The History of Ayōdhyā and the

Rāma Janmabhūmī Dispute – I

By Smita Mukerji

“On Sarjú’s bank, of ample size,

The happy realm of Kośala lies,
With fertile length of fair champaign
And flocks and herds and wealth of grain.
There, famous in her old renown,
Ayōdhyā stands, the royal town,
In bygone ages built and planned
By sainted Manu’s princely hand.
Imperial seat! Her walls extend
Twelve measured leagues from end to end,
And three in width from side to side,
With square and palace beautified.
Her gates at even distance stand;
Her ample roads are widely planned.”

~ Ralph T. H. Griffith

The movement for reclaiming the Rāma Janmabhūmī site over the past three centuries
can be regarded as the standard bearing struggle in the Hindus’ bid at civilisational
reassertion by regaining control of their sacred sites in their homeland, which had been
destroyed by invading barbarians and inimical ideologies during the past millennium.
But the soundness of their claim is sought to be challenged today not only from the
standpoint of possible archaeological remains of a preexisting, pre-Islamic structure,
but also by impugnments by the lobbies opposing it on the sacrosanct status of
Ayōdhyā, its antiquity and that of its association with the worship of Śri Rāma,
obscuring or disregarding the substantial corroborative material from which these are
borne out.
The discourse has also been plagued by a surfeit of spurious evidences, impassioned
but ignorant claims, communal animus and political propaganda, which have turned it
into a seemingly irresoluble maze. In order to therefore see through the innumerable
convolutions in this most emotive issue in the Indian political space, it is imperative to
get a clear perspective on all the elements of this dispute, most importantly the history
of Ayōdhyā itself, which was for the most part placid, but interrupted by spurts of
tumult.
Ayōdhyā has a continuous history of over two millennia corroborated through various
sources, the earliest reference to which can be found in the Atharva Vēda.1 We pick

1
अष्टाचक्रा नवद्वारा दे वानाां पु रयोध्या।
तस्ाां हिरण्मयः कोशः स्वर्गो ज्योहतषावृतः ॥३१॥
(“Ayōdhyā is the city of gods with eight circles and nine portals.” ~ Atharva Vēda, 10-2-31)
up the story at a somewhat later point in this epoch, at the fag-end of the mediaeval
era.
Under Peshwa Bajirao I (years active: 1720–1740) Marāṭhā power had expanded
rapidly to the north of India and remained ascendant for almost a century until it was
outstripped in contention with the British. About four decades earlier, the founder of
the Marāṭhā empire, Ćhatrapati Shivaji, had on his deathbed laid down the mission of
the Marāṭhā empire, to wrest control of and restore prominent venerated shrines of
Hindus2 which had been destroyed in the inferno of fanaticism of the Mughal Emperor
Aurangzeb and previous Islamic rulers. Persevering on this purpose, in 1751, during
the reign of Ćhatrapati Rajaram II, Malhar Rao Holkar requested the second Nawab
of Awadh, Mansur Ali (Safdar Jung) to hand over Ayōdhyā, Kāśi and Prayāga to the
Marāṭhās, in return for succour provided in his conflict with the Rohilla pathans.3, 4 This
demand was renewed in 17565 when the third nawab, Shuja-ud-Daulah, once again
approached the Marāṭhās for help against an impending attack by the Afghans.
After almost a year of negotiations, in 1757, the nawab finally agreed to cede Ayōdhyā
and Kāśi to the Marāṭhā chief Raghoba. However, owing to the latter’s preoccupation
in the Punjab and on account of the nawab’s reluctance, since Ayōdhyā was the capital
of Awadh state, this could be implemented only in 17596 when Peshwa Balaji Bajirao7
expressly directed the Marāṭhā general in North India, Dattaji Scindia, to take over the

A metaphorical representation of the eight levels of human consciousness in which the city of Ayōdhyā is
referred to as the ultimate abode of light and realisation.

2
Adnyāpātra (royal edict) of as veteran of the Marāṭhā state, Ramchandrapant Amatya; account of French spy,
Barthelemy Carre (quoted in ‘Foreign Biographies of Shivaji’, by Surendranath Sen)

3
The Rohillas were Sunnis whilst the Awadh nawabs were Shias.

4
‘The First Two Nawabs of Oudh’ (A.L. Srivastava)

5
“Determined to revive the long forgotten days of Aurangzeb, the Qazi of the town of Benares rallied a party
of fanatical Muslims and demolished on 2nd September 1755 the renovated temple of Vishveshwar, situated in
a corner of the Alamgiri mosque. Upon this the Peshwa asked Shuja to hand over the holy city to the
Marathas. He prepared a sanad to that effect and made it over to the Maratha agent Gopalrao Ganesh. But
Raghunathrao broke off the negotiations with Shuja.” (‘Life of Shuja-ud-Daulah’, Dr. Srivastava – quoted in
‘The New History of the Marathas-Volume II’, G. S. Sardesai)

6
“Mansur Ali’s son [Shuja-ud-Daulah] had promised to Dada [Roghoba] to cede Banaras and Ayodhyā, but the
case of Allahabad is still under discussion. If a settlement on the last point can be easily reached, make it.”
(Letter dated February 23, 1759 – from ‘History of Aurangzeb’ Vol. II, Jadunath Sarkar)
“If he [Shuja-ud-Daulah] is now made wazir (by us), he must cede both Benares and Allahabad and pay 50
lakhs. If he refuses to make the above territorial surrenders and asks for 2 or 3 years to complete the payment,
do not give him the wazirship. But give it if he pays 50 lakhs and at least Allahabad…” (Letter dated March 21,
1759 – Ibid.)

7
Son of Peshwa Baji Rao I
 two cities.8 This
was a significant
event in the
history of
Ayōdhyā since
this led to the
migration of a
substantial
Muslim
population and
almost the entire
Muslim nobility
from Ayōdhyā to
Faizābād, the
new capital of the
Awadh state.
Faizābād (Source: GoIbibo)

Ayōdhyā in the rule of the Awadh Nawabs

The founder of the Awadh
nawabi, Burhan-ul-Mulk
Sa’adat Khan (r. 1722 – 1739),
was a Khorasani Persian who
belonged to the celebrated
Saiyyad family of Najaf. He
made his career serving first the
Saiyyid Brothers, then deserting
them in favour of the Mughal
emperor, Farrukhsiyar, and
thereafter betrayed him too and
defected to the invading Nadir
Shah in 1739. He was
appointed to governorship of
Awadh on September 9, 1722.
He waged war with scores of
local Hindu and Muslim
9
chieftains who had declared
themselves independent with
the weakening hold of Mughal
state, and subdued them to
Nawab Burhan-ul-Mulk Sa’adat Khan (Source: Wikipedia)

8
“The project for the capture of the holy places from the Rohillas and Shuja-ud-Daulah, as desired by the
addressee, is being separately communicated.” – Jankoji Shinde’s letter dated January 26, 1760 to the Peshwa.
(‘Selections from Peshwa daftar – Balaji Peshwa and events in North’, G S Sardesai)

9
Mohan Singh Kahnpuria, the Rājā of Tiloi in Raebareilly, Chhatradhari Singh Somabansi, Rājā of Pratapgarh,
Chet Rai Bais of Baiswara, Rājā Dutta Singh of Gonda, Rājā Narain Singh of Balrampur, Shaikhzadas of Lucknow
 unify the province
of Awadh and
established his
capital at the banks
of the Sarayū,
about two
kilometres from
Ayōdhyā. His
treacherous ways
notwithstanding,
he was liberal in his
treatment of his
Hindu subjects. To
enlist their support
he appointed
numerous Hindus
to important posts
in the army and
Nageshwarnath Temple, Ayodhya (Source: Holidify)
administration,
including the revenue department, and with their help devised ways to increase
revenues and succeeded in building a prosperous state without rack-renting the
peasantry.
The reigns of Sa’adat Khan and his successor, Safdar Jung (r. 1739– 754) witnessed
the establishment of numerous sects of Vaishñava bairāgīs10 and the renovation and
reconstruction of several temples in Ayōdhyā. Govinda Das established the Nirmōhī
akhāḍā11 at Rāmtīrtha (Rāmghāt). Safdar Jung’s prime minister and army
commander, Nawal Rai, built a substitute Janmasthāna temple on a piece of land
granted by a noble, Mir Masum Ali Mafidar (to one Ramadas, pupil of Devamurari of
the Gudar sect of Prayāga, in 173012) and renovated the Nagēśwaranath and
Lakṣmañ Qilā temples at Ayōdhyā.

The Ayōdhyā Sanaḋs

Around this time, the Rāmānaṇdī bairāgīs also moved in, and under the leadership of
Swami Balananda Das, took possession of many areas of Ayōdhyā. In a sanad13 of

10
Loosely, mendicants.

11
Nirmōhī akhāḍā have been the primary litigants in most of the cases involving the Rāma Janmabhūmī site
(including the suite decided by Allahabad High Court on September 10, 2010) against the mainly Muslim
protagonists of the mosque.

12
Estimated by Kunal Kishore (‘Ayodhya Revisted’) in contrast to Carnegy’s rough (and rather improbable)
reckoning which gives us 1704 CE as the year it was founded.

13
Issued by Sadr-ul-Sadur (superintendent of religious endowments) Naqbatuddin Muaaid Mir Jumla Muazzam
Shah Khankhana Bahadur Muzaffar Jung Turkhan by the order of Mughal emperor Muhammad Shah (“…six
July 8, 1723
that confirmed
a previous
deed made by
the Mughal
emperor Aḳbar
(dated March
28, 1600, on
the day after
Rāma
Navamī), 6
bighas of
revenue-free
land in the
province of
Awadh 14 was
granted by the
order of Abul
Fatah Nasir-
Hanumāngaḍhī, Ayōdhyā (Source: Mouthshut.com)
ud-Din
Muhammad Shah to the Rāmānaṇdī bairāgī sādhū Abhayarama Das in perpetuity,
for the construction of a temple on a mound known as Hanumāntīlā, the site of the
ancient Hanumāngaḍhī. Another sanad15 dated December 22, 1722 issued earlier,
containing an order of exemption from taxes on the granted land (madad-i ma'ash)
directed the grantee to build a residential complex for the sādhūs on the land.

bighas of land in the province of Oudh which was granted for the construction of Hanuman Ṭīla, is given to
Abhayarama after comparing it with the deed issued on 13 th Ramazan, 1008 A.H.”)

14
Referred to in the sanaḋ as “...holy place which is the maulud (place of birth) of Rāma...” (Pg. 408 A.Rv)

15
The two land grants in original are in the possession of Mahant Gyan Das of Hanumāngaḍhī.
The third nawab, Shuja-ud-Daulah (r. 1754–75) though known to be a man of personal
moral laxity,16 was exceptionally generous towards his Hindu subjects,17 demonstrated

16
Ghulam Husain Khan’s narrates in his ‘Seir-ul-Muntakhirin’ (Vol. VI, pgs. 65-66), that in his youthful dalliance
Shuja-ud-Daulah had once been caught trying to climb into the room of a pretty damsel. Reported to the
kōtwāl by the girl’s guardians, the matter reached nawab Safdarjung, who promptly ordered his son to be
arrested. The son implored his mother, Begum Sadri Jahan, for intercession who declined and Shuja was held
in captivity for several days.

However, in another later incident, this time when Shuja-ud-Daulah was himself the nawab, he got an 18-year
old Hindu khatri girl from Ayōdhyā abducted, which was followed by an uproar among the people. At this time
the Begum felt no compunction in coming to the rescue of her son and summoned the dīwan, Rājā Ram
Narayan, and demanded of him “why such a hue and cry was being raised over an insignificant, ‘unclean’ Hindu
girl.” On the cue, Ram Narayan, a khatri himself, pacified the public protests, entertaining no qualms on
account of the wronged khatri girl. This incident exposes not only the predatory nature of the Muslim nobility
in general but also the lack of character and principles of the Hindus themselves, who would have felt no
pangs of conscience even compromising the honour of a Hindu girl and the name of their community in order
to safeguard their own limited, selfish privileges. The Daśanāmī sanyāsīs Umrao Giri and Anup Giri are said to
have actually helped Shuja-ud-Daulah in the abduction (‘Awadh under the Nawabs: Politics, Culture and
Communal Relations, 1722-1856’ (1997, New Delhi), by Surendra Mohan). The full extent of Anup Giri’s
treachery would become apparent in later years in the conflicts of the Marāṭhās with the Rohillas and the
British. But it is clear that the sense of honour of Hindu males had come to be limited to their own personal
prestige and ego, and did not extend to the community or any idea of Hindus as a whole, nor of sanctity of the
feminine which is central to their religion. In this case, it did not extend to include even the narrow caste
(khatri) identity. Unfortunately, it cannot be said that this is any different today after a millennium of
interactions with invaders. Hindus continue to be largely the self-serving petty opportunists that they always
were and their collective civilisational losses the result of this fundamental failing, much more than the villainy
of the invaders.

Shuja-ud-Daulah’s lustful rapacity, however, was not limited to Hindu women. Dean Mahomet’s work ‘The
Travels of Dean Mahomet’, which is a compilation of his letters to a friend and the first book ever published by
an Indian in English, gives another account while describing the circumstances that led to the nawab’s death:
After a successful expedition against ‘Mulnahoffis’ [Maulana Hafiz Rahmat Khan, the regent of the Rohillas], in
which the latter died [in the ensuing battle at Miranpur Katra in 1774], Shuja-ud-Daulah captured his beautiful
daughter and placed her in his seraglio, which according to this account, already had “nine hundred pining
beauties” confined within its walls. The book further narrates “…he forced her to yield to his licentious desires,
but purchased his enjoyment at a dear rate, as his life was forfeit of it. The violated female, with a soul, the
shrine of purity, like that of the divine Lucretia, whose chastity will ever adorn the historic page, fired with
indignation at such unmanly treatment, grew frantic with rage, and disdaining life after the loss of honour,
stabbed her brutal ravisher with a lancet, which she afterwards plunged into her own bosom, and expired.”
Shuja-ud-Daulah died in 1775 C.E.

17
“That there are two places of bathing and worship in the neighbourhood of Faizabad where on the arrival of
the pilgrims, guards were stationed to protect them in their religious observations; and Shouja Dawlah
constantly made large donations amongst the poorer sort of the pilgrims, for their maintenance during the
pilgrimage.” (Excerpt from Appendix 43–Parliamentary Register of the Great Britain Parliament, 1781 C.E.)
faith in local traditions18 and valued his relationship with Hindus.19 His military alliances
however followed a more ambiguous pattern.
During the 1761 Pānipat War, Shuja-ud-Daulah abandoned his ties with the Marāṭhās
and along with the Mughals, sided with the invading Ahmad Shah Abdali. Being a Shia
he had no love lost for the Afghans, but feared the prospect of the Marāṭhās gaining
more ground in the North. Though Abdali secured an advantage in this encounter, the
nawab’s army was badly mauled by the Marāṭhās and incapacitated so severely that
in the following years he was unable to withstand the modest army of a trading
company—which was the status of the British until that time—at the Battle of Buxar
(1764). At this point it was a strong contingent of the Daśanāmī sanyāsīs under Umrao
Giri and a large number of bairāgī sādhūs who shored up the nawab’s army.20 The
Gosāīṅ contingent was apparently so outstanding in their fighting prowess that they
were estimated to be, in the words of Colonel Champion, the conqueror of Rohilkhand,
as “the best cavalry in the Oudh.”
These amicable conditions continued in the era of the fourth nawab, Asaf-ud-Daulah
– Muhammad Yahya Mirza Amani (r. 1775–1797). By the time of his nawabi Mughal
rule was sufficiently diminished,21 allowing the nawab to assert regnency independent

18
He conducted worship of the river Sarayū while building a ‘samanburj’ near his palaces, “wherefrom at a
considerable distance the river then flowed… by offering up 125,000 cows and milk in proportion, the Nawab
induced the river to change its course.” (‘Historical Sketch of Tehsil Fyzabad, Zillah Fyzabad including Parganas
Haveli-Oudh and Pachhimrath with the old capitals Ajudhia and Fyzabad’, by P. Carnegy). This is corroborated
in the travelogue of William Hodges.” (‘Travels in India, during the years 1780-3’).

19
“…that many of the principal officers were Hindoos, and amongst them several who held commands; that
the Vizier was more attentive to the Hindoo officers than to those of his own religion, in order to attach his
Gentoo [Hindu] subjects more to his person and government.” (Parliamentary Register of the Great Britain
Parliament, 1781 C.E., pg. 488)
20
Truth derived from history is layered. It can never be judged in black and white. The bairāgīs serving the
nawab participated in the Battle of Pānipat of 1761 against the Hindu Marāṭhā army and on side of the
invading Ahmed Shah Abdali, in spite of the fact that he had been invited the Rohilla Najib Khan (Najib-ad-
Daulah) with the call to save “Islam in India against rise of the kafir Marathas.”
The bairāgīs and the famed regiment of Gosāīṅs would not have been unaware of the 1757 raid of Mathurā by
Abdali who had announced a reward of five rupees to the Muslim soldiers for every Hindu massacred,
irrespective whether sādhus or women. Great terror was unleashed and mountains of bodies of slaughtered
Hindus were raised during the sack of Mathurā. But this ghastly reminder in immediate past of Islam’s
murderous bigotry and its calamitous effect on Indian civilisation did not stir the conscience of the bairāgīs,
who were indeed otherwise committed Hindus who rebuilt much of the historical landmarks of Ayōdhyā
destroyed by Islamic iconoclasm. They were myopic and acted more as mercenaries who fought for limited
gain, rather than act on principle or a greater perspective on the fate of Hindu religion as a whole and the
imperative of a dominant Hindu state and polity.
This is in sharp contrast to the unflinching loyalty of Ibrahim Khan Gardi, the Muslim general of the Marāṭhās,
who was the chief destroyer of Abdali’s right wing and the Rohilla army in Pānipat. After the havoc Gardi
wreaked on the Afghan army in preceding clashes in Delhi and Kunjpura, the Afghans tried to lure him to their
side with promise of loot and appeals to jihad, but Gardi refused to be swayed and remained steadfastly by the
Marāṭhās till his death.

21
Their power was so depleted during the reign of the then Mughal emperor, Shah Alam II, that it led to a
saying in the Persian language ‘Sultanat-e-Shah Alam, Az Dilli ta Palam’, meaning: ‘The kingdom of Shah Alam
is from Delhi to Palam’, Palam being a suburb of Delhi.
of allegiance to the Mughal crown. Asaf-ud-Daulah never appeared at the Mughal
court to pay homage.22 His descendent, Abul-Muzaffar Ghazi-ud-din Haider Khan (r.
1814-1827) completely did away with allegiance to the titular Mughal overlord by
assuming the title of padshāh, getting a coin struck and the khutbā read on his own
name, and sent four crore rupees and gifts to the Khalifa.23
Asaf-ud-Daulah granted one acre land in Ayōdhyā to Dayaram of Ćitrakūṭa on which
Khāki akhāḍā was established, and another piece of (0-1-0) land was granted to
Kishan Dutt Pande for the establishment of Nārāyaña at Lakśmana Ghāt. The
hermitage of Ramprasad was built on (2-3-0) land granted by a landlord, Azhar Husain
Mafidar, and Ram Charan Das received grants of 2 acres of land for his Thākura
Dwāra and a further 4 acres for his akhāḍā from one Mir Omadali ‘Jemindar’. A number
of Rāma-Jānaki temples were built by the sādhūs of the Rāmānaṇda sect.
Purushottama Das of Kōtabūndī laid the foundation of the Mahānirvāñī akhāḍā, and
the Nirālambi sect was founded by Viramala Das of Kōṭā. Several Hindu and Jain
temples, tanks and mûṭhs were also built in the Aliganj-Lucknow area, where the
nawab shifted his capital subsequently from Faizābād.24

(Source: British Library)

The British East India Company had however by this time gained significantly in power
and influence, imposing harsh treaties following the Battle of Buxar that placed a heavy

22
In fact it was Jawan Bakht, a son of the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II, who paid a visit in 1784 to the nawab,
though he was received with full honour due to his position and received a bride and an honorarium of Rupees
three lakhs.

23
The source from which Islamic rule derived legitimacy and to which it (and Muslims) owe(d) primary
allegiance, not to the land they ruled or drew sustenance from not even if affiliated with it by blood. This
imperative of Islam should not be lost in facile cover-ups of India’s forced liberal-secular narrative.
24
Lala Jatmal constructed the famous Hanumān temple in Aliganj. The much revered old Jagannath temple of
Lucknow was rebuilt at the behest of Rājā Tikait Rai Bahadur, the dīwan of Awadh (years active 1791-96, after
which he was removed at the insistence of the British East India Company.) Many saints arrived too, allowed to
settle freely in the nawab’s domains. Bābā Kalyangiri of Haridwār arrived in this time to establish the Kalyāngiri
temples at Lucknow, as well as Bābā Gomti Das, Bābā Hazra and Sant Waldi Saheb (said to be the eleventh
descendent of Sant Kabir).
financial burden on Awadh. Asaf-ud-Daulah’s successor, Wazir Ali Khan, attempted
to reassert freedom but was deposed and killed following a rebellion. This was
followed by the reign of the puppet ruler Sa’adat Ali Khan II – Yamin-ud-Daulah (r.
1798 – 1814) during which much of the sovereignty and territory of Awadh was
compromised to the British and the Awadh state, obliged to pay heavily for
indemnifying Sa’adat Ali’s throne and as ‘subsidy’ for maintaining company troops
stationed there, ostensibly for safeguarding its bounds. And this was the time that saw
the beginnings of the Shia clergy trying to assert themselves who had until then been
kept in check by the relative benevolence of the early nawabs.

Cover Picture:
View of Rām-ki-Paidi, Nayā Ghāt, Ayōdhyā (Source: India Tourism)
Verses in the cover:
(Translation of verses 5-7, Canto 5, the Valmīki Rāmāyana)
कोसलो नाम मुदितः स्फीतो जनपिो महान् ।
दनदिष्ट सरयू तीरे प्रभूत धन धान्यिान् ॥१-५-५॥
अयोध्या नाम नगरी तत्र आसीत् लोक दिश्रुता ।
मनुना मानि इन्द्रेण या पुरी दनदमिता स्वयं ॥१-५-६॥
आयता िश च द्वे च योजनादन महापुरी ।
श्रीमती त्रीदण दिस्तीणाि सु दिभक्ता महापथा ॥१-५-७॥
~ रामायणं /बालकाण्डं /सगिः ५

Read the next section of this series here.

* All through in the series diacritical marks have been used only for names of places and Sanskrit-origin
words.