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Casteism Anti Brahmin Movements and Indian Politics PDF
Casteism Anti Brahmin Movements and Indian Politics PDF
National Coordinator
University of Hyderabad
Paper Coordinator Prof. Edward Rodrigues Centre for the Study of Social Systems
Content Writer Rahul Sonpimple Research Scholar , Centre for the Study of
Social Systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Content Reviewer Prof.Edward Rodrigues Centre for the Study of Social Systems
Language Editor Prof.Edward Rodrigues Centre for the Study of Social Systems
Technical Conversion
Module Structure
Casteism, Anti-Brahmin This module consists of two sections. The first section of module provides a
Movements and Indian theoretical understanding developed by various thinkers on caste and caste
Politics
system. It also discusses the discriminatory role of caste in social life and how
caste as a pre-modern phenomenon still remains as a primary factor in the
construction of primary relationships in the lives of majority Indians. Second
section of module thoroughly discusses the emergence of the anti-Brahmin
movements in various parts of India. It also discusses the ideological
foundation built by the leaders of the anti-Brahmin movement, such as,
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy in Tamilnadu and Joyti Rao Phule in Maharashtra.
Description of the Module
Pre Requisites A sociological understanding of the caste system and its workings in
different parts of the country.
Introduction
Caste in Indian society refers to a social group where membership is largely decided by birth.
The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary defines Caste as “a Hindu hereditary class of
socially equal persons, united in religion and usually following similar occupations,
distinguished from other castes in the hierarchy by its relative degree of purity or pollution1.’’
The caste system played a significant role in determining the content and direction of the
processes of political socialisation, political mobilisation and institutionalisation within the
framework of modern democracy. In the years following independence, the traditional upper
castes continued to rule in most parts of India. However, Non-Brahmin and low-caste
movements broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-class mobility and
annihilation of caste have altered the conventional operation and relation of caste in many
ways. It is in this context, the present module consists of two sections. The first section of
module provides a theoretical understanding developed by various thinkers on caste and caste
system. It also discusses the discriminatory role of caste in social life and how caste as a pre-
modern phenomenon still remains as a primary factor in the construction of primary
relationships in the lives of majority Indians. Second section of module thoroughly discusses
the emergence of the anti-Brahmin movements in various parts of India. It also discusses the
ideological foundation built by the leaders of the anti-Brahmin movement, such as, Periyar E.
V. Ramasamy in Tamilnadu and Joyti Rao Phule in Maharashtra.
Section-I
Caste and casteism
The Indian caste system is a classification of people into four hierarchically ranked castes
called varnas. They are classified according to occupation and determine access to wealth,
power, and privilege. The leadership positions in society are monopolized by a few dominant
castes (Pintane, 2010). The two most important characteristics of the Indian caste system
1
Ed. Lesley Brown. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1993
have to do with endogamy and occupational restriction. Every member of a caste or sub-caste
is required to marry within their own caste. Any violation of this, results in excommunication
from one’s family and caste. When it comes to occupation, every caste member is associated
and with required to follow the occupation associated with that caste. Another characteristic
is that every caste imposes restrictions on its members with regards to diet and has its own
laws which govern the food habit of the members. There are strict barriers when it comes to
the mixing of a superior caste with an inferior caste. Hence, under the caste system every
caste abides by well established customs and well defined norms of interactions. An idea of
purity and pollution is one of the essential characteristic of caste system. Cleanliness is
considered to be a very important value in Hinduism, and the caste system enforces this idea.
Untouchability was thus a means of exclusivism, a social device that became religious only
by being drawn into the pollution-purity complex (Velssasery, 2005).
2
The Indian constitution refers to Dalits as Scheduled Castes (SCs) and ethnic minorities as Scheduled Tribes (STs), and
together they comprise more than 24 % of India’s population. http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/
India_at_Glance/scst.aspx
3
For a situational overview of caste discrimination see the study Caste-based Discrimination in South Asia (2009) by ISDN
commissioned by the European Commission. http://idsn.org/uploads/media/EU_Study_CD_2009.pdf. Also, a survey
conducted in 2006 examined the practice of untouchability in 565 villages across 11 states in India. See Untouchability in
Rural India by Ghanshyam Shah, et al (2006).
4
Manual scavenging was outlawed in 1993, yet today 1.3 million Dalits, mostly women, are employed by municipalities in
this occupation.
wages than other workers for similar tasks5. These are just a few specific examples. There are
also more violent forms of caste-based discrimination.
The practice of caste-based exclusion and discrimination thus, necessarily involves failure of
access and entitlements, not only to economic rights, but also to civil, cultural and political
rights. The caste /untouchablity and ethnicity based exclusion thus reflect in inability of
individuals and groups like former untouchables ,adivasi and other similar groups to interact
freely and productively with others and to take part in the full economic, social, and political
life of a community ( Bhalla and Lapeyere 1997). The caste and untouchability based
exclusion and discrimination, essentially is “structural in nature”, and comprehensive and
multiple in coverage, and involve denial of equal opportunities, particularly to the excluded
groups like former untouchables (Thorat, 2007).
Movements against caste hegemony of upper caste both in the colonial and post-colonial
periods have immensely contributed to the restructuring of caste equations in Indian politics.
Caste, a uniquely Indian social institution and Indian politics has been subject of intensive
study for many years. Many sociologists including Andre Beteille (1965) in his “caste, class
and power” and Rajni Kothari (1970) in his “caste in Indian politics”, have highlighted
various aspects of caste in politics. According to M.N Srinivas (1957) the role played by
caste in politics is in close approximation to that of the pressure group. While evaluating the
role of caste association in democratic politics Ghanshyam Shah (2002), argued that, caste
associations assume the role of disseminating political education and the day to day
functioning of political system to its members and mobilise and organise them accordingly.
This strategy would enable them to enter into political bargaining with the existing political
system in terms of demanding for the maximisation of their representation in politics and
addressing their problems. Andre Beteille (1965) holds that while westernization is taking
individual away from caste identity the role of caste in politics is taking the people towards
the caste identity and thereby strengthening it. Caste has always been central to modern
Indian politics.
Caste also operates as the central principle in the distribution of power and material
resources. Non-Brahmin and low-caste movements were active during the colonial era,
5
See the report on special component plan for SCs and STs by National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights,
http://www.ncdhr.org.in/resources/publications/daaa-publication/Status%20Report.
broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-class mobility and annihilation of caste
(Omvedt, 1994). However, in the years following independence, the traditional upper castes
continued to rule in most parts of India.
Dalits in Politics
One can trace the roots of Dalit movement from Bhakti and colonial periods. However, the
real quest for power in Dalit movement became eminent in the post-colonial India.
Emergence of various regional leaders and political parties of Dalits have shaped electoral
politics differently. It is in this context present section discusses the political movement of
Dalits in west, south and north India.
Although BAMCEF was regarded by some as a pool of Brains, talents and funds, it kept a
low profile because of service rules restrictions on public employees. For the furtherance of
its objective, Kanshi Ram proceeded to set up a new organization known as Dalit Soshit
Samaj Sangharash Samiti on Dec. 6 1981, as a non political agitational arm of his movement.
Its primary purpose was to create awareness among the Dalits. The rise in the political
standing of any party can be equated with the rise of the political fortunes of its leaders.
Having gained political experience and using the BAMCEF and DS-4 as base organization,
Kanshi Ram decided to lay the foundation of political party, the BSP on April 14, 1984 on
the birth anniversary of B.R. Ambedkar to fulfil the political aspirations of the Dalits. BSP
gave a new hope to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes by creating a strong platform in
Indian politics under the leadership of their own community leaders. In Punjab, the influence
of the BSP as a political force was felt during February 1992 Assembly elections when it
managed to capture 9 seats, thus becoming the main opposition party in the Vidhan Sabha
(Kumar, 2011). The BSP candidates were runner up in 34 seats. It also won a Lok Sabha seat
in February 1991 elections. With the November 1993 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan, Kanshi Ram led BSP emerged as a
political force at the national level (kumar, 2013).
The PMK and Dalit parties which seemed to introduce caste concerns into Tamil politics,
thus, arguably arise from the cosy relationship between dominant BCs and the two Dravidian
parties. Honours have been heaped on Muthuramalingam Thevar, for instance, whilst lower
caste politicians are perceived to lack recognition and respect. The continuing under-
representation of Dalit politicians in cabinets and ministry portfolio questions Dravidian
pluralism. Caste politics in this period, furthermore, has been synonymous with outbreaks of
caste violence. Lower caste (especially Dalit) assertion has challenged the social status of
higher castes and incurred disproportionate, forceful retaliation (or ‘extravagant revenge’)
against any caste transgression or resistance) (O. Mendelsohn and M. Vicziany, 1998). Dalit
assertion has also led to conflict with state authorities (in 2011, police fired on demonstrators
in Paramakudi killing seven Dalits) emphasising that access to political institutions is not
straightforward. An unintended consequence of MBC and Dalit activism, therefore, is that
social fault lines have assumed a collective, caste character and rendered violence a
recognized, albeit censured, feature of the political repertoire (Gorringe,2012).
Section-II
The non-Aryan or the non-Brahmin movements in Maharashtra and Tamilnadu, the Dalit
movements in Panjab and Karnataka were against the Aryan conquest and Brahman
exploitation through religion and culture. These movements, being aimed at the argument of
the original inhabitants, have a common tag Adi which means original inhabitant. Most of the
Dalit movements like ’AdiDharma in Punjab, Adi-Hindu‟ in UP and Hyderabad, AdiDravida,
„Adi-Andhra and Adi-Karnataka‟ in South India have a common claim of the Dalits and
Sudras being the original habitants of India. Gail Omvedt (1994) writes: it was in the 1920s,
however, that Dalits began to organize strongly and independently throughout many regions
of India. The most important of the early Dalit movements were the Ad-Dharm movement in
the Punjab (organized 1926); the movement under Ambedkar in Maharastra, mainly based
among Mahars which had its organizational beginnings in 1924; the Namashudra movement
in Bengal; the Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu; the Adi-Karnataka movement; the Adi-
Hindu movement mainly centered around Kanpur in U.P; and the organizing of the pulayas
and Cherumans in Kerala (Omvedt,1994). The Namasudhra movement in 1872 was the first
protest against the social authority of the higher castes. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay (1997) views:
The Namasudhra movement in Bengal is the story of an antyaja or untouchable caste,
transforming itself from an amphibious peripheral multitude into a settled agricultural
community, protesting against the age-old social disabilities and economic exploitation it
suffered from, entering the vortex of institutional politics and trying to derive benefit out of it
through an essentially loyalist political strategy. The Namashudras, earlier known as
chandals, lived mainly in the low lying swap areas of Eastern Bengal. The Namasudras
embraced Islam or Christianity to avoid the stigma of untouchability in the early twentieth
century. Chandal Movement of 1872-73 led to the formation of the Namasudra. Led by
Harichand Thakur of Faridpur and his son in the subsequent period, the movement believed
in education and self-respect. Next to Namasudra movement, Ad-Dharm movement, led by
Mangoo Ram in Punjab, made a substantial contribution to the social and political life of
Dalits in Punjab. He was influenced by the Ghadar movement, a radical organization in
California aimed at liberating India from British rule through armed insurrection. Similar to
the Adi movements in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and the Namasudra movement in Bengal, the
Adi movements in South India had their resonance in constructing Dalit identity. The
untouchable movements in Nagpur, Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu, Adi-Karnataka
movement in Mysore, Adi-Andhra movement in Andhra Pradesh under Madras Presidency
and AdiHindu movement under the Nizam reign had paved the way for constructing the Dalit
identity in South India.
Conclusion:
Prior to the introduction of the universal adult franchise in India, it was mostly the individuals
from the higher caste who were politically active. However, the franchise system in India
brought in the importance of numbers in India. Those who were placed in the lower ladder of
social hierarchy got an opportunity to assert themselves by using their numerical strength. In
many parts of India, caste associations have emerged with the aim of pursuing not only social
status and economic interest but political power as well. Many political parties take
advantage of the caste sentiments and fracture the society in such a manner that they gain
from such divisions. Caste as discussed above, is a primary factor in deciding the social
position of groups and individuals, source of honour and dishonour, validation of power and
powerlessness, will always rule the political morality until its annihilation from all spheres of
the life. In addition, caste in the democracy has also become an important instrument for
Dalits and other lower caste to organize and mobilize themselves to attain the political power.
Therefore, mobilization of lower castes on the basis of caste identity may not necessarily be
considered as casteism, it could be understood rather as formation of interest group of
oppressed in the democracy.
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