9/14/2019 Hathor - Wikipedia

Hathor
Hathor (Ancient Egy ptian: ḥwt-ḥr "House of Horus", Greek: Άθώρ Hathōr) was a major goddess in ancient Egy ptian religion who play ed a wide v ariety of roles. As a sky deity , she was the mother or
Hathor
consort of the sky god Horus and the sun god Ra, both of whom were connected with kingship, and thus she was the sy mbolic mother of their earthly representativ es, the pharaohs. She was one of
sev eral goddesses who acted as the Ey e of Ra, Ra's feminine counterpart, and in this form she had a v engeful aspect that protected him from his enemies. Her beneficent side represented music, dance,
joy , lov e, sexuality and maternal care, and she acted as the consort of sev eral male deities and the mother of their sons. These two aspects of the goddess exemplified the Egy ptian conception of
femininity . Hathor crossed boundaries between worlds, helping deceased souls in the transition to the afterlife.

Hathor was often depicted as a cow, sy mbolizing her maternal and celestial aspect, although her most common form was a woman wearing a headdress of cow horns and a sun disk. She could also be
represented as a lioness, cobra, or sy camore tree.

Cattle goddesses similar to Hathor were portray ed in Egy ptian art in the fourth millennium BC, but she may not hav e appeared until the Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2181 BC). With the patronage of Old
Kingdom rulers she became one of Egy pt's most important deities. More temples were dedicated to her than to any other goddess; her most prominent temple was Dendera in Upper Egy pt. She was also
worshipped in the temples of her male consorts. The Egy ptians connected her with foreign lands such as Nubia and Canaan and their v aluable goods, such as incense and semiprecious stones, and some
of the peoples in those lands adopted her worship. In Egy pt, she was one of the deities commonly inv oked in priv ate pray ers and v otiv e offerings, particularly by women desiring children.

During the New Kingdom (c. 1550–107 0 BC), goddesses such as Mut and Isis encroached on Hathor's position in roy al ideology , but she remained one of the most widely worshipped deities. After the
end of the New Kingdom, Hathor was increasingly ov ershadowed by Isis, but she continued to be v enerated until the extinction of ancient Egy ptian religion in the early centuries AD.

Contents
Origins
Roles
Sky goddess
Solar goddess
Music, dance, and joy
Sexuality, beauty, and love
Motherhood and queenship
Foreign lands and goods
Afterlife Composite image of Hathor's most
common iconography, based partly
Iconography
on images from the tomb of
Worship
Nefertari
Relationship with royalty
Temples in Egypt Name in Egyptian: ḥwt-ḥr
Festivals hieroglyphs
Worship outside Egypt
[1]
Popular worship
Funerary practices Major cult Dendera, Memphis
See also center
Citations Consort Ra, Horus, Atum,
Works cited Amun, Khonsu
Further reading Offspring Horus the Child, Ihy,
External links Neferhotep
Parents Ra

Origins
Images of cattle appear frequently in the artwork of Predy nastic Egy pt (before c. 3100 BC), as do images of women with upraised, curv ed arms reminiscent of the shape of bov ine horns. Both ty pes of
imagery may represent goddesses connected with cattle. [2 ] Cows are v enerated in many cultures, including ancient Egy pt, as sy mbols of motherhood and nourishment, because they care for their
calv es and supply humans with milk. The Gerzeh Palette, a stone palette from the Naqada II period of prehistory (c. 3500–3200 BC), shows the silhouette of a cow's head with inward-curv ing horns
surrounded by stars. The palette suggests that this cow was also linked with the sky , as were sev eral goddesses from later times who were represented in this form: Hathor, Mehet-Weret, and Nut. [3 ]

Despite these early precedents, Hathor is not unambiguously mentioned or depicted until the Fourth Dy nasty (c. 2613–2494 BC) of the Old Kingdom, [4 ] although sev eral artifacts that refer to her may
date to the Early Dy nastic Period (c. 3100–2686 BC). [5 ] When Hathor does clearly appear, her horns curv e outward, rather than inward like those in Predy nastic art. A bov ine deity with inward-
curv ing horns appears on the Narmer Palette from near the start of Egy ptian history , both atop the palette and on the belt or apron of the king, Narmer. The Egy ptologist Henry George Fischer
suggested this deity may be Bat, a goddess who was later depicted with a woman's face and inward-curling antennae, seemingly reflecting the curv e of the cow horns. [6 ] The Egy ptologist Lana Troy ,
howev er, identifies a passage in the Pyramid Texts from the late Old Kingdom that connects Hathor with the "apron" of the king, reminiscent of the goddess on Narmer's garments, and suggests the
goddess on the Narmer Palette is Hathor rather than Bat. [4 ][7 ]

In the Fourth Dy nasty , Hathor rose rapidly to prominence. [8 ] She supplanted an early crocodile god who was worshipped at Dendera in Upper Egy pt to become Dendera's patron deity , and she
increasingly absorbed the cult of Bat in the neighboring region of Hu, so that in the Middle Kingdom (c. 2055–1650 BC) the two deities fused into one. [9 ] The theology surrounding the pharaoh in the
Old Kingdom, unlike that of earlier times, focused heav ily on the sun god Ra as king of the gods and father and patron of the earthly king. Hathor ascended with Ra and became his my thological wife, and
thus div ine mother of the pharaoh. [8 ]
Replica of the Narmer Palette, c.
31st century BC. The face of a
Roles woman with the horns and ears of a
cow, representing Hathor or Bat,
Hathor took many forms and appeared in a wide v ariety of roles. [1 0 ] The Egy ptologist Roby n Gillam suggests that these div erse forms emerged when the roy al goddess promoted by the Old Kingdom appears twice at the top of the
court subsumed many local goddesses worshipped by the general populace, who were then treated as manifestations of her. [1 1 ] Egy ptian texts often speak of the manifestations of the goddess as "Sev en palette and in a row below the belt of
Hathors"[1 0 ] or, less commonly , of many more Hathors—as many as 362. [1 2 ] For these reasons, Gillam calls her "a ty pe of deity rather than a single entity ". [1 1 ] Hathor's div ersity reflects the div ersity the king.

of traits that the Egy ptians associated with goddesses. More than any other deity , she exemplifies the Egy ptian perception of femininity . [1 3 ]

Sky goddess
Hathor was giv en the epithets "mistress of the sky " and "mistress of the stars", and was said to dwell in the sky with Ra and other sun deities. Egy ptians thought of the sky as a body of water through which the sun god sailed, and they connected it
with the waters from which, according to their creation my ths, the sun emerged at the beginning of time. This cosmic mother goddess was often represented as a cow. Hathor and Mehet-Weret were both thought of as the cow who birthed the
sun god and placed him between her horns. Like Nut, Hathor was said to giv e birth to the sun god each dawn. [1 4 ]

Hathor's Egy ptian name was ḥwt-ḥrw [1 5 ] or ḥwt-ḥr. [1 6 ] It is ty pically translated "house of Horus" but can also be rendered as "my house is the sky ". [1 7 ] The falcon god Horus represented, among other things, the sun and sky . The "house"
referred to may be the sky in which Horus liv es, or the goddess's womb from which he, as a sun god, is born each day . [1 8 ]

Solar goddess
Hathor was a solar deity , a feminine counterpart to sun gods such as Horus and Ra, and was a member of the div ine entourage that accompanied Ra as he sailed through the sky in his barque. [1 8 ] She was commonly called the "Golden One",
referring to the radiance of the sun, and texts from her temple at Dendera say "her ray s illuminate the whole earth."[1 9 ] She was sometimes fused with another goddess, Nebethetepet, whose name can mean "Lady of the Offering", "Lady of
Contentment", [2 0 ] or "Lady of the Vulv a". [2 1 ] At Ra's cult center of Heliopolis, Hathor-Nebethetepet was worshipped as his consort, [2 2 ] and the Egy ptologist Rudolf Anthes argued that Hathor's name referred to a my thical "house of Horus" at
Heliopolis that was connected with the ideology of kingship. [2 3 ]

She was one of many goddesses to take the role of the Ey e of Ra, a feminine personification of the disk of the sun and an extension of Ra's own power. Ra was sometimes portray ed inside the disk, which Troy interprets as meaning that the Ey e
goddess was thought of as a womb from which the sun god was born. Hathor's seemingly contradictory roles as mother, wife, and daughter of Ra reflected the daily cy cle of the sun. At sunset the god entered the body of the goddess,
impregnating her and fathering the deities born from her womb at sunrise: himself and the Ey e goddess, who would later giv e birth to him. Ra gav e rise to his daughter, the Ey e goddess, who in turn gav e rise to him, her son, in a cy cle of
constant regeneration. [2 4 ]

The Ey e of Ra protected the sun god from his enemies and was often represented as a uraeus, or rearing cobra, or as a lioness. [2 5 ] A form of the Ey e of Ra known as "Hathor of the Four Faces", represented by a set of four cobras, was said to face
in each of the cardinal directions to watch for threats to the sun god. [2 6 ] A group of my ths, known from the New Kingdom (c. 1550–107 0 BC) onward, describe what happens when the Ey e goddess rampages uncontrolled. In the funerary text
known as the Book of the Heavenly Cow, Ra sends Hathor as the Ey e of Ra to punish humans for plotting rebellion against his rule. She becomes the lioness goddess Sekhmet and massacres the rebellious humans, but Ra decides to prev ent her
from killing all humanity . He orders that beer be dy ed red and poured out ov er the land. The Ey e goddess drinks the beer, mistaking it for blood, and in her inebriated state rev erts to being the benign and beautiful Hathor. [2 7 ] Related to this
story is the my th of the Distant Goddess, from the Late and Ptolemaic periods. The Ey e goddess, sometimes in the form of Hathor, rebels against Ra's control and rampages freely in a foreign land: Liby a west of Egy pt or Nubia to the south.
Weakened by the loss of his Ey e, Ra sends another god, such as Thoth, to bring her back to him. [2 8 ] Once pacified, the goddess returns to become the consort of the sun god or of the god who brings her back. [2 9 ] The two aspects of the Ey e
goddess—v iolent and dangerous v ersus beautiful and joy ful—reflected the Egy ptian belief that women, as the Egy ptologist Caroly n Grav es-Brown puts it, "encompassed both extreme passions of fury and lov e."[2 7 ]

Music, dance, and joy

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Egy ptian religion celebrated the sensory pleasures of life, believ ed to be among the gods' gifts to humanity . Egy ptians ate, drank, danced, and play ed music at their
religious festiv als. They perfumed the air with flowers and incense. Many of Hathor's epithets link her to celebration; she is called the mistress of music, dance, garlands,
my rrh, and drunkenness. In hy mns and temple reliefs, musicians play tambourines, harps, ly res, and sistra in Hathor's honor. [3 1 ] The sistrum, a rattle-like instrument, was
particularly important in Hathor's worship. Sistra had erotic connotations and, by extension, alluded to the creation of new life. [3 2 ]

These aspects of Hathor were linked with the my th of the Ey e of Ra. The Ey e was pacified by beer in the story of the Destruction of Mankind. In some v ersions of the Distant
Goddess my th, the wandering Ey e's wildness abated when she was appeased with products of civ ilization like music, dance, and wine. The water of the annual inundation of
the Nile, colored red by sediment, was likened to wine, and to the red-dy ed beer in the Destruction of Mankind. Festiv als during the inundation therefore incorporated
drink, music, and dance as a way to appease the returning goddess. [3 3 ] A text from the Temple of Edfu say s of Hathor, "the gods play the sistrum for her, the goddesses
dance for her to dispel her bad temper."[3 4 ] A hy mn to the goddess Raet-Tawy as a form of Hathor at the temple of Medamud describes the Festiv al of Drunkenness as part
of her my thic return to Egy pt. [3 5 ] Women carry bouquets of flowers, drunken rev elers play drums, and people and animals from foreign lands dance for her as she enters
the temple's festiv al booth. The noise of the celebration driv es away hostile powers and ensures the goddess will remain in her joy ful form as she awaits the male god of the
temple, her my thological consort Montu, whose son she will bear. [3 6 ]

Banquet scene from the tomb chapel of Nebamun, 14th century BC.
Its imagery of music and dancing alludes to Hathor.[30]
Sexuality, beauty, and love
Hathor's joy ful, ecstatic side indicates her feminine, procreativ e power. In some creation my ths she helped produce the world itself. [3 7 ] Atum, a creator god who
contained all things within himself, was said to hav e produced his children Shu and Tefnut, and thus begun the process of creation, by masturbating. The hand he used for this act, the Hand of Atum, represented the female aspect of himself and
could be personified by Hathor, Nebethetepet, or another goddess, Iusaaset. [3 8 ] In a late creation my th from the Ptolemaic Period (332–30 BC), the god Khonsu is put in a central role, and Hathor is the goddess with whom Khonsu mates to
enable creation. [3 9 ]

Hathor could be the consort of many male gods, of whom Ra was only the most prominent. Mut was the usual consort of Amun, the preeminent deity during the New Kingdom who was often linked with Ra. But Mut was rarely portray ed
alongside Amun in contexts related to sex or fertility , and in those circumstances, Hathor or Isis stood at his side instead. [4 0 ] In the late periods of Egy ptian history , the form of Hathor from Dendera and the form of Horus from Edfu were
considered husband and wife [4 1 ] and in different v ersions of the my th of the Distant Goddess, Hathor-Raettawy was the consort of Montu[4 2 ] and Hathor-Tefnut the consort of Shu. [4 3 ]

Hathor's sexual side was seen in some short stories. In a cry ptic fragment of a Middle Kingdom story , known as "The Tale of the Herdsman", a herdsman encounters a hairy , animal-like goddess in a marsh and reacts with terror. On another day
he encounters her as a nude, alluring woman. Most Egy ptologists who study this story , think this woman is Hathor or a goddess like her, one who can be wild and dangerous or benign and erotic. Thomas Schneider interprets the text as
imply ing that between his two encounters with the goddess the herdsman has done something to pacify her. [4 4 ] In "The Contendings of Horus and Set", a New Kingdom short story about the dispute between those two gods, Ra is upset after
being insulted by another god, Babi, and lies on his back alone. After some time, Hathor exposes her genitals to Ra, making him laugh and get up again to perform his duties as ruler of the gods. Life and order were thought to be dependent on
Ra's activ ity , and the story implies that Hathor av erted the disastrous consequences of his idleness. Her act may hav e lifted Ra's spirits partly because it sexually aroused him, although why he laughed is not fully understood. [4 5 ]

Hathor was praised for her beautiful hair. Egy ptian literature contains allusions to a my th not clearly described in any surv iv ing texts, in which Hathor lost a lock of hair that represented her sexual allure. One text compares this loss with
Horus's loss of his div ine Ey e and Set's loss of his testicles during the struggle between the two gods, imply ing that the loss of Hathor's lock was as catastrophic for her as the maiming of Horus and Set was for them. [4 6 ]

Hathor was called "mistress of lov e", as an extension of her sexual aspect. In the series of lov e poems from Papy rus Chester Beatty I, from the Twentieth Dy nasty (c. 1189–107 7 BC), men and women ask Hathor to bring their lov ers to them: "I
pray ed to her [Hathor] and she heard my pray er. She destined my mistress [lov ed one] for me. And she came of her own free will to see me."[4 7 ]

Motherhood and queenship

Hathor was considered the mother of v arious child deities. As suggested by her name, she was often thought of as both Horus's mother and consort. [4 8 ] As both the king's wife and his heir's mother,
Hathor was the my thic counterpart of human queens. [1 5 ]

Isis and Osiris were considered Horus's parents in the Osiris my th as far back as the late Old Kingdom, but the relationship between Horus and Hathor may be older still. If so, Horus only came to be
linked with Isis and Osiris as the Osiris my th emerged during the Old Kingdom. [4 9 ] Ev en after Isis was firmly established as Horus's mother, Hathor continued to appear in this role, especially when
nursing the pharaoh. Images of the Hathor-cow with a child in a papy rus thicket represented her my thological upbringing in a secluded marsh. Goddesses' milk was a sign of div inity and roy al status.
Thus, images in which Hathor nurses the pharaoh represent his right to rule. [5 0 ] Hathor's relationship with Horus gav e a healing aspect to her character, as she was said to hav e restored Horus's missing
ey e or ey es after Set attacked him. [1 8 ] In the v ersion of this episode in "The Contendings of Horus and Set", Hathor finds Horus with his ey es torn out and heals the wounds with gazelle's milk. [5 1 ]

Beginning in the Late Period (664–323 BC), temples focused on the worship of a div ine family : an adult male deity , his wife, and their immature son. Satellite buildings, known as mammisis, were built in
celebration of the birth of the local child deity . The child god represented the cy clical renewal of the cosmos and an archety pal heir to the kingship. [5 2 ] Hathor was the mother in many of these local
Hathor as a cow suckling
triads of gods. At Dendera, the mature Horus of Edfu was the father and Hathor the mother, while their child was Ihy , a god whose name meant "sistrum-play er" and who personified the jubilation
Hatshepsut, a female pharaoh, at
associated with the instrument. [5 3 ] At Kom Ombo, Hathor's local form, Tasenetnofret, was mother to Horus's son Panebtawy . [5 4 ] Other children of Hathor included a minor deity from the town of Hu, Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-
named Neferhotep, [5 3 ] and sev eral child forms of Horus. [5 5 ] Bahari, 15th century BC

The milky sap of the sy camore tree, which the Egy ptians regarded as a sy mbol of life, became one of her sy mbols. [5 6 ] The milk was equated with water of the Nile inundation and thus fertility . [5 7 ] In
the late Ptolemaic and Roman Periods, many temples contained a creation my th that adapted long-standing ideas about creation. [5 8 ] The v ersion from Hathor's temple at Dendera emphasizes that she, as a female solar deity , was the first being
to emerge from the primordial waters that preceded creation, and her life-giv ing light and milk nourished all liv ing things. [5 9 ]

Like Meskhenet, another goddess who presided ov er birth, Hathor was connected with shai, the Egy ptian concept of fate, particularly when she took the form of the Sev en Hathors. In two New Kingdom works of fiction, "The Tale of Two
Brothers" and "The Tale of the Doomed Prince", the Hathors appear at the births of major characters and foretell the manner of their deaths. [6 0 ]

Hathor's maternal aspects can be compared with those of Isis and Mut, y et there are many contrasts between them. Isis's dev otion to her husband and care for their child represented a more socially acceptable form of lov e than Hathor's
uninhibited sexuality , [6 1 ] and Mut's character was more authoritativ e than sexual. [6 2 ] The text of the first century AD Papy rus Insinger likens a faithful wife, the mistress of a household, to Mut, while comparing Hathor to a strange woman
who tempts a married man. [6 2 ]

Foreign lands and goods

Egy pt maintained trade relations with the coastal cities of Sy ria and Canaan, particularly By blos, placing Egy ptian religion in contact with the religions of that region. [6 3 ] At some point, perhaps as early as the Old Kingdom, the Egy ptians began
to refer to the patron goddess of By blos, Baalat Gebal, as a local form of Hathor. [6 4 ] So strong was Hathor's link to By blos that texts from Dendera say she resided there. [6 5 ] The Egy ptians sometimes equated Anat, an aggressiv e Canaanite
goddess who came to be worshipped in Egy pt during the New Kingdom, with Hathor. [6 6 ] Some Canaanite artworks depict a nude goddess with a curling wig taken from Hathor's iconography . [6 7 ] Which goddess these images represent is not
known, but the Egy ptians adopted her iconography and came to regard her as an independent deity , Qetesh, [6 8 ] whom they associated with Hathor. [6 9 ]

Hathor's solar character may hav e play ed a role in linking her with trade: she was believ ed to protect ships on the Nile and in the seas bey ond Egy pt, as she protected the barque of Ra in the sky . [7 0 ] The my thological wandering of the Ey e
goddess in Nubia or Liby a gav e her a connection with those lands as well. [7 1 ]

Hathor was closely connected with the Sinai Peninsula, [7 2 ] which was not considered part of Egy pt proper but was the site of Egy ptian mines for copper, turquoise, and malachite during the Middle and New Kingdoms. [7 3 ] One of Hathor's
epithets, "Lady of Mefkat", may hav e referred specifically to turquoise or to all blue-green minerals. She was also called "Lady of Faience", a blue-green ceramic that Egy ptians likened to turquoise. [7 4 ][7 5 ] Hathor was also worshipped at
v arious quarries and mining sites in Egy pt's Eastern Desert, such as the amethy st mines of Wadi el-Hudi, where she was sometimes called "Lady of Amethy st". [7 6 ]

South of Egy pt, Hathor's influence was thought to hav e extended ov er the land of Punt, which lay along the Red Sea coast and was a major source for the incense with which Hathor was linked, as well as with Nubia, northwest of Punt. [7 0 ] The
autobiography of Harkhuf, an official in the Sixth Dy nasty (c. 2345–2181 BC), describes his expedition to a land in or near Nubia, from which he brought back great quantities of ebony , panther skins, and incense for the king. The text describes
these exotic goods as Hathor's gift to the pharaoh. [7 2 ] Egy ptian expeditions to mine gold in Nubia introduced her cult to the region during the Middle and New Kingdoms, [7 7 ] and New Kingdom pharaohs built sev eral temples to her in the
portions of Nubia that they ruled. [7 8 ]

Afterlife
Hathor was one of sev eral goddesses believ ed to assist deceased souls in the afterlife. [7 9 ] One of these was Imentet, the goddess of the west, who personified the necropolises, or clusters of tombs, on the west
bank of the Nile, and the realm of the afterlife itself. She was often regarded as a specialized manifestation of Hathor. [8 0 ]

Just as she crossed the boundary between Egy pt and foreign lands, Hathor passed through the boundary between the liv ing and the Duat, the realm of the dead. [8 1 ] She helped the spirits of deceased humans
enter the Duat and was closely linked with tomb sites, where that transition began. [8 2 ] The Theban necropolis, for example, was often portray ed as a sty lized mountain with the cow of Hathor emerging from
it. [8 3 ] Her role as a sky goddess was also linked to the afterlife. Because the sky goddess—either Nut or Hathor—assisted Ra in his daily rebirth, she had an important part in Egy ptian afterlife beliefs, according
to which deceased humans were reborn like the sun god. [8 4 ] Coffins, tombs, and the underworld itself were interpreted as the womb of this goddess, from which the deceased soul would be reborn. [8 5 ][8 6 ]

Nut, Hathor, and Imentet could each, in different texts, lead the deceased into a place where they would receiv e food and drink for eternal sustenance. Thus, Hathor, as Imentet, often appears on tombs,
welcoming the deceased person as her child into a blissful afterlife. [8 7 ] In New Kingdom funerary texts and artwork, the afterlife was often illustrated as a pleasant, fertile garden, ov er which Hathor sometimes
presided. [8 8 ] The welcoming afterlife goddess was often portray ed as a goddess in the form of a tree, giv ing water to the deceased. Nut most commonly filled this role, but the tree goddess was sometimes called
Hathor instead. [8 9 ]

The afterlife also had a sexual aspect. In the Osiris my th, the murdered god Osiris was resurrected when he copulated with Isis and conceiv ed Horus. In solar ideology , Ra's union with the sky goddess allowed
his own rebirth. Sex therefore enabled the rebirth of the deceased, and goddesses like Isis and Hathor serv ed to rouse the deceased to new life. But they merely stimulated the male deities' regenerativ e powers,
rather than play ing the central role. [9 0 ]
Hathor, in bovine form,
emerges from a hill
Ancient Egy ptians prefixed the names of the deceased with Osiris's name to connect them with his resurrection. For example, a woman named Henutmehy t would be dubbed "Osiris-Henutmehy t". Ov er time
representing the Theban
they increasingly associated the deceased with both male and female div ine powers. [9 1 ] As early as the late Old Kingdom, women were sometimes said to join the worshippers of Hathor in the afterlife, just as
necropolis, in a copy of the
men joined the following of Osiris. In the Third Intermediate Period (c. 107 0–664 BC), Egy ptians began to add Hathor's name to that of deceased women in place of that of Osiris. In some cases, women were Book of the Dead from the
called "Osiris-Hathor", indicating that they benefited from the rev iv ify ing power of both deities. In these late periods, Hathor was sometimes said to rule the afterlife as Osiris did. [9 2 ] 13th century BC

Iconography
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Hathor was often depicted as a cow bearing the sun disk between her horns, especially when shown nursing the king. She could also appear as a woman with the head of a cow. Her most common form, howev er, was a woman wearing a
headdress of the horns and sun disk, often with a red or turquoise sheath dress, or a dress combining both colors. Sometimes the horns stood atop a low modius or the v ulture headdress that Egy ptian queens often wore in the New Kingdom.
Because Isis adopted the same headdress during the New Kingdom, the two goddesses can be distinguished only if labeled in writing. When in the role of Imentet, Hathor wore the emblem of the west upon her head instead of the horned
headdress. [9 3 ] The Sev en Hathors were sometimes portray ed as a set of sev en cows, accompanied by a minor sky and afterlife deity called the Bull of the West. [9 4 ]

Some animals other than cattle could represent Hathor. The uraeus was a common motif in Egy ptian art and could represent a v ariety of goddesses who were identified with the Ey e of Ra. [9 5 ] When Hathor was depicted as a uraeus, it
represented the ferocious and protectiv e aspects of her character. She also appeared as a lioness, and this form had a similar meaning. [9 6 ] In contrast, the domestic cat, which was sometimes connected with Hathor, often represented the Ey e
goddess's pacified form. [9 7 ] When portray ed as a sy camore tree, Hathor was usually shown with the upper body of her human form emerging from the trunk. [9 8 ]

Like other goddesses, Hathor might carry a stalk of papy rus as a staff, though she could instead hold a was staff, a sy mbol of power that was usually restricted to male deities. [7 5 ] The only goddesses who used the was were those, like Hathor,
who were linked with the Ey e of Ra. [9 9 ] She also commonly carried a sistrum or a menat necklace. The sistrum came in two v arieties: a simple loop shape or the more complex naos sistrum, which was shaped to resemble a naos shrine and
flanked by v olutes resembling the antennae of the Bat emblem. [1 0 0 ] The menat necklace, made up of many strands of beads, was shaken in ceremonies in Hathor's honor, similarly to the sistrum. [7 2 ] Images of it were sometimes seen as
personifications of Hathor herself. [1 0 1 ] Mirrors were another of her sy mbols, because in Egy pt they were often made of gold or bronze and therefore sy mbolized the sun disk, and because they were connected with beauty and femininity . Some
mirror handles were made in the shape of Hathor's face. [1 0 2 ]

Hathor was sometimes represented as a human face with bov ine ears, seen from the front rather than in the profile-based perspectiv e that was ty pical of Egy ptian art. When she appears in this form, the tresses on either side of her face often
curl into loops. This mask-like face was placed on the capitals of columns beginning in the late Old Kingdom. Columns of this sty le were used in many temples to Hathor and other goddesses. [1 0 3 ] These columns hav e two or four faces, which
may represent the duality between different aspects of the goddess or the watchfulness of Hathor of the Four Faces. The designs of Hathoric columns hav e a complex relationship with those of sistra. Both sty les of sistrum can bear the Hathor
mask on the handle, and Hathoric columns often incorporate the naos sistrum shape abov e the goddess's head. [1 0 0 ]

Amulet of Hathor as a uraeus wearing Sistrum handle bearing the face of Menat necklace, 14th century BC Mirror with Hathor's face on the handle, Column with Hathor's face, topped by a
a naos headdress, early to mid-first Hathor with a curling wig, 16th to 14th 15th century BC naos with two uraei, at the Mortuary
millennium BC century BC Temple of Hatshepsut, 15th century BC

Worship

Relationship with royalty

During the Early Dy nastic Period, Neith was the preeminent goddess at the roy al court, [1 0 4 ] while in the Fourth Dy nasty , Hathor became the goddess most closely linked with the king. [6 3 ] The later
dy nasty 's founder, Sneferu, may hav e built a temple to her, and a daughter of Djedefra was her first recorded priestess. [1 0 5 ] Old Kingdom rulers donated resources only to temples dedicated to
particular kings or to deities closely connected with kingship. Hathor was one of the few deities to receiv e such donations. [1 0 6 ] Late Old Kingdom rulers especially promoted the cult of Hathor in the
prov inces, as a way of binding those regions to the roy al court. She may hav e absorbed the traits of contemporary prov incial goddesses. [1 0 7 ]

Many female roy als, though not reigning queens, held positions in the cult during the Old Kingdom. [1 0 8 ] Mentuhotep II, who became the first pharaoh of the Middle Kingdom despite hav ing no relation
to the Old Kingdom rulers, sought to legitimize his rule by portray ing himself as Hathor's son. The first images of the Hathor-cow suckling the king date to his reign, and sev eral priestesses of Hathor
were depicted as though they were his wiv es, although he may not hav e actually married them. [1 0 9 ][1 1 0 ] In the course of the Middle Kingdom, queens were increasingly seen as directly embody ing the
goddess, just as the king embodied Ra. [1 1 1 ] The emphasis on the queen as Hathor continued through the New Kingdom. Queens were portray ed with the headdress of Hathor beginning in the late
Eighteenth Dy nasty . An image of the sed festiv al of Amenhotep III, meant to celebrate and renew his rule, shows the king together with Hathor and his queen Tiy e, which could mean that the king
sy mbolically married the goddess in the course of the festiv al. [1 1 2 ]

Hatshepsut, a woman who ruled as a pharaoh in the early New Kingdom, emphasized her relationship to Hathor in a different way . [1 1 3 ] She used names and titles that linked her to a v ariety of
goddesses, including Hathor, so as to legitimize her rule in what was normally a male position. [1 1 4 ] She built sev eral temples to Hathor and placed her own mortuary temple, which incorporated a
chapel dedicated to the goddess, at Deir el-Bahari, which had been a cult site of Hathor since the Middle Kingdom. [1 1 3 ]

The preeminence of Amun during the New Kingdom gav e greater v isibility to his consort Mut, and in the course of the period, Isis began appearing in roles that traditionally belonged to Hathor alone,
Copy of a statue of Hathor (center)
such as that of the goddess in the solar barque. Despite the growing prominence of these deities, Hathor remained important, particularly in relation to fertility , sexuality , and queenship, throughout with a goddess personifying the
the New Kingdom. [1 1 5 ] Fifteenth Nome of Upper Egypt (left)
and the Fourth Dynasty king
After the New Kingdom, Isis increasingly ov ershadowed Hathor and other goddesses as she took on their characteristics. [1 1 6 ] In the Ptolemaic period (305–30 BC), when Greeks gov erned Egy pt and Menkaure (right); 26th century BC
their religion dev eloped a complex relationship with that of Egy pt, the Ptolemaic dy nasty adopted and modified the Egy ptian ideology of kingship. Beginning with Arsinoe II, wife of Ptolemy II, the
Ptolemies closely linked their queens with Isis and with sev eral Greek goddesses, particularly their own goddess of lov e and sexuality , Aphrodite. [1 1 7 ] Nev ertheless, when the Greeks referred to
Egy ptian gods by the names of their own gods (a practice called interpretatio Graeca), they sometimes called Hathor Aphrodite. [1 1 8 ] Traits of Isis, Hathor, and Aphrodite were all combined to justify the treatment of Ptolemaic queens as
goddesses. Thus, the poet Callimachus alluded to the my th of Hathor's lost lock of hair when praising Berenice II for sacrificing her own hair to Aphrodite, [4 6 ] and iconographic traits that Isis and Hathor shared, such as the bov ine horns and
v ulture headdress, appeared on images portray ing Ptolemaic queens as Aphrodite. [1 1 9 ]

Temples in Egypt
More temples were dedicated to Hathor than to any other Egy ptian goddess. [8 1 ] During the Old Kingdom her most important center of worship was in the region of Memphis, where "Hathor of the Sy comore"
was worshipped at many sites throughout the Memphite Necropolis. During the New Kingdom era, the temple of Hathor of the Southern Sy comore was her main temple in Memphis. [1 2 0 ] At that site she was
described as the daughter of the city 's main deity , Ptah. [8 4 ] The cult of Ra and Atum at Heliopolis, northeast of Memphis, included a temple to Hathor-Nebethetepet that was probably built in the Middle
Kingdom. A willow and a sy comore tree stood near the sanctuary and may hav e been worshipped as manifestations of the goddess. [2 2 ] A few cities farther north in the Nile Delta, such as Y amu and Terenuthis,
also had temples to her. [1 2 1 ]

As the rulers of the Old Kingdom made an effort to dev elop towns in Upper and Middle Egy pt, sev eral cult centers of Hathor were founded across the region, at sites such as Cusae, Akhmim, and Naga ed-
Der. [1 2 2 ] In the First Intermediate Period (c. 2181–2055) her cult statue from Dendera was periodically carried to the Theban necropolis. During the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, Mentuhotep II
established a permanent cult center for her in the necropolis at Deir el-Bahari. [1 2 3 ] The nearby v illage of Deir el-Medina, home to the tomb workers of the necropolis during the New Kingdom, also contained
temples of Hathor. One continued to function and was periodically rebuilt as late as the Ptolemaic Period, centuries after the v illage was abandoned. [1 2 4 ]

Dendera, Hathor's oldest temple in Upper Egy pt, dates to at least to the Fourth Dy nasty . [1 2 5 ] After the end of the Old Kingdom it surpassed her Memphite temples in importance. [1 2 6 ] Many kings made
additions to the temple complex through Egy ptian history . The last v ersion of the temple was built in the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods and is today one of the best-preserv ed Egy ptian temples from that
time. [1 2 7 ]

In the Old Kingdom, most priests of Hathor, including the highest ranks, were women. Many of these women were members of the roy al family . [1 2 8 ] In the course of the Middle Kingdom, women were
increasingly excluded from the highest priestly positions, at the same time that queens were becoming more closely tied to Hathor's cult. Thus, non-roy al women disappeared from the high ranks of Hathor's Hypostyle hall of the Temple
priesthood, [1 2 9 ] although women continued to serv e as musicians and singers in temple cults across Egy pt. [1 3 0 ] of Hathor at Dendera, first
century AD
The most frequent temple rite for any deity was the daily offering ritual, in which the cult image, or statue, of a deity would be clothed and giv en food. [1 3 1 ] The daily ritual was largely the same in ev ery
Egy ptian temple, [1 3 1 ] although the goods giv en as offerings could v ary according to which deity receiv ed them. [1 3 2 ] Wine and beer were common offerings in all temples, but especially in rituals in Hathor's
honor, [1 3 3 ] and she and the goddesses related to her often receiv ed sistra and menat necklaces. [1 3 2 ] In Late and Ptolemaic times, they were also offered a pair of mirrors, representing the sun and the moon. [1 3 4 ]

Festivals
Many of Hathor's annual festiv als were celebrated with drinking and dancing that serv ed a ritual purpose. Rev elers at these festiv als may hav e aimed to reach a state of religious ecstasy , which was otherwise rare or nonexistent in ancient
Egy ptian religion. Grav es-Brown suggests that celebrants in Hathor's festiv als aimed to reach an altered state of consciousness to allow them interact with the div ine realm. [1 3 5 ] An example is the Festiv al of Drunkenness, commemorating the
return of the Ey e of Ra, which was celebrated on the twentieth day of the month of Thout at temples to Hathor and to other Ey e goddesses. It was celebrated as early as the Middle Kingdom, but it is best known from Ptolemaic and Roman
times. [1 3 5 ] The dancing, eating and drinking that took place during the Festiv al of Drunkenness represented the opposite of the sorrow, hunger, and thirst that the Egy ptians associated with death. Whereas the rampages of the Ey e of Ra
brought death to humans, the Festiv al of Drunkenness celebrated life, abundance, and joy . [1 3 6 ]

In a local Theban festiv al known as the Beautiful Festiv al of the Valley , which began to be celebrated in the Middle Kingdom, the cult image of Amun from the Temple of Karnak v isited the temples in the Theban Necropolis while members of the
community went to the tombs of their deceased relativ es to drink, eat, and celebrate. [1 3 7 ] Hathor was not inv olv ed in this festiv al until the early New Kingdom, [1 3 8 ] after which Amun's ov ernight stay in the temples at Deir el-Bahari came to
be seen as his sexual union with her. [1 3 9 ]

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Sev eral temples in Ptolemaic times, including that of Dendera, observ ed the Egy ptian new y ear with a series of ceremonies in which images of the temple deity were supposed to be rev italized by contact with the sun god. On the day s leading up
to the new y ear, Dendera's statue of Hathor was taken to the wabet, a specialized room in the temple, and placed under a ceiling decorated with images of the sky and sun. On the first day of the new y ear, the first day of the month of Thoth, the
Hathor image was carried up to the roof to be bathed in genuine sunlight. [1 4 0 ]

The best-documented festiv al focused on Hathor is another Ptolemaic celebration, the Festiv al of the Beautiful Reunion. It took place ov er fourteen day s in the month of Epiphi. [1 4 1 ][1 4 2 ] Hathor's cult image from Dendera was carried by boat
to sev eral temple sites to v isit the gods of those temples. The endpoint of the journey was the Temple of Horus at Edfu, where the Hathor statue from Dendera met that of Horus of Edfu and the two were placed together. [1 4 3 ] On one day of the
festiv al, these images were carried out to a shrine where primordial deities such as the sun god and the Ennead were said to be buried. The texts say the div ine couple performed offering rites for these entombed gods. [1 4 4 ] Many Egy ptologists
regard this festiv al as a ritual marriage between Horus and Hathor, although Martin Stadler challenges this v iew, arguing that it instead represented the rejuv enation of the buried creator gods. [1 4 5 ] C. J. Bleeker thought the Beautiful Reunion
was another celebration of the return of the Distant Goddess, citing allusions in the temple's festiv al texts to the my th of the solar ey e. [1 4 6 ] Barbara Richter argues that the festiv al represented all three things at once. She points out that the
birth of Horus and Hathor's son Ihy was celebrated at Dendera nine months after the Festiv al of the Beautiful Reunion, imply ing that Hathor's v isit to Horus represented Ihy 's conception. [1 4 7 ]

The third month of the Egy ptian calendar, Hathor or Athy r, was named for the goddess. Festiv ities in her honor took place throughout the month, although they are not recorded in the texts from Dendera. [1 4 8 ]

Worship outside Egypt

Egy ptian kings as early as the Old Kingdom donated goods to the temple of Baalat Gebal in By blos, using the sy ncretism of Baalat with Hathor to cement their close trading relationship with By blos. [1 4 9 ] A
temple to Hathor as Lady of By blos was built during the reign of Thutmose III, although it may simply hav e been a shrine within the temple of Baalat. [1 5 0 ] After the breakdown of the New Kingdom, Hathor's
prominence in By blos diminished along with Egy pt's trade links to the city . A few artifacts from the early first millennium BC suggest that the Egy ptians began equating Baalat with Isis at that time. [1 5 1 ] A my th
about Isis's presence in By blos, related by the Greek author Plutarch in his work On Isis and Osiris in the 2nd century AD, suggests that by his time Isis had entirely supplanted Hathor in the city . [1 5 2 ]

Egy ptians in the Sinai built a few temples in the region. The largest was a complex dedicated primarily to Hathor as patroness of mining at Serabit el-Khadim, on the west side of the peninsula. [1 5 3 ] It was
occupied from the middle of the Middle Kingdom to near the end of the New. [1 5 4 ] The Timna Valley , on the fringes of the Egy ptian empire on the east side of the peninsula, was the site of seasonal mining
expeditions during the New Kingdom. It included a shrine to Hathor that was probably deserted during the off-season. The local Midianites, whom the Egy ptians used as part of the mining workforce, may hav e
giv en offerings to Hathor as their ov erseers did. After the Egy ptians abandoned the site in the Twentieth Dy nasty , howev er, the Midianites conv erted the shrine to a tent shrine dev oted to their own
deities. [1 5 5 ]

In contrast, the Nubians in the south fully incorporated Hathor into their religion. During the New Kingdom, when most of Nubia was under Egy ptian control, pharaohs dedicated sev eral temples in Nubia to
Hathor, such as those at Faras and Mirgissa. [7 8 ] Amenhotep III and Ramesses II both built temples in Nubia that celebrated their respectiv e queens as manifestations of female deities, including Hathor:
Amenhotep's wife Tiy e at Sedeinga[1 5 6 ] and Ramesses's wife Nefertari at the Small Temple of Abu Simbel. [1 5 7 ] The independent Kingdom of Kush, which emerged in Nubia after the collapse of the New
Remains of the Hathor
Kingdom, based its beliefs about Kushite kings on the roy al ideology of Egy pt. Therefore, Hathor, Isis, Mut, and Nut were all seen as the my thological mother of each Kushite king and equated with his female shrine in the Timna Valley
relativ es, such as the kandake, the Kushite queen or queen mother, who had prominent roles in Kushite religion. [1 5 8 ] At Jebel Barkal, a site sacred to Amun, the Kushite king Taharqa built a pair of temples,
one dedicated to Hathor and one to Mut as consorts of Amun, replacing New Kingdom Egy ptian temples that may hav e been dedicated to these same goddesses. [1 5 9 ] But Isis was the most prominent of the
Egy ptian goddesses worshipped in Nubia, and her status there increased ov er time. Thus, in the Meroitic period of Nubian history (c. 300 BC – AD 400), Hathor appeared in temples mainly as a companion to Isis. [1 6 0 ]

Popular worship
In addition to formal and public rituals at temples, Egy ptians priv ately worshipped deities for personal reasons, including at their homes. Birth was hazardous for both mother and child in ancient
Egy pt, y et children were much desired. Thus fertility and safe childbirth are among the most prominent concerns in their popular religion, and fertility deities such as Hathor and Taweret were
commonly worshipped in household shrines. Egy ptian women squatted on bricks while giv ing birth, and the only known surv iv ing birth brick from ancient Egy pt is decorated with an image of a woman
holding her child flanked by images of Hathor. [1 6 1 ] In Roman times, terracotta figurines, sometimes found in a domestic context, depicted a woman with an elaborate headdress exposing her genitals,
as Hathor did to cheer up Ra. [1 6 2 ] The meaning of these figurines is not known, [1 6 3 ] but they are often thought to represent Hathor or Isis combined with Aphrodite making a gesture that represented
fertility or protection against ev il. [1 6 2 ]

Hathor was one of a handful of deities, including Amun, Ptah, and Thoth, who were commonly pray ed to for help with personal problems. [1 6 4 ] Many Egy ptians left offerings at temples or small shrines
dedicated to the gods they pray ed to. Most offerings to Hathor were used for their sy mbolism, not for their intrinsic v alue. Cloths painted with images of Hathor were common, as were plaques and Ptolemaic plaque of a woman giving
figurines depicting her animal forms. Different ty pes of offerings may hav e sy mbolized different goals on the part of the donor, but their meaning is usually unknown. Images of Hathor alluded to her birth assisted by two figures of
my thical roles, like depictions of the maternal cow in the marsh. [1 6 5 ] Offerings of sistra may hav e been meant to appease the goddess's dangerous aspects and bring out her positiv e ones, [1 6 6 ] while Hathor, fourth to first century BC
phalli represented a pray er for fertility , as shown by an inscription found on one example. [1 6 7 ]

Some Egy ptians also left written pray ers to Hathor, inscribed on stelae or written as graffiti. [1 6 4 ] Pray ers to some deities, such as Amun, show that they were thought to punish wrongdoers and heal people who repented for their misbehav ior.
In contrast, pray ers to Hathor mention only the benefits she could grant, such as abundant food during life and a well-prov isioned burial after death. [1 6 8 ]

Funerary practices
As an afterlife deity , Hathor appeared frequently in funerary texts and art. In the early New Kingdom, for instance, Osiris, Anubis, and Hathor were the three deities most commonly found in roy al tomb
decoration. [1 6 9 ] In that period she often appeared as the goddess welcoming the dead into the afterlife. [1 7 0 ] Other images referred to her more obliquely . Reliefs in Old Kingdom tombs show men and women
performing a ritual called "shaking the papy rus". The significance of this rite is not known, but inscriptions sometimes say it was performed "for Hathor", and shaking papy rus stalks produces a rustling sound
that may hav e been likened to the rattling of a sistrum. [1 7 1 ] Other Hathoric imagery in tombs included the cow emerging from the mountain of the necropolis[8 3 ] and the seated figure of the goddess presiding
ov er a garden in the afterlife. [8 8 ] Images of Nut were often painted or incised inside coffins, indicating that the coffin was her womb, from which the occupant would be reborn in the afterlife. In the Third
Intermediate Period, Hathor began to be placed on the floor of the coffin, with Nut on the interior of the lid. [8 6 ]

Tomb art from the Eighteenth Dy nasty often shows people drinking, dancing, and play ing music, as well as holding menat necklaces and sistra—all imagery that alluded to Hathor. These images may represent
priv ate feasts that were celebrated in front of tombs to commemorate the people buried there, or they may show gatherings at temple festiv als such as the Beautiful Festiv al of the Valley . [1 7 2 ] Festiv als were
thought to allow contact between the human and div ine realms, and by extension, between the liv ing and the dead. Thus, texts from tombs often expressed a wish that the deceased would be able to participate
in festiv als, primarily those dedicated to Osiris. [1 7 3 ] Tombs' festiv al imagery , howev er, may refer to festiv als inv olv ing Hathor, such as the Festiv al of Drunkenness, or to the priv ate feasts, which were also
closely connected with her. Drinking and dancing at these feasts may hav e been meant to intoxicate the celebrants, as at the Festiv al of Drunkenness, allowing them to commune with the spirits of the
deceased. [1 7 2 ]

Hathor was said to supply offerings to deceased people as early as the Old Kingdom, and spells to enable both men and women to join her retinue in the afterlife appeared as early as the Coffin Texts in the
Middle Kingdom. [9 2 ] Some burial goods that portray deceased women as goddesses may depict these women as followers of Hathor, although whether the imagery refers to Hathor or Isis is not known. The link
between Hathor and deceased women was maintained into the Roman Period, the last stage of ancient Egy ptian religion before its extinction. [1 7 4 ]

Hathor welcoming Seti I into

See also the afterlife, 13th century BC

Auðumbla, a primeval cow in Norse mythology

Citations
1. Hart 2005, p. 61 28. Pinch 2004, pp. 71–74 55. Hart 2005, p. 71
2. Hassan 1992, p. 15 29. Pinch 2004, p. 130 56. Roberts 2000, pp. 26–27
3. Lesko 1999, pp. 15–17 30. Harrington 2016, pp. 132–134 57. Richter 2016, pp. 179–182
4. Wilkinson 1999, pp. 244–245 31. Finnestad 1999, pp. 113–115 58. McClain 2011, pp. 3–6
5. Gillam 1995, p. 214 32. Manniche 2010, pp. 13–14, 16–17 59. Richter 2016, pp. 169–172, 185
6. Fischer 1962, pp. 11–14 33. Poo 2009, pp. 153–157 60. Hoffmeier 2001, pp. 507–508
7. Troy 1986, p. 54 34. Bleeker 1973, p. 57 61. Griffiths 2001, p. 189
8. Lesko 1999, pp. 81–83 35. Darnell 1995, p. 48 62. te Velde 2001, p. 455
9. Fischer 1962, pp. 7, 14–15 36. Darnell 1995, pp. 54, 62, 91–94 63. Hollis 2009, p. 2
10. Wilkinson 2003, pp. 77, 145 37. Pinch 2004, p. 138 64. Espinel 2002, pp. 117–119
11. Gillam 1995, pp. 217–218 38. Wilkinson 2003, pp. 99, 141 65. Wilkinson 2003, p. 139
12. Bleeker 1973, pp. 71–72 39. Cruz-Uribe 1994, pp. 185, 187–188 66. Wilkinson 2003, p. 137
13. Troy 1986, pp. 53–54 40. Wilkinson 2003, p. 155 67. Cornelius 2004, p. 45
14. Bleeker 1973, pp. 31–34, 46–47 41. Lesko 1999, p. 127 68. Cornelius 2004, pp. 96–97
15. Graves-Brown 2010, p. 130 42. Darnell 1995, pp. 47, 69 69. Hart 2005, p. 132
16. Billing 2004, p. 39 43. Pinch 2004, p. 197 70. Bleeker 1973, pp. 72–74
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20. Wilkinson 2003, p. 156 47. Bleeker 1973, pp. 40–41 74. Pinch 1993, pp. 49–50
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26. Ritner 1990, p. 39 53. Wilkinson 2003, pp. 132–133 80. Wilkinson 2003, pp. 145–146
27. Graves-Brown 2010, pp. 169–170 54. Wilkinson 2003, pp. 123, 168 81. Graves-Brown 2010, p. 166

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82. Meeks & Favard-Meeks 1996, pp. 88, 164 113. Lesko 1999, pp. 105–107 144. Verner 2013, pp. 437–439
83. Pinch 1993, pp. 179–180 114. Robins 1999, pp. 107–112 145. Stadler 2008, pp. 4–6
84. Vischak 2001, p. 82 115. Lesko 1999, pp. 119–120, 178–179 146. Bleeker 1973, pp. 98–101
85. Assmann 2005, pp. 170–173 116. Lesko 1999, p. 129 147. Richter 2016, pp. 4, 202–205
86. Lesko 1999, pp. 39–40, 110 117. Selden 1998, pp. 312, 339 148. Verner 2013, p. 43
87. Assmann 2005, pp. 152–154, 170–173 118. Wilkinson 2003, p. 141 149. Espinel 2002, pp. 116–118
88. Billing 2004, pp. 42–43 119. Cheshire 2007, pp. 157–163 150. Traunecker 2001, p. 110
89. Billing 2004, pp. 37–38 120. Gillam 1995, pp. 219–221 151. Zernecke 2013, pp. 227–230
90. Cooney 2010, pp. 227–229 121. Wilkinson 2000, pp. 108, 111 152. Hollis 2009, pp. 4–5
91. Cooney 2010, pp. 227–229, 235–236 122. Gillam 1995, pp. 226, 229 153. Wilkinson 2000, pp. 238–239
92. Smith 2017, pp. 251–254 123. Goedicke 1991, pp. 245, 252 154. Pinch 1993, pp. 55–57
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94. Wilkinson 2003, pp. 77, 175 125. Gillam 1995, p. 227 156. Morkot 2012, pp. 325–326
95. Pinch 2004, pp. 198–199 126. Vischak 2001, p. 83 157. Fisher 2012, pp. 357–358
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Further reading
Allam, Schafik (1963). Beiträge zum Hathork ult (bis zum Ende des mittleren Reiches) (in German). Verlag Bruno Hessling. OCLC 557461557 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/557461557).
Derchain, Philippe (1972). Hathor Quadrifrons (in French). Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten. OCLC 917056815 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/917056815).
Hornung, Erik (1997). Der ägyptische Mythos von der Himmelsk uh, 2d ed (in German). Vandehoeck & Ruprecht. ISBN 978-3525537374.
Posener, Georges (1986). "La légende de la tresse d'Hathor". In Lesko, Leonard H. (ed.). Egyptological Studies in Honour of Richard A. Park er (in French). Brown. pp. 111–117. ISBN 978-0874513219.
Vandier, Jacques (1964–1966). "Iousâas et (Hathor)-Nébet-Hétépet". Revue d'Égyptologie (in French). 16–18.

External links
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