Politics matters: The call for visionary and quality leadership in Africa

Prof. Ndangwa Noyoo,

Associate Professor,
Department of Social Work,
University of Johannesburg,
Auckland Park Campus,
Johannesburg.
Email: ndangwan@uj.ac.za

Paper presented at the Fourth African Unity for Renaissance Conference and Africa
Day Expo, 22-24 May 2014, St. George’s Hotel, Pretoria.
Abstract

While the rest of humanity marches on towards a sustained and comprehensive process of
economic and social progress, Africa continues to slide backwards in the foregoing critical areas.
Why is this untenable situation in Africa ramifying itself unabated? The answer that this essay
proffers is: politics matters and with politics comes leadership. Arguably, Africa remains a
backwater in the twenty-first century because the politics at play is retrogressive and cannot
liberate the mass of the people from chronic hunger, squalor, destitution and penury. Hence, this
discussion calls for visionary and quality leaders in Africa who will be able to lead their
countries to prosperity. The paper also examines the aforementioned issues and puts forward
theoretical positions in order to strengthen its case. The final part of the paper suggests how
visionary and quality leadership can be harnessed in Africa.

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“…Neither brutal assaults, nor cruel mistreatment, nor torture have ever led me to beg for mercy, for I prefer to die
with my head held high, unshakeable faith and the greatest confidence in the destiny of my country rather than live
in slavery and contempt for sacred principles. History will one day have its say; it will not be the history taught at
the United Nations, Washington, Paris, or Brussels, however, but the history taught in the countries that have rid
themselves of colonialism and its puppets. Africa will write its own history and both north, and south of the Sahara
it will be a history full of glory and dignity. Do not weep for me, my companion, I know that my country, now
suffering so much, will be able to defend its independence and its freedom. Long live the Congo! Long live
Africa!...” - Patrice Lumumba1

Introduction

The foregoing sentiments were expressed exactly 52 years ago by the late Congolese
independence leader, Patrice Lumumba. In the said period, Lumumba’s country was ruined by a
brutal and moribund dictatorship that was headed by the late Mobutu Sese Seko,2 who had seized
power through a military coup d'état in 1965. He eventually died in 1997 after he was deposed
by a military rebellion. In October 1996, Laurent Kabila - a rebel leader at the time - toppled
Mobutu with the backing of Rwanda and Uganda and immediately after Kabila was installed
president. However, in 2001, Kabila would also be assassinated by one of his “boy soldiers”3 and
thereafter his son, Joseph, succeeded him. The country that Mobutu had renamed Zaire and
which is now called the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) also experienced several
insurrections and a corrosive civil war since the late dictator’s passing. In addition, since
Lumumba’s death, the Congolese have been victims of brutal acts of mass rape and murder,
human trafficking and poverty, among other humiliating and debilitating human conditions. The
United Nations Development Progamme (UNDP) in its Human Development Report (HDR) of
2013 cites the DRC as one African country that performed abysmally in the area of human
development. This deplorable status was captured in the UNDP’s Human Development Index
(HDI)4. The DRC’s standing was 186 in the world and this number was also the lowest score on
the HDI, whilst 1 represented the highest performer. Also, the DRC was at par with Niger and
following closely at 185 was Mozambique. These mentioned countries are not the only African
countries with low HDI rankings. In fact, African countries top the list of worst performers in so
far as human development is concerned. On the other hand, Norway, Australia and the United
States of America (USA) emerged as best performers on the HDI list.

What is essential to this discussion is the fact that the HDI enables us to have a better
appreciation of a country’s standing in regard to the quality of life of its citizens. It proffers
evidence as to whether countries are really making progress in not only meeting the basic needs
of their citizens, but also creating conditions that foster equality and social cohesion. In this way,
the HDI further allows us to interrogate the economic growth on the African continent that has
been touted by various pundits, because this growth does not seem to have percolated down to
the mass of the people.5 On all accounts, it looks as if the growth only benefits a small elite
segment of the population in these countries. Indeed, an essential part of human development is
equity. Every person has the right to live a fulfilling life according to his or her own values and
aspirations. No one should be doomed to a short life or a miserable one because he or she
happens to be from the “wrong” class or country, the “wrong” ethnic group or race or the
“wrong” sex. Inequality reduces the pace of human development and in some cases may even
prevent it entirely (UNDP, 2013). Perhaps, this is one major reason why poverty persists in
Africa, even when economic growth has been reported on the continent. This growth has taken
place without an attendant elevation of the socio-economic conditions of ordinary people.

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It is true that since Lumumba’s assassination, the total decolonisation of Africa has been
achieved, whilst in some countries, development had transpired, especially in the decades of the
1960s and 1970s. Several countries on the continent had also embarked upon accelerated
development initiatives leading to the building of new schools, universities and colleges, and
hospitals. Indeed, some post-colonial African governments had sought not only to raise the living
conditions of their people, but also endeavoured to instil a sense of pride in them. However, in
many instances, this progress could not be sustained for longer periods and consequently
infrastructure that had been erected crumbled and fell into states of disrepair, due to neglect that
stemmed from mainly lack of political will on the part of national governments. This is also the
period when the first generation of African leaders, who were nationalists, began to be toppled
through military coups, armed insurrections and civil wars. Crucially, it can be argued that most
of the nationalists or immediate post-independence leaders seemed to have had some kind of
vision for their societies as opposed to the obtaining situation. At least they knew where they had
wanted to take their respective countries to, in the light of national development. In the
aforementioned description, politics took a centre stage in shaping the course of Africa’s post-
colonial history. It is due to such an occurrence that this paper contends that politics, as
elsewhere, matters in Africa. This assertion is triggered by mostly apolitical narratives about
Africa’s development, which seem to suggest that Africans can flourish under depraved political
regimes. However, this paper disagrees and notes that politics envelopes all facets of African
societies and therefore should not be taken lightly, when Africa’s development is scrutinised.
Whilst taking the foregoing into consideration, it is also important that it must be shown, by this
paper, how politics is inextricably linked to leadership and why leadership is also central to
Africa’s development. In following this line of thinking, this discussion suggests that politics that
could emancipate Africans from conditions of deprivation and humiliation, among others, should
be spearheaded by visionary leaders of high quality. The paper contends that Africa seems to be
inundated with low calibre leaders who also lack the requisite vision to transform the wretched
socio-economic conditions on the African continent for the better. Hence, this paper calls for
visionary and quality leadership in Africa.

This paper utilised a desktop type of analysis in order to arrive at its conclusions. Also, it mainly
relied on secondary sources of information. Hence, its points of departure are not derived from
an empirical study. The discussion also used a multi-disciplinary theoretical framework to
analyse issues and make proposals for improvements in the light of the examined areas.
Nonetheless, in an exercise such as this one, where concepts and theories are relied upon in
advancing arguments and assumptions, it is imperative that the definition of the aforementioned
transpires.

Definition of key terms

(a) Politics

When the young Pan-Africanist, Kwame Nkrumah, had chanted to fellow Ghanaians prior to
independence: “Seek ye first the political kingdom and all things shall be added onto you” –
while paraphrasing the scripture - he was not just making a rhetorical statement, but was well
aware of the potency of political power and how it could then be used to redress the colonial

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legacy of social and economic exclusion, racism, poverty, ignorance and illiteracy. This was
before he was exposed to the trappings of power and how the same power could be used to retard
human progress (Noyoo, 2010). Nkrumah was able to rally his people around the common goal
of self-governance now! He did this not as an individual, but because he was a leader of a
political party, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). Thus, this example of Nkrumah
clearly shows that it is not only politics that matters, but also leadership, and if we want serious
development and human well-being to take root in Africa, we have to pay close attention to the
question of capable leadership on the continent. But what is politics? Politics is as old as
humanity and ever since human beings moved from their hunter gatherer type of existence and
constituted themselves into political communities, politics took centre stage in their lives. In
regard to this paper, politics or political discourse can be traced back to ancient Greece. Two
very important philosophers, namely Plato (born between 429 or 423 BC and died between 428
or 427 BC) and Aristotle (born 384 BC and died 322 BC) have endured centuries’ analyses
advanced by different scholars and thinkers of politics. Plato’s and Aristotle’s insights and
propositions still hold water even to this day, as they did many centuries ago, when they were
proffered by these two philosophers. This is where this paper begins its journey as it endorses the
views of the two great thinkers, but diverges somewhat, in its application of their assumptions to
the African context. To begin with, Plato’s work reflects his search for the perfect society and the
drawing up of a blueprint for a utopian society, in his book, The Republic. Whilst disconcerted
with the politics and politicians of his times, Plato forwarded alternatives to what his society was
offering in this arena. Thus, this blueprint was a sketch of a society where existing problems
would be effectively tackled by the right people with appropriate competencies. Hence, Plato
sought to cure the afflictions of both human society and human personality (Hacker, 1961).

On the other hand, Aristotle is not concerned with perfecting society. He just wants to improve
on the existing one. Rather than produce a blueprint for the perfect society, he suggests, in his
work, The Politics, that the society itself should reach for the best possible system that could be
attained. Aristotle disagrees with the idea of one class holding discontinuing political power
because the failure to allow circulation between classes excludes those who may be ambitious,
and wise, but are not in the right class of society to hold any type of political power. Aristotle
looks upon this ruling class system as an ill-conceived political structure (Hacker, 1961). Plato
may be seen as rigidly prescribing an antidote to the morass of politics of his times, but he does
this from the abstract, while Aristotle engages with real-life situations. Aristotle is less
prescriptive on what needs to be done in order to cure ailing political systems, but offers certain
building blocks essential for the creation of a democratic society. What this paper finds plausible
in Plato’s work, even for current circumstances, is the need to have the right people, with the
right competencies, driving a political agenda in Africa. There is a mismatch in Africa between
the people who occupy political positions and the competencies they possess – if any.
Individuals who are lacking in critical skills and knowledge should not be allowed to be
politicians in Africa, given the magnitude of this continent’s challenges. This is because
politicians, as policy-makers, seek to define – that is, to assess the meaning of – collective
problem situations that constantly arise in human societies, to prescribe actions or policies
designed to correct or otherwise deal with these situations, and to seek by one or another means
to line up support for both their diagnoses of the situations and their concrete prescriptions for
policy (Tucker, 1995). In a nut-shell, policy-making is not for all and sundry, but must be an area
that is set aside for those with the right competencies (Noyoo, 2010). It is, therefore, critically

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important to bear in mind that when a nation allows some of its mediocre citizens to take charge
of all of its policy-making activities, it is most unlikely to succeed in maintaining the smooth
functioning of its social units and facilitating systematic development; nor can it really promote
and preserve human dignity. Therefore, those who then aspire for such positions should have had
attained a high degree of intellectual adroitness and thereafter, have been properly assessed as to
their suitability for the positions. In short, the aspiring candidates should meet two basic
requirements: (a) familiarity with the traditional policy-making procedures and (b) acquisition of
a high degree of intellectual sophistication (Mwaipaya, 1980).

Different political perspectives

Throughout the ages, politics has been studied by different scholars. According to Hislope &
Mughan (2012:39), the philosophical perspectives on politics can be categorised into three main
traditions, namely: (i) politics-as-war; (ii) politics-as-process; and (iii) politics-as-participation.
Each view-point provides a distinct perspective on the nature of politics and the role of the state.
In the first tradition, the outlook on politics is akin to the struggle for power among antagonistic
groups and individuals. State institutions are regarded as instruments of coercion seeking to
maximise power. The key proponents of this analytical thrust are Thomas Hobbes, Niccolò
Machiavelli, Carl Schmitt, Vladimir Lenin and realists, among others. The second category
revolves around the notion of: “who gets what, when, and how” and hinges on the authoritative
allocation of values. Here, the state is seen as the umpire – the rule of law state that is
constrained by a constitution. The main advocates of this philosophical slant to politics include
among others, James Madison, Harold Lasswell, David Easton, and the liberals. The last
approach to politics is linked to participation where there is the involvement of citizens in the
decisions that affect the public interest. In this appraisal, the state is conceived as a non-coercive
forum for public deliberation. Aristotle, J.S. Mill, communists and anarchist thinkers are some of
its proponents (Hislope & Mughan, 2012:39). This discussion contends that Africa seems to be
fascinated with the first perspective of politics where the overall goal of politics lies in the
control of citizens for ultimate power. It looks as if it is all about power and nothing else in
African politics.

With the above-mentioned in mind it is imperative to point out that there is indeed an element of
power to politics. However, it is how power is employed, especially in Africa, which is of
concern to this discussion. In this regard, power is the use of coercion in order to get someone to
do something he or she would not otherwise do. Nevertheless, the reduction of authority to
power has real political consequences, in that authority is a relatively cheap and efficient form of
rule. If citizens regard authority figures as legitimate, then mass compliance is relatively easy to
secure. Power, in contrast, is not so cost-effective. It requires the use of coercive instruments –
police and military action, surveillance, imprisonment or monetary fines, in order to extract
compliance. Thus, when legitimacy is subtracted from authority, only power remains to sustain
the hierarchical relationship between the governor and the governed (Hislope & Mughan,
2012:39). Again, there is less resort to authority in Africa than to power, for instance, as in the
case of the late president of South Africa, Nelson Mandela. When he was president he did not
need to exact compliance via power as everyone respected him and were ready to follow him.

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 (b) Leadership

Peace, war, economic growth, a relief from poverty, beneficial educational and health outcomes,
and a sense of belonging to a worthy national enterprise are all generally influenced by the
character of a nation’s leaders. Hitherto, greater attention was not paid to the critical role of
leadership in the developing world. Indeed, leaders are more responsible for societal outcomes in
the developing than in the developed world because in the former institutions are weaker.
Furthermore, leaders influence how governments perform - how they serve or abuse their
citizens. In essence, leaders matter (Rotberg, 2012). In most literature on leadership, a lot of
effort seems to have gone into studying leadership or leadership styles from the perspective of
organisations or the management of such organisations. Notwithstanding this, there is a general
body of knowledge that is dedicated to the study of leadership in contemporary times as opposed
to classical works, even though many of the present day studies still use the classical approaches
as a foundation. The basic theories and theoretical approaches to today’s leadership research
enhance the traditional thinking of traits and styles. However, there is also diversity in regard to
approaches in contemporary leadership research. Thus, theoretical perspectives to leadership are
often related to leadership practice by incorporating normative statements into the theory itself.
Of noteworthy is the fact that even if leadership research could be considered as dominantly
normative, theories in this field, primarily serve to describe and explain leadership (Winkler,
2010). Leadership can either be illegitimate or legitimate. In regard to the latter, Marx Weber
highlighted three basic types of legitimate authority namely: traditional, rational or legal and
charismatic. Traditional authority means that traditional rights of a powerful and dominant
individual or group are accepted by subordinates. It is based on the belief that traditional rules
and powers are true and effective. Rational and legal authority rests on the belief in the legality
of enacted rules and the right of those elevated to authority under such rules to issue commands.
In modern societies, authority is in large part exercised on the basis of bureaucracy. Lastly,
charismatic authority rests on the devotion to the exceptional sanctity, heroism, or exemplar
character of an individual and of the normative patterns or order revealed or ordained by him or
her. Thus charisma is defined as the quality of an individual’s personality that is considered
extraordinary, and followers may consider this quality to be endowed with supernatural,
superhuman, or exceptional powers of qualities (Winkler, 2010:32).

Undoubtedly, there is clear evidence today which shows that leadership does matter. Leaders
help to reduce ambiguity and uncertainty in people’s lives. They do so by constructive acts that
use complex social forces to achieve concrete, long-term aims and goals. But they do more:
leaders make meaning. They provide clear and positive reasons for their aims, actions and
accomplishments. There are three primary approaches that have historically been used to
understand leadership, namely: leadership traits, leadership behaviour and the situational context
of leadership (Sashkin & Sashkin, 2003). Furthermore, leadership has been conceptualised along
the lines of transactional leaders and transformational leaders. Transactional leaders are those
who lead through social exchange. For example, transactional business leaders offer financial
rewards for productivity or deny rewards for lack of productivity. Transformational leaders, on
the other hand, are those who stimulate and inspire followers to both achieve extraordinary
outcomes and in the process develop their own leadership capacity (Bass & Riggio, 2006).
Although leadership is of concern to this paper, its focus is primarily on political leadership. This
is because there are many other forms of leadership. This discussion therefore concurs with the

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assertion of Tucker (1995:11) which intimates that leadership is a fact of social life in all social
spheres, not in politics only, and wherever found, it appears under the aspect of a relationship
between the leaders and those whom they lead. Leadership is a process of human interaction in
which some individuals exert, or attempt to exert, a determining influence upon others. In fact
politics in its essential nature is leadership of a political community and all the activity, including
participatory activity by citizens that may enter into the process of leadership. Political
leadership often makes a crucial difference in the lives of states and other human communities
(Tucker, 1995). Political leadership is a social construction that acts within a particular historical
and social context, as a multi-dimensional activation that is a peculiar mixture of a contingent
situation and personal intervention, and as the impact of individual style and creativity on
political challenges and opportunities (Rotberg, 2012). As for van der Waldt (2001:124) political
leaders are responsible for maintaining a high standard of propriety in the discharge of the
official duties. The commitment of political leaders is demonstrated by example and by tackling
action that is available at the political level, for instance by:

 Creating legislative and institutional arrangements that reinforce ethical behaviour and
create sanctions against wrongdoing.
 Providing adequate support and resources for ethics-related activities throughout
government.
 Avoiding the exploitation of ethics, rules and laws for political purposes.

It is for this reason that both Plato and Aristotle again dissected the idea of leadership. There is
obviously no question that the notion of “leadership” is central in Plato’s The Republic, nor is
there apparently any question that it is crucial, since it is foundational for Plato’s society. Plato’s
aim as he says, was to write a “theoretical constitution” (or to critically present the theoretical
framework and principles for a constitution - logô politeian) in order to “establish a good
society” (aristên polin oikizein). A good society, according to Plato’s theory, is the one which is
founded on a good principle and grounded on a good leadership, that is to say, the principle of
justice and the leadership of the philosopher. However, along with his notions of “society” and
“justice”, Plato’s idea of “leadership” has been questioned and challenged by many (often quite
vehemently, especially in the 20th Century and particularly after the Second World War) and
seen as a totalitarian state under a dictatorial justice of an authoritarian ruler (Philippoussis,
1999:109). However, it is easy to critique Plato in modern times as societies and political
systems have evolved. In fact, Plato’s idealised society was conceptualised in times long before
when what we call modern political systems were conceived and this was even prior to the birth
of Christ. So it just goes to show that even if his depiction of leadership may seem flawed to
some modern analysts, his overall analysis on this subject is relevant today as it was many
centuries ago.

Visionary and quality leadership

In this paper, the definition of visionary leadership is adapted from Lewanika (2006), while the
notion of quality leadership is derived from the analysis of Mwaipaya (1980). It must be stated at
this juncture that visionary leadership is about creating the future and not predicting it (Shashkin
& Shashkin, 2003). Visionary leadership refers to a clean, clear, competent, credible, committed,
courageous, and compassionate foresight and team. It is not leadership that is lacking in a clear

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nationalist programme-focus, credibility, integrity and competence. It is also leadership that
eschews corruption and the corrupt; is wary of those leaders who are deficient in intellectual
depth, narrow in knowledge, are unqualified and inexperienced. Lastly, it is not populist and
demagogic, socially insensitive and unaccommodating, and, otherwise, inept and indifferent to
national service (Lewanika, 2006). On the other hand, the significance of quality leadership is
that it engages in rational and objective thinking and tries to make policies that are not far
removed from the reality of human nature (emphasis added). It follows therefore, that the
opposite of quality leadership is mediocre leadership. Indeed, where as it is often consistent in its
deliberations, mediocre leadership usually acts either without following any kind of objective
manner or reasoning or simply follows the dictates of feelings, passions, and sentiments of
special vested interests (Mwaipaya, 1980). We further take quality and visionary leadership as
comprising some of the characteristics of transformational and charismatic leadership.

Which way forward?

Given the foregoing perspectives on politics and leadership, it is suggested in this discussion that
leadership in Africa should be the prime mover in the realisation of the good society and the
good life. In this regard, only visionary and quality leadership can chart a political agenda that
will among other things, create the good society, which should in turn, foster conditions that
allow all its citizens to enjoy the good life. This thinking is in line with the propositions of
Aristotle in regard to politics. The point that is being made here is that no development initiatives
will blossom in a country, if the political leadership is inept. Also, no economy will function at
all, if it is perverted to satisfy the whims of a parasitic elite political group. Therefore, when
political power is well harnessed and utilised to formulate responsive policies, rather than, for
example, used to plunder the country’s resources or shore up the aspirations of one ethnic group,
above those of the nation, then the improvement of citizens’ lives will become a reality on the
African continent (Noyoo, 2010). That being said, therefore, the politics that is being pursued in
most of Africa today is not emancipatory or helping to create the good society. It is almost a
cliché, but it is a fact that Africa is a continent that is endowned with abundant natural and
human resources, but remains the most deprived, underdeveloped and poverty stricken continent
in these modern times. Indeed, Africa has had and continues to have its fair share of mostly man-
made calamities, mainly due to wrong politics and mediocre leadership. For Plato and Aristotle,
a society for them was well-ordered when the people who governed it knew what they were
doing and this “knowing what they were doing” was linked directly to finding and solving the
public good. There is an art if not a science to politics (Barker, 2007). Sadly, many African
leaders are still grappling with “knowing what they were doing”.

Arguably, the current leadership crisis in Africa, especially in the political arena, is the major
stumbling block to Africa’s quest for development. The same can be said of the leaders of
various rebel groups littered all over Africa, supposedly fighting for the downtrodden, but in
reality seeking only to gain power via the barrel of the gun and through the means of violence. It
seems that their main purpose is to seize state power and nothing else. Their voracious appetite
for power, explains their inability to chart a course of nation-building, inclusive development and
genuine stability and peace once they have gained power. For example, the rebel group known as
Seleka in the Central African Republic (C.A.R), after it deposed the dictator François Bozize in
March last year, went on to engage in orgies of violence, pillage and rape and not putting in

9
place a coherent programme of national reconciliation and development (Noyoo, 2014). Due to
this, millions of Africans are relegated to a life of strife and constant suffering, instead of living
the good life. The good life should be the foundation where productive nations could emerge and
where people are allowed to tap into their creative energies and then help their countries to move
forward in matters of development. Since Africa seems bereft of visionary and quality
leadership, as earlier intimated, the task at hand, for all progressives, in Africa, would be to
nurture young people for possible future leadership roles, not only in politics but in other spheres
of life. It must be noted that societies cannot shape or transform themselves but by their capable
citizens. That is why Africa’s earlier educated class had managed to challenge colonial rule and
eventually overthrew it. Thus it was not coincidental that a good number of the nationalists who
drove the independence struggle were intellectuals. It was also not accidental that the more
action-oriented and radically predisposed nationalists, such as Kwame Nkrumah or Julius
Nyerere, who had spearheaded quite bold and comprehensive development agendas, which were
rooted in Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS), were more intellectually endowed than their
counterparts who had not followed the same path. African nationalist leaders such as Amilcar
Cabral even took things to another qualitatively higher level. Cabral was not just a master
tactician and strategist in military and guerrilla methods, against colonial rule, but he was
arguably one of Africa’s most intellectually gifted nationalists who not only mastered the
theoretical aspects of intellectual inquiry, but of praxis as well. He also expounded on
revolutionary theory in the light of Africa’s liberation struggle and beyond. To him independence
was not the end point, but the beginning of Africa’s emancipatory process (Noyoo, 2014).

After putting forward arguments and counter-positions, it is now critical that proposals are made
as to how visionary and quality leadership can be harnessed in Africa. The following are
suggested as stepping-stones for visionary and quality leadership to unfold in Africa - in
preparation for the next generation of African leaders. The foregoing will also serve as
precursors to the rise of people power across the continent:

I. Developing a critical mass of action-oriented and radical intellectuals

There is a deafening silence from the African intelligentsia in regard to matters of good
governance or visionary and quality leadership, or related matters. It is almost as if there are no
intellectuals on the continent who can add a moral and enlightened voice against misrule that is
pervasive on the African continent and which is being championed by mediocre leaders.
Probably it is due to the dearth of critical and radical intellectual voices in most of Africa that we
find depraved leaders going about their business of abusing their own people without much
worry. Why are there not many intellectuals who are rising to the challenge of lifting their
countries out of the morass of political misrule in Africa? It seems as if in Africa intellectuals are
preoccupied with the art of self-preservation and always trying “to put food on the table” and not
putting themselves in harm’s way, for example, fighting for human dignity, civil liberties,
transparent governance and democracy. There is thus a need for a critical mass of action-oriented
and radical intellectuals in these dire times of misguided politics in Africa. Such intellectuals
could play a dual role in Africa. As earlier noted, they can be the advocates and champions of the
good society on the continent and a good life for its masses, through academic discourse. The
other and more crucial role could be to shape future leaders who are independent thinkers,
action-oriented and radical in orientation. In addition, young Africans would be taught to be

10
courageous, questioning, self-reflective and self-driven and also possess a critical consciousness
type of paradigm that is imbued with progressive African values, traditions and customs. Since
culture is dynamic and constantly evolving, African cultures that could underpin this thrust must
not be those that are retrogressive and do not have a place in this modern and globalising world.
This paper eschews misguided traditionalism and archaic cultural practices that just keep African
people backward. Suffice it to say, it is only an action-oriented and radical African scholar who
will be able to shape young minds along these lines and steer them towards the path of pride and
dignity that is not based on falsehoods, but on the historical mission of propelling Africa to
higher levels of development.

II. Developing progressive education curricula

The starting-point here would be to put in place a progressive type of education for Africa’s
nations that would essentially prepare young Africans for future leadership positions. Education
would not just be aimed at the socialisation and training aspects, but also emphasise greatly on
consciousness-raising. Again, Aristotle can offer some guidance here. For Aristotle, education
was mostly concerned with the aim to make moral people by transmitting the necessary virtue of
a happy life. The most important virtue in this respect is the ability to be able to think and
contemplate. We need to learn not only to be critical but also how to be virtuous and to live well.
There is no happy or good life without also living virtuously. These virtues are mainly cultivated
through doing virtuous acts and realising the self as a person of character. Education, then, has
an explicitly moral character where ultimately we need to consider how to become a good person
and lead a happy life (Stevenson, 2011). This type of education would be similar to what Freire
had expounded in the late 1960s and 1970s in reference to the pedagogy of the oppressed. This
type of education would bring to the fore a new awareness of self which would free the
oppressed and marginalised so as not to be passive objects responding to uncontrollable change.
In this manner, each individual wins back the right to say his or her own word or to name the
world (Freire, 1970). Education must be the driver of social change in Africa and not just for the
accessing of employment opportunities – as important as this may seem. A curriculum that is
tailored to shape future citizens in a manner that helps to “decolonise their mind” as Ngugi
(1994) puts it or one that liberates and unshackles their minds would surely put Africa’s future
leaders on a sound footing. This work endorses the initiatives which are being spearheaded by
the former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, which seek to create a new crop of young
African leaders through his academy. The Thabo Mbeki African Leadership Institute (TMALI) in
conjunction with the University of South Africa (UNISA) endeavours to shape new leaders who
will not only be change agents, but who will also be able to offer solutions to Africa’s many
challenges.

The foregoing efforts need to be replicated across the continent, and past presidents and eminent
leaders or persons, who have legitimacy and authority in Africa, can drive such an agenda.
However, Africa’s young minds need to be captured and shaped much earlier. It is important that
primary schools become nurseries for future leaders and this paper proposes that some of the
avenues that could have helped countries to achieve this and which had existed in most African
countries in the immediate post-colonial era need to be re-visited and then re-invigorated. The
Girl Guides and Boys Scouts movements come to mind. Although colonial in orientation, the
former were crucial in shaping future leaders as they helped in the building of the characters of

11
young Africans. It would not be farfetched to speculate that some Africans who are presently in
leadership positions, apart from politics, would have been boy scouts or girl guides when they
were young. The other area that could be helpful in building the foundation for the continent’s
future visionary and quality leaders could be in the youth service programmes that some
countries are pursuing in Africa. These need to be reviewed against the set objective of raising a
certain calibre of leaders for tomorrow, unlike now, where young people are not purposively
moulded for future leadership roles. Indeed, more work and thinking needs to go into tapping
and developing the talents of the youth of Africa. The late president of the USA, John F.
Kennedy, had established the Peace Corps in 1960. Something similar could be established in
African countries or even by the African Union (AU) in order to help the most disadvantaged
countries on the continent through the deployment of young Africans who have skills,
knowledge and zeal required to eradicate some of Africa’s persistent socio-economic problems.

III. The call for a conscious business class and an African middle class or “bourgeoisie”

Another group that has been seriously lacking if not in revolutionary spirit, but at least, in a
clear-sighted agenda, that could emancipate the continent from its deplorable socio-political and
economic situation, is the business class or wealthy Africans. This group has failed to grasp its
historical mission and seems to think that hoarding wealth or flaunting it in a “sea” of chronic
poverty and debilitating human conditions is not only morally repugnant but something to be
proud of. This group of Africans does not seem to have offered much leadership in matters of
Africa’s development and this paper concurs with Kalu (2005) who refers to this class as
indigenous elites and refers to this group as being absent in the public policy domain. Kalu
(2005) argues that it is the lack of productive engagement in the public policy sector, by
indigenous elites, with viable financial, intellectual and patriotic resources that remains an
obstacle to the installation and maintenance of institutional structures that are consistent with
modern statehood frameworks. The former author also distinguishes between indigenous elites
and extractive elites. In this regard, indigenous elites build legacies using ideas and institutions.
Significant to their roles and functions is the fact that they nurture dreams of current generations
and, for the unborn; they leave their marks in sustainable and authentic educational institutions
and structures, financial and judicial infrastructural legacies with enforceable norms and stable
security across the country (Kalu, 2005). Most importantly, indigenous elites produce a self-
determined citizenry with zeal to serve their countries unselfishly. On the other hand, extractive
elites, leave legacies of dug up roads, wasted farmlands, uncompleted projects, corruption,
malevolent leadership, false hopes, unfulfilled dreams, institutional decay represented by an
externally weak state that is sustained internally by force of arms - while carting away the future
of an already alienated, brutalised and emasculated citizenry as personal loots to foreign bank
accounts (Kalu, 2005).

Conclusion

Only a certain calibre of leadership can be able to propel Africa into the mid-21st Century on a
platform of prosperity and this paper argues that the majority of leaders in Africa are not fit for
this historical mission. Hence, the call visionary and quality leadership in Africa is even more
pronounced than in past eras. Africa cannot continue to exist in almost medieval conditions when
other parts of the world are galloping into a prosperous future. This is really unacceptable given

12
Africa’s abundant natural resources. Thus, the notion of “African solutions for African
problems” can only be realised by visionary leaders of high calibre. This paper discussed the idea
of visionary and quality leadership in Africa. Concepts and theories relating to the former issues
were brought forth in order to shed more light on the focused area. Plato’s and Aristotle’s points
of departure, in the light of politics and leadership, served as this paper’s beacons. Efforts were
also made to distil the various intellectual thrusts pertinent to politics and leadership, and to
arrive at working definitions. The paper also put forward certain proposals for developing
visionary and quality leadership in Africa.

13
End notes
1
This extract is from a letter which was written by Patrice Lumumba to his wife shortly before he was killed.
2
David Smith in the Guardian Newspaper of Friday, 25 October 2013, had this to say about Mobutu: “Known for
his trademark leopard-skin hat, he plundered and looted his way to an estimated $5bn (£3.1bn), with homes in
Switzerland and France. During the cold war, he enjoyed financial support from the US, whose then president,
Ronald Reagan, called him “a voice of good sense and goodwill”. Critics remember him as a dictator who crushed
dissent and presided over the collapse of rail, road and other infrastructure.”
3
The term “boy soldiers” is linked to Laurent Kabila’s army which was significantly composed of child soldiers.
Stuart Jeffries reports in the Guardian Newspaper that Laurent Kabila was killed by one of his teenage soldiers.
Kabila’s kadogos (Swahili for child soldiers) committed patricide against a man they believed to have betrayed
them.
4
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) constructed the Human Development Index (HDI) which
focuses on three measurable dimensions of human development, namely, living a long and healthy life, being
educated and having a decent standard of living. Thus it combines measures of life expectancy, school enrolment,
literacy and income to allow a broader view of a country’s development than does income alone. Although the HDI
is a useful starting-point, it is important to remember that the concept of human development is much broader and
more complex than any summary measure can capture, even when supplemented by other indices (UNDP, 2004).
The HDI is not a comprehensive measure. It does not include important aspects of human development, notably the
ability to participate in the decisions that affect one’s life and to enjoy the respect of others in the community. It is
also important to note that the HDI is constructed using data from international sources. Sometimes more up-to-date
data are available nationally, and sometimes there are slight differences in definitions between international and
national data. For these and other reasons, discrepancies with national sources may occur. The HDI measures the
average progress of a country in human development (UNDP, 2004).
5
Sub-Saharan Africa’s growth is expected to pick-up in 2014, despite the global headwinds that have moderately
lowered the region’s performance in 2013, reports the International Monetary Fund (IMF), noting that the softer
outlook for 2013 reflects both a more adverse external environment and diverse domestic factors. The IMF says that
strong investment demand continues to support growth in most of the region, while output is projected to expand by
5 percent in 2013 and 6 percent in 2014.

14
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