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Learning & Achievement, CYPD
Why are Protestants and Catholics willing to share power in Northern Ireland now and not earlier?
An exercise in classifying & summarising
Nigel Duckworth, Montgomery High School Language College Marian McQueen, CYPD & Phil Wright, Palatine Community Sports College
Contents About this unit: Guidance for teachers About the key question Lesson plans L1. Then & now - spot the differences L2. How did we get from then to now? L3. Where do we go from here? Resources L1. Then & now collages L2. Cards for sorting L3. Sources for activity 3 Worksheet for plenary: What & how have we learned? Notes for teachers Collages Attempts at peace Good Friday Agreement: optimism & pessimism (mindmap) Good Friday Agreement: meeting the challenges (mindmap) Timeline
Independent Monitoring Commission: 15th report, April 2007 Trouble in store: sectarianism among the young?
About this unit
Place in Pilot Scheme This unit of work, which explores the reasons why Protestants and Catholics are willing to share power in Northern Ireland now and not earlier, brings our suite of materials to a natural conclusion. The focus throughout has been on exemplifying thinking skills activities from the Secondary National Strategy through the context of themes and stories which link Ireland with the rest of Britain. Activities used so far have included: • • • • Advance organiser Audience and purpose Collective memory Fortune line • Mystery • Reading images • Relational diagrams
In the final unit we will be revisiting ‘Reading images’ and ‘Relational diagrams’, while introducing the use of ‘Classifying’ and ‘Summarising’. Level of thinking & metacognitive skills As it comes at the end of a unit of study, it is assumed that students will have developed their thinking and metacognitive skills to a relatively sophisticated level. By the end of the third lesson, which is given over to evaluation, students will be expected, through extensive use of source material, to demonstrate informed speculation and construct an argument. This is thinking at the upper levels of Bloom’s taxonomy, and these are the skills which will be required at GCSE. This unit, therefore, is designed to help prepare for the study of history at Key Stage 4. The lessons Many teachers will be familiar with the ‘5W’s’ technique for reading images in the first lesson, while a Venn Diagram enables comparison of ‘then’ and ‘now. The sources for Lesson 2 are deliberately chosen to allow for a range of classifying criteria. Students should, as far as possible, be left to explore their own patterns, but teachers will use their own professional judgement to decide when, and how frequently, to intervene. As ever, students will be expected to work collaboratively and justify their thinking through the metacognitive process. The third lesson provides opportunity to develop extended writing, and prepare for the essay-type questions which feature in GCSE coursework and examination papers. Previous units The other nine units of this Pilot Scheme may be downloaded at: http://iisresource.org/KS3_Strategy_History.aspx
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About the key question
The key question asks why has it taken so long to restore self-government to Northern Ireland after the original regime was abolished in 1972 midst the increasing violence. Suspension of the Northern Ireland government & parliament, 1972 The violence had begun in 1969 when the Northern Ireland government failed to meet demands for a reform of the state to give more civil right to the catholic and nationalist minority and had escalated after the intervention of British troops and the resurrection of the IRA as the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA). To contain the situation, the British government abolished the regional government and parliament and restored direct rule over Northern Ireland. After 1972 one of the aims of British policy was to restore devolved government to province in such a way that the unionist and nationalist communities - and Protestant and Catholic communities would work together to restore peace and harmony. The idea of power-sharing There would no longer be majority rule. Political parties of all complexions would share power. To re-assure unionists and Protestants, Northern Ireland would remain part of the United Kingdom as long as a majority there wished. At the same time, to re-assure the nationalist and Catholic minority, there would also be an ‘Irish dimension’, giving the Republic of Ireland some role in the north. This suggestion raised hackles on both sides. For most unionists and Protestants, it was the first step on the road to the re-unification of Ireland, which they had opposed for so long. For many, though not all, nationalists and Catholics, it meant the continued British occupation of Ireland. Failure of the first attempt, 1973-74 Such considerations lead to the failure of the first attempt at power-sharing in 1974 as a result of the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement (see Notes for teachers 2). A power-sharing executive as formed in January 1974, with crossparty and cross-community representation, but it failed in face of continued IRA violence and the opposition of most Unionists and Protestant workers who organised a strike which finally brought down the Executive in the following May. Hopeful signs: the Good Friday Agreement, 1998 Direct rule was then restored and it was not until 1999 that a Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly was restored to Northern Ireland. This was a result of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement between the British and Irish government and all the Northern Ireland parties, except Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party. Although the Good Friday Agreement was approved by a large majority in referenda, north and south, the new regime struggled to get off the ground. Mutual suspicion and disagreements over weapons, the police and parades, meant that the Assembly was suspended more often than not. Discussions in 2006 and new elections in 2007 resulted in the re-establishment of the Executive and Assembly, 8 May 2007, led by the old arch-enemies, the DUP (Ian Paisley, First Minister and Sin Féin (Gerry Adams & Martin McGuinness, as deputy First Minister). Why? In this unit, students are to consider what changed in Northern Ireland between 1974 and now to make people willing to share power. • Was it because the level of political violence became too high and intolerable? Was there no longer what used to be called ‘an acceptable level of violence’? • Did outside intervention, for example from the United States, help? • What was the role of leaders? • How far did the attitude of paramilitaries, republican and loyalist change? • How far did ‘ordinary people’ play a part? • How different were the peace protests of the 1990s from those of the 1970s? • What part did the media play in helping or hindering attempts at a settlement? • Were the details of later attempts better thought-out, offering more reassurance to all sides that their interests and wishes would not only be safeguarded but actively promoted?
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Lesson 1: Then & now
Look at the collages in groups The collages begin on p. 5; notes on the collages on p. 31 1. Ask the ‘5 w’s’: who? what? where? when? why? 2. Spot the differences between then and now.
Lesson 2: How did we get from then to now?
Examine the cards in groups, 1. Categorise the cards. 2. Give titles to categories. 3. Prioritise. 4. Justify.
The cards begin on p. 13
Lesson 3: Evaluation: where do we go from here?
In groups, 1. Make a mindmap: Why are Protestants & Catholics willing to share power? 2. Using the two starter statements on paramilitary activity and the attitudes of north Belfast schoolboys and girls, consider the question ‘How peaceful is Northern Ireland today?’. The statements are on pp 24-26 3. Where does Northern Ireland go from here - internal and external factors? 4. How far do we, in Britain, have a part to play in the future of Northern Ireland? Plenary The worksheet and cards are on pp 27-28 What & how have we learned?
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Collages for lesson 1
Lesson 1: Then & now
Look at the collages in groups 1. Ask the ‘5 w’s’: who? what? where? when? why? 2. Spot the differences between then and now.
Notes on the collages, pp 31-32
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Collage 1: Politicians
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Pictured at the first meeting of the Northern Ireland Executive, 10 May 2007, are (clockwise) First Minister Rt Hon Ian Paisley MP MLA, DUP deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness MP MLA SF Director of Executive Services Rosalie Flanagan N/A Junior Minister Gerry Kelly MLA Sinn Féin Minister of Education Caitríona Ruane MLA Sinn Féin Minister for Regional Development Conor Murphy MP MLA, Sinn Féin Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Michelle Gildernew MP MLA Sinn Féin Minister for Social Development Margaret Ritchie MLA SDLP Minister for Employment and Learning Sir Reg Empey MLA UUP Minister of Health Social Services and Public Safety Michael McGimpsey MLA UUP Minister of Culture Arts and Lesiure Edwin Poots MLA DUP Minister of the Environment Arlene Foster MLA DUP Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment Nigel Dodds MP MLA DUP Minister of Finance and Personnel Rt Hon Peter Robinson MP MLA DUP Junior Minister Ian Paisley Jnr MLA DUP Secretary to the Executive Nigel Hamilton. N/A
Work of the Assembly’s committees
Committee for the Environment Taxis Bill Committee For Education Hears Directly From Schools Assembly & Executive Review Committee Briefed On The Transfer Of Policing And Justice Matters Regional Development Committee Minister addresses the Committee Public Accounts Committee Reports On £34 Million Belfast Bangor Rail Fiasco Health, Social Services & Public Safety Committee Hears Concerns About Suicide Environment Committee Climate Change Top Item Finance & Personnel Committee Inputs to Varney Review Reports on Workplace 2010 and Location of Public Sector Jobs Committee for Enterprise, Trade & Investment Key Step in Road to Better Economy Committee for Culture, Arts & Leisure Minister to update Committee on Multi Sports Stadium
Collage 2: Northern Ireland Executive & Assembly
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Collage 3: Police badges changed 2001
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Collage 4: South Armagh (‘Bandit country’)
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Collage 5: Children in Belfast
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Collage 6: Free Derry Wall
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Collage 7: Derry/Londonderry Parades & walls
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Cards for lesson 2
Lesson 2: How did we get from then to now?
Examine the cards in groups, 1. Categorise the cards. 2. Give titles to categories. 3. Prioritise. 4. Justify. There are 30 cards which fall into three categories of cards: • statistics - S01-S06; • pictures - P01-P12 (with alternatives to P05, P07 & P11 on p. 23); and • texts - T01-T12.
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1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 1 2 11 14 10 12 7 13 8 4 9 3 13 8 9 7 14 10 9 4 7 7 5 2 3 3 1 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 3 3 3 4 10 6 6 5 6 8 4 9 2 9 2 7 2 2 5 1 1 3 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 43 105 58 30 14 14 15 14 38 8 10 21 5 9 2 4 3 21 12 7 5 4 6 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 5 26 8 7 6 15 14 7 10 9 13 7 10 10 4 8 8 12 2 8 8 2 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
13 23 115 322 173 168 216 245 69 50 51 50 57 57 44 36 26 37 68 55 39 49 75 76 70 56 8 14 17 53 7 18 17 13 11 5 5 3
14 25 174 470 252 220 247 297 112 81 113 76 101 97 77 64 55 61 95 94 62 76 94 85 84 62 9 15 22 55 7 18 17 13 11 5 5 3
S01: Deaths due to the security situation in Northern Ireland, 1969-2007.* * The dead include 1521 Catholics and 1288 Protestants. Some 60% of the victims were killed by republicans, 30% by loyalists and 10% by the British, Irish and Northern Irish security forces. Republican paramilitaries killed 74% of all Protestants killed, over 25% of all Catholics, and almost 96% of those who were classified as ‘Non Northern Ireland’. Loyalist paramilitaries killed 19% of all Protestants killed, almost 50% of all Catholics and just 2% of the ‘Non Northern Ireland’ category.
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Assaults (Beatings) Total By Loyalist Groups 18 27 33 37 46 90 125 70 112 70 89 76 94 101 71 57 36 By Republican Groups 35 52 23 5 59 156 166 55 60 33 72 36 50 48 45 19 12
Total Casualties (Shootings and Assaults) 165 143 195 125 203 252 332 198 245 178 323 302 309 298 209 152 74
By Loyalist Groups 61 44 69 59 55 6 37 33 40 53 99 124 110 102 76 70 14
By Republican Groups 51 20 70 24 43 0 4 40 33 22 63 66 55 47 17 6 12
1990/91 1991/92 1992/93 1993/94 1994/95 1995/96 1996/97 1997/98 1998/99 1999/00 2000/01 2001/02 2002/03 2003/04 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07
112 64 139 83 98 6 41 73 73 75 162 190 165 149 93 76 26
53 79 56 42 105 246 291 125 172 103 161 112 144 149 116 76 48
S02: Casualties as a result of paramilitary-style attacks, 1990/91 – 2006/07
S03: The results of a study by the University of Ulster into attitudes towards the police, published in 1997.
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S04: Public confidence in the NIPS, 2007
Do you approve or disapprove of power within the Executive being shared?
Protestant % 28 38 09 13 Catholic % 78 16 01 01
Approve strongly Just approve Don’t know Just disapprove Disapprove strongly
Do you think that the Sunningdale proposal for a Council of Ireland is a good or bad idea?
26 52 03 19 72 04 06 18
Good idea Bad idea Have not heard of proposals Don’t know
S05: Results of the opinion poll on the Sunningdale Agreement taken between 31 March and 7 April 1974.
DUP (2007) Seats won Vote share (2003) Seats won Vote share (1998) Seats won Vote share 36 30.1% 30 25.6% 20 18.14%
UUP 18 14.9% 27 22.7% 28 21.25%
Alliance 7 5.2% 6 3.7% 6 6.5%
Others 3 8.0% 3 7.5% 9 8.67%
SDLP 16 15.2% 18 17.0% 24 21.9%
Sinn Féin 28 26.2% 24 23.5% 18 17.63%
S06: Northern Ireland Assembly elections, 1998-2007 (108 seats).
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P01: A cartoon from the Observer newspaper in November 1973, commenting on the Power-sharing Executive. The man creeping away from the house of cards if the British Northern Ireland Secretary William Whitelaw. Note the labels on the winds which are about to blow on the Executive.
Problems facing the Executive • Some members of the Executive found it difficult to work with politicians from other parties. • Supporters of power-sharing feared their interests would be sacrificed to make the power-sharing administration work. • The Executive was heavily criticised by unionists opposed to the Sunningdale Agreement. • Unionist parties opposed to the Sunningdale Agreement joined forces to disrupt business in the Assembly. • Britain was still responsible for Northern Ireland’s security policy, but the Executive was blamed for not stopping the high level of violence. • The Irish government did not officially recognise Northern Ireland or introduce extradition (laws to allow people suspected of committing violent crime in Northern Ireland to be returned there to stand trial for the offences). • There were also serious differences of opinion about the role of a Council of Ireland.
P02: Peace marches Left: Peace People, 1976, led by the founders Betty Williams & Mairead Corrigan. Right: Peace rally organised by trade unions, business organisations. community groups and the churches, Belfast, 1998.
P03: ‘What are you waiting for? All you have to do is to ignore the others and go for the feller in the trench coat.’ Newspaper cartoon: ‘SNATCH SQUAD’, c. 1971.
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P04: Death and funeral of Booby Sands, the first of 10 hunger strikers to die in 1981. The deaths helped the rise of Sinn Finn at the expense of the SDLP and prompted talks that led to the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, giving the Irish public a role in Northern Ireland.
We are going to be delivered, bound and trussed like a turkey ready for the oven, from one nation to another. James Molyneaux, leader of the Ulster Unionist Party This deal does not go anywhere near bringing peace to this part of Ireland. On the contrary it reinforces partition because Dublin is recognising Northern Ireland. Gerry Adams, President of Sinn Fein
P05: Opposing the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, which gave the Irish Republic a role in Northern Ireland. Alternative picture, p. 23. Pictured (left) is the protest of the Protestant shipyard workers.
P06: Signs of hope in the 1990s?
Left: Hands Across the Divide by Maurice Harron, 1992. The bronze statues standing on separate columns with outstretched hands depict a theme of reconciliation in Londonderry Right: President Clinton being introduced to a Belfast audience by two children from local Catholic and Protestant schools, November 1995. Clinton visited Ireland several time and gave consistent support to unionists and nationalists trying to achieve peace. One of his predecessors, President Carter, had said in 1997 ‘US government policy on the Northern Ireland issue has long been one of impartiality and that is how it will remain’.
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P07: Catholics stand in silence as an Orange march passes through their district. Alternative, p. 23.
P08: A cartoon from the Guardian, January 1998, referring to Mo Mowlam’s visit to the Maze prison. One of the prisoners she spoke to was called John ‘Mad Dog’ Adair.
P09: John Hume & David Trimble (left) respectively leaders of the majority nationalist and unionist parties celebrating the ‘Yes’ vote in the referendum on the Good Friday Agreement and power-sharing.
In Northern Ireland the ‘Yes’ vote was 71 %; 94% in the Irish Republic.
P10: A still from video footage showing the devastation in the centre of Omagh, County Tyrone, in August 1998.
A breakaway republican group called the Real IRA car bomb outside a children’s clothes shop. An incorrect warning meant people were gathered near the bomb. The final death toll was 29.
P11: February 2000: graffiti in a village in south Armagh seems an expression of the IRA’s refusal to disarm. Alternative, p. 23.
P12: Orange riots in Belfast, 2005.
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If Ian Paisley isn’t going to share power with the rest of us, then we have to move on without him
August 4 2005, after a meeting in Downing Street with Northern Irish parties
Mr Adams would have to repent from his evil ways. I am here tonight by the grace of God, a sinner saved by grace
April 14 1994, response during a conference in New York as to whether he would shake Adams’s hand.
He radicalised me ... It was Ian Paisley who led me to wonder how a clergyman could stand up and threaten to go in and tell the RUC to take the flag out, and if they didn’t, he would.
Guardian, February 5 2004
T01: Old enemies Gerry Adams on Ian Paisley (left); Ian Paisley on Gerry Adams.
I will never sit down with Gerry Adams ... He’d sit with anyone. He’d sit down with the devil. In fact, Adams does sit down with the devil.
Independent, February 13 1997
The general approach of the SDLP to the (Sunningdale) talks was to get all Ireland institutions established .... which could lead ultimately to an agreed single state for Ireland.
Catholics don’t want a share in the government of Northern Ireland. They want Northern Ireland to be destroyed, and to have a united Ireland. Even if they were to join a government it’s only until such time as they can destroy the government and the state.
T03: Ian Paisley. Paisley was one of the leading critics of power-sharing. Later he explained why he disliked the idea so much.
T02: Nationalist view of Sunningdale Paddy Devlin, SDLP delegate at Sunningdale, speaking in 1975.
The only way to persuade the IRA to end its campaign was to demonstrate to them the existence of, not only of an alternative peaceful strategy, but also of a coalition of forces sufficiently powerful as to make this achievement a credible possibility.
If we cannot arrest the IRA and disarm them they are going to kill us. We have not only the right but the duty to kill them before they kill me, my family and others. The ordinary Ulster man is not going to surrender to the IRA or be betrayed into a united Ireland or put his neck under the jackboot of Popery.
Ian Paisley, January 1982.
You either be killed by the IRA or kill them and I want to see them dead. Something has to be done to finish this trouble once and for all and the only way to do this with the IRA is to kill them.
T04: Sinn Fein made a statement as early as 1983 that made clear that some of its leaders were prepared to consider an alternative to armed struggle. T05: DUP leaders & rank and file agree on the IRA
Gregory Campbell, Democratic Unionist Party Councillor, 1985.
All around me bombs and incendiaries destroyed office blocks, hotels, theatres and shops, city streets, and eventually whole town centres ... Lots of people got shot. Roads were dosed. There were army checkpoints and soldiers everywhere ... whole towns were cordoned off at night by ‘security gates’. ‘Civilian searchers’ checked your pockets each time you went into a shop ... Yet, after a few years, all this seemed quite unremarkable. I even began to try to persuade friends and relatives from outside Ireland to come over and visit. ‘It’s not that bad,’ I would say ...’
T06: An ‘acceptable level of violence’? Jeffrey Glenn, a Protestant from the Belfast suburbs, described getting used to living with the Trouble.
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1987 1988 1991 1992 1993
An IRA bomb kills eleven people and injures over 60 at a Remembrance Day service in Enniskillen. A single loyalist gunman kills three mourners at an IRA activist’s funeral. Eight soldiers are killed by an IRA landmine. Loyalists kill 31 people in the course of the year, mostly innocent Catholics and usually as revenge for IRA attacks. The UFF kill five Catholic civilians in an attack on a betting shop. A huge IRA bomb in central London causes up to £1 billion worth of damage. The IRA kill two young boys in Warrington with a bomb placed in a rubbish bin. An IRA bomb goes off prematurely in a Shankill fish shop. The bomber and nine innocent Protestant civilians are killed. Loyalist gunmen kill thirteen in revenge attacks for the Shankill bomb.
Eight died in Tyrone. The level of outrage rises so high. Still they refuse to come to the table. What if 50 died, or 150? What then? Do Paisley and Hume, the whole damn lot of them have a body count in their heads above which they will definitely begin to move heaven and earth to do something about it. Pick a number lads. Any number.
More lives may have been lost in the 1970s, but nearly all who lived through those times they never felt as helpless or as frightened as they do today. Frightened because of the increasing savagery of the sectarian attacks; and helpless, because there seems no prospect of a settlement. The most terrifying development of the last year or so has been the sharp rise in atrocities carried out by Loyalist paramilitary groupings. Loyalists are now able to manufacture bombs and are able to carry out assassinations with apparent impunity. They have now killed six people in two days.
The ferocity of the UFF campaign of sectarian killing put pressure on both Sinn Fein and the SDLP. By early 1993 innocent Catholics were being regularly killed by Loyalist assassins. The Nationalist newspaper, the Irish News, described the Catholic mood in March 1993.
T07: Outrage at growing violence Emily O’Reilly, 1992, a local journalist, expressing a common sense that it was time for the politicians to become more active in looking for a settlement, after eight Protestant workmen were killed by an IRA bomb on 17 January 1992. Their ‘crime’ was to carry out work for the security forces.
Recognising the potential of the current situation and in order to enhance the democratic peace process and underline our commitment to its success, the leadership of the Irish Republican Army have decided that as of midnight, Wednesday 31 August, there will be complete cessation of military operations. All our units have been instructed accordingly.
The loyalist paramilitaries achieved something which perhaps the security forces could never have achieved ... [in contributing] ... to the IRA finally accepting that they couldn’t win.... Indeed in the year before the ceasefire by the IRA the loyalist paramilitaries had killed more people that year than the IRA .... this got a message over to IRA that no longer were they going to be the one and only terrorist organisation.... Paramilitary killings are not going to win the day in Northern Ireland.
David Ervine of the UVF, explaining the thinking behind the Loyalist paramilitary cease-fire, 31 September 1994, a month after the IRA ceasefire.
T08: Paramilitary ceasefires, 1994 IRA statement announcing a ceasefire, 31 August 1994.
I’m prepared as a Republican to settle. My hopes are for the unification of this country, but I have to accept in the long run that it’s not going to happen. The Brits are not going to sail away in the sunlight. Go back to war? What are we going to do? It would only cause more misery, more suffering and mostly to our own people and to ourselves.
T09: Former IRA activist Gabriel Megahy, interviewed on BBC television in 1998.
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First time they wanted me to leave the country, I was only 13. They took me away for six hours and burnt me with fags. They struck me with a soldering iron bar and made me kneel down for six hours and battered the back of me with a bat, while I had a hood over my head. They were threatening to take me and shoot me dead, and bury me ... The people that done this to me are definitely scumbags.
The paramilitaries kept their estates in order. If you stood out of line you got busted. Now they’re taking a back seat so I think there’ll be more crime now because people will think they can get away with more than they (Protestant, South/East Belfast) used to. In my community people’s cars were ruined and seemingly some young person did itbut nobody saw it happen. I feel that wouldn’t have happened had they been afraid of the paramilitaries. (Catholic, Cookstown) Before the ceasefire paramilitaries had a tight grip on the town and things wouldn’t have been allowed.
T10: Punishment beatings In the 1990s, a young Catholic living in Deny was repeatedly subjected to IRA ‘punishment beatings’ because of his involvement in petty crime.
Arguments for punishment beatings, 2006.
The leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann has formally ordered an end to the armed campaign. • This will take effect from 4pm this afternoon. • All IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. • All volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means.... • We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country.
Following a direct engagement with all the units and departments of our organisation, the today make public the outcome of our three year consultation process. • All recruitment has ceased; military training has ceased; targeting has ceased and all intelligence rendered obsolete; all active service units have been de-activated; all ordinance has been put beyond reach and the IICD instructed accordingly.... • All volunteers are further encouraged to show support
for credible restorative justice projects so that they, with their respective communities, may help to eradicate criminality and anti-social behaviour in our society.
T11: Decommissioning IRA announces decommissioning and the end of the ‘armed campaign, July 2005.
Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando announces the end of military activity, 3 May 2007.
When we started reporting there had been one six month period in which there had been nearly 90 casualties of shootings and over 80 of assaults. There were other six month periods with between 60 and 70 victims of both shootings and assaults. The number of casualties is now very much lower. Compared with those in the peak six months (1 September 2003 to 29 February 2004), the number of shooting casualties is now some 10% and the number of assault casualties some 20%. In several months on one side or other there have been no casualties at all.
T12: Official optimism, 2007 Independent Monitoring Commission on Decommissioning, reporting on the decrease in paramilitary activity April 2007.
In the run up to the 12th July we carefully considered more than 50 contentious parades. Commissioners attended parades right across Northern Ireland last week and we are pleased that we have now come through another 12th July which was generally peaceful.... In contentious areas where local agreements were not secured, parades and protests were successfully managed in a way which ensured that peace was maintained on the streets. This was vital and the Commission acknowledges the continuing efforts of politicians, community representatives, the PSNI and all those involved in parading issues.
Parades Commission welcomes peaceful July parades, 19 July 2007.
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Alternative visual sources
These alternative visual sources are included, so that the emphasis of the topics can be altered to suit a particular line of enquiry and students’ abilities. We are going to be delivered, bound and trussed like a turkey ready for the oven, from one nation to another. James Molyneaux, leader of the Ulster Unionist Party This deal does not go anywhere near bringing peace to this part of Ireland. On the contrary it reinforces partition because Dublin is recognising Northern Ireland. Gerry Adams, President of Sinn Fein
P05: Alternative: Opposing the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, which gave the Irish Republic a role in Northern Ireland. After the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed, posters saying ‘Mrs Thatcher is a Traitor’ appeared in loyalist areas and effigies were displayed, including this one with an effigy of Thatcher. The other effigy is of Peter Barry, the Republic’s foreign minister.
P07: Alternative Catholic fear at an Orange parade. Panic and fear spread among Catholic protestors as the RUC make a baton charge to clear the road so that the Orangemen can take part in their traditional march, Portadown, 1996. P11: Alternative A poster published by hardline Republicans attacking the Good Friday Agreement, 1998. The poster shows Mo Mowlam, Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness. 'Gerry and the Peacemakers' is a pun on the 1960s pop band Gerry and the Pacemakers. The sellout tour is an ironic reference to this `band' who have not sold out their tour in terms of tickets, but have allegedly sold out their supporters and friends.
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Resources for lesson 3
Lesson 3: Evaluation: where do we go from here?
In groups, 1. Make a mindmap: Why are Protestants & Catholics willing to share power? 2. Using the two starter statements on paramilitary activity and the attitudes of north Belfast schoolboys and girls, consider the question ‘How peaceful is Northern Ireland today?’. 3. Where does Northern Ireland go from here - internal and external factors? 4. How far do we, in Britain, have a part to play in the future of Northern Ireland? Plenary What & how have we learned?
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Independent Monitoring Commission: 15th report, April 2007
Our conclusions [on the whole six months from 1 September 2006 to 28 February 2007] are: -
Lesson 3, activity 2
There were no paramilitary murders; Overall, the number of casualties of both shootings and assaults for all groups combined has again fallen significantly. Compared with the preceding six month period it has fallen from 46 to 28-39%. Compared with the same six month period in 2005-06 it has fallen from 64 to 28-56%. As when we reported six months ago, the combined figure is by a long margin the lowest for any such period on which we have reported ...
Over the period from 1 March 2003 to 28 February 2007 we believe that the number of paramilitary murders was as follows:
1 Sept 06 28 Feb 07 1 Mar 31 Aug 06 1 Sept 05 28 Feb 06 1 Mar 31 Aug 05 1 Sept 04 28 Feb 05 1 Mar 31 Aug 04 1 Sept 03 29 Feb 04 1 Mar 31 Aug 03
CIRA* INLA LVF PIRA RIRA UDA UVF Not attributable TOTAL 0 0 2 5 1 * Continuity Irish Republican Army 2 1 4 1 2 1 3 2 1 2 2 5 1 1 1
The number of casualties of paramilitary shootings and assaults from 1 March 2003 to 28 February 2007 was as follows:
Responsible group Loyalist Republican Total 1 Sept 06 28 Feb 07 2 8 10 1 Mar 31 Aug 06 14 4 18 1 Sept 05 28 Feb 06 36 2 38 1 Mar 31 Aug 05 36 4 40 1 Sept 04 28 Feb 05 37 7 44 1 Mar 31 Aug 04 39 11 50 1 Sept 03 29 Feb 04 69 19 88 1 Mar 31 Aug 03 34 35 69
Responsible group Loyalist Republican Total 1 Sept 06 28 Feb 07 13 5 18 1 Mar 31 Aug 06 19 9 28 1 Sept 05 28 Feb 06 20 6 26 1 Mar 31 Aug 05 39 16 55 1 Sept 04 28 Feb 05 29 25 54 1 Mar 31 Aug 04 42 18 60 1 Sept 03 29 Feb 04 57 26 83 1 Mar 31 Aug 03 46 24 70
The sharp decline in the number of casualties of loyalist shootings has continued over the six months under review, with no shooting casualties since September 2006. This is by far the lowest level since the period 1 March to 31 August 2003, the first such we recorded. The number of casualties of republican shootings has doubled, from 4 to 8, though the overall trend remains downwards. None of the republican shootings were undertaken by PIRA. The number of casualties of assaults is also at its lowest since the six months starting 1 March 2003. This is the case for the total (which is some two thirds of the six months ending 31 August 2006), for casualties of loyalists (also some two thirds of that period), and for those of republicans (just over half). PIRA was not responsible for any of these incidents.
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Trouble in store: sectarianism among the young?
Lesson 3, activity 2
1. Catholic schoolboys from north Belfast
BBC Reporter: Would you like to learn a little bit about their culture, what makes them tick?
No, I’m happy enough with my culture, ‘cos I like learning Irish and all the Irish songs and that there. I’m not really interested in Orange, any Orange songs or Protestant songs, you know what I mean? There’s nothing really to do in their culture, there’s only their marches and their bigotry, where there’s Irish dancing and Irish music and all in our culture.
We have a lot of culture, Irish culture. I think that the main thing that has to happen is the Protestants are going to have to accept that they’re Irish as well. We’re not the only Irish people, they’re Irish, they were born in Ireland. It might be called Northern Ireland, it might be part of the British state, but it’s still Ireland no matter what they say. Yes, they may find it easier to come and join their culture - as it is their culture as well. But why would we go in to learn their culture when it’s very sectarian bigotry? Their culture is about the paramilitaries - I find that no interest to me, like.
2. Protestant schoolgirls and boys from north Belfast
BBC Reporter: Ok, so your reflections on culture and identity?
Well, the Protestant culture is our culture. The Protestants are Irish even though they don’t like to admit it, so basically we are their culture. So I would say that it would be more important for them to learn about the Irish culture, than what it would be for us to learn about the Protestant culture.
BBC Reporter: And what about the notion that Catholics get more than Protestants do? Do you feel that Catholics do better?
Well Catholics get more money from the bru, so they do, for doing nothing - they just sit there and don’t even work. We have to go out to work to earn our money. Them ones earn the same money, like, sitting in the house as what we do working.
BBC Reporter: Do you sometimes feel that you’d like to go in and learn about how to play the Lambeg drum, or to play some of those traditional Orange tunes on a flute?
Not really, no. It just doesn’t interest me; I’d rather stick to the Irish culture, which is our culture.
BBC Reporter: Do you see yourself as being different from Catholics?
I don’t see myself as being different, but the way we’re treated we’re different because, like, them ones are getting new houses - we aren’t. If we want a good house we’ve to buy our house, but, whereas them ones are getting that house for nothing. Aye, ‘cos they breed like rats, that’s why. Aye, they do. That’s why they get better housing.
BBC Reporter: And do you think by doing that, you’re being sectarian?
No. I just feel that, seeing as I am Irish, I would find no point in going and trying to learn about other cultures that have nothing to do with me, if I’ve no interest in them. Well I think the Protestant culture is just a rogue culture itself - if it’s not an English culture and it’s not an Irish culture, what is it, do you know what I mean? The Protestant culture are Irish, right - they are the island of Ireland, that means they’re Irish. They don’t accept that - they think they’re British, but they’re not British, do you know what I mean?
BBC Reporter: Do you feel that Catholic families have more children than Protestant families?
Yes, because the Catholic Church doesn’t allow you to use contraceptions and the Protestant church does, so obviously they’re going to have more children than Protestants.
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BBC Reporter: And do you feel threatened by that?
Yes, because in, say 15 or 20 years, there’s going to be, say, under 6000 Catholics and, there’s only going to be, maybe 5000 Protestants.
BBC Reporter: How would that affect you as a Protestant girl?
Well, I wouldn’t be able to believe in what I wanted til believe in anymore. I’d be made to believe what them ones wanted me to believe.
BBC Reporter: And why should that affect you?
Because sooner or later the Catholic race is just going to outbreed the Protestant race, and then we’ll all be forced to live the Catholic way.
BBC Reporter: So, as a Protestant, for example, how do you feel that your Protestant faith would be threatened by an increase in the Catholic population?
Because you wouldn’t be able to go til your marches or nothing anymore, because they’d stop all the marches and all so they would, and they’d knock down all the Protestant churches as well.
BBC Reporter: And if there are more Catholics, do you feel that will affect your identity as a Protestant?
Yes, I do, because then the Twelfth of July marches, the Garvaghy Road and all the Orange Order marches aren’t going to be allowed to happen ‘cos they’re just going to take over Northern Ireland and going to be outnumbered. Yes, Catholics do outbreed Protestants for the simple fact being that they’re getting more money because they’re having more kids and better houses and all.
BBC Reporter: Seriously? You don’t think they’re going to knock down all the Protestant churches?
Yeah, because they only believe in one church, and there’s like Presbyterian, Free Presbyterian and Baptist and all, and them ones don’t believe in that.
BBC Reporter: The fact that the Catholic population is growing, how does that affect you as a Protestant?
Well, they’re going to wipe us out - it’s plain and simple.
BBC Reporter: Is it as simple as that? Are they actually going to wipe you out?
Yes, because they’re having more kids and more kids and, like, we’re being sensible - we’re using protection, we’re not running about with kids at like fifteen and all, so we’re not. And they’re going to end up just moving in til everywhere so they are.
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Plenary: What & how have we learned?
Lesson 3, plenary
Cards are provided for these tasks - see next page.
A.For the first three tasks, the title cards are to be removed.
1. Discuss some of the cards for meaning: eg, ‘classify’, ‘suggest a hypothesis’, ‘evaluate information’. 2. Sort the cards into the following groups or categories:
! ! ! !
Types of thinking that you know you have done. Those that you have heard about but cannot remember doing. Those which are new to you. Feed back to the class about how and why you have grouped them this way
3. Turn over all of the cards. How many of them can you remember?
B.Introduce the remaining cards.
4. The cards in bold type are your new headings. Re-arrange all the cards into new categories under these headings. 5. Did you find any of the cards difficult to place? If so, identify them, and explain why you found them difficult. 6. Show a set of cards where you can easily describe and explain a connection between them.
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Information – processing skills
Creative thinking skills
Compare and contrast
Ask relevant questions
Generate and extend ideas
Pose and define problems
Plan what to do and how to search
Make judgements and decisions informed by reasons or evidence
Develop criteria for judging the value of your work and ideas
Judge the value of what you read, hear and do
Analyse part/whole relationships
Give reasons for your opinions and actions
Use precise language to explain what you think
Have confidence in your judgements
Draw inferences and make deductions
Look for alternative innovative outcomes
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Notes for teachers
The politicians featured are: Gerry Adams (President of Sinn Féin); Bertie Ahern (Irish Taoiseach); Tony Blair (then British Prime Minster); Martin McGuinness (NI Deputy First Minister); and Ian Paisley (NI First Minister).
Then (centre panel, left collage) Top left: Adams in paramilitary guise, c.1969. Bottom left: McGuinness at an IRA press conference, 1972. Right: Paisley with a sledgehammer marked ‘Smash Sinn Fein’, c. 1982.
Now Top: Paisley, McGuinness, Blair, Ahern at relaunch of NI Assembly at Stormont, 8 May 2007. Centre right: Guardian cartoon, 27 March 2007, on historic Adams-Paisley meeting, 26 March 2007. Bottom left: Historic meeting between Paisley and Adams, 26 March, when they agreed to power-sharing and the resumption of the NI Assembly on 8 May. Bottom right: Paisley and McGuinness laughing together at resumption of the NI assembly, 8 May 2007.
2. Northern Ireland Executive & Assembly
Now An extension of ‘Now’ in collage 1, showing: Top: old enemies sharing power and Bottom: the assembly getting down to the routine of government. 3. Police badges
Then (left) The badge of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. For nationalists and Catholics the symbols in the badge encapsulated Ireland’s subjection to England: the imperial crown sitting above the Irish symbols of • the harp and • the shamrock.
Now (right) The badge of the Northern Ireland Police Service, which replaced the RUC in 2001 (right). The symbols have been carefully chosen and arranged to represent equality. The badge features the saltire of St Patrick, and six symbols representing different and shared traditions:
the Scales of Justice (representing equality and justice) the harp (a traditional Irish symbol but not the Brian Boru harp used as official emblem in the Republic) a torch (representing enlightenment and a new beginning) an olive branch (a peace symbol from Ancient Greece) a shamrock (a traditional Irish symbol, used by St Patrick to explain the Christian Trinity) a crown (a traditional symbol of monarchy but not the Crown worn by or representing the British Sovereign).
4. South Armagh (‘Bandit country’)
This area was the most republican part of Northern Ireland in which the IRA and the British Army were constantly at war during the ‘Troubles’.
Then Two iconic pictures: Left: the defiant IRA emblem on a telegraphy pole dominating the surrounding countryside; and Bottom centre: the heliport from which Army helicopters conducted the battle with the IRA.
Now (right) Top: Promoting tourism and tourist attractions in south Armagh Bottom: A republican mural, 2007, saying goodbye to British troops on the road to London. On 31 July 2007, the Army had withdrawn from Northern Ireland, including South Armagh after 38 years.
Children in Belfast
‘Boy mourner’, April 1996. Now Right: Enjoying the Belfast Children’s Festival, 2006.
‘Loyalists shot dead his grandfather, Joe McCloskey, at his home in the New Lodge area of north Belfast (left). The young boy, also called Joseph, walks ahead of the cortege. Who knows what goes through children’s minds? At the wake, a friend of his grandfather had said: “I wonder who’ll be next.” He was shot a few days later by loyalists.’
‘Bullet hole’, June 2002.
A family in the nationalist short Strand district of Belfast were victims of a loyalist gun attack. This child looked through the broken blin as the press photographer took the picture.
Free Derry wall
Now (bottom) The wall is being painted pink for the duration of the Gay Pride celebrations which were held in the city, 13-18 August 2007. This represents a broadening of perspective and a move away from the preoccupation with nationalist struggles in Ireland and elsewhere.
Then (top) Left: The original stark statement declaring the Bogside ‘no go’ area, 1969 (top left). Right: More of a public monument and tourist attraction than a gritty political statement, 1990s.
Londonderry’s parades & walls
Now (right) Bottom: Part of Derry’s Annual Halloween Carnival, 2006. Top: Tourists enjoying a walk in the sun around the walls, 2006.
Then (left) A parade featuring 13 white crosses in memory Top: of the 13 unarmed civil rights demonstrators shot dead on ‘Bloody Sunday’ dead, 30 January 1972 by soldiers from the Parachute Regiment. Bottom: A forbidding aspect of Derry city walls at the height of the Troubles with loyalist slogans and a security watchtower.
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Notes for teachers
Attempts at peace
1. • • The Power-sharing Executive & the Sunningdale Agreement, 1973-74 A new Assembly was elected to govern Northern Ireland. The main parties in the Assembly were represented on a Power-Sharing Executive (a government which would guarantee to share power between nationalist and unionist communities). A Council for Ireland was set up which would link Belfast, Dublin and London over issues of concern to all of them. (Details of this Council were worked out between the Northern Ireland parties and the British and Irish governments in the Sunningdale Agreement of December 1973.)
This was proposed by Northern Ireland Secretary William Whitelaw in consultation with the main Northern Ireland parties.
Power-sharing executive & assembly. All-Ireland dimension. Executive set up on 1 January 1974, led by Brian Faulkner, the former leader of the Ulster Unionist Party and Gerry Fitt of the SDLP. Collapsed May 1974 in face of unionist opposition coalition, including the Ulster Unionist Party, Ian Paisley’s DUP, and a strike by Protestant workers.
This was agreed between Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Irish Taoiseach Garrett Fitzgerald.
No power-sharing. All-Ireland dimension. Supported by SDLP but opposed by all unionist/loyalist parties, including Ian Paisley and the DUP, and the IRA/Sinn Fein, including Gerry Adams. Inter-governmental council operated until 1998.
The Anglo-Irish Agreement, 1985 It set up an Intergovernmental Conference: the Northern Ireland Secretary and Irish Foreign Minister would meet regularly. There would be cross-border co-operation on security, legal and political issues. The Agreement set up its own civil service with staff from both sides of the border. The British government accepted that there might one day be a united Ireland, but only with the consent of the majority in Northern Ireland. The Irish government accepted the existence of Partition, and also the principle of consent.
• • • • •
The Good Friday Agreement, 10 April 1998 A new Northern Ireland Assembly with 108 members would be set up. All key decisions would require the consent of both communities in the province. A North-South Council of Ministers would also be set up, made up of members of the new Assembly and ministers from the Republic. The Irish government would remove Articles 2 and 3 of its constitution, which claimed the North as part of its territory (subject to a referendum of the people of the Republic). There would be a review of policing in Northern Ireland. Early release for paramilitary prisoners was promised.
This was agreed between the Irish and British governments and the main political parties of Northern Ireland, except the DUP. John Hume and David Trimble were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their role.
Power-sharing executive & assembly. Extensive reforms, including the police, & safeguards. All-Ireland dimension. Approved by large majorities referenda, north & south. The new power-sharing Executive was set up on 2 December 1999, headed the First Minister David Trimble of th Ulster Unionist Party with Seamus Mallon of the SDLP as his deputy. The new regime struggled to get off the ground. Disagreements over weapons, the police and parades, meant that the Assembly was suspended more often than not. Discussions in 2006 and new elections in 2007 resulted in the re-establishment of the Executive and Assembly, 8 May 2007, led by the old arch-enemies, the DUP (Ian Paisley, First Minister and Sin Féin (Gerry Adams & Martin McGuinness, as deputy First Minister).
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Notes for teachers
1603 The defeat of an Irish revolt opens the way for Protestant settlement in Ulster. 1 July 1691 Protestant William III defeats Catholic James H at the Battle of the Boyne. 1801 The Act of Union creates the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 1845-50 Over a million Irish people die in the Great Famine. 24-29 April 1916 British army crushes Easter 1916 Uprising in Dublin, intended to create an Irish republic. 1919 Sinn Fein MPs form an Irish parliament, the Dail Eireann; the IRA begins a military campaign to end British rule. Dec. 1920 Britain passes Government of Ireland Act to set up a parliament in Belfast to run the six counties. Dec. 1921 The Anglo-Irish Treaty creates an Irish Free State controlling all of Ireland except the six counties. 1949 Ireland is declared a Republic and leaves the British Commonwealth. 1951 Ian Paisley founds Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster 1956 The IRA launches a ‘border campaign’ against British and Protestant rule in Northern Ireland; it ends in failure in 1962. 5 Oct. 1968 Police clash with civil rights marchers in Londonderry. 4 Jan. 1969 A People’s Democracy march is attacked by Protestants at Burntollet Bridge, outside Derry. 12-15 Aug. 1969 After violent clashes spread from Derry to Belfast, the British army is sent in to restore order. Sept 1969 Provisional IRA emerges. April 1970 Social Democratic & Labour Party founded. 6 Feb. 1971 For the first time a British soldier is killed by the Provisional IRA. 9 Aug. 1971 Internment is introduced in Northern Ireland Sept. 1971 Ian Paisley established the Democratic Unionist Party. 30 Jan. 1972 ‘Bloody Sunday’ 14 people killed as British soldiers open fire after a demonstration in Londonderry. 24 Mar. 1972 Britain imposes ‘direct rule’ on Northern Ireland, suspending the parliament at Stormont. 21 July 1972 On ‘Bloody Friday’ in Belfast, 9 people are killed and 130 injured by Provisional IRA bombs. 1 January 1974 Power-sharing Executive established under the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement. May 1974 A strike by Protestant workers forces the British government to abandon plans for a power sharing executive in Northern Ireland; Protestant bombings kill 33 people in southern Ireland. 24 Nov. 1974 IRA bombings of two pubs in Birmingham kill 19 people. Feb.-Nov. 1975-6 The IRA maintains a ceasefire; internment ends. 1976 Peace campaigners Mairead Corrigan and Betty Williams are awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. 27 Aug. 1979 In two separate attacks, the IRA murder Earl Mountbatten and 3 other people in Sligo, and kill 19 British soldiers at Warrenpoint. 5 May 1981 IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands dies in the Maze prison. 1983 Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams is elected MP for West Belfast. 12 Oct. 1984 The IRA bombs the Grand Hotel, Brighton, during the Conservative Party conference, narrowly failing to kill Prime Minister Thatcher. Nov. 1985 In the Anglo-Irish agreement, Britain recognizes that Dublin government has legitimate interest in the affairs of Northern Ireland. 31 Aug. 1994 IRA declares a ceasefire. It ends with bombing of Canary Wharf, London, on 9 February 1996. 31 Sept. 1994 Loyalist paramilitaries declare a ceasefire. May 1996 An all-party forum is elected to negotiate a Northern Ireland settlement. July 1997 The IRA announces new ceasefire. 10 April 1998 A peace agreement provides for a power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland which will include Sinn Fein. 15 Aug. 1998 A ‘Real IRA’ car bomb kills 29 people in Omagh. Dec. 1998 SDLP leader John Hume and Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble are jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. 2 Dec. 1999 A power-sharing executive and assembly are finally set up in Northern Ireland. Nov. 2001 Northern Ireland Police Service replaces the RUC. 2002 Power-sharing executive and assembly suspended. 28 July 2005 IRA end their armed struggle. 28 Jan. 2007 Sinn Féin agree to support the new police force and the criminal justice system. 3 May 2007 Ulster Volunteer Force declares an end to military action. 8 May 2007 Power-sharing restored with Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist Party) and first minister and Martin McGuinness as his deputy. 31 July 2007 British Army withdraws from Northern Ireland after 38 years.
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