A QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ON STREET HARASSMENT EXPERIENCES OF LGBT

COLLEGE STUDENTS IN TACLOBAN CITY

A Research Paper

Presented to

Rosianette Cadayong

UPV Tacloban College

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements

in Eng 10

Second Semester, A.Y. 2016-2017

By:

Lecia Sole S. Segovia

Madelaine B. Uy Kieng

(Date)
 ABSTRACT

This study explores the personal experiences of LGBT-identifies people on street

harassment and how they cope and react on this situation. A total of eight

informants in which four are gay men, two are bisexual female, a bisexual male,

and a lesbian. The study employed a one-on-one focus interview and utilized

thematic analysis. The study generated four major themes: street harassment

experiences, effects of street harassment, coping or reaction, and perceived cause

of street harassment that were thoroughly discussed. Finally, policies and

campaign have been recommended.

 CONTENTS

Title Page i

Abstract ii

Contents iii

I. INTRODUCTION 1

A. Background of the study 1

B. Statement of the problem 5

C. Significance of the study 6

II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 7

A. Street Harassment 7

B. Effects of Street Harassment 9

C. Gender differences in perception towards sexual interest 9

D. LGBT 10

E. Research Gaps in Street Harassment and LGBT Literature 12

III. STUDY FRAMEWORK 13

IV. METHODOLOGY 17

A. Research Design 17

B. Concepts and Indicators 17

C. The Researchers 19

D. Research Instrument 19

E. Sampling and Units of Analysis 19

 F. Data Gathering/Collection 20

G. Data Analysis 21

H. Scope and Limitation 21

V. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 22

A. Street Harassment Experience 23

B. Effects of Street Harassment 28

C. Coping or Reactions 29

D. Perceived Causes 31

VI. CONCLUSION 34

VII. RECOMMENDATIONS 35

BIBLIOGRAPHY 37

APPENDICES 43
 I. INTRODUCTION

“Hey, sexy”, “Give me a smile”, “Let me tap that”. These are just some sentences or

phrases used by some men and women towards an unsuspecting victim walking on the streets,

riding on public transportation, or just being in any public place. This kind of harassment is

called street harassment and it is prevalent in the world that it is considered a norm. Street

harassment can vary from verbal harassment like sexually explicit comment and whistling to

physical harassment like groping, following, flashing and assault. Men are usual harassers and

they have different reasons as why they harass, but the most used excuse is, “it is just a

compliment”. People see harassment as joke, sometimes as a compliment but it is not a joke.

Harassment affects the lives of the victims. Everyone deserves the right to freely walk in public

spaces without any fear of anything happening to them.

Meanwhile, Philippines has been dubbed as a “gay friendly” country. Philippines is the

most Catholic country in Asia and yet does the Filipinos accept LGBT-identified people or do

they just tolerate them? Women are not the only victims of street harassment here in the

Philippines, LGBT people are also vulnerable. An example of this is when femme lesbians or

lesbians who dress femininely are targeted by harassers because they do not fall into the

stereotype of lesbians who dress masculine (Espina-Varona, 2015). How do LGBT-identified

people cope with street harassment? This paper attempts to give an insight on the experiences of

LGBT-identified people on street harassment.

 A. Background of the study

1. Street Harassment

The organization Stop Street Harassment (SSH) defined street harassment as “unwanted

comments, gestures, and actions forced on a stranger in a public place without their consent and

is directed at them because of their actual or perceived sex, gender, gender expression, or sexual

orientation” (What is Street Harassment, 2015, para. 1). Street harassment includes unwanted

whistling, looking maliciously or ogling, making sexist, homophobic or transphobic comments,

relentless asking for someone’s name, number or destination after denying, calling of sexual

names, comments and demands, following someone without permission, exhibitionism,

masturbating in public places, unwanted fondling, sexual assault, and rape. Street harassment can

happen not only on the streets and public transportation, but also malls, restaurants, stores, parks

and beaches (What is Street Harassment, 2015). Men and women alike experienced street

harassment at least once. LGBT-identified people are also victims of street harassment. The

occurrence of LGBT-related street harassment will be tackled more on the statistics part of the

paper

A report by Stop Street Harassment (2014) surveyed 2,000 American citizens (estimated

1,000 men and 1,000 women, aged 18 and up). The key findings of the report were that, women

were reported to experience street harassment more (65%) than men (25%). Street harassment

happens to women multiple times (86%) than men (79%). Half of men and women that were

surveyed (50%) reported that they had their first brush with street harassment when they were 17

years old. Women were more worried (68%) than men (49%) that the harassment would escalate

to something much worse. After the incident of harassment, women were more likely to

constantly examine their surroundings (47%) than men (32%). Like the name suggests, street
harassment occurs on streets and sidewalks as reported by 67% of women and 43% of men.

Twenty-eight percent of men revealed they experienced harassment in stores, movie theaters,

malls, and restaurants in contrast to women with only 26%. In public transportation, women

were more likely to be harassed (20%) than men (16%). Men were usually the harasser for

women, with the harasser being a lone man (70%) or with two or more men (38%). Men also

falls victim to a male harasser, with the culprit being a lone man (48%) or with the company of

other men (25%). Women also harassed men which only counts for 20% of men (Kearl, 2014).

Based on the video on European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) YouTube

page, it showed that one-half of the 93,000 respondents avoid public places; two-thirds avoid

displaying public affection, and four-fifths frequently overhear jokes at the expense of being

LGBT (McNeil, 2013). In the report by Stop Street Harassment (2014), members of the LGBT

community were reported to experience more verbal forms of harassment (57%) and physical

aggressive forms (45%) than heterosexual people (37% and 28%, respectively). Street

harassment happens at age 17 as reported by 70% of LGBT-identified people and 49% of

heterosexual identified people. In terms of outdoor activities, LGBT-identified people reported

that they gave up an outdoor activity (14%) because of harassment than heterosexual people

(4%) (Kearl, 2014; Miller, 2014). According to the study of Patrick McNeil (2012), most of the

gay and bisexual respondents (90%) feel unwanted in public places because of their sexual

orientation. McNeil also added that whenever they are in public places, 71% examine and

observe their surroundings, 69% avoid going to specific areas or neighborhoods, 67% do not

make eye contact, and 59% said that they take alternatives routes. Seventy-three percent were

subject to homophobic or biphobic comments. Sixty-six percent reported that they were being

ogled at or stared maliciously. More than 90% had experienced negative public interaction for
the first time when they were 24 years old while nearly 70% reported that they had experienced

it first when they were 19 years old. Some respondents had admitted that they had to take

measures such as moving to another neighborhood (5%) or changing jobs (3.3%) to avoid

potential harassers and harassment (Kearl, 2014).

2. Street Harassment in the Philippines

Streets in the Philippines are not so different from the streets in America. Street

harassment is also prevalent in the country but how prevalent is it and what is being done to

address this issue? In a survey conducted by Social Weather Stations (SWS) (2016) in Quezon

City, 3 out of 5 women had experienced sexual harassment [in public places]. Eighty-eight

percent of the surveyed women were aged 18-24. It was also reported that 70% of the instances,

the harasser was a total stranger; 58% of the incidents occur on major roads, streets and alleys;

78% of the incidents happens during broad daylight, from 6am to 6pm. After being harassed,

50% of the women did not do anything or just stayed silent. Even 3 out of 5 men that were

surveyed disclosed that at some point, they were the harasser (UN Women & SWS, 2016). To

address this issue, under the Safe Cities and Safe Public Spaces Global Initiative, the Gender and

Development Code was amended in Metro Manila to protect women in public places and to

impose penalties on the harasser (Caballar, 2016; The Philippine Star, 2016; Rodriguez, 2016;

Bartolome, 2016). Recently, Sen. Risa Hontiveros filed Senate Bill 1326, also known as “Safe

Streets and Public Spaces Act of 2017”. This bill attempts to protect not only women but also the

members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community (Casayuran, 2017).

Unfortunately, there not enough studies that tackles LGBT street harassment issue in the

Philippines.
 B. Statement of the Problem

As stated before, this study attempts to give an insight on the experiences of Filipino

LGBT-identified people, especially college students, on street harassment. As this is an

exploratory research, there is not much literature to fundamentally base the research topic.

Unfortunately, this study does not explore the relationship of street harassment to other variables

such as academic performance of an individual. It only attempts to look into the individual’s

thoughts and feelings on the incident of street harassment.

This study asks the following questions:

RQ1: What are the individual experiences of the LGBT-identified people on street

harassment?

RQ2: How do the LGBT-identified people react and cope whenever they encounter

harassment in public places?

Based on the two research questions, the following are the objectives of this study:

1. To investigate what are the individual’s personal experiences on street harassment.

2. To discuss what coping mechanisms the victims use whenever they are harassed in public.

3. To know if there are long-term psychological effects of street harassment on the harassed

victim.
 C. Significance of the Study

Street harassment violates the human rights of an individual and is a form of gender

violence. While street harassment is still prevalent, the harassed victims, especially women and

LGBT-identified people, would always be wary of public spaces and would not feel safe every

time they go out. It also has impact on how they would present themselves in the public, how

they would act, on their hobbies and habits. Victims would sometimes take measures such as

taking alternative routes, changing jobs, or even moving to another place just to feel safe and

avoid harassment (Kearl, 2014).

Street harassment also has an emotional and psychological toll on the victim. In an

interview conducted by Holly Kearl with Beth Livingston, PhD, an Assistant Professor at

Cornell University’s ILR School, Livingston stated, “The emotional impacts of street harassment

are real. In a qualitative analysis of self-submitted stories to ihollaback.org, we found that

emotions such as fear, anxiety, anger, shame, and helplessness were incredibly common. …

These sorts of emotions — particularly when experienced day after day — can become

paralyzing. … It is incredibly likely that, as with many other negative emotional experiences, the

impact can accumulate over time, leading to behavioral and health outcomes that we all should

be concerned about.” (Kearl, 2014). There also has been a 2008 study published in in the Journal

of Social Justice Research that found out about the positive correlation between street

harassment and women objectification (Kearl, 2014). The researchers would like to know on

how street harassment exactly affects the LGBT-identified people and how they exactly cope

individually with the negative effects of harassment. This study calls everyone, students,

educators, leaders, journalists, and activists to take action on how to end street harassment and to

make public spaces, a space where everyone can feel safe.

 II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

This chapter begins with discussing about street harassment, behaviors that qualify as

street harassment, distinction of street harassment from sexual harassment, and effects of street

harassment on victims. Next, the gender difference in perception in sexual interest will be

succinctly discussed. Lastly, LGBT issues and identified research gap will end the chapter.

A. Street Harassment

A number of studies (Dhillon & Bakaya, 2014; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fileborn,

2013; Kissling, 1991; Meza-de Luna & Garcia-Falconi, 2015) define street harassment as a

phenomenon where men render suggestive remarks to women in a public domain. Studies about

street harassment used different terms such as “everyday sexism”, “sexual terrorism”, “public

harassment”, “stranger harassment”, “uncivil attention”, “sexual violence”, “offensive public

speech”, “catcall” and more (Logan, 2013). Also, in studying street harassment, it is important to

substantiate and to mention the definition of “public domain/places”. According to Phadke

(2007), as cited in Ilahi(2008), public places "including sites like streets, public toilets (in

neighborhoods, on streets, and railway stations), market places ('bazaars' and malls), recreational

areas (parks, midans [squares], restaurants, cinemahouses) and modes of public transport

(include buses, trains, taxis and rickshaws) as well as sites like bus-stops and railway stations"

(p. 19). The studies essentially derived a common ground on the definition of street harassment

despite having different labels. On the other hand, Laniya (2005) and Ilahi (2008) contended that

street harassment does not solely victimize women. Rather, it could also happen to men. Yet, it is

also true that it mostly occurs towards women. In this paper, the term “street harassment” will be

used all throughout.

 There are different indicative overt behavioral characteristics that connote or qualify as

street harassment. Some of these behaviors, usually done by men to women, are making passes,

obscene gestures, whistling, staring, pinching, fondling, rubbing against women, making

sexually charged comments, blowing, catcalls, making evaluative comments, exhibitions and

masturbation (Chunn, 2011; Dhillon & Bakaya, 2014; Ilahi, 2008; Kearl,2010).

However, the term “street harassment” is inevitably confused with “sexual harassment”.

There is a need to distinctly differentiate street harassment from sexual harassment to have a

thorough understanding of the current study and to avoid confusion. In street harassment, the

deed is done by strangers as opposed to familiar people such as bosses, teachers, or medical

professionals, and it usually occurs in accessible environment or public places (Dhillon &

Bakaya, 2014). In contrast, “sexual harassment as a psychosocial problem, constitute violence

against the victim. As an organizational problem, it is defined as unwelcome sexual advances,

requests for sexual favours, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature which an

individual considers offensive.” (Ekore, 2012) (p. 4358). In a nutshell, street harassment is done

by strangers in a public place whereas sexual harassment usually involves a higher degree of

negative psychosocial effect on the victim (e.g. violence). Nevertheless, both terms are not from

different criteria, in fact, sexual harassment and street harassment share common themes which

most saliently uphold the subject of unwanted sexual attention (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008) and

the exercise of power over women (Ilahi, 2008). Therefore, occurrences in street harassment may

overlap with sexual harassment.

This part of the literature examined the common definition of street harassment derived

from a number of studies and how it is differentiated from sexual harassment. In processing the

literature, a certain characteristic was derived to succinctly differentiate street harassment from
sexual harassment. Street harassment always occurs in public places by a stranger. The following

literature shall examine the effects of street harassment to an individual.

B. Effects of Street Harassment

Women reported experiencing fear and anger in numerous occasions of harassing

behaviors and lower self-esteem, unhappiness with appearance, constantly conscious of their

weight in accordance to negative feelings for being harassed (Dhillon & Bakaya, 2014) and fear

of being rape which subsequently result into compliance of limited movement (Fairchild &

Rudman, 2008; Logan, 2013).

Street Harassment comes in many different forms and interpretation. Some women,

according to Kissling (1991) deem street remarks (“hello baby”) flattering, ego boosting and fun.

On the other hand, some women who perceive street harassment as harmful felt objectified,

humiliated and powerless (Laniya, 2005). In coping or reacting to street harassment, woman

usually copes by ignoring it or attempting to avoid the harasser which is a passive coping

strategy (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008).

There is different perspective on street harassment according to gender. Male and female

apparently have different views on sexual interest which will be briefly discussed in the next

section of the literature review.

C. Gender differences in perception towards sexual interest

In discussing gender, it is imperative to consider the definition of sex to negate typical

confusion of alternative usage of both terms. Sex is determined by biological aspects of a male or

female which can be distinguished by their genes, chromosome, and hormones (Helgeson, 2012).

Gender, on the other hand, refers to “the condition of being male, female, or neuter. It implies the
psychological, behavioral, social, and cultural aspects of being male or female such as being

masculine or feminine” (American Psychological Association, 2015)

Gender differences have long existed in the society which does not curtail the criteria of

sexual agendas. In fact, in a study conducted by Goodchild and Zelman (1984), as cited in Ekore

(2012), behavioral implication of gender differences exist in perception of sexual interests.

The harasser, usually men, in street harassment is rewarded the power to act against the victim,

women, despite having caused misfortune (Meza-de Luna & Garcia-Falconi, 2015). This

behavior reinforces the act of overpowering women in the society.

D. LGBT

Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community is one of the important

global issues that is needed to be understood by everyone. They are individuals that encompass

the sexual minority that are most often marginalized and, thus, needed to gain vital attention as

an empirical step towards global modernization that pave way to a new approach and perspective

in gender that moves away from traditional dichotomous gender society.

For the current study, the researchers adopted definition of LGBT. According to Ulerstam

(1966), as cited by Boroughs, Bedoya, O’Cleirigh and Safren (2015), “Lesbian, gay, and

bisexual individuals are individuals whose sexual identity, orientation attractions, or behaviors

differ from the majority of the surrounding culture or society” (p.151). Thus, these individuals do

not adhere to conventional perspective of gender which subscribe to dichotomous gender

phenomenon. As the world matures, the social constructs mature with it which includes gender.

Furthermore, Carroll, Gilroy, and Ryan (2002) suggested that “Transgender is an inclusive term

describing the full spectrum of people with non-traditional gender identities” (lesbian, gay and

bisexual individuals) (p.151).

 Furthermore, several LGBT issues have been tackled in the past few decades. Elevation

of interest slowly transpires from vague knowledge about LGBT individuals in general to LGBT

discrimination, prejudice, and LGBT empowerment.

Researches on LGBT found out that member of the LGBT community most often

experience discrimination, violence, harassment, sexual violence at home, school, workplace and

public domains (Arriet & Palladino, 2015; Badgett, Blount& Blumenfeld, 2014; Burns & Ross,

2011; D’Augelli, 1992; Diaz, 2007; Heubner, Rebchook &Kegeles, 2004; Melendez & Farquhar

& Rivers, 2008; Mobley & Johnson, 2015; Mrsevic, 2015; Perez & Hussey, 2014; Renn, 2010;

Sandfort, Whitehead, Shaver & Stephenson, 2016; Street, 2016; Takacs, 2006; Zomorodi, 2016).

Through these primary studies on LGBT experiences, scholars further researched on its

mental health effects on LGBT individuals. Studies have found out that experiencing the stigma

posed upon by the stereotyping inclined society, LGBT youth and adults suffer from depression,

anxiety and suicidal thoughts (Kavanagh, 2016;Sandfort, et.al., 2007).

There are also studieswhich revealed that there is a negative impact (laws and norms) to

the sexual minority in specific culture or countries (e.i., Israel, Brazil, South Africa, Russia,

China, Vietnam, Uganda) (Carlson-Rainer & Dufalla, 2016; Hartal, 2015; Horton, 2014; Narrain,

2014; Takacs, 2006). For example, Uganda passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act in December

2013 which coerced the LGBT youth and adults to seek refuge in Kenya and some parts of East

Africa (Zomorodi, 2016). This discriminatory act burdened and marginalized the LGBT

Ugandans.

On the other hand, there are studies that create or motivate empowerment of LGBT

community. Studies (Hansen, 2007;Kelly, 2012; Mayberry, 2006; Underwood, 2004) supports

the empowerment of LGBT students and educators in school and studies (Espinoza, 2016;
Kilbourn, 2016; Linscott & Krinsky, 2015; Moone, Croghab & Olson, 2016) supports the needs

of elderly LGBT individuals for health care services and caregiving.

So far, in relation to the current study, a research conducted by Perez and Hussey (2014)

solely focused on the inclusion of LGBT community in addressing sexual violence in college

campuses.

E. Research Gaps in Street Harassment and LGBT

Through reviewing the literature on the current study’s variable, the researchers found

gaps that are needed to be addressed. These gaps are to be pointed out in the following

paragraph.

Most of the studies about street harassment incorporate the limited assessment of gender

(Dhillon & Bakaya, 2014; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fileborn, 2013; Kissling, 1991; Meza-de

Luna & Garcia-Falconi, 2015). The studies primarily focused on female victims, but others

(Laniya (2005) and Ilahi (2008) admitted that females are not the only people who get harassed,

male are also victims. On the other hand, in reviewing the literature on LGBT issues, the

researchers discovered a dearth of literature on sexually related harassment or violence about

LGBT individuals. In fact, only Perez and Hussey (2014) studied LGBT in relation to sexual

violence. In general, studies failed to address the need to acknowledge LGBT community

experiencing street harassment. Thus, the researchers of the current study aim to fill the gap

between LGBT issues and street harassment.

 III. Conceptual Framework

This chapter will explain Objectification Theory in theoretical and conceptual level that

would link the street harassment and LGBT individuals. It will begin with a brief and concise

discussion of the theory and ends with the conceptual framework of the present study.

Barbara Fredrickson and Tomi-Ann Roberts (1997) proposed Objectification Theory as

“a framework for understanding the experiential consequences of being female in a culture that

sexually objectifies the female body” (p.173). It simply explains the psychological and

experiential effects of being objectified as a female.

Fig. 1 shows the study’s theoretical model. It theorizes that cultural practices of sexual

objectification (sexualized evaluation, focus on body parts, and sexualized media depiction) will

lead to self-objectification wherein women or girls are disposed to develop a different view of

their physical selves. According to Bartky (1990), de Beauvoir (1952), Berger (1972), and

Young (1990), as cited in Fredrickson & Roberts (1997), women, at some level, treat themselves

as objects to be looked at, thus women base their physical selves on the perspective of an

observer. Self-objectification occurs when women view themselves as objects that are to be

appreciated and looked at by others and it can lead to being self-conscious by consistently

monitoring one’s appearance.Furthermore, maladaptive perception of oneself, self-

objectification, has psychological consequences (increased shame and anxiety, decreased “flow”

states, and decreased awareness of bodily states) which render women or girls who experience

objectification to mental health risks (disordered eating, depression, sexual dysfunction, etc.).

In addition, there are studies that employed the theory and thos that extended the concept

of the theory. Studies by Dorland (2006) and Lord (2009) used the theory as a component to

explain the harassment experienced by women and its relation to flow, body image, self-esteem,
 and avoidance behavior. On the other hand, Szymanski, Moffitt, and Carr (2011) and Lindner

(2014), examined the theory and related studies, and extended the theory by developing new

measures of self-objectification. Thus, the theory has garnered empirical attention from different

scholars.

Figure 1. Objectification Theory Model as proposed by Barbara Roberts

Cultural Practices Psychological Mental Health

of Sexual Consequences: Risks:
Objectification
Self- • Increased shame • Disordered
• Sexualized Objectification • Increased anxiety Eating
Evaluation • Decreased • Depression
• Focus on body “flow” states • Sexual
parts • Decreased Dysfunction
• Sexualized media awareness of • Etc.
depiction bodily states

The Objectification Theory mainly reflects women’s perspectives and experiences on

being objectified by the dominant culture (males). Although, according to Fredrickson and

Roberts (1997), not all women respond the same to sexual objectification as factors such as

ethnicity, social status, sexuality, age, and other physical attributes may affect their response and

experience. Thus, experiences and reaction on sexual objectification varies by confluence of

different factors which basically includes gender.

The present study will use the Objectification Theory as a lens in understanding the

experiences of LGBT individuals on street harassment. Members of the LGBT community may

adopt the observer’s perspective, for example, by dressing in a way that is more acceptable for

the harassers. If LGBT-identified people dress differently from the socially acceptable way of

dressing, they would be targeted by street harassers. By dressing in a way that would please the
harassers, it may be possible that they may avoid harassment. Having maladaptive perceptions of

oneself has many consequences such as shame and anxiety. Shame occurs when a person’s

evaluation of oneself cannot reach the standard of some internalized or cultural ideal (Darwin,

1872/1965; M. Lewis, 1992 as cited in Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). An LGBT-identified

person may feel ashamed if they do not conform to the ideal way of how an LGBT-identified

person should act. Anxiety occurs when a person do not know how and when exactly one’s body

will be looked at. Studies show that women’s appearance anxiety may have its roots in negative

experiences at an early age, including negative comments about one’s appearance. According to

Keelan, Dion & Dion (1992), as cited in Fredrickson & Roberts (1997), appearance anxiety is

manifested by constantly monitoring one’s appearance This type of appearance anxiety may also

apply to LGBT-identified for they do not know exactly when the harassers would notice them

and comment something about their appearance. Seligman (1975) stated, as cited in Fredrickson

& Roberts (1997) study, women are also vulnerable to mental health risks because of

experiencing objectification, it may also be possible that LGBT-identified people are also at risk.

According to Nolen-Hoeksema (1990) as cited in Fredrickson & Roberts (1997), the learned

helplessness theory it explains that being powerless may lead to reduced motivation, sadness,

and depression. The LGBT community is a minority group which means that opinions of the

members of the community is not always considered by the majority and being oppressed can

lead to depression. Fig. 2 shows the conceptual model of the present study.
Figure 2. Objectification Theory Model showing the relationship of how experiences and

responses of LGBT on street harassment shape self-objectification and its further consequences.

Experiences of Sexual
Objectification by
LGBT individuals
through Street
Harassment

Self-Objectification

Appearance Anxiety

Psychological Others
Consequences:

• Increased shame
• Increased anxiety
• Decreased “flow”
states
• Decreased
awareness of
bodily states

Mental Health Risks:

• Disordered Eating
• Depression
• Sexual Dysfunction
• Etc.
 IV. METHODOLOGY

This chapter will discuss the methods to be employed in conducting the study. It includes

the research design, variable and measurement, the researchers, research instrument, sampling

and units of analysis, data gathering, data analysis, and scope and limitations of the study.

A. Research Design

The research approach for the current study is qualitative. It will particularly employ

focus interviews. Thematic analysis is the method to be used to interpret the individual’s

personal experiences on street harassment. This shall allow transcript of interviews to be coded

in determining recurring themes among research respondents in relation to their experiences on

street harassment. Coded themes will then be related to the conceptual framework discussed in

the previous chapter.

B. Concepts and Indicators

This section will define the two main variables of the study which are street harassment

and LGBT.

1. Street Harassment
As stated in the introduction, street harassment is defined as unwanted comments,
gestures, and actions that is forced on a stranger in streets and public transportation without their
consent and is directed at them because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Two types
of street harassment have been identified and defined as follows:
(a) Verbal street harassment—includes derogatory and sexist comments, whistling,
homophobic or biphobic comments, calling of sexual names, relentlessly asking for
someone’s name, number or destination after denying.
(b) Nonverbal street harassment—includes ogling maliciously, following someone without
permission, unwanted fondling, masturbating, and exhibitionism.
The environments that will be included or defined as public place are streets, alleyways, and
public transportations.
 2. Sexual Objectification
Sexual objectification occurs when the harassers (usually males) treat the victims like
they are some piece of meat and that they are simply for the pleasure for the observer. This
phenomenon occurs because our society has deemed males as the dominant culture and they
think that they can do anything and get away with it. They also seem think that by harassing
other people, they can keep them in check and remain the dominant culture in our society.
(a) Self-objectification in LGBT
If victims are constantly being objectified, over time, they might adopt the observer’s
perspective on their own self. Since victims are viewed as objects to be appreciated by others
rather than as a human being. Instead of freely wearing clothes that define their sexuality, they
might choose to wear something that would please other people but not their own self. By
choosing to please other people instead of their own self, LGBT-identified people can never be
truly their own person.
(b) Appearance Anxiety and Shame in LGBT
Victims would experience anxiety and shame if they feel that they can’t reach the
society’s standard for people like them. If an LGBT-identified person dresses in a way that do
not match to their identity, they would constantly check their appearance and think if the clothes
they are wearing is acceptable for society. If they continue with this idea, they might believe that
they can avoid street harassment. If an LGBT-identified person walks down a street and sees a
group of guys lingering around, he/she might be conscious with what he/she is wearing because
it might be a factor if he/she would be a victim of street harassment. The dominant culture has
stereotypes on how an LGBT-identified person should act and dress. An example is that gay men
should dress femininely. If someone was not able to follow that stereotype, they might fall victim
into street harassment.
3. LGBT
The people to be interviewed for this study are LGBT-identified people. The researchers

agreed to narrow down the range of gender identity, instead of including other gender identities

such as: queer, pansexual, nonbinary, etc. The gender identities that is included in this study are:

lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender.

 C. The Researchers

One of the biases the researchers would acknowledge is that one of the researchers is

actually a member of the LGBT community. This fact may affect how researchers would code

the data and produce themes. Another bias is that of the researchers’ abilities, knowledge, skills,

and even personal qualities can affect the current study.

The reason why the researchers chose this topic is that we would like to tackle the issue

of oppression and patriarchy. Street harassment occurs because harassers (usually men) treat

women, LGBT-identified people, or any non-masculine individual as a piece of meat or for the

sole reason of establishing dominance over them.

D. Research Instrument

The research instrument that will be used is an semi-structured interview shown in

appendix C. This interview schedule shall aid assistance to the researcher in interviewing and

probing the respondents to gain deeper and richer data significant to the study’s interest. The

interview schedule basically consists of five major questions which will enable the researchers to

probe on the how other people treat the key informants in relation to their gender, what do key

informants know about street harassment, had they had personal experience on street harassment,

how it affected them in the long run, and how they cope with the experience on street

harassment.

E. Sampling and Units of Analysis

The study focuses on the experiences on street harassment of LGBT individuals. College

students are among the most common victim of street harassment due to the nature of their

everyday experiences in public areas and transportation. Thus, researchers of the study deem it

essential to narrow the sampling of individuals to college students. LGBT college students are,
therefore, the population of interest of the study. On the other hand, the research locale where

samples will be chosen is Tacloban City. This was chosen by the researchers due to accessibility

concerns of sample to be selected by the researchers.

The researchers will employ snow-ball sampling technique which involves contacting

friends, friends of friends, relatives and acquaintances who fit the criteria of being selected as a

participant of the study. The researcher aims to recruit 6 to 10 participants, as a recommended

sample size for thematic analysis study (Smith, 2015). Small n research is common in qualitative

research and according to Creswell (2009), it lends the research study to develop a rich data in

understanding the experiences of the participants. In recruiting the participants, a uniform formal

message output shown in appendix A, to be sent via e-mail, printed letter, or mobile message,

and non-formal (personal verbal communication) approach will be the means of reaching the

participants referred by people known by the researchers.

F. Data Gathering/Collection

The researchers will conduct a one-on-one focus interview with each research

participants in a mutually established schedule by the researchers with each participant. In the

discussion, logistics issues such as time and place will be covered. The researchers will ensure to

gather data in more or less than a week to be able to accommodate to each participant’s

availability in time and place.

In interviewing each individual, both the researchers of the study will be interviewing the

participant. Before proceeding to the interview, a consent form (see appendix B) will be given

which will briefly discuss the nature of the study and the respondent’s privileges to voluntarily

participate, that there is no risk imposed, anonymity, confidentiality, and right to withdraw

whenever deemed necessary which shall allow and guarantee them to freely discuss their
personal experiences on street harassment without jeopardizing their character as an individual.

The interview process will be approximately held in more or less than an hour. By the end of

each interview, the participant will receive an incentive as a token of appreciation in

participating in the study.

G. Data Analysis

The researchers of the study will make use of thematic analysis in analyzing the

transcripts of interviews to be gathered. There are six phases (familiarization, coding, searching

for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and writing the report)

recommended by Braun and Clarke (2006), as cited in (Smith, 2015), for thematic analysis.

These phases will be systematically employed by the researchers in analyzing the data. The

conceptual framework of the study, discussed before this chapter, shall will be used to guide and

structure the generated themes.

H. Scope and Limitations

The study focuses on street harassment of LGBT individuals and this study limited its

scope to experiences of LGBT college students and thus will not be generalized to all LGBT

individuals in all age range. As indicated in the literature review, street harassment among LGBT

individuals is an understudied topic and thus dispose the current study a significant relevance.

In terms of street harassment, the study will be limited to harassment indicating sexual

connotations and will not include other kinds of harassment such as verbal derogatory slurs or

physical aggression towards the individual.

 V. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

This chapter starts with presentation of findings on elements on street harassment

experience, perceived cause, effects of street harassment, and ends with coping or reaction of

LGBT college students on their experience.

A. Street Harassment Experience

This section will describe the two elements in street harassment as experienced by the

LGBT college students. The two elements to be discussed are harassers and street harassment

behaviors.

1.) Harassers

As pointed out in the literature review, street harassment is mostly done by men to

women but the current study generated different identifiers: the role of gender and the frequent

harassers towards LGBT individuals.

a. The role of gender in street harassment

The researchers of the current study found out how gender may vary concerning street

harassment. Commonly, “mga lalake…” [men] harass women, according to Kris and Maria, who

are both bisexual female, and Lauren, a lesbian. However, it is not limited to female alone. In

fact, Laniya (2005) and Ilahi (2008) suggested that it street harassment could also happen to

men. Two among five male informants of the current study got harassed by gay men. According

to Dave, a bisexual man, “… mga bayut…” [gay men] are the individuals who harass him and

similar approach occurred with Jed, who is also a gay man, got harassed by “…fellow sisters…”
[gay men]. Subsequently, gay men like Jackie, Kim, and Juan also experienced street harassment

from “… mga lalake” [straight men].

In contrast, the current study also found out that female, straight and lesbian women,

also have the tendency to harass both male and female. For example, Jed, a gay man,

experienced harassment done by “…mga kababayinhan” [group of women]. Also, Maria, a

bisexual female, said “mayda adto an ak friend, an iya friend nagsugad, an iya friend kuno,

actually lesbian hiya tas may umagi kuno na babayi tas nagyakan hiya nga ‘hi ate kuno, lalake

naak, ulitawo na ako’.”[I have a friend who has a Lesbian friend that called out a girl who just

happen to pass by].

In relation to this, the researchers of the current study further narrowed the category into

identifying the cues of frequent harassers which shall identify which common characteristic of

harassers recur among the street harassment experiences of the LGBT college students.

b. Frequent harassers

“…tambay,mga lalake” [tambay, men] said Jackie are the people who usually harass. The

term tambay has been a recurring term among all informants in which they all identify as straight

men. The term “tambay” refers to the shortened abbreviation of “istambay” defined by Almario

(2001), as cited in Batan (2010), “a person who does not have work and who usually hangs-out

on streetcorners” (p. 82). Furthermore, the tambay usually composes a group which apparently

make them seem invincible, which is a characteristic of a social phenomenon called group think.

Group think is defined as ““The mode of thinking that persons engage in when concurrence-

seeking becomes so dominant in a cohesive in-group that it tends to override realistic appraisal
of alternative courses of action.” (Myers & Twenge, 2017; p. 290). Tambay appeared to be the

most common harasser among all LGBT individuals.

Additionally, three among eight informants identified the harasser as “…parag pedicab”

[pedicab dirver] and “multicab…driver…” [multicab driver]. Pedicab drivers and multicab

drivers are public transportation drivers in the Philippines. Thus, gay, bisexual, and lesbian are

usually harassed by tambay and public transportation drivers, who are all straight men.

On the other hand, gay men also seem to frequently harass men. Dave and Jed said that

“… mga bayut”, “…mga kabayutan…” [gay men] are the common harassers. Additional to this,

Juan, a gay man, said “… Pero ako liwat kase kay nahihimo ko liwat ito, paghaharass…” [But I

also tend to do it, harassing], admitted his harassment towards “…lalake…” [man]. Thus, gay

men generally harass male individuals, regardless of their gender identity as long as they overtly

appear to be straight men.

In sum, the findings suggest that harassment does not exclusively occur to women, but

rather to all people which includes the LGBT identified individuals. To put it simply, harassment

may happen in five different manners – gay men to straight men, straight men to gay men,

straight women to straight men, straight men to straight women, and lesbian to straight women.

However, the frequent harassers seemed to be tambay and public transportation dirvers, who are

both straight men, and gay men. Harassment by women subtly occurred, yet, is a substantial

evidence that female, not only men, have the tendency to harass other individuals.

2.) Street Harassment Behaviors

 Making passes, obscene gestures, whistling, staring, pinching, fondling, rubbing against

women, making sexually charged comments, catcalls, exhibitions and masturbation are some of

the street harassment behaviors towards women and men according Chunn (2011), Dhillon and

Bakaya (2014), Ilahi (2008), and Kearl (2010). These street harassment behaviors have recur in

the current study. Street harassers characterized beforehand employed different street harassment

behaviors towards LGBT college students which can be categorized into two: Verbal and Non-

verbal.

a. Verbal Street Harassment Behaviors

Verbal street harassment behaviors varies according to gender but they all possess similar

characteristic of seeking attention from the individuals.

“hi beh” [hi babe]

“oyy beh, pskadi anay beh” [hey babe, come here for a second babe]

“hi beh, masakay ka” [hi babe, are you gonna ride]

“hi ate” [hi ate]

The quoted phrases are commonly done verbal street harassment behaviors by tambay

and public transportation drivers, straight men, towards bisexual female and lesbian. These

behaviors seem to seek attention from female, regardless of gender identity.

“hi kuya” [hi kuya]

“kuya anu tim ngaran” [kuya what’s your name]

“kuya anu tim number” [kuya what’s your number]

“kuya adi hi kuwan” [kuya someone is here]

Similarly, these quoted phrases are common verbal street harassment done by gay men

towards bisexual and gay men which, again, disregard gender identity. Gay men seem to call

men’s attention, relentlessly ask for their name and number and implicitly refer someone who is

interested on them.

“hoy bayot, adi hin 500” [hey bayot, here’s 500 pesos]

“bayot, oyy adi na hi kuwan, sige na, gagari na” [bayot, hey here’s someone, go for it]

“yot blowjob la anay” [yot do a blowjob first]

“yot anu man, niyan nala na gab-i, 1,500 la” [yot, what now, later at night, 1,500 pesos only]

“bayot la kuno it akon kay marasa” [I only want bayot because they are yummy]

However, for gay men, the content of verbal street harassment behaviors seem to be more

sexualized than that of bisexuals, male and female, and lesbian. Harassers, usually tambay and

public transportation drivers, explicitly persuade gay men into sexual activity with an amount of

money.

b. Non-Verbal Street Harassment Behaviors

Whistles and malicious staring is the commonly occurring non-verbal street harassment

among all street harassed LGBT college students. However, there are also behaviors that

exclusively occurred to some informants. For instance, Juan experienced having “…gestures nga
binastos…” [lewd gestures] such as “…sign hit pagblowjob..” [the gesture of doing a blowjob]

and Kris said that “…ginkukudyot…” [pinched] by a multicab driver.

In sum, bisexuals, lesbian and straight-looking gay men experience attention seeking

verbal harassment while gay men often receive sexually charged comments. Furthermore,

whistles and malicious staring occurs to all LGB informants, but lewd gestures and pinching

exclusively occurred to a gay man and bisexual female, respectively. On the other hand,

perspective from transgender college student was not included due to difficulty in searching for

willing informants.

This section indulged into street harassment experiences of LGBT college students that

have been dissected into two elements: identifying the harassers and street harassment behaviors

employed by harassers. Essentially, tambay and drivers of public transportations such as pedicab

and multicab, are the common street harasser and street harassment behaviors employed by them

can be categorized as verbal and non-verbal. The next section of this chapter will introduce

perceived causes by street harassed LGBT college students.

B. Effect of Street Harassment

Street harassment effect has two levels: the individual and the society. This section will

discuss how street harassment experiences by LGBT college students affected them individually

and what it implies in our society.

1.) Individual Effect

 In literature review, women who are mostly harassed by men, deem street harassment

negatively and positively. Although it has been established that some women positively perceive

street remarks, the current study, however, did not have this grasp in LGBT college students.

Generally, the LGBT college students felt nervous and uncomfortable when being

harassed in a public domain. Furthermore, the feeling of being degraded, insulted, disrespected

and sexualized is what they all commonly feel at the moment of being street harassed which

would result into self-objectification and anxiety. Informants who have been self-conscious, self-

objectified, become wary of their appearance and thus led to appearance anxiety. Being self-

conscious is indicated in fear of being actually touched by harassers in the future, fear of wearing

clothes that could trigger harassment (such as shorts or dresses), and fear of getting the attention

of harassers which results into being wary of their appearance.

However, not all informants developed this pattern, some explicitly stated that they do

not think physical appearance is a factor as to why they are harassed. The pattern aforementioned

beforehand is typically occurring among female informants, bisexual and lesbian.

2.) Societal Effect

On the other hand, in societal level there is an essential implication that have been

generated. Informants indicated that society developed a social norm which deem street

harassment as a normal occurrence, basically caused by the passive approach of victims, and

thus, permit harasser to perpetrate harassment. Lack or absence of rightful punishment to street

harassment incidence also motives harassers. Furthermore, social media depictions which imply

that indecent clothing style of women caused rape incidents seem to averagely persuade and

justify the crime, and thus lead to make people think that indecent clothing style of women are
the cause of sexual and street harassments. These society’s mindset misled harassers into

thinking that street harassment is normal and indecent clothing style of women are most often the

reason to be sexualized. Basically, the individual’s passive approach reinforces street harassment

and street harassment, as a norm, receives a passive approach. It is basically a cycle which will

never end without intervention.

This section analyzed the individual and societal effect of street harassment.

Subsequently, after having experienced street harassment, victims usually cope or react to the

experience which will be discussed in the following section.

C. Coping or Reactions

This section will relay how the LGBT college students cope or react with their street

harassment experiences. Their coping and reactions may be classified as active and passive.

1. Active

According to a report by The Worker Institute at Cornell and hollaback!, taking action or

actively coping to the harassment has positive influence on the victim’s emotional response to

the incident. They also added that actively coping had outwardly focused responses like anger.

While passively coping had inwardly focused responses like helplessness. Actively coping can

mean addressing the harasser or contacting authorities about the harassment. An informant

shared that he “goes with the flow” with the harasser. When the harasser asks for a sexual favor,

the informant would reply that he is willing and the harasser would shut up. An informant would

also respond to the harasser by shouting “ipatokhang, ipatokhang!” Another informant would

also reply to the harassers by saying “karigo anay kamo, sunod na kun mukhang tao na kamo”

[take a bath first, next time when you actually look human]. Same informant would also cope by
talking to people about his experiences. By verbally responding to the harassers actually lets out

frustration about the experience itself.

2. Passive

According to Fairchild and Rudman (2008), women usually cope by ignoring or

attempting to avoid the harasser. Informants usually respond to harassment by disregarding the

verbal harassment of the harasser. They think that by responding to the harasser means “stooping

down to their level”. The informants don’t want the incident to worsen, that’s why they ignore it.

Informants don’t usually share their experiences on street harassment. A bisexual informant

found it hard to share his experience because in our society, males find it hard to share personal

experiences on harassment. Although some informants do not bother to reprimand the behavior

of the harasser because they think that the harasser would not listen. It is also possible that

LGBT-identified people are afraid to directly confront the harasser whenever they are alone

because they think that not one bystander would help them and intervene in the situation (The

Worker Institute at Cornell and hollaback!). Another is that LGBT-identified people are afraid

that the incident might escalate to something much worse (SSH, 2014).

D. Perceived Causes
 This section will elaborate on the causes of street harassment as perceived by the LGBT

college students. Apparently, gender and appearance contribute to street harassment experience

of an LGBT college student.

1. Gender

LGBT-identified people are more likely to be harassed than heterosexual people (SSH,

2014). According to Kris, it doesn’t matter if you cover yourself up because males will still

harass you. Being a member of the LGBT community will deem an individual as unusual or

different. According to Kim, “basta makita ka nira na kakaiba ka, pati imo pagkiwa, the way

you talk, amo na ito na you can experience such things” [the moment they see you as different,

the way you move, the way you talk, you can experience such things]. Being gay can also affect

the activities you can do in public. Based on the report by Stop Street Harassment (2014),

LGBT-identified people are more likely to give up an outdoor activity because of harassment.

This seems the case of Kim where he is limited to some activities just because he is gay. He said

that older people would tell him “yot ayaw pag inapi kay bayot ka, di ka man it makarit” [you

can’t join them because you are gay and you are not good at it]. Jed, a gay man, gets harassed

even if the clothing he wears is appropriate to his biological sex. Gay men would stare at him

with prolonged eye contact and say “hi kuya”.

2. Appearance

Based on the Objectification Theory by Frederickson and Roberts (1997), members of the

LGBT community may adopt the observer’s perspective, for example, by dressing in a way that

is more acceptable for the harassers. If LGBT-identified people dress differently from the

socially acceptable way of dressing, they would be targeted by street harassers. According to

Jackie, a gay man, whenever he wears short shorts, he would be catcalled because of the notion
that wearing short shorts is provocative and you are basically asking to be disrespected.

According to Maria, if the clothing of an LGBT individual does not fit into the norm, harassers

would stare and laugh at the individual. Lauren, a lesbian, also experienced street harassment for

the reason that she had short hair when she was in high school, it is possible that her harassers

assumed her gender identity because of her short reason. For the harassers, it could mean that

short hair equates to being a lesbian. Although this contrasts the experience of Maria, a bisexual

woman, where she had less incidents with street harassment when she had short hair. She also

added, “han nagpa boy cut ako, nafeel ko na nagiging uncomfortable hira kay bangin nakada ha

ira isip na tomboy ako” [when I had a boy cut hairstyle, I felt that they would be uncomfortable

because they think that I really am a lesbian].

In synthesizing the data gathered, the current study sought the relationship of

generated themes. Fig. 3 shows the relationship model of street harassment experiences of LGBT

college students, effect of street harassment, perceived cause, and coping or reactions.

Figure 3.

Effect of Street Coping or

Harassment reaction
Street
Harassment
Experiences of
LGBT College
Students

Perceived Cause
 So far, this chapter started with street harassment experiences of LGBT college students

which vary per gender. The harassers, employ verbal and non-verbal harassment. These street

harassment behaviors render effects to an individual and the society. Due to the experience, the

LGBT college students hypothesize that their gender and appearance induce street harassment

and they generally cope or react actively or passively. The next chapter will discuss a concise

wrap up of relevant points of the current study.

 VI. CONCLUSION

In conclusion, LGBT college students experience street harassment verbally and non-

verbally. It has been found out that frequent harassers among lesbians, gay men and bisexuals are

the tambay, public transportation drivers (pedicab and multicab), and gay men . In general,

lesbians and bisexuals receive same level of attention seeking remarks from harassers, while gay

men often receive sexually charged comments. Subsequently, street harassment render effect on

two levels: Individual Effect and Societal Effect. LGBT individuals generally think that their

gender and physical appearance greatly contribute to their street harassment experience. Lastly,

LGBT individuals passively or actively cope/react on their experience.

The current study attempted to fill the gap of LGBT experiences on street harassment. It

basically implies that street harassment is not exclusively experienced by women and men, but

also by LGBT individuals that greatly affects the individual. The most important note that the

current study would want to render is to give voice, not only to LGBT community, but to all

people, on their street harassment experiences as a mode of empowerment that could possibly

generate ways to diffuse the common withheld notion that street harassment is a normal

phenomenon.
 VII. RECOMMENDATIONS

Findings of this study on what factors do the LGBT-identified people think is the reason

why they get harassed should help the society promote awareness of this issue. According to the

report of Livingston, et.al, bystanders were present in 31% of 223 reported incidents. Of those

incidents that included a bystander presence, bystanders took no action 19% of the time. It also

stated that bystander interventions such as an empathetic statement or knowing look can provide

positive influence on the harassed victim. However, whenever a bystander failed to take action, it

can provide a negative influence towards the harassed victim. The victims stated that not taking

action [by a bystander] is highly unacceptable. Thus, it is recommended to implement public

information campaigns that teach bystanders on how to intervene and take action in such

incidents. Bystanders should never just watch a harassment take place, a simple gesture such as

an empathetic statement can lessen the negative emotional response of the victim towards the

incident. It may be possible that harassers might cease harassing individuals if someone would

reprimand them. According to Jed, harassers might know that what they are doing is wrong but

they still continue to do it because they know no one would reprimand them and that they would

not face the consequences of their actions. Thus, if we encourage bystanders to take action, it is

possible that harassers might think twice before harassing an individual.

Informants have stated that one of the factors why they get harassed is the lack of

education. According to Jackie and Kris, a gay man and bisexual woman respectively, the best

way is to educate the harassers on why street harassment is bad and detrimental to the victims.

For Kris, males should get their act together and for schools to teach males to change their way

of thinking where whenever someone dresses ‘provocatively’, then he or she is asking for it. She

also added that she doesn’t like the idea of victim blaming. For her, the cause is in the mindset of
males (harassers) and she wants to have a subject [in school] that will teach discipline to the

harassers. Harassment may come as bullying for the victims and street harassment can also occur

in schools since it is considered as a public place but was not included in this study. Therefore, it

is recommended that schools in secondary education to include the topic of street harassment in

anti-bullying education curriculums. If an anti-bullying education curriculum is not currently

existing then the more reason it should be included in the curriculum that is taught to the

students.

Furthermore, another recommendation for the subsequent researchers tackling the topic

of LGBT Street Harassment is to use another theory that would concretely support the findings

of the study. The current study’s theory is Objectification Theory, unfortunately, none of the

informants explicitly felt objectified since ignoring or disregarding the street harassment

behaviors is the average coping or reactions and ,thus, does not make the theory relevant.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

American Psychological Association. (2015). APA dictionary of psychology (2nd ed.).

Washington, DC: Author

Arrieta, S., & Palladino, J. (2015). A Multiple-Case Study of Special Education Teachers’

Approaches to LGBT Students with Emotional-Behavior Disabilities. Journal of

Ethnographic & Qualitative Research, 1-12.

Bartolome, J. (2016, March 8). The numbers are alarming: Sexual harassment vs women in

PHL. Retrieved from GMA News Online:

http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/558251/lifestyle/healthandwellness/the-

numbers-are-alarming-sexual-harassment-vs-women-in-phl

Boroughs, M., Bedoya, A., O'Cleirigh, C., & Safren, S. (2015). Toward Defining, Measuring,

and Evaluating LGBT Cultural Competence for Psychologists. CLINICAL

PSYCHOLOGY: SCIENCE AND PRACTICE, 22(2), 152-171.

Burns, C., & Ross, P. (2011). Gay and Transgender Discrimination Outside the Workplace.

Center for American Progress, 1-13.

Caballar, R. (2016, July 20). How Manila Is Making Streets Safer for Women. Retrieved from

CityLab: http://www.citylab.com/navigator/2016/07/how-manila-is-making-streets-safer-

for-women/492068/

Carlson-Rainer, E., & Dufalla, J. (2016). The Foreign Policy of LGBT Rights: Russia’s Reaction

and Resistance to US Policy. The Global Studies Journal.

Casayuran, M. (2017, February 15). Senator files bill to protect women, LGBT from harassment.

Retrieved from Manila Bulletin: http://news.mb.com.ph/2017/02/15/senator-files-bill-to-

protect-women-lgbt-from-harassment/

Creswell, J. W. (2009). RESEARCH DESIGN: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods

Approaches (Third ed.). SAGE Publications, Inc.

D'augelli, A. (1992). Lesbian and Gay Male Undergraduates Experiences of Harassment and

Fear on Campus. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 383-395.

Dhillon, M., & Bakaya, S. (2014). Street Harassment: A Qualitative Study of the Experiences of

Young Women in New Delhi. SAGE Open, 1-11.

Eastwood, E. (2015). What, can't you take a Compliment? A Qualitative Study of Catcalling.

Bachelor Thesis, Luleå. Retrieved February 01, 2017

Ekore, J. (2012). Gender Differences in Perception of Sexual Harassment among University

Students. Gender & Behavior, 4358-43698.

Espina-Varona, I. (2015, July 01). Gay friendly? Discrimination still claims LGBT lives in PH.

Retrieved from ABS-CBNnews.com: http://news.abs-cbn.com/focus/07/01/15/gay-

friendly-discrimination-still-claims-lgbt-lives-ph

European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. (2012). LGBT persons’ experiences of

discrimination and hate crime in the EU and Croatia. Vienna.

Fairchild, K., & Rudman, L. (2008). Everyday Stranger Harassment and Women’s

Objectification. Springer Science+Business Media, 338-357.

Farquhar, C., & Rivers, I. (2008). Homophobic incidents and LGBT safety in the City of

Edinburgh. Community Health and Safety Report.

Hansen, A. (2007). SCHOOL-BASED SUPPORT FOR GLBT STUDENTS: A REVIEW OF

THREE LEVELS OF RESEARCH. Psychology in the Schools.

Helgeson, V. S. (2012). The psychology of Gender (4th ed.). Pearson.

Horton, P. (2014). ‘I thought I was the only one’: the misrecognition of LGBT youth in

contemporary Vietnam. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 16(8), 960-973.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2014.924556

Ilahi, N. (2008, December). YOU GOTTA FIGHT FOR YOUR RIGHT(S): STREET

HARASSMENT AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO GENDERED VIOLENCE, CIVIL

SOCIETY AND GENDERED NEGOTIATIONS. Kairo, Egypt.

Kavanagh, S. (2016). From Contagious to Resilient and Beyond: A Periodization of Four

Decades of Educational Research on LGBTQ Issues. International Journal of

Multicultural Education.

Kearl, H. (2014). Unsafe and Harassed in Public Places: A National Street Harassment Report.

Reston.
Kelly, M. (2012). Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) Parents and Their Children:

Support Strategies for Educators. National Association of School Psychologists, 40(8), 1-

4.

Kilbourn, S. (2016). Perseverance, Patience, and Partnerships Built Elder LGBT Housing in San

Francisco. Journal of the American Society on Aging, 40(2).

Kissling, E. A. (1991). Street Harassment: the language of sexual terrorism. Discourse and

Society, 2(4), 451 - 460.

Linscott, B., & Krinsky, L. (2015). Engaging Underserved Populations: Outreach to LGBT

Elders of Colors. Journal of the American Society on Aging, 40(2), 34-37.

Logan, L. S. (2013). FEAR OF VIOLENCE AND STREET HARASSMENT:

ACCOUNTABILITY AT THE INTERSECTIONS. Kansas, Manhattan.

McNeil, P. (2013, May 17). Half of LGBT Members in the EU Avoid Public Places Because of

Harassment. Retrieved from Stop Street Harassment:

http://www.stopstreetharassment.org/2013/05/eustudy/

Meza-de Luna, M.-E., & Garcia-Falconi, S. (2015). Adolescent Street Harassment in Queretaro,

Mexico. SAGE, 158-169.

Mobley, S., & Johnson, J. (2015). The Role of HBCUs in Addressing the Unique Needs of

LGBT Students. NEW DIRECTIONS FOR HIGHER EDUCATION(170), 79-89.

doi:DOI: 10.1002/he.20133
Moone, R., Croghan, C., & Olson, A. (2016). Why and How Providers Must Build Culturally

Competent , Welcoming Practices to SErve LGBT Elders. Journal of the American

Society on Aging, 40(2), 73-77.

Narrain, A. (2014). BRAZIL, INDIA, SOUTH AFRICA: Transformative Constitutions and

Their Role in LGBT Struggles. SUR - INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON HUMAN

RIGHTS, 150-165.

Purdy, B. (2014, June 17). New Report Details Street Harassment Faced By Native Women,

Women and Men Across America. Retrieved from First Peoples Worldwide:

http://firstpeoples.org/wp/new-report-details-street-harassment-faced-by-native-women-

women-and-men-across-america/

QC cracks down on catcalls, other forms of harassment. (2016, April 9). Retrieved from Philstar

Global: http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/04/09/1571006/qc-cracks-down-

catcalls-other-forms-harassment

Rodriguez, F. (2016, March 8). The streets that haunt Filipino women. Retrieved from Rappler:

http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/124993-sexual-harassment-women-streets

Smith, J. A. (Ed.). (2015). Qualitative Psychology: A Practical Guide to Research Methods

(Third ed.). SAGE Publications Inc.

Strunk, K., & Takewell, W. (2014). LGBT Bias and Discrimination: Occurence, Outcomes, and

the Impact of Policy Change. Research Initiative on Social Justice in Education (RISE).
What is Street Harassment? (2015). Retrieved from Stop Street Harassment:

http://www.stopstreetharassment.org/about/what-is-street-harassment/
 APPENDIX A

Good day (insert name of referred participant), you have been recommended by (insert
name of the person who referred the participant) to be part of our study about street harassment
experiences of LGBT college students in Tacloban City.

The nature of the study will require an hour or less of participation in a one-on-one focus
interview with the researchers. Questions and clarifications before agreeing to participate will be
accommodated. Please notify the researchers as soon as possible if interested. It would be a great
pleasure to hear from you. Have a nice day!

APPENDIX B

Informed Consent Form

Purpose of the Study

This study intends to provide a better understanding of LGBT-identified people with their
experiences of street harassment
Methods of the Study
One-on-one focus interview with 6 to 10 respondents and lasting approximately an hour.
Respondent’s Understanding
• I understand that my participation is voluntary.
• I am aware that there are no risks associated in participating in the study.
• I understand that I will not be identified by name in the final paper. Any names mentioned will
be censored and omitted from the paper.
• I am aware that all records will be kept confidential in the secure possession of the researchers.
• I understand that I may withdraw from the study at any time with no adverse repercussions. In
the event I choose to withdraw from the study, all information I provide (including tapes) will be
destroyed and omitted from the final paper.
You are encouraged to ask questions or raise concerns at any time about the nature of the study
or the methods we are using. Our interview will be audio taped to help the researchers to
accurately capture your insights in your own words. The tapes will only be heard by the
researchers for the purpose of this study. If you feel uncomfortable with the recorder, you may
ask that it be turned off at any time.

By signing below, I acknowledge that I have read and understand the above information. I
am aware that I can discontinue my participation in the study at any time.

Respondent’s Signature over Printed Name: ___________________________

Date signed: _____________
Researcher:
APPENDIX C

1. What gender identity do you identify with?

Do people around you know your identified gender?

How do people treat you in relation to your gender identity?

2. Do you know what street harassment is about? What do you think about it?

3. Have you had a personal experience/s of street harassment or public transportation in

relation to your gender identity? Could you tell me a bit more about that?

4. How did the street harassment experience affect you in the long run?

5. How do you cope with your experience/s on street harassment?