Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Defence Economics
Publication details, including instructions for authors and
subscription information:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/gdpe19
To cite this article: Mark I. Lichbach (1992) Nobody cites nobody else: Mathematical
models of domestic political conflict, Defence Economics, 3:4, 341-357, DOI:
10.1080/10430719208404742
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information
(the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor
& Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties
whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the
Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and
views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The
accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently
verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable
for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages,
and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in
connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes.
Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-
licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly
forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://
www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
Defence Economics, 1992, Vol. 3, pp. 341-357 © 1992 Harwood Academic Publishers GmbH
Reprints available directly from the publisher Printed in Great Britain
Photocopying permitted by license only
This paper surveys nearly two hundred scholarly works that use mathematical methods, which include
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
stochastic models, difference and differential equation models, expected utility models, and various types
of game theoretic models, to study domestic political conflict (DPC), which includes terrorism, guerrilla
wars and insurrections. A citation count reveals that the DPC articles surveyed here cite less than three
quarters of an article from within their own DPC modelling tradition and cite less than two articles from
any DPC modelling tradition. The only exceptions to the rule that "nobody cites nobody else" are the
stochastic and expected utility modelers. I conclude that the "field" of formal models of DPC hardly
exists: few authors read other authors, few articles cite other articles, few models build on other models.
Several suggestions aimed at promoting greater accumulation in formal models of DPC are offered.
INTRODUCTION
This article identifies nearly two hundred scholarly works that use mathematical
methods to study protest demonstrations, riots, military coups, terrorism, political
repression, human rights abuses, civil wars and revolutions. The defining feature of
this subject matter (Gurr and Lichbach, 1979; 1986), which I shall refer to as domestic
political confict (DPC), is that either the challenges by dissident groups to the
structures, incumbents, or policies of a state, or the responses by the state to those
challenges, involve the threat or actual use of physical coercion to exact concessions
or compliance from their targets. DPC is thus an ongoing struggle between state and
opposition involving more than such conventional democratic processes as lobbying
and elections.
Perhaps you are surprised by the number of scholarly efforts devoted to constructing
mathematical models of DPC. The authors themselves would certainly be surprised.
The game theorists, engineers, geographers, economists, political scientists and
sociologists who have built such models have published in journals, edited collections
and books scattered across academia. The result of this scatter of DPC articles is that
the authors do not seem to be aware of each others' efforts. The use of difference or
differential equations to model protest and repression, for example, has been the
antithesis of scholarship: stagnation and not progress, ad hocery and not accumu-
lation. The better executed difference and differential equation models make their
way through to a scholarly journal, somewhere, sometime, somehow. But they remain
* I would like to thank Steve Chan, Tom Mayer, Todd Sandier and Mike Ward for their very helpful
comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
341
342 M. I. LICHBACH
uncited, presumably unknown and unread. After reading all these articles one
therefore gets the painful feeling that no real field of "mathematical models of
D P C " exists: few authors read other authors, few articles cite other articles, few
models build on other models.
Things could be different. Things are different for mathematical modelers of
international conflict. While over a dozen articles and books (e.g., Intriligator, 1982)
have reviewed, summarized and evaluated formal models of international crises, arms
races, nuclear proliferation, etc., no piece has provided an overview of formal models
of terrorism, guerrilla warfare, and insurrections. Evidently no one has ever bothered
to look at the domestic side of the formal conflict literature as a whole. The result
is that whereas formal modelers of international conflict think of themselves as
working within a field, formal modelers of DPC keep reinventing the wheel.
The purpose of this article is therefore to create a common awareness among
formal modelers of DPC that there is a budding field out there. I do this by pointing
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
out where accumulation within and among formal modelling traditions has and has
not occurred.
The results of my survey will demonstrate that there are only two modelling
traditions in DPC studies that are cumulative: stochastic modelling and expected
utility modelling. Stochastic modelers have consistently depicted outbreaks of DPC
as random. Expected utility modelers have consistently depicted rational rebels as
choosing not to rebel. These traditions are not only internally cumulative; they also
turn out to be externally consistent. These observations, which could only have come
from looking at the field of mathematical models of DPC as a whole, will be elaborated
shortly.
The plan for my survey is quite simple. The next section outlines the methodology
I used to create a sample of mathematical models of DPC. The following section
advances a taxonomy of modelling approaches to DPC. The citation patterns of the
articles are then reviewed to demonstrate that most modelers do not acknowledge
previously published models of the same or a related genre. The final section evaluates
the accomplishments and failures of this budding field and suggests some future
avenues of inquiry. The paper includes a bibliography that is functionally divided
into the categories of models developed in the body of the text.
some form of rational choice reasoning, looking at dissidents, for example, as choosing
demonstrations over interest group activity when demonstrating is more profitable,
but do not themselves adopt any formalisms. Second, if the model is a purely statistical
one, designed to be more or less directly estimated, it is excluded. This criterion
eliminates the scores of articles that use statistical methods, both cross sectional and
time series, to test hypotheses about DPC, including hypotheses about the "economic
determinants" of collective dissent.
The definition of DPC adopted here and presented at the outset involves the threat
or actual use of physical coercion on political opponents. Its use produces four
significant exclusions from this survey.
Models of political interaction that lack the threat or use of force. Many modelling
traditions in political economy are designed to capture conventional democratic
processes. These include models of legitimacy or executive popularity, rent-seeking
competition among interest groups, electoral competition among political parties,
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
1
This survey is limited to the Anglo-Saxon literature, excluding many interesting and important
contributions in German, French, etc.
344 M. I. LICHBACH
THE TAXONOMY
interest of space, articles are classified only once, under the type of model principally
used.
Mathematical models of DPC are divided into two sets: those based on some
optimization framework are rational choice models (II), and those that do not involve
optimization are non-rational choice models (I). Several types of non-rational choice
models are found in DPC studies.
There are i (0,1, 2,...) DPC events that may occur over a fixed time interval in any
city or country. p; is the probability of a particular city or country being in state i
and thus experiencing i DPC events, a is a measure of DPC proneness of cities or
countries, or the expected (mean) number of DPC events that a city or country will
experience. The observed frequency distribution of DPC events (e.g., the number of
cities experiencing 0,1,2,... riots per year) is then compared with a x2 test of
goodness-of-fit to the theoretical frequency distribution expected under Poisson
assumptions. If the test fails, one or more of the aforementioned assumptions, such
as the homogeneity of the units (i.e., all have the same probability of experiencing
a DPC event) or the independence of DPC events (i.e., there are no interconnections
among cities or states that can lead to the contagion of DPC), may be relaxed. Other
stochastic distributions (e.g., negative binomial) that capture heterogeneity and/or
diffusion might then be fit to the data.
Difference and differential equation models of opposition (I.B) depict the spread of
dissent among some contagious population:
^ = F(O,t) (2)
at
DOMESTIC POLITICAL CONFLICT MODELS 345
O is the level of dissent by the regime's opponents. Specific functional forms are
used to represent various hypotheses about the temporal diffusion of dissent.
Richardson models of regime-opposition interaction (I.C) factor the regime into the
previous model. The assumption here is that DPC occurs between regimes and
oppositions and that such conflict unfolds over time in an action-reaction manner.
Such a theory of DPC has been modelled with a set of arms race type equations:
at
^ = G{O,R,t)
at
0 is still the level of dissent by the regime's opponents. R is now the level of repression
by the government. As in Richardson models of arms races, various assumptions are
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
then made about how dissent and repression are both triggered or impeded by dissent
and/or repression. One might speculate, for example, that there is some threshold
of repression below which dissent is encouraged and above which dissent is
discouraged. One might also speculate about a fatigue factor in repression such that
high levels of repression discourage even higher levels. The qualitative dynamics
of regime-opposition conflict, the growth trajectories of the dispute, are then
investigated.
Three other categories complete the set of non-rational choice models considered
here. Suppose we assume that revolution and crises are major and abrupt political
upheavals. Catastrophe theory (I.D) is designed precisely to handle such discontinuous
shifts, sequences of shifts, and multiple equilibria. Catastrophe models thus typically
distinguish zones in which gradual political changes are likely to occur from those
in which rapid political change is predicted. Computer simulation models (I.E) of
DPC have been developed. Complicated computer algorithms have tried to capture,
for example, the role of DPC in economic and political "development". Finally, a
grab-bag of other models (I.F) in the non-rational choice tradition have specified a
variety of functional forms and equations thought to capture the causes, courses and
consequences of DPC.
Ut = bP(llkJ\-ckl (4)
If i does (does not) contribute any resources towards the public good, kt = 1 (kt = 0).
P ( . ) is the probability of receiving the PG if n people cooperate. Hence, as the
number of cooperators increase, the benefits b from the public good is unaffected
but the probability of receiving the public good [ P ( . ) ] changes. For defection to
be a Nash equilibrium in this case the returns from defection if j others contribute
must be at least as great as the returns from contribution if j others contribute:
l)-c (5)
Or,
obiP(j + i)-pun (6)
In order for a dissident to contribute his or her benefits times the probability of making
a difference [ P ( j + 1) — P ( ; ) ] must be at least as great as his or her costs. Since in
large dissident groups the probability of making a difference is small, rational
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
dissidents in such a situation will never contribute toward the public good.
A grab-bag of other models (II.A.3) in the decision theory tradition, including
models of risk, public goods and control systems, have appeared. The other type of
rational choice approach that has been used to model DPC is the multiperson game
(II.B).
Almost all types of game theory (II.B.l) models have been employed. Games may
be represented in their greatest detail in extensive form (H.B.l.a), or as a sequence
of moves. Terrorism, for example, has been modelled in extensive form. Some of the
complexity of extensive form games may be abstracted away by considering only the
set of strategies available to each actor. Such a game is said to be displayed in normal
form. If strategies are discrete and small in number, normal form games may be
displayed as a bimatrix model (II.B.l.b). The Prisoner's Dilemma, for example, has
been used to represent the dissidents' collective action problem. If strategies are
continuous, as in theories of duopoly, normal form games may be displayed as a
continuous model (II.B.l.c). Regime-opposition interaction, for example, has been
depicted using such models. Some of the complexity of normal form games may be
abstracted away by turning from noncooperative games, in which agreements to form
coalitions are not enforceable, to cooperative games, in which such agreements are
enforceable. In exploring cooperative coalitions, DPC modelers have considered both
the two-person bargaining (II.B.l.d) problem, for example the negotiations between
regimes and oppositions, and the multiperson coalition (II.B.l.e) problem, for example
the dissident group's attempts to build a winning coalition.
DPC modelers have also applied the multiperson decision perspective to various
types of market models (II.B.2). The zero-sum tradeoff along a contract curve may
produce conflict, for example, because the problems of recontracting and of blocking
coalitions produce gridlock and an inability to move towards Pareto optimality.
Models of the supply and demand of social movements, for another example, have
also appeared. Finally, some DPC modelers have integrated political demonstrations
and/or government coercion into macroeconomic or general equilibrium models.
DPC modelers have, in addition, applied the multiperson decision perspective to
various types of social choice models (11.B.3). Some DPC models are based on
Downs' spatial theory (II.BJ.a). These models of policy space use the preference
distribution of the population, or the ideological spectrum in collective dissent, to
derive implications about the number of people mobilized or politicized into protest
and rebellion. Other DPC models are based on the preference aggregation (II.BJ.b)
DOMESTIC POLITICAL CONFLICT MODELS 347
problem. The various difficulties that arise from aggregating individual preferences
into collective decisions, such as instability, cycles, and manipulation, can lead to
repression and dissent.
RESULTS
The results of the citation study appear in Table 1. Several aspects of these results
merit discussion. First,. I note that 182 scholarly works that contain mathematical
models of DPC were uncovered. There are evidently many more formal models of
DPC than anyone has hitherto imagined. Even Mueller's (1989) and Eggertson's
(1990) fine surveys of the public choice tradition failed to recognize the extensive
contributions to that literature made by rational actor models of DPC.
Second, these 182 articles cited a mean of 0.73 articles within their categories, a
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
mean of 1.04 articles outside of their categories, and thus a mean of 1.77 articles
overall. But even this finding that DPC modelers cite less than three-quarters of an
article from within their own DPC modelling tradition and cite less than two articles
from any DPC modelling tradition must be qualified. Many of these citations are to
a very small number of classic articles, such as Downs (1956), Gurr (1970) and
Hirschman (1970), which are referenced for reasons other than their relatively simple
Within Other
DPC models. Many of the citations, moreover, are to a very small number of classic
DPC models in the stochastic (e.g., Spilerman, 1970) and expected utility (e.g.,
Tullock, 1972) traditions. I therefore conclude that little accumulation has occurred
in the field, of DPC modelling as a whole. The title of this article says it all: nobody
cites nobody else.
Third, I must note the two exceptions to this rule. The 23 stochastic articles cite
a mean of 1.57 articles from within their tradition, so that the authors are well aware
of each other's efforts. The consequence is that the use of the Poisson and related
stochastic distributions to model formally DPC is a truly cumulative research
approach. Stochastic modelers have, in addition, produced one of the two noteworthy
conclusions about DPC to emerge: outbreaks of protest and rebellion are largely
random events. Similarly, the 28 expected utility pieces also cite a mean of 1.57
articles within their tradition, so that the authors are also well aware of each others'
efforts. Hence, the use of variants of the expected utility model is the other truly
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
and reaction, one must unfortunately conclude, follow each other without rhyme or
reason.
The contrast of DPC models of reproduction and reaction with DPC models of
rationality and randomness could therefore not be greater. While most expected
utility modellers and stochastic modelers are well aware that they work within a
formal modelling tradition, almost all the other modelers from all the other formal
modelling traditions surveyed here seem oblivious to the fact that they are reinventing
at least part of the wheel. Difference/differential equation models, spatial models,
game theoretic models, etc. follow each other, but also talk past each other. Many
of these models do offer some fascinating ideas and insights into DPC, and are worth
pursuing. Precious few are actually pursued. More accumulation, especially the
development of a few basic themes, is therefore definitely needed in models of DPC.
Unless new models build on the ideas of earlier models, we produce curiosities and
not a field.
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
The contrast of DPC models of reproduction and reaction with the Richardson
arms race tradition in studies of international conflict also could not be greater. New
arms race models do explicitly build on existing arms race models, continually
exploring the theme of external threat vs. domestic fatigue as competing explanations
of an arms race. Themes exist, modelers read about the themes, and themes are then
revised and reworked. Now that is a field.
CONCLUSIONS
Skeptics of the formal modelling approach to DPC always raise one question: what
has really been accomplished by these formal models ? Are they mere mathematical
curiosities, interesting exercises in technical virtuosity, or will we really understand
DPC any better after we have read the nearly two hundred studies surveyed here?
One must conclude that a definite negative side to these formal models of DPC
does exist. The fact that few formal modelers accord other formal modelers the respect
of being cited implies that maybe the skeptics are right and the models really do not
deserve respect. Given that stochastic models and expected utility models have
developed ideas that have been pursued, there is, however, at least some indication
that at least two formal modelling traditions are worth pursuing.
It is towards the end of improving the successful modelling traditions and
reivigorating the unsuccessful ones that I offer some final suggestions for the future
development of formal models of DPC. It is apparent to anyone familiar with the
large substantive and theoretical literature on DPC that formal models of DPC have
addressed only a small subset of the interesting questions.2 Six gaps seem particularly
worthy and capable of redress.
First, if one reads all of these formal models of DPC, an interesting but unarticulated
theme emerges: how one type of structure or relationship among a set of people
leads to another type of structure or relationship, namely conflict, among the same
2
A citation count of the substantive and theoretical conflict literature, a literature written mostly by
political scientists and sociologists, would produce an equally distressing result. The consequences of most
DPC modelers' unfamiliarity with this literature is often a superficial understanding of DPC and a model
that offers few insights. DPC modelers, in short, need to read other models of DPC as well as the relevant
substantive and theoretical literature.
350 M. I. LICHBACH
set of people. There are (Lichbach, 1989) non-rational actor models of how cleavage
and polarization; hierarchy, power and dependence; mobilization and assimilation;
contagion and diffusion; and inequality, class, relative deprivation, and rank
disequilibrium produce conflict. There are also rational actor models of how burden
shifting, the balance of power, contextual effects of the size of the group and/or the
number of other potential dissidents, segmentation-sorting-mixing-integration, and
exit produce conflict. The idea that conflict is often the unexpected, unwanted and
unavoidable outcome of political, social or economic structures is something which
can only be appreciated if models of such structures are integrated with models of
DPC. Such models of rich and complicated DPC processes are waiting to be
constructed.
Second, while economists have integrated models of DPC with models of economic
processes, such as a general equilibrium or macroeconomic framework, political
scientists have yet to integrate models of DPC with models of political institutions
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
and processes. DPC has yet to be placed, for example, into a voting and election
framework, or a lobbying and interest group framework. The result is that while
economists have explored the economic consequences of DPC, political scientists
have yet to explore the political consequences of protest and repression. Since most
rational actor models look at participation in protest and rebellion as a choice made
in preference to participation in elections or to lobbying, this is a major gap. Many
formal models of the spatial competition of political parties could serve as a guide here.
Third, while the interaction of regimes and oppositions has been modelled in
difference, differential and game theoretic frameworks, most of the interesting strategic
aspects of regime-opposition interaction have yet to be examined. Signalling,
strategic preference revelation, threats, bluffs, promises, brinkmanship, unpredict-
ability, credibility, reputation, deterrence, etc., have yet to be explored in the DPC
context. Many formal models of international conflict could serve as a guide here.
Fourth, while the interaction of regimes and oppositions has been modelled by
treating both the regime and the opposition as single actors, both regime and
opposition are composed of many participants. Few models recognize that both the
regime and the opposition have their own collective action and collective choice
problems. How these competing teams are constructed and the implications of team
competition for DPC have yet to be systematically explored.
Fifth, while some DPC models confront data, most do not. Difference or differential
equation models, for example, typically do not subject their models to empirical
evaluation, and their models have not accumulated. But stochastic modelers typically
confront their models with aggregate data while expected utility modelers typically
confront their models with survey data, and both sets of models have accumulated.
Is it mere coincidence that successful DPC modelling traditions have ultimately
confronted their deductions with data, while unsuccessful DPC modelling traditions
have not ? Moreover, Sandier and his coauthors have demonstrated quite clearly the
value of developing a variety of interrelated models to explain a single data set -
(e.g., terrorism). The absence of a confrontation between theory and evidence, one
must conclude, is a principal reason why most DPC modelling traditions do not
accumulate. Better integration of the statistical and formal modelling of DPC is
definitely needed.
Sixth, while some forms of DPC, such as riots, terrorism and revolutions, have
received extensive attention, other forms of conflict have never been modelled. The
most prominent examples of unexplored territory include womens' movements, fascist
movements, prison riots, student demonstrations and decolonization struggles.
DOMESTIC POLITICAL CONFLICT MODELS 351
In sum, while the formal modelling tradition on the domestic side of conflict studies
is not nearly as well developed as on the international side, formal models of DPC
have, at least in part, a rich past. They will have an even brighter future once
practitioners recognize the highlights and low points of that past and thereby move
in the direction of a truly cumulative social science.
References
Note: This bibliography is divided into the functional categories used to classify models of DPC. It also
contains a set of references that are cited in the body of the paper but do not appear under any modelling
category.
Bienen, H. and Van de Walle, N. (1989) Time and power in Africa. American Political Science Review,
83 (1), 19-34.
Carter, G.L. (1990) Collective violence and the problem of group size in aggregate-level studies. Sociological
Focus, 23 (4), 287-300.
Dacey, M.F. (1974) A model of political integration and its use in the reconstruction of a historical
situation. In Locational Approaches to Power and Conflict, edited by K.R. Cox, D.R. Reynolds and
S. Rokkan, pp. 213-230. New York: Sage.
Diekmann, A. (1979) A dynamic stochastic version of the Pitcher-Hamblin-Miller model of "collective
violence". Journal of Mathematical Sociology, 6 (2), 277-282.
Goldstone, J.A. (1980) The weakness of organization: a new look at Gamson's The Strategy of Social
Protest. American Journal of Sociology, 85 (5), 1017-1042.
Huff, D.L. and Lutz, J.M. (1974) The contagion of political unrest in Black Africa. Economic Geography,
50 (4), 352-367.
Laemmle, P. (1977) Epidemiology of domestic military intervention: evaluation of contagion as an
explanatory concept. Behavioral Science, 22 (5), 327-333.
Li, R.P. and Thompson, W.R. (1975) The "coup contagion" hypothesis. Journal of Conflict Resolution,
19 (1), 63-88.
Lieberson, S. and Silverman, A.R. (1965) The precipitants and underlying conditions of race riots. American
Sociological Review, 30 (6), 887-898.
Mazur, A. (1972) The causes of Black riots. American Sociological Review, 37 (4), 490-493.
Midlarsky, M. (1970) Mathematical models of instability and a theory of diffusion. International Studies
Quarterly, 14 (1), 60-84.
Midlarsky, M. (1978) Analyzing diffusion and contagion effects: the urban disorders of the 1960s. American
Political Science Review, 72 (3), 996-1007.
Midlarsky, M. (1981) The revolutionary transformation of foreign policy: agrarianism and its international
impact. In The Political Economy of Foreign Policy Behavior, edited by C.W. Kegley and P. McGowan,
pp. 39-62. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Midlarsky, M. (1982) Scarcity and inequality: prologue to the onset of mass revolution. Journal of Conflict
Resolution, 26 (1), 3-38.
Midlarsky, M. (1988) Rulers and the ruled: patterned inequality and the onset of mass political violence.
American Political Science Review, 82 (2), 491-509.
Midlarsky, M. (1989) A distribution of extreme inequality with applications to conflict behavior: a
geometric derivation of the Pareto distribution. Mathematical and Computer Modelling, 12 (4/5),
577-587.
Midlarsky, M., Crenshaw, M. and Yoshida, F. (1980) Why violence spreads: The contagion of international
terrorism. International Studies Quarterly, 24 (2), 262-298.
Midlarsky, M.I. and Roberts, K. (1985) Class, state, and revolution in Central America. Journal of Conflict
Resolution, 29 (2), 163-193.
Putnam, R.D. (1967) Toward explaining military intervention in Latin American politics. World Politics,
20 (1), 83-110.
Ritterband, P. and Silberstein, R. (1973) Group disorders in the public schools. American Sociological
Review, 38 (4), 461-467.
Spilerman, S. (1970) The causes of racial disturbances: a comparison of alternative explanations. American
Sociological Review, 35 (4), 627-649.
352 M. I. LICHBACH
Spilerman, S. (1971) The causes of racial disturbances: tests of an explanation. American Sociological
Review, 36 (3), 427-442.
Spilerman, S. (1972) Strategic considerations in analyzing the distribution of racial disturbances. American
Sociological Review, 37 (4), 493-499.
Nielsen, F. (1980) The Flemish movement in Belgium after World War II: a dynamic analysis. American
Sociological Review, 45 (1), 76-94.
Pitcher, B.L. and Hamblin, R.L. (1982) Collective learning in ongoing political conflicts. International
Political Science Review, 3 ( 1 ) , 7 9 - 9 0 .
Pitcher, B.L., Hamblin, R.L. and Miller, J.L.L. (1978) The diffusion of collective violence. American
Sociological Review, 43 (1), 23-35.
Rapoport, A. (1983) Mathematical Models in the Social and Behavioral Sciences. New York: Wiley.
Quantitative Analysis. In Mathematical Approaches to Politics, edited by H.R. Alker, K.W. Deutch and
A.H. Stoetzel, pp. 113-135. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Milstein, J.S. (1974) Dynamics of the Vietnam War: A Quantitative Analysis and Predictive Computer
Simulation. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio University Press.
Moy, R.F. (1971) A Computer Simulation Model of Democratic Political Development: Tests of the
Lipset and Moore Models. Sage Professional Papers in Comparative Politics 01-019. Beverly Hills,
CA: Sage.
Opp, K. (1991) Processes of collective political action: a dynamic model and the results of a computer
simulation. Rationality and Society, 3 (2), 215-251.
Powers, C.H. and Hanneman, R.A. (1983) Pareto's theory of social and economic cycles: a formal model
and simulation. In Sociological Theory, 1983, edited by R. Collins, pp. 59-89. San Francisco, CA:
Jossey-Bass.
Heggen, R.J. and Cuzan, A.G. (1981) Legitimacy, coercion, and scope: an expansion path analysis applied
to five Central American countries and Cuba. Behavioral Science, 26 (2), 143-152.
Hirschman, A.O. (1970) Exit, Voice, and Loyally: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and
States. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Leites, N. and Wolf, C , Jr. (1970) Rebellion and Authority: An Analytic Essay on Insurgent Conflicts.
Chicago, IL: Markham Publishing Co.
Lichbach, M.I. (1984) An economic theory of governability: choosing policy and optimizing performance.
Public Choice, 44 (2), 307-337.
Lichbach, M.I. (1987) Deterrence or escalation? The puzzle of aggregate studies of repression and dissent.
Journal of Conflict Resolution, 31 (2), 266-297.
Race, J. (1972) War Comes to Long An: Revolutionary Conflict in a Vietnamese Province. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
Roeder, P.G. (1982) Rational revolution: extensions of the "by-product" model of revolutionary
involvement. Western Political Quarterly, 35 (1), 5-23.
Wintrobe, R. (1990) The tinpot and the totalitarian: an economic theory of dictatorship. American Political
Science Review, 84 (3), 849-872.
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
Opp, K. (1986) Soft incentives and collective action: participation in the anti-nuclear movement. British
Journal of Political Science, 16 (1), 87-112.
Opp, K. (1989) The Rationality of Political Protest: A Comparative Analysis of Rational Choice Theory.
Boulder, C O : Westview.
Opp, K. (1990) Postmaterialism, collective action, and political protest. American Journal of Political
Science, 34 (1), 212-235.
Opp, K., Burrow-Auffarth, K. and Heinrichs, U. (1981) Conditions for conventional and unconventional
political participation: an empirical test of economic and sociological hypotheses. European Journal of
Political Research, 9 (2), 147-168.
Osayimwese, I. (1983) An economic analysis of international violence. In International Violence, edited by
T. Adeniran and Y. Alexander, pp. 182-197. New York: Praeger.
Scriven, M. (1979) The evaluation of revolutions. In Revolutions, Systems, and Theories, edited by
H.J. Johnson, J.J. Leach and R.G. Muehlmann, pp. 1-9. Dordrecht, Holland: D. Reidel.
Silver, M. (1974) Political revolution and repression: an economic approach. Public Choice, 17, 63-71.
Tullock, G. (1971) The paradox of revolution. Public Choice, 11, 89-99.
Tullock, G. (1974) The Social Dilemma: The Economics of War and Revolution. Virginia: Center for the
Study of Public Choice.
Downloaded by [University of Sydney] at 13:08 01 May 2015
Tullock, G. (1979) The economics of revolution. In Revolution, Systems, and Theories, edited by
H.J. Johnson, J.J. Leach and R.G. Muehlmann, pp. 47-60. Dordrecht, Holland: D. Reidel.
Wilson, E.M. (1973) The Rhodesian constitution and predictions for political stability. Public Choice, 16,
77-80.
Lumsden, M. (1973) The Cyprus conflict as a Prisoner's Dilemma game. Journal of Conflict Resolution,
17 (1), 7-32.
Oberschall, A. (1980) Loosely structured collective conflict: a theory and an application. Research in
Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, 3, 45-68.
Tullock, G. (1968) A note on censorship. American Political Science Review, 62 (4), 1265-1267.
Tullock, G. (1971) A model of social interaction. In Mathematical Applications in Political Science, V,
edited by J.F. Herndon and J.L. Bernd, pp. 4-28. Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia.
Wintrobe, R. (1991) Political competition and the rise of dictatorship. In The Competitive State, edited by
A. Breton et al., pp. 147-165. Netherlands: Kluwer Academic.