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Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural

Space in Oromo Religion, Ethiopia.

Article  in  Indian journal of physical anthropology and human genetics · January 2011

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Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. Nos. 1-2, (2011) : 47-64

CAATO SACRED FOREST: UNDERSTANDING

THE CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL
WORTH OF NATURAL SPACE IN
OROMO RELIGION, ETHIOPIA

A. K. Sinha, Krishan Sharma and Lemessa Mergo

ABSTRACT
Within a limited gamut, this paper examines oral narratives and field observations to
understand the cultural and environmental value of a natural space in Oromo religion. In
particular, it concentrates on Caato sacred forest in Horro Guduru area and unfolds some
historical circumstances in Oromo religion and its cultural and environmental significances.
Informants were selected through snowballing and data was generated by employing
detailed informal interviews with them. This is besides conducting series of field observations
and examining oral narratives as well. Results reveal that Oromo religious practices have
lived in harmony with the natural forest environment despite prolonged state sponsored
interruptions and some other historical disruptions. These observations abide with the main
concern of the environmentalist lobby advocating philosophy to preserve and value the nature
for the sake of integrity, stability and beauty of the biosphere. The findings also pose a
challenge against culture/nature divide paradigm in anthropology.
Key words: Oromo, Oromo religion, Caato sacred forest, Horro Guduru

INTRODUCTION
As may be understood from several sources, Ethiopia is home of cultural mosaic.
Not only diverse ethnic groups with distinct linguistic and cultural entities live in
the country but also highly complicated and often erratic religious domains inhabit
it. Most of the time, various individuals and their belongings find it hard to
commensurately identify themselves as followers of strictly one religious entity.
This is right when observed from the vantage point of the three formally endorsed
religions for considerable period in the country on one hand and practical life
situations of individuals or groups on the other. Be it may for political consumption
or religious affiliation, the officially accredited religions in Ethiopia for stretched
periods are Christianity, Islam and Traditional religion, just in order of their

A. K. Sinha, Krishan Sharma and Lemessa Mergo, Department of Anthropology, Panjab

University, Chandigarh-160014
48 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
dominance (Hassen, 1990). While the latter is normally acclaimed in the native
realm, literatures unfold that Christianity and Islam are phenomena to the land
from the Middle Eastern world since the fourth and seventh centuries respectively
(Hassen, 1990; Zewde, 2001).
Perhaps for the first time in Ethiopian history, the latest national census of the
country which was conducted in May and November 2007 has, however, dared to
configure followers of different religions under six religious affiliations: Orthodox
(43.5%), Islam (33.9%), Protestant (18.6%), Traditional (2.6%), Catholic (0.7%), and
Others (0.6%). This can be evident from the 2008 report of the United Nations Food
Program (UNFP).1 Nevertheless, the “Others” constitute the largest religious
diversity though are comprised of the smallest percentage from among the these
six formally recognized religions in Ethiopia. In fact, the “Others” and the realistic
or contextual situations employed to configure this way do not appear to have
been well conceived in genuine ethnographic settings. These “Others” may be those
who consider religious identity as something incongruous with their furtive
assertion. They may also be those who want to remain out of the dogmatic domain
of Christianity and Islam favoring spiritual attachment to what they consider as
holy and an absolutely sovereign being rather than Judeo-Christian God or Arabic
Allah. They may also be those who do not want to expose their religious identity
for fear of some stereotypes like being called as worshippers of idolatry or Satan.
Almost all the traditional religions such as that of the Oromo in Ethiopia had been
suffering from bundles of such stereotypes and were historically subjected to
reclusive state of affairs, mainly because of absence of religious freedom in the
country until the year 1991.
The purpose of this paper is mainly twofold: to understand some historical
characteristics, challenges and changes in Oromo religion on one hand and the
cultural and environmental significance of natural forest which is perceived as
sacred place as per Oromo religious practice on the other. The paper also poses a
challenge against the anthropological paradigm that culture dominates nature
whereas the latter is a fragile entity waiting to be shaped and reshaped by the
former, i.e. binary opposition between culture and nature.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Ethnographic data were secured mainly from field observations—both participant
and non-participant. Participant observation was conducted on 15 August, 2010
while the local communities were celebrating Garafansa Hagayya ritual in favor of
Caato scared forest. We have also relied on oral narratives about Caato sacred forest
often prevalent in Horro Guduru conversations which are being conveyed in Afaan
Oromo language. Furthermore, informal interviews were held with 25 key
informants who were screened through snowballing technique. The 25 key
informants were diverse in their social setup. Three of them were local experts
working on behalf of the state while two others were officers of Education for
Development Association (EFDA), a local Non-Government Organization (NGO)
Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 49
which has been working in Horro Guduru by integrating indigenous knowledge
for sustainable environment. This NGO is staffed with experts more furnished with
both the local knowledge and modern education qualification partly because of
more attractive salary. Twenty key informants were selected from the local elderly
based on their longstanding customary knowledge.
The study is based on the ethnographic materials elicited in the winter of 2009 and
summer of 2010 from Horro Guduru area (Map 1). Available relevant literatures
on other ethnic groups in Ethiopia or other parts of the world have also been
consulted to find out whether there are indigenous religious practices meant to
respect the natural forest environment as sacred space, just for possible comparison.

Figure 1: Location Map of Horo Guduru Zone

Note: The heavily shaded small area in the map illustrates approximate location of Caato sacred
forest in Horro Guduru.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Oromo Ethnic Group, Oromo Religion and Some Historical Scenarios
Oromo as an ethnic group is the largest in the Horn of Africa2 (Hassen, 1994 and
the second largest in Africa next to Hausa of Nigeria (Hassen, 1990). Sources show
the Oromo as a very ancient race, the indigenous stock, perhaps, on which most
other peoples in the Horn of Africa had been grafted (Gamta, 1993). They speak
Afaan Oromoo which is a fairly developed spoken language. This language is at
50 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
the top of the list of the distinct and separate thousand or more languages used in
Africa, and it is classified as one of the Cushitic language families of Afro-Asiatic
spoken in the Ethiopian Empire, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, and Kenya (Gamta,
1993). In other words, the Oromo ethnic group represents one of the largest Cushitic-
speaking groups inhabiting the Horn of Africa. Their physical features, culture,
language and other evidences unequivocally point to the fact that they are
indigenous to this part of Africa. The Oromo existed as a community of people for
thousands of years in Ethiopia in specific and East Africa as a whole (Hassen, 1990;
Kelbessa, 2001; Dewo, 2009).
The Oromo are traditionally exogamous society as per the rules of the Gada system3
(Asmerom, 1973; Tolera, 1999). Yet the Gada attributes have hardly been workable
among those who did not abide by the requirements of the system and adherents
of other religions apart from Oromo religion. For example, the rules of the Gada
system had never and ever been accepted by the followers of Islamic and Christian
religions. Betrothal marriage is the most popular and sustainable marriage type
though multiple varieties of them exist in the society. The family is generally known
as extended involving both affinial and consanguinal relatives. Needless to say, as
it may well be so in other ethnic groups or societies, religious affiliation appears
quite controversial in this society given the deeply entrenched actual life situation
of individuals or groups and their conventional religious identity are empirically
compared.
Oromo religion is a distinct religion peculiar to the Oromo ethnic group. This is
because the Oromo believe in Waaqa Tokko (literally, monotheistic God) alone
(Kanno, 2008). Waaqa is the architect of the universe in Oromo worldview. He is
omnipotent, omniscient and omnipresent, just to use more powerful Latin
descriptors of God. Furthermore, Oromo religion is a discrete religion with believe
in Waaqa either directly (through trance personal attachment) or indirectly through
natural entities like forests, groves, some huge trees, mountains and springs. We
have experienced for long as permanent resident of Ethiopia and empirically
observed in Horro Guduru that this religious feature, believe in Waaqa, is not evident
in other religions traditionally practiced in the country. Therefore, it sounds less to
group Oromo religion under the so-called traditional religion for it should rather
be called Oromo religion though it has never been formally recognized this way.
Instead, it has always been categorized under the so-called traditional religion, a
generic name constituting all ethnic groups who follow their native religious
practice in Ethiopia. As matter of fact, the 2007 national census report, which is
the latest national census report of the country, has tagged Oromo religion under
traditional religion (Table 1). This may be sound from the fact that traditional
religion is an indigenous religion to its adherents. Of course, Oromo religion is
an indigenous religion to the Oromo society but it is still a distinct religion which
needs to be identified as Oromo religion rather than being subjectively labeled as
traditional religion right without depending on dependable ethnographic
evidence.
Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 51
Believe in Waaqa is monotheistic in attribute and the Oromo has no concept of
Satan, baptism, Redemptive role of Jesus Christ, priest, prophet, Muhammad as
prophet of Allah, Imam, Sheikh, etc. These all are phenomena in the society after
Oromos had intermingled with foreign religions, typically Christianity and Islam,
just after the fourth and seventh centuries respectively. Intermediary role between
Waaqa and the Oromo people has mostly been assumed by individuals known as
Qaalluu. This term has no direct meaning from other languages including English
language. Perhaps it may qualify the religious position of a priest or prophet
provided that the latter ones could serve the will of Waaqa. The will of Waaqa in
Oromo religion include delivering message from Waaqa to the people, chairing
conflict resolutions and rebuking wrongdoers publicly, blessing or anointing Abba
Gada (literally, leader of the society for strictly eight years), praying to Waaqa for
mercy and fundamental needs of humanity, orientating human beings to uphold
nature, etc. only to mention a few. In Oromo religion, these wills of Waaqa ought to
be realized by human beings. It seems that sacredness of some natural scenery in
Oromo religion is the direct reflection of Waaqa needing humanity to uphold nature.
Looking back into the whole story of religious practices in Ethiopia, we see Orthodox
Tewahido Christianity as the only state religion for considerable period of time.
Since its emergence bearing this name in the last quarter of the nineteenth century,
this institution has worked a great deal to convert non-Orthodox Tewahido
Christianity followers including Muslims. Just ever since the introduction of
Christianity into Ethiopia, under the aegis of the Coptic of Alexandria (Egypt) in
the fourth century, till the last quarter of the nineteenth century there was no such
religious nomenclature as Orthodox Tewahido Christianity in Ethiopia. Rather, we
merely find Orthodox Christianity. Sources reveal that religious controversy on
various doctrines such as whether Jesus Christ is incarnated or not had created
prolonged crisis within the home of Orthodox Christianity in Ethiopia. The crisis
was settled when Emperor Yohannes IV (1872-1889) was able to “unite” (then, the
word Tewahido in Amharic language) adherents of different doctrines in Orthodox
Christianity (Zewde, 2001). It was under the sponsorship of Emperor Menilik II
(1889-1913) since 1880s that the so-called traditional religions in Ethiopia had become
victims of large-scale conversion to Orthodox Tewahido Christianity. As this
institution has been state sponsored institution its catastrophic impact on the so-
called traditional religions such as Oromo religion could be easily understandable.
Oromo religion, particularly in Horro Guduru area had become the earliest target
of Menilik II since 1882. This period witnesses a turning point in the history of
Horro Guduru (Nagara, 2010). It was the period when Menilik II as vassal of
Emperor Yohannes IV and Negus (leader) of Shawa (central Ethiopia) had won the
battle of Embabo in Horro Guduru area (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Battle_of_Embabo). This source briefs further illustration on the story of the Battle of
Embabo.
The aftermath of the Battle of Embabo had obviously demonstrated erosion of
Oromo religious values and spread and consolidation of Orthodox Tewahido
52 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
Christianity in Horro Guduru. In fact, before the emergence of this episode per se
Oromo religion did not reveal expansions and consolidations across space though
its steadily declining trend was a circumstance since early 1880s. Here, it is possible
to ask, “Why a declining trend?” This is in fact due to several reasons: (1) lack of
determined and devoted individuals to propagate the religion, or simply put it, lack
of missionary culture in the religion; (2) oral nature of the religion for Oromo society
had no written culture and which could in turn have limited its possibility of larger
spatial coverage; and (3) prolonged subjugation4 of the Oromo people by the Ethiopian
imperial state. All African indigenous religions may share almost alike factors for
their ever declining status though the third factor is exceptional to that of the Oromo
society and other subjugated peoples of Ethiopia by Ethiopian imperial state; the
subjugation lasted at least from 1880s-1974. The case of Africa can be understood
from Ejizu (1984), Abbink (1998), and Dickson (2005). These authors share the view
that the European invasion of Africa since the age of exploration and discovery in
the 15th century which in Africa was pioneered by Vasco Da Gama’s successful voyage
discovery to India across the southern tip of south Africa to India in 1490s and their
subsequent colonial systems in the continent until the 1960s have contributed
considerable loss of indigenous cultural and religious image for African people apart
from brutal political, social and economic domination.
Although the imperial state administration was ousted in 1974 following the
downfall of Emperor Haile Sellasie I (1930-1974) by the military Derg (1974-1991),
the latter, too, did not favor freedom of religion. State and religion were clearly
separated and freedom of religion was legally institutionalized in Ethiopia only
since 1991, just when the military junta was ousted by the EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples’
Revolutionary Front) in May 1991. Therefore, Oromo society and other subjugated
ethnic groups of Ethiopia have got the right to practice their indigenous religion
since the last decade of the twentieth century. Accordingly, Oromo religious
practices have been slowly rejuvenating in Horro Guduru since then. Unfortunately,
an increasingly damaging problem has been coming against revitalization of this
indigenous religious practice still since 1991. It is the unrestrained and
unprecedented spread of protestant belief systems which has become a great
challenge against sustainability of Oromo religious practice in the area. This is
because this missionary religion is currently snatching out enormous people from
the domain of Oromo religion. Ironically, it is not any foreigners but the Oromos
themselves, as converted ones to this missionary religion, who are courageously
expanding it at the cost of Oromo religious practice. This may not be problematic
as such given that individuals have the right to follow any religion they want so.
But it has been realized that due to this missionary activity culturally and
environmentally sound values were being irrecoverably eroded. This value erosion
results from understanding Oromo religious practices like observance of indigenous
religious rituals often performed near springs, scared forests, some big trees and
other spiritually recognized natural spaces as demonic practices.
The point is that the most noticeable challenge against Oromo religious practices
in Horro Guduru nowadays is more likely the rampant spread of protestant religious
Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 53
values such as charismatic preaching of the Gospel which eventually ends up one’s
destination in Abrahamic or Hebrew culture. We have made series of observations
across worshipping programs being observed as per the protestant religious
doctrines in Horro Guduru that religious ceremonies and rituals are made only
according to the Biblical norms of Hebrew religious culture. In particular, the one
who exclusively deserves worshipping is the God of Biblical Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob which the Oromo religion never have been conceived of yet.
Comparing Oromo Religion with other Indigenous Religious Practices Across
the Globe
Comparison here is limited only to believe in sacredness of natural places and
their cultural and environmental worth. Vast array of ethnographies confirm
sacredness of natural spaces. Thus, sacredness of natural entities is seldom exclusive
to Oromo religious domain. Various ethnic groups in Asia and Africa appear to
have venerated some natural scenes as sacred. Especially, the diverse ethnic groups
sharing the Himalayas illustrate widely documented ethnographies in this regard.
Specific ethnographic examples include the temple forests stretching over vast areas
of India (Chandrakanth et al., 1990), the sacred forest of West Kalimatan in Indonesia
(Wadley et al., 2004), and the Tibetan sacred sites of old growth forests in eastern
Himalayas (Salick et al., 2007), just to mention a few. From Africa the Kasigau of
Kenya (Milton, 1996), the Mende of Sierra Leone (Milton, 1996), the Shona of
Zimbabwe (Byres et al., 2001), and the Dogon (van Beek and Banga, 1992) which
borders Mali and Burkina Faso in West Africa, could illustrate all possible
ethnographies. For these ethnic groups of the Himalayas range and Africa the
natural forest environment is not as such a fragile entity in need of human protection.
Conversely, these indigenous communities believe that they live at the mercy of
their natural environment. This people share the understanding that they live at
the mercy of forces largely beyond their control; and ritual offerings are believed
to give some protection against specific threats emanating from natural forests.
Therefore, some natural forests are believed to be abode of supernatural being or
nonphysical agent which could affirm visualizing them as sacred places with
committed preservation. Shouldn’t such places serve the purpose of
environmentalism?
Anthropological study on Oromo religion by Bartles (1983) and Knutson (1968)
constitutes the nature friendly characteristic of Oromo religious practices. But
Bartels’ argument that Oromo religion is similar to Hindu Indian religion may
sound only in the context of the concept of Dharma5 in Hinduism (Dewo, 2009). In
other traits they are almost incomparable for several factors: (1) we couldn’t find
tabernacles or temples in Oromo religious domain while a multiplicity of them are
pervasive, often appearing highly emblematic, in Hindu religious domain;
(2) Oromo religion is based on oral culture whereas that of Hinduism has been
relied on a comprehensive storehouse of scripts with sophisticated philosophical
propositions often known as vedas6; and (3) we couldn’t find tattoos or symbols on
facial skins and the concept of reincarnation in Oromo religion while Hinduism is
54 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
featured by these traits. Indeed, though this much could suffice the purpose of this
paper, rigorously distilled comparison of these religions might call for detailed
ethnographic study yet so far.
Available sources on reverence of natural spaces by indigenous communities in
Ethiopia other than the Oromo also disclose the existence of some ethnic groups
who have a belief that some natural groves need to be venerated as sacred scenery.
For example, the Gurage and the Gamo ethnic groups have got relatively small
sized sacred forests (Disassa, 2009). Disassa identifies some nearly 645 living
indigenous sacred sites in the Gamo montagnard region of southwest Ethiopia, of
which 272 are sacred forests ranging from half to twenty-five hectare. Disassa’s
aim was to deal with the importance of sacred places in biodiversity conservation.
Accordingly, he explores over 792 plant species belonging to 149 families in the
sacred place, including nineteen endemic species and four species that are otherwise
absent or rare in the rest of the region. Envisaging such scenes’ worth in sustaining
biodiversity, he writes “The focus on the conservation potential of the traditional
belief system is one way to convince both national governments and local
communities of the value of local traditions”. Had Disassa been to Caato sacred
forest, he would have been astonished for Caato sacred forest is relatively intact
and more aged believed to inhabit tremendous store of biodiversity. Still its size is
comparably quite larger for it covers more than 4400 hectares (Mergo, 2009).
The point is, in fact, not a matter of size of such sacred areas. Rather it is that some
natural spaces are perceived through the lens of indigenous religious practices as
non-profane domain in need of due reverence and respect. Such belief systems in
the realm of indigenous religious practices in Ethiopia are undeniably worthwhile
for biodiversity and natural environment conservation. This is despite the deeply
entrenched stereotype emanating from missionary religions in Ethiopia, Christianity
and Islam, that they are “pagan” practices existing just only worshipping creatures
such as forests, huge trees and mountains. Emic or native views, for example, from
Horro Guduru about such pejoratively referred religious entities, nonetheless;
clearly demonstrate that what the indigenous community is essentially worshipping
is not various kinds of creatures but a creator, though some natural spaces have
got special treatment as sacred sphere. What is important here is the fact that some
natural sites are believed to be sacred realm with due cherish. Why this is so? This
brings us to the main theme of this paper, Caato sacred forest in Horro Guduru.

Caato Sacred Forest and Garanfasa Hagayyaa Ritual in Horro Guduru

Numerous and usually complicated oral narratives saturating Horro Guduru areas
are mostly known as storehouse of myths and legends, values and belief systems,
proverbs and riddles, games and sayings as well as concepts which all need
thorough understanding and interpretation. It is only from these narratives that
we could be able to get sensible notion of the concept Caato. According to these
oral narratives the concept Caato basically refers to a dense natural forest with
series of interlocked canopies constituting various tropical forest species and old
Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 55
growth trees believed to be abode of supernatural force. Such kind of forest may
appear in various areas of Oromo land. In case of this study, however, it should not
appear ambiguous that the concept could stand for both the only intact and largest
natural forest stretching nearly over 4400 hectares in Horro Guduru on one hand
and a forest spirit believed to dwell in the forest on the other. When we refer to the
latter, of course, there is some alteration in wording the concept, i.e. it becomes Catto.
Nevertheless, both concepts can be used interchangeably to refer to the forest and its
spirit in Horro Guduru local narratives. The spirit was said to have been residing in
dense natural forests existing in different parts of Horro Guduru in the past. Currently,
it is being revealed in Caato sacred forest alone, the only proper Caato in Horro Guduru
area nowadays. This was especially because forests in other parts of the area had
disappeared due to relentless deforestation instigated mainly as a result of agricultural
land expansion against forestlands which in turn is in response to population increase.
Caato sacred forest is largely surrounded by quite impenetrable and inhospitable
topographies and is specifically situated somewhere between 9°10’53’’ North to
10°17’03’’ North latitude and 36°39’36’’ East to 37°40’13’’ East longitude (Firdissa,
2007) in Horro Guduru area of Oromia regional state of Ethiopia.
Although deforestation wrought by factors like population pressure, agriculture
and resettlement activities, all being anthropogenic in character, has been
deteriorating the prevalence of sacred forests where forest spirits are believed to
have been dwelling, Caato sacred forest still appear invincible. This can be witnessed
from the plate 1 below.
Illustration: Just by performing yearly fixed rituals, the local communities offer
their annual libations to Caato forest spirit from three major directions, namely,
Caato-Dabbisii, Caato-Boonaa and Caato-Dullachaa. This plate shows the Caato-Boonaa
direction which faces the conventional direction of sun set.
Plate 1: Partial view of Caato Sacred Forest, Captured on 15 March, 2009
56 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
For Caato sacred forest, possible challenge does not seem to emerge from
anthropogenic deforestation activities. Field observation and oral narratives vividly
show a stringent impact of the spread of modern religious practices, typically
Protestantism, on believe in sacredness of some natural forests and groves in Horro
Guduru. Protestantism is currently percolating almost every corner of the area just
disowning popularity and predominance of Oromo religious practices. Particularly,
the largest proportion of young generation and majority of the educated members
(just as per the spirit of modern or western education) of the community are giving
their backs to this indigenous practice. This is more likely rooted in the prolonged
stereotypical assumptions drawn against indigenous religious systems from the
womb of Ethiopian imperial state administration which had paved the way instead
for Orthodox Tewahido Christianity to graft on the former creating considerable
generation gap in knowledge about indigenous religion.
Yet, currently though its figure constitutes the highest version of Christianity in
Oromia (Table 1), Orthodox Tewahido Christianity does not appear the major
challenge as compared to rampant spread of Protestant Christianity against
indigenous religious practices in Horro Guduru area. Basically, however, these
two discrete versions of Christianity do not consider natural places as sacred spheres;
they both caste unwavering doubt against believe in sacredness of some natural
spaces including Caato sacred forest as manifestations of demonic worship. In an
attempt to avoid such worship they utilize whatever possible means ranging from
prayers to manual actions to destroy locally believed sacredness of natural scenes.
But believe in sacredness of natural forests is important for the safe existence of
such forests, stable climate and the biodiversity they shelter. In this respect, we can
easily deduce that indigenous religious practices such as the aforesaid ones are
environmentally friendly for they maintain some natural forest environs while alien
religious practices like the two discrete versions of Christianity treated so far are
environmentally hostile. Actually, the fact that they are alien to areas they engulf
might be one factor to explain their stern impact on some natural environments
they ever come across.
Notwithstanding the preceding points, it seems sensible to state some facts
regarding Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual. Keeping the notion of ritual 7 not as
notoriously as it may appear, Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual refers to an annual ritual
in favor of Caato sacred forest. Separating these two local wordings yields a
detached notion. Garanfasa simply implies an annual or monthly or weekly
religious celebration in due course of Oromo religious practices in Horro Guduru.
Garanfasa is mostly observed in eventful times like transition from one round of
agricultural labor to the other. It is always observed in the peak and slack seasons.
Accordingly, Garanfasa Hagayyaa is an annual ritual ever celebrated on the third
Sunday of the month of August (literally, Hagayyaa) in favor of Caato sacred forest
spirit, Catto. This time is known as slack season in Horro Guduru wherein peasants
should necessarily halt plough particularly for the purpose of giving rest for their
farm oxen.
Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 57
In Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual the performer and the agent for whom the ritual
observances are being undertaken are spiritually indivisible. Caato natural jungle
(abode of supreme spirit) and Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual are inseparable entities of
Oromo custom round the sacred forest. They are culturally interlinked in a way
that they sustain local belief systems about the natural order on one hand and
environmental balance on the other. Here, the presence of Caato natural forest is
the primary cause for the observance of Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual and vice versa.
Informants claim that if there is no Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual, Caato natural forest
will no longer survive and then no way to anticipate stable environment in the
round areas; and conversely, if there is no Caato natural jungle, there will be no
need to celebrate Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual on behalf of the sacred forest for it is no
more in place. For the community, the forest is not a mere forest but abode of
supernatural force and thus must be respected. Thus, as per this tradition nature
should be cherished and venerated. The ever presence of this sacred forest dictates
yearly observance of rituals which in turn reinvigorates indigenous communities’
belief system to be in awe of Caato natural forest.
Based on evidence from oral narratives, this amuse had been initiated more probably
in the second half of the fifteenth century, and has steadily been declined from
1880s to early 1990s, and still was renewed since then just surviving extremely
prolonged cultural deprivation. This implies that indigenous religious knowledge
is not as such too delicate to remain steadfast, at least in some of its intrinsic
components, which might in turn be the main reason for unease identification of
religious identity of some individuals or groups conventionally identified as member
of some religion whilst they could reflect intricate religious identity in different
situations. For instance, we observed that attendants of Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual
are not purely adherents of Oromo religion. Actually, whenever death comes proper
funeral place and ceremony need to maintain strict doctrine of Orthodox Tewahido
Christianity. Whereas, whenever they attend traditional rituals like Garanfasa
Hagayyaa they have to abide by strict norms of Oromo religious practices. In the
former the main social and spiritual actors are priests who have always emerging
from Amhara ethnic group while in the latter they are the local elderly evolved
from Oromo ethnic group. Other examples could be entertained but the scope of
this paper does not sense such a way.
Let’s succinctly explain the sacrificial turn being annually practiced on behalf of
Catto/Caato on Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual. Catto/Caato, in this respective order, yet
appears an awful nonphysical agent and highly emblematic natural forest in Horro
Guduru landscape. Despite the ever dwindling status of reverence due the forest
and its spirit for reasons already explicated so far, nearly more than 200 households
still dedicate annual ritual in favor of the sacred forest and its spirit. This figure
represents those households surrounding the sacred forest from three directions,
namely, Caato-Dabbisii, Caat-Boonaa, and Caato-Dullachaa. As compared to the past
when almost the whole indigenous communities round the sacred forest engage in
Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual observance, just before the intervention of Ethiopian
58 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
imperial state administration in indigenous affairs, the current figure displays an
incredibly decreasing number. Why? Reasons are political and religious in nature
as emphasized so far. It seems that it could be their resolute believe in the worth of
indigenous traditions, both cultural and environmental, that the remaining
households observe Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual in honor of Catto/Caato. Oral
narratives reveal that people still observe Garanfasa Hagayyaa because they know
from experience that they would get fayyaa (health), karra (wealth), dhala (children),
qabbana uumaa (natural environmental stability) and the like by observing Garanfasa
Hagayyaa ritual and paying substantial sacrifices and vowing to the nonphysical
agent called Catto dwelling in Caato. What are these vows and sacrifices? As it may
be vividly witnessed from plates 2, 3 and 4 below, most of the time sacrifices involve
both live animals like goat, sheep, and hen and materials like mirror, match, candle,
sandal, etc. and libation of biqila (various kinds of locally prepared alcoholic drinks)
and grass, and dedicating sacrificial bull. While some variety of vows and sacrifices
may change in account of issue of affordability and intrinsically prescribed
individual or collective attachment to the nonphysical agent, grass and biqila never
abstain in observing Garanafasa Hagayyaa ritual. They mainly symbolize a voracious
need for fertility, peace or stability, health, and wealth. Individuals can offer vows
in live animal forms also. Example, the man holding goat below (plate 3) is offering
vow to Catto after fulfillment of what he has vowed for, i.e. gabaa fi gabii (income).
He is a poor farmer subsisting not only on small farming but also generating income
through singing traditional songs focusing on achieved statuses in the community,
just at various social ceremonies like wedding.
Plate 2: Variety of Vows Offered to Catto on Garanfasa Hagayyaa Ritual (15 August, 2010)

Slaughtering sacrificial bull is relatively bold and collective action needed to observe
Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual for the Horro Guduru Oromo community. It is meant
mainly in need of mercy from Waaqa in general and Catto in particular. Sacrificial
bull is obtained through collective contribution of money meant for purchasing
the bull. Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual attendants are always required to contribute
some amount of money at least once in two years as per their interest which is
believed to have been influenced by individual’s perception about Catto, its both
retributive and contributive influence in their life. Oral history supplements the
Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 59
fact that slaughtering bulls and other tame animals at natural scenes like mountains,
springs, sacred forests and groves as well as under huge trees which all are assumed
to have unique spiritual ascription results in eradication of golfaa (disease believed
to result from misdeed or misfortune), hongee (relentless drought), and other natural
calamities. This implies that indigenous belief systems are not mere common
knowledge but entail perceptions how to curb natural harms coming against
Plate 3: A Man Holding Goat for Vow after What he has Pledged for has been Realized

Plate 4: Slaughtering Sacrificial Bull Favoring Catto

60 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
humanity in specific and nature at large. People do not merely contribute money
and slaughter bull in honor of some assumed mystical power. It is rather due to
deep experience achieved through life course. In this sense, natural spaces have
the capacity to shape and sustain culture, at least in indigenous communities such
as Horro Guduru. Culture in turn has considerable impact either to sustain or
obliterate nature though the case in this paper does reflect the sustainability matrix.

CONCLUDING REMARKS
Although the current government of Oromia has hired about twenty local guards
to protect Caato sacred forest claiming that it is merely a natural forest which need
to be preserved by the state, the forest has been guarded through indigenous Oromo
religious practices for long; according to oral narratives this is at least for more
than a century and half. Catto has been guarding Caato as they know it for centuries.
Caato is not as such a vulnerable natural forest waiting for human protection from
anthropogenic malicious acts. For the local communities it is even a protector let
alone to appear as a fragile scene in need of protection. The state is compelled to
protect the forest taking in to account the fast rate of deforestation with its lethal
effect on wildlife and other spheres of biodiversity in other parts of Oromia region
in general and that of Horro Guduru areas in particular. Geographically viewed,
Caato is the only intact and largest natural forest in Horro Guduru areas. Spiritually
viewed, it is the largest sacred forest in the area, perhaps in Ethiopia. Individuals
who appear violating its sacredness or disowning its due respect are not only
deviants but also suffer from elderly curse, social seclusion, and more likely natural
hazards as reflection of retribution from Catto.
The indigenous religious practice of Oromo do not fall within the category of
religions generally referred to as universal or missionary religions. They are rather,
classed within the family of indigenous or folk religions of the world. There are no
propagators or missionaries and even no explicit and historically attested founder
for Oromo religion. This actually confirms the argument that African traditional
religions admit of little or no change; they thrive in stable and homogenous ethnic
societies; they have no founders, reformers, or prophets, and are handed on much
in the same form from one generation to the next (Booth, 1977; Ikenga-Metuh,
1987). In the words of Mbiti (1990), African traditional religions “have no
missionaries to propagate them”; as folk religions, they are said to be community-
based; “people simply assimilate whatever religious ideas and practices are held
or observed by their families and communities”. This viewpoint assumed that
African traditional religions were more or less fossil reality. It is pertinent also to
point out that by African traditional religions reference is specifically to indigenous
religious forms and systems which the different peoples of sub-Saharan Africa
cultivated as part of their total experience of life within their particular ecological
environment, society and history; these religions pre-date any other forms and
articulations of the sacred that have been brought into the Continent from outside
(Ejizu 1984: 198).
Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 61
Indigenous religious practices in Ethiopia were often called obsolete and their
followers considered unholy for long through the lens of Orthodox Tewahido and
protestant Christianity. Thus, conversion to Christianity is inevitably in order.
Currently, there is freedom of religion in Ethiopia and this has served revitalization
of indigenous religious practices on one hand and free spread of the Gospel on the
other. In this sense, clearly identifying the actual and conventional religious life of
individuals is highly problematic.
It is by no means universal that nature and culture are in a continuum binary
opposition. It is difficult to accept this paradigm as universally valid. In Oromo
culture, nature and culture are not mutually exclusive. In some cases, one is highly
responsible for sustainable prevalence of the other and vice versa. For that matter,
it is unfeasible for Oromo community residing round Caato natural forest to
consistently observe Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual favoring Catto provided that the
sacred forest does not exist in its place. This is by no means limited to Oromo
ethnic group. Various ethnographies supplement this assertion, especially from
the Himalayas in Asia and different parts of Africa. The fact that Caato natural
forest is conceived as a sacred place is by itself a work of Oromo culture. It is
cultural perception or understanding about nature. This is not to mean that
environment entirely determines culture, but it is to mean that it at least influences
human perceptions and actions.
Before their exposure to foreign religions, such as various versions of Christianity
and Islam, the Oromo ethnic group was known in worshipping one God called Waaqa.
Under Waaqa there were colossal divinities, often known as Ayyaana, deserving
reverence. It is in this sense that Catto stands for a natural but extremely dense forest
spirit right there in defense of the well-being of the natural forest it indwells and in
defiance of anthropogenic harms against the forest arising from malice. As a result,
presently Caato appears covering a large area more than 4400 hectares; perhaps the
largest sacred forest ever there in Ethiopia. This is the work of unique contribution of
Oromo religious practices. It needs to be formally acknowledged as a distinct religion
with due emphasis on the welfare of the natural environment. Acknowledged or
not, Caato sacred forest is not simply a natural forest to belong to sate ownership; it is
an old aged cultural heritage of Oromo ethnic group. Rather it needs to be recorded
as one cultural heritage of the society along with appropriate provision of cultural
rights for them about the forest. The state need to respect the cultural right of this
people about the sacred forest just the way it respects the cultural right of people vis-
à-vis churches and mosques. Caato sacred forest is a natural tabernacle for the Oromo
community living around the forest.
It was difficult to exhaust entire knowledge about Oromo religion, both from
secondary and primary sources in a single paper and hence it was not attempted.
It was limited to one aspect of the religion, sacredness of natural spaces. Even in
this case per se, the focus was only a single natural entity in specific geographic
site in Horro Guduru, Caato sacred forest. Besides these limitations, other
weaknesses of the paper could potentially call for further inquiry.
62 Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. & Hum. Genet. Vol. 30. No. 1-2, 2011
NOTES
1. UNFP’s 2008. report, available at http://www.csa.gov.et/pdf/Cen2007_firstdraft.pdf
2. The Horn of Africa comprises four countries, namely, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibout, and
Somalia.
3. The Gada systems refers to an indigenous political, social, economic, military, cultural
and religious institution of the Oromo ethnic group wherein leaders are elected for
strictly fixed eight years office term after passing successive generation sets and age
grades. Further evidence can be accessed from the only prominent book yet authored
on the subject by Asmerom Legesse, Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political
System. Asmera: The Red Sea Press, Inc. 2000.
4. It could appear strange to use the term “subjugation” in the context of this paper; yet,
several authors even dare to argue that it was colonization (Hassen, 1999; 2000;
Gemeda, 1998) that the Ethiopian imperial state administration wrought in different
parts of formerly autonomous regional or local peoples of the country including the
Horro Guduru. Some authors still refrain from using such seemingly strange concepts
though the fact that past historical anachronistic and merciless subjugation of the
entire peoples of southeastern, southern, and southwestern parts of the country by
Ethiopian imperial state is irrefutable. Even it seems more likely that the recurrent
upheavals running among educational institutions, especially among university
students throughout the country is rooted in this anachronistic than merely ethnic
discrepancies.
5. Dharma is a broad concept in Hindu religious domain which basically refers to upholding
nature.
6. The concept Vedas, though most prominently and popularly applicable in Hindu Indian
philosophy of religious life, is clearly understandable from an internationally working
Oxford Dictionary and Thesaurus, 2001, p. 351.
7. The term “ritual” is often notoriously ambiguous. As regard to this paper, however,
ritual may briefly refer to a regularized action or behavior of certain group(s) which is
demonstrated on some fixed time interval just meant for fulfilling an intrinsically
prescribed attachment to nonphysical agent. Further illustration can be grappled from
Rappaport (1968).

Table 1
Religious Affiliation in Oromia 2007

All Persons 27,158,471 100%

Orthodox 8,269,813 30.5%
Protestant 4,818,842 17.7%
Catholic 122,700 0.5%
Muslim/Islam 12,886,961 47.5%
Traditional 895,251 3.3%
Others 164,904 0.6%

Source: UNFP, 2008, p. 111

Caato Sacred Forest: Understanding the Cultural and Environmental Worth of Natural... 63
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