CHAPTER - U

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.0.0.0. INTRODUCTION

The present chapter deals with the conceptual and theoretical aspects

of one dependent variable, which is academic motivation and four other

independent variables, which are, achievement motivation, vocational aspira­

tion, academic performance and self-concept. A brief statement of the

theoretical basis of origin-pawn concept has also been given.

It is hoped that the present discussion would be helpful in under­

standing and clarifying the underlying basic concepts and theories of the

above-mentioned variables. That there is an undercurrent of relationship

between all these variables of the present study, will also be surfaced with

the help of the present deliberation.

2.1.0.0. Academic Motivation

Very often it is observed that pupils are disinterested, inattentive,

unmindful and even insincere towards learning in the educational institutions.

Save for the few, poor attendance in the school, playing truancy or copying

and cheating in the examination, have almost become a common practice

for the students. This is. indeed a matter of grave concern to the educators

and parents. Questions naturally come up that, inspite of possessing adequate

ability, why children refrain from using it in an academic persuit? Why

they shirk learning which involve their future progress?

However, an attempt has been made to provide answers to all

these questions by Frymier (1970), who has adopted a vital approach regard­

ing motivation towards school or academic motivation.

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2.1.1.0. Concept

According to Frymier (1970), motivation towards school or academic

motivation is an inferred construct, which gives both direction and intensity

to human behaviour and it is motive, which relates human behaviour to

learning in an academic setting.

From the above concept advanced by Frymier, certain characteristics

of academic motivation emerge which may be discussed further.

2.1.1.1. Motivation is inferred

Frymier (1970) opines that academic motivation is inferred like

intelligence. Academic motivation can not be concretised. By observing

peoples' behaviour the presence or absence of academic motivation is gene­

rally determined. It may be pointed out that though both academic moti­

vation and intelligence .are inferred constructs, yet the main difference
between intelligence and academic motivation is that while ability or intel­

ligence summarizes observations about what an organism can do or ought

to do, academic motivation summarizes observations what an organism or

a pupil will do or wants to do.

This naturally leads to the next characteristic which is the directional

aspect of academic motivation.

2.1.1.2. Motivation gives direction

According to Frymier (1970), "direction implies selection from possible

variations in purposes or goals",1 which means that, children should be helped

to learn, to value learning, to want to learn, to learn how to learn, to value

1. Frymier, Jack, R. "Motivation s The mainspring and gyroscope of learning". Theory Into
Practice, College of Education, The Ohio State University, 1970.
 20

knowledge, to acquire knowledge, to understand knowledge, to behave accord­

ing to knowledge or to apply knowledge to unknown or unforeseen situations.

So motivation to learn in schools or academic motivation ought to result

in moving school children in that direction. Not only schools should succeed

in inspiring and initiating pupils to learn, but give a direction to their learn­

ing, so that they can value learning. In this way, academic motivation,

at least in part, is learned behaviour, which can be taught and developed

within pujCls and the basic purpose of schools, according to Frymier, is

to help children to learn and to value learning.

2.1.1.3. Motivation gives intensity

In the opinion of Frymier, academic motivation provides intensity

to human behaviour. Intensity implies "possible variations to attain the
goal"2. This means that in an educational setting, academic motivation

of a pupil will determine to what degree and extent he will exert or strive

to achieve his goal. In this respect, Frymier thinks that five factors are

vitally important to induce this intensity to behaviour. These are -

a) availability of-quality of stimuli,

b) perceptual openness,

c) handling of dissonance,

d) physiological function,

e) anxiety.

a) The availability of stimuli refers to the rich, unique, intricate,

novel, number and quality of stimulus materials, to which a child

is exposed. The organism needs stimulation. When it is deprived

2. Ibid, p. 23.
 21

of stimuli, the organism seeks stimuli or even makes its own.

Over extended periods of time, those organisms, which exist

in stimulus-deprived environments, develop lower mental abilities;

i.e., their intelligence deteriorates or in extreme cases they die.

On the other hand, those, who exist and function in stimulus

environments which are rich and varied, develop higher mental

abilities; i.e., their intelligence increases. Therefore, a child should

be suitably exposed to varied, novel, rich, unique and extensive

stimulus materials.

b) Secondly, openness refers to the child's ability in receiving and

processing stimuli. This ability of the child refers again, to the

personality structure of the child, which also affects the intensity

of motivation. Those persons who are maximally perceptive, ade­

quate and relatively unthreatened are drawn to the novel, new

and the unknown. Openness, is a function of self-concept and

manifests itself especially in the response of the organism, special­

ly to stress and threat, but the open individual is more curious,

more inquiring and more motivated.

c) Thirdly, the style or the way or manner in which an indiviual

handles dissonance affects the intensity of motivation. Dissonance

may appear in either one or both of two forms, and the way
in which the individual copes with either, affects his motivation.
On the one hand, there may be discrepancy between where the

individual is and what he wants in the valuing sense. Likewise,

when the individual senses that where he is and where he wants

to go, are not the same in terms of his value framework, he acts
 22

to resolve those kinds of inconsistencies too. In other words,

both cognitive dissonance and affective dissonance contribute

to motivation.

d) Fourthly, the physiological functioning of the individual, like

cardiovascular functioning, basal metabolic rate, endurance,

strength, - ail these affect the intensity of motivation.

e) Lastly, anxiety is another factor, which affects the intensity

of motivation. Anxiety is apprehensiveness in any given situation,

and results from the interaction of the individual's concept of

self, the number and quality of stimuli and the dissonance which
is perceived. However, a certain degree of anxiety may be con­

ducive to learning. But too much anxiety drives a learner away.

In other words, motivation to learn is essential, but too much

motivation sometimes hampers a student's learning. So, moti­
vation probably should be thought of optimal rather than in maxi­

mal terms. A moderate degree of intensity in the motivation

to learn which will induce appropriate degree of anxiety will

result in the desired learning by the pupils.

2.1.2.0. Bases of Academic Motivation

According to Frymier, there are three aspects of academic motivation,

which he signifies as bases. These are values, personality structure and

curiosity.

Values ; The extent to which an individual cherishes some things

as opposed to others, reflects his value pattern. Values represent an indi­

vidual's scale of difference and values influence human behaviour. Each
 23

individual will respond to suggestions and directions from the teacher accord­
ing to his own peculiar value pattern.

Personality Structure : The personality of any individual influences

profoundly the person's approach to the world of ideas and his own concep­

tion of his ability to deal with them. The openness and adequacy of people,

which are two generalized aspects of personality structure, directly affect

people's motivation toward school and to do good work in the classroom.

Curiosity : Curiosity is first and foremost a result than a cause.

It is predicted upon a value pattern which includes cherishment of knowing

and it is possible in an organism which has personality structure which enables
it to be open and adequate. Curiosity results in creativity and it is the

lifeblood of motivation to do good work in the school, to develop the desire

to know.

2.1.3.0. Postulates of Academic Motivation

From the above discussion, several vital postulates of Frymier's

theory on academic motivation emerge.

a) Motivation to learn gives direction as well as intensity to the

learning behaviour of a student;

b) Motivation is the function of values and educational purposes;

c) Motivation is affected by the kind and quality of stimuli received

by the learner, his preceptual style, dissonance, anxiety and

his physiological functioning;

d) Motivation is probably durable rather than fragile;

e) Motivation needs to be thought of in optimal rather than in

maximal terms, since too much motivation affects adversely

positive learning.
 24

Frymier (1970), has done a great service to the development of re­

search by devising a theoretical model for academic motivation. Students

are usually motivated in different ways, some of which may be positive

and some negative. If case of students, whose motivation to learn is positive,

their academic achievement becomes higher than those whose motivation

to learn is negative. But students' conformity to set behaviours in learning

does not always produce best results in learning output. Thus, students'

tendency to obey all the instructions given by the teachers or in schools

is not the true reflection always of academic motivation in the best sense.

2.1.4.0. Theoretical model of Academic Motivation

Frymier's theoretical model of academic motivation is based on the

fundamental assumption that academic motivation has several dimensions.

Of these, three dimensions are likely to prove to be factors of academic

motivation in the statistical sense. These are :

1) Internal-External

2) Intake-Output

3) Approach-Avoidance

2.1.4.1. Internal-External Dimension

In the words of Frymier, the "Internal" facet of the dimensions,

"refers to those aspects of personality and value structure which the indi­
vidual learner brings with him to the learning situation"3. According to Frymier,

self concept, perceptual style, belief system and the like make up the in­
ternal part of academic motivation. The "External" portion of the dimension,

3. Ibid, p. 28.
 25

refers to the environment as a stimuli source. Stimuli, which are avail­

able with the immediate environment, are considered relevant; such as,

text books, parental approval, library, teacher-talk, diagram, filmstrips

and the like, make up the external part of the academic motivation. In
fact, Internal-External dimension, appear to reflect its source, the fountain

from which academic motivation springs or flows.

2.1.4.2. Intake-Output Dimension

The second basic dimension of academic motivation is 'Intake-Output'

one, which may be referred to as the consumption-production aspect of

academic motivation. Some students seem moved to consume the learning

world around them, - they are avid readers, thoughtful listeners, gatherer
of information and new experiences in everyway and the like. These are

"intake" - type. While there are others, who not only consume but are

producers too. They talk, write, generate ideas and concepts and so on.

They are mainly 'output' - type. The second dimension of 'Intake-output'

is indicative of form or style of academic motivation.

2.1.4.3. Approach-Avoidance Dimension

The third dimension of academic motivation is 'Approach-Avoidance'

dimension which refers to the directional aspect of academic motivation.

Some students move or approach towards teachers' approval, stimulus ambi­

guity, novelty, social acceptance and the like. Whereas there are some

students who move away from or avoid such things. Therefore, this dimen­

sion reflects the direction of the academic motivation.

Frymier has, however, pointed out that the theoretical model of

academic motivation, which is primarily based on these three basic
 26

dimensions, "is the pattern of relationships among these dimensions"1* and

this is considered most important and crucial. To explain this pattern of

relationships, in Frymier's words, "some students whose motivation to learn

is positive, may move towards (approach) reading (intake) an exciting novel

(external stimuli); whereas, other youngsters, who are also positively moti­

vated might move away from (avoidance) teacher approval (external stimulus)

in order to generate (output) a graphic description of social equality for

a history course, for example".45 The concepts of 'positive' and 'negative'

motivation are only meaningful if the pattern of relationships among dimen­

sions is considered. Some internal factors are positive and some internal

factors are negative. The same kind is true for approach-avoidance, intake-

output aspects of other dimensions.

2.1.5.0. Factors of Academic Motivation

According to the theory of academic motivation, it seems that there

are sixteen factors to academic motivation. These are :

1. Internal-Intake-Approach-Positive
2. Internal-Intake-Avoidance-Positive
3. Internal-Output-Approach-Positive

k. Internal-Output-Avoidance-Positive

5. External-Intake-Approach-Positive
6. External-Intake-Avoidance-Positive

7. External-Output-Approach-Positive

S. External-Output-Avoidance-Positive
9. Internal-Intake-Approach-Negative

4. Ibid, p. 29.

5. bid, p. 29.
 27

10. Internal-Intake-Avoidance-Negative
11. Inter nal-Output-Approach-Negative

12. Internal-Output-Avoidance-Negative

13. External-Intake-Approach-Negative

14. External-Intake-A voidance-Negative

15. External-Output-Approach-Negati ve

16. External-Output-A voidance-Negative.

The following are the illustrations of behaviours within the framework

of the individual dimensions set forth. It should be, however, pointed out

that it is the pattern of relationships among the dimensions which is fore­

most rather than the specific incidents or specific behaviours themselves.

2.1.5.1. Specific behaviour pattern

Positive Examples of Internal-External Dimension :

(I) Sense of worth

(I) Feeling of acceptance

(I) Ability to tolerate ambiguity
(I) Positive concept of other persons
(I) Lack of Prejudice
(I) Belief in the importance of information

(I) Minimum of defense mechanisms

(E) Variety of points of view
(E) Validity of information

(E) Variation in sequence of stimuli

(E) Multi-sensory stimuli

(E) Accessibility of stimuli.
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2.1.5.2. Negative Examples of Internal-External Dimension :

(I) Excessive anxiety or fear

(I) Jumping to conclusions
(I) Fear or dislike of authority per se
(E) Limited sources of information
(E) Information embedded in other stimuli (hard to get at)

(E) Sequencing of stimuli unduly repetitive

(E) Validity postulated with few or no external referants.

2.1.5.3. Positive Examples of Intake-Output Dimension :

(I) Voracious reading

(1) Sensitive, attentive, listening

(I) Surprise when confronted with novelty

(I) Question-asking for information

(I) Browsing in the library

(O) Writing extensively

(O) Practicing skills

(0) ''Arguing'' fine points in a discussion

(I-O) "Insisting” that contrary views be presented.

2.1.5.4. Negative Examples of Intake-Output Dimension :

(1) "Being quiet" and not "hearing"

(I) "Reading the assignment" without comprehension

(I) Inattentiveness
(O) Disruptive talk during discussion

(O) "Talking about boys" all the time (for girls)

(O) Throwing spitballs

(O) "Telling teachers off"
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2.1.5.5. Positive Examples of Approach-Avoidance Dimension :

(AP) Attending at non-required lectures, museums etc.

(AP) Ordering information source by mail

(AP) Seeking out persons with opposing point of view

(AP) Establishing and following definite study routines

(AV) Dropping a course which is "poorly taught"

(AV) Turning off radio during study hours

(AV) Staying away from the "gang" some of the time.

2.1.5.6. Negative Examples of Approach-Avoidance Dimension :

(AP) Going to movies instead of doing homework

(AP) Doing homework just to get teacher's approval

(AP) Copying from seatmate during examination

(AP) Excessive talking with friends on the telephone

(AV) Dropping out of school

(AV) Day dreaming

(AV) "Giving up" during test

(AV) Reluctance to ask questions when in doubt.

Frymier, has however, cautioned as regards limitations in listing

the above behaviours in different dimensions by saying that three things
should be taken into consideration; first, the above lists of behaviours are
neither complete nor adequate; second, only interaction among dimensions
should be taken into consideration while a vivid conceptualization of aca­
demic motivation is desired; and third, that there also might be students

representing meditating type of behaviour pattern.

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2.1.6.0. Theoretical assumptions in the preparation of tools

From the above discussion, it ip apparent that motivation towards

school was assumed by Frymier to be something which came from within

rather than something which came from without. According to Frymier's

definition, "motivation toward school was assumed to represent an inter­

nalised state of being which manifested itself outwardly in particular ways

of behaving".6 In other words, motivation towards school or academic moti­

vation was conceived by Frymier to be something which a student already

possessed internally, when he came to the school. A teacher or any person

could not grow it in a student.

In order to make it more scientific and measurable, Frymier (1968),

prepared a tool for measuring academic motivation, namely, Junior Index

of Motivation. The theoretical assumptions underlying the preparation of

this tool, however, were that, motivation would manifest itself through
an individual's personality structure, his attitudinal structure and his value

structure. From the scores obtained from the students' responses, their

level of academic motivation is decided. Higher scores indicate higher level

of academic motivation while low scores indicate low level of academic

motivation. In other words, students who have high scores in JIM Scale,

would be assumed to have high level of academic motivation and students

having low scores in the JIM Scale would be assumed to possess low level

of academic motivation.

2.1.6.1. Implication of high or low scores in Academic Motivation

The implication of high or low scores in academic motivation of

a student is of immense importance, particularly in the field of education.

6. Frymier, Jack, R. "Development end Validation of a Motivation index", Theory into Practice,
College of Education, The Ohio State University, 1970.
 31

Because, according to Frymier, high and low motivated youngsters, are

basically different; they think differently, feel differently and behave dif­

ferently.

2.1.6.2. Characteristics of High Achievers

According to Nason (1958), high achievers have certain characteristics.

These are :

1) High achievers have previous college and vocational plans.

2) Parents of high achievers have distinct expectations of their

children.
3) High achievers are personally and socially adjusted.

The above observations regarding high achievers were also reported by

Terman (1942) much earlier. Later Lazarus (1955) noted that interest of

the high achievers is another characteristic indicating open mind.

2.1.6.3. Characteristics of Low Achievers

1) Low achievers are basically unhappy and afraid, particularly

regarding social relationship.

2) They are thing-oriented; unduly obsessed with material things.
3) Low motivated students lack in self-confidence.
4) Generally, they are disillusioned about their capacity and reflect

something of a fatalistic philosophy of life.

5) They have less desire to know the truth and resist changes.
This has been described by Rokeach (1960) as a sign of dogmatic

and close-minded person.

The above symptoms obviously point out towards persons, who are
unwilling to experience new ideas, or conform with the dynamic nature
 32

of human society and eventually would resist school education. Because,

by definition the meaning of education point out towards new information,

new knowledge and growth, - and unless there is a desirable change, there

can not be growth. These aspects are totally missing in the personality
structure of the low motivated youngsters. As these pupils develop a kind
of dislike and aversion towards school and they hold teachers fairly in low

esteem, which reflect their inferior value structure; ultimately, as a result,

they fail to generate their enthusiasm and curiosity to know the world around

them.

2.1.7.0. Pupils' Psyche and Academic Motivation

2.1.7.1. Academic Motivation and Self-Concept

The picture an individual has of oneself is called the concept of

self. It includes the perception an individual has of his physical appearance

and of the tangile properties of himself as a person. Combs and Snygg (1959)

stress the importance of an individual's perceptions of himself and others,

and appear to think of the ideally motivated individual as one who is striving
to enhance his "phenomenal" (or self perceived) self. Frymier (1970), while

establishing the relationship between academic motivation and self concept,

points out that, the way students view themselves influences their motivation

towards school. This view has also been corroborated by early studies
undertaken by Borgatta (I960), Brim (1954), Karnes (1961), Martire (1956),

Torrance (1956) and others.

In a study, Kurtz (1951), found that overachievers have higher opinion

of themselves than underachievers. Geisler (1968) also found a strong cor­

relation between self concept and academic achievement. The study suggests
that large perceived discrepancy between actual self and ideal self may

be a motivator at least with certain kinds of individuals.

 33

However, the significant relation between self concept and academic

motivation was also found by Aram (19S0) who established a positive relation

between the components of JTM Scale and the components of the measuring

instruments of self concept. So, from the studies it may be concluded that

self concept definitely affects academic motivation.

2.1.7.2. Academic Motivation and Anxiety

Anxiety is apprehensiveness in any given situation and results from

the interaction of the individual's concept of self, the number and quality

of stimuli, and the dissonance which is perceived. It occurs when an indi­

vidual is confronted with an ambiguous or value conflict situation. It affects

academic motivation to a great extent, because, anxiety adds to the intensity

of a student's learning behaviour. According to Waetjen (1970), when a

teacher attempts to get pupils to learn something by presenting them with

a vast array of different kinds of learning materials and information and

if the student is unable to assimilate it, than he may become anxious. The

student is aware that he should be able to articulate the curriculum content

with his present knowledge, but he is sensitive to the fact that he can not.

Hence, he suffers from anxiety.

A certain degree of anxiety, however, seems to lure the learner

forward in his learning task. But too much anxiety drives him away. Whether

the anxiety induced attracts him forward or drives him back is partially

a function of the type and extent of the dissonance involved, partially a

function of the adequacy and security of the self and partially a function
of the number and type of the stimuli present. As related to motivation,

the important point is that there is a curvilinear relationship between anxiety

and achievement behaviour. This means motivation can be too "high". In
 34

other words, there is a point after which motivation is debilitating rather

than facilitating of learning. Cognitive "stuffing" or extreme dissonance

do not affect motivation in positive ways, they impede learning. This was
proved by Katahn (1965) on college students that high anxiety combined

with high aptitude facilitate learning, but high anxiety combined with low
aptitude hindered learning. From the study of Parikh (1975) it was found

that students with low anxiety had high JIM Scores. These studies clearly

prove that there is a close relation between anxiety and academic motivation.

2.1.7.3. Academic Motivation and n-Ach

McClleland (1953) describes the need to achieve as learned behaviour.

Learned behaviour, unquestionably stems from the basic drives which bio­

logists postulate; but what a child brings with him to the classroom is essen­

tially a collection of acquired characteristics. No child is born with likes

or dislikes towards learning materials. No youngster approaches the world

of ideas with apprehension without having had unpleasant experiences which

preceded these fears. These are negative motivations, but the same is true

of positive ones. Children learn these things. Motivation to do good work

in school is a learned behaviour.

Motives are a part of what biologists call purpose (Rasey, 1959).

They develop to satisfy various kinds of human needs. Masiow (1954) has

arranged these needs hierarchically; starting from the basic needs like,

hunger, thirst etc, to the higher ones like freedom, aesthetic,self-actualisa­

tion etc. According to Frymier (1970), motivation towards school or academic

motivation "are but one part of any person's total motivational

structure".7 It must be, however, remembered that academic motivation

7. Frymier, Jack, R., The Nature of Educational Method The Ohio State University. Charles
E. Merrill Books, Inc., Columbus, OHIO, 1970, p. 107
 35

is solely concerned with the pupils' motivation towards school and learning,
while need to achieve or achievement motivation is referred to as striving-

for excellence in competition with others, and this kind of striving for

achievement may be applicable to any field in life.

However, the undercurrent of both academic motivation and need

to achieve is the same and studies have proved that achievement motivation
do affect academic motivation. One of the few researches conducted in

this area was by the National Institute of Education on high school boys.

The findings revealed a positive and significant relationship between n-Ach

and school performance (Mehta 1969).

Another such study was conducted by Desai (1970). He adapted the

JIM Scale in Gujarati and administered it in different parts of Gujarat

State on high school boys. He studied the JIM Scores of 275 pupils. The

range of the score was from 79.3 to 119.4. The efforts were also made
by him to study the effects of achievement motivation development on
the pupils' motivation towards school. He developed his own curriculum

for giving treatment, that is, an effort to increase the level of n-Ach,

for a period of four months. At the end of the said period, he again adminis­
tered the JIM Scale, on the same group of pupils, coupled with other post

tests namely, n-Achievement test, performance test etc. However, the

findings proved that with the increase of the level of n-Ach the level of

academic motivation increased too. This means that students possessing

high n-Ach, will have high academic motivation. In other words, n-Ach

do affect academic motivation.

ssissv
 36

2.1.7.4. Academic Motivation and Vocational Aspiration

Vocational aspiration means an individual's desired standard in some

specific vocation or occupation. Though a distinction has been made between

vocational aspiration, vocational preference, vocational choice and vocational

interest by Crites (1969), yet all denote certain norm or standard as regards

some vocation, profession or occupation. In order to attain the desired stan­

dard in a vocation, previous preparation, however, is necessary, to acquire

requisite qualification demanded by the vocation. In other words, to fulfill

the vocational aspiration, educational planning is necessary to acquire suf­

ficient knowledge and skill needed for the occupation. Hence, a close rela­

tionship has been found between the level of aspiration and the success
in schools from various studies conducted by Anderson (1950), Ausubel,

Schpoont and Cukier (1957) and Weiss (1961). Again, quite a number of

studies also point out towards pupils' interests and expectations. It has

been found that, adolescent boys and girls have started thinking in vocational
terms. These findings were confirmed by Amatora (1960), Frymier (1964),

Jones (1960), Novak (1961), Remmers and Radler (1957), Slocum (1958),

Stephenson (1955) and Strong (1955). Most youngsters perceive school edu­

cation as a preparation to vocational end. Even the high school students,

who are aiming to join the college education are chiefly interested in this

as a step for vocational preparation. A trend has developed that more and

more young people, particularly those who have high academic motivation,
plan to go to college, (Conference Board, 1960). It has been found out from

various studies that pupils' high academic achievement is closely related

to certain types of vocational choices, suited to their needs and personality

pattern (Siegelman and Peck, 1960). This conclusion is obvious, since different

types of occupational involvement demands different types of personality

 37

characteristics. From the above studies the relation between academic

motivation and vocational aspiration can be realised.

2.1.8.3. Factors involving Academic Motivation

2.1.8.1. Classroom climate and academic motivation

That the term classroom "atmosphere" or "climate" encompass the

relationships between teachers and pupils and the feelings these generate

in a classroom situation, have been confirmed by various studies by Borgatta,

Hare & Bale (1955), Haythorne (1956), Drawhorne (1954), Horowitz and
Perlmutter (1953), Horowitz and Cartwright (1953) and Lewin (1938). Students'

attitudes towards teachers are, in a way, the result of the attitudes they
hold towards their fathers (Stagner 1954); and teachers attitudes towards

their students are coloured by the way in which they think these children
are accepted within the group (Meeks 1957). Homan's (1950) comprehensive

theory identified four basic elements of group activity in a classroom situa­

tion. These are: interaction sentiments, activity and norms. Group activities,

however, involve inter-personal relationship. Several people living and learn­

ing together acquire ways of behaving, develop attitudes towards other

members, values from the interactions and a sense of being a part of the

on-going process. These same persons also develop sentiments and norms

as a result of their group experience, which affect their subsequent actions.

How the class group sees the teacher and how the teacher sees himself
are both influenced by the experience.

Different student sees classroom differently. The classroom as it

appears to a student whose level of motivation is low, he feels compelled

to be in the school, he sees himself surrounded by uninteresting but definite

 38

expectations and limitations. Achievement of the expected goals seems

impossible for him and he feels trapped. He gives in quickly to defeat,

and his only positive outlook is to quit.

Conversely, highly motivated students see the classroom as optimistic

and challenging, his image of the expectations and limitations confronting

him. He is highly involved in his major study area. His motivation for learn­
ing is increased, because, he has a greater area for intellectual movement

and a definite goal at the end of the hardies. He sees many requirements

before him .as positive values and does not exercise his option to leave

until he has attained his goal, even though he may freely leave at any time.

Leaving prematurely is undesirable to him.

Considering these two pictures of the high and low motivated students'

views regarding classroom situation, it would be just as well for the teacher

to structure the classroom climate in a way so that it will not create any

further barrier between the teacher and the pupils.

Any formal action which tends to set teachers apart from students

- signifies more teacher-determined classroom climate. Requiring students

to stand or addressing teacher by titles, like, "Sir" or "Professor" etc. pushes
students from the teachers. On the other hand, allowing and encouraging
informality within classroom, laughing with students at an instructor's error,

or sitting down in a chair on the students' level, - all indicate more a joint

student-teacher determination of the total classroom atmosphere.

Hanna and Lang (1952) in a review of research concluded that, "domi-

nitive behaviours by teacher or child induced dominitive behaviour in other

children; similarly integrative behaviours induced integrative behaviour

in others".8

8. Hanna, Paul R. and Lang, Arch 0. "Integration”, Encyclopedia of Educational Research,

Walter, S. Monroe, (Ed.), New York, McMillan Co., 1952.
 39

As regards the relationship between academic motivation and classroom

climate, it was found out from a study by Shelat (1974) that academic moti­

vation is surely determined by classroom climate. Because, motivation of

pupils, is supposed as a joint function of both sex and classroom climate.

Another study by Desai (1979) reveals that pupils with good or as statistically

called "high" classroom climate, do have high academic motivation.

However, the above discussion proves that a congenial climate prevail­

ing in the classroom will surely motivate students towards their learning.

But to determine the type of the relationship between the teacher and

the pupil prevailing in the classroom, whether it will be teacher - deter­

mined, or student - determined or a mid-point, will have to be decided

by the context itself. A classroom climate which permits a student to be

an "origin", rather than a "pawn", definitely paves the way towards greater

and better motivational aura.

2.1.8.2. School Drop-outs and Academic Motivation

The seriousness of the dropout problem in educational institutions

may be described in the words of Wolfbein (1959), "two out of three never
reached senior high school".9 Panos and Astin (1968), have presented a

similar picture regarding college dropouts. In a four-year longitudinal study

of 127,000 college students in 248 colleges and universities, they found

a dropout rate of 35 percent. Primary factors were, poor high school record,
low socio-economic background, and poor academic planning, presumably

reflecting a lack of adequate guidance. A large number of dropout cases

in both Negro and white adolescents alarmed U.S. office of Education (1966).

9. Wolfbein, Seymour L., "Trensition from School to Works A study of the School Leaver".
Personnel and Guidance Journal, XXXVIII (October, 1959).
 40

A very significant study by Zimmerman (1956) about 'what motivates stu­

dents' reveals that college students have admitted that major reasons for
striving in the school were because of the practical value of the course

in earning and living, the instructor's knowledge, well-defined course objec­

tives, instructor's understanding and sympathetic attitude, - etc, all these

things motivate them. On the other hand, the same students listed fear,
use of sarcasm by the teacher and other things that brought about opposite re­

actions among them. As a result of a research undertaken by the National

Institute of Education (1961) in India, it was revealed that one of the main

causes for dropout was acute dislike towards teacher.

So it is obvious that those students who dropout of the school grow

certain dislike about school learning in them. Sometimes, this dislike, in

extreme cases, develop into hatred or even delinquency, which is again ex­

pressed through destroying school properties by the students.

Although it is true that students dropout because of the poor schol­

astic record or repeated failing in the examination, which is again caused
by low academic motivation no doubt; yet it is equally plausible that succes­

sive failures in the schools cause low motivation. Whatever may be the

fact, the relation between dropout problem and academic motivation is

undeniable.

2.1.8.3. Leadership and Academic Motivation

The classic study of the effect of a leader's actions upon a group's

function was undertaken by Lewin, Lippitt and White (1939). This has been

replicated in another situation by Fox (1957) and Haythorn (1956). These

studies all indicate that achievement and interpersonal relations are most
satisfactory when leaders assume a positive, helping role rather than a
 41

dominating or passive one. Perkin's study (1951) of in-service teachers pro­

duced similar results.

It has been proved by Jackson (1953) that teachers are able to en­

gender esprit in their groups by establishing desirable relationships and

free communication. Again, Barrett-Leonard (1959) showed that teachers

who let students know of their personal interest in them, help their students
learn more effectively. Teachers exert influence (Hoover 1955) and parti­

cipatory leadership on the part of the teachers evidently affects group

judgement to a greater degree than supervisory leadership (Holy and Sutton,

1930).

However, few more studies prove the relationship between leadership

behaviour pattern, particularly, that of the principals of the schools and

colleges and academic motivation. One such study by Darji (1975) showed

that academic motivation has some relationship with the leadership behaviour
pattern of the principals. Another similar study by Dekhtawala (1977) found

that schools having principals with pattern of leadership behaviour possessed

maximum number (54%) of students with high academic motivation whereas

schools with principals of low pattern of leadership behaviour possessed

minimum number (5%) of students with high academic motivation. Again,
Shelat's findings (1974) confirm such relationship between leadership beha­

viour and academic motivation.

2.1.8.4. Teacher Morale and Academic Motivation

Since the teacher is the principal agent in establishing classroom

climate and setting the learning pattern; he is the one person who most
profoundly affects group members' morale, (Selznick, 1957). Studies taken
up by Bogen (1954) and Polansky (1954), show that some teachers favour
 42

their own actions, rejecting children and their viewpoints. Others are more

learner-supportive, and the teacher-pupil relations in these classrooms differ

sharply. There is also some evidence, based on the study of Wall (1959),

that teachers are more authoritarian and more conservative than other

members of the profession, for example, principals, guidance counsellors,

supervisors etc. Quite a few number of studies were undertaken, one of

which is, Shelat's study (1974) which attempts to find out among other

variables, the effect of institutional morale on the academic motivation

of the pupils. It was found out that the mean motivation scores of the pupils
are affected by the institutional morale. The results, however, show that
the mean motivation scores of the boys are significantly different from
the mean motivation scores of girls.

To determine the relationship between pupils' motivation towards

school and teacher morale, another attempt was made by Dekhtawala (1977).

The study indicates that forty-six percent of highly motivated schools possess
high teacher-morale, whereas seventy-two per cent of the low motivated

schools manifested average teacher-morale. Again, co-efficient of correlation

was not significant. It shows that pupils' academic motivation is not neces­

sarily related to teacher-morale.

2.1.8.5. Sex differences and Academic Motivation

Sex difference is an important area, related with motivation towards

learning. In a study by Baer (1958), it was reported that girls were consis­

tently rated higher than boys by their teachers, on such traits as "attitudes
towards regulations" and "dependability". Frymier (1961) in his study reported

that when teachers were asked to rate students on a motivational scale,

about three fourths of these nominated, as most highly motivated, were

 43

generally girls; whereas about three fourths of the low motivated were
boys. Various other studies conducted by Ahlstrbm (1957), Allen and Satz

(1961), Amatora (1953), Barlow (1960), Durflinger (1943) and many others

support this view.

It has been, however, assumed that cultural expectations of males

and females differ sufficiently to appear in motivation towards school (Pierce
and Bowman). This is more possible because most youngsters' elementary

years are completely dominated by female teachers.

In a study of 1300 subjects, Bennett and Cohen (1959) compared

self concepts, motivation and values of men and women. They concluded

that,

"Women feel a greater social benevolence, social propriety, personal

inadequacy of functioning, greater lack of self protection, greater personal

satisfaction, greater controlled rate; whereas men feel greater personal

capacity, intelligence, imagination etc. Masculine thinking is oriented more

in terms of the self, while feminine thinking is oriented more in terms

of the environment; masculine thinking shows more desire for personal

achievement and accomplishment while female thinking shows more concern

for social love and friendship".10

However, considering the existing difference between boys and girls,

it must be admitted that the learning condition which induce motivation

towards school for boys must also be different for girls. Teachers who would

be effective must tailor relationships to positive attitudes towards school

on the part of each child.

10. Bennett, Edward M. and Cohen, Larry R., "Men & Womens Personality Patterns and con­
trasts^. Journal of General Psychology. UX (Eebruary, 1959), 101-155.
 44

2.1.8.6. Teacher-behaviour and Academic Motivation

Although Frymier has expressed that motivation is something which

a student has, it is not something which a teacher does to his students,

yet at the same time Frymier also stresses the fact, that the teacher should
capitalize the forces within the student for maximum learning. Teachers

need to arrange their activities and organize their classrooms so that these

operations function in harmony with students' motivations rather than

against them.

A teacher faces two problems when he tries to use the concept of

motivation in his teaching: one, how to organize his classroom and his tech­

nique for effective instruction and how to help students to develop better

motivational patterns. These problems are not mutually exclusive. It is

important for the teacher to achieve both ends.

Out of the many problems, that a teacher has to face, one is dropout
of the school by the students. Johnson (1940) after analyzing teachers'

comments, has concluded that mostly teachers are apt to blame students

for failure, without being aware least about their own deficiencies or about
the drawbacks of the school. Again, from the study of Zimmerman (1956),

Caravello (1958) and Hawthorn (1944), it is apparent that teachers' attitude,

sarcastic remarks, and many such undesirable behaviour patterns, are respon­
sible to a great extent for students' dislike, poor attendance and ultimately
quitting the school.

That the marking or scoring practice of the teachers, are much in­

fluenced by the subjective feelings and value-judgement of the teachers,

has been proved by Gragg, (1952). Hence, teachers' grading can not be taken

as a sole reliable index for identifying motivation of the pupils.

 45

From the studies of Getzels and Jackson (1962), it has been found

out that most teachers prefer intelligent, docile, obedient and submissive

students instead of creative pupils with independent minds.

The above problems, however, point out towards the necessity of

reorganizing the behaviour pattern of the teachers, both at the personal

and professional levels.

According to Havighurst's (1952), notion of developmental tasks,

there are "teacheable moments" within the lives of all persons. There are

such moments, when an individual's psychological, physiological and social

developments intersect. He is ready to learn. These are the moments which

teaches must seek. ®

2.1.8.7. Academic performance and Academic Motivation

Frymier's primary notion about academic motivation was that, it

is an inferred construct, which can only be determined by observing an

organism's behaviour. In other words, it may be said, that apart from the
scientific measurement, a pupil's academic motivation may be proved by

his academic performance or academic achievement. It has been found

out from the studies of Miller (1952), Probst, (1952), Snepp (1956), Trimmer

(1959), that students who stay in schools are generally academically success­

ful. In other words, pupils who are good in their academic performance

prove to be academically motivated to stay and continue with their school

learning.

Again, Kurtz (1951) has proved that the self concept of the over­

achievers vary from the underachievers. Overachievers have high opinion

about themselves. All these indicate that academic performance or academic
achievement is the ultimate resultant factor of the above discussed issues.
 46

But mere good marks or grades should not be confused with motivation.

A highly motivated student will manifest his motivation through his psyche

as well as through other relevant factors that are closely associated with

motivation. However, academic achievement is one such aspect, which is

a sure indicator of academic motivation.

2.1.8.8. Non-academic performance and Academic Motivation

One of the most obvious and often recurring factors in why students

quit schools, is the lack of participation in extracurricular or co-curricuiar

programmes or activities. This have been found out from the studies of
Delany (1950), Doron (1954), Bowman, Brim (1954), Livingston (1958), NEA

Research Bulletin (1960) and many others. In comparing graduates with

dropouts from a Chicago high school, Thomas (1954) noted that "not one

person who dropped before completing the third year had engaged in even
one activity, and that 89 per cent of those, who finished, had".11 Whe­

ther lack of participation reflects cause or effect is not too clear, though

some students of dropout studies maintain that "lack of money or rejection

by their classmates" (NEA Research Bulletin, 1960) are contributing factors.

However, the fact that extracurricular programmes are the one phase of

a compulsory school programme where personal involvement and individual

choice are most possible would seem to imply that students who dislike

school have no place within the educational enterprise where they feel

a sense of belonging and a spirit of personal commitment. Being involved

in a school activities affects learners' attitudes (Gough, 1952). Students

11. Thomas, Robert J., "An Empirical Study of High School Dropouts in Regard to Ten Possibly
Related rectors". Journal of Educational Sociology, XXVIll, (September, 1954), 11-18.
 47

who are active participants in a college community have higher academic

records and score higher on measures of critical thinking than non-parti­
cipants, (Wilson, 1954). An individual's personal sense of involvement and

worth is reflected in his motivation.

2.2.o.o. Achievement Motivation

2.2.1.0. Introduction

A motive, as defined by habitual usage, is something that causes

a person to act. This may be considered as the central concept in the

common sense explanation of how action is instigated and directed. More­

over, in order to form a conceptual theme, about the problem of motivation

in the common sense of the term, it may be said that motive indicates

the direction, vigour and persistence of an individual's action. However,

the origin of our impulse to do this or that, whether called a want, or

wish or desire, - all are generally considered motives, that is, that within

an individual rather than without, which incites him to action.

2.2.1.1. General Definitions

Motivation has been defined by various psychologists in different

ways. The concept of motivation has been defined by P. T. Young (1961)

as : "The concept of motivation is exceedingly broad - so broad, in fact,

that psychologists have attempted to narrow it . . . (singling) out one aspect

or another of the complex processes of determination. The two most impor­

tant aspects are the energetic aspect and . . . regulation and direction.
(We may) . . . define the study of motivation broadly as a search for deter­
minants (all determinants) of human and animal activity".1

Gardner Murphy (1947) considers motivation as the "General name

for the fact that organism's acts are partly determined by its own nature
or internal structure".2

1. Young, P. T,,Motivation and Emotion. A survey of the determinants of human and animal
activity. New York, Wiley, 1961, p 24.
2. Murphy, G. Personality : A biosocial approach' to origins and structure. New York, Harper,
1947, p 991.
 On the other hand, N.R.F. Maier (1949) used the term motivation

to "Characterize the process by which the expression of behaviour is deter­

mined or its future expression is influenced by consequences to which such
behaviour leads".3 4

In 1949, D.O. Hebb defined motivation by saying :

"The term motivation then refers (1) to the existence of an organized

phase sequence, (2) to its direction or content, and (3) to its persistence
in a given direction, or stability of content".1*

This definition means that "motivation" is not a distinctive process,

but a reference in another context to the same processes to which "insight"

refers; it also means that the waking, normal adult animal always has

some motivation.

Having cited some of the diferences in emphasis in the definitions,

it would be well to turn to the specific area of achievement motivation.

2.2.2.0. Concept of achievement motivation

The mention of the notion of, and the importance attached with,
achievement striving, may be traced back to Wilham James in 1890, who
talked of man's self-regard as being determined by self-imposed goals,

the achievement of which leads to feeling of well-being and elevation,

while failure brings aboiut frustration and humiliation. Twenty-years later,
Narziss Ach (1910) was utilising the concept of determining tendency to

explain the achievement related behaviour of his laboratory subjects. But

3. Maier, N.R.F. Frustration t The study of behaviour without a goal, New York, McGraw
- Hill, 1949, p. 93.
4. Hebb, D.O. The organization of behaviour, New York, Wiley, 1949. p 181..
 50

the formalisation of achievement motive construct mainly had its basis

in the work and theory of Murray (1938). Murray invented Thematic

Apperception Tests on the basis of which he assessed human personality.

The core of Murray's conception of personality is the idea of a hierarchy

or configuration of basic psychogenic needs or motives, defined as hypo­

thetical construct, which reflected physiological forces and which directed
behaviour. These needs were, however, many in number; and one of these

needs was, the need for achievement stated as :

"The desire or tendency to do things as rapidly and independently

as possible. To overcome obstacles and attain a high standard. To excel
one's self, to rivals and surpass others. To increase self regard by successful
exercise of the talent".5

2.2.3.0. Theories of Achievement Motivation

There are, however, various theories concerning achievement-oriented

behaviour of the individual. Various psychologists and philosophers have

explained it from their own point of view. The history can be traced

back even to Plato's 'Protagoras', and then to hedonic school, psychoanalysis

school and so on. In this section of the study, only those theories of moti­
vation will be dealt, which have significant relevance with the present

research work. These theories are :

a) Affect-Arousal Theory,

b) Risk-taking Theory,
c) Attribution Theory

5. Murray, H.A. Explorations in personality, New York, Oxford University Press, 1938.
 51

2.2.3.1. Affect-Arousal Theory

The chief proponants of this theory are McClleland and his co-wor­
kers, Atkinson, Clark and Lowell (1953). From their experimental findings

with male college students, this affect-arousal theory of motivation has

been developed. These psychologists take slight deviation from what the

classical conditionists explain.

According to this theory, motive is, "the redintegration by a cue

of a change in an affective situation".6 An earlier definition, provided

by McClleland, (1951) is that, a motive is "a strong affective association,

characterized by an anticipatory goal reaction, and based on past association

of certain cues with pleasure or pain".7

What these definitions appear to mean is that, suppose a man is

experiencing a very pleasant affect or emotion. While this experience is

occuring, he is also receiving various stimuli or cues from his environment;

his body, his thoughts and his emotional state itself. Through this contiguous

occurance with the emotion, any one or more of these stimuli or cues

may become associated with the emotional state, that is, they can, on
later occassions, reactivate some part of it. This fractional reactivating

state of emotion is apparently motivating; that is, the man will now engage

in instrumental activities which will bring him to approach the circumstance

under which he experienced the pleasant affect or emotion. If the emotion

had been unpleasant, cues likewise could redintegrate some of this state
leading him away from commerce with the situation which would fully
reproduce it (avoidance).

6. McClleland, D.C., Atkinson, J.W., Clark R.A. & Lowell, E.L. The Achievement Motive.
Irvington Publishers, Inc., New York, 1953, p. 28.
7. McClleland, D.C. Personality. New York s William Sloane Associates (Dryden Press). 1951.
 52

One further essential point is that, McClleland is rather insistent

that the redintegrated affect must represent a change from present affect;
a person is presumably not motivated to approach or avoid a situation
in which he is already present or which would not produce or have the

potential for producing a positive or a negative affective change.

One point, however, should also be noted here. McClleland thinks

that, the redintegration of affective change may not necessarily always

be, by means of external cues. Cues arising in one's own behaviour, - his

thought processes, for example, or in an affective state itself - may be

sufficient. This, however, leaves open, for McClleland and his co-workers,

to measure individual differences in motive strength evaluating "thought

sample" of an individual, for which, they had adopted the measuring ins­

trument of thematic apperceptive tests.

2.2.3.2. Affect as the basis

It is apparent that McClleland and his colleagues have based their

theory mainly on affect. They have, however, advanced reasons for doing

so.

In the first place, the motive must have a limited base. That is,

associations, involved in motives must be some what different from other

associations. In this case the associations are with affective states only.

Secondly, affect has the power to control behaviour in terms of

pleasure and pain. This view is quite similar to the view of hedonic school.

Thirdly, because of the operationally manipulability of the states

sintable for laboratory experiments, affect has been chosen.

Lastly, the importance of selective sensitivity in guiding and directing

behaviour, also makes affect an important base. According to McClleland,
 53

in man, overt reaction to the releasing stimuli are much less specific and

rigid than the lower animals. In man, specific overt reactions to releasing

stimuli are attenuated and occur, instead, as diffused reactions to the

autonomic nervous system, signifying, what McClleland calls, affect.

2.2.3.3. Events involved in Motive

There are, however, three events, which are involved in the formation

of a motive. Any of which may have observable and distinguishable beha­

vioural effects. In order of occurance, they are :

a) Situation producing affect

b) Redintegration of the situation

• c) Response learnt to the situation

In order to explain these events it would be just as well to take

note of the antecedent conditions which produce affective arousal. For,

by knowing these, it would be possible to realise how to create motive
by pairing cues with those conditions. It should be, however, realised, that
in the present study a bare outline is given of a series of propositions,

advanced by McClleland and his associates, which seemed, the most appro­
priate approach to the researcher.

1. Affective arousal is the innate consequence of certain sensory

or perceptual events.

2. Positive affect is the result of smaller discrepancy of sensory

or perceptual event from the adaptation levels of organisms.

Negative affect is the result of larger discrepancies.

3. Discrepancies from adaptation level will give rise to a positive­

negative affect.
 54

4. An increase or decrease in stimulus intensity can be related

to motivation only if adaptation level and learning are taken

into account.

5. The achievement motive develops out of growing expectations.

The knowledge of antecedent conditions of affective arousal raises

one specific question. What about the antecedent conditions for motive

formations? By the definition of a motive, given earlier, the question may

be answered. A motive is formed by pairing cues with affective arousal

or with the conditions just discussed, that produce affective arousal. These
cues may be associated with affective arousal. In that case, the following

sequence may occur.

A.

Large discrepancy from AL -► Negative Autonomic Distinctive -+• Avoidence

affect response cues motive

B.

Smaller discrepancy from AL -*■ Positive Autonomic -*■ Distinctive -► Approach

affect response cues motive

The first three links in this chain are unlearned but the last link
is learned based on the previous pairings of such autonomic cues with nega­

tive or positive affect. Thus the cues for setting of a motivational asso­

ciation may lie in the behavioural effects of the affect itself. But the
main point is that affect is the innate result of certain discrepancies bet­

ween expectations and outcome. Thus, the motive is the learned result
of pairing cues with affect or conditions which produce affect.
 55

2.2.3.4. Achievement motive develops out of growing expectations

McClleland has used the word "expectation" in terms that when

an organism after making effort is able to reach his goal, then this goal

has been termed by McClleland as 'expectation'. It has been however,

concluded from several experiments, that if the expectation is of low pro­

bability, then there is every chance of reaching the goal, and the confirma­

tion should produce negative affect. If there are moderate probability

of reaching the goal, then the confirmation should produce pleasurable

affect. Whereas, if the expectations are of high probability, then confirma­

tion would produce boredom.

So, it may be concluded that an expectation of moderate degree

of probability should bring pleasure through precise confirmation and this

pleasurable affect is the basis of motive formation.

According to McClleland, the formation of a particular type of

motive will depend upon the nature of cues, which are paired with affect

or the conditions producing affect. In case of achievement motive, McClleland

thinks, that it is the problem-solving task which confirm the expectations,

involving at the same time standard of excellence with respect to such

tasks.

2.2.3.5. Factors determining the development of stronger achievement

motive

In the opinion of McClleland, though everyone has rudiment of ach­

ievement motive from the very childhood, yet the development stronger

achievement motive necessarily is dependent on certain factors or conditions.

These are briefly discussed below :

 56

1. From the very childhood, the structuring of the performance

standard of the child, is dependent on the demands made by
the parents.

2. This determination of the standard to a great extent, is

again, dependent on the surrounding culture, in which the child

is raised.

3. The native intelligence of the child is a determining factor

for the development of the need for achieving mastery in regard

to some tasks.

4. Inspite of the fact that interest in achievement and anxiety

over failure are present universally; both are expressed in

any situation when it is apparent to the individual that his

performance will be evaluated in reference to some standard.

5. There must be a sign of affect in connection with evaluation.

In other words, in developing a stronger n-Ach or achievement

motivation, a person must be involved and express his affective

arousal, as regards the standards of excellence or acquiring

mastery over his problem-solving tasks and nothing should

be imposed from outside.

6. An individual must have considerable opportunities for mastery

to acquire knowledge, which are beyond the individual's present

knowledge, along with providing continuous pleasure.

7. An individual may fail to develop achievement motive due

to non-confirmation of the fact that cues may be negatively

associated with the events, which may ultimately lead to avoi­

dance motive.
 57

2.2.3.6. Two aspects of Achievement Motive

According to McClleland, there are two aspects of motives, - approach

and avoidance. Similarly there are two aspects of achievement motive;

one is characterised by defensiveness and fear of failure; the other is,

instrumental striving and hope of success. In the opinion of McClleland,

as it is known that all motives are learned; therefore in case of hope of

success, the motive has to be learned under the circumstances of pleasure

affect and successful achievement.

It would be, perhaps, quite relevant to cite the experimental findings

of Winterbottom (1958), who found that boys who scored high in n-Achieve-

ment were rated by their teachers as showing more pleasure in success

than boys who scored low in n-Achievement. This showed that the disposi­

tion, called achievement motive, might be conceived as a capacity for

taking pride in accomplishment when success at one or other activity is

achieved.

2.2.4.0. Origin and development of Achievement Motivation

According to White (1959, 1960), a child's development may be fur­

thered by "effectance motivation", that is, by the drive to deal with the

environment, to influence it actively and thus to expand, to experience,

to maximise his own effectiveness and competence (Woodworth, 1958).

2.2.4.1. Earliest symptoms of Achievement Motive

Sign of achievement motivation, is expressed through behaviour,

for the first time in childhood, according to Biihler (1919). In his opinion,

this is known as "function pleasure"; as has been described by Piaget (1936)

as circular reactions : particularly 'wanting-to-do-it-alone' (Fales in Lewin
 58

et al., 1944) and can be observed at the start of second year during familiar

routine in the home, such as eating or dressing. Inspite of the lack of

positive reimforcement from the parents and sometimes with negative

sanctions, the child persists with these behaviours. It is to be noted, that,

the child demands to do only those activities which he has acquired only

recently and not long ago and he will give up doing these, only if he is

faced with more difficult problematic activity, which he has to master.

However, several experiments done by Winterbottom, (1958); Heck-

hausen and Kemmler, (1957); Kagan <5c Moss, (1962); proved that routine

works have no predictive value for the child in the early period, for the

later achievement behaviour. Rather, more intellectual activities, like,

talking, counting etc., during the subsequent "conceptual" stage, did have
predictive value (Piaget, 1936).

2.2.4.2. Cognitive development

The origin of a motive, lies in the appearance of cognitive step

in maturing which enables structuring of person-environment frame of

reference to take place. In other words, achievement presupposes the struc­

turing of a situation within an achievement related person-environment

frame of reference, of which the child first become capable between the
ages of 3 and 3-1/2 (three and three and a half). In other words, at the

time when success or failure of one's activity directs the pleasure or dis­
appointment no longer at the outcome of the activity as such, but at the

seif, so that with success the child experiences pleasure and his own com­
petence and with failure experiences shame about his incompetence (Heck-
hausen & Roelofsen 1962; Heckhausen and Wagner, 1965). Other researchers
on competition among small children of this age have confirmed this (Green­

berg, 1932; Mckee & Leader, 1955).

 59

2.2.4.3. Origin of Conflict

The origin of the capacity for conflict between the desire for achieve­

ment and the prospect of failure obviously depends on the relative promi-

nance of the given prospects for success and failure. Upto the age of four-

and-a-half, children remain confident about their success if the chances

of failure and success are equal. From the age of 4-1/2, there may be

a cause of conflict, between the desire of achievement and the prospect

of failure, if the situation is evaluated realistically. On the other hand,

children have shown to be capable of conflict if they have to choose tasks

of increasing difficulty and if they have to consider tasks at which they

will probably fail.

However, they are capable of real decision only after the age of
4-1/2 and they have also intraindividual consistency in the preference for
a certain level of difficulty in goal setting (Heckhausen <5c Wagner, 1965).

2.2.4.4. Origin of level of Aspiration

The origin of level of aspiration comes about one year after the
origin of achievement motivation. Thus within one year, from 4-1/2, that

is, from 5 and 5-1/2 onwards, clear indication of individual achievement

motivation can be recognised. This has been confirmed by a ring tossing

game with 5-year old children by McClleland (1958) and Miller (1958),

who noted the formation of level of aspiration, begining at the age of

5. Three and four-year old children are obviously over taxed by such tasks
in as much as Miller who was not able to establish in them the experiences

of success and failure or conflict. More suitable are tasks in which the
level of difficulty can be seen. Thus, Anderson (in Lewin et al., 1944) used

ring-tossing from different distances and found that the maturity of the
 60

rules-of-the-game behaviour, so far as it concerns level of aspiration,

increases between the ages of 3 and 5-1/2 and practically is perfect by

8. According to McClleland, (1958) this is apparently true for 5-year old

children, since their preferred levels of difficulty in ring-tossing game

correlate with their achievement motivation.

2.2.4.5. General course of development of Achievement Motivation

During the course of growing up, boys are obviously faced, more

strongly than girls, with the necessity to master fear of failure (as, for

instance, in the choice of career) and not to evade the problem of achieve­
ment (Bacon & Child, 1957; Dohnson, 1963). Thus only in women does the

fear of and the tendency to evade failure, observed in childhood, correlate

with interview data relating in the same tendencies, in adulthood (Kagan
& Moss, 1962).

2.2.4.6. Stability in n-Ach. behaviour

As reported by Kagan & Moss (1962), a remarkable stability exists

from the age of 3 into adulthood for individual levels of achievement beha­
viour (especially in the intellectual area) and for the disposition toward

competition. Striving for achievement related recognition and fear of failure,

were noted from the age of 6. Also achievement motive measured by

TAT method shows moderate but significant stability between the ages

of 8 and 11, between the ages of 14 and 25. For age periods 14 and 25,
it correlateswith achievement performances at the same periods.

There is, however, on the whole, a stability of achievement motivated

behaviour noticed, between early .childhood and adulthood which is surpris­
ingly distinctive in comparison with other personality traits, as, aggression,
 61

dependency and passivity. Already, at the age of 10, the future achievement
benaviour of the adult can be predicted quite well.

2.2.4.7. Social Learning & Social Sanction

In a theoretical paper, Crandall, Kathovsky and Preston (1960) have

defined certain important achievement related variables and their para­

meters. In time with the theory of "Social learning" (Rotter, 1954), they

see the real motivational goal as obtaining approval and avoiding disapproval.
Implicit in such notion is the influence that achievement motivation is
r
exclusively a product of social laming and that achievement behaviour
originates entirely in reinforcement by social sanctions.

However, inspite of the fact that social learning or social sanctions

have been acknowledged as one of the important reinforcers for originating

achievement motive; it should also be pointed out that cognitive motivation

is also a very strong reinforcers for the origin of ahievement motivation.

This reinforcing value of cognitive maturation is proved when a child has

a feeling of efficacy, which itself is rewarding and may be considered

as the originator of achievement motive. This can be corroborated from

the findings of the longitudinal studies of Kagan & Moss (1962); Moss <5c

Kagan, (1961).

Achievement behaviour, which is pursued for its own sake, and the
kind intended to yield social approval, corelate so closely with each other
(around .80), in both children and adults, that the value of diferentiating

between them seems questionable. From an experiment made by Heckhausen

<5c Wagner (1965) with feebleminded children, it has been proved that mastery

of cognitive activities is essential to form level of aspiration.

 62

2.2A.8. Effects of family structure on the development of achievement

motive

The family as a small group structure may also influence towards

furthering or hindering the development of achievement motive. The in­

fluence of family size on the achievement motive of boys varies with social
class (Rosen, 1961). In the upper class, medium size families produce boys

with- highest scores, whereas in the middle class, the smaller the family
the larger the score. Larger size of family appears to have unfavourable

effect in class I, II and V. Birth order of siblings is also important. American

first born children are more highly motivated (Atkinson & Miller, 1956),
especially girls (Sampson, 1962). The reason may be that western culture

gives them more responsibility for younger siblings, or gives them more

responsibility at an earlier period. In India, and Japan, it is rather younger

and the youngest children who are more highly motivated (McClleland,

1961).

2.2.4.9. Effects of Socio-cultural Milieu

It has been proved that upwardly mobile middle class favours the
development of strong future oriented achievement motive (Douvan, 1956;

Douvan <5c Adelson, 1958; Crockett, 1962; Cameron <5c Storm, 1965; Rosen
1959; 1962; Veroff et al., 1960; 1966). Achievement motivated behaviour

in children is positively correlated with the level of parents' education,

especially the father's (Kagan & Moss, 1962). The relation is positively

marked when the children become adults. For instance, the parental level
of education is a better predictor of child's future intelligence than is

the mother's IQ. The relation is easy to understand because the parent's
level of education is expressed in the achievement related content in every­
day life in its socio-cultural context and from this the child picks up,

takes over and develops his value attitudes.

 63

2.2.5.0. Risk - taking Theory

The theory of achievement motivation attempts to account for

the determinants of direction, magnitude and persistence of behaviour

in a limited but very important domain of human activities. It applies

only when an individual knows that his performance will be evaluated (by

himself or others) in terms of some standard of excellence and that the

consequence of his actions will be either a favourable evaluation (success)

or an unfavourable evaluation (failure). It is in other words, a theory of

achievement oriented performance.

2.2.5.1. The tendency to achieve success

The general principle of motivation proposed, is a simple one. The

motive to achieve success (Ms), which the individual carries about with

him from one situation to another, combines multiplicatively with two

specific situational influences, the strength of expectancy or probability

of success (Ps) and incentive value of success (Is), to produce the tendency

to approach success that is overtly expressed in the direction, magnitude

and persistence of achievement oriented programme. In other words, the

tendency to approach success (Ts) through performance of certain action

can be represented as :

Ts = Ms x Ps x Is

2.2.5.2. The tendency to avoid failure

In addition to general disposition to seek success, there is also general

disposition to avoid failure. Where the tendency to achieve may be charac­

terised as a capacity for reacting with pride and acc^j^Kshilrtdrl^

tendency to avoid failure can be conceived as a capaoityfipr reacting Witty.

C\
c iwiJ-iARV
rJ
' "//
\ a ) Xff
o v_
 64

shame and embarrament when outcome of performance is failure. When

this is aroused within a person, when it is clear to him that his performance
will be evaluated and failure is a distinct possibility, the result is an anxiety
and tendency to withdraw from the situation. The tendency to avoid failure

may be represented as :

TAF = MAF x PF x IF

TAF = tendency to avoid failure

MAF = motive to avoid failure

PF = probability of failure

IF = negative incentive value of failure

2.2.6.0. Theory of emotional attribution (origin and pawn)

Motivation is broadly concerned with the contemporary determinants

of choice (direction), persistence and vigour of goal-directed behaviour.

In Atkinson's theory, achievement as a cue and achievement motivation

(need), both contribute to the achievement performance. This is well ex­

plained in the following diagram :

Achievement Imagery (Cue)

Achievement Performance in terms of

Arousal Cues (goal) success or failure

Achievement Motive in goal-directed

behaviour (Fear and success feelings)
HQ. 2.1
 65

The above process is related with the attribution of emotion. The

need for achievements are displayed and tested in achievement situations.

Positive events produce a positive affect originally experienced. Any indi­

vidual partly experiences as well as anticipates a pleasurable task.

2.3.6.1. Meaning of attribution

An attribution is an inference about causes. We infer causes for

events that we do observe, including our own behaviour and feelings.

2.2.6.2. Success and failure attributions

Chance and skills are not the only attributions related to success
and failure. Weiner (1972, 1974) has distinguished two additional attributes

of personal efforts and task difficulty. He categorizes the fair attributions

(i.e., constructs) according to locus (External/Internai) and stability (stable/

unstable) as shown in the following table :

Attributes defined as combinations of

internal and external sources and stability over time

Locus of Control

Internal External
Stable ♦ability/skills Task difficulty
Stability Unstable
**Effort Luck or change

Each of the above attributes has specific antecedent conditions,

roughly as follows :

* Skill end task are stable attributes.

** Luck and efforts are changeable attributes.
 66

2.2.6.3. Locus of control

Helplessness is the idea that organisms wihout control over events

seem to 'give up' and not do anything in situations, where they could

actually be effective. We can also relate this to such concepts as mastery,

power and competence. Alfred Adler, once a follower of Freud, broke

away from the master because he (Adler) believed that, striving for per­

sonal control over own destiny was the most important motivation. A

person without such a feeling of control had an 'inferiority complex' and

might then 'over compensate' in his attempts to gain a feeling of control

or mastery. De charms (1968) described this in terms of ''Origins' and

'Pawns'. Some individuals feel they originate their own activities and
are responsible for their own rewards and punishments. Others feel that,

like chess pawns, they have such freedom as they do have is at the service

of more powerful outside forces. It should be emphasized that, these are

subjective feelings, of individuals interpretation of reality. For most of

us, the feeling of power, or personal control, is probably situational; in

some situations wefeel competent because we know what to do and can

do it successfully, while in other situations we feel more helpless.

2.2.6.4. However, certain words used here, needs further clarifications :

Ability : Repeated success or failure in the past, particularly in

conjunction with social norms that may be important in defining what

success or failure is.

Task difficulty : Judged by social norms and objective task charac­

teristics, Weiner believes that social norms, indicating how well other
people do on a particular task are the best cues for attributing ease or
difficulty to the task.
 67

Efforts : Time spent on a task, degree of mascular tension in doing

the task. Conscious exertion of power, force, serious attempt, effective

force as distinguished from the possible resistance called into action by
such a force, the active use of energy in producing a result.

Luck : It is of apparent control over an outcome, success or failure

at the task, not correlated with the personal characteristics of the indi­

vidual performing the task.

Here ability, skill and task difficulty are stable accross the time,

whereas, efforts and luck fluctuate. Persistence refers to the amount

of time spent at some activity or the resistance in changing from one

activity to another. When an individual wants to do any task there is

a persistant internal stimulus that produces activity until the task-need

is satisfied.

The theoretical assumptions of locus of control is related to the

individual's 'self'. An individual's 'self' is mostly revealed by his words

and deeds and by his lack of words and deeds. An individual who says,

'I can', 'I feel', 'I will', will succeed more often than the individual who

says, 'I can not', 'I feel, I won't'. It is assumed that a pattern of behaviour

that is success oriented in an activity, such as 'trying hard' will obviously

lead to bring more success in any task.

2.2.7.O. Measurement of achievement motivation

McClleland and his co-workers (1953), however, have decided to

measure the individual differences and the motive strength, with the help

of Thematic Apperception Test.

 68

2.2.7.1. Rationale for selecting thematic apperception test

The rationale for selecting Thematic Apperception Test or TAT,

as has been provided by McClleiand (1953), is that according to Freudian

hypothesis a good place to look for the effects of motivation is in fantasy.

The Thematic Apperception Test had been developed by Morgan and Murray
(1935) just for this purpose, viz., for bringing to light the strivings of

the individual in imaginative stories suggested by stimulated pictures.

The development of a measure of achievement motivation, according

to McClleiand (1953), proceed along much the same lines.

2.2.7.2. Differences between the procedures of Murray and McClleiand

McClleiand, however points out towards certain differences which

exist between Murray's classical use of the TAT (1938) and the procedure

that has been followed by McClleiand and his co-workers (1953) :

(1) Pictures, that are employed by McClleiand and his collegues,

are somewhat different from those used by Murray and his

followers.

(2) Instead of an individual approach, McClleiand and his co­

workers have used group testing procedure in which the pictures

are projected on a screen and the subjects write their own

stories with an imposed time limit.

(3) The scoring system of McClleiand and his colleagues are also

quite different from the need-type analysis of Murray.

So, from the above points, it seems that, although, in many

aspects, like questions and other aspects, McClleiand has

adapted Murray's thematic apperception test, yet, certain

aspects divert from Murray's procedure.

 69

2.2.7.3. Advantages of TAT

Heckhausen (1967) has discussed certain advantages of thematic

apperception test, over other methods of measuring motives.

(1) The subjects remain unware of the true aim of the test. In

contrast to methods using self-ratings, factors, such as self

consciousness, self deception, glossing over and "folk psycho­

logical" bias play a minor role.

(2) The inner motives of experience and behaviour are "tapped"

in the fantasy stories rather close to the source before they

become less recognizable because of a number of further

psychological factors and external reasons which all affect

their final manifestation in behaviour. The preference for

fantasy content vs. overt behaviour as a means of uncovering

hidden motives can be traced to the revolutionary idea of

Freud (1900).

(3) The TAT method allows a wide latitude within which person-

environment relationship, as referred in the test material

under aroused .condition, can be perceived and elaborated

in a most individual manner. Thus it is possible to record

abundance of experiences, courses of actions, events, inter­

personal interactions etc., such as will rarely be observed

in reality, much less in laboratory experiments; in such an

economical way, to say nothing of the difficulties of scruti­
nizing and isolating actual behaviour and experience on an

individually comparable basis.

 70

2.2.7A. Dynamics behind the stories expressing need achievement

Heckhausen (1967), however, has made an effort to explain the

dynamics behind the writing of the story, expressing need achievement

of each individual.

According to Heckhausen (1967), if the potential motivation operates

like a frame of a normative state; then it can be isolated indirectly via

situational arousal. (That is, in order to become aroused motivation, poten­

tial motivation must act in such way, so as to create a norm, in the subject
under proper situation). This arousal situation creates in a person a concept

of achievement oriented person - environment relationship. Then this

arousal state will create within the person some kind of personality -
specific (because it is different with different person) discrepancy with

his normative state (evaluative disposition). (That is, he starts comparing

his present situation or success or position with the expected one). This

discrepancy (between the real situation and the expected one), depending

on its size, will be expressed in differing strengths in the formulated

stories. If the discrepancy and the expectation gradient is great, then

the story-teller will describe the people as performing and experiencing

in more varied and explicit ways before he ends the achievement - oriented
action in a way appearing significant to himself (Atkinson, 1958; Fuchs,

1963; Kornadt, 1963). If, on the contrary, the discrepancy is not great,

then the story will be achievement-related but perfunctorily told.

 71

2.2.7.5. Relation of scoring categories to the adjustive behavioural

sequence

The scoring system devised by McClleland and his co-workers (1953)

of TAT stories, which is somewhat different from the need - type analysis
of Murray (1938), as has been stated earlier, represents a classification

of many of the aspects of behaviour and experiences of characters in

imaginative stories revealing an implicit acceptance of the kind of descrip­

tive categories elaborated by many different psychological theorists in

conceptualising adjustive overt behaviour. The'behavioural sequence origi­

nating may be perceived as, when an individual experiences a state of

need or a drive, it signifies - need or (N). He may also be anticipating
»

successful attainment of his goal (Ga+) or anticipating frustration and

failure (Ga-). He may engage in activity instrumental (I) to the attainment

of his goal which may lead to the attainment of the goal (1+) or not (I-).

Sometimes his goal-directed activity will be blocked. The obstacle or

block (B) to his progress may be located in the world at large (Bw) or

it may be some personal deficiency in himself (Bp). He may experience

strong positive and negative affective states while engaged in solving

his problem, i.e., in attempting to gratify his motives. He is likely to
experience a state of positive affect (G+) in goal attainment, or a state

of negative affect (G-), when his goal directed activity is thawarted or

failed. Often someone will help or sympathesize with him [Nurturant

Press (NUP)], aiding him in his goal - directed behaviour.

 72

2.2.7.6. Schematic presentation of behavioural sequence

Obstacle

Goal

Nup

FIG. 2.3JPosition of the scoring categories in the adjuslivc be­

havioral sequence.

The bigger circle, in the above figure, represents the person who
may experience five states (need, positive or negative goal-anticipatory,

positive or negative affective states). Instrumental activity is denoted

by arrows suggestive of trial snad errors in problem - solving attempt.

A Block (which also may be located within the person) is denoted as a

barrier that must be overcome if the goal is to be attained. The symbol

Nurtural Press or NUP is another person with an arrow in the direction

of goal indicating aid of some sort. And finally, the goal is indicated

by a plus sign. The above categories, however, may be used to describe

behavioural sequence, no matter what is the goal of the individual.
 73

2.3.0.o. Academic performance

The percentage of marks obtained by the Ss at the last two public

examinations, namely, school final or equivalent examination, and higher

secondary or equivalent examination, have been taken as measures of

academic achievement, for the purpose of the present study.

2.3.1.0

Eassy examinations constitute the traditional, popular and the most

commonly used, if not the only, means of assessing students' performance

in our colleges today. They are of great value in testing mental processes,

such as, formulating hypotheses, organising and evaluating ideas and so

on. Critics point to the unreliability, lack of objectivity, inadequacy of

sampling and undue stress placed upon memory as significant drawbacks

of the essay tests. The essay type of examinations have been commonly

criticized on three accounts; namely, low validity, low unreliability and

low usability. The new type of tests or the achievement tests have been

suggested to replace the traditional essay type of examinations.

2.3.2.0

Inspite of the growing use of the new type or objective tests and

multiple choice and matching type of tests, essay type examinations still
constitute an important and effective method of evaluation of students'
performance (Olson, 1945), today. An important reason why essay type

tests are still in vogue is that valid educational outcome in the sphere
of higher mental processes do not tend themselves to testing by means
of objective techniques (Wrighstone, 1956).
 74

2.3.3.0.

No doubt the essay type of examination is time-consuming both

for the teacher and the taught, and it can not be used conveniently and

too frequently. However, it appears to be useful for measuring some of

the important objectives of instruction; namely, factual information, critical

thinking, organisation of ideas, study-skills, work-habits and so on. These

objectives emphasize the functioning rather than mere possession of know­

ledge (Stalnaker, 1951).

2.3.4.0.

. Regarding the problem of validity of eassy type of examinations,

it seems that it over-rates the importance of knowing how to say a thing

and under-rates the importance of having something to say. Answers are

influenced by many irrelevant factors like, spellings, power of expression,

handwriting, bluffing etc.

2.3.5.0.

A more serious type of objection against essay type of examination

is the subjective nature of evaluation. It may be remembered in this context

that the passing or failing of 40% of the students depend not on what

they know or do not know, but on who reads the paper; and passing or
failing of about 10% depend on when the papers are read (Ashburn, 1938).

2.3.6.0.

Academic achievement, in terms of subject matter is generally

assessed by employing a system of marks or grades, which seems to be

justified in view of the classification, guidance and evidence of effort.

Madsen (1930) and Symonds (1927) have favoured the marking system,
 75

like other measures of academic achievement, this has also been criticized
by Morrison (1933), Hillbrand (1931), Odell (1930) and Crew (1967). Many

investigators like, Starch and Elliott, Ruch and Crooks (1933) have demons­

trated the unrealibility of examination marks. Rao (1967) emphasizes that

the fact that any marking system is arbitrary and therefore is open to

discrepancies.

23.7.0.

Probably the most widely known method for marking is the percen­
tage system which leads to an erroneous notion of accuracy (Madsen 1933
fic Odell, 1930). A more important objection to the present marking system,

has been that it assumes measurement from an absolute zero accomplish­

ment to perfection itself (Rao, 1963).

2.3.8.0.

The ranking system is another alternative, proposed. Ruch (1929)

and Oohnson hold that ranking is a better system than percentage system.

However, Stienway and Ellis oppose the ranking system. The former states

that it leads to self-glorification and intellectual snobbery. Morrison claims

that by ranking the educational product is lost to view (Crooks, 1933).

2.3.9.0.

Yet another alternative proposal is the use of normal distribution

curve which has been favoured by Meyer. However, Odell (1930) and Ellis

and Oohnson have condemned this method. Symond (1927) proposed that

an intelligence test be employed to determine whether the achievement

scores of a group should be skewed or normally distributed. The use of
normal probability distribution as a basis for marking students' performance
has been criticized by Davis, Haynes, Sandon and Wetzail (Odell, 1930).
 76

2.3.10.0.

In view of the limitations of the various techniques discussed above,

it is difficult to select and decide upon a technique for, measurement

of academic achievement which would have limitations least and at the

same time be simple and convenient to handle. Achievement tests can

also be used to measure achievement but they could not be employed

as suitable achievement tests and are not available for our sample. Rao
(1963) has pointed out that at the present moment no one has offered

a fairly reliable method or procedure to measure except to directly or

indirectly exploit the (essay) examination of marking and grading system.

Since the same method is adopted with a full awareness of its shortcomings,

it would be better, as it were, to be forwarned, so as not to place undue

sanctity or faith in the marking system. Taken in relation to exploration

of other aspects of the individual scholastic achievement, especially those

which belong to individual responses as complicated or determined by

personality factors, it is hoped, that we have not, to any great extent,

compromised on our approach to scientific evaluation in the utilization

of examination scores as a practical and easily available course for estimat­

ing achievement.

2.3.11.0.

Research generally supports the idea of acceleration (Flesher <3c

Pressey, 1955; Engle, 1938; Alltucker, 1924; Baldauf, 1959), though retention

or failure as a corollery means does not seem to prove as successful (Wright-

stone, 1957). After studying practices in 148 school systems, Cook (1941),

states the point well : "It was found that schools which have relatively
high standards of promotion (retard the dull and accelerate the bright)
 77

tend to have a higher proportion of over-age slow-learning pupils, since

such pupils remain in school from one .to several years longer. The higher

proportion of such pupils reduced significantly the mean mental age and

achievement level of grade groups in these schools ... the retention of

large number of low ability pupils through non-promotion tends actually

to reduce grade standards and aggravate the range of ability problems."1

2.3.12.0.

It is, however, understood, from the above discussion, that in absence

of a faultless measuring system for academic achievement, it would be

perhaps better not to attach undue sanctity on the marking system and

at the same time, along with existing achievement and essay-type tests,
employ other evaluative measures, if possible, to ensure an overall picture
of a student's personality to give useful guidance.

1. Cook, Walter, W. "Some Effects of the Maintenance of High Standards of Promotion".

Elementary School Journal, XLI (February, 1941), 430-437, as cited in Educational Measure­
ment, E.F. Lindquist. Ed. (Washington, D.C. American Council on Education, 1951), 20.
 78

2.4.0. 0. Vocational Aspiration

2.4.1.0. Level of aspiration : Meaning

The term "Anspruchsnivean" was first introduced into the experimental

literature about the period 1930 in the work of Kurt Lewin and his students,
but gained little currency until the appearance in 1935 of Lewin's "Dynamic

Theory of Personality". The term was translated into English as 'level

of aspiration' and gradually with the time became one of the most provoca­
tive words with the psychologists.

2.4.2.0. The Nature of the Level of Aspiration

The concept of 'level of aspiration' was first formulated by Dembo

(1931), one of Lewin's students, in the course of an experimental investiga­

tion of anger. A by-product of her investigation was the discovery that

when a required goal is too difficult, the subject will set up an intermediate
goal, which is easier than, but a step towards the required goal. This inter­

mediate goal, she termed the subject's momentary level of aspiration.

2.4.3.0. Concept

However, Hoppe (1930), who published the major study of level

of aspiration, defines it as a person's expectations, goals, claims or future

achievement in a given task. He further stresses that the 'experience

of a performance' as a success or failure does not depend alone on its

objective goodness but on whether the level of aspiration appears to be
reached or not reached. Subjects tend to lower or raise future goals depend­
ing on their success or failure with previous goals. Experiences of success
or failure do not attend tasks which are too easy or too difficult.
 79

2.4.3.1.

In order to explain the behaviour of level of aspiration, Hoppe intro­

duces a new concept, the ego level* Hoppe opines, "The ego represents

the wide-embracing goals of the individual ... which extend far beyond

the simple task ... and ... are related to the self-confidence of S.'^From

this it seems that the level of aspiration in different tasks are in a sense

parts of ego level, or are, at least, closely related to it. The fundamental

property of ego legel is that it tends to be held high at all costs. In so

far as the single level of aspirations are related to the ego level, they

too tend to be kept high.

2.4.3.2.

On hedonistic principle, Hoppe assumes that the individual desires

to have as many successes (pleasant experiences) and as few failures (un­

pleasant experiences) as possible. Since successes are produced by level

of performances which exceeds the level of aspiration, there is a tendency

to keep aspiration low. As this is incompatible with the tendency to hold

level of aspiration high, springing from its relation to the ego level, a

conflict necessarily results. The behaviour of level of aspiration represents

r

the resultants of this conflict arising from this desire to keep the ego

level high on the one hand and the desire to have as many success as

possible, on the other.

2.4.3.3.

As regards the intermediate goals or momentary level of aspiration,

described by Dembo, Hoppe feels that experiences of failure in the course

1. Hoppe, F., Erfolg und Misserfolg, Psychol. Forsch., 14, 1930, 32.
 80

of an activity will depend upon whether or not the subject attains these
intermediate goals which he himself sets. If the subject attains the inter­
mediate goals (momentary level of aspiration) which he has set himself,

he experiences the performance as a success, regardless of whether or

not he has achieved a perfect score or attained the goal set by the ex­

perimenter. On the other hand, if the subject's performance does not

come up to his momentary level of aspiration, he experiences the perfor­

mance as a failure. Hoppe found that the level of aspiration shifts frequently

in the course of an activity.lf the individual's performance comes up to

his level of aspiration, the latter tends to shift upward; if he fails to attain

his aspiration-level on a given trial, the aspiration is likely to be lowered.

2.4.3.4.

One of the most outstanding observations of Hoppe was the individual

differences in aspiration level and his suggestion that these individual

differences may be diagnostic of important personality differences. He

found, for example, that an individual may habitually set intermediate
goals (i.e., level of aspiration) which are far above his level of performance

(thus courting failure experiences)’, even though his rate of improvement

offers no ground whatever for such high expectations. Another subject

may consistently demand so little of himself (i.e., be so careful to set

intermediate goals within easy reach) that he always provides himself

with the presumably satisfying experience of doing "better than he expec­

ted". Hoppe points out, "The individual differences are related to the rela­

tive height of the level of aspiration, to the strength of the tendency

to raise the level of aspiration after success or lower it after failure;
to the tendency to make big or little steps in one direction or the other,
 SI

to the strength of tendency to break off entirely after failure than to

lower the level of aspiration gradually, finally to the degree of effort

to console oneself or to console the unpleasant realities through other

methods ..... It is thus, a question of differences that may be termed as

those of ambition, of caution, of courage, of self-confidence, of fear,

of inferiority, but also of security, of self-confidence, of the courage

to face reality". 2

2.4.3.5.

Later investigators, while deriving much benefit from Hoppe's im­

portant exploratory work, have found it necessary to re-define the meaning

of aspiration-level, on the grounds of more precision and objectivity. Frank

(1935), however, took the case of individual differences in the level of

aspiration from Hoppe's earlier observations and working on that line de­

fined level of aspiration as the level of future performance in a familiar

task which an individual expects to achieve knowing his level of past perfor­
mance in that task. Jayaswal (1974), later defined the level of aspiration

much in the same line. In the opinion of Mathis, Cotton and Sechrest
(1970), level of aspiration is the degree of performance a person expects

of himself in a specific situation. It is assumed that the relation of past

performance at any time depends primarily on the relative strength of

the following three needs, (Lewin, 1926) ;

(i) The need to keep the level of aspiration as high as possible,

regardless of the level of performance.

(ii) The need to make the level of aspiration approximate the

level of future performance as close as possible.

2. Ibid.
 82

(iii) The need to avoid failure, where failure is defined as a level

of performance below the level of aspiration regardless of

its absolute goodness. This need tends to drive the level of

aspiration below the level of past performance.

2.4.3.6.

. Frank (1935), however, confirmed from his investigation that there

were certain factors which interfered with Ss' 'sober' judgement, causing

the level of aspiration differ appreciably from the level of past performance,

either positively or negatively. While determining the relative strength

of the above three needs on which depended the difference between the

level of aspiration in a task and the level of past performance in that

task, Frank found that two needs were dominant. The first is the need

to avoid failure, which drives the level of aspiration below the level of

past performance. More apparent was the need to keep the level of aspira­

tion high regardless of performance. It was assumed that both these needs

had their roots in the ego level.

It should, however, be remembered, that the concept of ego-level

is taken from Hoppe, who defines it as the "wide-embracing goals of the

person ... which extend far beyond the single task ... [and] ... are related

to the self regard of S."3 These goals represent both social and individual

aspirations. The individual desires to do well, not only for his own satisfac­

tion, but also to improve his position with regard to the social environment.

In the words of Hoppe (1930), "The relationship between the ego and the

3. Hoppe, F. Erfolg end Missetfolg, Psychol, Forsch, 14, 1930, 32.

 83

social environment is of essential significance for the behaviour of the

level of aspiration ... successes and failures are chiefly evaluated with
respect to the significance of the single person as a social being".*

2.4.3.7.

Frank, however, deduced two fairly objective criteria of the involve­

ment of the ego-level, which are the presence of self-competition and

of consciousness of social pressure. These were assumed to strengthen

either the need to avoid failure, or to keep the level of aspiration high.

The fear of failure was assumed to dominate as the result of a desire

to conceal involvement in the task, leading to overcompensation of the

need to keep the level of aspiration high, or as the result of broad indi­

vidual factor. Frank found that, the need to keep the level of aspiration

high influenced the score more strongly, the greator the 'unreality' of

the situation, as revealed by a 'play' attitude, which had been explained

by Lewin as (1933), "The 'play' field shows ... a most immediate relation
to the unreality of air castle and wish ideals".45

2.4.3.8.

Heckhausen (1967) has defined level of aspiration as an area of

degree of excellence with boundaries at a lower end and at a upper level.

Level of aspiration, according to Heckhausen, represents a "degree of

excellence" which deviates in direction and level from performance level

that has already been reached - a "degree of excellence" which represents

both the goal of performance and effort employed to attain it, so that

4. Ibid, 34.
5. Lewin, K. : Environmental forces in child behaviour and development, "Handbook of Child
Psycholovy", 2nd Ed. 1933.
 84

success and not failure is attained and experienced (Rotter (1954) speaks

of a 'minimum goal'). The "degree of excellence" is experienced as a com­

pulsory claim on oneself whether it is in the form of a requirement set

by the task, by the need for self-actualization or by an accepted social

norm. The attainment or non-attainment of the "degree of excellence”

set, affects self-esteem. Thus essential element is stable evaluative dis­

positions which find expressions in the concrete level of aspiration stated

in a given situation. In Heckhausen's opinion, level of aspiration is not

merely an achievement-related phenomenon. It is found in all person-

environment relationships, which one way or another affects self esteem

and thereby norms that are organized apperceptively around ethical, poli­

tical, social, economic or social prestige norms.

2.4.4.O. Development of Aspiration

The level of aspiration usually develops in some particular cultural

background, when individual while attaining his adulthood identifies himself

with various social groups, for example, 'participating groups', which com­

prises of family and professional colleagues; and 'reference groups', consist­

ing of other individuals whose standards he tries to identify. In this process

of identification, he perceives a sense of certain status and standards
of participating and reference groups set in him the levei of his aspiration
(Cantril, 1950). The need achievement theory also throws light on the

development of aspiration. While describing "Career Striving Process",

Raynor (1978) states "the individual develops 'step path scheme' in career

striving process". He further adds, "Children from a very early age try-out

career roles such as, doctor, nurse, policeman, fireman etc., although

realistic striving for one of them does not begin until after a whole series
 85

of 'identifies' have been explored and either some differentiating com­

petence has been developed and/or appropriate extrinsic motivation is

aroused for one 'career path' than another. Thus in various ways and to

various extents, children and adolescents learn about the adult world of

work, 'occupations or careers'. Parents, grand parents, relatives, friends,

children-readers, folk-images, teachers and in modern society particularly

'mass media heroes' are sources of information on vocations and provide

role models for the acquisition of the appropriate (and not so appropriate)

behaviour and expected consequences of career-related activity, where

'appropriate' is seen in terms of the social perspective of later adult­
striving in accepted avenues of pursuit",6

According to Raynor, the structure rather than the 'content' of

knowledge about career striving may be the most critical factor. The

perception of this 'structure' concept may provide information regarding

his level of striving, vis-a-vis the level of his aspiration in the world of
his work. The researches (Jucknat, 1937; Heckhausen, 1963) in this field

showed that the development of level of aspiration was affected by momen­

tary achievement, long-standing achievement, confidence, seriousness

of the situation, the presence as well as prestige and behaviour of on­

lookers, success/failure and also by several other extrinsic and intrinsic

factors. Describing topologically, this development is viewed as being

affected by objective field barriers beside social and personal barriers.
Social barriers are in the form of prohibitions, customs and personal barriers
may be described as dislike, scruples etc. (Lewin, 1944).

6. Raynor, J.D., "In Personality, Motivation and Achievement", by J.W. Atkinson and J.D.
Raynor, Hemisphere Publishing Corporation, Washington and London, 1978.
 86

2.4.5.0. Vocational Aspirations

The term 'aspiration' has been applied in the 'vocational choice

field' by various psychologists and sociologists. By 'occupational aspiration'

is usually meant what the individual considers to be the ideal vocation

for him.

2.4.5.1. Vocational aspirations as differtiated from vocational preferen­

ces and choices

Though the three terms, vocational aspiration, vocational preference

and vocational choice are differentiated, yet these are somewhat considered
to be on the same continuum known as 'process of vocational choice'
(Trow, 1941). Accoridng to Trow, this process marches from 'fantasy to­

wards realism', which is the final act of vocational choice. Vocational

choice can be termed as what an individual predicts to do in future, and

vocational preference can be termed as to what he would like to do.

In vocational aspiration the individual expresses as to what he wants or

wishes to do irrespective of the limitations imposed by reality.

The vocational aspiration, preference and choice - all are differen­

tiable at the age range of 15-16 and not before that. Even then, many

a time, it is not possible, for the child to differentiate between vocational

choice, prefernce and aspiration. Whatever the way the question is asked,

he will always express his aspired vocation, which has high social value

judged by him or transmitted to him through extrinsic and intrinsic factors

constantly influencing him through their interactional process. As a result,

researches conducted on adolescent subjects reveal no significance dif­
ference in them (Empey, 1956; Kahl, 1953; Sewell, Haller and Strauss,

1957; Wilson, 1959; Perrone, 1964). Therefore, it may be concluded that

 87

inspite of the apparent distinction between the vocational aspiration, choice

or preference, these three words are invariably used interchangeably.

Roe (1956), in her well known book, 'The Psychology of occupations',

has opined, while defining the concept of 'choice', "With small children

'choice' of an occupation means something quite different from what

it means even in high school, and choice means something else again when

one is actually faced with the necessity for taking a job. We might reserve

the term 'preference' for all stages upto the final one of actually entering

upon an occupation".7

Again, another approach has been found to equate the term 'choice'

with occupational aspiration, particularly by those who use a sociological

frame of reference. Empey (1956); Sewell, Haller and Stranss (1957) are

other proponents of this approach.

2.4.5.2.

Considering this flexible use of the terms, aspiration, choice or

preference in the field of vocation, it would be pertinent to mention that

the test which has been used in this study had been prepared by Mathur

(1969). Mathur's test, however, deals with both open-ended and close-ended

questions, divided into different sections; thus sometimes eliciting choices,

sometimes aspirations, again sometimes preferences.

7. Roe, Anne. The Psychology of Occupations. New York. John Wiley & Sons, 1956, p. 251.
 88

2.4.6.0. Relation between personality and motivational factors and voca­

tional aspiration

2.4.6.1. Self-concept and vocational aspiration

To investigate the relation between self-concept and vocational

choice, Super's (1953) notion may be taken into consideration. According

to Super, one’s vocational choice is a means of implementing the self-

concept. Super has proposed the following view of the process of vocational

choice :

"In choosing an occupation one is, in effect, choosing a means of

implementing a self-concept. ... The choice of an occupation is one of

the points in life at which a young person is called upon to state rather

explicitly his concept of himself, to say definitely, I am this or that type

of person".8

With this self-understanding the individual then seeks out and ex­

plores various occupations which are perceived as allowing to live a role

commensurate with this self-concept.

Super has also pointed out that a review of the literature provides,

"objective basis for the theory that childhood and adolescent identification

play a part in shaping vocational interest and provide role models which
facilitate the development and implementation of a self-concept".9

Also, Bordin has proposed ; "In answering a Strong Vocational Interest

Test an individual is expressing his acceptance of a particular view or

concept of himself in terms of occupational stereotypes".10 This view is

8. Super, D.E. s A Theory of Vocational Development. Amer, Psychologist, 1953, 8. p.185-190.

9. Ibid, p. 188.

10. Bordin, E.S. : A theory of vocational interests as dynamic phenomena. Educ. Psychol,
Measmt, 1943, 3, 49 -65.
 89

at least partially confirmed in a study (Bordin 3c Wilson, 1953) in which

it was found that modifications in self-concept as a result of reality testing

are accompanied by a like change in measured vocational interest.

An exploratory study by Dillon (1949) gives further support to Super's

concept of vocational choice from a somewhat different frame of reference.

She explored Dillon's (1949), following hypothesis: "The profession which

an individual selects is one that, according to his concept of it and as

he sees himself in it, seems to him to satisfy most adequately the needs

that he feels the strongest pressure to fulfill".11

Englander (1960) in her study found the corroborating findings which

indicated subjects do select certain vocation as a means of perpetuating

their respective self-image and try to attain those things which are desired

in a vocation.

Holland (1959) relates the self-concept more directly to the level

of occupational aspiration. He suggests that the level of occupational

choice within a class of occupations is in part of a function of self-evalua­

tion.

Again, Haller (1963) thinks that the person's level of occupational

aspiration is determined, in part, by his conception of himself, in-relation-to

the sty)e of life ascribed to that occupational level.

In the present study an attempt has also been made to find out

the relationship self-concept and vocational aspiration and choice.

11. Dillon, F.H. : The relationship between basic motivation and choice of teaching as a
profession. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago, 1949.
 90

2.4.6.2. Achievement Motivation and Vocational Aspiration

The isolation of the enduring motivation tendencies which appear

to be of importance for the level of aspiration of a person and which

can be measured apart from the goal setting procedure itself, had been
done by Gould 3c Kaplan, (1940); Gardner, (1940); Eysenck, (1947); Guerin

(1958); Scodel, et ai., (1959).

It has also been found out from the study of Pauline S. Sears (1940)

on 10-12 year old Ss that successful pupils preferred to set realistic, mode­
rate goals, while unsuccessful pupils selected either speculatively entreme
or overcautiously low goals (cf. Oucknat, 1937).

The basic nature of relationship between level of aspiration and

achievement motivation has been proved by the various research findings.

Martire's (1956) study, Mahone's (1960) study and many other research

findings all point out towards this relationship.

However, if the definition of Heckhansen (1967) is taken into con­

sideration then the relationship will be more established.

2.4.6.3. Academic Motivation and Vocational Aspiration

Most probably, no study has been taken up to find out the relation­

ship between vocational aspiration and academic motivation. But considering

the fact, that more and more young people are planning to go to college
to get higher education (Conference Board, "Road Maps of Industry", No.
1274, May 27, 1960), it obviously indicates that adolescent boys and girls

are quite serious about vocational preparations.

Again, it has also been proved that there is a positive relation bet­
ween a student's level of aspiration and his success in the school (Anderson,
 91

1959; Ausubel, 1957). This information helps to deduce that those who

are academically motivated and are successful in school, might have defi­

nite vocational aspiration or choice or interest.

The relation between achievement motivation and level of aspiration

has been established by numerous studies. So the logical conclusion may

be that, if a student is motivated to achieve in an academic setting or

school, and become successful, he sets moderate and realistic goals, close

to his past performance, so that he can attain it. In other words, it may

be stated that when a student is academically motivated, his vocational

aspiration or choice will be moderate or realistic. Of course, the opposite

might not always be the case.

The present study, however, attempts to find out this relationship

between vocational aspiration and academic motivation.

2.4.7.0. Influence of some social and personal factors on vocational

aspiration.

2.4.7.1. Sex differences in vocational choice

There is a definite indication that regarding career development

girls differ from boys. Mathews (1964) has made a number of observations

as an overview of these differences. Mathews states that prediction of

a specific career is becoming of less concern than is an understanding

of the process of decision-making that results in the presence or absence

of a career.

She suggests that career choice for girls appears to have antecen-

dents in the infancy state of life. The girls develop the traditional feminine
role depending upon the attitudes of her parents in accepting or rejecting
her as a person. In the latency period, feminine identification with the
 92

mother and gradual repression of overtly expressed, aggressive tendencies

causes the girl to become more submissive and introspective. In the fantasy-

choice period, important psychological differences are noted between boys'

and girls' choice. The boys' choices seen vitally related to the crystal­

lization of masculine identification rather than having any firm relationship

to actual abilities or talents.

Lehman and Witty (1930) who studied occupational choices of children

aged between about 8 to 18, found that there were marked sex differences

in the kinds of their preferences.

Sharma (1984) in her study found that there is a significant relation­

ship between sex and the direction of the level of aspiration. In other

words, it may be said that boys and girls differ significantly in the direction

of their level of aspiration. Sharma also found that among those with

negative goal discrepancy scores, girls score significantly higher than boys

and that the difference is statistically significant beyond .01 level of con­

fidence. The difference reveals that there is a strong tendency in girls

to set their goals much below their achievement whereas an opposite trend
can be observed in the case of boys.

Rosenberg and Rosenberg (1968) have found rather interesting results

from their investigation with about 1,988 school children from grade three

through twelve. Certain features have been revealed which are both similar
and different in cases of boys and girls.

First, the same principles of cognitive development apparently direct

the occupational choices of young girls and young boys.

 93

Secondly, as regards occupational status or general occupational

prestige, the aspirations of eight-to-nine-year-old girls is actually consider­

ably higher than that of eight-to-nine-year-oid boys.

Thirdly, the occupational aspirations of boys and girls move in oppo­

site directions; with advancing age the boys' aspiration levels rise while

the girls' aspiration levels decline.

Fourthly, by the end of high school, occupational aspirations of

boys are much more widely dispersed than aspirations of girls. Specifically,

boys are much more likely to aspire to the higher levels of major profes­

sions and top executive positions but also more likely to aspire to the

lower levels of blue-collar work; the girls, on the other hand, are concen­

trated largely in the middle of the occupational hierarchy, engaged in

white-collar jobs.

' Lastly, occupational sex-typing has been found quite pronounced.

This sex-typing is clearly apparent even among the youngest children and

the study showed that it continued unabated throughout their educational

career.

Rosenberg and Rosenberg (1968) suggest this occupational sex-typing

is rooted in the very process of sex-identity development. According to

Kohlberg (1966), it is through such a classificatory process that the young

child develops a concept of male and female. Men and women are defined

not by how they look but by what they do. To be a policeman is not only

to be of the police but to be a man; similarly, the sex of a nurse is commu­

nicated by the term. However, Resenbergs think that along with other

factors social learning plays a very important role.

 94

2.4.7.2. Age as a factor in vocational choice and aspiration

According to analysis made by Huslander (1958) the occupational

choice becomes stable with age.

Peters (1960) found that vocational interest patterns are rather

stable during adolescent period and they become more classified with

age.

Parker (1962) studied occupational choices of student of seventh

ci.ass. They were asked about the 'difiniteness' of occupational choice.

The study confirmed that many choices and plans are made at the early

adolescent level.

Rosenberg and Rosenberg (1968) in their study found that specific

occupational position appears to be a more salient feature of the young

child's future desired self than of the older child's. In this regard, Simmons
and Rosenberg (1970) following their study suggest that by the age of twelve,

children have acquired a rather remarkable amount of knowledge about

the occupational realm.

Sharma (1984) in her study found that no significant difference

exists in the level of aspiration of boys and girls at any of the age levels
studied. The level of aspiration, though it appears more or less constant
from 13+ to 17+ years both in boys and girls, shows a subtle and steady

rise with the advancement in age, both with boys and girls. The level
of aspiration shows a sudden rise at the age of 18+, both in boys and girls,
bu it is more pronounced in case of girls.

2.4.7.3. Influence of father's occupation on vocational aspiration

Sewell and Shah (1968) studied the relationship between parents'

education and childrens' educational aspirations and achievements. This

 95

study found out that father's education has a slightly stronger effect than

mother's education on perceived parental encouragement, college plans,

college attendance and college graduation for males, but for both father's

and mother's education have almost an equl effect for females.

Krippner (1963) conducted an investigation of the association between

the levels of junior high school pupils' vocational preferences and the

occupational levels of their parents. Krippner concluded 'although boys

and girls may prefer different vocations than those suggested by their

parents, it is likely that these prefernces will reflect the family's occu­
pational level, and therefore, the pupil's socio-economic milieu .12

The study of Lee and King (1963-64) suggests that mothers have

a greater influence on the level of occupational choice of girls than do

fathers.

However, there were a number of studies reported on the influence

of father's or parents' vocation on the vocational choice of the children.

But these studies are not conclusive, p because none of them demonstrate

a strong relationship between the occupations of father and sons.

12. Krippner, Stanley, Junior High School students' vocational preferences and their parents'
occupational levels. Personnel and Guidance Journal, 1963, 41, p. 595.
 * '
«r i
<*

2*5.o.o. Self-concept y/. ^ * i>

2.5.1.0. Meaning of the term : Self

In its dictionary sense, the word Iself is meant to refer a specific

person and has been indispensable in the historical development of man

as a conscious and thinking entity. The term 'self is, tiowever, not synony­
mous with the word 'organism'; rather self is used to denote the awareness
of being, of functioning. The structure of self is formed as a result of inter­
action with the environment, particularly as a result of evaluating inter­

actions with others.

2.5.2.0. Perception

The word 'perception' again, refers to the experience of objects

and events with which an individual is surrounded. Perception is the first

event in the chain which leads from stimulus to response. Because, men

usually perceive first and then act. If is, however, convenient to use the

term 'perception' for the general aspects of this activity, reserving the

term 'sensation', for those facts in our experince which depend upon how

the sense organs act; or we may say perception is, internalizing what an

individual sees. It is a mental state of readiness which is determined by

the experience and which motivates and directs ones responses to all objects
and situations with which that attitude is related.

2.5.3.0. The nature of self-concept

Human beings have always behaved in terms of some kind of under­

standing of self from the dawn of human history. In the behavioural sciences,
the use of the concept of the self, is, relatively recent; though the legacy
of the concept can be traced back in the past.
 y

97

2.5.4.O. Definitions

The main outlines of the concept of self, that were put forth by
both James (1S90) and Mead (1934), remained largely unchanged throughout

the time. According to their views, the self is a reflexive phenomenon that

develops through social interactions and is based on the social character

of human language.

Cooley (1964) again viewed that, man's ideas about himself are reflec­

tions of how others see him. He coins the word, social or "looking glass"
self, which is comparable to Miller's (1963) subjective public identity.

At about the time of World War I, Freud developed the concept

of ego. Although these men have pointed out to the fascinating possibilities
of understanding human beings, yet as Wylie (1961) points out, during the

period of 1920's through 1940's, the self received scant attention from the

behavioural oriented psychologists, who dominated American psychology.

However, there were few exceptions to this general neglect to the

self. Besides Mead (1934), there was I.ewin (1935), who viewed self as a

central and relatively permanent organisation which gave consistency to

the entire personality. Raimy in 1943, defined self-concept as a map, which,

according to him, person consults inorder to understand himself, especially

during moments of crisis or choice. The self includes all that a person em­
braces in the words 'I', 'me', 'mine' and 'myself. It is within each person,

the core and substance of his experience as human being. In 1945, Lecky

contributed the notion of the theory of self consistency, describing it as

the primary motivating force in human behaviour; while Bertocci (1945)

emphasized two aspects of the self, distinguishing between- the self as an

>

object, "me", and the self as a subject, "I". Murphy (1947), discussed the
 98

origin and modes of self enhancement and how the self is related to the
social group. Hilgard (1949) stated that the self can be an unifying concept
in problems of motivation. Gordon Allport (1937, 1943, 1955, 1966) throughout

emphasized the importance of self in contemporary psychology and agrued

for a purposeful rational man, aware of himself and controlling his future

through his aspirations.

But most consistent objection towards behaviourism came from Carl

Rogers (1947, 1951, 1954, 1959, 1965, 1969) who viewed self as a central

concept of the personality. He described the self as a phenomenological

concept (a pattern of conscious perceptions experienced by the individual)

which is of central importance to that individual's behaviour and adjustment.

Rogers also described self as a social product developing out of interpersonal

relationships and striving for consistency. He believed that there is a need

for positive regard both from others and from oneself, and that in every

human being there is a tendency towards self-actualization and growth

so long as this is permitted by the environment.

The self has been described as a person's total subjective environment

which is composite of thoughts and feelings and which constitutes a person's

awareness of his individual existence, his attitude towards his physical self
and his own behaviour and the sum total of all that he can call his (Howie,

1945; Jersild, 1952; Johnson, Mediums and James, 1902).

According to Combs and Snygg (1949, 1959), the basic drive of the

individual is the maintenance and enhancement of the self. They further

declared that, all behaviour, without exception, is dependent upon the indi­

vidual's personal frame of reference. In other words, behaviour is determined

by the totality of experience of which an individual is aware of at an instant
 99

of action, his "phenomenal field". But myriad of self-perceptions do not

exist in the perceptual field as mere describing the ways of seeing one's
self. Rather, according to Combs and Snygg (1959), the self-concept, the

'something' beneath one's skin which affects his/her behaviour, is an orga­

nisation of ideas about one seif which is derived from one's experience

with others and which is unique. This self, according to Combs and Snygg
(1959), is known as phenomenal self or perceived self. Throughout life one

is concerned with being approved by others. In this process, a concept is

built of behaviour which seems to lead to acceptance and love. Thus, the

emerging pattern gradually becomes a conscious synthesis of mental image

of what one is and what he thinks he is to other people.

Combs and Snygg's (1959) insistence on giving main importance to

the ways in which people see themselves and their worlds, was a significant

contribution to psychology and education.

From various definitions, presented above, Purkey (1970) has formed

a composite definition, by saying, "self is a complex and dynamic system

of beliefs which an individual holds true about himself and each belief con­
sists with a corresponding value".1

From the above discussion of the different definitions of self-concept,

certain important characteristics have emerged, which are mentioned below.

2.5.5.0. Characteristics of self-concept

2.5.5.1. (a) The self is organized

There is an agreement among researchers that the self has a general

stable quality, in its organization, which is characterised by harmony and

orderliness and which provides the core of human personality.

1. Purkey, W.W., "Self -concept end School Achievement". Prentice Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey, (1970), p. 7.
 100

FIG. 2.3
 101

From the spiral figure, representing this unity of organization of

the seif, it is found that the whole is made up of sub-parts which are known

as small spirals, each of which may be fairly well organized, but which

is part of the total self.

There are, however, certain features,of this organized self. These

are s

(i) The first feature of the organizational aspect of the self is

that there are countless number of beliefs that an individual

holds about himself. These are divided into several categories,

but are not equally significant to the person. Some beliefs

are close to the centre of the self, which are more stable
3

and highly resistant to the change, while others, which are

in the peripheral to the core of the self, are less stable (Lowe,

1961).

(ii) A second organizational feature of the self is that each concept

in the system has its own generally negative and positive aspects

or values. For example, being an Ihdian, might be very close

to the centre of the self but this could be viewed either nega­

tively or positively by the individual.

(iii) A third feature of the organized self, is that it is wonderfully

unique. No two people ever hold identical sets of beliefs about

themselves. This uniqueness of the organizational pattern of

the self, makes provision for an infinite variety of personalities.

2.5.5.2. (b) The self is dynamic

The dynamic aspect of the self is revealed through its constant striv­

ing for the maintenance and enhancement of the self, as has been described
 102

by Combs and Snygg (1959). Considering this aspect of the self, it may

be said, that experience is perceived in terms of relevance to the self and

that behaviour is determined by these perceptions. Considering various

opinions of different psychologists, the dynamic characteristic of the self

may be elaborated into four more aspects.

2.5.5.3. (i) The self as a vantage point

As Combs and Snygg commented: "The self is the individual's basic

frame of reference"2 therefore, it may be assumed that the perceptual

field is orgnized round the self and it is both the producer and the product

of the all the experiences. Infact, the world exists for the individual only

as he is conscious of it, - and this was the stand that was even taken by
the existentialists (May, 1961). Things and events are evaluated, the world

and its meaning is considered only in terms of how one sees these. Many

students do poorly in school simply because what school is doing seems

irrelevant to him and to his world.

2.5.5.4. (ii) Consistency of self

It is generally assumed that, unless a potentially new concept of

oneself appears to the individual to b© consistent and relevant to the con­

cepts already present in his systematized view of himself, the new concept

will be rejected or distorted. A student who considers himself a failure

at school will reject or distort evidence which contradicts his perceived

self, no matter how flattering the information may be.

2. A. W. Combs., end Snygg, D. Individual Behaviour, 2nd ed. New Yorla Harper 4 Row,
Publishers, 1959, p. 146.
 103

2.5.5.5. (iii) Resistance to change

Although, there are times when self-image may appear to shift ab­

ruptly, like, the child's first day in the school or marriage and so on; yet
it has been proved (Engel, 1959) that the stability of the self over a two-year

period of adolescence may be found and it was confirmed that self resists

change or modification to a surprising degree, which is desirable for a con­

sistent personality core.

2.5.5.6. (iv) Role in motivation

The constant striving of the self-for its maintenance and enhancement,

prove the presence of motivation. As Combs (1965) said, "an insatiable

need for the maintenance and enhancement of the self; not the physical

self - but the phenomenal self, of which the individual is aware, his self-
concept". 3

2.5.5.7. (c) Clarity and centrality of self perceptions

Like all other perceptions the phenomenal self has the feeling of

reality to the individual. His perceived self seems to him to be truly himself.

However, it is probably not possible for the individual ever to perceive

the total organization of his self perceptions clearly at any moment. Rather,

he perceives those aspects or concepts of self which emerge into figure

from time to time as he goes about the daily business of satisfying his

fundamental needs.

2.5.5.S. (d) Phenomenal self and the intensity of behaviour

The more closely related an experience is perceived to the phenomenal

self, the greater and intense will be its effect on behaviour. Because all

3. A.W. Combs. Some basic concepts in perceptual psychology. Paper read at American Person­
nel & Guidance Association Convention) Minneapolis, 1965, p. 8.
 104

behaviour is determined by the totality of experience perceived by the self

and the more consistent, relevant and more meaningful will be experiences,

the more intensely these will determine the behaviour pattern.

This is extremely important in the educational setting. To be effec­

tive, education must find ways of helping pupils discover the personal mean­
ing of events for them. It is only when events are perceived as having some
relationship to self that behaviour is changed as a result of perceiving.

2.5.6.0. Development of the self

2.5.6.1. Childhood

The major development of the self begins with the birth of the child

into the world of which he is going to become a part. Among the earliest
of differentiations made by the infant are those concerned with the discovery
of self. This is not an easy or simple process, but rather a long and involved
matter of exploration and discovery probably beginning with the differen­

tiation of the distinctions between "me" and "not me". However, it has

been claimed that the awareness of the self begins at the age of fifteen

months. As these experiences continue, one acquires a sense of being some­

thing apart from the environment, of being a separate object with dimen­

sions, movements, bodily characteristics, sound, - a "thing" having parti­

cularity and essence. At the same time one discovers a private world of

the mind which becomes identified as an abode of his feelings, sensations,

thoughts and choices. While these differentiations are at first made slowly

and with much difficulty, with the development of language the process

of self differentiation is vastly accelerated.

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2.5.6.2. Adolescence

Self-concept is an especially salient construct during the adolescent

years. Theoretical work and empirical work has suggested that adolescence

is an important time for changes in self-concept.

2.5.6.3. Changes in adolescent-self-concept

This change, however, has been considered from two aspects, by

Petersen (1980) :

(a) changes in the quality and quantity of self-concept, and

(b) factors influencing the nature of the self-concept.

2.5.6.4. (a) Quantitative and qualitative changes in self-concept

From the various studies, the quantitative changes have been con­
firmed. Studies done by Simmons et al, (1979); Simmons and Rosenberg,

(1975) during early adolescents; studies of adolescents in high school or

older by Nichols, (1963), point out towards the increase of self-image. Again,
the studies of Carlson, (1965) and Engel, (1959) point out towards stability

of self-concept during adolescence.

Regarding qualitative change of the self-concept, it has been found

from the study by Montemayor, and Eisen (1977) during early adolescence
that there are disturbances in self-image (Simmon et al. 1973). At mid-adoles­

cence, Coleman (1977) suggests that?parental pressure peaks, and the peer

group increases. Also, there are indications of course choices. By late adoles­
cence, the post-high-sehool years, youth "should" be integrating their selves;
though the studies of identity status suggest (Marcia, 1966, 1980), this task
does not come for many youth until later. Heterosexual relationships (Cole­
man, 1977) and occupational issues (Havinghust and Gottleib, 1975) become

important for many youth.

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2.5.6.5. (b) Factors influencing self-concept

Certain demographic factors have been found to influence the self-

concept of the adolescent youth.

2.5.6.6. Sex

Many studies have found that sex difference between boys and girls,
is important. Studies by Gove and Herb, (1974); Offer and Howard (1977);

Simmons and Rosenberg (1975), confirm this.

2.5.6.7. Cohort

Cohort or historical effects have been found an important variable

to cosider in the studies of adolescent development by Nesselroade and

Baltes, (1974).

2.5.6.S. Urbancity

Researches by Petersen, Offer and Kaplan, (1979), showed that rural

youth tended to report lower self-image than their more urban counterparts.

2.5.6.9. Socio-economic status

The major research on socio-economic status in relation to self-

concept has been done by Rosenberg (1965), who viewed that self-concept

is at least partly dependent upon adolescent's reference group. Other studies

point towards mixed results.

2.5.7.0. Some motivational and educational factors and self-concept

2.5.7.1. Self-concept and academic motivation

How an individual sees or perceives himself and the kinds of values

he develops are patterns set early in life, which has been proved from the
 107

(5) The individual must have internalized standards for performance

against which he,or she can evaluate his or her work (Aronfreed,

1968; McClleland et al. 1953).

However, from the studies of Ballif and Kramer (1978) and Kramer
(1979) with the adolescents, it was proved that increased confident thinking

of learning capacities on the part of the individual increases motivation

to learn or academic motivation.

2.5.7.2. Seif-concept and achievement motivation

There have been many studies to determine the relation between

the self-concept and achievement motive and the results are found to be

mixed in nature.

However, Martire (1956) in his study ventured to find out the relation­

ship between the self-concept and the differences in the strength and gene­

rality of achievement motivation. He investigated the nature of differences

in seif concept among four groups of Ss classified, according to the strength

and generality of achievement motivation. Thematic apperception measures

of achievement motivation were obtained for 53 male college students

under both neutral and achievement motivating conditions. Self Ideal and

self measures were obtained by having Ss rank 26 traits according to their

importance and in terms of how characteristic of them each trait was. It

was found that Ss who obtained high n-Achievement scores under both neutral

and achievement motivating conditions, were found to have a significantly

greater discrepancy between their self-ideal and self-ratings on the five

achievement - related traits combined, than Ss in three other categories.

This proves that self-concept and achievement motivation might be related.
 108

studies of Hawkes (1950), Shaw and McCuen (1960). In terms of achievement

patterns, Bloom (1964), opined that from the evidence of Ebert-Simmons

(1943) is proved that about one third of vocabulary development is completed

by the time an individual enters the school. There is also evidence by Bloom
(1964) that "school and home environments are most effective in determining

the growth of the individual in periods of rapid growth and are least effec­
tive in the periods of less rapid"1*; meaning, that adolescence is the period

when unique opportunities are presented to the educators for bringing desired

cognitive development. Even so, not all adolescents are motivated to learn

to the same degree. In fact, motivation to learn in the school and college
or academic motivation varies tremendously, from one to another.

However, Adkins and Ballif, (1970, 1972) through a series of investi­

gations identified five patterns of thinking that determine motivation to »

seek knowledge and pursue learning in schools. These are :

(1) The individual must think that learning will be pleasurable

or beneficial in some way. These affective associations are

possessed as information (Posner and Snyder, 1975).

(2) The individual will not engage in learning without the thought
that he or she has some possibility of being successful (Atkinson,

1964).

(3) The individual must know how to set up personal goals and

how to use these eatablished goals to direct behaviour.

(4) The individual must have some knowledge of the instrumental

steps that will be effective in accomplishing these specific

goals.

4. Benjamin Bloom. Stability and change in human characteristics, New York, John Wiley
& Sons, 1964, p. 38.
 109

In other words, positive self-concept may induce high n-Achievement, parti­

cularly considering the opinion of Combs and Snygg (1959) that the main

drive force for an individual is the striving to maintain and enhance the
self and Maslow's (1954, 1956) insistence that self-actualization occupies

a very important place in the hierarchical gradation of various needs. There­

fore, it would not be wrong to assume that a child having positive self-
concept might strive to achieve excellence.

2.5.7.3. Self-concept and vocational aspiration

A recent trend has developed among young people, particularly among

adolescent boys and girls, that their interest, expectations and thinking
are primarily concerned in terms of vocational engagements (Amatora,

I960; Slocum, 1958 and others). The logic behind such behaviour might

be that people usually choose certain vocations because the job-role satisfies
the personality needs (Siegelman and Peck, 1960).

However, the mention of a rather interesting study may be made,

conducted by Rosenberg and Rosenberg (1979). The study intends to find

out, what Piaget (1970) has referred to as an "anticipatory image", that

is the future occupational status of both younger and older children. It

was found from the study that younger children are much more disposed
to conceptualize the self and other people in terms of a social exterior;
they are attuned to the concrete, visible and surface aspects of things
and people. Older children, on the other hand, are more oriented toward

occupations involving work with data and people and logical operations.

But social learning also plays a very important role in the formation of

the desired future self in both cases.

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2.5.7.4. Self-concept and academic performance or achievement

The relationship between the self-concept and academic achievement

or performance have been amply established through citation of various

studies in related literature. However, a great deal of caution is needed

before one assumes that either the self-concept determines academic per­

formance or that academic performance shapes self-concept. It may be

that the relationship between the two is caused by some factor yet to be

determined. The best evidence now available suggests that it is a two-way

process, that there is a continuous interaction between the self and academic

achievement, and that each directly influences the other.

2.5.7.5. The self-concept Influences academic performance

It is universally agreed that perception about one's own self deter­

mines the behaviour pattern. Several studies have concluded that self-con­
cepts stand in a causal relationship to academic achievement or performance.

In an investigation of the relationship between children's perception

of themselves and their world while in kindergarten and their subsequent

achievement in reading in the first grade, Lamy (1965) found that these

perceptions obtained from inferences made by trained observers, gave as

good a prediction of later reading achievement as intelligence test scores.

Lamy suggested that perceptions of a child about himself and his world
are not only related to but may, infact, be causal factors in, his subsequent
reading achievement.

Harrer (1964) worked with nineth-graders and found that the reported

self-concept of ability was better than the I.Q. as a predictor of the achieve­
ment of both public-school male students and institutionalized delinquent

boys.
 Ill

Keefer (1966), in studying self-predictors of academic achievement

by college students, found they were better predictors of collegiate achieve­

ment than high school grades.

2.5.7.6. Academic performance influences self-concept

A number of researchers, (Diller, 1954; Stotland and Zander, 1958;

Borislow, 1962 and Dyson, 1967) have explored the conditions under which

success and failure of a person affect evaluations of himself.

From the study of Gibby and Gibby (1967), it was found that under

the stress of the failure situation, able children performed less effectively.

Further, as shown by self-referent statements, children in the experimental

group tended to regard themselves less highly and show a decrement in

intellectual productivity.

On the other hand, evidence shows that successful performance raises

self-concept. Carlton and Moore (1966, 1968) allowed culturally disadvantaged

children to select and dramatize stories. They found significant changes

in the self-concepts of their subjects, as well as improved reading ability,

and reported that the changes in the self-concept were relatively permanant.
This study seems to echo earlier study by Diller (1954), who worked with

college students and found that success enhanced their self-concept.

The conclusion seems obvious that a student carries with him certain
attitudes about himself and his abilities which play a primary role in how
he performs in school or college.
 112

2.6.0. 0. Origin and Pawn in the classroom

2.6.1.0. Meaning of the words : "Origin" and "Pawn"

Richard deCharms (1968) in his book "Enhancing motivation", advances

the ideology of "origin" and "pawn".

The pawn is the chessman of least value. Figuratively, 'pawn' is

referred to a person, who is pushed around by others; a person who is

used to further the purpose of others.

A person who is not pushed around by others, but goes about seeking

his own goals, can be said to originate his own behaviour. When this happens,

it may be said that he is acting as an origin. In other words, a pawn would

be at most externally motivated, while an origin would be internally moti­

vated. In a way, origin seemed to be better than pawn.

2.6.2.0. Philosophy behind the terminology

The author, deCharms, however, derived the origin-pawn dimension

initially from motivation theory. But later on, it was applied for educational

problems too.

In the traditional classroms, quite often a child became a pawn,

being dictated by the teacher. The belief behind the origin-pawn ideology
was that, if the child could be encouraged to originate his own learning
behaviour, then it would seem, he could be more of an origin than pawn
in the school.

To be more precise, behind this belief of deCharms, certain logical

assumptions prevailed, which he has termed as "Personal Causation". Accord­

ing to him, the objective antecedents of a person's behaviour may be exter­

nal events, but to the person he is the cause of his behaviour when he
 113

decides to act from personal commitment. This is personal causation and

it is, in the opinion of deCharms, from this fundamental assumption about

motivation, stemmed his ideology of origin and pawn. In his words : "Man's

primary motivational propensity is to be effective in producing changes

in his environment. Man strives to be a causal agent, to be the primary

locus of causation for, or the origin of, his behaviour; he strives for personal
causation".1

2.6.2.1. Two aspects of personal causation

The two terms, however, represent, two motivational states or

feelings, which are basic to the personal causation. An origin is a person

who feels that he is in control of his fate; he feels that the cause of

his behaviour is within himself. A pawn feels that he is pushed around

and the locus of causality for his behaviour is external to himself. The

motivational aspects of these two states also differ. The origin is positively

motivated, optimistic; confident, accepting of challange. The pawn is

negatively motivated, defensive, irresolute, avoidant of challange. The
origin feels potent, the pawn feels powerless (deCharms, 1968).

It should be understood that, origin-pawn is not motivation; it is

a feeling of purpose and commitment (or the lack of it), that can apply

to any specific motive.

2.6.3.0. Theoretical and practiced differences between origin and pawn

There are both theoretical and practical differences between origin

and pawn concept. The theoretical difference refers to the feeling of

1. Richard deCharms. Enhancing Motivation s Change In the classroom. Irvington Publishers,

Inc., New York, 1968, p. 269.
 f
114

the person, i.e., his personal reaction to his own capabilities; and the prac­

tical difference is the actions associated with feelings of commitment

and competence (White, 1959), as opposed to aimlessness and powerlessness.

2.6.3.1. Characteristics of origin behaviour

On the basis of classroom observations and analysis of the behaviour

of some pupils, deCharms and his associates, derived some behavioural

traits, which might be described as characteristics of origin behaviour.

These are s

(a) Origin pupils have more commitment to work,

(b) Origin pupils have more work-oriented behaviour,

(c) Origin pupils have more concentration and attentiveness,

(d) Origin pupils have more assumption of personal responsibility

as expressed in volunteering for extra tasks, support of others,

and aid to weaker students,

(e) Origin students have more creativity in artistic arrangements

and illustrations,
(f) Origin pupils have less overt anxiety and pretentious behaviour,
(g) Origin pupils have more interaction with better students and

the teacher,
(h) Origin pupils have more capability to master problems and

to cope with situations.

2.6.3.2. Characteristics of pawn behaviour

Pawn behaviour, however, was determined in comparison with the

"norm" indicated :

(a) Pawn pupils have more submissive behaviour,

 115

(b) Pawn pupils have more strict obedience to authority,

(c) Pawn pupils have greater dependence on external reinforcement,

(d) Pawn pupils have more pretentious behaviour,

(e). Pawn pupils have greater anxiety and helplessness.

2.6.3.3. Basic conditions for origin

deCharms, however, believed that four basic elements of conditions

encouraged feeling and acting like an origin :

First, the person should be encouraged to consider carefully his

basic motives (self-study) in a warm atmosphere of acceptance by others

in the group;

Secondly, the setting should help him to translate his motives into
realistic short-and long-range goals (internal goal setting);

Third, to plan realistic and concrete action to attain the goals

(planning and goal-directed behaviour);

Finally, the setting should help him to learn to accept responsibility

for selected goals as well as for the success and failure of his attempts
to reach them(personal responsibility).

deCharms had conviction of the fact, that if these conditions could

be built into a learning and training setting and experiences, they should
induce increased commitment and purpose, greater personal responsibility,
and higher motivation, all within a context of meaning to the life of the

individual. In other words, it may be said, by treating a person as an origin

means helping him to be an origin and to be more effective in reaching
his own goals. This, in the opinion of deCharms, could be done by providing
 116

special training for the teachers, who, in turn, would ensure an "origin

climate" in the classroom for the students.

2.6.4.0. The origin classroom

From the observation of an experimental classroom, where teachers

were specially trained to treat students as an origin, certain differences,

from the traditional classrooms, were found in respect of particular areas;

such as, pattern of reaction, discipline, freedom and security, co-operation

and competition, individual and social maturity.

Patterns of reaction between the teacher and the students were

free and natural. As regards the discipline, a self-regulatory disciplinary

system was adopted by the students and maximum freedom was granted

to them. As a result, students felt secure. Another notable feture was

displayed by the origin class, which was students1 high degree of co-operation
and helpfulness towards each other. Individual and social maturity of the
classroom was revealed by the sincerity displayed through the interaction

between the teacher and the students.

2.6.5.0. Learning of personal causation

The research findings of deCharms (1968) confirmed that training

in personal causation - for the students decidedly increased their score in

origin measure.

deCharms, however, opined that the most suitable period for the

development of personal causation for the child is after early affectivity

and before cognitive maturity. deCharms has specified this period, as

the period of conative development. The word 'conation' signifies action.
Hence, deCharms thinks that at this period training in "striving" might
 117

produce good result for the child's active goal seeking process and helping

him to adopt realistic strategies.

2.6.6.0. The original climate questionnaire

deCharms (1968) and his associates, Koenigs and Hess, however,

have prepared an original climate questionnaire, in order to measure the

origin feeling of the students in the classroom. Those students, whose

feelings proved not to be of origin, would be classified as having pawn

feeling. The detailed description of the tool will be given in the appropriate

chapter and section.