3- 4-
 The Emperor 111
1 4
distinction than b y his p o w e r . ' M e n w i t h great prestige w e r e the
emperor's natural rivals. In the early 370s, in an o d d episode described b y
A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s , a g r o u p o f officials consulted the black arts to
discover w h o w o u l d succeed the reigning e m p e r o r V a l e n s . T h e y c o n ­
structed a m a g i c tripod, operating o n the same principle as a O u i j a b o a r d ,
to spell out the successor's n a m e . 'Θ . . . E . . . O . . . Δ' spelled the
c o n t r a p t i o n — a n d there the dabblers stopped. T h e r e w a s n o reason to g o
on, for the a n s w e r w a s obviously the n o t a r y T h e o d o r u s , a m a n 'born to
an old a n d brilliant family in G a u l , liberally educated f r o m the v e r y
beginning o f his childhood, m o s t distinguished b y his modesty, w i s d o m ,
refinement, elegance, a n d learning, w h o always seemed superior to w h a t ­
ever office o r position he w a s holding'. A l a s , the infernal gods did n o t
share the diviners' assumptions: the tripod h a d o f course meant
T h e o d o s i u s , V a l e n s ' successor in fact, a n d the inquirers c a m e to b a d
1 5
ends. W i l l i n g o r not, m e n celebrated in aristocratic circles w e r e always
1 6
perceived as potential candidates for the t h r o n e .
M e n o f too m u c h r e n o w n w e r e d a n g e r o u s to the e m p e r o r , a n d sus­
17
pected b y h i m , so contemporaries t h o u g h t . M e n w i t h a smaller portion
18
were no threat. Cassius D i o specifically advised the e m p e r o r to be care­
ful o f distinguished men: d o not give t h e m glorious positions a n d c o m ­
m a n d s o f armies t o o close together; d o n o t give t h e m too l o n g a string o f
1 9
h o n o u r a b l e posts o r leave t h e m in office too l o n g . A n d the historians
saw other imperial reactions to the d a n g er s u c h m e n posed: e m p e r o r s
depriving t h e m o f the o p p o r t u n i t y to a c c u m u l a t e further glory in w a r ,

1 4
Plut. Galba 29. 1, ifi^iwaavra /xcrd Tifxrjf Kai So^s*, ware rrj So^rj fxaXXov rj rfj
8vvd(jL€i KadeXeiv Nepa>va; also 3.1—2.
1 5
A m m . Marc. 2 9 . 1 . 5 - 3 2 , quoted, 2 9 . 1 . 8, 'claro g e n e r e . . . n a t u s . . . modestia pruden-
t i a . . . litteris ornatissimus'. The story is also recounted in Zos. 4 . 1 3 . 3 ; Eunap. 3 9 . 1 (Blockley
( 1 9 8 3 ) ) . For a similar story, Tac. Ann. 14. 22.
1 6
Cf. Vitellius, n. 7 above; and Nerva, Dio 6 7 . 1 5 . 5 ; Pertinax, Dio 73(74L). 1 . 1 . , Herod. 2.
1. 9; Gordian I, Herod. 7 . 5 . 5 , HA Gord. 8 . 3 ; Balbinus and Pupienus, Herod. 7 . 1 0 . 3 - 4 , 8 . 8.
8, HA Max. et Balb. 2.7; Aurelian, HA Aur. 1 6 . 1 (probably fictional). A n d others who never
became emperor, Jos. A] 1 9 . 2 5 1 ; Tac. Ann. 1 4 . 4 7 , 1 5 . 4 8 , 5 2 , 6 5 ; Hist. 4 . 1 1 , 4 . 3 9 . B y ironic con­
trast, Tacitus' description of Claudius, Ann. 3 . 1 8 . O n this subject, MacMullen (1985), 6 7 - 8 .
1 7
Suspected, general statements, Tac. Hist. 1 . 8 5 ; Plut. Galba},. 3; [Aristid.] 3 5 . 1 0 (Behr);
s
A m m . Marc. 30. 8 . 1 0 ; cf. Sen. Clem. 1. 9 . 1 0 . A tradition about autocrats, Arist. Pol. 1 3 1 1 ,
s
1 3 1 4 . Suspicion of individuals for their honour, Tac. Ann. 1 . 1 3 , 4 . 1 3 ; Hist. 3 . 5 8 .
1 8
Bar to seeking, or keeping, the principate: Verginius Rufus, n. 7 above; Tac. Hist. 2.76;
Suet. Vesp. 4. 5; Dio 71(721.). 2 2 . 1 - 2 , 7 8 ( 7 9 1 . ) . 18. 4; Herod. 2 . 3 . 1 , 5 . 1 . 5 .
1 9
Dio 5 2 . 2 0 . 3 - 5 , 5 2 . 2 3 . 2 - 3 , in the speech of'Maecenas', which represents the historian's
own view, Millar (1964), 1 0 2 - 1 8 , and for literature, Reinhold (1988), 1 7 9 - 8 0 . Note the state­
ment of the problem at 5 2 . 8 . 4 - 5 , in the speech of 'Agrippa'. Emperors did increasingly sep­
arate honour and responsibility, see p. 189 below.
112 The Emperor

2 0
exiling t h e m , killing t h e m . A n d they also s a w w h a t m e n d i d w h o feared
such fates, acting to decrease their o w n standing, banishing the c r o w d s o f
clients from their m o r n i n g salutatio, w a l k i n g nearly alone in the street,
21
humiliating t h e m s e l v e s .
T h i s g r i m competition for h o n o u r manifested itself too in the e m p e r ­
ors' frequent h o l d i n g o f the consulship, a n d the w a y they reserved to
themselves, and walled off from others, certain elements of the
Republican m a c h i n e r y o f aristocratic prestige, particularly in the military
sphere. T h e great military h o n o u r o f the t r i u m p h passed b e y o n d the
reach o f those w h o w e r e n o t e m p e r o r s o r m e m b e r s o f the imperial f a m ­
ily, as d i d the repute w h i c h arose from being hailed imperator b y one's
troops, o r taking a c o g n o m e n from a defeated people. V i c t o r i o u s gener­
als c o u l d expect n o m o r e than t r i u m p h a l ornamenta, o r lesser honours. 2 2

C o n s e q u e n t u p o n this limitation o f military prestige, pretentious p u b l i c

buildings in the city o f R o m e , in the R e p u b l i c a p r o m i n e n t m e t h o d o f
senatorial self-advertisement, b e c a m e an imperial m o n o p o l y after the
reign o f A u g u s t u s . In this w a y the emperor's action against the o v e r ­
w e e n i n g h o n o u r o f others, taken t h r o u g h reserving to himself m a n y o f
the opportunities for aristocratic prestige, also served to increase i m p e r ­
23
ial p r e s t i g e . A s T a c i t u s p u t it, since the f o u n d i n g o f the principate for­
24
eign w a r s h a d ' b r o u g h t w o r r y o r distinction to o n e m a n a l o n e ' . B u t the
e m p e r o r c o u l d share the distinction w h e n necessary: in the historians'
eyes, the g r o o m i n g o f a successor to the imperial throne included inflat­
ing the chosen w i t h p r e s t i g e — f r o m offices, h o n o u r s , a n d victories—like
a great balloon. After T i b e r i u s ' a d o p t i o n b y A u g u s t u s , 'nothing w a s
passed o v e r w h i c h m i g h t b e inclined to a u g m e n t his majesty, a n d all the

2 0
Generals deprived of the opportunity to accumulate more military glory, Tac. Ann. 2.
2 6 , 1 1 . 1 9 ; Dio 6o(6iL). 3 0 . 5; A m m . Marc. 20. 4 . 1 - 2 . Emperors slay men of high honour, a
topos, Tac. Ann. 3 . 5 5 , 'magnitudo famae exitio erat'; 6 . 1 0 , 1 4 . 5 8 ; Hist. 1 . 2 ; Dio 63(62L). 17.
2 , 7 2 ( 7 3 1 . ) . 7 . 3 ; Philostr. VA 7 . 4 ; Herod. 5 . 2 . 1 . Individuals killed or exiled, Tac. Ann. 1 4 . 2 2 ,
1 5 . 3 5 , 1 6 . 7 ; Hist. 3 . 3 8 - 9 , 4 . 1 1 ; Dio 6 9 . 2 . 5 , 7 2 ( 7 3 1 , ) . 5 . 3 ; and see n. 13 above for the deaths of
Valerius Asiaticus, Plautus, and Sulla.
2 1
Seneca, Tac. Ann. 14. 5 2 - 6 ; Agricola, T a c . Agric. 40. 3 - 4 ; L . Vitellius, Dio 59. 27. 5 - 6 ;
and Herodes Atticus restrains his longing to cut a canal through the isthmus of Corinth,
Philostr. VS 2 . 1 (551). Cf. Brunt (1988ft), 5 1 - 2 .
2 2
For the consulship, see esp. John Lyd. Mag. 2. 8, and p. 182 below. Imperial military
honours, J . B. Campbell ( 1 9 8 4 : 1 2 0 - 5 6 ) , cutting off the aristocracy, pp. 3 4 8 - 6 2 ; last non-
imperial-family triumph, Cornelius Balbus in 19 BC; imperator, Blaesus in AD 22; cognomen,
Gabinius Chaucicus, under Claudius. For triumphs and their honour value under the
Republic see Eck (1984a), 138 n. 7 2 .
2 3
Public buildings, Eck (1984a), 1 3 2 - 4 2 ; Veyne (1990), 2 0 2 - 3 , 2 3 5 , 3 6 1 - 4 , 3 8 8 - 9 ; prestige
to be derived from such building, Dio 5 6 . 4 0 . 5 .
2 4
T a c . Hist. 1. 89, decusr, cf. 1 . 7 9 .
 The Emperor 113

m o r e after A g r i p p a [ P o s t u m u s ] w a s d i s o w n e d a n d exiled, for it w a s cer­

tain that all h o p e o f succession lay in h i m a l o n e / T i b e r i u s w a s given a n
a r m y , a n d a c c u m u l a t e d 'a vast concentration o f glory', a n d so w a s given
25
a head start in the competition against potential r i v a l s .

Increasing and Protecting Imperial Honour

L e a v i n g aside such tactics, the emperor's competition for h o n o u r against
his aristocratic rivals w a s hardly fair. M o r e than a n y o n e else he c o u l d
coerce, frighten people into h o n o u r i n g h i m . C a s s i u s D i o — t h e historian
m o s t interested in the w o r k i n g s o f imperial h o n o u r — i m a g i n e s C a l i g u l a
addressing the senate, a n d portrays h i m i m a g i n i n g in turn advice that
T i b e r i u s gave h i m a b o u t the senators:

Treat none of them kindly nor spare any of them. For they all hate you and pray
for your death; and they will kill you, if they can. Do not put your mind to doing
what gratifies them, nor pay any attention if they chatter: look to your pleasure
and safety, as is most just. Thus no harm will befall you, and you will rejoice in all
the greatest joys. And, besides, you will be honoured by them whether they are
willing or not.

A n d the v e r y next d a y the senate gathered to v o t e C a l i g u l a e x t r a o r d i n a r y

2 6
honours. T h u s the p h e n o m e n o n — s o loathed b y T a c i t u s , so pro­
f o u n d l y offensive to aristocratic sensibilities—of adulatio: slavish a n d
insincere praise b y the senate, a n d especially o n the part o f the m o s t
r e n o w n e d senators, w h o m the e m p e r o r s m o s t suspected, w i t h l a u d a t o r y
2 7
passages w e d g e d into every speech n o matter w h a t the t o p i c .
B y a n d large, as T a c i t u s notes, the e m p e r o r k n e w that the praise h e
28
coerced was insincere. N o matter; this w a s h o n o u r a c c o r d i n g to the
logic o f force. C a s s i u s D i o , w i t h m a n y insincere h o n o u r s recounted a n d
m a n y to g o , a d m i t s frustration b y the reign o f D o m i t i a n . ' W h y s h o u l d I
h a v e to m e n t i o n the h o n o u r s given to h i m then . . . o r a l w a y s given to
other e m p e r o r s , just as b a d as he, since they are given in o r d e r that the
e m p e r o r s m a y n o t b e c o m e a n g r y from suspecting—as they w o u l d from

2 5
Suet. Tib. 15. 2, maiestas 1 7 . 1 , gloria. Cf. Dio 58. 8 . 1 ; HA Hadr. 2 3 . 1 2 - 1 3 ; Aelius 3 . 1 - 3 ;
y

Marcus 1 6 . 1 ; and b y contrast Dio 6o(6iL). 3 2 . 5 - 6 . W h e n the emperor Galba contemplated

w h o m to adopt in a crisis, Otho and Piso were attractive because of their pre-existing dis­
tinction, Tac. Hist. 1 . 1 3 - 1 4 ; Plut. Galba 1 9 . 1 ; cf. Tac. Hist. 2.1.
2 6
Quoted, Dio 5 9 . 1 6 . 5 - 6 , rifidco; honours, 5 9 . 1 6 . 9 - 1 1 .
2 7
Pliny, Paneg. 54. 3 - 4 ; Tac. Ann. 3 . 5 7 , 1 4 . 64; Dio 72(731.). 20. 2; Pan. Lat. 2(12). 2. 3 .
Stress on adulation b y those with great honour, Tac. Ann. 3 . 65, 'primores civitatis, quibus
claritudo sua obsequiis protegenda erat'; also 1 . 7 , 2 . 3 2 , 6 . 2; Hist. 4 . 4 ; Dio 6i(62L). 2 0 . 4 - 5 .
2 8
Tac. Ann. 4 . 3 1 .
114 The Emperor

2 9
few o r trivial h o n o u r s — t h a t they are being treated w i t h c o n t e m p t ? '
T h i s recalls his earlier description o f the h o n o u r s d o n e to Sejanus ( a b o v e ,
pp. 52-3), h o n o u r s w h i c h threateningly displayed his terrible p o w e r to
c o m p e l , h o n o u r s w h i c h w e r e the d a y - t o - d a y p r o o f o f the w o r k i n g o f ter­
3 0
ror. Indeed, the p r o b l e m w i t h w h i c h s u c h h o n o u r s c o n f r o n t e d a t y r a n ­
nical e m p e r o r , as the historian tells it, w a s that they c o u l d p o i n t u p the
fact that not everything w a s directly u n d e r his p o w e r . T h u s Caligula's
paradoxical attitude t o w a r d s the h o n o u r s the senate conferred u p o n h i m :

It vexed him if small honours were voted to him, as it implied he was being held
in contempt; greater ones vexed him too, as robbing him of his power over the
rest. For he certainly did not want it to seem that anything bringing him honour
was in the senators' power to bestow, as that implied that they were superior to
him and able to grant him favours as if their inferior. For this reason he often
complained of honours bestowed upon him, that they did not increase his dis­
31
tinction but instead destroyed his power.

Y e t c o e r c e d h o n o u r is treacherous: it evaporates if ever the p o w e r o r will

to coerce w a v e r s , a n d , if the e m p e r o r , like a Vitellius o r a N e r o , has
s q u a n d e r e d his claims to u n c o e r c e d h o n o u r b y atrocious c o n d u c t , the
32
c o n t e m p t o f the w o r l d will r e d u c e h i m to n o t h i n g . T h e a u t h o r o f the
Augustan History, n o deep thinker, attributes rebellions a n d t u r m o i l in
the reign o f Gallienus to universal c o n t e m p t for the e m p e r o r ' s lust a n d
33
depravity. T h i s is p r o b a b l y invention, b u t a useful invention, since it
reveals the expectation so clearly. T h a t an evil ruler's b a d m o r a l s a n d vile
acts w o u l d inspire scorn, a n d scorn his o v e r t h r o w , w a s an o l d insight o f
34
ancient political t h i n k i n g . G o o d f a m e , therefore, h a d great political
value, since it protected the e m p e r o r against s u c h a fate. W i n n i n g u n ­
c o e r c e d h o n o u r , 'an e m p t y reputation, in w o r d s ' w h i c h C a l i g u l a i m a g ­
ined T i b e r i u s w a r n i n g h i m against, offered a p o w e r f u l s u p p o r t to the
35
emperor's position.

2 9
Di0 67. 4. 1, lva fir) 7TpOOVTT07TT€VOVT€S €K T€ T7JS dXiyOTTjTOS Kai €K TTJS afllKpOTTfTOS TWV
Ttfiojv iXeyxtoOai xaA€77-cuVa>cu. For a convenient list of honours bestowed on the emperors
by the senate, Talbert ( 1 9 8 4 : 3 5 4 - 7 1 ) , adding, for senate's acclamations, Rouech6 (1984).
3 0
A n d quite unnecessary, insist commentators w h o naturally dislike this w a y of ruling,
since the emperor's power is so obvious, Sen. Clem. 1 . 2 1 . 1 ; Dio 5 5 . 1 9 . 6 . O n coercing praise
to this end, Bartsch (1994), 1 7 6 - 7 .
3 1
Dio 59. 23. 3—4, ovx <*>S Kai av£r)oiv ri)s XafxnpoTTjTOS aXX* a>s Kadaipeaiv rrjs laxvos.
3 2
Nero, Suet. Nero 45. 2; conspirators motivated b y his disgraceful conduct, Tac. Ann.
15. 67; D i o 62. 24. 1 - 2 , 63. 22. 3 - 6 ; cf. T a c . Hist. 1. 16; Vitellius, Ibid. 2. 87, 3. 3 9 , 58; Dio
65(641.). 16. 6. For Macrinus and Didius Julianus, see below (pp. 1 2 1 - 2 ) . Cf. Dio 59. 25.5b.
3 3
HA Gall. 5 . 1 , 5 . 7 , 1 0 . 1 ; Tyr. Trig. 1 . 1 , 1 2 . 1 , 1 1 . Cf. HA Comm. 3 . 4 - 4 . 1 .
3 4 a a
Traceable as far back as Aristotle, Pol. I 3 i 2 - i 3 .
3 5
Dio 5 9 . 1 6 . 7, Xoyu) 8e 8r) hot-av Kevrjv Xaftwv.
 The Emperor 115

Y e t the e m p e r o r ' s v e r y p o w e r to terrify p u t h i m at a c u r i o u s d i s a d v a n ­

tage in securing a great reputation, since it inspired suspicion that all
h o n o u r s conferred u p o n h i m w e r e insincere. A s C a s s i u s D i o advised the
emperor:

So far as you yourself are concerned, permit nothing exceptional or prodigal to

be given you, through word or deed, either by the senate or by anyone else. For
whereas the honour which you confer upon others lends glory to them, yet noth­
ing can be given to you that is greater than what you already possess, and, besides,
no little suspicion of fraudulence would attach to its giving. N o subject, you see,
is ever imagined to vote such a thing to his ruler of his own free will, and as what­
ever a ruler receives he must receive from himself, he not only wins no praise but
36
becomes a laughing-stock besides.

3 7
T h e solution? T h e e m p e r o r m u s t seek g l o r y t h r o u g h his d e e d s . While
D o m i t i a n ' s G e r m a n t r i u m p h c o u l d b e m o c k e d as false, the t r i u m p h the
senate v o t e d S e p t i m i u s S e v e r u s for his sack o f C t e s i p h o n c o u l d h a r d l y b e ,
even t h o u g h the senators w h o v o t e d t h e m m a y well h a v e hated b o t h
38
emperors equally. Indeed, C a s s i u s Dio's a d v i c e m a y arise from his
insight into S e v e r u s ' policy. H e r e w a s an e m p e r o r w h o treated the senate
badly, killing a fair n u m b e r o f senators a n d o p e n l y threatening the rest;
at times his principate s h o w e d signs o f degenerating into a reign o f ter­
3 9
ror. H i s stark a d v i c e to his sons w a s 'Live in h a r m o n y w i t h each other,
40
enrich the soldiers, scorn e v e r y b o d y e l s e . ' H o n o u r s to S e v e r u s c o u l d
certainly h a v e b e e n d e e m e d insincere, a n d m o c k e d (if a safe o p p o r t u n i t y
presented itself) since his w a s a reign u n d e r w h i c h aristocrats h a d to c o n ­
41
ceal their true o p i n i o n s . B u t he a v o i d e d the insecure p e r c h o f a N e r o ,
a v o i d e d living in the s h a d o w o f c o n t e m p t , b y p u r s u i n g , a n d gaining, a
4 2
gigantic reputation in w a r . H i s claims to h o n o u r w e r e legitimate b y the

3 6
D i o 52.35. 2, rots IA€V yap aXXois Koapcov 17 irapd aov rifx-q (pcpei (trans, adapted from
Cary). Cf. Plut. Demetr. 3 0 . 4 - 5 . But the care with which the historians (Cassius Dio
included) list honours conferred upon emperors b y the senate indicates that w e should not
take this too literally.
3 7
D i o 5 2 . 3 5 . 3 , XafjLTrpoTTjs; cf. Herod. 2 . 3 . 7 .
3 8
Domitian, p. 108 above; cf. Dio 5 9 . 2 5 . 4 . Severus* honours, HA Sev. 1 6 . 6 (his gout pre­
vented him from accepting the triumphal procession); Herod. 3 . 9 . 1 2 - 1 0 . 2; Dio 76(77!). 1.
3.
3 9
Senators killed, A . Birley (1972), 2 7 9 - 8 0 . Threats, Dio 75(76L). 7. 4 - 8 . 3; HA Sev. 1 2 .
8-9. Reign of terror, D i o 74(761.). 9 . 5 - 6 , 7 6 ( 7 7 ! ) . 8 . 1 - 9 . 2 . General estimations, Dio 74(751.).
2. 2 - 4 ; Herod. 3 . 8. 3 , 8; H A Sev. 18. 7. H e inspired violently contradictory opinions in the
historical record, Rubin (1980).
4 0 4 1
D i o 76(77!)' 15. 2. Dio 75(76L). 8. 5.
4 2
Herod. 3 . 1 5 . 2 , evoo^orara jSicoaa?. Cf. HA Sev. 19. 6. Glory his motivation for cam­
paigning, Dio 7 5 . 1 . 1 ; HA Sev. 1 5 . 1 ; Herod. 3. 9 . 1 , 1 2 ; 3 . 1 4 . 2.
116 The Emperor

senate's o w n code, a n d b y the c o d e o f aristocrats all over the e m p i r e w h o

did not share the senators' a n i m u s against h i m . H o n o u r is a public , not a
private, affair: in a case like this, w h a t the senators w h o v o t e d the h o n o u r s
actually t h o u g h t does not c o m e u p ; there w e r e n o g r o u n d s for m o c k e r y .
A c t u a l l y p e r f o r m i n g p r a i s e w o r t h y deeds makes the sincerity o f h o n o u r s
conferred for t h e m irrelevant.
Naturally, then, contemporaries perceived the e m p e r o r to b e as vitally
c o n c e r n e d as a n y other aristocrat to a c c u m u l a t e claims to u n c o e r c e d
h o n o u r . Pliny c o u l d urge T r a j a n to undertake p u b l i c w o r k s in the East for
the benefit o f his glory, a n d imperial building in the provinces w a s a large
43
phenomenon indeed. T a c i t u s c o u l d attribute to the s a m e motive
Tiberius' p a y i n g for the rebuilding o f the A v e n t i n e after a fire; imperial
4 4
disaster relief w a s another large p h e n o m e n o n . E m p e r o r s ostentatiously
imitated the c o n d u c t of great e m p e r o r s o f the p a s t — M a c r i n u s even
m u m b l e d like M a r c u s A u r e l i u s — o r at least p r o c l a i m e d their intention o f
4 5
so d o i n g . T h o s e w h o i m a g i n e d an ideal e m p e r o r included the quest for
46
glory as o n e o f his q u a l i t i e s . Historians especially s a w this m o t i v e in
military c a m p a i g n s . Septimius Severus' ambition c a n easily be paralleled:
even the implausible C l a u d i u s invaded Britain, w e are told, in search o f
glory; perhaps he needed to d o so especially because he was implausi­
4 7
ble. T h e e m p e r o r publicized his victories in great decrees, o n m o n u ­
ments a n d coins, sometimes even published his a u t o b i o g r a p h y ( i m p l y i n g
special c o n c e r n for elite o p i n i o n ) , at least in part to m a k e his claims to
48
h o n o u r in all areas as evident as p o s s i b l e .
A t the s a m e time as the e m p e r o r s acted to increase their prestige, they
took care to preserve it. A u g u s t u s , for e x a m p l e , w e n t to the trouble o f
writing replies to a n o n y m o u s l a m p o o n s , as did Vespasian; a n d a late
4 9
fourth-century a u t h o r c o u l d still imagine e m p e r o r s doing the s a m e .

4 3
Pliny, Ep. 10. 41; Mitchell (1987), 3 5 2 - 6 0 .
4 4
T a c . Ann. 6 . 4 5 ; disaster relief, Millar (1977), 423.
4 5
Macrinus, Herod. 5 . 2 . 3 - 4 ; Pertinax, Herod. 2 . 4 . 2 ; cf. Pliny, Ep. 3 . 1 8 . 2 - 3 ; intentions,
Suet. Nero 1 0 . 1 ; Gk. Const. 275.
4 6
Sen. Clem, passim; D . Chr. 1 . 2 7 ; Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 8 8 ; Dio 5 2 . 3 3 . 7 ; Pan. Lat. 2 ( 1 2 ) . 2 7 . 5 ; HA
s
Tac. 6.6. A n old idea, Arist. Pol. 1 3 1 1 . O n the importance of ae/Ltvor^s', and h o w to increase
it with personal conduct, 'Diotogenes', in Stobaeus, peri Bos. 62 (see n. 9 above).
4 7
Suet. Claud. 17.1, decus; for other examples Isaac ( 1 9 9 0 : 3 8 7 - 9 3 ) , and cf. HA Marcus 9.
4 - 5 ; A m m . Marc. 3 1 . 1 2 . 1 .
4 8
On forms of imperial publicity, C h . 1 n. 40; nor, of course, if they were willing to risk
mockery, did they have to tell the truth. Note the motivation alleged for Hadrian's autobi­
ography, 'famae C e l e b r i s . . . tarn cupidus fuit', HA Hadr. 1 6 . 1 .
4 9
Augustus, Suet. Aug. 55; Vespasian, Dio 66(65L). 1 1 . 1 ; late 4th-cent., invented docu­
ments in HA Macr. 11. 3 - 7 , 1 4 . Cf. Tiberius' attitude towards lampoons, Suet. Tib. 5 9 . 1 - 2 :
'oderint, d u m probent'.
 The Emperor 117

T h e historians frequently attributed imperial action to the protection o f

the imperial h o n o u r . T i b e r i u s , it w a s said, decided against a s u m p t u a r y
law because it w o u l d b e impossible to enforce, a n d that w o u l d b e h u m i l ­
50
iating. N e r o refused to p e r m i t Seneca to retire lest his act b e interpreted
51
as a r e p r o a c h . M a r c u s A u r e l i u s , w e are told, loaded the relatives a n d
freedmen o f the late L u c i u s V e r u s w i t h m o n e y a n d h o n o u r s . T h e philo­
sophical e m p e r o r h a d seemed s o m e w h a t less than prostrate at his a d o p ­
tive brother's death, a n d w a s consequently c o n c e r n e d for his f a m a , a b o u t
52
w h i c h he w a s v e r y t e n d e r .
Cassius Dio's early t h i r d - c e n t u r y guide to imperial c o n d u c t , the
speech o f M a e c e n a s o n e m p e r o r s h i p , placed preservation o f h o n o u r
squarely at the centre o f imperial concern: against plotters m o v e w i t h
care, h e said, for it is essential that aristocratic o p i n i o n should actually
53
believe them g u i l t y . T h e e m p e r o r is like the sun: w h a t he does c a n
54
h a r d l y escape n o t i c e . Indeed, if the e m p e r o r s d i d not s h o w sufficient
c o n c e r n for their o w n dignity, the historians castigated t h e m . T h u s the
verdict o n C l a u d i u s , for example, w h o , b y eccentric c o n d u c t w h e n h o l d ­
ing legal hearings, 'so cheapened himself, that e v e r y w h e r e h e w a s o p e n l y
held in contempt', o r criticism o f Julian, w h o c o n v e r s e d w i t h m e m b e r s o f
55
the l o w e r c l a s s e s . A n d an e m p e r o r w a s praised w h o carried his position
56
w i t h suitable dignity a n d h a u t e u r . E m p e r o r s , in o r d e r to preserve their
h o n o u r in aristocratic eyes, d i d indeed p a y a great deal o f attention to the
n o r m s that regulated aristocratic b e h a v i o u r , while avoiding 'vices ill-bred
a n d injurious to the soul, w h i c h destroy the imperial prestige': for proof,
consider the extraordinary consistency w i t h w h i c h the e m p e r o r s , a n d
57
m e m b e r s o f the imperial family, practised l i t e r a t u r e .
5 0 5 1
T a c . Ann. 3 . 5 2 . Ibid. 1 4 . 5 6 .
5 2
HA Marcus 20. 4 - 5 ; cf. Brunt (1974ft; 14) on scorn for fame claimed in Marcus'
Meditations: 'on fame he protests too much.*
5 3
Dio 5 2 . 3 1 - 5 ; plotters, 5 2 . 3 1 . 9 - 1 0 (cf. in practice Tac. Ann. 1 5 . 7 3 ; Philostr. VA 8 . 4 ) . O n
this speech, n. 19 above.
5 4
Sen. Clem. 1 . 8 . 1 - 5 ; the emperor's visibility was a topos, A . Wallace-Hadrill (1983), 173
n. 48.
5 5
Claudius, Suet. Claud. 15. 3 , cf. 40; Julian, A m m . Marc. 25. 4 . 1 8 . See also Suet. Nero,
passim; Vit. 1 0 . 1 ; Dio 5 8 . 2 2 . 1 - 4 , 6 0 . 1 3 . 3 ; Herod. 1 . 1 4 . 8 - 9 , 1 . 1 5 . 7 - 9 ; HA Comm., Elag. Gall,
y

passim. For avoiding scorn by not acting like a commoner, 'Diotogenes', in Stobaeus, peri
Bos. 62 (see n. 9 above).
5 6
Suet. Claud. 30; T a c . Hist. 1. 71; Dio 74(751.). 5. 7; A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 6 . 1 ; cf. Pan. hat.
2(12). 6. 2. O n the proper carriage of 4th-cent. emperors, Matthews (1989), 2 3 1 - 7 .
5 7
Vices, D . Chr. 3 . 1 3 3 , a£uo/xa; cf. 3 2 . 3 2 . Emperor's literary (and philosophical) efforts,
Dilke (1957) down to Marcus Aurelius, and subsequently, e.g. HA Sev. 18. 5; Gall. 1 1 . 6 - 9
(probably fictional, but shows the expectation); Eutrop. 1 0 . 7 . 2 (Constantine); A m m . Marc.
2 1 . 1 6 . 4 (Constantius); and a considerable oeuvre of Julian survives. Emperors are criticized
for lack of education or interest, Suet. Dom. 20; Dio 77(7$!). 1 1 . 3 ; A m m . Marc. 3 1 . 1 4 . 5 , and
118 The Emperor

O f course not all acted well. T h o s e w h o acted appallingly, like Caligula o r

N e r o , defended their h o n o u r b y terror. T h e reigns o f emperors unwilling o r
unable to act in a praiseworthy manner saw great upsurges in maiestas pros­
ecutions, in particular levelled against m e n w h o were deemed to have
insulted the emperor. It is notorious that the maiestas statute, originally
directed at treasonous acts against the Republic, came under the empire to
cover not only plots and assassination attempts against the emperor, b u t
5 8
also w h a t w e w o u l d call slander o r libel of h i m . B u t the stretch from assas­
sination to slander is not so great in a society where h o n o u r is a question o f
publicized opinion, where imperial h o n o u r is viewed as vital to imperial
rule, where insults unpunished can bring one into a state of contempt, and
where contempt is perceived to lead to destruction.
It should, m o r e o v e r , be emphasized that in defending their h o n o u r the
difference between the practices o f e m p e r o r s o f all stripes w a s o n l y o n e o f
degree. A u g u s t u s fined J u n i u s N o v a t u s for circulating a slanderous letter
a b o u t h i m , a n d the course o f imperial history reveals the u n h a p p y ends
o f a w h o l e variety o f versifiers, slanderers, a n d critical Stoics, like
Helvidius Priscus, even u n d e r 'good' e m p e r o r s — e m p e r o r s w h o d i d n o t
permit maiestas prosecutions u n d e r that n a m e , b u t still used their p o w e r
5 9
to p u t those w h o insulted t h e m out o f the w a y . If an e m p e r o r p e r m i t ­
ted a slight to pass u n p u n i s h e d , o r o n l y mildly punished, this w a s m e n ­
tioned w i t h surprise, a n d to Cassius D i o an essential aspect o f Augustus*
6 0
tribunician p o w e r w a s the right to p u n i s h those w h o insulted h i m . The
m a n w h o delivered an abusive speech to the e m p e r o r , even to the v i r t u ­
61
ous M a r c u s A u r e l i u s , c o u l d b e v i e w e d as o n e contemplating s u i c i d e .
Exactly h o w h a r d the e m p e r o r should press required j u d g e m e n t . C a s s i u s
Dio's a r g u m e n t against maiestas prosecutions for insult p r o c e e d e d from
the a s s u m p t i o n that the e m p e r o r w o u l d naturally d o everything else in

it is bad that Nero must borrow eloquence, T a c . Ann. 13. 3 . Note Claudius* claim to the
throne when Tiberius is considering the succession (according to Tacitus), 'quod is com-
posita aetate bonarum artium cupiens erat\ Ann. 6 . 4 6 ; cf. HA Tac. 4 . 4 ; Z o s . 4 . 5 4 .
5 8
O n the law and its use in the principate, Bauman (1974).
5 9
Novatus, Suet. Aug. 51; and Augustus was later seen as remarkably mild in this regard,
ibid. 5 4 - 6 ; Sen. Clem. 1 . 1 0 . 3 . Helvidius Priscus, esp. Suet. Vesp. 15; Dio 66(651.). 1 2 . 2 - 3 with
Bauman (1974), 1 5 7 - 9 . N o n e the less, Vespasian 'lenissime tulit* abuse, Suet. Vesp. 13. M o r e
harsh emperors, Suet. Dom. 10; Herod. 5 . 6 . 1 ; HA Comm. 3 . 4 ; Sev. 1 4 . 1 3 ; Carac. 5 . 7 ; Gall. 9;
Trig. Tyr. 9 . 8 (the last two accounts both fictional, but showing the expectation); Eunap. 5
(Blockley (1983)); A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 6 . 9; CTh 9. 4 (393). A n d Caligula had those being exe­
cuted gagged so they could not reproach him, Sen. Ira 3 . 1 9 . 3 - 4 .
6 0
Suet. Nero 39. 3; Dio 5 8 . 1 9 . 1 - 2 , 59. 26. 9, 77(781.). 1 1 . la; H A Hadr. 23. 4; Pius 11. 8;
Marcus 8 . 1 , cf. 2 9 . 3 . Tribunicia potestas, Dio 5 3 . 1 7 . 9 , cf. 4 9 . 1 5 . 5 - 6 ; Tacitus does not agree,
Ann. 1. 2.
6 1
Philostr. VS 2.1 (561).
 The Emperor 119

his p o w e r to defend his h o n o u r , a n d that such prosecutions w e r e u n w i s e

o n l y because they cost m o r e prestige than they saved: the historian
62
r e c o m m e n d s haughtiness a n d pretended u n c o n c e r n i n s t e a d . B u t all
e m p e r o r s pressed to a greater o r lesser degree: their h o n o u r w a s just t o o
i m p o r t a n t to allow people to attack it w i t h i m p u n i t y , i m p o r t a n t because
o f its salience in the political realm, a n d i m p o r t a n t because e m p e r o r s
w e r e fully p a i d - u p m e m b e r s o f a society w h i c h considered h o n o u r , a u g ­
m e n t i n g it a n d repelling threats to it, a deadly serious matter.
T h e tender vulnerability o f imperial h o n o u r w a s n o secret to enemies
o f the regime: they attacked it. Discussing the revolt o f A v i d i u s Cassius
u n d e r M a r c u s A u r e l i u s , Cassius D i o pointed o u t as curious the fact that
63
neither claimant slandered the o t h e r . T h i s w a s indeed a n oddity, since
insulting letters a n d p r o c l a m a t i o n s w e r e a standard aspect o f civil w a r . If
prestige w a s vital to ruling, a n d m o r a l reputation p a r t o f prestige, it m u s t
64
b e assailed along with the opponent's l e g i o n s . T h i s m e t h o d o f attack
w a s available also to others w h o w e r e n o t in a r m e d revolt. N o t only w a s
c r u d e verbal a n d written abuse o f e m p e r o r s an insult, b u t also to b e inter­
preted in this light w a s the c o n t e m p t u o u s w i t h d r a w a l o f aristocrats from
active political life, as in the case o f H e r e n n i u s Senecio; similarly attacks
on the e m p e r o r t h r o u g h literature, like that o f C u r a t i u s M a t e r n u s ( w h o
c o m p o s e d subversive tragedies u n d e r V e s p a s i a n ) a n d those o f b i o g r a ­
phers o f n o t o r i o u s enemies o f the principate. T h e s e slights to the
e m p e r o r hurt, a fact s h o w n b y the u n h a p p y ends at the emperor's h a n d s
o f the writers o f such w o r k s ( w h i c h is w h y a n y t h i n g is k n o w n a b o u t t h e m
6 5
in the first p l a c e ) . T h e y h u r t especially because the m e n w h o thereby
established themselves as the emperor's detractors w e r e often v e r y great
aristocrats, a n d as often m e n w h o s e aristocratic distinction w a s o u t ­
standing because o f their great m o r a l virtue. ' E v e n glory a n d virtue c r e ­
ate their enemies,' as T a c i t u s p u t it, 'they arraign their opposites b y t o o
66
close a c o n t r a s t . ' Ostentatious suicide c o u l d b e a final attack o n the

6 2
Dio 52. 31. 5 - 8 ; cf. for the strategy, Tac. Ann. 4. 34; Bartsch (1994), 8 4 - 5 ; this logic in
practice, Suet. Nero 39. 3; Dio 61(62!). 16. 3 . Seneca goes a step further: clemency to those
who insult will bring glory, Clem. 1. 2 0 . 3 .
6 3
Dio 71(72!). 27.1.
6 4
Octavian and Antony, Scott (1933); Syme (1939), esp. 2 7 0 - 7 . AD 6 8 - 7 0 , Suet. Nero 41;
Tac. Hist. 1.74,2.30; Plut. Otho 4 . 3 . Later, HA Clod. Alb. 10.1-2; Dio 78(791.). 3 6 . 1 , 7 9 ( 8 o L ) .
1 . 2 - 4 ; and Julian's ad Ath. is a manifesto against Constantius.
6 5
Senecio (killed b y Domitian), Dio 6 7 . 1 3 . 2 , and, more notoriously, Thrasea Paetus (see
pp. 1 4 2 - 5 below). Curatius Maternus, Tac. Dial. 2 - 3 , see Frank (1937). Opposition biogra­
phies, see esp. R. S. Rogers (i960).
6 6
Tac. Ann. 4. 33, 'etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa
arguens' (trans. Jackson).
120 The Emperor

e m p e r o r ' s h o n o u r . T h u s Silanus c o u l d b e suspected o f killing himself o n

67
the w e d d i n g d a y o f C l a u d i u s a n d A g r i p p i n a to m a x i m i z e the s c a n d a l .
T i b e r i u s pleaded w i t h his friend C o c c e i u s N e r v a n o t to c o m m i t suicide,
because it w o u l d b e interpreted as a r e p r o a c h a n d d a m a g e the e m p e r o r ' s
68
reputation.

RULING THE EMPEROR

T h e vulnerability o f the e m p e r o r ' s h o n o u r , a n d his desire to a u g m e n t it,

p e r m i t t e d the largest concentrations o f prestige—chiefly the great cities
o f the e m p i r e , R o m e especially—to influence h i m . Indeed, the e m p e r o r ' s
treatment o f the u r b a n plebs o f the city o f R o m e w a s p e r h a p s the m o s t
remarkable manifestation o f his c o n c e r n w i t h his h o n o u r : his giving o f
and attendance at games; his p r o v i s i o n for these g a m e s o f t h o u s a n d s o f
gladiators a n d w h o l e zoos o f the w o r l d ' s m o s t c u r i o u s a n d savage beasts;
his r u i n o u s doles o f f o o d a n d m o n e y ; a n d his zeal in ensuring the s u p p l y
o f grain to the city at vast expense a n d l a b o u r . Constantine's decision t o
recruit for his n e w capital o f C o n s t a n t i n o p l e an u r b a n m o b , u p o n w h i c h
w a s lavished the s a m e care as u p o n the R o m a n m o b ( w i t h o u t d e p r i v i n g
the eternal c i t y ) , indicates that the u r b a n plebs w a s n o t just a beast to b e
placated, b u t an i m p o r t a n t p r o p to imperial rule. It w a s a c o m m o n p l a c e
to r a n k it, alongside the a r m y a n d the aristocracy, as an essential i m p e r ­
69
ial c o n s t i t u e n t .
In so far as the e m p e r o r d r e w strength from lingering constitutional
sentiment, the plebs had a role to p l a y as o n e o f the ancient estates o f the
R o m a n R e p u b l i c . B u t E u n a p i u s attributes a different m o t i v a t i o n to
70
C o n s t a n t i n e : he w a n t e d to b e praised a n d a p p l a u d e d b y his n e w plebs.
T h i s w a s an attraction o f the R o m a n m o b too: although its m e m b e r s w e r e
n o t h i n g individually, m a s s e d a n d c h a n t i n g in the circus they w e r e the
v o i c e o f the city o f R o m e , m u c h the m o s t celebrated city in the w o r l d ;
corporately t h e y embodied the awful and solemn maiestas populi
Romani. Just as the h o n o u r o f a n a b o b o f L y c i a d e p e n d e d in large part o n
his p o o r e r t o w n s m e n shouting themselves hoarse w i t h his praises, so (to
7 1
a lesser extent) d i d that o f the R o m a n e m p e r o r . T h i s explains, in part,
the distributions o f largess to the p e o p l e o n i m p o r t a n t imperial holidays
6 7
T a c . Ann. 12. 8, 'delecto die augendam ad invidiam'; cf. Dio 58. 2 1 . 4 .
6 8
T a c . Ann. 6. 26, fama; cf. 3 . 1 6 .
6 9 7 0
Ibid. 1 . 2 , 1 4 . 1 1 ; D . Chr. 1. 2 8 - 3 0 ; HA Elag. 1 7 . 7 . Eunap. VS 462.
7 1
M o b shouting praises, Cameron (1976), 245-58; Roueche" (1984), 183-4. W i l d cheering
of the emperor was usual whenever he appeared, T a c . Hist. 1. 3 2 , 90; Herod. 2. 6 . 1 3 ; cf.
Cameron (1976), 170.
 The Emperor 121

like birthdays, the a d o p t i o n o f prospective heirs, a n d so on. Just as w i t h

t r i u m p h s , the e m p e r o r — w i t h his f a mi l y —i n crea s i n g l y m o n o p o l i z e d the
opportunities to b e cheered b y the plebeians; a n d the e m p e r o r s w e r e , nat­
7 2
urally, suspicious o f m e n t o o p o p u l a r w i t h the m o b .
T h e h o n o u r b e s t o w e d b y the u r b a n plebs w a s o n e reason for the
e m p e r o r s to cultivate it. B u t it c o u l d b e d a n g e r o u s as well: a n d n o t o n l y
in its violence (it c o u l d b e — a n d regularly w a s — p u t d o w n b y the garri­
73
son w h e n it got r i o t o u s ) b u t also b y threatening imperial p o w e r w i t h
humiliation, w i t h loss o f face, w i t h the p u b l i c destruction o f imperial
h o n o u r . In the theatre the c o m m o n s h o o t e d a n d jeered at lines w i t h d o u ­
ble m e a n i n g s . I n vast c r o w d s they shouted slogans in the streets a n d
a r o u n d the senate house, a n d , especially, they chanted, often abusively, at
7 4
the g a m e s . T h e threat that observers believed such derision p o s e d to the
throne in extreme cases w a s vividly p o r t r a y e d b y Cassius D i o in his
a c c o u n t o f the fall o f M a c r i n u s . T h e scene is the circus at R o m e , the date
14 S e p t e m b e r AD 217.

The people, because they could escape notice at the games, and emboldened by
their numbers, raised a great chant at the horse-race on the birthday of
Diadumenianus [Macrinus' son] . . . complaining particularly that they, alone
among all men, were leaderless and without an emperor. And they called upon
Jupiter, that he alone should rule them, and added, 'as a master you were angry, as
a father, take pity upon us!' Nor at first would they pay any heed to the equestrian
or senatorial orders . . . who praised the emperor [Macrinus] and the Caesar
[Diadumenianus] and even . . . said in Greek, *0 wonderful day today! O won­
derful emperors!' desiring the people to agree. But the people raised their hands to
heaven and chanted, 'This [i.e. Jupiter] is the Augustus of the Romans! When we
have him we have everything!' So great among men is respect for superiority, so
great contempt for inferiority, that from that moment they [the people] regarded
Macrinus and Diadumenianus as nothing, but already trampled upon them as if
they were dead. On this account especially the soldiers despised him [Macrinus]
and accounted as nought what he did to cultivate them, and even more so because
the Pergamenes, having been deprived of privileges that they had formerly
75
received from [Caracalla], heaped upon him many and untoward contumelies.
7 2
Limitations on games, Eck (1984a), 142 n. 105 for refs. Suspicion, Tac. Ann. 1 . 7 , 6 . 4 6 .
7 3
Plebs controllable by force, Griffin (1991), 40. After Constantine's abolition of the
praetorian guard, when there were very few soldiers at Rome, the physical threat of the m o b
was more formidable (MacMullen ( 1 9 9 0 : 2 6 3 ) ) , and successive prefects were driven out; but
of course the emperors had withdrawn from the city as well.
7 4
Whittaker (1964); Bollinger (1969). Individually, the abuse of humble men posed less
danger, Dio 59. 26. 8-9.
7 5
Dio 78(79L). 2 0 , aloovs es TO Kpelrrov Kal Kara<ppovrniaros irpos TO xeipov. T h e man­
uscript is somewhat lacunose, but the meaning tolerably clear. T h e historian stresses events
at Pergamum because he was there.
122 The Emperor

F r o m the jeering o f the people, contempt; f r o m the c o n t e m p t o f the p e o ­

ple, the c o n t e m p t a n d disaffection o f the soldiers. G i v e n the order o f
events perceived b y the historian, 'respect for superiority', w h i c h bolsters
the e m p e r o r , is h a r d l y just respect for his military p o w e r . T h e picture o f
h o w jeering b r o u g h t a b o u t an emperor's downfall is c o m p l e t e d b y
H e r o d i a n ' s eerily similar description o f the fall o f D i d i u s Julianus:

The soldiers became angry, and the people, perceiving the soldiers' attitude, held
him [Didius Julianus] in contempt, and heckled him when he came out and
mocked him for his shameful and dubious pleasures. A t the circus, where in par­
ticular the mob expresses itself en masse, they insulted Julianus, and called upon
[Pescennius] Niger as the succour of the Roman empire and the protector of the
august emperorship: they asked him to help them as soon as possible as they were
suffering outrage. Niger . . . a consular . . . who governed the whole of Syria . . .
had grown fairly old and had gained honour in numerous and important
affairs [The people] called upon him continuously at their gatherings, insult­
ing Julianus, who was present, and honouring him [Niger] who was absent with
imperial titles. Being informed of the disposition of the Roman plebs and the con­
tinual cries at meetings, Niger was naturally persuaded to expect that he could
easily bring things under his control, especially since Julianus was not being pro­
tected by the soldiers of the guard since he had failed to pay them their promised
money, and because he was held in contempt by the plebs as unworthy of the
empire which he had bought. Niger gave himself over to the hope of empire [and
76
thus revolted].

H e r e the disaffection o f the soldiers (offered a h u g e bribe w h i c h the

e m p e r o r p r o v e d unable to p a y ) egged the people o n to gibes, as o p p o s e d
to the people's jeering alienating the soldiers. B u t b o t h Cassius D i o a n d
H e r o d i a n point to t w o aspects o f imperial p o w e r they t h o u g h t vital: the
obedience o f the soldiers, a n d not falling into c o n t e m p t — a s p e c t s that
w e r e related, b u t n o t identical. C o n t e m p t encourages a m a n like N i g e r ,
with u n b l e m i s h e d h o n o u r a n d an a r m y , to test himself against the
e m p e r o r . T h e massed shouting of the people o f R o m e brings Julianus
into c o n t e m p t n o t o n l y in their eyes, b u t in all eyes.
T h e danger that p o p u l a r jeering p o s e d to the imperial h o n o u r , a n d
thus to the imperial position, m a d e it perfectly natural for s o m e e m p e r ­
ors to react violently. W h e n the c r o w d b o o e d a charioteer w h o m
Caracalla favoured, the e m p e r o r d e e m e d it a d a n g e r o u s insult to himself,
a n d set the troops o n them. C a l i g u l a likewise sent in the a r m y ; a n d w h e n

7 6
Quoted, Herod. 2. 7. 2-6, evSoKifirjoas' 8i iv 7roXXai^ Kai fMcydXaif npa^cai; cf. 2 . 1 2 .
4. For other accounts of this incident, HA Did. Jul. 4; Pesc. Nig. 3 . 1 ; Dio 73(74L). 13- 2 - 5 . Cf.
Herod. 2 . 1 2 . 4.
 The Emperor 123

he ordered m e m b e r s o f the c r o w d at the g a m e s to be t h r o w n to w i l d

beasts (there w a s a famine o f convicts), he h a d their tongues cut out so
7 7
that they c o u l d n o t shout abuse at h i m as they w e r e being d e v o u r e d .
But the e m p e r o r s ' usual reaction to such treatment, a n d p r o p h y l a c t i c
m e a s u r e to prevent it, w a s bread, circuses, a n d m o n e y . A n explicit c o n ­
nection between public e m b a r r a s s m e n t a n d consequently far m o r e
meticulous attention to the needs o f the plebs w a s d r a w n b y Suetonius in
his description o f an occasion in the reign o f C l a u d i u s :

when the corn supply had grown tenuous because of a series of bad harvests, he
[Claudius] was held fast in the middle of the forum by a mob and besieged with
insults and hurled pieces of bread, and it was with difficulty that he won through
even by a postern gate into the palace; thereafter he considered every possible
78
option for the importation of food even in time of winter.

A n d F r o n t o notes the s a m e m o t i v e for the imperial provision o f a m u s e ­

ments: ' T h e R o m a n p o p u l a c e is held b y t w o things in particular, grain
distributions a n d spectacles. T h e rule is established n o less u p o n a m u s e ­
m e n t s than u p o n serious things: to neglect serious matters causes the
79
greater loss, to neglect a m u s e m e n t s causes the greater r a i l l e r y . ' An
e m p e r o r suspected o f a m o n s t r o u s c r i m e , killing four consulars, b o t h
cleared himself before the senate, a n d , w e are told, gave a double largess
to the people to suppress r u m o u r s : to discourage the shouted expression
of r u m o u r s , w e s u s p e c t . 80
T h e p o w e r o f the plebs over imperial prestige is
emphasized b y the willingness o f the e m p e r o r to satisfy their chanted
d e m a n d s : s o m e just did w h a t e v e r the assembled people asked for.
Tiberius, b y contrast, s i m p l y refused to g o to the games, because it w a s
81
impossible to resist the requests m a d e t h e r e .
E v e n looked at strictly in h o n o u r terms, exactly h o w to treat the u r b a n
plebs required a nice j u d g e m e n t . A l l things being equal, the m o r e f o o d
a n d m o n e y a n d entertainment an e m p e r o r p r o v i d e d , the less jeering a n d

7 7
Caracalla, Herod. 4 . 6 . 4 , o Se olrjOcls avros vfiptodai. Caligula, Jos. A]19.24-7; Dio 59.
1 3 . 3 - 4 ; tongues, 5 9 . 1 0 . 3 . By contrast, Constantine's mildness, Lib. Or. 1 9 . 1 9 . On relations
of emperor and plebs in public, Cameron (1976), 157-92.
7 8
Suet. Claud. 1 8 . 2 ; see also Tac. Ann. 1 2 . 4 3 . In general, in the 4th cent, it is an excellent
Prefect of the City under w h o m 'querellae plebis excitari crebro solitae cessaverunt', A m m .
Marc. 2 1 . 1 2 . 24.
7 9
Fronto, Princ. Hist. 20 (van den Hout), gravior invidia.
8 0
HA Hadr. 7 . 3 (cf. Asc. 35); and Hadrian disliked chanting, Dio 69. 6 . 1 - 2 .
8 1
Automatically giving when the plebs asks, Jos. A / 1 9 . Ml Suet. Titus 8 . 2 ; cf. Dio 6o(6iL).
32. 2. Tiberius, Suet. Tib. 47. Byzantine emperors were less generous, Cameron (1976),
2 8 5 - 8 ; especially evocative is a dialogue between Justinian and the circus factions, ibid.
318-33.
124 The Emperor

the m o r e cheering, the m o r e h o n o u r b e s t o w e d u p o n h i m b y the city o f

R o m e h e c o u l d expect. Y e t in aristocratic eyes h o n o u r from p o p u l a r i t y
w i t h the m o b , a n d h o n o u r a m o n g the m o b , w e r e quite different things.
O v e r - g e n e r o s i t y to the plebs, o r even w o r s e , personal participation in
p e r f o r m a n c e s (as in the cases o f N e r o a n d C o m m o d u s ) , although it
m i g h t delight the c o m m o n s , c o n t r a v e n e d a variety o f upper-class n o r m s ,
i n c u r r e d a variety o f aristocratic frowns, a n d consequently cost, rather
than earned, aristocratic esteem. A r i s t o c r a t s expected the e m p e r o r to b e
polite b u t firm in his relations w i t h the c o m m o n s ; a n y other c o n d u c t w a s
8 2
criticized b y the historians, w e a t h e r c o c k s o f aristocratic o p i n i o n . To
indulge the plebs o v e r - m u c h , to participate as a m u s i c i a n o r a gladiator in
lower-class c o m m u n i t i e s o f h o n o u r , p r e s u p p o s e d v i g o r o u s c o n t r o l o f the
8 3
expression o f aristocratic v i e w s . T h u s C a s s i u s D i o , desperate to resist
l a u g h i n g ( a n d subsequent execution) g n a w e d o n leaves from his laurel
w r e a t h w h i l e C o m m o d u s , h a v i n g fought in the arena, m a d e threatening
m o t i o n s at the m a s s e d senate w i t h his s w o r d a n d the l o p p e d - o f f h e a d o f
84
an o s t r i c h . In an o d d w a y the c o n d u c t o f a N e r o o r C o m m o d u s m i g h t
b e v i e w e d as parallel to S e p t i m i u s S e v e r u s ' w a r s : an attempt to m a k e the
insincerity o f aristocratic praise irrelevant b y presenting the esteem o f the
populus Romatius as a real claim to h o n o u r . B u t s u c h an interpretation
m a y m a k e art o f foolishness. B a d e m p e r o r s t o o k b a d advice: s u r r o u n d e d
b y flatterers, they failed to realize the degree to w h i c h they w e r e offend­
ing against aristocratic o p i n i o n , o r indeed that they w e r e overstepping
85
the b o u n d s o f w h a t even the people f o u n d a c c e p t a b l e .
It w a s n o t o n l y to the praise a n d b l a m e o f R o m e that the e m p e r o r gave
heed. G r e a t A l e x a n d r i a h a d a genius for l a m p o o n s , a n d i n d u l g e d itself
fully at the expense o f Caracalla. T h e result, a m a s s a c r e at the e m p e r o r ' s
orders, s h o w s that the e m p e r o r attended to the o p i n i o n s o f distinguished
8 6
cities other than R o m e . A n d the terror o f the citizens o f f o u r t h - c e n t u r y
A n t i o c h in the w a k e o f a riot in w h i c h they h a d insulted T h e o d o s i u s b y

8 2
Frowns, Dio 59. 9 . 7 ; D . Chr. 1. 2 8 , 1 . 3 3 ; A m m . Marc. 25. 4 . 1 8 . B y contrast Titus, w h o
walked the fine line of indulgence to the people 'maiestate salva', Suet. Titus 8. 2; cf. HA
Marcus 23. 2; A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 6 . 1 . Opinions of emperors performing: Caligula, Dio 59. 5.
4 - 5 ; Nero, Tac. Ann. 1 5 . 6 5 , 6 7 , 1 6 . 4 - 5 ; Dio 63(621,). 1 . 1 , 6 3 ( 6 2 ! . ) . 9. C o m m o d u s , Dio 72.(75!).
17-21.
8 3
For hints of this strategy, Herod. 3 . 8 . 8 - 1 0 , 5 . 5 . 8 and 5. 6. 6 with 5. 6 . 1 .
8 4
Dio 72(73L). 21. 2; Millar ( 1 9 6 4 : 1 3 2 - 3 ) on this episode.
8 5
Bad advice, Plut. quom. Ad. ab Am. Inter. 56ft Herod. 1 . 1 3 . 8. Even the m o b thought
C o m m o d u s went too far, Dio 72(73L). 2 0 . 2 ; Herod. 1 . 1 5 . 7 .
8 6
Caracalla and Alexandria, Herod. 4 . 9 . 2 - 3 ; Dio 77(78!). 2 2 . 1 - 2 3 . 3 . Other cities' insults
to emperors, and their responses, Dio 66(6sL). 8 . 2 - 7 , 7 8 ( 7 9 L ) - 20.4; Herod. 3 . 3 . 3 - 5 ; Eunap.
2 9 . 1 (Blockley ( 1 9 8 3 ) ) ; and esp. Julian at Antioch, Lib. Or. 1 5 - 1 6 ; A m m . Marc. 2 2 . 1 4 . 3 .
 The Emperor 125

abusing his statues s h o w s that this imperial attention e n d u r e d t h r o u g h

87
the c e n t u r i e s . G r e a t a n d distinguished cities w e r e listened to, for better
or for w o r s e . W h e n A e l i u s Aristides w r o t e to M a r c u s A u r e l i u s a n d
C o m m o d u s b e g g i n g t h e m to rebuild S m y r n a after a disastrous earth­
quake, he s o u n d e d three themes: the glory that the e m p e r o r s w o u l d gain
from the project, the city's o w n prestige, a n d the acts o f S m y r n a in the old
days o n R o m e ' s behalf, creating a debt w h i c h the e m p e r o r s should
88
requite. S o alongside praise a n d b l a m e , cities expected to get their w a y
w i t h the e m p e r o r b y deference a n d reciprocity. T h e y expected to deal
w i t h h i m just as they did w i t h their civic notables, b y exploiting the ten­
derness o f his h o n o u r .
In fact, e m p e r o r s did defer to h o n o u r . A s C o n s t a n t i n e i n t o n e d (in the
baffling official rhetoric o f his age):

All things which tend to the protection of the society of the human race we
embrace in the consideration of our watchful care; but it is of the greatest impor­
tance that we take foresight that all cities whose appearance and beauty set them
apart and place them among the bright lights of the provinces and regions should
not only preserve their old dignity, but indeed advance to a better state by grant
89
of our beneficence.

A n d Pliny offers confirmation that such an attitude h a d been expected

for centuries: w h e n P r u s a asked for permission to rebuild a ruined bath,
the g o v e r n o r sent the request o n to R o m e w i t h his endorsement, noting
90
to T r a j a n that the w o r k w a s d e m a n d e d b y the city's dignitas. A hand­
b o o k o f advice for speakers urged the a m b a s s a d o r presenting a request to
the e m p e r o r to dwell in particular o n the city's claims to h o n o u r ; a n d so
91
they d i d in p r a c t i c e . I n a city's case before the e m p e r o r , a favourable
verdict m i g h t b e e n c o u r a g e d b y the presence o f ' h i g h - b o r n advocates',
92
a n d because 'the worthiness o f the city w o u l d h a v e h a d w e i g h t ' .
T h e m e n t i o n o f h i g h - b o r n advocates signals that e m p e r o r s deferred to
distinguished m e n as well as cities. In o n e case, the e m p e r o r conferred

8 7
Z o s . 4. 41; Lib. Or. 1 9 - 2 3 , and for this insult cf. Lib. Or. 19. 48, 20. 3 0 . O f course the
destruction of imperial statues could also signify revolt, and be punished as such, Herod. 7.
5. 8 and HA Gord. 9 . 3 with Herod. 7. 9 . 1 1 .
8 8
Aristid. 19. 2 - 1 1 (Behr).
8 9
ILS 705, *non modo dignitate(m) pristinam teneant'. See also Gk. Const. 1 8 . 2 8 - 9 , 1 8 4 .
2 . 5 7 - 8 ; Small. Gaius 3 6 8 . 2 9 . Also, imperial deference to a guild of athletes, Gk. Const. 37.
9 0
Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 2 3 . 2, 'dignitas civitatis et saeculi tui nitor postulat'.
9 1
M e n . Rhet. 423; in practice, Pan. Lat. 6 ( 7 ) . 2 2 . 3 - 4 .
9 2
[Julian], Ep. 198 (Bidez; on this letter see above, C h . 2 n. 210) quoted, 410a, d£ta>/xa:
imagining an appeal (not undertaken in fact) from the provincial governor, presumably to
the emperor.
126 The Emperor

i m m u n i t y from civic duties u p o n an o r p h a n , noting that 'with ancestors

like Asclepiades a n d a father like N i l u s he is s p r u n g from m e n w h o w e r e
glorious in athletics. S o h o w c o u l d it b e decent for h i m n o t easily to
9 3
obtain w h a t e v e r he asks f o r ? ' A n d a violently anti-imperial a u t h o r
alludes to the s a m e n o r m . ' Y o u answer m e audaciously,' he has T r a j a n say
94
to an a m b a s s a d o r , 'trusting in y o u r high b i r t h . ' H e r o d i a n n o t e d that the
l o w - b o r n M a x i m i n u s T h r a x sent a w a y from his c a m p all m e n o f distinc­
tion u p o n b e c o m i n g e m p e r o r , speculating that he did so in o r d e r that
'with n o one present to w h o m he w o u l d h a v e to p a y respect he w o u l d b e
95
free to indulge himself in acts o f t y r a n n y ' . W e hardly need share
H e r o d i a n ' s conjecture to appreciate the strength o f his expectation.
T h e e m p e r o r s c o u l d also b e c o u n t e d u p o n to p a y b a c k favours d o n e
them. W h e n they failed to d o so, they felt the lash o f aristocratic censure.
T h u s C a l i g u l a 'incurred b l a m e ' for killing M a c r o , 'failing to r e m e m b e r
the benefactions M a c r o h a d b e s t o w e d u p o n h i m , a n d especially that he
96
h a d j o i n e d in conferring the e m p i r e o n h i m a l o n e ' . It is remarkable to
Ammianus Marcellinus that the general Silvanus revolted from
C o n s t a n t i u s , 'despite the fact that he held C o n s t a n t i u s u n d e r an obliga­
tion o f gratitude, for his timely defection to h i m w i t h his soldiers before
the battle o f M u r s a ' . In A m m i a n u s ' eyes, this m e a n t that u n d e r n o r m a l
circumstances, Silvanus c o u l d rely o n coming to n o h a r m at the
97
e m p e r o r ' s h a n d s despite the intrigues o f his e n e m i e s . N e r o ' s general
C o r b u l o naturally suspected nothing w h e n s u m m o n e d to G r e e c e b y let­
ters addressed to h i m as 'father a n d benefactor'; that w a s the end o f
9 8
him.
F a v o u r s d o n e for the e m p e r o r c o u l d b e called in, o r h o a r d e d against
b a d times ahead. O c t a v i a n w a s greatly in debt to T a r s u s for the d a m a g e
that city h a d suffered in s u p p o r t i n g the Caesarians in the w a r against the
tyrannicides. T h e city's r e w a r d w a s 'land, laws, h o n o u r , a n d authority
over the river a n d the sea'. B u t with those b o o n s the debt w a s paid, a n d

9 3
Gk. Const. 289, a[v]opu>v evSoKifjicov /cara TTJV ddXrja[tv]. Cf. 154; Tac. Ann. 2. 4 8 , 3 . 8;
Hist. 2. 48 (even in extremis), 2. 65; Pliny, Ep. 10. 4. 4 - 5 ; Philostr. VS 1. 25 (533); Herod. 2 . 1 .
4 , 5 . 1 . 7 ; HA Marcus 24. 2; Pesc. Nig. 7 . 2 ; A m m . Marc. 1 5 . 5 . 2 7 ; John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 3 8 , 3 . 5 0 . It
is thus a mirum when Tiberius fails to yield to the claims of the grandson of the orator
Hortensius, Tac. Ann. 2.37.
9 4 9 5
Musurillo (1954), 8. 4 4 - 5 ; cf. 11. 8 8 - 9 6 . Herod. 7 . 1 . 3, vcfietv alou>.
9 6
Dio 5 9 . 1 0 . 6; cf. A m m . Marc. 2 2 . 3 . 7 - 8 ; also Sen. Ben. 5. 25. 2; HA Did. Jul. 6. 2.
9 7
A m m . Marc. 1 5 . 5 . 3 3 ; cf. Philostr. VSi. 25 (534). For the expectation that emperors will
requite services, also Herod. 2. 3. 6, 5. 1. 6; Fronto, ad M. Caes. 1. 3. 4 (van den Hout);
'Diotogenes' in Stobaeus, peri Bos. 62 (see n. 9 above). A n d failure to requite his benefactors
can be imagined leading to an emperor's murder, HA Aur. 3 6 . 6.
9 8
Dio 63(62L). 17. 5.
 The Emperor 127

T a r s u s c o u l d n o t expect special treatment w h e n it later got into t r o u b l e . "

In contrast, R h o d e s , said D i o C h r y s o s t o m , should feel itself in n o d a n g e r
o f losing its privileged status, since it c o u l d boast centuries o f services to
the R o m a n s . Likewise M u c i a n u s , so vital to Vespasian's victory, w a s able
to p r e s u m e u p o n the emperor's gratitude to treat h i m i m p u d e n t l y there­
1 0 0
after.
Indeed, the certainty that the e m p e r o r w o u l d p a y b a c k favours d o n e
h i m w a s a source o f his p o w e r , because his subjects spontaneously p e r ­
f o r m e d services for h i m in o r d e r to place h i m u n d e r an obligation.
H e r o d i a n imagines a m a n sent to kill Septimius Severus betraying the
plot thus: ' M y M a s t e r , I a m c o m e to b e y o u r m u r d e r e r a n d e x e c u t i o n e r —
or so the m a n w h o sent m e here thinks; for m y s e l f I p r a y a n d desire that
101
I m a y be y o u r saviour a n d b e n e f a c t o r . ' It is certain that in time o f need,
cities a n d individuals rushed to offer the e m p e r o r m o n e y , m o n e y he
1 0 2
m i g h t b e reluctant to a c c e p t . M a n y o f those contributing will h a v e felt
coerced, b u t Cassius D i o describes m e n b u y i n g used gladiators from
1 0 3
C a l i g u l a at vast prices in o r d e r to p u t the e m p e r o r in their d e b t . They
are acting like the acquaintances o f the rich m a n in Juvenal suspected o f
b u r n i n g d o w n his o w n h o u s e in o r d e r to build a better o n e w i t h the gifts
104
given h i m b y those h o p i n g to place h i m u n d e r an o b l i g a t i o n . Charged
w i t h acting the tyrant at A t h e n s , the rich sophist H e r o d e s A t t i c u s
defended himself before M a r c u s A u r e l i u s , crying, 'This is w h a t I get for
m y hospitality to L u c i u s V e r u s ? A n d y o u sent h i m to me!' H a v i n g enter­
tained the c o - e m p e r o r , the plutocrat h a d a right to expect favours in
1 0 5
return from M a r c u s . Perhaps this expectation partially explains the
willingness o f great m e n all over the East to undertake the fabulously
expensive task o f offering hospitality to the e m p e r o r , a n d indeed to his
1 0 6
passing a r m y as w e l l . B u t one h a d to b e careful w h e n d o i n g favours for
the e m p e r o r : d o i n g h i m a f a v o u r he c o u l d n o t requite—like preserving
9 9
D . Chr. 3 4 . 7 - 8 , 2 5 , quoted 8. Cf. Aristid. 1 9 . 1 1 (Behr); RDGE 5 8 , 6 0 .
1 0 0
Rhodes, D . C h r . 3 1 . 1 1 3 . Mucianus, Suet. Vesp. 13.
1 0 1 2
Herod. 3 . 1 2 . 2 (probably fictional); cf. 7 . 1 . 1 0 - 1 1 ; Dio 7 i ( 7 2 L ) . 33. 4 . T a c . Hist. 2. 3 7
has the officers of Otho and Vitellius eager for civil war to put their emperors under an
obligation to them.
1 0 2
Millar (1977), 1 4 0 - 4 .
1 0 3
Coercion, Dio 55. 2 5 . 3 , 5 9 . 21. 4 , 6 2 . 1 8 . 5; but not always, 59. 28. 9. Gladiators, 5 9 . 1 4 .
1-4.
1 0 4 1 0 5
Juv. 3 . 2 1 2 - 2 2 ; cf. Mart. 3 . 5 2 . Philostr. VS 2.1 (561).
1 0 6
Ameling (1983), 6 8 - 7 3 ; Mitchell (1983), 1 4 0 - 3 ; Halfmann (1986), 7 9 - 8 1 , 1 2 9 - 3 7 ; Quass
(i993)> 1 6 4 - 7 . For the expense and inconvenience, Millar (1977), 2 9 - 3 5 . Aristocrats also
boasted of (or were praised for) having forwarded the annona, Ameling (1983), 70 n. 36;
Quass (1993), 167 nn. 5 1 5 - 1 6 ; helped with their cities' taxes, ibid. 1 7 7 - 8 ; ILS 6960; and pro­
vided the emperor with local militiamen, IGR iv. 580.
128 The Emperor

the t h r o n e for h i m , as G a i u s Silius boasted he h a d d o n e for T i b e r i u s —

constituted an intolerable reproach to the imperial h o n o u r . It placed the
e m p e r o r in the disgraceful position o f b ei n g a lesser m a n ' s client, a n d the
1 0 7
m a n w h o did such a f a v o u r h a d to b e p u t out o f the w a y .
T h e e m p e r o r quailed at chanted slogans at the games, treated h o n ­
ourable m e n a n d cities w i t h special consideration, a n d returned favours
d o n e h i m , because that is h o w he w a s b r o u g h t u p . In the first place, h e
acted as a n y other G r e e k o r R o m a n aristocrat w o u l d in similar c i r c u m ­
stances, w i t h an uncalculating a n d a u t o m a t i c regard for his o w n h o n o u r
a n d that o f others: he w a s n o less a creature o f his culture than they w e r e .
Y e t at the same time, imperial h o n o u r h a d a special political significance.
T h e e m p e r o r w a s perceived to o c c u p y a position that rested in part u p o n
his h o n o u r in aristocratic eyes: to increase a n d defend it w a s , then, a n
affair o f state. T h e rhetoric o f h o n o u r w a s , m o r e o v e r , a g a u d y p a r a d e
b e h i n d w h i c h other affairs o f state c o u l d easily b e hidden. T h e violence o f
the vast u r b a n plebs w a s a real danger in a w o r l d w i t h o u t m a c h i n e - g u n s
a n d w a t e r - c a n n o n ; in times o f t u r m o i l the c o m m o n s c o u l d p l a y a role in
politics, especially if the garrison at R o m e w a s divided in its loyalties o r
c o u l d n o t m a k e u p its m i n d . 1 0 8
M u c h safer to yield to a plebs w h i c h flung
gibes than to deal w i t h o n e w h i c h h a d a d v a n c e d to flinging rocks a n d fire­
b r a n d s . U s u r p e r s based themselves in great provincial cities a n d s u m ­
m o n e d to their b a n n e r great R o m a n s a n d provincials, exactly the places
a n d types o f people to w h o m the e m p e r o r ostentatiously deferred, a n d to
109
w h o m he m i g h t feel (or say he felt) g r a t i t u d e . T h e crudest imperial
realpolitik d e m a n d e d a vast, e v e r - c h a n g i n g flow o f bribes a n d i n d u c e ­
ments to concentrations o f p o w e r in the e m p i r e , a flow w h i c h h a d to b e
m a n a g e d b y the e m p e r o r w i t h o u t seeming frightened or w e a k . N o taint
o f weakness attached to punctilious adherence to high standards o f aris­
tocratic c o n d u c t . A s H e r o d i a n tells it, Septimius Severus' concession o f a
share o f the principate to C l o d i u s A l b i n u s — a desperate m e a s u r e to keep
h i m a n d his fearsome British legions quiet until Severus h a d dealt w i t h
N i g e r — w a s represented to his d u p e as a longing to y o k e to the throne a
m a n o f splendid birth, a n d subsequent h o n o u r s as recognition for the
favour conferred. T h e historian, in short, imagines A l b i n u s b a m b o o z l e d
1 1 0
b y a s h o w o f deference a n d g r a t i t u d e . H e r e S e v e r u s ' spectacular p e r ­
fidy s o o n revealed the trick, b u t the expectation that e m p e r o r s d i d defer

1 0 7 1 0 8
T a c . Ann. 4 . 1 8 - 1 9 . Whittaker (1964).
1 0 9
O n the sinews of revolt (and thus the powers the emperor needed to appease),
MacMullen (1985).
1 1 0
Herod. 2 . 1 5 . 4 - 5 -
 The Emperor 129

a n d d i d p a y b a c k debts o f favours from d a y to d a y always created the p o s ­

sibility o f using such tricks in time o f crisis. T h e fact that e m p e r o r s b y a n d
large lived b y h o n o u r ' s l a w s m a d e h o n o u r s o m e t h i n g they c o u l d h i d e
behind.

R U L I N G WITH IMPERIAL HONOUR

In his o w n a c c o u n t o f his deeds, A u g u s t u s a v o w e d that 'After that t i m e

[27 BC] I surpassed all in respect o f m y prestige (auctoritas), b u t I had no
m o r e legal a u t h o r i t y (potestas) than a n y others w h o w e r e m y colleagues
111
in a n y m a g i s t r a c y . ' S o A u g u s t u s expected p e o p l e to believe that he
ruled the e m p i r e b y virtue o f his h o n o u r ; a n d , as has been illustrated, the
historians, other aristocratic observers, a n d the e m p e r o r s themselves all
considered h o n o u r in aristocratic eyes n o t o n l y valuable in itself, a n d
w o r t h defending a n d increasing, b u t vitally i m p o r t a n t to imperial rule.
T h e a i m n o w is to explain this perception, to explain h o w the e m p e r o r
w a s believed to c o n v e r t his h o n o u r into obedience from aristocrats a n d
cities, those u p o n w h o m , in large part, imperial rule rested. F o r it w a s the
great aristocrats w h o c o m m a n d e d the a r m y a n d g o v e r n e d the provinces;
it w a s lesser aristocrats w h o officered the legions a n d c a m e to preside
over m u c h o f the administration, a n d it w a s the cities, g o v e r n e d b y c o u n ­
cils o f local aristocrats, w h o did the business o f the e m p i r e o n a t o w n - b y -
t o w n a n d village-by-village basis. O b s e r v e r s perceived the e m p e r o r ' s
subjects as inclined to imitate h i m a n d defer to h i m ; they n o t e d the p o w e r
( a n d d a n g e r ) inherent in the fact that nearly all relations w i t h h i m h a d
i m m e n s e h o n o u r consequences; finally, they s a w h i m laying his subjects
u n d e r obligations w i t h favours practical a n d honorific.
In the first place, their o w n outlook encouraged aristocrats to imitate the
emperor as the most honourable m a n in their world. 'Whatsoever is
scorned b y o u r rulers is neglected b y all; w h a t is h o n o u r e d b y them, all p r a c ­
112
tise.' E m p e r o r s ' appearance, diet, and hair-style were enthusiastically

1 1 1
Res Gest. 34. 3 , 'post id tempus auctoritate ( = d^id)fj.[a]n) omnibus praestiti, potes-
tatis ( = igovoia?) autem nihilo amplius habui quam ceteri qui mihi quoque in magistratu
conlegae fuerunt'. I will not join the venerable controversy about the exact sense of auc­
toritas in this context, which can be followed in Grant (1946: 443-5 with refs.) and Wickert
(1954: 2287); both the Latin and the Greek versions admit the rendering 'aristocratic pres­
tige* in the sense used here. Also relevant is Augustus* choice of title for himself: princeps y

'first*. Leaving aside the position of princeps senatus the term princeps is closely allied to
y

superiority in honour in Republican usage, Wickert (1954), esp. 2 0 3 9 - 4 7 . O n the title

Augustus, see n. 284 below.
1 1 2
Lib. Or. 1 8 . 1 5 6 ; cf. Men. Rhet. 376, a venerable topos, Brunt (1988&), 4 6 n. 20.
130 The Emperor

113
copied b y the great men of R o m e and the p r o v i n c e s . Indeed, it seemed to
Tacitus that Vespasian's example, through 'obedience to the emperor a n d
love o f emulating him', h a d effected a great moral reform a m o n g the
114
Roman aristocracy. C o m m e n t a t o r s urged the emperor to take advantage
1 1 5
of this tendency, to rule b y setting an e x a m p l e . A n d onlookers pointed
out occasions w h e n he did so in fact: N e r v a , Pliny notes, had stimulated
1 1 6
public benefaction in this w a y . Imperial officials were seen as especially
inclined to imitate the emperor, and Severus Alexander used this expecta­
tion as an instrument of policy, remitting to his subjects the 'crown gold', a
tax due h i m on his succession, in order to set an example to his officials, so
that (in his w o r d s ) :

those who will go out as governors of provinces will learn the zeal with which they
should spare, and exercise foresight for, the provinces over which they have been
appointed, when they see the emperor conducting all the business of the empire
117
with such good order, self-control, and restraint.

W h e r e the t e n d e n c y to imitate is strong, the t e n d e n c y to defer to the

e m p e r o r ' s h o n o u r will b e strong as well. A c c o r d i n g to Philo, in the ideal
g o v e r n m e n t three things 'tend t o w a r d s indestructible rulership—dignity,
terribleness, a n d benefaction. . . . D i g n i t y inspires respect; terribleness,
fear; benefaction, goodwill. B l e n d e d a n d h a r m o n i z e d in the soul, these
118
render subjects o b e d i e n t . ' S o aristocratic dignity w a s useful. A m a n
i m a g i n e d instructing a military tribune o n h o w to m u r d e r S e p t i m i u s
Severus a n d his son Caracalla cautions h i m particularly n o t to b e c o n ­
f o u n d e d b y the e m p e r o r s ' distinction. T h e almost physical p o w e r o f
s u p r e m e prestige, the blinding light that d r o v e a w a y M a r i u s ' w o u l d - b e
1 1 9
assassin, could, then, be v i e w e d as a p r o p to the emperor's p o s i t i o n .
Seneca represents A u g u s t u s saving a m a n m o b b e d in the f o r u m b y virtue

1 1 3
Friedlander (1907-13), i. 3 0 - 2 .
1 1 4
T a c . Ann. 3. 55, 'obsequium . . . in principem et aemulandi amor'; cf. Herod. 1. 2. 4;
HA Pert. 8. 10; Sev. Alex. 41. 2. Cities are urged to imitate the emperors, D . Chr. 32. 60;
Aristid. 2 3 . 7 8 - 9 (Behr).
1 1 5
Pliny, Paneg. 45; Sen. Clem. 2. 2 . 1 ; Dio 5 2 . 3 4 1 1 - 3 ; 'Ecphantus' in Stobaeus, peri Bos.
65 (see n. 9 above).
1 1 6
Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 8 . 1 , cf. Suet. Tib. 3 4 . 1 ; Tac. Hist. 2 . 8 2 .
1 1 7
Gk. Const. 275. For officials, cf. Small. Gaius 3 8 0 . 2 ; Pan. Lat. 10(2). 3 . 3 .
1 1 8
Philo, dePraem. 97, rpia . . . ovvreivovTa irpos 'qycp.oviav aKaBaiperov, ae/xvoTiyra
Kal oeivorrjTa Kal cvcpyeoiav . . . T O p.ev ydp ocpivdv ai8a> KaraaKcvd^et, T O 8C 8CIVOV
<p6fiov, TO 8e evepyeriKov evvoiav. Offered in the context of a millennial vision, but the ele­
ments are conventional. For theory see also Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8oid; 'Diotogenes' in
Stobaeus, peri Bos. 62 (see n. 9 above).
1 1 9
Herod. 3 . 1 1 . 6, /xijSe TO TWV /JaaiAecov 6vop.a TapaTT€To> (probably fictional); cf. for
dazzlement, 'Ecphantus' in Stobaeus, peri Bos. 64 (see n. 9 above); Philo, Leg. Gaium 276.
 The Emperor 131
120
o f his auctoritaSy the quality the e m p e r o r boasted o f in his Res Gestae.
W i t h the s a m e quality, a n d a stern j u d g e m e n t , M a r c u s A u r e l i u s is
1 2 1
depicted putting d o w n turmoils a m o n g the S e q u a n i . O t h o relied u p o n
it t o o in his last h o u r s to persuade his y o u n g partisans to flee a n d save
122
themselves. A lack o f h o n o u r , it w a s perceived, m a d e it v e r y h a r d for
the e m p e r o r to rule. A u t h o r s trying to explain the severity o f M a x i m i n u s
T h r a x p u t it d o w n to his l o w birth: since he a s s u m e d that he w o u l d b e
1 2 3
s c o r n e d b y his betters, he strove to c o m p e l obedience t h r o u g h t e r r o r .
C o m m e n t a t o r s expected reverence for imperial h o n o u r to p l a y a role in
g o v e r n m e n t , o r at least liked to think it did.

Honouring
T h e business o f governing, as described in the treatises written to advise
the e m p e r o r o n h o w to c o n d u c t himself, w a s presented n o t least as the
practice o f ' h o n o u r i n g ' those, b o t h servants o f his g o v e r n m e n t a n d oth­
1 2 4
ers, w h o did w h a t pleased the e m p e r o r . ' H o n o u r m a n y , trust few,' the
1 2 5
sage A p o l l o n i u s o f T y a n a advised the king o f the P e r s i a n s . T h e histo­
rians also a s s u m e d that the e m p e r o r w o u l d act this w a y , a n d that the
e m p e r o r c o u l d gain the loyalty o f vital subjects, a n d cities, b y ' h o n o u r i n g '
them; a n d they a d d examples o f the e m p e r o r s 'dishonouring' those w h o
1 2 6
displeased t h e m , s o m e t h i n g else the treatises s u g g e s t . H o w exactly d i d
this f o r m o f rulership w o r k ? S u p p o s e there w a s an earthquake (earth­
q u a k e relief w a s a frequent imperial c o n c e r n ) . F o r the repair o f S m y r n a ,
as A e l i u s Aristides tells it, the e m p e r o r s 'invited the aid o f m e n w h o
1 2 7
w o u l d be a m b i t i o u s t h r o u g h the h o p e o f future h o n o u r ' . A n d that

1 2 0 1 2 1
Sen. Clem. 1 . 1 5 . 1 . HA Marcus 2 2 . 1 0 .
1 2 2
Tac. Hist. 2. 48. Cf. Herod. 4 . 3 . 3 . Deference to imperial prestige could have danger­
ous consequences as well: when Caracalla suffered from diarrhoea, and had to break from
his journey to relieve himself, his retainers all stood far off as a mark of respect, providing
his assassin with access, Herod. 4 . 1 3 . 4 .
1 2 3
Herod. 7 . 1 . 2; HA Maxim. 8. 8 - 1 1 .
1 2 4
Speech of Maecenas in Dio, 52. 3 3 - 7 ; D . Chr. 1 . 1 7 , 3 0 , 3 . 1 3 2 ; Fronto, ad M. Ant. de
Eloq. 2. 6; ad Ver. 2.1.12 (van den Hout). For collected literature on works 'on kingship' in
general under the empire, with wise remarks, Reinhold (1988), 1 8 3 - 4 .
1 2 5
Philostr. VA1.37 (fictional).
1 2 6
Tac. Ann. 1 4 . 5 3 ; Hist. 2.100; Plut. Otho5.1; Dio (narrative passages) 5 6 . 4 3 . 1 , 6 5 ( 6 4 ! , ) .
7 . 1 , 68. 6. 4,76(7710. 6 . 1 ; Herod. 1. 8 . 1 , 3 . 1 5 . 4; HA Hadr. 16. 8 - 1 1 ; Marcus 2; A m m . Marc.
2 1 . 1 2 . 24; Eunap. VS 463. Honouring cities, e.g. Dio 69. 1 0 . 1 ; Herod. 4. 9. 5. Honouring
assumed to gain obedience, Herod. 2 . 1 5 . 3 ; Eunap. 57 (Blockley ( 1 9 8 3 ) ) ; cf. Lib. Or. 1 8 . 1 6 0 .
Dishonouring, in theory, Dio 5 5 . 1 8 . 4 , D . Chr. 1 . 4 4 ; in practice, Dio 6 7 . 2 . 1 , J6{J/\). 2.4-5.
Honour and dishonour, Dio 63(62L). 15. 2, 77(78L). 5. 2 - 4 , 7 8 ( 7 9 L ) . 2 2 . 3 .
1 2 7
Smyrna, Aristid. 20. 8 (Behr; trans. Behr), rovs <piAoTifjLr)oofjL€vovs vn iAniScov
iicfjXow. Emperors' interest in earthquake relief, Mitchell (1987), 3 4 5 , 3 4 9 - 5 2 . Cf. IGR iv. 1441
with Robert (1937:137), a provincial honoured by the emperor for collecting imperial taxes.
132 The Emperor

h o n o u r m i g h t c o m e in the f o r m o f an imperial letter (after a different

earthquake):

Imperator Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus, son of the divine
Hadrian, grandson of the divine Trajan Parthicus, great-grandson of the divine
Nerva, Pontifex Maximus, in the fourteenth year of his tribunician power (etc. etc.)
. . . to the magistrates, senate, and people of Limyra, greeting! I have learned... that
Opramoas conducted himself towards the cities [ . . . ] which suffered in the earth­
quake, in a manner concordant with his devotion to honour, yet again having given
most fully the necessary revenues from his own resources, my excellent governor
128
Rupilius Severus having entrusted him even with the accounts of your c i t y .

T h e hugely rich O p r a m o a s relieved the disaster w i t h his o w n funds. In

return, the e m p e r o r w r o t e a letter praising h i m for his act (as L i m y r a ,
beneficiary o f O p r a m o a s ' m o n e y a n d trouble, asked h i m to d o ) w i t h a
g o o d deal m o r e stress o n imperial titulature than o n w h a t O p r a m o a s did;
perfectly sensible, for the p o i n t w a s exactly that n o less a person than the
e m p e r o r , n o less than all those s o u n d i n g titles, a p p r o v e d o f O p r a m o a s .
And the a p p r o v a l implied b y letters like this w a s a vast accretion to
Opramoas' honour:

When the emperor looked benevolently upon his [Opramoas'] policy, and by the
manner of his reply encouraged the other magistrates to the same zeal, and
encouraged the man himself to increase his enthusiasm for virtue—for the praise
of a mighty emperor can do this, who encourages the spirits of those who strive
towards highest reputation, and thus provides for the cities an abundance of good
men—then Opramoas, exalted by the divine replies, showed his generosity [with
129
another storm of benefactions].

A n o d from the e m p e r o r , a n d the coffers o f provincial gentlemen g a p e d

open, to the delight of their beneficiaries. T h e texts o f thirteen similar let­
ters from the e m p e r o r a b o u t O p r a m o a s survive. Because o f their h o n ­
orific quality, they w e r e inscribed for eternity.

1 2 8
TAM ii. 905 ch. 46, <PI\O(T)€ (peats. Restoration of much of this fragmentary text is
speculative, but the overall sense is clear; cf. ch. 47. For governors' entrusting Opramoas
with other tasks, see below, Ch. 4 n. 222. For similar letters from emperors, see esp. IKEph.
i. 41 (with Swift and Oliver (1962)); Julian, Ep. 81 (Bidez); Gk. Const. 247; Philostr. VA 8. 7;
NTh 1 8 . 1 (439); and Pliny, Ep. 10. 6 0 . 1 , the collection of Flavius Archippus, summed up as
'ad honorem eius pertinentia'; and see the confected imperial letters of praise in the later
lives of the HA. References to such letters: IGR iv. 1129; SEG vii. 135; Aristid. 50. 75 (Behr);
D. Chr. 77/78. 26; Artem. 4. 31; Dio 77(781.). 13. 6; Philostr. VA 8. 7; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 10. 2;
Julian, Ep. 40 (Bidez); Lib. Or. 1 5 . 7 . Also honorific, carrying on an extended correspondence
with the emperor, SEG ii. 410.
1 2 9
Quoted, TAM ii. 905 ch. 66, inl 86£av dpiarrjv . . . detordr ais . . . avnypacpais
avrov a€/j,wv6fx€vos (after a different benefaction); see also chs. 3 8 , 5 9 , 6 8 .
 The Emperor 133

M o r e o v e r , if w e turn o u r gaze from the p r o v i n c e s to R o m e , or w h e r ­

ever the e m p e r o r m i g h t be, w e can appreciate the multiplicity o f m e t h o d s
o f h o n o u r i n g w h i c h the prince h a d available. E v e n a c u r s o r y reading o f
the historians, for e x a m p l e , reveals that the J u l i o - C l a u d i a n e m p e r o r s
gave an astonishing n u m b e r o f dinners. A t h o m e , in the p r o v i n c e s , in
c a m p , the r o u n d o f dinners never ceased. V e r y well, the e m p e r o r s h a d to
eat. B u t A u g u s t u s , w h o s e s t o m a c h w a s less obedient than his e m p i r e ,
often h a d to eat beforehand; he just reclined as his carefully selected
1 3 0
guests d i n e d . H e w a s there for another reason: a R o m a n dinner p a r t y
was an honorific event par excellence. T h e v a l u e a provincial gentleman
w o u l d place o n the h o n o u r o f an invitation can b e quantified: a bribe o f
200,000 sesterces, half the equestrian census, w a s entered to secure a
1 3 1
place at Caligula's t a b l e . ' W h o s e table is m o r e honorific than the
emperor's?' observes D i o C h r y s o s t o m in a discussion o f h o w an e m p e r o r
132
m i g h t gain loyal a s s i s t a n t s . Cassius D i o describes e m p e r o r s using d i n ­
ners to gain aristocratic adherents, a n d Z o s i m u s can i m a g i n e P r o b u s l u r ­
1 3 3
ing m e n to their deaths w i t h the prospect o f this h o n o u r . S o intimate
w a s the association o f dining a n d ruling that b y the fourth c e n t u r y a
grandee w h o invited high military officers to dinner c o u l d b e suspected
1 3 4
o f imperial a m b i t i o n s .
Because o f the emperor's vast repute, almost everything he did from
day to d a y — a n d not just d i n i n g — h a d prestige consequences for those
a r o u n d h i m , a n d for those with w h o m he c a m e into contact. ' M a n y are
the kinds o f h o n o u r , O E m p e r o r , ' said the sophist L i b a n i u s to the
e m p e r o r Julian; 'anything w h a t e v e r that y o u m a y give will glorify the
135
recipient.' L i k e a great w h a l e m o v i n g t h r o u g h the ocean, the e m p e r o r ' s
w a k e c a u g h t u p flurries o f smaller fish. C o n s i d e r a letter o f F r o n t o to the
e m p e r o r L u c i u s V e r u s in the second century:

1 3 0
Suet. Aug. 74, 'convivabatur assidue nec umquam nisi recta, non sine magno
ordinum hominumque dilectu'. Did not eat, ibid. 76. For frequency, also Suet. Claud. 3 2 ;
later, Vesp. 1 9 . 1 ; Dom. 21; it is worth remark that Septimius Severus rarely invited guests,
Dio 76(77!)-17.3-
1 3 1
Suet. Gaius 3 9 . 2 , the emperor's reaction when he found out: 'nec tulerat moleste tarn
magno aestimari honorem cenae suae', cf. Vesp. 2.3.
1 3 2
D . Chr. 3 . 1 3 2 , 7 7 -napd rive oe evSogorepa Tpdrre^a; C o m p a r e Louis X I V ' s table, Saint-
Simon (1983-8), v. 6 0 3 - 4 .
1 3 3
Adherents, Dio 65(641.). 7 . 1 , 7 3 ( 7 4 ! . ) . 1 4 . 1 - 2 . Cf. New York Times (1993) for a U S con-
gresswoman agreeing to vote for a bill sponsored by the U S President upon receipt of an
invitation to dine at the White House. Luring, Zos. 1. 6 5 . 1 - 2 .
1 3 4
A m m . Marc. 25. 8 . 1 8 . W h e n trying to limit her power, Tiberius forbids Livia to give
a dinner for the senate and equestrians, Dio 5 7 . 1 2 . 5.
1 3 5
Lib. Or. 14. 24, Koonrfoei.
134 The Emperor

You ordered me to be admitted first into your chamber, and in that way you gave
me a kiss without exciting anyone's j e a l o u s y . . . I reckon the weight of this hon­
our which you saved for me as vast and heavy. On many other occasions, besides,
I have observed that your conduct towards me, in both word and deed, was
intended to honour me as much as possible. H o w many times have you sup­
ported me with your own hands, lifted me up when I could hardly rise myself, and
almost carried me when, because of ill health, I could hardly walk! With what a
happy face and delighted expression have you always spoken with me! H o w hap­
pily y o u V e continued to chat, how long you've drawn out the conversation, how
unwillingly youVe broken it off! And I rate these things very highly. For just as in
the examination of entrails, often the smallest and tiniest bits, when separated off,
signify the greatest good things to come, and from portents from ants and bees
the greatest things are predicted, thus, from the smallest and most trivial signs of
favour and goodwill offered by the one, true emperor, are signified the things
136
which are greatest and most hoped for among men, love and h o n o u r .

H e r e a kiss, a conversation are honorific, a n d elsewhere seating a m a n

beside the e m p e r o r , walking to a subject's left, visiting h i m , letting h i m
1 3 7
ride in the emperor's carriage, all confer h o n o u r . C o m p a r e Louis XIV:
'No m a n ever sold his w o r d s , smiles, even his glances dearer.' 'If he
addressed a n y o n e , even to ask a question o r o n trifling matters, all his ret­
inue noticed. It w a s a distinction a b o u t w h i c h people talked, a n d w h i c h
138
always granted a sort o f e s t e e m . ' A s at Louis's court, there w e r e also
m o r e formal h o n o u r s at R o m e : the e m p e r o r m i g h t erect a statue o r
deliver a speech o f praise. A few imperial w o r d s said in a n aristocrat's
1 3 9
h o n o u r c o u l d p r o u d l y b e carved o n his t o m b s t o n e . Dio Chrysostom
expects the e m p e r o r to use his praise to gain adherents; T a c i t u s describes
1 4 0
V e s p a s i a n using his to urge o n his loyalists in time o f civil w a r .
1 3 6
Fronto, ad Verum 1. 7 (van den Hout), 'hunc ego honorem mihi a te habitum taxo
maximo et gravissimo pondere. Plurima praeterea tua erga me summo c u m meo honore et
dicta et facta percepi s i c . . . ea quae amplissima inter homines et exoptatissima sunt, amores
honoresque'.
1 3 7
Conspectus of imperial tokens of honour, in a dream, Aristid. 4 7 . 4 6 - 9 (Behr), where
the degree of prestige these actions confer is exclaimed upon; also Pliny, Paneg. 2 3 - 4 ; Plut.
de se Ips. cit. Invid. Laud. 546c; Pan. Lat. 2(12). 20. 2. A n d see esp. for honorific imperial
kisses: Dio 5 9 . 2 7 . 1 ; HA Marcus 3 . 4 ; Pan. Lat. 3(11). 2 8 . 4 . Seating beside emperor, Jos. AJ19.
264; Dio 7 3 ( 7 4 L ) . 3 . 3 . Walking on left of subject, going out to meet, Suet. Claud. 2 4 . 3 . Visits
to others, letting them ride with emperor, refs. collected b y A . Wallace-Hadrill (1982), 40.
Cf. the honorific quality of being 'thrice honourably received' by the emperor, OGIS 513; a
hospes of the emperor, ILS 2 7 3 5 , 7 3 5 8 ; IGR iv. 1247; 'known to the emperor', Robert (1937),
228; a 'friend of the emperor', Robert (1948&), 3 1 - 2 ; Millar (1977), 1 1 5 - 1 6 ; cf. Tac. Ann. 1 3 . 3 0 .
M o r e generally, IK Eph. i. 41. 2 6 - 7 , an official w h o , in the words of Constantius, 'amoris
1 3 8
[nostri ves]citur gloria'. Saint-Simon (1983-8),v. 527.
1 3 9
Statue, Lahusen (1983), 104 (in the 4th cent, often without pretence of senatorial
approval). Speech, see esp. John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 29. Tombstone, ILS 986.
1 4 0
D . Chr. 3 . 1 3 1 - 2 and Tac. Hist. 2. 82. Cf. Dio 71(72!.). 3 4 . 4 ; Pliny, Ep. 8. 6 . 1 3 .
 The Emperor 135

In this context it is possible t o understand the trend w h e r e b y the

emperor's e v e r y d a y dealings w i t h those a r o u n d h i m , w h i c h u n d e r the
early e m p i r e h a d simply been a m o r e c r o w d e d version o f those o f a n y
great R o m a n aristocrat—salutatio in the m o r n i n g , conversations a n d
p u b l i c business p u n c t u a t e d b y kisses d u r i n g the day, a n d dinner parties
at n i g h t — c a m e , as the e m p i r e progressed, to b e s u r r o u n d e d b y a m o r e
a n d m o r e elaborate ceremonial, a n d b y rank o n rank o f salaaming retain­
1 4 1
ers. A t least from Diocletian's time it w a s the c u s t o m t o adore the
e m p e r o r o n t h e m o d e l o f an oriental potentate, a n d the great notables o f
1 4 2
the realm knelt to kiss the h e m o f his r o b e . Certainly ceremony w a s
awe-inspiring, serving to elevate the e m p e r o r a b o v e his subjects, b u t it
had another function as well. W h e n the e m p e r o r C o n s t a n t i u s w i s h e d to
b r i n g b a c k into favour, a n d present w i t h a high c o m m a n d , the previously
disgraced general U r s i c i n u s , that general 'was s u m m o n e d b y the M a s t e r
o f A d m i s s i o n s — f o r this is the m o r e honorific w a y — a n d h a v i n g entered
the imperial council w a s offered the purple m u c h m o r e c e r e m o n i o u s l y
1 4 3
than h e h a d b e e n b e f o r e ' . T h r e e h u n d r e d years earlier, Seneca w o u l d
h a v e u n d e r s t o o d perfectly: 'It is a n o l d c u s t o m o f kings . . . to divide u p
the b o d y o f their friends... a n d to d e e m crossing, o r even t o u c h i n g their
threshold as a great thing, a n d as a n h o n o u r to grant that y o u m i g h t sit
nearer to the d o o r , o r that y o u m i g h t b e the first to step inside his
house.' 1 4 4
A courtier o f the ancien regime w o u l d h a v e u n d e r s t o o d as well,
reflecting o n this aspect o f L o u i s X I V ' s craft. ' T h e hopes to w h i c h these
small preferments a n d distinctions gave birth, a n d the prestige deriving
t h e r e f r o m — n o o n e w a s m o r e ingenious than h e w a s in inventing these
sorts o f things w i t h o u t cease.' ' E v e r y night h e n a m e d a courtier w h o m h e
w i s h e d to h o n o u r to h o l d his candlestick at his ceremonial retirement,
145
always c h o o s i n g a m o n g the highest ranking persons p r e s e n t . ' The
elaboration o f c e r e m o n y increased the emperor's ability to gain o b e d i ­
ence b y s h o w i n g h o n o u r to others: if in C o n s t a n t i u s ' d a y there w a s a
m o r e h o n o u r a b l e a n d a less h o n o u r a b l e w a y o f being admitted t o the
imperial council, this w a s a n o p p o r t u n i t y to h o n o u r ( a n d potentially dis­
h o n o u r ) w h i c h H a d r i a n h a d lacked, a n o p p o r t u n i t y to distinguish o n e

1 4 1
First-cent, emperor's daily round, Alfoldi (1970 ( 1 9 3 4 - 5 ) )> 2 5 - 8 , 4 0 - 2 , and esp. Suet.
Vesp. 21.
1 4 2
Study of the subject of imperial ceremonial in general, and its trends, begins with
Alfoldi (1970 ( 1 9 3 4 - 5 ) ) , esp. 2 5 - 1 1 8 . O n adoratio purpuraesee Avery (1940); Lohken (1982),
4 8 - 6 8 , 8 6 - 9 0 ; and esp. Matthews (1989), 246.
1 4 3
A m m . M a r c . 15. 5 . 1 8 , 'et per admissionum magistrum—qui mos est honoratior—
accito eodem ingresso consistorium offertur purpura multo quam antea placidius'.
1 4 4 1 4 5
Sen. Ben. 6 . 3 4 . 1 , 'pro honore'. Saint-Simon ( 1 9 8 3 - 7 ) , v. 523.
136 The Emperor

grandee from another. A t the adoratio purpurae the order o f admission

w a s precisely regulated b y ranks o f h o n o u r , a far m o r e n u a n c e d a r r a n g e ­
m e n t than the old c u s t o m o f first a n d second admission in the m o r n ­
1 4 6
ing. T h i s t y p e o f c e r e m o n y r e d u c e d to complete clarity the degree o f
h o n o u r that w a s being bestowed. M o r e o v e r , a less formal imperial style
w o u l d tend to cheapen imperial gestures o f h o n o u r , just as, a c c o r d i n g to
T a c i t u s , lassitude w a s i n d u c e d in the imperial generals w h e n t r i u m p h a l
o r n a m e n t s w e r e h a n d e d o u t too w i d e l y a n d thus lost m u c h o f their
1 4 7
£clat. C e r e m o n y reduced waste o f imperial h o n o u r . N o kiss, n o n o d
w a s squandered, a n d thus the value o f each w a s increased. L o u i s X I V
'rendered all [his w o r d s , smiles, a n d glances] precious b y his careful
selection a n d majesty; the rarity a n d brevity o f his speech a d d e d greatly
1 4 8
to t h i s . ' Imperial h o n o u r u n d e r the early e m p i r e w a s a great a n d u n d i s ­
ciplined river, d o u s i n g b o t h the w o r t h y a n d the u n w o r t h y ; late-antique
c e r e m o n y w a s like a system o f R o m a n aqueducts, piping imperial h o n ­
ours w i t h m i n u t e e c o n o m y to w h e r e they needed to be.
It w a s n o t o n l y for individuals that the e m p e r o r h a d a great a n d varied
selection o f h o n o u r s at his disposal. T h e bitter rivalry o f cities for prestige
m a d e t h e m eager for h o n o u r s the e m p e r o r m i g h t bestow. T h y a t e i r a w a s
entitled 'most brilliant, most glorious, and greatest by imperial
1 4 9
decree'. E v e n grander than being 'most brilliant' w a s to h a v e imperial
confirmation o f one's claim to b e 'metropolis', o r 'first city', o f one's
1 5 0
province. Julian sat in j u d g e m e n t o v e r the claims o f L a o d i c e a a n d
A p a m e a to b e s e c o n d city o f Syria after A n t i o c h : b o t h cities a d d u c e d their
151
beautiful p u b l i c buildings a n d their p h i l o s o p h e r s . E m p e r o r s granted
parts o f their o w n n a m e s to cities as well, a n d thus T a r s u s w a s ' G o r d i a n i c ,
Severan, A l e x a n d r i a n , A n t o n i n i a n , a n d H a d r i a n i c ' . Outside Italy almost

1 4 6
Order of admission by dignitas Pan. Lat. 11(3). 1 1 . 3 ; the old custom of two admissions
y

at the imperial salutatio Alfoldi (1970 ( 1 9 3 4 - 5 ) ) , 28; and note that the privilege of standing
y

near and speaking to the emperor in private were noticed earlier, Plut. Galba 1 3 . 1.
Architecture reveals a parallel trend towards ceremony in late-antique private houses, Ellis
(1991), 117-23.
1 4 7 1 4 8
T a c . Ann. 1 3 . 5 3 ; cf. Suet. Nero 1 5 . 2 . Saint-Simon (1983-7), v. 527.
1 4 9
IGR iv. 1249, XayaTpora.T'qs Kai SiaorjfiOTaTqs Kai fieif/iOTrjs Kara. Tots' Upas*
dvTi^patpd^.
1 5 0
'Metropolis', Bowersock (1985) and esp. D . Chr. 3 3 . 4 6 ; [Dion. Hal.], A r s 3 . 3 , and on
its continued importance in late antiquity, Roueche" (1989&: 2 1 8 - 9 ) , when, however, it often
(but not always) signified the seat of the governor of a province, and thus conferred practi­
cal benefits. 'First', D . C h r . 38. 24, 2 8 - 9 . O n both titles, Magie (1950), 1 4 9 6 - 7 nn. 1 7 - 2 0 ;
Robert (1940&); (1977a), 1 - 6 . Titles granted by emperor, Gk. Const. 135; SEG xvii. 315; Robert
(i977«)>i8.
1 5 1
Julian, Lib. Or. 1 8 . 1 8 7 , trporipav inoirjoe TT} rifXTJ.
 The Emperor 137
1 5 2
six h u n d r e d recipients o f such n a m e s are k n o w n . There was a bewil­
dering variety o f other titles too, a n d as t i m e w e n t o n cities increasingly
1 5 3
granted titles to themselves w i t h o u t application to R o m e . But what­
ever the authorization o f a title, a city w a s certainly a bigger thing in the
w o r l d if the e m p e r o r c o n f i r m e d its pretensions b y using it. W h e n a letter
from the e m p e r o r w a s inscribed, the city's titles m i g h t b e singled o u t in
154
large l e t t e r s . S u c h letters w e r e often inscribed, n o t least because c o m ­
m u n i c a t i o n s (particularly l a u d a t o r y ones) from the e m p e r o r w e r e highly
prized, a n d practical benefits aside, the k n o w n fact o f imperial f a v o u r
1 5 5
increased a t o w n ' s h o n o u r . A n e m p e r o r c o u l d h o n o u r a city b y a s s u m ­
ing, in absentia, a local magistracy o r priesthood. 156
A n d however expen­
sive that rarest o f events, an imperial visit, it w a s highly honorific for the
1 5 7
city. T h e e m p e r o r c o u l d dangle before cities those h o n o u r s u p o n
w h i c h he relied every d a y at R o m e b y b e s t o w i n g t h e m u p o n cities' fre­
1 5 8
q u e n t embassies: they m i g h t be a d m i t t e d first, o r invited to d i n n e r .
It is possible to see the R o m a n e m p e r o r using h o n o u r s to rule the cities
o f his empire. C o m m o d u s w r o t e to B u b o n , a city in Lycia:

I praised you for your zeal and bravery . . . that you hastened with such great
enthusiasm to the arrest of the bandits, overcoming them, killing some, and cap­
turing others. On this account the council of the province of Lycia acted rightly
in rendering you appropriate honour and the right to one vote beforehand [sc. in
the provincial council], with the result that you became more glorious yourselves
and made even others more zealous for such acts of virtue. I myself ratified the
vote of the council and bestowed upon you the right to be counted, hencefor­
ward, among the cities with three votes.

1 5 2
Imperial names, Galsterer-Kroll (1972), with a magnificent catalogue; granted by
emperor, M c C . & W . 461; ILS 705; Dio 5 4 . 2 3 . 7 - 8 (by act of the senate, iv pipci rip,rjz). Still
desired in the late 4th cent., Lib. Or. 2 0 . 4 6 . Tarsus, IGR i. 133; and her coins add other impe­
rial cognomina as well, Galsterer-Kroll no. 495.
1 5 3
Cities increasingly grant titles to themselves, Dio 54. 23. 8. Other tides, Robert
(i977fl)> passim; Harl (1987), 2 2 , 6 8 ; and a conspectus, Ziegler (1985), 164. T h e Greek pursuit
of city tides (as opposed to imperial cognomina) was viewed with some mirth in the W e s t
(D. C h r . 38. 3 8 ) , and titles are rarer there, but b y no means unknown: e.g. CIL iii. 1456,
metropolis; Galsterer-Kroll (1972), nos. 2 3 , 4 7 , 5 4 , splendidissima; no. 92, fidelis; no. 141, clar­
itas; and see Rives ( 1 9 9 5 : 1 3 5 - 8 ) on the theophoric titles of North African towns.
1 5 4
Gk Const. 160 with J . Keil (1932), 25.
1 5 5
Communications, IGR iv. 1 7 5 6 . 1 2 4 - 5 . Imperial favour, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 4 9 .
1 5 6
Liebenam (1900), 261 n. 4; Robert (1938), 1 4 4 - 5 0 ; (1946a), 52; and esp. Gk. Const. 87.
1 5 7
Athanasius, de Incarn. Verb. 9; and visits are celebrated on coins, Harl (1987), 5 3 - 8 .
1 5 8
Suet. Nero 22.3; Gk. Const. 2 4 6 . 3 6 - 9 ; cf. D . C h r . 4 0 . 1 3 - 1 5 . Attention to such details
lives on in China. 'The Prime Minister received Martin Lee and then saw him to the door
of N o . 10 T h e Chinese saw this as a mark of approval for which there was no precedent.
N o H o n g Kong Chinese had ever before been bid farewell at the d o o r / Newhouse (1993),
97-
i8
3
The Emperor

A s the e m p e r o r indicates, augmentation o f a city's voting rights in the

council o f the L y c i a n league w a s honorific. S u c h an h o n o u r e n c o u r a g e d
b e h a v i o u r useful to the e m p e r o r , the h u n t i n g d o w n o f bandits. T h e
L y c i a n league h a d given B u b o n the right to cast a vote first: the e m p e r o r
praised the city a n d ranked it with those cities w h i c h h a d three votes;
1 5 9
n o w , w i t h a n y luck, even m o r e bandits w o u l d b e h u n t e d . Elsewhere
too the e m p e r o r can b e seen h o n o u r i n g cities w h i c h h a d given satisfac­
tion. A large contribution o f m o n e y to the imperial treasury from
N i c o p o l i s ad I s t r u m b r o u g h t high praise from Septimius Severus: ' Y o u
have s h o w n the m o s t shining enthusiasm in y o u r decree. Y o u h a v e
demonstrated that y o u are well-disposed t o w a r d s us a n d reverent m e n
1 6 0
a n d keen that w e should think well o f y o u / T h e same emperor per­
mitted cities w h i c h h a d assisted h i m in the w a r against N i g e r to take the
title 'Severan', chief a m o n g t h e m N i c o m e d i a ; a n d the coveted title o f
metropolis w a s stripped from A n t i o c h , an o p p o n e n t , a n d transferred to
161
Laodicea, a s u p p o r t e r . S m y r n a w a s a veritable m u s e u m o f imperial
h o n o u r s , w h i c h w e r e called 'an exhortation to foreigners'—that is, visi­
tors w o u l d b e inspired b y the h o n o u r s S m y r n a h a d received from the
1 6 2
e m p e r o r to act so that their cities w o u l d receive such h o n o u r s as w e l l .
' M a n y w e r e the great deeds o f y o u r forefathers,' w r o t e Julian to A t h e n s in
6
time o f civil w a r , adding that he d e s i r e d not to b e thought to b e h o n o u r ­
ing o n e city m o r e than others in the matters in w h i c h they c o m p e t e b y
recalling these things a n d balancing t h e m against one another, n o r to
gain a n advantage, praising those that p r o v e d inferior less, as the rhetori­
1 6 3
cians d o . ' H e h a d to d e n y the intention because such c o n d u c t w a s
expected o f e m p e r o r s . T o c o n f i r m A l e x a n d r i a in its opposition to its
exiled b i s h o p , the quarrelsome A t h a n a s i u s , C o n s t a n t i u s w r o t e , 'I m u s t
rank y o u a m o n g the few, o r rather m u s t glorify y o u alone before the oth­
ers, for the great virtue a n d w i s d o m . . . y o u r deeds p r o c l a i m , w h i c h are
1 6 4
h y m n e d t h r o u g h nearly the w h o l e w o r l d . ' Cassius D i o c o u l d look b a c k
over t w o centuries o f empire a n d c o m e to the conclusion that e n c o u r a g -

1 5 9
Bubon, Schindler (1972), no. 2, T€I/LH)I> . . . ivSo^orepoi.
1 6 0
Gk. Const. 217. 2 1 - 4 .
1 6 1
Nicomedia's assistance, Herod. 3. 2. 9; names assumed, Magie (1950), 1540 n. 21; as a
reward for Nicomedia, Robert (1977a), 28. Antioch and Laodicea, Herod. 3. 3. 3-5 with
Ziegler (1978:494-5), among other punishments and rewards. For the political use of grant­
ing towns imperial names and other titles, in 2nd- and 3rd-cent. Cilicia, Ziegler (1985),
67-120.
1 6 2
Smyrna, Aristid. 19. 8 (Behr). Cf. Tac. Hist. 1. 65; Aristid. 2 3 . 7 9 (Behr).
1 6 3
Julian, ad Ath. 26Sb-c.
1 6 4
Athanasius, Apol. ad Const. 30 ( = PG 25. 633), vfids 8e fie xpy per oXiywv Tdrreiv,

fidXXov Be fxovovs irpo ra>v dXXcov acfivvveiv.

 The Emperor 139

ing rivalry b e t w e e n the cities b y granting a n d w i t h h o l d i n g titles created

1 6 5
m o r e p r o b l e m s than it s o l v e d . B u t his w a s a v o i c e in the wilderness; the
e m p e r o r s after his time h o n o u r e d cities w i t h at least the enthusiasm o f
their predecessors. S o natural w a s this m e t h o d o f rulership that w h e n
rivalry between cities b e c a m e such a p r o b l e m that an e m p e r o r h a d to
intervene, that e m p e r o r 'sent a letter undertaking that he w o u l d d e e m
that city the m o s t excellent a n d best w h i c h w a s the first willingly to p r a c ­
tise h a r m o n y ' . T h a t is, even rivalry w a s regulated b y an appeal to that
1 6 6
same r i v a l r y .

Dishonouring
T h o s e an e m p e r o r insulted m i g h t kill h i m . N e r o w a s conspired against,
a n d C a l i g ul a a n d Caracalla slain, b y those w h o s e h o n o u r they h a d
1 6 7
c r u s h e d with their o w n . A n e m p e r o r m u s t b e circumspect, the histo­
168
rians note, a n d n o t insult people n e e d l e s s l y . T h u s in the elaboration o f
imperial c e r e m o n y lay a potential d a n g er to imperial rule: w h e n degrees
o f h o n o u r w e r e so precisely distinguished, it w a s so m u c h easier to
offend. W i t n e s s the v i v i d fury o f a f o u r t h - c e n t u r y grandee o n an e m b a s s y
to the usurper M a x i m u s , subjected to the insult o f an interview in the
consistory. ' W h y d o y o u w a n t to kiss s o m e o n e y o u don't k n o w ? ' he
s n a p p e d at the e m p e r o r w h o h a d risen to greet h i m , 'for if y o u k n e w w h o
I w a s y o u w o u l d not see m e in this place!' T h i s w a s exactly the type o f
solecism that c o u l d create a d a n g e r o u s e n e m y . L u c k i l y the outspoken
a m b a s s a d o r w a s n o m a n o f the s w o r d , b u t a b i s h o p , the tempestuous
1 6 9
Ambrose.
A n imperial insult di d n o t h a v e to b e a mistake; it c o u l d b e fully inten­
tional, to punish, destroy, o r expose those w h o h a d displeased. L e p i d u s ,
A u g u s t u s ' f o r m e r colleague in the triumvirate, the e m p e r o r

insulted at various times in various ways. He ordered him to come into the city
from the country when he did not want to, and he always took him along to the
senate, that he might incur the greatest mockery and insult, both with regard to
the collapse of his power and of his prestige. He treated him with contempt, and
170
especially called upon him to vote last among the consulars.

1 6 5 1 6 6
Dio 5 2 . 3 7 . 1 0 . Aristid. 2 3 . 7 3 , and see 27. 45 (Behr).
1 6 7
Above, C h . 1 n. 50.
1 6 8 b a
T a c . Ann. 2 . 3 6 , 3 . 5 2 , 5 4 ; Dio 5 2 . 3 3 . 7 , echoing advice in Arist. Pol. I 3 i 4 - i 5 . In prac­
tice, T a c . Ann. 1 1 . 2 5 ; Dio 56. 2 5 . 4 .
1 6 9
A m b r . Ep. 2 4 . 3 -
1 7 0
Dio 5 4 . 1 5 . 4 - 5 , OTTCOS on 7rA€iOTr)v Kai x^€vaaiav Kai vfipiv npos TC TT)V rrjs laxvos
Kai irpos rr)v rrjs d£ia»a€a>s' p,€Taf$oAr)v dtpAioKavrj. For asking opinion last among the con­
sulars 'ignominiae causa', Suet. Claud. 9. 2; cf. Dio 59. 8 . 4 - 6 .
140 The Emperor

C o n s i d e r the fates o f m e n w h o h a d b e e n H a d r i a n ' s friends. A m o n g the

v i c t i m s o f confiscation, proscription, a n d c o m p u l s o r y suicide w a s o n e
H e l i o d o r u s , w h o s e ruin b y H a d r i a n w a s e n c o m p a s s e d , w e are told, b y his
1 7 1
being 'assailed w i t h the m o s t slanderous w r i t i n g s ' . T o be forbidden the
imperial presence w a s another insult: A u g u s t u s b a r r e d the historian
T i m a g e n e s , T i b e r i u s d i d the s a m e to Piso, a n d other e m p e r o r s acted
similarly t o w a r d s those w h o displeased them, d o w n t h r o u g h the fourth
1 7 2
century A D . A n d always, there w e r e dinners. T h o s e o u t o f f a v o u r c o u l d
b e insulted b y n o t being invited, b y b e i n g abused b y the e m p e r o r at table,
173
or b y being seated beneath their s t a t i o n . The fifth-century emperor
M a j o r i a n used a d i n n e r to h u m b l e the ex-prefect Paeonius, w h o h a d been
slandering the h i g h - b o r n S i d o n i u s A p o l l i n a r i s (also present, a n d from
w h o m w e h a v e the story). B y this date, n o t o n l y w a s seating at imperial
dinners b y r a n k o f h o n o u r , b u t so w a s conversation, the e m p e r o r direct­
ing r e m a r k s first to the consul seated in the m o s t h o n o u r a b l e place, then
to the consular seated next, a n d so in descending order. B u t w h e n
M a j o r i a n reached Paeonius, he passed h i m o v e r in f a v o u r o f one
A t h e n i u s , seated b e l o w h i m . T h i s w a s a slight, p r e s u m a b l y intended to
s h o w his displeasure. Paeonius c o u l d n o t bear the insult: he a n s w e r e d the
question set to A t h e n i u s , pretending it w a s for h i m . T h i s w a s , in turn, a
slight to A t h e n i u s : n o w Paeonius h a d insulted t w o great m e n . T h e
e m p e r o r w a s equal to the crisis: he l a u g h e d at Paeonius. T h i s insulted
Paeonius, a n d h o n o u r e d A t h e n i u s . T h e n the rest o f the diners t u r n e d
u p o n the ex-prefect, a n d , w i t h the e m p e r o r ' s c o n t i n u e d help, t h o r o u g h l y
humiliated h i m . T h e o u t c o m e w a s g l o r y for S i d o n i u s a n d d i s h o n o u r for
Paeonius. In the vestibule, Paeonius b e g g e d S i d o n i u s ' p a r d o n . T h u s the
174
e m p e r o r settled a conflict between t w o great n o t a b l e s .
T h e e m p e r o r ' s terrible scorn c o u l d b e directed also at cities w h i c h dis­
pleased. In AD 154 the inhabitants o f B a r c a in L i b y a , o f old the rivals o f
C y r e n e , sent their o w n representatives to the C a p i t o l i n e festival in R o m e .

1 7 1
HA Hadr. 15. 5; these writings are perhaps to be identified with Hadrian's letters to
men's home cities stating that they did not please him, Dio 69. 23. 2. For an imperial letter
of abuse, Julian, Ep. 82 (Bidez), where the emperor observes that he is publishing it (446b);
cf. Lib. Or. 1 8 . 1 9 8 . A n d for other insults used as policy, Suet. Vesp. 5 . 3 ; Philostr. VA 5 . 3 8 .
1 7 2
O n imperial renunciation of friendship, R. S. Rogers (1959), with evidence down to
the 4th cent. Timagenes, Sen. Ira 3 . 2 3 . 4 - 8 ; Tiberius and Piso, Tac. Ann. 3 . 1 2 . See especially
for Tiberius, Bauman (1974), 1 0 9 - 1 3 , 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 1 2 4 - 8 : renuntiatio amicitiaecovld signal the cir­
cling sharks to bring maiestas charges or other forms of prosecution.
1 7 3
Invitation, A r r . Epict. 4 . 1 . 4 8 ; abuse, Suet. Claud. 8; Sen. Const. 1 8 . 2 ; seating, ibid. 15.
1; and for insulting tableware, Plut. Galba 1 2 . 2 - 3 ; Tac. Hist. 1. 48 (to punish the thief of a
precious cup).
1 7 4
Sid. Ep. 1 . 1 1 ; for laughter as an insult, see HA Sev. Alex. 1 8 . 1 .
 The Emperor 141

T h e e m p e r o r p r o m p t l y m o v e d to squash t h e m , writing: 'I a m a m a z e d

that y o u w h o h a v e never hitherto sent a delegation o r shared in the s a c ­
rifice n o w for the first time send representation to this c o n t e s t ! . . . A n d
k n o w : m a k i n g innovations o f this t y p e brings u p o n cities the charge o f
contentiousness!' I m a g i n e the acute pleasure o f the inhabitants o f C y r e n e
at this: they inscribed the emperor's letter in their o w n city so that they
c o u l d glory for ever in the humiliation o f a rival. C y r e n e w a s greater in
175
the w o r l d because B a r c a w a s l e s s e r . T w o centuries later, v e x e d b y the
A n t i o c h e n e s ' raillery at h i m a n d their opposition to his attempt to c o n ­
trol prices, the bearded e m p e r o r Julian p e n n e d a satire o n the city, the
Misopogon ( ' T h e Beard-hater'; it survives), a n d threatened to w i n t e r in
T a r s u s , a rival o f A n t i o c h ' s . T h i s d o u b l e b l o w b r o u g h t the citizens o f
1 7 6
A n t i o c h to their senses, as L i b a n i u s o b s e r v e d . F o r if an imperial visit
w a s honorific, ostentatious departure, o r refusal to visit, w a s humiliating.
T h u s di d M a r c u s A u r e l i u s punish C y r r h u s , native city a n d ardent s u p ­
1 7 7
porter o f the rebel A v i d i u s C a s s i u s . T h e e m p e r o r could also punish b y
depriving cities o f their titles: w h a t an a g o n y for N i c a e a , after long years
o f rivalry w i t h N i c o m e d i a , to lose the title 'first', for s u p p o r t i n g N i g e r
against Septimius Severus; w h a t an a g o n y for A n t i o c h to lose the h o n o u r
of being a metropolis for insulting T h e o d o s i u s ' s t a t u e s . 178

Cassius Dio and Tacitus on Imperial Insults

T h e imperial historians offer a pair o f instances w h i c h b r o a d l y illustrate
the perceived i m p o r t a n c e o f strategic insult to the emperor's rule. A s
Cassius D i o describes it, w h e n T i b e r i u s h a d w i t h d r a w n into isolation o n
C a p r i a n d his minister Sejanus w a s p o w e r f u l at R o m e , the e m p e r o r c a m e
to fear for his position because 'both the senators a n d the others treated
1 7 9
[Sejanus] as if h e w e r e e m p e r o r , a n d held T i b e r i u s in c o n t e m p t ' . Yet
he c o u l d not act o p e n l y against Sejanus because the prefect c o m m a n d e d
the loyalty o f the praetorian g u a r d a n d d o m i n a t e d the senate, 'by b e n e ­
factions, b y hopes, a n d b y fear'; he h a d even transferred the loyalty o f

1 7 5
Barca, Gk. Const. 124 (trans, adapted from Oliver, Gk. Const., accepting Oliver's
(1979) reading; for another reading, Reynolds (1978), 114). Cf. Gk. Const. 6; Philostr. VA 4.
33; Dio 69. 8. la; Julian, Ep. 60 (Bidez).
1 7 6
Circumstances of the Misopogon* A m m . Marc. 2 2 . 1 4 . 2 - 3 . Threat to winter in Tarsus,
A m m . Marc. 23. 2 . 4 - 5 ; Lib. Or. 16. 53-4. Success of Julian's tactics, Lib. Or. 1 5 . 5 7 - 9 ; Z o s . 3 .
11.5.
1 7 7
HA Marcus 2 5 . 1 2 ; cf. 2 5 . 1 1 , among Antioch's punishments.
1 7 8
Nicaea, Robert (1977a), 2 4 - 5 . Theodosius and Antioch, Lib. Or. 20. 6 - 7 , 2 3 . 2 6 - 7 .
1 7 9
Dio 5 8 . 4 . 1 , Tificpiov iv oXiyatpia 7Toi€io6ai. Sejanus' excessive prestige, Dio 5 7 . 2 1 . 3 -
4 , 5 8 . 2 . 7 - 8 , 5 8 . 5 . 1 - 5 ; and see p. 5 2 above.
142 The Emperor

180
Tiberius' familiars to h i m s e l f . A s D i o sees it, the overt reins o f p o w e r
w e r e all in Sejanus' hands. A l l T i b e r i u s h a d left w a s his h o n o u r , a n d that
is w h a t he used to deliver himself. T h e e m p e r o r sent frequent letters from
C a p r i , s o m e praising Sejanus a n d s o m e attacking h i m , s o m e h o n o u r i n g
Sejanus' creatures, others d i s h o n o u r i n g them. T h u s the R o m a n s 'could
neither a d m i r e Sejanus a n y longer, n o r h o l d h i m in contempt', a n d so
T i b e r i u s w a s able to reduce Sejanus' o v e r w e e n i n g prestige w i t h o u t s t a m ­
1 8 1
p e d i n g his p o w e r f u l lieutenant into o p e n r e v o l t . W i t h Sejanus w e a k ­
ened, T i b e r i u s increased the p r o p o r t i o n o f insults, insults w h i c h included
leaving Sejanus' titles o u t o f a letter to the senate, forbidding sacrifices to
be m a d e to mortals (obviously directed at Sejanus, since people w e r e sac­
rificing to h i m ) , a n d forbidding the consideration o f h o n o u r s for himself,
this also being interpreted as an attack o n Sejanus, because it necessarily
1 8 2
precluded h o n o u r s for h i m as w e l l . T h u s 'people began to h o l d h i m in
contempt', b e g a n to slight h i m a n d a v o i d h i m , a n d T i b e r i u s w a s able to
183
have h i m arrested on the floor o f the s e n a t e .
T h e m o d e r n m i n d is puzzled at so strange an analysis o f the w o r k i n g s
o f politics. F r o m Dio's narrative w e can, naturally, pick o u t m o r e explic­
able elements: T i b e r i u s ' eventual attack o n Sejanus' prospects b y indicat­
ing that he intended C a l i g u l a — p o p u l a r w i t h the plebs as the son o f
G e r m a n i c u s — t o succeed h i m ; a n d his attack o n Sejanus' p o w e r to h u r t
1 8 4
b y publicly thwarting a prosecution Sejanus h a d a h a n d i n . B u t to
Dio's m i n d the m a i n thrust o f Tiberius' policy w a s to b r i n g Sejanus into
c o n t e m p t , first b y insulting h i m a n d eventually, w h e n he h a d w o r n h i m
d o w n , also b y humiliating demonstrations o f his weakness. A d d i c t e d to
looking t h r o u g h appearances to the realities o f p o w e r beneath, w e are
surprised to see p o w e r dependent on, a n d attacked t h r o u g h , a p p e a r ­
ances. W e m a y even c o n c l u d e that Cassius D i o is deceiving himself; b u t
certainly this is w h a t he thinks w a s g o i n g on.
It w o u l d b e interesting to k n o w if T a c i t u s ' understanding o f the fall o f
Sejanus w a s similar to Cassius Dio's; alas, that part o f the Annals is lost.
But T a c i t u s e m p l o y s v e r y similar logic in his description o f the struggle
o f the e m p e r o r N e r o w i t h the Stoic senator T h r a s e a Paetus, w h i c h he r e p ­
185
resents as a battle o f i n s u l t s . In AD 5 9 , T h r a s e a fired the o p e n i n g salvo

1 8 0
Dio 58. 4. 2, T O pcev evepycoiais TO 8c CXTTIOI TO 8C Kal <pof$a).
1 8 1
Dio 58. 6. 3 - 5 , quoted 5, Kal /Lojre TOV Eeiavov davp^d^civ CTI 77 Kal KaTatppovciv
€\OVT€S.
1 8 2 1 8 3
Dio 58. 8 . 3 - 4 . Dio 58. 9 . 1 , KaT€(pp6vrjoav; Sejanus' fall, 58. 9 - 1 0 .
1 8 4
Dio 58. 8 . 1 - 3 .
1 8 5
O n this whole affair, Rudich (1993), passim; MacMullen (1966), 2 1 - 8 1 ; and on the
legal aspects, Bauman (1974), 1 5 3 - 7 .
 The Emperor 143

in this conflict b y walking o u t o f the senate w h e n it w a s voting, at N e r o ' s

behest, to c o n d e m n the m e m o r y o f the emperor's m o t h e r A g r i p p i n a ,
w h o m N e r o h a d just m u r d e r e d . In the next y e a r T h r a s e a refused to cheer
1 8 6
at the Juvenalia, g a m e s in w h i c h N e r o p e r f o r m e d . T h e s e events w e r e
w o r t h recording because they constituted an attack o n N e r o ' s h o n o u r ,
signifying the disapproval o f a m a n great in dignity, for T h r a s e a w a s (as
Cassius D i o puts it) ' a m o n g the foremost in family, wealth, a n d every
virtue'. A S t o i c philosopher, as C a t o the Y o u n g e r h a d been before h i m ,
he w a s especially distinguished for his m o r a l excellence; 'virtue itself,
1 8 7
T a c i t u s calls h i m .
T w o years later T h r a s e a struck another b l o w . T h e praetor Antistius
had c o m p o s e d s o m e insulting verses a b o u t the e m p e r o r , a n d w a s p r o s e ­
cuted u n d e r the maiestas statute; this, it w a s believed, ' m o r e to seek glo­
ria for the e m p e r o r than death for Antistius', for N e r o w a s expected to
1 8 8
veto Antistius' c o n d e m n a t i o n b y using his tribunician p o w e r . Seneca
had u r g e d N e r o to seek glory from clemency, b u t staging opportunities
1 8 9
w a s h a r d l y w h a t he h a d in m i n d . T h e senators all played their part in
this farce a n d u r g e d that Antistius b e c o n d e m n e d to death—all, that is,
except T h r a s e a Paetus w h o , prefacing his r e m a r k s w i t h an e n c o m i u m
u p o n N e r o a n d an attack u p o n Antistius, u r g e d instead b a n i s h m e n t to an
island. W h e n a division w a s called, 'the independence o f T h r a s e a r u p ­
tured the servility o f the others', a n d Thrasea's m o t i o n w a s carried. T h i s
w a s a serious matter; h a r d l y an overt insult, b u t coerced h o n o u r b e c o m e s
m o c k e r y if a n y o n e dares to laugh, a n d T h r a s e a w a s m a k i n g a great p r o ­
duction of h o l d i n g b a c k a jeer. T o save N e r o ' s face, the consuls refused to
complete the formalities o f the senatorial decree, a n d w r o t e to N e r o
i n f o r m i n g h i m o f the v o t e o f the house; N e r o , in turn, w a s 'held between
s h a m e a n d anger', not because his ruse h a d been f o u n d o u t (it w a s n o t
concealed) b u t because s o m e o n e h a d called h i m o n it. H e w r o t e , finally,
insisting that the senate w a s free to vote as it liked, a n d that he h a d
intended to p a r d o n Antistius a n y w a y . T h e decree stood: the senate c o u l d
not reverse itself w i t h o u t seeming to jeer in earnest; T h r a s e a w o u l d n o t
w i t h d r a w his proposal because o f 'his usual firmness a n d unwillingness
1 9 0
to destroy the glory' he h a d g a i n e d .
S o , to T a c i t u s , this w a s a battle o v e r glory; a n d N e r o ' s response, in the
next year, c a m e in the f o r m of insult: forbidding T h r a s e a to c o m e w h e n

1 8 6
T a c . Ann. 1 4 . 1 2 , 1 6 . 21; cf. Dio 6i(62L). 15. 2 and 20. 4. A t some (unknown) point in
his career Thrasea also composed a Cato (Plut. Cato Min. 2 5 . 1 and 3 7 . 1 ) .
1 8 7 1 8 8
Dio 62. 2 6 . 1 ; Tac. Ann. 16. 21. T a c . Ann. 1 4 . 4 8 - 9 (AD 6 2 ) .
1 8 9 1 9 0
Above, n. 62. T a c . Ann. 14. 49, gloria.
144 The Emperor

the senate repaired to A n t i u m to congratulate N e r o ' s empress, P o p p a e a ,

u p o n the birth o f a child. Thrasea's attack o n N e r o ' s h o n o u r w a s thus
1 9 1
reciprocated in k i n d . Perhaps in reaction to this, T h r a s e a b o y c o t t e d
meetings o f the senate entirely, thus insulting N e r o further b y be ing
absent for the v o t e o f divine h o n o u r s to P o p p a e a w h e n she died in AD 65,
a n d for the trials o f Silanus a n d V e t u s , in w h i c h the e m p e r o r h a d an inter­
est. B y 66 T h r a s e a w a s refusing publicly to v o w o r sacrifice for N e r o ' s
1 9 2
health. T h e remarks attributed b y T a c i t u s to an e n e m y o f T h r a s e a ,
intended to w h i p u p N e r o against h i m , indicate the nature o f the threat
that the historian thought T h r a s e a p o s e d to the emperor: 'Just as o n c e
u p o n a time this strife-loving city talked a b o u t C a e s a r a n d C a t o , n o w it
talks o f y o u , N e r o , a n d T h r a s e a . H e has h a n g e r s - o n a n d partisans w h o
imitate . . . his aspect a n d bearing: they are stern a n d unsmiling, so as to
castigate y o u r m o r a l laxity T h e gazette o f the R o m a n people is read
m i n u t e l y t h r o u g h the provinces a n d the a r m y in o r d e r to find o u t w h a t
T h r a s e a has not done.' T o T a c i t u s , Thrasea's actions posed a threat n o t
least because they w e r e broadcasting N e r o ' s h o n o u r - d e s t r o y i n g vices to
the w o r l d , a n d Thrasea's c o n d u c t p o s e d an unbearable threat to the
193
emperor's dignitas.
N e r o ' s response to Thrasea's actions w a s consistent w i t h his p r e v i o u s
c o n d u c t : another insult. T h r a s e a w a s forbidden to attend the c r o w n i n g o f
K i n g Tiridates o f A r m e n i a . H e k n e w that charges w e r e being p r e p a r e d
against h i m as well. B u t N e r o d i d n o t w a n t h i m dead. A note from
T h r a s e a delivered at the c e r e m o n y w a s o p e n e d eagerly, T a c i t u s imagines,
'in the h o p e that in terror he h a d written s o met h i n g w h i c h w o u l d elevate
the f a m e o f the e m p e r o r , a n d d a m a g e his o w n repute'. W h a t N e r o
y e a r n e d for, it seemed to T a c i t u s , w a s a clear v i c t o r y over the h o n o u r o f
T h r a s e a . A l l T h r a s e a h a d to d o w a s a d m i t he w a s w r o n g , to humiliate
himself. M u c h better for N e r o ' s h o n o u r that the great T h r a s e a abase h i m ­
self a n d praise than that T h r a s e a die. B u t Thrasea's note enquired w h a t
he w a s charged with, a n d asked permission for rebuttal; the note c o u l d
easily b e construed as insolence. N e r o o rd ered the senate c o n v e n e d for
1 9 4
Thrasea's t r i a l .
N o w , says T a c i t u s , there w a s a meeting o f Thrasea's friends at his
house. W h a t w a s to b e done? S h o u l d T h r a s e a defend himself before the
senate? ' H e c o u l d say nothing b u t w h a t w o u l d increase his p r e s t i g e . . . let
1 9 1
T a c . Ann. 15. 23, contumelia (AD 63, soon after reconciled).
1 9 2 1 9 3
Ibid. 1 6 . 2 1 - 2 (AD 66); cf. Dio 62. 2 6 . 3 - 4 . Quoted, Tac. Ann. 16. 2 2 .
1 9 4
Ibid. 16. 24, 'per quae claritudinem principis extolleret suamque famam dehon-
estaret*. For over-prestigious aristocrats humiliating themselves to save their lives see n. 21
above.
 The Emperor 145

the people see a m a n face death, let the senate hear w o r d s m o r e than
h u m a n — a s if spoken b y a g o d ! Perhaps N e r o himself m i g h t b e m o v e d b y
1 9 5
the astonishing a c t . ' In other w o r d s , T h r a s e a m i g h t o v e r c o m e N e r o b y
1 9 6
sheer w e i g h t o f h o n o u r ; 'shame for his crimes m i g h t seize h i m ' . The
battle o f h o n o u r that T h r a s e a h a d declared seven years before, T a c i t u s
has his friends say, could still be w o n : the philosopher should fight it o u t
in the great arena o f aristocratic o p i n i o n , the R o m a n senate; N e r o c o u l d
b e humiliated a n d forced to b a c k d o w n . B u t there w a s a c o u n t e r ­
a r g u m e n t . A trial before the senate w o u l d necessarily involve ' m o c k e r y
and insults'—attacks, in other w o r d s , u p o n Thrasea's h o n o u r . A n d the
battle c o u l d not, in the end, b e w o n , because N e r o w a s so d e p r a v e d that
he s i m p l y c o u l d n o t b e embarrassed. Thrasea's o w n h o n o u r , a n d rever­
ence for that o f the senate ( w h i c h w o u l d otherwise disgrace itself b y c o n ­
1 9 7
victing h i m ) , d e m a n d e d that he c o m m i t s u i c i d e . In T a c i t u s ' m i n d ,
N e r o w o u l d h a v e sided w i t h the first set o f advisers—the ones w h o
believed that N e r o could b e beaten: he t h o u g h t that he w a s in d a n g e r o f
losing this struggle, a n d the seriousness w i t h w h i c h he v i e w e d Thrasea's
threat is indicated b y his posting o f several praetorian cohorts a r o u n d the
f o r u m the next day; those b y the senate d o o r s w o r e togas, b u t m a d e n o
attempt to conceal their s w o r d s . T h e notorious delator M a r c e l l u s prose­
cuted, along w i t h C o s s u t i a n u s . T h e senators t o o k fright. T h r a s e a w a s
1 9 8
c o n d e m n e d , a n d u p o n being i n f o r m e d , c o m m i t t e d s u i c i d e .
T h e true motivations o f the m e n w h o a p p e a r as players in T a c i t u s '
d r a m a o f N e r o a n d T h r a s e a a n d C a s s i u s Dio's o f Tiberius a n d Sejanus are
ultimately u n k n o w a b l e . B u t the historians' a c c o u n t s offer a useful u n d e r ­
standing o f h o w t w o R o m a n senators o f great k n o w l e d g e a n d insight
t h o u g h t that politics u n d e r the e m p i r e w o r k e d . D e p r i v e d o f the s u p p o r t
o f his praetorians, the senate, even his friends, Dio's T i b e r i u s o v e r c o m e s
Sejanus with insults; in T a c i t u s ' case, force appears in defence o f i m p e r ­
ial h o n o u r , first to terrify T h r a s e a into self-humiliation, a n d finally w h e n
it looks as if the e m p e r o r might, b y losing a l o n g - d r a w n - o u t duel o f
insults, be b r o u g h t into c o n t e m p t . T o the historians force a n d h o n o u r are
intimately related, a n d an e m p e r o r needs b o t h to rule; w h e n o n e flags, the
other m u s t c o m e to the rescue.

1 9 5
Tac. Ann. 16. 25, 'nihil dicturum, nisi quo gloriam augeret\
1 9 6
Tac. Ann. 1 6 . 2 6 , pudor, extracting this suggestion from its denial in the contrary case.
Presumably they hoped for an outcome similar to Tiberius' being shamed out of a maiestas
prosecution by the prestigious Gnaeus Piso, Tac. Ann. 1 . 7 4 ; cf. Plut. Cato Min. 3 3 . 2 .
1 9 7
T a c . Ann. 16. 26, 'ludibria et contumelias'. Other authors also speculated that N e r o
had arrived at a state of contemptus omnis infamiae (Suet. Nero 3 9 . 3 ) ; see n. 4 above.
1 9 8
Denouement, Tac. Ann. 16. 2 7 - 3 5 .
146 The Emperor

Borrowing Honour
A s the struggle between N e r o a n d T h r a s e a indicates, the R o m a n senate,
at o n c e vastly distinguished b y tradition a n d also m a d e u p o f the m o s t
distinguished m e n in the R o m a n w o r l d , w a s a prodigiously p o w e r f u l
source o f h o n o u r a n d d i s h o n o u r in its o w n right. T h e e m p e r o r relied v e r y
heavily u p o n it to buttress his o w n regime o f h o n o u r , praising proteges
before it a n d calling u p o n it to b e s t o w (at his behest) the ancient h o n o u r s
o f the R e p u b l i c , t r i u m p h s (or, after A u g u s t u s , their o r n a m e n t s ) a n d
lesser military h o n o u r s u p o n successful generals, a n d also statues, the
ornamenta o f senatorial magistracies, a n d p u b l i c funerals. I n time, the
199
senate also c a m e to acclaim successful o f f i c i a l s . W h e n the senate
granted praetorian ornamenta to Claudius' freedman Pallas, the
emperor's w o r d s o f praise for h i m before the senate a n d the senate's o w n
resolution w e r e engraved o n a b r o n z e plaque affixed to a statue o f Julius
Caesar, a place w h e r e 'those in charge o f imperial affairs can b e incited to
imitation, a n d the e x a m p l e o f Pallas' p r o v e n faith a n d incorruptibility
200
m a y inspire zeal for h o n o u r a b l e e m u l a t i o n ' . G r a n t i n g a freedman such
h o n o u r s w a s outrageous, b u t the decree indicates h o w the senate's h o n ­
ours w e r e expected to help the e m p e r o r rule the empire.
Similarly, although the e m p e r o r himself could a n d did punish
malfeasant officials a n d those he considered his enemies, h e c o u l d p r o ­
tect his reputation b y m a k i n g the senate p e r f o r m this invidious f u n c ­
2 0 1
tion. T h e senate's brief to punish peccant g o v e r n o r s has excited the
derision o f c o m m e n t a t o r s , first for the senators' unwillingness to c o n v i c t
the o b v i o u s l y guilty, and, also, w h e n the evidence w a s o v e r w h e l m i n g , for
the triviality o f their punishments: ' M a r i u s in exile drinks a n d rejoices
from the eighth h o u r , while the gods rage, a n d y o u , O P r o v i n c e , w h o w o n
2 0 2
the suit, w e e p . ' B u t justice lay as m u c h in the proceedings as in the sen­
tence. Trials in the R o m a n w o r l d h a d always engaged a n d endangered the

1 9 9
Prestige of the senate, see above, C h . 2 n. 208. Imperial praise before the senate, Pliny,
Paneg. 7 0 . 1 - 5 ; HA Pert. 2. 8-9; Gord. 27. 4 - 8 . Honours granted by the imperial senate,
Talbert (1984), 3 6 2 - 7 1 ; still in the 5th cent, described as the 'iustus arbiter dignitatum', ILS
1284. For honouring at imperial behest, esp. Dio 60. 23. 2 - 3 ; Suet. Aug. 3 8 . 1 . Statues voted
by senate, Lahusen (1983), 1 0 0 - 3 ; for their value Dio 75(76!.). 1 4 . 7 ; see also Pliny, Ep. 2.7.1.
Acclamations, HA Claud. 1 8 . 2 - 3 (showing 4th-cent. practice).
200 p i y £p m 6> t *studium tarn honestae aemulationis'.
#

2 0 1 s1
Suggested, Dio 5 2 . 3 1 . 3 - 4 , echoing Arist. Pol. 1315 . In practice, Dio 5 8 . 1 6 . 3 , 5 8 . 2 4 . 2.
For proceedings before the senate, Talbert (1984), 460-80.
2 0 2
Juv. 1 . 4 9 - 5 0 . Extortion proceedings, Talbert (1984), 5 0 7 - 1 0 ; Brunt (1961).
 The Emperor 147
203
h o n o u r o f the l i t i g a n t s . T h i s w a s d o u b l y true o f trials before the sen­
ate, the echo c h a m b e r o f aristocratic opinion, the b o d y before w h i c h ,
a b o v e all, h o n o u r w a s gained o r lost. Characteristic o f the senate's special
h o n o u r w a s the m e t h o d selected for p u n i s h i n g those o f its m e m b e r s ,
especially delators, w h o acted vilely u n d e r N e r o a n d Vitellius: each sena­
tor w a s called u p o n in the senate-house to swear o p e n l y that he h a d c o n ­
tributed to n o m a n ' s peril, a n d h a d benefited in wealth o r office from n o
citizen's destruction. T h e guilty m u t t e r e d o r c h a n g e d the w o r d s o f the
204
oath, to their m o r t i f i c a t i o n . A t stake at a trial in the senate, as m u c h as
an official's fortune, w a s the g o o d o p i n i o n o f his social peers a n d superi­
o r s — h i s h o n o u r . A trial involved d a y s o f abusive rhetoric before an a u d i ­
ence o f those w h o s e o p i n i o n mattered most. T o b e c o n d e m n e d w a s to b e
205
j u d g e d a b a d m a n b y one's aristocratic peers: a w a y flew one's dignitas.
W h e n a senator w a s convicted o f extortion, P l i n y c o u l d a v o w that it w a s
a m o r e severe p u n i s h m e n t for h i m to b e stripped o f the right to d r a w lots
for p r o v i n c e s than to be t h r o w n o u t o f the senate entirely:

for what can be more wretched than for a man to be cut off from and forbidden
from the honours that accrue to senatorial rank, but not its work and bother; and
what more severe than for one blotted with such a disgrace not be allowed to lurk
in solitude, but rather to be offered up for inspection and pointed out, in the most
206
visible position possible?

' W h a t matters i n f a m y if the coins are safe?' asks Juvenal o f justice o f this
2 0 7
kind. B u t i n f a m y did matter, desperately. Suicide h a d always been an
accepted R o m a n w a y o f saving one's h o n o u r , o r escaping a life m a d e
2 0 8
intolerable b y s h a m e . A n d it w a s to suicide that a n u m b e r o f those
c h a r g e d before the senate, even if facing quite light p u n i s h m e n t s (so it
209
seems to u s ) , r e s o r t e d . T h e i r action recalls that o f the peculating
Japanese c o m p a n y executive t h r o w i n g himself before a speeding train
u p o n being f o u n d out. A l l h a v e suffered disastrous loss o f face.
The p o w e r o f the senate to r e w a r d the emperor's prot£g£s w i t h

2 0 3
Trials engage honour, Cic. Quinct. 99; Aul. Gel. 6 . 3 . 1 9 ; Fronto, ad M. Caes. 3 . 3 (van
den Hout); and esp., for a trial before Julian, Lib. Or. 1 8 . 1 8 4 .
2 0 4
T a c . Hist. 4 . 4 1 ; also, for the terrible power of the senate's disapproval, Cic. Piso 4 2 - 3 ,
4 5 , 9 9 ; cf. Suet. Tib. 47; HA Hadr. 3 . 1 .
2 0 5
Pliny, Ep. 5 . 1 3 . 2; Tac. Ann. 1 4 . 4 0 - 1 ; Sid. Ep. 1 . 7 . 1 3 . Fear of this, Dio 5 2 . 3 1 . 4 .
2 0 6
Pliny, Ep. 2 . 1 2 . 3 ; but see 4 . 9 as a corrective to this extreme view.
2 0 7
Juv. 1 . 4 8 , 'quid enim salvis infamia nummis?'
2 0 8
C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1. 4. 4; Suet. Tib. 61. 4; Pliny, Ep. 3 . 9; T a c . Hist. 4.11; Dig. 4 9 . 1 4 . 45. 2
(Paul).
2 0 9
Suicides, Brunt (1961), 2 2 4 - 7 ; to avoid vfipis and curia, Dio 5 8 . 1 5 . 2 - 4 , here deemed
more important than preservation of the estate, another motive for suicide.
148 The Emperor

h o n o u r s a n d to d i s h o n o u r his enemies w a s , o f course, a function o f the

senators' o w n c o r p o r a t e prestige. A n d this the e m p e r o r ' s o w n h o n o u r
a n d p o w e r c o u l d to s o m e degree raise o r l o w e r . It w a s not, therefore, o n l y
antiquarian feeling o r a n o d to the e m p e r o r ' s o w n constitutional legiti­
m a c y w h i c h e n c o u r a g e d the e m p e r o r s to ' h o n o u r ' the senate as a b o d y b y
attending its meetings in person, b y s h o w i n g elaborate respect for the
consuls a n d other magistrates, a n d b y t h r o w i n g o u t unsuitable mem­
2 1 0
bers. A R o m a n senate w i t h as m u c h c o r p o r a t e prestige as possible, p r e ­
p a r e d ( o r required) to w i e l d it in the e m p e r o r ' s interest, c o u l d b e t h o u g h t
a p o w e r f u l p r o p to the e m p e r o r , described, in O t h o ' s speech in T a c i t u s '
Histories, as 'the o r d e r b y w h o s e distinction a n d g l o r y w e attack the b a s e ­
211
ness a n d o b s c u r i t y o f Vitellius' s u p p o r t e r s ' .
N o r w a s it o n l y the R o m a n senate w h o s e h o n o u r the e m p e r o r p u t to
his o w n use. T o h o n o u r the sea captain L u c i u s Erastus, w h o h a d fre­
q u e n t l y transported provincial authorities a n d twice even the e m p e r o r
H a d r i a n himself, the e m p e r o r a r r a n g e d for h i m to b e a p p o i n t e d to the
c o u n c i l o f his h o m e place, the great city o f E p h e s u s . T h u s the e m p e r o r
c o u l d also use other cities' h o n o u r to r e w a r d those w h o p e r f o r m e d tasks
2 1 2
useful to h i m . B u t for the m o s t part, the b o r r o w i n g o f h o n o u r b e t w e e n
cities a n d the e m p e r o r ran the other w a y ; that is, a city, o r a p r o v i n c i a l
council, i n v o k e d the e m p e r o r ' s vast prestige to h o n o u r its o w n b e n e f a c ­
tors. I n the face o f h u g e benefactions, the h o n o u r s o f city a n d p r o v i n c e
c o u l d b e w h o l l y inadequate to m a k e return. O n l y the congratulations o f
213
the e m p e r o r w o u l d p r o v i d e 'a w o r t h y r e q u i t a l ' . T h u s the city w r o t e to
ask the e m p e r o r to h o n o u r their benefactor for t h e m , a n d the e m p e r o r
replied w i t h a gratifying b o o m :

Imperator Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrian Antoninus Augustus, son of the divine
Hadrian, grandson of the divine Trajan Parthicus, great-grandson of Nerva,
Pontifex Maximus, in the thirteenth year of his tribunician power (etc.), to the
magistrates, council, and people of the Ephesians, Greeting! You revealed to me
the lust for honour which Vedius Antonius displayed in his benefaction to you

2 1 0
Honouring the senate, Tac. Ann. 1 4 . 2 8 , 'auxitque patrum honorem'; Dio 66(65!,). 10.
6; HA Marcus 10. 2 - 9 ; Pert. 13. 2; Pan. Lat. 3 ( 1 1 ) . 24. 5, Veterem reddideris dignitatem'; Lib.
Or. 1 8 . 1 5 4 ; for more refs., A . Wallace-Hadrill (1982), 38 n. 43; cf. Cass. Var. 1 . 4 . 1 - 2 . Acts of
imperial respect for magistrates, Suet. Claud. 12; Pliny, Paneg. 77.4-5,93; Dio 5 7 . 1 1 . 3 , 6 9 . 7 .
1; Pan. Lat. 3(11). 3 0 . 2. Expelling the 'unworthy', Suet. Aug. 3 5 . 1 which restores the senate
to splendor ( = iaefivwcy Dio 5 6 . 4 1 . 3 ) ; cf. HA Hadr. 8 . 7 .
2 1 1
T a c . Hist. 1 . 8 4 , 'splendore et gloria'; cf. 2 . 3 2 .
2 1 2
Erastus, Gk. Const. 82a; cf. IKEph. v. 1488; and Philostr. VS 1. 2 2 (524) for a sophist
and imperial procurator appointed to the M u s e u m at Alexandria.
2 1 3
TAM ii. 905 col. 1 3 . 7 8 - 7 9 (ch. 53).
 The Emperor 149

although I already knew about it. He has already laid to his credit the favours he
got from me towards the eternal adornment of your city. Flavius Titianus, my
214
procurator, sent your decree.

T h e provincial c o u n c i l o f L y c i a repeatedly reflects o n the efficacy o f s u c h

215
imperial letters in e n c o u r a g i n g further b e n e f a c t i o n s . T h e emperor's
h o n o u r w a s great, ideally greater than a n y individual's, b u t n o t necessar­
ily greater than that o f the senate o r the greatest cities o f the e m p i r e . T h u s
he called u p o n others to h o n o u r for h i m , a n d others similarly called u p o n
h i m . Imperial relations o f h o n o u r i n g w e r e n o t m e r e l y bilateral; rather,
the e m p e r o r participated, from a position o f great (but not unparalleled)
strength in a vast n e t w o r k o f h o n o u r i n g w h i c h e n c o m p a s s e d the entire
empire.

Honour and the Emperor's Bounty

T o w h a t extent are w e to believe in this idyllic picture o f an imperial rule
as dependent u p o n pride a n d s h a m e as it is o n fear a n d greed? T o pull
apart this vision it is useful to look at imperial grants v a l u e d for m o r e
than the h o n o u r they c o n v e y . F o r h o n o u r s d i d n o t begin to exhaust the
b o o n s the e m p e r o r h a d available. T o individuals, everything the e m p e r o r
h a d it in his p o w e r to g i v e — s u m s o f m o n e y , property, immunities, citi­
zenship, political offices, priesthoods, legal j u d g e m e n t s ( a n d their o v e r ­
t u r n i n g ) — w e r e given as beneficia. In less than t w o years as g o v e r n o r o f
Bithynia, Pliny submitted to the e m p e r o r T r a j a n six requests for special
favours that w e k n o w of, a n d in the imperial biographers it is usual to
216
read, even o f g o o d e m p e r o r s , that C a e s a r 'enriched his friends'. But
even the mass o f benefits w h i c h w e r e desirable for reasons other than the
h o n o u r they b e s t o w e d w e r e perceived to h a v e honorific qualities.
C o n s i d e r a letter from the e m p e r o r s M a r c u s A u r e l i u s a n d Lucius
V e r u s to an official in M a u r e t a n i a , granting R o m a n citizenship to a local
chieftain:

2 1 4
Gk. Const. 139, <piAoTi/Lua (with 138 to clarify the meaning). See also 81; TAM ii. 905
chs. 2 6 , 3 0 , 3 7 , 3 8 , 4 6 - 8 , 5 0 ; AE 1 9 3 1 . 3 8 ; ILS 6680; Quass (1993), 160 n. 473. Also, praise of the
donor in the context of confirming the terms of the benefaction, Gk. Const. 159; Worrle
(1988), lines 1 - 6 . Provincial council: TAM ii. 905 passim; the Attic Panhellenion, Gk. Const.
155; guild of athletes, Gk. Const. 28.
2 1 5
A b o v e , n. 129.
2 1 6
O n offices, see pp. 1 8 5 - 6 below, and T a c . Ann. 2.36 on the free ability of the emperor
to dole them out an arcanum imperii. On imperial benefactions, Millar (1977), esp. 1 3 3 - 9 ,
4 6 5 - 5 4 9 ; Sailer (1982), 4 1 - 7 8 (Pliny's six requests, p. 58). Friends enriched, Suet. Aug. 6 6 . 3 ;
HA Hadr. 1 5 . 1 ; Marcus 3 . 8 - 9 ; Aur. 4 5 . 3 .
150 The Emperor

W e have read the petition of Julianus the Zegrensian that was attached to your
letter, and although we are not accustomed to grant Roman citizenship by impe­
rial indulgence to the men of these tribes unless they have performed extraordi­
nary services, nevertheless, since you affirm that he is a leading man among his
peoples, and utterly faithful in his prompt obedience to our affairs, and because
we do not think that many clans among the Zegrenses can point to similar ser­
vices, and because we hope that many will be inspired to emulate Julianus by the
honour we have bestowed upon his house, we do not hesitate to grant Roman cit­
izenship to him, his wife Ziddina, and also his children Julianus, Maximus,
Maximinus, and Diogenianus.

T h e e m p e r o r s here grant citizenship to a tribal leader in a w i l d m a r c h o f

the e m p i r e in o r d e r to inspire his rivals w i t h loyalty to R o m e . T h e e m p e r ­
ors expected the h o n o u r o f the grant to inspire emulation; it w a s h o n o u r
from the e m p e r o r s , rather than the legal rights c o n v e y e d b y citizenship,
2 1 7
that, they h o p e d , w o u l d protect the R o m a n b o r d e r s . A n d m o r e than
just citizenship c o u l d b e considered honorific. T h e f o u r t h - c e n t u r y
e m p e r o r s A r c a d i u s a n d H o n o r i u s explained in a l a w that they conferred
w a r r a n t s for the use o f the public post o n persons o f illustris r a n k as a n
2 1 8
h o n o u r only; s u c h persons should n o t actually p r e s u m e to use t h e m .
A n d it is n o t u n k n o w n to hear o f a person w h o w a s ' h o n o u r e d w i t h
2 1 9
money'. M o r e o v e r , in a trend parallel to the elaboration o f imperial
ceremonial, from the time o f Diocletian grants o f gold a n d silver to indi­
viduals c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e to b e m a d e in the f o r m o f medallions,
exquisite pins, o r silver dishes inscribed, for e x a m p l e , 'a gift o f o u r l o r d
V a l e n t i n i a n A u g u s t u s ' . T h u s the f o r m o f the w e a l t h — t h e object itself—
2 2 0
c a m e to stress the honorific quality o f the g i f t . ' A consul I a m indeed,'
said a n appointee in his speech o f thanks to the e m p e r o r Julian, 'and a
m o s t distinguished consul. F o r has there ever b e e n a consul m o r e distin­
guished than I — r a i s e d a n d m a d e brilliant b y the consulship y o u g a v e
me? B y the distinction y o u are conferring?' T h e consulship carried its

2 1 7
Julianus Zegrensis, A E 1 9 7 1 . 5 3 4 with Sherwin-White (1973): 'nostris rebus p r o m [ p ] t o
obsequio fidissimum . . . plurimos cupiamus honore a nobis in istam d o m u m conlato ad
aemulationem Iuliani excitari\ Cf. C i c . Balb. 7, 2 2 - 3 ; D . C h r . 4 1 . 1 0 ; Gk. Const. 10. 57; and
Gauthier ( 1 9 8 5 : 1 5 1 - 2 ) for the tradition of honorific Hellenistic grants of citizenship.
2 1 8
C77i8. .54(395).
5

2 1 9 aaiv
Dio 59. 26. 4, xpW crtfirjaev; cf. 61. 6 . 1 ; Suet. Vesp. 18; Lib. Or. 1. 80.
2 2 0
MacMullen (1962); for a conspectus of gifts, the forged letters in HA Claud. 1 4 , 1 7 ;
Aur. 1 2 , 1 3 ; Prob. 4. 3 - 7 (and earlier collections of grants were lovingly described as well,
Philostr. VS 1. 25 ( 5 3 2 - 3 ) , 2 . 1 0 ( 5 8 9 ) ) . For the honorific quality of such gifts, HA Claud. 15.
4; Prob. 4 . 5 .
 The Emperor 151

o w n traditional prestige, b u t achieving it w a s a sign o f the emperor's

2 2 1
favour, a n d that b o r e h o n o u r as w e l l .
Similarly, the e m p e r o r h a d in his p o w e r a great n u m b e r o f b o o n s for
cities, w h i c h are described as valuable for the s a m e c o m b i n a t i o n o f rea­
sons. It w a s , in the first place, the e m p e r o r w h o defined w h i c h collection
o f houses a n d m e n w a s to b e recognized as a city a n d w h i c h w a s , for
administrative purposes, m e r e l y a village dependent o n a recognized city,
a n d thus potentially subject to that city's levies. O n c e city status h a d been
granted, it fell to the e m p e r o r to decide (before Caracalla gave citizenship
to all free inhabitants o f the e m p i r e ) w h e t h e r a city (and thus its inhabi­
tants) w a s to b e granted R o m a n citizenship, o r the lesser b u t still
substantial p a c k a g e o f Latin rights. S o m e cities p a i d imperial taxes, oth­
ers d i d not: i m m u n i t y from taxation w a s also at the emperor's pleasure.
A n d a h a r d - w o n status like a n y o f these h a d to b e protected o v e r time: the
accession o f a n e w e m p e r o r w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y flurries o f embassies
from cities asking that their rights a n d i m m u n i t i e s be confirmed. T h e
e m p e r o r c o u l d also give tax relief in the w a k e o f a natural disaster, o r for­
give a city years o f b a c k taxes. H e c o u l d intervene to alter the route his
g o v e r n o r s followed o n their assizes, so that R o m a n justice w o u l d be c o n ­
venient a n d c h e a p for the residents o f o n e city, a n d a w k w a r d a n d expen­
sive for others, thus also directing to f a v o u r e d cities the profitable flocks
o f litigants a n d h a n g e r s - o n that followed the g o v e r n o r . T h e e m p e r o r also
gave gifts o f m o n e y a n d grain to cities; he erected edifices for t h e m , a n d
reserved the right to a p p r o v e m a j o r projects o f their o w n a n d a n y changes
222
in their constitutional a r r a n g e m e n t s .
But again, h o n o u r w a s seen in such practical benefits. As Dio
C h r y s o s t o m r e m i n d e d his native Prusa:

Buildings and festivals, and independence in the administration of justice and

exemption from standing trial away from home, and not being grouped together
with others for tax purposes, like some village, if you'll pardon the expression—
by all these things, as is natural, the pride of cities is inflated and their prestige
becomes greater.

2 2 1
Pan. Lat. 3 ( 1 1 ) . 2 9 . 3 , 'quis enim me fuit amplior consul, quern sublimat et inlustrat
consulatus quern tribuisti, amplitudo quam tribuis?'; cf. Pliny, Paneg. 9 2 . For the consul­
ship, below, pp. 1 8 3 - 4 . Other imperial grants described in honour terms: Eus. VC4.1.1-2, for
a conspectus; Gk. Const. 1 3 6 . 3 b - c . 20, a favourable judgement at law; Julian, Ep. 58 (Bidez),
the restoration of a man from exile; IGR iii. 599, a doctor's immunity from civic duties.
2 2 2
Millar (1977), 3 9 4 - 4 5 6 . Profit from assizes, D . Chr. 3 5 . 1 5 . IGR iv. 1287, emperor makes
Thyateira an assize centre; Gk. Const. 123, refuses to put Berenice on the assize route.
152 The Emperor

D i o left aside the practical utility o f these imperial gifts, stressing instead
the degree to w h i c h they increased the city's prestige. T h e y w e r e desired
so that the city m i g h t 'enjoy greater h o n o u r from resident aliens a n d the
2 2 3
Roman governors'. M o r e o v e r , a grant officially recognizing a city as
224
such m i g h t b e referred to as an h o n o u r in an imperial l e t t e r . Although
the city statuses o f 'colony' a n d 'municipality', granted b y the e m p e r o r ,
had real legal v a l u e u n d e r the high empire, this value w a s lost b y the
fourth century, w h e n the terms h a d l o n g been legally meaningless. Y e t
cities c o n t i n u e d to style themselves colonies a n d municipalities, a n d a
m a n m i g h t undertake to repair his t o w n ' s 'insignia' a n d 'ornaments' o f
2 2 5
colonial a n d free s t a t u s . T h e assignment o f tributary lands w a s
2 2 6
described as an h o n o u r , as w a s being granted the right to c o i n m o n e y .
I m m u n i t y from taxation w a s pictured as an h o n o u r , a n d the o r a t o r
Aristides v a l u e d the e m p e r o r s ' rebuilding o f S m y r n a after an earthquake
not least for the prestige thereby b e s t o w e d u p o n the city: before the
earthquake, 'the degree to w h i c h it w a s held in h o n o u r w a s n o t clear'.
N o w the e m p e r o r s h a d m a d e their o p i n i o n k n o w n t h r o u g h their rebuild­
2 2 7
ing p r o j e c t .
S o t o o , the emperor's p u n i s h m e n t s are described in h o n o u r terms. A
city o n the w r o n g side in civil w a r , o r w h i c h h a d offended in s o m e other
w a y , c o u l d b e p u n i s h e d w i t h massacres, fines, a n d deprivations o f terri­
t o r y a n d rights; it c o u l d even b e stripped o f city status a n d attributed to a
228
loyal city as a p o s s e s s i o n . B u t consider H e r o d i a n ' s description o f h o w
Septimius Severus punished B y z a n t i u m for s u p p o r t i n g Pescennius
N i g e r : 'It w a s deprived o f its theatres a n d its baths a n d all its glory a n d
229
honour, it w a s s u b o r d i n a t e d — a s a village—to Perinthus.' 'His

2 2 3
D . C h r . 40. io, a£ia)fi.a; rt/xi} (trans, adapted from Crosby). Cf. D . C h r . 4 4 . 1 0 - 1 1 ;
Reynolds (1982), no. 4 8 . 6 - 7 ; Tac. Hist. 1. 8; Lib. Or. 19. 2 2 .
2 2 4
ILS 6091, cf. ILS 6090.
2 2 5
Fourth cent., Lepelley ( 1 9 7 9 - 8 1 ) , i. 1 2 8 - 3 1 , and Kotula (1974); also given in ist-cent.
Italy where it was legally meaningless, Millar (1977), 408; as in the 3rd-cent. Near East, Millar
(1990), 3 7 , 5 2 - 6 . Repair an ' a r c u m . . . cum insignibus c o l o [ n i a e ] . . . ornamenta liberta(tis)\
ILS 5570.
2 2 6
Lands, Dio 54. 7. 2; coining money, SEG xxxiv. 1306 with Weiss (1991), 3 8 1 - 8 4 ; Harl
(1987), 2 3 - 4 ; and Robert (1960c).
2 2 7
Immunity from tax, ILS 423; Gk. Const. 69; cf. Gk. Const. 2 1 2 , for confirmation of the
immunities of a society of Dionysiac artists as an honour. Earthquake, quoted, Aristid. 20.
9 (Behr); also 2 0 . 5 , she gains the emperors as distinguished founders.
2 2 8
Punishments for cities, an imagined conspectus, Lib. Or. 19. 39. In practice, in civil
war, Suet. Galba 1 2 . 1 ; Dio 5 4 . 7 . 2 ; H A Marcus 2 5 . 9 ; Sev. 9 . 4 - 8 ; for other reasons, Suet. Tib.
3 7 . 3 ; D i o 5 4 . 7 . 6 , 5 7 . 24. 6 , 6 0 . 2 4 . 4 . Also, for insulting the emperor, see n. 86 above.
2 2 9
Herod. 3 . 6 . 9 , TTCLVTOZ re KOO(XOV Kal rifiijs, with Ziegler (1978), 494. Cf. Dio 7 4 ( 7 5 L ) .
14. 3 , ovoev 6 TI ovx vfipi^ov.
 The Emperor 153

destruction o f their walls', said C a s s i u s D i o , in the s a m e context, 'caused

t h e m p a i n chiefly because it deprived t h e m o f the glory w h i c h they h a d
2 3 0
reaped from displaying t h e m . ' P e r g a m u m lost the right to m i n t coins:
231
C a s s i u s D i o s i m p l y referred to the p u n i s h m e n t as ' d i s h o n o u r ' .
T h i s expansive c o n c e p t i o n o f imperial h o n o u r s a n d d i s h o n o u r s has a
d o u b l e significance. First, it w o u l d b e perverse to d e n y that the e m p e r o r
and his subjects felt that all imperial grants c o u l d potentially b e i m b u e d
w i t h honorific quality, all imperial p u n i s h m e n t s w i t h disgrace. T h i s w a s
a true secret o f e m p i r e , for, b y the nature o f things, the e m p e r o r ' s trea­
s u r y o f h o n o u r w a s far richer than his treasury o f m o n e y , offices, a n d
232
i m m u n i t i e s , all o f w h i c h h a d to b e p a i d for, directly o r i n d i r e c t l y . The
emperor's treasure o f h o n o u r did n o t h a v e to b e g o u g e d o u t o f the i m p e ­
rial taxpayers, n o r did it h a v e to c o m p e t e w i t h the needs o f a r a v e n o u s
a r m y . L o u i s X I V ' s courtier notes that the k i n g ' k n e w that the m a n y
favours he h a d to distribute w e r e n o t nearly e n o u g h to create a continual
effect. S o he substituted notional for real favours, a n d t h r o u g h the force
o f jealousy little preferments filled all o u r days, o n e m i g h t even say all o u r
233
m o m e n t s , b y his a r t i f i c e . ' T h e logic o f h o n o u r s w a s quite different
from the logic o f bribes. A letter, a kiss, o r permission for a city to style
i t s e l f ' m o s t brilliant' cost nothing. T h e e m p e r o r need o n l y g u a r d against
giving o u t h o n o u r s to the w r o n g sort o f people—lest the honours
b e c o m e t a i n t e d — o r granting t h e m t o o widely, lest he c h e a p e n the dis­
234
tinctions. A s the panegyrist o f T h e o d o s i u s r e m a r k e d , w h e n offices
2 3 5
gave out, honorific chats, kisses, a n d dinners t o o k o v e r .
Y e t h o n o u r serves as a f o r m o f politeness as well. H a d r i a n e x e m p t e d
the citizens of Antinoopolis from p e r f o r m i n g liturgies elsewhere.
A n t o n i n u s Pius c o n f i r m e d that i m m u n i t y , as d i d M a r c u s A u r e l i u s . B u t
his letter o f confirmation d r o p p e d the financial details, a n d referred to
the i m m u n i t y s i m p l y as an h o n o u r . T h e fact that v u l g a r m o n e y is at
2 3 6
stake has quietly v a n i s h e d u n d e r a c o u r t e o u s e u p h e m i s m . Moreover,
to describe a salary from the e m p e r o r as an h o n o u r w a s e n o r m o u s l y

2 3 0
D i o 74(75L). 1 4 . 4 , oofja; which perhaps explains Prusa's ambition for walls in time of
profound peace, D . Chr. 4 5 . 1 2 .
2 3 1
Pergamum, Dio 7 8 ( 7 9 1 ) . 20. 4, aripi'a, with Harl (1987: 2 4 - 5 ) , listing other cities
which also lost the right to mint.
232 Potential lack of honours, offices, and money, Dio 5 2 . 1 2 . 2 - 5 , and its gloomy conse­
quences. Bad results of excess in giving out offices, rights, and exemptions, Tac. Hist. 3. 55.
2 3 3
Saint-Simon ( 1 9 8 3 - 7 ) , v. 522.
2 3 4
Cheapening honours, D . Chr. 3 1 . 1 0 9 - 1 0 ; and see n. 147 above; tainting honours, D i o
5 2 . 1 2 . 6 - 7 , 5 8 . 4 . 8; also (for offices) below, p. 182.
2 3 5 2 3 6
Pan. Lat. 2(12). 2 0 . 1 - 2 . Gk. Const. 1 6 4 - 6 , ripr).
154 The Emperor

237
attractive to a G r a e c o - R o m a n a r i s t o c r a t . F o r otherwise it w a s a bribe
or a p a y m e n t for service, b o t h shameful. T h e fact that 'honours' can serve
as the simple a n d a m p l e shorthand for all possible grants an individual
m i g h t receive from the e m p e r o r signifies n o t o n l y the p o w e r o f imperial
h o n o u r in society, b u t also the indispensability o f the rhetoric o f h o n o u r
to a g o v e r n m e n t largely m a d e u p of, a n d immediately ruling over, p e r ­
2 3 8
sons v e r y finicky a b o u t appearing to b e m o t i v a t e d b y p r o f i t . Honorific
gold c a n b e offered w i t h o u t risk o f offending, a n d can be accepted w i t h ­
out loss o f face. A regime can operate b y giving o u t things people w a n t
only to the degree that the amour propre o f the recipients allows t h e m to
accept them: describing gifts a n d grants o f all types as h o n o u r s m a d e it a
great deal easier for t h e m to d o so.
T h e e m p e r o r t o o c o u l d hide s h a b b y business beneath the p e n u m b r a o f
h o n o u r . N e e d to get rid o f s o m e o v e r w e e n i n g aristocrats? S e n d t h e m o u t
as g o v e r n o r s to nasty, unhealthy provinces, 'as if h o n o u r i n g them
greatly'. N e e d m o n e y ? T h e n extend citizenship ( a n d thus the associated
taxes) to all free inhabitants of the e m p i r e a n d call it an h o n o u r to
2 3 9
them. It w a s n o t strictly false to call such things h o n o u r s , a n d the
e m p e r o r w a s just as pleased as his subjects to let his real goals hide b e h i n d
honour.

Gratitude
' A m a n can b e compelled to fear s o m e o n e , b u t he m u s t b e persuaded to
love h i m : a n d he is persuaded not o n l y b y w h a t he himself receives, b u t
240
b y w h a t he sees others r e c e i v i n g . ' A n imperial b o o n , w h a t e v e r the rea­
sons for w h i c h it w a s valued, a n d h o w e v e r those reasons m i g h t b e c o n ­
cealed, created obedience in t w o w a y s . First, those w h o desired it w o u l d
act in a w a y calculated to gain it. T h e e m p e r o r emphasized that b o o n s
w e r e b e s t o w e d o n those w h o p e r f o r m e d services for h i m , a n d n o t u p o n
those w h o di d not. In a letter to the S a m i a n s , for example, A u g u s t u s
refused to grant t h e m e x e m p t i o n from taxes, c o m p a r i n g their services
invidiously to those o f the A p h r o d i s i a n s , to w h o m he h a d granted it; for
A p h r o d i s i a s , 'having sided w i t h m e in the w a r , w a s captured because o f
its inclination t o w a r d s us'. S a m o s c o u l d a d d u c e n o similar sacrifice—
b e n e f a c t i o n — t o the e m p e r o r , a n d thus c o u l d n o t expect to receive 'the

2 3 7
See esp. Pan. Lat. 9(4). 1 1 - 1 2 , 1 6 .
2 3 8
'Honours' as shorthand, Jos. Vit. 4 2 3 , 4 2 8 - 9 ; Dio 5 2 . 1 2 . 2-7; Aristid. 30 (Behr); M e n .
Rhet. 4 2 0 . 3 0 - 1 .
2 3 9
Dio 77(78L). 11. 7, navv rifxatv; 77(781.). 9. 5, Xoyw . . . rifidtv.
2 4 0
Dio 5 5 . 1 9 . 4 .
 The Emperor 155
241
biggest benefaction o f a l l ' . In time o f rebellion anticipation o f rewards
was a m o n g the reasons for keenly s u p p o r t i n g a claimant to the e m p e r o r ­
2 4 2
ship.
B u t in writings f r o m the R o m a n e m p i r e the use o f imperial b o o n s as a
lure is o v e r s h a d o w e d b y the expectation that b o o n s will p r o d u c e grati­
tude, a n d gratitude, loyalty. T h e e m p e r o r V e s p a s i a n , ' w a r n e d b y his
friends to b e w a r e o f M e t t i u s P o m p u s i a n u s because he w a s c o m m o n l y
said to have in his possession an imperial h o r o s c o p e [a notorious sign o f
imperial ambitions] m a d e h i m consul, guaranteeing that M e t t i u s w o u l d
243
in future r e m e m b e r the beneficium.' U n d e r the code o f reciprocity,
imperial beneficiciy including purely honorific o n e s — s a y a kiss f r o m
C a l i g u l a — , created an obligation: a n d the e m p e r o r c o u l d call in that
244
obligation o r h o a r d it against future d i f f i c u l t i e s . H e r o d i a n described
M a r c u s A u r e l i u s o n his death-bed cashing in his a cco unt, recalling the
h o n o u r he h a d b e s t o w e d u p o n his familiars, a n d requiring t h e m to m a k e
2 4 5
return t h r o u g h loyalty to his s o n . In s u m , as Cassius D i o h a d A u g u s t u s
express it in an address to the senate, 'It is possible for m e to rule y o u for
ever, y o u can see that yourselves . . . m y supporters have been b o u n d to
246
m e b y exchange o f b e n e f a c t i o n s . '
G r a t i t u d e m i g h t be a m o n g the reasons dictating choice o f side in civil
w a r . T a c i t u s p o r t r a y e d the cities o f the G a u l s as b o u n d to G a l b a in AD 69
b y his recent expansion o f the R o m a n citizenship there, a n d b y his l o w ­
2 4 7
ering their tribute for the f u t u r e . G r a t i t u d e also appears in the d a y - t o ­
day ruling o f the empire. Caracalla needed animals, so he cancelled b a c k
taxes in M a u r e t a n i a , thus conferring a beneficium. 'I a m certain', he wrote
to the provincials, 'that y o u will reciprocate m y g e n e r o s i t y . . . a n d d o m e
248
a f a v o u r b y virtue o f y o u r w o o d s , w h i c h t h r o n g w i t h celestial b e a s t s . '
A l e x a n d r i a w a s a c h r o n i c aggravation to the e m p e r o r , vast a n d notori­
ously p r o n e to riot. T h e e m p e r o r gave the city a gift. ' A r e y o u n o t a w a r e

2 4 1
Samos, Gk. Const. 1.
2 4 2
T a c . Hist. 1. 57; Herod. 2 . 9 . 1 2 ; A m m . Marc. 26. 6 . 1 6 ; cf. Herod. 4 . 3 . 2.
2 4 3
Suet. Vesp. 1 4 , 'spondens quandoque beneficii memorem futurum'; and see n. 267
below; cf. Dio 55. 21. 3 - 2 2 . 2. A n d for the emperor calling his grants to cities xapiTcr, Gk.
Const. 4 4 , 2 8 5 ; beneficii, Small. Gaius 368; IKEph. i. 4 2 . 3 - 4 .
2 4 4
Caligula's kiss, Dio 59. 2 7 . 1 ; cf. Suet. Vesp. 2.3; Herod. 6 . 1 . 9.
2 4 5
Herod. 1 . 4 . 3 , 6.
2 4 6
Dio 5 3 . 4 . 1 . T h e debt for favours continues down generations. Thus Vespasian can be
deemed loyal to N e r o from benefactions bestowed by Claudius, Philostr. VA 5 . 2 9 ; also Z o s .
2. 46. 3 . W h e n emperors ratify the beneficia of previous emperors en bloc, thus forgoing
gratitude, this is remarked upon, Millar ( 1 9 7 7 : 4 1 4 n. 1 6 ) , cf. Pliny, Paneg. 3 9 . 3 .
2 4 7
T a c . Hist. 1. 8; also Herod. 2. 7 . 9 - 1 0 ; cf. Plut. Brut. 6 . 7 ; C i c . ad Fam. 10. 8 . 3 .
2 4 8
AE 1 9 4 8 . 1 0 9 . 1 0 - 1 4 with Corbier (1977).
156 The Emperor

o f the care the e m p e r o r has lavished u p o n y o u r city?' b e l l o w e d Dio

C h r y s o s t o m o v e r the roars o f the A l e x a n d r i a n populace, meeting the
s u p r e m e challenge o f a long career o f giving advice to cities. ' Y o u m u s t
repay the emperor's b e n e f a c t i o n — n o t , b y g o d , b y building [honorific]
fountains o r t r i u m p h a l a r c h e s — b u t b y m a k i n g y o u r city better: b y order,
2 4 9
by good behaviour.' It w a s thus vitally necessary that the emperor's
favour be as well known as possible. A governor wrote to the
Alexandrians: 'Since, because o f its size, the w h o l e o f the city c o u l d not b e
present at the reading o f [the emperor's] sacred a n d exceedingly benefi­
cent letter, I d e e m e d it necessary to publish the letter, so that each m a n ,
h a v i n g read it, m i g h t w o n d e r at the greatness o f o u r divine C a e s a r , a n d
2 5 0
have gratitude for his goodwill t o w a r d s the c i t y . '
Just as opportunities for a h u m b l e client to m a k e adequate return t o
his p a t r o n w e r e extremely rare, so w a s it unusual for an individual o r city
251
to be able to offer a n y practical return for the e m p e r o r ' s b e n e f a c t i o n s .
T h u s , like the client, they s i m p l y held themselves in readiness for ever: the
e m p e r o r contemplating his e m p i r e m i g h t see a great m a n y f a v o u r s - w a i t ­
2 5 2
i n g - t o - h a p p e n , 'goodwill', the stuff o f obedience in b a d t i m e s . B u t just
as the p o o r client c o u l d chip a w a y at his m o u n t a i n o u s debt b y appearing
every m o r n i n g a n d following his patron a r o u n d (a tiny h o n o u r w h i c h , in
the c o m p a n y o f m a n y such, m a d e its recipient highly h o n o u r a b l e ) , so t o o
c o u l d a m a n o r city attempt to square the a c c o u n t to s o m e degree b y
h o n o u r i n g the e m p e r o r . Indeed, in addressing the A l e x a n d r i a n s , D i o
C h r y s o s t o m h a d h a d to w o r k against the p r e s u m p t i o n that the return for
253
the imperial f a v o u r w o u l d naturally b e h o n o r i f i c . O n holidays the
speaker a p p o i n t e d b y the city w o u l d rise a n d deliver a grateful oration in
the e m p e r o r ' s h o n o u r — ' H a v i n g , as w e d o , so m a n y g o o d things from the
254
e m p e r o r s , it is a b s u r d not to return t h e m o u r d u e a n d p r o p e r o f f e r i n g . '

2 4 9 2 5 0
D . Chr. 32. 95. Gk. Const. 1 9 . 1 . 2 - 1 1 ; cf. ILS 4 2 3 . 4 0 .
2 5 1
D . Chr. 34. 25; Sen. Ben. 5 . 4 . 2; Lib. Or. 2 0 . 1 .
2 5 2
'Goodwill', Greek eunoia towards emperor, Herod. 1 . 4 . 5 , 1 . 6 . 6 ; Gk. Const. 1 5 7 . 8 , 2 1 7 .
22,276; and in loyalty oaths, see Herrmann (1968), 1 2 3 - 5 nos. 3 - 5 . In Latin voluntas* ILS 140.
45. Eunoia related to gratitude, de Romilly (1977), 67; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.10.4; D . Chr.
31. 7, 41. 4 - 7 ; Aristid. 23. 25 (Behr); Philo, de Praem. 97; Herod. 1. 4. 2; and more generally
on the term, de Romilly (1958). Voluntas* Sen. Ben. 7 . 1 5 . 3 - 5 .
2 5 3
For presumption that TI/LH) and cnaivos will be the return for imperial benefaction,
Dio 5 7 . 1 7 . 8 ; Philo, Leg. Gaium 284; for a variety of honours from gratitude, Men. Rhet. 377;
cf. Philo, Flacc. 4 8 , 9 7 - 8 (for the special case of the Jews). For eunoia expressed by honour­
ing the emperor, Gk. Const. 35. 8.
2 5 4
Men. Rhet. 3 6 8 . 1 5 - 1 7 (trans, adapted from Russell and Wilson); and see [Aristid.] 35.
4 (Behr).
 The Emperor 157

In the temples, markets, a n d p u b l i c places o f the t o w n s o f the e m p i r e ,

statues o f the e m p e r o r arose, expressing gratitude for imperial deeds.

To the divine Imperator Caesar Augustus Vespasian, in the proconsulate of

M . Fulvius Gillo, the Caesar-loving people of Aphrodisias, free and autonomous
from the beginning of the empire by the favour of the e m p e r o r s . . . dedicated this
255
[statue] as their own favour [in r e t u r n ] .

Since the e m p e r o r ' s officials w e r e expected to feel gratitude to the

e m p e r o r for their a p p o i n t m e n t , they t o o h o n o u r e d h i m in return, b o t h
in speeches o f thanks before the senate, a n d w i t h statues scattered
2 5 6
t h r o u g h the p r o v i n c e s . N o r w e r e h o n o u r s unsatisfactory requital for
imperial benefits: their v e r y i n a d e q u a c y m a d e t h e m pledges o f obedience
against times o f t u r m o i l , w h e n the subject c o u l d b e a r practical assistance
to his e m p e r o r , a n d it w a s t h r o u g h the incessant h o n o u r i n g o f his w h o l e
e m p i r e that the p r i m a c y o f the emperor's h o n o u r a m o n g m e n w a s m a i n ­
tained.
In so far as obedience a n d h o n o u r to the e m p e r o r w e r e f o u n d e d u p o n
gratitude for f a v o u r s , they w e r e f o u n d e d o n the strength o f the social
sanction w h i c h enforced gratitude u p o n aristocratic society. T h i s is the
fear that Z o s i m u s attributes to Julian, c o n t e m p l a t i n g rebellion against
C o n s t a n t i u s , that 'he w o u l d gain a reputation a m o n g m a n y people for
257
being u n g r a t e f u l ' . T h i s h o n o u r sanction w a s b o t h strong a n d lasting:
consider H e r o d i a n ' s description o f S e v e r u s A l e x a n d e r ' s a m a z e d reaction
to the revolt o f M a x i m i n u s , w h o m the e m p e r o r h a d loaded w i t h favours.

When Alexander had been informed of what had happened, he was utterly con­
founded and struck dumb by the unexpectedness of the news. A n d he came run­
ning out of the imperial pavilion like one possessed, crying and quaking, and
accusing Maximinus of faithlessness and ingratitude, and listing all the benefac­
2 5 8
tions which had been bestowed upon h i m .

It w a s almost b e y o n d belief to a R o m a n that s o m e o n e thus b o u n d to the

e m p e r o r should revolt: as w e h a v e seen, a praetorian prefect w a s willing
2 5 9
to die rather than seem ungrateful to C o n s t a n t i u s .

2 5 5
Reynolds (1982), no. 4 2 (cf. IK Eph. ii. 237); also on statues from gratitude, Price
(1984a), 1 7 4 - 5 . From province, E J 42; individuals, IK Eph. v. 1501; I L S 453.
2 5 6
Expectation of gratitude for appointment, A m m . Marc. 25. 8. 11; S y m . Rel. 2; also
Pliny, Paneg. 90 and Pan. Lat. 3 ( 1 1 ) . 1 5 - 3 2 (both in the context of speeches of thanks for
appointment, cf. Dio 6 0 . 1 1 . 7 ) ; to be requited with honour, Philo, Flacc. 81; Pan. Lat. 3 ( 1 1 ) .
32; and in practice, for statues, ILS ch. 2 passim.
2 5 7
Zos. 3. 9. 5, 8o£a; cf. Dio 55. 21, alaxwofxevoi . . . evcpycras dSiKrjaai.
2 5 8
Herod. 6. 9 . 1 .
2 5 9
Prefect, above, C h . 1 n. 48; cf. D . Chr. 1 . 2 0 ; Dio 5 2 . 3 4 . 1 1 , 5 5 . 1 6 . 5 , for deprecating the
158 The Emperor

Well might Julian worry about his reputation if he revolted;

C o n s t a n t i u s h a d raised h i m u p to b e C a e s a r , j u n i o r c o - e m p e r o r . 'Revere
260
him who created y o u / thundered the Roman senate. And the
emperor's o w n massive prestige s t o o d rea d y to crush the ungrateful.
A u g u s t u s raised C o r n e l i u s G a l l u s from a base origin a n d a p p o i n t e d h i m
Prefect o f E g y p t . B u t the p o e t returned the f a v o u r b y speaking ill o f
A u g u s t u s a n d v a u n t i n g his o w n achievements to an u n s e e m l y degree: h e
had his a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s c a r v e d o n the P y r a m i d s , littered E g y p t w i t h
statues o f himself, a n d inscribed for posterity in a trilingual inscription
(he w a s taking n o chances) little in the w a y o f grateful o r reverential m e n ­
tion o f his benefactor. U t t erl y unsurprising, then, that the e m p e r o r diag­
n o s e d an 'ungrateful spirit', a n d b a r r e d the palace a n d the imperial
p r o v i n c e s to Gallus, thus b l u d g e o n i n g h i m w i t h the i m m e n s e imperial
261
dignity. A n d h o w w o u l d the obscure T . M a r i u s U r b i n a s , an officer o f
A u g u s t u s ' w h o (despite promises to the c o n t r a r y ) failed to express his
gratitude to his benefactor in his will, ever h a v e achieved the invidious
distinction o f inclusion in a b o o k o f examples for the use o f orators, if the
e m p e r o r h a d n o t t r u m p e t e d U r b i n a s ' ingratitude in l o u d imperial
2 6 2
tones? A t the s a m e time the e m p e r o r himself e n c o u r a g e d gratitude
with his honorific praise. In gratitude for s o m e imperial grant, the city o f
Sardis v o t e d to celebrate G a i u s Caesar's a s s u m p t i o n o f the toga virilis as a
holiday. A n e m b a s s y w a s dispatched to advise his grandfather, the
e m p e r o r A u g u s t u s , w h o replied in a letter, 'I praise y o u because y o u are
h o n o u r a b l y a m b i t i o u s to s h o w yourselves to b e grateful in e x c h a n g e for
263
the benefactions y o u h a v e r e c e i v e d . ' I n the face o f a substantial differ­
ential in h o n o u r , the reciprocal e x c h a n g e o f favours tended to resolve
itself into a f o r m o f extortion applied b y the m o r e prestigious party. T h u s
the e m p e r o r ' s great h o n o u r cast its s h a d o w o v e r all relations o f indebt­
edness to h i m . T h e e m p e r o r , n o t least because the expressions o f his
o p i n i o n c o u l d m a k e o r destroy the reputations o f those a r o u n d h i m , h a d

danger of recipients of imperial benefactions acting ungratefully; but contra, Dio 66(65!,).
16.3-4.
2 6 0
A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 0 . 7 ; cf. Tac. Hist. 3 . 3 7 .
2 6 1
Suet. Aug. 6 6 . 1 - 2 , 'ingratum et malivolum animum'; Dio 5 3 . 2 3 . 5 - 7 , -qrifjiwdr) vwo rov
Avyovarov; he was then harried to suicide by his enemies. Inscription, E J 21 (for Greek and
Latin versions). Cf. Herod. 3 . 6. 2 - 3 , 3 . 1 2 . 1 0 ; Dio 7 i ( 7 2 L ) . 2 7 . 1 ; HA Gord. 3 0 . 2.
2 6 2
Val. Max. 7. 8. 6.
2 6 3
Sardis, Gk. Const. 7, inaiva) . . . v^as (piXoTctfiovfievovs; cf. 15. 2. He also rewards,
with privileges and praise, eunoia, the goodwill which his subjects store up in return for his
benefactions, since they cannot requite them: see Gk. Const. 1 3 , 2 8 , 3 5 , 1 8 5 , 246, 296; cf. Jos.
A] 1 6 . 1 6 2 . In Latin he requites obsequium, AE 1 9 7 1 . 5 3 4 . 7 , 1 9 4 8 . 1 0 9 . 5 (and fides).
 The Emperor 159

it in his p o w e r to say w h o w a s indebted to h i m , h o w m u c h they o w e d

h i m , a n d w h a t they h a d to d o to p a y h i m back.
G r a t i t u d e w a s a real part o f imperial p o w e r , b o t h as s om e thing subjects
felt ( a n d w e r e expected to feel b y those a r o u n d t h e m ) , a n d because it w a s
so useful as a disguise. Caligula, profligate a n d greedy, cancelled as
'ungrateful' the wills, a n d confiscated the estates, o f chief centurions w h o
h a d failed to leave T i b e r i u s o r h i m a legacy appropriate to the debt o f
2 6 4
gratitude they h a d incurred for reaching such high r a n k . This was a
tyrannical act, n o question; b u t a well-chosen one, since the c o n d u c t o f
the primipilares w a s indeed disgraceful. M e n w e r e expected to feel grati­
tude o n v e r y general g r o u n d s : C l a u d i u s w a s forced to protect from p r o s ­
ecution provincials w h o received citizenship u n d e r h i m b u t failed to
2 6 5
m e n t i o n h i m in their w i l l s . Caligula's genuine claim to gratitude
offered a decent c o v e r for his plundering. Similarly, h o n o u r m i g h t m a s k
a subject's fear. D o m i t i a n , m a d e coheir b y A g r i c o l a ( w h o loathed h i m ) ,
considered it a n h o n o u r , n o d o u b t an expression o f gratitude a n d defer­
ence. I n fact, T a c i t u s strongly implies, A g r i c o l a d i d this for the usual rea­
son that evil e m p e r o r s w e r e m a d e heirs, to protect the rest o f his estate.
B u t obviously, given D o m i t i a n ' s reception o f the will, A g r i c o l a w a s not so
u n w i s e as to say so. T a c i t u s thinks that A g r i c o l a succeeded in hiding his
real v i e w s b e h i n d the m a c h i n e r y o f h o n o u r because D o m i t i a n w a s
266
blinded b y ceaseless flattery. B u t m o s t o f the time w h e t h e r the e m p e r o r
s a w t h r o u g h the ruse will h a r d l y h a v e mattered. Just as cash from the
e m p e r o r can b e attractively presented as an h o n o u r to a subject, obedi­
ence to the e m p e r o r , often the c o n s e q u e n c e o f fear o r greed, is m o s t safely
a n d agreeably represented b y all parties as an act o f h o n o u r flowing from
the subject's laudable sentiments o f deference a n d gratitude. Indeed, the
' h o n o u r s ' that subjects direct at the e m p e r o r from gratitude c a n include
almost anything. W h e n C a s s i u s D i o describes Vespasian's declawing o f
M e t t i u s P o m p u s i a n u s b y m a k i n g h i m consul, he has the e m p e r o r say,
2 6 7
' H e will certainly b e m i n d f u l o f m e a n d h o n o u r m e in r e t u r n . ' N o t plot
to m u r d e r m e , that is. T h e emperor's subjects t r u m p e t their p r o f o u n d
gratitude to the e m p e r o r , h o n o u r i n g h i m n o t o n l y as benefactor o f indi­
2 6 8
viduals a n d t o w n s , b u t as 'benefactor a n d saviour o f the w h o l e w o r l d ' .

2 6 4
Suet. Gaius 38. 2; Dio 59. 15. 2; cf. Suet. Nero 32. 2. For soldiers' gratitude to the
emperor, see pp. 2 5 5 - 7 below; on the obligations fulfilled in wills, p. 70 above.
2 6 5
Dio 6 0 . 1 7 . 7 ; cf. Sen. Ben. 6 . 1 9 . 2.
2 6 6
T a c . Agric. 43. 4, 'laetatum eum velut honore iudicioque'.
2 6 7
Dio 6 7 . 1 2 . 2—3, ndvTCDs ILOV fjiVTjfiovcvaei Kal ndvTws /xc d f T i r t / x ^ a c i ; cf. HA Maxim.
14.1.
2 6 8
EJ 88; cf. 98b; Small. Gaius 135; M c C . & W . 95; Small. Nerva 105; Aristid. 2 3 . 5 4 (Behr).
i6o The Emperor

S u c h abject indebtedness p r o v i d e d an explanation for a n y act o f loyally,

w h a t e v e r its true motivation: a w a y o f describing one's deed w h i c h w a s
safe before one's superiors, face-saving before one's equals a n d inferiors,
and c o m f o r t a b l e before one's self-opinion. T h a t real gratitude w a s often
present, a n d reciprocated w i t h h o n o u r , c a n h a r d l y b e doubted: it w a s that
fact that m a d e it such an effective screen. T o conceal the cruel a n d sleazy
w o r k i n g s o f e m p i r e as completely as possible in a dazzling l i g h t - s h o w o f
p r a i s e w o r t h y e m o t i o n w a s in e v e r y b o d y ' s interest.

THE IMPERIAL CULT

The R o m a n imperial cult offers the m o s t c o m p e l l i n g insight into the

c o m p l e x relationship between h o n o u r as a practical w a y o f getting things
d o n e in the R o m a n empire, h o n o u r as polite deception, a n d h o n o u r as
self-deception. T h e c u l t — t h e practice o f b u i l d i n g altars a n d temples to
the e m p e r o r s , a n d p e r f o r m i n g , there a n d elsewhere, the activities o f
divine w o r s h i p — w a s geographically a n d socially extremely widespread;
it w a s carried o n in public a n d in private, p e r h a p s privately first, at least
in Italy. It i n v o l v e d sacrifices, processions, g a m e s , a n d banquets; it seems
to h a v e included all the aspects o f p a g a n religiosity o f w h i c h t e s t i m o n y
survives except dedications to divinity in e x c h a n g e for a miracle.
Provincials d e v o t e d vast resources to it: o v e r eighty temples a n d sanctu­
aries associated w i t h the imperial cult h a v e b e e n c o u n t e d in A s i a M i n o r
2 6 9
alone. A n d w h i l e perhaps in s o m e areas the cult w a s an imperial p r o ­
ject, o r at least e n c o u r a g e d b y the e m p e r o r ' s officials, a n d s o m e e m p e r ­
o r s — C a l i g u l a in p a r t i c u l a r — t o o k a considerable interest in it, o v e r great
spans o f the e m p i r e a n d great tracts o f time, the provincials offered cult
2 7 0
spontaneously to e m p e r o r s w h o w e r e s o m e t i m e s reluctant to accept i t .
T h e imperial cult w a s a multifaceted institution a n d significant in differ­
ent w a y s , p e r h a p s s u r r o u n d i n g the e m p e r o r w i t h an aura o f divinity
w h i c h helped h i m rule, p e r h a p s offering a s y m b o l o f unity to a divided
and diverse e m p i r e , perhaps a w a y for subjects to u n d e r s t a n d their rela­
tionship w i t h the ruling p o w e r , p e r h a p s representing an early stage o f the

2 6 9
O n the organization of the cult: in the East, Price (1984a), temples in Asia Minor, p.
135; West, Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) . O n private worship in Italy, Santero (1983). Is the imperial
cult properly a religious phenomenon? The answer depends on one's definition of religion:
Price, 7 - 1 6 ; Fishwick, 4 2 - 5 .
2 7 0
Officials' involvement: East, Price (1984a), 7 0 - 1 ; West, Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) , 9 7 - 9 ,
1 4 1 - 5 . Emperors, see pp. 1 6 8 - 9 below. The cult is usually deemed an imperial project in the
West, at least at the provincial level: Fishwick, passim, but see Tac. Ann. 1 . 7 8 ; E J 1 0 0 on the
municipal level; and Hopkins (1978), 209.
 The Emperor 161

2 7 1
reconstruction o f the e m p e r o r as a glittering B y z a n t i n e i c o n . T h e rela­
tionship between the cult a n d h o n o u r is the limited subject to be
addressed here.

Why Worship the Emperor?

W h a t e v e r their w i d e r significance, it is well k n o w n that acts o f divine cult
for the e m p e r o r s w e r e h o n o u r s , h o l d i n g a place at the t o p o f a c o n t i n u u m
o f h o n o u r s w h i c h an individual, city, o r p r o v i n c i a l council m i g h t bestow.
T h u s T i b e r i u s w r o t e to G y t h e u m in L a c o n i a , w h i c h h a d v o t e d the late
A u g u s t u s a n d himself divine tributes:

Decimus Turannius Nicanor, your ambassador . . . gave your letter to me, to

which was attached your law concerning acts of piety towards my father, and
honour towards me. For this I praise you, for I think it meet for all men in com­
mon and your city particularly to preserve . . . [for Augustus] exceptional hon­
ours appropriate to gods. I am well content with more moderate, human
272
honours.

D i v i n e h o n o u r s w e r e o n l y o n e k i n d (albeit the m o s t honorific) a m o n g

m a n y . Cities a n d provincial assemblies o f the e m p i r e erected n u m e r o u s
statues to the e m p e r o r (traces o f m o r e than fifty h a v e b e e n f o u n d in
E p h e s u s alone); cities b e g a n their meetings w i t h acclamations to h i m ;
they v o t e d h i m c o m p l i m e n t a r y decrees; they a p p o i n t e d embassies to
2 7 3
c o n v e y their honorific sentiments to him. T h e y nominated the
e m p e r o r , honorarily, to their highest priesthoods a n d magistracies ( w e
h a v e already seen the e m p e r o r h o n o u r cities b y accepting s u c h elections),
m i n t e d coins in his h o n o u r , r e n a m e d their m o n t h s in his h o n o u r ,
declared holidays in h o n o u r o f his accession d a y a n d his successes, a n d
2 7 4
held sacrifices o n those d a y s . If he visited, there w e r e processions w i t h
torches a n d flowers; the gates w e r e sweet w i t h incense; there w a s
2 7 5
music. A n d w h i l e the e m p e r o r m i g h t single o u t divine h o n o u r s for

2 7 1
F o r recent discussions of the wider significance of the cult, Hopkins (1978), 1 9 7 - 2 4 2 ;
Bowersock (1983); Price (1984a).
2 7 2
Gk. Const. 15. 2 . 1 4 - 2 3 , €isr evoefieiav p,€v TOV ifxov irarpo^, Tip,r)v Se 'qficrepav. . . .
i£aip€Tovz . . . rt/xas'; cf. Gk. Const. 23.
2 7 3
Imperial statues at Ephesus, Price (1984a), 174; at Leptis Magna, over eighty, in late-
antique Rome, close to four thousand, Hopkins (1978), 2 2 0 . Civic acclamations, Roueche"
(1984), 1 8 4 - 6 . Decrees and embassies, e.g. Gk. Const. 6 8 , 1 1 5 ; Jos. BJ4.620; Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 4 3 .
1 - 2 . Provincial honours to emperor, Deininger (1965), passim.
2 7 4
Emperor in civic posts, Gk. Const. 206; Lib. Or. 1 1 . 2 6 9 , and n. 156 above. Coins, Harl
(1987), 4 1 - 9 ; IGR iv. 769. Months, Scott (1931), 2 0 7 - 1 9 , 2 6 4 - 6 . Holidays and celebrations,
Herz (1978). and see e.g. EJ pp. 4 4 - 5 5 .
2 7 5
Reception of imperial visit, Halfmann (1986), 1 1 1 - 2 4 ; Harl (1987), 56; and above, C h .
1 n. 43; and see esp. Herod 4. 8. 8; A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 0 . 1 ; Pan. Lat. 11(3). 10. 5 , 5 ( 8 ) . 8 . 1 - 4 .
162 The Emperor

refusal, it seems that those d o i n g the h o n o u r i n g s a w n o great conceptual

gap between h o n o u r s h u m a n a n d divine: they w e r e voted in the s a m e
decree, m u d d l e d in with all the others. A l e x a n d r i a voted to keep C l a u d i u s '
birthday as a holiday, to erect n u m e r o u s statues o f h i m , to have a tribe
take his n a m e , a n d to dedicate sacred groves, a high priesthood, a n d t e m ­
276
ples to him; the priesthood a n d temples he d e c l i n e d . ' T h e conclusion to
b e d r a w n is that divine a n d h u m a n h o n o u r s differed in degree b u t not in
277
kind; b o t h belong at different intervals o n essentially the same s c a l e . '
In the p r o v i n c e s , w h e n the emperor's n a m e w a s m e n t i o n e d , his indi­
vidual subjects rose, praised h i m , d i d h i m reverence, a n d offered a d o u ­
278
ble p r a y e r — t o the gods for the e m p e r o r , a n d to the e m p e r o r h i m s e l f .
T h e y m i n g l e d h u m a n a n d divine h o n o u r s too, w i t h o u t a second thought.
Individuals' acts o f w o r s h i p for the e m p e r o r f o u n d their place naturally
in a p a n o p l y o f other h o n o u r s : a m a n m i g h t erect to the e m p e r o r a statue,
2 7 9
an amphitheatre, an altar, o r a t e m p l e . A t private banquets, a libation
w a s p o u r e d , w i t h the c r y 'blessings u p o n A u g u s t u s , father o f his c o u n ­
2 8 0 2 8 1
try'. U p o n the emperor's arrival, all rose a n d saluted h i m . N o r was
the e m p e r o r ' s absence a b a r to h o n o u r , for his statues, o r indeed his let­
2 8 2
ters, c o u l d take his p l a c e . T h e simple v o l u m e o f h o n o u r s directed at
the e m p e r o r b y provinces, cities, associations, a n d individuals w a s
remarkable; even the Jews, singled o u t b y ancient authors as g r u d g i n g in
this respect, erected in their synagogues shields, c r o w n s , plaques, a n d
2 8 3
inscriptions in h o n o u r o f the e m p e r o r .
S o the puzzle is really twofold: w h y d i d the emperor's subjects h o n o u r
h i m so intensively? A n d w h y , w i t h such a great variety o f h o n o u r s avail­
able, w e r e the emperor's subjects m o v e d to h o n o u r the e m p e r o r w i t h acts
o f cult?

2 7 6
Gk. Const. 19.
2 7 7
Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) , 33; cf. N o c k (1930), 5 0 - 1 , and, for the Hellenistic tradition,
Habicht (1956), 2 0 6 - 1 3 .
2 7 8
Aristid. 2 6 . 3 2 (Behr).
2 7 9
Statues, M c C . & W . 138; ILS 411; IKEph. v. 1504. Amphitheatre, EJ 236; or a fountain,
IKEph. ii. 424; a stoa, Small. Gaius 101; and on public buildings generally, Pliny, Ep. 10. 7 5 .
2. Altar, EJ 1 0 3 , 1 3 5 ; and see Price (1984a), 112. Temple, J G x i i Suppl. 124; EJ n o , 121. For ded­
ications in honorem domus divinae, Raepsaet-Charlier (1975).
2 8 0
Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) , 84 n. 1 0 , 375; quoted, Petr. Sat. 60, 'Augusto patri patriae
feliciter'.
2 8 1
Suet. Vesp. 13; Philo, Leg. Gaium 352; Dio 59. 7. 6, 63. 2 8 . 1 : Nero's final flight from
Rome was hampered by meeting on the road a person w h o saw through his disguise and
automatically hailed him as emperor.
2 8 2
Statues, Price (1984a), 2 0 0 - 5 ; letters, Philostr. VS 2 . 1 0 (590).
2 8 3
Associations, Waltzing ( 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 0 0 ) , iv. 5 8 5 - 6 0 8 . Jews, Philo, Leg. Gaium 133; for lim­
itations on Jewish honouring, see p. 199 below.
 The Emperor 163

T h e a v o w e d reasons for the imperial cult are plain e n o u g h . 'Since m e n

call h i m thus [sc. Sebastos = A u g u s t u s ] in p r o p o r t i o n to his degree o f
h o n o u r , they revere h i m w i t h temples a n d sacrifices o n the islands a n d
continents, distributed t h r o u g h the cities a n d p r o v i n c e s . T h u s they r e p a y
the greatness o f his virtue a n d his benefactions to them.' N i c o l a u s o f
D a m a s c u s describes a dual m o t i v a t i o n here. C u l t w a s offered to the
e m p e r o r because o f the greatness o f his h o n o u r , a n d because o f his b e n e ­
284
factions—in o u r terms, b o t h from deference a n d r e c i p r o c i t y . N o r was
this a n u n u s u a l v i e w . L u c i a n t o o described the cult in terms o f r e c i p r o c ­
ity: ' T h e e m p e r o r ' s greatest p a y is praise, a n d fair glory in the eyes o f all,
and h o n o u r for his benefactions: statues a n d temples a n d h o l y precincts,
so m a n y as he h a s from his subjects. T h e s e things are p a y for his c o n s i d ­
285
eration a n d f o r e t h o u g h t . ' A n d the J e w Philo, n o t o n e to v i e w p a g a n
practices w i t h starry-eyed naivety, discusses the cult in terms o f deference
2 8 6
o w e d to e m p e r o r s ' prestige. N i c o l a u s ' j u d g e m e n t is c o n f i r m e d .
Y e t w h y s h o u l d deference to the e m p e r o r ' s h o n o u r a n d reciprocation
for his favours take this f o r m ? Because, w e are told, given their extent, n o
other r e c o m p e n s e w o u l d b e adequate. T h e friends o f Caligula, w h o m he
installed as client kings in the East, o w e d h i m a vast debt. ' T h e kings, even
if they devoted themselves entirely to that end, b e i n g incapable o f equally
reciprocating the f a v o u r o f such a g o d for the benefactions they h a v e
received', consequently repaired to C y z i c u s , there to offer w o r s h i p to
287
Drusilla, Caligula's s i s t e r . A n d if kings c o u l d n o t reciprocate other­
wise, h o w c o u l d m e r e cities? W h a t w a s the m o d e s t G r e e k t o w n of
A c r a e p h i a to d o w h e n N e r o granted it, a l o n g w i t h the rest o f G r e e c e , free­
d o m , including i m m u n i t y from taxation? Its inhabitants reinscribed
their altar to Z e u s the S a v i o u r to ' Z e u s the P a t r o n o f F r e e d o m , N e r o , for
ever', a n d placed statues o f N e r o a n d M e s s a l i n a in the temple o f A p o l l o ,

2 8 4
N i c . Dam., FGH 90 F 125, on €iV rip.r)t d^iajoiv rovrov OVTCO TTpooeiirov . . . TO re
lieyeOos" avrov rrjs' aperr}? Kai rr)v €tV a<pat evepyeoiav apLeiftofxevoi. For the title Sebastos
( = Augustus) see also Philo, Leg. Gaium 143; Dio 5 3 . 1 8 . 2. For this pair of motivations see
also Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 2 6 , cult for Roman officials justified by dignitas and voluntas 'pro tuis
maximis beneficiis'.
2 8 5
Lucian, Apologia 13, eiraivoi Kai r) irapd naoiv eu/cAeia Kai T O enl rait evepyeaiait
npooKweiodai. Cf. Gk. Const. 15. 2 , 1 7 ; Philo, Leg. Gaium 149-50; from individuals, Small.
Gaius 142; IG xii Suppl. 124; thus the crime of Christians who refused to offer cult to the
emperor might be seen as 'ingratitude', Eus. Hist. Eccl. 7 . 1 1 . 6 - 1 0 . On divine honours from
gratitude, see esp. Nock (1932), 517; and on the Hellenistic background, Habicht (1956),
1 6 0 - 7 1 , 230-6; Gauthier (1985), 4 6 - 8 , 6 0 - 6 ; Robert and Robert (1989), 84.
2 8 6
Philo, Leg. Gaium 140-52.
2 8 7
Small. Gaius 401. 5 - 6 (trans. Braund).
164 The Emperor

'so that o u r city m i g h t a p p e a r to h a v e e m p l o y e d every possible h o n o u r

2 8 8
a n d act o f piety t o w a r d s the house o f the lord N e r o A u g u s t u s ' .
T h e use o f divine h o n o u r s to fulfil the requirements o f deference to the
e m p e r o r is explained in the s a m e w a y . Philo, describing a p o g r o m at
A l e x a n d r i a , e n d e a v o u r e d to p r o v e that the Greeks' b l a s p h e m o u s installa­
tion o f statues o f Caligula in the s y n a g o g u e s — t h a t is, transforming t h e m
into temples o f the imperial c u l t — w a s n o t a consequence o f a genuine
desire to h o n o u r the e m p e r o r , b u t w a s intended instead to bait the J e w s .
D i d the G r e e k s so h o n o u r the Ptolemies, w h o m they also hailed as gods?
N o , Philo imagines a G r e e k A l e x a n d r i a n saying, 'but the e m p e r o r s are
greater than the Ptolemies in prestige a n d fortune, a n d thus it is necessary
for t h e m to receive greater h o n o u r s ' . Y e t neither A u g u s t u s n o r T i b e r i u s
w a s h o n o u r e d in this fashion, Philo replies, a n d then proceeds to total u p
their claims to prestige to p r o v e that they w e r e superior to those o f
2 8 9
Caligula. H i s a r g u m e n t rests u p o n the a s s u m p t i o n that the establish­
m e n t o f temples to the e m p e r o r is an h o n o u r appropriate o n l y to dignity
so vast that n o other h o n o u r s are adequate. Similarly, in a n inscription
f r o m Mytilene:

It is never possible to match [honours] humbler both in nature and frequency to

those who have obtained heavenly glory, and who have the power and supremacy
of gods; but if anything more honorific than these measures should turn up in
later times, the zeal and piety of the city will not be found wanting in further
290
deifying h i m .

D i v i n e h o n o u r s are represented as the solution to a quandary: w h a t is to

b e d o n e w h e n conventional h o n o u r s are inadequate to the e m p e r o r ' s
merits? W h e n the deference a n d gratitude d u e h i m are so o v e r w h e l m i n g ?
O n l y the best will d o .
Y e t if divine h o n o u r s are c o n c e i v e d as the solution to a p r o b l e m , the
question o f sincerity arises. D i d this sense o f i n a d e q u a c y a n d aporia pass
t h r o u g h the m i n d o f every subject every t i m e the loyal libation w a s
poured? On each a n d every occasion did the emperor's subjects
really think that the e m p e r o r h a d p e r f o r m e d benefactions so vast, h a d

2 8 8
Small. Gaius 6 4 . 4 9 - 5 5 . Expressions of bafflement as to appropriate civic recompense
for imperial benefactions, [Aristid.] 3 5 . 3 8 (Behr); E J 98. A n d for appropriateness of divine
honours to world benefactions, Gk. Const. 17.
2 8 9
Synagogues to be imperial temples, Philo, Leg. Gaium 137. Emperors compared to
Ptolemies, 1 4 0 , on fxet^ovs p>€v 01 avroKpdropcs rd d £ i c £ / n a r a Kal rds r u ^ a ? rd)v
nroXepLaiajv eloL, fiet^ovcov 8e Kal rip.wv rdyxdveiv ocpeiXovatv. Augustus and Tiberius,
141-52.
2 9 0
IGR iv. 39. b. 7 - 1 8 , ovpaviov . . . oogrj? . . . cniKvoeorepov; see Price (1984a), 55.
 The Emperor 165

distinction so great, that n o other f o r m o f h o n o u r w a s adequate? B u t

such questions misconceive the psychological status o f gratitude a n d def­
erence in the R o m a n w o r l d : they are p u b l i c dispositions first, rooted in
the sense o f h o n o u r a n d shame. Since acts o f cult w e r e ' a p p r o v e d b y all
m e n everywhere', it w a s i m p o r t a n t to b e seen to b e p r o p e r l y grateful a n d
291
deferential. A t o w n v o t i n g the e m p e r o r s divine h o n o u r s m i g h t specify
in the decree that their officials shall 'erect a stone m o n u m e n t c a r v e d
w i t h this sacred l a w . . . in o r d e r that s t a n d i n g . . . in the o p e n air for every­
one to see, the l a w . . . m a y testify to all m e n the gratitude o f the G y t h e a n
2 9 2
people t o w a r d s their r u l e r s ' . 'Let the decree b e inscribed a n d valid for
all time,' v o t e d E p h e s u s a b o u t a b i r t h d a y festival p r o c l a i m e d in gratitude
to A n t o n i n u s Pius, 'so that the character o f the city m a y b e o b v i o u s to
2 9 3
m e n n o w a n d in the f u t u r e . ' A n d an individual built a temple to
A u g u s t u s ' adoptive sons, 'wanting to show his gratitude a n d piety
2 9 4
t o w a r d s the w h o l e [imperial] h o u s e ' . O f course, publicly failing to
s h o w one's gratitude, one's loyalty, c o u l d b e dangerous: C y z i c u s w a s
2 9 5
p u n i s h e d for failing to finish an imperial t e m p l e . B u t the sense o f dis­
play revealed here indicates that it is the desire for the esteem o f those
a r o u n d one, n o t to seem to one's rivals (even to one's self) deficient in an
i m p o r t a n t aspect o f personal o r civic character, that explains n o t o n l y
great public acts o f imperial cult, b u t also the constant d r u m b e a t o f tiny,
individual, private h o n o u r s to the e m p e r o r . G r a t i t u d e a n d deference to
the e m p e r o r d r o v e the imperial cult n o t o n l y because they w e r e s o m e ­
times 'heartfelt', in the m o d e r n sense, b u t also because they w e r e an ide­
o l o g y w i d e l y participated in a n d enforced b y psychological structures o f
2 9 6
honour and s h a m e .
Y e t this o n l y pushes the question o f sincerity b a c k a step. E v e n if indi­
viduals' acts o f cult w e r e g o v e r n e d b y the expectations o f society, h o w
c o u l d a b r o a d expectation exist that every e m p e r o r , even the strange a n d
rapacious N e r o , even the gladiator C o m m o d u s , even the bizarre
Elagabalus, w a s w o r t h y o f divine h o n o u r s ? Y e t such an expectation w a s
necessary to the m e n w h o w e r e m o s t influential in f o r m i n g o p i n i o n o n a
city-by-city a n d p r o v i n c e - b y - p r o v i n c e basis. F o r their o w n h o n o u r c a m e

2 9 1
Quoted, Philo, Leg. Gaium 152.
2 9 2
Gk. Const. 1 5 . 1 . 3 4 - 4 0 , evxapioTiav; on this word, Robert (1955), 5 8 - 6 2 .
2 9 3
IK Eph.i. 2 1 . 3 5 - 7 .
2 9 4
J G x i i Suppl. 124, (trans. Price (1984a: 3 ) , who accepts the restoration [iv8€iKvv]odcu;
my italics).
2 9 5
Dio 5 7 . 2 4 . 6.
2 9 6
' T o credit the princeps with numen is . . . honour arising from heart-felt gratitude,'
Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) , 387.
166 The Emperor

to depend, in part, o n the emperor's being w o r t h y o f divine h o n o u r .

G r a t i t u d e in the R o m a n w o r l d w a s n o t o n l y enforced b y shame; it w a s a
public virtue, to b e publicly displayed as a claim to h o n o u r . T o requite
the emperor's benefactions w i t h acts o f cult w a s itself an act o f philotimia,
2 9 7
competitive a m b i t i o n for h o n o u r . S o t o o w e r e acts o f cult inspired b y
deference. M y t i l e n e did n o t modestly hide its extravagant reverence for
Augustus' honour—noticed a b o v e — b u t sent copies o f its decree to
P e r g a m u m , A c t i u m , B r u n d i s i u m , A n t i o c h in Syria, Massilia in G a u l , a n d
T a r r a c o in distant Spain. T h i s last m a y h a v e inspired T a r r a c o to the e m u ­
2 9 8
lative construction o f an altar to the e m p e r o r .
T h e imperial cult w a s part o f the w o r l d o f philotimia. Priesthoods o f
the e m p e r o r w e r e p r o m i n e n t perches from w h i c h to undertake glorious
acts o f p u b l i c benefaction; priests a n d b o a r d s o f priests p e r f o r m e d the
acts o f cult a n d p a i d for the games, dinners, a n d p u b l i c distributions in
299
the emperor's h o n o u r at imperial f e s t i v a l s . A n d since the imperial cult
insinuated itself into a w o r l d w h e r e the m u n i c i p a l aristocracies already
h a d a great m a n y opportunities to e x c h a n g e their m o n e y for civic h o n ­
ours, it w a s perhaps natural that the n e w imperial priesthoods attracted
ambitions for g l o r y previously constrained in their expression: in Italy
especially, the substantial n u m b e r s o f w e a l t h y freedmen legally excluded
from the m u n i c i p a l senates b y their origin; in the provinces, m e n w h o
h a d exhausted the h o n o u r s o f their o w n cities, a n d looked for higher
3 0 0
h o n o u r s as provincial priests o f the imperial c u l t .
T h e imperial cult w a s s o met h i n g to w h i c h i m p o r t a n t m e n looked for
h o n o u r , a n d u p o n w h i c h their h o n o u r c a m e to d e p e n d . G r a t i t u d e a n d
deference to the e m p e r o r served also as an ideology f o r m i n g the s u b ­
structures o f an arena in w h i c h subjects a n d cities struggled for h o n o u r
a m o n g themselves. T h u s the use o f the t e r m 'piety' (eusebeia), w h i c h the
emperor's G r e e k subjects w e r e expected to display t o w a r d s the e m p e r o r ,
3 0 1
a n d w h i c h m o t i v a t e d acts o f imperial c u l t . In the specific context o f the
2 9 7
IGR iv. 1756. 26 ( = Gk. Const 7 ) .
2 9 8
See above, n. 290; for Tarraco, where Augustus was resident, Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) ,
1 7 1 - 2 . For rivalry in deference cf. SEG xxiii. 206.
2 9 9
Civic priests of the imperial cult in East, Price (1984a), 6 2 - 4 . A n d for the place of the
civic imperial priesthood in the career of notables in Spain, Etienne (1958), 2 2 3 - 3 1 .
300 Provincial imperial priests, Deininger (1965), 1 4 8 - 5 4 ; their glory, Firm. Mat. Math. 4.
2 1 . 5 ; IKEph. i. 43; their backgrounds and careers, Stein (1927); and see e.g. Alfoldy (1973) on
the flamens of Hispania Citerior. O n the seven Augustales, Augustales and magistri y

Augustales of the West, largely freedmen, for Italy, see Duthoy (1978): membership is an
honor for which a summa honoraria is paid; they enjoy honorific garb, seating, etc., and per­
form benefactions; for spread in the rest of the empire, Duthoy (1976).
3 0 1
Price (1984b), 8 8 - 9 . Provincials understand it as a duty, IKEph. vii. 3801. Cf. eusebeia
for a governor, SEG i. 3 2 9 . 4 8 .
 The Emperor 167

imperial cult the precise content o f this attitude is difficult to m a k e out,

but eusebeia w a s felt t o w a r d s the g o d s (its p r i m a r y sense), a n d in those
environs it c o m b i n e d a p o w e r f u l reciprocal flavour with a p r o p e r rever­
ence for the g o d s ' time, w h a t has been called deference a m o n g m e n . 3 0 2

But this disposition t o w a r d s the e m p e r o r also appears as s o m e t h i n g for

w h i c h the e m p e r o r s ' cities a n d subjects c o m p e t e d a m o n g themselves,
s o m e t h i n g w h i c h o n e acted 'to m a k e n o t o n l y the city b u t also the rest o f
the p r o v i n c e witness to', something for w h i c h o n e w a s h o n o u r e d b y one's
303
fellow c i t i z e n s . A t the level o f competition between cities, 'pious' o r
304
'most pious' m i g h t be taken as city t i t l e s .
A m a n w h o hopes to b e h o n o u r e d b y his t o w n s m e n for his 'piety'
t o w a r d s the e m p e r o r , o r a city w h i c h hopes to o u t d o a hated rival b y dis­
playing that quality, is in n o position to question w h e t h e r that disposi­
tion is justified b y imperial b e h a v i o u r . Philotimia could make the
imperial cult's formal masters, gratitude a n d deference to the e m p e r o r ,
its servants instead. Eagerness to partake o f the h o n o u r the cult offered
required c o m p l i c i t y in the ideology o f the cult, even if that ideology w o r e
thin at times, b e c o m i n g n o m o r e than rhetoric u n d e r b a d e m p e r o r s . T h e
m i x t u r e o f lying, e u p h e m i s m , a n d self-delusion involved w e can o n l y
guess, b u t the necessity is clear: for if the e m p e r o r w a s admitted to b e
u n w o r t h y o f cult, his priest w a s a ridiculous, rather than a glorious, crea­
ture; his splendid c r o w n o f office, festooned w i t h tiny imperial busts,
3 0 5
s u d d e n l y as ludicrous to h i m as it is to u s . T h e logic o f the imperial cult
required that the e m p e r o r b e w o r t h y o f cult. T h e h o n o u r o f his priests
and cities required that the e m p e r o r b e p r o p e r l y h o n o u r a b l e , b e w o r t h y
o f the h o n o u r s w h i c h it w a s an h o n o u r for t h e m to b e s t o w u p o n h i m .
T h u s the h o n o u r a n d civic patriotism o f provincials c o u l d m a k e the
e m p e r o r h o n o u r a b l e , rather than the other w a y r o u n d . N o r did the c u r i ­
ous logic o f philotimia drive the imperial cult alone. A l l f o r m s o f h o n o u r
t o w a r d s the e m p e r o r c o u l d b e v i e w e d as m o t i v a t e d b y the subjects' philo­
306
timia. A n d his subjects' competition w i t h o n e another d e m a n d e d that
the e m p e r o r b e w o r t h y o f h o n o u r . D i d the people o f the Latin t o w n o f

3 0 2
Eusebeia to the gods, Rudhardt (1958), 1 2 - 1 7 ; Burkert (1985), 273-4; Cairns (1993), 208
n. 111. For eusebeia to emperor as reciprocal, Philo, Flacc. 4 8 , 9 8 , 1 0 3 ; Gk. Const. 1 5 . 2 ; IK Eph.
ii. 237.
3 0 3
Quoted, I G xii Suppl. 1 2 4 . 2 5 - 6 (trans. Price). Honour for eusebeia towards emperor,
Price (1984b), 88 n. 79; ( = pietas, ILS 6582c; and for rivalry in pietas, Pliny, Ep. 10.100); euse­
beia associated with <pi\ooogia EJ 3 5 2 . 9 .
y
3 0 4
evoepeios, Robert (1940b), 58; cvoeftcordTT), Robert (1977a), 16. Cities honour one
another for eusebeia, IK Eph. ii. 236.
3 0 5 3 0 6
Crowns, Fishwick (1987-92), 4 7 7 - 8 . Gk. Const. 35; Herod. 4. 2. 9.
168 The Emperor

3 0 7
T r e b a A u g u s t a really think C o m m o d u s 'supreme in all v i r t u e s ' ? But
they certainly c o u l d not h o n o u r h i m as bereft o f all virtues. C o m m o d u s '
subjects m a n u f a c t u r e d his virtues n o t so m u c h to please h i m as to please
themselves.
T h e great p a n o p l y o f h o n o u r s that his subjects directed t o w a r d s the
e m p e r o r has its roots in gratitude a n d deference as appropriate p u b l i c
dispositions. A t b o t t o m , the imperial cult arises from a sense that the
emperor's h o n o u r is so vast, a n d his benefactions so great, that all other
f o r m s o f h o n o u r are inadequate; it arises from the sense o f humiliation
before their peers that ancient persons felt if they c o u l d not act a p p r o p r i ­
ately t o w a r d s h o n o u r a b l e benefactors. B u t while gratitude a n d deference
t o w a r d s the e m p e r o r w e r e fundamental to the cult, they are less than a
full explanation o f it: for they also gave the cult ( a n d other h o n o u r s ) their
ideological legitimacy, enshrined t h e m as a part o f civic life, a n d thus as
p r o p e r objects for individual, a n d civic, philotimia. This philotimia
took o n a life o f its o w n , carrying the cult t h r o u g h the reigns o f g o o d
e m p e r o r s a n d b a d . It is philotimia that explains the e n o r m o u s resources
devoted to the imperial cult in w h a t seems to us a desperately p o o r w o r l d ,
3 0 8
and p e r h a p s even explains its l o n g survival u n d e r Christian e m p e r o r s .

Why Be Worshipped?
T h e R o m a n e m p e r o r never h e a r d o f the vast m a j o r i t y o f acts o f cult a n d
other h o n o u r s to h i m ; w h e n provincials rose a n d blessed his n a m e , n o
o n e told h i m a b o u t it. B u t the grandest f o r m s the cult took c o u l d b e used
b y cities to influence the e m p e r o r . T h e embassies that cities sent to the
e m p e r o r to request the granting o f n e w privileges, o r the confirmation o f
3 0 9
old ones, m i g h t offer h i m a t e m p l e . A s a f o r m o f h o n o u r from his s u b ­
jects, at least, the cult w a s valuable to the e m p e r o r . A l l things b e i n g equal,
310
it did a d d to his p r e s t i g e . It thus m i g h t b e e n c o u r a g e d a n d assisted b y
e m p e r o r s , n o t o n l y b y the m a d Caligula, b u t even b y the m o d e r a t e
3 1 1
Hadrian. U p o n the elevation o f Caracalla to share the throne w i t h his
father, the t o w n o f A e z a n i v o t e d a festival a n d sacrifice. In return,
S e p t i m i u s Severus w r o t e a letter praising her as 'prestigious a n d o f great

3 0 7 3 0 8
ILS 400. Under Christian emperors, Bowersock (1983).
3 0 9
Gk. Const. 1 9 , 2 3 , 3 9 ; more generally, acts of cult inspire eunoia in the emperor, Julian,
Ep. 89b (Bidez), 293c; and cf. Philo, Leg. Gaium 137, for the Alexandrian Greeks' expectation
of praise and benefits from Caligula for turning the synagogues into imperial shrines (an
exceptional case).
3 1 0
Philo, Leg. Gaium 153; Tac. Ann. 4 . 3 8 ; but this is denied b y Cassius Dio 5 2 . 3 5 . 4 (see
Fishwick (1990b)) in the context of his discussion of insincere honours (above, p. 115).
3 1 1
Price (1984a), 6 8 - 9 .
 The Emperor 169

3 1 2
service o f o l d t o the R o m a n r u l e ' . A n d the w i d e r disposition,
eusebeia—which g a v e rise t o the cult as well as other loyal b e h a v i o u r — ,
the e m p e r o r also requited with grants: it w a s for eusebeia that N e r o said he
3 1 3
freed Greece a n d that G o r d i a n III confirmed the rights o f A p h r o d i s i a s .
M o r e o v e r , the offering o f divine cult to non-imperial persons died o u t
under A u g u s t u s , the e m p e r o r w h o also confined triumphs to himself a n d
his family, and later emperors were expected to b e as suspicious o f a n y o n e
314
w h o inspired cult as they w e r e o f over-glorious g e n e r a l s .
Y e t the realities o f politics discouraged the e m p e r o r from accepting a
temple from all w h o offered it. T h e offering o f divine tributes t o rulers
w a s a n o l d c u s t o m in the East, a n d largely unobjectionable there. B u t in
the W e s t , it w a s a slowly w a n i n g b u t p o w e r f u l aristocratic c o n v i c t i o n that
direct w o r s h i p o f a living m a n w a s revolting, a n d an e m p e r o r w h o
3 1 5
accepted it (if asked) offensive a n d v a i n g l o r i o u s . Indeed, T a c i t u s tells
us that T i b e r i u s used the refusal o f a n offer o f cult from H i t h e r S p a i n t o
3 1 6
dispel r u m o u r s a b o u t his g r o w i n g taste for a d u l a t i o n . A wise emperor,
p r o p e r l y c o n c e r n e d for such r u m o u r s , carefully allowed himself o n l y the
h o n o u r that aristocratic o p i n i o n w o u l d bear. T h u s at the outset o f t h e
principate, direct w o r s h i p o f the e m p e r o r w a s d i s c o u r a g e d in the W e s t ,
especially in Italy, a n d indirectness preferred. T h e e m p e r o r w a s therefore
w o r s h i p p e d together w i t h R o m a ; o r the e m p e r o r ' s genius (tutelary spirit)
w a s w o r s h i p p e d ; o r his numen, his divine spirit, o r his personified virtues;
or the e m p e r o r w a s w o r s h i p p e d in the context o f a w i d e r cult o f divinized
3 1 7
emperors p a s t . C e r t a i n l y t o c o m p e l w o r s h i p , especially in the city o f
R o m e as C a l i g u l a did, w a s m o n s t r o u s . Y e t o n e s h o u l d not o v e r e m p h a s i z e
imperial reluctance. High-profile p u b l i c offers o f cult the e m p e r o r s
m i g h t refuse, b u t it w a s u n d e r A u g u s t u s , despite his s e e m i n g fastidious­
ness, that p u b l i c cult in Italy w a s organized; a n d p u b l i c cult w a s strong
e n o u g h to sap t h e vitality o f p u r e l y private cult organizations b y the e n d
3 1 8
o f his r e i g n . C a s s i u s D i o claims that n o e m p e r o r h a d ever d a r e d t o

3 1 2
Gk. Const. 213. 1 9 - 2 1 , [7ro]Ats' oWer evSofjof Kai CK 7raAato[v P<o]/Ltata>v apxti
Xprjaipiot; see also Gk. Const. 15; IGR iv. 1756.
3 1 3
Nero, Gk. Const. 296 (also eunoia); Gordian, Gk. Const. 279. For imperial grants
prompted by subjects' eusebeia, see also Gk. Const. 1 8 , 2 4 and 29 (both guilds), 218. Subjects'
eusebeia also manifested by sending a gold crown, Gk. Const. 27; money, ibid. 217; or play­
ing host to the emperor, T A M ii. 905 ch. 13.
3 1 4 3 1 5
Price (1984a), 5 0 - 1 . Fishwick (1990b), 2 7 0 - 2 .
3 1 6
Tac. Ann. 4 . 3 7 .
3 1 7
O n the various dodges used in the West, and their trends, Fishwick (1987-92).
3 1 8
Augustus and cult, Fishwick (1987-92), 8 3 - 9 3 , and esp. 91 n. 55 on the cult in Italy.
Decline of private collegia dedicated to imperial cult in Italy, Santero (1983), 1 2 3 - 5 ; the
Augustales are a civic institution.
170 The Emperor

accept a n offer o f cult in Italy; this m a y b e true o f A u g u s t u s , b u t those

3 1 9
w h o built shrines to h i m in Italy did n o t ask h i m , n o r did he e n q u i r e .
A n d a long, s l o w t r e n d can b e discerned, w h e r e b y imperial insistence o n
v a r i o u s distancing m e c h a n i s m s slowly faded: b y the early third c e n t u r y
direct p u b l i c w o r s h i p o f the e m p e r o r w a s d e e m e d appropriate even in the
West.
Imperial acceptance o f offers o f p u b l i c cult m a d e in the East w a s also
noticed in the W e s t ; this will h a v e exerted a restraining influence o n h o w
3 2 0
m a n y the e m p e r o r a c c e p t e d . T h e r e w a s , m o r e o v e r , a considerable
political advantage inherent in accepting o n l y a p r o p o r t i o n o f the offers
o f cult that subject cities m a d e . F o r w h i l e the cult itself w a s an h o n o u r
directed b y his subjects at the e m p e r o r , permission for large-scale p u b l i c
w o r s h i p h a d to b e elicited from the e m p e r o r , a n d this permission w a s
part o f the a r m o u r y o f h o n o u r s that the e m p e r o r used to rule his e m p i r e .

U p with Perge, which alone has the right of asylum!

U p with Perge, temple-warden of the emperor since Vespasian!

U p with Perge, honoured with the sacred standard!
U p with Perge, honoured with silver coinage!

U p with Perge, treasury of the emperor!

U p with Perge, four times temple-warden of the emperor!

U p with Perge, head of Pamphylia!

U p with Perge, not false in any respect!
321
All rights [are held] by the senate's decree!

T h u s , shouting rhythmically, the citizens o f Perge listed their city's claims

to prestige. T h i s inscribed acclamation indicates b o t h the range o f i m p e ­
rial h o n o u r s that a city m i g h t e n j o y a n d the p r o m i n e n c e o f those h o n o u r s
related to the imperial cult. S u c h h o n o u r s w e r e the object o f rivalry:
'Lesser m e n a n d cities are eager to rival greater m e n a n d cities,' said Philo
3 2 2
o f the imperial c u l t . T h e status o f cities as 'first' o r 'second' in the
p r o v i n c e w a s strictly observed in the o r d e r in w h i c h their representatives

3 1 9
Dio 51. 20. 8; on the emperor's attitude, N o c k (1930), 55.
3 2 0
Claudius refuses cult at Alexandria as 'offensive to his contemporaries', Gk. Const. 19.
49; and Augustus preferred to be worshipped officially in both East and West only in the
company of Roma, Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) , 1 2 6 - 3 0 .
3 2 1
SEG xxxiv. 1306, acclamations selected from a longer document, translation adapted
from Roueche* (1989b). For a discussion of the various honours, ibid. 2 0 8 - 1 5 ; Weiss (1991).
3 2 2
Philo, Leg. Gaium 338. For the place of the imperial cult in the rivalry between cities,
Robert (1977a); Merkelbach (1978); Ziegler (1985).
 The Emperor 171

m a r c h e d in the processions that constituted an i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f the

3 2 3
provincial cult o f the e m p e r o r . Cities b e g g e d permission to erect a
temple to the e m p e r o r , to b e c o m e the emperor's ' t e m p l e - w a r d e n ' —
neocoros. T h e r e b y a city 'harvested h o n o u r ' , a n d w o u l d boast o f the grant
3 2 4
o n its c o i n s . A n d the h o n o u r w a s keener w h e n a city o v e r c a m e others
to get the privilege: in AD 26, T i b e r i u s h e a r d eleven cities plead their cause
before the senate. A s m i g h t b e expected, they a d d u c e d their claims to
3 2 5
prestige a n d the favours they h a d d o n e for R o m e . W h e n holding a
neocorate b e c a m e c o m m o n , cities b e g g e d for a second, a n d a third, a n d
a fourth.
N o t only w a s permission to build a temple a sign o f imperial f a v o u r ,
b u t o n e m i g h t ask as well for the right to hold g a m e s (an act o f cult in
b o t h the Latin W e s t a n d G r e e k East) for the e m p e r o r . G r e e k g a m e s h a d
their o w n system o f ranks, privileges, a n d titles, a system w h i c h w a s reg­
3 2 6
ulated b y the e m p e r o r . H e m i g h t allow a city to f o u n d , say, ' S a c r e d
3 2 7
Iselastic I s o - P y t h i a n ( E c u m e n i c a l A u g u s t a n g a m e s ' . O r he m i g h t p e r ­
mit t h e m to assimilate a traditional competition to the imperial cult,
granting it an imperial n a m e a n d raising its status. T h u s the 'Great S a c r e d
3 2 8
Iselastic ( E c u m e n i c a l G a m e s o f Z e u s a n d C o m m o d u s ' . O f course
p r o m i n e n t festivals a n d g a m e s h a d practical as well as honorific attrac­
tions: they attracted tourists w i t h m o n e y to spend, a n d a city w h i c h held
provincial observances for the imperial cult attracted liturgists, a n d c o u l d
d e m a n d contributions f r o m other cities o f the p r o v i n c e to p a y for
3 2 9
them. B u t for m o s t cities the profit will h a r d l y h a v e equalled the
expenditure. T h e rivalry o f cities for grants o f the right to undertake acts
o f cult to the e m p e r o r w a s , at b o t t o m , an o u t g r o w t h o f their rivalry for

3 2 3
Merkelbach (1978), 2 9 0 - 2 .
3 2 4
'Harvest of honour', Gk. Const. 266. 22; also Aristid. 1 9 . 1 3 (Behr). O n the neocorate,
Hanell (1935); Robert (1967), 4 8 - 5 7 ; Price (1984a), 6 4 - 7 , 7 2 - 3 : although the right might be
voted b y the senate, the decision was the emperor's in fact, p. 67. This honour died hard: in
the 5th cent, AD Sardis is still 'twice temple-warden', Buckler and Robinson (1932), no. 18.
3 2 5
T a c . Ann. 4 . 5 5 - 6 .
3 2 6
Mitchell (1993), i. 2 1 7 - 2 5 , arguing (p. 224) a trend in imperial cult away from empha­
sis on building temples (2nd cent.) to agonistic festivals (3rd); Harl (1987), 6 3 - 7 0 ; Ziegler
(1985); Robert (1977a), 3 0 - 5 : imperial authorizations as owpea, p. 33; imperial games as a
source of prestige, M e n . Rhet. 366 (and in general, on the prestige of festivals, 4 2 4 - 5 ) .
3 2 7
IGR iv. 1251 with Robert (1937), 1 1 9 - 2 3 .
3 2 8
MAMA vi. 11 with Robert (1969), 2 8 3 - 4 . For such assimilations, Price (1984a), 1 0 3 - 4 ;
the imperial cult m a y not always be implied b y imperial titles, but the titles will in any event
have been granted b y the emperor.
3 2 9
Crowds at festivals, MacMullen (1981), 1 8 - 2 6 ; liturgists from other cities, e.g. Etienne
(1958), 1 4 3 - 9 ; cf. Reynolds (1982), no. 14; ILS 705. Contributions, Spawforth (1994)-
172 The Emperor

h o n o u r , a n d it is h a r d to overstate the degree to w h i c h that passionate

3 3 0
competition, o v e r time, c a m e to revolve a r o u n d the imperial c u l t .
If his subjects w a n t e d the titles a n d h o n o u r s a n d rights associated w i t h
the imperial cult, that w a s a source o f p o w e r for the e m p e r o r , w h o c o u l d
grant t h e m as political prizes. S e p t i m i u s Severus granted N i c o m e d i a a
second neocorate, p r e s u m a b l y as o n e o f the city's r e w a r d s for its help
3 3 1
against N i g e r . A n d after that same civil w a r the T a r s i a n s a w o k e to dis­
cover in their p r o v i n c e o f Cilicia a rival city, A n a z a r b o s , n o w also entitled
to hold distinguished provincial g a m e s for the emperor. Perhaps
A n a z a r b o s s h r e w d l y b a c k e d Elagabalus against M a c r i n u s in 218, earning
herself a second neocorate, a n d then deftly s u p p o r t e d D e c i u s in 249,
332
thereby d r a w i n g ahead o f T a r s u s w i t h three n e o c o r a t e s . A s a seismo­
graph records the r u m b l i n g s o f distant earthquakes, so the grants o f the
privilege o f cult g a m e s to the cities o f Cilicia, an area crucial to R o m a n
military c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , reveal the Persian w a r s o f the third c e n t u r y in
3 3 3
w h i c h their help w a s needed a n d r e w a r d e d . T h e e m p e r o r c o u l d never
grant permission to all w h o asked, o r he w o u l d b e squandering his capi­
tal; he c o u l d neither risk cheapening the h o n o u r b y h a n d i n g it out t o o
widely, n o r debase it b y giving it to the u n w o r t h y . T i b e r i u s naturally
refused the request o f G y t h e u m , a small t o w n in L a c o n i a ; perhaps if
f a m o u s Sparta h a d asked, the a n s w e r w o u l d h a v e been different, for he
3 3 4
did n o t scorn cult at h a u g h t y S m y r n a . C l a u d i u s w a s not so foolish as
to r e w a r d A l e x a n d r i a , g n a w i n g crocodile-like o n its long-suffering Jews,
3 3 5
with the h o n o u r o f building h i m a t e m p l e . T h e emperor's decision to
grant the h o n o u r o f an imperial temple o r g a m e s w a s carefully m a d e , o n e
o f the t ho usa nds o f political calculations a b o u t the distribution o f h o n ­
ours that w e r e p a r t o f ruling the R o m a n empire.

3 3 0
Cf. IK Eph. i. 4 3 . 2 ( = line 15 G k . ) where the 'honorem Asiae ac totius provinci[a]e
dignitatem' depends on the imperial festival at Ephesus.
3 3 1
Robert (1977a), 3 4 - 5 .
3 3 2
AD 193, Ziegler (1985), 7 1 - 9 : Anazarbos also received a neocorate, but Tarsus received
a second neocorate, so Tarsus was not disloyal. Presumably Anazarbos adhered to Severus*
cause earlier or more zealously, AD 218, Mitchell (1993), i. 221 {paceZiegler (1985), 35); AD 249,
Ziegler (1985), 9 9 - 1 0 8 . For other suggestions of political grants, Mitchell (1993), i. 2 2 1 - 4 .
3 3 3
Ziegler (1985), 6 7 - 1 2 0 ; seismograph, p. 126. See also Harl ( 1 9 8 7 : 6 5 - 7 0 ) , for games and
politics in the rest of the East.
3 3 4
Gytheum, see n. 2 7 2 above. Smyrna, Tac. Ann. 4 . 1 5 , 5 5 - 6 ; Price (1984a). cat. 45.
3 3 5
Gk. Const. 1 9 . 4 7 - 5 1 ; ill-treating the Jews, lines 73 ff.
 The Emperor 173

CONCLUSION

T h e r e is an ancient definition o f imperial p o w e r implicit in T a c i t u s '

descriptions o f A g r i c o l a a n d D o m i t i a n , N e r o a n d Thrasea; in C a s s i u s
Dio's depiction o f T i b e r i u s a n d Sejanus a n d the jeering o f M a c r i n u s ; in
H e r o d i a n ' s p i c t u r e o f the revolt o f Pescennius N i g e r . T o s u c h observers
imperial p o w e r d e p e n d e d u p o n the loyalty o f the soldiers a n d u p o n
unequalled h o n o u r . W e are certainly at liberty to c o n c l u d e that the sec­
o n d h a l f o f this aristocratic definition o f p o w e r is the pathetic self-delu­
sion o f a class desperate to reassure themselves o f their o w n i m p o r t a n c e .
After all, e m p e r o r s c o u l d p r o c l a i m their scorn for aristocratic o p i n i o n ,
C a r a c a l l a w r i t i n g to the senate, 'I k n o w that m y acts are n o t pleasing t o
y o u ; b u t I h a v e a r m s a n d soldiers exactly so that I c a n p a y n o heed to w h a t
3 3 6
is said o f m e . ' B u t that s a m e e m p e r o r used those a r m s a n d soldiers to
p u n i s h the jeers o f A l e x a n d r i a , h a r d l y an act o f blithe c o n t e m p t for p u b ­
lic o p i n i o n . T h e e m p e r o r s a n d the historians w e r e b r o u g h t u p in the
s a m e school, in a society in w h i c h the protection a n d e x p a n s i o n of
r e n o w n w e r e e n o r m o u s l y i m p o r t a n t , in w h i c h r e n o w n w a s seen as sig­
nificant in all areas o f life, a n d in rulership especially. H o n o u r exists o n l y
in the m i n d , d e p e n d i n g for its existence o n a w i d e s p r e a d c o n s p i r a c y o f
the imagination. B u t if e v e r y o n e , i n c l u d i n g the e m p e r o r , partly shared in
that conspiracy, h o n o u r w a s a reality to t h e m , a n d played a real role in
politics.
T h e R o m a n e m p e r o r a n d his subjects inhabited a w o r l d articulated in
t e r m s o f h o n o u r a n d h o n o u r i n g , reciprocity a n d deference. T h e histori­
ans' fascination w i t h imperial h o n o u r , their eagerness to entangle the
e m p e r o r s in a w e b o f h o n o u r , indicates a b o v e all h o w such m e n w e r e
t r a p p e d themselves. T h i s w a s a w o r l d o f m i r r o r s , a m i x t u r e o f sincerity,
deception, a n d v a n i t y , the w h o l e m i x a s o u r c e o f p o w e r to the e m p e r o r .
A subject's real desire for h o n o u r s from his e m p e r o r to p r o m o t e himself
o r his city in local c o m p e t i t i o n for distinction w a s o f the greatest utility
to the ruler. It d i d not matter, h o w e v e r , if this eagerness w a s often n o
m o r e t h a n a cloak, as l o n g as it c o u l d assist the w o r k i n g o f other f o r m s o f
imperial p o w e r — b r i b e s a n d terror. A subject's heartfelt sense o f grati­
tude o r deference w a s o b v i o u s l y useful, as w a s that sense w h e n h e felt it
o n his city's behalf; b u t so w e r e those sentiments if used as a blind, c o n ­
sciously o r unconsciously, o r as the ideological basis for institutions like
the imperial cult, w h i c h contributed to the e m p e r o r ' s p o w e r . I m p e r i a l

Dio 78(77!.). 2 0 . 2 .
174 The Emperor

rule d i d well to p u t d o w n roots in t w o o f its subjects' strongest emotions,

philotimia, the lust for h o n o u r , a n d civic patriotism, manifested in the
lust for civic glory. T h e p a r a d o x that T a c i t u s has M a r c u s Te r e ntius
express, 'all that is left to us is the glory o f obedience', is b r o u g h t to life in
the G r e e k p r o v i n c e s o f the empire, w h e r e philosebastos, 'Augustus-
loving', is a title that cities p r o u d l y boast of, a n d w h e r e loyalty to the
e m p e r o r w a s an h o n o u r a b l e virtue like generosity, c o m p e t e d in b y civic
notables, a n d honorifically acclaimed: 'Claudius-loving! C a e s a r - l o v i n g !
3 3 7
Augustus-loving! R o m e - l o v i n g ! ' T h a t o v e r w h e l m i n g sense o f c o m p e ­
tition that h a d o n c e sent the A c h a e a n s ranging o v e r the fields o f T r o y
n o w manifested itself in loyalty to the e m p e r o r . T h i s w a s a deep well o f
imperial p o w e r .
The essential fiction involved in aristocratic conceptions of the
e m p e r o r w a s n o t that e m p e r o r s cared a b o u t their h o n o u r — t h e y usually
d i d — b u t that there w a s meaningful competition in h o n o u r between
e m p e r o r s a n d others. E m p e r o r s never c o m p e t e d for h o n o u r o n a level
field. T h e control o f soldiers m a d e it possible for the e m p e r o r to protect
his h o n o u r , at least for a while, even if he h a d acted extremely badly. T h e
imperial cult, m o r e o v e r , reveals the w a y in w h i c h subjects c o n n i v e d in
rendering their e m p e r o r h o n o u r a b l e . N o t o n l y priests o f the cult, b u t
a n y o n e w h o s e city c o m p e t e d w i t h another, o r indeed w h o did n o t w i s h
to set himself in shameful p u b l i c opposition to the n o r m s o f his society,
had a stake in the emperor's h o n o u r . T h e emperor's subjects insisted that
their e m p e r o r w a s splendid a n d glorious as m u c h for themselves as for
h i m . A n d this c o n s p i r a c y o f loyal sentiment w a s reinforced b y a n y o n e
w h o looked f o r w a r d to receiving, o r h a d received, an h o n o u r f r o m a n
e m p e r o r . F o r the emperor's o w n h o n o u r defined the abiding v a l u e o f his
kiss o r invitation to dinner, established h o w delightfully humiliated rivals
w o u l d b e that o n e m a n h a d a letter f r o m h i m , a n d they did not. T h e m o r e
h o n o u r the e m p e r o r granted to the great m e n o f the empire, the m o r e
they w e r e complicit in u p h o l d i n g his h o n o u r : w h a t e v e r the emperor's
real qualities, w h a t e v e r his actual worthiness for h o n o u r , an h o n o u r a b l e
e m p e r o r w a s necessary for the w a y his subjects w e n t about their business.
T h e emperor's h o n o u r w a s in large part a creation o f w h a t his subjects
w a n t e d to believe. A n e w reign, especially that o f the son o f a p o p u l a r
3 3 7
T a c . Ann. 6 . 8 , 'obsequii gloria'; cf. Pliny, Paneg. 9 . 5 . faXooepaoros as city title, Robert
(1969), 2 8 8 - 9 . faXoKXavotov [erased and replaced with (piXovepcova, itself later erased],
cpiXoKaioapa, <piXoo€paoTov, cpiXopcofxaiov, Small. Gaius 262; cf. IGR iv. 1048. O n the rela­
tion of such titles to acclamations, Rouech6 (1984), 182 n. 15 with refs.; for (piXoocftaoros as
a personal tide, see Robert (1949b), 2 1 1 - 1 2 ; for <piX6i<aioap (and others), see the indices of
IGR iv, p. 682.
 The Emperor 175

e m p e r o r , o r the successor o f a slain tyrant, inspired the brightest

3 3 8
hopes. A n e w e m p e r o r , if he did n o t ascend to the purple a m i d s t rivers
o f b l o o d , h a d the distinction his subjects t h o u g h t he ideally should have,
rather than the h o n o u r that he m i g h t p r o p e r l y h a v e received if he h a d
been subjected to the searching analysis usual in aristocratic circles. T h i s
h a p p y p r e s u m p t i o n o f g l o r y — b a c k e d b y the universal h u m a n longing
for g o o d overlords, perhaps b y the i n c o m p a r a b l e distinction o f imperial
ancestors a n d b y imperial p r o n o u n c e m e n t s , a n d certainly b y the distinc­
tion that the imperial office itself b e s t o w e d (discussed in the next c h a p ­
t e r ) — w a s v e r y robust. It t o o k a great deal for an e m p e r o r to disgrace
himself: the yearnings o f his subjects, o n the o n e h a n d , a n d his ability to
terrify, o n the other, m a d e sure o f that. Imperial h o n o u r w a s n o t m e r e l y
part o f the shared fantasy o f the R o m a n w o r l d . It w a s s om e thing fantas­
tic w i t h i n that fantasy, a glorious o r c h i d i m a g i n e d b y the flowers o f a n
i m a g i n a r y garden.

3 3 8
Suet. Gaius 1 3 - 1 4 ; Galba 1 4 . 1 ; Dio 61. 3 . 1 ; Herod. 1. 7; but see Suet. Titus 6-7 for an
exception.
 4
Officials

T H E attractions o f holding a high post in the R o m a n imperial g o v e r n ­

m e n t w e r e manifold. W h o w o u l d n o t b e o v e r j o y e d to ruin, flog, o r exe­
cute his m o r e irritating acquaintances? ' C o m a n d a r e e meglio di fottere',
as the Sicilians say. A n a r m e d g u a r d a n d the c o l o u r o f authority c o u l d
a d v a n c e almost a n y end. 'I can h a v e w h o m e v e r I w a n t clubbed to death!'
1
an i m a g i n e d g o v e r n o r gloats. O n e o f the roads the rods o f an official
cleared m o s t frequently w a s that to fortune. Offices w e r e remunerative
because o f the large salaries they c a m e to carry, the gifts that w e r e their
holders' e v e r y d a y expectation, the opportunities to c o n v e r t public
m o n e y into one's o w n , a n d the v a n t a g e they afforded for bribes a n d
2
e x t o r t i o n . It w a s w o r t h y o f r e m a r k w h e n an official returned h o m e n o
3
richer than w h e n he left. M o r e a n d m o r e , offices w e r e also v a l u e d
because o f the delightful i mmu n i t i es from costly civic b u r d e n s they
offered. Indeed, in late antiquity m e n c a n b e seen seeking official posts
solely to e n j o y this last benefit, serving briefly o r holding their posts in
4
sinecure, a n d then getting o n w i t h their l i v e s .
Y e t h o n o u r w o r d s p r o v i d e the m o s t c o m m o n terms for office in the
classical languages, honor o r dignitas in Latin, a n d TL^LTJ
5
in G r e e k . A n d
these are not d e a d m e t a p h o r s , technical expressions d e v o i d o f their
original flavour: h o n o u r , prestige, lies absolutely at the heart o f G r a e c o -
R o m a n perceptions o f office holding. A m o d e r n reader o f constitution­
alist disposition naturally has difficulty distinguishing the categories o f
m u n i c i p a l office a n d civic b u r d e n (munus, liturgy), since b o t h required

1
Arr. Epict. 3 . 7 . 3 2 ; cf. Juv. 10. 9 6 - 7 .
2
Salaries: Pflaum (1978), for the principate, including H S 1,000,000 (the senatorial cen­
sus!) per annum for the Proconsul of Asia (Dio 78(79L)- 2 2 . 5 ) ; late empire, A . H . M . Jones
(1964), 3 9 7 - 8 . The salary might be a reason to seek a post, Fronto, ad Pium 1 . 1 0 . 2 (van den
Hout); Plut. Praec. Get. Reip. 8i4d. Conveniently on gifts, the perfectly legal pocketing of
government money, and corruption, MacMullen (1988), 1 2 4 - 6 7 .
3
Philostr. VS 2.29 (621); Lib. Ep. 3 5 9 . 3 , a topos.
4
A . H . M . Jones (1964), 7 4 0 - 6 ; Liebeschuetz (1972), 1 7 4 - 8 ; Millar (1983).
5
For Latin vocabulary see esp. Hellegouarc'h (1963), 3 8 4 - 5 ; Lohken (1982), 1 2 - 1 4 .
 Officials

an individual to undertake expenses for his t o w n ; not so the ancient

jurist, w h o u n d e r s t o o d that offices conferred dignity o n their holder
6
while civic b u r d e n s did n o t . Indeed, the accretion to prestige c o u l d b e
perceived as the essence o f obtaining an a p p o i n t m e n t w h e n everything
m o r e superficial w a s stripped a w a y . Pliny, w h e n begging an official post
for a friend, m a k e s it clear that he has n o reason other than the desire to
increase the friend's h o n o u r — h e does n o t even care w h a t the position is,
7
so long as it is distinguished a n d does not require m u c h w o r k .
O r so he says. F o r o f course the association o f office w i t h h o n o u r p e r ­
mitted a great deal o f flummery. A R o m a n aristocrat in an official posi­
tion w a s n o one's hired help. B u t w o u l d he perhaps b e willing to accept a
substantial stipend from the e m p e r o r as c o m p e n s a t i o n for the sacrifice o f
8
his leisure a n d to a u g m e n t his d i g n i t y ? W h y , yes! P u t that w a y it w o u l d
b e churlish to refuse. A n d so h e really t h o u g h t o f it, n o d o u b t . B u t w h e n
the c o r r u p t l y gained perquisites o f l o w l y f o u r t h - c e n t u r y bureaucrats are
casually referred to as their 'dignities', w e have arrived at a w o r l d o f polite
9
pretence.
It is to the realities a n d h u m b u g s o f office a n d h o n o u r that w e n o w
turn; first to investigate the symbiosis that existed in the G r a e c o - R o m a n
m i n d between posts a n d h o n o u r , then to survey the consequences o f that
relationship for R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t beneath the exalted sphere o f the
e m p e r o r : the p o w e r that h o n o u r allowed a n d assisted officials to exert
over subjects, the p o w e r o f subjects o v e r officials likewise. B o t h are p a r ­
ticularly well illuminated b y the fourth Sacred Tale o f A e l i u s Aristides.
Finally, w e consider the possible consequences for g o v e r n m e n t w h e n , as
often in late antiquity, a p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f h o n o u r a n d authority did n o t
lie in the s a m e h a n d s .

O F F I C E AS D I G N I T Y

T h e intricacy o f the association o f h o n o u r a n d office is evident in a n

imperial constitution o f AD 3 7 6 c o n c e r n i n g the grain s u p p l y to the city o f
R o m e , a decree regulating relations between the offices o f the Prefect o f
the C i t y o f R o m e a n d the Prefect o f the G r a i n S u p p l y , t w o great b u r e a u x
w h i c h w e r e struggling to d o m i n a t e this area o f administration, perenni­
ally so vital to the civil peace o f the great, h u n g r y city.
6
Dig. 5 0 . 4 . 1 4 (Callistratus), 'cum dignitatis g r a d u \
7
Pliny, Ep. 3. 2; cf. 4 . 4 . 2 .
8
Dio 52. 21. 7, £v€Ka . . . rrjs a£ia>ae<os; cf. Tac. Ann. 4 . 1 6 .
9
Dignitatem CTh 6. 3 0 . 1 1 (386), 13 (395); also, immunities intended for the scriniorum
gloria, CTh 6. 2 6 . 1 4 . pr. (407 or 412).
i8
7
Officials

The Office of the Prefect of the Grain Supply has control over its own functions,
but in such a fashion that, when the Prefect of the City undertakes a public pro­
cession in accordance with ancient tradition, there be a distribution of bread in
recognition of his rank and dignity. Nevertheless, we desire that the Prefecture of
the Grain Supply yield to the lofty dignity [of the Prefect of the City] only to the
extent that it does not thereby yield the duty of provision. A n d the officers of the
Urban Prefecture shall not insinuate themselves into the office of the Grain
Supply, but the officers of the two bureaux will put aside their rivalry. The
Prefecture of the Grain Supply shall do its own work, not as subject to authority,
but rather, by being diligent in its own business it shall protect itself from con­
tempt in so far as it does not insult the superior office. The Prefecture of the City
shall have precedence over all magistracies in the city, and shall take from the
province of all other magistrates only so much as can be taken without injury and
10
hurt to the honour of others.

11
A Masterpiece of ambiguity'? B u t o n l y if v i e w e d in twentieth-century
terms; b y the forgiving standards o f late R o m a n l a w , clear e n o u g h . T h e
t w o offices h a v e c o m e to b l o w s o v e r the s u p p l y o f b r e a d for distribution
d u r i n g p u b l i c appearances o f the Prefect o f the C i t y . T h e G r a i n S u p p l y is
to p r o v i d e this b r e a d , the e m p e r o r insists, as a n act o f respect for the
Prefecture o f the C i t y . Relations o f reverence between officials, s o m e ­
times explicitly distinguished from strict relations o f obedience (as h e r e ) ,
are a frequent c o n c e r n o f late-antique law:

Nothing whatsoever is to be common and shared by any governors with the

palatines of our clemency, as many as are directed by the counts of the consistory
[i.e. members of the staffs of the Counts of the Sacred Largesses and the Res
Privata], Except for the reverence which is owed and offered to governors of
provinces, not only by their inferiors but also by their superiors, each will go
12
about his own business.

1 0
CTh 1 . 6 . 7 , 'suis partibus annonae praefectura moderator, sed ita, ut ex veterum more
praefecto urbis per publicum incedente honoris eius et loci gratia expensio panis habeatur.
Eatenus tamen praefecturam annonae cedere volumus dignitatis fastigio, ut curandi part­
ibus non cedat. Neque tamen apparitoribus urbanae praefecturae annonarium officium
inseratur, sed apparitorum aemulatione secreta ministerio suo annonae praefectura fun-
gatur, non ut potentiae subiecta, sed ut negotii sui diligens tantumque se a contemptu vin-
dicans, quantum non pergat in contumeliam superioris. Praefectura autem urbis cunctis,
quae intra urbem sunt, antecellat potestatibus, tantum ex omnibus parte delibans, quan­
tum sine iniuria ac detrimento alieni honoris usurpet'. Trans, adapted from Pharr. See
Chastagnol (i960: 2 9 7 - 3 0 0 ) for the background, but with a different interpretation of this
law.
1 1
A . H . M . Jones (1964: 690), describing a previous imperial intervention, CTh 1. 6. 5
(365), as well.
1 2
CTh 6 . 3 0 . 4 (378 or 379), reverentia; cf. C / i . 5 5 . 4 (385).
 Officials 179

H e r e the e m p e r o r explicitly ruled o u t a n y relations o f legal authority

between the provincial g o v e r n o r s a n d financial officers dispatched from
13
the p a l a c e . Relations o f respect w o u l d , o f course, still exist. A m m i a n u s
Marcellinus praises the strict separation o f military a n d civil authority in
the reign o f C o n s t a n t i u s , a n d then the fact that great officials b o t h civil
(his subordinates) a n d military (not) s h o w e d p r o p e r reverence for the
14
praetorian p r e f e c t . A n d other laws stipulated the acts o f reverence that
o n e official o w e d another: g o v e r n o r s shall u n d e r n o circumstances b a r
the clerks o f the imperial c o u r t from their m o r n i n g salutationes, for
e x a m p l e , a n d m e m b e r s o f the imperial b o d y g u a r d are to be permitted to
1 5
kiss v i c a r s .
F o r the G r a i n S u p p l y to fail in its reverence for the Prefecture o f the
C i t y is to insult it; it shall n o t d o so. A t the s a m e t i m e the lofty Prefecture
o f the C i t y has acted arrogantly in attempting to seize functions from
offices w i t h l o w e r standing, thus insulting them; it too shall desist.
N o t h i n g unusual here: an official's failure to p e r f o r m p u b l i c acts o f
respect for another w a s an insult a n d p u n i s h e d u n d e r the law, as all
i m p r o p e r insults between officials m i g h t b e . 1 6
C e r t a i n l y 'the corrector of
the p r o v i n c e o f A u g u s t a m n i c a deserved to b e punished, along w i t h his
office staff, for his insult to the dux? A l t h o u g h , again, the o n e w a s n o t
technically subordinate to the other, for a corrector was a civil g o v e r n o r ,
a n d a dux a high military officer, in a generation w h i c h kept civil a n d m i l ­
17
itary chains o f c o m m a n d s e p a r a t e . T h i s imperial insistence o n officials
not insulting o n e another c o u l d create difficulties w h e n the duties o f
reverence a n d those o f honest administration conflicted. S u p p o s e a n
inferior official's investigations w e r e to u n c o v e r something discreditable
to a superior?

Appropriate reverence is to be shown by inferior judges to those of higher rank.

But where the public interest is involved, and the lesser governor is investigating
the truth, no insult is done to his superior. Yet it is certain that anyone who exer­
cises his office so as to afflict with unworthy insults those in official authority will
18
not escape the sting of our indignation!
1 3
Cf. CTh 6 . 3 0 . 6 (383 or 384).
1 4
A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 6 . 2, 'sed cunctae castrenses et ordinariae potestates, ut honorum
omnium apicem, priscae reverentiae more, praefectos semper suspexere praetorio', with
Matthews (1989), 253. Cf. Greg. Naz. Ep. 1 4 3 . 5 ; Cass. Var. 7 . 4 3 .
1 5
CTh 6 . 2 6 . 5 (389), reverentioy and 6 . 2 4 . 4 (387), honorificentia; cf. 6 . 2 6 . 1 6 (410 or 413).
1 6
Above, n. 15.
17
CTh 1. 7. 2 (393), contumelioy with A . H . M . Jones (1964), 376. The case came to the
emperor's attention because the corrector had been punished by the magister rmlxtum, a high
military official. The punishment was just, the emperor said, but the praetorian prefect
1 8
ought to have inflicted it. C / i . 4 0 . 5 (364), reverentia, iniuria.
i8o Officials

T h e e m p e r o r carves the n a r r o w e s t possible exception to the d u t y o f rev­

erence, while sternly reasserting it.
Placed in its context o f careful imperial regulation o f kissing a n d greet­
ing a n d elaborate legal safeguards against officials insulting o n e another,
the l a w o f the quarrelling prefectures reveals that d u e reverence between
officials c o u l d b e considered part o f g o v e r n m e n t , something that m a d e
things h a p p e n . It w a s not m e r e l y a polite w a y o f describing relations o f
obedience (although in a w o r l d w h e r e aristocrats so hated to b e seen to
o b e y it will frequently h a v e served as that) because it w a s expected to
exist, a n d operate, w h e r e obedience, explicitly, d i d not. It is a s e c o n d
stream o f p o w e r alongside strict obedience, usually flowing d o w n the
same course, b u t s o m e t i m e s not; it w a s useful b o t h w a y s . M o r e than a
simple resolution o f administrative confusion, the l a w o f the prefectures
m a y allude to terrible events: the legal persecution o f R o m a n senators in
the later years o f V a l e n t i n i a n b y his creature M a x i m i n u s , V i c a r o f the C i t y
o f R o m e a n d f o r m e r Prefect o f the G r a i n S u p p l y . Gratian, Valentinian's
successor, m a y b e trying to placate the w o u n d e d senatorial aristocracy b y
exalting the Prefecture o f the C i t y , traditionally their bailiwick. B u t
w h e t h e r o r n o t this is s o — o r w h e t h e r the e m p e r o r is here discussing d u e
reverence as a w a y o f m a k i n g a veiled t h r e a t — h e is using an aspect o f
relations between officials w i t h a v e r y l o n g history. J u n i o r officials h a d
long b e e n c o m m e n d e d for their reverential disposition t o w a r d s their
superiors, w h e t h e r o r n o t those superiors technically h a d the right to
1 9
c o m m a n d them, a n d h o w e v e r inept those superiors m i g h t b e . O l d too
w e r e acts o f reverence from an inferior t o w a r d s his superior, like l o w e r ­
ing his fasces u p o n his a p p r o a c h , o r g o i n g to meet h i m , still the c u s t o m in
the fourth century. V e n e r a b l e as well w a s the o u t r a g e d sense o f personal
20
insult if such acts w e r e n e g l e c t e d . Suetonius reports o n l y a few details
a b o u t N e r o ' s grandfather, b u t o n e o f t h e m is that as aedile, he forced a
censor to give w a y to h i m in the street, a disgraceful reversal o f the nat­
21
ural o r d e r o f t h i n g s . Investigation o f the consequences o f this aspect o f
relations between officials for the internal w o r k i n g o f g o v e r n m e n t is

1 9
Maximinus, A m m . Marc. 28. 1. 8 - 5 6 ; for suggested connection with this law,
Matthews (1975), 66. Long history, Plut. Tib. Gracch. 5 . 1 ; C. Gracch. 2 . 1 ; C i c . ad Fam. 5 . 1 9 .
1; Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 8 6 a (cf. 4 . 1 5 . 1 2 , 1 0 . 2 6 ) .
2 0
Fasces, Plut. Pomp. 19. 5; cf. Vel. Pat. 2. 99. 4; meeting, C i c . ad Fam. 3 . 7. 4 - 5 (an old
custom); and still in the 4th cent., Lib. Or. 1.69; A m m . Marc. 2 1 . 1 6 . 2 ; cf. C i c . adAtt. 6 . 3 . 6
for escorting.
2 1
Suet. Nero 4; such acts of deference are enforced by the 'honos . . . et dignitas' of the
one performing them, C i c . ad Fam. 3 . 7 . 4 .
 Officials 181

impossible, since the necessary evidence has not survived. B u t clearly the
origins o f this official culture o f respect need to b e understood.

Honour from Obtaining Office, 1: The Independent Honour of Offices

T o w h i c h exactly is the insult o r reverence, the office o r its holder? T o
22
both, in f a c t . T h e h o n o u r o f a m a n w a s inextricably b o u n d u p w i t h the
office h e w a s h o l d i n g a n d the offices he h a d held. T o gain an office in the
R o m a n w o r l d w a s to e n j o y an accretion to one's h o n o u r . F r o n t o asks
A n t o n i n u s Pius for a procuratorship to 'enhance the dignity' o f an elderly
a c q u a i n t a n c e — a n d promises that if it is offered it will be declined: the
old gentleman w a n t s the h o n o u r o f h a v i n g been granted it, n o t the asso­
23
ciated p o w e r s a n d d u t i e s .
Receiving an office w a s perceived to confer h o n o u r because, in the first
place, every political position, from that o f the e m p e r o r d o w n to the petty
official o f a provincial t o w n , every civic p a g a n priesthood, a n d , b y the
m i d - f o u r t h century, every high ecclestiastical position itself rejoiced in a
certain traditional degree o f h o n o u r , h o n o u r m a d e patent to the w o r l d b y
special attire, seats at public events, a n d b y the a c c o m p a n i m e n t o f a p p r o ­
24
priate r e t a i n e r s . Offices, like m e n a n d cities, w e r e perceived to b e inde­
p e n d e n t entities in the w o r l d o f prestige, a n d an office h a d its prestige
w h o l l y apart from that o f the person w h o m i g h t b e o c c u p y i n g it at a given
m o m e n t . T h u s a c o r r u p t g o v e r n o r c o u l d b e d e e m e d to have failed in rev­
25
erence t o w a r d s his o w n o f f i c e . A n office conferred h o n o u r u p o n its
holder, just as a great m a n o r a distinguished city m i g h t b y h o n o u r i n g
him; similarly, the degree o f h o n o u r conferred d e p e n d e d o n the relative
h o n o u r o f the post a n d holder. A v e r y distinguished m a n gained n o h o n ­
o u r from a l o w l y post, just as he w o u l d gain little from a l o w l y praiser; it
2 6
m i g h t even degrade h i m . A t such a j u n c t u r e h e is described as being
'above his office', a revealing phrase, in that it implies the precision w i t h
w h i c h the h o n o u r o f m e n a n d o f offices c o u l d b e totalled u p a n d c o m ­
2 7
pared. I f an official w e r e cashiered, the h o n o u r o f his post nevertheless
2 8
lingered a b o u t h i m for a while, like s m o k e .
2 2
Cic. ad Fam. 3 . 7 . 4 - 5 ; Vel. Pat. 2 . 9 9 . 4 ; Sym. Rel. 23.
2 3
Fronto, ad Pium 1 . 1 0 (van den Hout), 'dignitatis... ornandae causa*.
2 4
Magistracies, see esp. Plut. Brut. 7 . 1 ; Pliny, Paneg. 77. 5; John Lyd. Mag. 2. 7 - 9 ; Cass.
Var. 6 passim. Emperorship, Tac. Hist. 2. 48; John Lyd. Mag. 1. 6. Ecclesiastics, see p. 95
above. Insignia: Mommsen (1887-8), i. 372-435; Lohken (1982), 80-6; retainers, Mommsen
(1887-8), i. 3 2 0 - 7 1 .
2 5
De Reb. Bell. 4 . 1 , 'despecta reverentia dignitatum\
2 6
Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 811b; cf. Lib. Ep. 3 4 . 4 . Degrade, HA Comm. 3 . 3 .
2 7
A m m . Marc. 2 9 . 1 . 8; cf. Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 813c; Sym. Rel. 1 2 . 3 .
2 8
Sid. Ep. 1 . 7 . 4 .
182 Officials

T h e h o n o u r o f a post c o u l d c h a n g e o v e r time. L o o k i n g b a c k from his

sixth-century prison cell, Boethius c o u l d p o i n t o u t the decline in the
2 9
h o n o u r o f the praetorship a n d the Prefecture o f the G r a i n S u p p l y . An
office's prestige w a s to a great extent a function o f those w h o h a d held it
in the past. If persons o f high h o n o u r h a d held it, they conferred their
h o n o u r u p o n it, as, for e x a m p l e , w h e n the e m p e r o r held the consulship;
if a base person held it, he d i s h o n o u r e d a n d polluted it. Pliny (especially
t o u c h y because a f o r m e r praetor himself) insisted that the praetorship
was c o n t a m i n a t e d w h e n C l a u d i u s ' freedman Pallas w a s given praetorian
insignia—he professed himself a m a z e d that a n y o n e c o u l d b e persuaded
3 0
to seek the praetorship after it h a d been thus d r a g g e d t h r o u g h the m u d .
T h e c o n d u c t o f the holders o f an office also h a d an impact. T h e austere
justice o f C a t o the Y o u n g e r w a s expected to raise the status o f the p r a e ­
torship, just as his reform o f the office o f the quaestorian clerks h a d that
o f the quaestorship. Y e t because his eccentricity led h i m to preside w i t h ­
o u t t u n i c o r shoes over the trials o f p r o m i n e n t m e n (or so some
reported), he c o u l d b e held to have disgraced, rather than a d o r n e d , the
31
office. I n this respect the e m p e r o r s h i p w a s n o different from a n y other
office. It too h a d an independent prestige, a n d c o u l d b e disgraced, as for
e x a m p l e b y C o m m o d u s ' fighting in the arena. Naturally, it m i g h t b e
v i e w e d (at least rhetorically) as 'a disgrace, rather than a source o f praise,
32
to be n a m e d e m p e r o r after V i t e l l i u s ' . N o t the least o f A u g u s t u s '
achievements w a s to instil h o n o u r so vast into the imperial office that he
e m b o d i e d a n d invented that it c o u l d p r o p u p , at least for a while, m a n y
o f his o d d o r evil successors.
Finally, forces exterior to the post itself c o u l d h a v e an i m p a c t o n its
prestige. Cassius D i o assumes that the e m p e r o r has the h o n o u r o f offices
3 3
u n d e r his p o w e r ; it is i m p o r t a n t to maintain t h e m , he s a y s . F o r the
e m p e r o r c o u l d d a m a g e the h o n o u r o f a position b y depriving it o f
insignia a n d august ceremonies; o r he c o u l d a d d to it, as G r a t i a n d i d
w h e n he allowed the Prefects o f the C i t y o f R o m e to crash t h r o u g h the

2 9
Boeth. Consol. 3. 4.
3 0
Offices honoured by their occupants: Sail. Jug. 4 . 7 - 8 ; Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 811b; Basil,
Ep. 98; J . Chr. Ep. 147; John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 5 0 . Emperor in the consulship, Pliny, Paneg. 6 0 . 2 ;
Lib. Or. 1 2 . 1 0 , 21. 29; honorific for his colleague, Pliny, Paneg. 92. Dishonoured by holder:
Pallas, Pliny, Ep. 8. 6.16; cf. Sail. Jug. 63. 7; HA Elag. 1 1 . 1 ; CTh 9 . 4 0 . 1 7 (399); Jer. Ep. 6 6 . 7 ;
Claudian, In Eutr. 1. 8 - 2 8 , 2 8 4 - 3 7 0 .
3 1
Quaestorship, Plut. Cato Min. 17. 1; praetorship, 4 4 . 1 . Cf. Plut. Pomp. 47. 3; Boeth.
Consol. 3. 4.
3 2
Commodus, Herod. 1 . 1 5 . 7 . Vitellius, Tac. Hist. 2.76, 'a contumelia quam a laude'. Cf.
ibid. 1 . 3 7 , 3 . 5 8 ; Suet. Vit. 1 0 . 1 ; Philostr. VA 5. 2 9 , 3 2 ; HA Macr. 15. 2.
3 3
Dio 52. 2 0 . 3 , TifjLrjy d^icDfia.
 Officials 183

streets in a great carriage agleam w i t h silver, their n e w official c o n ­

3 4
veyance. W h e n the praetorian prefect deprived the chief clerks in his
b u r e a u o f their venerable right to a siesta, he w a s d e e m e d to h a v e dis­
35
h o n o u r e d their o f f i c e .
T h e e m p e r o r c o u l d also grant o r w i t h d r a w a post's practical functions,
w h i c h , as the l a w o f the G r a i n S u p p l y indicates, w e r e considered part o f
3 6
its h o n o u r . A g o v e r n o r , entitled to enforce his will b y violence, enjoyed
37
'a dignity a d o r n e d b y t e r r o r s ' . T o take functions a w a y from an office (as
the Prefecture o f the C i t y w a s trying to d o ) w a s to insult the office, a n d
thus its holders past a n d present, w h o derived their o w n h o n o u r from it;
in the w i d e r w o r l d o f aristocratic opinion, this w a s to lay oneself o p e n to
the accusation that o n e w a s n o t p a y i n g the office the deference it w a s due.
T o the familiar jealousies a n d t u r f - w a r s o f bureaucratic life the R o m a n s
38
a d d e d a w h o l e additional level o f prickly i n t r a n s i g e n c e . B y the fourth
century, n o fewer than three great b u r e a u x w e r e involved in the raising
a n d spending o f g o v e r n m e n t revenues, a situation to the m o d e r n m i n d
39
'gratuitously c o m p l i c a t e d ' . B u t all administrative changes h a d h o n o u r
consequences, a n d systematic reorganization o f the structure o f g o v e r n ­
m e n t along m o d e r n , 'rational' lines w a s unimaginable. It c o u l d take c e n ­
turies for posts w i t h n o function at all to vanish: the old senatorial offices
o f tribune a n d aedile finally disappeared in the late third century, w h e n
senatorial feelings w e r e n o t at a p r e m i u m ; b u t the tribunate h a d seemed
functionless to m a n y in P l i n y the Y o u n g e r ' s day, a n d soldiered o n n o n e
4 0
the less for at least a century a n d a half after t h a t .
A l t h o u g h the p o w e r s a n d functions o f an office w e r e p a r t o f its h o n ­
our, the h o n o u r o f offices w a s only partly contingent u p o n their practi­
cal p o w e r (just as w a s the case w i t h aristocratic individuals), o r indeed
u p o n their h a v i n g a n y function at all. T h e o r d i n a r y consulship m a i n ­
tained a n d even increased its glory in the fourth century despite the fact
3 4
Hurt honour, John Lyd. Mag. 2 . 1 7 , 1 9 ; cf. A m m . Marc. 26. 6 . 1 6 ; Plut. Tib. Gracch. 15.
1; Fab. Max. 1 0 . Carriage, Sym. Rel. 4, 20; Symmachus thought it vulgar, but it was used,
Chastagnol (i960), 2 0 3 - 5 . Cf. for addition to honour, John Lyd. Mag. 2.30,3.39; also Cass.
Var. 6 . 5 . 1 .
3 5
John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 1 5 ; the prefect can also honour his o w n bureau, 3 . 4 9 .
3 6
Cf. Suet. Tib. 3 1 . 2 ; Cass. Var. 6 . 1 8 . 1 ; responsibilities appropriate to honour, CTh 1 . 1 2 .
2 (319); Cass. Var. pr. 6.
3 7
Cass. Var. 7 . 1 . 1 , ' t u a . . . dignitas a terroribus ornatur\
3 8
Cf. John Lyd. Mag. 3 passim; to maintain them is to maintain offices' maiestas. Suet.
Tib. 30. Office owed deference b y emperor, John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 50.
3 9
A . H . M . Jones (1964), 411.
4 0
Tribune and aedile vanish from cursus inscriptions, Christol (1986), 8 4 - 5 . The tri­
bunate may have maintained some shadowy existence even in the 4th cent., Kuhoff (1983),
28. Tribunate pointless, Pliny, Ep. 1. 23 (Pliny tried to take it seriously).
184 Officials

that its i n c u m b e n t s h a d next to n o duties (besides giving g a m e s ) , a n d suf-

fect consulships (held for short stretches o f the later part o f the year)
41
declined in p r e s t i g e . In part, the h o n o u r o f offices w a s self-perpetuating
entirely within the w o r l d o f h o n o u r . F o r those w h o h a d passed t h r o u g h
offices h a d the m o s t prestige a n d thus the greatest ability to confer p r e s ­
tige o n w h a t they believed to b e w o r t h y , a n d it w a s 'natural for a m a n to
w a n t to h a v e d e e m e d m o s t i m p o r t a n t those offices w h i c h he has held'. S o
42
Pliny h a d a 'greater reverence' for the c o n s u l s h i p . In part, t o o , offices'
tradition sustained them. F o r , to determine the h o n o u r o w e d a post, aris­
tocrats looked o v e r their shoulders into the past, even the distant, semi-
mythical past. W h a t e v e r one's opinion of recent holders of the
consulship or its political i m p o t e n c e , its g l o r y w a s m a i n t a i n e d b y m e m ­
ory o f the heroes o f the early a n d m i d - R e p u b l i c . F r o m this arose the sense
that the consulship w a s so lofty an office that f e w o f those w h o actually
4 3
held it w e r e w o r t h y o f i t . Necessarily, in s u c h an e n v i r o n m e n t , p o l e m i c
that a i m e d at i m p r o v i n g the h o n o u r o f an office m a n u f a c t u r e d for it a
tradition. T h u s the s i x t h - c e n t u r y J o h n L y d u s , in his treatise o n m a g i s t r a ­
cies, e m p h a s i z e d (quite w r o n g l y ) that the praetorian prefect, in w h o s e
office he held a post, w a s descended from the M a s t e r o f H o r s e , s e c o n d in
p o w e r to the kings o f exceedingly ancient R o m e . I f he c o u l d c o n v i n c e his
c o n t e m p o r a r i e s o f that origin, his office w o u l d enjoy, b y virtue o f tradi­
4 4
tion, a certain prestige w h i c h an office o f lesser lineage w o u l d n o t .
T h e h o n o u r o f a post w a s fairly clear, w h a t e v e r its origins, a n d w h a t ­
ever the reasons for its longevity. T a c i t u s , for e x a m p l e , c o u l d easily sug­
gest this w i t h a simple phrase like 'the consuls a n d the praetors e n j o y e d
45
their a p p r o p r i a t e p r e s t i g e ' . Indeed, the w e i g h t o f consensus allowed the
prestige conferred b y posts to crystallize to s u c h an extent that terms
organically g r e w u p to describe it. T h e holders o f high equestrian p r o c u -
ratorships u n d e r the principate c a m e to b e called 'most perfect men', viri
perfectissimi. A senator w a s an 'extremely brilliant' m a n , a vir clarissimus,
s o o n abbreviated to v . c ; in time, these descriptive terms h a r d e n e d into
46
titles.

4 1
Consulship, Bagnall et al. (1987), 1 - 4 , and cf. John Lyd. Mag. 2. 8.
4 2 4 3
Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 7 . 3 , ' m a i o r . . . reverentia'. Pan. Lat. 3(11). 1 5 . 4 .
4 4
John Lyd. Mag. 1 . 1 4 - 1 5 , 2 . 3 ; cf. 1 . 3 4 , also Cass. Var. 6 . 3 . 1 - 2 , for a fanciful tracing of
the praetorian prefecture to Joseph and Pharaoh.
4 5
Tac. Ann. 4 . 6 , 'sua consulibus, sua praetoribus species'.
4 6
Hirschfeld (1901); under the principate, Pflaum (1970) and Alfoldy (1981), 1 9 0 - 4 ; for
late antiquity, A . H . M . Jones (1964), 5 2 5 - 3 0 . For perfectissimus Ensslin (i937<0; note also
y

spectabilis (first seen applied to a proconsul, CTh 7 . 6 . 1 (365)), Ensslin (i929)> 1554; illustris y

to Prefects of the City, Berger (1914) > 1072.

 Officials 185

It w a s not o n l y the great official w h o p a r t o o k o f the h o n o u r o f the

office he held: the lesser employees in the b u r e a u o f such an office in late
antiquity w e r e r a n k e d in h o n o u r a m o n g themselves, a n d they also shared
in the £clat o f the great office. If its h o n o u r declined, to b e a clerk in its
e m p l o y w o u l d cease to confer h o n o u r , a n d m i g h t instead confer disgrace.
J o h n L y d u s c o n f i r m s the impression d r a w n from the imperial l a w a b o u t
the G r a i n S u p p l y : the v i e w from a great late-antique b u r e a u , p e r h a p s
w i t h o v e r a t h o u s a n d authorized employees a n d even m o r e s u p e r n u m e r ­
aries, w a s v e r y similar to that from an ancient city. T h e keen rivalry
between the functionaries o f the Prefect o f the C i t y a n d those o f the
Prefect o f the G r a i n S u p p l y ( w h i c h the e m p e r o r h a d to step in to f o r b i d ) ,
just as if they w e r e the citizens o f N i c a e a a n d N i c o m e d i a locked in a strug­
gle for civic h o n o u r , is w h o l l y consistent. A n d if a great office w a s similar
to a city, it is n o t surprising to note that its prestige suffered if its f u n c ­
47
tionaries c o u l d n o t keep u p a p p e a r a n c e s .

HonourfromObtaining Office, 2: Benefactions and Competition

T h e h o n o u r that each office enjoyed independently o f its holder, a n d o f
w h i c h its i n c u m b e n t s a n d associated lesser functionaries partook, w a s
n o t the o n l y reason w h y obtaining an office conferred prestige in the
R o m a n w o r l d : posts w e r e at the s a m e time favours, beneficia. In a w o r l d
w h e r e o n e w a s a p p o i n t e d to posts b y high personages, the receipt o f an
office publicized the esteem o f the great m a n w h o h a d given it. ' H e quit­
ted his retirement for a short time, w i t h great praise, a n d w a s a p p o i n t e d
b y o u r friend Corellius as his assistant in b u y i n g a n d distributing lands
u n d e r the generosity o f the e m p e r o r N e r v a — f o r h o w great is the h o n o u r
o f h a v i n g been selected b y so great a m a n w h o h a d so w i d e a field to
48
choose from!' It is, therefore, unsurprising that an equestrian officer
will m e n t i o n w h o appointed him: an inscription w h i c h describes his
career will list h i m not m e r e l y as a praefectus fabrum (a first step in the
equestrian cursus), b u t as the praefectus fabrum of, specifically, the
4 9
emperor C l a u d i u s .
4 7
Rank among lesser employees, John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 4 , 2 2 ; partake of rank of high office,
2. 17; for outlook, ibid., passim, esp. 3. 1; cf. CE 744. Numbers in late-antique offices,
A . H . M . Jones (1964), 1412. Keep up appearances, Mag. 3 . 1 4 .
4 8
Pliny, Ep. 7 . 3 1 , laus, gloria; cf. 4. 8. Posts are beneficia: refs. collected, Sailer (1982), 4 2
n. 6; add (later) HA Sev. Alex. 4 6 . 4 - 5 ; Sym. Rel. 1 . 1 .
4 9
Praefecti fabrum, Saddington (1985), 5 3 7 - 4 2 . Mention of who appointed or promoted
senators and equitesr. e.g. CIL iii. 7 2 6 , 6687; ILS 1740; M c C . & W . 288; AE 1 9 5 6 . 1 2 4 ; Pflaum
(1948), col. 1. A letter of appointment might be carved on stone for the admiration of pos­
terity, AE 1962.183a, with Pflaum (1971). For honour from being appointed by the emperor,
see also above, C h . 3 n. 221.
186 Officials

M o r e o v e r , official posts, particularly j u n i o r ones, w e r e traded o p e n l y

o n the basis o f reciprocity: ' Y o u will h a v e b o t h m e a n d h i m as y o u r m o s t
50
grateful d e b t o r s / says Pliny, begging an equestrian post for a friend.
Indeed, equestrian offices w e r e s i m p l y given to P l i n y to h a n d o n to
w h o m e v e r he liked—the identity o f the final recipient w a s o f n o interest
51
to the original b e s t o w e r o f the o f f i c e . A n office gained in such a w a y sig­
nified the esteem o f the m a n w h o applied his influence, the suffragator, he
was a great m a n , a n d that esteem w a s honorific. T h u s Junius Septimius
V e r u s H e r m o g e n e s a n n o u n c e d o n an inscription that he w a s 'adorned
with a [military] tribunate p a y i n g sixty t h o u s a n d [sesterces] a year b y his
5 2
i n f l u e n c e \ 'his* being, in this case, the consul Balbinus M a x i m u s ' .
Finally ( a n d this is perhaps the k e y to this w h o l e galaxy o f p e r c e p ­
tions), to a considerable extent the prestige e n j o y e d b y holders o f offices
derived n o t from the post itself, o r w h o h a d given it o r exerted influence
to gain it, b u t from the fact that the competition for posts w a s perenni­
ally v i e w e d as a contest, a contest w o n b y h o n o u r . ' F o r a m a n w h o is rich
and a grandee,' as A r t e m i d o r u s baldly p u t it, 'to d r e a m that o n e is a g o d
53
portends the greatest office: o n e in p r o p o r t i o n to his d i g n i t y . '
In C i c e r o ' s time, if a less 'worthy' candidate w o n an election, that fact
was p r o o f p r i m a facie o f electoral c o r r u p t i o n . D e f e n d i n g Gnaeus
Plancius against just such a charge, the orator h a d to describe at length
h o w it w a s possible for a m a n o f merely equestrian birth to o v e r c o m e a
54
b l u e - b l o o d in an election for a e d i l e . U n d e r the e m p i r e , w h e n elections
w e r e transferred to the senate, the s a m e ideal w a s maintained. T a c i t u s
believed that until the reign o f C l a u d i u s ( w h e n , he sneers, the imposition
o f expensive g a m e s m a d e an auction o f it), the quaestorship h a d been
allotted 'in a c c o r d a n c e with the dignity o f the candidates or b y the indul­
55
gence o f the e l e c t o r s ' . Pliny, looking b a c k from the same era, c o u l d
affirm that before his o w n c o r r u p t generation 'the w o r t h y usually p r e ­
vailed o v e r those w i t h the m o s t influence', a n d he makes it clear that
'worth', as he sees it, w a s conventional aristocratic prestige, birth, a n d
morals, a c h i e v e m e n t attested to b y m e n o f distinction, a n d the fact o f
5 0
Pliny, Ep. 3 . 2 ; cf. 4. 4; ILS 2941. O n this subject Sailer (1982), passim and esp. 4 1 - 6 , 7 5 .
5 1
Pliny, Ep. 3. 8 , 7 . 2 2 .
5 2
ILS 1191, 'suffragio eius ornatus'; cf. CIL v. 4332; ILS 4 9 2 8 - 9 (where the suffragator is a
vestal virgin). O n the distribution of military tribunates, Cotton (1981).
rov d£iayzaTor; cf. Apul. Met. 1 0 . 1 8 .
5 3
Artem. 3 . 1 3 , Kara T O imfidWov
5 4
Cic. Plane. 6 - 1 5 and esp. 18; also Mur. 36, 76; Hellegouarc'h (1963), 398 esp. nn. 4 - 5 ;
and cf. Dio 5 6 . 4 0 . 4 ; Hor. Sat. 1. 6 . 1 5 - 1 7 .
5 5
Tac. Ann. 1 1 . 2 2 , 'ex dignitate candidatorum aut facilitate tribuentium'; trans. Jackson.
On elections in the senate, Talbert (1984), 3 4 1 - 6 . For the waxing and waning number of
offices the emperor left to the senate to elect, Sailer (1982), 4 2 - 3 .
 Officials 187

distinguished supporters; perhaps, he says, the secret ballot will restore

5 6
those h a p p y t i m e s .
Doubtless those w h o lived in T a c i t u s ' a n d Pliny's honest days o f y o r e
w o u l d h a v e looked b a c k even further for honest days, shaking their heads
a b o u t the c o r r u p t i o n o f their o w n present. N o matter. T h e ideal o f offices
going to h o n o u r lived on, largely u n h a m p e r e d b y reality. A n d the ideal
applied to the e m p e r o r too, a n d a n y o n e else w h o h a d positions in his gift,
there b e i n g n o objective system o f a p p o i n t m e n t o r p r o m o t i o n to high
57
posts. It w a s a p o i n t o f deference to a p p o i n t the m o s t h o n o u r a b l e c a n ­
didate, a n d e m p e r o r s w e r e lauded w h e n they did so. In praising the early
years o f Tiberius' administration, T a c i t u s observed:

In giving out offices, he considered the nobility of the candidate's ancestors, his
glory in war, and the lustre conferred by his civil accomplishments, to establish
that there was not anyone better The imperial property was entrusted to such
as were most distinguished—sometimes to men he had not met, on account of
58
their reputation.

Best, in T a c i t u s ' eyes, to sift t h r o u g h the candidates a n d to give the office

to the m o s t h o n o u r a b l e — h i s h o n o u r being consequent b o t h upon
achievement in the imperial service a n d other qualities, like high birth.
T o such a m i n d , even c o m p e t e n c e w a s mediated t h r o u g h h o n o u r . T r a j a n
is praised b y P l i n y for giving 'to y o u t h s o f m o s t distinguished line the
59
office o w e d to their b i r t h ' . A n d n o t unnaturally in such circumstances
the 'splendour o f his birth' led A c c i u s S u r a to h o p e that he m i g h t b e given
60
a v a c a n t p r a e t o r s h i p . P r o s o p o g r a p h e r s note the advantage that the sons
61
o f consuls e n j o y e d in a d v a n c i n g to the consulship t h e m s e l v e s . When
5 6
Pliny, Ep. 3 . 2 0 , ' i t a saepius digni quam gratiosi praevalebant\
5 7
Criteria of appointment and promotion, Sailer (1982: 7 9 - 1 1 7 ) on this much-vexed
question; cf. J. B. Campbell (1975) and (1984: 3 2 5 - 4 7 ) on military positions; Brunt (1975ft)
on the Prefect of Egypt (an especially intricate job). T h e chooser's latitude was restricted b y
law (which an emperor might always flout) and custom, producing the characteristic
shapes of imperial career paths (conveniendy, E . Birley (1981: 4 - 3 5 ) for senators; Pflaum
(1950) for equestrians); but there was no prescriptive, objective system, no civil-service
exams; it was all very informal. Outstanding ability was hardly scorned, T a c . Ann. 13. 6 - 8 ;
Agric. 9. 5; but, like the men sent to rule British India, Roman aristocrats were assumed to
be equal to all appointments.
5 8
T a c . Ann. 4. 6, 'mandabatque honores, nobilitatem maiorum, claritudinem militiae,
inlustris domi artes spectando ut satis constaret non alios potiores fuisse res suas Caesar
spectatissimo cuique, quibusdam ignotis ex fama mandabat'. See also Plut. Otho 1 . 2 ; Herod.
6 . 1 . 4 . O n the ideology of choosing officials, cf. Brunt (1988ft).
5 9
Pliny, Paneg. 69. 4, 'iuvenibus clarissimae gentis debitum generi honorem'; also 5 8 . 3 .
6 0
Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 1 2 . 2, 'natalium splendor'.
6 1
Alfoldy (1977), 9 5 - 1 1 0 ; Leunissen (1989), 9 0 - 1 ; the degree of this advantage is contro­
versial, Hopkins (1983), 1 2 7 - 4 6 ; sons of consules ordinarii have an advantage over sons of
suffecti, and, of course, much more goes into this advantage than pure distinction of birth.
188 Officials

Pliny r e c o m m e n d s y o u n g m e n to great officials for a p p o i n t m e n t s he rec­

o m m e n d s t h e m n o t as skilled soldiers o r efficient bureaucrats, b u t as
individuals w h o s e qualities w e r e as estimable as possible in aristocratic
eyes. T h e attributes w a n t e d in a military tribune a n d in a b r i d e g r o o m
w e r e identical: g o o d family, a g o o d fortune, skill in rhetoric, a n d g o o d
6 2
m o r a l s — a l l the contributors to aristocratic h o n o u r .
If offices w e r e expected to g o to the w o r t h y , to pass o v e r the m o s t h o n ­
ourable candidate w a s to d e e m h i m u n w o r t h y , to insult h i m . C i c e r o cast
a b o u t to find s o m e o n e to w a t c h over Cilicia after his departure: he chose
Coelius C a l d u s since, as his quaestor a n d a nobilis, n o n e o f the m o r e
experienced, willing, candidates c o u l d b e preferred to h i m w i t h o u t con-
tumelia, 'insult'. C i c e r o ' s letters express grave c o n c e r n a b o u t C o e l i u s '
y o u t h a n d c o m p e t e n c e for so t r e m e n d o u s a responsibility, b u t C i c e r o ' s
p r i m a r y c o n c e r n w a s to a v o i d m a k i n g an e n e m y b y violating C o e l i u s '
6 3
rights in aristocratic eyes, a n d the provincials b e d a m n e d . Insulting
i m p o r t a n t m e n w a s dangerous, even to emperors: T a c i t u s represents
Tiberius c o m p l a i n i n g about the ill will he created w h e n he passed m e n
6 4
over.
N o t o n l y w e r e the insulted themselves angry. Aristocratic society as a
w h o l e c o n d e m n e d such failures o f deference; w h e n the e m p e r o r s (about
w h o m the m o s t is k n o w n ) gave offices to less distinguished candidates,
they w e r e castigated b y aristocratic o p i n i o n . A c c o r d i n g to C a s s i u s D i o ,
' m a n y b l a m e d ' M a c r i n u s for appointing o n e A d v e n t u s consul, a base-
b o r n creature ' w h o w a s n o t even able to talk p r o p e r l y to a n y o n e in the
65
senate, a n d thus, o n the d a y o f the elections, pretended to b e ill'. *
Preferring an undistinguished candidate to nobles for the praetorship,
T i b e r i u s excused his action: 'It seems to m e that C u r t i u s Rufus', he joked,
66
'was b o r n from h i m s e l f . '
T h e r e w a s plenty to c o m p l a i n about. In all generations e m p e r o r s w e r e
capricious, in all generations loyalty m i g h t b e r e w a r d e d to the disadvan­
tage o f standing. In late antiquity b r i b e r y (never absent) c a m e to p l a y an
increasing role in a p p o i n t m e n t s even to the highest offices, as, slowly a n d

6 2
Pliny, Ep. 2.13,3. 2 , 4 . 4 , 1 5 , 7 . 22. Cf. bridegrooms, Pliny, Ep. 1 . 1 4 , 6 . 26; Tac. Ann. 6.
15.
6 3
Cic. ad Fam. 2.15.4; ad Att. 6 . 6 . 3 - 4 (with L . A . Thompson (1965); Marshall (1972) on
the constraints on his choice; and cf. ad Fam. 2.18. 2 ) . Cf. Aristid. 5 0 . 7 3 (Behr).
6 4
T a c . Ann. 2.36; cf. Dio 79(78L). 2 2 . 3 .
6 5
Dio 78(79L). 1 4 . 1 - 3 ; cf. 7 i ( 7 2 L ) . 2 2 . 1 , 7 8 ( 7 9 L ) - 1 3 - 1 - 4 ; for historians' disapproval, Suet.
Tib. 42. 2; Herod. 5. 7. 6 - 7 .
6 6
T a c . Ann. 11. 2 1 , 'Tiberius dedecus natalium eius velavisset'.
 Officials 189

67
inconsistently, d i d religious affiliation. But perhaps most important,
using h o n o u r as a criterion for a p p o i n t m e n t flew in the face o f w h a t g r a d ­
ually b e c a m e a fundamental policy o f empire: great h o n o u r a n d r e spon­
sibility, especially the control o f soldiers, w e r e to b e kept apart. E v e n
u n d e r A u g u s t u s the seeds o f this policy w e r e s o w n : the c o m m a n d e r o f his
guard, the praetorian prefect, a n d the Prefect o f E g y p t w e r e n o t senators,
b u t equestrians. N e r o , w e are told, a p p o i n t e d V e s p a s i a n to c o m m a n d in
the Jewish W a r since he w a s 'of tried energy a n d n o t to be feared in a n y
6 8
w a y because o f the humbleness o f his line a n d n a m e ' . T h e destruction
o f N e r o b y the distinguished Sulpicius G a l b a will have c o n f i r m e d the
w i s d o m o f this choice o f h u m b l e c o m p e t e n c e . C e r t a i n l y u n d e r the p r i n -
cipate the l u x u r i o u s express-elevator to the highest offices to w h i c h those
o f patrician birth w e r e entitled usually carried t h e m right past the floors
69
o n w h i c h spears a n d s w o r d s w e r e s t o r e d . In the chaotic late third cen­
tury all senators w e r e increasingly e x c l u d e d from responsible positions,
an exclusion w h i c h b e c a m e virtually (but n o t absolutely) c om ple te u n d e r
70
the l o w - b o r n D i o c l e t i a n . S u b s e q u e n t e m p e r o r s gradually reversed this
71
trend, b u t never e n t i r e l y . T h e return o f the old aristocrats w a s especially
limited in the a r m y , w h i c h w a s increasingly d o m i n a t e d b y barbarians at
72
all levels, m e n w h o h a d to cut their nostril hairs d a i l y . T h e preserve o f
the aristocrats w a s , instead, the civil s i d e — a l t h o u g h even at higher levels
special skills (such as s h o r t h a n d - w r i t i n g a n d k n o w l e d g e o f the l a w ) ,
rather than the traditional aristocratic rhetorical education, w e r e increas­
ingly v a l u e d , a n d although seniority ( m i n g l e d w i t h c o r r u p t i o n ) c a m e
increasingly to regulate a d v a n c e m e n t in the l o w e r reaches o f the late-
73
antique civil s e r v i c e .
Y e t all this h a d little effect o n the ideology o f aristocratic office-hold­
ing. S y m m a c h u s a v o w e d that h o n o u r a n d glory w o u l d t h r o w o p e n the
d o o r to the highest ranks, a n d A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s n o t e d w i t h

6 7
Corruption: not overwhelming in principate, Eck (1982), but much greater at all lev­
els in late antiquity, Ste Croix (1954), 3 9 - 4 8 ; Liebs (1978). Religion, von Haehling (1978).
6 8
Suet. Vesp. 4 . 5 .
6 9
Patricians, Eck (1974), 2 1 7 - 1 9 ; there were, of course, exceptions. See Hopkins (1983)
1 7 1 - 4 for the growing bifurcation between the 'grand set' and the 'power set'.
7 0
Third cent., Christol (1986), 3 9 - 5 4 . Diocletian, Arnheim (1972), 3 9 - 4 8 ; Barnes (1981),
10, with (1982), 1 4 0 - 7 4 .
7 1
Arnheim (1972), 4 9 - 1 0 2 , and see pp. 2 2 3 , 2 3 1 below.
7 2
Liebeschuetz (1990), 7 - 4 7 , and esp. 23; but Elton (1996: 1 3 6 - 5 2 ) has questioned the
extent of this barbarization. Nostril hairs, Sid. Ep. 1. 2 . 2 — a description of Theoderic.
7 3
L a w and shorthand, Liebeschuetz (1972), 2 4 2 - 5 5 . Seniority, A . H . M . Jones (1964),
6 0 2 - 3 ; hut there were no such objective criteria for the short-serving powerful dignitates y

ibid. 3 7 8 - 9 6 , esp. 3 8 8 , 3 9 1 - 5 .
190 Officials

a p p r o v a l w h e n it did, a n d snorted w i t h c o n t e m p t w h e n the u n w o r t h y

7 4
p u s h e d their w a y i n . T h e rights o f high birth w e r e still respected, if n o t
always b y the e m p e r o r . W h e n an unsuitable person w a s a d v a n c e d to g o v ­
ern several p r o v i n c e s as vicar, g r u m b l i n g s c o u l d b e heard a m o n g the
fifth-century jeunesse doree o f 'birth t r a m p l e d u n d e r f o o t ' . 75
T h e ideal
m i g h t b e c o m e reality particularly w h e r e aristocrats themselves h a d lati­
tude to c h o o s e — i n the Gallic C h u r c h , for e x a m p l e . It w a s n o t at all fool­
76
ish for a candidate for the episcopacy to stress his l i n e a g e . Sidonius
Apollinaris selected as b i s h o p o f B o u r g e s o n e Simplicius, a m a n o f dis­
tinguished birth w h o s e wife's splendid family contributed to his lustre, a
former official, a p e r f o r m e r o f civic duties, one w h o ranked a m o n g the
spectabiles, a m a n o f g o o d education. S i d o n i u s m a d e the selection k n o w ­
ing that a m o n g the clergy seniority w a s m u c h esteemed; k n o w i n g also
that people w o u l d c o m p l a i n at the choice: ' S i d o n i u s . . . is swollen u p w i t h
his o w n high birth, elevated b y the glories o f his offices; he scorns the
p o o r o f Christ.' N o matter. Sidonius' regret w a s that the c a n o n s o f the
c h u r c h forbade h i m f r o m appointing the even higher-ranking illustres
7 7
E u c h e r i u s a n d P a n n y c h i u s ; alas, they h a d m a r r i e d a second t i m e . If o n e
had issued C i c e r o o r Pliny w i t h a bishop's staff a n d a c o p y of-the c a n o n s ,
they w o u l d h a v e m a d e the s a m e choice; reading Sidonius' praise o f his
candidate, it is easy to forget that it is the p r o d u c t o f a Christian century.
W e c a n n o t trace the degree to w h i c h the expectation that office w o u l d
go to h o n o u r w a s vindicated in reality; clearly, always less than s o m e
w o u l d h a v e liked, a n d s o m e t i m e s m o r e than w a s p r u d e n t . U p o n C i c e r o ' s
m e n t i o n o f a patrician, his imperial c o m m e n t a t o r notes, ' T h e brilliance
78
o f this race has a d v a n c e d even incompetents to the highest h o n o u r s . '
Perhaps h e w a s thinking o f M a m e r c u s S c a u r u s , consul u n d e r T i b e r i u s ,
the descendant o f C i c e r o ' s patrician; despite his vile morals, m e m o r y o f
7 9
his great family secured h i m s u p p o r t . In fact, h o w m u c h o f a role

7 4
S y m . Ep. 9. 67, 'macte igitur primi honoris auspiciis et ad honorem et gloriam felices
tende conatus, ut et tibi ad celsiores gradus ianuam pandas'. Honour gains office (with the
sources of the distinction noted), A m m . Marc. 2 3 . 1 . 4, 2 7 . 1 1 . 1 , 2 8 . 3 . 9; cf. Eunap. VS 490;
Sid. Ep. 1. 4; Cass. Var. 1 . 3 - 4 ; and for the assumption, A m m . Marc. 15. 5 . 1 4 ; Lib. Or. 4. 20.
Unworthy gain office, A m m . Marc. 18. 5 . 5 , 2 1 . 1 0 . 8, 2 8 . 1 . 4 2 .
7 5
Sid. Ep. 1 . 3 , 'calcata generositas', cf. Firm. Mat. Math. 3 . 5 . 3 4 , 3 8 ; A . H . M . Jones (1964),
388.
7 6
Sid. Ep. 4. 25. 2. For the high standing of 5th-cent. Gallic bishops, Mathisen (1993:
9 1 - 2 ) , but Gaul may be an extreme case, Barnish (1988:138).
7 7
Sid. Ep. 7. 9; Sidonius, bishop of Clermont and former Prefect of the City of Rome,
made the choice because the locals were deadlocked.
7 8
Asc. 23, 'quae generis claritas etiam inertes homines ad summos honores provexit*.
7 9
Sen. Ben. 4 . 3 1 . 3 - 5 ; cf. Tac. Hist. 3 . 86.
 Officials 191

h o n o u r actually played in the distribution o f offices w a s not v e r y i m p o r ­

tant. T h e ideal, the expectation, w a s extremely robust regardless, for it
d r e w less o n observation o f c o n t e m p o r a r y circumstances than u p o n the
psychological need o f those involved, a need manifested (as so frequently
in the ancient w o r l d ) in an i m a g i n e d past w h e r e things h a d w o r k e d as
they o u g h t . T h e e n d u r i n g belief that office w e n t to h o n o u r w a s a conse­
q u e n c e o f G r a e c o - R o m a n aristocrats' y e a r n i n g for contests o v e r h o n o u r
w i t h clear w i n n e r s a n d losers. T h e y h a d the competitive outlook of
H o m e r i c heroes, b u t n o T r o j a n W a r to settle w h o w a s the best o f the
A c h a e a n s . T h e r e , the T r o j a n P a n d a r u s , h a v i n g shot the great D i o m e d e s
with an a r r o w , a n d thinking the shot mortal, shouts to h i m , ' Y o u are
struck right t h r o u g h the flank, a n d I don't think you'll h o l d u p m u c h
80
longer: y o u h a v e given m e a great claim to g l o r y . ' Instead it is Pliny's
'Julius N a s o seeks a n office. H i s o p p o n e n t s are b o t h m a n y a n d excellent.
81
T o o v e r c o m e t h e m is as glorious as it is difficult.' In a w o r l d w h e r e posts
w e r e perceived to g o to the candidate w h o enjoyed the greatest aristo­
cratic esteem, to gain t h e m w a s to p r o v e to the w o r l d that y o u h a d h o n ­
our greater than those y o u defeated, a n d as great as that o f y o u r
colleagues in office. Especially glorifying then, if y o u r consular colleague
82
was a great g e n e r a l . T h e contest for h o n o u r a m o n g aristocrats p e r v a d e d
all areas o f life, b u t political life especially, a n d realities o f politics yielded
in the m i n d to the d e m a n d s o f h o n o u r .

Honour While in Office

N o t o n l y did h o n o u r flow from the fact o f receiving office, b u t offices also
permitted the a c c u m u l a t i o n o f m o r e h o n o u r d u r i n g their holder's
tenure. A d v i c e to a g o v e r n o r : ' B y the i m m o r t a l gods! A p p l y y o u r care a n d
consideration to those things w h i c h will b r i n g y o u the highest dignity a n d
83
glory!' A n d T a c i t u s r e m a r k e d at the death o f the distinguished L u c i u s
Piso that 'his particular g l o r y w a s the w a y in w h i c h he t e m p e r e d his
84
authority as prefect o f the c i t y ' . Official position placed one in the p u b ­
lic, the aristocratic, a n d even the imperial eye, a n d this permitted its

8 0
//. 5. 2 8 4 - 5 , €/xoi oe ficy' €$x<>s eSatKdS.
8 1
Pliny, Ep. 6. 6, 'petit honores Iulius Naso; petit cum multis, cum bonis, quos ut glo-
riosum sic est difficile superare*.
8 2
Pan. Lat. 3(11). 15. 2; a veil, since the colleague, the barbarian Nevitta, was thought by
Ammianus ( 2 1 . 1 0 . 8 ) a disgrace to his position, but the principle is plain; cf. Pliny, Ep. 5 . 1 4 .
8 3
C i c . ad Fam. 1 0 . 3 . 3 , 'summam dignitatem et gloriam'; cf. ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 3 , 4 1 - 5 .
8 4
Tac. Ann. 6. io, gloria. Cf. C i c . ad Fam. 2.11.1; Tac. Agric. 8; Herod. 2 . 7 . 5; HA Sev. 4.
7; A m m . Marc. 29. 2 . 1 6 ; IKEph. i. 41; Greg. N a z . Ep. 1 0 4 . 1 ; CTh 8. 8 . 5 (395).
192 Officials

85
holder to s h o w off his native v i r t u e s . If M a r c e l l i n u s the quaestor, w h o
returned to the treasury p u b l i c m o n e y that he certainly c o u l d h a v e p o c k ­
eted, h a d p e r f o r m e d s o m e similarly u p r i g h t deed in private life, it is
unlikely that P l i n y w o u l d h a v e written to a distant friend in praise o f
8 6
him.
B y a n d large, office illuminated conventional aristocratic v i r t u e s —
8 7
w i s d o m , justice, self-control, c o u r a g e . B u t office also permitted s o m e
kinds o f f a m e — l i k e military g l o r y — n o t available in the e v e r y d a y r o u n d
o f f o r u m o r agora. T h e r e w a s h o n o u r in w i n n i n g battles, h o n o u r in
8 8
a d v a n c i n g the b o u n d a r i e s o f one's p r o v i n c e . A n d it w a s easier to get a
reputation for be i ng just if o n e h a d been a j u d g e ; it w a s impossible to get
a reputation for using one's p o w e r moderately, like L u c i u s Piso, if o n e
8 9
had n e v e r h a d p o w e r to a b u s e . T h e great f o u r t h - c e n t u r y senator
Praetextatus, w e are told, gained increased gloria in aristocratic eyes from
the useful measures he enforced as Prefect o f the City: forbidding bal­
conies, k n o c k i n g d o w n private buildings built leaning against temples,
90
a n d r e f o r m i n g the weights a n d m e a s u r e s . N a t u r a l l y , even at the s a m e
level o f authority, s o m e posts offered m o r e opportunities for distinction
91
than o t h e r s . O b s e r v e r s expected a lively competition for g l o r y between
officials in office. Vitellius' general C a e c i n a w a s impelled to i m p r u d e n t
activity b y the a p p r o a c h o f his rival F a b i u s V a l e n s , for he feared that the
9 2
latter w o u l d g o b b l e u p all the g l o r y from the civil w a r . C i c e r o expected
to b e able to g o a d his brother, g o v e r n o r o f A s i a , into better c o n d u c t b y
r e m i n d i n g h i m o f the excellent reputations o f the g o v e r n o r s o f Sicily a n d
9 3
Macedonia.
T h e danger, o f course, w a s that the spotlight focused o n the holder o f
an official post m i g h t illuminate vice rather than virtue. If legal controls
over a governor's c o n d u c t w e r e slight, it w a s because o f the high confi­
dence placed (often misplaced, w e think) in social controls. It w a s n o t
8 5
Public eye, Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 9 , 4 1 - 2 ; 2Verr. 5 . 3 5 ; cf. Hellegouarc'h (1963), 3 7 2 - 3 ; Pliny,
Ep. 8 . 2 4 , 1 0 . 26. 2; Cass. Var. 7 . 7 . 1 .
8 6
Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 2 .
8 7
Catalogue of governors' virtues, Men. Rhet. 4 1 5 - 1 7 . Display of virtues in office, Cic. ad
Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 9 , 1 8 , 3 7 , 4 5 ; ad Fam. 2.18.1; Pliny, Ep. 1 0 . 8 6 b ; Tac. Hist. 3 . 7 5 ; Zos. 5. 2 . 2 ; and on
coundess honorific inscriptions.
8 8
Military glory, J . B. Campbell (1984), 3 4 8 - 6 2 , and esp. Juv. 1 0 . 1 3 3 - 4 1 ; Tac. Ann. 4. 26;
Lib. Ep. 9 7 2 . 2 . For the Republican background, Harris (1979), 1 7 - 3 4 ; Drexler (1962), 12, and
esp. Cic. Off. 2.45; Mur. 22, war the most glorifying activity of all. Expanding province, Tac.
Agric. 14.
8 9
Justice, Pliny, Ep. 9. 5; Piso, n. 84 above.
9 0
A m m . Marc. 27. 9. 8 - 1 0 , 'adulescebat gloria praeclari rectoris'.
9 1
C i c . Mur. 1 8 , 4 1 - 2 ; Plane. 6 4 - 5 .
9 2 9 3
T a c . Hist. 2. 24; cf. 3. 8 , 5 2 - 3 , 6 4 ; Z o s . 4 . 5 i - Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1. 2 . 7 .
 Officials 193

only p u n i s h m e n t that g o v e r n o r s feared, b u t scandal, loss o f h o n o u r , aris­

ing f r o m revelations o f c o n d u c t that their peers d e e m e d unacceptable.
W h e n a g o v e r n o r departed for his p r o v i n c e a friend, w i t h tears in his eyes,
m i g h t c o m m e n d to h i m the governor's o w n reputation, a n d sigh w i t h
94
relief w h e n he returned w i t h it i n t a c t . A letter asking a f a v o u r from a
g o v e r n o r asks for help not so far as his d u t y permits, b u t 'in so far as is
95
consistent with y o u r d i g n i t y ' . F o r it is p r i m a r i l y an official's dignity that
will suffer if he does w r o n g . A s Juvenal r e m i n d s an ( i m a g i n a r y ) aristo­
cratic g o v e r n o r ,

If your corps of assistants is honest, if no long-haired youth sells the judgements

of your tribunal, if your wife commits no crimes, if on your assizes through all the
towns no harpy stands ready to grab money with curved claws, then you can
number your line from Picus: if high names delight you, place the whole battle of
Titans, and Prometheus himself among your ancestors . . . But if ambition and
lust whisk you away, if you break rods in the blood of allies, if the blunt axes of a
weary lictor delight you, then the nobility of your ancestors will rise up against
96
you and hold a brilliant torch over your crimes.

T h i s w a s a d o u b l y serious penalty because, as P l i n y r e m a r k e d in exactly

97
this context, 'it is m o r e uglifying to lose, than never to get, p r a i s e ' . One
o f the d a n g e r o u s qualities o f l o w l y late-antique functionaries, their s u p e ­
riors thought, w a s their lack o f a n y sense o f shame; v e r y well, said the
e m p e r o r , if they are shameless like slaves, they will h a v e to b e subjected
98
to slaves' p u n i s h m e n t s .
T h e n o r m s that b o u n d aristocratic officials w e r e n o t a special set o f
professional ethics. Rather, officials w e r e expected s i m p l y to c o n d u c t
themselves b y the e v e r y d a y c o d e that regulated aristocratic b e h a v i o u r ,
adapted to their new surroundings—not to act 'ill-bred', as Dio
9 9
C h r y s o s t o m puts i t . T h e y should not, o f course, practise extortion a n d
p l u n d e r the provincials, a n d should place a limit o n their ire a n d avarice.

9 4
C i c . ad Att. 6 . 1 . 8, 'flens mihi meam famam commendasti'; and a stream of letters
sounding the same theme follows. Intact, C i c . ad Fam. 13. 7 3 . 1, 'incolumi f a m a \ Cicero
refers to 'nostros magistratus, qui et legum et existimationis periculo continentur', 2 Verr. 5.
167. Cf. ibid. 4 . 5 6 - 7 , for extravagant behaviour to protect reputation.
9 5
C i c . ad Fam. 13. 22. 2 (and passim in bk. 1 3 ) , 'pro tua dignitate'; and cf. 1 3 . 7 3 . 2, existi-
matioyfama. See also ibid. 15. 7 , 1 5 . 1 2 . 1 ; Fronto, ad Am. 1 . 1 . 2 (van den Hout).
9 6
Juv. 8 . 1 2 7 - 3 9 . Cf. C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 3 7 - 8 ; A m m . Marc. 28. 4. 2 - 3 ; Lib. Or. 1 2 . 2 1 - 2 ;
Boeth. Consol. 3 . 4 ; Cass. Var. 1 2 . 2 . 3 - 4 . A n d a good governor humiliated a bad predecessor
or successor, Cic. 2 Verr. 2 . 1 3 9 - 4 0 ; ad Att. 6 . 1 . 2; Cass. Var. 1 . 4 . 8. O n scandal, MacMullen
(1988), 1 3 5 - 7 .
9 7
Pliny, Ep. 8. 24. 9, 'multo deformius amittere quam non adsequi laudem\
9 8
A m m . Marc. 2 2 . 4 . 4 , 'nullus existimationis respectus'; emperor, CTh 1 4 . 1 0 . 1 . 3 (382).
9 9
D . C h r . 3 2 . 3 2 ; cf. C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 1 8 - 1 9 .
194 Officials

T h e y s h o u l d respect the laws a n d decrees o f the senate. T h e y are advised

'to take nothing from anyone's prestige, liberty, o r pride'. T h e y should
1 0 0
respect literature a n d the gentle arts as w e l l . T h e same c o n c e r n for
repute e n c o u r a g e d an official to select a n d supervise his subordinates
carefully. T o c h o o s e a subordinate w a s to trust h i m with part o f one's
reputation, w h i c h his m i s b e h a v i o u r w o u l d b e s m i r c h , just as the m i s c o n ­
d u c t o f a g o v e r n o r o r a general's disaster d a m a g e d the emperor's h o n ­
1 0 1
our. A g o o d a p p o i n t m e n t , b y official o r e m p e r o r ; contributed to the
superior's h o n o u r , since b o t h the appointee's o w n prestige a n d his g o o d
1 0 2
b e h a v i o u r cast lustre u p o n his s u p e r i o r . ' T h e g o v e r n o r is h o n o u r a b l e
o f himself, b u t y o u render h i m m o r e brilliant b y y o u r assistance,' w r o t e
103
B i s h o p G r e g o r y to the governor's a s s e s s o r .

Sources of Honour and their Consequences

Especially significant for the w o r k i n g o f g o v e r n m e n t w a s officials' h a r ­
vesting o f h o n o u r in the provinces, w h i c h they d i d b y striving to secure
the esteem o f rich a n d p o m p o u s magnates ( s o m e o f implausibly ancient
lineage), o f magnificent cities, a n d o f the w h o l e p r o v i n c e , represented in
its provincial assembly. L o c a l h o n o u r assiduously cultivated its rulers.
W h e n the imperial g o v e r n o r , travelling a r o u n d his p r o v i n c e , arrived at a
city, he w a s m e t w i t h all d u e c e r e m o n y : the p o p u l a t i o n w a s d r a w n u p
outside the gates, the ephebes marshalled in their cloaks, the magistrates
1 0 4
in their robes o f office, the priests in their c r o w n s . A local notable
w o u l d b e called u p o n to give an address in the governor's h o n o u r . Since
'the provincials consider this a point o f h o n o u r ' , the jurist adjures h i m to
105
listen p o l i t e l y . ( T h o s e G r e e k s do d r o n e on.) T h e topics to b e covered
in a speech o f this type are e x p o u n d e d in a rhetorical h a n d b o o k w h i c h
survives, a n d o n e c a n well imagine the leading citizen o f s o m e rarely v i s ­
ited m i n o r t o w n desperately p o r i n g o v e r it in the small h o u r s o f the night

100 p i y £p. g. 2 4 . 3 , 'nihil ex cuiusquam dignitate, nihil ex libertate, nihil etiam ex iac-
m )

tatione decerpseris'. Also Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 1 3 ; Juv. 8. 87-91.

1 0 1
Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1. 1. 12-14; cf. iVerr. 2. 2 8 - 9 ; ad Att. 5. 10. 2, 5 . 1 1 . 5, 5. 14. 2, 5 . 1 7 . 2.
Emperor, Suet. Aug. 2 3 . 1 ; Tac. Ann. 1. 80; Lib. Or. 1 8 . 1 9 4 .
1 0 2
Pliny, Ep. 4 . 1 5 . 8 - 1 0 ; HA Gord. 5 . 1 ; IK Eph. i. 4 1 . 1 4 - 1 5 .
1 0 3 1
Greg. Naz. Ep. 156. 4, Xapmpov yap ovra rov apxovra Kal trap iavrov, XapLTrporepov
avrds cpyd£r) rrj owepyta; PLRE i, s.v. Asterius 4 for the assessor. Cf. Cass. Var. 1 2 . 1 . 2.
1 0 4
Liebeschuetz (1972: 208-9) with Plut. Cato Min. 1 3 . 1 and cf. Pomp. 4 0 . 1 - 3 , ru/xij, for
more detail (but honouring a freedman of Pompey); Hirt. BG 8. 51, honor. The further out
from the city an official is met, the more honorific, Jos. AJ19.340; similarly, the further he
is escorted on departure, A m m . Marc. 28. 3. 9. Reception of those arriving by sea, Plut.
Pomp. 78. 2 - 7 9 . 3 ; Philostr. VA 5. 24.
1 0 5
Dig. 1 . 1 6 . 7 . pr. (Ulpian), 'cum honori suo provinciales id vindicent'.
 Officials 195
1 0 6
before his a p p e a r a n c e . S u c h an honorific reception w a s o n l y a s a m ­
pling o f the m a n y h o n o u r s that the g o v e r n o r c o u l d l o o k f o r w a r d to from
the t o w n s o f his p r o v i n c e . H e w o u l d bear a w a y , as a n orator p u t it, 'a
1 0 7
salary o f p r a i s e ' . A s the h a n d b o o k urges a notable praising the g o v e r ­
n o r to say,

Let the cities establish sacred choruses, let them sing and praise him. Let us pre­
pare decrees for the emperors, praising and admiring him [the governor], and
begging that his rule should last for many years; let us dispatch statues of him to
Delphi, to Olympia, and to Athens; first, however, let us fill our own cities with
108
them.

A n d so it w a s : a city m i g h t erect a statue in its o w n market, o r in the

provincial seat o f the g o v e r n o r , at a Panhellenic sanctuary, in the g o v e r ­
1 0 9
nor's h o m e city, o r at R o m e .
T h u s the w h o l e creaking m a c h i n e r y o f civic h o n o u r s w a s adapted to
dealing w i t h g o v e r n o r s . W h a t stands o u t is the care provincials t o o k that
the centre should k n o w o f the h o n o u r s they b e s t o w e d , a n d the care the
centre t o o k to find out: people at R o m e k n e w the n u m b e r o f statues an
1 1 0
official received, even in the provinces, a n d j u d g e d h i m a c c o r d i n g l y .
Cities w e r e forever sending embassies to the e m p e r o r to give thanks for,
1 1 1
or offer complaints about, their g o v e r n o r s . I n late antiquity the
provincial assembly o f A s i a reported its acclamation o f a p r o c o n s u l to the
praetorian prefects, a n d they w r o t e b a c k a n d congratulated h i m . T h e i r
112
honorific letter w a s i n s c r i b e d . T h e e m p e r o r s also took measures to
1 1 3
h a v e s u c h acclamations reported to t h e m . L o c a l aristocrats a n d travel­
lers carried o n a vast, albeit slow, c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h the great m e n o f
R o m e a n d C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , a n d other grandees across the empire; great
1 0 6
Handbook, M e n . Rhet. 3 7 8 - 8 8 , 3 8 9 - 9 0 , 4 1 5 - 1 8 .
1 0 7
Aristid. 17. 21 (Behr), TOVS fxiodovs TU>V inaivcov avrodev KOfiiciodai.
1 0 8
M e n . Rhet. 417. 2 7 - 3 1 . Cf. for conspectus of honours to governors, Cic. ad Att. 5. 21.
7; 2Verr. 2. 154. For a governor honoured by eight cities, Robert (1940c), 53. Under the
Republic, festivals were voted as well, Price (19840: 4 2 - 3 , 4 6 - 7 ) and e.g. Cic. 2 Verr. 2. 5 1 - 2 ;
but divine honours (ibid. 4 . 1 5 1 ) were not usual under the empire, Price p. 51.
1 0 9
Honours for governors at Rome, Eck (1984&), esp. 2 1 2 - 1 3 ; hi their home cities, pp.
2
2 1 4 - 1 7 . Individuals also erected monuments to officials, e.g. Dio 75(761,). 1 4 . 7 ; IG i i . 4 2 2 4 - 5 ;
IKEph. iii. 6 1 6 , 6 2 0 , vii. 3033.
1 1 0
Statues, Suet. Titus 4 . 1 ; cf. Vesp. 1. 2. For the reception of honours at Rome, above,
Ch. 2 n. 231 and cf. Cic. ad Fam. 1 5 . 1 4 . 3 .
1 1 1
Millar (1977), 419; and for his replies, e.g. Gk. Const. 80; M c C . & W . 460. Under the
Republic an official was livid if his successor interfered with missions to R o m e thanking
him, Cic. ad Fam. 3. 8. 2.
1 1 2
IKEph. i. 44 with Rouech£ (1984), 186.
1 1 3
CTh 1 . 1 6 . 6 . 1 (331); by the public post, 8. 5. 3 2 (371). A n d officials reported on one
another, Cic. Mur. 20; ad Fam. 1 3 . 5 4 ; Pliny, Ep. 10. 86b.
196 Officials

m e n in the capital a n d the provinces eagerly questioned travellers from

1 1 4
far a w a y o n h o w their g o v e r n o r s w e r e b e h a v i n g . Cities passed flatter­
ing testimonial decrees a n d presented the official w i t h a c o p y , great m e n
w r o t e praising letters, certain that the officials w o u l d publicize t h e m
themselves; w h e n a p a n e g y r i c u p o n a n official w a s delivered b y a f a m o u s
orator, the official sent copies o f it—so m a n y as to require ten c o p y i s t s —
1 1 5
far a n d w i d e .
Provincial o p i n i o n , then, h a d an i m p a c t not o n l y u p o n an official's
h o n o u r in his p r o v i n c e ( n o great matter, perhaps, as he w o u l d s o o n g o
h o m e ) , b u t also u p o n his h o n o u r at the centre o f affairs, at the seat o f
h o n o u r . In Pliny's p a n e g y r i c to T r a j a n , the expectation that offices w e r e
granted to h o n o u r even ramifies into an ideal that m a k e s provincial h o n ­
1 1 6
o u r s — v o t e s o f t h a n k s — a k e y to official a d v a n c e m e n t . Whether or not
this w a s often the case in reality, it w a s h a r d l y surprising that g o v e r n o r s
extorted h o n o u r s from provincials, just as they d i d m o n e y . In AD I I this
caused A u g u s t u s , extending R e p u b l i c a n precedent, to forbid the v o t i n g
o f l a u d a t o r y decrees to a g o v e r n o r d u r i n g his tenure a n d for sixty days
after he d e p a r t e d — s o oppressive h a d the officials' solicitation o f h o n o u r
b e c o m e . H o n o u r s to g o v e r n o r s d u r i n g their t e r m s w e r e still limited in
1 1 7
the third century, a n d in the f o u r t h .
If the h o n o u r s o f their subjects w e r e s o met h i n g that officials w a n t e d
b a d l y e n o u g h to extort, then the provincials, w h o h a d those h o n o u r s in
their h a n d s , h a d p o w e r over officials. O r so at least it seemed to Philo,
w h o depicted the Greeks o f A l e x a n d r i a using that p o w e r to lay the
g r o u n d w o r k for their long-meditated p o g r o m o f AD 38. T h e y secured the
co- op er a t i o n o f Caligula's freedman courtier H e l i c o n 'not o n l y w i t h
m o n e y , b u t also w i t h hopes o f h o n o u r s ' . H e l i c o n 'promised everything

1 1 4
Letters to the great (frequently other officials) about officials, Basil, Ep. 96; Syn. Ep.
62 (Garzya); Theodoret, Ep. X X X I X - X L (Az£ma). Travellers, natives of the province report,
complain, C i c . ad Fam. 1 0 . 3 . 1 , 1 2 . 2 3 . 1 ; ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 3 7 , 2. 4. 7; Fronto, ad Am. 1. 6, 2. 7 . 1
(van den Hout); Lib. Ep. 6 9 6 . 3 . In general, Sym. Ep. 3 . 3 4 , 'Magnillus vicaria potestate per
Africam functus testimonio omnium publice privatimque conspicuus'.
1 1 5
Testimonial decree, E J 320a; cf. Small. Nerva 243; Robert (1946b), 2 1 - 3 . Letters of
praise to officials, Basil, Ep. 63; Theodoret, Ep. 71 (Az£ma); Sid. Ep. 8. 7; HA Trig. Tyr. 1 0 .
9 - 1 3 (fictional); shown around, Lib. Ep. 1 3 5 1 . 2 . Panegyrics publicized, Lib. Ep. 345; ten copy­
ists, Or. 1 . 1 1 3 . Governors themselves also send private letters of self-praise, C i c . ad Fam. 15.
4.
1 1 6
Pliny, Paneg. 70. 8 - 9 .
1 1 7
Republican stricture, Cic. 2 Verr. 2 . 1 4 6 ; Augustus' decree, Dio 56. 25. 6; 3rd cent.,
Paulus, Fr. Leid. 2; 4th, CJ1. 2 4 . 1 (398). O n these regulations, Nicols (1979); Premerstein
(1912), 2 1 5 - 1 7 . O n the corrupt extraction of praise, C i c . 2 Verr. 2 passim; A m m . Marc. 30. 5.
8-9. A governor's successor is ideally placed to extort it f o r him, Cic. 2 Verr. 2. 6 4 , 1 3 9 , 4.
140-1.
 Officials 197

. . . d r e a m i n g o f the m o m e n t w h e n . . . he w o u l d b e h o n o u r e d b y the
1 1 8
greatest a n d m o s t prestigious c i t y . ' O f course, Philo's accounts o f
secret conversations between his enemies d o n o t merit m u c h credit, b u t
T a c i t u s m i g h t well have agreed that the p o w e r w h i c h provincial h o n o u r s
permitted subjects to exert over their rulers w a s b o t h great a n d sinister.
H e depicts an occasion in N e r o ' s d a y w h e n it c a m e to the attention o f the
senate that a C r e t a n m a g n a t e h a d boasted that the laudatory decrees o f
the provincial council w e r e in his gift. A s a consequence, u n d e r the t e r m s
of a soon-moribund senatus consultum, provincial councils lost the right
to pass decrees o f thanks, for T h r a s e a Paetus rose a n d d e m a n d e d that the
reputations o f R o m a n s n o t b e in the p o w e r o f provincials:

As things are now we court foreigners, and we flatter them, and, as if at the nod
of one or another of them, thanks or an accusation is decreed—the latter faster.
Very well, let the accusation be decreed and let the provincials still have that way
of showing their power. But let false praise and praise elicited by begging be
restrained like evildoing or c r u e l t y . . . . The early days of our magistrates are usu­
ally better, and they decline as their tenures draw to a close when, just like candi­
dates, we are gathering up votes: if such electioneering is forbidden, the provinces
will be ruled both more fairly and with greater consistency, for just as avarice is
controlled by fear of extortion proceedings, thus canvassing shall be limited by
119
the prohibition of votes of thanks.

W h o c a n grant o r refuse the province's vote o f thanks, can rule the g o v ­

ernor; T a c i t u s ' T h r a s e a thinks this the usual state o f affairs. S o t o o can he
w h o c a n grant o r w i t h h o l d the acclamations o f a great city, say A n t i o c h :
in the fourth c e n t u r y a well-organized claque there ensured that u p o n a
governor's first a p p e a r a n c e in the t h e a t r e — a n a d v e n t usually a c c o m p a ­
nied b y t u m u l t u o u s c h e e r i n g — h e w o u l d instead b e m e t w i t h p r o f o u n d
silence. H e paled. Negotiations ensued. O n l y w h e n the required c o n c e s ­
1 2 0
sion w a s granted w o u l d the c r o w d cheer h i m . N o t o n l y w a s silence n o t
the expected h o n o u r , it p o r t e n d e d worse: u n p o p u l a r officials w e r e t h u n ­
1 2 1
derously abused at great gatherings in the cities o f the e m p i r e . A wise
fifth-century Prefect o f the C i t y o f R o m e s c h e m e d to a v o i d this, w r i t i n g

1 1 8
Philo, Leg. Gaium 1 7 2 - 3 , TI/ACU'; VTTO rrjt fieyCar-qs Kai evSo^ordrrj^ iroXca)?
TinrfdrjoeTai.
1 1 9
Tac. Ann. 15. 2 0 - 2 ; cf. Jos. A] 20. 215. Provincial honours for and condemnations of
governors, Deininger (1965).
1 2 0
Liebeschuetz (1972), 209-18 (with comparative material), 278-80, and esp. Lib. Or. 33.
11; for other acclamations of governors, Robert ( 1 9 6 0 ^ , 2 4 - 7 . Cf. for cities* praise, D . C h r .
48. 2; Men. Rhet. 425.
1 2 1
Cic. 2 Verr. 5. 94; Philo, Flacc. 139; Herod. 1 . 1 2 . 5; Dio 72(73!.). 13. 4; and see n. 165
below for some officials' violent reactions.
198 Officials

to a friend to ask h i m to intercede w i t h the Prefect o f the G r a i n S u p p l y

(so relations w e r e still not g o o d ) : ' C o m m e n d m e to his vigilance; that is,
the stability a n d defence o f m y reputation. F o r I fear the t h u n d e r o f the
1 2 2
theatre shouting, " T h e R o m a n people are s t a r v i n g ! In extreme cases
the people c o u l d d o m o r e than shout: they c o u l d pelt the official w i t h
123
turnips, o r destroy his s t a t u e s .
H o w exactly cities manoeuvred to rule officials w i t h h o n o u r s is evident
in a long M a u r e t a n i a n inscription from the reign o f A n t o n i n u s Pius in
w h i c h the city o f Sala described a n d explained the h o n o u r s it h a d v o t e d
to Sulpicius Felix, prefect o f the auxiliary c o h o r t w h i c h f o r m e d the local
garrison.

Inasmuch as C . Valerius Rogatus and P. Postumius Hermesander, the joint may­

ors [duumviri], have reported that a successor has been named for the most excel­
lent and rare prefect Sulpicius Felix, to whom, because of the extraordinary
example he has set, although he has already received public testimony, it is now
necessary to offer even clearer tokens of our esteem, since it is proper at once to
requite him for his new favours—both to the city and to individuals—with new
honours, and to offer the hope of similar treatment to those of his successors who
in the future may act s i m i l a r l y . . . [his acts are listed—prevention of raids, sort­
ing out the c h y s public finances, thrifty work on the walls, e t c . ] . . . N o w for those
qualities which characterize a spirit of the greatest sincerity: he surpassed the
degree attained by his predecessors in moderation, modesty, kindness, restraint,
reverence for the local senate, love of the people, and zeal, in that he provided us
with free access to our woods and fields . . . A n d the benevolence which he dis­
plays is delightful at present, and in the future a source of well-being for us,
because of the example he has set. For his acts and morals we voted Sulpicius Felix
the rank of local senator, to rank among the joint mayors, which decree the excel­
lent governor received with delight. A n d now when we hear that a successor has
been appointed to him . . . we beg the extremely indulgent governor, who takes
delight in the praise and laudation of his prefects, and indeed himself makes them
laudable, to favour us, since we wish to be grateful for this matter, by permitting
us to put up a statue to the p r e f e c t . . . and . . . to send ambassadors to celebrate
124
him before the most sacred e m p e r o r .

A n extremely p o p u l a r official w a s a b o u t to leave. T h e city thus h o n o u r e d

h i m as highly a n d as explicitly as possible, so that his successors w o u l d
1 2 5
k n o w exactly w h a t they needed to d o to get similar h o n o u r s . Explicit
comparison is also m a d e to his predecessors, w h o s e conduct was

1 2 2
Sid. Ep. l. IO. 2, fama; cf. Philo, Flacc. 41; M c C . & W . 328. 5 - 7 .
1 2 3
Turnips, Suet. Vesp. 4 . 3 ; statues, Cic. 2 Verr. 2 . 1 5 8 - 6 3 .
1 2 4 1 2 5
AE 1 9 3 1 . 3 8 with Carcopino and Gsell (1931). Cf. ILS 1283.
 Officials 199
126
inferior. H e w h o w a n t s a statue m u s t emulate Sulpicius Felix, rather
than his predecessors. Since the city felt that its o w n h o n o u r w a s n o t
e n o u g h , it previously asked the g o v e r n o r to a d d his, a n d n o w even c o n ­
templates sending an e m b a s s y to R o m e to elicit the a p p r o v a l o f the
emperor.
S u c h an inscription explains m a n y others, less prolix. T h e city w h i c h
p u t u p a m o n u m e n t (usually a statue) thanking an official for driving off
barbarians, for recovering civic property, for getting their taxes lowered,
for preserving the curial class o f the p r o v i n c e , o r for building o r repair­
ing civic structures w a s n o t o n l y r e w a r d i n g the o u t g o i n g official w i t h
h o n o u r , acting o u t o f gratitude for his benefactions a n d reverence for his
virtues (perhaps even sincerely); it w a s p r o m i s i n g h o n o u r to those w h o
followed h i m , attempting to inspire rivalry. T h e statue w a s as m u c h a bait
1 2 7
as a r e w a r d .
It is well, finally, to r e m e m b e r that there w e r e those w h o c o u l d not p u t
u p statues. ' T h e nation o f the Jews is b y its l a w ill-disposed to such things
1 2 8
[sc. h o n o u r s ] , a n d is used to revere justice rather than g l o r y . ' T o work
properly, the m a c h i n e r y o f h o n o u r s required n o t o n l y graven images b u t
full-fledged G r a e c o - R o m a n civic institutions, a n d those o f Judaea, even
1 2 9
before the destruction o f Jerusalem, m a y h a v e been r u d i m e n t a r y .
J u d g i n g b y J o s e p h u s , the J e w s confined themselves for the m o s t part to
honorific escorting a n d chaotic acclamations, either glorifying o r insult­
1 3 0
ing. Perhaps this w a s a m o n g the reasons w h y they w e r e so b a d l y
treated b y the R o m a n authorities, w h o will h a v e reacted just as K i n g
H e r o d is said to have: w h e n the J e w s p r o v e d unwilling to h o n o u r h i m
w i t h statues o r temples, he f a v o u r e d his G r e e k subjects, w h o w e r e willing;
131
a n d the Greeks w e r e frequently the J e w s ' e n e m i e s . E v e n w h e r e there
was n o cultural, religious, o r financial b a r to h o n o u r i n g , g o v e r n o r s
naturally v a l u e d the h o n o u r s o f s o m e cities m o r e than others, a n d civic
1 2 6
Cf. CIL ii. 4112, vi. 1696, ix. 1576.
1 2 7
Barbarians, ILS 2767; IRT 480, 565; property, Hoghammar (1993), no. 57; taxes,
Roueche" (19890), no. 24; curiales no. 36; civic structures (very commonly, esp. in late antiq­
t

uity), Robert (1948c), 6 0 - 7 6 , 8 7 - 9 . Rivalry, cf. S y m . Rel 12.

1 2 8
Jos. AJ16.158; cf. T a c . Hist. 5. 5: non-Jews noticed that Jews did not erect honorific
statues.
1 2 9
H o w rudimentary is controversial, see Tcherikover (1964) and G o o d m a n (1987),
1 1 0 - 1 6 , against e.g. Schurer ( 1 9 7 3 - 8 7 ) , ii. 1 8 4 - 2 2 6 .
1 3 0
Escorting, Jos. BJ2. 2 9 7 - 3 0 0 , 3 1 8 - 2 4 . Acclamations: favourable, Jos. AJ 17. 2 0 0 - 5 ; BJ
2 . 2 9 7 ; abusive, Jos. AJ 1 7 . 2 0 6 - 7 , 1 8 . 6 0 , 2 0 . 1 0 8 ; B / 2 . 2 8 0 - 1 (before a superior official), 2 . 3 2 6 ;
and perhaps with much the same effect on Roman officials, huge crowds of weeping peti­
tioners, BJ 2.171-4; Philo, Leg. Gaium 2 2 5 - 4 3 .
1 3 1
Herod, Jos. AJ 1 6 . 1 5 6 - 9 , 1 9 . 3 2 9 ; but Herod's alleged scorn for the Jews is not strictly
true, judging by his building programmes in Jewish areas, Hengel (1989), 33.
200 Officials

discord w a s debilitating. A city m u s t praise a n d b l a m e with o n e voice,

D i o C h r y s o s t o m says, for otherwise, there is feebleness in dealings w i t h
1 3 2
governors.
N o t o n l y cities c o u l d deal w i t h g o v e r n o r s in this w a y . F r o m d a y to d a y
in the e m p i r e , h o n o u r a b l e m e n offered their valuable praise to the g o v ­
ernor in e x c h a n g e for favours. ' W h e n o n e o f their friends gains an office
like the o n e y o u n o w hold, y o u see m o s t o f the sophists h u r r y i n g along to
h i m w i t h an oration a n d a wallet, delivering the f o r m e r a n d proffering
133
the latter to b e filled'. A well-turned p a n e g y r i c u p o n a late-antique
praetorian prefect m i g h t earn the orator an official post as well as a b a g
1 3 4
of g o l d . T h e distinguished S t Basil b e g g e d an official to let off an
admittedly guilty malefactor in this w a y :

and let this deed as well be added to the reports about you: give it to us, who desire
to hymn your deeds, to surpass the songs of benevolence of earlier t i m e s . . . with
as much power as we have, we will cry up your deeds, if we be not considered alto­
1 3 5
gether too petty heralds for so great a m a n .

O f course, he is n o t t o o petty a h e r a l d — t h a t is exactly the point. A n d o n e

can threaten to w i t h h o l d praise as well. L i b a n i u s w r o t e m e n a c i n g l y that a
g o v e r n o r should n o t have flogged a curialis; he should instead h a v e
treated h i m w i t h kindness. 'I find that such g o v e r n o r s enjoy high pres­
tige,' he observed obliquely, referring to gentle rulers, 'I w i s h that y o u
w o u l d b e o n e o f t h e m , rather than the other sort.' 'If it w e r e possible to
u n d o w h a t has been d o n e [the flogging], it w o u l d b e p r o p e r to d o so. B u t
since this is not possible, let y o u r r e m a i n i n g time b e gentler a n d m a y w e
1 3 6
offer a better basis for y o u r f a m e . ' T h e ability o f a distinguished m a n
like L i b a n i u s to m o u l d the governor's reputation allows h i m to m o u l d his
c o n d u c t too. Possibly Libanius hints at s o m e other threat as well, b u t
given the delicacy a n d indirectness o f his letter it is h a r d to i m a g i n e that
it w a s advisable to speak m o r e bluntly. E v e n w h e r e h o n o u r is n o t at issue
it provides the sophist w i t h a safe w a y to threaten a dangerously p o w e r ­
ful m a n .
Libanius w a s n o t always so restrained. N o t o n l y does his c o r p u s p r e ­
serve a n u m b e r o f speeches attacking the c o n d u c t o f g o v e r n o r s ( n o d o u b t
1 3 2
Some more than others, D. Chr. 3 1 . 1 1 0 : see p. 78 above; feebleness, D. Chr. 48. 6 - 7 .
1 3 3
Lib. Ep. 5 5 2 . 3 ; cf. 1 0 5 3 . 1 for the ways in which a rhetorician can advance the reputa­
tion of an official.
1 3 4
John Lyd. Mag. 3. 27; cf. Sid. Ep. 1 . 9 . 6-8.
1 3 5
Basil, Ep. 112 (trans, adapted from Deferrari); cf. 148; Cic. ad Fam. 13. 48; Greg. Naz.
Ep. 2 1 . 5 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 6 ; Lib. Ep. 1 9 5 . 5 , 3 5 9 . 9; mobilizing local opinion, Basil, Ep. 7 2 - 3 .
1 3 6
Lib. Ep. 994 (trans, adapted from Norman), evploKO) yap TOVS TOIOVTOVS dpxovras
cvSoKifiovvras. . . . Kal irapix^p-cv d<popp.ds rrj <p7jfirj fieXriovas.
 Officials 201

published w h e n they w e r e safely o u t o f the p r o v i n c e ) , b u t s o m e officials

w h o s e c o n d u c t he did not a p p r o v e he ostentatiously ignored while they
w e r e p r e s e n t — a n insult; n o r w a s he the first sophist to signify his scorn
1 3 7
o f a g o v e r n o r in this w a y . It is at s o m e similar d r u b b i n g that F r o n t o
hints w h e n he begins a letter to an official w i t h w a r m assurances that ' m y
c o n c e r n for y o u r prestige is the s a m e as that for m y o w n ' , a n d then, just
as w a r m l y , castigates the official at length for d e m o t i n g a protege o f his
1 3 8
f r o m the local senate at C o n c o r d i a .

O F F I C I A L S AND S U B J E C T S

T h a t subjects mobilized h o n o u r s a n d dishonours to control their g o v e r ­

nors should h a r d l y cause surprise, for it w a s b y far the best m e t h o d they
had. A n imperial g o v e r n o r w a s u n d e r n o legal o r constitutional obliga­
tion to p a y the slightest attention to the wishes o f those he ruled; he
served at the emperor's pleasure, n o t theirs. A destructive w h i r l w i n d o f
rods a n d axes, he c o u l d b e as arbitrary as a w h i r l w i n d too. It w a s , o b v i ­
ously, o f the first i m p o r t a n c e to his subjects to control the governor's
actions as m u c h as they c o u l d , b u t their o n l y legal recourse against h i m
w a s to prosecute h i m after his t e r m ended. S u c h prosecution w a s an
uncertainly successful course a n d often d a n g e r o u s , a n d even if it w o r k e d
it w a s powerless to r e w a r d the g o o d a n d thus encourage m o r e g o o d in
future. Subjects' ultimate resort w a s violence, b u t that inspired savage
reprisals, a n d u n d e r the high empire, at least, violence against officials
1 3 9
was r a r e . B r i b e r y w a s a technique used as w e l l — m o r e a n d m o r e , p e r ­
haps, o v e r the centuries o f the empire. Y e t this w a s expensive; g o o d g o v ­
ernors refused to accept bribes; a n d those attempting to b r i b e m i g h t b e
1 4 0
punished. H o n o u r w a s legitimate a n d effective, a n d it w a s to h o n o u r
they turned.
T h e position o f the g o v e r n o r ruling o v e r his subjects w a s far stronger.

1 3 7
Speeches, Lib. Or. 4 , 2 7 - 8 , 3 3 , 4 6 , 5 4 , 5 6 - 7 . Ignoring, Lib. Or. 1 . 1 6 8 - 9 , 2 1 2 , 2 2 3 - 4 , 2 . 7 ;
also Nicetes, Philostr. VS 1 . 1 9 (512), and the governor plotted vengeance; cf. A m m . Marc.
14. 7 . 1 0 - 1 6 . Under the Republic, individuals try to curb officials by challenging them (or
their subordinates, in terms which reflect upon them) to a judicial wager, a sponsio (Cic.
2 Verr. 3 . 1 3 2 - 7 ; cf. Plut. Tib. Gracch. 14. 4 ) , a type of action which particularly engaged the
honour of those involved, see above, C h . 2 n. 98.
1 3 8
Fronto, ad Am. 2. 7 (van den Hout), 'qui existimationi tuae famaeque iuxta quam
meae consultum cupiam'; cf. Lib. Ep. 2 1 7 . 2 .
1 3 9
Prosecutions, see above, C h . 3 n. 202. Reprisals, C i c . 2 Verr. 1. 79, 3 . 68; Jos. AJ 20.
113-14.
1 4 0
Elite officials' attitude to bribery, MacMullen (1988), 1 2 7 - 3 5 ; their inferiors had
always been corrupt. Punishment for attempted bribery, C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 1 3 .
202 Officials

T o o b e y h i m , as w e h a v e seen, w a s the right thing to do: over m u c h o f the

empire his authority w a s perceived to b e legitimate. H e h a d f o r c e — s o m e
at l e a s t — a n d the right to use it, the right to flog a n d execute those w h o
disobeyed, if he c o u l d catch t h e m , a n d if they d i d n o t belong to legally
i m m u n e high-status g r o u p s . Literary evidence emphasizes the i m m u n i t y
o f R o m a n citizens in the first century, a n d the jurists point to the ' m o r e
1 4 1
honourable', decurions a n d a b o v e , f r o m the s e c o n d . It w a s an
accepted fact (one w h i c h m i g h t be used to defend even a m o n s t r o u s
g o v e r n o r ) that 'without fear a n d severity the R e p u b l i c c a n n o t b e a d m i n -
s t e r e d . . . W h y else are the rods b o r n e before the governors? W h y are they
1 4 2
given axes? W h y is a d u n g e o n b u i l t ? ' A n d the g o v e r n o r s ' b l o o d y p o w e r
w a s used. ' H o w m a n y brigands die every day?' asked Lactantius rhetori­
143
cally, discussing c r u c i f i x i o n . A late-antique s c h o o l - b o o k taught chil­
dren essential v o c a b u l a r y for getting o n in their provincial w o r l d ,
specifically the tortures a g o v e r n o r m i g h t inflict o n a suspected bandit.
' H e is racked; the torturer thrashes him; his chest is beaten; he is h u n g up;
. . . he is flogged w i t h rods.' A l l this, naturally, w i t h the m a x i m u m possi­
144 1 4 5
ble p u b l i c i t y . Provincials w a l k e d in terror of their g o v e r n o r s . And
that terror, c o m b i n e d with dark tales o f w h a t befell those w h o s e c o n d u c t
d e m a n d e d the intervention o f the e m p e r o r , the c o m i n g o f vengeful
armies, kept the R o m a n Peace.
Y e t w h i l e the R o m a n provinces c o u l d n o t b e ruled w i t h o u t terror, they
w e r e n o t ruled w h o l l y b y terror, o r at least b y terror unassisted. T h e cities
'undertake that the g o v e r n o r s — w i l l i n g o r u n w i l l i n g — s h o u l d entrust
146
everything to t h e m , a n d use t h e m alone, o r at least c h i e f l y . ' It appears
that g o v e r n o r s frequently enjoyed the willing co-operation o f the cities
a n d great m e n o f the provinces. T h e governor's use o f h o n o u r a n d its
w o r k s to gain this c o - o p e r a t i o n — a n d the consequent ability o f his s u b ­
jects to rule h i m in t u r n — s t a n d s o u t in the m o s t detailed description sur­
v i v i n g f r o m antiquity o f a m a n dealing w i t h his g o v e r n m e n t at the
provincial level. T h i s is Aelius Aristides' remarkable a c c o u n t in his fourth
Sacred Tale o f his efforts to escape civic duties in the p r o v i n c e o f A s i a in
1 4 7
the year AD 1 5 3 . M a t c h e d against the P r o c o n s u l o f A s i a , the powerful,

1 4 1
Governors' rights, Garnsey (1968); immunities, Garnsey (1970: 2 6 0 - 7 1 ) , minimizing
the contrast between centuries: social status was usually respected, Roman citizen or not. In
practice decurions' immunity decayed in the 4th cent., MacMullen (1986a), 162.
1 4 2
Cic. 2 Verr. 5. 22; cf. Philostr. VA 3. 25; Cass. Var. 12. 5. 6.
1 4 3
Lact. Div. Inst. 5 . 3 . 5.
1 4 4
School-book, Dionisotti (1982), line 75; and see p. 4 above.
1 4 5 1 4 6
Pliny, Ep. 3 . 9 . 1 5 . Aristid. 23. 64 (Behr).
1 4 7
O n which, Behr (1968: 8 1 - 4 ) , with more detail on the legal aspects.
 Officials 203

distinguished, a n d subtle C . Julius S e v e r u s , o n l y the deft application o f

gigantic influence secured Aristides' release.

Deference
Aristides' adventure b e g a n w h e n the M y s i a n city o f H a d r i a n i sent to the
p r o c o n s u l a list o f persons suitable to h o l d the office o f eirenarch y a
m u n i c i p a l post w i t h police duties. B u t Aristides also o w n e d p r o p e r t y
there, a n d although he w a s n o t o n the list the g o v e r n o r chose h i m o n his
o w n initiative, because ' m y rank w a s n o t a m o n g the undistinguished, a n d
148
he overlooked a n d d i s h o n o u r e d the other n a m e s that h a d been s e n t ' .
Aristides w a s chosen o u t o f deference to his h o n o u r , then, at least as h e
represents it. B u t the h y p o c h o n d r i a c a l orator w a s unwilling to p e r f o r m
the office, a n d h a d t w o legal objections ( o f questionable m e r i t ) : that his
p r i m a r y responsibility for such b u r d e n s w a s to S m y r n a , a n d that he
149
e n j o y e d i m m u n i t y as a s o p h i s t . Y e t his situation w a s a w k w a r d : the
g o v e r n o r , rather than the t o w n , h a d m a d e the a p p o i n t m e n t , a n d as a
150
c o m p l i m e n t . T o object w i t h o u t giving offence w a s d i f f i c u l t .
Aristides' strategy w a s to assemble a n u m b e r o f letters o f r e c o m m e n ­
dation, including s o m e from a f o r m e r Prefect o f E g y p t , from the e m p e r o r
A n t o n i n u s Pius, a n d from the y o u n g M a r c u s A u r e l i u s . T h e s e V e r y splen­
did a n d h o n o u r - b e s t o w i n g ' letters, w h i c h (as Aristides n o t e d ) h a d n o t
been solicited specifically for this undertaking, w e r e presented to Severus.
T h e e m p e r o r actually addressed the legal question: Aristides d i d merit a
1 5 1
sophistical i m m u n i t y , b u t o n l y if he w a s actually practising r h e t o r i c .
Since this w a s in d o u b t (Aristides' health prevented h i m from taking stu­
1 5 2
dents) the legal situation r e m a i n e d c l o u d e d . B u t these letters helped
Aristides' case in another w a y . W h e n it w a s t i m e for a hearing, Severus
did n o t even a l l o w the advocates o p p o s e d to Aristides to speak, b u t
immediately granted the e x e m p t i o n , 'because', as he p u t it, 'I m a r v e l at
his reputation, a n d I agree that he holds the first place in oratory, a n d
these things h a v e also been written to m e b y m y friends at R o m e ' . T h e let­
ters served to d e m o n s t r a t e — a n d increase—Aristides' h o n o u r . U n d e r the
shared c o d e o f g o v e r n o r a n d subject, h o n o u r c o m m a n d e d a favourable
1 5 3
judgement.

1 4 8
Aristid. 50. 71—3 (Behr), quoted 73, /xoi SOKCLV rd£iv on ov rdtv dtpavtov, irapioojv Kai
dnfidoas airavra ra irepLtpdivTa dvofxara.
1 4 9
His excuses, Aristid. 5 0 . 7 3 , 7 5 , 87 (Behr).
1 5 0 1 5 1
Ibid. 50. 77 (Behr). Ibid. 50. 75 (Behr), Kai paX* ivnfxa KOI XapLirpd.
1 5 2
Ibid. 50. 87 (Behr).
1 5 3
Ibid. 50.78 (Behr), TT}S 86£r)s aya/xai, Kai ovp,<pr)ixi 7rpa)T€veiv Trepl Xoyovs, Kai ravrd
fxoi Kai napa TCJV iv PCO/XT? tpiXojv inioTaXTai.
204 Officials

Severus is d o i n g just w h a t C i c e r o asked a g o v e r n o r to d o in his time.

'Let the business b e completed', w r o t e he o n behalf o f a protege, ' a p p r o ­
154
priately b o t h to the truth o f his case a n d to his d i g n i t y . ' F o u r centuries
after C i c e r o , B i s h o p G r e g o r y ' s brother has died: official help is needed to
protect the estate. ' H e was', G r e g o r y writes to S o p h r o n i u s , the p o w e r f u l
M a s t e r o f the Offices, 'one o f the not obscure; indeed, unless m y b r o t h ­
erly affection m u d d l e s m e , he w a s o n e o f the m o s t distinguished; notable
for his education, superior to the m a n y for his gentlemanliness.' Letters
asking favours o f officials understandably stress the h o n o u r o f the b e n e ­
1 5 5
ficiary in all its a s p e c t s . Indeed, the jurist has to p o i n t out to p r o c o n ­
suls the need to grant lesser m e n c o u r t hearings as well, lest the
honourable, those w i t h eminent advocates, a n d the unscrupulous
1 5 6
m o n o p o l i z e their t i m e . A distinguished a m b a s s a d o r , sent to give a
speech inviting the g o v e r n o r to a city, should n o t fail to allude (delicately,
b u t not t o o delicately) to his o w n standing, the rhetorical h a n d b o o k
notes.

If the summoner has a brilliant reputation, say something about this as well in a
second prooemium: 'Many courted election to this embassy; many were eager to
be chosen as ambassadors to Your Magnificence. Of its suitors the city chose per­
haps not the worst: you, of course, will recognize the product of an Athenian edu­
157
cation/

In short, as F r o n t o advised a governor: 'Treat the provincials a p p r o p r i ­

1 5 8
ately to their h o n o u r . '
A g o v e r n o r treated his subjects w i t h deference n o t least because m e n
like F r o n t o , in w h o s e h a n d s his reputation lay, w e r e w a t c h i n g . A p p a l l i n g
failures o f deference o n the part o f g o v e r n o r s attracted unfavourable
1 5 9
attention, perhaps even a blistering speech f r o m L i b a n i u s . C i c e r o too
paid attention to h o w g o v e r n o r s acted, s u p p o r t i n g ancient L a c e d a e m o n
w i t h his personal e n d o r s e m e n t (for cities w e r e o w e d the deference o f
1 5 4
Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 5 7 . 2 , 'pro causae veritate et pro sua dignitate'. Cf. 1 3 . 1 3 - 1 4 and bk. 13
passim; also 2 Verr. 5 . 1 5 6 (ironic, but indicating the expectation); and ibid 1 . 1 2 6 , 3. 61, for
the combination of auctoritas and gratia, expected to be effective with officials.
1 5 5
Greg. Naz. Ep. 29. 4, rwv Xiav i7n<pavwv, yvwpifios fiev inl rraiSevoei, KaXoKayadlq
8' vnip rovs iroXXovs. PLRE i, s.v. Sophronius 3 for the recipient. Cf. Ep. 207; Lib. Ep. 275,
557; and for formulaic indications of honourableness (see above, C h . 2 n. 155), Greg. Naz.
Ep. 22. 2, Tifxaoraros; 21. 3, 39. 2, aiSeai/u-cuTaro?.
1 5 6
Dig. 1 . 1 6 . 9 . 4 (Ulpian), honor, dignitas.
Men. Rhet. 425. 3 1 - 4 2 6 . 5, idv a£iwp.a 6 KOLXWV €xn Xap.7rp6v; trans, adapted from
1 5 7

Russell and Wilson. For distinguished emissaries, cf. Philo, Leg. Gaium 300.
1 5 8
Fronto, ad Am. 1 . 2 0 (van den Hout), 'pro honore provinciales tractare'; cf. Pliny, Ep.
9.5; Sym. Ep. 9 . 4 0 ; and they do, Jos. BJ1. 278.
1 5 9
Lib. Or. 54 and 56; cf. Cic. 2 Verr. 3. 6 1 - 2 et passim; Jos. BJ2.308-14; Sid. Ep. 1 . 7 . 3 .
 Officials 205

g o v e r n o r s as w e l l ) , 'although I d o n o t d o u b t that they [the L a c e d a e ­

m o n i a n s ] are c o m m e n d e d to y o u sufficiently b y their prestige a n d that o f
160
their a n c e s t o r s ' . Pliny p a i d attention as well, advising a m a n w h o w a s
going to b e g o v e r n o r o f A c h a e a , 'Revere their divine founders . . . their
ancient glory, a n d their age i t s e l f . . . H o n o u r their antiquity, their great
161
deeds, even their l e g e n d s . ' A n d so the P r o c o n s u l o f A s i a decreed the
days o f the festival o f A r t e m i s at E p h e s u s to b e sacred, 'in consideration
o f the piety o w e d to the goddess a n d the h o n o u r o f the m o s t brilliant city
1 6 2
o f the E p h e s i a n s ' .
T h u s Severus the p r o c o n s u l acted conventionally t o w a r d s A e l i u s
Aristides, a n d Aristides o v e r c a m e S e v e r u s in a perfectly conventional
w a y . T h e proconsul's initial choice o f the sophist to p e r f o r m the j o b ,
h o w e v e r , reveals a darker side o f the governor's deference. Offered s o m e ­
thing h e d i d not w a n t as a c o m p l i m e n t to his standing, Aristides felt h i m ­
self trapped. T h e provincials w h o s e help a g o v e r n o r needed m o s t w e r e all
o f high standing: he c o u l d give o u t a n y n u m b e r o f nasty j o b s as c o m p l i ­
ments, secure in the k n o w l e d g e that it w a s ticklish to refuse w h a t w a s
offered w i t h a smile, h o w e v e r icy, for that w a s to insult the g o v e r n o r . T h e
future e m p e r o r A n t o n i n u s Pius, then P r o c o n s u l o f A s i a , naturally lodged
at the h o u s e o f the absent sophist P o l e m o , 'as it w a s the best h o u s e in
S m y r n a a n d b e l o n g e d to the best m a n ' . Polemo's reaction w h e n he
returned, turning the p r o c o n s u l out, w a s b o t h astoundingly a r r o g a n t a n d
1 6 3
perilous.
E v e r y b o d y k n e w that insulting the g o v e r n o r w a s dangerous. It w a s
characteristic o f R o m a n administration to e m p l o y the governor's p o w e r
o f violent coercion in defence o f the h o n o u r o f m a n a n d office, a n d that
1 6 4
h o n o u r w a s expected to b e extremely p r i c k l y . Direct, o p e n i n s u l t — s a y
shouted a b u s e — m i g h t b e savagely punished, a n d stark measures w e r e
taken to prevent it: convicts m i g h t b e d r a g g e d a w a y w i t h a h o o k in their
m o u t h s , so that, the rabbi tells us, they c o u l d not shout curses at the g o v ­
1 6 5
ernor. Indeed, a g o v e r n o r 'often has blameless m e n thrust in prison
because [he] is struck b y a sense o f gratitude [to such men's enemies] o r
1 6 0
C i c . ad Fam. 13. 28b. 1, auctoritas.
1 6 1
Pliny, Ep. 8. 24. 3 , 'reverere gloriam veterem . . . Sit apud te honor antiquitati'. A n d
such are among the m a n y claims to distinction that the orator should cite when inviting a
governor to a city, M e n . Rhet. 4 2 4 - 3 0 .
1 6 2
IK Eph. i. 24. a. IO—13, diro^Xcnajv . . . els TT)V TT)S Xap.TTpoTa.rt)s *E<p€aiojv TTOXCCJS

1 6 3 1 6 4
Philostr. V S 1. 25 (534). Touchiness, Lib. Or. 1. 207; A u g . Ep. 1 1 * . 7.
1 6 5
Abuse, Jos. AJ 18. 6 0 - 1 ; B J 2. 2 9 5 - 3 0 2 ; A m m . Marc. 15. 7 . 1 - 5 ; Cass. Var. 1. 27. Hook,
Lieberman ( 1 9 4 4 - 5 : 4 4 - 8 ) , to prevent cursing of the 'king', w h o may be the emperor or a
governor, p. 1 1 .
206 Officials

166
insult'. C u s t o m prescribed acts o f reverence to R o m a n magistrates.
O n e s t o o d u p for t h e m , o n e yielded to t h e m in the street, o n e w e n t to
meet them, one made w a y for them, one dismounted at their
1 6 7
approach. N o r d i d one fail in such things: the blind m a n , the jurist
says, w h o c a n n o t see to revere the insignia o f the magistrate, c a n n o t sue
1 6 8
in c o u r t . W h e n the future e m p e r o r S e p t i m i u s S e v e r u s w a s legate to the
P r o c o n s u l o f A f r i c a , w e are told, an old friend rushed u p a n d e m b r a c e d
h i m , o n l y to find himself flogged to the p u b l i c a n n o u n c e m e n t , 'Let n o
1 6 9
plebeian i m p u d e n t l y e m b r a c e a legate o f the R o m a n p e o p l e . ' In short,
as Pliny w r o t e to a g o v e r n o r , ' D o not fear c o n t e m p t . F o r h o w c a n a holder
of imperium, o f the fasces, be held in c o n t e m p t , unless, base a n d filthy, he
170
first has c o n t e m p t for h i m s e l f ? ' T h e g o v e r n o r walled his h o n o u r with
his p o w e r to coerce.
It is this side o f R o m a n provincial g o v e r n m e n t that Aristides has in
m i n d w h e n he contemplates rejecting a proconsul's courtesy. N o t that
such a high personage, a R o m a n citizen, a m a n so well connected, w o u l d
be flogged o r executed (although chilling tales o f g o v e r n o r s exceeding
their legal authority m i g h t b e recalled at such m o m e n t s ) , b u t s o m e sort
171
o f reprisal m i g h t well be e x p e c t e d . It w a s not a stratagem w h e n a g o v ­
ernor used his p o w e r to p u n i s h insults: g o v e r n o r s w e r e m e m b e r s o f a
society, a n d class, that took insults deadly seriously, a n d they h a d m o r e
p o w e r than m o s t to deal w i t h them. B u t it was a stratagem for a g o v e r n o r ,
like the c u n n i n g Severus, to manoeuvre a subject into a situation in w h i c h
he m u s t o b e y — o r insult h i m , w i t h incalculable consequences. T h e g o v ­
ernor's 'deference' to a subject c o u l d serve as a screen for p o w e r o f other
types.
T h e c o n c e p t i o n o f the governor's h o n o u r a n d o f insult to it, m o r e o v e r ,
w a s v e r y b r o a d , a n d this too c o u l d b e useful. W h e r e v e r w e look, w e see
disobedience to an official's dictates, o r resistance to h i m , v i e w e d as a
1 7 2
matter o f disrespect, scorn, insult, o r c o n t e m p t . T h e governor could

166 [Pelagius], de Div. 6. 2 ( = PL Suppl. 1, col. 1386), 'quia aut gratiarum aut iniuriarum
pulsaris adfectibus*.
1 6 7
Stand up, make way, Pliny, Ep. 1. 23. 2; Suet. Tib. 31. 2; cf. Herod. 3 . 1 1 . 3; meet, HA
Car. 17. 2; dismount, Livy 2 4 . 4 4 . 1 0 ; Plut. Fab. Max. 24. 2.
168 Dig ^ j j (ulpian), 'insignia magistrates videre et revereri non possit'.
5

1 6 9
HA Sev. 2. 6; the account goes on to say that legates went in carriages thereafter to
prevent this happening again. Cf. Plut. C . Gracch. 3 . 3 .
1 7 0
Pliny, Ep. 8. 24. 6.
1 7 1
Governors exceed their legal authority in punishment, MacMullen (1986a), 149.
1 7 2
e.g. T a c . Ann. 1 2 . 5 4 ; Dio 5 4 . 5 . 1 , 6 1 . 6 . 2 ; Philostr. VA 7 . 2 3 ; A E i 9 6 0 . 2 0 2 ; S y m . Rel. 23,
31; Cass. Var. 3 . 8 . 1 . Continued disobedience was contumacia, a w o r d closely related to con-
tumelia, and the sense of insult to the official was felt, Dig. 1 1 . 1 . 1 1 . 4 (Ulpian).
 Officials 207

take offence at nearly anything. Y o u w i s h to appeal his j u d g e m e n t ? W h a t

insolence, w h a t an insult! A l t h o u g h the e m p e r o r stepped in to guarantee
the right o f appeal, the t h o u g h t that the g o v e r n o r w o u l d v i e w an appeal
1 7 3
in such a light will h a v e been d i s c o u r a g i n g i n d e e d . There was nothing
insincere in this outlook, b u t it did give an official r o o m to manoeuvre. A
few years before Aristides* r u n - i n w i t h Severus, s o m e n e i g h b o u r s h a d
seized a p r o p e r t y o f his b y force. Aristides b r o u g h t influence to b e a r u p o n
the p r o c o n s u l at P e r g a m u m , w h o t o o k h i m b y the h a n d , a n d p r o m i s e d ,
1 7 4
' T h e y will not s c o r n w s ' . In an instant, w h a t e v e r Aristides' greedy
n e i g h b o u r s m i g h t d o to keep the land is t r a n s f o r m e d into c o n t e m p t for
the g o v e r n o r , w h i c h w a s altogether m o r e d a n g e r o u s than a legal case o v e r
property. T h e g o v e r n o r c o u l d , to a degree, choose w h a t to take offence at,
and because he w a s so d a n g e r o u s w h e n offended, he c o u l d use his p r i c k -
liness to threaten people, w h i l e not seeming to act outrageously. W h o
c o u l d b l a m e h i m for defending his h o n o u r ?
T h e vengefulness o f officials in the face o f insult should b e kept in
m i n d w h e n deference to g o v e r n o r s is considered as a f o r m o f rulership.
C e r t a i n l y failure to p a y d u e deference c o u l d b e painful, as S e p t i m i u s
Severus' old friend f o u n d . B u t ancient authors insist o n a distinction
between ruling b y h o n o u r a n d ruling b y force. T h u s the emperor
H a d r i a n 'sent S e v e r u s [Aristides' adversary, in a n o t h e r posting] to g o v ­
ern Bithynia, a task w h i c h needed n o a r m s , b u t a ruler a n d m a n a g e r w h o
175
w a s just a n d w i s e a n d possessed p r e s t i g e ' . Similarly, C i c e r o in his
p r o v i n c e , centuries earlier, u n d e r t o o k famine relief. ' W h e r e v e r I w e n t ,
w i t h o u t violence, w i t h o u t legal proceedings, a n d w i t h o u t insult, b u t b y
m y prestige a n d exhortation, I ensured that G r e e k s a n d R o m a n citizens
w h o h a d stored grain should p r o m i s e great quantities to the com­
1 7 6
mons.' O r again, C i c e r o asked a g o v e r n o r to assist a protege 'not o n l y
1 7 7
w i t h y o u r legal authority, b u t also w i t h y o u r prestige a n d a d v i c e ' . So
perhaps it is not l u d i c r o u s to i m a g i n e a f o u r t h - c e n t u r y P r o c o n s u l o f A s i a
asking a friend, M u s o n i u s , w h o m he technically o u t r a n k e d , to collect
taxes in his stead: it w a s easy for M u s o n i u s o n a c c o u n t o f his e n o r m o u s
1 7 8
repute.
Deference w a s certainly a c o m f o r t a b l e w a y for officials to i m a g i n e their
o w n b l o o d y rule, a n d a flattering w a y for their terrified subjects to

1 7 3
CTh 1 1 . 3 0 . 1 1 . 1 (321), contumelia. Cf. Tac. Agric. 16. 2.
1 7 4
Aristid. 5 0 . 1 0 7 (Behr), ov pr) r)n<x>v KaTatppovrjaojoi.
1 7 5 1 7 6
Dio 6 9 . 1 4 . 4 , d^iwfia. Cic. ad Att. 5. 21. 8, 'auctoritate et cohortatione'.
1 7 7
Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 2 6 . 2 , 'cum iure et potestate... turn etiam auctoritate et consilio t u o \
1 7 8
Eunap. 29. 2 (Blockley ( 1 9 8 3 ) ) , evSoKipaxtv.
208 Officials

describe it b a c k to them. B u t neither deference as a e u p h e m i s m for fear

nor deference enforced b y threat o f flogging can explain observers' p r a c ­
tical c o n c e r n that officials b e o f high status, lest they p r o v e unable to
1 7 9
p e r f o r m their d u t i e s . A s Plutarch said, 'In actual affairs a n d in g o v e r n ­
ment, the rich a n d prestigious m a n m a k e s little o f a n d scorns a c o m m o n
180
and p o o r o f f i c i a l . ' T i t u s A u f i d i u s , w h o o n c e held a trivial post in the
late-Republican administration o f A s i a , w a s elevated to the p r o c o n s u l -
ship: ' N o r did the allies', the T i b e r i a n a u t h o r V a l e r i u s M a x i m u s says in
s o m e surprise, 'scorn to o b e y the rods a n d axes o f a m a n w h o m they h a d
seen grovelling before others' tribunals.' A R o m a n expected disobedience
1 8 1
in such a c a s e .
N o r c a n force explain the p h e n o m e n o n o f a governor's being eclipsed
w h e n a n individual with greater prestige than he appeared in his
province. T h u s the w o r d s Philo has the G r e e k s o f A l e x a n d r i a address to
his bete noire, the Prefect o f E g y p t Flaccus, a b o u t the visit o f A g r i p p a , just
created king in J u d a e a b y Caligula: 'His s o j o u r n here . . . will b e y o u r
deposition: a greater weight o f prestige a n d h o n o u r s u r r o u n d s h i m than
y o u . . . h e o u g h t to h a v e pleaded a n d b e g g e d leave not to c o m e here in
order that the g o v e r n o r o f the c o u n t r y n o t b e o v e r w h e l m e d a n d scorned.'
In consequence, to even the o d d s , F l a c c u s permitted the G r e e k s o f
1 8 2
A l e x a n d r i a to m a k e embarrassing demonstrations against A g r i p p a .
N o r , finally, can force explain the measures taken to bolster official
h o n o u r . Desiring to leave R o m e , A u g u s t u s w i s h e d to leave the city in the
hands o f A g r i p p a , his l o w - b o r n general a n d friend; the e m p e r o r , w e are
told, 'wanted to b e s t o w u p o n h i m greater prestige, in order that he b e
able to rule m o r e easily', a n d thus m a r r i e d h i m to his o w n daughter
1 8 3
Julia. Vellius Paterculus offers the s a m e interpretation for A g r i p p a ' s
consulships, t r i u m p h s , a n d priesthoods. 'Great business needs great
helpers', so it is necessary that they b e 'eminent in dignity a n d their use­
184
fulness fortified w i t h p r e s t i g e ' .
Deference to officials w a s n o t optional. Failure w a s punished. B u t def­
erence to h o n o u r w a s also something that m e n d i d feel in fact. B o t h the
deference o f subjects t o w a r d s their r u l e r s — e v e n if coerced in specific

1 7 9 1 8 0
Dio 52. 8 . 6 - 7 . Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 817a, evSotjos.
1 8 1
Val. M a x . 6 . 9 . 7 .
1 8 2
Philo, Place. 3 0 - 1 , n€i£ova rifjLrjs Kal cvoogias oyKov; demonstrations, 3 3 - 4 0 . In con­
trast, Pliny praises Trajan for managing not to have this effect on legati, Paneg. 19.
1 8 3
Dio 54. 6 . 5 , d^iw/Lta; cf. 5 1 . 3 . 5.
1 8 4
Vel. Pat. 2 . 2 2 7 . 3 , 'dignitate eminere utilitatemque auctoritate muniri'. Cf. HA Hadr.
7. 3 , Hadrian leaves Dacia for Rome, 'Dacia Turboni credita, titulo Aegyptiacae praefec-
turae, quo plus auctoritatis haberet, ornato*.
 Officials 209

c a s e s — a n d the deference o f g o v e r n o r s t o w a r d s their s u b j e c t s — h o w e v e r

insincere in specific i n s t a n c e s — w e r e firmly r o o t e d in social n o r m s . T h a t
is w h a t m a d e deference such an effective tool for getting things d o n e ,
w h a t e v e r the spirit in w h i c h it w a s e m p l o y e d .

Gratitude
T o return at last to the troubles o f Aristides. F a c e d w i t h the pile o f letters
glorifying the sophist, those o v e r w h e l m i n g d e m a n d s o f deference u p o n
h i m , S e v e r u s the g o v e r n o r h a d little c h o i c e b u t to g r a n t Aristides' plea for
e x e m p t i o n . Y e t the p r o c o n s u l w a s c u n n i n g a n d n o t so easily beaten.
H a v i n g c o n c e d e d the legal point, he instantly asked Aristides to p e r f o r m
1 8 5
the u n w a n t e d j o b a n y w a y , as a personal f a v o u r . A l t h o u g h the deftness
o f his riposte t o o k the sophist b y surprise, there w a s n o t h i n g u n u s u a l
a b o u t a g o v e r n o r getting things d o n e b y the letting-out a n d getting-in o f
favours. A f o u r t h - c e n t u r y g o v e r n o r w a s b u i l d i n g a p o r t i c o at A n t i o c h :
' Y o u h a v e ordered s o m e p e o p l e to c o n v e y c o l u m n s from Seleuceia, y o u
have asked it from others as a favour'; a n d the o r a t o r L i b a n i u s expected
that at least the richer o f the t o w n ' s honorati w o u l d b e pleased to d o such
1 8 6
a f a v o u r for the g o v e r n o r . A n d s o — a s favours—officials c o u l d get
1 8 7
taxes in E g y p t collected a n d the smithies o f A n t i o c h s u p e r v i s e d .
F a v o u r s one d i d for an official (or a m a n w h o eventually b e c a m e an
official), he h a d to p a y b a c k w i t h potent f a v o u r s o f his o w n ; thus the p o w ­
erful w e r e often delighted to place h i m in their debt. S e n d along the s u p ­
plies, a late-antique praetorian prefect w r o t e to the Ligurians, 'for y o u
efficiently constrain m e to confer all benefits u p o n y o u , if y o u cheerfully
1 8 8
carry o u t m y c o m m a n d s ' . A n official h a d a n y n u m b e r o f lovely favours
1 8 9
at his disposal; indeed, a n y t h i n g he d i d c o u l d b e v i e w e d as a f a v o u r .
T h e i m a g i n e d g o v e r n o r w h o flung i n n o c e n t m e n into prison because
they insulted h i m , i m p r i s o n e d others o u t o f a sense o f gratitude to their
1 9 0
enemies. W h e n L i b a n i u s w a s practising in N i c o m e d i a , the friend o f a
rival o f his called u p o n the V i c a r o f P o n t i c a to arrest the sophist; the
friend a n d the v i c a r h a d been fellow students at A t h e n s , h a d p e r f o r m e d
m a n y reciprocal f a v o u r s for o n e another at that time, a n d s a w n o reason
1 9 1
to stop m e r e l y because o n e h a d risen to great p o w e r . A s J o s e p h u s sees
it, the c o u r s e o f V e s p a s i a n ' s c a m p a i g n against the J e w i s h rebels in Galilee

1 8 5 lv
Aristid. 5 0 . 7 8 - 9 (Behr), x<*P alrovvros.
1 8 6
Lib. Ep. 1 9 6 . 3 ; see also Cic. 2 Verr. 3 . 4 4 .
1 8 8
1 8 7
Taxes, P.Oxy. 1490; smithies, Lib. Ep. 197. 2. Cass. Var. 1 1 . 1 6 . 4 .
1 9 0
1 8 9
Sailer (1982), 1 5 0 - 9 . Above, n. 166.
1 9 1
Lib. Or. 1. 66; cf. Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 3 5 ; Sid. Ep. 4 . 1 4 . 1
210 Officials

1 9 2
was dictated in p a r t b y the general's gratitude to K i n g A g r i p p a . A city's
orator d i d n o t neglect, w h e n addressing a speech o f w e l c o m e to a visiting
g o v e r n o r , to allude to the services that the city h a d p e r f o r m e d for the
R o m a n s ; n o r di d a petitioner, if b y s o m e fortunate chance the official
himself hailed from the city, fail to d e m a n d that he 'make just return' for
1 9 3
his r e a r i n g . Finally, favours, such as the h o n o u r o f a statue, c o u l d b e
v o t e d before the g o v e r n o r ever conferred a b o o n : best to place h i m u n d e r
194
an obligation as s o o n as p o s s i b l e .
Into the net o f gratitude w i t h w h i c h they h o p e d to entangle those w h o
ruled t h e m , subjects w o v e other officials as well. Please help an
A n t i o c h e n e notable gather savage beasts for g a m e s he is holding,
Libanius w r o t e to the P r o c o n s u l o f A s i a . F o r A s i a , he w a s certain,
a b o u n d e d w i t h brutes o f the largest size a n d the m o s t delightfully fierce
dispositions. ' I m a g i n e that y o u are listening to the w h o l e city [of
A n t i o c h ] , then to the w o r t h y Salutius, third to the excellent R u f i n u s ' —
these w e r e the praetorian prefect a n d C o u n t o f the East respectively, c o n ­
veniently off fighting Julian's Persian W a r — ' t h e y will d e e m it as m u c h a
195
favour to t h e m as if they h a d written t h e m s e l v e s . '
A n official h a r d l y needed to h a w k his favours a r o u n d ; he w a s besieged
by petitioners b e g g i n g for help a n d offering to b e laid under an obliga­
1 9 6
tion. ' C h a r g e to m y gratitude w h a t e v e r f a v o u r y o u a c c o r d her,'
S y m m a c h u s casually r e m i n d s an official, asking for tax relief for a distin­
1 9 7
guished l a d y . T h e official w a s hardly reluctant: o n c e he did w h a t w a s
asked o f h i m , he c o u l d use the resulting favours-in-return, gratitude, to
rule. 1 9 8
'I'm d o i n g a beneficium for y o u r brother,' said the Prefect o f
E g y p t , manoeuvring to get the h i g h - b o r n B i s h o p Phileas to recant his
1 9 9
Christianity; 'return m y f a v o u r . ' It didn't w o r k : m a r t y r s h a d other
things o n their m i n d s than their aristocratic reputations. It w a s , h o w e v e r ,
expected to. W h e n C i c e r o ' s brother Q u i n t u s g o v e r n e d A s i a , the s m o o t h
administration o f the p r o v i n c e w a s h a m p e r e d b y a natural a n d seemingly
irreconcilable conflict between the interests o f the R o m a n t a x - f a r m e r s
a n d the G r e e k subjects. W h a t to do? C i c e r o u r g e d his brother, 'Set aside

1 9 2
Jos. B / 3 . 4 4 5 > 46i. Cf. Cic. 2 Verr. 1 . 7 3 -
1 9 3
Allude to services, Aristid. 17. 7 (Behr). Just return, Basil, Ep. 75; cf. Roueche" (1989a:
no. 2 4 ) , tax relief attributed to such a repayment.
1 9 4
D . Chr. 3 1 . 4 3 (Oepa-rrcvcodai), also 1 0 5 - 6 ; cf. C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1 . 1 . 3 1 .
1 9 5
Lib. Ep. 1 4 0 0 . 7 ; cf. Ep. 3 0 8 . 3 ; Jos. AJ 17. 2 2 2 = BJ2.17.
1 9 6
e.g. C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 1 8 . 2 and bk. 13 passim; Lib. Ep. 205. 2, 810. 7; and on behalf of
towns, Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 4 . 2 , 1 3 . 7 . 5 , 1 3 . 1 1 . 3 .
1 9 7 1 9 8
Sym. Ep. 9. 40. Willingness, Lib. Ep. 1 0 1 . 1 , 8 4 3 . 2.
1 9 9
Musurillo (1972), 27. a. 1 7 5 - 7 ; cf. C i c . 2 Verr. 5. 82.
 Officials 211

y o u r right to c o m m a n d a n d the c o m p u l s i o n inherent in y o u r office a n d

fasces; j o i n the t a x - f a r m e r s a n d the G r e e k s b y m e a n s o f gratitude to y o u
2 0 0
and your p r e s t i g e / A n d f o u r h u n d r e d years later G r e g o r y o f N a z i a n z u s
w r o t e to a g o v e r n o r asking h i m to remit a fine levied o n the bishop's p r o ­
tege, 'considering that this fine—the value o f t w o h o r s e s — c o u l d n o t p o s ­
sibly profit the treasury as m u c h as the f a v o u r w e will save u p for y o u , as
if it w e r e engraved'. F o r the m o m e n t , G r e g o r y will get the fine remitted;
for the future, the g o v e r n o r will be able to call u p o n h i m to e m p l o y his
201
influence o n official b u s i n e s s . Finally, m e n in high positions c o u l d lay
such gratitude a w a y , insurance against a change in the political climate.
N e r o ' s m o n s t r o u s praetorian prefect Tigellinus escaped execution u n d e r
G a l b a because he h a d placed T i t u s V i n i u s , Galba's intimate, u n d e r an
obligation b y saving his daughter. H e h a d preserved her, T a c i t u s says,
exactly 'to p r o v i d e himself w i t h a refuge in the future, for the w o r s t m e n ,
distrusting their present fortune yet terrified o f a change in it, a c c u m u ­
202
late private gratitude as a defence against p u b l i c l o a t h i n g . '
In practice, the return for officials' favours w a s frequently honorific.
' W e , the sustained a n d restored citizens o f Lepcis M a g n a , ' reads a statue
base, 'thank h i m for his infinite benefactions, b o t h those he b e s t o w e d
u p o n us alone a n d those w e h a v e received in c o m m o n w i t h the rest o f the
2 0 3
province.' Just as with the e m p e r o r , h o n o u r s to officials m i g h t b e
offered w i t h an a p o l o g y as to their i n a d e q u a c y to repay the debt. T h u s
'the senate o f M a d a u r a v o t e d to p u t u p a b r o n z e statue as a n honorific
204
m a r k o f reverence, even t h o u g h it is u n e q u a l to his b e n e f a c t i o n s . ' And
w h e t h e r o r not they m e a n t it, this sense o f indebtedness m a d e clientage—
an h o n o u r to the p a t r o n , a pledge o f further assistance to the client—a
possibility. H e r e M a d a u r a appropriately describes itself as the benevolent
governor's client, a n d indeed cities v e r y often formally c o - o p t e d officials
2 0 5
as their p a t r o n s .
Relations o f reciprocity between officials a n d subjects w e r e g r o u n d e d
in a shared culture o f h o n o u r , a n d in a realistic understanding o f the fact

2 0 0
C i c . ad Q. Fr. 1. 1. 35, 'remoto imperio ac vi potestatis et fascium publicanos cum
Graecis gratia atque auctoritate coniungas'. Cf. Gk. Const. 40. 20, illegal requisition of ani­
mals rj ^a/curt Ttvojv rj d£i[a>](a)ei.
2 0 1
Greg. Naz. Ep. 1 9 8 . 4 .
2 0 2
T a c . Hist. 1 . 7 2 ; cf. C i c . Font. 4 5 - 6 ; Philo, Flacc. 23.
203 JRI 5 6 2. f R e c h £ (1989a), no. 1 6 , a/x«j8o/>t€vot; E J 320a; Cic. 2 Verr. 2. 1 3 7 .
c O U

Panegyrics in the case of orators, Lib. Or. 2 1 . 3 ; John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 27.
2 0 4
I.LAlg. 1. 4011, 'etsi impari benefices eius honorifico obsequio decrevit*; cf. AE 1931.
38. 3 0 - 2 ; Roueche" (1989a), no. 3 6 , dvr evpyeoiatv fxiKpa oloovoa yepa.
2 0 5
Warmington (1954); Harmand (i957)> 1 8 8 - 2 2 0 , 2 9 0 - 3 0 9 , 3 9 6 - 4 0 5 ; Krause (1987).
212 Officials

that b o t h needed the favours the other c o u l d p r o v i d e . F o r an official to

attempt to disentangle himself f r o m the ties o f gratitude w h i c h connected
h i m to his subjects w o u l d n o t o n l y h a v e been disgraceful (as 'ungrate­
ful'), it w o u l d m a k e h i m unable to d o m u c h o f w h a t needed to b e done,
a n d deprive h i m o f the h o n o u r s that the provincials gave h i m for d o i n g
things for them. Similarly, for a subject to stand aloof w a s dangerous:
w h o k n e w w h e n he m i g h t need the governor's help? T h i s w a s o n e o f the
levels u p o n w h i c h Severus' fiendish request for a f a v o u r from Aristides
operated, for o n e always t h o u g h t carefully before refusing a f a v o u r to a
g o v e r n o r . T o turn d o w n such a request, m o r e o v e r , m i g h t be an insult. B y
asking Aristides to p e r f o r m the office as a favour, the g o v e r n o r appeared
to b e 'establishing the beginning o f a friendship'— so, then, did Aristides
p r o p o s e publicly to scorn the friendship o f the P r o c o n s u l o f A s i a ? 2 0 6
If he
did, storms w e r e forecast. S u c h a 'favour' h a d to b e granted w h e n asked,
a n d the confirmation o f Aristides' i m m u n i t y w a s meaningless: g o v e r n o r s
in future c o u l d ask for favours too. Severus' asking o f a favour is as m i n a ­
tory as his deference; aristocratic standards are ma n i p ulate d so that an
inferior m u s t o b e y — o r insult, a n d p r o d the p o r c u p i n e . T h e rhetoric o f
gratitude elegantly disguises m u c h m o r e ruthless p o w e r relations.

Honour and Dishonour

O n c e again o u t - m a n o e u v r e d b y Severus, Aristides contemplated bribery;
2 0 7
b u t the p r o c o n s u l w a s as incorruptible as he w a s c l e v e r . S o the sophist
h a d recourse again to influence. A t P e r g a m u m he enlisted the help o f the
great consular L . C u s p i u s P a c t u m e i u s Rufinus, w h o w r o t e to Severus
'and hinted c o n c e r n i n g the future, w h a t w o u l d h a p p e n if he d i d n o t will­
2 0 8
ingly e x e m p t m e ' . T h i s threat ( o f w h a t exactly, w e d o not k n o w ) finally
defeated Severus. A t S m y r n a , after he h a d read Rufinus' letter, he yielded
with p o o r grace, sending Aristides o n to the city council: if they w o u l d
appoint h i m o n e o f S m y r n a ' s i m m u n e rhetoricians, Severus w o u l d dis­
miss the claims o f H a d r i a n i . T h e g o v e r n o r called Aristides 'first o f the
Greeks a n d the v e r y height o f oratory', yielding to necessity in fact, b u t
covering his retreat b y a pretence o f deference. F o r Aristides included
along w i t h Rufinus' threatening note a n e w letter o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n
from an old friend o f the governor's, the distinguished P e r g a m e n e L .
C l a u d i u s Pardalas, w h o praised Aristides' oratory: the sophist tactfully
2 0 9
offered the g o v e r n o r a face-saving e s c a p e .

2 0 6 2 0 7
Quoted, Aristid. 5 0 . 7 9 (Behr). Ibid. 50. 8 1 - 2 (Behr).
2 0 8
Ibid. 50. 84 (Behr; trans. Behr).
2 0 9
Ibid. 50. 8 5 - 7 (Behr; with Behr's notes); quoted, 87.
 Officials 213

Y e t Aristides' troubles w e r e still n o t over. Before he c o u l d present his

case before the c o u n c i l at S m y r n a , he w a s n o m i n a t e d there to the post o f
prytanis, w h i c h he w a s just as reluctant to undertake as he w a s to b e eire-
narch at H a d r i a n i . F a r f r o m being willing to grant h i m i m m u n i t y , the
council at S m y r n a w i s h e d h i m to undertake duties for t h e m . T h u s
Aristides a n d S m y r n a ' s advocates inevitably f o u n d themselves before
2 1 0
Severus' c o u r t at E p h e s u s . N o w Severus' situation was difficult:
although firmly threatened b y Rufinus, he d i d n o t w i s h to offend the
great m e n o f S m y r n a , did n o t w i s h to fail in deference to the s u p r e m e l y
p r o u d city that w o u l d eventually style itself ' T h e First in A s i a in B e a u t y
a n d Size, M o s t Splendid, M e t r o p o l i s o f A s i a , T h r i c e T e m p l e - w a r d e n o f
the E m p e r o r s a c c o r d i n g to the decrees o f the M o s t S a c r e d Senate, G l o r y
2 1 1
o f Ionia, C i t y o f the S m y r n a e a n s ' .
S o an elaborate ballet w a s p e r f o r m e d to secure Aristides his i m m u n i t y .
B y p r e - a r r a n g e m e n t , the sophist w a s honorifically escorted into c o u r t b y
the governor's o w n lictors. Aristides c a m e late: a retainer o f the g o v e r ­
nor's called his n a m e a second time, o n l y to b e quelled b y Severus. H e will
c o m e , the g o v e r n o r said courteously. T h e sophist's arrival w a s attended
b y m a r k s o f respect from p r o c o n s u l , assessors, a n d advocates. Aristides
spoke at length, a n d freely, pointedly giving the k i n d o f speech o n e m i g h t
before the e m p e r o r , n o t o n l y demonstrating that h e w a s the a c m e o f o r a ­
tory, b u t offering a reminder, if o n e w a s needed, o f the m e n w h o s e g o o d
o p i n i o n placed h i m o n that peak. T h o s e in c o u r t greeted his speech w i t h
the enthusiasm d u e a brilliant sophistic p e r f o r m a n c e . T h e a d v o c a t e for
S m y r n a ( w h o h a d got the point, if the w h o l e thing h a d n o t been agreed
beforehand) m a d e a few r e m a r k s in h o n o u r o f Aristides, a n d then shut
u p . Finally, to h o n o u r the council o f S m y r n a , the p r o c o n s u l referred the
matter to them, sending Aristides along for their decision w i t h an h o n ­
orific letter o f his o w n . T h e council, o f course, c o n f i r m e d Aristides'
i m m u n i t y 'with s u c h h o n o u r a n d g r a n d e u r , as to m a k e it seem that they
h a d n e v e r d o n e so for a n y o n e else'. A n d w i t h o u t being asked, Severus
212
w r o t e to H a d r i a n i telling t h e m to a p p o i n t s o m e o n e else eirenarch.
Aristides got his i m m u n i t y , a n d Severus d o d g e d b o t h the w r a t h o f
Rufinus a n d a n y disgraceful failure o f deference to the brilliant Aristides
or to the magnificent city o f S m y r n a .

2 1 0 2 1 1
Ibid. 50. 8 8 - 9 (Behr). IK Smyrna 640 (3rd c e n t ) .
Aristid. 50. 90—3 (Behr), quoted, 93, ficrd rinrjs Toaavrrjs
2 1 2
Kal ax^aros. For hon­
ouring with an armed escort, cf. Eunap. V S 4 9 0 ; applauding a speech, ibid. 484 (by shaking
the toga).
214 Officials

W h a t stands out in Aristides' a c c o u n t is the meticulous detail w i t h

w h i c h the h o n o u r s that the g o v e r n o r conferred are recounted, a n d the
craftiness w i t h w h i c h the h o n o u r s w e r e used. Like the e m p e r o r — p e r h a p s
to a degree in imitation o f the e m p e r o r — g o v e r n o r s w e r e used to ruling
w i t h h o n o u r . T a c i t u s describes A g r i c o l a , the g o v e r n o r o f Britain, taking
salutary measures for the internal peace of his province:

So that men at once scattered and savage, and thereby ready for war, might be
habituated, through pleasures, to peace and quiet, he privately exhorted and pub­
licly assisted them to build temples, forums, and houses, praising the zealous and
upbraiding the slow: rivalry for honour from him took the place of compulsion.

A n d thus, w e learn, the Britons b e g a n to s t u d y Latin, a n d affect the

2 1 3
toga. T h e reality w a s doubtless m u c h m o r e complicated, b u t this is
h o w things w e r e expected to w o r k . A n d a m e t h o d expected to w o r k even
in the empire's m o s t n e w - c a u g h t , sullen p r o v i n c e w a s surely ideal for the
p r o u d a n d sophisticated Greeks o f the East. T h e same A e l i u s Aristides
addressed the assembly o f the p r o v i n c e o f A s i a , citing the 'respect, b e n e ­
factions, a n d deference o n every matter' w h i c h that p r o v i n c e h a d enjoyed
from its g o v e r n o r s , thus m a k i n g it 'seem m o r e than equal in h o n o u r w i t h
214
m o s t o f R o m e ' s subject p e o p l e s ' . ' T o the s a m e extent that w e are h o n ­
o u r e d m o r e than others b y the e m p e r o r s a n d the annual g o v e r n o r s . . . to
that extent m u s t w e take care not to d o anything w h i c h m i g h t seem ill to
them.' R u l i n g w a s altogether easier w h e n g o v e r n o r s inspired thoughts
215
like these in their s u b j e c t s . A n d n o t o n l y ruling: g o v e r n o r s used the
fierce rivalry between N i c o m e d i a a n d N i c a e a to c o v e r u p their p l u n d e r ­
ing o f the p r o v i n c e o f Bithynia, for b y calling o n e o f the t w o cities 'first'
either in speech o r writing, they ensured that it w o u l d defend their c o n ­
2 1 6
duct, n o matter h o w vile that c o n d u c t h a d b e e n .
T h e esteem o f R o m a n g o v e r n o r s w a s highly honorific. D u r i n g the
t h i r d - c e n t u r y persecutions, a Christian a u t h o r writes, the life o f the faith­
ful w a s characterized b y 'sentences, confiscations o f property, p r o s c r i p ­
tions, seizures o f goods, removals from office, disdain for w o r l d l y glory,
c o n t e m p t for praise a n d b l a m e from g o v e r n o r s a n d city councillors, a n d
e n d u r a n c e o f threats, cries, dangers, persecutions, w a n d e r i n g s , w o e , a n d
217
various afflictions'. C o n t e m p t for g o v e r n o r s ' praise a n d b l a m e w a s the

2 1 3
Tac. Agric. 21, 'honoris aemulatio'.
2 1 4
Aristid. 23. ll (Behr), alhcos Kai (piAavOpatnta Kai TO ovyKcxojprjKOS" €iV diravra . . .
OLLOTILLOVS".
2 1 5
Aristid. 23. 79 (Behr). Cf. D . Chr. 32. 52, 38. 33; Lib. Ep. 1351. 3; and Julian, Ep. 84a
(Bidez), 430b, for ruling in this way urged upon one of Julian's pagan high priests.
2 1 6 2 1 7
D . Chr. 3 8 . 3 6 - 7 . Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 7 . 1 1 . 1 8 .
 Officials 215

close c o m p a n i o n o f virtuous disdain for w o r l d l y glory in the Christians'

u p s i d e - d o w n universe, a n d clearly both w e r e unusual: the governor's
o p i n i o n w a s a v e r y large part o f a provincial gentleman's standing in the
2 1 8
world. Predictably, it w a s boasted o f local dignitaries that they h a d
been 'testified to b y governors', o r proconsuls, o r p r o c u r a t o r s , a n d a city
2 1 9
c a n be f o u n d m a k i n g the same b o a s t . It m i g h t be said o f a subordinate
official that he ' b e l i e v e d . . . that nothing adds m o r e splendidly to his dig­
2 2 0
nity than the testimony o f so great a g o v e r n o r ' .
W h a t f o r m s did h o n o u r f r o m g o v e r n o r s take? Just like the emperor's
letters, the letters o f officials w e r e honorific, a n d sometimes inscribed o n
stone. Officials sent letters in praise o f those w h o h a d m a d e themselves
useful, as here for protecting a g o v e r n o r against prosecution:

Copy of the letter of Aedinius Julianus, praetorian prefect, to Badius Comnianus,

procurator and acting governor:
. . . When I was governor of the province of Gallia Lugdunensis, I met many excel­
lent men, among whom was one Sollemnis, a priest from the city of Viducasses.
I began to esteem him on account of the seriousness of his principles and his
noble character. And to those considerations was added this: when some who felt
that they had been i n j u r e d . . . by my predecessor, Claudius P a u l i n u s , . . . tried to
get up a prosecution in the council of the Gauls, as if by agreement of the Gallic
provinces, my friend Sollemnis resisted this attempt, pleading that his home city,
which had chosen him as a representative to the council, had given him no orders
about a prosecution, and, indeed, had praised Paulinus; by this argument he
ensured that all abandoned the accusation. Thus I came more and more to esteem
221
and approve h i m .

T h e honorific quality o f such a letter is easily understood, b u t even a let­

ter from a g o v e r n o r asking a local notable to assist in official b u s i n e s s —
the m a k i n g o f preparations for the reception o f the e m p e r o r — w a s
honorific in itself, a n d w a s p r o u d l y inscribed along w i t h the h o n o u r s o f
cities, o f the p r o v i n c e , a n d letters from the emperor:

Caelius Florus to Opramoas son of Apollonius, an extremely honoured man,

greetings. I have written publicly to your city, in order that everything necessary
may be prepared for the very auspicious arrival of our lord [the emperor]. But not
ignorant of the private goodwill you bear towards me, I thus share with you this
2 1 8 2 1 9
Cf. Apul. Flor. 17; Jos. AJ 1 8 . 1 5 1 . Robert (1946&), 2 1 - 3 ; city, IGR iii. 714.
2 2 0
AE 1 9 3 1 . 3 8 . 1 1 - 1 2 , 'nihil splendidius sibi at dignitatem testimonio tanti praesidis'; see
pp. 198-9 above.
2 2 1
Pflaum (1948), col. 2 U. 1 - 2 8 . Officials' letters to private men as honorific, Aristid. 50.
75 (Behr); Apul. Apol. 94-5; Greg. Naz. Ep. 1 0 . 1 4 ; Lib. Or. 1 . 2 3 1 ; Ep. 725 (and their wide read­
ership); Liebeschuetz (1972), 196. Also honorific, the fact of correspondence, Basil, Ep. 104,
110.
216 Officials

most necessary concern and bring the matter to your attention in order that you
may recognize the reverence owed to the matter, both on my account and on that
of your city.

N o t surprisingly, it is possible to discover O p r a m o a s elsewhere taking

2 2 2
care o f other little bits o f business for the g o v e r n o r . W e must imagine
g o v e r n o r s w r i t i n g a great m a n y letters o f b o t h these types: thankful c o n ­
gratulations a n d requests for aid, b o t h honorific. A n d high officials w r o t e
testimonials for lesser officials; the sixth-century J o h n L y d u s includes in
his treatise the testimonials he received u p o n retirement f r o m the
e m p e r o r a n d the praetorian prefect, the latter 'an h o n o u r w o r t h as m u c h
2 2 3
as a great deal o f m o n e y ' .
N o r w a s the g o v e r n o r limited to the w r i t i n g o f letters. A s he p r o c e e d e d
t h r o u g h the p r o v i n c e o n his assizes he l o d g e d at other men's houses.
I n c o n v e n i e n t a n d expensive for t h e m , n o d o u b t , b u t useful, as g u a r a n ­
teeing access to his ear; a n d honorific, for to b e a governor's 'host a n d
2 2 4
friend' w a s s o m e t h i n g r e c o r d e d o n s t o n e . N o t a b l e provincials c o m ­
peted to play host to a great R o m a n official; not so to his base retainers,
a n d a m a n a c c u s t o m e d to entertain praetors a n d consuls m i g h t protest
2 2 5
bitterly at h a v i n g such l o w creatures billeted o n h i m .
O n c e ensconced, the g o v e r n o r held dinners: the householder specified
the n u m b e r his d i n i n g - r o o m w o u l d hold, a n d the g o v e r n o r issued invi­
2 2 6
tations. T h e s e dinners w e r e exclusive, a n d it w a s an h o n o u r to b e
invited. O n e s h o u l d not crash the governor's dinners, Plutarch w a r n e d ,
for that will earn o n e a reputation for unseasonable ambition for h o n ­
2 2 7
our. C l o s e attention w a s p a i d to h o w the official greeted a n d seated his
2 2 8
guests. T h e fortunate diners returned h o m e bursting to relate the flat­
tering remarks the g o v e r n o r h a d m a d e a b o u t t h e m — o r queasy, if h e
2 2 9
decided instead to chortle a b o u t the tortures he h a d inflicted that d a y .
'I defer to t h e m , I praise t h e m in w o r d s , I h o n o u r them,' said C i c e r o ,
describing h o w he w a s dealing w i t h the prickly tax-farmers o f his

2 2 2
Quoted, TAM ii. 905 ch. 13. Opramoas takes care of business for governors, TAM ii.
905 chs. 1 5 , 1 7 , 4 6 .
2 2 3
John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 2 9 - 3 0 , ravr-qv TTJV Ti[xi)v dvri TTOWWV xp^o-roiVy cf. 3 . 20; A m m .
Marc. 1 5 . 5 . 3 ; and Pliny, Ep. 10. 8 5 , 8 6 a and b.
2 2 4 2 2 5
Quass (1993), 157 n. 443. C i c . 2Verr. 1. 6 4 - 5 .
226 p j u t Q u a e s t . Conviv. 7 0 7 b - 7 o 8 b ; cf. C i c . 2 Verr. 1. 65.
2 2 7
Exclusive, Musurillo (1954), 7 . 1 . 4 9 - 5 9 ; honorific, Lib. Ep. 732; Eunap. V S 4 9 1 ; do not
crash, Plut. Quaest. Conviv. 710a, <pt\oTip.las aKaipov 86gav.
2 2 8
Plut. Aem. Paul. 2 8 . 4 ; Greeks (of the 160s BC) were amazed at Paullus' ability to give
each his proper meed of honour.
2 2 9
Praises, Plut. de se Ips. cit. Inv. Laud. 5 4 6 d - e ; tortures, [Pelagius], de Div. 6. 2 ( = PL
Suppl. 1 . 1 3 8 6 ) .
 Officials 217

p r o v i n c e o f Cilicia, w h o s e profiteering he w a s attempting to control. ' T h e

G r e e k s discharge their debts at a reasonable rate o f interest, a n d the affair
is delightful to the tax-farmers, since they get m y honorific w o r d s a n d fre­
2 3 0
q u e n t invitations paid o u t in full m e a s u r e . ' A useful passage, for it
b r i n g s out the self-consciousness, even the c y n i c i s m , o f this m e t h o d o f
ruling.
G o v e r n o r s ' e m b r a c e s a n d kisses w e r e honorific, as w e r e their p r e ­
231
sents. W h e n L i b a n i u s received a silver c u p a n d ivory writing-tablets
from a praetorian prefect, he w r o t e , ' M y intimates rushed in gratulating
2 3 2
and congratulating me: I w a s an object o f e n v y because o f the h o n o u r . '
For a high official to call u p o n subjects in their o w n houses w a s to d o
t h e m v e r y great h o n o u r , as it w a s for h i m to emerge from his official
residence to hear the rhetorician L i b a n i u s deliver a speech in the city
2 3 3
council-chamber. C i c e r o ' s request to a g o v e r n o r o n behalf o f a p r o ­
t e g e — ' s h o w e v e r y species o f g e n e r o s i t y . . . n o t o n l y in deed, b u t in w o r d s
and even in l o o k s ; . . . h o w p o w e r f u l such things are in a p r o v i n c e . . . I
h a v e a n o t i o n ' — w o u l d h a v e m a d e perfect sense if written to a g o v e r n o r
2 3 4
o f the second c e n t u r y AD o r the f o u r t h .
Like h o n o u r s from e m p e r o r s , g o v e r n o r s ' h o n o u r s w e r e esteemed for
buttressing the local regimes o f h o n o u r s in their areas o f responsibility.
Cities a n d provincial councils reported the h o n o u r s they h a d b e s t o w e d
u p o n their benefactors, as Sala did a b o v e (p. 198), a n d the g o v e r n o r w r o t e
235
in c o n g r a t u l a t i o n . T h e actual presence o f high officials in the city p e r ­
mitted their h o n o u r to b e b o r r o w e d even m o r e conveniently. T h u s the
chanting o f the assembly o f O x y r h y n c h u s in h o n o u r o f the president o f
the city council, u p o n the visit o f the g o v e r n o r a n d chief financial officer
of Egypt:

Lords Augusti! Good fortune, O Governor! Good fortune to the Financial

Officer! Hurrah for the President! Hurrah for the glory of the city! Hurrah for
Dioscorus, first of the citizens! Under you our blessings increase yet more, O

2 3 0
C i c . ad Att. 6 . 1 . 1 6 , 'obsequor, verbis laudo, orno . . . si ilia iam habent pleno modio
verborum honorem, invitationem crebram\
2 3 1
Embrace, Aristid. 5 0 . 1 0 7 (Behr); kiss, Philostr. VS 1. 25 (537).
2 3 2 at
Lib. Ep. 1021.1—3, x povTcov TC Kai avyyaipovroiv. iyw 8e rrjs fi€v Tifxrjs i^rjXovfXTjv;
also Pflaum (1948), col. 3; MacMullen (1962), 159 n. 1.
2 3 3
Lib. Or. 2 . 9 , 1 . 1 1 2 . Cf. Lib. Or. 54 for a conspectus of other honours from governors.
2 3 4
Cic. ad Fam. 13. 6a. 4.
2 3 5
Cities, TAM ii. 905 chs. 1 - 4 , 6 - 1 0 , 1 6 , 36; Quass (1993), 160 n. 473; and there is hon­
orific congratulation as well when an official confirms the terms of a benefaction, Robert
(1940c); IKEph. i. 2 7 . 3 3 3 - 4 1 3 ; Worrle (1988), 16, lines 1 0 8 - 9 (the city can also request privil­
eges for its benefactor). Province, TAM ii. 905 chs. 1 1 , 1 4 , 1 8 - 1 9 , 24, 2 8 - 9 , 43, 53. Cf. for an
individual soliciting honour for another, Lib. Ep. 1051. 9.
218 Officials

source of our blessings!... Good fortune to the patriot! Good fortune to the lover
of justice, O source of our blessings, founder of the city! . . . Let the President
receive the vote on this great day, he who is worthy of many votes, for we enjoy
many blessings through you, O President! W e beg of the Financial Officer this for
the President! Good fortune to the Financial Officer! W e beg it for the city's
President, O Financial Officer, benefactor that you are! W e beg it for the founder
of the city! The Lords Augusti for ever! A request for the Financial Officer on
behalf of the President! The honest man's magistrate!... W e beg you, O Financial
Officer, concerning the President! Let the President receive the vote! Let him
236
receive it this great d a y !

T h e r e is a great deal m o r e in this vein. A n d while cities b o r r o w e d the g o v ­

ernor's h o n o u r , he expected the h o n o u r o f cities a n d provinces to r e w a r d
2 3 7
those w h o did things that he a s k e d .
F o r cities themselves, h o n o u r s b e s t o w e d b y the g o v e r n o r included
simple praise: 'I s a w a city b o t h w e l l - b o r n a n d ancient,' said the p r o c o n ­
sul, describing his visit to A e z a n i , 'and inferior in recent building to n o n e
238
o f the chiefest c i t i e s . ' ' W i t h honorific w o r d s I banished all previous
2 3 9
injuries,' w r o t e g o v e r n o r C i c e r o , describing his visit to L a o d i c e a . The
visit o f a g o v e r n o r to a city w a s also honorific. T h e a m b a s s a d o r begs h i m
to c o m e to a festival: 'If y o u b e persuaded, I will gain prestige for h a v i n g
persuaded y o u , the proceedings will gain prestige; the city will gain pres­
tige. T h e g o d will b e gratified. B u t if I f a i l . . . the city will have n o festival,
240
but a disaster.' B y choosing to visit o r not, the g o v e r n o r is depicted as
having in his p o w e r the h o n o u r b o t h o f the a m b a s s a d o r w h o h a d c o m e
to ask h i m , a n d o f the t o w n itself.
T h e official w h o c o u l d use h o n o u r to get his w a y c o u l d use d i s h o n o u r
as well. L u c i u s , the hero o f A p u l e i u s ' Metamorphoses, w a s sold fish at an
outrageous price in the market-place at H y p a t a . D e p a r t i n g w i t h his p u r ­
chases, h e m e t a magistrate in his state w i t h rods a n d retainers, an old
friend from his schooldays at A t h e n s , n o w the m a r k e t inspector o f the
t o w n . Seeing the b a d quality o f the fish a n d discovering w h a t they h a d
cost, the official d e m a n d e d that their seller b e pointed out.

When I indicated the little old man—he was sitting in a corner—the official
immediately denounced him in the harshest possible tones, as befitted the

2 3 6
Sel. Pap. 2 3 9 . 3 - 1 6 (trans, adapted from Hunt and Edgar); see also TAM ii. 905 chs. 3 ,
14,28,30.
2 3 7 2 3 8
TAM ii. 905 chs. 1 5 , 1 7 . IGR iv. 572 with Robert (1937), 302.
2 3 9
Cic. adAtt. 5. 2 0 . 1 , 'honorificisque verbis*.
2 4 0 Men. Rhet. 4 2 5 . 1 0 - l 6 , €v8o£6r€pof £ya> . . . £v8o$OT€pa Sc rd 8pa>ii€va, aepLvorepa
8e 17 TJ-OAIS'. Cf. ibid. 428. 2 7 - 8 ; Reynolds (1982), no. 48.
 Officials 219

authority of his office. 'Now,' cried he, 'you don't even spare my friends, or any
other visitors! Y o u mark up worthless fish at high prices, and reduce this flower
of the Thessalian region to the semblance of a deserted, barren cliff by the cosdi-
ness of your comestibles. You'll not get off scot-free! I'll show you how rogues will
be punished while I am magistrate!' A n d he upended my basket on the open pave­
ment and ordered his retainer to trample on the fishes and wholly destroy them
with his feet. A n d content with this display of stern morality he advised me to be
off, saying, 'It seems to me that such a great insult is punishment enough for the
241
old fellow.'

T h e j o k e lies in the obliteration o f the hero's s u p p e r to p u n i s h a grasping

fishmonger, w h o s e stock o f overpriced fish is u n d a m a g e d . In the process
a rare glimpse is offered o f the operation o f local authority: the p e c c a n t
m e r c h a n t is humiliated. T h e same m e t h o d w a s used o n a grander level.
W h e n the g o v e r n o r o f Cilicia b e c a m e displeased with the c o n d u c t o f
242
T a r s u s , part o f his response w a s a s u l p h u r o u s l e t t e r . A n d if an official
t h o u g h t his o w n standing inadequate to d o w h a t he w a n t e d to d o — d i s ­
h o n o u r i n g ancient Sparta effectively, for e x a m p l e , required v e r y great
2 4 3
h o n o u r i n d e e d — h e m i g h t solicit a furious letter from the e m p e r o r .
Since C a e s a r w a s displeased with t h e m , his lieutenant M a r k A n t o n y s u m ­
m o n e d the magistrates o f N a p l e s a n d C u m a e — a n d then b a d e t h e m
return the next day, a n n o u n c i n g that rather than seeing t h e m , he p r o ­
2 4 4
p o s e d to recreate himself w i t h e n e m a s . Strategic humiliations w e r e
directed also at other officials. T h e future e m p e r o r Julian, w h e n c r o w n
prince in G a u l , e n d e a v o u r e d to b r i n g an official to heel thus: ' W i t h m a n y
present, w h o I k n e w w o u l d report it to h i m , I said, "Certainly he will c o r ­
2 4 5
rect his reports: they are an absolute disgrace." '
Explicitly honorific o r insulting acts aside, m u c h o f the administrative
business o f officials w a s perceived to h a v e h o n o u r consequences. W h e n
the council at A n t i o c h failed to a p p o i n t a Syriarch to preside over i m p o r ­
tant games, the g o v e r n o r , naturally a n x i o u s that the g a m e s should g o on,
appointed o n e from Beroea. T o L i b a n i u s , b y this action he

has destroyed a city of the first rank, and raises up one not even of the second rank
and permits it to insult its b e t t e r . . . He [the governor] was not sent, O emperor,
to confound the proper order of the cities, to outrage the prestige that properly

2 4 1
Apul. Met. 1. 25 (trans, adapted from Hanson).
2 4 2
D . Chr. 3 4 . 1 5 with C . P. Jones (1978), 79- Cf. Lib. Or. 1 5 . 7 4 .
2 4 3
Philostr. V A 4 . 3 3 .
2 4 4
C i c . ad Att. 1 0 . 1 3 . 1 ; cf. 2 Verr. 3. 6 1 - 2 , 1 0 5 for insult used to corrupt ends.
2 4 5
Julian in Gaul, Julian, Ep. 14 (Bidez), 385b; cf. A m m . Marc. 1 7 . 3 . 5. See also [Victor],
Vir. III. 72. 6.
220 Officials

belonged to some, and to pile the lesser upon the g r e a t e r . . . He, having brought
in that fellow from Beroea to the end he did, cried out to all that this city must
depend upon that other, must yield up the title of Metropolis to it, that our coun­
cil must yield to theirs, our citizens to theirs, that we must acknowledge them as
our betters. You could know the insult from the pleasure it gave our enemies, and
the grief our well-wishers. Y o u [O emperor] would not wish that the cities should
246
be insulted. But he would wish to insult t h e m .

A well-disposed g o v e r n o r , b y contrast, w a s able to m a k e a city like P r u s a

' m o r e distinguished', in this case b y a p p r o v i n g the construction o f a p o r ­
tico, particularly i m p o r t a n t for a s h a b b y city 'formerly inferior even to
247
our neighbours'. G o v e r n o r s ' w i d e latitude to supervise civic a n d
provincial affairs g a v e t h e m control o v e r m a n y o f the c o m p o n e n t s o f a
248
city's p r e s t i g e . A t the individual level, to protect a man's friend from
his creditors, o r get a friend an official post, w a s to h o n o u r the interces­
2 4 9
sor. P r o d u c t i v e o f h o n o u r t o o w a s the p o w e r that being k n o w n to b e
2 5 0
able to get favours from the g o v e r n o r c o n v e y e d . Legal business w a s an
e n o r m o u s part o f w h a t a g o v e r n o r did; a legal j u d g e m e n t in a m a n ' s
251
favour w a s an h o n o u r , against h i m , an i n s u l t . T h e dishonour was
redoubled if a flogging w a s ordered; association o f this p u n i s h m e n t w i t h
slavery guaranteed it top place in the list o f humiliations to w h i c h a free
252
m a n c o u l d be s u b j e c t e d . Relations between officials w e r e envisaged in
the s a m e w a y . T h e praetorian prefect fined the g o v e r n o r o f Syria. 'This
causes h i m hurt,' w r o t e L i b a n i u s , e n d e a v o u r i n g to get this fine o v e r ­
turned; 'for Nicetius, despite the m a n y offices he has held, is a p o o r m a n .
B u t the p u n i s h m e n t carries w i t h it s o met h i n g sharper than the loss: dis­
2 5 3
grace.'
T h a t a leavening o f h o n o u r a n d disgrace w a s felt in a great m a n y offi­
cial acts should n o t b e d o u b t e d . B u t h o n o u r w a s also a w a y o f talking
about w h a t g o v e r n o r s did that c o u l d hide terrible realities. Phileas w a s a
m a n o f high status, rich e n o u g h to feed a w h o l e city. M u c h to the regret
o f the Prefect o f E g y p t , he w a s also a Christian, hurtling willingly t o w a r d s

2 4 6
Lib. Or. 33. 2 2 - 3 , agtcDfia Xvp.avovp.€vos\ cf. for similar acts, Norman (1983), 156.
2 4 7
D . Chr. 40. 5, TTJV iroXiv . . . oefivoTcpav iroietvy with C . P. Jones (1978), 112.
2 4 8
Cf. Cic. Balb. 43; D . Chr. 45. 6. Latitude, Burton (1987).
2 4 9
Basil, Ep. 32, Tifxwv; and Lib. Ep. 1426. 4, rifirj. Cf. Cic. ad Fam. 13. 26. 2 , 1 3 . 3 1 . 1 ; Lib.
Ep. 275. 2; Greg. Naz. Ep. 106,208. 5.
2 5 0
Greg. Naz. Ep. 1 5 4 . 3 ; Lib. Or. 1. 211.
2 5 1
Aristid. 50. 79 (Behr), TI/UIJ; and Cic. 2 Verr. 2. 58, ignominia, contumelia. Legal busi­
ness, Burton (1975).
2 5 2
Sailer (1994), 1 3 4 - 4 2 ; Brown (1992), 54; and esp. Lib. Or. 1 4 . 2 0 .
2 5 3
Lib. Ep. 2 1 . 3 , d$o£ia.
 Officials 221

m a r t y r d o m . ' R e m e m b e r that I h a v e h o n o u r e d y o u / said the prefect; 'I

c o u l d have subjected y o u to outrage in y o u r o w n city; b u t I w i s h e d to
h o n o u r y o u , a n d thus d i d n o t / H e c o u l d h a v e c o n t i n u e d to h a v e h i m t o r ­
2 5 4
tured, that is, b u t w a s n o t g o i n g t o . Subjects also cloaked the realities
o f p o w e r in the language o f h o n o u r . M u c h o f o u r evidence a b o u t all rela­
tions with officials c o m e s from letters asking t h e m for favours, a n d in
such a context the chattering a b o u t h o n o u r m a y conceal s o m e t h i n g quite
different. If w e k n e w o n l y o f the letter w h i c h Pardalas w r o t e to Severus o n
Aristides' behalf, w e m i g h t c o n c l u d e that Severus h a d deferentially
yielded to Aristides' h o n o u r , h o n o u r e d h i m w i t h praise, a n d m o v e d to
grant the i m m u n i t y . In fact w e k n o w (as w e d o in almost n o other case)
that a threatening letter from Rufinus really settled the matter. A subject's
letter, noting the deference he o r another w a s o w e d , offering o r calling in
favours, p r o m i s i n g h o n o u r o r alluding to disgrace, m a y often h a v e been
a c c o m p a n i e d b y a letter like Rufinus', o r b y a b a g o f silver, a persuasive
a r g u m e n t indeed. Y e t the request, p e r h a p s for favours d u b i o u s even b y
the standards o f a R o m a n official's b r o a d prerogative, still h a d to b e
m a d e , w h a t e v e r the real reasons for granting it. Best, then, to allude
v a g u e l y to w h a t h a d to b e d o n e as 'honours', a n d offer face-saving p r e ­
2 5 5
texts for granting the f a v o u r . It w a s m o s t effective to c o r r u p t the g o v ­
e r n o r w i t h o u t m a k i n g h i m feel c o r r u p t .
Indeed, s o m e t i m e s the rhetoric o f h o n o u r offers o n l y the thinnest
c o v e r to other considerations. W h e n a m a n 'distinguished b y his virtues,
and also b y his fortune, if that has a n y t h i n g to d o w i t h it,' is r e c o m ­
m e n d e d to a g o v e r n o r , w e suspect that the m o n e y , a n d n o t merely the
2 5 6
distinction it confers, m a y indeed h a v e quite a lot to d o w i t h i t . When
the interests o f a m a n 'brilliant in the n u m b e r o f his friends' are u r g e d
u p o n an official, w e are certainly justified in c o n c l u d i n g that it is p r i m a r ­
ily the p o w e r o f those m a n y friends, rather than the r e n o w n derived from
2 5 7
t h e m , that is b e i n g c o m m u n i c a t e d . Y e t the language o f h o n o u r p e r ­
mits o n e n o t to say so t o o abruptly. H o n o u r a n d p o w e r o f other types
usually lay in the same h a n d s in the R o m a n w o r l d . T h u s the language o f
h o n o u r c o u l d b e used to i m p l y p o w e r o f other types, to hint at reasons
w h o l l y outside the realm o f h o n o u r for w h i c h favours should b e granted.

2 5 4
Musurillo (1972), 27. b. 5, M e m e n t o quod te honoraverim. in civitate enim tua
potuissem te iniuriari. volens autem te honorare non feci*. Phileas' wealth, b. 5. 4; tortures,
a. 1.
2 5 5
Cf. Brown ( 1 9 9 2 : 3 5 - 4 7 ) for classical paideia used in this way.
2 5 6
C i c . ad Fam. 1 3 . 1 3 . 1 , ' f o r t u n a . . . ornatus'.
2 5 7
Greg. Naz. Ep. 29. 4, XapciTpos 8e cpiXwv nepiovoiq, see above, n. 155; cf. Cic. ad Fam.
13.3i.
222 Officials

W h a t gracefully h i d the subject's strength, m o r e o v e r , c o u l d gracefully

hide the ruler's weakness. W a s his a w e at Aristides' reputation the only
e m o t i o n Severus felt w h e n contemplating Aristides' letter o f r e c o m m e n ­
dation from the R o m a n emperor? B u t he c o u l d hide his fear o r ambition
behind a s h o w o f deference. Severus hid also b e h i n d the h o n o u r s he
bestowed u p o n Aristides in court. F a c e d w i t h a situation in w h i c h a legal
j u d g e m e n t on Aristides' case w o u l d offend, w h i c h e v e r w a y he decided,
the g o v e r n o r h o n o u r e d Aristides to a v o i d m a k i n g such an open decision.
S m y r n a got the point, w a s h o n o u r e d with being allowed to appear to
decide, a n d Aristides w a s granted his i m m u n i t y . H e r e h o n o u r stands in
place o f a n official act; it cloaks it so completely as to m a k e the official act
itself unnecessary. S u c h polite c o m m u n i c a t i o n w a s an i m p o r t a n t role for
h o n o u r in all its ramifications, useful to officials a n d subjects alike. F o r
reasons such as these it is h a r d l y surprising that the realm o f h o n o u r
could e x p a n d to c o m p r e h e n d almost everything an official did. W h e n the
g o v e r n o r w a s faced with too m u c h w o r k , s o m e things m u s t b e done,
other things neglected, or, in Libanius' w o r d s , 'some things h o n o u r e d ,
258
others cast a s i d e ' . T o envision all the governor's acts in h o n o u r terms
w a s not at an impossible distance from reality, a n d it w a s agreeable a n d
convenient to all.

O F F I C I A L S AND S U B J E C T S IN L A T E A N T I Q U I T Y

T h e struggle o f Aristides a n d Severus w a s a failure o f g o v e r n m e n t . A

representative o f imperial authority w a n t e d a subject to d o something,
b u t the subject escaped his grasp. R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t w a s at its m o s t
effective w h e n official hierarchies recapitulated the social hierarchy,
w h e n lawful authority, the ability to coerce, a n d the p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f
h o n o u r lay in the s a m e hands; w h e r e that w a s not the case, R o m a n g o v ­
e r n m e n t w o r k e d less well. T h i s w a s true even within g o v e r n m e n t . A s g o v ­
ernor o f Cilicia, C i c e r o h a d the legal standing to give orders to his
h i g h - b o r n quaestor C o e l i u s C a l d u s . B u t w h e n C o e l i u s w a s c o m i n g to
Cilicia ( n o n e too speedily, naturally), C i c e r o , p r o m p t e d b y letters o f rec­
o m m e n d a t i o n a n d b y a letter in w h i c h C o e l i u s h a d dilated u p o n his o w n
high rank, w r o t e to h i m toadyingly, ' W h a t e v e r distinctions I can confer
u p o n y o u , I will, in order that everyone m a y k n o w that I have taken into
259
a c c o u n t y o u r prestige a n d that o f y o u r a n c e s t o r s . ' Obviously Cicero

2 5 8
Lib. Ep. 1459. 5; cf. 9 9 4 . 1 , 1 2 8 7 . 2; C i c . ad Fam. 13. 2 5 , 6 4 ; Greg. Naz. Ep. 70. 2.
2 5 9
Coelius, Cic. ad Fam. 2.19. 2, 'ut omnes intellegant a me habitam esse rationem tuae
maiorumque tuorum dignitatis'.
 Officials 223

felt a n o v e r w h e l m i n g necessity to defer to Coelius; he w a s h a r d l y g o i n g to

give h i m orders.
M e n like C o e l i u s a n d Aristides, m e n w h o c o u l d pull social rank o n
their superiors o r rulers, w e r e u n c o m m o n in their o w n time. C i c e r o w a s
a rare novus homo w h o h a d b e c o m e consul. H e thus operated w i t h a
deficit o f prestige a n d w a s w e a k w h e n faced w i t h a self-assured nobilis.
Aristides w a s o n e o f the p r e m i e r practitioners o f the m o s t revered f o r m
o f high culture, a rarity himself; there w e r e n o t a great m a n y people w h o
c o u l d treat a distinguished consular like Severus as he did. Y e t i m a g i n e a
w o r l d w h e r e there w e r e countless Aristides-like subjects w h o could
manoeuvre a r o u n d Cicero-like g o v e r n o r s . S u c h w a s the w o r l d o f late
antiquity.
A m o n g the m a n y forces h a m p e r i n g the s m o o t h w o r k i n g o f g o v e r n ­
m e n t in the late period w e r e t w o related p r o b l e m s : u n d e r - h o n o u r a b l e
governors and over-honourable subjects. Both of these w e r e the
e m p e r o r s ' creations, the results o f imperial policy. U n d e r - h o n o u r a b l e
g o v e r n o r s w e r e the e m p e r o r s ' safeguard. It w a s a cornerstone o f fourth-
c e n t u r y imperial administration, along w i t h the rigorous separation o f
military a n d civil authority, that persons o f l o w e r standing should b e
selected to g o v e r n p r o v i n c e s ( w h i c h w e r e n o w also smaller, a n d m o r e
n u m e r o u s ) than h a d been the case u n d e r the high empire. W e h a v e seen
that amidst the alarms o f the later third century, persons o f senatorial
status, those o f the highest prestige, c a m e to b e excluded f r o m m o s t
260
responsible p o s i t i o n s . A l t h o u g h after Diocletian they w o r k e d their
w a y b a c k into the u p p e r levels o f administration, e m p e r o r s ' suspicion
l o n g kept t h e m out o f provincial governorships, the crucial j u n c t u r e at
w h i c h subject a n d g o v e r n m e n t met. In the first a n d second centuries AD
the m a j o r i t y o f g o v e r n o r s o f provinces w e r e senators, f o r m e r praetors o r
consuls, w h e t h e r they served as p r o c o n s u l s o r as legati Augusti pro prae-
261
tore. B y contrast in the fourth century, at least into the 360s, the m a j o r ­
ity o f provincial g o v e r n o r s enjoyed the rank o f praeses, w i t h the degree o f
262
honour of perfectissimus. T h a t is, in the principate's terms, they w e r e
m e r e equestrians. B y imperial will, late-antique g o v e r n o r s never e n j o y e d
the effortless superiority o f h o n o u r over their subjects that a g o v e r n o r o f
the second c e n t u r y h a d taken for granted.
A n a b u n d a n c e o f o v e r - h o n o u r a b l e subjects h a d its roots in the system
o f official precedence w h i c h w a s so p r o m i n e n t a feature o f late-antique
g o v e r n m e n t . I n a w o r l d w h e r e office a n d h o n o u r w e r e so closely linked,
2 6 0 2 6 1
Above, p. 189. E . Birley (1981), 1 6 - 3 2 ; Eck (1974), 228.
2 6 2
Ensslin (1956), 6 0 5 - 1 3 .
224 Officials

not the least p r o b l e m presented b y a n y administrative reform w a s estab­

lishing the prestige that w a s to b e enjoyed b y a n y n e w office that such a
reform created. Best, if possible, to d r a g u p from the past s o m e glittering
old title, o r b e s t o w formal a p p r o v a l o n a t e r m people h a d long been using
263
informally. W h e r e change in the structure o f g o v e r n m e n t w a s slow, as
u n d e r the principate, the p r o b l e m w o u l d solve itself: over time aristo­
cratic perception a n d then tradition w o u l d grant the n e w posts their
p r o p e r prestige, a n d over time a term m i g h t g r o w u p to describe it. T h u s
holders o f the highest equestrian post, the vastly p o w e r f u l praetorian p r e ­
fecture created b y A u g u s t u s , w e r e eventually 'extremely eminent men',
viri eminentissimi A n d w h e n the e m p e r o r s granted their prefects c o n ­
sular o r n a m e n t s , or later adlected t h e m to the senate inter consulares y ren­
dering them clarissimiy they were perhaps doing no more than
a c k n o w l e d g i n g an equivalence o f dignity that h a d long existed in the
264
m i n d s o f the a r i s t o c r a c y .
B u t the fourth c e n t u r y s a w a larger, faster-changing g o v e r n m e n t , a n d
a vastly greater n u m b e r o f n e w posts w h i c h w a x e d a n d w a n e d in i m p o r ­
tance. T h e emperor's solution w a s to y o k e n e w posts to o l d — f o r e x a m ­
ple, ' W e d e e m the C h i e f o f the Office List o f the notaries to r a n k a m o n g
the p r o c o n s u l s ' — o r to rank t h e m in relation to o l d — ' T h e t w o C o u n t s o f
the Largesses are to have precedence o v e r the h o n o u r s o f p r o c o n -
265
sulars.' W h a t naturally developed w a s a system o f official precedence
c o m p l i c a t e d e n o u g h to delight a n y m o d e r n p r o t o c o l officer: its h a n d ­
book, the Notitia Dignitatum o r Distinction ofDignities, happily survives.
Tides of honour—perfectissimus, clarissimus, spectabilis, a n d illustris—
c a m e to define sections o f the list, e n c o m p a s s i n g a n u m b e r o f different
offices, b u t those offices w e r e ranked a m o n g themselves as well. In the
early fifth century, for example, the spectabiles ('admirables') in the W e s t
w e r e (in descending o r d e r ) :

Chief (primicerius) o f the Office List o f the S a c r e d (i.e. imperial)

Bedchamber
C h i e f o f the Office List o f the N o t a r i e s
The Comptroller (castrensis) o f the S a c r e d Palace

2 6 3
Old title revived: e.g. quaestor sacri palatii, A . H . M . Jones (1964), 104 (and the real
quaestorship was not even dead); informal usage approved: praeseSy Ensslin (1956), 599-605;
consularis (for a governor), Arnheim (1972), 5 6 - 7 .
2 6 4
W h e n the granting of consular ornaments to praetorian prefects yielded to adlection
is a puzzle, Nicols (1988), 2 0 6 - 7 ; Chastagnol (1992), 2 2 0 - 9 .
2 6 5
Yoke, CTh 6 . 1 0 . 3 (381); cf. 6. 2 4 . 1 1 (432), 6. 25 (416), 6. 26. 4 (386). Relation, CTh 6.
9 . 1 (372), 'proconsularium honoribus praeferantur'; cf. 6 . 1 4 . 1 (372).
 Officials 225

M a s t e r o f the M e m o r y (dealt w i t h rescripts)

M a s t e r o f Letters (petitions from t o w n s , enquiries from g o v e r n o r s )
M a s t e r o f Petitions (trials)
P r o c o n s u l o f Africa
V i c a r ( s u p e r - g o v e r n o r ) o f the C i t y o f R o m e
V i c a r o f Italy
Vicar of Africa
(followed b y t w o m o r e vicars)
M i l i t a r y C o u n t (comes) o f Italy
Military C o u n t of Africa
(followed b y four m o r e counts)
G e n e r a l {dux) o f the B o r d e r s o f M a u r i t a n i a Caesarensis
G e n e r a l o f the B o r d e r s o f Tripolitania
266
(followed b y ten m o r e duces)

Late-antique l a w reveals delicious elaborations. W i t h i n a rank, p r e c e ­

dence w e n t t o h i m w h o held the office earlier, b u t those w h o held c o d i ­
cils o f h o n o r a r y office ranked after those w h o h a d actually held the
267
office.
Precedence w a s n o arbitrary imperial fantasy. Rather, the emperor's
legislation e n d e a v o u r e d in the first place t o codify a n d clarify a system o f
social rank w h i c h already existed in the m i n d s o f his officials a n d subjects.
It is highly unlikely that the e m p e r o r v a l u e d the practical services o f the
P r o c o n s u l o f A f r i c a higher than those o f the m i g h t y V i c a r o f Africa, w h o
ruled five provinces t o the proconsul's o n e ; o r , a m o n g the higher-
ranking illustreSy those o f the Prefect o f the C i t y o f R o m e higher than
those o f his great marshals, the magistri militum; b u t they r a n k higher in
the Notitia Dignitatum because they w e r e traditional posts still held b y
268
m e m b e r s o f the m o s t magnificent ancient f a m i l i e s .
Indeed, the e m p e r o r w o r k e d t o keep the structure o f the administra­
tion c o n g r u e n t w i t h the socially ascribed status o f his officials. J o h n

2 6 6
Not. Dig. O c . 1 . 1 5 - 4 9 . Dating the sections and subsections of the Notitia is perplex­
ing: different passages may offer glimpses from the 390s to the 430s, but there is little schol­
arly agreement: see A . H . M . Jones (1964), 1 4 1 7 - 2 8 ; W a r d (1974); Demougeot (1975).
2 6 7
Elaborations, see esp. C / 1 2 . 8 . 2 (440 or 441); date of office, CTh 6 . 7 . 2 (380), 6 . 3 5 . 1 3
(386); actual holders vs. honorary holders, CTh 6. 2 2 . 5 (381); Cass. Var. 6 . 1 0 . 4 . Also, hon­
orary rank tended to become disassociated from actual rank and to decline in value: thus by
383 a vicar holding praefectorian codicils only ranked as a proconsul, CTh 6 . 2 2 . 7 . pr. (383).
On all this, Delmaire (1984); Lohken (1982; best taken with Drinkwater ( 1 9 8 5 ) ) .
268 p f t s . magistri. Not. Dig. Oc. 1 . 4 - 7 ; or perhaps they were equal, precedence to go
r e e c V

by date of office, CTh 6. 7 . 1 (372), 6. 8 (422). Proconsuls and prefects, Chastagnol (i960),
400-57.
226 Officials

L y d u s describes the genesis o f a n e w b u r e a u u n d e r the e m p e r o r A r c a d i u s :

s o m e shorthand-writers in the office o f the praetorian prefect w e r e r e g u ­
larly s e c o n d e d to assist high officials, w h e r e they a c c u m u l a t e d profits,
p o w e r , a n d 'extraordinary prestige'. After such great success they t h o u g h t
it ' u n w o r t h y ' to return to their f o r m e r positions, a n d the e m p e r o r agreed,
establishing for t h e m a special office, the Augustales, thirty s t r o n g . 2 6 9
The
e m p e r o r yields to the h o n o u r conferred u p o n his officers from elsewhere.
Y e t the e m p e r o r did n o t confine himself m e r e l y to s m o o t h i n g o u t
inconcinnities between the official rank a n d the perceived h o n o u r o f his
officials. T h e system o f precedence lent itself to use in g o v e r n m e n t , serv­
ing as a w a y for the e m p e r o r to r e w a r d those w h o s e services he v a l u e d
most, regardless o f their standing in aristocratic eyes. T h i s p r o d u c e d
270
more inconsistencies. T h u s A m m i a n u s Marcellinus grumbled when
V a l e n t i n i a n raised military duces ( m a n y o f t h e m barbarians) to b e claris-
simi, thereby s c o r n i n g the laudable precedent o f C o n s t a n t i u s , w h o h a d
271
held t h e m to the r a n k o f perfectissimi. M o s t a n o m a l o u s w a s the high
precedence o f the imperial chamberlains. O n e o f t h e m heads the list o f
spectabiles above, a n d another, the H i g h C h a m b e r l a i n , ranks a m o n g the
illustreSy just b e l o w the magistri militum. Y e t n o precedence, n o m a t ­
lofty
ter h o w high, c o u l d elevate to respectability such loathsome creatures,
triply s c o r n e d as e u n u c h s , freedmen, a n d barbarians, their great p o w e r
272
bitterly r e s e n t e d .
T h e system o f precedence, then, existed in a state o f tension between
the expectations o f the aristocracy (in w h i c h , fundamentally, it w a s
rooted) a n d the a m b i t i o n s o f the e m p e r o r to turn it to his o w n ends. T h e
clash between aristocratic perceptions a n d imperial desires is illustrated
b y the sharply declining attractiveness o f the praetorship to certain high
f o u r t h - c e n t u r y officials. E a r l y in the century, w h e n p o w e r f u l vicars h a d
languished as m e r e equestrian perfectissimi> a rich vicar m i g h t h a v e been
delighted to take u p a praetorship, despite its expensive games, as an a u g ­
mentation to his h o n o u r . B y 340, w i t h a s e c o n d senate at C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ,

2 6 9
T h e Augustales under Arcadius (not related to the earlier priests of the imperial cult),
John Lyd. Mag. 3 . 9 - 1 0 , TI/X^S i£ox<*>TdTr)s . . . irepiyivofievcovy with A . H . M . Jones (1964),
5 8 7 - 9 . A s Stein ( 1 9 2 2 : 4 3 - 4 ) noted, John seems to have muddled the date of this reform; but
it is John's way of describing it that is interesting. See CTh 6 . 1 5 (413) for smoothing out
another wrinkle.
2 7 0
See CTh 6 . 8 (422); 6 . 1 2 (399) and 6 : 3 0 . 1 9 (408) for raising the precedence of offices
as a reward to individual holders, or at least alleging so.
2 7 1
Valentinian, A m m . Marc. 27. 9. 4 with A . H . M . Jones (1964), 1 4 2 - 3 , 3 7 8 - 9 ;
Constantius, A m m . M a r c . 2 1 . 1 6 . 2.
2 7 2
O n the praepositus sacri cubiculu eunuchs, and resentment of them, A . H . M . Jones
(1964), 5 6 7 - 7 0 ; Hopkins (1978), 1 7 2 - 9 6 .
 Officials 227

there c a m e to b e praetors there too, w h o gave g a m e s just like the praetors

in R o m e . 2 7 3
Y e t in 359, b y w h i c h date vicars w e r e d e e m e d clarissitniy the
e m p e r o r w a s r e d u c e d to a plaintive decree:

Surely you remember, gentlemen of the senate—nor shall the oblivion of any
expanse of time destroy your memory—that Facundus, the former proconsul,
and Arsenius, the former vicar, were glorified by the insignia of the praetorship,
nor did either of them think the praetorship beneath their dignity. What can be
more illustrious than these examples? This ought—it really ought—to have
reminded others who have held the proconsulship and vicariate, that the prae­
torship is not beneath their merits. The brilliant fasces ought to have been sought;
2 7 4
the glory of so great a title ought to have been d e s i r e d . . .

O f course they w e r e not: the proconsulship h a d always s t o o d a b o v e the

praetorship, b u t the vicariate n o w conferred n o less h o n o u r . T r y as
he m i g h t , the e m p e r o r c o u l d n o t persuade his great officials to take u p
an expensive post w h i c h offered n o meaningful accretion to their
2 7 5
honour.
Despite such dangers, the system o f precedence b e c a m e an essential
tool o f late-imperial g o v e r n m e n t . N o t o n l y c o u l d the e m p e r o r regulate
the precedence o f given offices, b u t the precedence o f high offices c o u l d
be granted to those w h o h a d not held a n y office at all, or w h o h a d held o r
2 7 6
w e r e retiring from inferior offices, b y c o d i c i l . A s E u s e b i u s said o f
Constantine,

He distinguished each of those known to him with various marks of h o n o u r . . .

some received an abundance of money, others of property; others the rank of pre­
fect, or the honour of a seat in the senate, or consular status; many enjoyed
provincial governorships, others countships of the first, second, and third rank.
Upon myriads of others he conferred the rank of perfectissimus, and many other
ranks of distinction; for the emperor thought up new distinctions in order to
277
honour more people.

There's the r u b : too m a n y n e w distinctions. T h e e m p e r o r created a n

u n w i e l d y m a s s o f o v e r - h o n o u r a b l e subjects. H i s generous distribution o f
h o n o u r s to help h i m rule his e m p i r e increasingly c a m e to h a m p e r his
officials' efforts to g o v e r n their p r o v i n c e s , b y g n a w i n g at the roots o f
rulership b y h o n o u r at the provincial level.

2 7 3
CTh 6 . 4 . 5 (340); on the praetorship at Constantinople, Dagron (1974), 1 2 5 - 7 , 1 5 0 - 1 .
2 7 4
CTh 6 . 4 . 1 5 ; cf. 6 . 4 . 28 (396); Lib. Or. 1 2 . 1 2 .
2 7 5
For rank of vicars, PIKE i, fasti.
2 7 6
CTh 6 . 2 1 (425), 22 passim; Sid. Ep. 5 . 1 6 ; Cass. Var. 6 . 1 0 - 1 2 , 7 . 3 7 - 8 ; Hirschfeld (1901),
590.
2 7 7
Eus. V C 4 . 1 , avrcp yvtopit,opi€viov CKaarov Siacpopois rtpubv d^icofxaai . . . cij yap TO
nXeiovas rifxav Siacpopovs incvoei BaoiXevs d£ias.
228 Officials

T h e scale o f the p r o b l e m can b e estimated. A s e c o n d - c e n t u r y senator­

ial g o v e r n o r w o u l d h a v e admitted to few social equals in his p r o v i n c e .
T h e R o m a n senate n u m b e r e d a r o u n d six h u n d r e d , a n d m o s t senators
2 7 8
lived in Italy, w h a t e v e r their o r i g i n s . O f course, the h o n o u r o f b e i n g a
senator o f R o m e w a s not confined to the individual; it e n c o m p a s s e d his
279
family, a n d lingered o n in his d e s c e n d a n t s . A s more and more provin­
cials w e r e enrolled in the senate, perhaps a p p r o a c h i n g half its n u m b e r b y
the close o f the second century, provincial senators left an increasing
2 8 0
n u m b e r o f high-status relatives in the p r o v i n c e s . B u t h o w e v e r insinu­
ating a n d clinging senatorial h o n o u r w a s , participants in it outside Italy
will h a v e n u m b e r e d in the h u n d r e d s rather than the thousands. T h e r e
w e r e also cultural heroes like Aristides in the provinces, a n d plutocrats
like O p r a m o a s , p e r h a p s w i t h o u t high R o m a n rank, b u t w h o expected
(and c o u l d c o m m a n d ) exacting deference f r o m governors; b u t they w e r e
n o t particularly n u m e r o u s either. T h e r e w e r e also s o m e lower-status
governors, for equestrians ruled places like Sardinia a n d the C o t t i a n A l p s ,
but in s u c h places v e r y high-status subjects w e r e rare. T o great E g y p t , also
ruled b y an equestrian, R o m a n senators w e r e explicitly forbidden to go.
C o m p a r e the 360s AD. NOW the average g o v e r n o r w a s a m e r e perfectis-
simusy n o t a senator. A b o v e h i m l o o m e d not one, b u t t w o senates. B y
Constantine's time the R o m a n senate alone h a d swollen to t w o t h o u s a n d
m e m b e r s . T h e senate at C o n s t a n t i n o p l e w a s small at first, a n d n o t as dis­
tinguished, b u t b y the late 350s it also h a d t w o t h o u s a n d m e m b e r s . 2 8 1
At
the s a m e time, the o l d regulations w h i c h held senators near the capital
w e r e w i d e l y ignored: these i n n u m e r a b l e clarissimi w e r e scattered all o v e r
2 8 2
the e m p i r e . A n d they t o o h a d relations, w h o p a r t o o k o f their h o n ­
our. 2 8 3
A n inscription from T i m g a d from the 360s gives a glimpse o f the
situation at a single point o n the m a p : the p r o v i n c e , N u m i d i a , w a s g o v ­
erned b y a consularis (a vir clarissimus), a n d the t o w n ' s m u n i c i p a l album
lists ten viri clarissimi—roughly his social equals—associated w i t h the
t o w n . O f these, C h a s t a g n o l thinks that at least six w e r e local m e n (as

2 7 8
Talbert (1984), 1 3 4 - 5 2 ; and for the great concentration of high-status persons in Italy,
see the album of Canusium from AD 223, CIL ix. 338 = ILS 6121 (only partially reproduced).
2 7 9
T h u s clarissimus puer clarissima feminay clarissima puella, in inscriptions from the
y

second half of the 2nd cent., Chastagnol (1992), 1 7 2 - 4 .

280 Provincial senators, Chastagnol (1992), 160. Provincial relations, Hopkins (1983),
190-3.
2 8 1
Chastagnol (1970), 190; for Constantinople, also (1992), 2 6 1 - 5 ; Dagron (1974)> 130;
and on the new senate in general, pp. 1 1 9 - 9 0 .
2 8 2
Chastagnol (1977), 5 1 - 4 .
2 8 3
T h e eventual heritability of clarissimus rank (A. H . M . Jones (1964), 5 2 8 - 9 ) is a legal
consequence of this attitude.
 Officials 229
2 8 4
o p p o s e d t o great p a t r o n s living e l s e w h e r e ) . N o w T i m g a d was a sub­

stantial t o w n , b u t there w e r e other substantial t o w n s in N u m i d i a as well.

E v e n if w e l i m i t ourselves t o t o w n s well attested b y f o u r t h - c e n t u r y e p i g ­

r a p h y , there a r e at least five other a p p r e c i a b l e cities. I f e a c h h a d six local

clarissimi, the g o v e r n o r w o u l d h a v e f a c e d t h i r t y - s i x social e q u a l s . 2 8 5

N o t o n l y d i d the p r o v i n c e s t h r o n g w i t h clarissimi; the m o r e typical per-

fectissimus governor w a s surrounded b y s w a r m s of other perfectissimi

O t h e r g o v e r n o r s o f that r a n k leaving office m a y h a v e p r o d u c e d o v e r f o r t y

perfectissimi p e r year. 2 8 6
B u t there w e r e also the perfectissimi b y codicil:

myriads according to E u s e b i u s , a n d l a w s suggest that even during

C o n s t a n t i n e ' s reign the p r a c t i c e o f g r a n t i n g codicils o f r a n k , often in

2 8 7
e x c h a n g e f o r b r i b e s , h a d g o t quite o u t o f h a n d . O n e g r o u n d for receiv­

i n g codicils from the e m p e r o r w a s r e t i r e m e n t from a sufficiently high

p o s t in the i m p e r i a l b u r e a u c r a c y , a n d it is n o t unlikely that the b u r e a u ­

c r a c y , b y the 360s, w a s p r o d u c i n g well o v e r t w o h u n d r e d a n d s e v e n t y per­

fectissimi every y e a r . 2 8 8
M o s t o f these will n o d o u b t h a v e h a d l o w e r

2 8 4
ILS 6122 with Chastagnol (1978), 1 0 0 - 1 ; date, pp. 4 0 - 8 ; local clarissimi, pp. 2 3 - 4 .
2 8 5
Lepelley ( 1 9 7 9 - 8 1 ) , ii. 383-494: the five cities are Cirta (the seat of the governor),
Cuicul, Lambaesis, Mascula, and Thibilis. A n d 36 is very close to the number of senators,
34, w e would derive from the crude method of dividing 4,000 senators among the 117
provinces of the Not. Dig.
2 8 6
The Not Dig. lists 71 praesides perfectissimi (there will have been more earlier in the
cent.). Assuming an average term of 1.5 years (A. H . M . Jones (1964), 3 8 1 ) , c. 47 will lay down
their office each year—many, o f course, will advance to higher office, see the tables of
Kuhoff(i983).
2 8 7
CTh 6 . 3 8 (317) with C / 1 2 . 3 2 ; CTh 1 2 . 1 . 5 (317), 6 . 2 2 . 1 (321 or 3 2 4 ) , and later, 6 . 2 2 and
1 2 . 1 passim.
2 8 8
In 3 6 2 numerarii (on w h o m Ensslin (1937b)), accountants on governors' staffs, were
made perfectissimi after retirement (CTh 8 . 1 . 6); in 365 their term of office was set at three
years ( 8 . 1 . 9 ) , their attested term on other staffs too ( 8 . 1 . 1 3 (382), 15 (415), 17 (433)); the term,
like the perfectissimate (Ensslin (1937b), 1307), will have been general. Counting conserva­
tively I extrapolate at least 240 numerarii from the (CAD 3 9 0 - 4 3 0 ) Not Dig. (adding A . H . M .
Jones (1964), 4 4 9 - 5 0 , 589, on the praetorian prefectures), following Not. Dig. Or. 4 3 - 4 for
governors' staffs for the whole empire (Oc. 4 3 - 5 , which show two tabularii for governors, is
an anachronism for the 360s: accountants were later doubled to discourage corruption
(CTh 8 . 1 . 1 2 (382)); see also 8 . 1 . 9 (365) with A . H . M . Jones (1949), 4 7 n. 99, for the name
change, which stuck longer in the West). Thus c.8o numerarii a year become perfectissimi.
But officers who preceded numerarii in the Not. Dig. received privileges before them: while
retired numerarii o f the praetorian prefect were permitted to adore the purple (and thus
admitted to the honorary status of protectores et domestici) first in 3 8 2 (CTh 8 . 1 . 1 3 ) , the
higher-ranking cornicularii could do so from 365 ( 8 . 7 . 8 ) . T h e elevation of the numerarii to
the perfectissimate presupposes the prior elevation of their superiors in precedence: over
580, extrapolating from the Not. Dig. (but some of the offices which rank above numerarii
in precedence on some staffs may not have existed in the 360s). Assuming the same average
term as the numerarii (a guess, but not unreasonable, cf. CTh 6 . 3 0 . 3 (379)), c.190 become
perfectissimi each year; 80 + 190 = 270. These are only the perfectissimi retirees at whose
numbers w e can guess: b y the 360s there were also some primipilares, CTh 8. 4. 3
230 Officials

precedence within the perfectissimate than the g o v e r n o r , b u t the large

289
n u m b e r s are s u g g e s t i v e .
S o m e o f this great quantity o f n e w h o n o u r in the provinces w a s old
h o n o u r n o w w e a r i n g a R o m a n hat. T h e distinguished Aristides' fourth-
2 9 0
century analogue, L i b a n i u s , w a s an h o n o r a r y praetorian p r e f e c t . But
m o s t o f it w a s genuinely n e w . W h a t w e r e the results o f the existence o f so
m a n y grandees in provinces ruled b y m e n o f m e d i o c r e status? T h e p o w e r
o f officials is less in relation to that o f m a n y o f their subjects. O l y m p i u s
o f A n t i o c h w a s characteristic o f his time. A p p o i n t e d g o v e r n o r o f
M a c e d o n i a while quite y o u n g , he thereafter a v o i d e d further offices. H e
had a seat in the R o m a n senate b u t lived in the East. ' T h e o n e desire o f
2 9 1
our g o v e r n o r s is to gain his a p p r o v a l , ' said L i b a n i u s . If so, this w a s a
m a n m o r e p o w e r f u l than the g o v e r n o r w h o w a s s u p p o s e d to b e g o v e r n ­
ing h i m . T h i s c o u l d b e to the g o o d , as distinguished subjects c o u l d super­
vise the c o n d u c t o f an increasingly c o r r u p t officialdom, an ability alluded
to in a letter o f a p p o i n t m e n t to a sixth-century g o v e r n o r : ' C o n s i d e r h o w
full y o u r p r o v i n c e is o f nobles! Y o u h a v e b o t h those w h o are b o u n d to
speak well o f y o u , a n d those w h o m a y p r e s u m e to criticize, because there
is n o p o w e r in the w o r l d w h i c h will free the j u d g e m e n t o f y o u r f a m e from
2 9 2
the m o u t h s o f m e n . ' A c o m p a r a t i v e l y h u m b l e g o v e r n o r quailed before
the o p i n i o n o f such great m e n , a n d their w o r d s w o u l d b e attended to at
the centre o f affairs. A n obstacle to b r i n g i n g malfeasant g o v e r n o r s to j u s ­
tice in C i c e r o ' s time, a n d in Pliny's, w a s the p o o r figure the provincial
envoys c u t before the senate; in the face o f such wretches ('almost clad in
skins', as C i c e r o p u t it), the senate naturally deferred to the accused. B u t
b y the fifth century, w h e n a praetorian prefect w a s accused, the mission
from G a u l to R o m e w a s led b y a m a n o f prefectorian rank, the g r a n d s o n
2 9 3
o f a consul, a m a n w h o w o u l d b e listened t o .
Y e t at the s a m e time, it w a s far harder for g o v e r n o r s to rule. A l a w o f
AD 395 insisted that ' t o w n councillors w h o h a v e obtained the h o n o r a r y
rank o f c o u n t o u g h t to respect those to w h o s e rule they are entrusted, a n d
should n o t think that they h a v e earned this rank o f h o n o u r so that they

(317); actuariiy 8 . 1 . 1 0 (365); some notaries, clerks in the scrinia, agentes in rebus, admission-
ales, assistants of the castrensis, and functionaries in the offices of the sacred largesses and
res privata, 6. 35. 7 (367); rationales (Delmaire (1989), 1 8 2 - 4 , 1 9 0 ) , fiscal procurators (ibid.
2 0 9 - 1 1 ) , and others, Hirschfeld (1901), 589; cf. CTh 1 0 . 7 . 1 (317), 1 2 . 1 . 5 (317).
2 8 9
All we know is that praesides outrank retired principes agentum in rebus who outrank
rationales in turn, CTh 6. 28. 2 (380).
2 9 0 2 9 1
PLRE i, s.v. Lib. Ep. 70; PLRE i, s.v. Olympius 3.
2 9 2
Cass. Var. 7. 2 . 3 , fama.
2 9 3
Cic. Scaur. 45; and cf. Flac. passim; Pliny, Ep. 4 . 9 . 1 4 . By contrast, Sid. Ep. 1 . 7 . 4 .
 Officials 231
2 9 4
can despise the orders o f j u d g e s . ' A n d c o m p a r e this w i t h imperial
remarks to a praetorian prefect in a l a w o f 439:

You deem it hurtful to the public good that the decurions [who have obtained
senatorial rank] are withdrawing themselves from the actions of the judges using
the respect due to their rank/honour [dignitas]. For there is no compulsion upon
debtors if the debt-collector defers to the debtor. Thus, by this law perpetual in
its application, W e decree that hereafter no decurion shall usurp for himself the
insignia of senatorial rank, and no decurion shall be given permission to mingle
in the association of clarissimi [persons of senatorial rank]. 295

H e r e habits o f social deference w o r k i n g against the p u r p o s e s o f g o v e r n ­

m e n t can b e seen h a m p e r i n g justice a n d the collection o f taxes, t w o o f the
chief objectives o f R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t . 'I t o o h a v e h a d title a n d dignity,'
a n n o u n c e d a late-antique grandee, q u o t i n g from V i r g i l a n d elegantly
296
d e m a n d i n g an official's d e f e r e n c e . B u t a great m a n y c o u l d m a k e the
s a m e claim. T h e m o r e subjects o f high prestige there w e r e in the
provinces, the harder the provinces w e r e to g o v e r n .
S l o w l y , the e m p e r o r s m o v e d to deal w i t h the p r o b l e m . O v e r the course
o f the fourth c e n t u r y the e m p e r o r s gradually recruited persons o f higher
perfectissimus praeses w a s
status to b e governors: in s o m e p r o v i n c e s the
replaced b y a clarissimus consularis, a n d b y the 360s a n d 370s, clarissimi
297
were increasingly being appointed as praesides. But this p r o m o t i o n did
n o m o r e than keep p a c e w i t h the general rising tide o f inflated status in
society. T h e g o v e r n o r s never really caught u p , for even w h e n a g o v e r n o r
was a clarissimus, his difficult subjects c o u l d p r o c u r e for themselves c o d ­
icils m a k i n g t h e m even m o r e magnificent spectabiles or illustres. The
rising status o f f o u r t h - c e n t u r y g o v e r n o r s w a s a s y m p t o m of, not a c u r e
for, the p r o b l e m s the e m p e r o r s created for provincial g o v e r n m e n t b y try­
ing to ensure that their g o v e r n o r s w e r e insignificant, u n d a n g e r o u s m e n .
G o v e r n i n g distinguished subjects w a s difficult e n o u g h for the fourth-
c e n t u r y g o v e r n o r w h o at least c a m e to his m o d e s t post w i t h personal
h o n o u r appropriate to it; even h a r d e r if, as often, the h o n o u r an official
b r o u g h t to his post from his b a c k g r o u n d w a s inadequate. In the fourth

2 9 4
CTh 1 2 . 1 . 1 5 0 , 'curiales qui honorariam adepti sunt comitivam, formidare debent eos,
quorum sunt moderationi commissi nec se existimare ideo meruisse dignitatem, ut
iudicum praecepta despiciant'.
2 9 5
N77z 1 5 . 1 . 2, 'sed et quod motibus se iudicum reverentia subtrahunt dignitatis, pub-
licis commoditatibus noxium esse perspicitis. Cessat enim debitorum conpulsio, si debitori
deferat executor\ Cf. CTh 6. 29. 2 . 3 (356 or 357); 1 5 . 3 . 6 (423); A . H . M . Jones (1964), 545.
2 9 6
Sid. Ep. 4 . 1 4 . 2 ( = Aen. 2.89-90), 'nomenque decusque gessimus'.
2 9 7
ConsulareSy Chastagnol (1966). Perfectissitni praesides, Rouech£ (1989a), 4 0 - 1 with
PLRE i, fasti; there were a few earlier, Chastagnol (1966), 2 1 6 - 1 7 .
232 Officials

c e n t u r y a n u m b e r of factors conspired to ensure that this w o u l d often b e

the case. First, even as responsible offices w e r e t h r o w n o p e n again to m e n
o f senatorial birth, their evolving o u t l o o k discouraged years o f service in
the provinces. In this era a year in an official position w a s regularly
followed b y a decade o f otium; a n d just as h a d been the case w i t h patri­
cians u n d e r the high e m p i r e (although patrician status n o w w a s a n o n -
hereditary degree of h o n o u r granted b y the e m p e r o r ) , the highest
aristocrats flitted elegantly t h r o u g h a short sequence o f highly honorific
posts that w e r e often sinecures. T h e degree to w h i c h the e m p e r o r s w e r e
willing to call u p o n m e n o f the highest h o n o u r to help t h e m rule, there­
2 9 8
fore, w a s not necessarily m a t c h e d b y those men's willingness to h e l p .
Failing such m e n , p o s i t i o n s — a n d the Notitia lists one h u n d r e d a n d
seventeen territorial g o v e r n o r s h i p s — o f t e n c a m e to b e filled w i t h persons
o f l o w e r status. T h e P r o c o n s u l o f A s i a d u r i n g the reign o f Julian, for
e x a m p l e , w a s o n e Dulcitius, a c c o r d i n g to L i b a n i u s a shorthand-writer o f
repulsively l o w origin, a n d representative o f a w h o l e class o f such m e n
2 9 9
w h o rose to high r a n k . U n d e r the principate, w h e n the l o w e r reaches
o f the imperial service h a d been filled w i t h slaves a n d freedmen, there w a s
never m u c h possibility o f their systematically a d v a n c i n g to positions o f
authority; in the fourth century, the clerks a n d functionaries w e r e free-
b o r n , p o w e r f u l because o f their access to the great, a n d capable o f a g g r a n ­
dizing themselves a n d their friends. S e n i o r bureaucrats can therefore b e
seen a d v a n c i n g to governorships a n d other posts o f high responsibil­
3 0 0
ity. A n d while p r o d i g i o u s j u m p s from the stews o f society to high posi­
tion caused c o m m e n t a n d revulsion, the quiet seepage o f m e n of
t o w n - c o u n c i l l o r stock into g o v e r n o r s h i p s a n d other offices, revealed b y
the v o l u m i n o u s c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f Libanius a n d confirmed anecdotally,
was so usual that it caused r e m a r k chiefly because it w a s e m p t y i n g the
3 0 1
councils; thus the emperor's legislation to prevent i t .
W h e n an official w i t h o u t the appropriate b a c k g r o u n d t o o k office, the
attitude o f his m o r e distinguished subjects t o w a r d s h i m made it

2 9 8
Otium senatoris and offices, Matthews (1975), 1 - 3 1 ; Kuhoff (1983) for detailed treat­
ment of patterns of office-holding.
2 9 9
Dulcitius, Teitler (1985), s.v. Dulcitius 1, et passim for other notarii w h o rose to
extremely high rank. N o doubt Teitler (pp. 6 4 - 8 ) is right to suppose that Libanius (Or. 4 2 .
2 4 - 5 ) exaggerates the low social origins of such men before the mid-4th cent., but they were
certainly not the kind of people w h o would have become proconsuls in the 2nd cent.
300 Qj n ( )
6 1 0 (380); and see Clauss (1980), 1 0 4 - 5 ; Delmaire (1989), 1 0 5 - 1 1 ,
2 3 8 l } 6 2 8 2

for examples; cf. PLRE i, s.v. Ablabius 4. In general on social mobility through office-hold­
ing, MacMullen (1964), 50.
3 0 1
Petit (1955), 3 4 5 , 3 9 7 - 4 0 3 ; (1956), 166 with 1 9 4 - 5 ; Liebeschuetz (1972), 1 7 4 - 8 0 , and see
CTh 1 2 . 1 passim, for emperors' attempts to stop it.
 Officials 233

extremely difficult for h i m to get things done. Bishop Synesius w a s at

o d d s with the l o w - b o r n g o v e r n o r A n d r o n i c u s , a n d w r o t e to his fellow
bishops:

Remind yourselves who he is, compared to me, to me—if nothing else—

descended from those whose lineage, right from Eurysthenes who led the Dorians
into Sparta to my own father, is inscribed on public monuments. He, however, is
a man who could not name his grandfather, nor even his father, they say, except
that conjecture allows that he leapt from a tunny-fish look-out point into the
governor's carriage. Let him be struck dumb by the brilliant honour in the city,
and ashamed at his own deficiencies! I myself, until I entered the priesthood, was
302
weighed down with honour, and never tasted dishonour.

A m a n o f A n d r o n i c u s ' status in society, w h a t e v e r his official post, w a s

expected to defer to Synesius. T o fail to d o s o — t o ignore the bishop's
v i e w s o n justice a n d r e v e n u e — w a s to fail to give Synesius his d u e , to
insult h i m . G a i n i n g the co-operation o f the h a u g h t y b i s h o p , w a s , u n d e r
these circumstances, next to impossible. S u c h an e n v i r o n m e n t tended to
see a de facto division o f officialdom into those to w h o m deference w a s
o w e d a n d those to w h o m it w a s not (regardless o f their official position
a n d its p r e c e d e n c e ) — a division into those for w h o m office w a s a legiti­
m a t e sign o f social status, a n d those for w h o m it w a s adventitious, a n d
w h o m it c o u l d not elevate from the dregs.
N o t surprisingly, even other officials w e r e unwilling to p a y deference
to honorati—the class o f imperial office-holders a n d f o r m e r office-hold­
ers, n u m e r o u s enough, n o w , to f o r m their o w n o r d e r — o f l o w l y origin.
E m p e r o r s w e r e forced to reiterate that g o v e r n o r s w e r e required to treat
former principes o f the agentes in rebus with the respect d u e to the sena­
303
torial rank they w e r e granted u p o n their r e t i r e m e n t . T h e governors'
reluctance is hardly surprising. After all (in the w o r d s o f an e m p e r o r ) ,
'Many men from everywhere are flocking to the d e p a r t m e n t o f the
agentes in rebus as t h o u g h it w e r e an asylum; m e n w h o s e lives a n d birth-
status are culpable a n d ignoble a n d s h o w that they h a v e been spat out
304
from servile filth!' Y e t the e m p e r o r c o u l d h a r d l y a b a n d o n those he h a d
r e w a r d e d w i t h distinctions w h i c h aristocratic opinion w a s unwilling to
endorse. S o he w a s compelled to defend, legally, the rights o f such
persons to 'reverence' from his o w n officials. W e have seen the e m p e r o r

3 0 2
Synes. Ep. 41 (Garzya, pp. 63—4), OVTOS OVV TTJV iv noXei XapLirpor-qra TcdavpLaKOJS
alaxvviadoj rots iXXeLii/xaoiv. aAA' eyojye TO fxixpi TTJS Upojovvrjs Kai Tifi-qs ivz<popr\Qy)v Kai
dn/xia? OVK iyevodfxrjv.
3 0 3
CTh 6. 27. 5 (386) and 12 (398 or 399; reading 'iudices ordinarios' with Gothofredus).
3 0 4
CTh 6. 2 7 . 1 8 (416).
234 Officials

regulating acts o f respect—kissing, admission to the salutatio—among

his active officials; b u t he stipulated such rights for his f o r m e r officials as
well. 3 0 5
Honorati w e r e entitled also to w i d e access to the governor's p e r ­
son; w e r e even entitled to sit with h i m o n the b e n c h w h e n h e dispensed
3 0 6
justice.
Y e t such regulations h a d consequences for the d a y - t o - d a y operation o f
g o v e r n m e n t in the provinces, for they severely c i r c u m s c r i b e d the tradi­
tional latitude o f g o v e r n o r s to rule b y artfully discriminating h o n o u r s
a n d dishonours. A m i d - f o u r t h c e n t u r y inscription f r o m N o r t h Africa
carefully lists the order in w h i c h persons w e r e t o b e admitted t o the g o v ­
ernor's m o r n i n g salutatio. 'First, senators, a n d counts, a n d h o n o r a r y
counts, a n d administrators, second the chief a n d cornicularius o f his staff,
3 0 7
a n d palatine officials', a n d s o o n . B y h a v i n g the order inscribed the
f o u r t h - c e n t u r y g o v e r n o r admits that his freedom o f choice is gone. A
d e c u r i o n w h o p r o c u r e d codicils m a k i n g h i m a n h o n o r a r y c o u n t h a d a
legal right to a kiss from his g o v e r n o r , n o matter h o w little help to that
3 0 8
g o v e r n o r the d e c u r i o n h a d b e e n . S o m e g o v e r n o r s naturally f o u n d
such regulations intolerable, a n d s c h e m e d to w i n b a c k their prerogatives:
7
the honorati h a v e the right t o b e admitted at the salutatio . T h e n hold as
few as possible, o n l y four a m o n t h . T h e honorati have the right to sit w i t h
the j u d g e o n his bench? B u t the j u d g e can raise himself u p o n a vast c u s h ­
3 0 9
ion, 'desiring t o despoil t h e m o f the h o n o u r ' . Libanius does n o t
a p p r o v e o f this governor: he gets a g o o d rhetorical blasting for his inso­
lence. B u t L i b a n i u s k n e w perfectly well ( a n d deplored in other speeches)
the a l a r m i n g consequences o f legally required 'honours' for provincial
administration. S u c h rights o f access w e r e ruthlessly exploited b y p o w e r ­
ful m e n , a n d the g o v e r n o r w a s not .alone even in his bath. T h u s the hon­
orati enjoyed u n d u e influence u p o n h i m . 3 1 0

W e l l k n o w n is the d a m a g e to civic prosperity, a n d eventually even t o

imperial g o v e r n m e n t , inflicted b y i mmu n i t i es from civic b u r d e n s a n d the
v a r i o u s purely legal privileges enjoyed b y the n u m e r o u s honorati o f the
3 1 1
late e m p i r e . B u t at the s a m e time as the late-antique emperors
r e w a r d e d their servants a n d supporters w i t h financial a n d legal a d v a n ­
tages, they w e r e also trying to b e s t o w u p o n t h e m social advantages,
h o n o u r s , the spoils o f the precedence system. T h i s w a s b y nature m o r e
3 0 5
CTh 6 . 1 8 . l (412), 'nullam honorabiles viri in publicis salutationibus patiantur ini-
uriam'; 6. 28. 8. 2 (435).
3 0 6
CTh 6. 2 6 . 1 6 (410 or 4 1 3 ) , as reverentia. O n these rights, Liebeschuetz (1972), 1 8 9 - 9 1 .
3 0 7 3 0 8
CIL viii. 17896 with Chastagnol (1978), 7 5 - 8 8 . CTh 1 2 . 1 . 1 0 9 (385).
3 0 9 3 1 0
Lib. Or. 56. 2 - 4 , fSovXonevos dcpeXeadai r-qv TifjLrjv. Lib. Or. 5 1 - 2 .
3 1 1
Immunities, n. 4 above; legal privileges, A . H . M . Jones (1964), 4 8 7 - 9 4 .
 Officials 235

problematic: h o n o u r exists in the m i n d of the observer. A l t h o u g h the

emperor's right to grant h o n o u r , b y virtue o f his o w n h o n o u r , w a s v e r y
great, the m i n d o f the observer revolted w h e n h o n o u r w a s granted to the
w r o n g kind o f p e o p l e — w h e n it beheld a freedman given praetorian
insignia (in Pliny's d a y ) or, later, contemplated the hated e u n u c h c h a m ­
berlains, so highly h o n o u r e d , yet so utterly honourless. How the
emperor's honorati w e r e received in the w i d e r w o r l d varied. W h a t e v e r
the reaction, h o w e v e r , provincial g o v e r n m e n t suffered. If the h o n o u r o f
the honorati w a s admitted and deferred to, then low-status g o v e r n o r s
w e r e weak; if not, the e m p e r o r stepped in, degrees o f h o n o u r increasingly
b e c a m e t h o r n y bundles o f legal rights a n d privileges, a n d the g o v e r n o r
w a s w e a k e n e d in that w a y .
T h e fourth century s a w a debilitating struggle between the interests o f
the emperor's o w n p o w e r a n d that o f his officials. H e bolstered his ruler-
ship with m e t h o d s o f granting h o n o u r m o r e sophisticated than ever
before—elaborate c e r e m o n y , precedence, a n u a n c e d system o f h o n o r a r y
rank. A t the s a m e time, he protected his position b y ensuring that his offi­
cials w e r e m e n small e n o u g h to b e n o threat. Y e t the d w a r f g o v e r n o r s o f
the second policy w e r e expected to rule the giant subjects the e m p e r o r
h a d raised u p with the first. T h i s w a s hardly the essential malaise o f the
time, and it m a y have been m o r e a s y m p t o m than a cause o f the fever. B u t
considered alongside the m a n y other deficiencies o f fourth-century g o v ­
ernment, it w a s part o f the reality o f a late-antique provincial g o v e r n m e n t
w h i c h w o r k e d far less well than w h e n the house o f Caesar o r the
A n t o n i n e s ruled.

CONCLUSION

W h e n the future e m p e r o r Sulpicius G a l b a w a s g o v e r n o r in Spain, he h a d

a R o m a n citizen crucified for poisoning his w a r d . W h e n the convict cried
the laws a n d his status f r o m the cross, G a l b a h a d h i m taken d o w n , a n d
then hoisted u p again o n a cross loftier than the others, a n d painted
white, 'as if intending to lighten the p u n i s h m e n t b y s o m e solace a n d h o n ­
3 1 2
our'. A sick joke, even b y r o u g h R o m a n standards; b u t f u n n y because
it w i n k e d at the w a y a R o m a n g o v e r n o r ruled. W h e n the first Epistle o f
Peter describes 'governors sent b y the e m p e r o r to punish those w h o d o ill
a n d praise those w h o d o well', it nicely encapsulates the ancient v i e w o f a
3 1 3
governor's m e t h o d s in his p r o v i n c e . Just like the e m p e r o r , he seemed
3 1 2
Suet. Galba 9 . 1 , 'quasi solacio et honore aliquo poenam levaturus'.
3 1 3
1 Pet. 2 : 1 4 .
236 Officials

to rule b y terror m i x e d with h o n o u r . N o d o u b t , indeed, m a n y o f the tech­

niques he used w e r e copied from the e m p e r o r , b o t h b y the natural imita­
tion w h i c h w a s so strong a force in a culture o f h o n o u r , a n d because they
w e r e effective; a n d n o d o u b t the e m p e r o r s d r e w their techniques from
the provincial experience o f R e p u b l i c a n g o v e r n o r s like C i c e r o , already
masters o f eking out other f o r m s o f p o w e r w i t h h o n o u r . F o r h o n o u r
served the g o v e r n o r not o n l y as a f o r m o f p o w e r in its o w n right, b u t as a
w a y to veil p o w e r , especially the p o w e r o f terror, w h i c h at the s a m e time
e x p a n d e d terror's threat. H o n o u r m a d e the g o v e r n o r a prickly, explosive,
unpredictable creature, b u t his prickliness w a s understandable, even
laudable, b y the standards o f those a r o u n d h i m .
T h i s useful touchiness w a s natural to those w h o lived in a society in
w h i c h h o n o u r a n d s h a m e w e r e so i m p o r t a n t . Y e t it arose also from the
fact that h o n o u r w a s an essential element, perhaps even the m o s t i m p o r ­
tant, in the ancient conception o f office. T h e pallid, impersonal,
machine-like images b y w h i c h the m o d e r n imagination grapples with its
g o v e r n m e n t w e r e hardly to b e inspired b y an officialdom so shot t h r o u g h
with pride, so violently competitive, so o b v i o u s l y h u m a n rather than
mechanical. T h e state a n d its m i n i o n s , as w e imagine them, w o u l d h a v e
recalled to a great R o m a n official the ergastula, the slave w o r k h o u s e s , o n
his estates—nothing he c o u l d bear to b e involved w i t h himself. R o m a n
g o v e r n m e n t di d n o t imagine itself as a g o v e r n m e n t in o u r sense. Its
m e m b e r s i m a g i n e d something m o r e akin to a football league, a realm o f
glory, profit, a n d c o m p e t i t i o n — a n d s o m e administration.
T h i s w a s an outlook o f the greatest consequence for the w a y R o m a n
provincial g o v e r n m e n t w o r k e d . It m a d e subjects into an audience to
w h o s e wishes the performers had, to a certain extent, to b o w . T h u s h o n ­
o u r also served the subject as a real f o r m o f p o w e r over his governors; b u t
he t o o used it to conceal, to sugar the bribes a n d threats b y w h i c h h e
strove to control his rulers. H o n o u r played a vital role in creating w h a t
flexibility a n d responsiveness there w a s in R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t , a n d that,
in turn, generated consent in the g o v ern ed . F o r the m o r e responsive
R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t w a s to the needs o f its greater subjects, the happier
those subjects w o u l d be w i t h R o m a n rule. B u t if the influence o f subjects
over their i m m e d i a t e rulers b e c a m e t o o strong, the delicate balance
m i g h t tip too far in the direction o f haughty, p o w e r f u l subjects. U n d e r
those circumstances g o v e r n m e n t m i g h t b e w e a k e n e d , not strengthened.
S u c h weakness w a s part o f the fourth- a n d fifth-century twilight o f
empire.
 5
The Roman Army

A N C I E N T observers describe the R o m a n a r m y as the third essential c o n ­

stituency o f the imperial system, w i t h the aristocracy a n d the R o m a n
1
plebs. Perhaps, indeed, the a r m y c o u l d s o m e h o w be i m a g i n e d as the
plebs o f R o m e in a r m s , conferring ideological legitimacy o n the e m p e r o r
at the senate's side. B u t the a r m y ' s f u n d a m e n t a l role in e m p i r e is perfectly
clear: the R o m a n e m p i r e depended, in the last resort, u p o n violent force,
a n d so, in the last resort, it d e p e n d e d u p o n the discipline a n d loyally o f
the soldiers w h o exerted that force. T h u s , finally, w e turn to e x a m i n e the
role h o n o u r p l a y e d in their lives.
T h a t h o n o u r played a role is h a r d l y surprising. T h e m a r r i a g e o f h o n ­
o u r a n d soldiering has e n d u r e d even to the present day. A n e w duelling
h a n d b o o k w a s p r e p a r e d for the A r g e n t i n e a r m y in 1954, a n d reissued in
2
1961. E v e n in p h l e g m a t i c A n g l o - S a x o n lands, V i c t o r i a n a n d E d w a r d i a n
soldiers constantly reflected o n h o n o u r , o n glory, in their m e m o i r s ; a n d
despite the battering their c o d e suffered o n the W e s t e r n F r o n t , officers
can still b e h e a r d m u s i n g — s o m e t i m e s w i t h the soft i r o n y that signals
s o m e t h i n g passing b u t n o t quite p a s s e d — o v e r the h o n o u r o f m a n a n d o f
regiment. M o d e r n i t y ' s assault o n the cult o f h o n o u r has been turned b a c k
m o s t frequently at c a m p gates. M u c h a b o u t R o m a n military h o n o u r is
familiar, o r c a n b e reasoned from the familiar; this is an easier subject to
understand.
Y e t it is a h a r d e r subject as well, because o f the nature o f the evidence.
It is not possible to rely o n R o m a n soldiers' o w n writings to study their
attitudes in detail; at best, their limited leavings—inscriptions and
p a p y r i — a l l o w us to c o n f i r m the o p i n i o n s o f the aristocratic historians,
b u t often n o t even that. Frequently, elite sources m u s t b e called u p o n
untested for insight into the outlooks o f their inferiors. T h i s presents a
p r o b l e m : w h i l e aristocrats' speculations into the motives o f their equals,
w h a t e v e r their value as facts, d o allow us to m a k e deductions a b o u t

1 2
See above, C h . 3 n. 69. Stewart (i994)> 69.
2 8
3 The Roman Army

patterns o f expectations a m o n g that lofty set, their speculations a b o u t

their inferiors' m o t i v e s m a y reveal n o t h i n g m o r e than aristocrats' social
c o n t e m p t , i g n o r a n c e , o r guile.
S u s p i c i o n o f c o n t e m p t w o u l d arise if aristocratic authors consistently
p o r t r a y e d soldiers as base a n d honourless creatures, identifying t h e m
w i t h the slaves a n d the i n f a m o u s w h o m they s a w w h e n they l o o k e d d o w n
f r o m their high seats. If soldiers' h o n o u r seemed instead to b e identical
to aristocrats', a p p e a r e d to b e assimilated to the authors' o w n values,
suspicion o f i g n o r a n c e m i g h t b e justified. S u s p i c i o n o f guile m i g h t
d e v e l o p if the outlooks assigned to soldiers seemed to carry a great deal
o f polemical weight—if, like T a c i t u s ' clean-living G e r m a n s a n d rebel-
liously speechifying Britons, they s e e m e d to serve as ciphers, intended
chiefly to tell aristocratic R o m a n s a b o u t themselves a n d their e m p i r e .
N o n e o f these is the case. W h i l e aristocratic authors d o often bristle w i t h
c o n t e m p t , w i t h fear, or w i t h hatred at soldiers, they recognize in soldiers
a sense o f h o n o u r a n d s h a m e , if s o m e t i m e s regrettably in a b e y a n c e . T h e y
see a stern c o d e different f r o m their o w n , o n e that touches theirs o n l y at
points, b u t for w h i c h they s o m e t i m e s s h o w a m o r e than sneaking a d m i ­
ration.
The picture that the historians offer o f soldiers' values is, in fact,
r e m a r k a b l y consistent, a n d p r o b a b l y accurate. C a e s a r , Velleius Pater-
culus, a n d A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s w e r e fighting soldiers themselves.
O t h e r s h a d c o m m a n d e d R o m a n soldiers in c a m p if not in battle, o r
3
w a t c h e d w a r s f r o m close u p , o r w e r e related to officers. T a c i t u s refers in
passing to 'those w h o best u n d e r s t a n d the military m i n d ' , a n d because o f
the i m p o r t a n c e o f that m i n d to imperial politics it w a s h a r d l y a n abstruse
4
study, even for c i v i l i a n s . T h e a c c u r a c y o f historians' speculations a b o u t
soldiers' motives in individual cases m a y b e n o better than their specula­
tions a b o u t m e n o f their o w n order, b u t b r o a d e r realities c a n still b e
d r a w n from w h a t they expected to h a p p e n .

THE COMMUNITY OF T H E A R M Y

E v e n n o w the ethos o f soldiers is strikingly different from that o f the

w o r l d b e y o n d the wire, even in short-service armies constantly b o m -

3
Cassius Dio ruled Upper Pannonia, a province with legions, 8 0 . 1 . 3 . Josephus fought in
and was a keen spectator o f the war he described. Suetonius* father was an officer, Otho
10.1.
4
T a c . Ann. 1. 3 2 , 'militaris animos altius coniectantibus'. O n Tacitus and his military
knowledge, Syme (1958), 157-75; for speculations as to his military career, p. 68.
 The Roman Army 239

b a r d e d b y civilian allurements. T h i s w a s m u c h m o r e the case in the

R o m a n imperial army: soldiers served for decades in isolated b o r d e r
c a m p s , in c o n t a c t with o n l y such civilians as c a m p e d w i t h t h e m to serve
their needs, s u r r o u n d e d perhaps b y savages (so a soldier from Italy w o u l d
h a v e t h o u g h t ) , p e r h a p s b y enemies, whose camp-fires they dimly
glimpsed in the mists, w h o s e javelins they feared at night. 'Soldiers' spe­
5
cial p r i d e is in their c a m p ; that is their city, that their penates* L o n g years
in s u c h conditions m a d e soldiers u n c o m f o r t a b l e w h e n they returned
h o m e (if they h a d a h o m e to go t o ) , so they c o n t i n u e d to live a r o u n d the
6
c a m p s w h e n they retired, o r w e r e settled in g r o u p s with other v e t e r a n s .
T h e a r m y w a s a starkly separate c o m m u n i t y , a separate c o m m u n i t y o f
o p i n i o n w i t h its o w n standards o f c o n d u c t , a c o m m u n i t y in w h i c h the
esteem a n d disapproval o f fellow m e m b e r s w a s a t r e m e n d o u s l y p o w e r f u l
force. In battle, soldiers fight harder w h e r e their c o m r a d e s can see t h e m ,
w h e r e 'nothing d o n e well o r shamefully c o u l d b e concealed, a n d lust for
7
praise a n d fear o f disgrace d r o v e b o t h sides o n to b r a v e r y ' . B u t o r d e r can
break d o w n at night, w h e n the a n o n y m i t y o f darkness saps soldiers' sense
8
of shame.
Soldiers' m e m b e r s h i p in the c o m m u n i t y o f the a r m y , in the smaller
c o m m u n i t y o f the unit, o r in the g r o u p o f units that shared a c a m p a i g n ,
was o f t r e m e n d o u s psychological i m p o r t a n c e to them. O n the h u m b l e
t o m b s t o n e s o f soldiers, the n u m b e r o f years served in the a r m y a n d the
units they served with w e r e v e r y often recorded. O f D a z a s the M a e z i a n ,
son o f S c e n u s , posterity w a s to learn o n l y that he lived twenty-seven
years, a n d served for ten as a c a v a l r y m a n in Licco's s q u a d r o n o f the sixth
9
D a l m a t i a n auxiliary c o h o r t . After Vitellius' defeat, the soldiers o f his
G e r m a n a r m y , expecting to be m a s s a c r e d b y Vespasian's t r o o p s , 'clasped
the breasts o f the fellow m e m b e r s o f their maniples, h u n g u p o n their
1 0
necks, b e g g e d a last kiss, begging t h e m not to desert t h e m ' . For a com­
m a n d e r o f soldiers to i m p l y that their b a d c o n d u c t h a d set t h e m outside
the b o u n d a r i e s o f the a r m y w a s crushing, as, famously, w h e n Julius
C a e s a r b r o u g h t his m u t i n o u s tenth legion to heel s i m p l y b y addressing
t h e m as 'citizens' (Quirites) rather than s o l d i e r s . 11
A prefect o f the c a m p
5
Tac. Hist 3. 84, 'proprium esse militis decus in castris: illam patriam, illos penatis'.
6
Soldierly separateness and solidarity, MacMullen (1984ft), on retirement, pp. 4 4 1 - 2 .
And see Juv. 16. 2 0 - 2 on soldiers' c o m m o n cause when one is sued.
7
Caes. BG 7 . 8 0 , 'neque recte ac turpiter factum celari poterat, utrosque et laudis cupid-
itas et timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabant'; cf. Hirt. BG 8 . 4 2 ; Tac. Hist 2 . 4 2 .
8 9
Caes. BC1. 6 7 , 2 . 3 1 ; Tac. Hist 4 . 3 6 . ILS 2576.
1 0
Tac. Hist 4. 46; cf. Ann. 1. 21.
1 1
Suet. Jul. 70; long remembered, Tac. Ann. 1. 42; HA Sev. Alex. 52. 3, 5 3 . 1 0 - 5 4 . 4 (fic­
tion). Cf. Tac. Hist 3. 24, 'pagani'; Dio 72(73!,). 9. 2a.
240 The Roman Army

u n d e r Vitellius gained the s a m e e n d b y o r d e r i n g the centurions not to

m a k e the r o u n d s o f a m u t i n o u s e n c a m p m e n t , a n d forbade the usual
t r u m p e t calls: this secession o f the officers b r o u g h t the soldiers to their
12
senses.
Y e t the f u n d a m e n t a l weakness o f the c o m m u n i t y o f the a r m y w a s n o t
c o m m o n soldiers falling a w a y from it, b u t the a w k w a r d n e s s o f aristo­
cratic officers' m e m b e r s h i p in it. It is a topos in the historians that the
g o o d officer in the R o m a n a r m y shares the menial labours o f his troops.
H e eats c a m p f o o d , sleeps o n the g r o u n d , bandies v u l g a r jests w i t h the
rankers, m u c k s in, a n d ostentatiously r o u g h s it in a w a y that w o u l d h a v e
got a n E d w a r d i a n subaltern cashiered for c o n d u c t u n b e c o m i n g an offi­
1 3
cer. T h i s is puzzling, for a m o n g the aristocracy, n o t o n l y d i d a stigma
attach to m a n u a l labour, b u t w i t h o u t the softening influence o f s o m e
relationship o f d e p e n d e n c y like p a t r o n a g e , even returning the greetings
14
o f far social inferiors w a s b y n o m e a n s e x p e c t e d . C e r t a i n l y the base d i d
not w a r r a n t the least consideration: a r e m a r k m a d e b y T i b e r i u s d u r i n g
his sulk o n R h o d e s — t h a t he w a n t e d to visit the s i c k — w a s misinterpreted
b y his retainers, w h o rousted the ill o u t o f b e d a n d arranged t h e m , infir­
m i t y b y infirmity, in a p u b l i c p o r t i c o for their master's inspection.
T i b e r i u s w a s appalled w h e n he a r r i v e d — n o d o u b t he h a d expected to
visit a few liverish notables at h o m e — a n d w a s for a long t i m e uncertain
as to w h a t he s h o u l d d o , b u t finally he w e n t a r o u n d to each o n e i n d i v i d ­
ually, apologizing for w h a t h a d h a p p e n e d , even to the o b s c u r e a n d p o o r ­
est'. Imagine! M o s t m e n o f his rank, clearly, w o u l d h a v e t h o u g h t it
beneath themselves to apologize to the o b s c u r e a n d p o o r , n o matter h o w
15
m u c h pain a n d inconvenience they h a d inflicted o n their i n f e r i o r s .
Supercilious h a u t e u r w a s the n o r m : ' T h e greatest h o n o u r the m u l t i t u d e
1 6
can e n j o y from their betters is not to b e s c o r n e d b y t h e m . '
1 7
In civilian life, the p o o r repaid the c o n t e m p t o f the rich w i t h h a t r e d .
Similarly, hostility between social classes w a s always w a i t i n g to break o u t
in the a r m y : it c o u l d manifest itself h o r r i b l y in mutinies, a n d in time o f

1 2
T a c . Hist. 2. 29.
1 3
Plut. Mar. 7 . 3 ; cf. Cato Min. 9.4; Ant. 4 . 2 ; Tac. Hist. 2.5; Suet. Tib. 18. 2; Dio 72(731.).
8.3; HA Pesc. Nig. 1 1 . 1 - 3 ; A m m . Marc. 1 7 . 1 . 2.
1 4
Libanius is remarkable because he returns greetings, Or. 2 . 6 ; cf. D. Chr. 66.3. And cer­
tainly don't trade insults with inferiors, Aul. Gel. 7 . 1 1 . 1 .
1 5
Suet. Tib. 11. 2. Cf. A m m . Marc. 27. 3. 4, the 4th-cent. plebs were prepared t o believe
that the Prefect o f the City had said that he would rather use the wine from his estates t o
quench lime-kilns than sell it to the people cheaply.
1 6
Plut. Nic. 2.4, an editorial c o m m e n t .
1 7
MacMullen (1974:119), picking out Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. 822a.
 The Roman Army 241
1 8
civil w a r . S o it w a s exactly the civilian b a c k g r o u n d that m a d e c o n d e ­
scending (to use the w o r d in its old sense) c o n d u c t essential for officers
in the a r m y . T h e military o p i n i o n - c o m m u n i t y w a s b y its nature fragile,
for its e m b r a c e o f m e n o f w i d e l y different social origins placed a great
vertical strain u p o n it. T h e officer carried b u r d e n s , slept beneath the
stars, a n d belched loudly precisely to s h o w that he did nor s c o r n his base-
b o r n troops, as a m a n f r o m his r a n k in society w o u l d naturally b e
expected to do; he acted this w a y to s h o w that he w a s a m e m b e r o f their
19
c o m m u n i t y , a n d w a s willing to live b y their s t a n d a r d s . T h u s the sol­
diers' rioting against V e r g i n i u s R u f u s , w h o w a s acclaimed e m p e r o r b y his
troops, b u t refused to a s s u m e the p u r p l e . T h e soldiers' 'admiration for
the m a n , a n d his reputation, remained, b u t they hated h i m as h a v i n g
2 0
scorned t h e m . '
Aristocratic officers h a d to w o r k at being part o f the a r m y . T h e quali­
ties s c o r n e d in the c a m p s w e r e different from those w h i c h b r o u g h t scorn
in the salons o f R o m e . T a c i t u s , for e x a m p l e , n o t e d that the a r m y o f U p p e r
G e r m a n y in AD 6 8 'scorned the legate H o r d e o n i u s Flaccus: he w a s unwell
21
o n a c c o u n t o f old age a n d lameness, lacking c o n s t a n c y a n d auctoritasJ
Old age, revered a m o n g the aristocracy, c o u l d inspire c o n t e m p t in the
great l o c k e r - r o o m o f the a r m y , a fact w h i c h p r o v e d troublesome for
2 2
Galba and N e r v a . B u t far m o r e offensive w a s the taint o f effeminacy,
2 3
still s c o r n e d in armies t o d a y . T o p u n i s h a unit o f cavalry that fled in b a t ­
tle, Julian h a d t h e m m a r c h e d t h r o u g h the c a m p a n d expelled dressed in
w o m e n ' s clothes, 'deeming this p u n i s h m e n t w o r s e than death for m a n l y
soldiers; a n d this turned o u t well b o t h for h i m a n d them, for in the sec­
o n d G e r m a n W a r they recalled the disgrace inflicted u p o n t h e m a n d w e r e
24
almost the o n l y troops w h o fought w e l l . ' If this w a s the m o s t extreme
disgrace that the ingenuity o f Julian c o u l d c o n c o c t , one can i m a g i n e w h a t
the soldiers t h o u g h t o f an e m p e r o r w h o seemed to t h e m to dress in
25
w o m e n ' s clothes voluntarily: M a c r i n u s , o r E l a g a b a l u s . A n d then there
was Severus A l e x a n d e r , notoriously u n d e r the t h u m b o f female relations,
and jeered in t i m e o f revolt as the 'mean g i r l y - m a n ' , as 'the c o w a r d l y
26
child, his mother's s l a v e ' . A c c u s e d o f i n v o l v e m e n t in the rebellion o f
1 8 1 9
MacMullen (1984ft), 451-5- Belching, Suet. Vit. 7 . 3 -
2 0
Tac. Hist. 2. 68, 'manebat admiratio viri et fama, set oderant ut fastiditi\
2 1
Ibid. 1 . 9 , 'spernebat'.
2 2
Galba, Tac. Hist. 1 . 5 ; Plut. Galba 1 9 . 1 . Nerva, Dio 6 8 . 3 . 3 - 4 . But not always, Herod. 2.
5. 8. Extreme youth perceived to create contempt as well, HA Maxim. 7 . 3 .
2 3 2 4
Cf. the contemporary British army, Hockey (1986), 3 3 - 6 . Z o s . 3 . 3 . 5.
2 5
Macrinus, Herod. 5 . 2 . 4 - 5 . Elagabalus, Dio 79(8oL). 1 3 - 1 9 ; Herod. 5 . 6 . 1 0 - 7 . 1 , 5 . 8 ; HA
Elag. 5 , 1 4 - 1 5 , and some of the stories may even be true. Cf. Tac. Hist. 1 . 3 0 .
2 6
Herod. 6. 9. 55 cf. 6. 8 . 3 .
242 The Roman Army

A n t o n i u s S a t u r n i n u s , a military tribune a n d a centurion cleared t h e m ­

selves before D o m i t i a n b y confessing that they w e r e the rebel's lovers,
'and o n that a c c o u n t c o u l d h a v e been o f n o influence with the c o m m a n ­
27
der o r the s o l d i e r s ' . S u c h a role, clearly, destroyed the possibility o f
respect a m o n g the soldiers. M a n y years before, M a r i u s h a d decorated a
soldier w h o killed his o w n officer w h e n the latter attempted to force his
2 8
lust u p o n h i m .
F o r an aristocrat to b e c o m e part o f the c o m m u n i t y o f the a r m y w a s
difficult. H e m i g h t go too far even in sharing the soldiers' d r u d g e r y , a n d
29
so sacrifice their r e s p e c t . Soldiers w a n t e d their officers to act like t h e m ,
b u t n o t be like them. T a c i t u s i m a g i n e d G e r m a n i c u s w a n d e r i n g a r o u n d
his a r m y ' s c a m p in disguise, to hear w h a t his soldiers said a b o u t h i m , a n d
hearing 'one praising the high birth o f the general, another his g o o d
looks, m a n y his e n d u r a n c e a n d affability, s o m e in jests a n d s o m e seri­
ously, b u t all agreed'. Perhaps, at first, the soldiers' c o n c e r n w i t h their
officer's high birth looks suspiciously patrician—suspiciously T a c i t e a n —
a n d the alleged circumstances, a general creeping a r o u n d his c a m p to
taste o f his f a m e like H e n r y V , d o not lend credence. B u t m o s t aristocratic
authors are certainly in agreement in thinking that nobilitas w a s impor­
30
tant to s o l d i e r s . In his advice for e m p e r o r s , C a s s i u s D i o insisted that the
a r m y needed to b e c o m m a n d e d b y real aristocrats, for 'if y o u entrust
affairs to trivial a n d chance m e n [as o p p o s e d to aristocrats] . . . y o u will
s o o n fail in great matters. F o r w h a t g o o d c o u l d an ill-educated or l o w ­
b o r n person ever d o ? . . . W h o o f the soldiers themselves w o u l d n o t scorn
3 1
to b e c o m m a n d e d b y such a m a n ? ' A n d R o m a n soldiers themselves
endorse such advice: w h e n C l a u d i u s ' freedman N a r c i s s u s ascended the
tribunal to urge a reluctant a r m y to take ship for Britain, he w a s shouted
d o w n with jeers o f 'Io Saturnalia!' T h e troops w e r e not a b o u t to take
32
orders f r o m a f r e e d m a n . T h e senatorial generals u n d e r w h o m a soldier
h a d c a m p a i g n e d m i g h t b e listed o n his t o m b s t o n e , with the addition o f
'c.v.' (clarissimus vir) so that there c o u l d b e n o m i s t a k e . 33
In fact, there is
n o t h i n g surprising in this: even n o w the preference o f British other ranks
2 7
Suet. Dom. 10. 5 with Dio 6 7 . 1 1 . 4.
2 8
Plut. Mar. 1 4 . 3 - 5 ; cf. Polyb. 6 . 3 7 . 9 . Cf. also incest as unacceptable, T a c . Ann. 14. 2.
2 9
Zos. 1. 29. 1; but Titus manages to d o it 'incorrupto ducis honore', T a c . Hist. 5. 1.
Caracalla neglects the duties of commanding in favour of soldiers' labours, Dio 77(78!.). 13.
1-2.
3 0
T a c . Ann. 2.13, 'cum hie nobilitatem ducis, decorem alius, plurimi patientiam, c o m i -
tatem, per seria per iocos eundem a n i m u m laudibus ferrent'. Cf. Vitellius, T a c . Hist. 1. 9;
Plut. Galba 22. 5; Dio 64(631.). 4. 2. Contra, Herod. 8. 8 . 1 for resentment o f high birth.
3 1
Dio 52. 8. 6-7; cf. 5 1 . 3 . 5; Onasander, Strat. 1 . 1 7 - 1 8 ; HA Macr. 5 . 5 for the fear.
3 2 3 3
Dio 6 0 . 1 9 . 3 . ILS 2311.
 The Roman Army 243

for p o l o - p l a y i n g , e x - p u b l i c - s c h o o l b o y officers o v e r officers d r a w n f r o m

b a c k g r o u n d s similar to their o w n c a n b e p o i n t e d out, even if it has m u c h
w e a k e n e d since Q u e e n V i c t o r i a ' s day. C e r t a i n l y R o m a n soldiers did n o t
find it impossible to follow m e n like Diocletian a n d M a x i m i n u s T h r a x ,
b o l d soldiers b u t hardly d r a w n from the pinnacles o f society. B u t all
things being equal they too preferred the military hierarchy to echo the
social hierarchy: it w a s especially flattering to the c o m m o n soldiers to see
those o f high status outside the a r m y emphasize their c o m m u n i t y w i t h
fighting m e n b y sharing their labours a n d w a y o f life.

HONOUR AND S H A M E IN T H E A R M Y

T h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y discipline o f the classical R o m a n a r m y — t h e ability o f

its highly trained soldiers to hold their g r o u n d a n d p e r f o r m c o m p l i c a t e d
close-order manoeuvres u n d e r the m o s t trying c i r c u m s t a n c e s — a t t r a c t e d
e n v y i n g notice in antiquity, a n d has c o n t i n u e d to d o so into m o d e r n
3 4
times. Y e t this p r o p e r emphasis o n R o m a n soldiers' a u t o m a t o n - l i k e
virtues m u s t n o t be allowed to conceal the fiercely competitive, H o m e r i c ,
quality o f R o m a n fighting. After the fall o f Jerusalem, T i t u s p a r a d e d his
men.

Those who competed in a more distinguished manner by virtue of their great

strength, and had thus cast lustre not only upon their own lives by their acts of
courage, but also rendered his campaign more glorious by virtue of their suc­
cesses, to them he said he would give prizes and honours immediately, in order
that no one who had set his mind to surpassing another should fail to gain his just
35
requital.

T h e a r m y w a s a society characterized b y v e h e m e n t c o m p e t i t i o n for

h o n o u r , a n d b y an equally strong sense o f s h a m e . H o n o u r a n d s h a m e
a m o n g soldiers w e r e g r o u n d e d in success in w a r : in contrasting A l p i n e
tribesmen w i t h R o m a n regulars, T a c i t u s noted that 'they w e r e u n u s e d to
c a m p s a n d c o m m a n d , a n d for t h e m there w a s n o distinction in victory,
36
and n o s h a m e in f l i g h t ' . It w a s characteristic o f R o m a n soldiers, o n the
other h a n d , to b r o o d o v e r the question, ' W h a t shall w e a n s w e r to a n y o n e
37
w h o asks us a b o u t o u r victories a n d d e f e a t s ? ' In the speeches historians

3 4
Jos. B / 3 . 1 0 2 - 8 , and remembered wistfully in late antiquity, Veg. Mil. passim.
3 5
Jos. BJ 7. 1 1 , TOV p.€v avrcjv j3ioi> dpiareiais KCKOOfxrjKooi, r-qv 8* avrov arparciav
€7Ti<pav€OT€pav.
3 6
T a c . Hist. 2.12, 'neque in victoria decus esset neque in fuga flagitium'; cf. Ann. 2.14;
Jos. BJ6.42.
3 7
T a c . Hist. 3 . 13. Soldiers tell tall tales t o remove the stigma from defeat, ibid. 3 . 61;
Herod. 8 . 3 . 9 with HA Maxim. 22.3.
244 The Roman Army

give to generals before battles, the g l o r y o f v i c t o r y a n d the disgrace o f

defeat are constant themes; the speeches are h a r d l y history, b u t the sen­
38
timents are likely to b e c o n v e n t i o n a l . I n battle o r c a m p a i g n , s h a m e at a
39
setback drives soldiers o n to greater e f f o r t s . T h e i r leaders m i g h t rely o n
this dread o f disgrace. T h u s the e m p e r o r Severus, it w a s reported,
c h a r g e d alone against the a r m y o f his rival A l b i n u s to s h a m e his fleeing
m e n into fighting on, a n d H e r o d i a n believed that M a x i m i n u s p l u n g e d
4 0
into a G e r m a n m i r e to s h a m e his t r o o p s into p u r s u i n g fleeing G e r m a n s .
In the a r m y it w a s the qualities a n d deeds that c o n d u c e d to v i c t o r y
4 1
w h i c h w e r e h o n o u r e d : in the first place, physical c o u r a g e . T h u s sol­
diers' inscriptions v a u n t decorations 'for bravery', o r even boast heroic
deeds, like c o r n e r i n g K i n g Decebalus in Trajan's D a c i a n W a r , a n d c a r r y ­
4 2
ing a w a y his h e a d . Soldiers w e r e fiercely competitive for a reputation
for c o u r a g e , a n d R o m a n battles c o u l d take o n a H o m e r i c cast w i t h a sin­
gle soldier r u s h i n g o u t f r o m his f o r m a t i o n a n d distinguishing himself
w i t h e x t r a o r d i n a r y heroism, inspiring others to emulate h i m . ' W h y d o
y o u hesitate, V o r e n u s ? W h a t occasion for p r o v i n g y o u r b r a v e r y are y o u
w a i t i n g for? T h i s d a y will settle o u r rivalry!' shouted one o f Caesar's c e n ­
turions at another, a n d c h a r g e d alone at the thickest ranks o f the e n e m y .
T h e m a n he h a d g o a d e d leapt from the r a m p a r t s a n d followed, 'terrified
for his reputation a m o n g all'. In fact, the rivalry w a s n o t settled. E a c h
saved the other's life in the ensuing fighting, they w i t h d r e w within the
fortifications 'with the greatest glory', a n d 'it w a s impossible to decide
43
w h i c h w a s the better m a n in b r a v e r y ' .
C o w a r d i c e inspired c o n t e m p t , a n d a soldier accused o f c o w a r d i c e
m i g h t c o m m i t suicide o n the spot to liberate himself from the i m p u t a ­
4 4
tion. S u r r e n d e r , needless t o say, a l w a y s carried w i t h it the taint o f c o w ­
ardice, a n d m i g h t therefore involve manoeuvres to free it from that
stigma. T h u s the o d d ritual w h i c h Vitellius' a r m y insisted o n for its s u r -

3 8
e.g. Jos. B / 3 . 4 8 0 - 3 ; Tac. Ann. 1 5 . 1 2 ; Dio 62. 9 . 1 ; Herod. 4 . 1 4 . 8.
3 9
Caes. B C 3 . 7 4 ; T a c . Hist. 5.15; Jos. B / 3 . 1 5 3 - 6 , 5 . 4 8 8 ; cf. Caes. B G 7 . 1 7 .
4 0
Severus, Dio 75(761.). 6.7; Maximinus, Herod. 7. 2 . 6 - 7 ; both with Jos. B / 5 . 9 4 : aban­
doning one's general m o r e disgraceful even than flight. Cf. Jos. B J 4 . 3 9 ; Zos. 3 . 1 9 . 4 .
4 1
Conspectus of honourable qualities, Jos. B J 6 . 8 1 . Bravery, Caes. BG6.40; Jos. BJ6.90;
Tac. Hist. 3. 8 4 , 4 . 2; Herod. 6 . 3 . 6.
4 2
'Ob virtutem', ILS 2337,2658. Cf. EJ 247, legion honours a primuspilaris 'honoris et vir-
tutis caussa [sic]\ Decebalus, AE 1970. 583 with Speidel (1970), who notes that while the
inscription claims the soldier captured him, the king probably committed suicide, Dio 68.
14.3.
4 3
Caes. BG 5. 44, 'omnium veritus existimationem'; 'summa c u m laude'. Cf. Jos. BJ 5.
3 1 2 - 1 4 , 6 . 82-90.
4 4
Contempt, T a c . Hist. 2 . 3 0 . Suicide, Suet. Otho 1 0 . 1 and Dio 64(63!.). 11. 2.
 The Roman Army 245

render to Vespasian's: m a r c h i n g d o w n w i t h their standards, they w e r e

received b y their erstwhile enemies arrayed for battle a n d s u r r o u n d e d b y
them, so that, h a v i n g been placed in an impossible tactical position, they
45
c o u l d then surrender 'not w i t h o u t d i s t i n c t i o n ' . T h i s w a s the s a m e
impulse that d r o v e the surrendering G e r m a n c o m m a n d e r of the
C h e r b o u r g arsenal in 1944 to insist that an Allied tank fire u p o n the gate,
to offer h i m an h o n o u r a b l e pretext.
N o t o n l y bravery, b u t all the qualities that p r o d u c e d success in w a r
w e r e h o n o u r a b l e . F o r a soldier o f e n o r m o u s strength, battle w a s an
o p p o r t u n i t y to gain distinction. T h u s a R o m a n c a v a l r y m a n , reaching
d o w n from his horse to seize a fleeing J e w b y the ankle, hoisted his
a r m o u r e d captive in the air a n d carried h i m off to b e a d m i r e d b y T i t u s ,
46
c o m m a n d e r at the siege o f J e r u s a l e m . A soldier's epitaph reads:

Once I was most renowned on the Pannonian shore;

amidst a thousand Batavians the strongest.
With Hadrian watching I swam the huge waters
of Danube's deep in arms.
While a bolt from my bow hung in the air—
while it fell—I hit and shattered it with another arrow.
Neither Roman nor Barbarian, no soldier with his spear,
no Parthian with his bow, could defeat me.
Here I lie. M y deeds I have entrusted to the memory of this stone.
Whether another after me will emulate my deeds has yet to be seen.
47
I am the first who did such things: my own exemplar.

T h i s sense o f rivalry w a s characteristic. T a c i t u s imagines A g r i c o l a ' s sol­

diers a n d sailors in a boasting contest, 'talking u p their deeds a n d d a n ­
gers, the depths o f forests a n d m o u n t a i n s o n o n e side, o f tempests a n d
w a v e s o n the other: soldierly b r a g g i n g c o m p a r e d the conquest o f O c e a n
48
to the conquest o f land a n d f o e m a n . ' T h e ability to g o w i t h o u t sleep w a s
also highly esteemed in military circles, a n d in this C o m m o d u s ' general
U l p i u s M a r c e l l u s excelled. A s a r e g i m e n he fasted, o r ate o n l y b r e a d so
stale it m a d e his g u m s bleed, 'in o r d e r to h a v e the greatest reputation p o s ­
sible in wakefulness'. H e persecuted his subordinates w i t h messages
49
t h r o u g h the night so they w o u l d think he never s l e p t . T h e construction

4 5
T a c . Hist. 3. 63, 'non sine decore'. On surrender, cf. Herod. 2 . 1 3 . 1 1 , 5 . 4. 9.
4 6
Jos. BJ 6 . 1 6 1 - 3 .
4 7 <
Small. Nerva 336, notissimus\ discussed by Speidel (1991). Cf. ILS 2528, 'viro sagit-
tandi peritissimo'.
4 8
T a c . Agric, 2 5 . 1 ; cf. 3 3 . 5 for the honour o f passing over difficult terrain.
4 9
Dio 72(73!,). 8. 4 - 5 , tVco? fidXiara Siaypv-iTveiv OOKJJ.
246 The Roman Army

o f an e a r t h w o r k a r o u n d Jerusalem naturally b e c a m e a gigantic contest in

w h i c h 'the soldier strove to please the d e c u r i o n , the d e c u r i o n to please
the centurion, he in turn the tribune, a n d the tribunes' rivalry for g l o r y
reached the legionary legates; o f their rivalry T i t u s Caesar himself w a s the
50
referee.' T h e r e is m o r e than a passing similarity between the p s y c h o l ­
ogy o f the b u i l d i n g o f these entrenchments a n d that o f the erection o f
p u b l i c w o r k s in an ancient t o w n . E v e r y t h i n g soldiers did, in short, c o u l d
b e c o m e a competition; naturally, in such an e m u l o u s e n v i r o n m e n t , lead­
51
ing b y e x a m p l e w a s o f the greatest i m p o r t a n c e .
M i l i t a r y r a n k n o t o n l y established its holder's position in the hierarchy
o f obedience, it also conferred h o n o u r within the c o m m u n i t y o f the
a r m y . T h e ' h o n o u r o f rank' w a s as m e a n i n g f u l in military as in civilian
52
life. Soldiers w e r e fiercely jealous o f their rivals' a d v a n c e m e n t . T h e l a w
depicts t h e m as ' g n a w e d u p o n b y another's h o n o u r ' if they w e r e
5 3
demoted. T h e honorific o r funerary inscriptions o f an aristocrat often
catalogue the offices he has held in the greatest detail; this m a k e s sense
because each office w a s an o r n a m e n t to h i m , each conferred a q u a n t u m
o f h o n o u r . Significantly, soldiers—even quite h u m b l e s o l d i e r s — s o m e ­
times displayed the s a m e loquacity in describing each r a n k a n d posting
they h a d held.

C . Luccius . . . Sabinus, decurion of Beneventum, while still living made [this

tomb] for himself, his wife Ofillia Parata, and his brother Luccius Verecundus,
and his posterity. He served in the First Urban Cohort at the side of the tribunes,
was an attendant (secutor), orderly {optio) of the hospital, orderly of the prison,
aide (singularis), clerk (beneficiarius) of a tribune, put in charge of the examina­
tion of witnesses by Annius Verus, Prefect of the City; he was also officer in charge
of the watchword, orderly, standard-bearer, clerk of the treasury, orderly in
charge of records, senior clerk of a tribune, clerk of Valerius Asiaticus, Prefect of
the City. He was discharged by the emperor Hadrian when Servianus . . . and
5 4
Vibius Verus were consuls [AD 1 3 4 ] .

H e r e w a s a m a n w h o b e c a m e a civic d e c u r i o n after retirement, b u t d u r ­

ing his service n e v e r reached the r a n k o f centurion. Y e t he w a s p r o u d

5 0
JOS. B / 5 . 503, cpiXorifita.
5 1
Fronto, Princ. Hist 14 (van den H o u t ) ; HA Hadr. 10.4; Dio 69.9.3-4; Herod. 3. 6.10,
a topos about the good officer, closely related to his sharing soldiers' fatigues. Officers imi­
tate the c o m m a n d e r , the soldiers the officers, T a c . Hist 2. 68; Dio 6s(64L). 4.4.
5 2
Eus. Hist Eccl. 10. 8.10, TI/UT) d^iaj/uaros; cf. 7.15, 8 . 4 . 3 .
5 3
CTh 7 . 1 . 1 0 (367), 'morsu honoris alieni'. Cf. Caes. BG 5. 44.
5 4
ILS 2117. A uniquely full cursus; trans, adapted from J. B. Campbell, but the English
equivalents o f many o f the functions are approximate. It is especially tombstones that sol­
diers erect for themselves while still alive that list their ranks in detail, Forni (1979), 227.
 The Roman Army 247

e n o u g h o f his military career to describe it in detail. B y contrast, m e n

w h o h a d a d v a n c e d f r o m the ranks to careers as centurions tended n o t to
list their s u b - c e n t u r i o n ranks, o r m i g h t reduce s o m e o f t h e m to a for­
m u l a , 'all positions in the hobnailed ranks p e r f o r m e d ' , adapting the c o m ­
55
m o n f o r m u l a o f the h i g h - a i m i n g civic dignitary, 'all offices p e r f o r m e d ' .
T h e r e w e r e zones o f h o n o u r in the a r m y ; a centurion c o m p e t e d m o r e
w i t h centurions, s o m e o f w h o m w e r e directly c o m m i s s i o n e d from the
56
equestrian order, a n d less w i t h r a n k e r s .
T h e fact that, as in all armies, r a n k w a s a social distinction as well as a
purely functional indicator o f relative duty, m a k e s sense o f the fact that
m o r n i n g in a R o m a n c a m p w a s v e r y m u c h like m o r n i n g in a R o m a n city.
Soldiers attended the centurions' salutatio, centurions the military tri­
5 7
bunes', all the officers the legionary c o m m a n d e r ' s . H i g h e r military
ranks enjoyed n o t only authority b u t precedence over lower: 'It is dis­
graceful, Caesar, that y o u should b e chatting w i t h a centurion w h e n the
58
prefects stand without,' said the c e n t u r i o n — a stickler—himself. A t the
s a m e time, soldiers' respect for civil offices, offices outside their o w n
hierarchy, w a s notoriously unreliable. B y the fourth c e n t u r y for soldiers
to b e 'harsh a n d savage t o w a r d s civil dignitaries' w a s an 'established c u s ­
5 9
tom'.
The m a k e - u p o f military h o n o u r d i d not include the emphasis o n
gravity, o n self-restraint, that characterized civilian aristocrats. W h e n
insulted, soldiers killed people. A n innocent j a p e , cutting soldiers' s w o r d -
belts a n d then asking w h e t h e r they h a d their s w o r d s , sparked a massacre
6 0
o f the civilian j o k e r s . If a centurion asked a civilian a question, a n d the
latter w a s so disrespectful as not to answer, the soldier m i g h t k n o c k h i m
61
off his d o n k e y w i t h his v i n e s t i c k . T a c i t u s emphasized soldiers' thin
skins, their b l o o d y taste for vengeance, a n d the awful consequences o f
6 2
this even for cities in turbulent t i m e s . B u t h o w w a s this undisciplined
lashing-out, this violent self-wilfulness, reconciled with the m i n u t e l y reg­
ulated, precise a r m y that observers so a d m i r e d ? Stern discipline is part o f

5 5
N o t listing, E . Birley (1988 ( 1 9 4 1 ) ) , 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 . ILS 2085, 'omnibus officiis in caliga
functo' (earlier in his career those ranks had been listed m o r e fully, 2084). Cf. 6717,
'omnibus honoribus functo'.
5 6
O n the solidarity o f the centurionate despite its diversity o f social background,
Dobson (1970), 1 0 0 - 2 .
5 7
Jos. B J 3 . 87; cf. Tac. Hist. 2. 80.
5 8
Dio 6 9 . 1 9 . 1 .
5 9
A m m . Marc. 1 4 . 1 0 . 4. Cf. T a c . Hist. 3. 80; Dio 65(641.). 1 0 . 4 .
6 0
Tac. Hist. 2.88 (loss o f sword was a great disgrace, Apul. Met. 9.41); and they cut down
those who jostle them too. Cf. HA Tyr. Trig. 8. 6, 2 2 . 3 , 3 2 . 3 .
6 1 6 2
Apul. Met. 9.39- Tac. Hist. 1. 5 1 , 3 . 3 2 ; cf. Caes. BC 2.13; Suet. Vesp. 8. 2.
248 The Roman Army

the answer, discipline w h i c h controlled the u n r u l y manifestations of

soldiers' pride. T h e centurion's r o d w a s always at the ready, a n d should
he break it d u r i n g a v i g o r o u s thrashing, he m i g h t call out 'bring another',
63
giving rise to a w r y n i c k n a m e , Cedo-Alteram. R o m a n soldiers quailed
before the terrible authority of their generals; it could seem that those
6 4
entitled to beat a n d execute them w e r e b e y o n d n u m b e r . B u t discipline
was also s o m e t h i n g that lived in the hearts o f soldiers. T a c i t u s alludes to
65
their 'love o f o b e d i e n c e ' . A n d although a rabble-rousing m u t i n e e r
c o u l d b e i m a g i n e d c o m p a r i n g soldiers' obedience to that o f slaves, w h o
o b e y unwillingly, f r o m fear, a clear distinction o f k i n d in obedience c o u l d
66
also b e conceived: 'Let o n e o b e y another as a soldier, not as a s l a v e . ' In
fact, obedience itself w a s an h o n o u r a b l e quality. ' W h e r e is the glory o f the
old discipline?' T a c i t u s i m a g i n e d G e r m a n i c u s asking mutineers. T h e
m u t i n y begins to c o m e apart w h e n a sense o f ' s h a m e a n d glory enters into
the soldiers', a n d then they w a n t to w a s h o u t the stain o n their h o n o u r b y
67
m a k i n g w a r u p o n the b a r b a r i a n s . T h e contemplation o f disobedience,
m u t i n y , a n d defection to the e n e m y n o t o n l y inspired fear o f p u n i s h m e n t
in soldiers; it also inspired shame. A great m a n y R o m a n soldiers c a u g h t
up in the Batavian revolt in AD 70 w e r e guilty o n all those counts, a n d
w h e n they fell b a c k into R o m a n h a n d s , 'they stood, dejected b y a c o n ­
sciousness o f their o w n disgrace, their eyes fixed u p o n the g r o u n d . . . they
r e m a i n e d h i d d e n in their tents, a v o i d i n g even the light. It w a s not so
m u c h fear a n d d a n g e r as s h a m e a n d disgrace w h i c h stunned them.' W h e n
they w e r e forgiven, the general explicitly ordered their c o m r a d e s n o t to
6 8
insult t h e m for their c o n d u c t .
Naturally, then, faced w i t h m u t i n y , c o m m a n d e r s strove n o t o n l y to
mollify a n d terrify the mutineers, b u t to inspire s h a m e in t h e m . 'Deeds o f
69
this k i n d are restrained b y s h a m e o r f e a r . ' T h e speeches T a c i t u s supplies
70
for leaders at such junctures, o r reports o n briefly, dwell u p o n d i s g r a c e .
E v e n if soldiers h a d disobeyed orders, s o m e p o i n t o f h o n o u r c o u l d still b e
appealed to. P o m p e y lay o n the g r o u n d in the c a m p gate, daring the
troops to t r a m p l e h i m , a n d G e r m a n i c u s b r o u g h t t w o legions to their
6 3
Tac. Ann. 1. 23.
6 4
Jos. B / 3 . 1 0 2 - 3 ; Tac. Ann. 1 . 2 6 , Verbera et necem cunctis permitti'. Cf. J. B. Campbell
(1984), 3 0 3 - 1 4 .
6 5
T a c . Ann. 1. 28, 'amor obsequii'; Hist. 2 . 1 9 , 'parendi amor'; cf. Ann. 1 . 1 9 .
6 6
T a c . Ann. 1 . 1 7 vs. HA Aur. 7 . 8 , 'alter alteri quasi miles, n e m o quasi servus obsequatur'
(fiction).
6 7
T a c . Ann. 1 . 3 5 , 'ubi veteris disciplinae decus'; 1 . 4 3 , 'pudor et gloria intrat'.
6 8
T a c . Hist. 4. 72, 'conscientia flagitii... pudor ac dedecus obstupefecerat\ Cf. 4. 62.
6 9
Caes. BC 2.31, 'pudore aut metu'; cf. Sail. Jug 100. 5.
7 0
T a c . Ann. 1 . 3 9 , dedecor, 1. 48, infamia; Hist. 1 . 3 0 , fama; 4. 58, inspires pudor, 59.
 The Roman Army 249

senses b y sending his wife a n d child o u t o f their c a m p , a n d into the care

7 1
of G a u l s . A l s o to be u n d e r s t o o d as attempts to s h a m e are the acts o f
officers w h o call u p o n their soldiers to kill t h e m , o r threaten to c o m m i t
7 2
suicide standing before their assembled t r o o p s . Even troops w h o had
m u t i n i e d m i g h t shy from the disgrace o f their c o m m a n d e r ' s killing h i m ­
self before t h e m .
Similarly, R o m a n soldiers' f a m o u s steadiness in battle w a s a result
b o t h o f the ferocious p u n i s h m e n t s that unsteadiness elicited a n d o f their
p r o f o u n d e m o t i o n a l investment in the standards o f c o n d u c t that those
p u n i s h m e n t s enforced. A t a b a d m o m e n t in the siege o f Jerusalem, w i t h
R o m a n s fleeing to their c a m p s , the J e w s c a m e u p o n the c a m p sentries.
' T h e r e is a u n i t . . . stationed in front o f the c a m p , a n d it is the terrible l a w
of the R o m a n s that w h o e v e r o f that unit s h o u l d w i t h d r a w for a n y reason
dies. T h e y s t o o d fast, preferring a b r a v e death to o n e from p u n i s h m e n t .
7 3
A n d m a n y o f those fleeing, a s h a m e d at their plight, t u r n e d b a c k . ' After
a disastrous incident o f insubordination b y his t r o o p s , J o s e p h u s has T i t u s
call 'fighting w i t h o u t c o m m a n d e r s the greatest s h a m e o f all'. After all,
' A m o n g the R o m a n s , even v i c t o r y — w i t h o u t the w o r d o f c o m m a n d — i s
74
a disgrace.' Soldiers are a s h a m e d to act w i t h o u t p r o p e r c o m m a n d e r s .
After its defection to the G a u l s in AD 70, the Sixteenth L e g i o n w a s o r d e r e d
o n the r o a d b y its n e w masters. C o n t e m p l a t i n g this, 'the better part w e r e
struck b y s h a m e a n d disgrace. W h a t k i n d o f m a r c h w o u l d this be? W h o
w o u l d be the leader o n the road?' In fact the leader w a s ' C l a u d i u s S a n c t u s ,
horrible to l o o k u p o n w i t h an eye g o u g e d out, a n d even m o r e feeble in
spirit'. F o r that reason a n d others 'open c o u n t r y a n d daylight u n c o v e r e d
75
their i g n o m i n y ' . Just as w i t h the exquisite cadences, the spit a n d polish,
o f the British G u a r d s Division, so the discipline o f the R o m a n a r m y w a s
o n l y in part i m p o s e d o n the soldiers from w i t h o u t . It w a s also s o m e t h i n g
they believed in, a n d enforced u p o n themselves a n d each other, w i t h the
h o n o u r a n d s h a m e characteristic o f G r a e c o - R o m a n society as a w h o l e .
T h e G u a r d s regiments' pride in their t u r n o u t ( o f old they even w a s h e d
their coal, m e n said) is redoubled b y their sense o f rivalry w i t h the other
G u a r d s regiments, a n d a h o r r o r o f being c o m p a r e d u n f a v o u r a b l y to the

7 1
Pompey, Plut. Pomp. 3 . 3 , effective from atSc6s. Germanicus, Tac. Ann. 1 . 4 0 - 4 , pudor
(41).
7 2
Demand killing, Tac. Ann. 1 . 1 8 ; Dio 6 8 . 3 . 3 . Threaten suicide, T a c . Ann. 1 . 3 5 ; Hist. 3.
10.
7 3
Jos. B / 5 . 4 8 3 , al8ov[ji€voi; holding ground from shame, cf. 3. 207, 6. 2 0 , 6 . 1 6 0 .
7 4
Ibid. 122, TO 7TO.VTOJV aioxiOTOv; 5 . 1 2 5 , Si^a irapayyeXfjiaTOS dSo^eirai.
7 5
T a c . Hist 4. 62, 'melior pars rubore et infamia'; 'detexit ignominiam campus et dies';
cf. 4. 58 for Vocula's attempt t o inspire shame o n this ground.
250 The Roman Army

lesser regiments o f the British a r m y . T h i s sense o f rivalry between f o r m a ­

tions w a s also extremely strong in the R o m a n imperial a r m y . W h i l e
brawls between privates sparked b y regimental rivalry a n d abetted b y
beer are b y n o m e a n s u n k n o w n in the c o n t e m p o r a r y British a r m y ( a n d
often w i n k e d at b y their superiors, for b o t h aggressiveness a n d r e g i m e n ­
tal pride are held essential to their fighting quality), such quarrels in the
R o m a n a r m y c o u l d break into pitched battles, a n d play a role in civil w a r .
In AD 69 a friendly wrestling m a t c h between a Gallic auxiliary a n d a
t r o o p e r o f the Fifth Legion turned into a massacre w h e n the victorious
G a u l m o c k e d his fallen foe, a n d the enraged legionaries slew t w o cohorts
7 6
of G a u l s . B a d b l o o d continued thereafter, a n d there w a s m o r e fight­
7 7
ing. A t the s a m e time, Vitellius, w h o s e a r m y this w a s , dismissed his elite
Batavian auxiliary cohorts to G e r m a n y because they v a u n t e d themselves
to s u c h an extent over the legionaries that fighting had to b e quelled
78
repeatedly. T h e s e picked troops arrived h o m e in time to participate in
their c o u n t r y m e n ' s great revolt against the R o m a n s . D u r i n g a riot u n d e r
C o m m o d u s the U r b a n C o h o r t s w e r e delighted to take the side o f the p e o ­
7 9
ple against the g u a r d cavalry, w h o m they h a t e d . Rivalry w a s especially
intense between legions. D u r i n g a m u t i n y , three legions agreed in princi­
ple to c o m b i n e , b u t pride prevented the soldiers o f any of t h e m from s u b ­
m e r g i n g their unit in another, so they planted all their standards in a
8 0
mass. O n e o f the reasons w h y his Eastern troops w e r e so eager to follow
V e s p a s i a n into revolt w a s that visiting soldiers from units in Vitellius'
a r m y , despite their w i l d a p p ea ra n ce a n d savage accents, ridiculed t h e m as
81
their i n f e r i o r s .
O f the British ranker o f his day, G a r n e t W o l s e l e y (1833-1913), the v e r y
m o d e l for the M o d e r n M a j o r - G e n e r a l , w r o t e breathlessly, ' W h a t can b e
finer than his love o f regiment, his devotion to its reputation, a n d his
determination to protect its h o n o u r ! T o h i m the " T h e Regiment" is
m o t h e r , sister, a n d mistress. T h a t its f a m e m a y live a n d flourish he is p r e ­
8 2
pared to risk all a n d to die w i t h o u t a m u r m u r . ' N o d o u b t Kipling's
ironic soldiers w o u l d have h a d a thing o r t w o to say about that; but the
regiment w a s , a n d remains, a strong focus o f loyalty, a n d Wolseley's def­
inition o f that loyalty in terms o f h o n o u r w o u l d h a v e struck a c h o r d in a
R o m a n c a m p . T o R o m a n eyes too the rivalry between units w a s a rivalry
8 3
over h o n o u r . M i l i t a r y units, like soldiers o r cities, w e r e entities w i t h
7 6 7 7
T a c . Hist 2. 68. Ibid. 2. 88.
7 8 7 9
Ibid. 1. 64, 2. 27, 66, 69. Herod. 1 . 1 2 . 9.
8 0 8 1
T a c . Ann. 1 . 1 8 ; cf. 1. 2 3 , 2 8 . T a c . Hist 2. 74.
8 2
Wolseley (1903), ii. 3 7 5 - 6 .
8 3
Cf. A m m . M a r c . 29. 6 . 1 3 , 'de h o n o r e certabant et dignitate'.
 The Roman Army 251

h o n o u r . T h u s the ' h o n o u r o f the praetorian cohorts' m i g h t b e cried u p in

84
a shouting m a t c h between the soldiers o f O t h o a n d V i t e l l i u s . But with
Vitellius' victory, that h o n o u r w a s i m p u g n e d , for he allowed a n y soldier
who d e s i r e d — n o t just picked m e n — t o enrol in the cohorts at R o m e ,
8 5
thus 'convulsing the h o n o u r of the c a m p ' . A t a vital m o m e n t in the
siege o f Jerusalem the R o m a n engines w e r e saved from the flames b y the
stout resistance of an auxiliary unit from A l e x a n d r i a , 'acting m o r e
bravely than their reputation, for they surpassed m o r e distinguished
86
units in that b a t t l e ' . N a t u r a l l y , glorious success in w a r contributed to
8 7
unit h o n o u r . Just as for m e n , so battle w a s an arena for rivalry for h o n ­
88
our a m o n g u n i t s . T h e glorious deeds o f another a r m y inspired envy,
89
and a lust to e m u l a t e .
Leaders relied u p o n the pride soldiers h a d in the h o n o u r o f their units.
A s d a w n b r o k e over the terrible night battle between the Flavian a n d
Vitellian armies outside C r e m o n a , Vespasian's general A n t o n i u s P r i m u s ,
as T a c i t u s tells it, addressed his soldiers.

When Antonius could recognize and be recognized by his troops, he stirred them
up, some by shame and insults, many by praise and exhortation, all by hope and
promises. W h y had they taken up arms again? He asked the Pannonian legions:
it was on this field that they might cleanse the mark of their previous disgrace;
where they could regain their glory He said much to the soldiers of the Third
Legion, calling to mind their deeds old and new, their defeats of the Parthians
under Mark Antony's command, the Armenians under Corbulo, and recently the
Sarmatians. Then, angrily, to the praetorians, 'If you are defeated now, peasants,
what other commander, what other camp will accept you? There are your stan­
dards and arms, and death to the defeated! For disgrace you have already drained
90
to the lees!'

And w h e n the same general c a m e to attack the e n e m y c a m p outside

C r e m o n a , he distributed the gates a n d walls a m o n g the legions to assail,
'that the division o f l a b o u r m i g h t distinguish the brave from the craven,
91
and that the troops m i g h t b e set afire b y a rivalry for g l o r y ' .

8 4 8 5
Tac. Hist. 2. 21, decus. Ibid. 2. 94, 'convulsum castrorum decus'.
8 6
Jos. BJ 5. 287, irapd TTJV oyercpav vnoArjiftiv dv8piadp.€voi' Kai yap TOJV ivSo^orepojv
oirjvcyKav; cf. 3. 65; Tac. Hist. 2. 32, 4 3 , 3 . 1 .
8 7
Tac. Hist. 2. 11; Jos. B / 5 . 41, k-niat\\i.ov 81 dvSpetav.
8 8
Tac. Agric. 26. 2, 'de gloria certabant'; Hirt. BG 8.19.
8 9
Tac. Hist. 2. 4; cf. Dio 6 2 . 1 0 . 2.
9 0
Tac. Hist. 3. 24, 'alios pudore et probris, multos laude et hortatu . . . a c c e n d e n s . . . illos
esse campos, in quibus abolere labem prioris ignominiae, ubi reciperare gloriam possent
nam ignominiam consumpsistis'. Cf. 5 . 1 6 .
9 1
Ibid. 3. 27, 'contentione decoris accenderentur'. Cf. Jos. I J / 5 . 502; ILS5795.
252 The Roman Army

Just as w i t h regiments o f the British a r m y , so the pride o f units w a s

invested particularly in their standards. Battle h o n o u r s w e r e a r r a n g e d
92
u p o n their shafts like the figures o n a t o t e m - p o l e . W h e n the T w e n t y -
first L e g i o n , 'distinguished w i t h an ancient glory', lost its eagle to the p a r ­
venu First Adiutrix at B e d r i a c u m , fired b y 'shame and anger', it
93
counter-attacked w i t h great b r a v e r y a n d d r o v e b a c k its e n e m i e s . Again,
officers relied u p o n this. W h e n an a r m y t u r n e d to flight, if its general
c o u l d get the standard-bearers to turn a n d face the e n e m y , the rest o f the
9 4
soldiers, a s h a m e d b y his reproaches, m i g h t t u r n as w e l l . A panicked
standard-bearer w a s cut d o w n b y his general, w h o seized the standard
a n d c h a r g e d the foe; his cavalry, struck b y s h a m e , followed h i m , a n d the
9 5
engagement was w o n . In short, as W o l s e l e y w r o t e , 'It is this intense feel­
ing o f regimental rivalry that is the life-blood o f o u r old, historic a r m y ,
96
a n d m a k e s it w h a t it is in a c t i o n . '

H O N O U R A N D T H E P O L I T I C A L L O Y A L T Y OF S O L D I E R S

Had the Roman a r m y m e r e l y attended to its military business—

protected the b o r d e r s , t r o u n c e d b a r b a r i a n s , g u a r d e d the e m p e r o r , k e p t
the peace, assisted the g o v e r n o r s — i t w o u l d b e e n o u g h to p o i n t out the
role o f h o n o u r a n d s h a m e in military ferocity a n d discipline. B u t the role
the R o m a n a r m y played in imperial politics d r a w s attention to the q u e s ­
tion o f soldiers' political loyalty as well. B o n d s o f loyalty a n d discipline
m i g h t well cross: soldiers s u p p o r t e d different e m p e r o r s from their offi­
97
cers, a n d i m p r i s o n e d o r killed their officers a c c o r d i n g l y . It w a s n o t
e n o u g h , therefore, for e m p e r o r s , o r w o u l d - b e e m p e r o r s , to rely solely
u p o n the allegiance o f aristocratic officers, a n d their soldiers' obedience
to t h e m . S o far as the circumstances o f e m p e r o r s a n d usurpers allowed,
they w e r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h the personal loyalty o f each a n d every soldier
in the a r m y . T h a t personal loyalty c o u l d b e extreme, as the p o p u l a r O t h o
f o u n d after the defeat o f his a r m y at B e d r i a c u m . H i s soldiers b e g g e d h i m
to fight on. W h e n he chose instead to halt the ravages o f civil w a r b y sui­
cide, m a n y o f t h e m c o m m i t t e d suicide as well, 'not from fear, b u t o u t o f
9 8
c o m p e t i t i o n for h o n o u r a n d love o f the e m p e r o r ' .

9 2
Maxfield (1981), 219.
9 3
T a c . Hist. 2. 43, Vetere gloria insignis', with Plut. Otho 12. 4, VTTO alaxvvqs Kai opyrjs
€fl7T€OOVT€S'
9 4
Dio 74(75L). 6. 6, aloxvvdevres; cf. Caes. BG 4. 25.
9 5 9 6
T a c . Hist. 3 . 1 7 , pudor. Wolseley (1903), i. 3<>9-
9 7
T a c . Hist. 3 . 1 3 - 1 4 , 4. 27; Dio 78(79L). 32. 4.
9 8
T a c . Hist. 2. 49, 'neque ob m e t u m , sed aemulatione decoris et caritate principis'.
 The Roman Army 253

A first basis o f the soldiers' loyalty w a s the religious strength o f the m i l ­

itary oath: u p o n joining the a r m y , a soldier s w o r e an oath to o b e y a n d
protect the e m p e r o r . O n c e a year, o n the anniversary o f the emperor's
accession, that oath w a s renewed. D u r i n g a rebellion, a u s u r p e r likewise
administered an oath to his soldiers. M o d e r n c y n i c i s m easily discounts
the oath as a basis o f fidelity—certainly it w a s b r o k e n frequently
e n o u g h — b u t to d o so is w r o n g . " H e r o d i a n , in a speech that he puts in
the m o u t h o f P u p i e n u s , referred to this oath as the awful secret o f the
R o m a n empire, while Cassius D i o argued that T i b e r i u s w a s w o r r i e d
a b o u t the loyalty o f the G e r m a n a n d P a n n o n i a n legions, b u t n o t that o f
1 0 0
the troops in Italy, having b o u n d the latter w i t h o a t h s . T a c i t u s referred
to the city soldiery as ' i m b u e d o f old b y the oath to the Caesars, a n d led
1 0 1
to desert N e r o m o r e b y a clever manoeuvre than b y their o w n n a t u r e ' .
T h e oath w a s used into the Byzantine period, its longevity excellent p r o o f
o f a belief in its efficacy. N o r , in fact, is the strength o f a religious scruple
surprising. T h e R o m a n a r m y w a s a highly sacralized c o m m u n i t y . T h e
standards, already t o u c h e d u p o n as the focus o f unit pride, w e r e held to
1 0 2
be s a c r e d . T h e r e w a s a cult o f discipline to w h i c h dedications w e r e
1 0 3
made. M i l i t a r y units, c a m p s , clubs, buildings, even the oath itself h a d
a genius w h i c h was worshipped by soldiers. 104

N e x t there w a s the loyalty that the strong military sense o f c o m m u n i t y

inspired. E m p e r o r s w o r k e d assiduously to cultivate this allegiance. T h e y
appeared in u n i f o r m , shared the soldiers' toils w i t h them w h e n they w e n t
on c a m p a i g n (like other g o o d officers), a n d addressed their troops as
commilitonesy ' m y fellow s o l d i e r s ' . 105
' W h a t are y o u doing, m y fellow sol­
diers? I a m y o u r s a n d y o u are mine,' s o m e reported G a l b a to have cried
before his m u r d e r , grasping for w h a t w a s expected to be a strong claim to
106
fealty. T o the troops o f the late M a r c u s A u r e l i u s , C o m m o d u s said that

he loved us all equally; he used to greet me as 'fellow-soldier' rather than son

When I was a small child he entrusted me to your loyalty; and on this account I

9 9
J. B. Campbell (1984:19-32) on the oath, its religious strength, and arguing its greater
historical significance than civilian loyalty oaths.
1 0 0
Herod. 8. 7. 4 and Dio 5 7 . 3 . 2.
1 0 1
Tac. Hist. 1. 5, 'longo Caesarum sacramento imbutus'.
1 0 2 1 0 3
Helgeland (1978), 1473-8. E. Birley (1978), 1513-15.
1 0 4
Speidel (1978b), genius sacramenti, 1547-8.
1 0 5
J . B. Campbell (1984), 3 2 - 5 9 . But Augustus avoids commilitones as ambitiosius, and
thus damaging to his maiestas. Suet. Aug. 2 5 . 1 . Uniform, Alfoldi (1970 (1934-5)), 161-86, and
esp. Dio 6 0 . 1 7 . 9 ; 78(79!.). 3 . 2 , Caracalla had clothes that looked like a r m o u r for the Eastern
heat, which discouraged assassination as well.
1 0 6
Suet. Galba 2 0 . 1 ; cf. Dio 77(78L). 3 . 1 - 2 .
254 The Roman Army

trust I may easily gain your goodwill, owed me as a foster-child by the elder of
107
you, by my contemporaries as your schoolfellows in a r m s .

Soldiers h a d special loyalty to cadets o f the imperial family w h o h a d been

b r o u g h t u p in the c a m p s , a n d to m e n w h o h a d been their o w n , success­
108
ful, o f f i c e r s . If there w a s fighting to b e d o n e , as so often in the third
century, they w a n t e d a g o o d soldier as e m p e r o r , thus their choice o f
M a x i m i n u s , 'a b r a v e a n d austere fellow soldier, a m a n w h o lived his life
a m o n g w e a p o n s a n d warlike deeds', to replace the timid a n d c o w a r d l y
1 0 9
Severus A l e x a n d e r . B u t w h e n he failed in w a r , he w a s discarded in his
1 1 0
turn.
Soldiers also felt a strong dynastic loyalty, w h i c h m i g h t b e appealed to
in t i m e of crisis. T a c i t u s has G e r m a n i c u s allude to Julius C a e s a r a n d
A u g u s t u s in a speech to m u t i n o u s soldiers. 'I a m not yet like t h e m / he
says, 'but I rise from their line.' After G e r m a n i c u s ' death, Piso ( m u c h sus­
pected) is advised that he c a n expect little loyalty from the troops, in the
1 1 1
face o f 'their deep-seated love o f the C a e s a r s ' . T h a t love w a s e n o u g h
1 1 2
to elevate C l a u d i u s to the p u r p l e at the praetorians' h a n d s . Perhaps the
m o s t striking illustration o f this dynastic sentiment w a s e m p e r o r s ' i n v e n ­
tion o f b l o o d relationships to previous e m p e r o r s w h o h a d been p o p u l a r
w i t h the a r m y . S e p t i m i u s Severus s o l e m n l y p r o c l a i m e d himself the son o f
M a r c u s A u r e l i u s ; Elagabalus w a s claimed to b e the son o f Caracalla, in
113
order to appeal to the s o l d i e r s . T h e s e t w o stood at the beginning o f a
long tradition.
1 1 4
Finally, o f course, there w a s p a y to keep the soldiers l o y a l . Tacitus,
in his brief description o f the ingredients o f the A u g u s t a n peace, pointed
1 1 5
to material benefits as essential to control o f the a r m y . C e r t a i n l y sol­
1 1 6
diers w e r e greedy, a n d that greed c o u l d b e converted into o b e d i e n c e .
One s i m p l y p r o m i s e d t h e m m o n e y if they did w h a t one w a n t e d : O t h o ,
for e x a m p l e , p r o m i s e d s o m e praetorians fifty t h o u s a n d sesterces apiece
1 1 7
for their help against G a l b a . H e r o d i a n describes h o w soldiers b a c k i n g

1 0 7
Herod, l. 5 . 3 - 4 -
1 0 8
Cadets, cf. Herod. 6. 9 . 3 ; Suet. Gaius 9. Officers, T a c . Hist 3 . 4 4 ; Herod. 2. 9. 9.
1 0 9
Herod. 6.9. 5; cf. 6.8. 4; in contrast to Alexander, Herod. 6. 6-8.
1 1 0
Herod. 8. 5. 2 - 3 , 8-9.
1 1 1
Tac. Ann. 1 . 4 2 and 2 . 7 6 . Cf. Hist 3 . 3 8 ; A m m . Marc. 26. 7 . 1 0 , 1 6 .
1 1 2
Dio 6 0 . 1 . 3 and Jos. AJ19. 2 1 7 - 2 3 .
1 , 3
Severus, A. Birley (1972), 184; Elagabalus, Herod. 5. 3 . 1 0 , 5. 4. 2 - 3 ; HA Macr. 9. 4; cf.
3. 9 (with much nonsense).
1 1 4 1 1 5
J . B. Campbell (1984), 157-98. Tac. Ann. 1. 2.
1 1 6
Greed, a topos, T a c . Ann. 1 . 1 6 ; Herod. 2. 6 . 1 4 . 5 - 8. 3; HA Carac. 2. 8.
1 1 7
Suet. Otho 5. 2; cf. Plut. Galba 2 4 . 1 .
 The Roman Army 255

Elagabalus w a v e d their p u r s e s — b u l g i n g with Julia Maesa's m o n e y — a t

the ramparts o f a c a m p loyal to M a c r i n u s , to demonstrate the advantages
118
of d e f e c t i o n . Suetonius thought that he k n e w the first time an e m p e r o r
had stooped to such tactics: w h e n C l a u d i u s w a s raised to the purple b y
119
the praetorians, he p r o m i s e d t h e m each fifteen t h o u s a n d s e s t e r c e s .
Legionaries' yearly p a y w a s modest, b u t they received an e n o r m o u s
b o n u s — b y the end o f A u g u s t u s ' reign w o r t h thirteen years' s a l a r y —
120
upon retirement. Politically, this w a s wise, because this b o n u s w a s
hostage to soldiers' continued g o o d c o n d u c t a n d loyalty. D u r i n g the
m u t i n y of AD 14, T a c i t u s has a centurion point this out to the rebellious
troops. 'Will Percennius a n d V i b u l e n u s give their wages to the soldiers,
and give lands to those w h o have retired?' he asked, n a m i n g t w o influen­
121
tial soldiers a m o n g the m u t i n e e r s .
Discipline, religion, personal a n d dynastic loyalty, a n d greed are m o r e
than a m p l e to explain soldiers' allegiance. B u t there is m o r e to their
loyalty as well: a m a r t y r act offers a series o f glimpses into less familiar
territory. Dasius, the soldier, w a s a Christian. In the a c c o u n t o f his m a r ­
t y r d o m his c o m m a n d e r strives to persuade h i m to sacrifice: 'Venerate the
images of o u r lords the e m p e r o r s , w h o give us peace, o u r supplies, a n d
each d a y lay plans for o u r every advantage.' T o this the soldier replies, 'I
h a v e the gift o f the H e a v e n l y emperor; it is b y his favour that I a m s u p ­
122
ported; I a m wealthy from his ineffable g e n e r o s i t y . ' The commander
adduces reciprocal obligations. Since the soldier receives so m u c h from
the e m p e r o r s , he m u s t h o n o u r t h e m in return. Dasius neatly parries b y
a d d u c i n g his reciprocal obligations to G o d . E v e n b y the standards o f
m a r t y r acts this one is b a d testimony, b u t the existence o f a strong sense
o f reciprocal obligation within the a r m y , a n d between soldiers a n d the
e m p e r o r in particular, is easily paralleled.
D e b t s o f favours extended horizontally a m o n g a p p r o x i m a t e equals in
rank, a p h e n o m e n o n observable w h e n one centurion writes to another to
get a tenant o u t of a b o t h e r s o m e civic b u r d e n , a n d acknowledges the
f a v o u r - d e b t he thereby o w e s for the service; o r w h e n a soldier w h o s e life
was saved in battle confers the civic c r o w n u p o n his saviour, revering
h i m as a parent for the rest of his days for h a v i n g p e r f o r m e d a parent's

1 1 8
Herod. 5 . 4 . 2 - 3 with 5 . 3 . 1 1 . Cf. p. 256 below for Cassius Dio's (different) a c c o u n t o f
this incident.
1 , 9 1 2 0
Suet. Claud. 10. 4. J. B. Campbell (1984), 1 6 1 - 2 .
1 2 1
Tac. Ann. 1. 28. Such punishments, Suet. Aug. 24. 2; Herod. 2 . 1 3 with Dio 74(751.). 1.
1 - 2 ; in the law, J. B. Campbell (1984), 3 1 0 - 1 1 .
lTl
1 2 2
Musurillo (1972), 21. 7, x<*P SICUTCO/ACU.
256 The Roman Army

123
benefaction—giving l i f e . Debts o f favours also extended vertically o v e r
the h u g e social gulfs that separated c o m m a n d e r s from soldiers. A veteran
o f A u g u s t u s ' , the story goes, called u p o n the e m p e r o r to represent h i m in
court. Pleading business, the e m p e r o r sent a friend in his place, to w h i c h
the old soldier replied, ' W h e n e v e r y o u needed help, I didn't send s o m e ­
one else in m y place, b u t personally faced dangers everywhere for y o u . '
T h i s b r o u g h t the e m p e r o r clattering to the soldier's defence—he w a s
124
obligated. Inscriptions p u t u p b y soldiers expressed their indebtedness
to the officer o r g o v e r n o r w h o p r o m o t e d t h e m or granted t h e m s o m e
other b o o n , a n d relations o f patronage within the a r m y w e r e openly
1 2 5
boasted a b o u t .
T h e significance o f this is that the historians often g r o u n d soldiers'
political l o y a l t y — b o t h to e m p e r o r s a n d u s u r p e r s — i n their sense o f grat­
itude. ' W h y d o y o u d o this, fellow soldiers? W h y d o y o u fight against
y o u r benefactor's son?' cried military partisans, displaying Elagabalus,
Caracalla's alleged son, to soldiers o n the other side during an early third-
126
century civil w a r — a n d successfully too, for the opposition d i s s o l v e d .
H o w convenient for M a c r i n u s , planning the m u r d e r o f Caracalla, that he
had laid a h u m b l y b o r n b u t stout centurion u n d e r an obligation to h i m .
1 2 7
The centurion wielded the k n i f e . Gratitude was b o u n d up with
soldiers' financial e m o l u m e n t s as well. H e r o d i a n reports that D i d i u s
Julianus, hearing o f the a p p r o a c h o f Severus' a r m y , m a d e a distribution
o f m o n e y to his soldiers; b u t since he h a d earlier p r o m i s e d m o n e y that he
had n o t paid, 'they took the large s u m , b u t felt n o feeling o f obligation.
128
T h e y t h o u g h t he w a s p a y i n g a debt, rather than giving a p r e s e n t . '
D i d i u s f o u n d himself o n the w r o n g side o f reciprocity, his donative o f n o
use. B u t his p u r p o s e , in Herodian's eyes, reveals part o f the p u r p o s e o f
donatives—the s u m s o f m o n e y given to the troops o n imperial acces­
1 2 9
sions, adoptions, their anniversaries, imperial birthdays, a n d the l i k e .
1 2 3
Centurions, P.Oxy. 1424; cf. Bowman and Thomas (1983), no. 22. Corona civica>
Maxfield (1981:70-4), still awarded in the traditional manner in the 1st cent, AD; and see esp.
Cic. Plane. 72 for the obligation. Cf. Caes. B C i . 74.
1 2 4
Dio 5 5 . 4 . 2. Cf. Tac. Ann. 1. 2 8 , 2 . 1 3 ; Hist. 2.37; Jos. B / 7 . 6; Dio 77(78L). 13. 6.
1 2 5
AE 1917-18. 7 4 - 5 ; 76, 'patrono inconparabili promotus ab eo'; ILS 2609, 'gratias
agimus omnes commilitones'; EJ 270. Cf. p. 159 above for the obligation promotion
imposes. Significant also is the military posting o f beneficiarius, 'he who has received a
beneficium\ see Breeze (1974).
1 2 6
Dio 78(791.). 3 2 . 3 (but Herodian's version is different, above, n. 118). Cf. Caes. B C 3 .
90; Tac. Ann. 1 . 4 2 ; Suet. Galba 2 0 . 1 .
1 2 7
Herod. 4 . 1 3 . 2 - 5 . Cf. Suet. Otho 4. 2.
1 2 8 lv €aav c ut
Herod. 2 . 1 1 . 8, x<*P fl^ > f P ^ - Galba 8 . 1 .
1 2 9
Donatives and their occasions, J. B. Campbell (1984), 186-98; late empire, Bastien
(1988).
 The Roman Army 257

T h e y w e r e n o t o n l y b r i b e s — a l t h o u g h Julianus h a d recently b o u g h t the

e m p i r e at a u c t i o n — o r rewards; they w e r e also intended to inspire grati­
tude. C o n s t a n t i u s chose for a m i s s i o n o f the greatest possible sensitiv­
i t y — t h e arrest o f the C a e s a r Gallus, w h o w a s t h o u g h t to b e o n the v e r g e
o f rebellion—soldiers 'obligated to h i m b y his favours to t h e m . . . a n d
w h o he w a s certain c o u l d n o t b e t u r n e d aside b y bribes o r a n y feeling o f
1 3 0
pity'. O l d r e w a r d s , in other w o r d s , w e r e expected to be a solid defence
against n e w rewards: soldiers w o u l d feel u n d e r an obligation, a n d thus
obey, just as aristocrats did. It w a s n o t just a question o f a c q u i r i n g as
m u c h m o n e y as possible; it w a s a matter o f h o n o u r .
T h e appeal to Dasius' reciprocal obligations h a v i n g failed, his c o m ­
m a n d e r c h a n g e d tack. 'Supplicate, O Dasius, the sacred images o f o u r
emperors: even the b a r b a r i a n tribes revere a n d are subject to them.' 'I
attend to n o o n e b u t the undefiled a n d eternal G o d . ' ' Y o u forget, Dasius,
that every m a n is subject to the e m p e r o r ' s decree a n d the imperial laws.'
A n d the future saint replies, ' D o y o u w h a t e v e r is enjoined u p o n y o u b y
1 3 1
the i m p i o u s a n d defiled e m p e r o r s . ' T h u s the conventional d o u b l e d u t y
to the e m p e r o r , to obey a n d to revere, arises a n d is dismissed. T h e double
d u t y appears elsewhere in a military context as well, a n d n o t o n l y t o w a r d s
e m p e r o r s . ' T h e generals h a d n o prestige, the soldiers n o respect; there
was neither c o m m a n d n o r obedience'—thus Pliny the Y o u n g e r o n the
1 3 2
d e c a y e d state o f military discipline u n d e r D o m i t i a n . Just as in a civil­
ian context, the sense o f s h a m e enforced this respect. ' S h a m e before a n d
reverence for their c o m m a n d e r stayed them,' w r o t e T a c i t u s o f a small
force u n d e r Vitellius' general F a b i u s V a l e n s , 'but these chains d o not last
133
long a m o n g m e n terrified o f danger a n d mindless o f d i s g r a c e . '
H e r o d i a n at least t h o u g h t that this reverence h a d political significance.
In the speech he has S e p t i m i u s S e v e r u s give to his soldiers o n the o c c a ­
sion o f his revolt, reverence keeps c o m p a n y w i t h the military oath as a
part o f loyalty. ' Y o u r faithfulness, and y o u r worshipful disposition
t o w a r d s the g o d s to w h o m y o u s w o r e , a n d y o u r h o n o u r for the e m p e r ­
1 3 4
ors, w h o m y o u revere, y o u have already s h o w n . ' T a c i t u s m i g h t well
1 3 0
Quoted, A m m . Marc. 1 4 . 1 1 . 1 9 , ' m i l i t e s . . . quos beneficiis suis oppigneratos elegerat
imperator'. Cf. Cic. ad Fam. 10. 24. 2.
1 3 1
Musurillo (1972), 21. 8—9, Kai avrd rd ($dpj$apa edvrj oeftovrai Kai SovXcvovaiv.
1 3 2
Pliny, Ep. 8. 14. 7, 'ducibus auctoritas nulla, nulla militibus verecundia, nusquam
imperium nusquam obsequium'. Cf. Herod. 3 . 8 . 5 and 8 . 7 . 5 for the pairing o f evragia, 'dis­
cipline', and aiScu?, 'reverence'; also Jos. B J 6 . 263.
1 3 3
T a c . Hist. 3. 4 1 , 'pudor . . . et praesentis ducis reverentia morabatur, haud diuturna
vincla apud pavidos periculorum et dedecoris securos'.
1 3 4
Herod. 2. 10. 2, T O TTIOTOV vfxcov Kai 7 T / 3 0 ? T € Ocovs oe^dafxiov, ovs 6p,vvT€, irpos T€
jSaatAeas rifiiov, ovs aloeiode, SeSr/Aco/care.
258 The Roman Army

have agreed w i t h H e r o d i a n . In a celebrated passage, he imagines the dif­

ference o f o p i n i o n that existed in R o m e over h o w to deal w i t h the great
legionary mutinies o f AD 14. T i b e r i u s h a d sent G e r m a n i c u s a n d D r u s u s to
deal w i t h the situation. Critics c o m p l a i n e d that

the soldiers could not be put down by the not yet full-grown auctoritas of two
youths. Tiberius should have gone himself and applied the imperial maiestas.
They would have yielded when they saw an emperor, great in experience, and
master of punishments and rewards. . . . [But Tiberius considered that] the
German army was stronger, the Pannonian closer, the one supported by the
resources of the Gauls, the other threatening Italy. Which first, then? A n d sup­
pose those postponed took fire at the insult? But through his sons he could
approach both at once, while keeping his maiestas safe, reverence for which was
always greater at a distance Those resisting Germanicus or Drusus he could
mollify or break himself, but what other recourse would there be if the emperor
135
was scorned?

How exactly T a c i t u s expected the imperial maiestas to w o r k , b e y o n d

rewards a n d p u n i s h m e n t s , is not clear. B u t evidently soldiers' reverence
for it, greater at a distance a n d h o w e v e r fragile, plays a role in their loy­
alty.
Finally Dasius' c o m m a n d e r played his t r u m p . ' Y o u have s o m e time, if
y o u w o u l d like to consider h o w y o u m i g h t b e able to live a m o n g u s — w i t h
distinction.' 'I spit o n a n d detest those e m p e r o r s o f y o u r s a n d their h o n ­
1 3 6
ours.' T h e legate extends the lure o f h o n o u r , it is refused, a n d D a s i u s
goes to his m a r t y r d o m , glorious in Christian eyes. A g a i n , parallels are
n u m e r o u s . Soldiers w e r e n o t only c o n c e r n e d a b o u t each other's g o o d
opinion, they w e r e devoted to earning that o f their superiors, a n d espe­
cially that o f the e m p e r o r . T h e hero o f the Batavian shore, w h o s e epitaph
was offered a b o v e , w a n t e d eternity to k n o w a n d a d m i r e the fact that h e
s w a m the D a n u b e u n d e r H a d r i a n ' s eye; the m i g h t y c a v a l r y m a n before
Jerusalem did n o t dangle his captive before his c o m r a d e s , b u t before
T i t u s , his general, w h o praised h i m . A n engineer o f the T h i r d L e g i o n set
d o w n in stone for posterity the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f his superiors a b o u t his

1 3 5
T a c . Ann. 1. 4 6 - 7 , 'dissideat interim miles neque d u o r u m adulescentium n o n d u m
adulta auctoritate comprimi queat. ire ipsum et opponere maiestatem imperatoriam
debuisse cessuris ubi principem longa experientia eundemque severitatis et munificentiae
s u m m u m vidissent ac ne postpositi contumelia incenderentur. at per filios pariter adiri
maiestate salva, cui maior e longinquo reverentia resistentisque Germanico aut Druso
posse a se mitigari vel infringi: quod aliud subsidium si imperatorem sprevissent?' Cf. 1 . 4 2 ;
Hist. 1 . 1 9 ; and for holding imperial auctoritas in reserve, Hist. 1. 29.
1 3 6
Musurillo (1972), 2 1 . 1 0 , OTTLOS SvvrjdcirjS £,r}v ixeff yixtov ev 86^7}. . . . rcov fiaoiActov
aov Kal T-fjs 86%-qs avrcov KaraiTTVco Kal fiSeXvooofMai.
 The Roman Army 259
1 3 7
excellent w o r k . O n 1 J u l y AD 128, H a d r i a n w a t c h e d manoeuvres o f that
s a m e legion in its c a m p at L a m b a e s i s in N o r t h Africa. T h e r e , u n d e r the
blazing sun, he addressed to each unit o f the legion a n d their attached
auxiliaries a c o m m e n t a r y o n h o w they h a d done:

To the cavalry of the Sixth Cohort of Commagenians: it is difficult for the

cohorts' cavalry to give satisfaction by themselves; it is even more difficult for
them not to give dissatisfaction after the manoeuvres of the auxiliary cavalry: they
[the auxiliaries] cover more ground, have more javelin-throwers, they wheel to
the right in close array, they perform the Cantabrian manoeuvre in tight forma­
tion . . . None the less, you made us feel less oppressed by the heat by doing what
138
needed to be done energetically.

T h i s speech survives because this passage a n d others (rather m o r e effu­

sive) a b o u t the p e r f o r m a n c e o f units a n d their officers, along w i t h further
remarks later in the m o n t h a b o u t other units, w e r e p r o u d l y inscribed o n
a c o l u m n - b a s e at the legionary c a m p . S u c h c o m m e n t a r y w a s referred to
b y C a s s i u s D i o in his narrative as 'honouring' the soldiers, a n d it is clear
that the soldiers a n d their officers w a n t e d everyone to k n o w that they h a d
1 3 9
been thus h o n o u r e d . A s W o l s e l e y w r o t e o f o n e o f the m e n w h o c o m ­
m a n d e d h i m w h e n he w a s a y o u n g officer, 'I w a s pleased b e y o n d m e a s u r e
w i t h the kind expressions he used t o w a r d s m e — w h a t children w e all are,
a n d h o w easily tickled b y a great m a n ' s praise! W h a t a lever it is for h i m
140
to w o r k with w h o k n o w s h o w to use it d e f t l y ! '
In battle, soldiers fought better u n d e r the eyes o f their generals a n d
1 4 1
emperors. A t a crucial j u n c t u r e in the siege o f Jerusalem, T i t u s ' staff
forbade h i m to descend from his vantage p o i n t a n d join the fighting: it
was t o o i m p o r t a n t to the m o r a l e o f the m e n that he b e seen w a t c h i n g
1 4 2
t h e m , that he serve as agonothete, president o f the g a m e s . T h e gen­
eral's eye inspired the troops with philotimia, competition for h o n o u r . 1 4 3

T h e general's eye also inspired h o p e o f decorations for bravery, financial

rewards, a n d p r o m o t i o n . After a battle, the general p a r a d e d his a r m y , a n d
1 4 4
these w e r e a w a r d e d . T h u s it w a s a wise innovation of one of
D o m i t i a n ' s generals to h a v e the n a m e s o f soldiers a n d their centurions
written o n their shields, so that the identities o f those fighting well o r ill
c o u l d be k n o w n ; a m u c h safer m e t h o d than that o f C o n s t a n t i u s ' soldiers

1 3 7 1 3 8
ILS 5795. Cf. Caes. BG 1 . 4 0 - 1 ; Pliny, Paneg. 15. 5. Small. Nerva 328.
1 3 9
Dio 69. 9 . 3 , eri/Lia, with HA Hadr. 10. 2. Cf. Suet. Galba 6 . 3 .
1 4 0 1 4 1
Wolseley (1903), i. 308. MacMullen (1984b), 451.
1 4 2 1 4 3
Jos. BJ 6 . 1 3 2 - 5 , 1 4 2 , 1 4 6 . Plut. Otho 1 0 . 1 ; cf. Jos. B / 5 . 3 1 0 - 1 1 .
1 4 4
Jos. BJ7. 5 - 1 5 with Maxfield (1981), 116.
260 The Roman Army

later, w h o fought w i t h o u t their helmets so that their faces c o u l d b e

1 4 5
seen.
It is striking h o w soldiers' c o n c e r n for the praise o f their superiors
shines t h r o u g h all military a w a r d s . Soldiers' gravestones regularly n a m e
the e m p e r o r w h o gave a decoration. T h u s , for e x a m p l e , the gravestone o f
M . Blossius P u d e n s , centurion o f the Fifth L e g i o n , notes that he w a s 'dec­
1 4 6
orated w i t h military decorations b y the e m p e r o r V e s p a s i a n A u g u s t u s ' .
T h e R o m a n military decorations o f the e m p i r e w e r e not m e r e l y i m p e r ­
sonal testimonies to bravery, a claim to the esteem o f one's c o m r a d e s ;
rather, they signalled also that the e m p e r o r h a d himself h o n o u r e d the
1 4 7
hero. W h e n it is recorded o f another soldier that he w a s ' h o n o u r e d b y
the d i v i n e . . . A n t o n i n u s w i t h seventy-five t h o u s a n d sesterces a n d a grade
o f p r o m o t i o n o n a c c o u n t o f the a r d o u r o f his c o u r a g e against the ene­
mies', it seems that p r o m o t i o n a n d cash grants c o u l d be v i e w e d in the
1 4 8
same personal, honorific l i g h t . Indeed, the e m p e r o r w h o granted a sol­
dier his p r o m o t i o n is s o m e t i m e s m e n t i o n e d o n the soldier's t o m b s t o n e
1 4 9
just as w a s the e m p e r o r conferring a d e c o r a t i o n . A n d if a soldier w a s
chosen b y a high official to assist h i m , his gravestone m i g h t p r o u d l y n a m e
the officer in question. L u c c i u s S a b i n u s , w h o m w e m e t a b o v e , especially
w a n t e d the reader o f his gravestone to learn that V a l e r i u s Asiaticus, twice
consul in the early second century, chose, o u t o f all the soldiers in the
150
U r b a n C o h o r t s , Luccius as his beneficiarius. Similarly, the 'honourable'
aspect o f an h o n o u r a b l e discharge c o m e s to life w h e n w e consider that
the e m p e r o r w h o discharged the soldier w a s s o m e t i m e s n a m e d , a n d that
a soldier c o u l d b e celebrated as a 'veteran h o n o u r e d w i t h retirement
151
benefits'. T h e civilian aristocracy's fastidiousness at being seen to serve
for p a y c o m e s at o n c e to m i n d as an explanation for such phrases, b u t it
was h a r d l y decisive. T h i s w a s a paid, professional a r m y . T h e r e w a s n o
s h a m e in obedience, n o s h a m e in taking m o n e y .
O v e r s o m e h o n o u r s to soldiers the e m p e r o r s exercised that jealous
m o n o p o l y w h i c h signals that they w e r e protecting s o m e t h i n g they
d e e m e d an i m p o r t a n t part o f their p o w e r . W h e n J u n i u s Gallio p r o p o s e d
1 4 5
Names, Dio 6 7 . 1 0 . 1 ; cf. Veg. Mil. 2.18. Without helmets, A m m . Marc. 2 0 . 1 1 . 1 2 .
1 4 6
ILS 2641.
1 4 7
T h e usual Latin formula donatus donis is translated into Greek with forms o f rifidco:
IGR i. 824, iii. 230,551; and in Latin honoratus {ILS 2696) is sometimes seen. F o r the personal
quality o f decorations, cf. J. B. Campbell (1984), 200.
1 4 8
ILS 7178, honoratus. Cf. Dio 5 8 . 1 8 . 2 ; Zos. 4 . 4 0 . 2.
1 4 9
Honorific quality o f promotions, AE 1970.583 = Speidel (1970); ILS 2 0 8 0 , 2 2 1 3 , 2 6 6 6 .
1 5 0
Above, n. 54. Cf. ILS 2 1 1 8 , 2 4 0 4 , 9 0 8 9 .
1 5 1
Honesta missio, emperor named, e.g. ILS 2 1 8 0 - 1 , 2 3 1 3 . Veteranus commodis honoratus,
A E 1 9 1 0 . 1 5 5 , with Speidel (1983b).
 The Roman Army 261

that the veterans of the praetorian g u a r d b e permitted to sit a m o n g the

equites at the theatre, he w a s savagely rebuked b y T i b e r i u s , a n d conse­
1 5 2
quently ejected f r o m the senate, exiled, a n d i m p r i s o n e d . U n d e r the
e m p i r e the e m p e r o r a n d his relations c a m e to m o n o p o l i z e the giving o f
military decorations, w h i c h w e r e m o s t generously a w a r d e d in c a m p a i g n s
153
in w h i c h the e m p e r o r himself p a r t i c i p a t e d . T h e y created a personal
b o n d , as between T i b e r i u s a n d his veterans: 'Is that y o u w e see, impera-
torV 'I served w i t h y o u in A r m e n i a , imperator? 'I in Raetia.' 'I w a s d e c o ­
1 5 4
rated b y y o u in Vindelicia.' 'I in P a n n o n i a . ' 'I in G e r m a n y . ' It w a s
w h o l l y appropriate to cast decorations o n t o the funeral p y r e o f the
1 5 5
e m p e r o r w h o granted t h e m , an h o n o u r in r e t u r n . T h e b o n d h a d polit­
ical significance; it c o u l d n o t be allowed to develop between the soldiers
a n d a n y o n e else.
T h i s imperial anxiety leads us to l o o k for occasions w h e n the confer­
m e n t o f h o n o u r o n soldiers played its role in politics. It is striking that
w h e n O t h o w a s rushed to the praetorian c a m p d u r i n g G a l b a ' s last h o u r s
he 'stretched o u t a h a n d in affection to the c o m m o n soldier, t h r e w kisses,
a n d [in T a c i t u s ' o p i n i o n ] acted the slave in every respect to b e c o m e the
master'. Kisses, o f course, are an h o n o u r : this is h o w O t h o spent those
crucial m o m e n t s — n o t , for e x a m p l e , h a n d i n g o u t the million sesterces
1 5 6
w i t h w h i c h he h a d e q u i p p e d himself a few d a y s b e f o r e . A n d if O t h o ' s
c o n d u c t is kept in m i n d , then that o f the h i g h - b o r n f o u r t h - c e n t u r y
u s u r p e r P r o c o p i u s , a relation o f the late e m p e r o r Julian's, makes sense as
well. F a c e d w i t h s o m e units o f his rival V a l e n s ' a r m y , he a p p r o a c h e d the
enemy's bristling spears alone a n d picked o u t a soldier he recognized (or
pretended t o ) , o n e Vitalianus. H e greeted h i m in a friendly w a y , t o o k h i m
b y the h a n d , a n d kissed h i m . B o t h armies w e r e stunned. T h e n a few
observations o n the loyalty oath a n d a c o m p a r i s o n o f V a l e n s ' base
antecedents w i t h his o w n quickly b r o u g h t V a l e n s ' force over to his
1 5 7
side. P e r h a p s P r o c o p i u s t o o k a leaf o u t o f Julian's b o o k . When
C o n s t a n t i u s sent for s o m e o f his W e s t e r n t r o o p s for an Eastern w a r ,
Julian m e t the unwilling soldiers outside P a r i s — a n h o n o u r — p r a i s e d
those he k n e w , and, 'in o r d e r to treat w i t h greater h o n o u r those a b o u t to

1 5 2
Tac. Ann. 6 . 3 ; Dio 5 8 . 1 8 . 3 - 4 . Cf. HA Hadr. 23. 8.
1 5 3
Maxfield (1981), 1 1 3 , 1 1 6 - 1 7 (with exceptions); J . B. Campbell (1984), 199-202. Suet.
Aug. 2 5 . 3 notes that Augustus granted them 'sine ambitione ac saepe etiam caligatis\ imply­
ing that political advantage often played a role in their granting to officers.
1 5 4 1 5 5
Vel. Pat. 2 . 1 0 4 . 4 . Dio 5 6 . 4 2 . 2.
1 5 6
Tac. Hist. 1 . 3 6 , 'nec deerat Otho protendens manus adorare vulgum, iacere oscula et
omnia serviliter pro dominatione'. Cf. Suet. Vit. 7 . 3 . HS 1,000,000, Suet. Otho 5. 2.
1 5 7
A m m . Marc. 2 6 . 7 . 1 5 - 1 7 .
262 The Roman Army

g o far a w a y ' , h a d their officers to dinner. Before d a w n Julian a w o k e to the

cries o f the soldiers acclaiming h i m e m p e r o r — t o his a m a z e m e n t a n d
1 5 8
alarm, at least a c c o r d i n g to the official v e r s i o n . In an earlier d a y even
addressing soldiers b y n a m e — p a r t o f the textbook condescension o f the
'good officer' a r c h e t y p e — c o u l d take o n a d a r k political significance, as a
159
sinister p l a y for a l l e g i a n c e . It w a s best, in troubled times, to a n n o u n c e
the a d o p t i o n o f an imperial heir to the praetorian g u a r d rather than the
1 6 0
senate, for the h o n o u r m i g h t c o n f i r m their l o y a l t y . O n e builds u p a
1 6 1
faction a m o n g soldiers, in short, 'with gifts a n d all kinds o f h o n o u r s ' .
E m p e r o r s also built loyalty a n d e n c o u r a g e d excellence b y h o n o u r i n g
soldiers as units. T h e Fourteenth L e g i o n 'had particular fame, from h a v ­
ing suppressed the rebellion o f Britain; a n d N e r o a d d e d to its prestige b y
singling its m e n o u t as his best.' T h u s it w a s especially loyal to N e r o , a n d
1 6 2
that loyalty w a s inherited b y O t h o . Just as e m p e r o r s profited cheaply
from the rivalries o f cities b y granting a n d confiscating civic titles, so the
e m p e r o r granted p a r t o f his o w n n a m e to units that h a d d o n e well, in the
s a m e w a y as a British regiment m i g h t b e invited to a d d ' T h e K i n g ' s O w n '
1 6 3
to its n a m e . In the first a n d s e c o n d centuries such grants w e r e m a d e to
legions especially for political loyalty; that is, for loyalty in contests
against usurpers rather than barbarians. T h u s , after the suppression o f
the rebellion o f C a m i l l u s S c r i b o n i a n u s , C l a u d i u s n a m e d the Seventh a n d
Eleventh legions Claudia Pia Fidelis ( ' C l a u d i a n , loyal a n d t r u e ' ) . 1 6 4

Legions a n d auxiliary formations in L o w e r G e r m a n y w h i c h d i d n o t j o i n

those in U p p e r G e r m a n y in S a t u r n i n u s ' revolt, b u t r e m a i n e d loyal to
165
Domitian, became Pia Fidelis Domitiana.
Besides imperial n a m e s , units c o u l d b e granted decorations just like
soldiers. T h u s the heroic Ala Siliana, a cavalry unit, bis torquata bis armil-
1 5 8
A m m . Marc. 2 0 . 4 . 1 2 - 1 4 , 'utque h o n o r a t i u s . . . tractaret\ A conspiracy seems highly
likely, Bowersock (1978), 4 6 - 5 4 ; but see also Matthews (1989), 9 8 - 9 . Cf. Zos. 2 . 4 7 . 2 for din­
ing officers; and for the custom of honorific reception o f military units, 5 . 7 . 5 .
1 5 9
Archetype, Pliny, Paneg. 1 5 . 5 ; HA Sev. Alex. 21.7. As politics, Tac. Ann. 4. 2; Hist. 1 . 2 3 .
1 6 0
Tac. Hist. 1 . 1 7 , 'honorificum id militibus fore*.
1 6 1
Herod. 6. 8. 3, TravroSanais r i / x a i ? tpK€ubaaTO.
1 6 2
Tac. Hist. 2 . 1 1 , 'et praecipui fama quartadecumani, rebellione Britanniae compressa.
addiderat gloriam Nero eligendo ut potissimos, unde longa illis erga Neronem fides et
erecta in O t h o n e m studia'. Cf. Ann. 1. 25.
1 6 3
Maxfield (1981), 2 3 3 - 4 ; J- B. Campbell (1984X 9 0 - 3 ; cf. esp. 'Ala Aug(usta) o[b] vir-
tut(em) appel(lata)\ RIB 893. But sometimes such names signify n o m o r e than when the
unit was raised, Holder (1980), 1 4 - 1 8 .
1 6 4
Dio 55. 2 3 . 4 , 6 0 . 1 5 . 4.
1 6 5
Saturninus, Ritterling (1893); Holder (1980), 3 7 - 8 . Also, for speculations about cog­
nomina given for Batavian revolt, Holder (1980), 1 7 , 3 3 , 3 6 , 3 9 , 4 5 ; for a revolt between AD 185
and 187, Fitz (1983), 31; J. B. Campbell (1984), 90.
 The Roman Army 263

lata, w a s decorated w i t h torques a n d a r m - r i n g s t w i c e . 1 6 6

U n i t s c o u l d also
b e given tides other than imperial names: 'strong', 'lucky', ' M a r s ' ' , 'vic­
tor', 'immovable', 'unconquered', a n d 'swift', recapitulating m a n y o f the
qualities h o n o u r a b l e in the military context, all granted, n o d o u b t , for
1 6 7
h e r o i s m in w a r . B u t other tides w e r e granted for political loyalty: 'loyal
a n d true', seen above, w a s widespread, also granted (for e x a m p l e ) b y
Septimius Severus for s u p p o r t against C l o d i u s A l b i n u s ; o r 'sure a n d
steadfast', granted for s u p p o r t i n g M a r c u s A u r e l i u s against A v i d i u s
1 6 8
Cassius; o r 'loyal avenger', granted b y Severus against N i g e r .
B y the early third century, in a process parallel to the inflation o f city
titles, the granting o f imperial n a m e s to military units h a d r u n out o f c o n ­
trol. After a few years o f an emperor's reign, the great m a j o r i t y o f units
possessed them. Severus A l e x a n d e r elaborated the system b y granting
t w o different imperial epithets to units: a formation m i g h t b e Severiana,
or Alexandriana, o r b o t h . 1 6 9
Imperial n a m e s w e r e b e c o m i n g so c o m m o n
they w e r e n o longer a distinction. S o it is h a r d l y surprising that the a r m y
o f the fourth century h a d an explicit system o f precedence for military
units, just as it h a d o n e for dignitaries: it shares the Notitia Dignitatum.
The Western Notitia helpfully lists units o f the field a r m y u n d e r their
regional c o m m a n d e r s . A s a consequence it is k n o w n that, in the Italian
a r m y , the F e r o c i o u s M o o r i s h H o r s e o u t r a n k e d the Steadfast J u n i o r
Valentinian H o r s e , b u t w e r e o u t r a n k e d b y the A l a n C o m p a n i o n s . B u t
w h a t if the F e r o c i o u s should be transferred to Gaul? T h e n , another table
informs us, a m o n g the cavalry they will o u t r a n k the L u c k y C o n s t a n t i n i a n
1 7 0
H o r s e , b u t b e outranked b y the Senior H o n o r i a n H o r s e . N o doubt

1 6 6
Ala Siliana, AE 1930. 92. F o r these decorations, Holder (1980), 3 5 - 7 ; Maxfield (1981),
2 1 8 - 2 6 . One-time block grants o f citizenship were also given as a reward t o auxiliary units,
signified by the addition o f C(ivium) R(omanorum) to the unit's titles, Holder (1980), 3 0 - 5 ;
Maxfield (1981), 2 2 7 - 3 2 ; and the title might last a long time, although the citizenship was
only conferred o n members o f the unit at granting.
1 6 7
Fortisy ILS iii, p. 449; felix, pp. 449,451,454; Martia, p. 458; victrix, pp. 453,458-60; firmay
pp. 458,463. For invicta and velox, Holder (1980), 39-40. In general, Maxfield (1981), 233.
1 6 8
Pia fidelis, Ritterling (1924-5), 1314, cf. 1660,1755; for auxiliary units, Holder (1980),
3 7 - 9 (perhaps not always given for political loyalty, CIL xvi. 160). Also, plain fidelis. Holder
(1980), 40; ILS 1076; fida, CIL xvi. 43; plain pia, ILS iii, p. 452. Certa constans, Ritterling
(1924-5), 1708; pia vindex, Ritterling (1924-5), 1312; ILS iii, pp. 4 4 3 , 4 5 0 .
1 6 9
Fitz (1983), 1 1 - 2 6 ; for rate o f granting, p. 12; for speculations o n circumstances o f
granting, pp. 278-81; Severus Alexander, pp. 1 2 4 - 4 0 . C o m m o d u s m a y have intended the
same policy, Dio 72(731,). 15. 2.
1 7 0
Comparing Not. Dig. Oc. 7 . 1 6 3 - 5 (the distributio numerorum, o r precedence list by
location) with O c . 6. 6 0 - 2 (precedence list o f cavalry units in the West under the magister
equitum praesentalisr, there is a similar list for infantry). F o r this aspect o f the Notitia, see esp.
A. H . M . Jones (1964), 1 4 1 8 - 1 9 , 1 4 2 1 - 3 . Precedence surely existed in earlier centuries too.
H o w else to organize a parade?
264 The Roman Army

there w e r e delightful anomalies a n d curiosities: in the British a r m y regi­

mental precedence is based o n seniority o f entrance o n t o the English
establishment (seniority seems to h a v e been i m p o r t a n t in the R o m a n
system t o o ) , a n d thus the Life G u a r d s c o m e first, followed b y the Blues
and Royals. B u t as the result o f s o m e nineteenth-century sleight o f h a n d ,
the R o y a l H o r s e Artillery rides first o n p a r a d e w h e n they are p a r a d i n g
with their guns; otherwise they c o m e third. A s a r e w a r d for its heroism at
W a t e r l o o the Rifle B r i g a d e (then the 95th F o o t , w i t h l o w rank, as its high
n u m b e r indicates) w a s taken off the o r d e r o f precedence entirely, placed
'to the left o f the l i n e \ T h u s w h i l e it m i g h t seem to a crass observer that
the R o y a l G r e e n Jackets (into w h i c h the Rifle B r i g a d e has been a m a l g a ­
m a t e d ) always m a r c h last o f the cavalry a n d infantry, they w o u l d insist
that they are m a r c h i n g parallel to the other regiments, in a line all their
1 7 1
own.
We m u s t i m a g i n e the e m p e r o r o r his marshals similarly using the
precedence system to h o n o u r units for b r a v e r y a n d political loyalty; o r to
punish t h e m , humiliating t h e m b y d e m o t i o n , for displaying the opposite
qualities—just as a legion fighting the natives in S p a i n u n d e r A g r i p p a w a s
1 7 2
o n c e d i s h o n o u r e d for defeat b y being deprived o f its title ' A u g u s t a n ' .
A s Julian's dressing c o w a r d l y troops as w o m e n hints, in the a r m y , just as
in civilian life, p u n i s h i n g individuals a n d units h a d a large element o f
s h a m e to it. H u m i l i a t i n g inadequate soldiers b y feeding t h e m o n barley
rather than w h e a t w a s an old c u s t o m , a n d Suetonius describes A u g u s t u s
p u n i s h i n g negligent centurions 'with v a r i o u s ignominies', ordering
them, for e x a m p l e , to stand all d a y before his tent holding clods o f
1 7 3
earth. Building u p a military faction m i g h t involve r e m o v i n g m a r k s o f
disgrace f r o m one's soldiers: such m a r k s , w h a t e v e r their nature, m u s t
1 7 4
have been v e r y n u m e r o u s . B u t such humiliations w e r e best a d m i n i s ­
tered carefully. Perceived insults to units c o u l d h a v e t r e m e n d o u s politi­
cal consequences. A n a r m y ' s h o n o u r e n c o m p a s s e d its c o m m a n d e r :
Galba's insult to V e r g i n i u s R u f u s c o u l d b e i m a g i n e d as o n e o f the reasons
175
w h y V e r g i n i u s ' legions s u p p o r t e d V i t e l l i u s . T a c i t u s , as w e h a v e seen,
expected T i b e r i u s to b r o o d a b o u t the m u t i n o u s legions o f G e r m a n y a n d

1 7 1
Ascoli (1983), 68-92: the continuing process o f regimental amalgamation m a y alter
some o f the details.
1 7 2
Diocletian and Maximian's making the Ioviani and Herculiani first in precedence
'pro merito virtues' (Veg. Mil. 1 . 1 7 ) is still reflected in Not. Dig. Oc. 5 . 1 4 5 - 6 , 7. 3 - 4 . F o r
demotion, A m m . Marc. 2 9 . 5 . 20. Cf. Elton (1996), 9 4 - 5 . Agrippa, Dio 5 4 . 1 1 . 5 , drifjitoaas.
1 7 3
Suet. Aug. 2 4 . 2 , 'variis ignominiis' (cf. Veg. Mil. 1 . 1 3 for barley).
1 7 4 1 7 5
Tac. Hist. 1 . 5 2 ; Suet. Vit. 8 . 1 ; Herod. 6. 8. 8. Plut. Galba 2 2 . 1 .
 The Roman Army 265

P a n n o n i a : the m u t i n y m i g h t w o r s e n if he insulted o n e b y g o i n g first to

1 7 6
the o t h e r .

CONCLUSION

A m o d e r n soldier transported to a R o m a n c a m p w o u l d find m u c h famil­

iar in the ethos o f the m e n there: their fierce p r i d e in p e r s o n a n d unit, the
subtle m i n g l i n g o f discipline as enforced a n d discipline as felt. B u t the
paralysing s h a m e that s o m e t i m e s g r i p p e d soldiers, a n d their ferocious
competitiveness, m i g h t strike h i m as o d d , a n d h e w o u l d n o t feel c o m ­
pelled to j o i n in, say, the m a s s suicide o f O t h o ' s soldiers, undertaken at
o n c e o u t o f affection for their e m p e r o r a n d at the s a m e t i m e as a bizarre
1 7 7
contest for h o n o u r .
A R o m a n aristocrat, b y contrast, transported to a R o m a n c a m p — a
usual event, since such m e n c o m m a n d e d the a r m y — w o u l d h a v e f o u n d
those qualities familiar a n d w o u l d naturally rely u p o n t h e m in c o m ­
m a n d i n g t r o o p s in peace a n d w a r . O t h e r things t o o w o u l d h a v e r e m i n d e d
h i m o f h o n o u r at h o m e : the r o u n d o f salutationes in the m o r n i n g , the
statues a n d h o n o u r s for officers a n d g o v e r n o r s raised b y soldiers, units,
a n d veterans; h o n o u r s for the e m p e r o r a n d the imperial cult ( p r o b a b l y a
larger part o f military life than civilian); the t e n d e n c y o f soldiers to b r e a k
into a c c l a m a t i o n s just as if they w e r e the plebs o f a town. 1 7 8
Familiar also
w a s the appeal to soldiers' political loyalty t h r o u g h h o n o u r a n d s h a m e :
that w a s a c o n v e n t i o n a l w a y R o m a n imperial politics w o r k e d . Striking,
b y contrast, h o w o p e n other, p r o b a b l y m o r e i m p o r t a n t , spurs to loyalty
were: bribes, p a y , a n d p u n i s h m e n t s , w h i c h w e r e so often d e c e n d y h i d d e n
beneath the rhetoric o f h o n o u r a m o n g civilian aristocrats. F o r the m a k e ­
up o f soldiers' h o n o u r — w h a t w a s h o n o u r a b l e , w h a t s h a m e f u l — w a s
strange, a n d strange t o o w e r e the d e g r a d i n g things an officer h a d to d o to
gain the respect a n d h o n o u r o f his troops. T h e tenor o f military h o n o u r
w a s also strange: h a r d - e d g e d , u n c o m p r o m i s i n g , cruel. M o s t striking o f
all w a s soldiers' pride in obedience to orders, a n obedience w h i c h slavery
p l a c e d u n d e r a stigma a m o n g the civilian aristocracy, a n d w h i c h h a d thus
w r a p p e d a b o u t itself a stifling c o c o o n o f e u p h e m i s m , politesse, and eva­
sion in civilian life. T h e a r m y w a s a different w o r l d o f h o n o u r — o n e o f
c o u n d e s s different w o r l d s in the e m p i r e , w h e r e standards o f h o n o u r
c o u l d v a r y so m u c h between social classes, votaries o f religions, even

1 7 6 1 7 7
Above, n. 135. Above, n. 98.
1 7 8
H o n o u r s , ILS 1070, 2733, 2738; imperial cult, Fishwick ( 1 9 8 7 - 9 2 ) , 593-608; acclama­
tion, Plut. Galba 1 8 . 4 ; CTh 7. 20. 2 (320 o r 326); HA Diad. 1. 6 - 8 (fictional).
266 The Roman Army

professional g r o u p s — a n d o n e w h e r e the values o f the c o m m o n soldiers

w e r e uneasily d o m i n a n t o v e r those o f the aristocracy. Soldiers h a d to b e
met o n their terms; if an officer w a s to w i n the devotion o f his troops, he
h a d to s h o w s o m e o f the quality o f a M a x i m i n u s T h r a x , the soldiers'
emperor.
A t the same time, the h o n o u r o f a r m y a n d aristocracy t o u c h e d at m a n y
points. T h e soldiers liked a 'proper officer', o n e o f suitably lofty extrac­
tion. T h e G r a e c o - R o m a n aristocracy w a s a fighting nobility in origin, the
heirs o f D i o m e d e s a n d C a m i l l u s , a n d martial achievement, h o w e v e r
m u c h they m i g h t s h u d d e r at its rigours, never lost its glory a m o n g them.
A m a j o r source o f information a b o u t the R o m a n a r m y is the inscribed
civic h o n o u r s o f f o r m e r officers, w h e r e their p u r e l y military a c c o m p l i s h ­
ments, their postings, their decorations, even the fact that an equestrian
officer 'slew V a l a o , chief o f the Naristi, w i t h his o w n h a n d ' are lovingly
1 7 9
recorded. S u c h deeds b r o u g h t h o n o u r in the empire's senate houses as
well as in the c a m p s . Indeed, the a r m y w a s a b r o a d avenue o f social
mobility into the civic aristocracy: retired chief centurions, primipilares,
took u p in municipalities positions appropriate to their equestrian status
a n d the six h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d sesterces they received o n retirement.
Little disgrace seems to h a v e attached to the fact that m a n y such m e n
started as c o m m o n soldiers, recruits f r o m the depths o f society. S o m e o f
their sons even b e c a m e R o m a n senators; others h a d equestrian careers
(as indeed h a d s o m e o f their fathers after b e c o m i n g primipilares). But a
1 8 0
great m a n y sons chose to s p e n d their o w n lives in the a r m y . T h u s the
R o m a n a r m y w a s n o t just a r o a d into the civilian ruling class: it w a s its
o w n w o r l d , w i t h its o w n intense satisfactions, its o w n singular code, its
own honour.

1 7 9
Valao, AE 1 9 5 6 . 1 2 4 .
1 8 0
D o b s o n (1970), (1978); but Cassius Dio (52. 25. 6 - 7 ) did n o t want former rankers
themselves in the senate.
 6

Agamemnon's Empire

ACCORDING to Synesius, the peasants o f N o r t h A f r i c a t h o u g h t that

A g a m e m n o n ruled the R o m a n e m p i r e . T h i s w a s a strangely w i s e mistake.
F o r just as the values o f G r e e k s a n d R o m a n s o f the e m p i r e recalled in
m a n y w a y s the values o f the warlike aristocracies from w h i c h they arose,
so t o o did rulership a l w a y s h a v e a H o m e r i c strain to it. H o n o u r defined
the H o m e r i c king's position: a k i n g m i g h t say, 'Be king equally w i t h m e ,
1
take half m y h o n o u r / T h e king w a s distinguished b y his right to receive
2
the greatest h o n o u r . A n d o f m o r t a l m e n he h a d the greatest p o w e r o v e r
the distribution o f h o n o u r s a n d disgraces. W h e n Achilles w i t h d r a w s
from the fighting, he cries out to the H i g h K i n g A g a m e m n o n , ' Y o u will
tear apart y o u r heart in self-reproach, that y o u did n o h o n o u r to the best
3
o f the A c h a e a n s . ' In C a e s a r A u g u s t u s there w a s a great deal o f M u s s o l i n i ,
b u t there w a s s o m e t h i n g o f A g a m e m n o n as well.
T h e eye o f h o n o u r is n o t like the jeweller's eye, w h i c h sees w h a t others
d o n o t o n l y w h e n it looks into the depths o f a d i a m o n d . It is m o r e like the
general's eye, forever rendering the natural w o r l d into terrain, resdessly
s w e e p i n g the landscape for c o v e r a n d enfilade even in retirement. In the
R o m a n w o r l d the eye o f h o n o u r s a w h o n o u r w h e r e v e r it l o o k e d — i n
m e n , in institutions, in things; it s a w a w o r l d w h e r e all h u m a n affairs a n d
interactions breathed w i t h g l o r y a n d disgrace. H o n o u r w a s an all-
e m b r a c i n g o u d o o k b y w h i c h , incidentally, the w h o l e business o f g o v e r n ­
m e n t — o f ruling, being ruled, a n d ruling the r u l e r s — c o u l d b e c o n c e i v e d ,
a w a y o f talking a n d thinking as compelling, a m p l e , a n d inclusive as o u r
familiar m o d e r n rhetoric o f p o w e r .
The significance o f h o n o u r in g o v e r n m e n t extends from the m o s t
ruthless f o r m o f psychological c o e r c i o n to the m o s t trivial f o r m o f polite­
ness. A great deal c o u l d b e d o n e d i r e c d y w i t h h o n o u r b y relying o n a n d
exploiting the n o r m s o f a society w h i c h felt its call strongly. W e h a v e

1
Horn. II 9. 616, Ti/uij, with 6 . 1 9 3 ; cf. 2 0 . 1 8 0 - 1 .
2
II 1. 2 7 8 - 9 , 1 2 . 3 1 0 - 2 1 ; Od. 1 . 3 9 3 .
3
II 1. 2 4 3 - 4 ; cf. 1 . 4 1 2 , 9 . 6 2 , 1 3 . 4 6 1 ; and see McGlew (1989).
268 Agamemnon's Empire

emphasized three m e c h a n i s m s , c o n j u r i n g engines o u t o f the silent,

u n s p o k e n r h y t h m s o f ancient life: the selling o f praise o r extortion b y the
threat o f blame; deference, reverence o r respect; a n d gratitude, the reci­
procity o f favours. P o w e r f u l in civil society, in the context o f g o v e r n m e n t
these m e t h o d s buttressed other f o r m s o f p o w e r wielded b y persons in
authority. E m p e r o r s , officials, a n d officers used the lure o f h o n o u r a n d
the threat o f disgrace to control those they ruled o v e r o r c o m m a n d e d .
T h e y t o o k advantage also o f the fact that spirited parochial l o y a l t y — c i v i c
loyalty in the civilian w o r l d , unit loyalty in the a r m y — m a n i f e s t e d itself as
v i g o r o u s c o n c e r n for the h o n o u r w h i c h the ancient m i n d invested in
cities a n d legions. T h u s cities a n d legions t o o c o u l d b e h o n o u r e d a n d dis­
h o n o u r e d b y their rulers, a n d since their citizens a n d soldiers felt a n
intense anxiety a b o u t their h o n o u r , a b o u t their place in relation to their
hated rivals, a wise g o v e r n m e n t c o u l d use their particularistic devotion as
a basis o f political p o w e r .
T h e rulers profited also from the fact that G r e e k s a n d R o m a n s w e r e
b r o u g h t u p to revere a n d o b e y high h o n o u r , to v i e w favours as objects o f
strict reciprocity, a n d to feel s h a m e at departure from these unwritten
laws. T o stress the significance o f gratitude—the basis o f p a t r o n a g e — t o
R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t is hardly unusual: its i m p o r t a n c e has been w i d e l y
accepted for half a century. I n these pages the goal has been to set rela­
tions o f gratitude in their p r o p e r c o n t e x t — i n a w i d e r w o r l d o f h o n o u r -
based f o r m s o f influence. F o r rulers benefited from the fact that b y virtue
o f their h o n o u r a n d p o w e r they w e r e well placed to subvert the rules that
all h a d learned as children. B y virtue o f h o n o u r all m e n w e r e n o t equally
vulnerable to disgrace; in inflicting d i s h o n o u r n o t all m e n w e r e equally
strong. B y virtue o f strength s o m e c o u l d c o m p e l others to h o n o u r t h e m
a n d n o t d i s h o n o u r them.
E m p e r o r s a n d g o v e r n o r s participated in the s a m e culture o f h o n o u r as
their subjects. It w a s natural, therefore, that rulers should seek h o n o u r ,
fear disgrace, a n d p u n i s h those w h o insulted them. It w a s natural t o o that
they should revere h o n o u r a b l e m e n a n d cities, a n d that they t o o should
automatically d o favours for those w h o d i d favours for t h e m . T h o s e ,
m o r e o v e r , w h o s e rule relied in part o n the n o r m s o f the h o n o u r culture
w e r e in n o position t o secede from it. T h e loyalty o f the rulers to the laws
o f h o n o u r allowed a n increasing n u m b e r o f subjects to get the better o f
their governors; it helped great cities to a degree o f control even o v e r the
e m p e r o r . H o n o u r spoke to w h a t otherwise m i g h t h a v e been a deaf d e s p o ­
tism, softened an austere a n d inflexible autocracy, a n d p r o v i d e d subjects
with a w a y — h o w e v e r i m p e r f e c t — o f ruling those w h o w e r e set t o rule
 Agamemnon's Empire 269

them. T h u s it played its role in creating consent to R o m a n authority,

especially in those h o n o u r a b l e m e n w h o g o v e r n e d the cities o f the
e m p i r e , a n d u p o n w h o m the e m p e r o r a n d his officials relied.
W h i l e h o n o u r w a s o n e o f b u t a few strands o f H o m e r i c rulership, it
w a s o n e o f m a n y u n d e r the empire. Y e t it gained w i d e r significance
because it w a s a venerable a n d exceedingly respectable strand. F o r m u c h
o f the p o w e r in the e m p i r e w a s n o t respectable: a t y r a n n y ruled b y , a n d
ruling over, m e n w h o felt that a stigma attached to obedience a n d p a y w a s
a t y r a n n y in w h i c h the arcana imperii w e r e likely to r e m a i n arcane.
H o n o u r played its role in hiding the terrible realities o f p o w e r , greed,
slavish obedience, a n d fear, crafting 'the pleasing illusions w h i c h m a d e
p o w e r g e n d e a n d obedience liberal, w h i c h h a r m o n i z e d the different
shades o f life, a n d w h i c h , b y a b l a n d assimilation, incorporated into p o l ­
4
itics the sentiments which beautify and soften private society'.
S o m e t i m e s this c o n c e a l m e n t w a s conscious: the letter to a threatened
g o v e r n o r alluding to a subject's distinction in rhetoric as g r o u n d s for
granting a f a v o u r is sent to offer a pretext, n o t a reason. T h e b a n n e r o f
h o n o u r w h i c h covered Caracalla's exile o f his political enemies to
unhealthy p r o v i n c e s as g o v e r n o r s w a s a ruse de guerre as well. B u t such
c o n c e a l m e n t w a s also u n c o n s c i o u s , almost instinctive. F o r although o n l y
one f o r m o f p o w e r a m o n g m a n y , h o n o u r w a s a fundamental w a y o f
thinking a n d talking a b o u t all f o r m s o f p o w e r . In his R o m a n oration,
A e l i u s Aristides offers a rather m o d e r n vision o f h o w the R o m a n a r m y
w a s organized.

You begin with one man, who presides over and supervises everything, provinces,
cities, camps, and the generals themselves, and you end up with one man who
commands four, or two—I've left out all the ranks in between—and just as the
spinning of yarn always proceeds from more to fewer strands, thus, the ranking
of soldiers one over another proceeds to its end.

In this w o o l - s p i n n i n g m e t a p h o r w e see the lines o f a m o d e r n table o f m i l ­

itary organization, a structure w e recognize. Aristides is trying to describe
a hierarchy o f strict obedience to constituted authority. Y e t in the s a m e
description, he casually describes the military superior as e v n / x o r e p o s ,
5
'the m o r e h o n o u r a b l e o n e ' . G i v e n the p o i n t Aristides is trying to m a k e ,
this seems strikingly inappropriate to us, b u t it will never h a v e seemed so
to a G r e e k o r a R o m a n . T h e y naturally d r e w o n h o n o u r ' s lexicon to
describe all relations o f authority.

4 5
Burke (1955 (1790)), 87. Aristid. 26. 8 7 - 8 (Behr; trans, adapted from Behr).
270 Agamemnon's Empire

J o s e p h u s too reveals the process o f scabbing o v e r other, w o u n d i n g ,

p o w e r relations w i t h the rhetoric o f h o n o u r . Caligula c o m m a n d e d
Petronius, the g o v e r n o r o f Syria, to install the emperor's statue in the
temple at Jerusalem, b y force if necessary. E x t r a v a g a n t demonstrations
b y the J e w s , to w h o m this w a s the m o s t atrocious sacrilege, persuaded
Petronius to disobey the e m p e r o r . Y e t , as J o s e p h u s tells it, before the g o v ­
ernor w a s p e r s u a d e d to disobey he explained his g r i m d u t y to the J e w s
( w h o h a d protested that the plan violated their L a w ) : 'It is necessary for
m e to cleave to the l a w o f m y master; if I contravene it, a n d spare y o u , I
will b e e x e c u t e d — a n d justly. A n d then he w h o sent m e , rather than I, will
6
m a k e w a r u p o n y o u , for like y o u I a m u n d e r o r d e r s . ' A rare, honest
description o f a governor's relationship w i t h the e m p e r o r , w e think, a n d
7
echoed in J o s e p h u s ' description o f the s a m e events in a later w o r k . B u t
o n another occasion in that later w o r k , J o s e p h u s h a d Petronius describe
his motives differently. 'It is right', said the g o v e r n o r , 'that he w h o has
obtained so great an h o n o u r [from the e m p e r o r ] b y a p p o i n t m e n t [as
8
g o v e r n o r ] should d o nothing against h i m . ' H e r e the m a g n i t u d e o f the
h o n o u r granted defines the degree o f obedience o w e d : obedience f r o m
fear a n d respect for authority in the first passage is converted into obedi­
ence as a function o f reciprocity for h o n o u r . T h e r e is n o artifice here:
w i t h o u t noticing, Petronius, J o s ep h u s , o r his informant, has quietly
m a d e the insensible change o f category that countless thousands o f the
empire's inhabitants m a d e every day.
H o n o u r as a w a y o f thinking a n d talking o v e r w h e l m e d w h a t seems to
us distant, a n d unrelated, conceptual territories like an intellectual
k u d z u , m a s k i n g b u t not c h a n g i n g the reality o f harsh p o w e r relations.
H o n o u r , w h e t h e r used consciously o r unconsciously, served to muffle
the shouting o f orders, the jingle o f coins, a n d the screams o f the tor­
tured. V i e w i n g the w o r l d in h o n o u r terms m a d e ruling the e m p i r e eas­
ier a n d m a d e living in it, a n d o b e y i n g it, m o r e tolerable. A n iron
t y r a n n y seemed to give w a y to a golden c o m m o n w e a l t h o f h o n o u r a b l e
persons a n d cities. Gilt, w e think; b u t the m i r a g e w a s c o n n i v e d in b y
rulers a n d ruled alike. It w a s o n e o f the conspiracies o f the imagination
w i t h o u t w h i c h rulership, a n y rulership, c a n n o t long endure. W e c a n
hardly guess w h a t p r o f o u n d needs are served b y o u r o w n c o n s p i r a c y to
imagine those w h o rule us as 'the state', o r 'the g o v ernm e nt'. T o m a k e
t h e m seem impartial, just, o r merely distant? T o absolve ourselves from

6 7
Jos. BJ 2 . 1 9 5 . Jos. AJ18. 265; cf. 304.
8
Ibid. 18. 279, rifirjs roaavr-qs eirirerevxoTa.
 Agamemnon's Empire 271

responsibility for o u r elected rulers' actions? It w a s alien to the R o m a n

m i n d to i m a g i n e those w h o ruled t h e m as 'the state'. T h e y preferred to
live instead in a glittering i m a g i n e d e m p i r e all their o w n , an e m p i r e o f
honour.
 APPENDIX

The Latin and Greek Lexicon

of Honour

B O T H Latin and Greek articulated the cognitive realm we call honour with a rich
and allusive vocabulary. Where honour terms are translated in the text of this
book, the originals are usually given in the notes. Here the purpose is to describe
how the meanings of some of the more common Latin and Greek honour words
relate to each other, differ from one another, and, especially, to show that, what­
ever their connotations, they aim at a common concept. They are a family of
words as similar in their relationship to each other as are evil, wickedness, bad­
ness, villainy, vice, and all the other words by which English articulates its broad
realm of moral depravity. The Latin and Greek terms are none of them full syn­
onyms, identical in denotation and connotation; moreover, many of them are
used—some more commonly—in environments (neglected here) wholly outside
that of honour. 86ga can mean no more than an opinion, claritas can refer to
brightness of colour; but there is a milieu—very roughly that of honour, in
English—where the fields of the words' significance overlap. Instances of the
words being used interchangeably are offered to establish commonality of sense,
as are definitions in the scholastic and lexicographical traditions (which mix
ancient and medieval scholarship). Modern authors are adduced, some of whom
make cases from repeated pleonastic usage and from context. The treatment here
is summary and impressionistic, although literature is cited for those who wish
more detail. But the reader should be warned against the corporate vice of schol­
arship in this area, that of drawing over-nice distinctions. The meaning of words
is a sloppy business. A project like this is much easier with languages still spoken:
see Bourdieu ( 1 9 6 6 : 2 0 9 ) , for an analysis of the vocabulary of honour in modern
Algeria.

LATIN

Latin honour words show two roughly parallel axes of differentiation: the social
standing of those to whom they are ascribed, that is, the size of the accumulation
of honour they signify, and their place in what we might call the process of hon­
our. Honour words appropriate to all classes of Romans tend to be marked by the
 Appendix 273

source of the honour; words describing the honour of great Romans frequently
connote not only the fact of honour but its effects, the power honour exerts in
society. For the words discussed see generally TLL s.w., especially the rubric
adposita et synonyma for similarities of meaning between words, and particularly
gloria, essential for the whole topic; also Hellegouarc'h (1963),
Knoche's entry for
valuable but fond of distinctions finer than the evidence warrants.
Latin words which are regularly used to describe honour across the social spec­
trum are marked, to a greater or lesser degree, by the origin of the honour they
describe. First, there are words which imply the thing or deed which will be per­
ceived as honourable, words whose meaning stretches from a specific quantum of
honour conveyed to honour as a quality that invests an individual. Thus gloria
(OLD 'praise or honour accorded to persons . . . by general consent, glory'; see
Knoche (1934); Philipp (1955); and esp. Drexler (1962)), with its lingering martial
flavour, refers to the quality of honour as it invests an individual, but it is also
possible to speak of a gloria, that is 'an action, etc. that brings glory, distinction',
a victory in battle, for example, or 'a person or object that brings glory, ornament'
(OLD). The possession or accomplishment of a gloria, in the one sense, confers
gloria, in the other. Working in the same way, but weighting the source more and
the resulting quality less, is decus (OLD 'high esteem, honour, glory, a particular
source of honour, an ornament') which can be used interchangeably with gloria,
Cic. ad Fam. 1 0 . 1 2 . 5; ad Att. 13. 28. 2; CGL iv. 2 2 5 . 1 4 (and see Piscitelli Carpino
(1979), 261 n. 52). In the sense of a claim to honour a decus can create gloria (Tac.
Hist. 2. 2 4 , 3 . 60). Decus can be glossed (CGL iv. 4 3 7 . 1 5 ) as 'ornamentum digni­
tatis'.
Next, there are words which go a step further towards the origin of honour,
stressing its publicly attributed quality. Both laus (OLD 'praise, esteem, renown,
reputation') and fama (OLD 'news, public opinion, good name, glory, renown')
signify the way honour comes to exist, by praise and public reputation (indeed,
in this sense, jama can mean 'ill-repute'). Thusgloria can come into being from
laus and fama: 'gloria est frequens de aliquo fama cum laude' (Cic. Inv. 2.166; cf.
lPhil. 29). Like decus, they also signify a claim to such praise (laus, 'a cause of
praise, praiseworthy thing, act, or quality' OLD,« decus, CGL v. 285. 22; fama
(more rarely) 'a source or object of fame' OLD), and finally the quality of being
praised or well spoken of that results. In this context laus and fama are close to
gloria in meaning, and, as Hellegouarc'h (1963: 375) observes, often used as syn­
onyms: fama ~ gloria, Pliny, NH 14. 48-9 (both applied to freedmen); Juv. 7.
79-81; Tac. Ann. 12. 28; Hist. 4. 6. Laus « gloria, Cic. Off. 1 . 1 1 6 ; Livy 38. 58. 7, and
see Harris ( 1 9 7 9 : 1 7 - 1 8 ) . Extremely similar to fama is existimatio (OLD 'opinion,
public opinion, reputation', and see Hellegouarc'h (1963), 364), which can be
used interchangeably with it, Rhet. Her. 4 . 1 4 , Cic. ad Fam. 1 3 . 7 3 . 2 ; Yavetz (1974),
48-9; and with other honour terms, Cic. Div. Caec. 71; Yavetz (1974), 51.
Broadest of all is honos or honor (OLD 'high esteem, honour, an honour, pub­
lic office'; see Klose (1933) and the superior Drexler (1988 (1961)). Honoris glossed
274 Appendix

as gloria, decus, or laus, CGL iv. 412.29. It can be used interchangeably with gloria
(Hellegouarc'h (1963), 386) to refer generally to the quality of honour a man has
(« gloria, Cic. Sul 83; Tac. Dial. 12. 5-6), and, like decus (CGL iv. 52. 21), to refer
>
to any claim to honour ('a thing which confers honour or distinction
OLD;« gloria in this sense, Cic. Mux. 12). But it often points at a specific thing
that gives one a claim to honour: public office. Like jama and laus, it extends
further to encompass a way in which honour comes to be, but it alludes not to
generalized reputation, but to a specific act of honouring, that is, 'a particular
mark of esteem, an honour' (OLD, thus the common verbal form honoro). In this
sense it, too, can create gloria, Hellegouarc'h (1963: 387). Finally, it describes a
man's attitude towards another, his honorific disposition which inspires acts of
honouring (below, p. 276).
The Latin honour words which can be applied to men of all conditions thus
stretch from the quality which invests the individual who has honour to the state
of mind of the other individual who initiates the process that creates that quality.
T o the Roman mind gloria shines (Philipp (1955), 56). As we direct our eyes up
the social order to where there is much of it, it shines very brighdy indeed. Thus
there are words describing large quantities of honour—the honour of great
men—which rely upon the shining metaphor. C o m m o n are claritasl claritudo
(OLD 'brightness, distinction, fame') with clarus and praeclarus. A s Seneca (Ep.
102.17, adapting a Greek truism, see p. 277 below) suggests, its difference from
gloria is social: 'gloria multorum iudiciis constat, claritas bonorum\ Sharing in
the metaphor are splendor (OLD 'brightness, glory') with splendidus, and illustris
(OLD 'bright, shining, distinguished, famous'). These words can extend as far as
decus does into the sources of honour: claritas can be 'a particular distinction'
(OLD), and splendor is used in this sense, but not usually further: as honour waxes
it leaves its origins behind. Borrowed from the physical realm, these words are
used very commonly outside the realm of honour. But as honour words they
express a quality that can be created by gloria (Cic. Sen. 8) and laus (Sen. Ep. 102.
9) and things which are clarus and illustris create gloria and jama in turn (Pliny,
Ep. 6. 29. 3). They are used synonymously with honour words discussed above:
claritas/claritudo « gloria, Sail. Cat. 3. 1-2; Jug. 1. 3-2. 4; Pliny, NH 34. 5; splen­
dor « decus, Val. Max. 6. 9.13; Tac. Hist. 1. 84; and appearing pleonastically with
gloria, Hellegouarc'h (1963:459). Illustris « laus, Cic. Rep. 3.5-6; Tac. Ann. 4 . 2 6 ; «
inclutus, nobilis, gloriosus, CGL iv. 350. 49. Also appropriate to those with a great
deal of honour are the abstract noun and adjective made from honor, honestas
(OLD 'tide to respect, honourableness, honour, moral rectitude, integrity') and
honestus (OLD 'regarded with honour or respect, of high rank, morally worthy of
respect'). Both have a moral flavour, hinting at moral excellence as a source of
honour.
Finally, there are abstract nouns, appropriate to high personages, which imply
not merely the possession of honour, but its effectiveness in society. In the first
sense dignitas (OLD 'worthiness, excellence, rank, office, esteem, honour'; see
 Appendix 275

Wegehaupt (1932); Drexler (1966 (1944)); Garnsey (1970), 224-5; Piscitelli

Carpino (1979); and Veyne (1990), 205-6) is used synonymously with other hon­
our words. Hellegouarc'h (1963:400) notices a kinship in meaning to existimatio,
jama, laus, and gloria (cf. ad Fam.
Piscitelli Carpino (1979), 256; and see esp. Cic.
dignitas with
11. 5. 3). Piscitelli Carpino (1979: 257) links honos, cf. CGL iv. 525. 4;
also « decus, CGL iv. 52. 21. Dignitas extends back into the sources of honour to
signify a claim to honour, and, like honos, can refer specifically to office as the
source of that claim. But in its sense of 'worthiness' it extends in the opposite
direction to imply the attraction for favours, honours, and all good things that
honour confers (Hellegouarc'h (1963), 397-8). Men can thus be moved into
action by the dignitas of others, Cic. Sex. Rose. 4.
A very great quantity of honour can also be described as auctoritas (OLD 'influ­
ence, authority, prestige, esteem, repute'), upon which there is a large literature
as a consequence of its appearance in Augustus' Res Gestae, 34: see especially
Heinze (i960 (1925)); Grant (1946), 443-5, for literature; and Magdelain (1947).
Gloria can create it, Cic. ad Fam. 12.14.7; and it can be used synonymously with
other honour terms: ~ gloria, Cic. Deiot. 1 2 ; « honor, Aul. Gel. 7.14. 3. Piscitelli
Carpino (1979: 259-60) stresses the similarity of auctoritas to dignitas in Cicero's
usage; cf. Balsdon (i960), 44-5; Caes. BG 7. 30; CGL iv. 312. 3. It has an even
stronger positive force than dignitas, stressing not merely the right to receive by
virtue of honour, but the right to command (Hellegouarc'h (1963), 300-1). Thus
Cicero (ad Fam. 16. 9. 4 ) urges his freedman amanuensis to take ship with
Mescinius; or 'si minus, cum honesto aliquo homine, cuius auctoritate navicu-
larius moveatur'. That is, he should travel with a man who possesses honour in
the passive sense, a vir honestus, who will be able to use his honour in the active
sense, auctoritas, on the ship owner. This sense of a right to command can harden
to such a degree as to take auctoritas right out of the realm of honour (by our
lights), and into that of legal authority or undifferentiated power: OLD 'right or
power to authorize or sanction', '(of laws, etc.) force, authority', '(of magistrates,
etc.) authority, command', and further, 'right of ownership, tide', or even 'an
informal decree of the senate'. Or perhaps these non-honour meanings were
prior and auctoritas came to be naturalized into the vocabulary of honour.
The acme of honour ismaiestas (OLD 'the dignity of a god or exalted person­
age, majesty, grandeur'; see Kiibler (1928), 542-4; Drexler (1956); Gundel (1963);
Hellegouarc'h (1963), 314, who notes its relationship to maior; one might render
it 'greaterness'). So vast is the honour it conveys that it is regularly used to refer
to the prestige of gods and political entities: 'maiestas est amplitudo ac dignitas
civitatis', as Cicero defines it (de Orat. 2.164). Thus, to offend against the maies­
tas of the Roman people is to commit treason, and the word has a long life in that
context (Bauman (1967), (1974)). T o Ovid's mind, Maiestas arose from the union
of Honor and Reverentia, Fasti 23-6. Maiestas is closely related to honour words: «
honor, Val. Max. 2.10. p r ; « gloria, CGL iv. 605.3, v. 298. 4 4 ; « claritas, Livy 5.14.
2-5; Val. Max. 2.10. 6. Its similarity to dignitas is noticed by Drexler (1956), 196;
276 Appendix

Hellegouarc'h (1963), 317 n. 7; and Piscitelli Carpino (1979), 259 n. 35; to auctori­
tas, by Hellegouarc'h (1963), 315. The power of an individual's maiestas is even
greater than that of auctoritas: one obeys auctoritas, but maiestas can be imagined
to exert almost physical force (Drexler (1956), 197; and e.g. Livy 9.10. 7); it seizes
people, or stuns them, into or out of action. Thus like auctoritas the meaning of
maiestas shades out of our realm of honour, here into our realms of undifferen­
tiated power, greatness, and holiness (see Bauman (1967), 1-15).
Dignitas, auctoritas, and maiestas all demand a response: 'dignitas est alicuius
honesta et cultu et honore et verecundia digna auctoritas', Cic. Inv. 2. 166.
Reverentia, veneratio (Drexler (1956:197)) and verecundia (see also Livy 24.44.10)
honor (see also Val. Max. 2.1. 6). W e have
are all appropriate emotions, and so is
come full circle. A view directed upwards through the social ranks follows the
process of honour from honour's sources to honour's results, one of which is to
inspire honor in the sense of a disposition to honour, the meaning of honor which
extends furthest back into the origins of honour. W e should note also that the dif­
ferentiation of Latin honour words by social standing is relative to the position of
the observer: while we almost always see the words used in aristocratic authors,
and thus according to aristocratic standards, in the context of a humble burial
society a rich freedman, a very grand person to the members, could have maies­
tas (ILS 7889). But certainly Cicero and his friends would never describe the hon­
our of a freedman in such terms.

GREEK

The entire circuit of the process of honour is encompassed in a single Greek word,
the overwhelmingly common Tipr\ (LSJ 'worship, esteem, honour, dignity, pre­
sent of honour'; and see esp. Greindl (1938), 56-82; Alexiou (1995), 4 0 - 7 ) . Not
marked for the status of its possessor, T I / A ^ extends all the way from the feeling
that an individual has that inspires him to honour another, to honour conveyed
(thus rtjLtaco), to a claim to honour, especially a political or religious office, to
honour as a quality investing an individual, to the worthiness for honours and
favours that honour bestows upon its possessor and which inspires Tirf in the
first sense. And in its sense as 'worthiness', TI/UTJ elicits from those around it other
appropriate emotions, alSws (LSJ 'reverence, awe, respect, shame, sense of hon­
our') and its cognates, and at fas (LSJ 'reverential awe, reverence, worship, hon­
our') and its cognates, on which see Cairns (1993: esp. 13,95-103,137,207-14,432).
This sense of T I / L ^ also allows it to be used as the Greek word for 'price'. Common
related words are rifiios (LSJ 'held in honour, worthy, conferring honour, hon­
ourable') and evrifios (LSJ 'in honour, honoured').
TifXTj has the widest meaning of all ancient honour words; it describes honour
in nearly all its aspects and at all social levels. Like Latin words, other Greek hon­
our words are differentiated by status and their place in the process of honour,
occupying only a portion of n ^ ' s range; but unlike in Latin the axes of process
 Appendix 277

and social status are not approximately parallel. Greek words which imply the
results of honour will be considered first, then those that imply its causes.
Some of the range of TIJJLTJ is shared by d f ia>/Lia (LSJ 'that of which one is
thought worthy, an honour, honour and reputation, rank, position'; and esp.
Steinkopf (i937)> 94-5)> with a meaning extending from a claim to honour
( « TI/Z77, Dio 52. 20.3; and, like TI/ITJ, being a usual word for an office) to honour
as it invests an individual, to the right to deference by virtue of honour. It is
appropriate to high personages. Also for great persons and implying results is
GC/JLVOTTJS (LSJ 'solemnity, dignity*) with aeixvos (LSJ 'august, stately, majestic').
Thus Photius S.V. aefxvov « fieya ev8o£ov, d f tco/xan/cdi>, virepriyavov. Cognate to
oifias (see above), aefivos has a strong religious flavour, but used as an honour
word on the human level (e.g. D . Chr. 31.138; Plut. de Frat. Amore 491b) it fades
off into physical description of a dignified carriage, and in a bad sense can
describe a pompous and haughty aspect.
N o less grand, although extending in the opposite direction towards the
sources of honour, is KXios (LSJ 'rumour, report, fame, glory'; see esp. Greindl
(1938), 5-30; and see Venske (1938:3-4) for its aristocratic connotations), extend­
ing from the origins of honour in report and discussion, to a claim to honour, to
the quality that invests an individual. In the latter two cases its sense is frequently
close to that of T1/X17, Greindl (1938: 9 6 - 7 ) . O f the Homeric honour words which
survived in classical prose (KVSOS, LSJ 'glory, renown' remained poetic), KXCOS
maintained the strongest links to its past, and has a distinct heroic savour. Related
are evKXeia (LSJ 'good repute, glory') and evKXetjs (LSJ 'of good report, famous').
The second-century A D lexicographer Pollux (and his later interpolators) offers
a storm of approximate synonyms for KAC'OS.

KAE'OZ, Sofa, <prf^ ovofxa, Xap.7rpoTrjs evSoKiiirjois, Kai

t t OLK(JLT) Sojjrjs, €v8o£os,
ovofiaaros, Xaiinpos, ^TJXWTOS, €7Ti<pavrjs, irepLfiAt'iTTos (5.158, excluding the B and
C M S S readings; on many of these words see Schmidt (1889), 89-96).

These words' commonality with KXCOS lies in their coverage of honour as a qual­
ity that invests an individual, and in some cases their extension back towards the
sources of honour. Like KXCOS they tend not to connote honour's results. Sofa
(LSJ 'opinion, repute, honour, glory'; and esp. Greindl (1938) 87-93; Alexiou
(i995)> 24-33) and <prjiirj (LSJ 'report, good report, fame'; and esp. Greindl (1938),
82-6) have much the same range of meaning as KXCOS ( « Schmidt (1889),
8 5 - 9 ; « Sofa, Greindl (1938), 102; Alexiou (1995), 3 0 - 3 ; » both, Hesychius s.v.
/cAc'a; eu/cAcia « 86£a y Suda s.v. euxAeia; 86£a «(prjfiyj, Hesychius s.v. 8ofa) but
without the heroic implication in classical times, for anyone can have them: Sofa
ficv iariv 6 napd TWV 7ToXXa>v inaivos' KXCOS 8i t 6 napd rwv airovhaiwv
(Ammon. Diff. s.v. Sofa). These words signify the public perception in which
honour is rooted, Sofa in thoughts and opinions, ^/LITJ, like KAC'OS, in speech, and
in this sense one can have bad /cAeos, Sofa, or <prmrj. They extend to signify a claim
to honour and the honour that invests an individual ( 9 ^ 7 7 less commonly) and
278 Appendix

in those contexts are used synonymously with rifirf ( « S o f a , Hesychius s.v.;

Cramer (1835-7), ii. 432. 18; Greindl (1938), 102; Steinkopf (1937), 94;
df ico/Lta « S o f a , Plut. Ages. 6.3 and 7.1).
Related to S o f a are the common ev8o£os (LSJ 'held in esteem or honour, of
high repute';« r t / u o s , Hesychius s.v.; ~ iirlaj^ios (LSJ 'notable, remarkable'),
Ammon. Diff. s.v. c v S o f o s ; « cu/cAeifc, Sada s.v.), and ct/Sof os (LSJ 'of good
repute, honoured'; evKXeia « cuSof ia, Hesychius s.v. eu/cAcia). Like the remaining
words in Pollux' list, they imply standing in society, a great deal of honour. From
a chosen or tested metaphor comes cvSoKipos (LSJ 'in good repute, honoured,
favoured, glorious'; see Alexiou (1995), 34-40; Pollux's abstract quality of
evSoKLfirjais (LSJ 'good repute, reputation, credit') is rare). Also appropriate for
high-status persons are ovofia (LSJ 'name, fame'; see de Romilly (1973), 49) with
dvofxaoTos (LSJ 'of name or note, famous'; 6vop.aoToL« cvSof oi, 7T€pif$6r)Toi y

Hesychius s.v. ovofiaoroi; cf. Plut. Ages. 24. 3); and, arising from the shining
metaphor so powerful in Latin, XapL7rpoTr)s (LSJ 'brilliancy, splendour'; see de
Romilly (i973)> 50; Alexiou (1995)* 22-4) with the very common XayLirpos (LSJ
'bright, well-known, illustrious') which, in the superlative, becomes the Greek
translation for clarissimus, the imperial senator's rank of honour. Visual
metaphors also give rise to imcpavrjs (LSJ 'coming to light, manifest, conspicuous,
famous, renowned';« imorjuosy Hesychius s.v.) with Trtpupavris (LSJ 'conspicu­
ous', 'famous'). 7T€pitpdv€ia » Xainrporrjs, S o f a , Hesychius s.v. 7T€picpdv€ia. Finally,
7T€pipX€7TTos (LSJ 'looked at from all sides, admired of all observers').

G R E E K AND L A T I N

Where occasionally Latin is translated into Greek, or vice versa, the relationship
of one word to another is illuminated. Famously, auctoritas was rendered by
d$i(x)fia in Augustus' Res Gestae (34.3). Plutarch glossed the Latin honor with T I / X T ?
and S o f a (Quaest. Rom. 2661); and in an imperial decree (IKEph. i. 43. 2) 'hon-
orem Asiae ac totius provinci[a]e dignitatem' is translated as T€i/*i)i> TTJS Aalas
Kal oXrjs rrjs €Trapxt>as TO df tojita (line 15). In the school texts for teaching the
other language to schoolboys the following equivalences can be found (listed in
the order in which they are discussed above):

gloria ~ S o f a , Kavxw - 0
(CGL ii. 34. 26)
gloriosus« evKXe-qs (CGL iii. 372.76)
decus « S o f a , KoapiOSy evTrpiireia (CGL ii. 39.11)
fama «<prjpLTj (CGL ii. 70.23)
honusy honor** T I J L M ) 0€<OI>, T I / X T ) dvdpcjTrwv (CGLii. 69.16)
honestus « C V T I / X O S , dftoAoyos (CGL ii. 69.11)
honoratus = TCTtttiy/xcVos, cvSofos, €7rior)fios (GCL ii. 69.15)
claritas « Xaparporrjs (CGL ii. 101.57)
darns = c v S o f o s , inKpavrjs (CGL ii. 101. 55)
splendor ~ AapL7rp6TT)s (CGL 2.187.18)
 Appendix 279

inlustris « iirupavrjs* vi/jTjAoTTeTrjs, fi€T€U)pos, evSoijos (CGL ii. 83. 52—3)

insignis « ima^os, c f o \ o s (CGL ii. 87.14)
dignitas- dfieu/za (CGL ii. 49.41)
TI/LH) honor, honestas, hie honus (CGL ii. 455.38)
e m d f tas ~ foe
dignitatio, haec dignitas, honos, meritum (CGL ii. 232.3)
d f u o / x a « free [sic]
HtyaXeioTTis, S o f a « maiestas (CGL iii. 278. 48)
ev8o£os « gloriosus, inclytus [sic] ( C G L ii. 298.16)
c u S o f o s « gloriosus (CGL iii. 249.49)
XafXTTpos ~ clarus, splendidus (CGL ii. 358.30)
XayLirpor-qs ~ claritas, claritudo, hie splendor, hie candor (CGL ii. 258.32-3)
irepLcpavrjs « inlustris, nobilis (CGL ii. 405.30)
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 INDEX

Ablabius, Flavius 2 3 2 n. Anazarbos 172

acclamations 7 6 , 8 6 - 7 , 9 0 , 170, 1 7 4 , 2 6 5 Andronicus 2 3 3
o f e m p e r o r 114 n., 1 2 0 , 1 6 1 Antinoopolis 153
o f imperial officials 1 4 6 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 7 , 1 9 9 Antinous 10
Achaea, province o f 6 2 , 1 0 5 , 2 0 5 Antioch 5 , 4 4 , 9 6 , 136, 1 6 6 , 197, 2 0 9 , 2 1 0 ,
Achilles 3 2 , 2 6 7 219-20
Acraephia 163 and emperors 1 2 4 , 1 3 8 , 1 4 1
Actium 166 A n t i o c h u s I I I 109
actors 9 6 , 9 8 - 1 0 0 Antistius Sosianus 143
actuarii 2 3 0 n. Antium 1 4 4
admissionales 2 3 0 n. Antoninus Pius, e m p e r o r 7 7 , 1 5 3 , 1 6 5 , 2 0 5
adoration o f the purple 1 3 5 - 6 , 2 2 9 n. honours from 1 3 2 , 1 4 8 , 1 8 1 , 2 0 3
adulatio 113 Antonius, M . (RE no. 2 8 ) 3 4
adultery, Augustan legislation 4 2 n. Antonius, Vedius 148
Adventus, M. Oclatinius 188 Antony, M a r k (Antonius, M . triumvir)
aedile, office o f 183 5 3 , 119 n., 2 1 9 , 2 5 1
Aelius Aristides, see Aristides, Aelius Apamea 1 3 6
Aeneas 109 Aphrodisias 9 9 , 154, 157, 1 6 9
Aezani 1 6 8 , 2 1 8 Apolaustus, Ulpius 9 9
Affanius, Quintianus 13 Apollinaris, grandfather o f Sidonius
A g a m e m n o n 14, 2 6 7 Apollinaris 9 4
agentes in rebus 6, 2 3 0 n., 2 3 3 Apollinaris, Sidonius 9 4 , 140, 190
Agricola, Cn. Julius 1 0 8 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 2 n., 159, Apollonian parasites 101
214 Apollonius o f Tyana 7 , 1 5 , 131
Agrippa I, king 2 0 8 Apuleius 103
Agrippa II, king 4 , 18, 2 1 0 Aquileia 8 2
Agrippa, M. Vipsanius 8 2 , 2 0 8 , 2 6 4 Arcadius, e m p e r o r 150, 2 2 6
Agrippa Postumus 113 Archippus, Flavius 132 n.
Agrippina the younger 1 3 , 1 2 0 , 1 4 3 Areopagus 7 4
Ahenobarbus, L. Domitius ( R E no. 2 7 ) 4 7 Argos 77
Ahenobarbus, L. Domitius (RE no. 2 8 ) 180 Aristides, Aelius 1 2 5 , 2 0 7 , 2 2 8 , 2 3 0
AlaSiliana 2 6 2 on R o m a n government 5, 7 , 2 6 9
Albinus, D. Clodius 1 2 8 , 2 4 4 , 2 6 3 struggle for immunity 2 0 2 - 3 , 2 0 5 , 2 0 6 ,
Alexandria 4, 7 5 n., 148 n., 2 5 1 2 0 9 , 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 221,222, 223
and emperors 1 1 0 , 1 2 4 , 1 3 8 , 1 5 5 - 6 , aristocrats:
162,172,173 bearing, d e m e a n o u r 3 7 , 4 2
insults by 7 9 , 1 2 4 , 1 7 3 , 2 0 8 and Christian h o n o u r 9 4 - 5
p o g r o m at 196 codes o f c o n d u c t 3 8
Algeria 2 7 2 their conception o f h o n o u r influential
Ambrose, St 139 9 0 , 9 2 , 9 5 , 1 0 0 - 3 , 105
amicitia 6 7 n. defined 3 7
A m m i a n u s Marcellinus 16, 3 9 , 1 2 6 , 2 3 8 on freedmen 9 8
on imperial officials 2 2 , 2 3 , 1 7 9 , honour of 3 1 - 4 7
189-90, 226 see also h o n o u r
304 Index

aristocrats (cont): Augustus, e m p e r o r 1 1 , 6 9 , 1 0 7 , 1 8 9 , 2 5 4

on the honourless 9 6 auctoritas of 129, 1 3 0 - 1
literary culture o f 3 8 , 6 2 honours others 5 4 , 1 3 3 , 2 0 8
manners 3 8 - 9 and imperial cult 1 0 , 1 6 1 , 1 6 4 , 169
on obedience 2 0 - 1 , 2 3 , 2 6 9 and imperial office 182
otium 2 3 2 insults and dishonours others 119 n.,
on pay 2 0 , 1 5 4 , 1 7 7 , 2 6 9 139, 140, 2 6 4
on performers and gladiators 9 8 - 1 0 0 limits h o n o u r s o f others 1 1 2 , 1 9 6
and precedence 2 2 6 - 7 protects his h o n o u r 1 1 6 , 1 1 8
role in imperial government 129 and reciprocal favours 1 2 6 , 1 5 4 - 5 , 1 5 8 ,
in R o m a n a r m y 1 2 9 , 2 4 0 - 3 , 2 6 5 256
on slaves 2 0 , 9 6 Augustus, tide 163
their behaviour, views, widely known Aurelian 111 n.
3 6 , 4 8 n. Auspex, A. Pollienus 5 6
see also notables, civic autobiography, imperial 116
army, British 2 4 2 - 3 , 2 4 9 - 5 0 , 2 6 2 , 2 6 4
army, R o m a n Baetica, province o f 105
barbarization o f 1 8 9 Balbinus, e m p e r o r 111 n.
function in government 4 - 5 , 2 3 7 Balbinus M a x i m u s , L. Valerius Publicola
garrisons 4 186
recruits for 6 n . Balbus, L. Cornelius 112 n.
sacralized c o m m u n i t y 2 5 3 Barca 1 4 0 - 1
sense o f c o m m u n i t y 2 3 8 - 4 3 Bassus 5 7
size o f 3 Batavian revolt 2 4 8 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 0 , 2 6 2 n.
supplied on the m a r c h 127 Batavians 2 4 5 , 2 5 0
see also soldiers, R o m a n beast o f Revelation 1 4 - 1 5
Arpinum 5 6 Bedriacum 2 5 2
Arsenius 2 2 7 benefactors:
art and architecture, imperial 1 1 , 1 1 2 to collegia 1 0 0 - 1
Artemidorus 71 t o provincial councils 1 0 4
Artemidorus o f Daldis 3 3 - 4 public, to cities 8 4 - 9
Asia, province o f 4 , 1 0 5 , 1 9 5 , 2 0 8 , 2 1 0 civic finance, role in 8 5
Asiaticus, Valerius (RE no. 1 0 6 ) 110 n. continuity o f ethos o f 8 5
Asiaticus, Valerius (RE no. 1 0 8 ) 2 4 6 , 2 6 0 deference and 8 7 - 8
assembly, provincial, see provincial council emperors as 151
assizes, o f governors 1 5 1 , 1 9 3 from fear 8 8 , 1 0 6
associations, see collegia h o n o u r and 8 6 - 7
Asterius 194 imperial freedmen as 102
Atella 8 4 imperial officials as 199, 2 0 9
Athanasius, St 138 from patriotism 8 8
Athenius 140 priests o f imperial cult as 166
Athens 3 2 , 138, 1 9 5 reciprocity and 8 7
character o f 7 4 , 7 5 n., 81 from religious feeling 8 8
schooldays at 2 0 9 , 2 1 8 ruin o f 8 5
athletes 4 3 , 9 8 n . w o m e n as 8 5
o f Christ 9 2 - 3 beneficium 6 3 - 4 , 1 4 9 - 5 2 , 1 5 4 - 5 , 1 8 5 , 2 1 0 ,
auctoritas 6 1 - 2 , 7 5 , 1 2 9 , 131, 2 5 8 , 2 7 5 2 5 6 n.
and gratia 6 3 n., 2 0 4 n. Beroea 2 1 9 - 2 0
Aufidius,T. 2 0 8 bishops:
Augustalesr. appointment of, in 5th-cent. Gaul 190
imperial cult 1 0 1 - 2 , 1 6 6 as dignitaries 9 5
shorthand writers 2 2 6 h o n o u r o f 9 3 , 9 5 , 181
Augustamnica 179 praise and blame by 5 7
 Index 3 0 5

Bithynia 104 n., 149, 2 0 7 , 2 1 4 on maiestas prosecutions 1 1 8 - 9

Blaesus, Q. Junius 112 n. on the military oath 2 5 3
Bocchoris 83 on military officers 2 4 2 , 2 6 6 n.
Boethius 182 thinks distinguished m e n dangerous t o
boni 41 emperors 111
Bourges 190 on Tiberius and Sejanus 1 4 1 - 2 , 1 4 5
bread and circuses 123 on tribunicia potestas 118
bribery, see corruption Catiline (L. Sergius Catilina) 5 0 , 57, 6 0
Britain, province o f 1 0 8 , 1 1 6 , 2 1 4 , 2 4 2 , 2 6 2 C a t o , M. Porcius (the censor) 4 6 - 7
Brooklyn 8 8 C a t o , M. Porcius (the younger) 4 5 , 4 7 , 5 9 ,
brothel-keepers 9 6 143, 144, 182
Brundisium 9 5 , 1 6 6 Salluston 4 0
Bubon 1 3 7 - 8 Celer, Q. Caecilius Metellus 7 2 - 3
Burke, E d m u n d 2 6 , 2 6 9 Celerinus, L. Postumius Felix 8 7 - 8
Byzantium 1 5 2 - 3 Celestiacus 9 4
Cenchreae 107
Caecilia 4 5 centurion 2 4 7
Caecina Alienus, A. 192 ceremonial, imperial 1 1 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 9
Caesar, C. Julius 144 Cethegus, C. Cornelius 6 0
and civil war 3 4 - 5 , 5 0 Chaerea, Cassius 13
dishonours and insults by 6 0 , 2 1 9 Charles II 10
Salluston 4 0 Chastagnol, A. 2 2 8
and soldiers 2 3 8 , 2 3 9 , 2 5 4 Chaucicus, P. Gabinius Secundus 112 n.
Caldus, C. Coelius 1 8 8 , 2 2 2 - 3 Cherbourg 2 4 5
Caligula, e m p e r o r 142 chivalry 2 7
assassination o f 1 3 , 1 3 9 Christians, see h o n o u r o f Christians
dinner with 133 Cicero, M. Tullius 2 9 , 5 6 , 2 3 0
on honours from the senate 1 1 3 - 4 on his brother 4 5 , 192
and imperial cult 1 6 0 , 1 6 3 , 164, 168, and Coelius Caldus 1 8 8 , 2 2 2 - 3
169 on duty t o officials 23
and the Jews 1 6 4 , 2 0 8 , 2 7 0 on famine relief 2 0 7
prevents insults to himself 1 1 8 , 1 2 2 - 3 on imitation 4 7
and reciprocal favours 1 2 6 , 1 2 7 , 159, on Mark Antony 53
163 on obedience to h o n o u r 6 0
Canusium 2 2 8 n. vs. Q. Metellus Celer 7 2 - 3
Capito, C. Aetius 5 4 on reciprocal favours 6 3 n., 6 4 , 6 8 , 71
Capitoline festival 140 onVatinius 47
Capri 5 2 , 107, 1 4 1 , 142 on vengeance 51
Caracalla, e m p e r o r 1 3 0 , 1 3 1 n., 151, 168, Cicero, Q. Tullius 4 5 , 192, 2 1 0
254 Cilicia, province o f 105, 172, 2 1 9
assassination o f 1 3 , 2 5 6 Cicero in 1 8 8 , 2 1 7 , 2 2 2
boons from 1 2 1 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 5 , 2 6 9 titles o f cities in 138 n.
reaction to insults 122, 124 Cirta 2 2 9 n.
scorn for aristocratic opinion 173 citharodes 9 8 n.
Carthage 4, 9 5 , 1 0 3 cities:
Cassius, C. Avidius 119, 141, 2 6 3 anthropomorphized 8 0
Cassius Dio 5 0 , 1 2 4 , 2 3 8 n., 2 5 9 borrow honour 1 0 3 - 4 , 1 4 8 - 9 , 2 1 7 - 1 8
on civic rivalry 1 3 8 - 9 and e m p e r o r 1 2 0 - 5 , 1 2 6 - 7 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 6 - 9 ,
on coerced h o n o u r 5 2 - 3 , 1 1 3 - 1 4 140-1, 151-3, 154-7
on imperial benefactions 155 financial arrangements o f 8 5
on imperial cult 10, 168 n., 1 6 9 - 7 0 honour of 7 4 - 7
on imperial h o n o u r 117 conferred on cities by individuals'
on insincere h o n o u r s to e m p e r o r 115 honours 7 9 - 8 0
306 Index

cities (cont): meals at public expense 7 9 n.

h o n o u r (cont): months, honorific 161
deference to 8 1 - 2 office, h o n o r a r y appointment to 161
patriotism and 8 9 ornamenta o f offices 2 1 , 1 0 1
reciprocity o f favours grounded in 8 3 patron, appointment as 8 3
rivalry for, see rivalry for h o n o u r portrait plaque 7 9 n., 81
similarity t o h u m a n h o n o u r 7 4 , 7 5 , proclamations 7 8 , 1 6 1
78 reception o f visitors 7 9 n., 1 6 1 , 1 9 4
see also deference, reciprocity seats o f h o n o u r (proedria) 8 6 , 7 8
and h o n o u r o f inhabitants 3 6 speeches 7 8 , 1 5 6 , 1 9 4 - 5 ; see also
honourable qualities, accomplishments, panegyric
possessions, o f 7 4 statues 7 7 - 9 , 8 1 , 8 7 , 9 1 , 102, 157,
accomplishments o f individual 1 6 1 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 3 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 8 - 9 , 2 1 1 ; see
inhabitants 7 5 - 6 also statues
civic origins 7 4 testimonial decrees 7 8 , 1 9 6 , 1 9 8
festivals 7 4 , 1 7 1 n. tides 7 8 , 9 1 , 1 7 4
geographical advantages 7 4 tribes, honorifically n a m e d 162
manners 7 5 see also h o n o u r , as influence
m o r a l reputation 7 4 - 5 and imperial cult 1 6 1 - 2 , 1 6 3 - 4 , 1 6 5 ,
patrons 8 4 167, 1 6 8 - 9 , 1 7 0 - 3
population 7 4 and imperial government 6 , 1 2 9 , 2 0 2
revenues 7 4 and imperial officials 1 9 4 - 2 0 0 , 2 0 4 - 5 ,
size 7 4 210-11,213,214,218-20
structures 7 4 insult by:
subject cities 7 4 chanting 7 6 , 7 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 9 7
h o n o u r s from 7 8 - 9 destruction o f honours 7 9 , 1 9 8
acclamations 7 8 , 8 6 , 9 0 , 1 6 1 , 195; see insolent reception o f visitors 7 9
also acclamations m o b violence, considered as 7 9 , 1 9 8
banquets 7 9 n. m o c k funeral 7 9
borrowed 1 0 4 , 1 4 8 see also dishonour, as influence
buildings (for e m p e r o r ) 156 legal status o f 1 5 1 - 2
citizenship 7 8 ranking of, in provinces 7 6 , 1 4 1 , 1 7 0 - 1 ,
coins 7 9 n., 161 214,219
crowns 7 8 , 8 6 see also patriotism
divine, t o officials 195 n. citizenship:
embassies, appointment to 7 8 , 8 1 honorific grants o f 7 8 , 8 1 , 1 4 9 - 5 0
embassies, honorific 161 R o m a n 7 8 n., 8 9 , 1 4 9 - 5 0 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 5 ,
escorting 7 8 , 9 1 , 1 9 4 n. 202
extortion of, by officials 196 Civilis, C. Julius 8 4
funerary 7 9 clarissimus vir 4 4 , 184, 2 2 4 , 2 2 6 - 7 , 2 2 8 - 9 ,
t o governors, regulated 196 231,242
Greek, reception o f in R o m e 7 8 Claudius, e m p e r o r 109, 111 n., 118 n.,
honorific dress 8 6 120, 185
imperial cult 1 6 1 - 2 ; altar 1 6 0 , 1 6 3 , accession o f 2 5 4 , 2 5 5
166; banquets 1 6 0 , 1 6 6 ; cult and Alexandria 1 6 2 , 1 7 2
statues 164; distributions 166; eccentric behaviour o f 117
games 1 6 0 , 1 6 6 , 1 7 1 - 2 ; holidays his freedmen 2 1 , 5 8 n., 2 4 2
1 6 1 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 5 ; priesthoods 162; gratitude t o 155 n., 1 5 9
processions 1 6 0 , 1 7 0 - 1 ; sacred invasion o f Britain 116
groves 162; sacrifices 1 6 0 , 1 6 1 , protects his h o n o u r 123
168; temples 1 6 0 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 8 , 1 7 1 - 2 clients 12, 7 2 , 1 0 6 , 128
inscriptions 7 8 in a r m y 2 5 6
invitation, decrees o f 81 n. cities as 8 3 - 4 , 8 7 , 2 1 1
 Index 307

contribute to patron's h o n o u r 3 6 , 6 6 , CottianAlps 228

112,156 Crassus, M . Licinius 3 9
definition o f 6 6 - 7 Cremona 251
provinces as 105 Crescens, Atilius 5 6
see also patronage Crete 197
clubs, see collegia criminals 9 6
Cluvius,C. 8 4 Crispus, Q. Vibius 53
codicils, o f h o n o r a r y rank 2 2 5 , 2 2 7 , 2 2 9 crown gold 130
c o g n o m e n , honorific 112 Ctesiphon 115
coinage: Cuicul 2 2 9 n.
civic honours on 7 4 , 1 7 1 Cumae 219
civic origins on 7 4 curialeSy see decurions
civic rank on 7 6 Cyprian 9 3
as h o n o u r to individuals 7 9 n., 161 Cyrene 1 4 0 - 1
imperial face on 19 Cyrrhus 141
imperial pronouncements on 1 0 - 1 1 , Cyzicus 1 6 3 , 1 6 5
116
right t o mint 152, 1 5 3 , 1 7 0 Dacia 2 0 8 n.
collegia 9 7 - 8 , 1 0 0 - 1 , 1 0 4 , 1 2 5 n., 149 n. Dasius, martyr 2 5 5 , 2 5 7 , 2 5 8
h o n o u r s from 9 7 - 8 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 4 , 1 6 2 Decebalus 2 4 4
Cologne 8 4 Decius, e m p e r o r 172
colonia, city status 152 decorations, military 2 4 3 , 2 4 4 , 2 5 5 , 2 6 0 - 1 ,
comes 2 2 7 , 2 3 4 262-3
commilitones 2 5 3 decurions 9 5 n., 9 8 , 1 0 1 , 2 0 0 , 2 0 2 n., 2 3 2 ,
Commodus, emperor 1 1 0 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 7 , 1 6 8 , 246
253-4 gain h o n o r a r y rank 2 3 0 - 1 , 2 3 4
as gladiator 9 8 - 9 , 1 2 4 , 1 6 5 , 1 8 2 deference 5 9 - 6 3 , 7 2 - 3 , 1 0 6
Comnianus, Badius 2 1 5 to age 5 9
C o m u m 103 to cities 8 1 - 2
conscience 41 by cities to m e n 81
Constantine, e m p e r o r 117 n., 121 n., comprehends obedience 6 0 - 1
123 n., 125 to emperor 1 2 9 , 1 3 0 - 1
generous distribution o f honours 2 2 7 by e m p e r o r to cities 125
recruits a m o b for Constantinople 120 by e m p e r o r to m e n 1 2 5 - 6
Constantinople 9 6 , 1 2 0 , 2 2 6 by e m p e r o r to the senate 148
Constantius II, e m p e r o r 117 n., 138 t o husbands 5 9
and Gallus Caesar 2 5 7 t o imperial officials 2 0 7 - 9
and Julian 1 2 , 1 1 9 n . , 1 5 7 - 8 between imperial officials 2 2 2 - 3
on rank o f military officers 2 2 , 2 2 6 see also reverence
andSilvanus 1 2 6 by imperial officials to cities 2 0 4 - 5
and Ursicinus 135 by imperial officials to m e n 2 0 3 - 4 , 2 0 5 ,
consularis 2 2 4 n., 2 2 8 , 231 230-1,233-4
consulship 1 1 2 , 1 5 0 - 1 , 1 8 3 - 4 , 1 8 7 to offices 183
contumacia 2 0 6 n. t o parents 5 9
contumelia 5 0 role in appointment t o office 1 8 6 - 8
see also insult role in imperial cult 1 6 3 - 5 , 166
Corbulo, Cn. Domitius 1 0 7 , 1 1 0 n., 126, by soldiers 2 5 7 - 8
251 delators 1 4 5 , 147
Corellius Rufus, Q. 185 Delphi 195
Corinth 7 7 Diadumenianus, Caesar 121
cornicularius 229 n., 2 3 4 Didius Julianus, e m p e r o r 1 n., 2 5 6 - 7
corruption 1 7 6 , 1 7 7 , 188, 2 0 1 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 4 c o n t e m p t for 122
Cossutianus Capito 145 dignitas 7 2 , 1 7 6 , 2 7 4 - 5
308 Index
dinners:
dishonour in 5 0 , 6 0 , 6 1 , 140
as h o n o u r 4 9 - 5 0 , 7 9 n., 9 7 - 8 , 1 3 3 , 137,
216-7, 262
imperial 133, 137, 1 4 0 , 2 6 2
o f imperial cult 1 6 0 , 1 6 6
o f officials 2 1 6 - 7
Dio Cassius, see Cassius Dio
Dio Chrysostom 7 , 3 0 , 3 8
and Alexandria 1 5 5 - 6
on philotimia 3 5
and Prusa 8 2 , 8 4
on Tarsus'snorting 7 5
Diocletian, e m p e r o r 1 5 0 , 2 4 3
and the adoration o f the purple 135
excludes senators from government 189
Diomedes 1 9 1 , 2 6 6
disaster relief, imperial 1 1 6 , 1 3 1 , 1 5 1 , 152
discipline, military 2 4 3 , 2 4 7 - 9 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 3
and h o n o u r 2 4 8
dishonour:
causes of:
accepting favours 6 9
bad conduct in office 1 9 2 - 3
clientship 6 6 , 1 2 8
c o n d e m n a t i o n by senate 147
conviction in c o u r t 1 4 6 - 7
failure o f deference 6 1 , 1 8 8 , 2 0 4
flogging 2 2 0
ingratitude 6 8 , 7 1 - 2 , 8 3 , 1 2 6
obscurity 3 7
opinion o f c o m m u n i t y 51
perception o f weakness 5 1 , 6 9 n.,
142
slave o r freedman status 3 6
violating aristocratic codes o f conduct
3 8 - 9 , 117, 1 9 3 - 4
working with hands 3 8
see also infamia; soldiers, R o m a n ,
dishonour, causes o f a m o n g
as influence 5 0 - 1 , 5 6 , 7 0 , 7 1 - 2
between cities 7 6
by cities on e m p e r o r 1 2 1 - 5
by cities on imperial officials 1 9 7 - 8
by cities on m e n 7 9
by e m p e r o r on cities 1 4 0 - 1
by e m p e r o r on m e n 1 3 1 , 1 3 9 - 4 0 ,
141-5,158
by imperial officials 2 1 9
by m e n on cities 7 9 - 8 0
by m e n on emperors 1 1 9 - 2 0
by m e n on imperial officials 199,
200-201
from punishments to military units
264
from punishments to soldiers 2 6 4
see also insult; cities, insult by;
emperor, insults from
Domitian, e m p e r o r 1 5 , 1 1 5 , 2 4 2
and Agricola 1 0 8 - 9 , 1 1 0 , 1 5 9
donative 2 5 6
dress 2 1 , 3 6 , 8 6 , 9 5 , 2 5 3
Drusilla 163
Drusus Caesar 2 5 8
duelling 2 3 7
Dulcitius, Aelius Claudius 2 3 2
egregius vir 4 4 - 5
Egypt 2 n., 8 6 , 1 5 8 , 2 0 9 , 2 2 8
Elagabalus, e m p e r o r 1 6 5 , 1 7 2 , 2 4 1 , 2 5 4 ,
255
elite, see aristocrats; decurions; notables
eminentissimus vir 2 2 4
emperor:
appoints t o offices 1 5 0 - 1 , 1 8 5 , 1 8 7 - 9 ,
223
arranges succession 1 1 2 - 1 3
benefactions to cities 1 5 1 - 2
benefactions to individuals 1 4 9 - 5 1
coerces honours 1 1 3 - 1 4
in consulship 1 1 2 , 1 8 2
duty to h o n o u r 2 2 - 3
duty to obey 2 2
emphasizes c o m m u n i t y with soldiers
253^
how envisaged by subjects 1 4 - 1 6
gratitude t o 1 5 4 - 6 0
h o n o u r of:
attacks o n 1 1 9 - 2 5
conduct o f subordinates affects 194
conventional nature o f 1 0 9 - 1 0
enforces reciprocity 1 5 8 - 9
honours from subject contribute to
157,168
and imperial cult 168
inspires imitation 1 2 9 - 3 0
protection o f 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 1 2 2 - 3
quest for 1 1 5 - 1 6
significance o f 1 0 7 - 8 , 1 2 8 , 1 2 9 , 1 7 3
subjects connive in 1 6 7 - 8 , 1 7 4 - 5
supernatural elements o f 110
see also deference; reciprocity
h o n o u r s from 131
adoration o f the purple 1 3 5 - 6
benefactions, conceived as 1 4 9 - 5 4 ,
260-1
 Index 309

borrowed 1 4 8 - 9 , 199 regulates votes o f thanks to officials

cheapened 1 5 3 , 1 7 2 196
civic magistracy, assumption o f 137 relations with officials 2 0
codicils o f h o n o r a r y rank 2 2 7 - 9 and R o m a n senate 112, 1 1 3 - 1 6 ,
conversation 134 146-8
courtesies 134 rule o f envisaged in terms o f h o n o u r
decorations, military 2 6 0 - 1 , 2 6 2 - 3 and force 1 0 8 - 1 0
dinners 1 3 3 , 1 3 7 , 2 6 2 shame, sense o f 107, 1 4 3 , 1 4 5
grants o f imperial cult games 1 7 1 - 2 sincerity o f honours to, problem o f
kisses 1 3 4 , 1 5 5 , 2 6 1 115-16
letters 132, 1 3 7 , 1 3 8 ; see also letters suspicious o f men o f highest h o n o u r
neocorates 1 7 1 - 2 111-12
precedence for military units 2 6 3 - 4 emperorship, independent h o n o u r o f 182
rationed by ceremonial 1 3 5 - 6 Ephesus 7 7 , 1 4 8 , 1 6 5 , 172 n., 2 0 5 , 2 1 3
salutatio 1 3 5 - 6 Epictetus 19
speeches 134, 146, 2 5 9 equestrian order 3 6 , 6 2 , 7 3 , 1 2 1 , 2 2 3
statues 134 Erastus, L. 148
tainted 1 5 3 , 1 7 2 Eucherius 190
titles for cities 1 3 6 - 7 ; see also titles euergetism, see benefactors
tides for military units 2 6 2 - 3 Eunapius 120
visits 1 3 4 , 1 3 7 eunoia 1 5 6 , 1 5 8 n., 168 n.
see also h o n o u r , as influence eunuchs 2 2 6 , 2 3 5
imitates other emperors 116 Eurycles 104 n.
a n d imperial cult 1 6 8 - 7 2 Eurysthenes 2 3 3
insults from: eusebeia 1 6 6 - 7 , 1 6 9
not appoint to office 188 Eusebius 2 2 7 , 2 2 9
in c e r e m o n y 1 3 9 Eutropius 9 7
at dinner 140 extortion 1 4 6 , 1 7 6
laughter 140
toLepidus 139 Fabatus, L. Calpurnius 103
letters 1 1 9 , 1 4 0 - 1 , 1 4 2 , 2 1 9 Facundus 2 2 7
official acts construed as 1 5 2 - 3 family, h o n o u r and 4 5 - 6
proclamations 119 favours:
refusal t o visit 141 as honorific 4 9 , 6 5 , 6 9 , 1 4 9 - 5 4 , 2 1 9 - 2 2
renuntiatio amicitiae 140 offices as 1 8 5 - 6
satire 141 see also reciprocity
t o Sejanus 142 fear:
t o Thrasea Paetus 1 4 3 - 5 and h o n o u r 5 2 - 5 , 1 1 3 - 1 5 , 1 1 8 , 1 9 6 ,
see also dishonour, as influence 205-8
hospitality t o 127 and R o m a n government 3 - 4 , 7 , 2 9 , 2 0 2
keeps highest h o n o u r and responsibility Felix, Sulpicius 1 9 8 - 9
apart 1 8 9 , 2 2 3 , 2 3 1 Firmani 81
learns about behaviour o f officials Firmus, Romatius 6 6
195 'first' as city title, see cities, ranking o f
legatee in wills 7 0 , 1 5 9 Flaccus, A. Avillius 1 6 - 1 7 , 2 0 8
limits h o n o u r s o f others 1 1 1 - 1 2 Flaccus, Hordeonius 2 4 1
literary activity o f 117 flattery 5 8 , 124, 159
monopolizes certain honours 112 Florus, Caelius 2 1 5
monopolizes granting o f military Florus, Gessius 18
decorations 261 France, 16th-cent. 4 9 n., 5 4 n., 6 5 n., 6 9 n.
and plebs o f R o m e 1 2 0 - 4 freedmen 3 6 , 6 7 , 9 8 , 1 0 1 - 2 , 1 6 6
and precedence 2 2 5 - 7 , 2 3 4 - 5 imperial, see slaves and freedmen,
punishes cities 1 5 2 - 3 imperial
310 Index

Fronto 1 2 3 , 1 8 1 , 2 0 1 Graces 6 3
on clients 6 6 - 7 gratia 6 3 n., 71 n.
honours for, from Lucius Verus 1 3 3 - 4 Gratian, e m p e r o r 1 8 0 , 1 8 2
frumentarii 5 - 6 gratitude, virtue o f 6 8 , 7 1 - 2 , 8 3 , 1 5 7 - 8 ,
Fufidius,Q. 5 6 165-6
Fundi 9 5 gravitas 4 2 , 6 2
Gregory o f Nazianzus, St 5 7 , 2 0 4 , 2 1 1
Gaius, grandson o f Augustus 1 5 8 , 1 6 5 Guards regiments, U K 2 4 9
Gaius Caesar, see Caligula guilds, see collegia
Galba, e m p e r o r 113 n., 2 3 5 , 2 4 1 , 2 5 3 , 2 5 4 , guilt culture 41
264 Gytheum 1 6 1 , 165, 172
Gauls'gratitude t o 1 5 5
vs. Nero 1 1 0 , 1 8 9 Hadrian, e m p e r o r 9 - 1 0 , 1 1 6 n . , 153
Galen 4 3 appointments o f 2 0 7 , 2 0 8 n.
Galilee 4 5 , 2 0 9 honours others 148
Gallienus, e m p e r o r 114 and imperial cult 168
Gallio, Junius 2 6 0 - 1 insults others 140
Gallus, C. Cornelius 158 and the plebs 123
Gallus Caesar 2 5 7 and soldiers 2 4 5 , 2 5 8 , 2 5 9
Gaul 1 0 5 , 1 1 1 , 1 5 5 , 1 9 0 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 9 , 2 6 3 Hadriani 2 0 3 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 3
Germanicus Caesar 142 H a r m o d i u s and Aristogeiton 2 9
and soldiers 3 9 , 2 4 2 , 2 4 8 , 2 5 4 , 2 5 8 Helicon 196
Germany 1 0 8 , 2 4 1 , 2 5 0 Heliodorus 140
Gillo, M. Fulvius 157 Helvidius Priscus 9 2 , 1 1 8
Glabrio, M'. Acilius 109 Herod, King 8 2 , 1 9 9
gladiators 9 6 , 9 8 - 9 Herodes Atticus 112 n., 127
honours o f 9 9 Herodian 1 2 7 , 2 5 6 , 2 5 7
Glasgow 8 8 on Didius Julianus 122
God, Christian, reciprocity with 6 4 - 5 , 2 5 5 on Maximinus T h r a x 126
gods: on the military oath 2 5 3
eusebeia t o 167 Historia Augusta 2 8
h o n o u r o f 73 historians, on emperors 1 6 , 1 1 6 - 1 7 , 1 2 4 ,
reciprocity with 6 4 , 167 1 3 1 , 1 3 9 , 173
Gordian I, e m p e r o r 111 n. Hobbes, T h o m a s 37 n., 51 n.
Gordian III, e m p e r o r 169 holy men:
gossip 51 Christian 9 3
government, Roman: pagan 91
amenable t o influence from below 2 7 , H o m e r i c society 3 2 , 4 2 , 4 9 n., 51 n., 5 4 n.,
236, 2 6 8 - 9 191,267
distance from subject 2 honor 1 7 6 , 2 7 3 - 4
how envisaged 1 8 , 2 3 6 , 2 7 0 - 1 honorati 2 0 9 , 2 3 3 - 5
honour, role o f in 2 4 - 5 , 2 6 7 - 7 1 Honorius, e m p e r o r 150
in late antiquity 2 2 2 - 3 5 honour:
legitimacy, role in 3, 8 - 1 1 , 1 2 0 , 1 4 8 , o f animals 7 3
237,270 anthropological treatment o f 32
limited objectives o f 2 o f buildings 7 3
patronage, role o f in 3, 1 1 - 1 3 , 2 6 8 o f cities, see cities, h o n o u r o f
reliance on force 3 - 7 , 1 4 5 , 2 0 2 , 2 3 7 in classical Athens 32
small size o f 3 in early R o m e 32
weakness o f 2 - 7 ' o f emperor, see emperor, h o n o u r o f
government, US 3 o f geographical features 73
governors, see officials o f g o d s 73
Gracchus, Tib. Sempronius 56 in H o m e r 32
 Index 311

as ideology 2 5 by m e n on cities 7 9 - 8 0
o f imperial officials, see offices; officials, by m e n on imperial officials 2 0 0
imperial on military units 2 6 2 - 4
o f individuals: by provinces 1 0 4 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 7
ambition o f aristocrats for 3 4 - 6 on soldiers 2 5 8 - 6 2
o f bishops 9 5 see also cities, honours from; e m p e r o r ,
o f Christian aristocrats 9 4 - 5 h o n o u r s from; officials, imperial,
Christian view o f 9 2 - 5 , 2 1 4 - 5 h o n o u r s from
communities o f 3 6 - 7 , 3 9 , 4 3 , 4 7 - 8 , o f military units 2 5 0 - 2 , 2 6 2 - 5
90,103 o f objects 73
conferred by civic honours 7 8 - 9 o f offices 1 8 1 - 5
conferred by individuals' acts o f as rhetoric o f concealment 2 4 - 5 , 2 2 0 - 2 ,
honouring 4 8 - 5 0 269
conferred by c o m m u n i t y 3 6 - 4 3 role in government 2 4 - 6 , 2 6 7 - 7 1
contests o f 191 o f R o m a n senate, see senate
court o f 3 6 , 4 8 vocabulary o f 2 7 2 - 9
as criterion o f social ranking 3 4 honourable qualities, accomplishments,
defined 3 6 possessions o f individuals:
differences o f opinion over 4 3 athletics (in the East) 4 3
diversity o f standards by place 4 3 - 5 , benefaction, public 8 8
103 birth 3 6 , 4 6 , 9 3 , 1 0 9 , 143, 186, 187, 1 8 8 ,
diversity o f standards by status 9 7 - 8 , 190, 2 3 3
103 chastity (for w o m e n ) 4 6
o f gladiators 9 9 a m o n g Christians 9 2 - 4
in heaven 9 2 city o f origin 3 6 , 1 0 9
o f imperial slaves and freedmen 102 clients, see clients
Jewish 4 4 - 5 dress 3 6
and other forms o f power 5 4 - 5 education 3 7 , 2 0 4
philosophers'view o f 9 0 - 2 fear, ability to inspire 5 2 - 5
public benefaction grounded in 8 6 - 9 games, giving 8 6 n.
reciprocity o f favours grounded in a m o n g gladiators 9 9
68,157-8 gratitude 6 8 , 1 6 6
reified 4 7 gravitas 4 2 , 6 2
roles o f in society 6 9 h o n o r a r y rank 2 2 5 , 2 3 0
o f slaves 9 7 see also ornamenta
o f stage performers 9 9 - 1 0 1 house 3 6
o f women 4 5 - 6 husband 4 6
see also deference, reciprocity law, knowledge o f 4 0
as influence 4 7 - 5 0 letters, see letters
by bishops 5 7 literary accomplishment 3 8 , 109, 117
between cities 77 military success 1 0 8 - 9 , 1 8 7 , 1 9 2
by cities o n e m p e r o r 1 2 0 - 1 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 , moral reputation 4 0 - 1 , 4 6 , 6 2 , 6 8 , 8 8 ,
161,168 109, 143, 186, 188
by cities o n imperial officials 1 9 4 - 2 0 0 offices, appointment t o 1 7 7 , 1 8 1 - 9 1
by cities on m e n 7 8 - 9 , 8 0 - 1 , 8 6 - 7 , offices, ecclesiastical 9 5
90 offices, performance in 1 9 1 - 2 0 1
coercion o f honours 5 2 - 5 , 1 1 3 - 1 5 ornamentum 4 8 - 9
by e m p e r o r on cities 1 3 6 - 9 patriotism, civic 8 9
by e m p e r o r on men 1 3 1 - 6 , 1 4 8 - 9 philosophy 3 8 , 9 1
by imperial officials on cities 2 1 8 poetry 3 8 , 4 2 - 3
by imperial officials on e m p e r o r 157 relations by blood 4 5 - 6 , 9 3
by imperial officials on m e n 2 1 3 - 1 8 retinue 3 6 , 4 4
between m e n 5 6 - 8 , 1 0 6 rhetoric 3 8 , 4 0 , 1 8 8
312 Index

honourable qualities (cont): immunity 1 4 9 , 1 7 6

salutathy crowded 4 4 , 1 1 2 o f city, from imperial taxes 1 5 1 , 152,
self-control 4 1 - 2 , 109 154,163
slaves 3 6 t o corporal punishment 2 0 2
sophrosyne 4 2 from liturgies 1 5 3 , 176, 2 0 3 , 2 1 2 , 2 3 4
virtues 4 1 - 2 , 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 119, 143, 192 imperator 112
wealth 3 6 , 4 6 , 5 5 , 1 4 3 , 188 imperial cult 1 6 0 - 7 2
wife 4 0 , 4 6 , 190 acts o f cult understood as h o n o u r s
honourless 2 7 , 9 6 161-2
see also slaves attitude towards in West 1 6 9 - 7 0
honours, from individuals 4 8 , 5 9 civic honours of, see cities, h o n o u r s
borrowing o f 103 from, imperial cult
buildings (for e m p e r o r ) 162 deference in, see deference
dinners 4 9 - 5 0 eusebeia and 1 6 6 - 7
see also dinners games 1 7 1 - 2
dismount 5 9 , 6 0 n., 2 0 6 individuals' acts o f 162
favours, see favours see also honours, from individuals
greeting 4 9 , 5 9 , 6 0 n., 8 1 , 1 6 2 neocorates 1 7 1 - 2
head, uncover 5 9 philotimia and 1 6 6 - 8
hospitality 5 9 priesthoods o f 166
invitation to visit 4 9 reciprocity in, see reciprocity
kisses 4 9 , 5 9 role o f in government 1 0 , 1 7 2
letters 4 8 - 9 , 5 7 - 8 , 1 9 6 scale o f p h e n o m e n o n 160
see also letters imperium 9
libation (for e m p e r o r ) 162 India 187 n.
panegyrics 8 0 , 8 4 , 1 9 6 , 2 0 0 infamia 9 6 , 9 8
see also panegyric ingratitude 6 8 , 7 1 , 1 5 8 - 9 , 1 6 3 n.
patronage, o f city 8 0 inimicitia 3 7 n., 4 0 , 51 n.
prayer (for e m p e r o r ) 162 iniuria 5 0 , 9 6
presents 4 9 , 8 0 insignia o f offices 21
remarks 4 9 insult, by individuals 5 0 - 1 , 5 9 - 6 0 ,
rise 5 9 - 6 0 , 162, 2 0 6 118-20
salutatio, admission t o 4 9 not appoint t o office 1 8 8 , 2 0 3
in speeches 4 9 , 5 9 deference, failure o f 5 9 , 1 8 8 , 2 3 3
statue 6 1 , 6 5 , 1 6 2 , 1 9 5 n. at dinner 5 0 , 6 0 , 6 1
see also statues ignore 5 0 , 6 0 n., 2 0 1
temples (for e m p e r o r ) 1 6 2 , 1 6 5 ingratitude, accuse o f 6 8 , 71
visit 4 9 , 6 0 n., 6 5 kiss 6 0
will, in 7 0 lampoons 51
yield in street 1 8 0 , 2 0 6 letters 5 0 , 7 1
see also h o n o u r , as influence; cities, see also letters
h o n o u r s from; e m p e r o r , h o n o u r s literary 119
from; officials, imperial, h o n o u r s t o master, through slave 5 1 , 9 6
from pamphlets 5 0
Hortensius Hortalus, Q. 1 2 6 n. refusal to reply to letters 5 0 - 1
hybris 5 0 remarks 5 0
see also insult not rise 6 0
Hypata 2 1 8 salutatio, barring from 5 0
slander 51
Iliad 32 speeches 5 0 , 1 1 8 , 2 0 0 - 1 , 2 0 4
see also H o m e r i c society suicide 1 1 9 - 2 0
illustris 1 5 0 , 184 n., 1 9 0 , 2 2 4 , 2 2 6 , 2 3 1 violence 51
imitation 4 6 - 7 , 77, 1 1 6 , 1 2 9 - 3 0 , 2 4 6 will, in 7 0
 Index 313

see also iniuria; cities, insults by Lepidus, M . Aemilius ( H E no. 7 5 ) 5 5

emperor, insults from; officials, letters:
imperial, insults from o f appointment 2 0 , 1 0 2 , 1 8 5 n.
Italy 2 2 8 , 2 6 3 imperial 1 1 9 , 1 3 2 , 137, 138, 1 4 0 - 1 , 142,
iusgladii 9 148-9, 149-50,156, 161,219
from imperial officials 196 n., 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 ,
Jerusalem 4 , 1 9 9 , 2 7 0 217,219
siege o f 2 4 3 , 2 4 5 , 2 4 6 , 2 4 9 , 2 3 1 , 2 5 9 o f insult 5 0 , 7 1 , 1 1 9 , 1 4 0 - 1 , 1 4 2 , 2 1 9
Jews: o f introduction 4 3
honour of 4 4 - 5 pattern book o f 6 3 , 7 1
honours from 1 6 2 , 1 9 9 o f praise 4 8 - 9 , 5 7 - 8 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 7 , 1 3 8 ,
JohnLydus 1 8 4 , 2 1 6 , 2 2 6 148-9,195-6,215,216,217
Josephus 2 3 8 n., 2 7 0 o f recommendation 4 8 , 5 7 , 6 2 - 4 , 9 3 ,
Julia the Elder 8 2 , 1 0 7 , 2 0 8 203
Julia Maesa 2 5 5 refusal t o reply to, an insult 5 0 - 1
Julian, e m p e r o r 1 6 , 1 1 7 , 2 1 4 n „ 2 4 1 n. levee, see salutatio
at Antioch 124 n., 141 Libanius 2 9 , 5 7 , 2 3 0 , 2 3 2
honours from 1 3 3 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 0 and officials 2 0 0 - 1 , 2 0 4 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 9 - 2 0 ,
revolt against Constantius 1 2 , 1 1 9 n., 234
138,157-8, 261-2 liberalis 6 2
Julianus, M. Aedinius 2 1 5 Liguria 2 0 9
Julianus, Salvius 1 1 0 Limyra 132
Julianus Zegrensis 150 literature 3 8 , 1 1 7 , 1 9 4
Junia 7 0 Livia 133 n.
Justinian, e m p e r o r 9 , 1 2 3 n. Louis VI 10
Juvenal 127 Louis X I V 2 6 , 1 3 3 n., 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 , 136, 153
Juvenalia 143 Lucan 13
Lucian 2 0 , 1 6 3
KaXol Kayadoi 41 Lucius Verus, emperor 1 1 7 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 3 - 4 ,
kin, influence from 3 0 , 6 3 149
kings, medieval 9 - 1 0 Lucretia 32
kingship, writings o n 131 Lucretius 9 2
Kipling, R. 2 5 0 L u g d u n u m 104 n.
kisses 4 9 , 9 8 n., 134, 1 5 5 , 1 7 9 , 2 1 7 , 2 3 4 Lycian League 104 n., 1 3 7 - 8 , 1 4 9
different places by relative status 5 9 - 6 0
for soldiers 2 6 1 M a c M u l l e n , R . 12
Macrinus, e m p e r o r 1 8 8 , 2 4 1
Labeo, M. Antistius 5 4 vs. Caracalla 1 3 , 2 5 6
Lambaesis 8 7 , 2 2 9 n., 2 5 9 vs. Elagabalus 172, 2 5 5
lampoons 5 1 , 1 1 6 , 1 2 4 imitation o f Marcus Aurelius 116
Lampsacus 6 0 jeered by the R o m a n plebs 121
Lanuvium 9 8 M a c r o , Q. Naevius C o r d u s Sutorius 1 2 6
Laodicea 1 3 6 , 1 3 8 , 2 1 8 Madaura 2 1 1
law: Magerius 8 6 - 7
knowledge o f honourable 4 0 Magnillus 196 n.
officials' ignorance o f 9 maiestas:
role in imperial government 8 - 9 as h o n o u r word 5 5 , 5 9 , 6 9 , 120, 2 5 8 ,
legions: 275-6
honour of 2 5 0 - 2 , 262 prosecution 1 1 8 - 9 , 140 n., 143
titles o f 2 6 2 - 3 Majorian, e m p e r o r 140
Lentulus Sura, P. Cornelius 6 0 Marcellinus, M. Egnatius 192
Lepcis Magna 2 1 1 Marcellus, L. Ulpius 2 4 5
Lepidus, M. Aemilius (the triumvir) 139 Marcellus, T. Clodius Epirus 145
314 Index

Marcus Aurelius, e m p e r o r 116, 117, 1 2 5 , Nevitta, Flavius 191 n.

127, 1 3 1 , 2 0 3 New Y o r k 3 0 , 5 2
vs. Avidius Cassius 1 1 9 , 141, 2 6 3 Nicaea 7 4 - 5 , 1 4 1 , 2 1 4
boons o f 1 4 9 - 5 0 , 153 Nicetius 2 2 0
death o f 110, 155 Nicolaus o f Damascus 8 2 , 1 6 3
and soldiers 2 5 3 , 2 5 4 Nicomedia 77, 138, 141, 172, 2 0 9 , 2 1 4
Marius, C. 4 7 , 6 7 , 2 4 2 Nicopolis ad Istrum 138
Martial 4 3 , 6 0 Niger, Pescennius, see Pescennius Niger
martyrs 9 2 - 3 , 2 1 0 , 2 5 5 , 2 5 7 , 2 5 8 nobilis 6 0 , 7 2 , 2 2 3 , 2 4 2
Mascula 2 2 9 n. notables, civic:
Massilia 1 6 6 and imperial government 6, 127 n., 129
Maternus, Curatius 119 power over inferiors 6
Mauretania 149, 1 5 5 , 198 as public benefactors 8 5
Maximinus 180 relations with imperial officials 7
Maximinus Thrax, e m p e r o r 157 see also decurions
low birth o f 126, 131 notaries 2 2 4 , 2 3 0 n., 2 3 2
and soldiers 2 4 3 , 2 4 4 , 2 5 4 , 2 6 6 Notitia Dignitatum 2 2 4 - 6 , 2 2 9 n., 2 6 3
Maximus, usurper 139 Novatus, Junius 118
Meeks,W. 93 novushomo 2 2 3
merit 4 7 , 187 Nuceria 9 0
meritum 6 4 numerarii 2 2 9 n.
Messalina 163 Numidia 2 2 8 - 9
'metropolis', city title 1 3 6 , 141, 2 1 3 Numidicus, Q. Caecilius Metellus 9 6
mimes 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 1 0 1
Minicius Italus, C. 8 3 oaths:
miracles 9 - 1 0 , 9 1 , 1 1 0 o f clientage 12
Misopogon 141 o f loyalty to e m p e r o r 1 2 , 2 2 n., 156 n.,
monks 9 3 253
Montesquieu 2 6 Octavian, see Augustus
morality and h o n o u r 4 0 - 2 , 4 6 , 6 2 , 6 8 , 1 1 9 Octavius, M. (RE no. 3 1 ) 5 6
Mucianus, C. Licinius 127 Odysseus 16
Mucius Scaevola, P. 4 7 officers, R o m a n army:
municipium, city status 152 loyalty o f troops to 2 5 4
musicians 9 9 - 1 0 0 membership in c o m m u n i t y o f a r m y
Musonius 2 0 7 241-3
mutiny, military 3 9 , 2 4 0 , 2 4 8 - 9 , 2 5 0 , 2 5 5 , shame their troops 2 4 4 , 2 4 8 - 9 , 2 5 1 ,
258 252, 257
Mytilene 1 6 4 , 166 share soldiers' labours 2 4 0 - 1
social origins o f 1 2 9 , 2 4 2
Naples 2 1 9 offices:
Narcissus 2 4 2 honour of 1 8 1 - 5
Naso, Julius 191 changes over time 182
neocoros 1 7 1 - 2 deference t o 183
Nero, e m p e r o r 1 3 , 1 5 n., 1 8 , 4 2 , 1 6 9 , 2 6 2 function o f past holders 1 8 2 - 3
behaviour o f 9 8 , 1 1 4 , 124 influences o n 1 8 2 - 3
and C o r b u l o 107, 1 2 6 lesser functionaries partake o f 185
fall o f 1 , 2 5 3 outward show o f 181
vs. Galba 1 1 0 , 1 8 9 powers contribute to 183
and imperial cult 1 6 3 - 4 , 1 6 5 precedence and 2 2 4 - 7
protects his h o n o u r 1 1 7 - 1 8 tradition, role in 184, 2 2 4
vs. Thrasea Paetus 1 4 2 - 5 in imperial government:
Nerva, e m p e r o r 111 n., 1 3 0 , 1 8 5 , 2 4 1 appointment to, honourable 177,
Nerva, M . Cocceius 120 181-91
 Index 315

as beneficia 1 8 5 - 6 reverence
constraints o n imperial appointments self-image 2 3 6
188-9 sensitivity t o insult 2 0 5 - 7 , 2 1 2
criteria o f appointment and slave and freedman, see slaves and
p r o m o t i o n , not objective 187 n., freedmen, imperial
189 and subordinates 1 9 4
perceived t o go to h o n o u r 1 8 6 - 9 1 supervise civic affairs 2 2 0
profitable 1 7 6 violence of, see violence, official
officials, imperial: virtues o f 192
attitude towards pay 177 see also deference; reciprocity
authority perceived by subjects 19 officium 6 4
code o f conduct 1 9 3 - 4 Olympia 195
h o w envisaged by subjects 1 6 - 1 7 Olympius 2 3 0
fear scandal 1 9 2 - 3 Opramoas 1 3 2 , 2 1 5 - 1 6 , 2 2 8
gain h o n o u r in office 1 9 1 - 2 0 1 ornamenta 2 1 , 101, 1 4 6 , 1 5 2 , 2 2 4
hierarchies o f status 2 1 - 2 ornamentum 4 8 - 9
h o n o u r to, duty o f 2 2 - 3 , 2 0 6 O t h o , e m p e r o r 127 n.
h o n o u r s from: and the a r m y 2 5 2 , 2 5 4 , 2 6 1 , 2 6 2 , 2 6 5
administrative acts construed as 2 2 0 his distinction 113 n., 131
borrowed 2 1 7 - 1 8 on the senate 148
dinners 2 1 6 - 1 7 Oxyrhynchus 2 1 7 - 1 8
escorting 180 n.
in court 2 1 3 Paeonius 1 4 0
kisses 1 7 9 , 2 1 7 , 2 3 4 paideia 2 2 1 n.
letters 2 1 5 - 1 6 , 217; see also letters Pallas 2 1 , 5 8 n . , 182
lower fasces 1 8 0 pamphlets 5 0 , 8 0
meeting 1 8 0 Pandarus 191
other officials 1 7 9 - 8 0 panegyric:
praise 2 1 4 , 2 1 6 , 2 1 8 on cities 7 4 n., 7 6 - 7 , 8 0 , 8 4
presents 2 1 7 on emperors 1 5 - 1 6 , 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 1 5 6 - 7
atsalutatio 1 7 9 , 2 3 4 on officials 9 n., 1 9 4 - 6 , 2 0 0
testimonials 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 Panhellenion 104 n., 149 n.
visit 2 1 6 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 8 Pannonia 2 4 5
yield in street 180 Pannychius 190
see also h o n o u r , as influence pantomimes 9 9 - 1 0 1
imitate e m p e r o r 130 Pardalus, L. Claudius 2 1 2 , 2 2 1
insults from 2 1 8 - 1 9 : Paris 2 6 1
t o other officials 1 7 9 , 2 1 9 patriarch, Jewish 4 5
official acts construed as 2 1 9 - 2 0 patricians 189, 190, 2 3 2
see also dishonour, as influence patriotism 8 , 2 9 , 8 8
in late antiquity: and h o n o u r 8 9
and honorati 2 3 3 - 5 patronage 6 6 - 7 , 2 4 0 , 2 5 6
immunities o f 1 7 6 , 2 3 4 o f cities 8 3 , 8 7 , 2 1 1
legal privileges o f 2 3 4 o f collegia 1 0 0 - 1
precedence o f 2 2 3 - 7 o f provinces 105
weakness o f 2 3 0 - 5 role in government 3 , 1 1 - 1 3 , 2 6 8
legal functions o f 2 2 0 Paul, St 1 9 , 2 2
need status t o rule 2 0 8 , 2 3 0 - 1 Paulinus, Tib. Claudius 2 1 5
obedience t o , duty o f 2 2 , 2 0 2 Paullus Macedonicus, L. Aemilius 2 1 6 n.
patrons o f cities 2 1 1 Percennius 2 5 5
prosecution o f 1 4 6 - 7 , 197, 2 0 1 , 2 3 0 perfectissimus vir 184, 2 2 3 - 4 , 2 2 6 - 3 0
relations o f obedience 2 0 - 1 , 1 7 8 - 9 , 1 8 0 P e r g a m u m 8 2 , 121, 153, 166, 2 0 7
relations o f reverence between, see Perge 1 7 0
316 Index

Perinthus 152 portraits, imperial 1 1 , 1 9

Persian W a r 1 7 2 , 2 1 0 Postumus 6 0
Pertinax, e m p e r o r 109, 111 n., 116 n. praepositus sacri cubiculi 226
Pescennius Niger, C. Justus 110 n., 122, praeses 2 2 3 , 2 2 9 - 3 0 , 2 3 1
128, 1 3 8 , 1 4 1 , 152, 172, 2 6 3 Praetextatus, Vettius Agorius 192
Petronius, P. 2 7 0 praetorian guard 121 n., 1 4 1 , 1 4 5 , 2 5 1 ,
Phileas 2 1 0 , 2 2 0 - 1 254, 2 6 1 , 2 6 2
Philo Judaeus 1 6 - 1 7 , 1 9 6 - 7 praetorship 1 8 2 , 2 2 6 - 7
on rulership 130 praise and blame, see honour, as influence;
on imperial cult 1 6 3 - 4 dishonour, as influence
Philodamus 6 0 precedence:
philopatris 8 9 of men 2 2 3 - 7
see also patriotism o f military units 2 6 3 - 4
philosebastos 174 prefect, praetorian 2 3 , 1 7 9 , 1 8 4 , 1 8 9 , 2 2 4
philosophers 8 1 , 1 3 6 , 1 4 3 prefect o f the city o f R o m e 1 7 7 - 8 0 , 1 8 2 - 3 ,
their critique o f h o n o u r 9 0 - 2 225
honoured 91 prefect o f Egypt 1 6 - 1 7 , 1 5 8 , 1 8 7 n., 189,
as a tide 91 208
philotimia 2 5 9 prefect o f the grain supply (praefectus
and imperial cult 1 6 6 - 8 annonae) 1 7 7 - 8 0 , 1 8 2
on the t e r m 8 6 Premerstein, A. von 1 1 - 1 2
see also benefactors prestige, see h o n o u r
Pia Fidelis, military unit tide 2 6 2 - 3 primipilares 1 5 9 , 2 2 9 n., 2 6 6
Piso, Cn. Calpurnius 1 4 0 , 1 4 5 n., 2 5 4 Primus, M. Antonius 2 5 1
Piso, L. Calpurnius 1 9 1 - 2 princeps 129 n.
Piso, L. Calpurnius Licinianus 113 n. see also e m p e r o r
Pisonian conspiracy 13 Probus, e m p e r o r 133
P l a n c i u s , C n . 186 Procopius, usurper 2 6 1
Plancus, L. Munatius 3 9 Proculus, Volusius 13
Plautus, Rubellius H O n . proedria 7 8 , 8 6
plebs, R o m a n 1 2 0 - 4 , 1 4 2 propaganda 1 0 - 1 1
Pliny the Y o u n g e r 3 7 , 6 6 , 8 7 , 1 0 3 , 1 1 6 protectores et domestici 229 n.
his auctoritas 6 1 - 2 , 7 2 , 1 0 5 provinces:
inBithynia 1 7 , 2 1 , 1 4 9 honour of 1 0 4 - 5
on fame 3 5 h o n o u r s from 104
on legal fees 4 0 - 1 provincial councils 1 0 4 , 1 3 7 - 8 , 1 4 9 , 1 9 4 ,
on offices 1 8 2 , 1 8 4 , 1 8 6 195, 1 9 7 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 7
on officials 193, 1 9 6 , 2 0 5 , 2 0 6 Prusa 8 1 - 2 , 8 4 - 5 , 1 2 5 , 1 5 1 - 2 , 153 n., 2 2 0
with Tacitus, in wills 7 0 Ptolemies 164
Plutarch: Pudens, M. Blossius 2 6 0
on dinners 61 Pupienus M a x i m u s , e m p e r o r 2 5 3
on flatterers and slanderers 5 8 Puteoli 9 0 n., 101
on lowly officials 2 0 8 Pylades, L. Aurelius 101
poetry 3 8 , 4 2 - 3
Polemo 7 5 - 6 , 2 0 5 quaestor sacri palatii 2 2 4 n.
politics o f reputation 3 1 , 6 9 - 7 3 , 1 5 8 - 9 quinquennalis 9 8
Pollux 2 7 7
Pompeii 9 0 , 1 0 0 rank, o f cities, see cities, ranking o f
Pompey ( C n . Pompeius Magnus) 3 4 - 5 , rank, military 2 4 6 - 7
3 8 - 9 , 4 5 , 59, 248 rationales 2 3 0 n.
Pompusianus, Mettius 1 5 5 , 1 5 9 reciprocity o f favours and h o n o u r s 6 3 - 9 ,
Pontus 104 n. 7 0 - 2 , 106
Poppaea 144 between cities 77
 Index 317

between cities and emperor 1 2 6 - 7 , 1 5 4 - 7 Sardis 8 1 , 1 5 8

and imperial cult 1 6 3 - 5 , 1 6 8 Saturninus, L. Antonius, revolt o f 2 4 2 , 2 6 2
between imperial officials 2 1 0 Scaurus, M a m e r c u s Aemilius 190
between imperial officials and cities 2 1 1 Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius (the elder)
between imperial officials and e m p e r o r 82
157 Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius Aemilianus
between imperial officials and m e n (the younger) 7 5
209-12 Scipio Nasica Serapio, P. Cornelius 61
between m e n and cities 8 2 - 4 Scribonianus, L. Arruntius Camillus,
between m e n and e m p e r o r 126, 1 2 7 - 9 , revolt o f 2 6 2
154-5, 157-60 scrofula 10
between m e n and provinces 105 secret police:
role in government 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 6 8 East G e r m a n 6
and soldiers 2 5 5 - 7 Roman 5 - 6
see also patronage Sejanus (L. Aelius Seianus) 7 2
regiments, h o n o u r o f 2 5 0 - 2 coerces h o n o u r 5 2 - 3 , 1 1 4
renuntiatio amicitiae 140 Tiberius vs. 1 4 1 - 2 , 1 4 5
reputation, see h o n o u r , morality Seleuceia 2 0 9
Res Gestae Divi Augusti 129 self-control 4 1 - 2 , 9 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 9 2 , 2 4 7
ResPrivata 178, 2 3 0 n. Sena 7 9
reverence: senate, R o m a n :
between imperial officials 2 3 , 1 7 8 - 8 1 , Augustus humiliates Lepidus in 139
234 C a r a c a l l a a n d 173
for imperial officials 2 0 6 C o m m o d u s and 124
Rhodes 7 5 , 7 8 , 8 2 - 3 , 127, 2 4 0 at Constantinople 2 2 6 - 7 , 2 2 8
Rifle Brigade 2 6 4 deference to 1 4 5 , 1 4 8
rivalry for honour: e m p e r o r borrows h o n o u r o f 1 4 6 - 8
cities 7 6 - 7 , 1 3 8 - 9 , 170 n., 1 7 1 - 2 e m p e r o r honours/dishonours 148
individuals 3 5 , 8 7 , 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 1 5 0 h o n o u r o f 7 3 , 146, 148
military units 2 5 0 - 2 h o n o u r s from 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 2 1 , 1 4 6
officials 1 9 2 , 1 9 9 h o n o u r s from, coerced 1 1 3 - 1 4
soldiers 2 4 3 - 6 limits votes o f thanks for governors 197
R o m a 169 power o f its blame 5 6 , 1 5 8
R o m e , city 4, 100, 1 1 2 , 1 1 6 , 1 2 0 - 4 , 1 7 7 - 8 and privileges o f cities 137 n., 1 7 0 , 2 1 3
Roscius, S. (father) 3 4 Septimius Severus and 1 1 5 - 1 6
Roscius, S. (son) 6 0 size o f 2 2 8
Rufinus, Aradius 2 1 0 trials before 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 , 1 4 6 - 7
Rufinus, L. Cuspius Pactumeius 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 , Seneca the Y o u n g e r 112 n., 117
221 defines h o n o u r 3 6 - 7
Rufus, Curtius 188 on imperial benefaction 12
Rutilius Rufus, P. 4 7 on imperial clemency 119 n., 143
on reciprocal favours 6 3 , 6 8 n.
Sabinus, C. Luccius 2 4 6 , 2 6 0 Senecio, Herennius 119
Sacred Largesses 1 7 8 , 2 3 0 n. Septimius Severus, e m p e r o r 5 8 n., 133 n.,
Sala 1 9 8 , 2 1 7 168, 2 0 6 , 2 5 6
Sallust 4 0 vs. Clodius Albinus 1 2 8 , 2 6 3
salutatio 4 4 , 4 9 , 5 0 , 61 n., 112, 1 3 5 - 6 , 179 vs. Pescennius Niger 1 3 8 , 1 5 2 , 1 7 2 , 2 6 3
inscribed order o f precedence for 2 3 4 plot against (fictional) 127, 130
in a r m y 2 4 7 pursuit o f h o n o u r in war 1 1 5 , 116, 124
Salutius, Saturninius Secundus 2 1 0 and soldiers 2 4 4 , 2 5 4 , 2 5 7
Samos 154 Sequani 131
Sanctus, Claudius 2 4 9 Severus, C. Julius 2 0 7 , 2 2 3
Sardinia 2 2 8 defers to Aristides 2 0 3 , 2 0 5
318 Index

Severus, C. Julius (cont): praise o f superiors 2 5 8 - 9 , 2 6 1

h o n o u r s Aristides 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 2 2 1 , 2 2 2 rank 2 4 6 - 7
reciprocity with Aristides 2 0 9 sleeplessness 2 4 5
Severus, D. Rupilius 132 strength 2 4 5
Severus Alexander, e m p e r o r 130, 157, 2 4 1 , isolation o f 2 3 9
254,263 loyalty oath o f 2 5 3
shame 4 1 , 6 1 , 7 1 , 107, 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 , 168, 193, obedience o f 1 8 , 2 4 8
276 pay o f 2 5 4 - 5
o f soldiers 2 4 4 , 2 4 8 - 9 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 7 perceived by aristocratic authors
shame culture 41 237-8
shorthand 1 8 9 , 2 2 6 perceived by subjects 17
see also notaries shame of, see shame, o f soldiers
Silanus Torquatus, L. Junius ( R E no. 1 8 0 ) Sollemnis, T. Sennius 2 1 5
120 Sophronius 2 0 4
Silanus Torquatus, L. Junius (RE no. 1 8 3 ) sophrosyne 4 1 - 2
144 Spain 169
SiliusC. 128 16th-cent. 3 7 n.
Silius Italicus 4 2 - 3 Sparta 77 n., 2 0 5 , 2 1 9 , 2 3 3
Silvanus 126 spectabilis vir 184 n., 190, 2 2 4 , 2 2 6 , 231
Simplicius 190 sponsio 5 0 , 2 0 1 n.
slander 3 2 n., 5 1 , 5 8 , 1 1 8 - 1 9 standards, military 2 5 2 , 2 5 3
slavery: statues:
casts stigma on relations o f obedience in a r m y 2 6 5
20, 2 4 - 5 , 265 changing the labels on 7 5
dishonorable 3 6 for e m p e r o r 1 5 7 , 1 6 1 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 3
slaves 3 6 , 2 4 8 o f e m p e r o r , honoured 162
honour among 97 erected by cities for cities 77
perceived to have n o h o n o u r 9 6 erected by collegia 9 7 , 1 0 4
perceived to have n o shame 9 6 n. erected by e m p e r o r 134
slaves and freedmen, imperial 1 9 - 2 0 , 102, erected by individuals 6 1 , 6 5
146, 2 3 2 , 2 4 2 erected by provinces 104
Smyrna 7 6 , 7 7 , 138, 1 7 2 , 2 0 5 erected by senate 146
and Aristides 2 0 3 , 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 2 2 2 for officials 7 8 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 8 - 9 , 2 1 1
earthquake at 6 5 , 1 2 5 , 131, 152 for private individuals 6 1 , 6 5 , 7 8 , 8 1 , 8 7 ,
snobbery 3 4 n., 9 6 , 1 0 0 - 1 9 1 , 102
social mobility 101 Stoics 9 0 - 1 , 118, 1 4 2 - 3
soldiers, R o m a n : Strabo, Aemilianus 103
contempt for some emperors 1 2 1 - 2 , Suetonius 2 3 8 n., 2 5 5
241 suffragator 186
discipline of, see discipline, military suicide 147, 2 4 4 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 2 , 2 6 5
dishonour, causes o f among: attack on e m p e r o r through 1 1 9 - 2 0
cowardice 2 4 4 Sulla Felix, Faustus Cornelius (RE no. 3 9 1 )
effeminacy 2 4 1 HOn.
loss o f sword 2 4 7 Sulla Felix, L. Cornelius (RE no. 3 9 4 ) 2 2
surrender 2 4 4 - 5 Sulla Felix, L. Cornelius, dictator 5 9
dynastic loyalty o f 2 5 4 summa honoraria 8 5 , 166
honourable qualities, accomplishments, Sura, Accius 187
possessions, of: Symeon, St 9 3
awards from superiors 2 5 9 - 6 2 Symmachus 4 8 , 1 8 9 , 2 1 0
bravery 2 4 4 synagogues 1 6 2 , 1 6 4 , 168 n.
decorations 2 6 0 - 1 Synesius o f Cyrene 1 4 , 1 6 , 2 3 3 , 2 6 7
discipline 2 4 8 Syria 1 2 2 , 2 1 9 , 2 7 0
military skills 2 4 5 Syriarch 2 1 9
 Index 319

tabulae patronatus 8 3 of emperor 1 1 2 , 1 3 2

tabularii 229 n. o f military units 2 6 2 - 3 , 2 6 4
Tacitus 197, 2 3 8 n. provincial, o f individuals 104
on adulatio 113 R o m a n , o f individuals 4 4 - 5 , 1 8 4 , 2 2 4
on Agricola and Domitian 108 Titus, e m p e r o r 124 n.
on the Augustan peace 2 5 4 in Jewish W a r 2 4 3 , 2 4 5 , 2 4 6 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 9
on elections 1 8 6 town councillors, see decurions
on military discipline 2 4 8 Trajan, e m p e r o r 3 8 , 6 4 , 126, 2 4 4
on the mutiny o f AD 14: 2 5 7 - 8 and Pliny 17, 116, 125, 149
on N e r o and Thrasea Paetus 1 4 2 - 5 treason, see maiestas
and Pliny, in wills 7 0 Treba Augusta 168
Tarquins 32 tribunate 183
T a r r a c o 166 tribunate, military 186, 188
Tarsus 7 5 , 1 2 6 - 7 , 1 3 6 , 141, 172, 2 1 9 tribunician power 9 , 1 1 8 , 1 4 3
tax collectors 17, 2 1 1 , 2 1 6 - 1 7 Trimalchio 37, 5 5 , 102
taxation: triumphal ornaments 1 1 2 , 1 3 6 , 1 4 6
civic 8 5 triumphs 1 1 2 , 1 4 6
imperial 2, 16, 8 9 , 1 5 1 , 183, 199, 2 0 9 , Troy 8 1 - 2 , 1 7 4
210, 231 T u r b o F r o n t o Publicius Severus, Q.
role o f local notables in 6 n., 127 n. Marcius 2 0 8 n.
Terentius, M. 174
Tertullian 2 2 Ulpian 9 6
Themistius 57 Urban C o h o r t s 2 4 6 , 2 5 0 , 2 6 0
Thibilis 2 2 9 n. Urbinas, T. Marius 158
Thrasea Paetus, P. Clodius 1 4 2 - 5 , 197 Ursicinus 135
Theoderic 189 n.
Theodorus 111 Valao 2 6 6
Theodosius, e m p e r o r 1 1 1 , 1 2 4 , 1 5 3 Valens, e m p e r o r 111, 261
Thyateira 136 Valens, Fabius 1 9 2 , 2 5 7
Tiberias (in Galilee) 4 5 Valentinian, e m p e r o r 1 6 , 1 5 0 , 2 2 6
Tiberius, e m p e r o r 7 0 , 118 n., 126 n., Valerius M a x i m u s 5 5
133 n., 159, 164, 1 7 1 , 2 4 0 Vatinius, P. 4 7
distribution o f offices 187, 188 Velleius Paterculus 2 3 8
g r o o m e d for succession 1 1 2 - 1 3 vengeance 3 2 , 4 6 , 5 0 , 2 4 7
and imperial h o n o u r 1 0 7 , 1 1 6 Verginia 3 2
insults by 140, 1 4 1 - 2 Verginius Rufus, L. 1 0 9 , 2 4 1 , 2 6 4
and mutiny o f AD 14: 2 5 8 Vespasian, e m p e r o r 134, 2 5 0 , 2 6 0
refuses some offers o f cult 1 0 , 1 6 1 , 1 6 9 , imitated 130
172 in Jewish W a r 1 8 9 , 2 0 9
sensitive to dishonour 1 0 7 , 1 1 7 , 120, miracles o f 9, 110
123, 128, 145 n. reciprocity and 1 2 7 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 7 , 1 5 9
and soldiers 2 5 3 , 2 6 1 sensitivity t o insult 1 1 6
Tifernum Tiberinum 8 7 Vetus, L. Antistius 144
Tigellinus, Ofonius 2 1 1 Vibulenus 2 5 5
Timagenes 140 Vinius,T. 211
T i r f 7 3 , 167, 1 7 6 , 2 7 6 - 7 violence:
Timgad 2 2 8 - 9 between cities 9 0
Tiridates 144 construed as insult 5 1 , 7 9
Titianus, Flavius 1 4 9 over h o n o u r 3 2 , 4 1 - 2 , 5 0 , 5 4 , 2 4 7
tides: official 4 , 176, 183, 2 0 0 , 2 0 2 , 2 0 5 - 6 ,
o f cities 7 7 , 1 3 6 - 7 , 141, 167, 174 235
civic, o f individuals 7 8 , 9 1 , 1 7 4 against officials 7 , 2 0 1
o f collegia 101 n. from rivalry between military units 2 5 0
320 Index

violence (cont.): walls, city 153

role of, in R o m a n government 3, 7, 2 0 2 , wills 6 4 , 7 0 , 1 5 9
235-6, 237 Wolseley G. 2 5 0 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 9
o f R o m a n plebs 1 2 1 , 1 2 8 women:
virtues, Greek, canonical 4 2 , 1 9 2 honour of 4 5 - 6
virtues, imperial 1 0 , 1 5 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 8 , 1 6 9 as public benefactors 8 5
Vitalianus 2 6 1 reciprocal favours o f 6 4
Vitellius, A., e m p e r o r 1 , 4 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 2 7 n.
disgraces imperial office 182 Xanthos 87
inherited distinction o f 109
soldiers and 2 5 0 , 2 5 1 , 2 6 4 Z a n k e r , P . 11
Vitellius, L. 112 n. Zegrenses 1 5 0
voluntas 1 5 6 n.
Vorenus 2 4 4