a rc h ite c tu a lth e o ry .

e u 1

Otto Neurath - City Planning

Proposing a socio-p olitical M a p for M o d e rn Urbanism

S o p h ie H o c h h a u s l

innsbruck university press

architecturaltheory.eu

innsbruck university press

Sophie Hochhausl

Otto Neurath - City Planning

Proposing a socio-political Map for
Modern Urbanism
MA. Mag. arch. Sophie Hochhausl
Phd Candidate in the History of Architecture and Urban Development,
Cornell University, New York

Univ.-Prof. Ir. Bart Lootsma

Institut fur Architekturtheorie und Baugeschichte, Universitat Innsbruck

Diese Publikation w u rd e mit finanzieller Unterstutzung aus den Forderm itteln des
Bundesm inisterium s fiir W is se n s ch a ft und Forschung W ie n und des Vizerektorats fur
Forschung der Leopold-Franzen s-U niversitat Innsbruck gedruckt.

© innsbruck university press, 2011

Universitat Innsbruck, Vizerektorat fur Forschung

1. Auflage

Alle Rechte vorbehalten.

Gestaltung und Layout: M arkus Rampl, Franz X aver Sitter

Covermotiv: City Planning, ca. 1937, Otto and M arie Neurath

Isotype Collection, Departm ent of Typography & Graphic

Com munication, University of Reading

P roduktionsbetreuung: Bettina S chlorhaufer

Druck: Druckerei Theiss GmbH, St. Stefan im Lavanttal

w w w .uibk.ac.at/iup

IS BN 978-3-902811-07-3
Acknowledgments

M uch has been w ritten about N eurath in re c e n t years, and his red iscovery in the fields
of architecture and urbanism is c ertainly due to N a d er V ossoughian's book "O tto N e u r­
ath: The Language o f the G lobal Polis." So my thanks are first and forem ost to him. Not
only because his book contains such a vast am ount of carefully conducted res e arc h
and w as therefore alw ays a point of orientatio n, but also b e cause he has shared his
know ledge in so m any conversations. In addition, he w a s a lw ays e ag e r to encou rage
me to go my ow n path.
In w riting this essay I have also been supported by m any other individuals and institu­
tions. I am indebted to my advisors Christian Otto and M a rk M orris at Cornell University.
I w an t to thank Christian Otto for his critical reading, his eye for historical details and his
feeling for w ords, language and text as w ell as his tireless energy and encou ragem ent.
Equally I w a n t to thank M a rk M orris for his gre at cap a c ity to see larg e r contexts so
clearly as w ell as his ability to alw ays ask the right questions.
For my research travels I am indebted to Cornell's D e partm ent of A rc h itec tu re at large
and its D etw e ile r Fund w hich enabled me to visit N eurath archives in Holland, England
and Austria.
From the Otto and M a rie Neurath Isotype Collection at the D e partm ent of T ypography at
the University of Reading I w a n t to thank Eric Kindel and Diane Bilbey w ho have hosted
and supported my research undertakings so actively m ore than once. From the Gerd
Arntz Archive at The Hague's G em eentem useum I w a n t to thank Frans P eterse and from
the O ntw erpw erk Laura van Uitert and her c olleagues w ho have m ade Gerd Arntz's leg ­
acy available to a much larger audience w ith its w eb -arc h ive . Brigitte M e rsic h from the
Austrian National Library has been very know ledgeab le about N eurath's inheritance.
Special thanks are in order to Daniel W e iss from the gta archive of the ETH Zurich, w ho
has provided me w ith so m uch detailed inform ation from the C IA M archives. His true
dedication to the archive and his detailed know ledge has contributed in finding the right
traces.
I also w an t to thank G odelieve Bolten from the N oord-H ollands A rc h ief w hich holds the
papers of the Vienna Circle in the N etherlands, and G erhard Halusa from G esellschafts-
und W irtschaftsm useum in Vienna.
Particular support w as given to me from N eurath scholars. Eric Kindel and Chris Burke
from the Departm ent of Typography at the University of Reading w ho are so tirelessly
dedicated to the Otto and M a rie Neurath Isotype Collection and ISOTYPE REVISTED. I
w an t to thank Enrico Chapel and Andreas Faludi w hose texts on N eurath and planning
have been great sources of insight and Frank Hartm ann and Sybilla Nikolow w ho have
been so generous in sharing their know ledge w ith me. And last but not least I am deeply
indebted to Elisabeth Nem eth w hose kind invitation to participate in the w orkshop Pic­
turing Social Facts, on Neurath's Visual Language held at the 33,d W ittgenstein Sym po­
sium in 2010 has introduced me to so m any m ore N eurath scholars.
I w a n t to thank my old c olleagues in V ienna and the new ones here at Cornell; Christina
Lenart, Paul H ebenstreit, Richard S chaffranek, M a n u e l Singer and Rudiger Suppin w ith
w hom distance has proven not to be an obstacle to m aintaining focused discussions
on N e urath and archite c tu re and w h o have never been tired in engaging questions of
urbanism , m apping and w riting.
M y friend Josi W a rd , w h o is th e m ost dedicated young historian I know , and Dan Law ­
ton have been a w onderful editors.
Lastly I w a n t to state th a t a grant from the Austrian Federal M inistry for Education, Arts
and Culture is w h a t has m ade publishing this book possible, as w ell as the support of
Innsbruck University. And it is the re w h e re I find my research on Neurath has been most
fruitful - in a c onversation w ith students in the studio of th e D epartm ent for A rchitecture
Theory. So my thanks go to the students and to all w h o have been involved in organiz­
ing this c ollaborative e ffort on N eurath a t th e University of Innsbruck, this book and the
c onversation it preceded; M a rku s Rampl and Franz X av e r Sitter w h o have gone above
and beyond th e call of duty for the graphics of the book; Bettina S chlorhaufer w ho kept
the c om m unication betw ee n Ithaca and Innsbruck running; and B art Lootsma w ho has
been my friend, role m odel and first m entor.

To m y sister Laura
and all the other archite c tu re students like her, w h o are critical and fearless!

Sophie Hochhausl, Itha ca , M a rc h 2011

Contents

From Mapping to Operating System

Bart Lootsma

Introduction
Sophie Hochhausl

Chapter 1
Otto Neurath's Urbanist Convictions

Chapter 2
Otto Neurath's Graphic Convictions

Chapter 3
Otto Neurath's Pedagogical Convictions

Chapter 4
CIAM as Catalyst for the 1937 Map

Chapter 5
The 1937 Map - City Planning

Chapter 6
Conclusion

Bibliography

Image Credits
 From Mapping to Operating System
Otto Neurath's Urbanistic Legacy

Bart Lootsma

Figure 0.1: Otto Neurath with Mayor Karl Seitz. Vienna, ca. 1930

Otto N eurath is know n, am ong other things, as a philosopher, a sociologist, and as a

political econom ist. His pioneering w ork, together w ith the artist Gerd Arntz, on the
Isotype pictorial language is w id ely acknow ledged am ong graphic designers and
inform ation designers. M o re recently, architects and urbanists have becom e m ore and
m ore interested in N eurath's role as an urban planner in post-W orld W a r 1 Vienna. From
1922 on, Neurath w as sec retary of the Austrian "Siedlungs- und K leingartenw esen",
the association for housing and sm all gardens. In this position he supported m any self-
help groups and associations in building their own hom es and neighborhoods. Neurath
proved to be an original and strong organizer w ho, building upon the existing settlem ent
activity, through his a nalytical abilities and ideas about an econom y in kind, m anaged
to construct a com pletely n e w kind of organization in housing and planning. The
growing interest in N e urath's w o rk in a rc h ite c tu re and urbanism is fed by th e grow ing
aw areness th a t a thorough understanding of bottom -up processes is again increasingly
im portant in urban planning, be it b e cause of th e lack of c le a r planning perspectives,
the explosive grow th of shanty tow ns and inform al urbanism all over the w orld or
because of the effects of deregulations and privatizations in the W e s te rn Europe. W a rs
and econom ical crises m ay also have contributed to a n e w interest in N e urath's ideas
about the W a r Econom y and total socialization.
Until recently, m ainly sociologists and philosophers studied N e u rath 's w ork. N otably the
Institute Vienna Circle w ith Elisabeth N em eth and Friedrich S ta dle r published num erous
articles and books on the th e o re tica l aspects of his w ork. Of course, N e urath figures
significantly in Eve Blau's study The A rc h ite c tu re o f R ed Vienna 1 9 1 9 - 1934.' S ca tte re d
publications, such as P eter G alison's article on the relationship b e tw ee n N e u rath , logical
positivism and the B auhaus d re w further attention to N e u rath 's w o rk ,2 w hile N eurath
appears m arginally in studies on C IA M , as for exam ple in Kees S om er's book, The
Functional City, on the Dutch a rc h ite c t and urbanist Cornelis van E esteren.3 R esearch
done at the Berlage Institute in Rotterdam , the University of Innsbruck and the A cadem y
of fine Arts in V ienna under my guidance provided first hints to th e forgotten potential
of N eurath's w o rk in the field or a rchitecture and urbanism . An im portant c atalyst in
the grow ing interest in N eurath's w ork w as N a d er Vossoughian's book Otto N e u rath :
The Language o f the G lobal P olis* based on the PhD Vossoughian w ro te at Columbia
University.5 Vossoughian's book provided a first introduction to N e u rath 's w o rk in the
field of architecture and urbanism . The exhibitions V ossoughian organized in leading
galleries and m useum s in Europe and the United S tates inspired m ore architects,
urbanists and scholars in these fields to study and d ebate N eurath's contribution and
to speculate on w h e th e r aspects of it could play a role in the contem porary debate on
urbanism again.
This book by Sophie Hochhausl is an e xcellent exam ple of such an approach. It tries to
move aw a y from the dom inant interpretation of N eurath's involvem ent in the Viennese
Settlem ent M o v e m en t as a phenom enon situated in a specific place in a specific tim e,
as this inevitably leads to a rhetoric of "Rise and Fall." This history w ould begin w ith
the w ild and anarchistic settlers, w ho through m ass dem onstrations on the Vienna
Ringstrasse show ed their potential p ow er and, w e re at first only hesitantly accep ted
by the Social Dem ocrats. In th a t process they becam e gradually absorbed in the official
planning system, slowly losing their m om entum until it finally ended w ith the fall of "Red
Vienna" in 1934 and the exile of the main protagonists, such as Otto Neurath. Sophie
Hochhausl by contrast focuses on N eurath’s later urbanistic w ork, m ost notably his
involvement w ith C IA M and the 1937 map, as it w as published in A rc h itec tu ra l Record.
This contribution is c ru cial, as it show s how Neurath's body of thoughts developed
from approaches th a t w e re first strictly the ore tica l and scientific, over a period in
w hich he w a s an im portant pioneer in policy m aking and governance, making scientific
inform ation available and a ccessib le to w id e r audiences, to decades in w hich he looked
to integrate his scientific and educational m ethods into the ne w m odernist "language"
of a rchitects and urban planners: plan, elevation, section and notably mapping.
W e are th e refo re happy to be able to present this book as the first volum e of the series
e dited by archite c tu ralth eo ry .eu , the chair for a rchitectural theory at the University
of Innsbruck. The continuity of arch ite c tu ral thought th a t sprung from the Viennese
S ettlem e n t M o v e m e n t s an im portant focal point of our research under the um brella of
a project th a t w e call "O ut of the W ild ."

Out of the Wild

"O ut of th e W ild " is a res e arc h project by th e chair for a rchitectural theory of the
U niversity of Innsbruck. Initially, students and staff from th e platform History, Theory
and Criticism of the A c ad e m y of Fine Arts in V ienna w e re involved as w ell and played a
cru cial role in its setup. Out of the W ild tries to find continuities in a rchitectural thinking
th a t cam e out of the Viennese S ettlem e n t M o v e m e n t a ite r the firs\.\Nor\d W a r. It tries to
figure out if and how these ideas spread and w e re developed further and if they have a
potential fo r arc h ite c tu re and urbanism today and in the ne ar future.
The project centers around th re e Austrian -born a rchitects and theoreticians: Otto
N eurath (1882 - 1945), Friedrich Kiesler (1890 - 1965) and Christopher Alexander (born
1936) but also investigates personalities, ideas, projects, events and m ovem ents in
th e ir vicinity. An im portant tool in this res e arc h is a w eb site , w w w .ou to fth ew ild .e u ,
w h ich a llow s us to visualize both direc t synchronous relationships b etw een people and
events as w e ll as relationships and developm ents in tim e. The idea and structure for
this w eb site w e re developed by arc h ite c tu re students and staff of the A cadem y of Fine
A rts in V ienna (Florian M e d icu s) and th e U niversity of Innsbruck. M ic h ae l Hofstadter
from Ovos w e b design program m ed it. The w eb site consists of a database, a custom ized
Content M a n a g e m e n t System (C M S ) and a w e b interface, w hich not only allow s us
to store and p resent events and contents in a range of different form ats, but also to
visualize the relationships betw ee n these different contents/events in history and
b e tw ee n e ac h other. This provides a n e w and m ore com plex v ie w of these relationships.
The title of the project - "O ut of the W ild " - is an inversion of Into the Wild, the title
of the 1996 non-fiction book by Jon Krakauer® and also the title Sean Penn's 2007
m ovie th a t w a s based on it, in w hich the young A m erican Chris M cC andless, probably
influenced by th e g re at Rom antic A m erican tradition of Henri David Thoreau and Jack
London, leaves civilization behind to survive on his ow n in nature. A t the end of the
book, afte r having tried in vain to return to civilization and shortly before he dies from
eating poisoned plants and starvation, the m ain protagonist w rites his last entry in his
diary: "H appiness is only real w he n s hared."7 This sentence seem s alm ost an echo of
Otto N eurath's dictum th a t "The sum of w orld happiness is too small. It m ust be m ade
bigger."8 "O ut of th e W ild " tries to find a w a y to transform a tradition or urbanism th a t
is based on liberal individualism , as it b e cam e heavily prom oted from th e 1970s on, into
forms of urbanism th a t seek out synergies and also try to address shared needs and
desires w ithout returning to classical collectivist exam ples.

Surveys

Scientific m ethods in arc h ite c tu re and urbanism b e cam e increasingly im portant in

Europe a fter the first W o rld W a r. They ranged from e m pirical esthetics to functional
analyses. Taylorism and Fordism left th e ir tra c e s from France to Russia, as J ean-Lou is
Cohen has dem onstrated in S ce n e s o f the W o rld to C o m e } Of course, statistics have
played an im portant role in W e s te rn Europe and its colonies for c enturies. As Ian
Hacking rem arks:

"Every state, happy o r unhappy, w a s s ta tistic a l in its o w n w ay. [ ...]

Visionaries, acc ounta nts an d g e n era ls ha ve p la n n ed c ensuses in m a ny
tim es and p la c e s .”'0

How ever, w ith the explosive g row th from cities to m etropolises at the end of the nineteenth
century, the survey becam e increasingly im portant for urbanism and soon becam e a
crucial tool in the planning and design process all over Europe. T herefore, it is no surprise
that all key urban projects th a t w e re developed in the afterm ath of W orld W a r 1 w e re
largely driven by statistics. These statistics tied projects, w hich w e re often presented as
visionary and from the 1950s on dismissed as "utopian" to the everyday reality of the city.
Le Corbusier, for exam ple, presented his Contem porary City fo r Three M illion Inhabitants
from 1922 in his O euvre Com plete" accom panied by quantitative com parisons to other
cities and four facsim ile im ages of his sketchbook th a t w e re largely filled w ith statistical
calculations. It w as a city for three million inhabitants because Paris had 3,000,000
inhabitants in 1922. The program for Le Corbusier's C ontem porary C/fy w a s distilled from
extrapolations of the actual program of the city of Paris. In "G roG stadtarchitektur",12
Ludwig Hilberseim er criticized Le Corbusiers Contem porary City for not giving an
adequate answ er to the given num bers and proceeded to present his proposal for a High
Rise City from 1924, th a t w as developed as a rem edy for the increasing congestion in the
centre of the city of Berlin. Setting up a ne w d epartm ent for city developm ent in the 1920s,
advised by architect Cornelis van Eesteren, the social dem ocratic alderm en of the city of
Amsterdam opted for a scientific approach from the beginning. First, in 1928, Theodoor
Karel van Lohuizen, an urban planner specialized in surveys w as hired and only later the
architect Cornelis van Eesteren. W ith their surveys they w e re able to prove that the inner
city of Am sterdam could largely survive in the state they found it. A fter that, from 1929 on,
they developed the AUP, the fam ous general extension plan of Am sterdam , w hich w as
realized with minor adaptations until the year 2000.
W h a t these projects had in common w as that, first of all, they sought rem edies for the
congestion of the cities centers, w hich w as due to their explosive growth; and second,
th a t these solutions departed from the assum ption th a t it w ould be possible - among
m any other things - to realize larg e -s c ale infrastructural and industrially produced
building projects by mobilizing larg e -s c ale m unicipal, state or industrial investm ents.
The w a y this capital could be deployed. The internal organization of these projects
differed from case to case, depending on the ideological v ie w of the architects and
politicians involved. The S aint S im onist Le Corbusier had the industrial elite dominating
the centre; the socialist H ilberseim er sought to delim it the alienation of w ork by
proposing neighborhood units, in w hich dw elling w as im m ediately superim posed on
industry; and V an E esteren and V an Lohuizen, w orking for the social dem ocratic city
council, distributed all functions as equally over the A m sterdam as they could.
Otto N eurath, as the " a rc h ite ct" of th e Viennese S ettlem e n t M ovem ent, shared some
essen tial chara cteris tics w ith his notorious c olleagues, in particular his belief in
scientific m ethods and statistics. H o w e ve r, rad ically different from them , statistics w ere
not the im m ediate, unquestionable basis to produce a program for experts to develop
an urban project but rather an e ducational tool for the m asses, to help them shape
th e ir ow n individual lives and to understand w h a t the y voted for. Also, different from
m ost of his colleagues at the tim e, N eurath departed from issues th a t figured in the
periph ery of th e city of Vienna - the c en ter having been organized before W orld W a r 1
w ith th e Ringstrasse and the large infrastru ctu ral w orks planned by Otto W a g n e r. Also,
at lea s t initially, N e urath had a very diffe re nt ta k e on the industrialization of housing
production, as he did not im m ediately d e p art from large, abstra c t quantities of housing
and other functions needed, but from the sm allest possible, c o ncrete u n it the individual
hut built by th e settlers them selves. This w a s related to his belief to be able to continue
a fte r th e collapse of th e econo m ical system during the w a r w ith an econom y in kind, in
w h ich th e re w a s no m oney involved. D ifferent from his colleagues in the rest of Europe,
he thus aim ed at a "C onverse Taylor S ystem ." D ifferent from m ost of his colleagues,
N eurath did not propose to te a r cities dow n or c re a te artificial land to form a tabula rasa
to build upon but w orke d w ith the situation at hand, w hich he tried to im prove in small
steps, alm ost as in his fam ous m etap hor in w h ich the body of know ledge is com pared to
a boat th a t m ust be rep aired at sea;

W e a re like sailors w ho on the open s ea m ust reco n s tru c t th e ir ship

bu t a re n e v e r able to s ta rt a fresh from the bottom. W here a beam is
taken a w a y a n e w one m ust a t once be p u t there, a n d fo r this the res t
o f the ship is u sed as support. In this w ay, by using the old beam s and
driftw ood the ship can be s h ap e d e ntirely a n ew , bu t only by gradual
reconstruction.'3

W h e re as most m odernist approaches to urbanism have increasingly come under attack

from the 1950s on just because of their abstract approach th a t tried to build cities from
scratch, N eurath's contribution to urbanism , notwithstanding a revival o verth e last couple
of years, has alm ost been forgotten. There are m any reasons for this. Soon in the 1920s,
"Red V ienna" also chose m ore collective approaches, because large-scale collective
projects proved m ore e fficient in solving the housing problem. A fter 1934 m any of the
people involved left Austria to live in exile. But as the project "Out of the W ild " w ould
like to show , this did not stop th e th eoretical im pulses Otto Neurath and the Viennese
S ettlem ent M o v e m e n t had given a rchitectural and urban thinking - ideas th a t w ould be
further developed in the w ork of other n otable Austrian-born architects and theoreticians,
such as Friedrich Kiesler and Christopher A lexander. Today, this tradition m ay even have
more potentialthan m ore established m odernist approaches in architecture and urbanism.

Shantytowns

Today, a rchitecture and urbanism are confronted w ith n e w tasks and challenges, one,
of course, being the need fo r m ore s ustainable lifestyles. The w a y w e analyze and
calculate the ecological footprint of a house today rem inds one of the w a y Otto N eurath
unraveled the Rootstock o f a S ettlem e n t H ous e ." O ther tasks and c h allenges arise as
consequences of the postcolonial era. G lobalization does not just consist of increasing
flow s of people, data, m oney and goods all over the w orld. It also m eans th a t w e can no
longer blend out the increasing pe rce n ta g e of settlem ents in th e w orld th a t consist of
shantytow ns. W ith over fifty per cen t of th e w orld population living in them , th e y are an
ever-increasing part of the context of arch ite c tu re. The w a y shantytow ns are built, hut
after hut by the people them selves, bears striking sim ilarities to the situation in V ienna
after the first W o rld W a r. The refo re archite c tu re and urbanism w ill inevitably have to
rethink their roles in the w orld, putting them selves in th e service of the people w h o live
there. Large-scale m odernist housing program s, such as those th a t w e re still successful
in Hong Kong and Singapore in the 1950s and 1960s, are not possible any m ore today
because of the im m ense investm ents needed. Looking a t the increasing am ount o f quasi
tem porary cam ps in our cities - the refugee c enters, the hom eless sleeping in tents in
Paris and in the United States, the Roma in Italian cities, th e victim s of earthq uakes
in Italy and Turkey, the victim s of Katrina in N e w Orleans; or looking a t th e explosive
increase of inform al settlem ents in Turkey and in the form e r Yugoslavian countries, etc.,
etc. - this context inevitably m oves closer and closer. R etroactive legalization of illegal
and inform al extensions of cities, as largely financed by institutions like the W orld Bank
and the European Union, is an unavoidable task. It is, h ow ever, only the first step in the
direction of another form of m ental am nesty th a t w ill allow us to sta rt w orking on these
shantytowns in proactive w ays.

Otto Neurath

M ore than any other historical exam ple, Otto N eurath and the Viennese S ettlem ent
M ovem ent from the period im m ediately after the first W orld W a r might help us to find
new perspectives for dealing w ith today's situation. In 1919, Vienna w as in a desperate
state and hundreds of thousands of fam ilies, both from outside the city and from the city
itself, sought refuge around allotm ent gardens and in the periphery to avoid starvation by
growing their own food. For many observers of the city, these "Zigeunersiedler" or gypsy
 1 9 8 - b W U RZELSTO CK EINES SIE D LE R H A U SE S

Figure 0 2: Ono Neurath. "Wurcelstock eines Siedlerhauses" (Rootstock o( a Settlement House)

settlers w e re the ideal citizen-planners in th a t they relied on k now -how and instinct,
utilizing everything around them , from urban refuse to tre es and captured prey, to ensure
th e ir survival. They illustrated the pow er of com m unity as an a gent of urban reform , and
as a forc e th a t had the potential fo r im proving life in the m etropolis m ore extensively.'5
The governing S ocial D em ocratic Party a c c ep ted and supported this m ovem ent
reluctantly, but still alm ost from th e beginning, as it k new it could not afford any
collective infrastru ctu re and w an ted to build upon the self-supporting energy of the
settlers. For N e u rath , w ho had been w orking on theories related to the socialization
of econo m y in V ienna a fte r becom ing g eneral sec retary of the Research Institute for
"G em e in w irtsc h aft" in 1919, this w a s an ideal opportunity to put his ideas into practice.
As a key player in the A us trian S e ttlem e n t a n d A llo tm e n t Garden Association, the Public
U tility S ettlem e n t a n d Building M a te ria l Corporation (G ESIBA), the S ettlem ent an d the
Housing a n d Construction G uild o f A ustria, N eurath looked fo r a “Converse Taylor
System ," in w hich he tried to com bine bottom -up and top-dow n strategies borrow ed
from industry.18 In the diagram of the Rootstock o f a S ettlem e n t House, Neurath dissected
a settler's house into all its com ponents and tra ce d them back through different forms
of production to th e ir origins in the reigns of m inerals, plants and animals. A diagram
in sim ilar style unraveled the organization of an industrial com pany, in w hich m any did
standardized w ork on ra w m aterials to produce products, from w hich only a small part of
the com pany profited financially. As long as N eurath could, he m aintained an econom y
in kind, in w hich people paid fo r th e ir houses by perform ing collective duties, like, for
exam ple, building the houses, the roads and other necessary infrastructure. A rchitects
like Adolf Loos, J osef Frank, M a rg a re th e S chutte-Lihotzky and m any others w e re also
involved in this am bitious and successful undertaking and developed new housing
typologies and building system s th a t unskilled w orke rs could handle. Inform ation and
com m unication, in the form of n e w spa pe rs and exhibitions w e re im portant aspects of
Neurath's approach and becam e even m ore cru cial to him afte r he left the S ettlem e n t
M ovem ent. From 1928 on, tog e th e r w ith the artist and graphic designer Gerd Arntz he
developed Isotype, a sign language th a t a llow ed com m unicating s tatistical data about
the city - and later on about the w orld - in a sim ple and striking w ay , in order to m ake
the citizens understand the com plex organization of their city.

Friedrich Kiesler

The S ettlem ent M o v e m e n t and Otto N eurath w e re deeply ancho red and w e ll know n in
Viennese society in the 1920s. M a n y young A ustrian arch ite c ts and thinkers m ore or
less gre w up w ith the m ovem ent and the related ideas and tried to give them a place
in their ow n w ork - even if they m ight also develop in other directions. One of them is
Friedrich Kiesler, w ho m ight be an im portant link b e tw ee n the early theore ticia n s of the
S ettlem ent M o v e m e n t and m ore contem porary thinkers.
Kiesler claim s th a t he w orked w ith Adolf Loos to assist on the S e ttlem e n t M o v e m e n t in
1920. This has never been confirm ed and is unlikely, as Loos only becam e D irector of
the "Siedlungsam t" in 1921. Still, this claim show s th a t Kiesler w a s w ell a w a re of the
S ettlem ent M o v e m e n t and keen on being associated w ith it. Kiesler left for N e w York to
settle there already in 1926.
According to an entry in the diary of his w ife Stefi Kiesler at the Kiesler Foundation in
Vienna, Kiesler m et Otto N eurath there in 1933. A copy of N e urath's book M o d e rn M a n in
the M aking from 1939 can be found in Kiesler's private library in the Kiesler Foundation
in Vienna. Although Kiesler has been associated w ith artistic m ovem ents from De Stijl
to Surrealism , the esoteric and irrational overtones of w hich seem difficult to relate to
the strict positivism of the Vienna Circle, the participatory aspects of the S ettlem e n t
M ovem ent or Loos' craftsm an-inspired traditionalism , there is also a continuous m ore
dow n-to-earth and strangely pragm atic te nde ncy p resent in his w ork, m ost notably in his
theoretical w ritings. W ith his w ritings on Correalism and Biotechnique, Kiesler show ed
himself as a strong defender of m ultidisciplinary, scientific design approaches to avoid
building design th a t w ould "continue to exist as a series of disparate, overspecialized,
and unevenly distributed products."'7
Under the title "M agic Architecture" - a title that might be confusing in this context -
over the years he produced a series of texts and m anuscripts for books th a t try to
root architecture and urbanism in everyday life. Taking a distance from m ystical
inspirations, according to Kielser M a g ic A rch itec tu re w as to be distinguished from
Dream Architecture, he w rote already in 1936 "it is not an expression of escap e into
religious solitude (resignation)."'8 For Kiesler, M a g ic A rch itec tu re is the expression of
the creativeness of man, but not in isolation. Instead, it is the em phasis on participation.

I . . . ] M a g ic architecture is not dream architecture, like that o f tem ples

or castles; it is the architecture o f everyday, every-night reality.
 M a g ic a rc h ite c tu re is a tool o f realistic life. [ . . . ] M a g ic architecture
is a generator. It can o perate on any scale. A n y c ell o f habitation is a
nucleus fo r a p o w e r house o f jo y fu l living. N e ith e r w ea lth o f cash, nor
th a t o f building m aterial, n o r so cia l p o w e r are n e ed e d to accom plishing
the m ost w ith the least. [ . . . ] M a g ic arc h ite c tu re is o f course, unthinkable
w ith o u t its socio lo g ic al roots in a s ociety o f free w ill a nd sacrifice.'9

In the 1950s, Kiesler tried to turn the original short essay into a book, w hich never w en t
beyond the stage of m anuscript. In this m anuscript, w hich is now stored in the archives
of the Kiesler Foundation in V ienna, he tried to root a rchitecture in the landscape and as
an evolution of anim al nests. The m anuscript, w hich is richly illustrated w ith clippings
from popular scientific m agazines like N ational G eographic, show s m any exam ples
of anonym ous arc h ite c tu re, preceding B ernard R u d o fsk /s - also a native Austrian -
A rc h itec tu re W ith out A rchitects, w hich w a s published in 1964 on the occasion of
an exhibition w ith the sam e title in the M useum of M o d ern A rt in N e w York.20 In the
m anuscript of a book he started w orking on in the 1950s but w hich w as left unfinished,
K iesler returned to the them es of M a g ic A rch itec tu re . In this m anuscript he struggled
notably w ith the question w h e re the anim al function of shelter stops and architecture
begins, but still tried to distinguish it from th e D re am A rchitecture. Crucial is how ever
th a t A rc h itec tu re (w ritten w ith a c apital A) is not im plem ented from above but evolves
out of the everyday. Or, as Kiesler form ulates it in the unpublished m anuscript that is
also titled M a g ic A rc h itec tu re , a book he w a s w orking on in the 1950s but never had
published, no w located at th e Kiesler Foundation in Vienna: "A rchitecture must w ait."
The m anuscript canno t only be read as an a ttem pt to continue the lessons from the
S ettlem e n t M o v e m e n t and the gradual im provem ents architects like Loos, Frank and
S chutte-Lihotzky tried to m ake on th e huts the y found, but also som ehow as an attem pt
to reconcile the c ollective arch ite c tu ral values as they w e re realized on a large scale in
Europe in the nineteen fifties w ith A m erican urbanism , w hich alw ays departs from the
individual house.

Christopher Alexander

Intuitively, w e can im m ediately understand th e w ork of Christopher Alexander as a

continuation of certain aspects of th e S ettlem e n t M ovem ent, particularly if w e think
of the p articipatory te nde ncie s, and of the a nalytical and philosophical w ork of Otto
N eurath, if w e think of A lexander's A P attern Language as an encyclopedia consisting
of arc h ite c tu ral protocol sentences. In the tradition of the g reat architectural
encyclop edias of the 19th century, like those of Eugene Em manuel V io llet-le-D uc, it is
also a handbook, a m anual by m eans of w hich one can build his or her ow n house,
neighborhood or city.
Also A le xander's fascination for diagram s recalls th a t of N eurath. A lready in N o tes on
the Synthesis o f Form, w hich he w ro te as his disseration for a PhD in A rc hitecture at
Harvard in 1964, A le xa nde r dissected the design process by m eans of tree diagram s
that recall N eurath's Rootstock o f a S e ttlem e n t House. In the appendix A W o rk e d
Example, A lexander de m onstrated the functioning of his interpretation of the design
process by m eans of an Indian village, in other w ords by m eans of an exam ple taken
from v ernacu lar a rc h ite c tu re.21 A le xander's patterns in A p a tte rn Language, 1,166
num bered exam ples of a rc h ite c tu ral situations from the large scale of a region to the
small scale of ornam ents and building com ponents like bricks, read as an even m ore
ambitious dissection of a larg e r w hole. Intriguing is th a t A le xa n d e r a lready reserves the
idea that some of the patterns m ight be updated in the course of tim e, depending on the
number of asterisks th a t are placed behind them in the header:

You see then th a t the p a tte rn s a re very m uch alive a n d evolving. In Fact,
if you like, e ach p a tte rn m ay b e look ed upon as a hypothesis like one o f
the hypotheses o f science. In this sense, e ac h p a tte rn rep re s en ts our
curre nt be st guess as to w h a t arra n g e m e n t o f the p h y sic al environm ent
w ill w ork to solve the problem presented. The e m p iric al questions
centre on the problem - does it o c c u r a n d is it fe lt in the w a y w e have
described it? - a n d the solution - does the a rra n g e m e n t w e propose
in fa c t resolve the problem ? A n d the asterisks re p re s e n t our de g ree o f
faith in these hypotheses. B u t o f course, no m a tte r w h a t the asterisks
say, the patte rns a re still hypotheses, all 253 o f them - a n d a re the refo re
all tentative, a ll free to evolve u nder the im p ac t o f n e w e xp e rien c e and
observationP

As such, A lexander's thinking rem inds us not just of Kiesler's e volution ary concept
of M a g ic A rchitecture, it also recalls N eurath's ship m etap hor once again. Still, even
though Alexander w as born in Vienna in 1936 and raised in England, w h e re he studied
m athem atics and a rchitecture at Cam bridge University, he and N e urath never m et and
one w ill not be able to tra c e im m ediate refere nc es to either N eurath or the S ettlem e n t
M ovem ent s Alexander's w ork. R eferences to other V iennese logical positivists, such
as Ludwig W ittgen stein,23 do appear, just as to Friedrich Kiesler, especially to the Chart
of Need-Evolution in Technology that is related to K iesler's theory of Correalism .24
Alexander invested a gre at deal of his energy and ideas in building w ith unprivileged
groups, such as in his M ex ic a li P roject from 1975 in Baja California and the Previ project
in Peru from 1976.

Operating System

The w ay ideas and traditions travel in history is, particularly in a globalized w orld, not
necessarily a linear process. They travel through literature and persons and often arrive
at their final address only through a detour. They are taken up and congested, yielding
to different peoples' needs, only to be taken up and rew orked again, only hoping to find
themselves again as improved com ponents in a new , m ore or less plausible w hole. "Out
of the W ild" might enable us to figure out how certain ideas as they w ere developed in
the Viennese S ettlem e n t M o v e m e n t travelled in tim e from one protagonist to another,
m aybe not alw ays directly but m aybe even through other Austrian-born protagonists
th a t w e hardly m entioned or did not even m ention in this article yet: Josef Frank, Herbert
B ayer, Heinz von Foerster, Karl Popper, Paul Feyerabend, Ludwig W ittgenstein and
m any others. It is highly plausible th a t th e re is a continuity in thinking from Neurath to
A lexander, b e cause the m igration of thoughts can be tra ce d through the connections
of th e Austrians in exile. For now , the w eb site w w w .o u to fth ew ild .e u is the only medium
th a t allow s us to m ap these com plex relationships. W h a t w e did discover until now,
a p art from the im m ediate relationships discussed above, is th a t the correspondences
b e tw ee n N e u rath , Kiesler and A le xa n d e r m ainly revolve around them es th a t deal w ith
conceptions of organization, w holen ess, endlessness, participation and happiness.
D iffere n t kinds of diagram s are im portant com m unicational tools in both analysis and
design. All th re e are im portant predecessors and pioneers in the developm ent of
c om puter softw a re, p aram etric design and th e Internet. If w e w e re able to prove these
continuities, w ould it be possible, m aybe w ith th e help of ne w com puter technology, to
once again transform th e ideas of th e Viennese S ettlem e n t M o v e m en t 'mto m ethods that
have a b etter c h ance of success? M a y b e th a t is too m uch to ask. But even if w e w ill
not be able to solve th a t problem , w e m ight at least open doors to a different sensibility
in thinking about arc h ite c tu re. B e ca us e a p art from the quest for m ore sustainable,
w o rth y living conditions fo r the largest part of the population, the question how
a rc h ite c tu re, M a g ic A rc hitec ture , as a m ore intelligent form or organization develops
out of th e e veryday reality of the built environm ent, rem ains the key question of w ha t
a rc h ite c tu re is or could be - and th e reb y it m ight a ttra c t th e attention of the profession.
In this respect, N e u rath 's critical involvem ent in C IA M and the 1937 m ap as discussed
in this book by S ophie Hochhausl m ight provide essential keys to a ren ew ed and w id er
understanding as th e y provide a c onnection to urban planning and design. The 1937 map
finally integrates N e u rath 's sign language in an actual m ap of a city, w hich is, as Sophie
H ochhausl m akes plausible, probably based on a m ap of a part of the city of The Hague
in th e N e therlands. Although developed as a generic m apping m ethod for architects
and urban planners to enable to com pare d ifferent cities, it is therefore still more a
sim plified de piction o f a reality. This is alre a dy an im portant proposal in itself, w hich
w ould m ake it possible to com pare and res e arc h cities not just by form al characteristics
and sep a rate statistics, but also to incorp orate aspects of w h a t sociologists today call
"lifestyles," in a standardized w ay . It gives an idea of lifestyles as it depicts not only
functions, s u rfaces and program s but also the institutions w hich a n ch o rth es e lifestyles.
It is suddenly easy to see how N eurath's ideas about "G em einschaft und G esellschaft,"
policies and governance could be turned into a spatial design, w hich takes these
aspects into acc o u n t visually and com m unicates them in a sim ple and im m ediate w ay.
The prom ise of the 1937 m ap goes further than that, how ever. W h e re as the 1937 map
still seem s static in its depiction of a situation as found, it could easily be turned into
a dynam ic a pproach so th a t it becom es an "operating system ." This seem s to be
exactly w h a t Rem Koolhaas and the Harvard P roject on the City have done in H o w to
build a City.n Rem Koolhaas, w ho shared w ith Sophie H ochhausl th a t he w a s a w a re
of N e u rath ’s w o rk from his early youth and has used other aspects of N eurath's w ork
Figure 0.3: Rem Koolhaas, Harvard Project on the City. Roman Operating System

in different research projects w ith A M O , the m ost striking of w h ich is probably the
analysis of the presence of Prada Stores in the W orld in order to be able to develop
an expansion strategy for the fashion com pany.26 In H ow to build a City, Koolhaas and
the Harvard P roject on the City take the historic exam ple of the principle Roman City
with its grid, buildings, m onum ents and infrastru ctu re to understand the underlying
abstract principle as the Rom an O perating System. Buildings - institutions - a ppear
as Neurath-inspired pictogram s in the grid. The general operating principles depart
from the site, w hich should have access to tra d e, w a te r and transportation. A fter the
strategic selection of the site taking advantage of the geographic conditions, setting
up a grid around the cardo and decum anus is the next step. Then com es the setting
up of the program around the forum fo r com m ercial activity and im plem enting the
other activities and institutions related to defense, com m erce, entertainm ent, hygiene,
agriculture, worship, and adm inistration. The basic setup in four quadrants allow s for
developing the first four different neighborhoods. W h e n this generic basis is sufficiently
programmed, the surrounding landscape can be gridded for agricultural purposes. This
gridding w ill also allow for the controlled developm ent of the city as it grows. Even if
the Roman Operating System is still basic and based on a historical exam ple, it shows
the potential for developing N eurath's m ap into a contem porary form of m ore dynam ic
 city planning in which bonom up developments and top down planning come together
in a more satisfactory way. It might be in this sense that the anarchistic legacy of the
Settlement Movement and Neurath's legacy as a policy maker and precursor of the
Internet and programming find a new synthesis.

20
1 Eve Blau, The Architecture of Red Vienna 1919 - 1934.1999 (Cambridge and London: The MIT
Press, 1999) 66-79.
2 Peter Galison, "Aufbau/Bauhaus, Logischer Positivismus und architektonische Moderne."
ARCH+ 156, Neuer Pragmatismus in der Architektur? (May 2001): 65-78.
3Kees Somer, The Functional City, The CIAM and Cornelis van Eesteren, 1928- /960(Rotterdam:
NAi Publishers, EFL Foundation, 2007).
4 Nader Vossoughian, Otto Neurath: the Language of the Global Polis (Rotterdam: NAi Publishers:
2008).
5 Nader Vossoughian, Fact and Artifacts: Otto Neurath and the Social Science of Socialization
(Columbia University: PhD dissertation, 2004).
6 Jon Krakauer, Into the W ild{New York: Villard Books, 1996).
7 J. Krakauer, Into the Wild.
BThis quote was used by Nader Vossoughian in a lecture at the University of Innsbruck, May
20,2008, and can be accessed through podcast at www.architekturtheorie.eu, http://www.
architekturtheorie.eu/?lang=DE&archive_id=175 or in iTunesU.
9 Jean-Louis Cohen, Scenes of the World to Come, European Architecture and the American
Challenge, 1893- 1960[Pahs: Flammarion, 1995).
10 Ian Hacking, The Taming of Chance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 16.
11 Le Corbusier, Oeuvre Complete. Volume 1, 1910-291 Zurich: Les Editions d'Architecture/
Artemis, 1964).
12 Ludwig Hilberseimer, Grolistadtarchitektur (Stuttgart: Hoffmann, 1927).
13 Otto Neurath, "Anti-Spengler" in Otto Neurath. Gesammelte Philosophische und
methodologische Schriften, Vol 1, Rudolph Haller and Heiner Rutte eds., (Vienna: Holder-Pichler-
Tempsky, [192111981) 139-196/184.
14 N. Vossoughian, see note 5, 56.
15 N. Vossoughian, see note 5,17.
16 N. Vossoughian, see note 5, 29.
17 Friedrich Kiesler, "Manifeste du Correalisme," LArchitecture d'Aujourd'hui2, (June 1949):
80-105. Facsimile: Dieter Bogner and Friedrich Kiesler, Friedrich Kiesler: Inside the Endless House
(Vienna: Bohlau, 1997) 92-120.
18 Friedrich Kiesler, "Magic Architecture," in Selected Writings, Siegfried Gohr, Gunda Luyken
Eds. (Ostfildern: Verlag Gerd Hatje, 1996), 34.
19 See note 18.
20 Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects [New York: MOMA, Doubleday & Company,
Inc., Garden City, 1964).
21 Christopher Alexander, Notes on the Synthesis of Form (Cambridge and London: Harvard
University Press, 1964).
22 Christopher Alexander, Sara Ishihama, Murray Sylvester, with Max Jacobson, Ingrid Fishdahl-
King, Shlomo Angel, A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Constructions (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1977).
23 See note 22.
24 Serge Chermayeff and Christopher Alexander, Community and Privacy (New York: Doubleday
& Company, Inc., Garden City, 1963).
25 Rem Koolhaas, "Harvard Project on the City. How to build a City," Mutations, Rem Koolhaas,
Stefano Boeri, Sanford Kwinter, Nadia Tazi, Hans Ulrich Obrist, Eds., (Bordeaux/Barcelona: Arc
en Reve/ACTAR, 2000) 10-19.
26 OMA/AMO and Rem Koolhaas, Projects for Prada Part 1. 2001. (Milan: Fondazione Prada
Edizioni, 2001).
Introduction

Sophie Hochhausl

A rc hitec ts are trained to distinguish betw ee n tw o kinds of maps: representational ones

and those th a t serve as heuristic a rchitectural devices. W h ile representational maps
are usually dra w n to m ake observations m ore accessib le to a larger audience, the map
as an arch ite c tu ral tool serves as a device fo r design thinking. By m eans of drawing
s pace it m akes relationships visible th a t could not have been conceived w ithout the
draw ing. W h e n deploying such m aps, a rchitects pay close attention to the particularities
of space, because insight can only be gained w h e n non-spatial observations are put in
precise relationship to the specific terrain. Its synergy g enerates ne w content, m eaning,
know ledge and possible design solutions.
A ustrian philosopher and econom ist Otto N eurath (1882 - 1945) w as fam ous for his
engag em e n t w ith rep resentation al maps. He revolutionized the discipline of charl
m aking by finding a w a y to c re a te picture statistics and quantitative maps that w ere
acces s ib le to a larger public. In this book I w ill argue th a t Otto N e u rath ’s map “City
P lanning" served not only as one of the first easily accessib le socio-political maps of a
city, but th a t it w as in e ffe c t also a heuristic device.
O riginally c rafted in color, "City Planning" w a s edited to a ppear in red, black and white,
a ccom panying N e urath's te x t "Visual R epresentations of A rchitectural Problem s," in
A rc h itec tu ra l Record in July 1937.1 The te x t and the 1937 m ap w e re a direct reaction
to a sim ilar and in e ffe c t m ore extensive m apping operation pursued by C IA M IV
(Congres Internatio naux d'A rch ite c tu re M o d ern e , International Congresses of M odern
A rc h itec tu re ) in 1933. N onetheless it w a s N eurath w ho first illustrated the socio­
political m ap for urbanism a ccording to graphic rules and w ith a graphic vocabulary
th a t possessed a c onsistent logic and even syntax. In addition, this map reveals to w ha t
d egree N eurath perceived of the city as an agglom eration of social facts and to w ha t
e xtent his s ocio-political m ap contributed to planning the city on such basis.

In order to c re a te this m ap, th re e main fields of expertise cam e into play. First,
N eurath's specific v iew s on urbanism w e re different from those of m ost architects. A
second n e cessary expertise for N eurath's undertaking w as the ability to graphically
c raft abstracted data - the transform ation, w hich w as invented at N eurath's M useum
of S ociety and Economy (G esellschafts- und W irtschaftsm useum ). Thirdly, in search
of "hum anizing" know ledge, N eurath hoped th a t by m aking inform ation graphically
a vailable, he w ould e nable all people to "participate in a com m on culture," elim inating
"the canyon betw ee n educated and uneducated pe ople."2
C IA M w as a catalyst for creating the 1937 m ap as w ell, in th a t it triggered N eurath's
further research in illustrating the city. W h e n in 1937 his m ap finally a ppeared, it m arked
the culm ination of his search for sim plicity in the context of a spatial discussion. But
this m ap w a s also the last to accom pany one of Neurath's texts on architecture and
urbanism and it ended Neurath's public theorizing of the city, which had lasted for two
decades, with the exception of the later Bilston experim ent3

Rem Koolhaas's AMO is the most prominent architectural think tank promoting the
use of the map as tool as well as representational device in a contemporary context.
Through their publication activities and their particular architectural wit, AMO has
fostered an interest in mapping that is now found in architecture schools all around
the world. Some aspects of AMO's maps are strikingly similar to the ones produced by
the Museum of Society and Economy. Indeed, in an interview conducted for this book
at Cornell on April 13th 2010, Koolhaas confirmed he knew Neurath's work.4 So when
I first decided to assess socio-political mapping and its application to architecture it
was precisely to understand this missing piece: how did socio-political mapping in
architecture first emerge, which connotations did it possess, which goals did it initially
pursue, did Neurath have an influence on the contemporary debate on mapping and if
so, how?

1 Otto Neurath, 'Visual Representation of Architectural Problems," Architectural Record, July

1937: p. 5 6 -0 1 .
2 Otto Neurath, "Visual Education: A new Language," Survey Graphic (1937): 25.
When will die Middle Ages be et an end? As soon as all men can participate in a common culture
end the canyon between educated and uneducated people has disappeared.
3 Sybilla Nikolow, "Planning, Democratization and Popularization with ISOTYPE, ca. 1945. A
Study of Otto Neurath's Pictorial Statistics on the Example of Bilston, England", Induction and
Deduction in the Sciences, Vienne Circle Yearbook 11 ed. Elisabeth Nemeth and Friedrich Stedler
(Dortrecht, Boston and London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, (Dordrecht Kluwer Acedemic
Publishers, 2003), 299-329.
4 See the full interview at www.architecturaltheorY.eu
Chapter 1

Otto Neurath's Urbanist Convictions

Neurath's View on Urbanism and the Austrian Settlement and
Allotment Garden Association

The first and most fund am ental com ponent to the 1937 map, City Planning, w as Otto
N e urath s distinct perception of urbanism . To N eurath the M o d em City w as an economic
organism But unlike m any of the M o d ern figures in a rchitecture, w ho either rationalized
city building by econom ic m eans, or subordinated the production of city planning to
the econom y of the industrialized w orld, N eurath pe rce ive d econom ic strategies as a
m eans to s ubstantiate a lively urbanism . The core of this position w as N eurath's unique
mind and skill s e t Thus, before moving into a detailed a ccount of N eurath's v iew on
urbanism , it is cru cial to gain an understanding of these skills.
W h ile attending universities in V ienna and Berlin, Neurath com bined the fields of history
of antiquity and m odern political econo m ics for his studies. He w as a w arded a doctorate
for his dissertation "T ow ard s a P erspective on Antiquity through Trade, Com m erce
and A griculture," in G erm any in 1906.' He then began teaching at the N e w College of
Com m erce in V ienna (1907 - 1914) and a cted as the director of the "G erm an M useum
for W a r Econom y" in Leipzig, w hich he left in 1918, w hen he joined the Bavarian Soviet
Republic as one of th e ir m ain political agitators until its violent end in 1919. A fter being
im prisoned for a short tim e, Neurath w as released and returned to V ienna.2
All of these experiences proved to be fruitful upon his return, w hen he becam e the
s ec retary of V ienna's S ettlem ent Association. It w as only then that he w as given the
platform to m ake full use of his theories on econom ics, his skills as a political orator and
his thoughts on education. It w as through the s ettlem ent m ovem ent that N eurath's view
on urbanism could fully unfold.
N eurath's conviction th a t life in a city could largely benefit from the econom ic forces
th a t shaped it, w as based on his know ledge of such relationships. This fundam entally
shaped the w a y in w hich he theorized the city. For instan ce, w h e n he colle c ted im ages
of harbors, grain silos and fac to ries in 1925, he did not nece s sa rily adm ire them for
their m achine a esthetics, as M o d ern arc h ite c ts did a t th e tim e .3 For N eurath , ports,
w arehouses and elevated railw a y tra ck s r e p r e s e n t ^ th e global iadustrv J n _ w h ic h he
believed lay the foundationsJončLsaciallv im prove d .M g d e rn city.4
N eurath, the econom ist and philosopher, looked a t th e city m ore like a p la nner than an
architect. To him, the city w a s an a gglom erate of industrial and housing zones th a t had to
be connected via transp ortation routes, but he s a w those inte rw ove n w ith s ociological
and anthropological com ponents as w ell. Cities w e re spaces w h e re c ultural exchange
took place, w h e re people m et in plazas and in coffe e houses, w h e re the y dem onstrated
and w e n t to school, w h e re the y w e re hospitalized, enjoyed a w a lk in a park, or sw am
in a public pool.5 The city p redicated on e conom ic relationships did not im ply th a t the
factory c oerced the com m on m an, but instead offered an opportunity to provide for
him. W h e n looking at urban fabric, N e urath alw a ys m aintained th e idea th a t it could
only undergo dram atic alterations for the bette r if it existed in a unity: a unity b e tw ee n
a rc h itecture and organization.6
This unity be tw ee n archite c tu re and econom ic organization w a s w h a t fund am entally
defined how N eurath encou ntered the city. He applied this idea w h e n he be ca m e the
secretary of the settlem ent m ovem ent. It w a s w h ile thinking about the city on a large
scale th a t he utilized his diverse understanding of politics, econo m ics, philosophy,
graphics and education.

From "wild" settlements to the Austrian Settlement and Allotment

Garden Association

In the early years of W o rld W a r I, thousands of people in V ienna fled th e city and started
settling on its outskirts due to food and housing shortages. U tter poverty c oerced
cooperation: small groups form ed to help one another build rudim entary shelters. Any
m aterial th a t could be used for m aking the m ost basic barracks w a s utilized. The land
on w hich the settlers built w as often not purchased or even negotiated for, but m erely
appropriated. In this desperate search for food and housing, clusters of huts and sm all
garden patches developed quickly on the periphery of Vienna; inform al slums em erged.

In Austria's cold w inters, the lack of coai caused the settlers to d e forest parts of the
W ienerw ald (w oods on the outskirts of V ienna), so the y could w arm th e ir shacks.
How ever, in tim e, the land form erly covered by w oods proved to be fertile ground for
small farm ing. There and on other fa llo w patches of land, the setters tilled v egetables
and fruits in the proximity of their barracks. Even som e dairy and m eat products w e re
produced from kept animals, such as chicken, rabbits or goats. This saved the settler
fam ilies from starvation.7
These advances w ere largely due to the setters' ability to morph their decentralized
building activity into a self-help organism. Since the m ovem ent gre w rapidly, a crucial
step in its developm ent w as the founding of an overarching organization. W ith the
 1

Figure 1.2: Informal Settlement Figure 1.3: Settlement under Construction

institutionalization of the settlem ent m ovem ent, its dim ension and potency changed
dram atically: the organization did not only fo ster the allocation of basic shelter, but
people w e re given the c h ance to ow n a one or tw o story house, m any of w hich w he re
built by som e of A ustria's m ost prom inent a rchitects. Additionally, all these houses
m aintained sm all gardens and som e of them even possessed barns for animals.

But above all, these settlem ents w e re built u nder a com prehensive plan, w hich provided
com m on facilities w h e re activities could take place and w h e re the settler's community
1.3 could prosper. This process happened fa irly quickly.
W h e n N eurath becam e involved in 1919, the dim ensions, as w ell as the quality of
the m ovem ent's organization, had a lready changed. The m ovem ent consisted of
m ore m em bers and it w a s organized in sm all individual s ettlem ent associations.
Though N e urath w a s not instrum ental in increasing the association's size, he
w a s m ainly responsible fo r restructuring th e settlers' organization into one united
cooperative association: the "A ustrian S ettlem ent and A llotm ent Garden Association"
(O s te rre ich is c her V erein fu r Siedlungs- und K leing artenw esen).8

Neurath's Unity of Urbanism and Organization

N eurath k n ew th a t behind every large building m ovem ent there had to stand a strong
organization and it w a s due to his e ngag em ent th a t good organization cam e to govern
alm ost every activity in the history of the "Austrian S ettlem ent and Allotm ent Garden
Association."
In general, th e re w e re th re e m ain m echanism s th a t triggered the grow th of the
m ovem ent: econom ic, political, and educational strategies.

Economic Strategies
In 1916, the 13 singular settlers com m unities had 2,000 m em bers. By 1920, w hen Neurath
b ecam e the head of the secretaria t, the organization had grow n into hundreds of clubs
and th e num ber of m em bers had clim bed to an estim ate of 40,000 settlers.9 A fter three
years in office, in 1922, the association stood united under one governing body for 50,000
m em bers and 230 affiliated clubs.10
Since the num ber of settlers and sm all gardeners registered w ith clubs had m ost
d ram atically increased from 1 9 1 5 -1 9 1 9 , N e u rath 's first task w a s to form th e s e dispersed
clubs into an effic ie nt operation w h ile still m aintaining th e principle of s elf-help.
Having founded the um brella-organization "A ustrian S ettlem e n t and A llotm ent G arden
A ssociation," Otto N eurath believed the c o n ce p t of G em einw irts ch a ft, com m unal
econom y or c o-operative econom y, to be not only c entra l, but c a p a b le jrf m eeting the
aspirations^pftop dow n and botton u jp ^ r ^ a n ^ t i o n T a T t he_sam e tim e ." The strength
of com m unaTeconom y^w as th a t "it capitalized on th e bu re au c ratic in frastru ctu re of
the m odern m etropolis, w hile still leaning heavily on grassroots organization and
com m unities."12 In the realm of the settlers' building a ctivities, this m eant th a t N eurath
found G em e inw irtsc ha ft to enable "form al and inform al a p p roaches to urban planning
[and] accom m odate a range of a u diences and n e e d s ."13

The concept proved to be fruitful, since in th e later yea rs of its exis te n ce th e S ettlem e n t
and A llotm ent Garden Association w a s not only supported by the city, but rooted w ithin
29
it, w hile it kept its original principles of self-help and autonom y.
Also follow ing the logic of G em einw irtschaft, this autonom y could be m aintained
since the sm all, singular settlem ent clubs developed into non-profit com panionships
over tim e, w hich w e re able to keep c ollective ow nership over all houses and shared
infrastructure. M ore o v er, w hile th e city prepaid ninety p e rce n t of all building costs in.t
1923, the settlers' unpaid construction w o rk (1 ,0 0 0 -3 ,0 0 0 hours) w a s recognized by thell
city as an e quivalent of a te n p ercent contribution.14 '
Therefore, th e s e jh r e e e le m ents of G em einw irtsch aft, c ollective o w nership, shared
infrastructure and c o n trib u tio n to the buHHing p ro c e is by unpaid w o rk, fed into the
fourth and m ost im portant of the settlers' core issues: th e ir autonom y from th e city,
w hile w orking closely to g e th e r w ith it.
But although these rules seem ed to give the settlers a good basis, N e urath k n ew th a t
in order to keep this autonom y it w a s crucial to found institutions th a t also follow ed the
economic m odel o tjje m e in w irts c h a ft. These institutions w ould then be able to e xecu te 1.4, 1.5
large building operations on th e settlers behalf.
This resulted firstly in founding the cooperative construction com pany, GESIBA
G em einw irtschaftliche S iedlungs- und Baustoffanstalt. w h ich supplied and m anaged
the settlers' building m aterials.. The second e lem ent w a s th e creation of the city's
Kleingartenstelle, an entity th a t distributed parcels of land to t he settlers, and thirdly
the Siedlungsam t, w hich w as an a rchitectural entity th a t de alt w ith th e actual design of
"tEe buildings and w hich em ployed som e of the m ost fam ous architants nf tha tim e . All
of these entities w e re instrum ental in facilitating a conversation be tw ee n th e interests
of the settlers and the city of V ienna. Together, w ith the first principle of autonom y, they
constituted the association's final s tructure.15

Political Efforts
In order to realize his visions for the settlers on a large scale N e urath increased their
fiscal, judjcial and legislative paw er. For this reason, he used his inspirational speeches
to actively engage politicians and other celebrities for the settlers' causes.
Although by 1916 the settlers had decided on their first bylaw s, it w a s jo -N o y g m ber of
Figure 1.4: Cooperative Supermarket at "Lockerwiese" Figure 1.5: 'Lockerwiese,' 1 9 2 5 -1 9 3 2

1919, w he n Otto N eurath had just gotten involved in the settlem ent m ovem ent, that a
c ru cial m eeting w as held in V ienna's city hall. It w as then th a t theLsettlers m et to lobby
fo r th e ir rights to be ancho red in legislatio n 16

Real chang es cam e w ith the settlers' dem onstration on the April 3 ,1 9 2 1 , organized in
front of Vienna's tow n hall and led by Adolf M u lle r, the chairm an of the organization, and
N eu rath . In it the settlers peacefully expressed th e ir dem ands to the city. On banners
the y w rote:

" W h a t you give to the s ettlem ent, you w ill save in unem ploym ent supports" and "give
us land, w ood and stone and w e w ill m ake bread from it!" 17 The m ayor of Vienna, Jakob
R eum ann, assured the settlers of his full support and granted them the construction of
a dditional settlem ents, quick expropriation proceedings, distribution of all necessary
building m aterials through the G ESIBA and m achines and tools. Furtherm ore, he
prom ised th e supply of s ufficient fe d e ra l and m unicipal financial support, the foundation
of a settlers' bank and the utilization of various c redit institutions for the settlers' affairs.18

Both of the social d em ocratic m ayors of Vienna in Austria's First Republic, Jakob
Reum ann (1853 - 1925) and Karl Seitz (1869 - 1950), as w ell as the city councilor for
finance, Hugo B reitner (1873 - 1946), w e re devoted supporters of the politics of the
"third w ay ." By advocating for com m unal dw ellings (Red V ienna's "second w ay")j
to tackle the housing shortages th a t speculation in the Z inskaserne (kam ienica) had)
c reated, the settlem ent activities consolidated a small, but stable third housing agenda.
In fact, the politicians de dica ted thirty p e rcent of all fiscal m eans for general housing to
the construction of s ettlem ents.19
A lthough the support of the city of Vienna w as mostly due to the open-m indedness of
the city council m em bers and th e ir c apacity to recognize th a t the associations' social
agenda ran parallel to their ow n, it should also be noted th a t a large decentralized and
unorganized m ovem ent w ithout institutional support w ould have posed a serious threat
to the stability of the young Austrian state.

Under Otto N eurath's m anagem ent, the S ettlem ent and A llotm ent G arden Association
becam e a w ell-e s tab lis h ed contributor to the building activities in Vienna. This success
also allow ed him to integrate the "S ettlem e nt and A llotm ent Garden A ssociation into
the Settlem ent, Housing and Construction Guild" in 1921.20 This c o nnected it w ith tw o
othe T c o o p e rativ e unions, the "A us trian Tenan ts U nion" and the "Central Union of
Construction W o rk e rs ,” w hich m ade it part of a 400,000 person organization.

And although m ost of the subsidy for the settlers w a s cut on the basis of a m unicipal
council resolution in S eptem ber 1923, triggered by the high rep aration paym ents put on
the state by the Geneva conventions, the settlers m anaged to m aintain sm aller recourses
to continue their program w ell into the 1930s. They even built the settlem ent for the
Austrian W erkbund's exhibition in 1932,21 w h e n the city of V ienna had long dedicated
most of its rem aining housing subsidy to the city's com m unal housing program s.22

Educational Strategies
The energy that had been poured into to p-dow n a ctivities w a s also dedica te d to bottom -
up strategies. A considerable part of the latter w e re e ducational and e pistem ological
activities. Additionally, the distribution of such m edia w as im portant, as w ell as events
that would raise public aw a re n es s of the settlers' causes. E ducational activities had
been a part of the settlers' agenda early on via the organization of classes in a griculture,
horticulture, vegetables and fruit as w ell as classes on cooking, canning and the keeping
of small anim als. This w as necessary as m any of the settlers w e re unem ployed w orkers,
originating from an industrial and distinctly urban environm ent.
In addition to these agricultural and housekeeping activities, the fore ru n n e r of the
S ettlem ent a nd A llotm ent G arden A ssociation also provided lectures on arch ite c tu ral
and urban topics, such as the construction of settlem ents in ge nera l and the em erg e n ce
of garden cities.23
P arallel to classes, the association also ran a periodical, w hich could reach a larger
audience. These periodicals often included statistics on various topics helpful to the
settlers, w hich becam e an increasingly im portant source of inform ation.24

W ith N eurath's appointm ent as director of the S ec re ta ria t in 1920, an em phasis

w as placed on keeping of statistics and publication of a periodical. The bureau for
statistics w as nam ed Forschungsinstitut fu r G em e inw irtsc ha ft (R esearch Institute for
G em einw irtschaft) and the periodical established as Der S iedler (The S ettler).25 W ith a
circulation of 40,000, it advertised relevant lectures and prom ulgated the achievem en ts
of new settlem ents.

For the publication, of the periodical N eurath team ed up w ith Hans Kam pfm eyer (1876
- 1932), a Germ an w ho had founded the garden city in Karlsruhe in 1907 and w ho had
been w riting for the G erm an paper G a rten s ta d t(G arden City).
Neurath also em phasized educational lectures and classes as one of the association's
core components. He even founded a settlers' school.26 Statististical charts becam e
crucial in the biggest apparatus that w as used to inform the public: exhibitions.

In April of 1923 the "Austrian Settlem ent and Allotm ent Garden Association" put
together a large show titled "Viennese Small G arden-, S ettlem ent- and Housing
32
Figure 1.6 "Werkbundsiedlung under Construction.” Vienna, ca. 1930

Exhibition" (W ie n e r K leing arten-, S iedlungs- und W oh nbauausstellung), w hich put

statistics and pam phlets, but also entire houses on display. The exhibition attracted the
inte res t of thousands of people and w a s w e ll-a tte n d e d , not only by settlers and small
g a rdeners, but also by the V iennese city population and the w orking class.27 This event
1.7 w a s the culm ination of a series of sim ilar exhibitions on housing. It w as crucial not only
b e cause it signified N e u rath 's first step to w a rd a n e w position on urbanism , but also
dem onstrated ho w such an urbanism could be depicted. Otto Neurath sum m arized his
activities w ith the settlers fo r this event:

I h a d to d ire c t n o t only the organization as such, bu t also its activities

in connection w ith e ducation a n d the dissem ination o f inform ation...
I t a ll s ta rte d w ith a g re a t display. Our association d e cided to do
som ething to inform the g e n e ra l public a b o u t the housing a n d garden plot
m ovem ent; a n d so deve lo p e d the s o m ew h a t unusual plan o f arranging a
big exhibition in the very cen tre o f Vienna. R e al houses, fully-furnished,
w e re e re c te d on the s quare b efore the c ity hall, a n d w ithin the hall,
exhibits in the long galle ries s upplied fu rth er inform a tion...

And then he goes on to describe the first use of picture statistics:

There, fo r the first tim e, w e s h o w ed w h a t w ere the a ctivities o f our

m em bers, n o t only presenting fine s pecim ens o f vegetables etc, bu t also
by de picting the results on big w a ll charts. For instance, the inc re a se o f
p oultry keeping in sm all courts an d gardens by our m em bers w as show n
in bright c o lo rs ... W e exhibited ground plans o f n e w settlem ents and
plans o f n e w ga rd en cities; an d in this w a y w e w e re able to s h o w to the
Vienna public w h a t h a d b een d one b y the association fo r the b e tte rm ent
o f the food an d housing situation “
The exhibition of 1923 and its em phasis on pictorial statistics w a s a herald of w h a t w as
to come: an entire m useum w h e re global and urban relations w e re put on display to
educate and inform the m asses.29
W h a t had begun only half a deca d e e a rlier as a dece ntra lize d conglom erate of "w ild"
settlers, had developed into a full-grow n organization w ith judicial rights and m unicipal
subsidies by 1923. Fam ilies, w ho had at one point been on the v erge of starvation, w e re
now cultivating gardens and engaging in self-su fficie n t farm ing. A fo rm erly loose group
of paupers, collectively possessed th e ir ow n e n terp rise, and a form er group of the
homeless, m oved into hom es built by them selves, planned by A ustria's best architects,j
w hile m aintaining s elf-help as their chosen privilege. !
It w as the un ity of organization and urban strategies th a t had m ade such developm en t
possible. Economical and political enterp rises truly w e re as im portant as the objects -
thtTurban elem ents - they cre a te d . And the hidden organization th a t lived behind all
elem ents of a city w as w h a t had to be dra w n out and explored in N e urath's 1937 map,
and w h a t w ould take his urban project to a next step.

The Architectural Articulation of "Gemeinschaft"

The first step tow ards the 1937 m ap w as N eurath's realization th a t invisible forc es in
the city should be detected and draw n out. This w as e ssen tially a c o n sequence of
N eurath's perception of the interrelations of econom ics and th e city and his notion of
G em einw irtschaft (com m unal econom y). H ow ever, N e u rath ’s second c ru cial step w as
to ask w h a t had to be dra w n out am ong these organizations. In term s of th e city, this
answ er w as related to N eurath's notion of G em einschaft (com m unity). In all the years
of its existence the settlers m ovem ent stayed true to this notion.
Surprisingly, N eurath s aw a sim ilarity be tw ee n the garden city m ovem ent and the
settlem ent m ovem ent,30 since they both em erged as a result of people fleeing the
desolation of the m egacity.3’ N onetheless, he explicitly stressed th e fa c t th a t the social
agendas of these m ovem ents w e re antithetical. W h ile the garden city w a s c reated to
keep the w orkers close to the factory, he argued, the settlers w e re , as an organized
movement, autonom ous, and w hile garden cities in later years w e re only for those w ho
could afford to leave the city and w ho did not seek G em einschaft, the settlem ents relied
heavily on their com m unity.32

Neurath explored these differences in detail by com paring Vienna's Cottage V ie r t e l - a

developm ent of exclusive urban cottages - and J osef Frank's (1885 - 1967) Siedlung
Hoffingergasse, w hich consisted of 284 row houses and w as s elf-sufficient in its food
production.33

Neurath w as disgusted by the cottages, w hich sat in one of V ienna's w ealthiest,

bourgeois districts, because of their eclecticism , w hich he fe lt only fulfilled the vain
desire of the upper class to stand out from their neighbors.34 M uch to the contrary,
the natural austerity of the low -rise settlem ents of Siedlung Hoffingergasse fed into
Figure I 7 Dwelling and Settlement Town. Exhibition in Linz. 1929 Figure 1 8 ''Hoffingergasse." Architect Josel Frank

the creation of G em einschaft. Im pressed by Frank's contributions in systematizing the

building elem ents and procedures in order to m inimize costs and fuel commonality,
N eurath w rote:

The sim ilarity o f the ap artm e n t (types), the sim ilarity o f the building's
parts (norm s) is an expression o f m odesty, but also an expression of the
sense for equality, w hich roots in both, fraternity and envy alike. N o t one
sin gular building is the sub jec t o f design, but the c ollectivity o f all houses.
The sin gular building is like the brick w ithin a house. A n e w com m unity is
c re a te d from the class solidarity o f the lab or-forces.2i

But N eurath did not only contrast the com m onality th a t w as visible am ongst houses
in S iedlung Hoffingergasse, and w a s drastically lacking in the cottage district, he
also criticized the absence of any spatial pa ram e te r in search of community. In fact,
he em phasized that architectonic m easures had been taken to prevent commonality,
"since there did not exist anything com m on among the inhabitants of these cottage
villas. There is no gathering place - because w h a t could (possibly) bring the civil officer,
the m erchant, the stock broker, the w rite r and the factory ow ner together?"36
A part from the lack of spaces that could foster com m unity, N eurath critiqued the lack of
com m on organization. In g reat contrast to this, the basis for all settlem ents w as not only
a variety of instances that dealt w ith com m on organization, but spaces for "encounter,"
such as plazas, gardens and com m unity houses, w h e re the settlers often assem bled.
Sm all shops that sold gardening and household utensils, boulevards and the narrow
secondary paths that gave people access to their gardens from the back, w ere perfect
places to linger and engage in a conversation.
The com m unity that w as c reated am ong the settlers w as therefore tw o-fold. Its
arc hite c tural com position and planned density truly did foster closeness, but the
organization or specific club that all settlers belonged to bound them together by law.
Due to these a rchitectural and judicial connections, some of these settlem ents and
com m unities still live on. Today, one can only "inherit" the privilege to be a real settler.

N eurath did prove to be acc urate in the sense that he reiterated that more than any
form al articulation the social construction of G em einschaft w as the key to success of
an a rchitectural project:
 A com plex o f lo w rise buildings w ith sm all gardens, w hich has not been
born out o f a collaborative cooperative c om panionship's organization, is
o f sim ilar lifelessness as a large K am ienica te n e m e n t... Only via a life
based on cooperative association w ill a n e w com m on life style e m e r g e !v

Communal Housing and the Architectural Concept of Pluralism

Although N eurath alw ays favored settlem ents, his rec e ptiv ene ss to other urban
conceptions gre w increasingly over tim e. This w as in part due to the fa c t that the
S iedlungsam t w as asked to design a "G eneralplan," a m aster plan for V ienna w hich
w as carried out by its main architects: chief a rc h ite c t Adolf Loos (1870 - 1933), Josef
Frank, Oskar Strnad (1979 - 1935), M a rg a re te S chiitte-L iho tzky (1897 - 2000), Josef
Hofmann (1870 - 1956) and P eter Behrens (1868 - 1940). The m aster plan specifically
required the creation of a small garden belt, w hich w ould m eet w ith com m unal housing
developm ents at V ienna's periphery. By 1924, Otto N eurath recognized that in order for
the idea of the settlem ent to survive am ong the larger com m unal de velopm en ts, he had
to address broader issues in his w ritings on urbanism . He th e refo re tried to w e a v e the
settlers' ideas more strongly into the com m unal housing program of the m unicipality.36
In a speech presenting the main idea of the m aster plan at a w o rke rs ' asylum in 1924,
he stressed that "settlem ents and allotm ent gardens w e re not m eant to be secluded
islands at the periphery of the m etropolis; instead one should aspire to alw ays m aintain
green spaces, com posed of settlem ents and small garden colonies, from the W a ld - und
W iesengurtel39 [w ood- and m e adow belt on the outskirts of V ienna) to the high rise, and
therefore to c reate an integrative "G esam tplan."40

He also started to recognize that settlem ents could not be em ployed e ve ryw h e re, since
they w ere not as dense as the com m unal projects and they also required m ore fiscal
and human resources. He adm itted that com m unal housing blocks of five to six stories
w ere even a necessity in accom m odating another 200,000 people w ho w e re seeking
housing at the tim e and a cknow ledged that, "the high-rise a partm ent has tim e on its
side due to econom ic circum stances.'"" He also underlined that G em einschaft, thus
formally articulated differently than in the settlem ents, w as also generated in the
m unicipal dw ellings. He w rote:
In the public dw ellings of Vienna's m unicipality em erges a ne w com m on life.
The common courtyard serves the play of children, on sum m er evenings young
and old possibly even dance to the sound of the loudspeaker."42 He also noted that
the diverse proposals for common living, w orked out by m any different architects in
Vienna encouraged beneficial pluralism .43 "The question in V ienna," he concluded, "is
therefore not if high rise buildings should be erected at all, but the question is w h e re
and in w hat w ay ."44
This notion of pluralism in urban planning w as connected w ith N eurath's philosophical
perception of coherentism and logical em piricism . Coherentism advanced the idea
that truth is a compound of entire systems, but can also be ascribed to its individual
 Figuru 1 9 Karl Marx Mol.'' Courtyard. Architect Karl Ehn Figure 1 10 "Baumgarmerhohe." Tuberculosis Sanatorium

propositions. H ow ever, scientific opinions differed on the question of w hether

coherentism a llow ed m any possible system s of truth or only a single one. Neurath
believed that w h a tev e r decision one m ade "lay in the 'p ath of life' chosen by the
36
decision m aker.'"15
T he refore, a city had to encou rage various m odels to solve problems, so a collective
decision could be m ade by m any people on the basis of w h a t they found appropriate for
their w ays of life and their needs. This attitude foresh adow ed N eurath's notion of the
purposes of picture statistics. By show ing various statistics (aspects of reality) chart by
chart, they encou raged their v ie w er to dra w his or her ow n conclusion.
This attitude foresh adow ed N eurath's notion of the ends of picture statistics. By showing
various statistics (aspects of reality) c hart by chart, they encouraged their v iew er to
d ra w his or her ow n conclusion. In an article published posthumously, Neurath wrote:

The encyclop edism o f lo g ica l em piricism d oes not see w hy experts, trained
to d iscover as m any alternatives as possible, should be particularly able to
s e le c t one alterna tiv e only (one that n e ve r can be ba se d on calculation) by
m aking a decision o f perform ing an a ction for other people w ith different
desires and a ttitu d e s ... I think it w ould even destroy the scientific habit of
the experts, if they w ere ask ed to m ake decisions and n ot only to prepare
arrays o f possible solutions,46

U nfortunately the m aster plan of 1923/24, the first attem pt to create a com prehensive
urban plan in Vienna that explored the negotiation betw een possible architectural
paradigm s - high and low rise buildings as w ell as settlem ents and small gardens -
could never be realized due to the Association's financial distress.'17
Although by the early 1930s N eurath w an ted to explore all kinds of architectural
possibilities of housing, he alw ays rem ained true to his notion of Gem einschaft,
com m unity, w hen judging a rc h ite c tu re.48 He observed its existence w ithin the settlers
1.10 projects as w ell as com m unal housing projects and notably in the entirety of all
com m unal efforts.

In 1931, he w rote that the V iennese building activities w e re rem arkable in them selves,
how ever they w e re even m ore adm irable w hen judged w ithin the context of Vienna's
 37

Figure 111 Communal Housing Project ''Margartengurtel," Paddling Pool with Fountain

entire public building enterprises - the construction of schools, parks e tc .19 Therefore
he wrote: "W e lfa re organizations [note organizations, not buildings!] are w idespread
all throughout the city, inform ation centers for m others, tuberculosis help desks,
kindergartens, youth w elfare offices, tw e n ty -tw o open air pools and furtherm ore
multiple paddling pools in the new kindergartens and com m unal housing developm ents
of the m unicipality of V ienna."50
W hen Neurath set out to illustrate his v ie w on the city, it w as precisely this th a t he
wanted to capture: different institutions that fundam entally shaped the city, factories
and hospitals alike. He w as convinced that the com m on man had to have know ledge of
them, because not only did they shape his life, but he w ould be able to m ake a choice
to use them to his benefit and induce actual change, if he understood them w ithin their_
context. Change that w ould improve living conditions of the broader public could only
come about if politicians and people alike dem anded it. And in order to dem and, the
people had to be a w are of the w orld and the city in w hich they lived.
1 "While in other cities money is spent to encourage swim m ing of children by posters,
in Vienna this encouragem ent happens w ith the greatest success by providing the
possibility for children to swim at as many places as possible for fre e."51 l-l»
1 I am u s in g N a d e r V o s s o u g h ia n 's tra n s la tio n fo r Zur Anschauung der Antike iiber Handel.
Gewerbe und Landwinschaft, to m a k e r e f e r e n c e as e a s y as p o s s ib le .
Nader Vossoughian, Otto Neurath: The Language of the Global Polis, (Rotterdam- NAi Publishers
2008) 149.
2 Margarete Schutte-lihotzky states that Neurath was released from prison on the basis of Otto
Bauer's intervention, who was then Austria's State Secretary of Foreign Affairs,
Margarete Schutte-Lihotzky. "Mein Freund Otto Neurath," in Arbeiterbildung in der
Zwischenkriegszeit, Otto Neurath - Gerd Arntz, ed. by Friedrich Stadler, (Vienna and Munich-
Locker Verlag, 1982)40.
3 These are all photographs of other photographs or publications that Otto Neurath collected
in the N_Files. These are N_421, N_425, N_430. ISOTYPE Archive, Department of Typography,
University of Reading, Reading, UK
4 Otto Neurath, "Stadtebau und Proletariat," DerKampf, (1923): 240.
Wie wird die kommende Stadt aussehen? Ilor allem arbeitet an ihr die moderne, groBorganisierte
Industrie, der weltumspannende Handel. Hafenanlagen, Bahnhofe, Silos, Lagerhauser, Fabriken,
kuhn geschwungene Hochbahnen, Eisenkonstruktionen kennzeichnen die kommende Stadt,
Wolkenkratzer recken sich stolz empor, an bestimmten Stellen durch bestimmte Zwecke bedingt,
einem Gesamtbild unter Umstanden dure ha us harmonisch eingefugt. Wie aber werden die
Wohnungen verteilt sein?
5 0. Neurath, "Stadtebau," 240.
Es geht darum, nicht nur die Industrie- und Wohnbauten richtig zu verteilen, Wohnungen mit den
Verkehrswegen richtig zu verkniipfen, es geht auch darum, das so Geschaffene architektonisch
harmonisch zusammenzufiihren, die Stadt als eine einzige architektonische Einheit anzusehen!
6 0. Neurath, "Stadtebau," 240.
Was fur Architekturideen leben nun in den Architekten und Organisatoren, was fur
Architekturideen werden von den breiten Massen aufgesogen?
7 Otto Neurath, Osterreichs Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, (Vienna: Kommissionsverlag
der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1923), 6.
So kam es denn, dali Holzmangel Frierende antrieb, Hange des Wienerwaldes zu verwusten. Die
ersten Scharen der Holzsucher hieben Baume dort ab, wo es am leichtesten war, ein gut Stuck
uber dem Boden. Die zweite Kolonne ging bis zu den Stumpfen herunter, dann muBten neue Opfer
gesucht werden. Ode Ruinen herrlicher Walder blieben zuriick. Nun kamen die Kleingartner.
Jene gequalten Massen, die aus bitterer Not heraus Holz geerntethatten -...- waren wahrend
des Krieges und nach dem Umsturz, ohne es zu wollen, die Pioniere der Kleingartner geworden,
die nun unter unsaglichen Miihen -... - Wurzelstocke auf mannigfache Weise entfemten, urn ihre
kleinen Garten anzulegen. So griff alles in einander.
8 The Austrian Settlement and Allotment Garden Association emerged from multiple associations.
It fell under Neurath’s governance however that the last two big associations, Zentralverband
fur Kleingartner- und Siedlungsgenossenschaften, which had mainly consisted of small garden
associations, was united with the association Hauptverband fur Siedlungswesen, generally
composed of settlers associations in 1921. From then on the overarching association was called
Osterreichischer Verein fur Siedlungs- und Kleingartenwesen. Adolf Muller became its executive
and Neurath remained director of the management.
9 1916 the forerunner of the Austrian Settlement and Allotment Garden Association,
Osterreichischer Verband fur Kleingarten- und Siedlungswesen, was called Schrebergarten fur
Wien und Umgebung, was compound of 13 clubs and counted 2000 members.
10 Klaus Novy and Wolfgang Forster, Einfach Bauen: Genossenschaftliche Selbsthilfe nach der
Jahrhundertwende: Zur Rekonstruktion der Wiener Siedlerbewegung (Vienna: Picus Verlag,
1991) 45. Otto Neurath defines these numbers as 230 clubs and 30.000 members in Osterreichs
Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation in 1923.
11 For a closer definition of Neurath's notion of Gemeinwirtschaft see Chapter I of Nader
Voussoghian's Global Polis.
12 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 29.
13 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 29.
14 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 25.
Wenn Bund und Gemeinde 90 Prozent der Baugelder zur Verfiigung stellten, konnte der Siedler
die restlichen 10 Prozent in Geld und Arbeit leisten, womit er den Baugenossenschaften
iiberlegen war, welche nur Geld aufzubringen bereit waren.
15 The final structure of the association in Vienna was divided into three main entities; firstly
the organization and the autonomy stayed with the Association itself. Secondly, GESIBA and
the city's Kleingartenstelle acted as Wirtschaftseinrichtung and thirdly Siedlungsamt and
Kleingartenstelle became the official, municipal entities to consult the settlers. Kleingartenstelle
was in charge of acquiring and preparing small useful areas and Siedlungsamt dealt with all
architectonical questions and was specifically appointed to drafting, planning and building.
Also see Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 22.
16 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 8.
17 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 15.
Mit Wagen, Automobilen und Musik ruckten die Kleingartner und Siedler an, die im Zuge
charakteristische Tafeln mit ihren Forderungen trugen: "Was ihr den Siedlungen gebt, erspart ihr
an Arbeitslosenunterstiitzung." "Gebt uns Land, Holz und Stein, wir machen Brot daraus. "
18 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 15.
19 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 22. _
20 Eve Blau, The Architecture of Red Vienna (Cambridge and London: MIT Press,1999) 97.
I have used Eve Blau's translation as well as her numbers here, since shehascollected all
previously existing sources, which vary from 200,000 - 400,000. ”
21 Under the leadership of Josef Frank, the Austrian Werkbund became active in the beginning of
the 1930s after a decade of sleep. With the exhibition in 1932, Frank "saw a chance to counter the
ideas of the more radical modernists." Christopher Long, Josef Frank, Life and Work, (Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 2002) 119.
22 Novy and Forster, Einfach Bauen, 46.
23 In 1916 the organization was called Schrebergarten fur Wien und Umgebung.
24 In 1916 the periodical was called Mitteilungen and was later renamed into Gartenfreund.
25 Der Siedler was again renamed into Siedler und Kleingartner (settler and small gardener) in
1922
26 "Siedlerschule," DerSiedler( 1921): 125.
27 0. Neurath, "Stadtebau," 236.
Die Kleingarten-, Siedlungs-, und Wohnbauausstellung im Herbst I923zeigte, wie grofl das
Interesse der Wiener Stadtbevolkerung fur alles ist, was mit Wohnbau und Kleingartenwirtschaft
zu tun hat.
28 R. Kinross, "Otto Neurath's Contribution to Visual Communication (1925 - 45), The History,
Graphic Language and Theory of Isotype." (M.Phil. thesis, University of Reading, 1979), 17.
29 For Neurath's explanation of the emergence of the Museum see Robin Kinross, Otto Neurath's
Contribution to Visual Communication (1925 - 45), The History, Graphic Language and Theory of
Isotype, Thesis, University of Reading, Reading, 1979,17.
This ensemble of large objects and visual descriptions attracted such an enormous number of
visitors that they could hardly pass through the galleries of the exhibition. It was intended that
after some days this impressive display should disappear and the material be wasted as usual.
But I suggested collecting some of it and using it as the nucleus of a museum for housing and
city planning, of which I became director in 1923.1 thought it advisable to explain housing and
gardening and indeed all kinds of planning, as elements of the whole social fabric not only in
Austria but also of mankind.
Wiener Kleingarten-, Siedlungs- und Wohnbauausstellung was thus the foundation stone to
creating a permanent housing museum, which was, according to Kinross, sometimes called
i Museum fur Wohnung und Stadtebau, Museum fur Siedlung und Stadtebau or Osterreichisches
| Siedlungsmuseum.
! The museum gave information to all kinds of questions. From the history of mankind in general, it
■led up to the history and social structure of Austria and Vienna. Public Health was dealt with as,
i for instance, the importance of good w ater supply, which in Vienna is excellent. Different kinds of
material gave information about types of settlements and the technique of house building, since
\a large number of members of co-operative housing societies actually worked with the builders.
I The visitor could be at parts of real walls constructed of various types of bricks; he could study
j simplified technical drawings and also photographs of houses and furniture. Even a real kitchen
could be looked at and many different pieces of furniture. A continual chain of visual links
I connected the single items in such a way that visitors felt at home with, and not overwhelmed by,
the material presented. This successful attempt to spread information by means of visual aids led
the municipality to support the creation of a museum of social sciences in Vienna, in which I was
able to expand the general departments of our small museum and reserve one department only
for housing and the subjects dealt with in our museum for housing and city planning.
30 The first Schrebergarten (small garden), Neurath insisted, was named after Moritz Schreber,
a medical doctor from Saxony in Germany, who was concerned with the health of children and
the social outcome of living in the industrialized city. Although Schreber did not create the first
Schrebergarten Neurath believed it was named in honor of him. It was therefore that the history
of the small gardens started with enlightened consciousness of a social reformer. Studying the
slums of the megacities of the 19th century, Schreber advocated gardens for the poor in the
proximity of Zinskasernen (Kamienica) where physical activities could take place. In him, Neurath
saw the ancestor of the Viennese movement.
31 Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 5.
Heute, da wir mittendrin stehen, Umfang und Bedeutung jenes dumpfen Drangens nach Licht
und Luft als einen Teil der Umwalzung begreifen, welche das Ende jener Sklaverei bringt, die vor
allem in der Trostlosigkeit der Riesenstadte sich voll entfaltete, vergessen wir allzu leicht jene
stilleren Anfange und gedenken zu wenig den Menschen, die, ihre Sonderpfade gehend, den
Massen der Unterdruckten wertvolle Dienste geleistet haben.
0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 32.
Unsere GroBstadt ist ein Ausdruck fur die rein auBerliche Zusammenballung vereinzelter
vereinsamter Menschen.
32 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 33.
Gartenstadte und Gartenvorstadte entstehen auf mannigfache Weise. Einzelne Unternehmer
grundeten Arbeiterkolonien, sei es um die Arbeiter enger an den Betrieb zu fesseln und ihre
Abhangigkeit zu erhohen, sei es aus allgemeiner Menschenliebe, welche solche unterjochende
Nebenwirkung ausiibt.
33 C. Long, Frank, 59.
The Hoffingergasse Siedlung, as it became known, consisted o f284 row house units and a small
community centre...
... Most of the houses were situated on narrow rectangular lots o f approximately 465 square
meters (the size deemed large enough for the average family to be self-sufficient in food
production), with only one-tenth of the site occupied by the buildings.
34 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 34.
Im Cottageviertel steht jedes Haus fur sich, umgeben von einem Garten. Der Wunsch nach
Absonderung drangt dazu, daB Wand nicht Wand beruhre, sondern daB ein Zwischenraum jedes
Haus vom anderen trenne; das erzeugt freilich nicht das gewunschte Ergebnis, einer schaut dem
anderen ins Fenster, was unmoglich ware, wenn die Hauser in Reihen stunden. Alle diese Hšuser
zeigen deutlich, daB die Bewohner nicht nur darauf aus waren, angenehmzu wohnen, sondern
sich moglichst stark vom Nachbarn zu unterscheiden...
Kein Haus paBtzu dem des Nachbarn, allerlei Bauten - derlei Stil zu nennen, verbietet der
Sprachgebrauch... Rohziegelbau leuchtet neben imitiertem Marmor, miBverstandende
Barockmarmorelemente wetteifern mit “secessionistischem“ Gschnas. Was sofort auffallt die
Anlage hat keinen Mittelpunkt,...
35 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 34.
Die Gleichartigkeit der Wohnungen (Typen), die Gleichartigkeit der Baubestandteile (Normen)
istAusfluB der Sparsamkeit, aber auch AusfluB des Sinnes fur Gleichheit der ebenso in der
Bruderlichkeit wie im Neid wurzelt. Nicht ein einzelnes Haus ist Gegenstand der Gestaltung,
sondern die Hausergesamtheit. Das einzelne Haus ist wie ein Ziegel in einem Gebaude. Eine neue
Gemeinschaft entsteht hier aus der Klassensolidaritat derArbeitermassen heraus.
36 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 34.
Es gibt eben fur die Bewohner dieser Cottagevillen nichts Gemeinsames...
Es gibt keinen Zusammenkunftsort, denn was solite den Staatsbeamten, den Schauspieler, den
GroBkaufmann, den Borsenspekulanten, den Schriftsteller, den Fabrikanten zusammenfuhren?
Eine gemeinsame Verwaltung fehlt, ebenso eine gemeinsame Fursorge fur Kinder und
Jugendliche.
37 0. Neurath, Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, 36.
Eine Anlage von Flachbauten mit Kleingarten, die nicht aus einer zusammenarbeitenden
Genossenschaftsorganisation geboren wurde, ist von ahnlicher Leblosigkeit wie eine groBe
Zinskaserne... Nur in einem genossenschaftlich verknupften Leben entsteht ein neuer
gemeinsamer Lebensstil.
38 0. Neurath, “Stadtebau,” 237.
... daB nunmehr... von den Massen zu der Frage Stellung genommen wird, in welcher Weise
Siedlungen, KleingSrten, Hochbauten miteinander sinnvoll verbunden werden kbnnen. Es
widersprSche dem Geist proletarischer Solidaritat wenn die Siedler und KleingSrtner urn
jeden Preis ihren Willen durchsetzen wollten: sie kdnnen auf die Dauer nur als Tail des
Gesamtproletariats gestaltend eingreifen.
.Anfangs als die Wohnbautatigkeit der Gemeinde beschrankt war, konnten die Siedler und
Kleingartner mit einer gewissen Berechtigung von ihr fordern, alle Wohnbauten seien als
Flachbauten innerhalb von Kleingartenkolonien und Gartenvorstadten zusammengefasst, zu
errichten.... Nun aber hat die Gemeinde ein so gewaltiges Wohnbauprogramm vor - es sollen
innerhalb funfJahren mehr als 25.000 Wohnungen gebaut werden - dass durch den Bau von
Siedlungen unterden gegebenen geschichtlichen VerhSltnissen der Wohnungsbedarf nicht
gedeckt werden konnte.
39 Wald- und Wiesengiirtelwas a declared green zone on the periphery of Vienna on the basis of
a city council decision in 1905.
40 Novy and Forster, Einfach Bauen, 46.
Schon im Janner 1924 stellte der Verband erste Entwurfe offentlich vor. Im Favoritner
Arbeiterheim sprachen neben anderen Adolf Muller, Otto Neurath und Peter Behrens uber
Wiens Generalarchitekturplan und die sinnvolle Verbindung von Hoch- und Flachbauten,
Kleingarten und Gartenstadten. Otto Neurath sagte: "Kleingarten- und Siedlungsanlagen seien
nicht als Inseln am Rande von GroBstadten aufzufassen; vielmehr muBte man danach trachten,
vom Wald- und Wiesengiirtel her Griinzungen, zusammengesetzt aus Siedlungsanlagen und
Kleingartenkolonien, bis zu den Hochhausern zu fuhren und dauernd zu erhalten und einen
einheitlichen Gesamtplan zu schaffen.
41 Nader Vossoughian, footnote to Chapter 1, Note 111, N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 44.
42 Otto Neurath, "Kommunaler Wohnbau in Wien?," Die Form (1931)
In den Volkswohnungsbauten der Gemeinde Wien beginnt ein neues Gemeinschaftsleben. Der
gemeinsame Hof dient dem Spiel der Kinder, an Sommerabenden tanzt GroB und Klein wohl gar
nach den Klangen eines Lautsprechers.
43 0. Neurath, "Kommunaler Wohnbau," 52.
Die Neubauten zeigen die verschiedensten Formen, wie sie eben entstehen, wenn in toleranter
Weise die breiten Scharen der freischaffenden Architekten sich betatigen kdnnen...
44 0. Neurath, “Stadtebau," 237.
Die Frage lautet in Wien daher nicht, ob uberhaupt Hochhauser zu errichten seien, sondern wo
und in welcher Form.
45 Andreas Faludi. “Otto Neurath and Planning Theory," in Encyclopedia and Utopia, The Life and
Work of Otto Neurath (1 882- 1945), ed. Elisabeth Nemeth and Friedrich Stadler (Dortrecht Boston
and London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), 208.
46 A. Faludi, footnotes 35 and 36, “Planning Theory," 211.
47 Novy and FOrster, Einfach Bauen, 46.
48 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 44.
Upon the decline of the settlement movement in late 1923, he did become less hopeful about the
potential of "gypsy urbanism" to bring about change, but he never abandoned his confidence in
Gemeinschaft as such.
49 0. Neurath, "Kommunaler Wohnbau," 52.
Zu verfolgen, wie sich die Umgestaltung des Lebens auch formalin Architektur und Wohnung
auswirkl ist eine besondere Frage, die man aber erstdann richtig eingliedem kann, wenn man
die Wiener Wohnbautatigkeit als Games ins Auge fasst Das kann man nur, wenn man sie als Teil
der gesamten Wiener Kommunalpolitk im Rahmen der sozialen Verhaltnisse erortert
50 0. Neurath, “Kommunaler Wohnbau," 52.
Die Fursorgeorganisationen sind uber die gam e Stadt verbreitet, Mutterberatungsstellen,
Tuberkulosefursorgestellen, Kindergarten, JugendSmter, auch 22 Freibader und auBerdem noch
zahlreiche Planschbecken in neuen Kindergarten und Wohnbauanlagen der Gemeinde Wien.
51 0. Neurath, "Kommunaler Wohnbau," 52.
Wahrend in anderen Stadten Geld dafur ausgegeben wird, durch Plakate das Baden der Kinder
anzuregen, geschieht diese Anregung mit dem grbBten Erfolg in Wien dadurch, daB man an
mdglichst vielen Orten den Kindern die Mdglichkeit gibt, unentgeltlich zu baden.
Chapter 2

Otto Neurath's Graphic Convictions

4 4 4 4 4
4 4 4 4 J
4 4 4 4 4
4 4 4 4 ^
43
The Search for Simplicity

9 B
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H □

h h

h k

h o >
a ©
e ©
Figure 2.1. 2.2.2 3 "ISOTYPE Symbols," "ISOTYPE Patterns." "2nd Version of a Section of the same (1937) Map." ca 1937

S in ce N eurath perceived of the M o d ern city as an econom ic organism , he had to find

a w a y to illustrate the "invisible forces" th a t governed it. And since in his opinion the
n e w driving forc e w ithin the city w a s the proletariat and no longer the bourgeoisie, it
w a s nece s sa ry to provide them w ith the m eans of conceiving of urbanism in its manifold
lay e rs.1 To fac ilita te this com prehension, w hich could potentially transgress borders
and social status, he strove for a universal language: the language of picture statistics.2
Th e refo re, this c hapter highlights N eurath's search for graphic simplicity. It w as his
m ain preoccupation and the basis of all his e ducational ventures.

Starting in 1924/25, N eurath spent the last tw o decades of his life with his
collaborators at the "M u s e u m of S ociety and Economy in V ienna" (G esellschafts- und
W irtschaftsm useum ) articulating and improving the language of picture statistics,
w hich he believed capable of illustrating social forces.3
Collecting picture statistics had a lready been an im portant activity during Neurath's
involvem ent in the settlem ent m ovem ent and picture charts resulting from this activity
had been show n in the housing exhibition in 1923. H ow ever, the production of picture
statistics w as only a sm all part of the settlers' core agend a.4 W ith the em ergence of the
"M u s e u m of S ociety and Econom y" from the housing exhibition, this how ever changed.
In strong contrast, the M useum w as m ainly concerned w ith transform ing statistics into
picture statistics.5 W h ile the core of the settlers' exhibitions had alw ays been their
settlem ents and city planning, a rchitecture and urbanism only m ade up one departm ent
am ongst three at the M useum : w ork and organization, life and culture and settlem ents
and city.6
The m ap presented in 1937 alongside the text Visual Representations o f A rc h ite ctural
Problem s w as the culm ination of N eurath's search for sim plicity in spatial discussion.
It w as the first m ap ever to com bine socio-political pictogram s w ith a city's abstracted
fabric.
The graphic history of this m ap is found in th re e conditions: first it consisted of
pictogram s, second it contained patterns m ade of sym bols and third it com bined these
w ith a spatial com ponent, the actual a b stracted map. 2.1,2.2,2.3
It took m ore than a deca d e of collaboration at th e " M u s e u m of S ociety and Econom y"
to bring all three com ponents to this level of a bstraction.7

W hile m any steps had to be taken to w a rd sim plicity in general, w h ich c o ncerned
the pictogram , the "pattern" and the m ap, N eurath and his c o llaborators concerned
them selves mostly w ith pictogram s. The refo re, a fte r a ge nera l introduction, w e w ill
consider the evolution of the pictogram , m ove on to th e " p a tte rn -w a llp a p e rs ," and
finally the map.

Throughout the years N eurath rem ained true to one rule: sim plicity.
Since m any w orkers in the V ienna of the 1920s and 1930s w e re b arely able to read, they
45
w ere also barely capable of understanding com plex econo m ic data. For this reason,
N eurath founded a graphic lan guage th a t fostered learning through visual m eans.
Additionally, N eurath, although w ell rounded in his education, had n ever been good
at draw ing and lacked a vivid spatial im agination. This shortcom ing turned into an
advantage, since he w orked inexhaustibly on sim plifying graphic inform ation.
Neurath often argued that, even as a child, he m ade " c le a r distinctions b e tw ee n pictures
as an artistic w hole and pictures w hose first aim w a s to convey inform ation."8 He w as
convinced th a t m eticulous picturesque im ages w e re not apt to illustrate inform ation,
since they confused the eye by show ing too m any details. For this reason, N eu rath also
tried to avoid the use of photographs to present social facts. And w h ile it w a s in the
nature of biological and tec h n ica l m useum s to m ake use of th e objects the y exhibited
and to show them w ith th e ir discipline's proper tools,9 - sections and plans - this w as
almost impossible for a social m useum .10

Since the discipline of social science often tim es lacked physical objects, its
centerpieces, the "invisible forces," had to be visualized by th e m eans of statistics. But
in order for the public to perceive invisible forces, the y had to be presented in a non­
technical m anner.
Num ber statistics per se w e re difficult to m em orize, but even w ith a curve it could
happen "that one rem em bers its form and color, but forgets w h a t s ubject it in d ica te d ."11
This is w hy Neurath chose to w ork w ith pictogram s.12
The use of picture statistics also cam e about because the y seem ed livelier than
abstract geom etric m eans and the refore m ore a ttractive for the spectators in a
museum. M oreover, N eurath argued th a t "nobody w as afraid of little figures," as w as
sometimes the case w ith num bers and c urves.13 Picture statistics w e re the easiest to
rem em ber and triggered quick but long lasting m emory. This w a s the goal of putting
together educational m aterial.14
Neurath even w en t so fa r as to argue, th a t picture statistics w e re specifically apt for
the mind of the w orker. He stressed that the w orking class w as m ore receptive to visual
knowledge than intellectuals, as "this m ethod countered their bourgeoisie ideology."15
From Picture Statistics to I.S.O.TY.P.E

Otto N eurath w a s not the first individual to em ploy picture statistics. In fact, by
1925, ne w spa pe rs w e re flooded w ith them and m any w e re sloppy and m isleading.'6
W illard C. Brinton's book, G raphic M e th o d s fo r Presenting Facts, published in 1914,
is valuable e vidence of this. Brinton (1880 - 1957) collected an extensive am ount of
graphic statistics, charts and m aps from Europe and the United S tates. His book not
only provided an ov erv iew on the graphic m aterial available, but also critiqued it.17 To
Brinton, as to N eurath, it w a s e ssen tial th a t the chosen type of diagram most effectively
illustrated th e conveyed inform ation.
This w a s also w h y N eurath concluded th a t the essen ce of picture statistics w as to
show an in crease of quantities by th e m ultiplication of a symbol. This stood in strong
opposition to show ing increase and d e cre as e by changing a sym bol's size, w hich w as
often the case in other illustrations.
In o rder to be effective, a "bigger quantity of objects or people had to be shown by a
bigger quantity of sym bols."’6 This becam e N e urath's m ost basic rule.

This first rule w a s necessary, upon observing th a t the hum an eye w as confused by
chang es in size and shape, and th a t m ultiplication w a s e asier to com prehend and more
e x a c t for m aking c om parisons.19 Additionally, N eurath found a system by w hich he
could organize and assem ble sym bols from left to right so th a t com parisons could be
dra w n b e tw ee n tw o groups efficiently.

The novelty in using picture statistics w a s th e refo re not th a t the y w e re present, but that
th e ir rules w e re determ ined by scientific consideration. W ith the "M useum of Society
and Econom y," an entire evolution of graphic language m aking em erged. It w as due
to the continuous e ffo rt of N eurath and his collaborators th a t the science of picture
statistics w a s transform ed and eventually could discuss the city, even the w orld, by
sim ple m eans.20 The Viennese M e th o d o f P icture S tatistics (W ie n e r M e th o d e) w as born.
Although th e rule of m ultiplication w a s a lready applied in an early publication of the
"M u s e u m of S ociety and Econom y," the sym bols them selves still lacked the concision
and the graphic consistency the y w ould later have, as w ell as the rigid, but necessary
and coherent, organizing principle.

Som e of them still also lacked overarching organization. M u c h of the im provem ent
reg arding the sym bols' design can be attributed to Gerd Arntz (1900 -1 9 8 8 ). The German
graphic designer, w ho m et N eurath in 1926 and joined the team in Vienna full tim e in
1929, w orked s poradically at the M useum for a yea r.21 By th a t tim e, the collaborators
had a lready started to dram atically sim plify the symbols using scissor-types to forcefully
abstain from all n e cessary detail and w e re moving slow ly tow ards applying linocut and
w oodcarving techniques.22
The m ore e la borate theories on th e sym bols' form s and colors th a t N eurath recorded
for the first tim e in 1933 date w ithin Gerd Arntz' tim e a t the "M useum of Society and
E conom y."23
 mm
Figure 2 4 .2 5: Graphic Comparison. 'Number ol Passengers Carried on (he Railroads.' Willard C. Brinton. before 1914

GESAMTZAHL D> KRAFTW A6EN 1921-13 GESAMTZAHL D* KRAFTW AG EN 1 9 1 I - D

$ AUTO ■10.000 AUTO

47

Figure 2.6: 'Darstellungsarten des Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum - Vermiedene Darstellungsarten." ca. 1925 M

AAAAAABBBBBB AAAAAA BBBBBB

AAAAAAAABBBBBB AAAAAAAA BBBBBB
AAAAAABBB AAAAAA BBB
AAAABBBBB AAAA BBBBB
AABBBĐBBB AA ĐBBBBBB
AAAAABBBBBB AAAAA BBBBBB
AAAAAAAABBBBBBBB AAAAAAAA BBBBBBBB
Figure 2.7: Comparison, Drawn on the Basis of Neurath's Graphic Rules. 2008/2009

The woodcarving and linocut technique obviously allowed for efficient multiplication of
the chart, but moving towards the abstract linocut was also essential for the legibility of
the picture statistics at large, and therefore to the ultimate didactic goal.

A second rule for the symbols concerned their form and stated that characters could
not only be signalized through Binnenzeichnung, skirts and trousers for instance in case
of humans, but their very contours and silhouettes. The shape of their heads even, had
to indicate "female" and "male."25

This shows that there was a fine line between balancing the necessary degree of
abstraction and the required precision. Once a silhouette was established within the
graphic vocabulary," it was advisable to show it throughout all future exhibitions, so
people were able to recognize it®
Figure 2.8: "BevOlkerungsentwicklung Wiens," (Vienna's Population Growth). 1925

Additionally, the em ployees of the M useum a lw ays crafted one solid symbol and one
th a t consisted only of a contour. In this m anner, it w a s possible to illustrate tw o different
groups, such as im port and export, am ong a single category.

A third rule w a s related to the use of color. N e urath argued th a t people had difficulty
rem em bering shades of colors and th e refo re, only prim ary colors, or colors th a t could
be easily distinct from them , like yellow , brow n, black and w h ite should be em ployed.27
S im ilar to using the sam e symbol throug hout an exhibition, Neurath also suggested that
c ertain colors w ould be attributed to certain them es.
The transform ation from color im ages to a black and w h ite w as another crucial issue.
Differentiating sym bols had to be done not only by m eans of color, but also by significant
detail, like hats and cloths.28

One of the duties of the transform ers, the scientific staff th a t translated the statistical
data into a pictogram , w a s to w ork out th e inform ation tra n sn atio n a l^ and even
transtem porally, unless historicity w a s intentionally w an ted . This m eant th a t symbols
needed to be stripped of th e ir ethnological and historical background.
During the process of tra nsform ation gre at care w as applied to the collection of data,
their selection and the resulting translation into pictogram s. As the statistical data did
not a lw ays lend itself w ell to transform ation, actual statistical personnel cooperated
w ith graphic designers and artists transform ing data into pictogram s.
This process of the transform ation w a s essential to Neurath's picture statistics, since
the difficult decision-m aking in how to "round num bers into im ages" required both
types of expertise.

For exam ple, M a rie R e idem eister (1898 - 1986), later M a rie N eurath, had studied
m athem atics and w as one of th ose transform ers

From the start, the m ost im portant thing to N eurath w as the legibility of the chart. He
elaborated on this core aspiration w hen he stated:
Figure 2.9.2.10: "Linocut. Symbol 489. Man," "Linocut Stamps, Symbol 489, Man, aner is /o

J L

Figure 2.11,2.12,2.13: Man and Woman, Silhouette, Full Print and Precision

Baum w ollw irtschaft d e r E rde

Figure 2.14: "Kalfe-, Kakao-, Teewirtschalt der Erde"

A picture m ade according to the Vienna m ethod show s a t first glance

the m ost im portant aspe c t of the subject; obvious d ifferences m ust be
a t once distinguishable. A t the s econd glance, it should be possible to
see the m ore im portant details; and a t the third g lance, w h a tev e r other
details there m ay be. A p icture th a t has still further inform ation to give a t
the fourth a nd fifth g lance is, from the point o f v ie w o f the Vienna school,
to be rejected as p edagogically unsuitable “
 nnmuM
Figure 2.15: Generic. Man Figure 2.16: “Ethnicity" Figure 2.17.2.18.2.19.2.20: Historical

The m ajor graphic breakthrough coincided w ith the renam ing of the Vienna M ethod to
I.S.O.TY.P.E. (The Internatio nal System Of Typographic Picture Education), w hich w as
the phenom enon of pairing symbols. W h ile in the 1920s, "factory" and "shoes" w ere
rep resented as tw o sepa rate symbols. By the early 1930s, these started to appear in
pairs, rep resentin g the symbol for "shoe factory."

222,2.23 But paired symbols w e re not a lw ays ta k en literally, in fa c t they also som etim es stood for

50 som ething closely related. The boat full of coffee, for instance, implied the im port or the
export of th a t product. This advance changed the "gram m ar" of the picture language.
In fa c t, it finally m ade it an ela bora te one. This w a s reflected in its nam e. But the
abbreviation ISOTYPE w a s sym ptom atic fo r a couple of things: for one it indicated the
internatio nality of the picture language, as the M useum had opened braches in Holland
and Russia and by 1933 -1 9 3 4 had com pletely relocated to Holland.

The integration of "internatio nal," how e ve r, also indicated the goal of the "language's"
transn ationality, w hich N eurath had desired since its inception. The w ord "System ,"
just as "M e th o d " previously, proved th a t the language follow ed a set of scientific rules.
The fa c t th a t it had a gram m ar and the indication of "Typography" supported the notion
of lan guage. But also picture education (Bildpadagogik), w as crucial. It implied that
didactic ends drove all graphic m eans.

In Holland, picture statistics finally rea c hed th e ir culm ination w ith paired symbols, after
a d e ca d e of research. The first elem ent, the transn ational, transhistoric, w hich paired
icon w ith socio-political im plications, w a s on its w a y to map the city.

Hatches: From the Symbol to the Map

The second entity em ployed in the 1937 m ap w as symbolic patterns. As mentioned

earlier, N eurath avoided using various saturations of the sam e color w ithin a single
m ap w ith one exception; if colors w e re paired to m ake, w h a t he called, "w allp a p er."31
These w allp a p ers , today coined "hatch" in a rchitectural term inology, are m ore or less
e la borate patterns. The hatches resem bled a breaking point in N eurath's application
of graphics, because the y bridged the symbol to the plan. Furtherm ore they allow ed
th e symbol not only to signify quantities w ithin space, but to actually becom e space
w he n m ultiplied. But for this to happen, tw o realizations needed to take place. Although
how the hatches cam e into existence is not docum ented in w riting, the im ages from
N eurath's graphic dictionary paired w ith his theories on symbols are highly suggestive.32
 D ie A u to m o b il i nd ustrie 1 9 2 9
bi Nord- und S

M i f f t t f i . . .
muftbiaijaniaj ima*
m m tfn TO— C L
m m m T O _ TO1—

m r o - h l t o T
o —

m m _ t l tn _ m _
m m m m _ TO—
51
m rn _ m _ tD _ TO _

Figure 2.21: "Die Automobilindustrie." 1929

! 1
B
r t T
H
T j
Hi
*i
fill
Figure 2.22. Paired Symbols. Shoeworks Figure 2.23: Paired Symbols. Symbolical Meaning

The basis to the first realization w a s the inversion of th e sym bol. As noted before, all
linocut stamps produced by the "M useum of S ociety and Econom y" w e re c arried out in
tw o versions: one th a t show ed a solid figure and one th a t c reated its void.

Collecting these statistical figure-grounds, som ebody at th e M useum m ight have

realized, maybe by a ccident, th a t th e "grounds," the inverted symbols, w ould lend
themselves especially w ell to differentiate spaces w he n multiplied. 224,225

Secondly, the need to differentiate spaces ran parallel to Neurath's thinking about
modifying color im ages to black and w hite graphics. Adapting singular symbols,
originally in color, for a black and w hite publication, N eurath had suggested that
Binnenzeichnung could be used. It w as only a logical step, th a t the sam e e ffe ct could be
 r t ® m
m
M X
u

ana
t « 9 i lIIX j

tful ESH
SB
U tfV U
M M M M

Figure 2.24. 2.25. Figure 2.3: Bodem (Ground). Series: "Bodem 1" and "Bodem 2"

applied for spatial differentiation via sym bolic repetition. This application had already

52 been used in conventional agricultural plans and lot divisions.33 N eurath w as certainly
fa m ilia r w ith those.

H o w e ve r, th e re is also a second w a y to read w h a t m ight have happened. During his

involvem ent w ith ele m e nta ry schools, N e urath started to pay attention to the issue
of solving m athem atical problem s via picture statistics. He found especially that the
c alculation of relative density could be easily com prehended through draw ings.34 He
2.26,2.27 e ven a b stracted this rep resentation to the d egree of a pointilized hatch, arguing that
this rep resentation w a s "for the eye alm ost as sim ple as th e com parison of th e men by
them selves.35

The realizatio n th a t a transform ation from the symbol to the hatch w as possible, and the
revelation th a t integrating these m ini-sym bol-patterns w orked even w ithin the spatial
dom ain, w e re the tw o nece s sa ry advancem ents th a t founded the second layer of the
1937 map.

A fter establishing a scientific theory th a t em ployed picture statistics for dem onstrating
quantities and reje c ted u nnecessary detail, it m ight have seem ed inconsistent to
em ploy sym bols as picturesque patterns. Especially afte r applying hatches for mapping
density, it w a s a w k w a rd to go back to using them as w allpapers. In fact, one could
argue th a t N eurath's picture language regressed by em ploying those hatches, because
it also w e n t against its first rule: a g re ate r am ount of symbols is em ployed only for a
g re ate r quantity. This w a s obviously not th e case w ith the hatches. They w e re m erely
picturesque and th e ir s cale, the quantity in w hich they appeared, did not imply anything.
Additionally, it m ight seem strange to show sections, or elevations of objects projected
onto space, w h e re the y can n ever be seen as such, in plan.
But despite this inconsistent, unscientific a pproach, the hatches served their purpose.
They rep resented the fabric of rural and urban space efficiently to the uneducated eye.
Color solids, and te c h n ica l hatches com posed of horizontal, v ertical and inclined lines,
w e re em ployed in other arc hite c tural m aps at th e tim e, but the y w e re never nearly as
c om prehensive as N eurath's w allpapers.
 53

Figure 2.28: "Produktive Fldchen der Erde," Productive Areas in the World, ca. 1929 - 1930

The fact that it took a long evolution from the symbol to th e m ap is exem plified by the total
absence of hatches em ployed w ithin space in D ie Bunte W e lt (1929)38 and G es ellsch aft
und W irtschaft (1930),37 (although first variations of them w e re show n as quantities in
these books). 228,229

From the Geographical Map to the Battle Plan

Neurath alw ays strove for quantitative m aps to w ork in sim ilar w ays as geographical
ones do. H ow ever, his picture statistics lacked spatial im plications. So w h e re did this
dismissal of any kind of spatial elem ent originate?
In his Visual Autobiography, Otto Neurath stressed that perspective drawings, in w hich
things in the foreground appear bigger and the ones in the background seem sm aller,
 Vegetationszonen der Erde

54
Figure 2.29: "Vegelationszonen der Erde,” Vegetation Zones in the World, ca. 1929 - 1930

“fixed th e spec ta to r to a specific spot from w hich he ought to look at the im age and
did not allo w for the freedo m to see them th e w a y one w an ted to."38 This might tie in
w ith N e u rath 's logic th a t com plex details and te c h n ica l draw ings had to be avoided,
since three-d im en s io n ality w a s too com plex for the ordinary man to understand. But
th e re w a s a n other fa c to r th a t contributed to m aking this decision: the w a y in w hich
g e ograph ical m aps rep resented inform ation. They w e re easy to read due to their lack
of p erspective and because th e y contained a catalogue of universal signs.39 But m ost of
all, g e ograph ical m aps seem ed to de pict inform ation in an unbiased w ay .40
All throug hout his life N eurath c o llected m aps fondly. They w e re categorized in
2.30,2.31 th re e groups; a) large s ca le, regional and w orld m aps, b) tow n plans and c) maps of
2.32 b a ttlefields.41

In th e first years of using the V ienna M ethod , how ever, the re w as not a g reat variety
of quantitative m aps w ith spatial com ponents. P rojected plan spheres often showed
locations of im port and e xport in the w orld and im ages of Eurasia constituted the main
events of the m igration of nations.42

N e urath even testified in the appendix to G esellsch aft und W irtschaft, in its subtitle
P icture S ta tistic a l E lem entary Opus, that, although m aps of the w orld and the city had
been em ployed, they w e re intentionally "not geographical maps, but only cartogram s.
The cartog raphic depiction of th e atlas w as adjusted to m atch the picture statistics."43
This is w h y the w orld w a s usually show n as solely distinguished from the seas and if
countries w e re differentiated from one another at all, then only by the use of color. All
these cartogram s intentionally rem ained only the background for quantitative maps and
did not even intend to be geograph ical ones.
C artogram s produced by the "M us e um of S ociety and Economy" consciously follow ed
the law s of th e pictogram and this is w h y neither inherited the properties of a real
diagram .
 55
Figure 2.30: Regional Map. "A.D. 1811. Empire of Napoleon Bonaparte." ca. 1811

Figure 2.31: Town Plan. "Flarlem. Netherlands. 1742." ca. 1742

There w ere a fe w geographical m aps produced th a t tried to look closer at the city, in
the form of tow n plans. It is arguable, how ever, th a t also these are cartogram s. W ithin
them, information w a s very selectively displayed. Additionally, the M useum s' tow n
plans seldom -contained m ore than one geographical layer. 2.35
W h a t set the geographical layer a part from the quantitative m ap w as th a t it collected
information pertaining to terraign. H ow ever, this inform ation w as separated from
the quantitative inform ation. They w e re never superim posed. Additionally, the
representation of the city w as trim m ed dow n to resem ble the sim plicity of the quantities
charts. According to N eurath, tow n plans should only "explain the c h ara cter of a
district, but not its e xact location or disposition.''44 2.33
This shows that it w as not until the 1937 m ap th a t N eurath thought in depth about h ow to
map socio-political factors onto space. B efore then, these tw o layers w ere consciously
kept apart. Pairing layers stood at the end of a long process.
Figure 2.33: "New York," ca 1929 - 1930

Although the s egregation of space from statistical inform ation m ight have fostered
b e tter understanding of the chart, it also testifies to N eurath's underestim ation of
s pace's dispositions and its resulting com plexities.

This becom es app are n t w he n looking closer a t how Neurath perceived m aps of
battlefields. In recollections about his childhood, Neurath stresses th a t from battle
m aps predating the 17th century, he learned how by sim ple m eans the "array of the
battle, the m arching o rder and the a rra nge m ent of the cam p, could be illustrated."45
Figure 2.34: 'Fighting Troops, W W 1 1914 — 1918,” ca. 1929 Figure 2.35: Structure of an Industrial Company

This is most striking, since battle m aps in ge nera l are s patially interesting because of a
57
strategy, a diagram or the m ilitary plan they em body.

Focusing on the static a rra n g e m en t of com pany, rath er than its active plan for action,
is one of N eurath's tw o shortcom ings w h e n thinking about m aps: th a t an operative
com ponent is crucial for m any diagram s. M o re o v er, he does not m ention how
topography related and determ ined a battles’ outcom e. A spatial com ponent, just as an
operative one, is often w h a t distinguishes be tw ee n picture and diagram .

The labels of N eurath's m ap collection overestim ate his understanding of the re p re ­

sentation of battle. For N eurath, the depiction w as precisely an unbiased map of battle - a
neutral, historical still fra m e - not a battle plan; a plan, w hos e intelligence potentially
decided an entire country's destiny. 2.34

Critique - Spatial and Operative Components

As mentioned in the introduction, w he n N eurath cam e on the scene, graphic statistics

w ere w idespread, especially in popular m edia like m agazines and billboards. But it
w as his great m erit to give birth to quantitative m apping as a com prehensive tool for
understanding social correlations.
Nonetheless, it is crucial to rev ie w other tools available at the tim e, since some of
them seem ed to be capable of graphically facilitating the construction of know ledge
efficiently, w hile others presented precise fa cts on urban fabric and regional
composition. Additionally, by contrasting collected exam ples from Brinton's Graphic
Methods for Presenting Facts w ith N eurath's quantitative m aps, it might be possible to
gain a better understanding of the latter's properties. Otto Neurath rem ained true to his
quantitative maps and seldom w an dered off this path, w ith the rare exception of using
organigrams.48 2.35
That it w as actually Otto Neurath, w ho lacked the vision or the w ill to em ploy operative
diagrams, is proven by the fact that Gerd Arntz did strive to use various techniques in his
 Figure 2 36: "Rotterdam Port.” around 1950

Figure 2.37: “The Growth in the Length ol Ocean Liners." Willard C. Brinlon. before 1914

later in depend ent w o rk on ISOTYPE, a fte r the N euraths im m igrated to Holland.47

T h a t operative charts w e re in use at the tim e, and even earlier, is shown in one of
B rinton's exam ples, the curve recording the grow th in length of various ocean liners.
O cean liners g re w exponentially over tim e. T he ch art also indicates th a t their m ateriality
and tec h n ica l e quipm ent changed, hinting th a t these indications might have to do with
the oc ea n liners' enlargem ent.
Otto N e urath w ould have justly objected to this graphic representation, because it falsely
suggests th a t an ocean liner built in the years b etw een 1880 and 1900 w ould conform
to the curve, even if it did not.48 This m eans Neurath rejected this diagram because
its operative com ponent d re w false conclusions. But the suggestive elem ent is also
w h a t m akes the diagram pow erful. For a hypothetical firm , interested in superseding the
p rojected trend, this diagram w ould be a w a y to get ahead of its tim e. N eurath would
have argued th a t a trend ho w e ve r could not predict the future. Also the indication of
m aterial and te c h n ica l advancem ents in the sam e diagram suggests correlations that
would be hard to d ra w if the inform ation w a s presented in s ep a rate charts. H ow e ve r, in
theory, it w as possible th a t th e chang e from w ood to m etal had nothing to do w ith the
growth of the ship. N eurath w ould have n ever a d vocated using a suggestive diagram
like this.
Other exam ples for operative draw ings from Brinton's collection are not diagram s
but maps. W h a t all of these have in com m on is th a t the y can be easily tra n sla te d into
planning strategies.
A good exam ple is th e m ap show ing the basis fo r the com prehensive system of Chicago
passenger subw ays in a c c o rd a n ce w ith th e density of th e city's population.
It shows th a t the re is a c le a r relationship b e tw ee n population density and the proposed
routes. Reading th e title, th e sp ec ta to r im m ediately understands th a t routes of
transportation w e re planned on the basis of this density chart.49
Planned analysis lead to a train system th a t functions w ell until today.

Otto Neurath thought about how to em ploy densities in a m ap as w ell. But the
question em erges w h y this triggered the founding of h atches and w allp a p er, rath er
than attributing spatial and possibly operative com ponents to the m ap, th a t achieve
statistical and a rchitectural precision.
Two other maps th a t illustrate the possible outcom e of com bining data and spatial
conditions are "P assengers Carried in T w e n ty -fo u r Hours on th e S tre e t-c a r Lines of
Frankfurt am M a in " and "Freight T raffic in A m e ric a ."
The simplified, netw orked m ap of railroad traffic in A m e ric a , w h ich purposefully lacks
spatial indications besides com parative lengths, cle a rly show s m ain and secondary
routes of transportation. Additionally it contains directionality. The sp ec ta to r can
easily identify th a t the freight traffic tow a rd Kansas City is h e av ier than in the outgoing
direction. Although this m ap does not suggest a planning s trategy, its abstraction allow s
for it to be utilized in such a c apacity.50
A similar phenom enon can be w itnessed w he n looking a t the m odel of Frankfurt's
transportation efficiency. Although the physical m odel does not indicate w h y passenger
ratios are higher in certain areas, the m odel w ould lend itself w e ll to such im plications.
Big housing projects and industries could be factors. M od els like this one are the start
of an effective spatial analysis and the possible beginning of an urban project.
It would be incorrect to argue th a t N eurath did not think about such operative and
spatial models of illustration at all. In fac t, tw o exam ples counter the m aps as presented.
The quantitative map "Density of Traffic on Berlin's Highw ays," although them atically
closer to the analysis of Frankfurt's transportation system , stands in direct contrast to
the networked freight diagram . W h ile in the freight diagram , it is possible to com pare
the traffic's density by the "line w eights," N eurath's illustration of density by symbols
and their gaps seem s counterproductive. It is hard to conclude for exam ple, th a t street
A is tw ice as heavily travelled as s treet B. This is also true for sections of the street
In great contrast, Brinton's diagram effectively achieves such a distinction. It even
inscribes tw o directions.
If two directions would be accounted for in N eurath's Berlin diagram , it w ould be
completely impossible to read it. A fter all, even the symbols of the cars, w hich mime the
Figure 2.39: "Passengers Carried in Street-car Lines of Frankfurt. Each Strip Represents 4,000 Passengers.' before 1914
Figure 2 40. 2 41 Freighl traffic Density on Railroad." before 1914 and Density of Iiaflic on Beilm's Highways 1926

Figure 2 42: Chart with drawn Relief, late 1920s

elevation of a car, seem clumsy w hen applied on a spatial map that operates in top view .
Most importantly, the map of Berlin cannot go into operation, since it is hard to translate
the symbols back into understandable correlating ratios. N eurath seldom used maps
similar to "Freight Traffic," w hich w e re too abstract to m ake spatial judgm ents.
The model of the subw ay system in Frankfurt can be com pared to a map of tariff boarders
in Europe. The model, showing how hard it is to cross boarders betw een various states,
is not even a real model. It is a painted plastic. N eurath insisted th a t models should only
be employed if it w as absolutely necessary.5' The spatial illustration of this situation
 Figure 2.43: “Relief Model. Pool in a Pubic Park." late 1920s

62 did not do itself justice, as it is excep tionally hard to m ake out differences, especially
b e tw e e n going from country A to B and going from country B to A. M oreover, it is
questionable w h y a m odel-like graphic w a s chosen to solve this problem at all, because
th e re a re no spatial im plications w ithin the countries th a t c orrelate to the situations at
the boarders. This m ap rem ains an im age. It canno t go into operation and it does not
suggest spatial strategies.

2.43 This w a s unfo rtunately true fo r m ost of th e m odels cre a te d at the "M useum of Society and
Econom y." T hey did not help to gain spatial insight. They did not e nhan ce the presented
m aterial by th e ir third dim ension, because the m odel did not behave differently than the
plan. In fac t, instead of calling them m odels, it w ould be legitim ate to refer to them as
extrusions, since the y fostered a m ere e xtrapolation of the plan.
Som e of them even dism issed the rep resentation of a rchitectural objects as volume
com pletely, like a stage design th a t contains depth and layers, not to m ention com plex
social overcutting. They did not seize any of the m odel's properties that can m ake it
superior to a plan or a series of sections or elevations.

M o s t im portantly, they n ever achieved w h a t the m aps eventually did. They w e re not
able to show the c orrelation betw ee n social forces and spatial im plications. A t no time
did they even a ccom plish abstraction a t all. They w e re sim plified copies of reality,
w h ich w a s ironically w h a t N eurath dreaded th e most.

Defense - The Concept of the Social Silhouette

Although I believe th a t N eurath lacked spatial im agination on an a rchitectural level,

o ther m atters are also im portant. First, and unlike Brinton w ho e valuated maps and
established rules case by case, N eurath built th e language of picture statistics from the
bottom up. His v o cabulary expanded over tim e, as did the language's syntax.*2
Secondly, he produced a c le a r order in the discipline of urbanism through sim ple maps.
An additional fa c t th a t m ight c ast n e w light on N eurath's enterprises is the concept of
the social silhouette, w hich he ela bora te d in one of his m ore com plex publications, The
International E ncyclopedia o f U nified S cie n ce (1944).B
As the title suggests, the book is c once rne d w ith the question of uniting various fields
of science and it prom pts the question of h o w it w a s possible to found a lan guage th a t
could serve them all.

The principle of the social silhouette is e ssen tial in understanding N e u rath 's entire
legacy:

M e c h a n ic a l engineers, using old traditions, a re a cc u s to m ed to m aking

statem ents concerning the e ffe cts o f m achines. They m a y s ay o f a certain
airplane th a t it transports m ore w e ig h t than another, b u t th a t its s p e e d is
not high, the s eats less a re com fortable, the risk o f a cc id en ts is sm aller,
and so on. Each o f these qualifications m a y b e m e a s u re d b y m e an s o f i t s :
63
ow n unit or ran ke d acco rd in g to som e s c a le (e.g., c o m fo rt o f seats). The j ,
sam e seem s to be the given p ro c ed u re in the s o c ia l sciences. One m ay
com pare tw o s o cia l p a tte rn s as fa r as d eath rate, suicide rate, illiteracy,
use o f radio sets, a n d o th e r item s m a y be concerned. L e t us sp ea k o f
various "silhouettes," com posed o f the item s in question, in an alo g y to j ,
individual "profiles”.*

And later he states:

Various nations have d iffe re n t m ortality rates; one c an n o t s a y th a t w h e re

the m ortality rate is higher, w e m a y also e x p e c t a lo w e r s ta n d ard o f
public health. It m a y be th a t in one nation the p e rc e n ta g e o f old p eople
is extraordinarily high and, therefore, the natio n a l m ortality rate m a y also
be very high, even if in a ll age groups the m ortality rate w e re s m aller than
in other nations. The silhouette o f m ortality rates w o u ld te ll us w h a t the
situation /s.55

This is precisely w hy N eurath w an ted to illustrate every single category by itself. Only
in their collectivity w ould the charts cre a te a social silhouette th a t w ould show a m ore
holistic picture of social interconnectivities. 2.44
Splitting social phenom ena th a t w e re already hard to understand into singular
components also m ade them accessible. The collections of various charts, w hich w e re
then, in their entirety, open to interpretation and did not d ra w one distinct im age, w ere
also supportive of the idea of pluralism th a t N eurath tried to foster for the discussion
of the city. For him there w as not one distinct question and one corre c t answ er. Global
forces, as w ell as the manifold city w e re alw ays, and had to be, open to variety. And
the beauty of the city and the w orld w as th a t these m ultiple realities existed in parallel
to one another.
Despite Neurath's concept of the social silhouette and the notion of pluralistic thought,
the lack of operative elem ents in N eurath's maps rem ains w hen looking at them from an
 Figure 2 44 ''Scheme for the Exposition of Charts''

arc hite c tural point of view . On the other hand it w as w h a t distinguished Neurath from
the a rchitects, and denoted his g reat achievem en t.
B ecause in contrast to a rchitects, N e u rath, the phijosopher, could perceive th e ^ ity as
the cognitive construct of m anifold social relations th a t it w as. He w as freed from the
burden of having to coerce it w ith the specificity that a design tasks dem ands,

£ Therefore his m aps w e r e coam tivp tnnk, hut npyer instrum ents.
H ow ever, w ith the 1937 map he achieved w h a t he had alw ays w an ted and w h a t no
a rc h ite c t had accom plished before him: to illustrate socio-econom ic forces w ithin the
city w ith the sam e objectivity as the geograph ical map. This achievem en t may be the
reason w h y the overlap of the map and s ocio-econom ic forces becam e a successful
tool in fostering debates on urbanism from that point on.
1 Otto Neurath, "Stadtebau und Proletariat," Der Kampf, (1923): 378,341.
Das neue Wien, das so entsteht, wird in wachsendem M aBe ein Abbild des Geistes sein, der das
organisierte Proletariat erfiillt, so wie das Wien der letzten Jahrzehnte ein Abbild des Geistes ist,
das unser untergehendes Biirgertum erfiillt....
DasZusammenarbeiten der Architekten mit der Arbeiterschaft muB so w eit getrieben werden,
dass von den Wunschen, von der Sehnsucht, die in alien lebt, etwas in die neue Bauweise
eingeht. Und wo derArchitekt als der Fachmann entscheidend gehort werden muB, kann doch
das Leben des einzelnen wirksam werden. Die Architekten werden vor die Arbeiterschaft
hintreten, von der Hoffnung erfiillt, dass das, was sie an baulicher Gestaltung ersehnen, von der
Arbeiterschaft gewollt werde. Sie werden lauschen miissen, was die Gesellschaftsentwicklung
ihnen verkundet, urn in Einklang mit ihrzu bleiben. Das zu erkunden und zu erfassen, in diesem
Sinne mehr oder minder bewusst Raumliches zu gestalten ist eine der nachsten kunstlerischen
und organisatorischen Aufgaben. DaB eine umfassende Bewegung das gesamte Bauwesen
erf asst, wird wohl ein Menschenalter brauchen. Die wechselnden Schicksale proletarischer
Macht und proletarischer Organisationskraft werden sich in der Architektur der Zeit deutlich
abspiegeln. Die Architektur kann bereits als ein wesentlicher Bestandteil der proletarischen
Kulturbewegung aufgefasst werden.
2 Otto Neurath, "Die padagogische Weltbedeutung der Bildstatistik nach W iener Methode," Die
Quelle, (1933): 209
Die internationale Bedeutung dieser Methode beruht unter anderem darauf, dass wie die
Erfahrung zeigt die gleichen Bildertafeln in verschiedenen Landem verwendet werden konnen.
Die Bilder sind geeigneter als Worte, eine Menschheitskultur vorbereiten zu helfen. Worte
trennen - Bilder verbinden.
Otto Neurath, "Visual Autobiography: From Hieroglyphics to ISOTYPE," Future Books III, (1946): 100.
This is the goal of Isotype: to communicate knowledge by visual means as widely as possible and
so help to reduce the gulf between nations and language groups.
3 Otto Neurath argues in his Visual Autobiography that he was already drawn to picture statistics
during his childhood. However his continuous scientific efforts in search of a graphic language
started with the founding of Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum.
4 0. Neurath, "Autobiography," 97.
Shortly after the first World War, I became Secretary of the Austrian Association of Co-operative
Housing and Garden Allotment Societies. Part of my duties was to supervise education schemes
and to disseminate information.
5 Otto Neurath translated the term Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum in Wien to Social and
Economic Museum in Vienna in Graphic Survey in 1933. However I am using the translation most
contemporary Neurath scholars have chosen: Museum of Society and Economy.
Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum was founded in 1925 under this name, emerging from
the Housing Museum and ceased to exist in 1934. It reopened after W W II and is called Austrian
Museum for Social and Economic Affairs today.
Otto Neurath, "Museums of the Future," Survey Graphic [ 1933): 462.
But how is humanity to be presented in a museum? That was the question which the Social and
Economic Museum of Vienna set itself to answer a decade ago.
Otto Neurath described how Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum derived from the Housing
museum (1924 -1925), which initially collected charts from the settlers' housing exhibition (1923).
0. Neurath, GWM in Wien, 3.
Das Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum ist nicht auf einmal ins Leben gerufen worden.
Zuerst entstand das Osterreichische Siedlungsmuseum, das nunmehr als Abteilung “Siedlung
und Stadtebau" in das Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum aufgenommen wird. Dieses
Siedlungsmuseum war im AnschluB an die letzte groBe Kleingarten-, Siedlungs- und
Wohnbauausstellung des Jahres 1923 durch den Osterreichischen Verband fur Siedlungs- und
Kleingartenwesen unter krdftigster Fdrderung der Gemeinde Wien und der Internationalen
Freundeszentrale ins Leben gerufen worden. Die Arbeiter- und Angestelltenkammer fur
Wien und Niederdsterreich, die Gemeinwirtschaftliche Siedlungs- und Baustoffanstalt, die
GroBeinkaufsgesellschaft der Konsumvereine und andere Organisationen haben Mittel fur die
Ausgestaltung zur Verfugung gestellt. Graphika, Photographien und Modelle der Ausstellung
wurden hier vereinigt. Weiteres Material wurde angekauft und angefertigt und damit der
Grundstock IOr eine Sammlung geschaffen, die zeigt, wie auf allgemeinwirtschaftlichen
rundlagen, menschliche Siedlungen sich entwickeln, wie Stadte bald planmaBig geschaffen
werden, bald durch fallweise Errichtung von Baulichkeiten sich entwickeln, wie die reine
 Hochhausstadt des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts in fast alien Landern allmahlich durch den Bau
von Gartenvorstadten und Gartenstadten uberwunden wurde.
6 0. Neurath, GWM in Wien, 6.
7 The Gesellschafts- and Wirtschaftsmuseum was renamed into Isotype Institute and
Mundaneum The Hague, when the Neuraths immigrated to Holland in 1934.
8 0. Neurath, "Autobiography,” 96.
From an early age, I made a distinction between pictures as an artistic whole and pictures whose
first aim was to convey information through lines and colours. Gradually, I came to regard those
who drew educational pictures as the servants of the public and not as their masters.
9 Otto Neurath, "Das Sachbild," Die Form (1930): 30.
Der MiBbegriff, wissenschaftliche Zeichnungen, Schnitte usw. fur die Aufklarung breiter Massen
unverandert oder wenig verandert zu verwenden, liegt auf dem Gebiet der Hygiene und Technik
sehr nahe, weil hier die Wissenschaft selbst sich orientierender Bilder bedient Auf dem Gebiete
sozialer Aufklarung dagegen miissen neue Methoden zur Anwendung kommen, deren die
Wissenschaft nicht bedarf.
10 0. Neurath, GWM in Wien, 2.
Naturwissenschaftliche Vorgange lassen sich gewissermaBen unmittelbar abbilden!... Man
kann Modelle des Herzens bauen und den Pumpvorgang im einzelnen demonstrieren. Wie
aber soli man Vorgange innerhalb eines Gesellschaftskorpers zeigen, die Veranderung der
Klassenschichtung, die Zirkulation des Geldes und der Waren, die Tatigkeit der Banken usw.,
die Zusammenhange zwischen Einkommen und Tuberkulose, zwischen Geburtenziffer und
Sterblichkeitsrate? Auch hierfiir sind Modelle moglich, graphische Darstellungen.
Otto Neurath, "Darstellungsmethoden des Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseums in Wien,"
Osterreichische Gemeindezeitung, August 15,1925,18.
Ein technisches oder biologisches Museum hat vor allem die Aufgabe, physische Gegenstande
unter besonders gunstigen Bedingungen zu zeigen, um ihren Auf bau vorzufuhren, den geistigen
Gehalt einer Erfindung, den „Sinn" eines Organs zum Bewusstsein zu bringen. Modelle zeigen
den Gegenstand manchmal verkleinert, manchmal vergroBert Sie sind aber fast ausschlieBlich
Abbildungen von Gegenstanden und bedurfen in seltenen Fallen besonderer Bedeutung.
Anders steht es mit dem, was ein soziales Museum zu leisten hat. Es sind nicht einfache
physische Gegenstande, die vorgefuhrt werden sollen, nicht Dampfmaschinen oder Saugetiere,
nicht Ventile oder Herzen, es handelt sich vielmehr um Gebilde und Zusammenhange, die
durch besondere Denkvorgange uberhaupt erst konstruiert werden konnen. Die ortsansassige
Bevolkerung ist nicht gegeben wie ein Fordautomobil, und die Wirtschaftskrise nicht wie ein
Krebsgeschwiir. Gebilde, wie sie im sozialen Museum die Regel sind, bilden im technischen
oder biologischen Museum die Ausnahme. Es sollen im Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum
soziale Erscheinungen durch Symbole erf asst werden, leicht uberblickbare Anordnung von
Linien, Flachen, Korpern sollen gesellschaftliche Zusammenhange darstellen. Statistisch erfasste
Tatbestande sollen lebendig gemacht werden.
11 Otto Neurath, "Bildstatistik und Arbeiterbildung," Bildungsarbeit (1929): 11.
Es kann einem bei einer Kurve passieren, dass man sich Form und Farbe merkt, aber dabei
vergisst, was sie bedeutet... Das Mengenbild sagt immer auch, wovon es handelt
12 Otto Neurath, "Bildstatistik in der 'W iener Methode'," Osterreichische Gemeindezeitung,
(1930):17.
Nur Zahlen sind nicht fur jeden gut zu behalten. Die Kurve zeigte wohl die Bewegung an,
also einen Toil des Vorzustellenden, hatte aber, um einzelne Zeiten, Momente schnell
anzugeben, erhebliche Nachteile. Der Kreis, das Quadrat, die langgezogene Flache, besonders
bei Vergleichen angewendet, hatten den Nachteil, dass eine Obersichtliche und genaue
GroBenangabe beziehungsweise GroBenunterschiede nicht erfolgen.
13 0. Neurath, "Bildstatistik, Wiener Methode," 11.
Sie [MengenbilderJ geben das Gefilhl der Sicherheit, vor den kleinen Figuren hat man nicht Angst
wie vor Zahlen und Kurven.
14 0. Neurath, "Sachbild," 37.
Soziologische Merkbilder sollen den einzelnen befahigen, iiber sein Wissen jederzeit sicher
zu disponieren. Es handelt sich um eine wichtige mnemo-technische Aufgabe, deren Ldsung
darauf beruht, dass sehr viele Menschen, insbesondere die weniger Vorgebildeten, vor allem ein
optisches Gedachtnis haben.
15 0. Neurath, "Arbeiterbildung," 8.
Es fragt sich nun, ob es nicht Methoden gibt die, dem Wesen der Arbeiter besonders angepasst,
 Kenntnisse vermitteln, dass der Arbeiter dem Menschen uberlegen wird, der uber die iiberlieferte
Bildung verfiigt Eine solche Methode scheint die Wiener Methode der Bildstatistik zu sein, welche
vor allem an das Auge sich wendet und so soziale Tatsachen optisch erfassbar macht. Da nun in
derArbeiterschaft das Auge lembegieriger als bei Intellektuellen ist besteht die Moglichkeit durch
optische Bildungsmittel rasch und eindringlich Kenntnisse verbreitenzu kdnnen, die von Menschen
mit burgerlicher Bildung nicht in gleichem Made und nicht mit gleicher Sicherheit gehandhabt zu
werden pflegen. Diese Uberlegenheit ist dann besonders stark gegeben, wenn diese Methode wegen
ihres optischen Gehaltes den biirgerlichen Intellektuellen geradezu weniger zuganglich bleibt, wenn
aus bestimmten Grunden die Verbreitung dieser Methode der burgerlichen Ideologie widerstrebt
16 Michael G. Mulhall, Dictionary of Statistics, (London and New York: George Routledge and
Sons, 1884)
The use of picture statistics exploded in the 1880s with the publication of this book.
17 Willard C. Brinton, Graphic Methods for Presenting Facts, (New York: The Engineering
Magazine Company, 1914)
18 0. Neurath, "Arbeiterbildung," 8.
Eine groBere Menge von Gegenstanden und Personen wird durch eine groBere Menge von
Zeichen wiedergegeben.
19 In the N-Files Neurath observed this phenomenon based on a publication by the Austrian
Hickmann. However, Nader Vossoughian states in his monograph on Neurath, that Neurath was
familiar with the work of Brinton and followed one of his detected rules.
20 0. Neurath, "Autobiography," 98.
Isotype work is the result of close and continuous collaboration by a team of workers. We have,
of course, had many forerunners who tried various methods of visualizing important events, but
they do not appear to have attained the visual consistency which map-makers did so well. Others
have represented a greater number of objects by greater number of little drawings, but they have
not used symbols as units of such representations to form a kind of technique. We were, I think,
the first to evolve a theoretical framework for modern visual education.
21 N. Vossoughian, "Facts and Artifacts: Otto Neurath and the Social Science of Socialization,"
(PhD diss., Columbia University 2004) 164.
R. Kinross, "Otto Neurath's contribution to visual communication (1925 - 45), The History, Graphic
Language and Theory of Isotype." (M.Phil. thesis, University of Reading, 1979) 21.
22 0. Neurath, "Autobiography," 97-8.
At first our symbols were drawn realistically, but by using a new technique we soon simplified
them without losing their self explanatory qualities. We began to cut out symbols - silhouettes
of animals and ploughs and men - from colour paper, necessarily reducing the outlines to a
minimum and avoiding internal lines wherever possible.
23 Otto Neurath, Bildstatistik nach Wiener Methode in der Schule (Mienna and Leipzig: Deutscher
Verlag fur Jugend und Volk, 1933)
Neurath gives his first extensive overview on the rules established for the Isotype in this text.
24 Neurath collected this image from another publication in the N-Files. This image served as a
basis for illustration 2.6., N-521.
25 0. Neurath, Wiener Methode in der Schule, 19.
Die Erfahrung hat gezeigt, dass es nicht geniigt. Hose und Rock einander gegenuberzustellen, es
ist wichtig, dem die Reihen entlang gleitenden Auge unterschiedliche Kopfformen vorzufuhren.
So ergeben sich ungezwungen bestimmte Konventionen, welche die Darstellung von „Mensch,"
„Mann und Frau, " „Arbeiter und Arbeiterin, " „Bauer und Bauerin“ usw ermoglichen.
26 0. Neurath, Wiener Methode in der Schule, 19.
Es liegt auf der Hand, dass einmal festgelegte Konventionen moglichst beibehalten werden
sollen, damitjeder, der eine langere Reihe von Mengenbildern nach Wiener Methode kennt, die
folgende immer leichter „liest."
27 0. Neurath, Wiener Methode in der Schule, 20.
Dabei darf man nicht ubersehen, dass man uber eine ungeheure Zahl gut merkbarere Formen
verfiigt, aber nur uber eine sehr geringe Zahl gut merkbarer Farben, die sich dem Gedachtnis
einpragen. Ganz abgesehen davon, dass auch Menschen, die nicht farbenblind sind, fur
arbunterschiede nicht immer sehr empfšnglich sind, vermSgen viele sich nicht zu erinnem,
o ein bestimmtes Blau, das ihnen gezeigt wird, dem Hell- oder Dunkelblau entspricht, das sie
Sestern gesehen haben. Die Erfahrung zeigt, dass man womoglich sich auf Farben Schwarz,
rau WeiB, Rot, Griin, Blau, Braun, Gelb beschrdnken soil, wobei die Verwendung von WeiB auf
weiBem Hintergrund nur mit Kontur moglich ist.
28 0. Neurath, Wiener Methode in der Schule, 20.
Man muss grundsatzlich bei alien Mengenbildern die ScharzweiBreproduktion insAuge fassen.
Den Gedanken die Farben etwa nach der SchwarzweiBwappenskala wiederzugeben, muss man
fallenlassen, weil man so die optische Wirkung zerstdrt. Man muB vielmehr danach trachten,
fur jede Farbdifferenz eine Zeichendifferenz bereitzuhalten, falls man sie nicht von vorn herein
anwendet und die Farbe nur als Verstarkung benutzt.
29 Marie Reidemeister (Neurath) carried the tradition of picture statistics in England on long after
her husband's death, which had first emerged at the Museum of Society and Economy in Vienna.
30 Otto Neurath, "Museums of the Future," Survey Graphic (1933): 484.
31 0. Neurath, Wiener Methode in der Schule, 21.
Die Verwendung von Hell- und Dunkelblau, Hell- und Dunkelgrun solite nach bisherigen
Erfahrungen auf ein MindestmaB eingeschrankt werden. Unbedenklich ist die Verwendung der
Farbenpaare dort, wo sie miteinander kombinierbar sind, etwa Wald: hellgrunes Baumzeichen aul
dunkelgrunem Grund, Wiese: dunkelgriines Graszeichen auf hellgrunem Grund. Die Verwendung
solcher „ Tapeten “ ist sehr aussichtsreich. Sie konnen an die Stelle der ublichen Darstellung von
Gelandebedeckungen treten, indem man das zu kennzeichnende Gebiet aus der vorhandenen
Tapete herausschneidet, ohne auf die Verteilung der Zeichen Rucksichtzu nehmen.
32 Neurath collected his symbols and maps carefully. The collection of symbols was called the
graphic dictionary. Neurath aspired for it to fold into an international encyclopedia of signs.
33 Sybilla Nikolow, who has published extensively on Neurath, mentioned in a conversation
that Neurath took his five categories of terrain employed in the 1937 map - water, ploughed
fields, grassland, deciduous woods and evergreen woods - from the conventional depiction of
agricultural maps and plans.
34 Otto Neurath, "Statistik und Schule," Kulturwille( 1927), ed. Rudolf Haller and Robin Kinross in
Gesammelte Bildpadagogische Schriften (Vienna: Holder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1991), 197.
M an gibt beide Lander in verkleinertem MaBstab wieder und verteilt die Zeichen fur die
Bewohner auf ihnen. Welches der beiden Lander „ dichter" besiedelt ist, kann man sehen, lange
ehe man es zu berechnen vermag! So wie der kleine Junge dem Vaterzu sagen weiB, ob fur die
Familie mehr Platz frei ist im „griinen Esel" oder in der„blauen Grotte. ’
35 Otto Neurath, International Picture Language - The first rules o f ISOTYPE (London: Kegan Paul,
Trench, Trubner & Co, 1936) 88.
M en living on a unit of space. This is clear from die distribution of signs without doing a division:
The more persons are massed together, the more signs there are on the unit of space. That is for
the eye almost as simple as the comparison of the men by themselves.
36 Otto Neurath, Die Bunte Welt, Mengenbilder fur die Jugend (Vienna: Artur Wolf Verlag, 1929)
37 Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft, Bildstatistisches
Elementarwerk (Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut A.G., 1930)
38 0. Neurath, "Autobiography," 93.
. . .I could not discover that there was any educational advantage in carefully drawn perspective
of the orthodox kind. Why should one have to draw things that are far away smaller than those
which are close?
Orthodox perspective is anti-symbolic and puts the onlooker into a p r iv ile g e d position. Any
picture in perspective fixes the point from which you look. I wanted to be free to look from
wherever I chose... I liked any method that would allow me to use things of the same size,
whether they were near or far away.
39 0. Neurath, "Autobiography," 93.
I soon realized that map making is one of the few techniques which does not use orthodox
perspective. It therefore seemed to me more educational than other visual techniques.
0. Neurath, "Arbeiterbildung," 8.
Die Wiener Methode bildet soziale Tatbestande ab, so wie eine Landkarte geographische
Tatbestande abbildet. Eine grdBere Menge von Gegenstanden und Personen wird durch eine
grdBere Menge von Zeichen wiedergegeben. So wie auf einer Landkarte eine Postanstalt, eine
Brticke, eine Ruine, ein Wald sein bestimmtes Zeichen h at hat in der Bildstatistik der Arbeiter,
der Selbststandige, der Kleinbauer, das mit Kohle geheizte Schiff, das Segelschiff, das mit
ErdSlfeuerung versehene Schiff sein bestimmtes Zeichen.
40 0. Neurath, "Autobiography," 100.
When controversial problems are presented in print people expect some kind of bias from the...,
in a way which they would not expect from looking at geographical maps. Isotype is bound to
be as neutral as maps and to provide material for free discussion from any point of view. Isotype
symbols have few er positive or negative associations than the printed or written words of a
language. You cannot write in a neutral way without being boring, but you can present a neutral
picture which is nevertheless attractive.
41 These are the contemporary labels on the drawers at the Isotype Archive at the Department of
Typography at the University of Reading, England.
42 0. Neurath, "Sachbild," 34.
Otto Neurath explained his use of planisphere in stead of models.
Es muss immer wieder betont werden, dass Licht, Raum und Bewegung auf Interesse rechnen
konnen. Es ist aber ein haufiger Fehler, diese Mittel dort anzuwenden, wo sie nicht notwendig
sind. Wozu Modelle, wo Plane genugen?
43 Otto Neurath, '"Grundsatzliches zur Kartographie': Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft,
Bildstatistisches Elementarwerk,” (Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut A.G., 1930): 102.
In diesem Bildstatistischen Elemetarwerk gibt es keine geographischen Karten, sondern
ausschlieBlich Kartogramme, urn Eintragungen vorzunehmen oder bestimmte Tatsachenzu
veranschaulichen.
44 0. Neurath, "Grundsatzliches," 102.
Auch die Stadtplane sollen nur den Charakter der Stadtteile, die Verschiebungen der Lage
kennzeichnen, nicht aber genaue Lokalisierungen ermoglichen. Die kartographische Darstellung
des Atlas wurde ausschlieBlich der Bildstatistik angepasst.
45 0. Neurath, "Autobiography," 93.
Our library also had some military charts and their clarity and information impressed me. There
was a tradition of presenting the array of battle in an expressive and self-explanatory way. Even
Iff"-century drawings show the marching order of a military column or the arrangement of a
camp.
46 Neurath used organigrams all throughout his career. He started to have them drawn up early
on, illustrating the components of a settler's house and he kept using them until his death in 1945.
47 Gerd Arntz remained in Holland when Otto Neurath and Marie Reidemeisterfled to England in
1940. He carried on the Isotype work in the Netherlands.
48 0. Neurath, International Picture Language, 100-102.
What the curve gives in addition to the ISOTYPE picture, is the points of the curve between these
four marks which the curve has in common with the ISOTYPE picture. Sometimes they have a
possible sense - but sometimes they have no sense at all... Is there an amount of iron produced
for every minute o f the year? Certainly not. What possible sense have these in-between points?
49 W. Brinton, Graphic Methods, 246.
On this map each dot is carefully located to represent 200 of the population. A spot map of this
kind, made to some scale whereby one dot represents several people, is essential to any reliable
study of transit facilities.
50 W. Brinton, Graphic Methods, 224.
The figures are in terms of 100,000 net tons hauled one mile per mile of road. A map of this kind is
easily made and is often of very great utility. The method can also be used to show the number of
passengers carried on railroad, subway, or street-car lines, etc.
51 0. Neurath, "Sachbild," 35.
Statistische Tatbestande bewegt vorzufuhren bedeutet im Allgemeinen ihre Uberschaubarkeit
zu beseitigen. Es gibt noch immer genug Falle, in denen man der Bewegung, der Raumlichkeit,
der Lichteffekte dringend bedarf. Gemalte Plastik ist oft wirksamer und uberschaubarer als reale
Plastik.
52 Rudolf Modley, How to use Pictorial Statistics (New York and London: Harper and Brothers,
1937), 130.
What is the difference between Neurath's work and the chart which we mentioned before as
appearing in Brinton's book? While the latter was nothing but an accidental occurrence in the
search for a better way to present facts, Dr. Neurath tried to build up his method on a logical
basis. He visualized a system in which picture words would be combined into a symbol dictionary,
forming the working stock of an international picture language.
53 Otto Neurath, Rudolf Carnap, Charles Morris, editors, International Encyclopedia of Unified
Science, Foundations of the Unity of Science, Volumes l-ll of the Encyclopedia (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press. 1944)
54 0. Neurath, R. Carnap, C. Morris, International Encyclopedia, 32.
55 0. Neurath, R. Carnap, C. Morris, International Encyclopedia, 33.
Chapter 3

Otto Neurath's Pedagogical Convictions

71
 From Picture Statistics to Picture Education

Figure 3.1: Children, Vienna, 1 9 2 5 - 1932

People w e re a lw ays c entral to N e u ra th ’s endeavors, as his goal w as to achieve human

happiness for as m any as possible. One com ponent of this happiness could be achieved
by know ledge, since k now ledge fostered security and social organization.' Therefore, a
system had to be em ployed th a t w ould lead to happiness through know ledge. It w as this
c once pt th a t led N eurath to em bra c e picture education.

In order to live up to these high goals, all aspects of graphic education had to be
s cientifically and pedagogically probed in relation to the intended audience. Otto
N eurath believed th a t every M od ern m an and w om an could be educated to understand
com plex s ocio-econom ic forces through his language of picture statistics, but he w as
also convinced th a tte e n a g e rs and children could profit trem endously from i t 2Therefore,
the language of picture statistics w a s tested scientifically and im proved by and for its
various “ta rg e t audiences." It w as also due to Neurath's educational approach and his
w ork, especially w ith children, th a t his graphics w ere refined, and th a t the 1937 map
w a s eventually created.
The vehicle for this refinem ent becam e the M u s e u m 3 - it w a s w h e re n e w tools w e re
invented and tested .4 W h ile the invention of the s e tools did not chang e the lan guage of
picture statistics m uch, the y w e re additional instrum ents through w h ich this language
could be articulated. Concretely, this m e ant a shift from exhibiting solely quantitative
maps on paper, to w a rd providing a s et of item s th a t could be used to inform the broad
public, ranging from m agnetic boards to short films.
This alteration w as reflec te d in the change of the nam e. Bildstatistik, picture statistics,
w as replaced by Bildpadagogik, picture pedagogy, bette r know n as P ic ture E ducation,
which also becam e the catchphra s e in N e u rath 's article s' headlines, since th a t w as
w hat the isotyP.E. abbreviation stood for.5
In order to distill how the w ork w ith certain " ta rg et a udienc e s" eventually inform ed
ISOTYPE graphics, it is first helpful to understand w h ich m aterial w a s presented at the
Museum and later at schools. It is also cru cial to outline w h a t convictions Otto N eurath
held for the m useum at large.

The Museum

Neurath theorized m useum s extensively.6 By 1936, he w a s so consum ed w ith the idea

of museums serving the purpose of e ducation that he called the built structure of the
museum, "a simple cover for teaching m a teria l."7
It w as crucial to him th a t m useum s operated like the visitor w an ted them to w o rk .8 This j

m eant that they had to be a ccessib le to th e ir public. Since the pro letaria t w a s N e urath's j
audience, the M useum w as specifically tailored to the w o rke r. !
Therefore, besides the h eadq uarter institution, the "M u s e u m for S ociety and Economy"
at Ullm anngasse, and the central exhibition at N e u es Rathaus, th e re w e re sm aller
branches all throughout the city and especially in districts w h e re m any w orke rs lived.9

In addition, being "conscious of the fa c t th a t th e w orking man had tim e to see a m useum
only at night,"’0 the central M useum at N e u es Rathaus kept its doors open in the evening
and entertained one small branch, a store front, w hich could also be used as a w aiting
room, open tw e nty-fou r hours a day.”

Although Neurath theorized th a t the visitor should determ ine w h a t and how a museum
should exhibit, he had a cle a r vision on w h a t he thought the v ie w ers w an ted . He w as
convinced that the "w orking m an" w ould w a n t "everything th a t is show n in a museum
to serve a com prehensive pedagogical purpose."12
In order to achieve com prehensiveness, N eurath asked his friend J osef Frank, w ith
whom he had w orked intensively during his years w ith the S ettlem ent and Allotm ent
Garden Association, to becom e the M useum 's architect. Frank applied g reat sim plicity
to the exhibitions' designs: he deem ed it im portant to provide a good overview on w h a t
information w as displayed. Therefore, the guidance of the visitor through the M useum
was key, and the rooms' sequencing had to correspond w ith the order of "m aterial
on view. 13 In addition, the exhibition space had to be flexible to accom m odate the
 Figure 3 .2.3 3 Exhibitions. "Neues Rathaus" and "Bezirksmuseum. Am Fuchsenfeld,' 12" District

74

Figure 3.4.3.5: Zeiischau Storefront. Outside and Inside. Am Tuchlaubenplatz. 1” District. Vienna

e ve r-c hang ing collection of inform ation. Frank paid gre at attention to the design's
adaptability, w h ich ran ged from planning flexible w alls to creating dism ountable fram es
for th e c h arts .'4 These fram es, as w ell as the M useum 's furniture, w e re all based on a
3.6 m odular system , w h ich enabled th e exhibit to tra v e l.15
The dim ension of all charts and dism ountable fram es corresponded w ith the
"A usgangsquadrat" (base square) and fragm entations of it, so th a t shipping would
be m ade as easy as possible. M o s t charts could slide into th e ir fram es, w hich w ere
specifically designed by Frank.
Frank's design tradition fo r buildings com plem ented this elem entary approach to
the inventory's design, since Frank had alw ays tried to keep "sim ple fram es around
doors and w indow s, [w hich w e re ] devoid of decorative elem ents or picturesque
m odulations.''16 The fram es also had to be kept as dis cre et as possible, so th a t they
w ould not steal any attention from the charts. But p aper charts w e re no longer the only
item s in the exhibit.
During the evolution from "P icture Statistics" to "P icture Education," other items
b ecam e regulars. M a g n e tic charts w e re key, because of their ability to change displays
easily. M od els, reliefs, illum inated charts, advertising colum ns, slide projections and
3.7 short film s w e re also utilized, as w e re m aps th a t m odeled the fabric of the city.

In addition, the "M us e um of S ociety and Economy" started an extensive collection of

th e ir ow n photographs, w hich w e re used in later years to depict labor environm ents.17
The photographs w e re labeled "A/afure-Files;" the ISOTYPE symbols and charts w ere
Figure 3.6: Travelling Exhibition. Architekt: Josef Frank Figure 3.7: Models at Neues Rathaus

called “ Tafel (Chart)-Files." Furtherm ore, the M u s e u m contained a huge a rchive for
historical m aps, cave draw ings, hieroglyphics and other sym bolic draw ings. It also
featured children's books and children's dra w ings and even responses of adults and
children w ho had visited the M u s e u m .'8
All of these collections, as w ell as the archival and th e building w o rk of objects, w e re
stored at the "M useum of S ociety and E cono m y."'9 This led to th e intensive c ollaboration
of all staff, w hich consisted of "s tatisticians, c artog ra phe rs, ethnologists, tec h n icia n s,
medical doctors" and artists.20 It becom es obvious th a t over the years the M u s e u m
developed into a productive scientific and pedag ogical res e arc h facility.
Both adults and children w e re e duca te d at the M u s e u m and N eu rath tes ted his picture
pedagogical system w ith all ages: grow n ups, students of v ocational schools, high
school students, e lem entary school children, and even preschoolers. The ends for his
education, both revolutionary and peaceful, depending on th e context.
Neurath the revolutionary orated to adult w orkers: "statistics a re th e tool of the
proletarian fight,"2' and N eurath the philanthropist aspired in thinking about the g o a l;
for schools and statistics; the " a im ... is to hum anize and d e m ocratize the w orld of '
knowledge and of intellectual a ctivity,"22 so "all m en can pa rticipa te in a com m on j
culture and the canyon betw ee n educated and uneducated people can dis ap p e a r."23

Education for All

Workers (approx. 18 and above)

W hile the elaborate statistical devices developed for the "M us e um of Society and
Economy" w ere mostly refined by their usage in schools, there w e re three m odes of
communication th a t w e re considerably utilized and enhan ced fo r adult education:
films, lantern slides shows and photographs. The use of film , just like the display of
illuminated advertising charts and advertising colum ns, show ed th a t N eurath and his
collaborators at the "M useum of S ociety and Economy" w e re interested in using the
first offspring of m ass m edia and culture to th e ir advantage. In fa c t N eurath consciously
used techniques from advertising and entertainm ent,2< since in the "visual e ra " 25 one
had to compete w ith all the am enities that the eye w as attracted to in the streets."28
However, closer discussion of them can be om itted, since they w ere mostly used to
show moving ISOTYPE graphics. They did enable a vie w of statistical evolution over
76

Figure 3 8 Worker and Shoes. Vienna

Figure 3.9: Socks

tim e, but the y did not advance the ISOTYPE language as such, nor did they offer a new
form of graphic representation. Lantern slide show s and photographs, how ever, w ere
n e w m edia. In the early years of its existence, the "M useum of Society and Economy”
had distinctly avoided the use of photographs in strong favor of picture statistics.
This changed w ith a series of collaborations be tw ee n the M useum and Vienna's
"P rofessional Support Bureau and the V iennese Cham ber of Labor," both of w hich had
supported the M useum from early on.27 In one of these exhibitions, laborers and their
3.8,3.9 specific environm ents w e re m eticulously studied.
This exhibition show ed fe m ale and m ale lab orers in th e ir w o rkp la c es . The sam e series
also docum ented details, such as h o w to ope rate m a chine ry properly and h o w to handle
tools.29 3.10

Work Seeking and W ork Advice (14/15 - 1 8 years old)

Another series specifically ta rg eted young adults th a t had not pursued higher education
in order to go to w o rk.29 This w o rk fo r the "P ro fessional S upport B u re au " m ade use of
the lantern slide show s, to give th e prospective w a g e e a rn e r an o v erv iew of various job
possibilities.30 In progressive sequences, the collection c re a te d a narra tiv e on th e duties
of the hairdresser, th e locksm ith, the optician, th e tailor, th e c a rp e n te r, th e blacksm ith
and even the fac to ry w o rke r.31 All th e s e lan tern slide show s had a title and c redit slide
as w ell as a "lead im age" w h ich w ould head the series. 3. 11, 3.12
The "M useum of S ociety and E conom y" also started to use "lead im ages" fo r picture 3.13
statistics in the late 1920s to introduce a certain topic.

But the "M useum of S ociety and E conom y" not only "visited" th e s e w o rk environm ents
and brought them back into the M u s e u m by depictions, it also te s ted w ork-se e kin g
people in the M useum and rec re ate d certain environm ents fo r labor consultation,
w here people w e re advised and evaluated.
Looking at the photographs the N -Files provide is n ecessary. Although as a m edium
they are not evidence of a highly altered didactical m ethod th e y surely entail th a t the
dedication at the M useum to understand the life of a w o rk e r w e n t beyond w h a t could
be said scientifically. Som etim es exhibitions displayed details, but m ost retained gre at
abstraction. On occasion N e urath proudly de cla red looking back on his tim e in Vienna:

Taking everything into account, the G ESELLSCHAFTS- UND

W IR TS C H A FTS M U S E U M IN W IE N w as a m useum m easuring its e lf
by m an's m easure an d basing its w ork on the ne ed s o f the m an in
the s tre e t32 W hen a Viennese citizen [e n te re d ] this m useum , he w as
im pressed from the first m om ent w ith the fa c t th a t the institution w as
intended for him. In it, he finds re fle c te d his problem s, his past, his
future - h im se lf33

Although adult education and school pedagogy w e re not congruent, the y had "enough
similarities, so th a t e xperiences, w hich had been m ade in the one field, could be seized
for the other."34 Already in 1927 Neurath w ro te in the article Statistik undS chule:

I f statistics a re an essen tial p a rt o f the n e w w orld-view , then they

w ill also becom e a (school) subject. The broad m asses c anno t attain
statistical thinking, w hen they rem ain a privilege o f universities and
a t best are rec ite d in schools, w hich are res e rve d fo r the b e tte r off,
bourgeois classes. W here the interests o f the w ork- an d lab o r force are
determining, statistical k now ledge and thinking w ill be thought in som e
form in the ge nera l elem entary school from the first grade on.35
78

Figure 3.10: How to operate the Machine

Berukberatungscimt dor Sfadt Wien

D ie Friseurin

Figure 3.11.3.12: The Hairdresser. Credits and Lead Image

Figure 3.13: The Hairdresser, Series

And this is exactly w h a t happened. By the end of the 1920s picture education becam e
a part of the V iennese school reform . Initiated by the social-dem o cratic governm ent of
the Red V ienna, the school reform tried to w ee d out antiquated teaching m ethods that
w e re considered debris of the m onarchy. The Vienna m ethod w as from then on probed
in various school types, but mostly in Hauptsch ulen (m iddle schools: 1 0 - 1 5 yea r olds),
e le m e nta ry schools (6 - 1 0 y e a r olds) and kindergartens ( 3 - 6 yea r olds).
In these classroom s m agnetic w alls, ready m ade charts, folders and books w ith picture
statistics, but also cut out symbols th a t could be ordered from the M useum , finally found
th e ir w a y into the hands of the end consumer.
Middle School Student (10 -1 4 /1 5 years old)
Based on a decision of the head of V ienna's school board the m iddle school, H auptsch ule
Schw erglerstraB e, in 14th district, w hich w as heavily populated by w orke rs , w a s sought
out to becom e a "test school" to pilot the use of the V ienna M e th o d .36

W orking w ith older students the ob je ct tools m ost frequently used w e re m agnetic
walls, reliefs and ready-m ade charts. T e ac h e rs used them to illustrate chang es in the
world by adding m agnetic sym bols, or the y show ed m igrations and other dem ographic
movements in geograph ical m aps. The g re at novelty w as th a t te a c h e rs tried to use the
same charts and m odels for diffe re nt subjects, to m inim ize the risk of isolating singular
fields intellectually, w hich w as m ost likely to happen in higher levels of e ducation.37

This m ethod w as in tune w ith N e u rath 's general b elief th a t a school should train students
to understand relationships and m ake c onnections, rath er than studying singular facts
for a test.38

Another method of applying picture statistics in school w as assem bling c u t-out sym bols
or drawing them out by hand. W h ile I w ill talk m ore about the cut-out symbols for
elem entary schools, it is rem arkable w h a t scientists at the "M u s e u m of S ociety and
Economy" discovered about the use of the V ienna M e th o d w ith te e n ag e rs, the age
group of 1 0 - 1 4 years old.

W hen confronted w ith draw ing a statistical c hart on how m any children stayed at home
on the w eekend and how m any w e n t outside, N eurath rem arked th a t te e ns w e re inclined
to solve these problem s in an all too detailed and naturalistic w ay , if the instructor did
not specifically request sym bolic depiction.39 He attested on the draw ings:

In an all girls' class, fo r instance, one w ill find s eries o f (d ra w n ) girl-

(figures), w hose little dresses feature a ll kinds o f details. Braids and
such anim ate the com position. The girls, w ho s tay a t hom e, look outside
the window , w hose drapes are affe ctio n ately dra w n out. The lea d
im ages give reason fo r picturesque activity. A ll too easily the y lose the
c hara cter o f statistic free sym bolism ,40

Since Neurath alw ays tried to avoid im peding the legibility of sym bols w ith detail, he
suggested the use of ready-m ade paper pictogram s or stamps for this age group so
students could concentrate on the actual statistical c hallenge, w hich w as of course
the focal point.4'

Elementary School Students (5/6 - 1 0 years old)

The technique of drawing picture statistics, how ever, w as especially apt for children in
elementary schools. Otto Neurath realized early on, that the "gap be tw ee n pictures for
children and pictures for school instruction w as big, but pedagogically unfounded."42
He soon discovered a w ay to prove his assum ption, that picture statistics could aid
 Figure 3.14 Sample. Children approximately 10 or 11 years old Figure 3.15: Younger Students Same Task

the construction of k now ledge w hile m aintaining a child-like w a y of illustrating it.43

R esearch in child psychology had show n th a t during the years of elem entary school
and even earlier, children w e re very good at inventing sym bols and designing them in
3.15 an ab stra c t w a y .44

N eurath gave a detailed acc o u n t on m ethods th a t had been used in various schools
to fu rth er e n cou rage this creativity for picture statistics, w hich children naturally
possessed.

In the beginning the b e s t w a y to con d u c t p ic tu re statistics w ith 6 and

7 y e a r olds is to s e le c t exam ples in w hich one sign signifies an o b je c t
The question is posed, fo r e xam ple: H o w m a ny kids w ere a t hom e last
Sunday, h o w m any on the o pen-air?

The invention o f signs is on this le v e l very insightful; In o n e ... case

a c hild in d ica te d the “S unday in the o p e n -a ir" w ith the tree sym bol
a d ja c e n t to a m ushroom sym bol, om itting [the sym bol] o f children
w alking outside. A s k e d w h y he chose the tre e a nd the mushroom , he
a n s w e re d absolutely in term s o f b e st pic ture education: the tree alone
could in d ica te a pa rk in V ienna; w ith the m ushroom it becom es c le a r
3.16 th a t it is a fo r e s t *

Once children g re w accustom ed to this w a y of illustrating singular objects, in a second

step te a ch e rs could s tart introducing the m ore a bstract m athem atical part of picture
statistics.

To m ake them understand the com pression of a bigger quantity into a singular symbol,
3.17 N eurath suggested physical dem onstration:

G roups o f five children a re form ed. Five children e ach s tand behind
one another; w e w ill only d ra w the m an in front. In the beginning “re s t
figure s" a re still a cc o u n te d for, then the “rounding o ff " s t a r ts *
 ih td .

Figure 3.16: Good Example, approximately 6 years old

A major achievem en t of picture education in schools in term s of m athem atics w as

Neurath’s realization th a t children w e re able to grasp the c o n ce p t of relative density
through drawings. N eurath suggested dividing countries into partitions and distributing
their specific population w ithin it. W h ic h of the countries "is m ore densely populated 3.18
can be seen long before one is able to c alculate it!"47 3.19

Using maps to investigate transportation system s and urban fabric in a certain district
expanded this first step tow a rds a spatial analysis in schools. As briefly m entioned
before, there is reason to believe th a t in this specific instan ce picture e ducation not
only informed students, but that N eurath also learned from them .

In 1928/29 students w e re first given the task to d ra w out th e M eidlin g district in Vienna,
on the basis of another map. The results show ed th a t a larg e r territory's texuality w as
easily com prehendible and em ployable for students by m eans of hatching.
In 1929/30 then, the first hatched charts and m aps in prints of the "M useum of Society
and Economy" appeared in the publication of D ie Bunte W e lt and G esellsch aft und
Wirtschaft. If Neurath w as only testing them w ith the children rem ains unclear, how ever
their introduction to the c hart w a s necessary in draw ing the 1937 map.
In general, the method of drawing quantitative rather than geographical maps, w as
quickly understood by the children. Once established, the statistical hard facts of w ork
could be carried out w ith ready-m ade symbols. For th a t task the "M useum of Society
and Economy" provided big symbols th a t could be glued on big charts or even school
magazines on w allpapers.48 Small symbols w e re m eant to be tagged into notebooks,
 t i S i ll'ili'fr 1*4 Mfldlln,

Figure 3 17 Rounding Olf "Figures." Vienna. 1925 -1 9 3 2 Figure 3.20: Bezirk Meidling. Vienna, ca. 1928 -1929

t
Figure 3 18,3 19: Comparison: Figures and Densities in Chart drawn by Children and Chart prepared by the Museum

w h ich enabled everybody to do th e ir individual charts.49 Also available in cardboard, the

sym bols could be applied onto m aps. The sam e w a s true for m agnetic symbols. There
w a s even the option to w o rk w ith stamps. But the m aterial could not only be assembled.
The "M u s e u m of S ociety and Econom y" also provided m atrixes, w hich could be cut out
and had to be rearran ged.

W ith the help of the "S ym bol-D ictionary," a collection of all pictogram s sorted by
c ategories (anim als, transp ortation, w o rk) it w a s up to the te a c h e r to request symbols
and m a trices in appropriate m aterial, size and color.50
N eurath found th a t it w a s in a cc o rd a n ce w ith the idea of th e m odern w orker's school, to
assem ble and cut, to d ra w and to paint.51 But this kind of hands-on w ork, w hich enabled
cross-field learning and understanding w ith both parts of the brain, w as also en vogue
at the ne w types of schools th a t started em erging in the early 20th century, among them,
schools based on the te achings of Rudolf S teiner and M a ria Montessori.

Kindergarten Children (3 - 5/6 years old)

The first te s t of th e applicability of the Vienna M ethod w as m ade in a M ontessori
kin dergarten,52 although the use of sym bols did not exactly stand w ithin a Montessori
tradition.53
The various w ays th a t the Vienna M ethod w as applied in kindergartens proved to be
successful, and is exem plified by N eurath's side note in Bildstatistik u nd Schule as w ell
as by photographs.
Figure 3.21: 'Haus der Kinder," House of the Children. Vienna

There shall be no talk a bout the presc h o o l a ge here, no t o f the m ark e d -

o ff c arpeted are a s [th at can be used cartog raphically], n o t o f the
“statistical rea d in g -b o x" and sim ilar teaching m aterials, w hich are
by the w a y occasion ally even used w ithin schools. That one can use
quantitative m aps also for the p resc h o o l age, s hould only b e m entioned
on the s id e *

The photographs are proof th a t indeed pictogram s did e nable even the youngest children
to navigate through their life and th a t visual education at large could "perm it them to
combine symbols as they com bined w ooden blocks to m ake buildings and bridges."55 3.21

Critique

The critique of Neurath's use of teaching m aterial is sim ilar to th a t noted in the previous
chapter. There is something operative and generative about building bridges and
houses, which picture statistics could not offer.
 Although all tea ch in g m aterials aim ed to be pedagogical, they them selves lacked this
g enerative, cre a tive quality. T hat it w a s possible to c ra ft didactic devices w ithin the
realm of ISOTYPE, w hich em bodied such a generative com ponent, is best illustrated
by the S poorw egen exhibition c urated by Gerd Arntz in the N etherlands of the late
1940s. To inform the broad public about the Dutch railw a y com pany, the audience w as
prom pted to engag e w ith the content of the exhibition by a simple question: W a t w e e t U
van de S poorw eg e n ? (W h a t do you know about trains?)
A ccordingly th e visitor w a s guided through the exhibition by a series of questions that
322 w e re a n sw e red w he n looking care fully at the m aterial displayed.
A t the end of the exhibition, th e re w a s a m achine w aiting for the visitor by w hich he
could te s t his know ledge and w h ich gave him statistical inform ation on how w ell he
had done.

84 N e u rath seem ed not to have been of th e opinion th a t it could be enjoyable for adults and
c hildren alike to playfully learn by such a challenge.
Arntz's exhibition also illustrated h o w cre a tive ly one could m ake use of models,
m achines, furnitu re and charts a t once; of c om ic-like illustrations and th e ir abstractions;
of e levation s, a xono m etrics, sections and plans; as w ell quantitative, geographical and
o p erative m aps.

Defense

In N e u rath 's defense, Arntz's exhibition took place alm ost tw o decades after the ones
show n at N e u e s Rathaus, tw o deca d e s in w h ich Arntz w a s fully com m itted to picture
e ducation.
M o re im portantly how e ve r, in g re a t contrast to the m aps w hose lack of operative and
s patial understanding lim ited th e ir function, the teaching devices w orked. In fa c t they
w o rke d w e ll, and it w a s psychologically proven th a t the m em orability of depictions
a ccording to the Vienna m ethod w a s tw o and a half tim es as g re at as regular depictions.56
The critique of N eurath points out th a t a deca d e afte r N eurath's death, Arntz had found
an even m ore cre a tive w h a t to carry on w h a t had becom e the ISOTYPE legacy, w hich
the y had started to build to g e th e r tw o decades earlier.
N onetheless, in the app are n t sim plicity of the V ienna M ethod lay som ething unique; it
em p o w ere d the w e a k , it gave the ones w ho could not read the chance to participate,
and it c onsidered th e adult or th e child w ith any kind of disadvantage or disability.57
In concluding it should be ta k en in acc o u n t th a t ISOTYPE w as not taught everyw here,
not in gym nasium s, not secondary schools at large and not a t universities. It w as not
ta u g h t in institutions th a t only d re w the upper class to them . ISOTYPE w as not for
e veryone, a fa c t th a t N eurath understood and intended. First and forem ost, he w anted
to provide his language for those w ho needed it most.
W h e n confronted a t a confe ren c e on S choo l a n d S o cie ty in 1945, shortly before his
d eath, w ith th e rem ark from a m em ber of the a udience th a t a group of "sixth-form "
boys preferred th e "verbal argum ent, the histogram and the graph" over the ISOTYPE
 85

Figure 3.22: "W al weet U van de Spoorwegen," (What do you know about trains) Holland, late 1940s

method N eurath a nsw e red, th a t it w a s "not a m edium fo r spec ialis t studies." In fa c t

that it w as not intended for the "trained student," but should serve "prim arily as an
educative device for the n on-specialist."58
And if one looks close enough, it is evident th a t the ISOTYPE gave th e sm allest of all
children not only a w a y to navigate through th e ir w orld, but also a first tool to illustrate it. 323,324

School Material and Internationalism

In the mid 1920s, Neurath took w h a t he rem em bered from his ow n childhood, the w a y
in w hich books for kids illustrated the w orld, and utilized it to e d u ca te adults. This took
half a decade. But in a second half of the deca d e the ISOTYPE system , refined as picture
education, trickled back dow n to be used by children, w h o did th e ir part in shaping it.

It might not com e as a surprise th a t the extensive use of ISOTYPE m aterial in schools
coincided w ith the rapid international expansion of the ISOTYPE institute and the
founding of branches in Holland, England, G erm any, Russia and even th e USA.

After all, the language of picture statistics w a s international and the use of different
audiences had proven that. H ow ever, the expansion of ISOTYPE w a s also due to an
attribute that the teaching m aterial, the exhibtion m aterial and even the M useum itself
shared. Everything from the largest to th e sm allest item could travel. W h ile symbols and
charts w ere being delivered to schools w ithin the city of V ienna; m aps, reliefs and even
demountable booths w ere shipped around Europe. In fac t, the "M useum of Society
and Economy" in Vienna w as not confined to a building at all. It w a s "one of the first
institutions to think about the M useum as a nom adic entity, as a mobile body th a t could
be serially reproduced."58
86

Figure 3.24: Children Building Arntz Symbol. Vienna

A first step to w a rd the travelling m useum certainly w as N eurath's insistence that

nothing of m onetary value, nothing th a t could not instantly be reproduced, w as shown
in the m useum . Distancing him self from any object-based exhibition, Neurath paved
the w a y tow a rds an exposition of s heer inform ation. H ow ever, in a second step, Frank
w a s instrum ental in taking this con ce p t to the next level. He realized th a t "the modern
m useum could be in m ultiple places sim ultaneously" and th a t everything about it "could
be copied, including its site" as Vossoughian has observed.80

During the late 1920s, N eurath also briefly collaborated w ith Paul Otlet w ho w as
influential in his thinking about the M useum . The Belgian Otlet had s et out to found
an 'in tern a tio n a l m useum o f w orld c u ltu re ' w h ich evolved into th e idea of founding a
“W orld City," or “Cit6 M o n d ia le ,' w h ic h 'in v o lv e d th e cre a tio n of com m unity through
the standardization and consolidation of k now le dge throug hout th e w o r ld .'61 Although
a Belgian a rc h ite c t had alre a d y realized a sim ilar pro jec t just outside Brussels,
Otlet preferred to w o rk w ith a S w iss m an and com m issioned him in 1928 to m ake
some suggestions. W h e n N eurath joined th e te a m in 1929, he m et C harles-E douard
Jeanneret-G ris, bette r know n as Le C orbusier (1887 -1 9 6 5 ). Although th e c ollaboration,
called N.O.P., an association founded by N e u rath and O tlet spec ifica lly to o versee th e ir
cooperation, only lasted a y e a r and w a s split into tw o entities, N e u rath w a s left w ith the
promising nam e 'M u n d a n e u m " and the task to build reg ion al exhibitions and m useum s.
This task c ertainly helped to c larify N e u rath 's visions of th e internatio nal m useum and to
foster th e spread of M un d an e u m institutes in Europe and around th e W o rld .62
And it w as a t th e sam e tim e th a t som e rath er fam ous a rc h ite c ts took notice of N e urath
and invited him to be th e first n o n -a rc h ite c t m em b er to advise them on h o w to c re a te
a didactic m ap of the city. N e ith e r the a rc h ite c ts nor N e u rath k n ew w h a t th e y w e re
getting them selves into, until a fte r th e y boarded a steam ship th a t carried them to w a rd
Athens and the m ost defining congress of a rc h ite c tu re and urbanism of th e 20th century:
CIAM 1933.
 1 Otto Neurath, Modem Man in the Making (New York and London: Alfred A Knopf, 1939) 8.
Fear and hope worry m an... The combination of the desire for security with the desire for
adventure is inherently human, but the desire for security may lead to social organization, which
the desire for adventure does not... By modern means, I shall try to tell about our environment,
about you and about myself; but in a general way.
2 Neurath paid special attention to the education of women and reiterated their equal status
amongst men.
3 Whenever I have capitalized the word "Museum" in this chapter it means that I am referring to
the "Museum of Society and Economy."
4 Otto Neurath, "Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft im Lehrbild," Osterreichische Gemeindezeitung
May 1,1927,44.
Man muss nun darangehen, festzustellen, welche Losungsweisen uns zur Verfugung stehen,
es muss der Bereich der Darstellungsarten abgegrenzt werden. Leuchttafeln, Magnetkarten,
Zeichenfilme, die alle bediirfen methodischer Pflege. Man muss allmahlich feststellen, was man
so darstellen kann, was nicht; welche Vorteile das ruhende statistische Bild vor all dem hat Die
Wirkung von statistischen Bildern, die abwechselnd aufleuchten, ist noch allzuwenig untersucht.
5 Otto Neurath, "Bildhafte Padagogik im Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum in Wien,"
Museumskunde, Neue Folge ///(1 931): 125-129.
Neurath used the term Bildstatistik all throughout the 1920s and well into the 1930s. Alltough
pedagogy had always been an element of Neurath's aspirations, it became the most important
end in the early 1930s when Picture Education replaced Picture Statistics for the first time an
article's headline in "Bildhafte Padagogik."
For the change in artice headlines see Robin Kinross, index to Band 3 Gesammelte bildpadago-
gische Schriften, by Otto Neurath, edited by Rudolf Haller and Robin Kinross (Vienna: Hdlder-
Pichler-Tempsky, 1991) v-vi.
6 For an extensive analysis on how Neurath theorized the Museum, and in particular what he
aspired for the Mundaneum and his collaboration with Paul Otlet, see Nader Vossoughian, Otto
Neurath: The Language of the Global Polisi Rotterdam: NAi Publishers, 2008)
7 Otto Neurath, International Picture Language - The first rules of ISOTYPE (London: Kegan Paul,
Trench, Trubner & Co, 1936) 70.
Even from the outside the ISOTYPE museums will be different from the museums of yesterday.
They will be nothing but a simple cover for teaching-material.
8 Otto Neurath, "Museums of the Future," Survey Graphic (1933): 458.
Museums o f the future, anyhow ought not to be as I should like to have them, but as the visitors
and users would w ant them if they knew what makes a museum.
9 Otto Neurath, International Picture Language, 72-73.
There were branches o f the museum in different parts of the town.
0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Padagogik,'’ in Bildpadagogische Schriften Band3 , 199.
Die Zentralausstellung befindetsich im Neuen Rathaus, in derM itte derStadt Im Interesse
der Dezentralisation der Bildungsmittel sind waiters eine Dauerausstellung am Parkring 12
(Sozialhygiene und Sozialversicherung) und im Volkswohnbau “Am Fuchsfeld' (Weltwirtschaft,
Mundaneum) eroffnet worden. Waitere mit wechselndem Inhalt sollen folgen. Man kann nicht
von den Bewohnern der AuBenbezirke verlangen, dass die eine oder mehr Stunden fur den Weg
zum und vom Museum aufwenden.
10 0. Neurath, International Picture Language, 72.
Being conscious o f the fact that the working man has time to see a museum only at night, the
GESELLSCHAFTS- UND WIRTSCHAFTSMUSEUM was open at night. The lights were so placed
that the brightest rays came on the pictures.
11 0. Neurath, International Picture Language, 73
One room in the business part of the town with pictures and special apparatus for testing
the public was open all through the day. It was seen by 2000 persons everyday, some
using it as a sort of waiting room, and others going there for some minutes every day for
knowledge and amusement. ... Taking everything into account the GESELLSCHAFTS- UND
WIRTSCHAFTSMUSEUM IN WIEN was a museum measuring itself by man’s measure and basing
its work on the needs o f the man in the street
12 0. Neurath, "Museums of the Future," 459.
Now suppose the visitors had appointed an expert of their own to represent them, what
would he say about it? Everything that is shown in a museum, he would say, ought to serve a
comprehensive pedagogical purpose.
13 0. Neurath, International Picture Language, 70
Not only has the order of rooms to be in harmony with the order of the things on view, but it has to
be readily changed on the addition o f new groups o f things; for this reason it is important to make
adjustments of the building possible, having floors and walls which may be moved, space for new
rooms, etc. The designing of an ISOTYPE museum will be special work needing a house designer
and an ISOTYPE expert
14 0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Padagogik," 128-129.
In diesem Sinne sindauch alle Einrichtungsgegenstande ausschlieBlich dazu bestimmt, den
Museumszweck zu fordern, nicht aber museumsfremde, sei es sentimentale oder monumentale
Wirkung zu erzielen. Optische Erwagung bestimmen die Dimensionen des Ausgangsquadrats.
Durch Teilen und Vervielfaltigung wurden Tafelformate abgeleitet die sich immerzu
geschlossenen Flachen vereinigen und wesentlich verschiedene Proportionen ermdglichen,
sodass sie sich dem Darstellungszweck ausgezeichnet anpassen lassen. Die Rahmen sind schmal
dimensioned und hell, damit die Bilder moglichst stark wirken und das Rahmengitter das Auge
nicht zu sehr belastet Diese Bilder werden in die ebenfalls moglichst schmalen, vom Museum
entworfenen Fallrahmen eingeschoben und konnen ohne Schwierigkeiten jederzeit ausgewechselt
werden. Alle Gestelle sind zerlegbar, die Unterabschnitte genormt. Es wurde der Versuch gemacht,
ein ganzes Museum so zu gestalten, dass es sich leicht beweglich und fur jede Ortsveranderung
vorbereitet ist Der Verzicht auf representative Schwere und Wucht ermoglicht es, durch schlichte
Helligkeit das Behagen der Besucher zu heben und das Museum einem Klub anzunahern; so
wurde im Sinne des Museumsarchitekten Josef Frank eine anspruchslose Unterbringung der
Museumsobjekte angestrebt urn die Darstellungen moglichst fur sich sprechen zu lassen.
15 0. Neurath, International Picture Language, 72.
On the walls there were two rails o f wood at such a distance from one another that pictures a
certain number of centimeters high might be put on and taken off without any other apparatus.
The normal size of a picture is 126 x 126 cm (4 feet x 4 feet), and the middle-point of a picture
is about 150 cm (5 feet) higher than the floor, that is the position on the eye of a normal upright
person. Smaller pictures are put together in groups so that every group is 126 cm high (see
Picture 24). 90 cm (about 3 feet) of wall-space under every picture is kept clear, so that a table
with apparatus, some books or other things on view may be placed there.
16 Christopher Long, Josef Frank, Life and Work (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2002) 53.
The design of the buildings' facades was guided by what Frank described as the „ Niedrig-
Praktische'(basely practical): aside from simple frames around the doors and windows, they
were devoid of decorative elements or picturesque modulations.
17 0. Neurath, “Bildhafte Padagogik," 128.
Das Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum beschrankt sich nicht auf Bildstatistik, es
hat in seinen Werkstatten mit seinen Mitarbeitern noch eine Reihe musealer Hilfsmittel
geschaffen, wie neuartige Karten in ungewohnlichen, padagogisch wirksamen Ausschnitten
(Projektionen), technische Bildtafeln, insbesondere zur Rationalisierung groBzugige Holzmodelle
fur seine Abteilung Wohnung und Stšdtebau, auf durchsichtigem Material Grundrisse
Obereinanderliegender Stockwerke, Magnettafeln zur Eintragung wechselnder Mengen; auch die
Photographie wird zur Charakterisierung viel herangezogen.
18 0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Padagogik," 128.
Neben seinem Archiv eigener Arbeiten ist dem Museum das Archiv fiir bildhafte Padagogik
engegliedert welches Sachbilder alter Zeiten und Vblker sammelt vor allem das, was
es an Bildstatistik gab, ihre VorlSufer in gewissen Sgyptischen Bildern und alten auf
HeeresgrdBen abgestellten Schlachtenbildern; Vogelschaubilder und Karten zur Geschichte
der Kartographie; Hohlenzeichnungen der Primitives technische Schnitte aus alter und neuer
Zert; UnfallverhOtungsbilder: Reklame; Wandzeitungen; optische Unterrichtsbehelfe fur die
verschiedensten Unterrichtsgebiete, Mathematik, Physik, Geschichte usw. Auch werden
Kmderbucher und Kinderzeichnungen gesammelt.
0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Padagogik," 127.
Urteile von Erwachsenen und Kindern uber die Wirkung der Museumstafeln werden gesammelt,
auch psychologische Untersuchungen, die fiir die Gestaltung Anregung geben.
19 0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Padagogik," 126.
Die technische Abteilung des Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseums ist derart eingerichtet,
ess sie alle AusstellungsgegenstSnde selbst herzustellen vermag. Sie verfOgt Ober
ausgezeichnete SpezialkrSfte, Ober modern eingerichtete WerkstStten fOr Holzbearbeitung,
pritzverfahren, Reproduktion, Photographie, Druck und Lithographie.
20 0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Padagogik," 127.
AuBerdem aber gehdrt zum Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum eine wissenschaftliche
Abteilung mit einem Stab von internen und externen Mitarbeitern (Statistiker, Kartograph,
Ethnologe, Kunsthistoriker, Techniker, Mediziner und andere), ebenso ein umfangreiches Archiv.
Da ununterbrochen neue Tafeln angefertigt werden, entsteht ein stetig wachsendes Archiv uber
a lie GegenstSnde, die im Museum bildhaft dargestellt werden. Diesem Archiv angegliedert ist die
photographische Kartothek, die samtliche vom Museum angefertigten Tafeln enthalt
21 Otto Neurath, "Statistik und Proletariat," Kulturwille{W21): 188.
Statistik ist Werkzeug des proletarischen Kampfes, Statistik ist wesentlicher Bestandteil der
sozialistischen Ordnung, Statistik ist Freude fur das mit den herrschenden Klassen ringende
internationale Proletariat.
22 Otto Neurath, "Visual Education: A new Language," Survey Graphic (1937): 28.
The basic aim of this visual method is to humanize and democratize the world of knowledge and
of intellectual activity. The best foundation for a comprehensive visual education would be to let
all children learn their own language and also foreign languages by this method.
23 0. Neurath, "Visual education," 25.
When will the Middle Ages be at an end? As soon as all men can participate in a common culture
and the canyon between educated and uneducated people has disappeared.
24 Otto Neurath, "Bildstatistik, Fiihrer durch die Ausstellung des Gesellschafts- und
Wirtschaftsmuseums in Wien," in Durerbund (Leipzig: Schluter & Co, 1927), ed. Rudolf Haller, ed.
Robin Kinross, Bildpadagogische Schriften Teil 3 (Vienna: Holder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1991) 104.
Verschiedene Beklametechniken wurden in den Dienst der Veranschaulichung gestellt Auf
einer Leuchttafel, auf der das Bild auf Glas eingetragen und von ruckwarts beleuchtet ist kann
man Schemata auf einer Ebene eintragen und nacheinander - begleitet von einem Vortrag -
zahlreiche Bildstatistiken in dem Netzwerk der Waagrechten und Senkrechten farbengluhend
erscheinen lassen.... SchlieBlich wird derZeichenfilm wirksam werden.
25 0. Neurath, "Visual education," 25.
Visual impressions have become more and more important in our "visual era," and especially to
unschooled adults and to children.
26 Otto Neurath, Bildstatistik nach Wiener Methode in der Schule (Vienna and Leipzig: Deutscher
Verlag fur Jugend und Volk, 1933) 37.
Neurath said this in regard to schools, but this was just as true for the museum.
Will die Schule die Konkurrenz mit dem optisch bewegten Leben aufnehmen, muss sie selbst
optische Fiille darbieten. Ja sie muss es Qberzeugender, klarer, eindringlicher tun als das Leben
da drauBen, will sie jene fuhrende Stellung sich sichern, die sie ehedem gehabt hatte. Es ist
nicht notwendig, dass die Lehrmittel der Schule durchschnittlich auf einer niedrigeren Stufe
der Gestaltung stehen. Wie soil das Kind sich an klare reine Forman gewdhnen, wenn so viele
Lehrbucher und Lehrbilder ohne einheitliches System optisch wirken wollen.
2 1 0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Pfidagogik," 1 2 5 - 129.
Auch die Photographie wird zur Charakterisierung viel herangezogen. Gemeinsam mit dem
Berufsberatungsamt der Stadt Wien und der Wiener Arbeiterkammer werden z.B. Photoserien
von Berufsbeschreibungen angefertigt.
28 0. Neurath, "Bildhafte PSdagogik," 125 - 129.
Ahnliche Serien stellen gute und schlechte Arbeitsweise einander gegenOber. Logische und
Psychologische Durcharbeitung alter solcher Ausstellungsobjekte und Photoreihen (Diapositive)
ist mit eine Aufgabe des Museums.
29 0. Neurath, "Bildhafte Pfidagogik,” 1 2 5 - 129.
Gemeinsam mit dem Berufsberatungsamt der Stadt Wien und der Wiener Arbeiterkammer
werden z.B. Photoserien von Berufsbeschreibungen angefertigt, die fiir die Aufklšrung der
Schulentlassenen und ihrer Eltern bestimmt sind.
30 See Note to Illustration 2.24 and 2.25 in N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 77.
31 Reading, Otto and Marie Neurath Isotype Collection, University of Reading, Department of
Typography, N-Files See N.Files 593 - 755, N-Files.
32 0. Neurath, International Picture Language, 73.
Taking everything into account, the GESELLSCHAFTS- UND WIRTSCHAFTSMUSEUM IN WIEN
was a museum measuring itself by man's measure and basing its work on the needs of the man in
the street.
33 0. Neurath, "Museums of the Future,” 463.
34 Otto Nerath. "Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft im Lehrbild," Osterreichische Gemeindezertung,
May 1.1927.41.
Die Methoden des Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseums in Wien werden in steigendem
MaBe den Bedurfnissen derSchule angepasst Volksbildungspadagogik fiir Erwachsene und
Schulpadagogik fur Kinder decken sich nichtganz, haben aber geniigend Ahnlichkeiten, so dass
von Erfahrungen, die aufdem einen Gebiet gemacht wurden, das andere Nutzen ziehen kann.
Was das Museum als Volksbildungsinstitut erarbeitet hat, wird von der Schule mitverwendet.
35 Otto Neurath, “Statistik und Schule," Kulturwille (1927): 196.
IstStatistik ein wesentliches Stuck derneuen Weltanschauung, dann wird sie auch ein
Unterrichtsgegenstand werden. Die breiten Massen konnen nichtzu statistischem Denken
gelangen, wenn sie ein Privileg der Hochschulen bleibt oder hochstens in Schulen vorgetragen
wurde, die vor allem fur die bessergestellten burgerlichen Klassen reserviert sind (Gymnasium,
Realschule usw.). Wo die Interessen der Arbeiter- und Angestelltenschaft entscheiden, wird
statistisches Wissen und Denken in den allgemeinen Volksschulen von der untersten Klasse an in
irgendeiner Form gelehrt werden.
36 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 7.
Als Teil der Wiener Schulreform wurde diese Methode (W iener Methodel vor allem in Wiener
Schulen angewendet; eine Hauptschule (Wien XIV, SchweglerstraBe) wurde vom Stadtschulrat
als Versuchsschule zur Erprobung dieser Methode bestimmt. Es w ird dort mit vollem Erfolg
im Rahmen der geltenden Lehrplane der Versuch gemacht, Bildstatistik in moglichst vielen
UnterrichtsfSchern anzuwenden, in Geographie ebenso wie in Physik, in Geschichte ebenso
wie in Rechnen. Das Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum in Wien stellt fertige Bildtafeln,
Einsentafeln mit Magnetzeichen, kleine und groBe Einzelzeichen zur Verfugung. Uberdie
Ergebnisse wird die Schule gemeinsam mit dem Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum in
gegebener Zeit ausfiihrlich berichten.
37 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 37 - 38.
Aufder hoheren Stufe kann die drohende Isolierung der Lehrfacher etwas gemildert werden,
wenn dasselbe Mengenbild von verschiedenen Seiten her Verwendung fmdet, wenn es ebenso
im Rechenunterricht wie im Geographieunterricht auftaucht, insbesondere dann, wenn die Lehrer
sich uber gemeinsame Verwendung bestimmter Mengenbilder einigen.
38 0. Neurath, "Visual education," 28.
In this way learning is not limited to acquiring the facts necessary to pass examinations, and then
not using these facts again. Students are led to understand the relationships of facts within one
subject field.
39 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 39.
Bilder der 10 - 14jahrigen zeigen deutlich, wie die Aufgabe immer naturalistischer gelost wird,
wenn man nicht ausdrucklich die symbolische Darstellung verlangt.
40 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 39 - 40.
In einer Madchenklasse z.B. siehtman Reihen von Madchen, deren Kleidchen allerlei Details
aufweisen. Zopfe und anderes belebt die Situation. Die Madchen, welche daheim bleiben, blicken
etwa zum Fenster hinaus, dessen Gardinen liebevoll ausgemalt werden. Die Fiihrungsbilder
geben Anlass zu malerischer Betatigung. Allzu leicht verlieren sie den Charakter statistikfreier
Symbolik.
41 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 40.
Da empfiehlt es sich in wachsendem MaBe, die von Anfang an fallweise zu verwendenden fertig
gedruckten Symbole anzuwenden, kleine Stempel oder andere Hilfsmittal, durch welche die
freie Gestaltung auf die zweckmaBige statistische Anordnung konzentriert wird, die ja die nie
beendete Daueraufgabe bildstatistischer Erziehungsarbeit bleibt.
42 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 36.
Die Kluft, welche heute zwischen den Kinderbildem und den spSteren Unterrichtsbildern besteht,
ist padagogisch nicht begrOndet, Versuche haben gezeigt, dass Figuren, welche man spater im
Mengenbild zu verwerten gedenkt, auf frOher Stufe innerhalb rein erzdhlender Bilder auftreten
kdnnen.
43 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 1.
Die von Anfang an gehegte Vermutung, dass das VerstSndnis fQr Mengenbilder auf sehr frOher
Stufe beginnt, hat sich durchaus bewShrt...
44 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 36.
Wahrend auf den unteren Stufen die Kinder, wie dies den Erfahrungen der Kinderpsychologie
Sehr gee‘gnet s'nd>Symbole zu erfinden und vereinfacht zu entwerfen, drSngt sich
oherer Stufe, insbesondere knapp vor der PubertSt, der Naturalismus vor, welcher die
 mannigfaltige, reiche Darstellung bevorzugt.
45 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in derSchule, 35-40.
M it 6- und 7jShrigen wird Bildstatistik anfangs am besten in der Weise betrieben, dass man
Beispiela wShlt, in denen einZeichen einen Gegenstanddarstellt... Es wirdz.B. die Frage
aufgeworfen: Wie viele Kinder waren am letzten Sonntag daheim, wie viele im Freien.
... Die Erfindung von Zeichen ist aufdieser Stufe sehr aufschlussreich;... In einem anderen Fall
hat ein Kind den „Sonntag im Freien" mit einem Baumsymbol, verbunden mit einem Pilzsymbol
gekennzeichnet, unter Weglassung der Kinder, welche ins Freie wandern. Gefragt, weshalb es
den Baum und den Pilz gewahlt babe, antwortete es durchaus im Sinne bester Bildpadagogik:
Der Baum alleine konnte einen Park in Wien bedeuten, durch den Pilz wird klar, dass es ein Wald
sein soil.
46 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 41.
Sind die Kinder auf diese Weise mit der Abbildung einzelner Gegenstande durch einzelne
Zeichen vertraut, was sehr rasch eintritt, so bildet man z.B. Funfergruppen, die man immer
mehr zusammendrangt, bis sie durch eine Figur wiedergegeben werden. Deutung etwa: Je funf
Kinder stehen hintereinander, wir wollen nur den Vordermann aufzeichnen. Anfangs werden die
„Restfiguren “ noch eingetragen, dann beginnt die „Abrundung. "
47 0. Neurath, "Statistik und Schule," 197.
Man gibt beide Lander in verkleinertem MaBstab wieder und verteilt die Zeichen fur die
Bewohner auf ihnen. Welches der beiden Lander„dichter" besiedelt ist, kann man sehen, lange
ehe man es zu berechnen vermagl
48 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 45.
Fertige Zeichen
GroBzeichen fur groBe Papierflachen, die in gemeinsamer Klassenarbeit beklebt werden. So
konnen GroBzeichen auch fur Schulwandzeitungen verwendet werden.
49 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 45.
Kleinzeichen, die in das Heft eingeklebt werden. Jeder Schuler schafft sein Mengenbild. Solche
Kleinzeichen konnen auch auf Karton geliefert werden und dienen dann z.B. dazu, auf Landkarten
aufgelegtzu werden. Anfertigung von veranderlichen Kartogrammen.
50 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in derSchule, 45.
Die Schule bestellt beim Museum die Zeichen auf Grund des Zeichenlexikons unter Angabe der
GroBe und der Farbe.
51 0. Neurath, "Statistik und Schule," 197.
Der modernen Arbeitsschule entspricht es, diese statistischen Ergebnisse durch Zeichnen,
Malen, Ausschneiden anschaulich festzuhalten. Versuche, die sich auch auf die untersten
Klassen erstreckten, zeigten, wie aussichtsreich diese Bemiihungen sindl Eine neue Welt, das
gesellschaftliche Leben wird bereits dem Heranwachsenden erschlossen, seinem Denken und
Schauen zuganglich gemacht.
52 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in der Schule, 7.
Die von Anfang an gehegte Vermutung, dass das VerstSndnis fur Mengenbilder
auf sehr friiher Stufe beginnt, hat sich durchaus bewbhrt, wie die ersten Versuche im Wiener
Montessori-Kindergarten und in der Wiener Montessori-Schule zeigten.
53 The Montessori Tradition did not necessarily encourage students to work with ready made
symbols, because it went against its tradition that every child could find its own ways of
expression. Neurath comments on this.
Otto Neurath, "Die padagogische Weltbedeutung der Bildstatistik nach Wiener Methode," Die
Quelle (1933): 212.
In Hinblick auf das vollendete Lehrmittel bedient sich die Wiener Methode der Bildpšdagogik,
insbesondere der Bildstatistik, mit der Montessori-Methode, wenn auch diese die Pflege der
Symbole eher vermeidet. Die Wiener Methode wird insbesondere in den hoheren JahrgSngen
von Montessori-Schulen verwendet, fur die es bisher weniger Lehrmittel gab.
54 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in derSchule, 45.
Vom vorschulpflichtigen Alter soil hier nicht die Rede sein, also nicht von den Stoffwandtafeln
mit Stoffsymbolen, nicht von den abgegrenzten FuBbodenflachen fdie eventuell kartographisch
verwendet werden konnen), nicht von den „statistischen Lesekasten “ und ahnlichen Lehrmitteln,
die iibrigens auch fallweise innerhalb der Schule Verwendung fmden konnen. Dass man auch im
vorschulpflichtigen Alter Mengenbilder verwenden kann, sei nur nebenbei erwahnt.
55 0. Neurath, "Visual education," 28.
Such visual education may be started with very young children, permitting them to combine
symbols as they now combine wooden blocks to make buildings and bridges. Their play with
symbols would supplement die pictures and designs they make with paints, crayons, and
modeling clay. Many imaginative children find they are unable to handle enough elements to tell
long stories with pencils and colors as they want to do. But they would be able to express their
thoughts and their daydreams if they had a supply of visual units, representing men and women,
boys and girls, houses, trees, cars, engines, animals, rubber, cloth, sugar, apples and all the other
things that interest them. In this way children would have a bridge between their games and their
systematic education, as w ell as between their own pictures and the pictures they see hanging
on the walls or in their books, based on the law of perspective.
56 0. Neurath, Bildstatistik in derSchule, 50.
Dr Helmut von Bracken, Dozent filr Psychologie an der Technischen Hochschule in
Braunschweig, schreibt im , Volkslehrer“ iiber Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft:
Kollege W.M. hatzusammen m itm ir experimentelle Untersuchungen durchgefiihrt. Die
Einpragsamkeit der Darstellungen nach Wiener Methode ist zweieinhalbmal so groB wie bei den
ublichen Darstellungen. Die Versuche sollen fortgesetzt w erdenl
57 0. Neurath, “Visual education,'1 28.
This visual method has special uses in teaching public health lessons, child care, safety, and
so on, adults and children, and in teaching retarded or handicapped children. The International
Foundation for Visual Education is working along these lines in many countries.
58 Otto Neurath. "School and Society," in Sociological Review, Journal of the Institute of
Sociology, 1946,57.
In the discussion which followed an interesting point was raised which enabled Dr. Neurath
to define the function of the Isotype method. A member of the audience described how he had
used Isotype material to present economic statistics to a group o f sixth form boys. These boys,
however, preferred the more usual methods of verbal argument, histogram and graph.
Dr. Neurath said that the Isotype material was not intended as a medium for specialist studies.
At that level statistical data must be dealt with by logical and mathematical procedures, and this
was the normal medium for the trained student. Isotype material, on the other hand, although it
could be used to great advantage as a means of illustrating technical processes visually, was
intended primarily as an educative device for the non specialist
59 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 87.
Nonetheless, the Museum of Society and Economy was one of the first institutions to think about
the museum as a nomadic entity, as a mobile body that could be serially reproduced.
60 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 79.
What were the implications o f Frank's intervention in the Neues Rathaus? It revealed, first that
the modern museum could be in multiple places simultaneously. That there was nothing “real" or
‘authentic " about the Museum of Society and Economy's collections. Everything could be copied,
including its site.
61 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 97.
62 By 1933 the organization of Neurath's Verband zur Verbreitung der Bildpadagogik nach Wiener
Methode (Association for the circulation of picture education according to the Vienna Method)
consisted of branches in The Hague, Vienna, Moscow, London, Berlin and New York.
Chapter 4

CIAM as Catalyst for the 1937 Map

Neurath and "The Functional City"

C IA M IV (Congres Internatio nal d 'A rchitecture M od ern e ), titled "The Functional City"
took place on the cruise ship SS Partis II en route from M a rse ille to Athens betw een
July 29 and A ugust 12,1933. In retrospect, it is surprising w h a t high hopes Neurath and
the arc h ite c ts had for th e ir collaboration, given the eventual outcom e of the meeting.
Once a board the ship, N eurath and the C IA M architects encountered controversy on
alm ost every level.
In general, N e u rath 's perception of urbanism differed from the architects', as did the
nature of his graphic analysis of th e city and the audience for w hom his w ork w as
intended. N e u rath 's pluralistic v ie w on urbanism , his prefere n c e for settlem ents over
high-rises and his strong focus on buildings th a t g enerated com m unity w ithin a city did
not resonate w ith th e C IA M arc hite c ts, since th e ir m apping activity fed into w h a t would
later becom e fam ous as th e C harter of A th en s .1
But N e u rath 's conflict w ith the C IA M arch ite c ts did not arise over the contents of
urbanism , but in how to visually p resent a city. N e urath's focus on representing the city
in sim ple, a b stracted cartog ram s w ith o u t considering the planning process certainly
expedited his divorce from C lA M 's purpose. But afte r years of focus on picture
education, N e urath prioritized the legibility of th e m aps fo r various audiences over the
presum ed necessity fo r a rchitects to suggest design proposals.
N eu rath w a s attra cted by th e platform C IA M presented to him for launching an
interdisciplinary professional lan guage on a large s cale, since his final goal had alw ays
been to com pile an internatio nal encyclop edia of signs.2 He intended his quantitative
m aps to be as neutral as g e ograph ical ones and he dream ed that the ISOTYPE would
becom e as com prehensive a sign lan guage as the one found in those m aps.3 Above
all, he n ever doubted th a t th e ISOTYPE w a s appropriate fo r a discussion on urbanism.
O ver the y ears, N e u rath and his collaborators had tested ISOTYPE and developed an
ela b o ra te syntax. It w a s tim e to give back and to prove th a t the ISOTYPE had th e potential
to becom e a "real urbanistic sign lan g u ag e ."4 O nce ren dered effective for C IA M , a big
step w ould have been taken to w a rd s an interdisciplinary encyclopedia legible to all.
N eurath, how e ve r, underestim ated the task at hand.5 In fact, his collaboration w ith the
C IA M arch ite c ts failed at every level. Yet, it seem s th a t C IA M w as a catalyst that started
N eurath thinking about ISOTYPE in the context of c oncrete, spatial param eters. Although
he w a s unable to deliver w h a t C IA M w an ted , the congress triggered a reaction, w hich
e ventually m anifested in the form of th e 1937 m ap, w hich then took on a life of its ow n.6

Preparations for CIAM 1933

N e u rath ’s c o n ta ct w ith som e of the central figures of C IA M dated back to the tw enties.
In 1926, N eurath w ro te the laudatory article, " N e w B auhaus in Dessau," in an Austrian
m agazine fo r settlem ents and city planning.7 The Bauhaus' director a t the tim e w as
W a lte r Gropius (1883 - 1969), w ho had designed the ne w building for the school in
D essau afte r its uprooting from W e im a r.8 Consequently Neurath cam e in c o ntact w ith
Bauhaus faculty and held guest lectures at the n e w school.9 In 1929 N e urath also began
to contribute frequently to the m agazine of the G erm an W e rkb und, "D ie Form."
M ore im portant than his c onnection to B auhaus faculty and m em bers of the G erm an
W erkbund - m any of w hom w e re to be involved in the founding of C IA M - w as
Neurath's contact to Jo se f Frank. Frank w a s the only A ustrian rep re s en tativ e at C IA M I
in La Sarraz in 1928, and also one of C lA M 's founding m e m b ers .10
In a history on N eurath and C IA M the m eeting in La S arraz w a s c ru cial, since the
founding de claration cast light on w h y the C IA M project resonated w ith N eurath. As
Christopher Long has observed in his m onograph on Jo se f Frank, th e re w e re "tw o
camps" of M odernists in La S arraz, w ho could not com e to an a g ree m en t." W h ile the
non-German speaking a rchitects, Le Corbusier and A lberto Sartoris (1901 - 1998), w e re
advocating a m ore form al debate on a rc h ite c tu re, the G erm an, Sw iss G erm an and the
Dutch architects like Flannes M a y e r, (1 8 8 9 -1 9 5 4 ), Hans S chm idt ( 1 8 9 3 - 1972) and M a rt
Stam (1899 - 1986), "urged the elim ination of a esthetics conventions in urban planning
and called for gre ate r em phasis on the social aspects of building."’2 Kenneth Frampton
supports Long's observation in his introduction to Eric M u m fo rd 's C IA M Discourse on
Urbanism. He states th a t the absence of G ropius, M ie s and M end e lso h n "left the field
open to the m ore polem ical B a sel-based ABC g ro u p ,"13 (M a rt Stam , Hannes M e y e r
and Hans Schm idt) so th a t the "founding de cla ration w as largely the w o rk of left-w ing
Swiss architects, aided and abetted by like-m inded figures from G erm any and the
Netherlands."’4
Frampton then goes on to cite the original C IA M de cla ration to prove his point:

The idea o f m odern a rc h ite c tu re includ es the link b e tw e e n the j

phenom enon o f a rc h ite c tu re and th a t o f the g e n e ra l econo m ic system , j
Town planning is the organization o f the functions o f colle c tive life; j
The redistribution o f land, the indispensable prelim in a ry basis fo r a ny ;
town planning, m ust include the ju s t division b e tw e e n the ow ne rs and
the com m unity o f the un e arn e d in c re m e n t resulting from w orks o f jo in t j
interest.'* -<•

This passage foreshadow s one of the main points N eurath m ade in his speech for C IA M
in 1933, "all of this m atters because problem s of urbanism are also problem s of social
order. ’’6 This calls N eurath's principles of social justice to mind, w hich he had voiced
so strongly as secretary of the settlers' m ovem ent.’7
Although architects from "both cam ps" d re w up the declaration to gether (Hannes
Meyer, Sigfried Giedion, Andre Lurgat, Josef Frank and Le Corbusier), the section on
urbanism and therefore the crucial one for C IA M IV w as a result of C lA M 's left wing,
Hans Schmidt and Hannes M e y er, dem anding "substantial ch an g es ."’8 In addition, Hans
Schmidt made final edits to the text, w hile the other m em bers attended a costum e party.
On this initial division, M um ford states:

These differences for the m ost p a rt also re flec te d the political conflict
betw een Le Corbusier's w ish to accom m odate a rchitecture to the
 dem ands o f larg e sca le industrial capitalism and the Dutch, German,
an d G erm an-S w iss efforts to use the a d va n c ed techniques o f capitalism
to help bring a b o u t a n e w c ollectivist society.'9

This divide w a s elim inated in 1933, w h e n Le Corbusier and the Sw iss architecture
historian, S igfried G iedion (1888 - 1968), C lA M 's s ecretary, took m atters into their own
hands.
But in the late 1920s, the divide betw ee n C lA M 's left and right w ing w as not as
obvious, and it w a s Giedion w ho first tried to con ta ct N eurath in 1929 via Josef
Frank to participa te at C lA M 's second congress in Frankfurt, "Die W ohnung fur das
Existenzm inim um (The M inim um S ubsistence D w e llin g )."20 It is unclear w hy Neurath did
not participate. His friends J o se f Frank and M a rg a re te Lihotzky did, both of w hom had
substantially contributed to planning m inim al housing as architects of the Siedlungsamt
and com m unal housing projects fo r th e city of Vienna.
A t th e second congress, the final structure of C IA M w a s also settled. From then
on, Le C orbusier functioned as its official president and Giedion as its secretary. Le
Corbusier also presided over the ne w ly founded CIRPAC, the Comite International
p o u r la Resolution des P roblem es de /'A rc h itec tu re Contem poraine, w hich comprised
" d e le g a te s" - one m em b er e ac h rep resentin g one country. Am ong other tasks, CIRPAC
w a s in c harge of preparing th e congresses and of enforcing C lA M 's resolutions with
othe r C IA M m em bers from th e ir designated countries.21 Le Corbusier also insisted that
all CIRPAC m em bers had to be arc h ite c ts and th a t the collaboration w ith specialists
w a s "tra nsferre d to a national lev e l."22

In 1930, Hans S chm idt a d vanced the idea of a larg e r m apping project to C IA M . He had
"p e rce ive d a reg u la r pattern in th e developm en t of Zurich, Basel and G eneva" in an
analysis dra w n up fo r the exhibition "R ationelle B auw eisen (Rational Lot Developm ent)"
in Brussels, during w h ich the third C IA M congress took place.23 But the topic for the
third congress w a s a lre a d y "broad enough," and so it w as suggested th a t the mapping,
pro jec t could stand a t th e centre of the fourth congress.24 Tha t it w as Hans Schm idt
w ho suggested a large m apping enterp rise w a s cru cial to N eurath's later involvement,
be cause it signified th a t its basic idea originated from C lA M 's left w ing.
Later the sam e yea r, th e title fo r th e fourth congress w as finalized as "The Functional
City." The com m ittee for its preparation consisted of Le Corbusier, W a lte r Gropius,
Rudolf S te ig e r (1900 -1 9 8 2 ) and Cornelis Van Eesteren (1897 -1 9 8 8 ), w hich also implied
a m ove to w a rd s m ore m oderation.25
The election of th e Dutch a rc h ite c t and city planner Cornelis Van Eestern as ClAM 's
chairm an in 1930 w a s cru cial for the path C IA M w ould take w ith N eurath, because
he b e cam e the person w ith w hom N eurath m ost frequently com m unicated. But Van
Eesteren w a s also instrum ental in shaping the fourth congress, and in term s of CIAM
politics, he sym bolized the neutral com prom ise betw ee n the opposing (Sw iss)-G erm an
and (S w iss)-F rench cam ps. M o re o v er, Van Eesteren's mild nature and his w ill to m ediate
be tw ee n diffe re nt actors contributed to his aptness as chairm an. A further quality that
prepared him in preparation for C IA M IV w a s his double role as arc h ite c t and urban
planner. Being called to serve in th e Urban D evelopm ent S ection of A m sterd am 's Public
W orks D epartm ent in 1929, V an E esteren started to w o rk on an extension plan for the

city.
He there begun to d ra w out m aps g e nerating a com prehensive design strategy. W orking
excessively on the m aps fo r th e city of A m sterd am , it w a s sensible to use them as the
three models, or prototype m aps fo r C IA M IV. On th a t basis, th e C IA M m em bers w ould
draw up maps of cities all over Europe.26

The first m ap in 1:10,000 sought to show existing conditions in a city, recording

industrial and housing zones, as w e ll re c re atio n a l a reas. The second m ap, draw n at
the same s cale, analyzed transp ortation n etw orks and th e third, at 1:50,000, captured
"the city in its regional setting, including a re a s of public and private open space, and
additional inform ation on all four [Corbusian] functions of dw elling, w o rk, recre atio n and
transportation."27
Van Eesteren prepared the m odel m aps and 72 sym bols th a t w ould help clarify the
provided inform ation. He presented the guidelines for "The Functional City" at a
preparatory m eeting during the "B erlin S pecial Congress" in 1931. This congress took
place at th e sam e tim e as the "B erlin Building Exposition."
Looking to im prove the graphic rep resentation for th e m aps of "The Functional City"
congress, m em bers w e re advised to closely exam ine th e urban planning section at the
"Berlin Building Exposition." It w a s at this exposition th a t a contribution of th e "M u s e u m
of Society and Economy" received special attention from the C IA M m em bers, since
its designs w e re so a ttractive. V an Eesteren's sym bols, h o w e ve r, w e re still not very
elaborate, so Giedion suggested collaborating w ith specialists, nam ely Otto N e u rath .28
Van Eesteren contacted N eurath as G iedion had suggested; h o w e ve r, a personal
meeting b etw een him and N eurath did not take place until D e ce m b e r of 1932, w he n
Neurath m et Van E esteren and W a lte r Gropius in M o s c o w .29
A concrete discussion on N eurath's possible a ssistance fo rth e Congress did not em erge
until January 1933. Eventually, Van Eesteren prom ised N e u rath th a t "the V iennese
results [w ould] be show n in [C lA M 's ] exhibition" and th a t C IA M w ould w elc o m e
Neurath to give a speech in w hich he could ela bora te "his m ethods and v ie w points."30
But in fact, Van E esteren e xpected a m ore c oncrete exam ination of C lA M 's concerns
from N eurath's w ork. This w as exem plified by his d isappointm ent over the lack of graphic
advancem ents in Neurath's results. Having given all plan m aterial on A m sterdam to Dr.
Bauermeister, an assistant of N eurath's, in January, he assum ed th a t the "M us e um of
Society and Economy" w ould advance his 72 symbols, if not the m aps at large. Thus in
March 1933, Van Eesteren reported to Gropius th a t he w a s hopeful th a t N eurath w ould
support CIAM in th e future.3’ A fter a further m eeting be tw ee n N eurath and Van Eesteren
in Amsterdam in M a y 1933, in w hich m ore extensive plans w e re discussed, the chairm an
issued a letter to the secretary, Giedion, stating th a t Neurath should "prom ptly receive
an official letter from the Congress" inviting him on board of the Patris.32 In addition, Van
Eesteren suggested th a t Neurath becom e the first specialist-m em ber to C IA M , w hich
required an alteration of C lA M 's bylaw s.33
Giedion, how ever, only notified Neurath in last minute. An express letter w ith an official
100
Figure 4.1: "CIAM Model Map I,” Cornelis Van Eesteren, CIAM, 1931

Figure 4.2: "CIAM Model Map II," Cornelis Van Eesteren, CIAM, 1931

Fiaure 4.3: "CIAM Model M ao III.' Cornelis Van Eesteren. CIAM. 1931
invitation reached N eurath in July 1933, th e sam e m onth in w h ich th e Congress took
place. It is uncertain if N eurath read this as an indicator th a t this collaboration w ith
CIAM w as not ap p rec iated and if this m ight have been a reason w h y he w a s fairly
unprepared fo r the Congress. If N e u rath had such instincts, he had them rightfully;
looking back on the preparatory tim e of C IA M IV, V an E esteren w ro te to G iedion in 1934,
that in 1932 he had been critical of the V ie nne s e proposals.34
But, there is also reason to believe th a t N e u rath w a s naive about the C IA M arc h ite c ts'
reservations tow a rds his ideas. His c lo ser connection to C IA M consisted of the M o s c o w
based group, all m em bers of C lA M 's left w ing, notably M a rg a re te S c h iitte - Li h otzky, Hans
Schmidt and others. This group had been asked to d ra w up th e USSR's contribution to
the Congress, since the y had m oved th e re earlier. T h e ir relocation coincided w ith the
opening of a M o s c o w based branch of the " M u s e u m of S ociety and E conom y" in the
early 1930s called "Isostat Institute." R eceiving m uch positive response, Gerd Arntz
started to spend extended periods of tim e in M o s c o w w ith som e other em ployees. Upon
this expansion, N eurath also lived in M o s c o w fo r 60 days e ac h y ea r.35
For this reason, "N e urath conducted th e initial planning fo r th e c ongress" w ith S chutte-
Lihotzky and Schm idt, w h o w e re in M o s c o w a t th e tim e .36

The CIAM Congress of 1933

"From the start, graphic c riteria w e re a t th e h e art of th e C IA M a rc h ite c ts' discussions,

[since] they w e re a w a re th a t th e com parative study of so m any cities could only yield
positive results to th e e xtent th a t th e ir m aps w ould be im m ediately acces s ib le to the
reader.''37 Van E esteren had done his best in th e preparation to th e congress to com e
up with an extensive graphic system . He w as , h ow ever, unable to unite his 72 symbols
in a coherent w ay , since he m ixed th a t conventional a rc h ite c tu ral draw ing m ethods of
various hatches and lines w ith symbols.
Aw are of this shortcom ing, Van Eesteren still expe c ted N e u rath 's speech to clarify
certain issues in regard to C lA M 's publication of th e ir m aps, w h e n th e y boarded the
Patris on July 2 9,1933. N eurath's speech w a s held in Athens on A ugust 4, w h e re the
maps w ere exhibited at the A thens' Polytechnic University.

The first three days on board of the Patris w e re dedicated to discussions and analyses
of the delegations' maps. Le Corbusier held an introductory speech, addressing the
question of how the maps could arrive at concre te conclusions. "For him, how e ve r the
outcome w as already known; in a lengthy discourse on th e principles th a t should be
elaborated in the congress resolution, Le Corbusier sum m ed up th e ideas behind his
'Ville Contem poraine' and 'Vitle R adieuse.'"36

Corbusier's speech w as consequently follow ed by presentations of all delegations.

They w ere short and there w as not m uch tim e for discussions or conclusions. M ost
groups had closely w orked in a cc ordance to the thre e provided prototypical maps by
Van Eesteren, w ith the exception of the Sw iss Delegation, com posed of Rudolf Steiger
Figure 4 4: CIAM Delegates on Board ol the Patris. 1933 Figure 4.5: Le Corbusier

and his colleagues, and the G erm an D elegation.39 Both of their entries w e re inspired
by ISOTYPE. W h ile S teiger included th re e sections, w hich m apped various densities in
the city of Z urich by m aking use of picture statistical principles, the G erm ans presented
an e xtensive study on Dessau th a t included social, econom ic and historical charts
presented in a cc o rd a n ce to the V iennese M e th o d , in addition to their maps.

In general, all of C lA M 's key m em bers w e re present on board the Patris except for
Gropius and notably Hannes M e y e r. H ow ever, the entire Russian delegation, w ith whom
N eu rath had p repared an entry, w a s absent, w hich "proved to be a foreboding sign, if
only fo r the fa c t th a t it augured the declining influence of C lA M ’s M arxian w ing."40
B efore arriving in A thens, Corbusier tried to d ra w up som e quick a prio ri conclusions
a second tim e, but his suggestion w a s m et w ith gre at resistance. Eventually all
p articipants filled out questionnaires and it w as decided that conclusions would be
dra w n from them at a later point during the Congress.
The Patris arrived in A thens on the fourth day of the journey, on August 1, and the
exhibition "The Functional City" w a s opened in the evening of August 3. Corbusier
held the first lecture titled "Air - Son - Lum iere (Air, Sound, Light)."4’ He reiterated the
principles of "Ville R a dieuse” and stressed th a t it held the answ ers to making order in^
the gre at chaos of the m odern m etropolis. He w as the only one w ho actually discussed
design proposals follow ing extensive study.
The next day, Cornelis Van Eesteren's precisely addressed the relationship of effective
illustrations of urban analyses and th e ir translation into design proposals in his speech
"M e th o d e n des Funktionellen Stadtebaus (M ethods of Functional City Planning)."42 He
explained how data had been extracted and to w hich urban proposals these a n a ly z e s '
lead. He accom panied his lec tu re w ith the extension plan fo r th e city of Am sterd am as 4.6
an exam ple. On the collection of data, he said:

In the extension plan, one only has to take into consideration the entities
that require an advantageous position in relation to the e ntire body o f the
city. These a re the objects th a t a p p e a r in s u la r in e v e ry city: hospitals,
m ental institutions, c em eteries, crem atories, etc.*3

This notion of collecting data for the city w a s eventually supported by N e u rath since
he drew out the sam e indicators in the 1937 m ap. V an E esteren then continued to
emphasize that th ese m aps w e re fluid and a lw ays s ubject to change.

Now , one should not envision th a t these surveys le a d to fixed,

irrem ediable plans. On the contrary, these surveys a nd estim ations a re to
the city planner, w h a t the com pass a n d the stars a re fo r the navigator.**

He further explained the relation to the resulting design proposals:

Extensive dem ographic surveys have been undertaken. On the basis

o f technical details, like railw a ys a n d shore connections, solutions
w ere found a nd extensive reports w e re drafted. For the expe c ted
population a prognosis w as m ade a nd a m inim um as w e ll as a m axim um
w ere determ ined, for both cases the plan should propose housing
possibilities45
His speech w as follow ed by N e u rath ’s "L'U rbanism e et le Lotissem ent du Sol en
R epresentation Optique d'ap re s la M e th o d e Viennoise (Tow n Planning and Lot Division
in term s of O ptical Representation Following the V iennese M e thod )."46 In com parison to
Corbusier, w ho only lectured on the content of urbanism , Neurath solely addressed the
question of its illustration.

In general, N eurath e la borated the sam e principles he had presented in papers the
y ears prior to the Congress. He had not tried to find graphic solutions to the new spatial
problem s at hand.
In fac t, his a n sw e r to m apping densities in a city w a s still w h a t he had alw ays pledged;
the y should not be m apped into the draw ing, but they should be show n in a separate
supporting chart. Presenting the im age "M e n Living on a Unit of S pace in Tow n" he
reiterated;

I f one w an ts to s h o w the density o f inhabitan ts in the large cities o f the

w o rld using our m ethod, the y w ould be c h ara cterize d by monum ents,
fo r exam ple, Paris by the E iffel T o w e r a n d N o tre Dam e, London by the
bridge o v er the Tham es, etc. The population density w ill be rep resented
by bla ck o r co lo re d figures. A t first glance, one w ill notice th a t while
in A n glo-S a xo n cities, fo r exam ple, there a re fe w e r inhabitants p e r
100 s quare m e ters than in the cities o f C entral Europe. I do no t en te r
into considerations o f w h e th e r dw elling in o ne- o r tw o -flo o r buildings
d e term ines this situation.*1

This solution w a s of course disappointing to the a rchitects, because it did not allow for
density to have a spatial im plication. Secondly, Neurath insisted th a t actual maps did
not even have to be dra w n up a t all and th a t cartogram s served the cause of mapping
out the city even better.

It is not alw a ys nece s sa ry to show these graphics on geographical maps; it often

suffices to use geograph ical diagram s. The diagram facilitates observation. I think that
w e could bette r rep re s en t m any facts studied a t this congress through sim ilar diagram s
[to the ones I've show n] rath er than through plans or geographical m aps.46
To som e, this sta tem e nt m ust have fe lt like a slap in the fa c e , since they had spent days
and w ee k s in preparation of th e ir precise city maps.

A t last N e urath show ed plans on th e city developm ent in Dam ascus, produced for the
A tlas G es e lls ch aft und W irts c h aft in 1930, to illustrate the topic of the congress more
closely. He explained:

N o w I w ill s h o w a fe w m ore cities, notably the developm en t o f the oasis

c ity o f Dam ascus. W e first see the little oasis, then the rigorous Rom an
castrum , then the finalizing o f the contours by the M uslim intervention,
a n d finally the apparition, a t the periphery, o f the m odern orthogonal
 districts. A t the sam e tim e one notic e s the rep ression o f the desert, the
victory o f w a te r o v er dryness, a n d the fluctuations o f the n u m b e r o f
inhabitants.n

Despite the good intention, these m aps w e re also lacking any kind of paired inform ation
like com binations of spatial im plications and sym bols, or im plied socio-political and
dem ographic data.
But N eurath's speech, despite its lack of n e w insight, w a s of course a c c u rate in its
criticism of the C IA M m aps. It identified th e ir shortcom ings by calling out th e ir lack of
a uniform system of symbols. Furtherm ore, it pointed out th a t th e y w e re not apt fo r the
public at large. To rem edy this, N eurath suggested the usage of w a llp a p e r cut outs
and symbols on paper, w hich schools had been able to o rder through th e M useum .
Neurath's harsh criticism paired w ith th e lack of valid a n sw e rs to the spatial problem at
hand w as a bad com bination in th e eyes of the C IA M a rchitects.

Nonetheless, afte r a fe w days of exploring G ree c e in sm all groups, th e re w a s still

hope th a t the C IA M a rchitects w ould com e to term s w ith N e u rath . A t the conclusion
of the Congress, he w a s e lected into th re e of the C ongress' com m issions: th e P rogram
Commission, the P ublication Com m ission and notably the n e w ly founded Com m ission
for Statistics. The rubric "P ublication Com m ission" in C lA M 's m inutes explicitly stated
that in "collaboration w ith the M un daneum V ienna a steadily w orking com m ission
should be c reated w hich is responsible fo r the c ollection, the sighting and the editing
of the necessary statistical m ateria l."50 Additionally th e com m ission should "try to unify
the signs to illustrate th e city plans for adm inistrative d epartm ents and schools, afte r
careful reassessm ents."51 But an even bigger indicator of the a rc h ite c ts ' a ppreciatio n
w as th a t C IA M also changed its bylaw s and acc ep ted N eurath as its first n o n -arc h itec t
m ember, on his outspoken w ish, alongside w ith Lazio M o h o ly -N a g y .52 This w a s stated
on August 13 in M a rse ille , the day afte r the delegations had returned to France.

CIAM Aftermath

On th e August 12, upon arrival in M a rse ille , tw o other m eetings took place. The first only
concerned Neurath m arginally since it de alt w ith the entire congress' resolution. There
w as doubt th a t the questionnaires w ould easily form ulate into a resolution. W e lles
Coates (1895 -1 9 5 8 ), representing the English de legation, voiced this concern strongly
and criticized the Congress' w ork m ethods at large. He suggested th a t the m aterial
should be rew orked and a m ore scientific analysis should be draw n. In addition a new
commission should be founded, specifically overseeing this process.

Giedion, Van Eesteren and Corbusier w e re strongly opposed to Coates's proposal.

Giedion said th a t it w as "not the task of the architects, to deliver ultim ate precision, but
to draw guidelines."53 W e lles Coates countered, stating th a t he fea re d th a t w ithout this
precision the resolution would not resonate w ith governm ents. Van E esteren jum ped
 Figure 4 7: "Damaskus," ca. 1929 - 1930

in stating "w ith o u t resolutions our w o rk does not have any m eaning! The congress
n ever did intend ... to produce scientifically e xa ct and final w orks. This intuitive work
m ethod enables the m eeting to m ake leaps."54 He continued: "W e should feel the chaos
th a t derives from it, but w e are n o t...." and here Corbusier finished his sentence and
e xclaim ed: " w e are not in a [m ilitary] c a m p !"55
"The m ain objectives are our sum m aries," Van E esteren concluded. "The congress
should rath er risk an erron eous resolution, than loose itself in endless analyzes."56
A t last A lvar A alto m ade a sta tem e nt supporting Van E esteren's position. Finally Van
E esteren pronounced th a t the com m ission should proceed to w ork on the resolutions,
since th e y could still be disputed.
This disunity also a ffe cted the first m eeting of the Publication Commission, in w hich Van
Eesteren, Sigfried G iedion, Lazio M o h o ly -N a g y and Otto Neurath and his colleague and
4.8,4.9 later w ife , M a rie R eidem eister, w e re present.
B ased on the English req uest for m ore scientific research, the Publication Commission
decided to w o rk on tw o sepa rate publications, a sm all one and a second larger one.
W h ile the first had to be done quickly and w ould only illustrate the resolution, th e second
could incorp orate m ore detailed studies. Giedion insisted on a focused discussion for
the sm all publication, since it had to be produced quickly. He also w an ted only one or
tw o people w orking on it constantly and he em phasized th a t no n e w w ork could be done
for it. For him, the m aterial from the congress sufficed.
In the small publication, N eurath s a w his c h ance to spread the international language
of signs w id ely by illustrating the resolution. He w as therefore opposed to Giedion's
idea of using only congress m aterial. This caused a large dispute be tw ee n him and
M oh oly-N agy.
Figure 4.8.4.9: Otto Neurath and M arie Reidemeister as well as Sigtried Giedion and Otto Neurath on Board o( the Patris

Neurath, on one hand, advised th a t the resolution should be show n in sim ple s tatem ents
w ith n ew ly produced fragm ents of plans illustrating the resolution's singular focal
points.57 M oh oly insisted th a t C lA M 's m aps w e re "im pressive" and best displayed the
resolution's origin as w ell as its process. Lastly, it w a s decided th a t M oh oly 's idea w a s
preferable since C lA M 's m aps rep re s ented th e chaos of th e existing city, w h ich Van
Eesteren had stressed to be an im portant issue.
The second publication caused less of a stir than th e first. P lanned to ta k e a y ea r
of preparation, the larg e r publication w a s expe c ted to a p p ea r in anticipation of
another exhibition of th e m aps. This w a s supposed to be done in cooperation w ith
Neurath's "M und ane um " in V ienna (form erly "M u s e u m of S ociety and Econom y").
In conclusion, th e com m ission decided th a t the sm all publication should contain the
resolution w ith "im ages and explanations" and th a t th e larg e r publication required "in
depth reassessm ent w ith p e rfec t optical rep re s entation s."58
Neither of the publications eve r s aw the light of day.
In the near afterm ath of the congress, N eurath w a s e a g e r to ge t to w o rk. In m id-August,
he w rote tw o letters, one to G iedion59 and one to V an E esteren,60 requesting th e final
version of the resolution so he could get started. Along w ith the letter, he sen t som e of
the M useum 's existing prints to Giedion, m aybe hoping th a t th e s ec re ta ry w ould pick
them for some illustrations. H ow ever, he did not he ar back from e ith er of the C IA M
m embers until S eptem ber.

In the m eantim e, Van E esteren w ro te a letter to M o h o ly -N a g y confessing th a t he w as

really happy M oholy had "so actively participated in the congress [in particular in a
conversation w ith N eurath], otherw ise w e w ould have certainly fallen victim to his
rather limited system ."81 He finally responded to N eurath later th a t m onth, saying th a tth e 4.10
resolutions w ere not ready yet, since they had caused bigger debates.62 N onetheless,
he sent N eurath descriptions for signs used in the existing m aps, w hich could have kept
Neurath busy for the tim e being.
But the collaboration, w hich had already seem ed problem atic at the first official
publication commission's m eeting, suffered a further m ajor upheaval in N ovem ber of
1933, w hen Neurath w as notified late of the second get-together in Paris. N eurath also
noticed that his nam e had been rem oved from the program com m ission, but he w as
willing to accep t that fact. The missed publication m eeting, how ever, w eighed heavily
on him, b e cause he suspected th a t G iedion had excluded him on purpose. " M y personal
opinion is th a t M r. G iedion seem ed to have only invited me, w hen he heard about my
trip to London."63
He im m ediately issued a short lette r to the CIRPAC voicing his discontent.64 W hen he did
not h e ar back from them for th re e w ee k s, he finally decided to confide to Van Eesteren:
" P lease tell me how all of this should be understood in your opinion. If prom inent
m em bers of your CIRPAC do not attach im portance to the collaboration w ith us, I w ould
p re fer to w ith d ra w w ith my institute, but not w ithout m aintaining a personal friendly
m em ory of you and your kind w a y of c onduct w ith us."65
Nobody replied to N eurath until five m onths later. During this tim e Van Eesteren had
been very sick. W h e n he finally w ro te back in M a y of the follow ing year, he stressed,
how e ve r, th a t as soon as N eurath m ade c o ncrete suggestions on the basis of the plan
of A m sterd am , he w ould still p resent these results to CIRPAC.66 A m eeting betw een Van
E esteren and N eurath follow ed this letter.
During th e m onths of V an E esteren's sickness, N eurath had his ow n problems. In w inter
of 1933/34, he left V ienna for a visit at th e "Isostat" in M o s c o w . In February, the Austrian
Civil W a r broke out. The social d em ocratic m ayor of V ienna, Karl Seitz, and the former
city councilor fo r finance, Hugo B reitner, a close friend of N eurath's, w e re imprisoned,
as w e re m any others affiliated w ith th e social dem ocratic party. W h e n the police
c am e to s ea rch N eurath's office at the "M u s e u m of S ociety and Economy," M arie
R eidem eister w a rn e d N e urath not to com e back to V ienna and the y arranged to m eet in
P rague, from w h e re the y im m igrated to Holland.
V an E esteren w a s honest in giving N eurath a second try in 1934. In a letter to Giedion,
issued a couple of days a fte r his m eeting w ith N eurath in Am sterdam in M a y , he w rote
th a t he w a s still of the opinion th a t "som ething m ust grow " from the collaboration
b e tw ee n th e congress and N e u rath .67 Concretely, he thought of the exhibition "The
Functional City," th a t he planned to show in Am sterdam the next CIRPAC m eeting would
ta k e place. He still hoped th a t N e urath could advance his symbols for city planning.
In preparation for "The Functional City" in Am sterdam , N eurath's interest and Van
E esteren's enthusiasm fo r the collaboration rekindled. They m et frequently betw een
O ctober 1934 and February 1935. N eurath tried to w o rk on th e symbols and maps,
identifying som e of th e m ajor spatial problem s. "One should possibly com bine density
of population, num ber of apartm ents, floor heights etc. [by m eans of symbols]" Neurath
w ro te .66 He g re w convinced th a t one had to be able to m ake com binations of at least
tw o of such indicators.

Besides developing sym bols, N eurath also started to advise the Swiss architects
W ilh e lm Hess and Rudolf S teiger on the "G esam thistorische Tabelle (Historical Chart),"
show ing the history of city developm ent, c reated fo r "The Functional City" exhibition.
The ch art gave an o v erv iew on the history of a rchitecture from the prehistoric age
to th e m odern city, and it "show ed the evolution of Le Corbusier's four functions w ith
res p e ct to zoning conditions, historical developm ent and class relation" along w ith
social and econom ic analyzes.69 V an Eesteren w a s uplifted by these developm ents and
w ro te to S teiger th a t N eurath's "suggestions seem ed s ensible."70 Everything w a s fine
until N eurath gave a nother lecture a t V an E esteren's req uest. The lec tu re w a s held in
anticipation of "The Functional City" exhibition for th e a rc h ite c tu re c ollective "de 8,"
of w hich Van E esteren w a s part. The m eeting h o w e ve r d re w little attention and left
architects displeased.71 N eurath w a s highly disappointed th a t V an E esteren personally
did not show up. He w ro te a last lette r stating th a t he w a s very sorry about his ab se n c e,
since Van Eesteren "w as a lw ays so m ediating."72
Neurath declared he had know n fo r a long tim e th a t picture e ducation often w a s not
recognized as a real specialty. In conclusion, he gave V an E esteren som e final pieces
of graphic advice, and ended his lette r by saying: "E verything can be solved given some
consideration, but it is as little a graphic task it is th a t of an arc h ite c t. It requires ...
T R A N S F O R M A T IO N ... But this is an old song I have a lre a d y w histle d and jingled to you
in different variations."73
W e have no evidence of any fu rth er c o rrespondence.
"The Functional City" exhibition in A m sterd am opened in July of 1935. N e u rath w a s never
credited a nyw here and the historical c h art fo r w h ich he had show n m ost enthusiasm
w as taken dow n on Gropius' order. Gropius fe a re d th a t a c h art incorp orating social data
could lead to political polarization, w hich w a s to be avoided in an alre a d y politically
charged environm ent.
A publication of the full C IA M m aterial of 1933 and its resolutions w e re n e ve r published,
until the app ea ra n ce of Jose Luis Sert's Can O ur Cities S urvive? in 1942. In it, S ert used
ClA M 's m aterial, but th e te x t w as his ow n creation. Although S ert even used som e of
Neurath's im ages, he w a s never m entioned.

Analysis

W hy did this collaboration be tw ee n Neurath and C IA M fail so catastrophically?

Certainly m uch of it, especially th e things th a t happened a fte r th e C IA M congress, can
be attributed to Van Eesteren's sickness and N eurath's sudden im m igration to Holland,
after w hich he dedicated a lot of tim e to moving w h a t w a s left of th e M u s e u m to the
"M undaneum " in The Hague. Another contributing factor, is N e u rath 's inability to m ake
spatial enhancem ents to his system , w hich w a s generally perceived as relu c ta n c e, but
which might have had to do w ith the fa c t th a t he w a s not a graphic designer. In the years
before 1934, Arntz, w ho lead th e graphic departm ent, and another talen ted designer,
Peter Alma (1896 - 1969), spent half of th e ir tim e in M o s c o w and could probably not
dedicate much tim e to C lA M 's causes. Given th e fa c t th a t N eurath theorized the picture
language, but in later years neither m ade transform ations, nor d re w symbols, and in fa c t
com pletely lacked artistic talent, it seem s likely th a t he w ould have been unable to m ake
spatial adaptations to it.
Given that scholars have argued th a t N eurath's dissatisfaction w ith C IA M w as induced
by the architects' objective to do "scientific" tow n planning, and the fa c t th a t Neurath,
the logical em piricist, did not believe th a t such a thing existed, I w ould like to shift the
focus tow ard w hy C IA M w as displeased w ith N eurath.74
After all, Neurath w an ted the collaboration w ith C IA M . If he did not deliver w h a t the
C IA M a rchitects w an ted , then it w as only because he really could not see their point
of v iew . The question th e refo re is w h y the C IA M architects did not w a n t to w ork with
N eurath.
Besides the d isagreem ent over the "s cie n ce " of tow n planning, I w ould like to advance
th re e m ajor objectives th a t likely m ade a collaboration w ith N eurath difficult, w hich
have in part been noted by other scholars.
For one, Enrico Chapel, has very precisely form ulated the com plication of Neurath
targeting a diffe re nt a u dience than C IA M . He stresses th a t from the beginning, Neurath
and the C IA M a rchitects aim ed at diverse ta rg e t groups and they also "e xpected totally
d iffe re n t rea c tio n s ."75
Chapel continues:

N e u rath in v en ted his system w ithin the fra m ew o rk o f a global visual

c om m unication program m e, w ith a v ie w to "hum anize” know ledge
fo r the g re a te r b e n efit o f the g e n e ra l public; the arch ite c ts sought to
internatio nalize an establish ed body o f know ledge; th e ir principal
ta rgets w e re the d ecision-m akers in the fie ld o f urban p roduction,n

This acc u rate assessm ent is supported by the fa c t th a t V an Eesteren, w ho executed the
extension plan of A m sterdam on the basis of his m odel maps, w orked for a governmental
institution and knew w h a t the maps of other cities had to entail for institutions to use them.
Le Corbusier, on the other hand, had his ow n agenda in this r e s p e c t He did not only
think about singular governm ent institutions, but c onceived the purposes of C IA M IV
tra n s n a tio n a l^ . In o rder for the n e w a rc h ite c tu re to gain ground he k new th a t it had to be
w e lc o m ed on a larg e r scale, w hich "m ea n t w orking closely w ith large interests w ith the
c apital to im plem ent his overarching vision of social and a rchitectural transform ation"
as M um ford has a rg ued.77
But even for th e exhibition "The Functional City" in Am sterdam , w h e re attendees
other tha n governm ent officials and executives of corporations w e re expected, the
C IA M arch ite c ts did not a lter th e ir graphic strategy. They prided them selves w ith their
te c h n ica l expertise and w ith the fa c t th a t they had found m eans of representation that
w e re specific to th e ir discipline. Their instincts w e re not bad: "The Functional City" w as
w ell attended.

M o re questionable, h ow ever, is w h y N eurath did not take note th a t the C IA M architects

w an ted to ta rg e t a m ore specialized a udience. R eiterating in his speech on the Patris
th a t "e ac h child recognizes the o bject indicated by the symbol, even if he has never
perceived it in reality," w hich he m eant literally, seem s strange, since he knew that
C IA M really w a s a congress of specialists.7® In assem bling the im ages and a more
d etailed acc o u n t on N eurath and his efforts in testing different ta rg et groups for his
picture e ducation, I hope to have cas t som e light on w h y Neurath m ight have been so
dismissive of C lA M 's e xpectations. In th e early 1930s, he w as focussed on the question
of h o w to c re a te an equal basis of know ledge fo r everyone and did not w a n t to prioritize
C lA M 's goal of specialized representation.
The question of audience w a s naturally inte rtw ined w ith th e question of graphics. The
reason w h y N eurath's graphics w e re as sim ple as possible and C lA M 's w e re m ore
technical, c learly has to do w ith th e ir intended a u diences. H ow e ve r, th e re is a n other
underlying issue and th a t is, as I have arg ued previously, th e question of inhe re n t spatial
strategies and the possibility o ic re a tin q o p erative m om ents.
Again, I find th a t Enrico Chapel has put it p recisely in saying:

In the first p lace, one s hould n o t unde res tim a te the difficulty o f applying
a p ic to rial m ethod th a t w a s n o t d esig n e d w ith tow n planning in m in d . ..
This system , w hich visualized s o cia l p he nom e na a n d e cono m ic data,
failed to a c c o u n t fo r a w hole ran ge o f dim en sional a n d m ore g e n era lly
spatial p a ram eters, w hich a re none the les s indisp ensab le to a n y study
c arried o ut p rio r to intervention o f urban sp ac e .19

But w hy are various spatial com ponents and th e ir overlap im portant w h e n it com es to
urban interventions? N eurath did not seem to have been fully a w a re of th e fa c t th a t a
map can only becom e a tool for arc h ite c tu re if it has an o perative quality to it; a quality
that results from spatial analysis.
Kees Som er em phasizes th e notion of the m ap as a tool, stating th a t th e C IA M
architects s aw their m aps "as practical instrum ents" and "th e ir attention rem ained
focused, how ever, on the reality of urban planning, w h ich th e y had investigated w ith
an im m ediately operational purpose: the im provem ent of the planning and design of the
environm ent in w hich people live.''80
It needs to be added th a t the notion of the m ap as a tool precisely posed th e underlying
difference to N eurath, w h o never perceived m aps as a m eans of asking questions, but
as ends to m aking short precise statem ents.

How ever, this operational a spect of m apping is not a m atte r of specific sym bols, nor
even a certain level of precision. A fter all, the C IA M m aps w e re able to c re a te an
operative m om ent, as w e re m aps w ith a m uch larg e r level of abstraction, w h ich follow ed
Otto Neurath's graphic rules and th a t exist in th e contem porary discourse. The m ost
im portant issue for creating generative maps really is th a t th e n e cessary inform ation is
drawn out and th a t an obvious collision of tw o or m ore fac tors in th e sam e m ap cre a te
a design strategy. This is w hy N eurath's m aps at first did not lend them selves w ell
to design, because they alw ays aim ed a t avoiding such overlap. Proof of this is that
Neurath generally dem onstrated densities in secondary charts or illustrations, w hich
well served the purpose of legibility, but actually hindered potential design conclusions.
His suggestion in his last letter to Van E esteren th a t "if one w an ts to indicate, th a t in a
certain block inhabitants of a certain incom e group live, one should not color the block,
but put little discs or figures on the block" m ust have seem ed utterly strange to Van
Eesteren the planner.01 It exem plifies th a t N eurath did not take into consideration how
design strategies come into being and th a t he did not grasp the scale at w hich C IA M
dealt with space. His insistence on small cut outs of the C IA M m aps, w hich w ould only
show one aspect of th e city, w as in this line of thinking as w ell.
But Neurath w as also reluctant to a cc ep t th a t in a discipline th a t dealt w ith sun, light,
w a te r or w ind, it w as som etim es necessary to m ake use of precise indicators like flow
directions, or th a t a m ap th a t dealt w ith traffic could not only show the sam e dotted line,
but it had to reveal m ore about th e w e ig h t of tra ffic etc.
In N e u rath ’s defense, tw o things m ust be said: One is th a t w h a tev e r Van Eestern took
from N e u rath 's illustrations w a s clum sily adapted. For exam ple, Van Eesteren took the
symbol "The M a n w ith The Hat" from N eurath to illustrate com m unte.
Having seen the chart "Density on Berlin's Highways" at the exhibition in Berlin, which
is extensively discussed in chapter two for its erroneous graphic design, Van Eesteren
employed exactly this weakling in his prototypical maps.
S econdly, Kees S om er has justly noted th a t Van E esteren incorporated only in part w hat
N eurath established as ISOTYPE.82 The m aps did not, how ever, incorporate Neurath's
ideas in a system atic w ay.

A fu rth er problem , according to S om er w a s th e m ixture of symbols and the difficulty

reading them : "This cartog raphic e clecticism w a s also expressed in a free interpretation
of th e V iennese p rin cip le s... The ir program m atic attitude tow ards N eurath's principles
w a s the product of d ifferences in background and purpose th a t eventually thw arted
a ttem pts to arrive at a cooperation b e tw ee n V ienna and A m sterdam .83
In connection to this, the second issue contributing to N eurath's defense is that he
understood som e of the C IA M plan's shortcom ings and precisely pointed them out. In
his last letter to Van Eesteren, he w ro te "one should not w rite num bers into plans and
m ake c onnections w ith arrow s. N um bers are dead and the arrow s w ill rem ain railw ays
tra ck s in (people's) m em ory or such like."84

A dm ittetly, N e urath did not understand how , or consciously om itted, the possibility that,
m aps could becom e g e nerative instrum ents. Van E esteren w as unable to m aximize the
possibilities of N e urath's a bstraction and his suggestions for the sake of urban planning.
The 1937 m ap w ould finally m ake a step in com bining th e tw o.
T o g e th e r V an E esteren and N e urath m ight have held the key in the early 1930s to a
problem w e are still dealing w ith in urban planning today; how to use diagram s and
tra n sla te them into design. In part, I believe Neurath and Van E esteren knew this and
th a t is w h y the y w e re so relu c ta n t to give up on each other.
On this note - w h a t could have ha ppened - 1 w ould like to introduce the third, and last
issue concerning N eurath and C IA M : th e ir divergent view s on urbanism.

In the introduction, it w a s m entioned th a t N eurath's theorizing on urbanism ceased

w ith his participation a t C IA M , w ith th e exception of his 1937 text Visual R epresentation
fo r A rc h ite c tu ra l Problem s and its accom panying m ap, w hich w ill be discussed in the
c onclusion.85 Although there is no evidence th a t Neurath objected to any of the design
proposals, m ainly advanced by Corbusier, at C IA M IV, I w ould like to argue th a t he
did, if only subconsciously. Considering th a t Neurath had s pent alm ost th e sam e tim e
theorizing the city as he had w riting about graphics, it w ould be alm ost uncanny if he
did not o bject to C lA M 's design proposals, in particular the A thens Charter. Especially,
since the Charter of A thens prescrib ed a w a y of building th a t w a s so diam etrically
opposed to alm ost everything N eurath believed in.
Not only w as N eurath alw a ys in fa v o r of pluralistic appro ac h e s w h e n it cam e to
urban strategies fo r th e m anifold city, w h ile th e c h a rte r fostered a certain typology,
he also never abandoned his notion of G em einschaft. Com m unity concerns also
stood in strong opposition to C IA M V i's final resolution, a fa c t th a t N e u rath m ust have
noticed. Constituting the strong division b e tw ee n housing, w o rk zones and leisure
activities basically ruled out the e m erg e n ce of a strong com m unity in N e u rath 's mind.
To understand transp ortation only as th e rational connection b e tw ee n those zones,
must have baffled N eurath, w ho had been so proud th a t in teraction could ta k e place
in courtyards and on roads and paths in th e settlem ents and com m unal buildings in
Vienna.
"I believe th a t the V iennese dw ellings really e nhan ce d the possibility of happiness,"
he w rote to Jo se f Frank in the last y ea r of his life, 1945, a fte r com plaining at length
about Corbusier.86 But today "m uch city planning is full of pom posity, w ith totalita ria n
undercurrent, pressing forw a rd som e w a y of life ,"87 he w ro te in th e sam e year.
And then in another letter to Frank:

I am [still] fo r a lo t o f plazas, w hich a re like c o ffe e houses a n d fo r

m any s p aces w h e re one can hang out, play, etc, c h it chat, an d n o t
fo r c arefully p re p a re d huge com m unity cen ters w h ich a re n o w often
proposed. This is a w a y o f c o e rc e d com m unity c re a tio n ... th a t I
even think is d a n g e ro u s... The fre e choice o f e n co u n te r is im portant,
therefore plurality

Even if the N eurath of 1933 w as really only subconsciously a w a re o f w h a t w a s h appening

in front of his eyes, nam ely a strong divide betw ee n a rc h ite c tu re and com m unity, he
clearly voiced this concern in 1945, w hen he s a w som e of its w o rs t repercussions
m aterialized. Rem arkably, Neurath also did not obje ct to Corbusier's a p rio ri design
proposals, w hich w e re rooted in the arc hite c t's urbanistic philosophy "that physical
design rather than political action could provide solutions to the poor living conditions
of industrial cities," as Eric M um ford noted.
This is striking since Le Corbusier's position com pletely negated N eurath's form ula:
urbanism + organization = urbanistic progress = a g re ate r c h ance of happiness.89
Neurath w en t so fa r as to som etim es even red uce the progress of urban planning to
organization alone. "N ot via the m ost m odest building s trategy w ill w e com e to a reform
in housing, but by political success, w hich benefits the construction of com m unal
dwellings," he w rote in an article on the Austrian W erkb und's exhibition in 1932.90
And lastly, and also in response to M um ford's observation on Corbusier, it is
questionable if N eurath, the fiery social dem ocrat, w ho had done everything in his
power to retain self-help and autonom y for the settlers, w as not at least a little sobered
in his enthusiasm for C IA M , since "throughout the 1920s, Le Corbusier m aintained th a t \
he w as an apolitical te c hnocrat seeking only to apply the lessons of Frederik W inslow
Tayor and Henry Ford to the production of housing and cities."91 '
1 Kees Somer, The Functional City: The CIAM and Comelis van Eesteren, 1928- 1960 (Rotterdam-
NAi Publishers, 2007), 167.
For him [Le Corbusier], however the outcome was already known; in a lengthy discourse on the
principles that should be elaborated in the congress resolution, Le Corbusier summed up the
ideas behind his Ville Contemporaine and Ville Radieuse.
2 Otto Neurath, Bildstatistik nach Wiener Methode in der Schule (Vienna and Leipzig: Deutscher
Verlag fur Jugend und Volk, 1933), 23.
Ein Universallexicon alter Zeichen muB zentral ausgearbeitet und international verbreitet
warden. Es empfiehlt sich, moglichst dieselben Zeichen fur Mengenbilder, Kartogramme und
Landkarten zu verwenden, soweit man nicht unterscheiden will: statistische Einheit und bloBe
Sachbezeichnung. Aufdiese Weise wurde eine Art internationaler Sachschrift entstehen, die den
internationalen Verkehr wesentlich erleichtern wurde.
3 Otto Neurath, "Visual Autobiography: From Hieroglyphics to ISOTYPE," Future Books III, (1946): 100.
When controversial problems are presented in print, people expect some kind of bias. ..in a way
which they would not expect from looking at geographical maps. Isotype is bound to be as neutral
as maps and to provide material for free discussion from any point of view. Isotype symbols have
few er positive or negative associations than the printed or written words of a language. You
cannot write in a neutral way without being boring, but you can present a neutral picture which is
nevertheless attractive.
Otto Neurath, "Bildstatistik und Arbeiterbildung," Bildungsarbeit, (1929): 8.
50 wie auf einer Landkarte eine Postanstalt, eine Brucke, eine Ruine, ein Wald sein bestimmtes
Zeichen hat, hat in der Bildstatistik der Arbeiter, der Selbststandige, der Kleinbauer, das mit Kohle
geheizte Schiff, das Segelschiff, das mit Erdolfeuerung versehene Schiff sein bestimmtes Zeichen.
4 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letterto Otto Neurath, 21.10.1934," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Ich wuerde mich sehr freuen, wenn aus unserer Zusammenarbeit eine richtige staedtebauliche
Zeichensprache wachsen koennte.
5 1 agree with Enrico Chapels analysis that one of the major problems Neurath ran into with the
CIAM architect was the task of adjusting the Isotype for a spatial discipline.
Enrico Chapel. "Otto Neurath and the CIAM - The International Pictorial Language as a
Notational System for Town Planning," in Encyclopedia and Utopia, The Life and Work of Otto
Neurath (1 8 82 - 1945), ed. Elisabeth Nemeth and Friedrich Stadler (Dortrecht Boston and London:
Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), 173.
In the first place, one should not underestimate the difficulty of applying a pictorial method that
was not designed with town planning in mind. A close reading of Neurath's lecture at the CIAM
IV reveals that the idea of using graphic images as an instrument for the analysis and planning of
cities had not yet been envisaged for Isotype.
6 General History of CIAM see Kees Somer, The Functional City: The CIAM and Cornelis van
Eesteren, 1928- 1960. (Rotterdam: Nai Publishers, 2007)
Eric Mumford, The CIAM discourse on Urbanism, 1928- 1960. (Cambridge and Massachusetts:
M IT Press, 2000)
Martin Steinmann, CIAM Dokumente: 1928- 1939. (Basel: Birkhfiuser, 1979)
Ulrich Conrads, Programs and Manifestoes on 20th-century Architecture. (Cambridge and
Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1970)
For Otto Neurath and CIAM see
Enrico Chapel, L'cbH raisonnš, (Geneva: MetisPresses, 2010) This book is in the process of being
printed as I am handing in this Masters essay.
Nader Vossoughian, Otto Neurath: The Language of the Global Polis, (Rotterdam: NAi Publishers,
2008)
Nader Vossoughian. .Mapping the Modern City: Otto Neurath, the International Congress of
Modern Architecture (CIAM), and the Politics of Information Design." Design Issues, Summer
2006,48-65.
Andreas Faludi. "Otto Neurath and Planning Theory," in Encyclopedia and Utopia, The Life and
Work o f Otto Neurath (1882-1945), ed. Elisabeth Nemeth and Friedrich Stadler (Dortrecht, Boston
and London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), 201 - 213.
Enrico Chapel. "Otto Neurath and the CIAM - The International Pictorial Language as a
Notational System for Town Planning," in Encyclopedia and Utopia, The Life and Work of Otto
Neurath (1882 -1945), ed. Elisabeth Nemeth and Friedrich Stadler (Dortrecht Boston and London:
Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), 167 - 182.
7 Otto Neurath, "Das Neue Bauhaus in Dessau," DerAufbau, Osterreichische Monatshefte fur
Siedlungs und Stadtebau (1926), 209 - 211.
B Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius, Ise Gropius, ed. Bauhaus, 1919-1928. (New York: The Museum of
Modern Art, 1938)
9 K. Somer, footnote 92, Chapter 4, K. Somer, Cornehs van Eesteren.
10 Mumford argues, that the first CIAM congress was really not its first, since the organizational
structures had not been put in place yet. However, the first meeting in La Sarraz in June 1928 is
perceived as the first CIAM congress and was titled as such by the later organization.
11 Christopher Long, Josef Frank, Life and Work, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2002), 113.
12 C. Long, Frank, 111.
13 Kenneth Framton, introduction to The CIAM discourse on Urbanism, 1928 - 1960, by Eric
Mumford (Cambridge and Massachusetts: M IT Press, 2000), xii.
14 K. Framton, introduction to CIAM, xi.
15 K. Framton, introduction to CIAM, xi.
16 Otto Neurath, "L' Urbanisme et le Lotissement du Sol en Representation Optique d'apres la
Methode Viennoise," Technika Chronika (1933): 1154.
Tout cela importe puisque les problemes d'urbanisme sont a la fois des problemes d'ordre social.
Mais ceux-ci sont plus utilement rep resents par des schemas de "statistique imagee " que par
des cartes geographiques.
17 Otto Neurath, Osterreichs Kleingartner- und Siedlerorganisation, (Vienna: Kommissionsverlag
der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1923), 5.
... aber daB Spekulanten Boden brachliegen lassen durften, weil einmal damit Geschafte zu
machen seien, das wurde nicht mehr anerkannt, solange der Druck des Krieges stark war. So
kam es, daB aufbrachliegendem Land, auf Bauplatzen, aber auch auf anderem landwirtschaftlich
ungeniigend genutzten Boden mit und ohne Zustimmung der Eigentumer Kriegsgemusegarten
entstanden.
18 E. Mumford, CIAM, 20.
19 E. Mumford, CIAM, 19.
20 K. Somer, footnote 92, Chapter 4, K. Somer, Cornelis van Eesteren.
I am using Mumford's translation.
E. Mumford, CIAM. 30.
21 The CIAM statutes were approved at the second congress in Frankfurt.
Van Eesteren, "Ciam Documents" Archive Cornelis Van Eesteren, EEST IV. 103, Nai Archiv,
Rotterdam, NL
22 K. Somer, Cornelis van Eesteren, 54.
23 K. Somer, Cornelis van Eesteren, 84.
24 K. Somer, Cornelis van Eesteren, 84.
25 K. Somer, Comelis van Eesteren, 84.
26 For a detailed description of how the three CIAM model maps came into being see K. Somer,
Cornelis van Eesteren, and E. Mumford, CIAM.
27 E. Mumford, CIAM. 62 -6 3 .
28 Sigfried Giedion, "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren, 21.12.1931," CIAM Archiv, 42-K-1931,
Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule, Zurich, Switzerland.
Vielleicht ist die erste Karte mit den Verkehrszeichen, die sich oft ahnlich sehen, nicht ganz leicht
lesbar. Die zweite Karte jedoch ist beim ersten Anblick klar. Vielleicht sollten wir in Zukunft mit
Spezialisten von Zahlenzeichen und Statistiken zusammenarbeiten. Wir wollen den Direktor des
Wiener Gesellschaftsmuseums, Dr. Neurath, nach Zurich kommen lassen, da ermeines Wissens
iiber die grosste Erfahrung auf diesem Gebiete verfugt (erinnerst du dich an die Wandtafeln der
osterreichischen Abteilung der Berliner Bauausstellung?)
29 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren, 5.12.1933," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Im Jahre 1932 haben sich russische und auslandische Architekten in der UdSSB an mich urn
ein Gutachten uber Darstellungen gewendet, die fur die geplante internationale Ausstellung in
Moskau bestimmt waren. Ich hatte daraufhin im einzelnen gezeigt, weshalb die vom CIRPAC
gemachten Vorschlage fur Ausstellungszwecke nicht sehr geeignet seien und wie man sie auch
fur Druckzwecke logisch einheitlicher, inhaltlich klarer, optisch wirksamer gestalten konnte.
Ich besuchte in dieser Angelegenheit Prof. Gropius im Fruhjahr 1932 und legte ihm dar, welche
grundsatzlichen Bedenken dagegen bestunden, dass Architekten ohne Verbindung mit
Wirtschaftsgeographen, Nationaldkonomen usw Fragen des Stadtebaus und der Landesplanung
behandeln, die speziell bei einem Kongress in Moskau vor allem auch dkonomisch und sozial
diskutiert wiirden. Ich berichtate ihm iiber meine Kritik und meine Vorschlage.
Es folgte Ihr und Giedions Besuch im Dezember 1932 in Moskau. Die Aussprache zeigte
Ihre Bereitwilligkeit sich mit unseren Vorschlagen zu befassen, auch machten Sie uns Ihre
Vorschlage vollstSndig zuganglich.
30 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letter to Sigfried Giedion, 4.2.1933," CIAM Archiv, 42-K-1933,
Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule, Zurich, Switzerland.
Anaeleaenheit Neurath.
Ein vertreter (dr. bauermeister) von neurath w ar im januar bei mir. Ich habe ihm unser
kartenmaterial erklart u. er hat samtliches material nach wien mitgenommen. Die drei karten
amsterdams werden nun dort nach der methode neurath bearbeitet der vertreter war sehr
interessiert.
Neurath selbst w ar 28 jan. hier, ich sprach naher mit ihm iiber diese sache habe ihm
vorgeschlagen, dass die Wiener resultate in unserer ausstellung in moskau gezeigt werden und
dass wir uns uber ein referat worin er seine methoden und ansichten erklart freuen wurden.
bist du einverstanden - ? es bliebe dann noch zu regeln, wann wir dieses referat einschieben,
ferner solltest du brieflich diese sache mit ihm festlegen.
31 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letter to W alter Gropius, 26.3.1933," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord
- Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Ich lege ihnen eine abschriftaus einem brief an giedion wegen angelegenheit neurath bei, ich
hoffe, dass neurath uns in der zukunft bei der weiteren verarbeitung unterstutzen kann.
32 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren forwarded to sigfried Giedion, 9.5.1933,' CIAM
Archiv, 42-K-1933, Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule, Zurich, Switzerland.
Lieber Herr Van Eesteren
Besten Dank fur die Sendung. Wird gleich verarbeitet werden. Wir haben die Entwurfe, die wir
bereits in Wien machten, im Kopf.
Da am Montag vielerlei erledigt werden soli, kamen wir gerne etwas friiherzu Ihnen, wenn Ihnen
das passt, sagen w ir etwa urn 11 Uhr Vormittag.
Ich freue mich aufrichtig mit Ihnen zusammen all das uberlegen zu kdnnen. Die umfassenden
Plane, mit denen wir beschaftigt sind, konnen nur gewinnen, wenn jede Einzelfrage mit einem
aktuell interessierten Fachmann erortert wird.
Grussen Sie Ihre Frau bestens
M it guten Griissen Ihr
Neurath [signed]
Note Eesteren to Giedion: Giedion, sende Dir diese abschrift, damit du siehst dass wirsofort
nachdem wir wussten dass Neurath hier wohnt mit ihm in Verbindung getreten sind. Die neue
adresse von Neurath ist unterstrichen. Teile auch Steiger m it dass ich mit Neurath wieder in
Kontakt bin.
33 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letter to Sigfried Giedion, 28.5.1933," CIAM Archiv, 42-K-1933,
Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule, ZUrich, Switzerland, 1.
statuten kongres
in paris haben wir nSchst den actuation kongres-abhaltungsfragen u.a. noch besprochen die
frage der mitarbeiter d.h. den nachwuchs betr.
Der entschluss ist gefasst die statuten so zu vervollstSndigen, dass es moglich ist diese
mitarbeiter in einer besonderen from in den kongres aufzunehmen. du hast die statuten
mitgenommen, wir hatten sie schon ziemlich genau formuliert wir miissen dies nur jetztin eine
form bringen dass wir sie dem kongres vorlegen kdnnen. die sache ist wichtig, uberall sitzt man
mit dieser frage du erinnerst dich, dass die franzosische gruppe eine losung dieser frage und
eine teilnahme der spezialisten sehr befOrwortet hat. nach meiner meinung wdren nun endlich
diese beiden fragen durch junge leute u. specialisten geldst u. wird es nun von der activitatder
gruppen abhSngen was nun daraus wird.
Soecialisten auf dem nSchsten konares,
wir werden fdr den nšchsten kongres specialisten einladen miissen, als erstes nenne ich:
neurath, der jetzt die karten von amsterdam bearbeitet u. der fiir uns auf dem schiff einen vortrag
uber die kartenbearbeitung halten solite, er soil diesbez. umgehend einen brief (offiziel)vom
kongres erhalten, die gruppen sind bei ihren vorbereitungsarbeiten von specialisten unterstiitzt
worden, diese sollen von den betr. Gruppen aufgefordert werden dem kongres beizuwohnen...
34 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letter to Sigfried Giedion, 10.5.1934," Vienna Circle Archive, 232,
Noord - Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands
Ich halte es fur wichtig zu versuchen, dass w ir mit ihm zu etwas kommen, du weiBt aus barcelona
wie kritisch ich seinen damaligen vorschlSgen gegenuber stand, aber persdnlich mit ihm zu
etwas zu kommen, halte ich furmoglich.
35 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 113.
36 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 121.
37 E. Chapel, T o w n Planning," 168.
38 K. Somer, Comelis van Eesteren, 167.
39 For a detailed account see N. Vossoughian, Global Polis.
40 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 121.
41 Le Corbusier, 'A ir - Son - Lumidre," Technika Chronika (1933): 1140 -1 1 43 .
4 2 Comelis Van Eesteren, ‘ Methoden des Funktionellen Stadtebaus," Technika Chronika, (1933): 1150.
Oberdie Methoden stadtebauliche Erscheinungen zu fassen, uber die Erscheinung an sich und iiber
Wege, welche zum stadtebaulichen Entwurf der Stadt derZukunft fuhren, werde ich jetzt sprechen.
43 C. Van Eesteren, „Funktioneller StSdtebau," 1152.
Im Generalplan hat man nun die Lage dergrossen Einheiten anzudenken, welche eine gute
Situation im Bezug auf den ganzen Stadtkdrper verlangen. Es sind dies Objekte, die in jeder Stadt
vereinzeltvorkommen wie: KrankenhSuser, IrrenhSuser, Friedhofe, Krematorien u.s.w.
44 C. Van Eesteren, .Funktioneller Stadtebau," 1152.
Man stelle sich nun nicht vor, dass diese Studien zu starren unabanderlichen Planen fuhren, im
Gegenteil. Diese Studien und Schatzungen sind fi)r den StSdtebauer das, was der Kompass und
die Sterne fur den Navigator sind. Principiell ist uberhaupt davon auszugehen, dass alles sich
weiterentwickeln kSnnen soil.
45 C. Van Eesteren, .Funktioneller StSdtebau," 1152.
Ausfuhrliche demographische Studien wurden gemacht. Uber technische Einzelfragen, wie
Eisenbahn, Uferverbindung, kam man zur Losung und wurden ausfuhrliche Bericht aufgestellt. Fur
die zu erwartende Bevolkerungszahl wurde eine Prognose aufgestellt und ein Minimum und ein
Maximum festgestellt, fur welche beiden Annahmen der Plan Wohnmoglichkeit bieten soil.
46 Since Neurath's speech for CIAM has never been printed in full length in English and is only
available in Technika Chronika in French and Greek, which is exceptionally hard to obtain, I am
showing a fully translated version in Appendix A of my Masters Thesis.
47 0. Neurath, "L'Urbanisme", 1153.
Si I'on veut montrer la densite d'habitation dans les grandes villes mondiales d'apres notre
methode, celles-ci seront caracterisees par des mšdaillons, p.e. Paris par la tour Eiffel et Notre
Dame, Londres par le pont sur la Tamise, etc. La densitš d'habitation sera representee par de
figurines noires ou colorees. A premidre vue on constatera alors que dans les villes anglo-
saxonnes p.e. it y a par 100 m2, moins d'habitants que dans les villes d'Europe Centrale. Je
n'entrerai pas dans des considerations pour savoir si le fait de l'habitation sur un seul ou sur deux
etages determine cette circonstance.
48 0. Neurath, "L'Urbanisme", 1153-1154.
II n'est pas tourjours necessaire de pršsenter ces graphiques sur des cartes geographiques; il
suffit souvent d'employer des schćmas geographiques. ..L e schšma facilite I'observation. Je
pense que nous pourrions mieux reprćsenter une quantitd de faits etudišs š ce Congres par des
schšmas semblables, plutot que par des plans et des cartes gdographiques.
49 0. Neurath, "L'Urbanisme", 1154.
Maintenantje vais montrer encore quelques villes, notammentle dšveloppement d'une ville
d'oasis, Damas. Nous voyons tout d'abord la petite oasis, ensuite le rigoureux'castrum, romain, a
la Peripherie, de quartiers modernes orthogonaux. En mSme temps on constante le refoulement
du disert. la victoire de I'eau sur la sšcheresse, etles fluctuations du nombre des habitants.
50 "Meeting from the 13th of August 1933 (11.30 -13.30)," Technika Chronika, (1933): 1181.
In Zusammenarbeit mit dem Mundaneum Wien soil eine standige Kommission zur Sammlung,
Sichtung und Aufarbeitung des ndtigen statistischen Materials geschaffen werden, das von den
einzelnen Amtem zu Handen des Kongresses eingefordert werden soil.
51 'M eeting from the 13th of August 1933 (11.30-13.30)," Technika Chronika, (1933): 1181.
Es soil versucht werden, die Zeichen zur Darstellung der StšdtebaupISne fQr die entsprechenden
Amter und Schulen als international einheitliche zu vereinbaren, nach vorgSngiger sorgfSltiger
Bereinigung.
52 "13th of August," 1181.
53 Sigfried Giedion, "Meeting from the 12th of August 1933 (11.30 -13.30)," Technika Chronika.
 Es kann nicht die Aufgabe dieser Architekten sain, letzte Genauigkeit zu liefern, sondern
Richtlinien aufzustellen.
54 Cornelis Van Eesteren, “Meeting from the 12th of August 1933(11.30-13.30)" Technika
Chronika, (1933): 1180.
Ohne Resolutionen haben unsere Arbeiten keinen Sinn... Der Kongress hat sich nie
vorgenommen und sich nie eingebildet, wissenschaftlich exakte und endgultige Arbeiten zu
liefern. Sinn und Geist unserer Kongresse ist es, alles auszuschneiden, was bisher noch nie
oder nie aufsolche Art angeschnitten worden ist. Diese intuitive Arbeitsmethode bedingt die
Sprunghaftigkeit unserer Sitzungen. Wir sollen das dadurch entstehende Chaos empfinden, aber
wir sind...
55 Le Corbusier, "Meeting from the 12th of August 1933(11.30-13.30)," Technika Chronika, (1933):
1180.
Nicht in einer Kasernel
56 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Meeting from the 12th of August 1933 (11.30-13.30)," Technika
Chronika, (1933): 1180.
Hauptsache sind unsere Zusammenfassungen. Lieber soli der Kongress eine falsche Aussage
riskieren, als sich in endloser Analyse verlieren.
57 Marie Reidemeister, "Protocoil of the Publication comissions' meeting 12.8.33., Attachment
Otto Neurath Letter to Sigfried Giedion, 19.8.1933,” 1— 2, CIAM Archiv,42-K-1933, Eidgenossische
Technische Hochschule, Zurich, Switzerland.
aussprache ueber die veraenderung der bisherigen karten. M sehr dafiir, weil eindrucksam
und werdeprozess steigend. N sehr dagegen, weil vollkommenstes gezeigt werden soil
einfache relationen der resolution an vereinfachten ausschnitten besser demonstrierbar.
Zusammenarbeit zuerich, amsterdam, wien mit M„ G., vE vermitteln, man einigtsich darauf,
dass entwicklung der arbeit gezeigt wird mit beispielen aus karten, und zw ar faelle groesster
mannigfaltigkeit und faelle, die zu besonderer kritik anlass geben, um eventuell die notwendigkeit
der mundaneumsarbeit zu entwickeln. M und vE betonen, dass das chaotische der stadt gezeigt
werden soli.
58 M. Reidemeister, "Protocoll," 2.
Die grosse publikation nach gruendlicher durcharbeitung mit vollkommener optischer
darstellung.
59 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Sigfried Giedion, 19.8.1933,” CIAM Archiv, 42-K-1933, Eidgenossische
Technische Hochschule, Zurich, Switzerland.
60 Otto Neurath,"Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren, 21.8.1933,” Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
61 Cornelis Van Eesteren "Letter to Lazio Moholy-Nagy, 4.9.1933," Vienna Circle Archive, 232,
Noord - Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Ich bin wirklich sehr froh darueber dass du den congress mitgemacht hast nicht nur weil du
einen schoenen congress-film gemacht hast und die schoenen fotos die wir noch zu sehen
bekommen werden, aber vor allem weil du an der congressarbeit so activ tail genommen hast
Von neuem hat es sich bewiesen, dass an unserm congress auch uns nahestehende nicht-
architekten teilnehmen muessen.
Besonders ist mir in erinnerung geblieben wie activ du an der besprechung mit Neurath
teilgenommen hast - worin du immer das menschliche und psychologisch richtig wirkende in
der diskussion nach vorne gebracht hast, sonstwaeren wir sicherzu viel dem etwas begrenzten
system Neurath's zum opfer gelalien. Du wirst bemerkt haben, dass ich waehrend den ganzen
verhandlungen versuchte deine und Neurath's ideen fruchtbar aufeinander einwirken zu lassen,
da ich davon fuer die publikation dieser congres-arbeit viel erwarte. Ich hoffe auf deine weitere
schoepferische mitarbeit an der congressarbeit.
Es wird noch viel noetig sein um mittel und wege zu finden um die wuensche zu verwirklichen.
62 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letter to Neurath, Copy to Sigfried Giedion, September 1933, Vienna
Circle Archive, 232, Noord - Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands
Wie sie ahnen haben die congressresolutionen noch allerhand debatten erzeugt man hat sich
aber in marseille geeinigt die resolutionen werden jetzt in der schweiz auf grund der in marseille
noch festgelegten punkte ausgearbeitet Bei meinem aufenthalt in der schweiz werde ich auch
in zuerich sein, u. hoffen wir dann die resolution in eine endgultige form zu bringen. Sie werden
diese dann baldmoeglichst zugeschickt bekommen. Es ist mir nicht ganz deutlich was sie mit
der vollstaendigen serie (zweite fassung) der plaene u. zeichen meinen -? Dr. brauermeister hat
damals das vollstaendige planmaterial von amsterdam bekommen - am 14.1.1933.
Ich sende ihnen noch separat die zeichenerklarungen I, II, u. Ill soweit diese nun mit den zeichen
der anderen staedte ergaenzt sind.
63 Otto Neurath, “Letter to Cornelis van Eesteren 5.12.1933," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands
64 Otto Neurath, "Letter to C.I.R.P.A.C., 24.11.1933," CIAM Archiv,42-K-1933, Eidgenossische
Technische Hochschule, Zurich, Switzerland.
65 Otto Neurath. "Letter to Cornelis van Eesteren 5.12.1933," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands
Bitte sagen Sie mir wie das alles Ihrer Meinung nach zu verstehen ist. Wenn prominente
Mitglieder Ihres CIRPAC auf die Zusammenarbeit mit uns keinen W ert legen, wurde ich es
vorziehen, mit meinem Institut auszuscheiden, nicht ohne Ihnen und Ihrer liebeswiirdigen A rt des
Verkehrs mit uns eine persSnliche freundliche Erinnerung zu bewahren.
66 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letter to Otto Neurath, 2.5.1934," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
67 Cornelis Van Eesteren, “Letter to Sigfried Giedion 10.5.1934,” Vienna Circle Archive, inv.nr. 232,
Noord - Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Neurath. beiliegenden brief ha be ich an neurath geschrieben, anlassllich eines personlich an
mich gerichteten brief es, worin er sich beklagte uber den geringen kontakt mit dem kongres
und die spSte einladung zur letzten sitzung in paris. Daraufhin habe ich am letzten Sonntag mit
ihm eine unterredung gehabt und habe ihm nochmals unsern standpunkt klargelegt. Montag
den 14.5., kommt er zu mir ins rathaus und wollen w ir noch mal genauer iiber unsere genauere
zusammenarbeit sowie publikationsmoglichkeit des materials reden. Ausgangspunkt ist immer
noch, dass aus der zusammenarbeit zwischen kongres - und neurath etwas wachsen muss, sei
es dass... neurath so vollstandig ist, dass wir damit erreichen (wovon ich noch nicht ueberzeugt
bin} was wir vorhaben - oder dass daraus etwas neues wachst.
Neurath hat die absicht nach london zu gehen und ich wurde es begrussen, wenn in diesem
sinne mit ihm umgesprungen wilrde. Ich halte es fOr wichtig zu versuchen, dass w ir mit ihm
zu etwas kommen, du weiBt aus barcelona wie kritisch ich seinen damaligen vorschlagen
gegenuber stand, aber peronlich mit ihm zu etwas zu kommen, halte ich fur moglich.
68 Otto Neurath, “Letter to Vornelis Van Eesteren 21.11.1934, ” Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Wir haben die Zeichensache nun wieder urn einiges gefdrdert. Die Schwierigkeit beruht
darauf fur eine bestimmte Art der Darstellung die Zeichen festzulegen, also damit Zeichen
zu bekommen, die auch fur andere Plandarstellungen verwendbar sind. M an soil womoglich
Bevdlkerungsdichte, Wohnungsanzahl, Stockwerkshohe usw kombinieren konnen und sowohl
fur jede Kombination zu Zweien, als auch zu mehr ein brauchbares Bild bekommen, das optisch
orientiert
Aber auch eine „erste Annaherung" ware ein Fortschritt und wir werden wohl jedenfalls diese
bald mit Ihnen besprechen konnen. Wie London endete habe ich nicht erfahren - bin uberhaupt
von Gideon ohne jede Nachricht
Es ware sehr erfreulich, wenn unsere Zusammenarbeit eine konkrete Konklusion ergeben solite.
Sie hangtja eng mit unseren sonstigen BemOhungen zusammen.
69 N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, 135.
70 Cornelis Van Eesteren, "Letterto Steiger 31.1.1935," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands, 2.
Neurath.
Hess wird inzwischen dort zurueck sein u dir ueber seine unterhaltung mit neurath berichtet
haben. Copie brief vom 6.2.35 an mich, wirst du auch erhalten haben. Ich finde neurath's
vorschlage sehr vernuenftig. Die schweizer gruppe muss sich aber selbst darueber klar werden,
wie sie diese vorschlaege verwenden will-,
ich rate dir, selbst mit neurath darueber zu correspondieren.
Seit neurath nun hier in holland ist bin ich mit ihm mehr in verbindung getreten, urn aus unserer
zeichensprache fuer die analysen, moeglichst eine einwandfreie zeichensprache fuer die
staedeplanung wachsen zu lassen. Neurath hatte bis jetzt noch nicht sehr vielzeit, da ihm die
uebersiedlung Wien - den Haag ziemliche sorgen bereitete. Er hatte immer grosse kritik - es
scheint ihm aber nicht so einfach zu sein mit besseren vorschlaegen zu kommen. Er hat mir aber
versprochen bis zur ausstellung in amsterdam an pfingsten eine probekarte fertig zu stellen.
Hoffan wir also aufgutes gelingenl
71 K. Somer, Cornelis van Eesteren. 179.
72 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren 20.2.1935," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Es w ar mir sehr laid, dass sie nicht kamen. Sie sind immer so sanftigend. So vertrat ich mit
freundlicher Unerbitterlichkeit das Prinzip, man musse alles, was der Darstellung fur eine etwas
breitere Oeffentlichkeit dient, so gut padagogisch bearbeiten, als es moglich ist. Die zogernde
Zustimmung und geringe Bereitschaft BILDPADAGOGIK als eine Spezialitat anzuerkennen ist mir
vertraut.
73 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren 20.2.1935," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Es lasst sich bei einiger Oberlegung alles wirksam losen aber das ist n i c h t n u r e in e
g r a p h i s c h e A u f g a b e .s o w e n ig e s n u r e i n e A r c h i t e k t e n a u f g a b e i s t e s
bedarf der Dazwischenschaltung d e rT R A N S F O R M A T I O N, das ist der bildpadagogischen
Analyse und Richtunggebung. Die Bemerkung, dass der Architekt nicht so viel Zeit fur solche
Sachen haben konne, beantworte ich mit dem Hinweis darauf: e r solle auch die Zeit nicht auf
so was verwenden, sondern das eben hiefiir ausgebildeten Spezialisten uberlassen. Das ist
aber das alte Lied, das ich Ihnen in verschiedenen Variationen schon vorgepfiffen habe und
vorgeklimpert habe.
74 A. Faludi, footnotes 35 and 36, "Planning Theory," 207.
The fundamental misunderstanding between Neurath and CIAM was this: The planners wanted
to ground their proposals on a scientifically sound basis. Neurath could neither have felt much
sympathy for the quest for such a basis, nor could it have seemed attractive to him to do the
graphic work for the exhibition without the transformations which he regarded as essential.
75 E. Chapel, "Town Planning," 175.
76 E. Chapel, "Town Planning," 175.
77 E. Mumford, CIAM, 20.
But avoiding revolution, of course m eant working closely with large interests with the capital
to implement his overarching vision of social and architectural transformation. Such interests
transcended national borders, and he was prepared to welcome capitalist internationalism in the
service of social rationalization and reform along Taylorist lines.
78 0. Neurath, "L'Urbanisme", 1154.
Chaque enfant retrouve I'objet indique par le symbole, meme s'il ne I'a jamais apergu dans la
realite.
79 E. Chapel, "Town Planning," 173.
80 K. Somer, Cornelis van Eesteren, 179.
81 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren 20.2.1935," Vienna Circle Archive, 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
Wenn man angeben will, dass in einem Block Einwohner bestimmter Einkommensstufe wohnen,
soil man n i c h t den Block einfarben, sondern Scheibchen (oder Figuren} in bestimmten
Farben daraufsetzen. Dann hat man uberdies ohne vermehrte Bemuhung angedeutet wie viele
Menschen dieser Einkommensklasse den Block bewohnen.
82 K. Somer, Comelis van Eesteren, 147.
Although there is no tangible evidence for this, it is likely that (the maps) partly followed the
graphic methods o f the G W M ... In particular, the man walking and wearing a hat on the definitive
map III to symbolize the commoner seems to have walked straight out of Neurath's visual
statistics or woodcut by Arntz.
83 K. Somer, Cornelis van Eesteren, 147
84 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren, 20.02.1935," Vienna Circle Archive. 232, Noord -
Hollands Archief, Haarlem, The Netherlands.
85 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems."
86 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Josef Frank, 5.11.1945," Nachlass Otto Neurath, Sig. 1216/5-7,
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Austria.
Ich glaube, selbst Sie werden zugeben, dass der Wiener Wohnungsbau Gluecksmoeglichkeiten
erhoehte.
87 E. Chapel, footnote 38, "Town Planning," 175.
88 Otto Neurath, "Letter to Josef Frank, 9.10.1945," Nachlass Otto Neurath, Sig. 1219/5-6,
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Austria.
Ich bin fuer viele Plaetze, die kaffeehausartig sind, und fuer viele Orte, wo man harumlandeln
kann, spielen, etc tratschen, aber nicht fuer die sorgsam vorbereiteten riesigen
community centres die jetzt hier vielfach vorgeschlagen werden. Eine Art gewaltsamer
 Gemeinschaftsbildung, mit Selbstverwaltung von Gruppen lokalerArt. Das denke ich mir sogar
gefaehrlich. Abgesehen davon, dass der Vorteii der Grossstadt darin besteht, dass man sich
seine Gesellschaft waehlen kann - und man nun sozusagen Provinzialismus mit lokalem Gossip
kuenstlich zuechten moechte. Sozialisten, wie Cole, haben diese Art Demokratie im Auge.
Die freie Wahl des Treffpunkts ist wichtig - daher Vielheit... Ich habe einen Plan mir naeher
angeschaut mit Kirche, Community Centre, Health Centre, Old Aged people settlement etc auf
einem Platz, in der Mitte das community centre, rechts die Kirche, links das Health Centre...
wie der groBe Platz in Muenchen. Vielleicht bin ich geschreckt durch die vielen centres des
FASCIO, die ich in Italien gesehen habe. Das waren ja auch neue Zentren.
89 E. Mumford, CIAM, 20.
This attitude lay behind his basic premise of his urbanistic philosophy, that physical design rather
than political action could provide solutions to the poor living conditions of industrial cities:
"Architecture or revolution. Revolution can be avoided."
But avoiding revolution, of course m eant working closely with large interests with the capital
to implement his overarching vision of social and architectural transformation. Such interests
transcended national borders, and he was prepared to welcome capitalist internationalism in the
service of social rationalization and reform along Taylorist lines.
90 Otto Neurath, "Internationale Werkbundsiedlung, Wien 1932 als Ausstellung,"
Die Form, July 15,1932, 215.
Nicht durch sparsamste Bauweise kommen w irzur Wohnungsreform, sondern durch politische
Erfolge, welche den offentlichen Wohnungsbau begunstigen.
91 E. Mumford, CIAM, 20.
Chapter 5

The 1937 Map - City Planning

 From City Planning to Architectural Record

In 1937, tw o y ears afte r the end of his failed collaboration w ith C IA M , Neurath published
his first socio-political m ap of a to w n , originally titled "City Planning." The title is
m ore charged than one m ight assum e at first glance, as it suggests a concern w ith
a ctual "planning" rath er than just a sober analysis. In the context of N eurath's w ork,
this signified a m ajor shift: a fte r years of m aking neutral statem ents about the w orld,
N eurath finally gave in. He m oved tow ards the operative approach, one that would
e nable urban design or "city planning."
In the afterm ath of C IA M , N eurath had thought a g reat deal about signs. His books
In te rn atio n al P icture Language and Basic by ISOTYPE, published by Kegan, in 1936
and 1937 respectively, w e re instrum ental in perfecting the sign language, since they
w e re m anifestos of the w h o le ISOTYPE leg ac y.1 W h ile B asic by ISO TYPE established
a com prehensive vocabulary, In te rn atio n al P icture Language presented an elaborate
visual syntax. Integrated in the larger project of Charles Kay Ogden's series for Basic
English, these ne w contacts and their results gave N eurath ne w hope for a city-planning
project.2 Both books w e re also a step in the direction of developing an international
encyclop edia of signs, w hich N eurath had alw ays planned to publish.3 But as long as
Figure 5.2a and Figure 5.2b Comparison M ap City Planning and 1937 Map. Architectural Record

Fragment 5.3a and Fragment 5 3b Comparison: Hatches. M ap City Planning and 1937 Map. Architectural Record

they w ere not applicable to the spatial discipline, they w e re not fully successful. Only
if they could describe railw ay stations, hospitals or schools in an international m anner
in every city, m uch like the com m only understood signs for churches and m ountains in
geographical maps, w ould N eurath have rea c hed his goal. This is w h y N eurath turned
back to w ork on his map "City Planning" despite all the battles he had fought w hen
involved in C IA M . It gave him the chance to do tw o things at once: prove his point to the
CIAM architects and apply his socially significant signs to the spatial dom ain, m aking
his language an integral part of com m on culture.

The great breakthrough of the 1937 map cam e w ith the com bination of spatial maps with
hatches and pictogram s. Neurath's speech on board the Patris and his dem onstration of
the developm ent of the city of Dam ascus testified th a t he w a s not capable of illustrating
cities in combination w ith their social im plications during his tim e w ith C IA M . For the
1937 map, he therefore consciously m ade the decision th a t he w as willing to w ork w ith
spatial param eters on a city scale. W hile the ISOTYPE symbols presented their altered
 53 B
m a
B □
h fa
fa fa
ib ©
a ©
0 ®
Fragment 5 4a and Fragment 5.4b: Comparison: Symbols

concise syntax, the 1937 m ap also e ffectively clarified how to successfully employ
" w allp a p ers " and h o w to a b stra c t spatial im plications.
52a, 52b O riginally published in full-color, th e limits of A rc h ite c tu ra l R ecord's publication allow ed
th e m ap to be printed in black, w h ite and red. This lim itation, how ever, actually served
the point of proving w h a t could be a chieved w h e n applying hatches effectively. Given
a close look, one can see th a t the 1937 m ap does not even rely on saturations. W hat
5.3a, 5.3b seem s to be pink color are actually fine red lines.
In com parison to th e full-colored "City P lanning" m ap, N eurath elaborated in his
accom panying te x t "Visual R epresentations of A rchitectural Problem s," that by using
solid and dashed h atches one could also im ply w h e th e r the city blocks consisted of
existing or projected buildings. This alteration also im plied th a t N eurath had planning
in m ind. The resulting w h ite void could thus easily be indentified as streets and open
plazas, w h ich left black lines indicating m ore im portant routes of transport.4
5.4a, 5.4b On a second level, the sym bols' com prehensiveness w a s also greatly im proved, since
a w a y w a s found to diffe re ntiate various types of buildings by sim ple m eans. Houses,
fac to ries , and big halls like railw a y stations could be distinguished by the basic shape
of th e ir sym bols. W h e th e r a space w a s located outdoors or indoors w as indicated by
black and w h ite backgrounds.5
Thirdly, although N e u rath 's th ou ght about spaces on a city scale w as still at its inception,
he stated clea rly in A rch itec tu ra l Record th a t he som etim es felt their precision had to be
s acrificed for the sake of th e ir correspondence w ith iconic indicators.8

Otto Neurath and Cornelis Van Eesteren

5.5a, 5.5b Adm ittedly, w he n com paring N eurath's m ap to V an E esteren's m odel m ap I of

A m sterdam , the form er looks alm ost too abstract. H ow ever, Neurath's system atic
sim plifications also superseded V an Eesteren's m ap in m any w ays.
S ince N eurath found th e black, w h ite and red 1937 m ap appropriate to m ake his
s tatem ent in an archite c tu re m agazine on how to illustrate the city, I chose this version
of N e urath's m ap over the full-color one for m aking a com parison to Van Eesteren's.
Figure 5.5a and Figure 5.5b: Comparison Model M ap I. Cornelis Van Eesteren and 1937 Map. Otto Neurath

12

Fragment 5.6a and Fragment 5.6b: Comparison: Hatches

Among C lA M 's thre e m odel m aps, Van Eesteren's m odel m ap I of Am sterd am seem ed to
be the one that lends itself best to this com parative study, since it w a s also lim ited to the
use of only one color, and because it m aps out existing conditions in a city and accounts
for housing, w ork and leisure zones in a m anner clo sest to the c ontent of N eurath's map.
Despite apt criticism th a t w ill be discussed later, N e urath's m ap solved m any problems
not addressed by Van E esteren. For one, V an Eesteren never m anaged to solve the
illustration of hatches in a system atic w ay . His hatches, w hich are a com pound of the 5.6a, 5.6b
same tree symbol, lines and dots, are hard to read, since one has to look at the index to
actually understand w h a t they m ean.

In contrast, Neurath, limited him self to the m ost n ecessary types of landscapes, defining
the nature of them clearly by the symbols em ployed: w a te r, ploughed fields, grassland,
deciduous woods and evergreen w oods.7 Additionally, Van Eesteren's indication of
different densities of trees m ight even lead one to assum e th a t they could be draw n to
scale. Neurath's abstract em ploym ent of grass and tre es at the sam e size stresses: this
is not a tree, this symbolizes trees. W h e n looking at the caption of both maps another
fact about the hatches becom es apparent.
 —. I 11 k
_ A
I lllllll

1 tt

11
Fragment 5 7a and Fragment 5.7b: Comparison: Density

128

Fragment 5 8a and Fragment 5.8b: Comparison: Background of Symbols and Use of Color

Due to th e ir sim plicity, ISOTYPE hatches could be inverted and indicate tw o different
things in one m ap. V an Eesteren, to the contrary, used the hatches as item ized solids
and as outlines a t th e sam e tim e, m aking th e ir legibility even m ore difficult.

N eurath m ade only one such exception, but for a good reason: trees, aligned at avenues.
In this case, the symbol underscores the linearity and the fam iliar grandeur associated
w ith tre es along boulevards.

5.7a, 5.7b W h a t w a s not successfully addressed by either m ap w as the indication of density. Van
E esteren used num bers to indicate additional social factors in the plan, but they did not
provide a general understanding of the relationship betw een statistics and space.

Neurath, on the other hand, did not even try to address this issue, since he stayed true
to his principle th a t quantitative inform ation should be kept separate from the map.
"A rchitects w ho are alw ays closely connected w ith m aking floor plans and maps
mostly intend to show social fa cts on m aps, but in a gre at m any cases w e have to give
preference to other m ethods of representation," he criticized in A rc h itec tu ra l Record.9
In his te x t Neurath reiterated this by show ing the densities of different cities again,
w hich he had already dem onstrated on the Patris.
Fragment 5.9a and Fragment 5.9b: Comparison: Rotation of Symbols

The last fundam ental diffe re nce in term s of the h a tches is th e e m plo ym ent of color. ] 2g
In order to indicate w h a t the eye w ould see on first, second, and third sight, N e urath
em ployed the strong color red for his m ost im portant com ponent, housing. By a dditionally
applying the red as a lined hatch, to help indicate p rojected buildings, an additional
layer w as introduced. The other strong color, black, w a s used to s how tra nsp ortation
routes and especially the sym bols, w h ich to N e u rath indicated th e m ost n e ce s sa ry
institutions in the city.

It is curious th a t V an Eesteren used color as an indicator only fo r w a te r. W a te r h o w e ve r, 5.8a, 5.8b

w as not im portant for every city m apped by C IA M , b e cause this m ade th e g rey hatches,
w hich w e re essential to th e study, look w ea k . Using light blue as a literal refe re n c e
to w a te r is especially disappointing, since a strong color could have been used to
em phasize crucial aspects of the city.
The superiority of N eurath's symbols due to th e ir system atic has often been m entioned
throughout this te x t H ow ever, V an Eesteren's clum sy em plo ym ent of N e u rath 's sym bols
in elevation could have been easily solved in a m ore e le g a n t w a y by providing a proper
background for them .

N eurath did that, by the schem es of buildings, w hich m ade th e e levation of a figure in
plan, seem more abstract. As an exception, I am including the w alking m an from V an 5.9a, 5.9b
Eesteren's model m ap III here, since it lends itself best in com parison to the fe m ale
kindergarten girl; how ever the sam e point could be m ade w ith the airplane and the ship
w hich appears in model map I.
The rotation of Van E esteren's symbols along the lines "w alking", "driving", or "floating"
makes it especially difficult to understand w h a t the sym bols imply.

Finally, there is the issue of spatial abstraction, w hich had alw ays been N eurath's w ea k
point Clearly, there is a huge difference in scale and certainly Neurath's maps lack
spatial precision. W hile Van Eesteren's map shows g reat detail, Neurath's map seem s
oversimplified, since it depicts a tow n of an unspecified size. S treet w idths do not vary
and the river seems to be too smoothly shaped; it is uncertain if it shows actual city blocks.
Additionally, the "social indicators" suggest that one is looking on a fully grow n city,
w ith an airport, a railw ay station, hospitals and factories, y et the sum of all city blocks
cannot possibly deliver the critical m ass of people living in a city w ith such extensive
private and public infrastructure. Thus, the city blocks seem so organic that one w ould
assum e they could be have been draw n on the basis of an existing city, yet their scale
and the institutions they hold do not quite m ake sense.

Otto Neurath and his 1937 Map

This d iscrepancy in scale is unsettling, and the re is no hint in the literature that the
1937 m ap derived from a real city. The general assum ption has alw ays been that it is a
generic. This is logical, since N eurath argued for years that rules in city planning w ere
best illustrated by m eans of show ing small generic parts or cut-outs.
W h a t counters the generic theory is th a t N eurath usually dre w from social and
econom ic facts. So w hy w ould he not tre a t the city as a spatial social fact? Additionally,
the fa c t that the map w as "N e u rath 's attem pt at [contrasting! the language of T h e
Functional City"' suggestes w orking w ith an actual place.9 So, if Neurath published a
m ap in response to C IA M in 1937, it w ould have been aw k w ard had he not done it on
the basis of a real city. A fter all, C IA M specifically set out to map more than thirty actual
cities in the w orld. But for being the illustration of a real city, the 1937 map w as too out
of proportion, w hile for being a generic it w as too specific.
A fter so m any years of em phasizing general indicators in a city, it w ould have been too
huge of a break w ith his ow n tradition for Neurath to have m ade an exception of the
spatial dom ain - he still em phazised facts that w e re generally applicable. Yet, it would
have been difficult to invent a city from scratch, especially for som eone w ho had no
such specific training. So w h a t w as it?

It seem s that it is both. The 1937 map is indeed generic, but there is reason to believe
that the generic c ut-out w as draw n on the basis of a significant city. It w as a city
significant to N eurath, a city that m ade sense in contrast to Van E esteren's Amsterdam:
The Hague, N eurath's ne w city, the city w h e re he continued his legacy.
It seem s that in the end Neurath realized th a t spatial givens w e re im portant to take into
consideration, even w hen depicting the city. H ow ever, he kept this realization a secret,
because it w as m ost im portant to em phasize that such infrastructure could exist with
slight differences in every city in the w orld. To arrive at such an abstract level, how ever,
m any m odifications had to be undertaken.
Once the city w as chosen, it had to be decided w hich part of it could be depicted. Thus,
according to N eurath's rules, it could not be draw n to a large scale.
In order for the map to be a valid response to C IA M it needed to be a place that possibly
incorporated all aspects of "The Functional City:" housing, w orkp laces, recreational
areas and various transportation netw orks.
Obviously, such a place w as hard to find in only a small cut-out of a city. Therefore
m odifications had to be m ade.
Figure 5.10: The Hague. Zoom In: 1 ,2 ,3 . Regional Map. m ultiple sources,'0 Railway Station, m ultiple sources"

131

Figure 5.11: Comparison: The Hague. Google Earth, 2010 and 1937 Map

From the actual city, a good t r a n s fo r m e r w o M m ove on to d ra w out a larg e r city block 5.12
and scale it d ow n.'2 Then the transform er m ight m orph a river into a s id ew a lk and som e
housing blocks into a river. The transform er m ight also copy an airfield from the fa r
south of the city and insert it straight up north into the fictional city, w h e re it fit best
alongside a m ajor transportation route. Then, he m ight also do th e sam e w ith a lake from
the outskirts of the city. Finally, the transform er could s tart dra w ing out a ctual g re en e ry
in the city. He m ight also invent som e greenery and reshape som e housing blocks and
move them w h e re they fit best. And if he is a gifted transform er, he w ill eventually arrive
at a generic city.
Van Eesteren w as never able to im prove his symbol dictionary despite his dedication.
Neurath alone did m ake a step forw ard: he started to m ap out his first and last m ap of a
city and moved to rw ard operative city planning.

The com bination of spatial im plications and socio-political fa ctors alone w a s one big
step, but also the dem onstration of projected buildings, som e of them located along
the main lines of transportation, tried to m ake an operative suggestion. And w hile its
extrem e abstraction could have possibly caused problems w hen applied for planning
purposes, it is also this degree of sim plification th a t w ould allow for a com pletely new
reading of the city, possibly the reading of a global generic city. And m aybe this is w hy
today this map seem s so contem porary.
132

Figure 5.12: Transformation. All figures drawn on the basis of the plan in Figure 5.10.2010
I think that Van E esteren and N eurath both held one key to the w orld of graphic
inform ation and that th e ir struggle against all obstacles to hold on to th e ir collaboration
proves that they m ust have realized this. Both w e re equipped w ith a skill th a t the other
did not posess. Van E esteren k n ew how to d ra w m aps w ith precision from w h ich actual
urban strategies could be derived, and N e urath k n ew how to unite sym bols and space
into an abstracted generic place th a t could easily be assessed. But rath er than bringing
them together, the intended degree of graphic sim plicity divided them .

"The ISOTYPE m ethod of visual education," N e u rath reitera te d in 1937, "is intended
to bridge the gap be tw ee n m ore or less purely c onventional sym bols for the
orientation of specialists, and m ore or less s elf-ex p lan a to ry sym bols destined for
general e nligh ten m ent."13 To him, the a pplication of signs to the spatial discipline
w as fundam entally shaped by the fa c t th a t "city planning and hom e planning w e re
concerned w ith life planning in g e n e ra l." 14

This w as w h a t drove all of N eurath's urban endeavors and it w a s the first point he
made in Visual R epresentation o f A rc h ite c tu ra l Problem s, the text th a t w ould be his last
dedicated to urbanism .15 "The reason for this" he w ro te , "is th a t a rc h ite c ts are people
whose profession it is to m ake the entire lives of hum an beings as happy as possible."16
One w onders if he thought of some C IA M architects.

The architects had failed to illustrate the city so that e verybo dy could_ participa te
in discussion about it, and they had also failed to deliver for the com m on m an w h a t
Neurath w an ted every city to have. For these reasons, he illustrated in a generic map
of The Hague how he envisioned it - a small tow n by the w a te r, fifty pe rce n t greenery,
fifty percent urban fabric. W hile greenery w as certainly central to the Ath ens ch arte r
and Neurath might have m ade it a big part of his m ap b e cause he w a n te d to speak to
the C IA M architects, the balance of greenery and urban fabric is also rem iniscent of the
Viennese settlem ent m ovem ent.
This is especially true because in an abstract w ay , the orchards, forests and lakes
Neurath depicted might be a reference to the latter. But N eurath also stressed the city's
im portant institutions, w hich w as antithetical to the Athens Charter: w orking areas
and leisure zones, hospitals, kindergartens and playgrounds as w ell as fa ctories, w e re
integrated in housing zones. M o re than only creating an altered illustration of the city,
Neurath also displayed a piece of the city as he envisioned it. And by m aking its legibility
accessible, he m aybe hoped that people w ould be able to dem and th a t city, a b etter city,
a better life at large.

Neurath referenced the CIRPAC in this text only once, in a footnote. He stated that
ISOTYPE standardization could be com pared "w ith various attem pts at a rchitectural
representation, e.g. w ith the stim ulating proposals of the CIRPAC m ade by Van
Eesteren. 17 It is unclear if that mention w as really m eant as a tribute to the "stim ulating
proposals, or if it w as m eant to parallel his ow n w ork to that of C IA M , a mention he felt
w as long overdue.
 1 Ono Neurath, Basic by ISOTYPE (New York: Kegan Paul, Trubner & Co., 1937)
Otto Neurath, International Picture Language (New York: Kegan Paul, Trubner & Co.,1936)
2 Basic English promoted a simplified verbal grammar and a dictionary compound of 850 English
words.
3 Charles Kay Ogden, introduction to Basic by ISOTYPE, by Otto Neurath (New York: Kegan Paul
Trubner & Co., 1937), 5.
4 Otto Neurath, "Visual Representations of Architectural Problems," Architectural Record(1937):
59. In this map we differentiate different kinds of areas: actual and projected buildings, grassland,
woods, plowed land, waste land. If we always use shades of colors to represent city areas we
can separate the city region from the rest of the map which we can leave white such as on our
map, areas occupied by streets, squares or airports.
5 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems," 59.
The symbol, representing stations, factories, kindergartens, and other buildings are in black with
a white design in the middle.
6 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems," 58.
We cannot show all these social and economic details and also maintain the correct shapes of all
architectural elements. We must always choose between representing exact architectural data
in a narrow sense, and social information.
7 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems," 57.
These are the titles Neurath uses for the hatches.
8 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems," 58.
Architects who are always closely connected with making floor plans and maps mostly intend
to show social facts on maps; but in a great many cases we have to give preference to other
methods of representation. We must avoid accumulating maps showing social data; it is more
instructive to combine maps and pictographs. This leads us to a use of a symbol dictionary which
contains symbols applicable to both maps and pictographs. This is the basis of visualization more
widely applied.
9 Nader Vossoughian indicated that the 1937 map was Neurath's way of illustrating the functional
city in his subtitle to 4.4., N. Vossoughian, Global Polis, I however think Neurath really wanted to
contrast the Functional City.
10 Map drawn on the Basis of Two Maps: Main map: "Gemeente s Gravenhage Schaal1:10,000,"
1957, showing The Hague. Source: Cornell Library Maps Devision, G 6004 H9 1957 64.South of The
Hague: Historische plattegronden van Nederlandse Steden, del 10. Den Haag, Kaart xxiv.4. Dienst
S&V, 1948; uitg. Gemeente s Gravenhage. Source: Cornell Library Maps Devision. MAPS G 1864.
A1 H67 1978 +++ d.10.1 have worked off of two maps, because Neurath used an airport in his map
that was indicated for The Hague in Berlage's extension plan for The Hague.
11 Map of Railway Station: "The Hague (s'Gravenhage)," Albert Goldschmidt, Berlin, 1930,
1:14,300, Source: Cornell Library Maps Devision: G 6004 MAPS H3 1930. General Map: Gemeente s
Gravenhage Schaal 1:10,000," 1957, showing The Hague. Source: Cornell Library Maps Devision,
G 6004 H9 1957 64.
12 See page 50 of this thesis for the explanation of the transformer.
13 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems," 57.
14 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems,” 57.
General Architectural Problems:
City planning and home planning are concerned with life planning in general, and architects must
often cooperate with technicians such as builders, carpenters and plumbers on the one hand
and, on the other, with specialists in social sciences, with social workers, physicians interested
in public and individual health, geologists, meteorologists and other people who deal with the
environment of our social life and private life.
15 Neurath continued to theorize architecture in private - the letters to Josef Frank, most
of which are in the Austrian National Library are prove of that. In 1945 he participated in the
architectural Bilston experiment, however he still was disappointed by the urban planers.
See footnote 41, A. Faludi, "Planning Theory," 209
16 0. Neurath, "Architectural Problems," 57.
The reason for this is that architects are people whose profession it is to make the entire lives
of human beings as happy as possible and that their theoretical view is not only founded on
principles which determine certain technical functions but also on ideas of happiness of human
beings as a function of architectural activity.
17 See footnote to 0. Neurath. "Architectural Problems," 57.
See examples in Otto Neurath, Basic by Isotype, Kegan Paul, London, 1937, We can couple
ISOTYPE standardization with various attempts at architectural representation, e.g. with the
stimulating proposals of the CIRPAC made by Van Eesteren.

135
 Chapter 6

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6.1 Im ages are easy to copy and hard to cite, especially if they are created w ith mass
production and easy replication. Tracing a precise trajec to ry from Neurath's map until
today is som ething th a t c annot be done. H ow ever, som e rem arkable sam ples have
rele v anc e in the context of N eurath, if only to show th a t references exist. This is by
no m eans to try to m ake a historical chronology, but only to point out that even today
w e are surrounded by im ages th a t have some relation to N eurath. In fact, N eurath’s
pictogram s gre et us from doors and signs no m atter w h e re w e go in the world.

T he refore, in this sense, there is the vern a cu la r part of N eurath's legacy: the big,
ubiquitous N eurath legacy.
His w ork w a s alw ays m eant to serve the m asses and it did. Created to neutrally inform,
ISOTYPE pictogram s w e re soon taken over by mass m edia, w hich Neurath him self had
started to propagate in the late 1930s.’ In the follow ing decades, the signs w ere used
for every possible cause, ranging from advertisem ent to international travel, teaching
and pop culture. They took on a life of their ow n, they w e re rediscovered, recycled,
reapplied and reinvented, som etim es in the lines of N eurath's thought, but more often
against all of his rules. They becam e so international, transcultural and transhistorical
that it w as soon com pletely im possible to say w h e re they w e re first seen and w ho
copied them from whom .

6.2 The ISOTYPE pictogram for " W h e re to get your boxes," for exam ple, has becom e the
international sign for the baggage claim , although it might vary slightly in its details.
W h a t is curious, how ever, is that the leather straps, w hich w ere com m only used in the
first d ecade of the 20,h century to hold a stuffed suitcase together, have survived in the
official sign for the baggage claim , although today one w ould rarely see such a suitcase
6.3a, 6.3b, 6.3c in the airport.
m-umn
Figure 6.2: “Where to get your Boxes." Neurath Figure 6.3a, 6.3b, 6.3c: Hits in Google, key words: Baggage + Sign, 2010

Although today some of these signs are internatio nally understood, m any of them are
not inherent to the culture w h e re they w e re applied. For instan ce, the suitcase m ight
be spotted in train stations and airports in countries w h e re m any people tra ve l w ith
backpacks, baskets or boxes. This m eans th a t these Europan sym bols of th e early 20th
century colonialized the w orld, w h e th e r or not th e y w e re apt for th e ir a udience.
This is due to the fa c t th a t m any of them w e re unified and codified fo r th e purpose
of international tra ffic or m anuals. W h e n "ISO (Inte rn a tio n a l O rganization for
Standardization)" and "D IN ( D e utsches Ins titu t fu r Norm ung, G erm an Institute for
S tandardization)" started to s tandardize alm ost all parts of e veryday life, signs w e re
one of th e first to be standardized. Visual globalism w orke d a gainst such individualism .
One of the first people to point out this problem atic w a s Rudolf M o d le y , an e m plo yee of
the "M useum for Society and Econom y," w h o argued th a t e very country had to find its
"dialect" of ISOTYPE; an "A m ericanized" version of ISOTYPE, one u n d erstandable in its
specific cultural context, to carry on its leg ac y in the United S tates.2

M uch of Neurath's leg acy in term s of every day usage of sym bols can be attributed
to the tireless effort of num erous graphic designers, w ho c anno t be cred ite d here.
H ow ever, in conclusion, it has to be m entioned th a t th e w o rk of N e u rath 's collaborators
like M odley, but m ainly Gerd Arntz and M a rie R eidem eister, c ontributed enorm ously to
the circulation of ISOTYPE around the w orld, as w ell as th e varie ty of d ialects it w ould
eventually develop. W h ile Arntz carried on the graphic w o rk of ISOTYPE in the form
of m agazines, exhibitions and books in Holland, M a rie R eidem eister did th e sam e in
England w ith the addition of her vast investm ent in children's books w ith visualizations
based on ISOTYPE. And although today it m ight som etim es a p p ea r to us th a t the y are
a product of the m asses, one m ust not fo rget th a t they w e re initially authored fo r the
masses, congested by them and reappropriated.
But a part from the broader trajectory of N eurath's ISOTYPE, th e re are also case studies
of its use w ithin the realm of a rchitecture and urbanism . These are eas ier to highlight
as cases in point.

W h ether or not the The Hague M a p can be credited in part for this use is hard to say, but
it is not likely. Although the map m arked the culm ination of N eurath's urban endeavors
and w as a serious answ er to questions posed by C IA M , it w as still only one m ap in
the context of hundreds, even thousands, of quantitative charts produced over the
years. This map, w hich m arked the end of N eurath's active involvem ent w ith illustrating
and theorizing the city, foreshadow ed the visual clarity th a t entire generations of
architectural maps after it strove for, w he the r the people m aking them even knew of
Neurath and his endeavors.
 Figure 6.4a, 6.4b: Bad Examples in Sert's Book, "Ratio of Automobiles to Habitation" and "City Population, Motor Vehicles"

Figure 6.5a. 6 5b: Misinterpretations, "Recreational Needs," and "Functional Warshaw," 1935 - 1936

In the realm of urbanism , N e u rath 's w o rk lived through C lA M ’s m aps of 1933, and also
from later w orks. But N e urath's original charts also appeared next to good imitations
6.4a, 6.4b and m ore clum sy ones in Sert's Can o u r Cities Survive?.

6.5a Even at the follow ing C IA M congresses, refere nc es to N eurath's symbols and hatches
surfaced, som e of them illustrated in th e ir ow n continuous logic, w hile others m ade Van
E esteren's w o rs t urban nightm are com e true by interpreting N eurath all too literally.
6.5b An exam ple w a s "Functional W a rs h a w ," in w hich N eurath's trees, apples and ears,
form ally em ployed to sym bolize certain types of landuse, appear to be alm ost literal
interpretations. Sloppily adapted, the ears seem to becom e tow ers or something similar.

The first extensive independ ent contribution in the lines of N eurath's thought w as the
W orld G eo -G raphic A tla s by H erbert Bayer, published in 1953. The capitalization of
the w ord "G eo-G raphic" a lready signaled th a t the Atlas did not only intend to depict
geography alone, but it did so w ith an additional dedication to graphics. This study is
relevant in term s of N eurath's m appings since it not only collected geographical data
by m eans of im ages, but show ed them in correlation to sociological and anthropological
com ponents.
Bayer, first a student at th e B auhaus and later the m aster of its typography workshop, is
an interesting figure, since he sim plified and standardized the B auhaus' typography by
using only lo w er-ca se letters and w as instrum ental in founding the DIN form ats.3
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a com prehensive large sca le pro jec t w a s u ndertaken
that w ould trigger a furth er usage of symbols w orld w ide: th e design p reparations for
the Olympic Gam es in M u n ic h in 1972. During this tim e th e lead designer, the G erm an Otl
A icher, developed an e laborate directory com piled by a n e w set of pictogram s. 6.6
His stick figures becam e instrum ental as sign lan guage of circulation and a ctivities all
around the w orld. Trained as a sculptor, but active as a graphic de signe r th roug hout his
life, A icher contributed regularly to the Germ an arc h ite c tu re m agazine A rc h +,stressing
the relationship of a rchitecture and typography.

M apping s aw its rebirth in a rchitecture in the late 1990s and in th e early y ears a fte r the
millenium. M a in factors th a t might have contributed to its revitalization w e re th e internet-
boom, the adoption of netw ork theories and the em erg e n ce of n e w com puterized tools
specific to the field. During a ne w aw a re n es s of global fo rc es it be ca m e increasingly
interesting to understand and map them onto space.

And it w as Rem Koolhaas w ho, w ith the founding of O M A ’s (O ffice fo r M etropolitan

Architecture) research division A M O , institutionalized the use of th e m ap fo r the
disciplines of architecture, urbanism and globalism a n ew . In an inte rvie w conducted
for this research on N eurath, Rem Koolhaas confirm ed th a t he w as fam iliar the w o rk of
Arntz and Neurath and th a t he had been influenced by it.4 H ow ever, he also stressed 6.7
that m ore com plex rules w e re generated by A M O , for a m ore com plex w orld and for the
more diverse cultures th a t exist today.
"Although one would initially think th a t a diagram speaks a universal language, I do
not think so," Rem Koolhaas said. "I think th a t a d ia g ra m ... m eans totally different
 Baumwollwirtschdt der Erde

Figure 6.7: Mapping Neurath: "Cotton Economy in the World, Chart 44" in Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft. ca. 1929 - 1930

things in the Islam ic w orld or in China or in A m e ric a ." I asked him if this w as because
of the sym bolism th a t accom panied the diagram . "Yes, but also because the w ay ol
looking at figurative things does not have th e sam e history in every country," he added.

"And d oesn 't a liquid, com pletely globalized w orld, also require m ore liquid maps?" I
asked Koolhaas "ones th a t apply a fund am entally d ifferent logic, than the ones from the
1920s and 30s." "H o w w ould you im agine that?" he asked me and then m ore rhetorically
"a re the y in real tim e, are the y alive?" "Yes," I said.
And then he answ ered:

The prom ises o f the digital a re short-lived. In m any cases before the
prom ise c an establish itself, the d e ca d e n ce o f it alre a d y prevails, or
the c o m m erc ia l prevails, o r the trivial prevails. It has b een an incredibly
diffic ult dom ain in w hich to retain precisio n an d to retain integrity. In
certa in c as es e xa ctly a g ain s t this fluidity a n d again s t this im m ediate
abuse o f eve ry idea, th a t the In te rn e t [ . . . ] seem s to s u g g e st [w e c reate
m aps th a t a re ] a t le a s t m o m entary freeze fram es o f p a rtic u la r conditions.

A M O 's m aps the refo re do have som ething in com m on w ith Neurath's.
But Koolhaas finally brings tog e th e r w h a t Neurath and the C IA M intended to do: using
operative m aps w ith an e la borate gram m ar and syntax as a m eans of designing, and
utilizing others to com m unicate precise statem ents about the w orld. This duality of the
m ap as a statem ent and the m ap as tool exists in his practice.

"S om etim es," Rem Koolhaas said, "the diagram is an attem pt to docum ent and interpret
an existing situation and at other tim es the diagram is a tool to trigger a project. I think
w e use them in both directions."
 I think w e [m a ke m a ps] . . . a s inte rp reters a t a m om ent o f g re a t p o litic al
a nd id eolo gical confusion. To som e e xten t w e ad o p t a lan guage, not
so m uch ironically, as a s ta tem e n t th a t there once w a s clarity, but the
c larity is c urrently gone. [B u t] m ost o f the diagram s w e m ake try to
c larify our ow n confusion. So they a re fund am e nta lly engines to c re a te
c larity fo r ourselves.

1 So N eurath persists. Not only in m ass culture and in the w a y a rc h ite c ts design and
illustrate the c ontem porary city but also in the g e neration of c ritical thinkers, being
e d u c a te d at this very m om ent, equipped w ith the ge nera tiv e tools to d iscover political
■clarity a new .

Som etim es I w o n d e r w h a t N eurath and V an E esteren w ould say, if the y s a w th a t "their

m aps” have finally been altered for m aking precise s tatem ents, w h ile at the sam e tim e
being effective design tools. I think they w ould be very satisfied.
Only Otto N eurath m ight ask Rem Koolhaas, w h a t his ulterio r goal w as.

1 O tto N e u ra th , International Picture Language - The first Rules of ISOTYPE, K e g a n P a u l (L o n d o n

T re n c h , T ru b n e r & Co, 1936), 7.
2 R ud olf M o d le y , in tro d u c tio n to How to use Pictorial Statistics. ( N e w Y o rk a n d L o ndon: H a rp e r
an d B ro th e rs , 1937), xiii.
3 H e rb e rt B a y e r, W a lte r G ro p iu s , Is e G ro p iu s , e d s. Bauhaus, 1 9 1 9 -19 28 . ( N e w Y ork: T h e M u s e u m
of M o d e rn A rt, 1938)147.
4 In te rv ie ww ith R em K o o lh a a s , A p ril 13, 2010, s e e A p p e n d ix B, S o p h ie H o c h h a u s l, O tto N e u ra th -
T h e O th er M o d e rn : P ro p o s in g a S o c io -P o litic a l M a p fo r U rb a n s im ', ( M A T h e s is , C o rn e ll, 2010).
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Letters
Van E esteren, Cornelis. "Letter to S igfried Giedion, 4 .2 .19 3 3," C IA M A rchiv, 42-K-1933,
Eidgenossische T echn ische Hochschule, Zurich , S w itzerland.
Van E esteren, Cornelis. "Letter to W a lte r G ropius, 26.3.1933," V ienna Circle A rchive,
232, N oord - Hollands A rchief, H aarlem , The N ethe rla nds .
Van E esteren, Cornelis. "Letter to S igfried Giedion, 28.5 .1 9 33 ," C IA M A rchiv, 42-K-1933,
Eidgenossische T echn ische Hochschule, Zurich , S w itzerland.
Van Eesteren, Cornelis. "Letter to Lazio M o h o ly -N a g y , 4.9.1933," V ienna Circle A rchive,
232, Noord - Hollands A rc hief, H aarlem , The N ethe rla nds .
Van Eesteren, Cornelis. "Letter to N e u rath , Copy to S igfried Giedion, ? .1 1 .1933, V ienna
Circle A rchive, 232, Noord - Hollands A rc hief, H aarlem , The N ethe rla nds .
Van Eesteren, Cornelis. "Letter to Otto N eu rath , 21.10.1934," V ienna Circle A rc hive , 232,
Noord - Hollands A rchief, H aarlem , The N e therlands.
Van Eesteren, Cornelis. "Letter to Otto N eurath, 2.5.1934," V ienna C ircle A rc hive , 232,
Noord - Hollands A rchief, H aarlem , The N e therlands.
Van Eesteren, Cornelis. "Letter to S igfried Giedion 10.5.1934," V ienna Circle A rchive,
inv.nr. 232, N oord - Hollands A rchief, H aarlem , The N eth e rla n d s
Van E esteren, Cornelis. "Letter to S teiger 31.1.1935," V ienna Circle A rc hive , 232,
Noord - Hollands A rchief, H aarlem , The N eth e rla n d s , 2.
Frank, Josef. "Letter to Otto N eurath, 9 .1 0 .1 9 4 5 ," N a ch la s s Otto N e u rath , Sig.
1218/52-9, O sterreichische N ationalbibliothek, V ienna A ustria.
Giedion, Sigfried. "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren, 21.12.1931," C IA M A rchiv,
42-K-1931, Eidgenossische Techn ische Hochschule, Zurich , S w itzerland.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to Cornelis Van E esteren fo rw a rd ed to Sigfried G iedion,
9.5.1933," C IA M Archiv, 42-K-1933, Eidgenossische Tech n is c h e H ochschule,
Zurich, Sw itzerland.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren, 21.8.1933," V ienna Circle A rchive, 232,
Noord - Hollands A rchief, H aarlem , The Netherlands.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to Sigfried Giedion, 19.8.1933," C IA M A rchiv, 42-K-1933,
Eidgenossische Techn ische Hochschule, Zurich, S w itzerland.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to Cornelis Van E esteren 21.11.1934," V ienna Circle A rchive, 232,
Noord - Hollands A rchief, H aarlem , The N etherlands.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to C.I.R.P.A.C., 24.11.1933," C IA M Archiv, 42-K-1933,
Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule, Zurich, S w itzerland.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to Cornelis Van Eesteren, 5.12.1933," V ienna Circle A rchive, 232,
Noord - Hollands A rchief, Haarlem , The N etherlands.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to Cornelis Van E esteren 20.2.1935," Vienna Circle A rchive, 232,
Noord - Hollands A rchief, Haarlem , The Netherlands.
Neurath, Otto. "Letter to Josef Frank, 5 .1 1 .1 9 45 ," N achlass Otto N eurath, 1216/5-7,
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Austria.
N eurath, Otto. N-Files, Otto and M a rie N eurath Isotype Collection, University of
Reading, D epartm ent of Typography.
Reidem eister, M a rie . "P rotocoll of the Publication Comissions' m eeting 12.8.33.,
A ttac h m e n t Otto N eurath Letter to Sigfried Giedion, 19.8.1933,"
C IA M Archiv, 42-K-1933, Eidgenossische Techn ische Hochschule, Zurich,
S w itzerland.

Articles from Newspapers

N eurath, Otto. "D e r W e g des G esellsch afts- und W irtschaftsm useum s in W ie n."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, S onderabdruck, 1 927:3-27.
N eurath, Otto. "Die Bedeutung der M us eum sfuhrung."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, S onderabdruck, 1927:3-27.
Ne u rath , Otto. "D ie T atigkeit des G esellsch afts- und W irtschaftsm useum s in W ien."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung 1 926:324-27.
N e u rath , Otto. "G esellschafts- und W irtschaftsm useum in W ie n ."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, August 15,1925:1-12.
Ne u rath , Otto. "G raphische Darstellung der W ie n e r G esundheitsverhaltnisse."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, August 1 5 ,1 9 2 5 :1 3 -1 5 .
N e u rath , Otto. "D arstellungsm ethoden des G esellsch afts- und W irtschaftsm useum s in
W ie n ." O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, A ugust 1 5,1 92 5:18 -2 3.
Ne u rath , Otto. "G raphische D arstellungsm ethoden fiir S tatistik." Osterreichische
G em eindezeitung, A ugust 1 5 ,1 9 2 5 :2 4 -2 5 .
N eu rath , Otto. "O sterreichs S ozialversicherung auf der „G esolei" in Dusseldorf."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, M a y 1 5 ,1 9 2 6:31 2 -17 .
N eu rath , Otto. "D ie Tatig k eit des G esellsch afts- und W irtschaftsm useum s in W ien."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, M a y 1 5,1 9 2 6 :3 2 4 -7 .
N eurath, Otto. "S tatistische Hieroglyphen." O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, M a y 15,
1 92 6:32 8 -34 .
N eurath, Otto. "S ch w a rzw e iss g ra p h ik." O sterreichische Gem eindezeitung, M a y 15,
1 92 6:33 4 -8.
N eurath, Otto. "Das G esellsch afts- und W irtschaftsm useum auf der internationalen
S tadtebauausstellung in W ie n ." O sterreichische G em eindezeitung,
S eptem ber 15,1926: 555-63.
N eurath, Otto. "D e r W e g des G esellsch afts- und W irtschaftsm useum in W ien."
O sterreichische G em eindezeitung, M a y 1 ,1 9 2 7 :2 -4 .
N eurath, Otto. "G esellschafts- und W irts c h a ft im Lehrbild." Osterreichische
G em eindezeitung, M a y 1 ,1 9 2 7 :4 1 -4 4 .
N eurath, Otto. "Bildstatistik in der ‘W ie n e r M e th o d e '." O sterreichische
G em eindezeitung, 193 0:17 -8 .

Articles from Magazines

Bauerm eister, Friedrich. "G esellschaft und W irts c h a ft im Lehrbild." O sterreichische
G em eindezeitung, Sonderabdruck, 192 7:44 -5 .
Le Corbusier, "Air - Son - Lum iere," Technika Chronika 1933:1140-3.
N eurath, Otto. "A ufgaben des G esellsch afts- und W irts c h aftsm u s e u m s in W ie n ." D e r
A u fb au (8/9 1926): 169— 76.
N eurath, Otto. "B ildhafte P adagogik im G esellsch afts- und W irts c h aftsm u s e u m in
W ie n ." M useum skunde, N e u e Folge III (1931): 125-9.
N eurath, Otto. "B ildliche Darstellung S o zia le rT a tb e s ta n d e ." D e r A u fb a u (8/9 1926):
170-4.
N eurath, Otto. "Bildstatistik." Tidskrift for G oteborgs Stads T janstem an (1934): 1 47-9.
N eurath, Otto. "Bildstatistik und A rbeiterbildung." B ild u n g s a r b e itW S ): 8 -1 1 .
Neurath, Otto. "Das N e u e Bauhaus in D essau," D e r A ufbau, O sterre ich is ch e
M o n ats h e fte fu r S iedlungs und S ta d te b au (11/12 1926): 209 -2 11 .
N eurath, Otto. "D as S achbild." D ie Form (1930): 2 9-36 .
N eurath, Otto. "Die padagogische W e ltb e d e u tu n g d e r Bildstatistik nach W ie n e r
M e th o d e." Die Quelle ( 1933): 2 09 -2 12
Neurath, Otto. "Isotype Institute and A dult E ducation." B ulletin 31 o f the W o rld
Association fo r A d u lt Education (1942): 1 2-7.
Neurath, Otto. "L' Urbanism e e t le Lotissem ent du Sol en R e p resentation Optique
d'apres la M e th o d e V iennoise," Technika Chronika 1 93 3:11 5 3-5 .
N eurath, Otto. "M useum s of the Future." S urve y G raphic {1933): 4 58 -4 63 .
N eurath, Otto. "P ictorial Statistics - an Internatio nal P roblem ." The L is ten er (1933):
4 71 -2 .
N eurath, Otto. "P ictorial Statistics in Economic Planning." The W e e k -E n d R eview ,
W orld P lanning S u p p l e m e n t a l ): 6 -7 .
Neurath, Otto. „Soziale Aufklarung nach W ie n e r M e th o d e ." M itte ilu n g e n d e r
G em einde I/Wen (1933): 2 5-33.
N eurath, Otto. "Statistik und Schule." Kulturw ille (1927) 1 96-7.
Neurath, Otto. "Statistik und P roletariat (K lassenkam pf)." K u ltu rw ille (]9 2 7 ) 186-8.
N eurath, Otto. "S tadtebau und P roletariat." D e rK a m p fi 1923) 236 -2 42 .
Neurath, Otto. "Teaching about Tuberculosis by Isotype." B ulletin o f the N a tio n a l
Tuberculosis A ssociation ( 1937): 5 1-3.
Neurath, Otto. "Visual Aids in Adult E ducation." H ig h w a y (1944) 8 8 -90 .
Neurath, Otto. "Visual Aids and A rguing." The N e w Era (1944) 51-61 .
Neurath, Otto. "Visual Autobiography: From Hieroglyphics to ISOTYPE." Future Books
III (1946): 92-100.
Neurath, Otto. "Visual Education: The Isotype System of Visual Education." School and
Society (1946) 5 5-7.
Neurath, Otto. "Visual Education: A n e w Language." S urvey G raphic (1937) 2 5 -8 .
Neurath, Otto. "Visual R epresentation of A rchitectural Problem s." A rc h itec tu ra l
Record (1937): 56-61.
Reidem eister, M a rie. "Kurven in der statistischen Darstellung." O sterreichische
G em eindezeitung, S onderabdruck, 192 7:46 -9 .
Van Eesteren, Cornelis. "M e thode n des Funktionellen S tadtebaus," Technika Chronika,
1 933:1149- 53.
Neurath in Die Form:
Neurath, Otto. „Die neue Zeit." Die Form, Novem ber 1 .1 9 29 :5 88 -9 0.
N eurath, Otto. „Das Sachbild. 1." Die Form, January 15,1930: 29-36.
N eurath, Otto. „Die neue Zeit im Lichte der Za hlen." Die Form, October 15,1930: 532-4.
N eurath, Otto. „Kom m unaler W oh nungsbau in W ie n." Die Form, February 1,
1931:106-10.
N eurath, Otto. „Das Sachbild. 2: M engenbilder." Die Form, M a rch 15,1931: 219-25.
N eurath, Otto. „U nproblem atisch und traditionsbetont?" Die Form, August 15,
1932: 2 61-4.
Otto N eurath, "Internatio nale W e rkb undsiedlung, W ie n 1932 als Ausstellung."
Die Form, July 15,1932: 208-15.

S econdary S ources

A llm ay e r-B ec k , Renate, Susanne B aum gartner-H aindl, M arion Lindner-Gross, and
Christine Zw ingl. M a rg a re te S chutte-Lihotzky: Soziale Architektur:
Zeitzeugin eines Jahrhunderts, edited by P eter N oever, Vienna, Cologne and
W eim ar: Bohlau Verlag, 1993.
Annik, Ed, M a x Bruinsm a, editors. Lovely Language, W ords divide im ages Unite,
Rotterdam : V eenm an Publishes, 2008
Apitzsch, Ursula, editor. N e urath - G ram sci -W illia m s : Theorien d e r A rbeiterkultur
und ihre W irkung. Ham burg: A rgum ent V erlag, 1993.
Bayer, H erbert, W a lte r Gropius, Ise Gropius, Eds. Bauhaus, 1919-1928. N e w York: The
M useum of M od ern Art, 1938.
Bayer, Herbert. W orld G eo -G raphic Atlas. Chicago: privately printed for Container
Corporation of A m erica, 1953.
Blau, Eve. The A rc h ite c tu re o f R ed Vienna. Cam bridge and London: M IT Press, 1999.
Bool, Flip, and C. Broos. Gerd Arntz. Kritische G rafiek en B e e ld s ta tis tiek : Kritische
Grafik und Bildstatistik. The Hague: H aags G em eentem useum , 1976.
Boum an, Ole, M itra Khoubrou, and Rem Koolhaas, Eds. A l-M an k h , Volume S pecial
Issue, The N etherlands: Stichting Archis, 2007.
Brosterm an, N orm an. Inventing Kindergarten. N e w York: Harry N. Abraham s,
Incorp orated, 1997.
Chapel, Enrico. "Otto N eurath and the C IA M - The International Pictorial Language
as a N otational System for Tow n Planning," in Encyclopedia and Utopia, The
Life a nd W ork o f Otto N e urath (1 8 8 2 - 1945), edited by Elisabeth Nem eth
and Friedrich Stadler, 167-182. Dortrecht, Boston and London: Kluw er
A cadem ic Publishers, 1996.
Conrads, Ulrich. P rogram s a nd M a n ife sto es on 2 ffh-ce ntury A rchitcture. Cambridge
and M assachu setts: M IT Press, 1970.
Falludi, Andreas. "Otto N eurath and Planning Theory," In E ncyclopedia and Utopia,
The Life and W ork o f Otto N e urath (1 8 8 2 - 1945), edited by Elisabeth Nem eth
and Friedrich Stadler, 201-213. Dortrecht, Boston and London: Kluw er
Academ ic Publishers, 1996.
Forster, W olfgang, and Klaus Novi. Einfach B auen: G enossenschaftliche
 Selbsthilfe nach d e r J ah rh u n d ertw e n d e : Z u r R ekonstruktion d e r W ie n e r
S iedlerb ew egung. Vienna: Picus V erlag, 1991
Frank, Josef. A rc h itek tu r als Sym bol: E lem ente n e uen Bauens. Edited by Herm ann
Czech. V ienna: Locker V erlag, 1981.
G esellschafts- und W irtschaftsm useum . G es e lls ch aft u nd W irtschaft, B ildstatistisches
E lem entarw erk. Leipzig: B ibliographisches Institut A.G., 1930.
Hickm ann, Anton. H ickm ann's G eo grap h ic al-S ta tis tic U n iv ers al P o c k e t A tlas. W ien:
Freytag & Berndt, 1894.
Holmes, D eborah and Lisa Silverm an, editors. In te rw a r V ienna: Culture b e tw e e n
Tradition and M od ernity. Rochester: Cam den House, 2009.
Le Corbusier. C harte d'Athenes. Paris: Editions de M inuit, 1971.
^K o o lh a as , Rem. Content, Koln: Taschen, 2004.
Kinross, Robin. "Otto N e u rath 's contribution to visual c om m unication (1925 - 45), The
History, Graphic Language and Theory of Isotype." M .P hil. thesis, University
of Reading, 1979.
Kiinstler, Gustav, and Ludwig, M unz. D e r A rc h ite k t A d o lf Loos: D a rstellung seines
S chaffens n ach W erkgruppen, C hronologisches W e rkverzeichnis. Vienna
and M unich: V erlag Anton Scholl, 1964.
Long, Christopher. J o s e f Frank, Life a nd Work. Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 2002.
Modley, Rudolf. H o w to use P ictorial S tatistics. N e w York and London: H a rper and
Brothers, 1937.
Mulhall, M ic h ae l. The D ictionary o f Statistics. London and N e w York: G eorge
Routledge and Sons, 1884.
M um ford, Eric. The C IA M Discourse on Urbanism , 1 9 2 8 - i960. Cam bridge and
M assachu setts: M IT Press, 2000.
Netherlands Centreel Bureau voor de S tatistiek, editors. S tatistisch Zakboek. The
Netherlands: N ational G overnm ent Publication, 1940— 1967.
Nem eth, Elisabeth and Friedrich S tadler, ed. E ncyclopedia and Utopia: The Life and
W ork o f Otto A/ezyraf/r (1882-1945), D ortrecht, Boston and London: K luw er
A cadem ic Pubishers, 1996.
N eurath, Otto. Basic by ISOTYPE. N e w York: Kegan Paul, Trubner & Co., 1937.
N eurath, Otto. Bildstatistik nach W ie n e r M e th o d e in d e rS c h u le . V ienna and Leipzig:
Deutscher Verlag fiir Jugend und Volk, 1933.
Neurath, Otto. Bildstatistik, Fuhrer durch die Ausstellung des G esellsch afts- und
W irtschaftsm useum s in W ien. Leipzig: Durerbund, S chliite r & Co, 1927.
Neurath, Otto. Die Bunte W elt, M e n g e n b ild er fu r die Jugend. V ienna: A rtur W o lf
Verlag, 1929.
Neurath, Otto. G esam m elte philosophische Schriften, B and 1. Edited by Rudolf Haller
and Reiner Hutte. Vienna: H older-P ichler-Tem psky, 1991.
Neurath, Otto. G esam m elte philosophische Schriften, B and 2. Edited by Rudolf Haller
and Reiner Hutte. Vienna: Holder-P ichler-Tem psky, 1991.
Neurath, Otto. G esam m elte bildpadagogische Schriften, B and 3. Edited by Rudolf
Haller and Robin Kinross. Vienna: Holder-P ichler-Tem psky, 1991.
N eurath, Otto, Rudolf Carnap, Charles M orris, editors. Internatio nal Encyclopedia o f
U nified S cie nce , Foundations o f the Unity o f S cience, Volum es l-ll o f the
Encyclopedia. Chicago: U niversity of Chicago Press, 1944.
N eurath, Otto. In te rn atio n al P icture Language - The first rules o f ISOTYPE. London:
Kegan Paul, T rench, Trubner & Co, 1936.
N eurath, Otto. M o d e rn M a n in the M aking . N e w York and London: Aldred A. Knopf, 1939,
N eurath, Otto. O sterreichs K leing artner- und S iedlerorganisation, Vienna:
Kom m issionsverlag der W ie n e r Volksbuchhandlung,1923.
O gden, C. K. B asic vocabulary, a sta tistic a l analysis, w ith s p ec ial refere n c e to
substitution an d translation, London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., ltd,
1930. London: K. Paul, T rench, T rubner & Co., ltd, 1930.
O gden, C. K. System o f B asic English, N e w York: H arcourt, B race and Co, 1934.
Playfair, W illiam . Com m ercial a n d p o litic al a tlas an d S tatistical Breviary. Edited by
H ow ard W a in e r and Ian S pence. Cam bridge and N e w York: Cam bridge
University Press, 2005.
Poeppig, Fred. Rudolf S teiner, d e rg ro s s e U nbekannte; Leben und W erk. Vienna:
V erlag Bettina W oic zik OHG, 1960.
Sert, Jose Luis. Can Our Cities Survive?: A n A B C o f Urban Problem s, Their Analysis,
Their Solutions. Cam bridge: Harvard University Press, 1942.
Schutte-Lihotzky, M a rg a re te . "M e in Freund Otto N e urath." In A rbeiterbildung in der
Zw ischenkriegszeit, Otto N e u rath - G erd Arntz, edited by Friedrich Stadler,
4 0 -4 2 . V ienna and M un ich: Locker V erlag, 1982.
Som er, Kees. The Functional City: The C IA M an d Cornell's van Eesteren, 1928 -1 9 6 0 .
Rotterdam : N ai Publishers, 2007.
S teinm ann, M a rtin . C IA M D okum ente: 1928 -1 9 3 9 . Basel: Birkhauser, 1979.
S tadler, Friedrich. A rbe iterbildung in d e r Zw ischenkriegszeit. Vienna and Munich:
Lockerverlag, 1982.
Tournikiotis, P anayotis. A d o lf Loos, N e w York: P rinceton A rchitectural Press, 1994.
Vossoughian, N a d er. Facts and Artisfacts: Otto Neurath and the Social Science of
S ocialization. PhD diss., Colum bia University, 2004.
Vossoughian, N a d er. "M a p p in g th e M od ern City: Otto N eurath, the International
Congress of M o d ern A rch itec tu re (C IA M ), and the Politics of Inform ation
Design." D esign Issues (S um m er 2006) 48-65 .
Vossoughian, N ader. Otto N eurath: The Language o f the G lobal Polis, Rotterdam : NAi
Publishers, 2008.
W eihsm ann, Helm ut. D as Rote W ien: S ozialdem okratische A rc h itek tu r und
Kom m unalpolitik 1919 -1 9 3 4 , V ienna: Prom edia Druck- und Verlagsges. M .
b. H, 1985.
W elzig, M a ria. J o s e f Frank ( 1 8 8 5 - 1967) D as a rchitektonische W erk. Vienna, Cologne
and W e im ar: Bohlau V erlag, 1998.
IMAGE CREDITS

Architectural Record, July 1937:

2.1: (57), 2.2: (57), 2.3: (58), 5.1: (56).
Brinton, W illard C.. Graphic Methods for Presenting Facts, N ew York:
M cG raw -Hill, 1914:
2.4: Figure 41 (39), 2.5: Figure 40 (39), 2.37: Figure 55 (51), 2.38: Figure 198 (246), 2.29:
Figure 185 (225), 2.40: Figure 184 (224).
CIAM Archive, Institut for the History and Theory of Architecture (GTA), ETH Zurich,
Switzerland:
4 .1 ,4 .2 ,4 .3 ,4 .4 ,4 .5 ,4 .6 , 4 .7 ,4 .8 ,4 .9 ,4 .1 0 .
Die Form, January 15,1930:
2.35: (29), 2.42: (28).
Gerd Arntz Archive, Gemeentemuseum, The Hague, The Netherlands:
2.15: 2965, Folder: People, 2.24: Bodem 1, Folder: Ned. S po o rw eg e n , 2.25: Bodem 2,
Folder: Ned. S poorw egen, 2.36 Folder: The W a y A head , 2 .4 1 :333b, Folder: Exhibition for
Berlin, 3.22: Folder: W a t w e e t U van de S poorw egen.
Gerd Arntz W eb Archive:
2.11: G M D H 0 2 _0 0 13 8,2.12: G M D H 0 2 _0 0 13 6,2.16: G M D H 0 2 _ 0 0 1 4 6 ,2.17: G M D H 02_00644,
2.18: G M D H 0 2 _0 0 64 2,2.19: G M D H 0 2 _0 0 64 0,2.20: G M D H 02_00636 (Category: People).
Gesellschafts und Wirtschaftsmuseum, Die Bunte Welt, M engenbilder fiir die Jugend,
Vienna: Artur W olf Verlag, 1929,26:
2.34.
Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft,
Bildstatistisches Elementarwerk, Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut A.G. 1930:
2.14: Chart 44,2.28: Chart 35,2.29: Chart 33,2.33: Chart 71,6.7: Chart 44.
Google Earth:
5.11.
Hochhausl, Laura, Private Collection (Image drawn on the Basis of Neurath's Charts):
2.7.
Hochhausl, Sophie. Private Collection (Photographs taken at Gerd Arntz Archive,
Gemeentemuseum, The Hague):
2.9,2.10, 5.12.
IZOSTAT Institute, The Second Five Year Plan, Moscow, 1934:
3.23: (40).
Neurath, Otto, International Picture Language, London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner
& Co, 1930:
2.22: Picture 17 (51), 2.23: Picture 20 (57), 2.26: P icture 32 (89), 2.27: Picture 31 (88), 2.44:
Picture 24 (71), 6.2: Picture 1 (16).
OMA, Image Courtesy:
6 .1.
Otl Aicher Nachlass, ERCO Leuchten GmbH:
P iktogram m e unterliegen dem Urheberrech t. Der Kaufer dieses Produktes ist
lediglich zu dessen bestim m ungsm aGiger V erw endung berechtigt. Er darf das auf
diesem Produkt a n geb rachte Piktogram m w e d e r vervielfaltigen noch bearbeiten oder
verfrem den. Die W ie d e rg a b e in Druckschriften bedarf der Genehmigung.
Inhaber der U rh e b erre ch te ist die ERCO Leuchten GmbH, Brockhauser W e g 80 - 82,
D-58509 Liidenscheid, © 1976 by ERCO Leuchten GmbH.
Otto and M arie Neurath Isotype Collection, Department of Typography & Graphic
Communication, University of Reading:
N-Files: 0.1: N958b, 1.1: N-15, 1.2: N -1 7 ,1.3: N -7 2 ,1.4: N -1 1 7 0 ,1.5: N -1 2 1 8 ,1.6: N-1401,
1.7: N - 104,1.8: N -835 a, 1.9: N-851a, 1.10, N -1 8 5 ,1.11, N-36, 3.1: N-334, 3.2: N-1751, 3.3:
N -957, 3.4: ISOTYPE 5/5-12, 3.5: N-1752, 3.6: N -490, 3.7: N -493, 3.8: N-175, 3.9: N-176,
3.10: N -164, 3.11: N -593/a, 3.12: 593/b, 3.13: N-613, N -6 1 3/II, N-614, N -6 1 5 ,14: N-539,
3.15: N-543 II, 3.16: N-546, 3.17: N -561, 3.18: N -560, 3.20, N -562, 3.21: N- 1517, 3.22: N-979
T-Files: Cover: 5.2: T-2047, 5/18, 3.19: T-1825, 5/17. T-198B.
M a p Collection: 2.21: ISOTYPE 6, 2.30: ISOTYPE M a p 153, 2.31: ISOTYPE Town Plans
122, 2.32: ISOTYPE Battle Plans 72.
O sterre ich is ch e G em eindezeitung , August 15,1925:
2.6: (24), 2.8: (24).
O sterre ich is ch e G em eindezeitung , May 15,1926:
2.13: (330).
Sert, Jose Luis, Can our c itie s survive?: an A B C o f urban p roblem s, th e ir analysis,
th e ir solutions. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1942:
6.4a, 6.4b, 6.5a, 6.5b.
S urvey G raphic, Vol. 22,1933:
2.43: (458).
Rem Koolhaas, H a rva rd P ro je c t on the City. H o w to b u ild a City, M utatio ns, Rem
Koolhaas, Stefano Boeri, Sanford Kwinter, Nadia Tazi, Hans Ulrich Obrist, Eds.,
(Bordeaux/Barcelona: Arc en Reve/ACTAR, 2000)
0.3
The Hague, South: Historische plattegronden van Nederlandse Steden, del 10. Den
Haag, Kaart xxiv.4. Dienst S&V, 1948; uitg. Gemeente's Gravenhage:
5.10.
A u s tria n philosopher, e c o n o m is t and m e m b e r of th e V ie n n a C ircle, Otto N e u ra th
(1 8 8 2 -1 9 4 5 ) in v e s tig a te d re p re s e n ta tio n a l m aps fo r m ore th a n tw o d e c a d e s o f his
life. In s e a rc h o f " h u m a n izin g k n o w le d g e " he revolu tio n ize d th e dis cip lin e of c h a rt
m aking by q u a n tita tiv e m aps (p ic tu re s ta tistic s ) a c c e s s ib le to a la rg e public. In this
book, S o p h ie H o c h h a u sl a rg u es th a t N e u ra th 's m ap "C ity P la n n in g " s erv e d not only
as o n e of th e firs t a c c e s s ib le s o c io -p o litic a l m aps o f a city, but it w a s in e ffe c t also a
h e u ris tic a rc h ite c tu ra l d e v ic e . H o c h h a u sl also e x p lo re s th e e x te n t to w h ic h N e u ra th
p e rc e iv e d of th e c ity as an a g g lo m era tio n of s o cia l fa c ts , and h o w fa r his s o c io ­
p o litic al m a p c o n trib u te d to planning th e city on such basis.
W ith a p re fa c e by B a rt Lootsm a.

S o p h ie H o c h h a u s l s tudie d a rc h ite c tu re a t th e A c a d e m y of Fine A rts in V ie n n a , and is

c u rre n tly a PhD c a n d id a te in th e h istory o f a rc h ite c tu re a nd urb a n sim a t Cornell
U n iv ers ity in Ith a c a , NY. H e r p revious w o rk in c lu d es th e a rc h ite c tu re children's
book "P in se l, P au la und die P la u d e rn d e n H a u se r," c o -w ritte n w ith J a m e s S kone
and A le x a n d e r M a y e r (2006). H e r e xhibition " M a s te r P la nning P a ra d is e " w h ic h d e alt
w ith 110 y e a rs o f c o m m u n al housing in V ie n n a , w a s s h o w n in c o o p e ra tio n w ith th e
A u s trian M u s e u m o f A rc h ite c tu re , Az W (2008).

ISBN 176-3-108811-07-3