NOTES: have no literature, no history, no

recordkeeping system, or any

1. Limpienza de Sangre: This policy
other activity which normally
required that a person should be
associate with a literate society
able to prove Old Christian
until the Spaniards came.
ancestry for four previous
5. “The matter of native writing
generations without Jewish or
during the pre-Spanish Era is
Muslim blood. Those who
problematic.” (Corpuz, 1989)
possessed such ancestry were
6. So accustomed are all these
regarded as having Limpienza de
islanders to writing and reading
Sangre. A person who failed to
there is scarcely a man, and much
fulfill the requirements was
less a woman, who cannot read
deemed to not possess purity of
and write in the letters proper to
blood.
the island of Manila, very different
2. Rule 3 stated that “the collegiate
from those of China, Japan, and
must be of pure race and have no
India. (Chirino, 1969, 280)
mixture of Moorish or Jewish
7. Throughout the islands the natives
blood, to the fourth degree, and
write very well, using certain
shall have no Negro or Bengal
characters… Almost all the
blood, or that of any similar nation,
natives, both men and women,
in their veins, or a fourth part of
write in this language. There are
Filipino blood.
very few who do not write it
3. Patronato Real was an
excellently and correctly. (Morga,
arrangement established by Pope
1609)
Julius II in which he granted Kind
8. The choice did not involve history,
Ferdinand and his successors that
law, literature, or other areas, as
exclusive right (1) to build
they were covered by oral
churches in the Spanish colonies;
tradition.
(2) to nominate candidates for
9. Refer to Chapter 3.
positions, including bishoprics,
10. Spanish friars not only used the
abbacies, canonries, and other
Chinese technology but also
ecclesiastical benefices, in
employed Chinese technicians
appointed or approved by the
who were familiar into this printing
Crown and depended on the
method.
Crown for his support. The Friars
11. It was a method used by Chinese
were, in other words, salaried
and familiar to the Tagalogs
government officials.
(known as limbag). The letters or
4. Although they were literate,
characters where hand-carved
Tagalogs never reached the exact
into pieces of wood blocks then, it
level of accomplishment of the
was inked and pressed against
Western expectation. What one
the paper.
finds among the Tagalogs, this
12. The Dominicans firstly owned a
population which can read and
printing press by 1593. According
write on a wide scale, is that they
 to Retana, the Augustinians,
imported a printing press from
Japan that was operated in
Bacoor (1618), Lubao, Macabebe,
and Manila (1621) then, it was
later sold to the Jesuits.
13. One of the reasons they are the
first order to dominate the Tagalog
Studies in the first fifty years of
Spanish presence in the
Philippines.
14. The Franciscans used to
dominate of producing tagalog
works. However, all of those were
not published on the fact of
absence of printing press owned
or controlled by the Franciscans
and according to the Franciscan
historical report, they were not
given to publish their works
because they are voluminous and
there are no arrangements.
According to Retana, they
published their own book in 1606.
The Augustinian press published
only three books from 1618 and
1621.
15. He authored Libro de Nuestra
Senora del Rosario (1602), Libro
de los Sacramentos (1603), Libre
de Quatro Postrimerias (1604),
Memorial de la vida christiana
(1605), Tratado del Sacramento
de la Confesion (c. 1607). His
works were not for the priest but
for the layman. He also wrote
books written in Baybayin namely,
Libro del Rosario de Nuestra
Senora (1602), Libro Postrimerias
del Hombre (1605) etc.
16. However, the division of
syllabication and phonic
transcription, indicate that the
printer was a non-native Tagalog
speaker, a Christian-Chinese
named Juan de Vera who is also
responsible for the shift to the
typographic method of printing.
17. Tomas Pinpin printed Blancas de
San Jose’s Artes y reglas de la
lengua tagala while Talaghay
printed Pinpin’s Librong
pagaaralan. Unfortunately, little is
known about Talaghay and
Pinpin’s work was the only listed
publication credited to him. Pinpin
on the other hand, went on to print
at least fourteen works, and his
son, Simon, also printed fourteen.
18. Scott, William Henry. 1992.
Looking for the Prehispanic
Filipino. Quezon City: New Day
Publishers
19. The use of “tribal” is minor
compared to the word “barangay”
therefore it was the creation of a
myth: the myth of the barangay.
20. On September 21, 1974, Former
President Ferdinand Marcos
issued a Presidential Decree no.
557 declaring all barrios in the
Philippines as Barangays.
21. However, the author concludes
that it is a construct which has no
evidence to support it.
22. Which was contradict by William
Henry Scott.
23. The author concluded that
besides from Placensia’s study,
those after him chose the wrong
name or title for the basic
organization of Tagalog society;
they chose the wrong concept and
construct. Vicente Rafael comes
tantalizingly close to catching the
heart of the issue: The confusion
 of the data in early Spanish
accounts stems from what seems
like the inadequacy of Spanish
political terminology, rooted in
Roman Law and European
feudalism, to comprehend
Tagalog social structure. There
appears to be a lack of fir between
Spanish descriptions and the
Tagalog reality they seek to
convey. Perhaps, the difficulty
may be attributed to the
overdetermined nature of both
Spanish political terminology and
Tagalog designations of social
status. (Rafael, 1988,138)
24. “Correct or not, Spanish policies
were based on this view of
indigenous society. The datu,
translated as chief by Plasencia,
was transformed later to Cabeza
de Barangay and society was
reorganized accordingly. The
barangay came to be accepted as
the basic political unit of Tagalog
society. However, the term
barangay, in describing political
structure quickly faded and was
replaced by the Spanish barrio
and part of the pueblo. Barangay
continues to be heard as part of
the new title for datus/cabeza de
barangay.”
25. This is seen towards in various
aspects of tagalog culture. The
responses of the Tagalog
population towards borrowing and
adaptating varied all the way from
acceptance to indifference and
rejection (Lhedan, 1959, viii-ix).
However, often the borrowing
was done to such an extent that
many have failed to differentiate
from those aspects that were
Tagalog and those that were
Spanish. Number of scholars
have examined the matter of
counting among the Tagalogs of
the early Spanish period. Jean-
Paul Potet’s highly technical
“Numerical Expressions in
Tagalog” and Ricardo Manapat’s
paper “Matheatical Ideas in Early
Philippine Society”. Both of them
were informative, but both papers
suffer from a number of
problems.
26. Tagalog borrowed the forms but
not necessary the thinking behind
them. The core values remained
animism and its attendant
worldview., while the
surface/survival included a hybrid
of Tagalog and Spanish forms.
This synthesis is what found in
Filipino society up until now.
27. Written by local authorities and
signed by the same. The petitions,
dated 1665 (founded by Jean-
Paul Potet) and 1678 (founded by
Luis C. Dery in the National
Archives of the Philippines), were
addressed to the Archbishop in
Manila and signed by more than
thirty men of Naujan, who
represented its past and present
leadership.
28. The Spaniards were surprised to
find a near-universal literate
society. Baybayin was the system
of writing used for local
languages, a fact supported by
Spanish accounts, a printing
ministry created in the face of that
reality, and surviving examples of
 that writing. (cf. Woods 2011d, ch.
2)
29. As explained by Tomas Pinpin’s
Librong pagaaralan nang manga
Tagalog nang uican Castila,
Spanish had both letters and
sounds not found in Tagalog as
written in Baybayin. Also, Spanish
did not allow for interchangeable
letters – u and o, e and i, d and r.
Thus, Pinpin’s work would help to
produce ladinos, bilingual Tagalog
who could speak and write in
Spanish but also write in Tagalog
in romanticized letter.
30. I assumed that, Tomas Pinpin’s
book played a major role in those
two petition manuscripts written by
local authories of Naujan and it
somehow successfully reached
the goal of his book, to become a
tool for survival and to produce a
well-literate Tagalog who cannot
just only read and write Baybayin
but can also read and write
romanticized Tagalog words.
31. They took over Mindoro as
“compensation” for the mission in
Zambales, which the archbishop
had forced them to turn over to the
Dominicans. However, the
Recollects resigned themselves to
this disproportionate change,
since the exertions to avoid it
availed nothing. (Bernad 1968,56)
32. Three things should be noted
here. First, the petitions were sent
to Archbishop Felipe Pardo whose
being a Dominican might have
influenced his decision. Regarding
Zambales being given to the
Dominicans. Second, the
Dominicans had jurisdiction in
Pangasinan, which was
intersected at different points by
Zambales. Third, earlier reports
regarding this “change” were more
positive than the one quoted by
Bernad. For, because of the
respect to his person, surely worth
of the greatest promotion, we did
not dare to condemn his attempt
as unjust; and more even, when
he obtained it, making amends to
our reformed order for the wrong
we received by a recompense
which was fully justifiable in his
eyes. A chance offered him a
suitable occasion for his project in
the following manner. Don Diego
de Villatoro represented to the
Council of the Indias that the
island of Mindoro was filled with
innumerable heathens all sunk in
the darkness of their paganism
and that if its conquest were
entrusted to any order, it would be
very easy to illuminate its
inhabitants with the light of faith.
Therefore a royal decree was
despatched, under date of Madrid,
June 18, 1677, ordering the
governor of the islands, together
with the archbishop, to entrust the
reduction of Mindoro to the order
which appeared best fitted for it,
before all things settling the curas
who resided the in prebends or
chaplaincies. That decree was
presented to the royal Audencias
of Manily by Sargento-mayor Don
Sebastian de Villareal, October
31, [16]78, and since his Majesty’s
fiscal had nothing to oppose, it
was obeyed without delay, and it
was sent for fulfillment to the said
 archbishop, December 14 of the
same year. On that account, his
Excellency formed the idea of
taking Zambales from us in order
to augment his order and given
the island of Mindoro to our
discalced order. (Blair and
Robertson 1903, 41:169-70)
33. According to the accounts of
Augustinian Recollects, the order
who replaced the Jesuits.
34. The topic was founded in a
footnote of William Henry Scott’s
Prehispanic Source Materials for
the Study of Philippine History.
The original was believed to have
been deposited on the request of
a former American soldier who
had stolen it during military looting
in the early 20th century in Jaro,
Iloilo as he took it as a souvenir.
When he is nearly dying, he asked
a Catholic priest to return the
documents to their proper place.
That priest, in turn gave them to
the Maryknoll sisters. However,
the original copy had been
damaged and ultimately thrown
out. Until, a name of Pennie
Azarcon-dela Cruz asked the
author that a photocopy of the
script has been obtained by
Filipinas Heritage Library.
35. Some vital information of the
document was not included due to
various circumstances and there
were missing pages that are
presumably lost.
36. The presiding authority was Don
Gregorio Ruiz Descalona, a
Spaniard affiliated with the
cathedral in Manila. The scribe of
the document was Juan Moreno
de Herrera who describe himself
as a secretario de visita and later
adds notario publico in the
document. In spite of mixed
orthography and the consistently
misspelled words, Herrera was a
Spaniard -- not a ladino. However,
it is unlikely, Herrera did all if any
of the physical writing.
37. A name of Alonso Dias used to
translate the testimony given in
the local language, was a form of
Bisayan.
38. The author did not state which
style of Bisayan was used by the
witnesses to translate. (Bisayan:
Ilonggo, Bisayan: Aklanon, or the
dialect of Bantayan, Cebu a
mixture of Cebuano, Ilonggo,
Waray-Waray and Masbetenyo
and Boholano).
39. A soldier from Bantayn, Cebu with
a rank of Maestre de Ocampo, the
highest rank that can be obtained
by an indio, who joined Spanish
forces to fought in Mindanao.
(probably, muslims).
40. A principalia.
41. Both were from Bantayan and
married there.
42. It challenges the preconceptions
many hold about women during
the Spanish colonial period in the
Philippines, divorce, and the
Catholic Church, as the extent of
hispanization, the work of the
friars in the islands, and much
more. According to the traditional
view, this case simply should not
be possible. And many who take
that view would state
unequivocally that no such case
 could ever have been brought, let
alone won.
43. Record and reports from early
Spanish sources indicate that
divorce was, in fact, a part of life in
the precolonial Bisayas and it is
not unusual because of egalitarian
views of Visayans concerning
sexe and autonomous behavior
and customs by them which were
implicit contrast with the Tagalogs.