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The Occult Sciences in Byzantium PDF
The Occult Sciences in Byzantium PDF
Maria Mavroudi
La Pomme d'or
Geneva
Copyright by La Pomme d'or, 2006
All rights reserved
Abbreviations
Preface 9
Introduction 11
Maria Mavroudi
Occult Science and Society in Byzantium:
Considerations for Future Research 39
Katerina Ierodiakonou
The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine
Appropriation in Michael Psellos 97
Paul Magdalino
Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History
and Historiography (9th-12th Centuries) 119
Maria Papathanassiou
Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar,
Alchemist and Astrologer 163
Michele Mertens
Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium 205
t David Pingree
The Byzantine Translations of M!ish!i'allah on
Interrogational Astrology 231
William Adler
Did the Biblical Patriarchs Practice Astrology?
Michael Glykas and Manuel Komnenos I on Seth
and Abraham 245
AnneTihon
Astrological Promenade in Byzantium in the Early
Palaiologan Period · 265!
Joshua Holo
Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 291
Charles Burnett
Late Antique and Medieval Latin Translations of Greek Preface
Texts on Astrology and Magic 325,
George Saliba
Revisiting the Astronomical Contacts Between the
World of Is~am and Renaissance Europe:
The Byzantme connection 361 The present volume originated as a colloquium organised by the
editors and held in November 2003 at Dumbarton Oaks in
Bibliography Washington, D. C. Earlier versions of all the papers published here
375
were delivered at the colloquium, with the exception of a single
Indices one, which the author did not wish to submit for publication. The
437
occasion was entirely financed by Dumbarton Oaks, thanks to the
support of the Director, Professor Edward Keenan. The editors
gratefully acknowledge the work of Dr Alice-Mary Talbot, Director
of Byzantine Studies at Dumbarton Oaks, and her then assistant,
Caitlin McGurk, in making the practical arrangements for the
colloquium. We are indebted to Dr Talbot for sending the
manuscript submissions for external review, to the reviewers for
their constructive comments, and to the Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine
Publications Committee for releasing us from the obligation to
publish in-house. We are deeply grateful to Krassimira Platchkov
for accepting our volume to launch her new publication series, Les
Editions de la Pomme d'or. Paul Magdalino would like to thank the
British Academy for the award of a Research Readership which
relieved him from teaching in 2002-4. Maria Mavroudi is indebted
to the Doreen B. Townsend Center for the Humanities at the
University of California, Berkeley for a research fellowship that
halved her teaching responsibilities during the academic year 2004-
05. Finally, the editors and publisher gratefully acknowledge the
-
invaluable help of Thalia Anagnostopoulos in copy editing the
10 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavroudi
1
The place of astrology in medieval Byzantine culture and religion has recently
been studied by P. Magdalino, L 'orthodoxie des astrologues. La science entre le
dogme et Ia divination il Byzance (VII' -XIV siecle ), Realites byzantines 12 (Paris,
2006).
1
S. Troianos, 'Zauberei und Giftmischerei in mittelbyzantinischer Zeit', in G.
Prinzing and D. Simon, eds., Fest und Alltag in Byzanz (Munich, 1990), 37-51,
184-8.
3
H. Maguire, ed., Byzantine Magic (Washington, D. C., 1995).
12 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavroudi introduction 13
practices, different in each case, not all of which could be strictly religious cult, but in exclusive, private settings. 5 Few men, least of
classified as magical. Yet magic seemed in all cases to offer the all the learned, were keen to refer to themselves as magoi,,.Oespite,
most convenient and comprehensive definition. This is equally true or indeed because of, the natural elision between astrology and
in the study of the civilizations most closely related to Byzantium, astral magic, between the charting of planetary influences and the
from Greco-Roman Antiquity to the Renaissance: discussions of incantation of planetary spirits, astrologers strenuously denied that
magic abound, but discussions of the occult sciences are rare. Why their predictions were based on anything other than natural science,
so? (Most obviously, because magic, not being restricted to a and compared their prognostications to the "expert guesswork" of
learned tradition, is less elitist and more conducive to the medical doctor, 'Alchemists, if put on the spot, would no doubt
anthropological research; it has also left vastly more material have taken a similar line. This was of course a defensive position,
evidence, in the form of charms, spells and amulets which when adopted in order to counter charges of sorcery and polytheism, and
they use writing at all evince, for the most part, a low and formulaic it does not mean that the practitioners of astrology and alchemy
level of literacy. The study of occult science requires some really saw no connection between their knowledge and other types
familiarity with specialised languages, methods and techniques, of esoteric learning that were used to predict or to affect the course
whereas the study of magic is freely available to historians and art- of nature. However, if pushed to define the connection, they would
historians. Moreover, defining the occult as science tends to deprive have done so not in terms of magic but in terms of philosophy. This
it of the religious quality inherent in the concept of magic. may strike us as bizarre, and it would certainly be deeply
misleading to treat philosophy and occult science as synonymous.
What then, apart from the need to avoid repetition, is the reason for
Yet intellectual engagement with the occult was rooted in, or sought
preferring the occult sciences to magic as the theme and title of this
to cohere with, the philosophical systems of Greco-Roman
collection?,Is occult science not just magic by another name? The
antiquity, as will be further discussed in this introduction and in a
answer lies principally in the corollary of the point made above: the
later chapter of this volume. The learned practitioners of the occult
concept of magic does not do justice to the learned, literate end of
had a basic general education including philosophy, and tended to
the spectrum. It puts the educated, sophisticated masters of occult
knowledge, some of whom, in Byzantium, were leading social combine their special expertise with a variety of intellectual
figures, in the same category as the drunken old women who were interests, which made it appropriate to describe them as
cari~atured, n_o~ inaccurately according to a recent authority, as the
philosophoi. Philosophos was the generic label for an intellectual in
leadmg practltloners of magic in Late Antiquity. 4 It also implies Byzantium. 6 It was also a label strongly coloured by the Late
that they offered an alternative religion, or a superstitious substitute Antique fusion of Pythagorean, Stoic and Neoplatonic traditions
for orthodox c_ult, which was demonstrably not the case. In any which identified philosophy with an ascetic lifestyle and the
case, occult sctence cannot be regarded simply as the learned and possession of extraordinary mental and spiritual powers that went
non-superstitious side of magic. Magic entered the vocabulary of far beyond the rational exposition of logic and metaphysics and had
the Greco-Ro~an worl~ as a term of opprobrium, connoting the much in common with the charisma of Christian holy men-
7
alt~n, ~uspect ntes of onental Magi.~ Although it came to denote an' themselves often referred to as philosophers by their apologists. It
obJe~ttve cultural reality, it never lost its negative connotatio~ · was the philosopher's capacity-or reputation-for learning and
M~g~c w~s what the cultural Other practised as a substitute for true contriving paradoxa, extraordinary phenomena, which caught the
rehgwn; mstead of serving the true deity it sought to usurp d' . public imagination in Late Antiquity and shaped the image of the
powe b h · al ' tvme
r y mec amc or demonic means; its rituals mimicked
'See F. Graf, Magic in the Ancient World (Cambridge, Mass., 1997).
6
M.W. Dickie Magic and M · · . See ODB, s.v. PHILOSOPHER.
New York, 200,1). aglclans m the Greco-Roman World (London and 7
E.g. Sozomenos, Kirchengeschichte, ed. J. Bidez and G.C Hansen, GCS 50
(Berlin, 1960), I 12. 8, 13.1, 14.1, lll 14, 38.
14 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavroudi; Introduction 15 -
philosopher in the formative period of Byzantine medieval culture not always cater adequately to special interests, In this case
(5th-9th c.). In the widely circulated sixth-century chronicle of John defining the occult as either magic or science, or -~s magic and
Malalas~philosophtzl address secret prayers to the Moon, create
8
'- science combined, risks not emphasizing enough the fact that the
talismans, - and ~~nish into thin air in addition to predicting '
9 10
·,--Late-Antique and medieval world did articulate a concept of occult
eclipses 11 and making astronomical discoveries; 12 the "most learned -wliidom that deserves to be considered in its own right. Yet
philosopher" Theon of Alexandria (late 4'h c.) is mentioned not only ·mapping out the stages in the development of the Byzantine
as an astronomer, but as a teacher of Hermetism and Orphism, 13 understanding of the occult is made difficult by the relative dearth
while Malalas' near-contemporary Proclus features not as the of theoretical texts on the topic that can be dated and attributed to
leading Neoplatonist of his generation, but as a dream interpreter known authors with certainty. Modem scholars must gather much
for the emperor Anastasius I 14 and as the inventor of an incendiary of the Byzantine understanding of the occult by examining not so
substance which bums a rebel fleet. 15 In the late eighth-century much direct statements by Byzantine authors but the Byzantine
collection of legends about the monuments of Constantinople, the Nachleben (manuscript tradition, quotation by other writers,
Parastaseis, the city's large collection of ancient statues are full of reception among professional and literary circles) of ancient
hidden meanings and sinister powers, and the men who know how "classics" of the genre such as the Hermetic corpus, the Chaldaean
to interpret them are philosophers, not magicians. 16 Oracles, the Testament of Solomon, and the Kestoi of Julius
Mricanus, whose initial composition or subsequent usage (or both)
For present-day purposes, however, 'philosophy' is hardly more can only by approximation be dated, localized, and attributed to an
appropriate than 'magic' as an identifying label for the scientific identifiable individual.
aspect of the occult. So should this not simply be considered under
the heading of science tout court, or should not science and magic A notable exception to this state of affairs is the work of Michael
be included, without forced and arguably anachronistic separation, Psellos (1018-ca. 1081 or later), who emerges from the surviving
under the same broad umbrella? The merits of this approach, which written record as the most learned, prolific and respected authority
was exactly the one adopted by Lynn Thorndike Jr. in his still who best understood and appreciated the philosophical legacy of
valuable. History of Magic and Experimental Science, are antiquity. 17 Psellos occasionally uses the word an6xQu<j>oc;
expounded by Maria Mavroudi- in her essay in the present volume. (apocryphal), the direct Greek equivalent of Latin occultus. Thus,
Its disadvantage is that broad umbrellas can be unwieldy, and do discussing the demon Gillo, who was blamed in folk tradition for
killing infants at birth, he says that he has not come across her in his
8
Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, ed. H. Thurn, CFHB 35 (Berlin and New york, usual ancient sources for demonic names, but only in "an
2000),44.
9
apocryphal Hebrew book" ascribed to Solomon. 18 More often,
Ibid., 81,201.
10
Ibid .• 202.
however, Psellos refers to "hidden" meanings and forces by two
II Ibid., 118 almost synonymous words that are suggestive of speech rather than
12
Ibid., 130.
"Ibid., 265.
_Ibid., 335. He is ca~led PJ_Uclus from Asia, but is surely meant to be identical
14 17
The literature by and on Psellos is immense. For a comprehensive survey of the
wtth the famous Atheman philosopher. scene in 2005, see P. Moore, Iter Psel/ianum: A Detailed Listing of Manuscript
" Ibid., 330-l. The rebel in question is Vitalian, whose revolt broke out in 512· Sources for all Works Attributed to Michael Psel/os, Including a Comprehensive
note that the real Proclus died in 485. · Bibliography (Toronto, 2005); see also the recent collection of essays edited by C.
16
Parastaseis syntonwi chroniktJi, ed T Pre er . . . Barber and D. Jenkins, Reading Michael Psel/os (Leiden, 2006). For the writings
Constantinopo/itanarum, I (Leipzig 1901 ) · _7
19 3
. ed g • Scrtptores ongmum
discussed in this introduction, see particularly J. Duffy, 'Hellenic Philosophy in
Herrin, Constantinople in the Earl E' ' • ·• tr., comm. A. Cameron, J.
Chronikai (Leiden, I984); see furth:r ~ghth ~entu">;: The Pw:astaseis Syntomoi Byzantium and the Lonely Mission of Michael Psellos', inK. Ierodiakonou, ed.,
Power', below. agdalino, P, Occult Science and Imperial f(,za.ntine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources (Oxfo~, 2002), 1_39:-56.
Mtchael Psellos, Philosophica minora, I, ed. D. 0 Meara (Lelpztg, 1989), 164.
16 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavrou~
Introduction 17
and nQQTJ'tO£. 30 In his Chronographia, he alludes to the Oracles as:, This theme of science and the occult is taken up more fully in a
a wisdom beyond demonstration, which according to the best. letter to an unnamed correspondent concerning the education of his
philosophers only the mind inspired by rational enthusiasm can son. 35 Everything in· nature, says Psellos, has a cause, even when it
understand. He says that he encountered this wisdom-which he seems paradoxical. Simple drugs often ineffably (UQQ~twc:;)
ranks higher than the study of Platonic philosophy and contain antithetical qualities within themselves. This is not without
mathematics- "in certain secret books ( MOQQtl'tOL£ tLOl. reason, "but the cause is not apparent to us. For all things are driven
~(~AOL£)". We shall come across it again.
31 by natural urges, and while some incline to those like them, others
are forced by their opposites, through universal sympathy, and
Psellos wrote, at the request of the patriarch Michael Keroularios, a though substances are often separated, the distance between them
short treatise on alchemy, explaining the principles of the does not prevent them from acting upon each other". Thus, "the
manufacture of gold. He playfully chides his correspondent for image and shape of a thing transmit the operation of magic to the
dragging him from the sublime heights of philosophy to the archetype". After giving several examples, Psellos observes, "Thes~e
mundane level of banausic metallurgy; however, this too is things are hidden/forbidden (<irt6QQT)ta) and thoroughly unknow
philosophical insofar as it depends on a knowledge of natural to most people, but for me ... nothing unspoken (oiJb€v nil
science& even though people commonly consider it to be something UQQi]twv) is unknown because of my soul's natural curiosit
"ritualistic and ... secret (n:J...em:Lxov ... xal <irt6QQTJ'tOV)", having (:n:oA.mtQUYJ..LOGVVTJV). And I have recorded the methods of al~ o
l
no!hing to do with any of the rational arts. 3 Gold-making happens them, but I have not used any of the secret practices
as a result of the natural transformation of matter, "not from any (aQQTJ'tO'UQYL<ilv); indeed I curse their users, taking from these men
incantation or wonder-working or other secret practice only enough to be able to learn about .some of the occurrences
(UQQTJ'tO'UQy(a£)". \lfe commends the philosophical curiosity of his whose functioning seems inexplicable to most people". He goes ~n
correspondent which motivates him "to enter the inner recesses of to cite cases of extraordinary foreknowledge and strange habits
,nature and admire their secrets (MOQQTJ'ta)"\ the same curiosity among animals, "and no-one, not even of the very wise, can e_xplain
had led Plato and other early philosophers to travel and see natural the causes of the occurrences". Specialists can explam the
wonders like the volcanic eruptions of Etna and the flooding of the principles of their own disciplines, and he gives several examples,
Nile, "the causes of which they interpreted in secret (E:v including astrology, but he concludes, "Every science and art can'
33
MOQQi]'t<p )". Psellos concludes by promising that if the patriarch provide explanations for the causes of its own matters; as for the
initiates him into higher theology, he will not fail to instruct him in unspoken things of nature ('ta b£ tf]c:; <j>vaewc; UQQT)ta), howeve~,
every other work of natural science, "and I will not neglect any kind and those things that speak louder than nature, though the1r 1
of practical application (J..LTJXUVfJ£), or of the elder and secret existence certainly has a cause, this is not known to us".
(MOQQyt'tO'U) wisdom, but if you wish I will investigate the depths
of the earth with you". 34 Aporrheta and arrheta are therefore the "secret" and "unspoken"
forces of cosmic sympathy: the "ineffable symp~thy" (a~Qll;,ov
U'Uf.L:Jta8eLav), as Psellos calls it elsewhere, accor?mg t? whtch. all
the parts of the universe are in harmony, but also m anttpathy, smce
the whole world is one living organism". 36 The origins of this
:~ Psdlos, Phi/osophica minora, I, 8-9; ll, 128-9, 132-3, 135, 140,147-8.
32
Mtchael Psellos, Chronographia, VI. 40, ed. and tr. E. Renauld (Paris 1926-8·
repr. 1967) I, 136.
Michael Psellos, Letter on chrysopoeta,
· ed 1 B'
' ' ' ----
concept in Stoic and Ne~latonic ,J?hiloso_EhY, and Psellos' own
~
contribution to the idea, are discussed by Katerina Ierodiakonou compel their prototypes. Like them, he regarded these connections
later in this volume. Here it is important to note that the concept of as the proper concern of the philosopher, and accepted that the key
cosmic sympathy gives coherence to Psellos' sca.ttered references to to learning them lay in the "barbarian" wisdom of the ancient
the occult and thus to the notion of occult science that emerges civilisations of the Near East, notably Chaldaea and Egypt. In short,
from his writings. Occult science is for him the study of his concept of occult science was based on a model which was
extraordinary natural phenomena whose exact causes are unknown, several centuries old, and which was fundamental not only to
although they can be generally explai_ned by the operatio.n of Byzantine tradition, but also to that of Islam, the medieval west,
_sym]2i!the~· and~c~s that all_ow ~ee~mgly and the European Renaissance. In these traditions, various kinds of
unconnected parts of the cosmos to interact. The mvestigatiOn of magic and divination were associated in ways which both reflect
aporrheta and arrheta is of two kinds. One is the application of their special, occult status and their connection with other types of
experimental methods to produce material results; this involves the learning.
performance of rituals, or, more rarely, a mechanical pro~ess, as. in For Byzantium; both "outsider" and "insider" sources can be used
the transmutation of base metal into gold. The other, with which to build up a profile of occult learning. The outsider's view is to be
Psellos himself identifies, is the purely theoretical study of the found in those legal and literary texts, which, on the whole, present
methods employed in experimentation (JtEQLEQyao(a); this derives occult practice in a negative light. Here astrology, dish-divining,
from a disinterested love of knowledge for its own sake, and it is dream-interpretation, divination from natural phenomena, sorcery
driven by the curiosity (JtOAUJtQUYfWOUVT]) of an enquiring in general, and the performance of rituals on statues in particular,
philosophical mind. tend to be grouped together and criticised in similar terms; they are
also usually associated with persons of education who had a place
at the imperial couft\ 37 The insider's idea of the place and identity
Though the necessarily limited survey of texts above does not of the occult sciences within the intellectual spectrum is well
exhaust Psellos' brief mentions or more extensive discussions on documented by two types of sources: the manuscripts containing
the topic, it does suggest that he provides a coherent Byzantine technical treatises and prescriptions on magic and divination; and
definition of occult science as a discrete epistemological category, astrological texts detailing the characteristics of persons born under
and a Byzantine justification for using the term instead of magic: each planet and sign of the zodiac.
the various kinds of magic and divination were the applied sciences
corresponding to the philosophical theory of cosmic sympathy, and While many manuscripts are exclusively devoted to single
they were scientific, rather than superstitious, insofar as their disciplines-this is notably the case with astrology-others consist
methods provided material for philosophical abstraction and of wide-ranging miscellanies in which treatises on astrology,
comparison. But how sound, and how representative of Byzantine medicine, numerology, dream interpretation, alchemy, geomancy
realities and attitudes, is Psellos' epistemology of the occult? and lecanomancy rub shoulders with each other and quite different
~~hove all, how typical, and how true, is the distinction that he texts. The collections represent the interests, and often the
-praws between pure and applied occult science? · professional tools, of their owners, although it should be noted that
since most of them occur in very late manuscripts (14'h-c. and later),
·Psellos took his epistemology, like his cosmology, from the they do not necessarily reflect the contexts in which the earlier texts
Neoplatonic philosophers of Late Antiquity, particularly the
'Divine Proclus'. He followed them in believing that the 37
This fact was briefly noted, not without avowed surprise, by H.-G. Beck, Das
sympathetic or antipathetic connections between stars, men,
byzantinische Jahrtausend (Munich, 1978), 268: "Es ist erstaunlich, wie weit
animals, plants and minerals could be manipulated to affect and verbreitet auch in den hOchsten Kreisen die Praktiken der Mantik waren und was
predict future events, and that images could be worked on to es sonst an zauberischen Krimskrarns gab."
22 t'aUI Magaalmo Maria Mavroudi., 23
Introduction
'
'\hey contain had circulated in earlier centuries. Occasionally, the :: personal and idiosyncratic; they rarely reproduce complete works;
available evidence allows modem researchers to ascertain some , they may contain texts selected or truncated in a way that renders
kind of continuity over the centuries in the combination of texts that· them incomprehensible and therefore useless to persons other than
occur in the surviving manuscripts. Such an unusual example is the the professional master who put them together (often copying for
fifteenth-century MS Vat. Urbinas gr. 107 that contains the work of his personal use) and his immediate disciples. Subsequent owners
Polyainos on military strategy and the Oneirocritika of are likely to discard such books, especially if these were informally
Artemidoros. 38 While the combination might at first sight appear and unattractively copied to begin with, and were eventually soiled
random or surprising, it is clearly deliberate and rooted in the same and tom apart because of all-too-frequent and unceremonious
mindset as the instructions in the tenth-century treatise On Imperial consultation. Earlier miscellanies may have largely disappeared due
E-.:peditions which advised emperors to take with them while on to these vicissitudes, while later ones were perhaps saved thanks to
military campaigns not only Polyainos but also a manual on dream the arrival of the printing press, or simply because they had a
interpretation. 39 The surviving manuscripts and collections of texts shorter journey through the centuries.
associated with the Byzantine encyclopaedic activity of the tenth Surviving examples of miscellanies copied between the twelfth and
century provide most of our fragments from the Kestoi; not only the the fifteenth centuries include the following: MS Ambrosianus E I 6
tenth-century encyclopaedists but evidently also their predecessors sup. of the thirteenth century that contains the Physiologos, a
in earlier centuries (on whose selections the tenth-century selenodromion, a text on medical prognostication, a number of
anthologies were based) deemed that the Kestoi had a legitimate Christian apocrypha (including the letters exchanged between
place in collections on agriculture (the Geoponika), veterinary _AbjaJ" ~and Christ, texts that in the realm of "good" magic are
medicine (the Hippiatrika) and military science. 40 Passages from Kriown for their prophylactic properties) and an assortment of
the Kestoi are also copied together with pharmacological chapters astronomical and astrological excerpts.42 The mostly medical
from Galen and Dioscorides, as in the fourteenth-century MS miscellany MS Atheniensis 1493 of the end of the twelfth or the
Laurent. plut. 74, 23. 41 thirteenth century also includes a text on divination by using
43
In general, miscellanies from later centuries are not only more shoulder blades 1(scapulomancy or omoplatoskopia). Among
numerous but also more variegated thematically. It is impossible to manuscriptsci'the fourteenth century, MS Vat. gr. 178 combines
tell whether this reflects a broadening of the occult curriculum or excerpts from Ptolemy's Geography (a text that provides
merely "the survival of the fittest". Earlier miscellanies perhaps mathematical tools for astronomers and astrologers) with
appear as more homogeneous because they tend to have fewer instructions on how to construct an astrolabe and passages on
pages (losing folia over the centuries is a natural process for a pharmacology and the medicinal properties of plants from Aetius of
book). Later miscellanies tend to be bulkier, and at the same time Arnida and other, unidentified sources. 44 In the year 1384, the
physician John Staphidakes45 copied in his own hand a manuscript
" Description in C. Stornajolo, Codices urbinates graeci bibliothecae Vaticanae
(Rome, 1895), 163--{i6.
42
39
The text was first published as 'Appendix ad librum I' in De cerimoniis aulae The MS is no. 273 in the catalogue by A. Martini, D. Bassi, Catalogus Codicum
byzantinae, ed. J. Reiske, I (Bonn, 1829), 467; new edition in Three Treatises on Graecorum Bibliothecae Ambrosianae, I (Milan, 1906), 303-4.
Imperial Military Expeditions, ed., tr., comm. J. Haldon (Vienna 1990) text (C),
43
A 121h-century date is ascribed to the manuscript in, I; and A:· ~akke~ion.
106. • ' KaTaA.oyoq Twv x<teOYQdcpwv n'jq 'E8vtx7fq Bt{JA.w8rpeqq '11' ~A.A.a~o~
(Athens, 1892), 267. A IJih-century date is favored by Megas, B$AlOV
"' See J. R. Vieillefond, Les "Cestes" de Julius Africanus {Florence and Paris,
1970), 68-70 {on the context of the fragments), 77-83 {on the manuscript tradition WJ.I01l),.a"tOOX01tLa~ ... ', 3-4.
44
of the Kestoi). Description in I. Mercati, P. Franchi de' Cavalieri, Codices vaticani graeci, I
41
D~scription in A. M. Bandini, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae (Rome, 1923), 356-8.
4
medtceae laurentianae, III (Florence, 1770), cols. 125-27. ' On Staphidakes, see PLP 26735.
24 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavroudi Introduction 25
2
that he dedicated to the hospital of the monastery of St Panteleemon 2419 (ca. 1462)/ copied by Georgios Meidiates, 53 are veritable
in Constantinople; only a few folia from that volume survive and encyclopaedias of the occult bringing together texts on medicine,
now form part of the largely fifteenth-century MS Paris. gr. 2510. 46 botany, astrology, alchemy, geomancy, dream interpretation, and
However, it is possible to identify the contents of Staphidakes' magic. Since both manuscripts include some of the same texts in an
volume because they were faithfully reproduced in the course of the identical version and arranged in the same sequence, there can be
47
fifteenth century in what is now MS Paris. gr. 2315. Staphidakes no doubt that they are related, either directly or through a common
copied not only texts pertinent to botany and medicine, but also ancestor;\ we may be in the presence of two named indiVICfUals
astrology and magic. Among further examples from the fifteenth bclOnging to the same "school" of occult thought, or at least to a
century one should mention MS British Library, Harley 5596 that circle of like-minded and directly communicating professionals.!
treats subjects such as geomancy, palmomancy, basic astrology, \
material results of the sciences they study. He gives the example of the vilest or otherwise forbidden sciences, so that I may have the
geometry, "which they know and do not know ... they are able to means to refute the people who practice them". 63
practice it, but do not do so". His other examples all pertain to the We need not disbelieve Psellos when he says that he was interested
occult: astrology, divination, sorcery, oracular incantations. "They primarily in learning the methods for the sake of pure knowledge.
belong to philosophy, and philosophy has created them; they are The sheer breadth of his interests and researches, as evidenced by
resolved by philosophical method, but on the other hand the the variety of his writings, tends to confirm his own declaration that
artifices of these unscientific sciences (avEJt~O'tl'HWVWV he was in it "not for experimental curiosity but for love of
bt~<nll!J.Wv) are known by true scholars to be complete idiocies and learning", 64 out of detached interest in the principles of all sciences
products of idle verbiage". If he were ignorant of these things, he rather than material interest in the results produced by any one.
would be open to learned criticism for not knowing the end results However, the line between "pure" and "applied" occult science was'
of philosophy. But since he does have scientific knowledge of probably much finer than he and the others were prepared to admit
them, he makes fun of them, so he has a very different mentality in their self-justification. It is far from clear what distinguished
62
from those who merely have regard to the practice. legitimate :n:oA.v:n:Q<lY!WOUVl'J from improper JtEQ~EQyaa(a,
There can be no doubt that Theodore Laskaris voiced the especially when Psellos uses JtEQLEQyov in a positive sense. There
sentiments of many late Byzantine intellectuals, and that the is nothing to indicate that the unnamed practitioners whom Psellos
rationale he expressed was widely shared, because it was deeply curses did not share his own high-minded philosophical concerns.
ingrained in the basic cultural principle of ancient and medieval Equally, he protests rather too much that he had not taken part in
thought that abstract concepts were inherently superior to material their rituals. Indeed, his strenuous denials could be read as
_techniques. The distinction between the desirable theory and the revelations of the exact opposite of what they say, like the
undesirable practice of occult science can therefore be seen as a denunciation of the occult sciences by the Renaissance occultist
product of the same value system that rated doctors more highly Cornelius Agrippa, of which Frances Yates wrote that "it can
than surgeons, poets above painters, and text-book learning derived probably be regarded as a safety-device of a kind frequently
from an ancient master as more authoritative than the results of employed by magicians and astrologers for whom it was useful, in
p~ysical observatio~ a_nd ~xpe~imenV But _it is clear th~t for Psellos, case of theological disapproval, to be able to point to statements
With whom the dJstmctwn IS first articulated, epistemological made by themselves 'against' their subjects". 65~
.:rn<) 'Ui\<'1
n~ v." 1\..41"''
snobbery is not the whole story, and that his concern to distance One indication that Psellos may not be giving the complete pictute'
himself from occult practice has much to do with the further is to be found in his statement that the causes of occult phenomena'
meaning of the words_.fu/.Qm.a ansi rutOQQllta. These things were cannot be known. This is puzzling in view of the fact e basic
"unspeakable" because th f~ CilnS'han piety and function of magical rites was to bind s irits- demo -to
. aws o t e sta~, and this is why Psellos had to explain that perform tasks or to give information about the future. In the
nls mterest I tnem Was UrelV ac!i(!emJc. Thus it wastnat ne. felt Neoplatonic cosmology that Psellos espoused, the demons were the
obliged not m~rely to belittle but o curse the practitioners of the forces of cosmic sympathy and antipathy, which connected
occul~, and, us~ng a fr~~uent disclaimer for the reading of suspect apparently unrelated objects, and transferred the effects worked on
matenal, to claim that I have striven to learn the methods of even an image to its prototype. If not the ultimate causes, they had a
causative role, and it was impossible to discuss causation without
63
Psellos, Philosophica minora, I, ed. Duffy, I 13.
62Th
eodore Doukas, Theodori Ducae epistulae CCXVII ed N Fest (Florence, : Psellos, Philosophica minora, I, ed. Duffy, 112.
1898), no. 131, pp. 183-4. ' · · a, F. A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (London, 1964), 131.
30 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavroudl Introduction 31
mentioning them. It was precisely the manipulation of demons to and scripturally attested. For further information on them, however,
which the Church objected in magic and divination, making no one has to use the writings of the Chaldaeans and the Egyptians, in
distinction between good and bad spirits, but identifying all of them particular the Chaldaean Oracles. Citing Proclus' commentary on
with Satan and the pantheon of pagan gods. This, it seems, is why the Oracles (the "hieratic art"), and using his knowledge of
Psellos preferred to declare a position of complete ignorance with medicine and anatomy, he identifies the ventriloquist spirit as one
regard to occult causation. His other writings show that he thought of the group of demons that colonise various organs of the human
a lot about demons. His fascination with the Chaldaean Oracles body. Because the stomach is centrally located and is in close
cannot have been totally unrelated to the sophisticated demonology sympathy with the brain, the heart and the liver, the spirit that lives
of this text, which for all its high-minded, spiritual concern with the there both imposes itself on the whole organism and can be
salvation and elevation of the soul, offered a theoretical guide to the compelled by the brain to speak or be silent. Insofar as the spirit
hierarchy of cosmic causes and agents and the means for engaging foretells the future, most affected persons are willing to give it
them. 66 voice, either their own or another's. For some reason, they tend to
be women-perhaps because female bodies are more physically
This interpretation is confirmed by another text of Psellos that has sympathetic to the slack and fluid ventriloquist spirit. Psellos goes
attracted comparatively little attention, perhaps because it is not on to summarise the Biblical incident, in which Saul compels the
preserved in the main manuscripts, or printed in the main published woman to summon the shade of the late prophet Samuel from the
collections of his writings.67 His lecture (or letter?) To his students depths of the earth. Reserving the weightier problem of Samuel's
on the ventriloquist is an avowedly idiosyncratic exegesis of an apparition for future discussion, Psellos emphasises, in conclusion,
occult Biblical incident, King Saul's encounter with the Witch of that he is not dogmatising, but showing his polymatheia, his
68
Endor (1 Samuel [=1 Kings], 28), the "ventriloquist woman", willingness to embrace all forms of learning - and this for his
which the English Bible renders as "woman with a familiar spirit". students only. He is not boasting of his occult knowledge, yet not
Psellos proposes an analysis of the term "ventriloquist" that earlier denying it either, for since most people do not even see what is at
commentators, he says, have failed to explain. To do this, he must their feet, even a superficial understanding of arcane and occult
touch on material commonly considered occult, "although it is in matters will allow one to rise above the clouds and see into the
fact not so foreign to philosophical discussion. For nothing is ether.
unspeakable to philosophy, but even those things which seem
unresponsive to incantations and charms are drawn out and laid This text has rightly been cited for its concluding manifesto in
bare by philosophical discourse." The existence of demons, favour of polymatheia,69 but its unique importance lies in the clarity
material spirits who were once fallen angels and now resent human with which Psellos combines the demonology of the Chaldaean
beings for taking their place in heaven, is commonly acknowledged Oracles with human physiological theory in order to provide a
scientific analysis of an undeniably true occult phenomenon which
66
Cf. P. Athanassiadi, 'Psellos and Plethon on the Chaldaean Oracles' 246: neither the Biblical narrative nor its Christian commentaries had
"Wh.en it comes to magical practices Psellos is wholly engrossed by his m~terial adequately explained. It shows what he, following the Late-Antique
and ts eager to tum the slightest hint into a theory with multiple adaptations ... the Neoplatonists, sought in the occult wisdom supposedly emanating
sheer amount of space that he devotes to the magical aspect of the Oracles betrays from ancient Egypt and Babylon: the proper identification of the
a considerable bias in this direction".
67
Michael Psellos, Ad discipulos de ventriloquo, ed. A. Littlewood in 'Michael
demons who operated the system of cosmic sympathy, and whose
Psell?s and th.e Witch of Endor', JOB 40 (1990), 225-29; cf. Duffy "The Lonely existence was only vaguely, if reliably, attested by Christian
MtssJon of Mtchael Psellos', 149. ' theology and Greek philosophy. Perhaps better than any other text
.. The Greek terms in the Septuagint are ol eyyaO"tQLJ.LUflOL (ventriloquists in
general), :t"vft. eyy~~QLJ.LU8o~ (ventriloquist woman), and 1:0 eyyaO"tQLJ.LU90V 69
(the ventn1oqutst sptnt). Duffy, 'The Lonely Mission', Joe. cit.
Paul Magdalino Maria Mavooudl!
32 Introduction 33
in Psellos' vast corpus, his piece on the Witch of Endor helps us to Proclus and Alexander of Aphrodisias, and the sages of ancient
understand why, for him, the Chaldaean Oracles as mediated by Babylon and Egypt. Yet, in typical Byzantine fashion, Psellos
Proclus were the ultimate not only in occult science, but in the applies ethnic and geographic terms of the ancient Near East and
whole curriculum of learning. Egypt to his contemporary reality, including instances where he
In this, however, Psellos cannot be regarded as entirely refers to the intellectual situation in the eleventh-century Muslim
representative of the Byzantine mainstream. He was apparently the world. 72 Could his references to the ancients be read as also
first s take a serious intere · e Oracles since Proclus, including his contemporary masters from the same parts of the
and no-one after litm at them so much attention untt George world? In the current state of research, it is accurate to state that the
Gemistos Plethon, the self-declared Hellenist, in the fifteenth !Y~~o!_lhe' }5-.cuft}c~e~~~eam~CC_~rn~.
~s b~artan an-Q..QDeiltiflsi. For this
century. 70 In other ways, too, Psellos is not a comprehensive or
perception to cliange, it would take the arduous ta of clearly
accurate guide to the state of the occult sciences in Byzantium. For
identifying the different ways in which Byzantine and Arabic-
one, he does not cover their entire spectrum in equal depth. His
speaking intellectuals read the same ancient sources, comparing
comments on alchemy neglect the ritual aspects of the
these medieval readings with each other, and deciding whether they~
transmutation process. His equivocal passages on astrology, which
developed in a state of mutual isolation or interaction. Scholars
imply that he knew much more about this than he was prepared to
have not even begun to work towards such a goal. 73
say, do not indicate whether he counted it among the occult
sciences, or regarded it as the purely natural science that its Psellos' discussion of dream interpretation is an example of what
partisans sometimes claimed it to be. Most seriously, Psellos gives may be accomplished by looking in this direction. In the Omnifaria
barely a hint of the intellectual exchange, especially in the occult doctrina Psellos dedicates a brief paragraph to the several different
sciences, that had been taking place for over two centuries between
Byzantium and the Islamic world. Not only had Muslims, Jews and
Christians in the Abbasid Caliphate translated almost the whole
corpus of Greek philosophical and scientific texts into Arabic, but 72
For example, in his Praise of Italos (btmvo~ 1:oii 'ImA.oii), published in
·scholars in Abbasid Baghdad, and later in Ummayad Spain and Oratoria minora, ed. A. Littlewood (Leipzig 1985), no. 19; see also his funerary
oration to Patriarch John Xiphilinos [Epitaphius in patriarchem Joannem
Fatimid Egypt, had made significant innovations in many fields Xiphilinum, ed. Sathas, Meaawmxij Btf3J..wlh!xq, IV (Paris, 1874), 424-25],
including mathematics, astronomy, cosmological theory, astrology where Egypt and Babylon are compared with Trebizond, the birthplace of the
and dream interpretation. Their effects were felt in Byzantium from Patriarch.
13
the end of the ~h century. By the mid eleventh century, when The study of Byzantine philosophy, particularly regarding the work of Georgios
Gemistos-Pletho, has ventured in this direction; see~. 'George Gemistos
~s~~ was writin~lurriill<iusWm'icsorth~bQ
Pletho and Islam', in L. G. Benakis and Ch. P. Baloglou, eds., Proceedings of the
~a'shaf11iilf"beetrTran&lated mto reek, and the most ~ortl!iit International Congress on Plethon and His Time, Mystras, 26-29 June 2002
~~~611 wasinadapted CTreek (Athens and Mistras, 2003), 339-53. The following observation by Akasoy has
transta~tcesand attributed ur''1\climet son clearly a more universal application than just the work of Pletho (ibid., 348-49):
·~~-sctemific-aclii~~he "The analysis of the influence of 'Islamic philosophy' on Pletho's work-that is to
say the reception of the Arabic transmission of Aristotle by the Byzantine
~ontemporary Islamic worl~but did he engage with them philosopher-reveals some of the general difficulties involved in tracing an
mtellectual~y? The masters of occult learning who are named or 'Islamic' influence. We are dealing with contexts of adoption and transmission of
detectable m Psellos' work were late antique philosophers, like highest complexity as well as with a strong interdependence of 'Eastern' and
'Western' ideas. Finding the different Renaissances-the Plethonic-Byzantine-
70 Greek, the Italian or the Islamic Renaissance-going back to their very own
Ibid., 247-51. cultural legacies or at least claiming to do so is thus a limited and limiting
11
Magdlina o, L •orthodoxie des astrologues, 105. perspective."
34 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavroudf Introduction 35
causes of dreams: 74 first among them is divine intervention. 75 The last Saffarid emir of Sijistan. 82 Psellos' etiology of false dreams
idea is far from original and had been expressed earlier by both clearly builds upon pre-existing Byzantine ideas on dream
76
pagan and Christian thinkers, including Aristotle and the interpretation; the key in deciding whether it is also informed by
77
anonymous compiler of the Oneirocriticon of Achmet. It is also theoretical discussions expressed in Arabic at around the same time
mentioned not without skepticism, by the second-century author lies in investigating both Christian and Islamic demonology and
Artemido~s of Daldis. 78 Psellos returned to dream interpretation in paying special attention to their common background in the pagan
a more extensive text, 79 where he attributes the appearance of false Neoplatonism of Late Antiquity, but also to its Christian and
dreams to the treacherous intervention of demons. This second Muslim versions until the first half of the eleventh century.
opusculum has been understood as Psellos' rehashing of
For this and other reasons, this discussion of Psellos' role as a
Iamblichos' De mysteriis, III. 2-3; 80 yet its assertion that demonic
spokesman of the occult sciences in Byzantium must end on a
intervention is what causes false dreams is an element absent from
question mark. It is ultimately impossible to decide whether he was
both Iamblichos and the text on the veracity and falsehood of
the supreme representative of the Byzantine tradition, the
dreams by Psellos' student, John ltalos. 81 The possible demonic (as
inaugurator of a new phase who moved the tradition on to a higher
opposed to divine) provenance of dreams is also discussed by
level, or an exceptional polymath who was typical of no-one but
Aristotle; however, Psellos' understanding of "demon" and the
himself. He certainly comes across in the surviving evidence as a
realm of a "demon's" activity is-predictably-different from the
rara avis on a lonely mission. 83 Yet the texts he read had been in
ancient philosopher's and in line with the Christian identification of
Constantinople for centuries, the school curriculum he taught and
demons with Satan. In fact, the bottom line of Psellos' argument
studied had been in place since Late Antiquity, and at least some
(that truthful dreams come from God while false ones from Satan)
occult sciences in which he dabbled had been practised
though implicitly accepted in hagiographic and monastic literature
continuously in Byzantium at least since the end of the eighth
earlier than the eleventh century, does not, as far as we know,
century. Would he appear quite so exceptional if he had not written
receive theoretical justification in Byzantine texts on philosophy or
so much that later generations chose to preserve? We must allow
dream interpretation. Whether by chance or not, it can also be found
for the possibility that earlier, more enigmatic and shadowy figures,
in at least one Arabic source written about a generation earlier than
like Stephen of Alexandria and John the Grammarian, expressed
Psellos' lifetime, the late tenth--early eleventh-century manual
similar ideas based on a similar range of interests. At least we must
TuiJ_fat al-mulak by Abu Al).mad Khalaf ibn Al).mad (937-1008), the
not overlook the fact that so much of the intellectual store that
Psellos brought to brilliant fruition had been saved for Byzantium
74 by Stephen's move from Alexandria to Constantinople after 610,
Michael PseUos, De omnifaria doctrina, ed. L. G. Westerink (Nijmegen, 1948),
no. 116. and was regenerated two centuries later by activities in which John,
" lloAAai 't<OV OVELQOOV ei.ol,v al al'tiat. ol J.lb yaQ aiJ'l;<iJv ei.oi 6e6:rtVEU01:oL as both iconoclast theologian and occult scientist, played a central
li.voo6ev
76
1\lili!Euou 'to\J vou 'tfl /..oytxfl'l!Juxfl t']IL!iJv E'(yLV61J.EVoL. part.84
Aristotle, llEQL 'tf!~ xa6'u:rtVov !WV'tLXfi~. , ed. W. D. Ross in Parva naturalia
(Oxford, 1955), 462b 12-464b 18a.
: Achme~s Oneirocriticon, ed. F. Drexl (Leipzig, 1925), I, 15-2, 10.
Arterrudoros, Artemidori Daldiani Onirocriticon libri V, ed. R. Pack (Leipzig, 82
See J. Lamoreaux, The Early Muslim Tradition of Dream Interpretation
1963), I. 6, 15, 9-20,9.
(Albany, 2002), 34-35.
: PseU~s, l!hilosophica Minora, I, ed. Duffy, 142-43. 83
Duffy, 'The Lonely Mission of Michael Psellos', esp. 152. .
:· R1cklin, ~er Traum der Ph~losophie im 12. Jahrhundert (Leiden, 1998), 276- 84
Magdalino L'orthodoxie des astrologues, 33-66; see also Magdalmo and
??, for PseUos theory ~f dream mterpretation in general, ibid., 270-78. Papathanassio~ in this volume. For the role of John the ~rammari~ in th_e · tl~t
_Ioann~s ltalos: Ques~10nes quodlibetales, ed. P.-P. Joannou (Etta!, 1956), no. 43. Byzantine humanism', see Klaus Alpers' stimulating rev1ew of N1gel Wilsons,
DIScussion of th1s text m Ricklin, Der Traum der Philo sophie, 278-84. Scholars of Byzantium, in Classical Philology 83 (1988), 354-9.
36 Paul Magdalino Maria Mavroli4JI
Introduction 37
Both the reality and the image of the occult sciences in Byzantiunf. both fields from Mongol-dominated Persia. Joshua Holo discusses
are the concern of this volume, which seeks, above all, to present the perception of the same distinction among Byzantine Jews.
them in their social and cultural context as a historical phenomenon;
The first three chapters consider the occult sciences as a whole. These studies of Byzantine astrology underline the extent to which
Maria Mavroudi surveys the state of research on the subject and occult science was a culture that Christian Byzantium shared with
shows how it has suffered from the perceived marginality of both its Arab neighbours and its Jewish subjects. They are
Byzantium to the "grand narrative" of the rise of "West~m complemented by the chapter in which Charles Burnett explores the
thought"; she then sets out in search of the figure of the Byzantme neglected contribution that Byzantium made to the occult s~tences
occult scientist, and lays down some parameters for studying his in the medieval West, through texts on astrology and magic that
social position. The theme of cosmic sympathy, which as we have were directly translated from Greek into Latin. The volume ends on
seen gave philosophical substance to the idea of occult science, i& a note of pure science, with a paper in which George S~liba re-
taken up by Katerina Ierodiakonou; after explaining how the examines the question of the missing links between Cop~mtcus and
original Stoic theory was modified by the Neoplatonists, she shows his thirteenth-century Persian precursor, al-Ti1si. In Its broader
how Michael Psellos made his own contribution to the Neoplatonic implications, this last article poses the problem of investigating _and
doctrine. Paul Magdalino analyses the image of occult science and identifying the concrete avenues of contact ~etween .By~antme,
occult scientists that is portrayed in histories of the middle Arabic, and Latin science (occult or not) and their receptiOn m early
Byzantine period and actually constitutes a substantial proportion of modem Europe.
the available evidence. . Like the original colloquium, the present collecti_on do~s not
The themes of these articles come together in the following piece, pretend to be exhaustive or comprehe?sive~~Q_
where Maria Papathanassiou examines the occult interests ·of chaEter Sll.ecifically devotei...L~· "':' Ich_J~ts_
Stephen of Alexandria, the last ancient teacher of philosophy, and a introduction has shown to have been central to the B zantme ll_ollo~
of the occult One reason for this omission is the fact, mentiOned
key figure in the transmission of ancient science to both Byzantium
and the Arab world; she argues for the authenticity of the ~agic is already well served in the literature c~mpar~d
astrological and alchemical writings ascribed to him, and proposes with the other occult sciences and the theme of occult s~I~nce m
some interesting interpretations of the examples used in these texts. general. The other reason ·. ha !thou m~gical and d_IVlnat~ry
Alchemy and astrology, the two most 'scientific' of the occult texts abound in a e Byzantm ost-B antme manusc . . _
scien~es, are the concern of the next five papers. Michele Mertens are a most ent'~, and thetr traditiOn h~s
exammes the reception in medieval Byzantium of the works of the
~Iiarat~tudied. It will take several studies like Aun!he
most re~owned Late-Antique writer on alchemy, Zosimos of Gribomont's thesis in progress on the Book of Solo'!zo~ before w~
Panopohs. David Pingree traces the reception into Greek of works can do for Byzantine magic anything like what MI_chel_e Merten~
by the eighth-century Abbasid astrologer Masha'allah. William has done for alchemy in this volume, or what David Pt~~ree has
done for astrology, here and elsewhere. But if the trad~twn still
Adler shows how the sources used in the twelfth-century debate
remains impenetrable on the ms1 · 'de, 1't can profitably be v1ewed on
ohver the compatibility of astrology with Christian doctrine
t emselves reflect a lo t d' · · f the outside through its image and reputation, the people who
. ng ra Ilion of disagreement about the role o
:s~~logy m the cul~ure ofthe Biblical patriarchs-had Abraham, as practised it ' and the company they kep~~~ · h here to
tradition established towards the end of the nineteenth century, Certain aspects of Thorndike's work clearly belong to the Zeitgeist
especially in the German-speaking world, and are clearly influenced of the early 20'h century. Auguste Bouche-Leclercq's Histoire de fa
by the re-thinking of disciplinary boundaries and the re- divination dans l'antiquite, 4 vols. (Paris, 1879-82) and his
organization of knowledge (and the institutional structure of L'astrologie grecque (1899) had already argued (while professing
universities) along those lines at around the same time. This to despise astrology and its sisters) that the study of divination in
academic trend produced admirable works that still guide scholarly antiquity is a worthy scholarly enterprise because it can elucidate
research, but among its dangers, when applied to the material under the history of ideas. The same point had been made in Thorndike's
discussion, is the over-subordination of ancient and medieval doctoral dissertation titled 'The Place of Magic in the Intellectual
intellectual endeavours to modem categories and definitions, and History of Europe' and submitted to the "Faculty of Political
the blurring of the fact that medieval learning was, to use a modem Science" at Columbia University in 1905. But the vision he
term, very 'interdisciplinary'. 7 presented in 1923 was still pioneering, because Franz Cumont's
L'Egypte des astrologues, an attempt to use astrology in order to
understand social history, would be published fourteen years later,
in 1937, and Otto Neugebauer's famous essay 'The Study of
something to an illustrious antecedent, the division of the material adopted by Wretched Subjects', in which he called for a serious investigation
Brockelmann in his (to this day irreplaceable) Geschichte der arabischen into the history of astrology in order to· comprehend the
Uteratur, 5 vols. (1898-42); on the long and difficuit publishing history of tliis transmission of ideas from Antiquity to the Middle Ages and the
work, see J. J. Witkam, 'Brockelmann's Geschichte revisited' in the recent reprint
Renaissance, did not appear until1951. 8
of C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, I (Leiden, New York,
and Cologne, 1996), v-xvn. To facilitate his discussion, Brockelmann divided
Arabic literature into chronological units and, from ca. 750 (after which date the Though the connection between 'rational' and 'pseudo' science
number of preserved texts and authors is significantly greater than before) continues to be discussed in recent literature on pre-modem science
proceed~ to cove~ the literary production of each period by genre and place of (obviously because scholars still estimate that it must be explained
producbon acco~mg. to the political fragmentation of the Islamic world. 'Die
N~r- ~nd Gehetmwtssenschaften' is the title of Book 2, chapter 17 (I 278-82) to their readers), 9 the view that 'rational' science and 'pseudo'
whtch ts preceded by chapters on philosophy, mathematics, astro~omy and science are two facets of the same coin is increasingly gaining
asti_ol?gy, .geography, and medicine (these categories are repeated, with some wider acceptance. 10 Though no longer pioneering in this respect,
vanatton, m the treabnent of subsequent periods, as well). The division according
~~genres was .also follo~ed in another major and extremely useful bibliographic
f~rt, F. Sezgm, Geschzchte des arabischen Schrifttums bis ca. 430 H. 12 vols.- Studies (Washington, D. C., 1982), 96-7; a new approach was implemented by
(Leiden 1967-), that covers AI b' t .
. .
med tcme, h a tc exts unttl ca. 1038 A.D. and discusses idem, A History of Byzantine Literature (650-850) (Athens, 1999).
p armacy zoology t . . 8
agriculture th ' . ' ve ennary sctence, alchemy, chemistry botany, 0. Neugebauer, 'The Study of Wretched Subjects', Isis 42 (1951 ), Ill. Compare,
• rna emabcs, astronomy a trol d ' also, the remarks of L. Edelstein in 1937: "In the historiography of Greek
rubrics The bibl" . . ' s ogy, an meteorology under separate
Die h~chs:prach:~!reaphtc.J.utdeL~or Byzantine science, occult or not, is H. Hunger, medicine religious and magical healing, in general, are dealt with only
proJane lteratur der B t. 2 I occasionally and very briefly... Since these are factors abhorrent to modem
Altertumswissenschaft XII 5 . yzan mer. vo s., Handbuch der
as follows· mathematt:c · d(Mumch, 1978), where the last six chapters are titled science, they are not interesting to the modem historian either"; see L. Edelstein.
· s an astronomy (astrol ) . 'Greek Medicine and Its Relation to Religion and Magic', Bulletin of the lnstitllle
botany, lapidaries, alchemy) ed' . .. og~ • natural sctences (zoology,
due to the vernacular linguls~ tc'?e, mthtary sctence, law, music. In addition, of the History of Medicine 5 (1937), 201-46; repr. in 0. and L. Temkin, eds.,
categories, a brief discussion ~ ~!;~ter employed in texts that belong to these Ancient Medicine. Selected Papers of Ludwig Edelstein (Baltimore, 1967), 205-46.
9
remedies, and Byzantine colle~~ions ~~:t~ to astrology. oracular literature, folk See, for example, F. Rochberg, The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy.
Geschichte der byzantinisch ~ lk 1~ proverbs, m an addendum to H.-G.
°. 1
0
Beck, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture (Cambridge and New York, 2004).
10
s lte~atur (Munich, 1971 ).
7
A similar concern regardin ;n Some researchers treat the connection between 'rational' and 'pseudo' science as
treattnent by Byzantinists acco~· Yzantme hterature and its compartmentalized established truth in need of no further elaboration; see the statement of T.
K.azhdan, People and Power in ;g to ~odem notions of 'genre' was voiced by A. Langerrnann, review of P. Travaglia, Magic, Causality and Intentionality: The
yzanttum: An Introduction to Modern Byzantine Doctrine of Rays in al-Kindi (Florence, 1999), in Speculum 77 (2002), 256-8:
Maria Mavroudi Occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 45
44 Considerations for Future Research
Thorndike's work has aged gracefully; its flfSt four volumes that effort to properly edit the surviving Greek alchemical texts under
focus on the Western medieval world may still be used as a the directorship of H. D. Saffrey (the first volume appeared in
reference tool by medievalists. An equivalent work was never 1981), 14 and the long-term commitment to publish the corpus of
written for Byzantium, neither in its bibliographic scope (including Byzantine astronomers under the supervision of Anne Tihon (the
15
manuscripts) nor in its articulation of an overarching vision about inaugural volume came out in 1983) will do much to facilitate the
the intellectual horizons and historic development of magic and study of the Byzantine occult sciences, even if neither undertaking
experimental science. Given the proliferation and specialization of includes this among its explicit goals. Relatively recent book-length
knowledge as well as the changed conditions in the academia and studies by a single author treating any aspect of Byzantine occult
society at large since the first half of the twentieth century, it is lore are exceedingly few: Richard Greenfield's Traditions of Belief
unlikely that such a work will be produced in the foreseeable in Late Byzantine Demonology (Amsterdam, 1988) discusses a
future. 11 This, of course, does not mean that Byzantinists are period for which the documentation is by several orders of
completely deprived of research tools. Investigation of the magnitude more abundant than for the centuries preceding it.
Byzantine occult sciences today is made possible by a much earlier Interestingly, a related topic, Byzantine eschatology, has received
wave of publications, mostly consisting in multi-volume sets much more attention, perhaps because its connection with
publishing primary sources, that appeared between the end of the respectable political history is more obvious to modem scholars
nineteenth century and the 1930s and 40s, such as the collective than the relevance of astrology, geomancy, dream interpretation,
catalogues of Greek astrological and alchemical manuscripts, palmomancy, scapulomancy, lecanomancy, and magic for the study
including excerpts from the relevant texts. 12 The analysis of these of political history. 16 Yet both eschatology and divination are
sources was generally undertaken by their editors in articles rather equally important for a proper understanding of how political power
than book-length studies. 13 It is hoped that the recent renewal of the was yielded anywhere in the medieval world, both East and West.
Most recently, Paul Magdalino's L'orthodoxie des astrologues: La
science entre le dogme et la divination a Byzance (Vlle-X/Ve
''The question ~f how to approach the subject of magic is belabored unnecessarily.
There now exts~s ~ ~onsensus that, functioning within an appropriate causal siecle) (Paris, 2006), is a book-length study by a single author
framework, m~g1c 1s Just another form of technology or applied science. This addressing one of the most important and philosophically inclined
should be the sunple .and ac_cepta?le starting point for an investigation in De radiis; Byzantine occult sciences in a chronologically arranged discussion
much of Travagha s dehberatmn about science versus superstition is thus
superfluous."
II Th . 14
e. same 1s_ true even beyond Byzantine studies; cf. Witkam, 'Brockelmann's In the series "Les alchimistes grecs" (AG) Papyrus de Leyde, ed. Halleux, AG, I;
Geschtchte reVISited', V-XV!!.
of the proj~ted 12 volumes (ibid., XIV-XV), only I, IV.! and X have appeared to
12 Catalogu~ Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum (=CCAG), vols. I-XII (Brussels
date; among them only L'anonyme de Zuretti ou L'art sacre et divin de Ia
1898-1953), Catalogue des manuscrits alchimiques grecs (=CMAG) vols I-VIII chrysopee par un anonyme, ed. A. Coline!, AG, X (Paris, 2000), deals with a
(Bru~sel_s, 1924-32); CMAG vols. VI-VIII are exclusively dedi~ated. to the ~yzantine, as opposed to an ancient, Greek alchemical text.
publicalion of texts, a proJect that was interrupted b th b ak
II. Several alchemical texts were also published wi~ ~ o~t Ire of Worl~ w_ar N1cephore Gregoras: Calcul de /'eclipse du solei/ du 16 juillet 1330, ed. J.
Ruelle by M Berthelot Col/ ( . e e P of Charles-nmtle ~ogenet, A. Tihon, R. Royez, A. Berg, CAB I (Amsterdam, 1983); see the
1887-88; re~r. Londo~ 9 ;~ ~~~ d:s :nclens akhimistes grecs, 3 vols. (Paris
1 6 IDtroduction by Tihon, ibid., 7-8; also eadem, 'Un projet de corpus des astronomes
Athe?iensia, 2 vols. Biblioth~u/ d:\: ~n magic, see_ A. Delatte, Anecdota byzantins', JOB 31 (1981) = Akten des XVI. intemazionales
I'Umversite de Liege, fascs. 36 and
88
(Lie ea:Ite d7 philosophte et Iettres de Byzant~nisten~ongress 1.2.1 (no pagination) and R. Browning, 'Projects in
of publishing the Greek alchemical co g d ~arts, 1927-39). For the history Byzantme Phtlology', ibid. 1.1, 3-64. Nine volumes have appeared in the series to
Papyrus de Leyde, papyrus de Stoc:O~s, see the mtroduction by H. D. Saffrey in date.
Les alchimistes grecs 1 (Paris 1981 ) m, fragments et recettes, ed. R. Halleux MF b' . .
p or a r~ef overvtew of the literature on Byzantine eschatology up to 1993, see
13 O . ' , , VII-XV. '
ne exception: A. Delatte La c . p. Magdalmo, 'The History of the Future and Its Uses: Prophecy, Policy and
and Paris, 1932). ' atoptromancle grecque et ses derivees (Liege
S ro:~ganda', R. Beaton and C. Roueche, eds., The Making of Byzantine History.
tu les Dedicated to Donald M. Nicol (Aidershot, 1993), 3-34.
46
Maria Mavrou4!1
.~ Occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 47
that pays due attention to pre- and early Christian sources, and i&
founded on a thorough acquaintance with primary texts, some of
- Considerations for Future Research
was launched in the twelfth century. It is understood that from then elaboration and completion of the grand narrative articulated above
on, and down to our own times, science and philosophy definitely were developed in Western academia the course of the nineteenth
and irrevocably migrated west. Their initial twelfth-century and the first half of the twentieth century and for this reason
migration was intensified in the course of the fourteenth and the unavoidably reflects ideological assumptions prevalent at the time
fifteenth centuries, when Greek refugees fleeing Byzantium arrived of European colonialism. As a result, modern study of ancient
to the West carrying manuscripts of ancient authors and allowed the philosophy and science largely emphasized what was deemed as
West to rediscover ancient Hellenic wisdom, this time without an 'rational' enterprise (along the lines of what the nineteenth century
Arabic intermediary. The Greek manuscripts brought to Europe by understood and defined as 'rational'); further, questions and
Byzantine scholars during the Renaissance are understood as the answers are framed from a point of view centred on late medieval
last contribution of the East (whether Arabic or Greek speaking) to and early modem Europe (the forerunner of modem Western
Western scientific and philosophical development. civilization). Indeed, most scholarly energy was expended and most
ink has flowed in order to elucidate the crucial junctures of
Elements of this grand narrative are implicitly or explicitly present science's and philosophy's westward journey, in the imagined
in ancient and medieval sources, a fact that undoubtedly contributed geography of which the Greek-speaking world in antiquity is
to its formulation in modem literature. For example, Ptolemy in the reckoned as 'West', while in the Middle Ages as 'East'. For
Tetrabiblos explicitly mentions that the Egyptians are those who example, the modern study of Arabic astrology was greatly
developed medical astrology the most (1.3), and refers to the stimulated by the realization that its introduction in the medieval
Egyptian system of government of the houses (1.20) and the West through translations from Arabic into Latin also created the
Chaldaean system of government of the triplicities (1.21), implicitly impetus for the introduction of Aristotelian philosophy in medieval
acknowledging the fundamental contribution that these two Latin thought/ 3 and therefore was inextricably linked with
civilizations made to astrology. 19 Diodorus Siculus in a well-known developments in Western medieval philosophy (itself a re-
24
passage (1.96-98) also discusses the Egyptian origin of science and habilitated subject in academic research around the same time).
the benefit that Greek savants derived from it. 20 Reference to the
Egyptian and Babylonian origins of astrology and science is also As far as science and philosophy in Greek of any period are
made in the world chronicles of the Byzantine period. 21 As for the concerned, it is well known that with the exception of finds in
claim that wisdom had migrated from the Greek- to the Arabic- papyri, its bulk is retrievable, with more or less difficulty, only
speaking world, it is already expressed in medieval Arabic sources from Greek manuscripts of the Byzantine and post-Byzantine
and can be understood as a politically expedient rhetorical attitude period. Yet modern study of these manuscripts has concentrated on
employed by the Abbasids in the course of the heightened extracting from them ancient science and philosophy, while little
Byzantine-Arabic military antagonism of the ninth and tenth attention has been paid to what Byzantine manuscripts that include
centuries in order to cast, in the terms used by Dimitri Gutas, 'anti- the works of ancient authors can tell us about Byzantine science and
Byzantinism' in the guise of 'philhellenism' .22 Yet the modem philosophy. This neglect is exacerbated by the fact that, in contrast
with Islamic philosophy and science, the view about their
19
Ptolemy, Tetrabib/os, ed. and tr. W. G. Waddell (Cambridge Mass 1940· repr. Byzantine counterparts implicitly or explicitly stated in modern
1964), 30-33. ' .• •
"'_Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica, ed. K. T. Fischer (post I. Bekker and L.
P,tndorf) and F .. Vo~el, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1888-1906; repr. Stuttgart, 1964). 23
R. Lemay, Aba Ma' shar and Latin Aristotelianism in the Twelfth Century: The
22 See the contnbution by W. Adler in the present volume. Recovery of Aristotle's Natural Philosophy through Arabic Astrology (Betrut.
M See D. G~tas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: the Graeco-Arabic Translation 1962).
,.
ovement m Baghdad and Early Abbasid Society, 2""- 41h IB'h-J(Jh Centuries 24
See the introduction by K. Ierodiakonou, ed. Byzantine Philosophy and Its
(London and New York, 1998), 83-9 5.
Ancient Sources (Oxford, 2002), 7.
Occult Science ana :society m nyzanuum:
. M avroudi · ,.~
51
50 M ana ·.;:,. Considerations for Future Research
'' ·!~
More recent scholarship has begun to re-evaluate individual pieces
scholarship is that there hardly was anything worth talking about. 25 of this grand narrative: for example, emphasis and value is no
In summary, the only reason why Byzantium is important in the longer exclusively placed on what is deemed as 'rational'
history of science and philosophy is not because it added anything enterprise, nor is the pursuit of 'irrational' subjects taken as a sign
significant to the Greek scientific knowledge and philosophical of intellectual decline. In addition, a rehabilitation of Arabic science
sophistication of antiquity, but because it preserved ancient Greek and philosophy is taking place: it is now possible to argue that
science and philosophy until the Westerners were able to recover it. neither entered a state of decline after the eleventh century. 28
Such is the view explicitly adopted in the chapter on Byzantine Regarding Western European intellectual history, the twelfth-
science by Kurt Vogel in Cambridge Medieval History, 26 which- century 'renaissance' (in the course of which Graeco-Arabic
in spite of its age-remains an indispensable guide on the topic due learning was introduced in Western Europe through translations
to its abundant bibliography and the general absence of reference from Latin into Arabic) in recent re-evaluation no longer looks like
works on Byzantine science. As for Byzantine philosophy, though the paramount event it had been made to be. 29 The result is
recent scholarly literature has moved beyond appreciating it merely dissonance between the older grand narrative and our more recent
as a repository of ancient philosophy, by necessity the importance understanding of the individual components that comprise it. In
of studying it is still advocated in terms of its role in shaping other words, as the pieces of the puzzle have changed shape, they
Renaissance philosophy (a nod to a line of thinking that may attract no longer fit together as neatly as they used to and must be
and sustain a general interest in studying Byzantine philosophy, not reconsidered not only individually but also as a whole. Any new
an implied comparison or relative evaluation). 27 grand narrative that might emerge will not be complete without
taking into consideration the role of Byzantium in the formation of
Mediterranean science by contributing to and receiving from the
"Evidently, this attitude was internalized, at least until recently, even within the science of its Arabic and Latin speaking neighbours. Since, in any
field of Byzantine studies. How else to explain the absence of any panel on period of human history, the economic and political power of a
Byzantine science at the XVI International Congress on Byzantine studies (1981),
nation or political entity is a decisive factor influencing the
remarked upon by Anne Tihon thus: "Au moment de nous inscrire a ce Congres
d'Etudes Byzantines, un rapide coup d'oeil sur le programme propose suffisait a international reception of the culture and science it produces, recent
nous amener a cette constatation desolante: I' absence de toute section consacre a developments in Byzantine studies must be inserted into future
l'histo~re de Ia science byzantine" [A. Tihon, "Un projet de corpus des astronomes thinking regarding Byzantine science and its international role: for
byzantl~s" (p: I of the _article in. a volume without pagination)]. A panel on
Byzantme sc1ence was mcluded m the programme of the XXI International
Cong~s on ~yzantine Studies (2006). For the problems regarding the study of philosophy] will we manage to completely bridge the gap between ancient
Byzantme philosophy, see the introduction by Ierodiakonou ed. Byzantine philosophy and early modem philosophy. In this connection we have to keep in
Phzlosophy, 1-13. '
mind the profound impact Byzantine scholars and philosophers of the fifteenth
~ Cambri~ge Me~ieva/ History IV.2 (Cambridge, 1967), 264: "Byzantium is century had on the revival of Platonic studies and Platonism in the Renaissance in
lffiportant m the h1story of science ... not because any appreciable additions were the West."
28
made to the knowledge already attained by the Greeks of the Hellenistic era but For a rehabilitation of Arabic philosophy after the II >h century, see D. Gutas,
because
. the Byzantines preserved the so I'd
1 ctoundatlons
· · ·
la1d m antiquity until 'such 'The Study of Arabic Philosophy in the Twentieth Century: An Essay on the
::w~g~~· Westerners had at their disposal other means of recovering this Historiography of Arabic Philosophy', British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
27 29.1 (2002), 5-25; for a refutation regarding Islamic astronomy, see G. Saliba, 'A
See ODB, s.v. PHILOSOPHY (by 0 O'M )· ''Th .
specific Byzant' h'l h .· eara · e question of the existence of a Redeployment of Mathematics in a Sixteenth-Century Arabic Critique of
. . m~ P I osop Y nsks anachronism if it presupposes a modem Ptolemaic Astronomy', in A. Hasnawi, A. Elamrani-Jamal, M. Aouad, eds.,
cntenon of what 1s to count as h'l1 h If .
development, it is to be ~ /· osop Y· phllosophy is seen as a historical Perspectives arabes et medievales sur Ia tradition scientijique et philosophique
10
philosophy and in th ffi oun Byzantium in the interest taken in ancient ~ecque (Leuven and Paris, 1997), 105-22, and esp. 113.
provided in tum v~~ ~rts ~ ~evelop and criticize this heritage. This work For challenges to the notion of a 12,.-century Renaissance, see C. S. Jaeger,
lerodiak B I. msp_rratlon to Renaissance philosophy." See also 'Pessimism in the Twelfth-Century "Renaissance"', Speculum 78 (2003), 1151-83.
onou, yumtrne Phzlosophy 13· "Only [b tud . B .
• · y s ymg yzantme
52 Maria Mavroudi . Occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 53
Considerations for Future Research
example, we are now beginning to discern that not all intellectual, science (and the resulting currently prevailing impression of its
artistic, or technological tradition (and the possibility of non-existence or worthlessness) is dependent on a (by now)
"innovation") was lost in the period between the seventh to the superseded understanding of Byzantium as a state and civilization
ninth centuries,30 but have not yet contemplated what this means for in decline. Since scholars no longer subscribe to this understanding,
the translation movement from Greek into Arabic that took place in it is now possible to reverse our initial set of assumptions and
the course of the ninth and tenth centuries. Over the last two investigate Byzantine philosophy and science from a completely
decades we have reached a consensus that Byzantium's golden age new angle, by looking for signs of its robustness and international
did not end with the death of Basil II and that the eleventh and appeal, as would be consonant with the economic robustness and
twelfth centuries were periods of economic expansion and international political importance of Byzantium, at least until the
intensified intellectual endeavour; 31 yet we have not begun to map Fourth Crusade. To put this in relief with an example: in the
what this may imply for the reception of Byzantine philosophy and thirteenth-century biographical dictionary by Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah,
science in the Islamic and the Latin world within the political we are informed that the monetary estate left behind by the
circumstances of the same period, such as the Byzantine eleventh-century Jacobite Christian doctor al-Yabrudi consisted in
governance of the region of Antioch (969-1084) and the creation of Byzantine gold and silver pieces. 35 AI-Yabrtidi, we are told by Ibn
the Crusader states soon thereafter. The findings of work done in Abi U~aybi'ah, was born in the large Christian village of Yabrtid
the fields of art history, 32 and, secondarily, law/ 3 promise that (75 km North of Damascus), received his medical education in
future research focusing on other forms of cultural endeavour will Damascus and Baghdad, practiced in Damascus and corresponded
also prove productive. 34 Modern lack of interest in Byzantine with physicians resident in Egypt. Though he lived and had most of
his professional connections within the realm of the Fatirnids (to
"'For a summary of recent work, see L. Brubaker and J. Haldon, Byzantium in the which both Cairo and Damascus belonged at the time) and as far as
Iconoclast Era (ca. 680-850 ): The Sources (Aidershot, 200 1), to be followed by a we know never visited Byzantine territory, he preferred to invest his
forthcoming companion volume discussing new conclusions from re-reading the fortune in Byzantine coinage, evidently because this was the hard
sources.
31
A seminal publication on 12.. -century economic history: M. Hendy, "Byzantium, currency of the period. Since common opinion in today's world
1081-1204: an Economic Reappraisal" Transactions of the Royal Historical holds that good medicine is that of the economically and politically
Society Slh series, 20 (1970), 31-52; see also the monograph by A. Harvey, dominant countries, one cannot but wonder whether al-Yabrtidi
Econom~ Exp~nsion in t~e Byzantine Empire, 900-1200 (Cambridge, 1989). A regarded Byzantine medicine with the same trust as the Byzantine
fuUer articulat10n: A. La10u, ed. The Economic History of Byzantium from the
Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, 3 vols. (Washington, D. C., 2002). A
economy, and whether his impression of the one also influenced his
sem~al work on 12th-century cultural history: A. Kazhdan and A. Wharton- evaluation of the other.
Epstem, Change in Byzantine Culture in the 11'• and 12"' Centuries (Berkeley
1985). '
A renewed investigation into Byzantine science (in its enlarged
Seminal in this. re~ard was the body of work by Hugo Buchthal (1909-); more
32
'superstitious' manifestations) could offer an avenue to contemplate science, these qualities are understood as leading to the scientific
a number of issues that have occupied the wider landscape of and industrial revolution that, in its tum, becall).e the means through
Byzantine studies over the last fifty years, or even longer. A which the West secured its economic, political, and cultural
question for the wider field of Byzantine studies that can be preponderance in the modem world. In more recent years
fruitfully approached from the perspective of the occult sciences is Byzantinists, especially those studying Byzantine economy, have
the one regarding the role played by the ancient Greek heritage in moved away from the model of Byzantine immutability and
Byzantine culture. 37 Generations of Byzantinists have paid collapse under the weight of received tradition, though in doing so
attention to this question for both objective and subjective reasons. they have stressed the 'adaptability' rather than 'dynamism' of
Objectively, the adoption, continuous cultivation, and adaptation of Byzantine economy. Yet if we accept that Byzantium was more
the ancient heritage is indeed one of the foundations of Byzantine accomplished in terms of its scientific and technological
culture. In addition, with the exception of a few literary, achievement than has hitherto been realized, what prevented a
philosophical, and scientific texts recovered from the Egyptian scientific revolution from taking place there? 38 Though the question
papyri, the main avenue available for the retrieval of ancient Greek would be novel if addressed to Byzantinists, it has been asked. of
literary culture was, and has largely remained, the surviving course, in connection with the medieval Islamic world. 39 The
Byzantine manuscripts and their post-Byzantine apographs. This answer has generally been framed as the result of a polar opposition
objective reality led earlier generations of scholars to a very between the social and intellectual realities of 'East' and 'West' and
subjective approach to Byzantine literary culture: further influenced could conceivably be applied to the Byzantine empire, since it is
by the Gibbonian vision alluded to earlier and espousing an generally understood as 'oriental'. Yet a sharp divide .between
understanding of Byzantium as a state and civilization in decline (a 'East' and 'West' (at least around the Mediterranean and its
view that was not seriously challenged in Western historiography hinterland, where the three continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa,
until the second half of the twentieth century), they came to value touch and melt into each other) is not so much the result of
Byzantine literary culture primarily as a repository of its ancient perennial physical geography, but of changeable political
Greek counterpart, not as something worthwhile in its own right. In geography. Neither Graeco-Roman antiquity nor the Middle Ages
addition, not just Byzantine literature but Byzantine civilization as a construed 'East' and 'West' in the same way that we do today, and
whole has been understood as so subservient to ancient authority any projection of the modem divide on an earlier period would be
tha~ it was render~ incapable of adapting to a changing reality.
Ultimately, Byzantmm was understood as lacking a set of qualities 38
To the best of my knowledge, this revolutionary, by the standards of Byzantine
that modern historiography came to associate with the medieval (at
studies, question, has only been asked once, and only in passing, by P. Magdalino,
least from the t~elfth century onwards) and early modem West, 'The Byzantine Reception of Classical Astrology', in C. Holmes and J. Waring.
such as 'dynamism' and 'innovation'. In the terms of history of eds., Literacy, Education and Manuscript Transmission in Byzamium and Beyond
(Leiden, Boston, Cologne, 2002), 33-57. Magdalino suggests that the "tacit
acceptance" of astrology by the clergy was upset forever in the 12.. century by
Christian
bil theology and. the ren ew ed 14"'-century mterest
· ·m anctent
· ·
sctence and Manuel Komnenos' concerted efforts to make astrology a canonically acceptable
Pto osopby..' would like to thank my student David Crane for bringing this article field of pursuit. The article ends with an intriguing final argument, that the reaction
my attention.
37
For a brief foray into th' bl · . of the "orthodox establishment" unleashed by Manuel's efforts to canonize
Mavroudi 'Ta'br , ts pro em usmg Byzantme texts on divination, seeM. astrology was one of the factors that inhibited a scientific revolution from taking
'. dr a1-ruy a and altki!m al-nujam: References to Women in Dream ~lace in Byzantium.
Inte rpretatton an Astrology T ~ rred
Medieval Islam to B . .rans e from Graeco-Roman Antiquity and It has also been asked in connection with pre-sixteenth-century China (a case
Gruendler and M C yzanttum. Some Problems and Considerations', in B. that cannot be analyzed here). An eloquent discussion of (and a proposed answer
Terms F , h ift.fi ooperson, eds., Classical Arabic Humanities in Their Own to) the question in general terms is presented in P. Crone, Pre-Industrial Societies:
· es.sc r1 or Wo/fhart R · · hs .
and Colleagues (Leiden, 2006), e;,;c on HIS 65. Birthday from His Students
47 ~atomy of the Pre-Modern World, updated edition (Oxford, 2003), 146-75 (in a
c apter titled 'The Oddity of Europe').
56 Maria Mavroudi occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 57
Considerations for Future Research
anachronistic. The boundaries established between scholarly Egypt. 42 In both the Greek and th~ Egyptian case, arguments for and
disciplines in the course of the twentieth century, in which against continuity have been articulated in the scholarship of the
43
perceived geographic and linguistic units tend to be treated in last several decades. The example of the occult sciences is
isolation from each other, have exacerbated our impression of the especially relevant because ritual and ceremonial elements in the
'East' and 'West' divide. Yet more recent scholarship (with practice of magic and divination are particularly persistent even
economic history, once again, at the forefront) emphasizes after important religious, ideological, and socio-economic changes
communication across this imaginary line40 and prompts the have taken place,44 a reality also demonstrable for civilizations
following question: as far as the medieval Mediterranean is beyond the Mediterranean, such as the faraway cultures of the pre-
concerned, is it still useful to understand it in terms of 'East' and and post-Colombian Americas.
'West' boundaries more or less co-terminous with our own while its
different political, religious, and linguistic constituents had close The important parameters influencing the Byzantine reception of
and intensive interaction regarding politics, trade, economy, art, the occult sciences cannot be adequately discussed without
literary culture?
The contemplation of a further large question (encompassing the 42 For a brief discussion of the problem of discontinuity or survival between
entire chronological spectrum of Hellenic studies and not just its ancient and Coptic Egypt and for references to recent literature, see A.
Byzantine component) can benefit from a new investigation of Papaconstantinou, 'Historiography, Hagiography, and the Construction of the
By~tine science: that of continuity or discontinuity between Coptic "Church of the Martyrs" in Early Islamic Egypt', DOP 59 (2005)
(forthcoming); I am grateful to Dr. Papaconstantinou for allowing me to consult
Ancient Greek, Byzantine, and Modem Greek culture. The cultures her unpublished work. For an approach to the problem of break or continuity
of .the medieval Mediterranean, including Byzantium, had already between ancient and Islamic Egypt (an integral part of which is the articulation of
articulated the problem as it applied to their own world, 41 and were a modem Coptic identity from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century), see D.
hardly un~q~~ in. this respect; the question is currently shared by any M. Reid, Whose Pharaohs? Archeology, Museums, and Egyptian National Identity
mode~ ClVlhzatw~ that can (for reasons of language, geography, or from Napoleon to World War I (Berkeley, 2002); 0. El-Daly, Egyptology: The
Missing Millenium. Ancient Egypt in Medieval Arabic Writings (London, Portland,
otherwise) lay claim on a venerably old and culturally illustrious Oregon and Coogee, Australia, 2005); M. Pettigrew, 'The Wonders of the
past, and the de~ree of the problem's complication is usually Ancients: Arab-Islamic Representations of Ancient Egypt' (Ph.D. diss., University
co~mensurate With the antiquity of a continuously surviving of California, Berkeley, 2004 ).
43
wntten record pertinent to its investigation. To cite but one parallel Examples in favor of continuity in the Egyptian/Coptic case: the seminal article
case, a~ equivalent de?ate is being conducted on the disappearance by S. Morenz, 'Altiigyptischer und hellenistisch-paulinischer Jenseitsglaube bei
Schenute', Mitteilungen des Instituts for Orientforschung I (1953), 250-55; more
or sumval of the ancient Egyptian heritage in Coptic and Islamic recently, H. Behlmer, 'Ancient Egyptian Survivals in Coptic Literature: an
Overview', in A. Loprieno, ed., Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms
(Leiden, 1996), 567-90; against: R. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton,
1993). In favour of continuity in the Greek case: the 1974 classic by M. Alexiou,
The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition, zoo ed. (Lanham, Boulder, New York, and
"' A recent tour de force· M McC · k ..
Communications and C · · onruc ' 0 rtgms of the European Economy: Oxford, 2002) and eadem, After Antiquity: Greek Language, Myth, and Metaphor
" F th . ommerce AD 300-900 (Cambridge 200 1) (Ithaca and London, 2002); against continuity, presenting the arguments in its
or e SimUltaneous Arabic M r . ' .
ancient Greek herita d . .us Im and. Byzantme Christian claim on the favour as the scholarly implementation of a 19"- and 20"'-century Greek political
10" centuries) see Dg~ unn~ the tune of theu greatest military antagonism (9"- agenda: M. Herzfeld, Ours Once More (New York, 1986).
in the Paleolo~an ·. :tas, ;::ek Though.t, Arabic Culture; for a similar problem
44
For an approach acknowledging the persistence of ancient ritual and ceremonial
Arabic Writers' m·pesnoT, Bsee k. Mavroudi, 'Late Byzantium and Exchange with W:Pects in the modem practice of magic and divination but emphasizing
Perspectives on 'Late Byza
· · tiroo A'
s ed · Byzantiurn, Fau'h and Power (1261-1557). discontinuity in their understanding by the ancients and the modems, see C.
Symposia (Yale, 2006). n ne rt and Culture. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Stewart, Demons and the Devil: Moral Imagination in Modern Greek Culture
<Princeton, N.J., 1991).
58 Mana Mavroudi;!~
'j~ occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 59
Considerations for Future Research
reference to these larger questions and are, in rough outline, the
following: glancing at the Islamic world (where such practitioners included
christians and Jews) and Western Europe. This approach can be
1. The pagan background of the occult sciences, both in the useful not only because less advanced disciplines can use the
Mediterranean world and the ancient Near East. Its discussion calls lessons learnt from those further ahead (in the way that Byzantine
for reference to the questions of 'East' and 'West' and cultural economic history has greatly benefited from applying approaches
continuity. and methods developed for Western medieval economic history),
but also (and especially) because of very specific reasons:
2. The relation of Christianity with the occult sciences which
naturally, touches upon the relationship of Christianity with First, there is a demonstrable textual transmission of treatises on the
paganism in general and pagan Hellenism in particular, and for this occult sciences from and into Greek, Latin, and Arabic in circular
reason requires deciding the criteria according to which the and absolutely interlocked directions that I will briefly try to
existence of cultural continuity can be accepted or rejected. describe, though modem scholarship has not sufficiently
documented all of its components. Its best researched aspects to
3. The influence of the overall social and political outlook of each date-even if a lot of work remains to be done-are the translation
period, including, but not limited to, the military, political, and movement from Greek into Arabic that took place in the course of
cultural antagonism and exchanges of Byzantium with its Eastern the ninth and tenth centuries; 46 and the wave of translations of
and Western neighbours. Such an investigation cannot be originally Greek and Arabic material from Arabic into Latin
undertaken without considering the medieval and modem especially during the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries. 47
understanding of 'East' and 'West'. Systematic scholarly interest and research in both directions started
already in the nineteenth century. 48 We know far less regarding the
4. The 'high' or 'low' register of culture to which the various translations from Greek into Latin that were made from Antiquity
manife~ta~ions of the occult sciences belong and at which their until the Renaissance; 49 the translations from Latin into Arabic
transrruss10n was possible. Nineteenth-century scholarship (under
the shadow of which we still toil) delegated the study of 46
The most recent comprehensive discussion on the topic can be found in Gutas,
'vernacular' manifestations of 'superstition' to the realm of Greek Thought, Arabic Culture.
'folklore' and has viewed them as constituent elements of a 47
Regarding astrology in particular, see F. J. Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and
people's innate character and identity. Yet who constitutes the Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation: a Critical Bibliography (Berkeley and
'people' (and in which way), and the lines along which a divide Los Angeles, 1956).
48
between 'high' an d 'Iow • cu1tural production can be established, The catalogues of translations that were drawn up in the 19"' century are still
reference works. For Greek into Arabic, see M. Steinschneider, Die arabischen
wer~ n_ot understood in the same way in the medieval period. Obersetzungen aus dem griechisch (Graz, 1960), originally published in
ProJectmg
. a. modem conceptua1·tzat10n· .
of these notiOns on the installments in various periodicals between 1889 and 1896 and reprinted in a
Byzantmes nsks, once again, anachronism. 45 single volume in 1960; idem, Die europiiischen Obersetzungen aus dem
arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Graz, 1957), originally published in
installments in 1904--05. For the translations from Arabic into Latin, see also the
Enough has been said to establish the advantage of looking at the earlier catalogue by F. Wiistenfeld, Obersetzungen arabischer Werke in das
phenomenon of the occult scientist not in Byzantium alone, but also lateinische seit dem XI. Jahrhundert. Abhandlungen der koniglichen Gesellschaft
~er Wissenschaften zu Gtittingen 22.5 (I 877).
9
•• Compare, once a ain th · . . • The translated texts were philosophical, scientific (including the occult
division between "pu~" :Wd ~vbnef but ,useful ~Iscu.sswn rejecting the modem SCiences), and patristic. Regarding the occult sciences, see the contribution of
and Power in Byzantium, _ _emacular' Byzantme literature in Kazhdan, People
97 8 C~arl:s Burnett in the present volume. An old but still useful overview of
SCienlific translations from Greek and Arabic into Latin is C. H. Haskins, Studies
in the History of Medieval Science (Cambridge, Mass., 1924; 2"" ed. 1927; repr.
60
Maria Mavroudi ·· occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 61
Considerations for Future Research
since the ninth century, including "a Roman book" on astrology d and Latin into Greek from the tenth or eleventh century into the end
Columella's agriculture; 50 the translations of Latin material _ant 52
of the Byzantine period and beyond. But even at this state of
Greek ,,51 and the trans1at10ns
. . . mo
of Arabic matenal both from Arabic scholarly documentation, it is possible to discern that by the end of
the Byzantine era in the fifteenth century, and as a result of
1960); see also_ L. Thorndike, 'R~lation between Byzantine and Western Science intellectual activity that had started at least five centuries earlier, a
an_d pseudo-S~1ence before 1350, Janus 51 (1964), 1-36. A more recent and body of texts (or versions thereof, as medieval translations were
bnefer ov~rv1ew was provided by M.-T. D'Alvemy, 'Translations and adaptations and explications of the originals) was available in all
T~slators , R. L. B~nson and G. Constable, eds., Renaissance and Renewal in the three languages, Arabic, Latin, and Greek; through these texts, the
12 Century ~Cambndge, Mass., 1982), 421-62; repr. in eadem, La transmission
des texte~ phzlosophiqu~s et scientijiques au Moyen Age (Aldershot, 1994), no. 11.
corresponding civilizations demonstrably influenced and infonned
For med1cal, philosophical, and theological translations from Greek into Lat' each other in the field of the occult sciences.
between the 4"' ~d the 6"' centuries, see J. lrigoin, 'Les textes grecs circulant dan~
le nord de_I'Ita~•e. aux Ve C:t V_Ie siecles. ~ttestations litteraires et temoignages In addition, travel, oral communication, and competence in foreign
~aleogra_phlques .' m ~eodo~zco zl Grandee 1 Goti d'ltalia. Atti del X/JJ congresso languages, facilitated these exchanges even without the
mternazzona/e d1 studz s~l/ alt? Medioevo, Milano, 2--6 novembre 1992 (Spoleto,
intennediary of a translated text. For example-to focus only on a
1993), 391--40?. So~e discussion can also be found in W. Berschin, Greek Letters
and the 0~m Mzddle Ages from Jerome to Nicholas of Cusa, revised and few relatively well-known figures whose international careers are
~xpanded ed1t1on, tr. Jerold C. Frakes (Washington, D. c., 1988). better documented-Byzantine sources allow us to conclude that in
"C~ther texts were the Gospels and epistles of St Paul, the Psalms, the so-called the eleventh century Symeon Seth moved between the Islamic
and lendar of Cor~ova" (an a?ap~ation more than a translation), Orosius' history Middle East and Constantinople,53 and in the late thirteenth-early
. ~ro~ably) I~1dore of Sev11le s Etymologies. See C. Burnett 'The Translating
Act1v1ty m Med1eval s · • 10 · s· K· Jayyus1,. ed., The Legacy' of Muslim Spain. fourteenth century Gregory Chioniades kept traveling between
H db h d . ~~n '
:m. u~ _er Onental1stik, XII (Leiden, 1992), 1037; repr. in idem Magic and Constantinople, Trebizond and Tabriz. 54 Their careers have some
Dzvmatzon m the Middle A T, d . . '
Wo ld (Aid h ges. exts an Techmques m the Islamic and Christian analogies with those of scholars known to us from Arabic, Latin
Ararb'ICsG/ossaryers ot, 1996), no. IV. See also P. Sj. van Koningsveld The Latin- and Hebrew sources: an approximate contemporary of Symeon
of the Le1'd u · . . '
u M b' M . en mverszty Lzbrary: a Contribution to the Study of Seth, the Nestorian priest, doctor, and philosopher Ibn Butlan, left
,.,.0 ~ra zc anuscrzpts and L't 1
.
d'Al . . erature (Le1den, 1977), reviewed by M.-T.
verny' La transmtsszon des t t h ·z . his native Baghdad in 1048, and, after spending two years in Syria
Age (Aldershot 1994) XV exes P 1 osophzques et scientifiques au Moyen
in ai-Andalus' Jou '/fino. h III_; J. Sams6, 'The Early Development of Astrology and three in Cairo, in 1053 he arrived in Constantinople, where he
" To th b ' f rna orr e Hzstory of Arabic Science 3 (1979) 228-43. observed the supernova of the year 1054 and witnessed the great
e est o my knowledge th 1 · '
sciences into Greek h
.
' e trans atwns of Latin material on the occult
ave never been d' ed · . chicken-pox epidemic. He later went to Byzantine Antioch, where
literature Br1'ef d' . . •scuss co 11 ectlvely m modem scholarly he became a monk and died in the year 1068.55 In the twelfth
· ISCUSSIOn With Jim'ted 1 t .
on Dream Interpretation. The On . r_e_ erences m Mavroudi, A Byzantine Book
(Leiden and Boston 2002 )
4091 e~rocntlcon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources
with Arabic Write~· A 'b. f- . and _eadem, 'Late Byzantium and Exchange Keipeva "ai Me).h:e' =Texts and Studies on Byzantine Philosophy (Athens,
agriculture in E. Fishe · 'G r~eT d!scus_swn of translations on hippiatrics and 2002), 187-97.
52
Ya~ Classical Studiesr'27 ~~ /~~~•ons of Latin Literature in the 4'h c. A. o.',
82 Some discussion in Mavroudi, A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation, 395-
Latin material on philoso h . ' 215 · esp. 207-II. For an overv ew of the 429.
1
natural sciences) see Lp YB(Leak.~e necessary background for the study of the " On the career of Symeon Seth, see P. Magdalino, 'The Porphyrogenita and the
'
0bersetzungen philosophisch . ~ u ~ . . .
Astrologers', in Charalambos Dendrinos et al., eds., Porphyrogenita, Essays on the
T ', atem1sche L1teratur in Byzanz. Die
Browning (Venice 1996 ) -4er ~xte' <PU.e.U.1Jv. Studies in Honour of Robert History and Literature of Byzantium and the Latin East in Honor of Julian
''H ' ' 35 2 ; tOr an expanded . ~hrysostomides (Aldershot, 2003), 15-31, esp. 19-21.
Aanvtxt1 YQ<lJliJ(X~E(a vers1on of this paper, see idem,
"C::
~tll£vwv', in Bv~civrw 0 0 8 u~av~w: ol JlE't<lcj>Qaow; cj>IAooocj>tx6lv On Gregory Chioniades, see L. G. Westerink, 'La profession de foi de Gregoire
E7rWr1JfWv'-"iif: Ivvav''l1J a~o__f: rov Mi 1j E~QWmJ. llea"rmd llQW'l1Jf: ~hioniades', Revue des etudes byantines 38 (1980), 233-45. See also Mavroudi,
m.1]6wvi)(6Jy "<Xi Bv~avnc;::; 1:1Jf: .dte6voi), E:mo7:1Jf-10VtXijf; 'Emi{}Elaf; ,~te Byzantium and Exchange with Arabic Writers.'
repr. (with additional biblio ~ hn:ov~wv (Athens and Mystras, 2001), 69-79, _Sources on Ibn ButHin: Ibn al-Qifti, Ta'rrkh al-/lukama', ed. A. Miiller and J.
g p y) 10 L. Benakis, Bv~avnvl) <PU.oaoljJla. Lippert (Leipzig, 1903), 294-315; Ibn Abi U$aybi'ah, Kitab 'uyan al-anba' fl
1t
62 Maria Mavroudi Occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 63 jL
Considerations for Future Research ,.
1~\
Abraham Ibn Ezra (ca. 1090-ca. 1165), a Spanish Jew whose deem respectable, such as philosophy and astronomy, as well as
·. -'_· their less reputable sisters, such as astrology.
!
!.., :
surviving production includes works in Hebrew and Latin, and who
57
is also quoted in Byzantine astrological sources, traveled from his
native Andalus to N. Italy (Venice, Verona, Lucca, Pisa, Mantua), A second reason (already foreshadowed in our discussion above)
S. France (Narbonne, Beziers), England, Morocco, Egypt, the Holy for which the examination of the Byzantine occult sciences would
Land and Mesopotamia. 58 All five figures were fluent in the be more fruitfully undertaken in conjunction with their Arabic and l
advanced technical vocabulary of more than one language and Latin equivalents is the fac.t that the Greek, Arabic, and Latin
familiar with philosophical and scientific concepts that transcended speaking worlds were, or at least some intellectual circles in their
the boundaries of what we would call today their 'national' science· midst were, heirs to essentially the same philosophical traditions
their travels were clearly motivated by the search for bette; and educational curriculum developed in Late Antiquity.59 Of
resources (patronage, more advanced knowledge and renowned course this curriculum (the trivium and the quadrivium)60 appears in
-i numerous versions (all of them clearly variations on the same
(
,. teachers, the existence of observatories), but also followed the flow
and eb.b of their contemporary international political developments, theme) through time in the different languages in question, and was
as theu moves were clearly facilitated by the conditions created not always and in all geographic locations pursued at the same level
afte~ the. Byzantine reconquest of and presence in the region of and with the same intellectual rigor. However, it is important to
Antioch ~n the te~th and eleventh centuries, the decline of Baghdad recognize that it consistently furnished the philosophical
and the nse of Ca1ro as a major political centre in the Islamic world background for the study of the natural and the occult sciences and
at .around the same time, the establishment of the Crusaders in the could serve as an introduction to their pursuit. For example,
,I
M.Jddle East in the course of the twelfth, and the political re-
alignments brought about by the arrival of the Mongols in the late "This fact was well understood by Thorndike, as is clear from his statement, cited
earlier, that his initial goal was to write the history of magic and experimental
tabaqllt al-a(ibba' ed A Miill I . science in the 12'" and 13'" centuries, but found it impossible to do so adequately
c.:· been translated in~ E · ~h . er, (Cruro, 1882), 241-243; both excerpts have
without starting from antiquity (Thorndike, History of Magic, I, 2-3); and from the
Controversy Between ;:n Bu:Z, Schacht and Meyerhof, .The Medico-Philosophical
Hebraeus, Ta'rrkh mulch n of Baghdad and Ibn Rtdwan of Cairo, 51-66; Bar ample and systematic reference to Arabic occult science throughout the first two
Modem accounts of !bta~~r ~l-~uwa/, ed. An\(ln S!ilil)ilni (Beirut, 1958), 190-92. volumes of his History of Magic. The same holds true of Haskins' discussion of
arabischen Uteratur, ~at~llln ~ career: G. Graf, Geschichte der christlichen 12'"-century science in his Studies in the History of Medieval Science, organized
11
Riqwlln, see J. Grand'Hen lean,. 947), 191-94; on Ibn Bu!liln's dispute with Ibn under three rubrics: 'The Science of the Arabs' 'Translations from the Greek' and
(998-1067) 1 (Lo . I ry, Le /me de Ia methode du medecin de 'Air b. Riqwlln 'The Court of Frederick II', which is presented as the meeting-point of the Greek
· • uva10- a-Neuve 1979) 2 5 h' and Arabic traditions. Of course in their articulation of these connections I
10 Constantinople see G S ' . • - ; on IS observation of the supernova \,
translating into Syrlac' . .'d trohmruer, 'l:lunain ibn Isl)aq: an Arab scholar Tho~dike an~ Haskins were aided by earlier reference works [Steinschneider, Die
Erbes m · der arabischen' 10Ku/t
1
em,(Hi!
Von Demokr't
. 1 b'IS Dante: Die Bewahrung antiken arab1schen Ubersetzungen a us dem griechisch ( 1889 and 1896); idem, Die
~with further references). ur deshelm, ZOrich, New York, 1996), 166 [202) europiiischen Obersetzungen aus dem arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts
For Adelard and 0 th (1904-05); Wiistenfeld, Vbersetzungen arabischer Werke in das /ateinische seit
dL . er such figures in 1 d' dem XI. Jahrhundert (1877)]. Comparable reference tools are unavailable to
an atm) Stephen of Antioch ' c u mg the trilingual (in Arabic, Greek, i
and ~in Culture in the Twelf~:~· B~mett, 'Antioch as a Link between Arabic ~Yzantinists today. I
!•
~ccrdent er Proche-Orient· Contact ~lrteenth Centuries', in I. Draelants, et al., For. the role of astrology in particular in the educational curriculum of the Greek-
,. CCAG, XI.J, 228; see al~ bel s SC!entifiques au temps des Croisades, 1-78. spe~mg world from Late Antiquity until the end of the Byzantine era, see the
See R. Mercier 'Eas ow, note 148. ~ut~e by P. Magdalino, 'The Byzantine Reception of Classical Astrology', in C.
Draelants et 8 1 ' . t and West Contrasted · s · . B0 e~ and J. Waring, eds., Literacy, Education and Manuscript Transmission in
·:; l
··Occident ~t Proche 0 . m ClentJfic Astronomy', in I. i.
- Tlent, 332-4. yZan/lum and Beyond, 33-57. I
I
64 Maria Mavroudi Occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 65
Considerations for Future Research 1\
I
knowledge of astronomy, one of the subjects at the more advanced observed in an effort to balance the patristic and clerical evidence I
level of the curriculum, is also necessary for the practice of
astrology.
with indications from other sources of the Paleologan period,
I
"It is clear that the relationship between the central Christian
orthodoxy and the peripheral semi-Christian (or actually non-
Thirdly, Jewish, Christian, and Muslim monotheism posed for the Christian) elements of belief and practice in the Palaeologan
practitioners of the occult sciences a similar set of problems, the religious mentality is one that is complex and far-reaching. At
most salient of which, at least in the eyes of modern scholars, is the popular level, belief and practice embraced a range that
their strained, or at least ambivalent, relationship with the simply did not recognize distinctions between religion and
magic and was not only uninterested in separating areas of
'orthodox' religious establishment, a 'given' that modern scholars
orthodoxy and unorthodoxy, but was almost entirely incapable
frequently mention but do not always analyze in detail. of doing so. What is being described here is thus merely one
i'
,, end of a largely continuous spectrum that shades, as it were,
In his Traditions of Belief in Late Byzantine Demonology, as well as quite smoothly from white to black. Any divisions in it are
in his article 'Contribution to the Study of Paleologan Magic' imposed either by subsequent historical misconceptions or by
the views of the small minority of trained Christian theologians
(1995), Richard Greenfield employed a distinction between what he who believed in and were both capable of and interested in
termed "The Beliefs of the Standard Orthodox Tradition" and establishing such divisions. It is vital not to let the minority
:•
'.j
"Alternative Traditions." 61 In the conclusions to the book he speak in place of the vast majority." 63 .!r ,1
emphasized that this division is a device he employed in order "to cl
'
(ibid., 307). One of the disadvantages to this approach (implicitly philosophically inclined occult sciences, Paul Magdalino added a -l ':1
acknowledged by Greenfield) is the imposition of a contemporary, component that any future discussion on them ought to take into 'i
II
and not necessarily Byzantine, division on the source material that consideration: he described what one may call "the orthodox j, ·,I
obscures for us the Byzantine understanding of occult lore. establishment" as having not only the religious facet outlined ~-l I'
~eenfield's approach, as well as Utto Riedinger's 1956 monograph above, but also a "national" one, identified with the Greek texts of
i.:
;l
·~
titled The Holy Writ in the Struggle of the Greek Church Against Ptolemaic astronomy inherited by the Byzantines from antiquity
62
. • emphasize
Astrology · the dichotomy
· between the ecclesiastical and contrasted with the Islamic science imported in Byzantium in
establishment
. and th It · · as well as the reJection
e occu scientist, . . of the what Magdalino chronicles as four distinct phases between the
:~u~t sciences by the church. There is, indeed, an undeniably large ninth and the fourteenth century. 64 Of course, the dichotomy
Imp?rtant body of material from the pens of Church Fathers between 'Hellenic' and 'oriental' wisdom evident in some of the
and clencs condemn·mg the occult sciences
. . .
from Late AntiqUity narrative sources may upon further inspection prove to be more of a
down to the end f th B ·
o e yzantme period. But, as Greenfield rhetorical construction than an accurate reflection of practical
reality; if so, Byzantinists will have to reflect on the motives and
objectives of such a rhetoric. For now, I can only briefly mention
61
'The Beliefs of the St d d
three examples suggesting that future scholarship ought to attempt
and "Alternative Trad't:W ~ 0 rthodox Tradition' is the title of the book's Part I to draw the Byzantine reception of Islamic occult science not as an
. .
Belrefrn D of Part II · see R · p . H. Greenfield, Tradttrons
Late ByZant' 1 tons ..
o,.1 opposition between 'Hellenic' and 'oriental' but as a complex
the Study of Paleolog':Mem_o~~/ogy (Amsterdam, 1988); idem, •Contribution to
62 U R'ed·
· ' mger, Die heilige agtc
S h• m. Maguire
. • ed · Byzantme
· Magic, 117-53.
Astrowgie von Orr'gen cb~ift rm Kampf der griechischen Kirche gegen die
D es rs Joha :Greenfield, 'Contribution to the Study of Paleo logan Magic', 150.
ogmengeschichte und zur Gesch. h nnes von Damaskos. Studien ZJIT
rc le der Astrologie (Innsbruck, 1956). Magdalino, 'The Byzantine Reception of Classical Astrology', 33-57.
66 Maria Mavroudi Occult Science and Society in Byzantium: 67 1\.lr
Considerations for Future Research
!I11
interaction of ideas the provenance of which eschews clear-cut In his 2006 L'orthodoxie des astrologues, Magdalino added further jl
labels: MS Marc. gr. 299, most probably copied towards the end of nuance to the discussion: instead of positing an absolute dichotomy j\
the tenth century and the earliest surviving Greek alchemical codex,
contains texts by 'Hellenic' authors such as Zosimos, but also the
between astrologers and the 'Orthodox establishment' (whereby
astrology would have been understood as marginal and therefore
r
earliest evidence for Byzantine knowledge of Arabic alchemical irrelevant to any influential discussion about philosophy,
ll,,
')
terminology. 65 Theodore Metochites, a self-styled proponent of the cosmology, and their theological implications), he showed that not fJ...
,,.
'national' Ptolemaic tradition, is also the intellectual grandchild of only astrologers kept modifying their discourse in order to fit the
imported 'oriental' wisdom, 66 since he begun his study of the stars Orthodox mould, but also official Orthodoxy could at times be
L
''Ii:
under the guidance of Manuel Bryennios, whose own teacher had shaped by its encounter with astrological doctrine. If this
come from Persia. 67 Both the first and the second part of MS Vat. conclusion is taken into consideration in the future investigation of
gr. 1058, copied by two different but contemporary scribes around the remaining Byzantine occult sciences we will, eventually, be
the middle of the fifteenth century, each include not only texts by able to discern a hitherto missing component not only of Byzantine
two fourteenth-century champions of Ptolemaic astronomy, Christianity, but Byzantine culture as a whole.
., Nikephoros Gregoras and his student Isaac Argyros, but also tables
and translated texts imported from Persia. 68 But let us return to Christian and Muslim monotheism that posed
for the practitioners of the occult sciences in both worlds a similar
set of problems: whether their strained, or at least ambivalent,
.\.
relationship with the orthodox religious establishment is the most
65
See Mavroudi, A Byzantine Book on Dreamltlterpretation, 401-03. important in the whole web of relationships between the occult
:See Ma~dalino, 'The Byzantine Reception of Classical Astrology', 45. scientists and society around them or not, the existence of
Metochites, poem 1, vv. 630-45, ed. M. Treu, Dichtungen des Gross-Logotheten monotheistic defences for divination, and in particular astrology,
Theodoros Metochites. Programm des Victoria Gymnasiums zu Potsdam 84
expressed in Greek, Latin, and Arabic is proof that in East and West
(1895), 17-18:_BQu£vw, EI]V 11.>; 1flli' iiQ' rn(x/.!]v 1-u'!'n' 6/.(yov XQ6vov aino'
w ...
ilxwv <j>6.~v ~O'tQO~oJJi'l' ~lie fUI81]fUI1Ll\fl' iil.l.!], oo<j>Ca, vu 1'EXELV
Christians and Muslims attempted to circumvent the problem in
~e~u(()o, E!; anoe· ev8M' tli1-10vo, lxo~mo· xal. 16 y' iiQ' al.aee,, c.O, liQ' similar ways. One must also keep in mind that the main Christian
~EL l\QU1EEL oo<j>L' UU11], xal. !-L6.1.a 1' rli,.wv iinav1E'; see also L Sevcenko, (and Muslim and Jewish) objection to astrology is its determinism
Theodore Metochites, the Chora, and the Intellectual Trends of His Time', in P. and fatalism that are incompatible with the notion of free will and I
Und~rwood, The Kariye Djami, IV (New York, 1975), 19-91, esp. 28; French I
I
versJOn of the same article (without footnotes) by idem, 'Theodore Metochites, salvation as a result of moral choices made freely by the individual.
E
Chora, et les courants intellectuels de son epoque', Art et socilfre a Byzance sous
les Paieologues. · Actes du co 11oque orgamse
. par I ,Assoczatwn
. . lnternatwnale
. des
This, however, is an objection to astrology raised in the Graeco-
Roman world earlier than Christianity by a number of pagan
..
!
l
very P h . d. ,\ I
'
science is at least as ambivalent as the relationship of the religious the occult sciences depended on t eir temperament an mte1lectual !\
establishment with occult science. The reason is obvious: the (real disposition, but also on the situation th~y .found themselves in. It is
p
~
:I
or imagined) ability provided by the occult sciences to predict or clearly no accident ~hat. the_ first. Ch~Istlan emper?r to _condem~ ·:i
\
manipulate occurrences in the natural and social environment has astrology and divination m h1s legislation (Constantms II m 357), ,;
an inherently subversive potential that the state tried to completely attained the throne and reigned in the midst of civil strife, when an ':
'I•
suppress, or bridle and use to its advantage, while prohibiting it for astrologically sanctioned rival could become even more dangerous ll
eve~b?~Y else. Leo VI, an em~e~or ~ho renewed the pre-existing to the reigning emperor. Justinian, another emperor inimical to
prohibitiOn on astrology and divmation in his own legislation, is astrologers (meteorologoi) 18 had to put down a serious revolt at the
also known to have ordered the casting of a horoscope for his very beginning of his reign_ ~nd was also threatened ?Y
a plot
newborn son, Constantine VII, and to have summoned Pantaleon hatched by his powerful m1mster, John the Cappadoc1an, who,
metropolitan of Synnada, to interpret an eclipse of the Moon. Th~
79
encouraged by sorcerers and diviners, coveted the imperial office.
metropolitan interpreted it correctly as the downfall of one of Leo's On the flip side of the coin, the fourteenth-century interest in
astronomy and astrology must be connected not only with the
overall intensified intellectual activity of the period, but also with
01JJ.lll~V "ti]£ OUV"tEAE(a£ "tOU UMVO£ 'tOlJ"tOU', in PG 59, cols. 553-68.
Acc_o~mg to the editorial note in PG, this homily is considered spurious both on
s~hsti~ grounds and because it anachronistically mentions Nestorius and 76 Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1838), 376, 8-19. See also
DLonysL~s the ~eopagite (col. 560); moreover, it has a very complicated Mavroudi, A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation, 61; C. Mango, 'The Lege~d
~anuscnpt ~d!tion and. every single manuscript that contains it presents a of Leo the Wise', Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta 6 (1960), 59-93, repr. m
diffe~ent vers10n. I take th1s as a sign of the homily's popularity and an indication idem, Byzantium and Its Image (London, 1984), XVI , 68; Magdalino, 'Occult
th~ il _must have been freq~ently us.ed as a model for both writing and orally Science and Imperial Power' in the present volume. .
deliven~g.honuhes: The version published in PG is the one from the lith-century n M.-T. Fagen, 'Balsamon on Magic: From Roman Secular Law to Byzantine
MS C01slm 349 [m the old numbering, now MS Coislin 77, described in R. Canon Law', in Maguire, ed. Byzantine Magic, 103-4. See also Tester, History of
~vrees~e, f!ata/ogue des manuscrits gr~cs II, Le fonds Coislin (Paris, 1945), 66- Western Astrology, 95.
], wh1ch IS shorter than those extant m other manuscripts. It is impossible to 18
Secret History XI.37; for the Greek text, see Procopius Caesariensis, Op~ra
~ow what version of Pseudo-Chrysostom Joseph Bryennios relied on. Bryennios' Omnia, ed. J. Haury and G. Wirth, III (=Historia quae dicitur Arcana) (Mumch
P rases ar~ more expans1.ve than the PG version of Pseudo-Chrysostom. Examples and Leipzig, 2001), 76, 12-77, 2; Procopius, ed. W. Dindorf, III (Bonn, 1838), 76,
of analogies between the two texts: Bryennios 120 31-7 ° o·n ltVL)\"tQ xut 18-77,6.
OT]QI.UAOJ"tU, xat ULIUl"tU ~</Jwv, U1tEQI.OXEm<o£ W£' e9vtx~(. ol OQ06bo!;oL 19
Prokopios (Persian Wars 1.25) tells us that when John the Cappadocian learned
xu,;ro9f.oumv, and PG 59, col. 561: xut ei.OwA69umv ea9(ov'te£ xat al!J.Il of Theodora's detennination to destroy him, he turned to sorcerers and listened to
ltVIX'tOJV xat .Ol]QLUAOJ'tOJ V, XUL> OQVE01ta'tUX'tU
O • •
XUL, ltOAAU, f'tEQU
• '
'tOlrt:OJV oracles "that portended for him the imperial office". For Prokopios' t~xt, see
~~· Brye~mos 120,36-121, 1: iht O'tOAUL£ avbQLXUL£ 'I:U£ EUU'tWV yuvaiXU£ Procopius, ed. Haury and Wirth, I, 135, 3-136, 2; Procopius, ed. W. Dmdorf, I
evuUOUOLV. On 'ta~ io"a~ <OJ" . - '' - ' - -
rnl • , ~ """' ~ , ~ EOQ'tOJV, UUII.OL£ XUL XOQOI.£, XUL OU'tUVLXO~ (Bonn, 1833) 130, 10-134, 14; Procopius, History of the Wars, Books I and II, tr.
OLV c;tOIUlOL, XOlj!OL£ 'tE XUL J.lll9UL£, xat alaXQOL£ aA.A.ou; EOEOLV EltL'tEAEiV ou H. B. Dewing (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), 240-43. However, Prokopio~ makes sure
~·~~uv6J.lllea, and PG 59, col. 561: IlaA.LY axouaa,;e :n:o,;a:n:ot XQIO<LUvot his readers realize that the signs were not wrong, only their interpretauon w~s. The
OL
. <a , e9v6Jv I'Wl]' "N"ta ltOIOUV"tE£,
~"- ,_..
- ., , ltQOO<oltOJV
u<j>UVIOj!OV , ' ij. EJtuj>OJVijOEI.£
, ~
.
Persian Wars (11.30) end with half a page otherwise disconnected wtth the
OQXT]OEI.£, ~ XQO"tOU£ "E'"WV ~< 0 ' ' - : :
immediately preceding narrative, infonning us how the prophecy to Jo~~ the
(121 7_ 122 6 . "" ""' ' 'I '?11.10j!Ov yuvmxwv tv avbQaat. Bryenmos
(ibid') d .'b ) prov1.des more detail for the practices that Pseudo-Chrysostom Cappadocian that he was "bound to be clothed in the gannent of Augustus was
· escn es as follows: Ilom:n:ot XQIO<LUvot 'Ioubai:xoi£ xat 'EA.A.T]VLXO~ fulfilled: he had to wear the garments of a priest named Augustus whe~ he was
ltQ~~V"tE£ ,1Lu9ou;, xat yeveaA.oy(aL£ [sic for yeveOA.LaA.oy(au;) xat made a clergyman by force (ed. Haury and Wirth, I, 303, 13-304, 7; ed. Dmdo~. I,
:Qa 1£: xm. OO<QoA.oy(au;, xat <J>aQIJ.Uxe(au;, xat <j>uA.ax"tT]Qiou;· xat 300, 1-18; tr. Dewing, 554-57). On Prokopios and the supernatural (concentrating
<j>wva~Q~~ l1LEQ6Jv xut tv'?u<wv, XA1]boVIOIJ.OU£ xat ovetea, xat 6Qvtwv
0
on the Secret History), see A. Cameron, Procopius and the Sixth Century
auvaV"tJ.uN~a ltl]ya~ A.uxvou£ Wt'tOV"tE£ xat a:n:oA.ou6J.lllVOL, xat (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1985), 56-9. For prophecy and politics in the age of
'I,_..• ltUQU"tl]QOuJ.lllVOI. ...
Justinian, seeP. Magdalino, 'The History of the Future', 3-34.
72 73
Maria Mavroudi occult Science and Society in Byzantium:
considerations for Future Research
the astrological predictions sought by the parf . . . The ability to control nature was evidently what made the occult
and the civil wars and civil strife th t ~~pants m the wan sciences an appropriate pursuit for the emperors themselves.
~ccording~y, a number of Palaiologan empe~orss :e~~
dthe empire. Byzantine sources contain abundant references to legendary and
mterested m astrology: in the year 1341 emonstrably pseudo-historical examples of royalty thus occupied, and I will
while lying on his deathbed at th ' emperor Andronikos ill, limit myself to only a small random sample: we know of the
e monastery of th H
s~mm.oned the polymath Nikephoros Gregoras best k e odegoi, existence of alchemical writings attributed to the emperors Justinian
histonan, .theologian, philosopher, and astro;omer 8o nown as :W and Heraclius (though only fragments of those attributed to
86
whether8,his predictions from the stars agreed with' th to enqurre Heraclius survive, and only in Arabic); and to Cleopatra, queen of
doctors. At least two political horoscopes . ose by the Egypt. We are explicitly told about the appropriateness of alchemy
Pal . I . survive from th
aiO ogan penod: one cast for the proclamation of M e for kings and emperors in a fifteenth-century commentary to
John V at noon of September 25 13 74. and anuel, son of Dionysius of Halicamassus addressed to the Byzantine governor of
Constantinople by Andronikos piv I .I one for the entrance to Ainos and Samothraki. 87 In the twelfth century, John Tzetzes
August 1375 82 And 'k I a aw ogos on the twelfth of (Chiliades 11.36) emphatically praised Zeus as king and astrologer
' · rom os V seems to h ·
astrologer John Abra . 83 ave patromzed the (three times on the same page!), 88 making it impossible not to think
successors com uted amio~. T~e same Abramios and his of Tzetzes' patron, emperor Manuel Komnenos, who was actively
and 1408 84 An p . senes of eclipses between the years 1374
interested in astrology .89 A fifteenth-century Greek manuscript, now
main pr . n~ Tihon has observed that eclipses is one of the two
eoccupat1ons of By zantme
the fourteenth · astronomers towards the end of
impossible n ctenttury and the beginning of the fifteenth,8s and it is 86
They do not survive, but definitely existed in MS Marc. gr. 299. See its
astronomical 0 o · connect. this (on th e f ace of It). mnocent
. description by H. Saffrey, 'Historique et description. du manuscrit alchimique de
Venise Marcianus graecus 299', in D. Kahn and S. Matton, eds. Alchimie: Art,
empire, in w~~~~uit ~Ith the escalating political troubles of the histoire et mythes (Paris, 2001), l-10. Alchemical excerpts attributed to Heraclius ' I
politically prominenet~ Ipd~e~d were seen as signifying the fall of survive in the Arabic alchemical corpus. See M. Ullmann, Die Natur- und
m IV! uals. Geheimwissenschaften im Jslam. Handbuch der Orientalistik, Erganzungsband
Vl.2 (Leiden and Cologne, 1972), 189-90. For a discussion of the attribution of
alchemical texts to the patronage or pen of kings and emperors, see M. Berthelot,
Les origines de l'alchimie (Paris, 1885), 139-40. For a discussion on the false
~ On his intellectual profile . attribution of alchemical texts to various authors (without, however, reference to
;,h~?•me, I'oeuvre (Paris, (;/ee R. GUilland, Essai sur Nicephore Gregoras: kings), see R. Halleux, Les textes alchimiques. Typologie des sources du Moyen
192
ikephoros Gregoras B ·. . . Age occidental 32 (Tumhout, \979), 97-9. Halleux rejects the possibility that
J,J-560, 3 (XI.II). ' yzantma HIStona, ed. L. Schopen, I (Bonn, 1829), 559, alchemical treatises were falsely attributed to authors in order to avoid persecution
MS Paris. Suppl gr 20 ~ by the church: "[La pseudepigraphiel ne parait pas avoir pour objectif d'eviter h
!ulletin de Ia societf n~tion~lo~. ll8r:-v; ~ee CCAG, Vlll.4, 76 and F. Cumonl, !'auteur les poursuites de l'Eglise, qui ont ete rares" (ibid., 98).
On Abramios see PLP e es antlqumres de France (1919) 181 81 See J. Letrouit, 'Chronologie des alchimistes grecs', in Kahn. Matton, eds.
Ti ramJ~s:. DOP 25 (197!,), l9l-i ~ngree, ·:he Astrological' School
Ab · ' 57· D p· ·
of John Alchimie: Art, histoire, et mythes, 69-70.
hon •. L asironomie byzanti a ,15 • for a disagreement with Pingree, see A. 88 Ioannes Tzetzes, Historiarum Variarum Chiliades, ed. Th. Kiessling (Leipzig,
;:) ~;ube de Ia Renaissance (de !352 a Ia fm du
7Ve sJecle' Byzanrion 66
:•~g pendant l'epoque des 09
Pal;2 -? 4 ; see also Mergiali, L'enseignemenl etles
1826),47.
89 I was unable to identify a literary precedent for Zeus as astrolog~r in the
" Bs.v.ECLIPSE. 1
oogues(l261-1453), 161-2. surviving Byzantine world chronicles (Zeus as king is usual), though thts clearly
A. Tihon R M . does not mean that there was none either in chronography or in other genres. The
(Louv run-. Ia-Neuve, ercier, Georges G ~mwe
• . 199S) < •
Plethon, Manuel d'astronomie chronicle that comes the closest ;0 connecting Zeus with occult science is the
connected • 13 ·ofThe
about b thw1·th th e calculation East othe r .Pro bl em •s
· conjunctions (syzygieS)
· Chronicon Paschale, ed. L. Dindorf, I (Bonn, 1832), 69, 20-22, stating that Z~us
Union ~f e close encounter with the t· .Thts preoccupation is evidently brought (identified with Pikos) taught his son Perseus nQ6.l'tELV xat lE1..EiV UJV J.lUYE~av
present vo~hurches at the time. See alatms and.the theological debates about the 'tOll J.LUO<lQO\l axiHjlou. This detail is not repeated in Anonymi Chrotwlog•ca,
ume. so the dtscussion by Anne Tihon in the published in place of Malalas' book I in Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, ed. L.
75
74 occult Science and Society in Byzantium:
Maria Mavroudi
Considerations for Future Research
and interpreted by Tzetzes in the letter. 109 Tzetzes provides detail The second letter where Tzetzes mentions dream interpretation (no.
about the time, place, and condition of his body while he had th s 59) is addressed to the wife of the Grand Hetaireiarches (a high-
dream. He insists that he went to bed without having eaten or dru~ ranking military official). It was written in May 1147, when the
much but was clear-headed and almost not asleep, especially since menacing Germans of Konrad III arrived in Constantinople in the
an attack of flees more n~merous than the army of Xerxes kept him course of the second Crusade. The letter seeks to comfort the
awake throughout the mght; he managed to relax in the earl addressee by offering a positive interpretation of a dream that she
morning, at which time he had the dream he goes on to relat: dreamt and apparently already interpreted (either on her own or
~ontrary. to .wha~ may at first sight appear to be the case, this with somebody else's help) as signifying Constantinople's
mformat10n IS neither gratuitous nor meant for comical effect, but imminent destruction, a disaster apparently also advertised in
carefully calculated to suggest to the emperor that Tzetzes' dream · oracles circulating at the time. 112 Though Tzetzes' interpretations
I: t~th~ul and its message ought to be heeded since, according to th~ seem improvised and unpersuasive, this is a bona fide effort to
pnnc1ples of ancient and medieval dream interpretation, dreams are articulate an optimistic understanding of an ominous reality.
most truthfu~ ~hen dreamt on a light stomach and in an alert mental Significantly, the gift requested at the end of the letter, ambergris
state; m additiOn, the closer to morning they are dreamt the sooner incense, was supposed to improve the ability to divine through
110
they will. be realized. Since Tzetzes only states the conditions dreams.
und~r .which he had the dream and does not provide explanations or
exphc1t references to manuals of dream interpretation, we may Yet a third piece of evidence suggests that Tzetzes might have
concl~de. that not only he, but also the emperor was well versed in volunteered his services as diviner to aristocratic and royal circles
the pnnc1ples of this art. 111 by interpreting not only dreams but also celestial omens. In a
fourteenth-century manuscript containing his Allegories to the Iliad,
a note informs the reader that a comet indicates future wars, but
also a series of other events, including marriages, and that Tzetzes
'"' The appellation "Scythians" in th 12~ was able to foretell the marriage of the emperor seven months in
the Pechenegs, while the Turks a e . c. was us~ally app~:ed to t~e Cu~ans or 11dvance by correctly interpreting the appearance of a comet.
113
tes whom Manuel managed to win over while YI!ViJOE'tUL, l.avouaQloU J.ll]Y6~. oiJx aMXLJ.lO~ e<\>6.VTJ lt£QL t1]v 1tQ6QQTJOLV. See
~
..... I
1
81
80 Maria Mavroudi occult Science and Society in Byzantium:
Considerations for Future Research
The reaction of monks and clerics to the occult sciences was, like John the Grammarian, with his deserved reputation as an occult
118
that of emperors, also not bound by canon law and patristic scientist, 117 and Photios, who had read on alchemy and
tradition, but rather depended on their individual temperament and agriculture, were learned laymen before being raised to the
119
intellectual disposition. One should not forget that Byzantine patriarchal throne.
monks and clergymen were not a social group that is watertight,
It is possible to find clergymen of different ranks (monks, priests,
coherent in its intellectual tendencies and homogeneous in its
114 bishops, patriarchs) engaging in divination throughout the
educational and social background. Several years of study
Byzantine period. To the two aforementioned tenth-century bishops
touching on (or going full force into) the occult sciences cannot be
who interpreted celestial phenomena for emperors Leo VI and John
completely pushed aside because of acquiring a religious affiliation,
Tzimiskes, 120 one may add Psellos' evidence that two eleventh-
especially since joining the clergy did not necessarily depend on
century patriarchs, Michael Keroularios (with the help of the monks
one's religious predisposition but was a career and a source of
John and Niketas), and John Xiphilinos, practiced astrology and
income, and under particular circumstances it could even be a
divination; 121 and Tzetzes' twelfth-century statement that abbots
punishment. 115 In the ninth century, emperor Theophilos had Leo
and priests rank along with diviners (J..UlVtEL~) among those most
the Mathematician ordained metropolitan of Thessaloniki, evidently 122
expert in the interpretation of dreams. Overall, in the early
m order to secure him a good salary. 116 Around the same period,
Cramer, ibid., 380 and Ioannes Tzetzes, Allegoriae lliadis, ed. J. F. Boissonade
however, mentioned by Pseudo-Symeon, the continuator of George the Monk, and
\f.arts, 1851; repr. Hildesheim, 1967), 103, n. 67.
Already m 1965, the point that one can hardly expect a 'monastic' mentality Leo the Grammarian.
111 See the arguments made by Magdalino, 'The Road to Baghdad', 207. and
from the great number of Byzantines who chose monastic life shortly before their
death,_ has been emphasized in order to demolish the view that Byzantine 'Occult Science and Imperial Power', in this volume.
118 Agatharchides. See references in Letrouit, 'Chronologie des alchimistes grecs',
chromcles were purportedly written by semi-literate monks while serious
htstonog~phy by educated secular individuals; see H.-G. Beck, 'Zur 67,
119 It is possible that Photios was the inventor of a prophetic. acrostic f~r the
byzanttmsch~n "Monchschronik'", in C. Bauer, L. Boehm, and M. Miiller, eds.,
Macedonian dynasty, LY BEKAAL. On the acrostich and tis attnbutton to
Speculum hworiale. Geschichte im Spiegel vol! Geschichtsschreibung und
Photios in the anti-Photian tradition of the Vita lgnatii and Pseudo-Symeon's
Gesch•chtsdeutung (Freiburg and Munich, 1965), 188-97· comments in H.
H Bv~avr<v1J' ).0 yorexvt.a. 'H 11.6yt.a
' chronicle, see P. Magdalino, 'Une prophetie inedite des environs de l'an 965
Bunger,
~ _ • xoa!""1J, ' yeapparela rwv attribuee a Leon le Philosophe (MS Karakallou 14, f. 253r-254r)'. Travaux et
v avnvwv, II (Athens, 1992), 25-9. This realization ought to be kept in mind in
0 rd er to properly understand th Memoires 14 (2002) ( = Mtflanges Gilbert Dagron), 391-402, and esp. 396 and
. e soct'a! and mtellectual
· context within which the
?,~cu It sctences. functioned in Byzantium.
398. In the context of equating apocryphal scientists with foreigners_ (discussed
For the Th abtlity of th h h further in this paper), it is, perhaps, significant that the same antt-Phottan :seudo-
Magdalin E . e c urc to attract the good minds of the 12" c., see Symeon calls Photios xal;aQOltQ6owrro, (Chazar-faced). Referenc~s to R.-J.
spello, e thmp1re of Manuel l Komnenos, 325-412, esp. the remarks ibid.,
342 • Lilie, et al., eds., Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinschen Zeit I:3 (Berhn and New
occasionalmg out e advantage
patron f . s ~or mte
· 11 ectuals of a stable salary, instead of the
"' th . .age 0 anstocrats depending on their whim York, 2000), no. 6253 (Photios).
0 n e sctenttfic and astr 1 · 1 . 120
· Leo the Deacon, Historiae, ed. Hase, 169,5-8.
Katsaros 'Leo th M ~ _ogtca mterests of Leo the Mathematician, see V. 121 Michael Psellos, Scripta Minora, I, ed. Kurtz and Drexl (Milan, 1936), 232-
• p Le B athemattctan ·· H ts
9° Century' · L'tlerary Presence in Byzantium During the
328.
Civilization • ·n· Ca
· utzer
. . and D· Lohrmann, ed s., Sc1ence
. in Western and Eastern 121 Tzetzes, Epistu/ae, ed. Leone, no. 58 (addressed to emperor Manuel) •. ~4, 2~-
1
narrated in a variero mgwn
1
of B Tim ~s (B ase1• 1993), 383-98; on Leo's career as 85, 5: tyro YUQ 6 ava!;LO' 1\oul.o, 'tOU XQU'tOU' oou oil'tE 'tL flllV't"' E(I)V OU't
1
Baghdad in the Tho~ht-W Y ~antm~ sources, see P. Magdalino, 'The Road to
Byzantium in the Ninth C or of Nmth-Century Byzantium', in L. Brubaker , ed.,
olmvwv oa<jla El11ro, oUO. UltUQXWV a~~d- f\ rrarrd' 'tWV ~)..)..(!)'
ll£1:EQXO~(I)V 'tLVU, 6ve(eou, 11£ av'tLXQU' fLClV'tE(a, xat XQ1jOJ.Up111lfLCl'tU
199-200, where Magd:~:,ry: D~ad or Alive? (Aldershot and Brookfield, !998), PMmov tvf.on yLvwoxw 'tU 'tOU'tWV c'mo'tEAEOfLCl'tU [Because I, the un--:orthy
appointment as bishop -
18
• pomts out and further discusses that Leo's
~rvant of your might, "though I am no wise a soothsayer nor one versed 10 the
th e longest available narr not
t' mcluded in. Theophanes Contmuatus,· who provt'd es stgns of birds" (Odyssey 1.202), nor am I an abbot or a priest or one who pursues
a tve on the CtrCumstances of Leo's rise to fame; it is,
~~ 83
82 Maria Mavroudi 1
Occult Science and Society in Byzantium:
i Considerations for Future Research
centuries the evidence has to be collected from the narrative ardinal Bessarion before it passed in the collection of the
sources, whereas in the post-twelfth-century period (to which the ~arciana; among our post eleventh-century Greek alchemical
vast majority of our manuscripts on various forms of divination and uthors figures Kosmas the hieromonachus (an ordained priest and
magic date) pertinent information can also be found in the notes of
~onk);t29 a fifteenth/sixteenth-century manuscript volume brings
together texts on Greek alchemy and theological treatises relating to
readers and owners amidst manuscript pages, and is therefore much
more abundant. To mention but a few examples: at least three of the the question of t h e "f"l"
1 10que.
nl30
~ A_chrld~:
;• .. (Kolkata, 2002), 67-69 and photographs at the end of the book. , .
161 Theophylact of Ochrid, Letters (Gl27); Gautier, Thtfophylacte
Lettres, 515, 69-71: xal. 1\t, ,;a~ 'tU')(U~ Mywv ,;at~ yuvatl;l.v oux~ 'tat~
'tQ\.61\m~ XU'tU 'tOU~ fUlV'tEL~. (tf.,./..' Eli:' EQ'(UO'tijQLOVOJ~ iiv OEj.LV\JVOL 'tO
>i
( 152
Magdalino, 'Occult Science an · , . ~l:lll!Ul ... [telling women their fortune, not in three-pronged crossroads, hke the
'" Niketas Choniates H' . d lmpenal Power , m the present volume. diviners, that is those charlatans, but in a workshop, so that he dignify the sctence
1975), 146-4? ' IS1ona, ed. J. A. van Dieten, I (Berlin and New York,
IS4 •
vi
•
Kmnamos Epit
"' CMAG 76· om_e rerum, ed. Meineke, 267' 19-268, 2.
(=astrology) ... ].
162 Ralles-Potles, II, 407. Three-pronged crossroads were generally unders~o~ ~~
be liminal spaces frequented by demons. For example, cf. CCAG. I •
,,. The point ~bo~t ~~~:I t~ts:ellos, Scripta_Minora, I, ed. Kurtz and Drexl, 322. (excerpts from MS Neapo/. gr. II. C.33, written ca. 1495): ot 1\a(J.LOVE~
,;wv
leading intellectuals and c 1 mnh~rs of magtc belonging to the imperial court, being
• even 1gh-rank'mg c1encs
· and monks, was bnefly · rnade
'tQ!OMwv EQ)(EOI:le xat eloEQ)(EOI:lE et~
'tijv ej.lt,v <'tlt6KQt.OW (demons of three-
bY Greenfield 'Contrib f pronged crossroads, arrive and come in to answer me).
'"References' in Mavro~~~nAtoBthe St~dy ofPaleologan Magic', 151.
1' yzantme Book on Dream Interpretation, !30. -
•:\"~.
93
92 Maria Mavroudi occult Science and Society in Byzantium:
considerations for Future Research
165
169
difference that reflects the traditional role of the Brahmans as
are largely made after consultation with an astrologer. The guardians of inherited knowledge and religious tradition. The 600
coverage of Chanda's book is not as comprehensive as its title individuals that are said to have expressed an opinion regarding the
advertises, since it discusses astrology and palmistry only among predictive value of astrology and palmistry generally belong to the
the Hindus of contemporary West Bengal, deliberately omitting the better educated segment of West Bengali society-their
Muslims and Christians resident in the region (ibid., 59-60). Even occupations are listed (in this order) as "novelists", "artists/
so, it provides interesting demographic information on the social musicians", "players" (=actors?), "engineers", "doctors", "business
and educational profile of 1370 West Bengali astrologers (ibid., 59- executives", "businessmen", "government officials", "college
70), as well as the confidence in the predictive value of astrology teachers", "social workers", "general workers", "school teachers",
~· ( and palmistry among 600 individuals listed by occupation (ibid "students", "low type workers". According to the tabulated data,
~ ~
80-81). According to the data tabulated by Chanda, the more than 80% report that they have faith in the predictive value of
overwhelming majority of astrologers belongs to the two upper astrology and more than 70% have faith in palmistry.
l.'
echelons of the Hindu caste hierarchy (Brahman or Kayastha) and
holds degrees in higher education (both "graduate" and "post-
graduate"). Astrologers have a greater demographic concentration
in large urban centres. The majority of Brahman astrologers learnt
th.e trade from thei~ parents rather than from an institute, books, or
friends and relatives, while the majority of their Kayastha
colleagues acquired their astrological knowledge at an institute, a
dream interpretation, augury, geomancy, and generally with the want to focus on how one particular Byzantine philosopher of the
foundations for the development of the occult sciences. 1 eleventh century, Michael Psellos, used the notion of sympatheia in
his attempt to account for the use and abuse of the occult sciences.
~e Byzantines, too, talked about sympathetic relations when they So Psellos is discussed here as a representative of the Byzantine
dtscussed the many branches of the occult sciences practised in appropriation of the Greek concept of sympatheia. It should be
Byzantium. They had inherited the idea from the ancient Greeks noted, though, that it is a separate issue to what degree he was
and they used, in invoking it, the very term the ancient Greeks had influenced in this matter by earlier Christian writers, as well as the
:1,,
used: sympatheia (auf.!Jta8na). But was their understanding of the extent to which his interpretation had a significant theoretical
Greek concept of sympatheia the same as that of the ancients? This influence on Byzantine thought after him.
is the topic of my paper. I want to examine, in particular, how the
Byzanti~e .philosophers understand sympatheia when they, too, Let us begin by examining the ancient background against which
refer to tt 111 order to explain the magical beliefs and practices of the Byzantines talk about sympatheia. In ancient <:Jreek .s~mpathe~a
their contemporaries. I want to find out whether their use of this has different, though obviously interrelated, meanmgs: tt ts used 111
notion is the same as that of their pagan predecessors, or whether medical writings, as for example in the Hippocratic corpus (De
t~ey had to adapt and to modify it in the light of the different alim. 23.1), to refer to the fact that when a part of the human body
2
ctr~umstances of their Christian culture. For Byzantine somehow suffers another part may be affected, too; it is also used
philosophers were in a difficult position. On the one hand, both to talk about the fact that people may share the feelings of their3
Church and State authorities rejected magic as a vile remnant of the fellow-citizens, for instance in Aristotle's Politics (1340al3);
p~gan tradition. On the other hand, magical beliefs and practices finally, it is used to refer to the supposed phenomenon that all
~til had a strong hold on all parts of the Byzantine population, both beings on earth and in the heavens are inextricably linked together.
e ~neducated and lower strata of society as well as persons of That is to say, the ancient notion of sympatheia indicates a close
c~?tderable education and high social status. Byzantine connection between things which are parts of some kind of a whole,
P 1 ~s~phers were meant, as philosophers, to develop theories either at the same level, as different parts of the body are in relation
provtd111g a rational understanding of the natural order of things; to the body as a whole, or at different levels, as the body and t~e
th~y were, hence, supposed to somehow make sense of the occult soul are in relation to the living being as a whole. Thus sympathew
sctences, too, without violating Christian dogma. But could the could refer to the close connection between different parts of the
Greek .concept of sympath ew, · .
or the parttcular way they same body as a whole, but also to the close connection between
appropnated it, give them some theoretical backing in dealing with different human beings as parts of mankind as a whole, or the close
the dangerous issue of the occult sciences? connection between everything in the world as a part of the world
as a whole, or between the body of the world and its soul as p~s of
Theh history of the us e of the concept of sympatheia by Chnsttan . . the world. And it is this latter use of the notion of sympathew, the
abut .or~ stretches back to the second century A D almost to the cosmic sympatheia, which I want to mainly concentrate ~n in what
eg111n111g of Ch · · · · ·• follows, since this is the most relevant to the explanation of the
Athe nsttantty. Early Christian Fathers like for instance,
and J:~o~~· Clement of Alexandria, St Basil, Greg~ry of Nyssa occult sciences.
find it ~ate I?'soshtom all use the notion of sympatheia; and we also
r 111 t e writings fo ·
Photios, Michael Psell • .r 1l1stance, of John of Damascus,
os and Ntkephoros Gregoras. In this paper I
;-:-:::------
' J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bou h
2
Hippocrates [attributed to), De atimento, ed. E. Littre, Oeuvres completes
Theory of Magic, tr R Br . (Log • 1 (London, 1913), 51 ff; M. Mauss, A General d'Hippocrate, IX (Paris, 1861; repr. Amsterdam, 1962), 98-120.
3 Aristotle, Politica, ed. W. D. Ross, Aristotelis politica (Oxford, 1957; repr. 1964).
· · am ndon and Boston, 1972) 11 ff.
.r,,,. 100 Katerina Ierodlakonou The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine 101
Appropriation in Michael Psellos
vt.'
The notion of cosmic sympatheia was introduced by the Sto' its soul a Jiving and organic whole, with each single part grown
philosophers in the Hellenistic period. 4 Some scholars ha Ic together in close connection wit~ all t~e rest, in the sam~ way the
attributed the full development of this notion to Posidonius at t~: whole world is permeated and giVen life by pneuma; th1s pneuma
end of. the second and the beginning of the first century B.c.,s but the Stoics identified with God who, in creating the world, becomes
there 1s no doubt that even the early Stoics, and in particular its soul.
Chrysippus, believed in a close affinity among the different parts of
the universe; and for this close affinity they most probably used the Hence, since everything in the world is permeated by pneu~,
.. i term sympatheia, 6 as well as the nouns synecheia (auvEXELa) or according to the Stoic view it makes perfect sense to say that, 1f
synoche• (a1JVOX~)/ symphyia ( a1J fUJ>u(a), 8 symmone ( 01JIIIInvfl) 9
something changes in the cosmic order in one part of the world, this
( ' 10 r..- ., , may result in a change of something else in some other part of the
sympn01a au J.UtVOLU), syntonia (auvwv(a), 11 and the
world, though the two parts do not seem, at least at first sight, to be
:)'
corresponding verbs and adjectives. According to the Stoics there
is nothing part~cularly mysterious about sympatheia, and esp~cially directly linked. And this holds, of course, also in the case o~ the
relation between the heavens and the earth; for the tensional
about the relatiOn between the things in the heavens and those on
connection created by the pneuma among all parts of the universe
e_ru:th. In Stoic physics the whole cosmos is presented as a perfect
implies, in particular, the sympathetic relation betwe.en heavenly
livmg body whose parts, though, are imperfect, insofar as they are
and terrestrial things and, as a result, the connecuon between
not self-sufficient and autonomous; for they cannot function by
them~elves and always depend on their being parts of this whole
celestial and terrestrial phenomena. So, we may apply the analogy
of the Jiving organism even further: just as a well-trained medi~al
~d Its other parts. What holds the system together is a certain
mtemal tension, a t6voc:;, created in the universe by the so-called doctor can diagnose diseases affecting bodily organs by studymg
pneuma (:1tVEUJ..tU), 12 which consists of a mixture of fire and air and their symptoms revealed in other parts of the body, it should be
possible for someone who has acquired the relevant knowledge ~o
permea~es the entire world as its soul, sustaining everything. Thus
the Stoics thought of the world as a unified Jiving organism a zoon interpret signs or symptoms found in any one part of the w~rld m
(r- ) IJ ·
.,cpov : JUSt as pneuma permeates a human body and makes it as
• order to have a better understanding of other parts of the umverse .
This is, in fact, how the Stoics justified divination and, in particular,
4
For an earlier use
astrology. 14 Since the events of a person's life are connected, as. a
. of the no t'10n of sympathew, . cf. Theophrastus, De caus•s.
PIa ntarum, ed. F· Wunmer' Tceoph " rast'1 Eresu.. opera quae supersunt omnia (Pans. result of the cosmic sympatheia, with astral movement, a certam
1886
, ; repr. 1964}, 2.19.4. ' constellation of the stars can indicate a certain event in a person's
K. Reinhardt,). Kosmos und S)>mpa th !e.
(Munich, · . neue Untersuclzungen uber.. . .
Pose1domos life. Or in the case of dreams, the Stoics claimed that while we are
1926
6
Stoicorum veterum Jr.agmenta, ed. H. von Am1m . (Leipzig, 1903), II, nos. 441, dreaming the human soul, which is in a sympathetic relation to
473 47
TbeUer=Fi i-K·
5 532 534 546
23
F3' • .912; Posidonius, F26 Theiler=F217 E-K; F291
mathematico, ed. J. Mau and H. Mutschmann, Sexti Empirici o~era •. 11-lll. 2'' ed.
,S . • 19 Theller=F 106 E-K · F400f Theiler
t01corum veterum fr ed '. ·
a~menta, · von Am1m, II, nos. 389, 416, 439, 441, 447,
449,473,54
6 550116 (Leipzig, 1914-61), 9.78-85. On the Stoic application of the btolog1c~l con~ep~~f
8 Stoicorum v'
• St .
' ' II.
eterumfragmenta, ed. von Amim II 546 550 911 pneuma to cosmology, cf. M. Lapidge, 'Stoic cosmology', m J. Rt~t, e ·• '.e
mcorum veterumfr. ' ' ' , . Stoics (Berkeley, 1978), !61-85, esp. 176; D. E. Hahm, The Origms of Sto•c
•• St . agmenta, ed. von Amim II 441 473 550
mcorum veterumfr
agmenta, ed. von Amim' II' 543' 912'
. Cosmology(Ohio,l977), 163. . , . .
11 St .
orcorum vete fr • ' , . 14 On astrology, cf. A.-J. Festugiere, La ReV<flatiotl d' Hermes Tnsmeglste,l.(P.arts,
1944), esp. 89-101; A. A. Long, 'Astrology: arguments ~ro and contra • :.·
12 E S . rum agmenta, ed. von Amim II 543 10
.g. t01corum veter fr ' • ·
546, 716, 911. On th:~iff:~ment~, ed. von Amim, II, 389, 416, 439, 441, 447, Barnes, J. Brunschwig, M. Bumyeat, M. Schofield, eds., Sc1ence and Speculatw ·
fragmenta ed von Am'
13 • .
nt kmds of 11VEiiJ.Ul, cf. also Stoicorum veterum
lffi, 11 • 4 58, 459 Studies in Hellenistic Theory and Practice (Cambridge, 1982}, 165-92; ~: D~nye~,
Plutarch, Conjugalia praece . 'The case against divination: an examination of Cicero's De dlvmatwne •
(Cambridge, Mass., . pta, ed. F. C. Babbitt, Plutarch's moralia, II
1928 • repr. 1962), 34; Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 31 (1985}, 1-10.
103
The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine
102 Katerina Ierodiakonou
Appropriation in Michael Psellos
"(Leiden,
Plotinus, _ ) • ed ·. P. ~enry and H.-R. Schwyzer, Plotini opera, 3 vols.
195Enneades
1903..{)6; repr. Amsterdam, 1965), 3.162; 208; 241; ~ro~lus, In Platon.ts
publicam commentarii, ed. W. Kroll, 2 vols. (Letpztg, 1899-1901, rep·
m;
notion of 1 73he•.4 ·4 ·32 • 37 • 4.5.2-3. For a discussion of Plotinus' use of the
Amsterdam, 1965), 2.258. . 34-8
Philosophical Quartta • cf· G
sympat ( · M· 0 urtler, 'S ympathy m
· Plotmus',
· · I
lnternattona 18 E.g. Plotinus, Enneades, ed. Henry and Schwyzer, 3.3.6.24-38, 4.5.1. ·
er1Y 24 1984), 395-406.
105
The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine
104 Katerina Ierodiakonou
Appropriation in Michael Psellos
23
enslaved by the magicians' rituals. That is to say, the notion f and finally to ascend after death to heaven. Hence, there is no doubt
sympatheia between different . parts of the sensible world ~IS that the Platonists' notion of .cosmic sympatheia fits much better
presented here as. a. sy~metnca~ relation having a function that goes than the Stoic view with what the Christians are prepared to say
beyond that of divmatlon. For It allows human beings to influence about the sympathetic relations in the world. There is some kind of
the behaviour of daemons, either in order to use the help of the likeness or similarity, even if not directly between God and the
good daemons for the ascent of the soul or in order to neutralize the creation, certainly between God's Son and human beings. In
activities of the bad daemons. This again is an idea not to be found addition, there may also be some kind of likeness or similarity in
in Stoicism. the way things in the sensible world are affected by God's power;
for since all parts of the world are closely connected, when one part
To sum up, the Neoplatonists adjusted the notion of sympatheia to is affected by God's power other parts are similarly affected, so that
fit their metaphysical doctrines. Cosmic sympatheia is for them an event in one part of the world can be used to predict another
some kind of likeness or similarity between the immaterial event in another part of it.
intelligible world and the material sensible world, as well as
between the different parts of the sensible world that are similarly But does Psellos also endorse the function of cosmic sympatheia
affected by the world soul. It is on the basis of this notion that they which the later Neoplatonists used in connection with Chaldaean
regarded divination as possible. But they also added to it a further magic? When Psellos in his writings discusses the cosmological
aspect; for they recognized that cosmic sympatheia can be used not theories and magical practices of the Chaldaeans, he as a matter of
only to predict what happens in the future, but also to explain how course also refers to the notion of sympatheia; for he is well aware
human beings can manipulate the daemons who are the of the fact that this is the way philosophers before him justified
intermediaries between them and the Divine. such beliefs and practices. 25 However, the fact that he refers .to the
notion of sympatheia in this context does not mean t~at he htms~lf
We should now tum to Psellos' use of the notion of cosmic in his other treatises uses cosmic sympatheia the way It was used In
sympatheia. The challenge for him, as for all Christian thinkers, is connection with Chaldaean magic. If we carefully read Psellos'
how to use this notion in order to understand the world and the remarks about the Chaldaeans, what seems to be the main reason
relations between its parts without coming into conflict with for his strong disapproval of the Chaldaean tradition is the pra.ctices
standard Christian dogma. Psellos believes that there is cosmic which involve inducing daemons, by using hymns, sacnfic.es,
sympatheia and it is God himself who establishes it; he even says perfumes or statues, in order to serve the purposes of the magicta?
that all parts of the world are closely connected in accordance with and to break the natural order of things?6 As Psellos himself says, tt
a_n .ineffable ~ UQ~~toc;;) sym~a~heia that reminds us of the unity of a is indeed monstrous to claim that one could change the order of
hvmg orgamsm. The Chnstlan God, though, is not part of the things, since God himself arranged them in the best possible way
:orld; rat~er, h~ cre~te~ the world and, in particular, he created the (Sathas, V, 57). 27 Hence, what Psellos finds really offensive in the
uman bemgs m his Image (xat'Elx6va xat Of.LOLOJOLV). The
human soul constitutes the divine element in us, which aspires,
when freed from the restraints of our body, to be in touch with God, "Michael Psellos, Phi/osophica minora, IT, ed. J. Duffy (Stuttgart and Leipzig.
1992), op. 39, 148.8; 12; op. 41, 152.15; 18; Michael Psello~, Theolog1c~, ed. P.
Gautier (Leipzig, 1989), 1 23A.53; 57; cf. Michael Psellos, Phllosoph1ca mmora. 1,
~ 0 ~ the nda7:tu'hre of daemons and their different kinds, cf. H. Lewy, Chaldaean ed.D.O'Meara(Leipzig,l989), 3.119-20.
16 Psellos, Philosophica minora, I, ed. O'Meara, 3.137-47; Psellos, Ep1stll 1a
. 187
"'rae es an eurgy (Paris, 1956; rev. ed. 1978). •
36 ~~~:t:no::; :Ioria minora, ed. A. Littlewood (Leipzig, 1985) op. 37, ed. K. Sathas, MwawJVt.xi) Bt{3A.w£h]xTJ. V (Paris, 1876), 474,478.
" TE(la't!i>liE£ ilYtJfl.UL 'tO 'tftv 't!i>V o/..wv 'ta;Lv fl.E'tUltOLEIV btayyti..i..eoem "tTl
UQQt]WV x.at ~{,~ a t] 'tOU ~V'tO£ 6~oE!1tQO£ UAAt]AU 'H.U'tCt OUJ.Ulcl6ELUV
I<; vtuta6EL W£ EvO£ ~cpou 'tOii x.60f10U "tUYXUVOV'tO£. 'toO 0eoii 1t(lovo((;t 'tE'tayf!.Evwv x.a/..6:>£ ...
109
108 The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine
Katerina Ierodiakonou
Appropriation in Michael Psellos
Chaldaean tradition
· is. the attempt to influence and mampu
· 1ate the
course of thmgs, to mterfere with divine providence and h
~
Besides, whereas the Chaldaeans and the Neoplatonists believe that
c- very similar to magical practices. For instance, he talks in his
Chronographia (6.65-7) about the remarkable icon of Christ, which
was commonly referred to as the "Antiphonetes", and which the
Empress Zoe consulted in difficult moments, as if it were alive;
when the colours of the icon became vivid, she interpreted it as a
good sign, but when the colours turned pale, the forecast was bad.
there are good and bad daemons, all daemons accordt'n t
. . f 'th 28 ' g 0 Similarly, Psellos talks about the icon of the Virgin Mary of
Chn~tlan ru , are bad. Human beings, therefore, should not try to
Blachemai, which the people of Constantinople often used as a way
mantpulate. them,. ,even if they can, because dealing with them
to predict the future (Orat. hag. 4); when they asked the icon
a1ways bnngs mtstortunes. That is to say, as a Christian, Psellos
specific questions about their everyday affairs, they believed that, if
cannot accept that the sympathetic relations between the parts of the
the Virgin's garment moved, the answer was positive, if it did not
li world are such th~t human beings may control the powers of the 3
daemons for their own benefit. In fact, this is why Psellos move, the answer was negative. I
repe~tedly refuses t~ give us detailed information about magical
But what exactly differentiates these cases from magical practices,
practices; for he claims to be afraid that, if we follow them, they so that Psellos can present them as perfectly orthodox and
could harm ~s, and the~ he may be held responsible. 29 It is only in respectable? How can he claim, as he actually does (Orat. min.
cases of trymg to avOid the daemons' malevolent influence for 7.156-80), that he is not acting·as a magician when he finds himself
instaiice in exorcisms, that Christians are allowed to have engaged in such practices? According to Psellos, practices which
something to do with them, as Psellos himself admits in his life of only are meant to bring human beings closer to God, or to assist
St Auxentios; 30 but these are clearly cases of antipatheia, of driving them in making forecasts and in determining favourable aiid
the daemons away, rather than of sympatheia. unfavourable circumstances for particular actions, have nothing
objectionable. For such practices do not aim at commanding
What .about cases, however, in which Psellos gives the impression daemons to produce good or bad effects, aiid thus at interfering
of u~mg the Greek concept of sympatheia to justify magical with divine providence; they simply help us, always with God's
practices? After all, Psellos is the writer of a treatise on the assistance, to learn his will and adjust our lives accordingly. So,
prop~rties of stones (Phil. min. I op. 34), in which he not only there is nothing unorthodox in believing that certain stones have 1,,
descnbes the external appearance of precious stones, but also gives sympathetic powers of healing, or there is nothing wrong in ·,
an a~count of their powers of healing, which very much sound like attempting to predict future events by paying attention to the
magtcal powers. For instance, he claims that galaktites helps changes of an icon. Furthermore, there is nothing reprehensible
huma~s forget bad things and remember good things (39-42), while about performing liturgies for victory in war, using incense, fasting,
topazwn cures cases of mania (99-104) and sardonyx those or praying; all such practices are supposed to make our soul clean
suffering from melancholy (79-82). Moreover, Psellos seems to and pure in order to be ready to accept God's will.
approve of certain ways of venerating the icons, which are again
Therefore, it may be that Psellos does not use the notion of
"E.g. Psellos, .Philos~phica Minora, II, ed. Duffy, op. 38, 145.8-10. Psellos seems sympatheia the way the Neoplatonists did in order to justify magic
to hold mconsistent VIews on the issue of the daemons' corporeality; cf. Michael and theurgy, but he follows both the Stoics aiid the Platonists when
Ps~llos, Meteoro/ogie, ed. J. Bidez, CMAG, VI (Brussels, 1928), 61 and Psellos, he uses it to explain divination. For he seems to understaiid the
Demono/ogie, ed. Bidez, ibid., 119.
" Psellos, Philosophica minora, I, ed. O'Meara, 3.125-55; Psellos, Epistula 187,
:~· Sathas, MwaUJJvtxiJ Bt{3).w(hjxr], V,475. 31 .on the icon of Virgin Mary of Blachemai, cf. E. Papaioannou 'The "usual
Michael Psellos, Orationes hagiographicae, ed. E. A. Fisher (Stuttgart, 1994), nurac1e" and an unusual image', JOB 51 (2001), 177-88.
op. I A.505-13.
110 '!f!!' Ill
The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine
Katerina lerodi~ou
riation in Michael Psellos
ApproP
notion of sympatheia as the main explanation b h' . fl b ause I think that it gives us a good sense of how he
we are able to have, because of our affinity to t~e m~ ~he fact that
bne y, ec the notion of sympathew · an d 1ts
· use ·111 th e
understands . .
understanding of the world and of G d' . ?IVlne, a better interpretation of the dtv111e symbols.
. . . o s wt 1I by mterp .
d 1vme stgns and symbols (auv81l"Uta , .. A , retmg the
?.7) F . . ,.. 'auwo~~.a: Orat ha 434 'th it is interesting to note that the Greek term which
. . or mstance, m the case of the icon of th V' . . g. . ; To start WIes here
, · · h ·
claims that it is our close relation to y· . Me ugm Mary, Psellos to denote a letter of the alphabet IS stotc ezon
. · Irgm ary that help se II os Us , · 1 · h.
t h mgs wh1ch cannot otherwise be seen so that s ~s see
P
(atOLJ(ELOV), and not gramma (yQUf.lf.lU) ':htc~ he a ~o ~ses 111. IS
f t (0 1 ' we can predict the writings.34 In Byzantine times the tenn st01chezon retams Its anc1ent
u. ure rat. wg. 4.32-82); and interestingly enough h .10
ing according to which it refers to the four elements, earth,
thts context both the term sympatheia (Orat hag 4 68 )' ed uses
s · · ··
an another mean , h' · h
water, air and fire, as the basic constituents of .everyt mg 1? ~ e
tmc ,~erm, name.ly the term oikeiosis (oixe(wm~) (Orat. hag.
world. It also retains the sense which we find 111 early Chnsttan
4.'66). But to notlc.e the c~smic sympatheia and to interpret God's times when it refers to the astral bodies and the powers believed to
stgns a~d sy~bols_ m the nght way involves, according to Psellos, Jie behind them. Most importantly, it seems that the term stoicheion
no mampulatwn of the natural course of things, and thus no magic.
acquires at this time another sense, for it seems to refer to a
~- daemon, and in particular a daemon attached to some concrete
There are indeed many writings by Psellos in which he refers
object; for instance, a daemon attached to a statue which thus
directly or indirectly to the notion ofsympatheia in connection with
exhibits supernatural forces, i.e. it becomes a talisman, like the
th~ . interpretation of God's signs and symbols. Among such
.; wntmgs there is a small treatise, which Psellos devotes to the
Hippodrome monuments on the basis of which future events, and
' especially disasters, could be predicted. This is, after all, how we 35
interpretation of the twenty-four letters of the alphabet, though in nowadays understand the term stoicheion in modem Greek.
this case he does not explicitly use the tenn auf.1Jt6.8ELU. The title of Hence, just talking about stoicheia most probably brought to the
the treatise is Interpretation of the twenty-four letters (EQiJ.l]VE(a mind of a Byzantine in that period some connection with daemons
!.
:rtEQL t&v eixomtWOUQWV OtOLXELWV) and has been edited by and magical practices. Does this mean, however, that Psellos
i .. John Duffy as opusculum 36 of Psellos' Philosophica minora I. The presents his interpretation of the letters of the alphabet as implying
.
.~ . idea behind this text is that the letters of the alphabet, as well as
their order and shape, are symbols (OUJ.l~OALXOO~: 63, 129, 515), in
magical relations between letters and the world?
the sense that they hide ineffable messages (6.:rt6QQl]taliiQQl]ta In the proemium of the treatise, Psellos twice boasts to be the first
f.lllVUJ.lUta: 292-7; cf. 63; 624) which provide us, if we manage to to interpret the letters of the alphabet as divine symbols
unravel them, with a better understanding of the world and of God'.s (l\ULVov/exmvot6f.ll]OUf.tEV: 14-17, 49-50). He also claims at the
will. Since modem scholars have not paid any attention to this ~nd to have written it in just one night, as if he were, we could say.
treatise/ 3 in what follows I want to discuss Psellos' text, at least m ~ state of divine inspiration (637-42). But what is exactly the
achievement which he regards as innovative and God inspired? Is it
1
32 In the sympathetic relations between humans and the divine Psellos seems 0 0
~ I
regard the Virgin Mary and the Christian Saints as intermediaries; cf. the .~
OU1Jm19~~ for the Virgin Mary (Psellos, Orationes hagiographicae, ed. Fls er, M~.g. Psellos, Orationes hagiographicae, ed. Fisher, 1B.I99; Psellos Philosophic
34
4.73) and forSt Auxentios (ibid., IA.500). . th. his "F D~ I• ed. · O'M eara, 32.87: 36.445; Psellos, Theologica, ed. Gautier,
mora ' I 74.142.
33 The only discussion of this treatise, and in particular of Psellos' cilum a; hn
0 !7· 'c mse1~, Das Alp~abet m Mystic und Magie (Leipzig and Berlin, 1922), 14--
work is the first on the subject, can be found in an unpublished paper by by • ·Blum, The meanmg of Ol:OLXELOV and its derivatives in the Byzantine age'
Duffy, "'The child of one night's labor": A treatise on the Greek alp?abe~ Eranos Jahrbuch
Byzanfi D 44 (1946) • 31 5-25; R. Greenfield,
· Traditions of Belief in Late'
Michael Psellos' (presented at the Byzantine Studies Conference, Brookbne, ' ne aemonology (Amsterdam, 1988), 190-95.
November 8-10, 1991).
112 113
Katerina Ierodiakonou The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine
Appropriation in Michael Psellos
really true that nobody before him tried to interpret the letters of the · g next to the magical tradition, there is no doubt that letters,
alphabet as symbols of the Divine? Movm · · magtca · 1
numbers and names, play an tmportant ro1e m
~~ II as . .
. " and practices. For they are satd to be the symbols whtch God
beI1e1s
In ancient texts as well as in the works of Christian Fathers we n in the world in order to keep aw ake m
· us the destre · "10r the
sometimes do find isolated interpretations of individual letters. For has sow h " · f h
F t Being.38 The magician who knows t ese voca1 tmages o t e
instance, Plutarch's treatise De E apud Delphos gives seven d:~~ne"39 should use them in their original form without, for
possible interpretations of the letter "E1jnA.ov which is found in · t ce translating them into another language, so that he manages
msan, h
Delphic inscriptions. 36 Since in Plutarch's time the diphthong 'EI'
40
through them to communicate with the da~mons. And t e~e are
was used as the name of "E'ljJLA.ov, this particular letter acquired a indeed many instances of the use of magtcal letters both m the
symbolic character, not only because it refers to the number five, Greek magical papyri from the second to t~e fifth century A. D., and
but also because it refers to the conditional particle 'if' as well as to elatte's Anecdota Atheniensia whtch may be as late as the
among D . · 1
the second person singular of the verb 'to be'; according to one of sixteenth century, but most probably present a ~uch ear1_ter magtca
these interpretations, "E'ljJLA.ov is the second vowel, and since the 't'
tradtton. For example , vowels are often used m a certam. order
. for
all kinds of incantations.41 Letters ~e writ_te~ in magtc~l rectpes ~or
Sun is the second planet and Apollo is identified with the Sun,
''E'IjJIAov is a symbol of Apollo. Also, in the scholia on Dionysius 2
curing diseases, like for instance mso.rrm~:· or t~e. btte of a "_Vtld
Thrax (321.37) there is some discussion of the letter 8f]tet, which dog,43 and even for identifying a thtef. . In addt~!On, there ts a
is said to portray with its circular shape the universe, having an axis treatise by the alchemist Zosimus on the mterpretatton of the letter
in the middle as the division between the heavens and the earth. •n.,b hich he takes to be the symbol for the planet Saturn,
••FYCt, w . . (. , )
Then in John's Apocalypse (1.8; 21.6; 22.13}, famously enough, although he adds that it also has an mexphcable etVEQJ.LllVEUtov
God presents himself as the 'AA.<j>a and the 'Qj.liya of everything. incorporeal meaning.
And in one of John Chrysostom's homilies (in Epist. ad Hebr.: PG
63, 77) the letter 'AA.<j>a is said to be the foundation of the alphabet So, why does Psellos claim that he is the first to. write on the
just like Christ is the foundation of Christianity. Furthermore, there symbolic meaning of letters, when there is plenty of t~terest bef?re
are also passages in which ancient philosophers used the letters of him in the subject? It is true that in his treatise on the mter_Pretatton
the alphabet as an example for understanding the constitution and of letters Psellos presents the symbolic meaning of every smgle ~ne
division of reality, like for instance when Plato and Aristotle of the twenty-four letters of the alphabet in a systematic_ way, whtch
compare the letters with the basic elements. 37 Finally, it should be is far more sophisticated than the scattered remarks of hts
added that both ancient philosophers, starting from the
Pythagoreans, and Christian thinkers were very much intrigued by
the symbolic meaning of numbers, for which letters were used, as " Ch td 0 1 ed tr and comm. R. Majercik (Leiden, 1989),108.1;
a aean rae es , ., ·• bl' hus De
Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum commentaria, ed. Diehl, I 211. 1~ 1am ~~ ) •
well as by the unraveling of the real meaning of names in terms of
mysteriis, ed. E. des Places, Jamblique. Les mysteres d'Egypte ( ans, 1 6 1 12
t~e letters from which they are composed, an issue notoriously •
dtscussed in Plato's Cratylus. 42.15-18. . 959) 24
"Damaskios, In Philebum, ed. and tr. L.G. Westermk (Amsterdam, I • ·
.. Cha/daean Oracles, ed. Majercik, 150. . ed K
36
" E.g. Papyri Graecae Magicae, Die griechischen Zauberpapyn, ;,. II.
Plutarch, DeE apud Delphos, ed. W. Sieveking, Plutarchi moralia, III (Leipzig, Praezidanz eta!., 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1928-31, 2"• ed. 1973-1974). I, 11- 19 •
2 • '
1929; repr. 1972), 1-24.
166e; IV, 493. . . 9-11 550.5-
" Plato, Timaeus, ed. J. Burnet, Platonis opera, IV (Oxford, 1902; repr. 1968), 42 A. Delatte, Anecdota Atheniensia, I (L1ege and Pans, 1927), 142 · •
4 8c; Plato, Phi/ebus, ed. J. Burnet, Platonis opera, II (Oxford, 1901; repr.
12,551.10-13.
1967)18bff.; Plat~, Theaetetus, ed. J. Burnet, Platonis opera, I (Oxford, 1900; repr. 43
Delatte, Anecdota Atheniensa, l, 141.13-21.
1967), 202eff; Anstotle,Meteorologica, ed. and tr. P. Louis (Paris, 1982),104lbff.
Delatt~. Anecdota Atheniensia, l, 609.14--15,610.16-19 .
44
....
115
114 The Greek Concept of Sympatheia and Its Byzantine
Katerina Ierod'ak
• onou Appropriation in Michael Psellos
indications, they are ef.l4>aaeu;, as Psellos often repeats.47 In fact I. f I hope , therefore, to .have shown that his
Popular · b·e Je s. . . •
f this notion is worthy of senous cons1deratwn.
there are two occasions in which he alludes to the literal sense of appropnauon o
the Greek noun Ef.l4>aat£ as a "mirror image": in his interpretation
of the three first letters of the alphabet, Psellos points out that, since
we cannot experience God's light in all its glory, it is at least
important to see its reflection in water (Phil. min. I 36.130-6); and
in his account of the miracle of the icon of the Virgin Mary of
Blachemai, he again says that, since we cannot see the Sun, just as
we cannot have knowledge of the Divine, it is at least important to
see the Sun's reflection in water (Orat. hag. 4.49-53). This means,
of course, that our interpretations of God's signs and symbols not
only fail to give us certain knowledge, they always run the risk of
not being correct. To avoid false beliefs, Psellos often stresses that
we have to be very vigilant in reading God's symbols. For instance,
again in his account of the miracle of the icon of the Virgin Mary,
he goes to great length to show that even the way questions are
posed to the icon considerably influences our interpretations of
God's will (Orat. hag. 4.617ff.).
47
Michael Psellos, De omnifaria doctrina, ed. L. G. Westerink (Nijmegen, 1948), • I would like to thank John Duffy and Pavlos Kalligas for their helpful comments
25.6; Psellos, Orationes hagiographicae, ed. Fisher, 4.679; 687; 698; 703; Psellos,
Theo/og1ca, ed. Gautier, I 62.64; 76.129; 91.51; 54. on an earlier version of this paper.
PaulMagdalino
University of St. Andrews and Koc; University
incurring the resentment of his other comtiers, the censure of h' Empire; culturally, it was marked by a cumulative revival and
clergy, and a general loss of political credibility. IS expansion of learning in which both history writing and occult
science played their parts. 6 My analysis will concentrate primarily
The close but tense relationship between occult scientists and rule on the material recorded in the three most informative histories: the
or would-be rulers is, more than anything, what puts occult scien:: anonymous continuation of the chronicle of Theophanes, compiled
7
in t?~ new.s, a~d by extensio.n gives it a place in the history books. in the mid tenth century and covering the period 813-961; the
Poht1cal h1stones thus contam valuable, often unique, evidence·for Alexiad of Anna Comnena, written towards the middle of the
the existence of occult science in high places at important times. twelfth century and covering the reign of the author's father
This is true of both the Roman and the Byzantine Empires. We Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118); 8 and Niketas Choniates' history
would know much less about astrologers in early imperial Rome of the period 1118-1206, mostly written before the end of the
but for the gossip related by Tacitus, Suetonius, Cassius Dio and the twelfth century, but significantly revised and updated after the
9
Historia Augusta.' We would not know that astrologers existed in crusader conquest of Constantinople in 1204. In each case I shall
sixth, seventh and eighth-century Constantinople but for occasional be concerned to establish: (a) what the text in question has to say
mentions by Procopius, 2 John of Nikiu, 3 Theophanes4 and about the occult sciences, (b) the function of this material in the
Theophanes Continuatus. 5 Yet narrative histories are not, of course, narrative and the author's purpose in recording it, and (c) what
completely transparent windows on any aspect of the past they emerges from collating this material with other contemporary
record. Their distance from the events they narrate can be evidence, most importantly that from non-historiographical sources.
si~ni.ficant. They conceal, distort and omit as much as they reveal. I shall also consider the three most relevant histories written
It IS important to understand, as far as possible with the aid of other between Theophanes Continuatus and Anna Cornnena, those by
11
sources, what they fail to convey. But because they are important, it Leo the Deacon (c. 1000),10 Michael Psellos (c. 1060 and c.\075)
is ~qually important to understand why they convey what they do.
Th1s too throws light on the context and occasionally even the
content of occult science in the culture that produced them.
1980~p~an;~S c':;:~ographia, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig, 1883; repr. Hildesheim, diss., King's College London, 2004).
B 'r' d
N 8 • Theophanes, The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor:
10
Leo the Deacon, Historia, ed. c. B. Hase, CSHB (Bonn, \828); Leo the Deacon,
(6'~~ dn~ ~~ ear Eastern History, A.D. 284-813, tr. C. Mango and R. Scott
0
11
9
Leo the Deacon. Byzantine Military Expansion in the Tenth Century, tr. A.-M.
Pank~ti,os ( ~t 4 • 643 : the astrologer-monk Paul (695) and the court astrologer
79
Talbot eta! (Washington, D. C., 2004).
11
Michael Psellos, Chronographia, ed. and tr. E. Renauld, 2 vols. (Paris, 1926-8;
' Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker, CSHB (Bonn, 1838). repr. 1967).
122 123
Paul MagdaJino It Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and
Occu
Historiography (9 "'-12'" C entunes
. )
12
and Michael Attaleiates (c. 1080). Before dealing with Choniates 18
h patriarch John VII the Grammarian. John features in the
it will be useful to look briefly at the rather different perspective 0~ t e ative as a prime mover in the revival of iconoclasm under Leo
occult science at court in the mid twelfth century provided by John
13 ~n 815, then as the chief religious adviser to Leo's successor
Kinnamos, writing c. 1183. Passing reference will be made, too, to Michael II (820-9) and tu~or ~o his son. Theop?ilos, then finally. as
the tenth-century chronicles that provide parallel narratives to the evil genius of Theoph1los persecutmg regtme (829-42), bet~g
Theophanes Continuatus,14 and to the eleventh and twelfth-century omoted patriarchal synkellos soon after the new emperor s
chronicles that are not direct witnesses to the events they record but pr cession in preparation for becoming patriarch when the throne
sue 19 • dJ h ~
nevertheless provide interesting reflections of contemporary fell vacant eight or nine years later. Theo~htlos va1ue. o .n •Or
attitudes. 15 h's political and disputational skills, accordmgly choosmg htm to
1
he ad the important embassy that he despatched to the Caliph al-
The history known as Theophanes Continuatus has a composite Mamun at the beginning of his reign. 20 Thereafter, Joh n contmue · d
structure and shares material with other contemporary histories, to make himself indispensable by satisfying the emper~r's anxio.us
both the so-called Genesios and the various versions of the craving for knowledge of the future, "making predictions to htm
Logothete chronicle. 16 However, Books I-V, covering the period through dish-divining (A.EKavoJ.tavtsia) and sorcery (yorrreia)". The
813-886, are the result of a single commission by emperor author goes on to relate one example of s.orce~. Once wh~n the
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (945-959), and can be assumed to emperor was deeply distressed by the mvas10n of an mfidel
represent single view of the past, even if book V, the encomiastic barbarian horde under three leaders, John came up with a solution
biography of Basil I (Vita Basilii), is by a different author. 17 to restore his morale. He said that in the hippodrome there was a
Furthermore, the encomiastic account of Constantine VII in Book statue with three heads, "which he related to the leaders of the
VI suggests that the author of this addition, made c. 963, was enemy people by some enchantment (Ka-r6. nva cnotxsirocnv)".
broadly in sympathy with the line taken in the previous sections. Three strong men with three gigantic hammers should there.fore
The compilation as a whole may therefore be taken as reflecting a strike the heads in unison at a certain appointed hour of the mght.
consistent attitude to the political use of occult science. The first The emperor gave his approval, and the operation duly ":ent ~h~~d.
and most prominent mentions are in connection with the career of Late one night in the Hippodrome, John, di,sguised m clVIh~n
clothes, quietly recited the magic words ('wu; <JLOLXELWnxou;
Myou;), "transferring the force that was inherent in the ~tatue to
the (barbarian) leaders, or rather destroying that whtc~ w~s
12
Michael Attaleiates, Historia, ed. I. Bekker, CSHB (Bonn, 1853); new edition previously in the statue by virtue of the spellbinding agent.s (EX 11)£
with Spanish translation, Michael Attaleiates, Miguel Ataliates, Historia, tr. and 1wv <JWLXELW<JCNtwv i'luvaJ.tEW£)". When he gave th~ stgnal, the
comm. I. Perez Martin (Madrid, 2002). men with hammers dealt their mighty blows, although smce one
13
Ioannes Kinnamos, Epitome rerum ab Joanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum, ed.
A. Meineke, CSHB (Bonn, 1836); Ioannes Kinnamos, Deeds of John and Manuel
Comnenus, tr. C. M. Brand, (New York, 1976).
14 18 The fullest and most careful discussions of the scattered evidence for his career
I.e. Leo Grammaticus, Chronographia, ed. 1. Bekker , CSHB (Bonn, 1842}, .3-
331, Pseudo-Symeon, in Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 601-760, Georgms are by D. Stiemon, 'John the Grammarian', in Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de
Monachus Continuatus, ibid., 761-924. Geographie Ecc/esiastiques (Paris, 1912-), fasc. 156-157, cots. 84-11~, and R.-J.
" These are, in chronological order, the chronicles of John Skylitzes, John Lilie, Die Patriarchen der ikonoklastischen Zeit. Germanos 1.- Methodws I. (715-
Zonaras, Constantine Manasses, and Michael Glykas. 847)(Frankfurt, 1999}, 169-82.
16 19
H. Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner (Munich, Theophanes Cominuatus, ed. Bekker, 32, 95-6, 154-5. .
20
1978}, I, 339-43, 349-56. Ibid., 95-9; cf. P. Magdalino, 'The road to Baghdad in the thought world ot
17
I. Sevcenko, 'The Title of and Preface to Theophanes Continuatus', Bollettino ninth-century Byzantium', in L. Brubaker, ed., Byzantium in the Ninth Cemury.
della Badia greca di Grottaferrata, n.s. 52 (1998), 77-93. Dead or Alive? (Aldershot, 1998), 196-8.
124
Paul MagdaJino occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 125
Historiography (9'h-12'h Centuries)
struck less forcefully than the others one head was bent b Baghdad, he includes some predictions which in the context must
. ' ut not
comp Ietely severed. This was reflected in the fate of th hree be astrological, and when he later becomes archbishop of
. d' I
mva mg eaders as they proceeded to tum against each oth
e t
er: one Thessalonica, he uses his astrological knowledge to save the city
destroyed the other two, and retreated in disorder with the red ed from famine by predicting the end of a drought, and hence the right
remains of the barbarian host. 21 uc moment to sow the next grain crop. It is important to note, however,
that this is very "soft" astrology, far removed from the casting of
There f~llows an account of John's activities in his underground nativity horoscopes that were the main focus of the church's
sorcerer s laboratory that he constructed in a suburban estat disapproval, and in any case astrology is presented as quite
belong~n? to his bro~her. Here he kept a team of good-looking nun~ marginal to Leo's main area of interest and expertise in philosophy
":h? ~mstered to his every need. They assisted him in his various and mathematics, for which he gained his international reputation.
divmatlons b.y hepat.oscopy, dish-divining, sorcery and necromancy, Furthermore, his astrology is not related to politics, and where he
through which, With the aid of demons, he made accurate makes political predictions, other kinds of occult knowledge are
predictions not only for Theophilos but also for various of the involved. The two reported instances are associated with the reign
22
emperor's associates. One such prediction is mentioned at another of Theophilos' son Michael III (842-67); both concern the rise to
poi~t in the text: John foresaw by dish-divining the rise to power of power of Basil the Macedonian and the fall of Michael's uncle, the
Basil the Macedonian. 23 Caesar Bardas, who promoted Leo after Theophilos' death. When
an earthquake toppled a statue in the Deuteron region of
Occult science makes two further appearances in connection with Constantinople, Leo interpreted this to signify the fall of the man
Theophilos' reign. The first mention of astrology occurs in the who was second in rank after the emperor. 26 Leo is also said to have
legendary story of the rise of Theophobos, a Persian refugee of told Bardas that his dynasty would be destroyed by "a certain young
royal blood: according to one of the two alternative versions of his man"; later, on seeing Basil, he pointed to him as the man in
origins recounted by Theophanes Continuatus when the Persians question.27
":ere trying to trace surviving members of thei; royal dynasty, they
d~s~ov~red his presence in Constantinople "by astronomy and The eulogistic biography of Basil I (867-86) that forms the central
divmatiOn (for they say that these sciences still flourish among the portion of Theophanes Continuatus contains one reference to
24
Persians)". Astrology also figures in the famous and no less
legendary account of the career of John the Grammarian's cousin
Leo the Mathematician, an account that has been enormously Humanism, The First Phase (Canberra, 1986), 171-204; N. Wilson, Scholars of
influen.tial, i~ creating mode~ perceptions of the 'first Byzantine Byzanh'um (London, 1983), 79-84; L. G. Westerink, 'Leo the Philosopher: Job and
humanism . When Leo replies to the Caliph's invitation to go to Other Poems', Illinois Classical Studies, II (1986), 193-222. V. Katsaros, 'Leo
the Mathematician, his Literary Presence in Byzantium during the 9th Century', in
P. L. Butzer, D. Lohrmann, eds., Science in Western and Eastern Civilization in
21
Theophanes Conrinuatus, ed. Bekker, 155-6; C. Mango, 'Antique Statuary and Carolingian Times (Basel, 1993), 383-98; C. Angelidi, 'Le sejour de Leon le
the Byzantme Beholder', DOP 17 (1963), 61; repr. in idem Byzantium and Its Mathematicien a Andros: realite ou confusion?', EY'PYXIA. Melanges offerts a
Image (London, 1984). ' Helene Ahrweiler, Byzantina Sorbonensia 16 (Paris, 1998) I, 1-7; M.
:: Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 156-57 . Lauxtermann, 'Ninth-century classicism and the erotic muse', in L. James, ed.,
24
Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 122. ?esire and Denial in Byzantium (Aldershot, 1999),161-70. Cf. also P. Speck,
'!heophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, Ill; cf. J.-C. Cheyne!, 'Theophile, Byzantium: cultural suicide?', in Brubaker, ed., Byzantium in the Ninth Cenwry,
Theophobe et les Perses', in S. Lampakis, ed. Byzantine Asia Minor (6''-12'' cent) ~I, and P. Magdalino, 'Road to Baghdad', ibid., 199-202.
~~!hens, 1998), 39-50. ' Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 196-7; the chronicle of Pseudo-Symeon
The_ophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 185-92. The bibliography on Leo and his (ibid., 677) explicitly applies this to the Caesar Bardas.
role m the Byzantine "renaissance" is extensive; see P. Lemerle, Byzantine " Ibid., 232.
126
PauiMagdalino Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 127
Historiography (9'"-12'" Centuries)
astrology and one to sorcery. Describing Basil's building work in Hippodrome with lamps and curtains borrowed from churches. 32
the Great Palace,. the text mentions that he re-excavated and After Alexander's death in 913, when the regency government of
restored to use cisterns that had been filled in by Heraclius the young Constantine VII was threatened by the formidable revolt
following a prediction by "Stephen the Mathematician" that h~ of the general Constantine Doukas, the regents were reassured by a
would perish by water. 28 This is one of the very few historical note in invisible ink from a former tax collector who had defected
mentions of Stephen of Alexandria as an astrologer, and it is the to the Arabs, where he had apostasised to Islam and practised
only one independent of the horoscope of lslam. 29 Sorcery makes a "astronomy or rather astrology". 33 Finally, in 927, the death of the
passing appearance towards the end of the biography, in the figure empire's worst enemy, Symeon of Bulgaria, was brought about by
of Theodore Santabarenos, a priest and monk who won Basil's the decapitation of a statue at the Forum of Arcadius. This was done
confidence in his final years, after the death of the emperor's eldest at night after "the astronomer John" had informed the emperor
son and designated heir, Constantine. Denounced by Basil's eldest Romanos I Lekapenos that "the statue standing on the arch at the
surviving son, "the most wise Leo (-wil ao<jloH:Cnou Ai\ovto\;)", as Xerolophos, facing westward, is Symeon 's <talisman>, and if you
a "sorcerer and deceiver (W£ y61']£ xal <'m:atewv)", Santabarenos cut off its head, Symeon will die at once". 34
contrived to frame Leo in a plot to kill his father while they were
out hunting. Leo was imprisoned and Basil, at Santabarenos' Despite the scattered, uneven and generally brief nature of these
insistence, would have had him blinded if the patriarch and senate references, three consistent patterns emerge. Firstly, recourse to
had not intervened. After a considerable lapse of time he was occult science is associated with rulers whom Constantine
persuaded to restore Leo to favour. 30 Porphyrogenitus regarded as "bad", including the black sheep of his
own dynasty, his wicked uncle Alexander who had threatened to
Book VI of the chronicle, covering the reigns of Basil I's exclude him from power. His own father's and grandfather's brief
successors from 886 to 961, records four incidents involving the encounters with the occult do not reflect badly on them. Basil is the
political use of occult science. In 907-8 Leo VI (886-912) unwitting dupe of the "sorcerer" Santabarenos rather than the
summoned the metropolitan of Synada, Pantaleon, to interpret an conscious employer of the latter's nefarious services; he is deceived
eclipse of the Moon. 31 He said that it signified the ruin of "the while he is distraught by the recent death of his son, and his
second person", who turned out to be the emperor's chamberlain deception only has serious consequences for his other son and heir
Samonas, and not Leo's brother and co-emperor Alexander as the precisely because the "most wise Leo" recognises the deceiver for
emperor originally thought (and perhaps hoped). When Alexander the sorcerer that he is. Besides, we are spared embarrassing details
succeeded Leo as senior emperor in 912, he consulted "deceivers about Santabarenos' connections and the nature of his sorcery. As
and sorcerers" (:n:A.6.vot£ ... xal y61']GLV) who persuaded him that for Leo VI's astrological enquiry concerning the lunar eclipse, this
the statue of the Kalydonian boar in the Hippodrome was his is addressed to a churchman, and it is very "soft" astrology; 35 in any
talisman (crtmxetov). Alexander, failing to spot the allusion to his case, a writer working for Constantine VII could hardly deny the
own piggish lifestyle, accordingly equipped the bronze animal V.:ith importance of celestial portents, given that Constantine's own birth,
new teeth and genitals, and celebrated its rejuvenation by holdmg
special games, in which he sacrilegiously decorated the 32
Ibid., 379; cf. Mango, 'Antique Statuary', 63.
33
Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 383-4.
34
Ibid., 411-2.
"'Ibid., 338 " The distinction between 'hard' and 'soft', i.e. fatalistic and non-fatalistic
"' SeeM. Papathanassiou in this volume. astrology was coined by A. A. Long, 'Astrology: argum.ents pro and contra', in J.
~ Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 348-51. Barnes, J. Brunschwig, M. Bumyeat, M. Schofield, eds., Science and Speculation.
Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 376. Studies in Hellenistic theory and practice (Cambridge, 1982), 170, n. 19.
128 Paul Magdalino It Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 129
Occu ,. '"C . )
Historiography (9 -12 entunes
according to the emperor's own biography in Book VI of attributed to Leo the Mathemati~ian and the metro~olitan Pantale?n
Theophanes Continuatus, had been announ.ced by a bri~ht comet. 36 f Synada, political astrology 1s clearly located m the past, wtth
With these exceptions, all the other rulers m the narrative who use ~eraclius and Stephen of Alexandria, or in the east, among the
the services of occult scientists are dynastic enemies, either because Persians and Arabs, and its methods are not discussed. Much more
they belonged to the Amorian dynasty that Basil I terminated by the rominent are dish-divining, mentioned three times as a speciality
murder of Michael III, or, in the case of Romanos Lekapenos (920- ~f John the Grammarian, and, above all, the science of interpreting
44), because he had tried to establish his own dynasty at the and controlling the talismanic force ( O"WLXE'Lov) inherent in the
expense of Constantine VII. Theophilos and his predecessors were, public statuary of Constantinople. This, rather than any astrological
moreover, impious iconoclasts, and this makes it unsurprising that expertise, is the main claim to f~me of John the ~stro~omos under
the most villainous portrait in the entire rogues' gallery is the Romanos I; he is in effect a yo11<;. a sorcerer, JUSt hke John the
iconoclast patriarch John the Grammarian whom the chronicler, Grammarian, Theodore Santabarenos, and the advisers of the
echoing earlier iconophile propaganda, calls by the opprobrious emperor Alexander. Not only is the applied knowledge of
name of !annes, after one of the magicians who was worsted by stoicheiosis mentioned four times in the text, but the first and most
Moses before Pharaoh 37 • It is interesting to note the contrast detailed account, relating to John the Grammarian, explains the
between the portrayal of John and that of his cousin Leo the principles involved in the operation. The reasons for this emphasis
Mathematician, despite the probability that they had very similar are not immediately apparent. However, it is clear from other tenth-
educations and interests, and the fact that they are both credited century sources, notably the Patria of Constantinople, that
with predicting the accession of Basil I. John, the obdurate ar~h contemporary Byzantines regarded the city's statues, with their
iconoclast, is portrayed primarily as a master of the occult, while magical properties, as a vital part of their collective heritage and
Leo, a lukewarm iconoclast who was rehabilitated after the identity.38 We might therefore hazard the suggestion that the science
Triumph of Orthodoxy and given an important teaching post, is of interpreting and manipulating this unique collection of statuary
portrayed primarily as a philosopher whose learning may have had was valued precisely because it was exclusive to Byzantium-the
occult by-products but was on the whole a distinguished part of the one science that gave the Byzantines the edge over their Arab
national heritage. Significantly, Leo only interprets the fall of a competitors.
statue, but does not interfere with it.
What cannot be mistaken is that the author of Theophanes
A second pattern that may be discerned in Theophanes Continuatus, books I-IV, takes it all seriously; the phenomenon
Continuatus' references to the occult is the rather low and marginal interests him, and his interest is picked up by the author of book VI.
profile accorded to astrology compared with other forms of Portents and prophecies abound throughout their text-! have
expertise. Apart from the "soft" astrological interpretations examined only those cases which could be construed as scientific-
and they do not serve merely to amplify the narrative. In connection
36
Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 463, where the same comet is said to have with the accession of Michael II the Amorian, the author denounces
reappeared, dull and faded, at Constantine's death.
37 diabolical divination (!Ulvnxl)) as a major cause of the civil wars
2 Tim 3, 8; cf. Ex 7, 11-12. The main source of information on Iannes was,
unleashed by ambitious contenders for the throne in whom the devil
however, an apocryphal work, The Book of /annes and Iambres, now extant only in
papyrus fragments, but apparently available at the Byzantine court in the eighth has planted the "seeds of empire" in the form of optimistic
and ninth centuries; according to Michael the Syrian, Leo IV (775-780), the la~t
iconoclast emperor of the !saurian dynasty, sent a copy a~ a gift to the Abbasid
caliph al-Mahdi. See A. Pietersma, The Apocryphon of ]annes and Jumbres the " Scriptores rerum Constantinopolitanarum, ed. Th. Preger (Leipzig, 1901-7;
Magicians (Leiden, 1994); Chronique de Michelle Syrien, ed. and tr. J. Chabot repr. 1989); cf. G. Dagron Constantinople imaginaire. Etudes sur le recueil des
(Paris, 1899-1905), III, I. "Patrkl" (Paris, 1984).
130 Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 131
Paul Magdalino
Historiography (9''-12" Centuries)
39
predictions by persons of ill repute. Yet he clearly believes that "encyclopaedism" of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 44 Comparison
political foreknowledge can be divinely inspired, for he gives with other sources suggests that Theophanes Continuatus may have
numerous examples of portents seen and prophecies made by distorted ninth-century realities in order to save important
40
respectable people, including holy men. More often than not, the reputations. The Patria attributes the mutilation of a statue to the
question of divine or demonic origin does not arise: a striking case iconophile emperor Michael I (811-13),45 while both the Patria and
in point is that of the "Sibylline book" in the Palace library, the Logothete chronicle indicate that the talismanic virtue of statues
containing an illustrated prophecy that was interpreted as foretelling did not leave Basil I entirely unmoved. 46 The accounts of Basil's
41
the overthrow of Leo V in 820. Whatever the means employed, reign deriving from the Logothete chronicle are also more explicit
their efficacy is never in doubt, and the coverage is even-handed. on the subject of Theodore Santabarenos and his sorcery in ways
One may thus suggest that the authors' brief to give an which reflect badly on Photius, if not on Basil: 47 according to them,
ideologically correct account of politically reprobate regimes Photius recommended him to Basil, and he gained Basil's
provides the excuse to indulge a personal, if not an official confidence by conjuring up an apparition of the emperor's late son
fascination with the more suspect forms of esoteric knowledge. Constantine, "and by many other means which he learned from the
teachings of Apollonius". Indeed, the whole image of Santabarenos
This fascination demonstrably corresponded to preoccupations of as a sorcerer seems to derive from the anti-Photian propaganda
the mid tenth-century milieu in which Theophanes Continuatus was generated by the patriarch's second and final deposition in 886. The
written and compiled. The air in Constantinople around 960 was major piece of invective, the Life of the Patriarch Ignatius (Photius'
thick with political prophecy, as we learn from Liudprand of main rival), says that Photius recommended Theodore to Basil as a
Cremona and contemporary Byzantine sources. 42 As we have "holy, most prophetic and visionary man", though knowing him to
already seen, the Patria reflect a contemporary concern with the be a practitioner of demonic magic, divination and dream
magic of statues, which is also perhaps reflected in the evidence of interpretation.48 According to another anti-Photian text, Theodore's
a Spanish Arabic source that a copy of the Apotelesmata of father had been not only a sorcerer but also a Manichaean, who to
Apollonius of Tyana was sent to the court of Cordoba by avoid persecution had defected to the Bulgars before their
Constantine VII or one of his successors before 972. 43 At the same conversion and renounced his Christian faith; later, Theodore
time, astrology was not highly favoured, to judge from the lack of benefited from Photius' rehabilitation under Basil I because he had
horoscopes, astrological treatises, and astrological or even
astronomical manuscripts in the literature associated with the
: Lem~rle, Byzantine Humanism, chapter 10.
Patna, ed. Preger, Scriptores, II, 205. The emperor is said to have cut the arms
off a statue of the Tyche of Constantinople, in order to weaken the two popular
39
Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 44-5; cf. also 56. !actions, the Blues and the Greens.
"'Ibid., 7-10,21-3,36,37,40, 102, 121, 122, 170-1, 180-4, 2l7ff, 22lff, 223-5, Leo Grammaticus, Chronographia, ed. Bekker, 257-8; Pseudo-Symeon. ed.
225-6,226-7,233, 281-2,320. ~ekker, Theophanes Continuatus, p. 692; Patria, ed. Preger, Scriptores, II, 221.
41
Ibid., 35-6. Pseudo-Symeon, in Theophanes Continuatus, ed. Bekker, 692-4, 697;
42
Liudprand of Cremona, Opera omnia, ed. P. Chiesa, Corpus Christianorum, c.ont~nuator of George the Monk, ibid., 845-6. Pseudo-Symeon, in keeping with
Continuato Medievalis 156 (Tumhout, 1998), 204-5; see also the Philopatris, ed. his ~trulently anti-Photian line, is especially critical: he portrays Santabarenos as
and tr. M.D. Macleod, in Lucian, Works, VIII (Cambridge, Mass., !967), 415-65; the ~nstrument of Photius' ambitions and intrigues, accusing him of being a
P. Magdalino, 'Une prophetie inedite des environs de 1'an 965 attribuee a Leon le !;f~tchaean, and calling him "arch-magician" (UQ)(Lj.Ulyov, ibid., 694).
Philosophe (MS Karakallou 14, f. 253r-254r)', Travaux et Memoires 14 (2002) (-' b NJketas ,the Paphlagonian, Vita lgnarii, PG 105, col. 568: W£ avliQU U'(lOV, XUl
Melanges Gilbert Dagron), 391-402. IOQUtLXOOta:ov, XUL :JtQO<j>l]tLXW't<ltOV ... jUlvtLXi\~ 1\£, J.ul/J.ov 1\£ J.l<l'(IXi]<;.
" S. M. Stem, 'A Letter of the Byzantine Emperor to the Court of the Spanish cj>ao~ XUL OV€LQOXQLtLXi\~, i\tOL 1\UL(.l.OVLciJI\oU~ OO<j>(a<; XUL ljlU)(LXft<;
fl£t€O)(l]X6ta ...
Ummayad Caliph al-Hakam',AI Andalus26 (1961), 37-42.
132 Paul Magdalino It Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 133
0 ccu
Historiography (9 '"-I 2'"Centunes.
. )
had a hand in it, by preparing magic potions which a bribed eunuch · onophile damnatio memoriae to which Theophanes Continuatus
of the emperor's household added to the emperor's food· and ':bscribes. It is possible to argue that John the occult scientist is a
drink. 49 Not surprisingly, there is no hint of the occult in the ~ure fabrication of iconophile psogos, as far remove~ from reality
edifying correspondence that Photius conducted with an Abbot as the similar image that was created by the enem1es of a later
Theodore, probably Santabarenos, on theological matters. 5° patriarch, Photius. 57 However, the consistency of the invective
against John the Grammarian perhaps gives it some credibility. He
As for Leo VI, the supposed victim of Santabarenos' sorcery, later is accused of divination in a source almost contemporary with his
sources notably the interpolated version of Skylitzes, credit him deposition in 843, the canon written, probably by his successor
with an interest in astrology,51 for which some confirmation can be 58
Methodios, to celebrate the Triumph of Orthodoxy. The same text
found in contemporary texts: the horoscope of Constantine VII, 52 says that John should be called Pythagoras, Kronos, or Apollo
and the letters and poems of Leo Choirosphaktes. 53 Leo the rather than by the name of the forerunner of Christ. The first works
Mathematician also emerges from other sources-the Logothete composed to rewrite history in the light of the Triumph of
chronicle,54 the Palatine Anthology,55 and astrological Orthodoxy, the world chronicle of George the Monk and the Life of
manuscripts56 -as more of an astrologer than Theophanes St Theodora the Empress, specifically accuse John of lecanomancy,
Continuatus makes him appear. and call him a "new Apollonius and Balaam"; 59 it is interesting to
note that George the Monk, who may have been writing shortly
We have already seen how, and why, the author draws a contrast after 843, 60 manipulated his sources to give a distinctly negative
between Leo the Mathematician and John the Grammarian, who is account of the ancient origins of the occult sciences, denying that
presented as the occult scientist par excellence. Unfortunately, there Abraham had been a practitioner of Chaldaean astrology. 61 The
is no evidence for John's occult interests independent of the specific accusations against John the Grammarian in these ninth-
century texts, combined with the specific choice of ancient
49
Styllanos, bishop of Neokaisarieia on the Euphrates, Letter to Pope Stephen VI,
ed. J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima co/lectio (Florence and
Venice, 1759-), XVI. col. 432. l1 Pseudo-Symeon, ed. Bekker, Theophanes Continuatus, 670; cf. J. Gouillard, 'Le
"' Photii epistulae, I-ll, ed. B. Laourdas and L. G. Westerink (Leipzig, 1983-4), Photius du Pseudo-Symeon Magistros: les sous-entendus d'un pamphlet'. Revue
nos. 65, 142-23, 203, 205). des etudes sud-est europeennes, 9 (I 971), 397-404.
51 58
Ioannes Skylitzes, Synopsis historiarum, ed. H. Thurn, CFHB 5 (Berlin and New PG 99, cols. 1767-80, at 1776 B-C; cf. J. Gouillard, 'Deux figures mal connues
York,l973), 192. du second iconoclasme', Byzantion, 31 (1961), 371-401, at 380-4.
52 59
D. Pingree, 'The Horoscope of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus'. DOP 27 George the Monk, Chronicon, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig, 1904; repr.
(1973), 219-31. Stuttgart,l978), 798-9; A. Markopoulos, 'B(O£ tft£ AirtOXQUTELQU£ 0wli0>QU£
"G. Kolias, Uon Choerosphactes, magistre, proconsul et patrice (Athens, 1939), (BHG 1731)', IVf.lf.lEtxra 5 (1983), 249-85, at 261; tr. with notes by M. P.
76-7 (Leo VI's prediction of a solar eclipse); F. Ciccolella, Cinque poeti bizantini. Vinson in Byzantine Defenders of Images. Eight Saints' Lives in English
Anacreontee dal Barberino greco 310, Hellenica 5 (Alessandria, 2000), 104--5, Translation, ed. A.-M. Talbot (Washington, D. C., 1998), 367-8; John's
lines 85-6 (allusion to Leo's astronomical and astrological expertise). lecanomancy is also mentioned in the late ninth-century Synodicon Vews, ed. and
54
Ps.-Symeon, ed. Bekker, Theophanes Continuatus, 63.8-40; Georgius Monachus tr. J. Duffy and J. Parker, CFHB 15 (Washington, D. C., 1979), 130-1.
011
Continuatus, ed. Bekker, ibid., 804-6; Leo Grammaticus, ed. Bekker, 224--5; cf. See D. Afinogenov, 'The Date of Georgius Monachus Reconsidered', BZ 92
Magdalino, 'Road to Baghdad', 200. In all these versions of the story, Leo's pupil (1999), 437-47, arguing against the later date proposed by A. Markopoulos,
who is captured by the Arabs impresses the Caliph by his astrological expertise, 'Iullfla/..~ O't'/t 'XQOvo/..6y1)o1) 1:oii fEWQy(ou Mova:xoii', IVf.lJ.lEtXT:U, 6 [1985].
and it is this that leads to the invitation to Leo to come to Baghdad. 223-31
61
" AG, IX. 20 I [The Greek Anthology, ed. and tr. W. R. Paton, III (Cambridge, See William Adler's contribution to this volume. George's efforts to discredit
Mass., and London, 1933), 10~51 from Leo's copy of the astrological handbook astrology and divination may therefore be seen, along with his lengthy polemics
by Paul of Alexandria; cf. Lemerle, Byzantine Humanism, 197-98. against Hellenes, Jews, Muslims and Iconoclasts, and his lengthy defence of
,. CCAG, 1,139; Ill, 4; IV,40, 92; VII, 33, 65,130. monasticism, as a specific response to the ideology of the last Iconoclast regime
134 It Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 135
Paul Magdalino 0 ccu ~
Historiography (9 -12
•hc entunes
. l
According to Leo the Deacon, it is mathematikoi, astrologers, who learning, inserted into his account of the reign of Theodora (1055-
provide the scientific explanation for earthquakes. 71 Although he !056).76 Such is his knowledge of astronomy and astrology, the
rejects this, he connects the defeats, civil wars and natural disasters long-suffering genius sighs, that he ~i~ply cannot prevent people
of the 970s and 980s with the appearance of strange celestial from bothering him to make predictions, even though he has
phenomena. 72 One of these, the comet of 975, prompted the obviously put aside his books. Yes, he has studied all there is to
emperor John I Tzimiskes (969-76), to seek the opinion of two study, "but I have not made improper use of those sciences which
experts, Symeon the logothete and Stephen, metropolitan of are forbidden by the wise men of God". Let other people invest the
Nicomedia. 73 Leo criticises them for giving an optimistic stars with intelligent life, and connect them with all parts of the
interpretation that flattered the emperor, instead of explaining what human body. He is content to know the theory without believing in
the comet really presaged, "as their art required". 74 The it, not for any scientific reason, but because "a more divine power
Chronographia of Michael Psellos contains two digressions on has restrained me". He concludes his digression with a profession
astrology. The first is occasioned by Michael V's fatal decision to of faith which can be read on one level as fervently pious and on
banish his adoptive mother, the empress Zoe, in 1042. 75 He another level as ironically subversive. 77
dismissed the forecast of the astrologers whom certain of his
advisers urged him to consult; asked whether the stars were Michael Attaleiates, Psellos' slightly younger contemporary, in his
propitious for a great and bold undertaking, they replied that all was account of the fall of Michael VII (1071-1078), describes the
full of blood and gloom, and advised him to abandon or at least emperor as refusing to recognise the writing on the wall, but paying
postpone his project. Psellos observes that there was a not attention instead to "intriguers, astronomers, tellers of portents,
inconsiderable group of astrologers at the time. They had only a prophecies from statues by rituals (a<jllbQU!J.Utmv ltQOQQljoww tx
rudimentary understanding of the geometry of the heavenly spheres, tei..etoov), and superstitious demagogues". 78
but they had a competent knowledge of the technicalities involved
in the casting of horoscopes, and some of them came up with Attaleiates' dismissive reference to court astrologers is obviously a
accurate predictions. "I say this", says Psellos, "since I know this part of the case .he is making to justify the overthrow of Michael
science, having studied it for a long time and having helped many VII by Nikephoros Botaneiates. It is not necessarily a dismissal of
astrologers in the understanding of planetary aspects, although I do astrology, coming from a writer who thought it important to record
not believe that human affairs are driven by the movements of the that the revolt of Leo Tornikes began on 14 September under the
stars". Psellos returns to this theme in a later digression on his own conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter. 79 It is not so easy to explain Leo
~e Deacon's impliCit endorsement of "soft" astrology, or Psellos'
htghl~ ambivalent attitude. Leo clearly regards the interpretation of
" Leo the Deacon, Historia, ed. Hase, 68; cf. G. Dagron, 'Quand Ia terre tremble',
celestial phenomena as a legitimate tEXVT\, as long as it is done by
Travaux et Memoires 8 (1981), 100. The cause of the destructive earthquake which
struck Constantinople in October 989 appears to have been sought in the city's
horoscope: D. Pingree, 'The Horoscope of Constantinople', in Y. Maeyama, W.
76
G. Salzer, eds., IIPIEMATA: Naturwissenschaftsgeschichtliche Studien. Festschrift Ibid., II, 76-8
.!j;r Willy Hartner (Wiesbaden, 1977), 310-11.
Leo the Deacon, Historia, ed. Hase, 168, 172--6.
;7~ee A. Kaldeliis, The Argumelll of Psel/os' Chronographia (Leiden, 1999), 118-
~':~i~tes, Historia, ed. Bekker, 257; ed. Perez Martin, 185.
73
On Symeon, seeN. Oikonomides, 'Two seals of Symeon Metaphrastes', DOP :
27 (1973), 323--6; C. H!!!gel, 'Hagiography under the Macedonians: the Two 1
• e. ates, Historia, ed. Bekker, 22; ed. Perez Martfn, 18 Jupiter-Saturn
RecensiOns of the Metaphrastic Menologion', in P. Magdalino, ed., Byzantium in COn:JU nc 1tons whi h ·
the Year 1000 (Leiden, 2003), 220ff; for Stephen see below n. 79. religt'ous h ' c occur every twenty years, were associated with political and
c ange SeeD p· 'H' ·
14
Ibid., 168-9. ' ' OrientalS . · · mgree, tstonca1 Horoscopes', Journal of the Amerimn
" Psellos, Chronographia, ed. Renauld, I, 97-8. Churches' occtety 82 0 96 2), 487-502; J. D. North, 'Astrology and the Fortunes of
• entaurus24 (1980),180--211.
Paul Magdalino ult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 139
0
H:oriography (9'"-12'" Centuries)
the book and not with a view to flattering the emperor. One f the historical narratives of his reign, from which the activity
wonders why he makes a point of naming and blaming the men ~ cumented in the astrological manuscripts is conspicuously
responsible for misinterpreting the comet of 975. Does he have ~sent although it is just conceivable that Psellos may include
something against either of them, and does he have a message for :strol~gy in his statement that philoso~hy flourished under Basil in
the astrologers at the court of Basil II at the time he was writing, spite of the lack of imperial patronage.
around the year 1000? The question is unanswerable, but it is well
worth asking, firstly because one of the experts in question, Stephen To return to Psellos, it is difficult to know what to take more
of Nicomedia, was a very powerful figure in the church at the seriously-his obvious desire to distance himself from belief in
time, 80 and secondly because there is much independent evidence of 'hard' astrology, or his no less obvious concern to take centre stage
astrological and astronomical activity under Basil II; in fact, more in both his astrological digressions. But the fact that he digresses
than for any time before the twelfth century. In addition to a cluster twice to assert his superiority suggests that he took astrology as
of horoscopes and other observations dating from 977 to 1019,81 we seriously as the people to whom he thought himself superior. He
have the first translation of an Arabic astrological text, the De clearly believes that astrologers can get it right, and that Michael V,
revolutionibus nativitatum of Abu Ma'shar, which David Pingree having chosen to consult them, was wrong ~o dism~ss their advice.
has dated to c. 1015. 82 Unfortunately, the texts do not show a direct It is probably fair to conclude that he g~numely ~eJected astrol~gy
connection with the emperor, or identify the astrologer or as a substitute for religion, but accepted It as a sctence, and studted
astrologers concerned. The name of Demophilos, associated with a it mainly out of philomatheia, a love of learning ~or its ~wn ~ake, to
horoscope of 989, must be a pseudonym, if it does not refer to an which he refers elsewhere in the Chronographta and m hts other
ancient astrologer whose method is being followed. 83 We can surely writings. 85 His other writings show, moreover, tha~ a~trology was by
conclude, however, that we would have a very misleading no means the only occult science that attracted hts mterest: he ~as
impression of the availability of occult science to the most powerful also into alchemy, the Chaldaean O~acles, an~ ge~~rally everythmg
Byzantine emperor of the Middle Ages if we had only the evidence that went with Stoic and Neoplatomc syncretism. He even wrote
on making talismanic statues. 87 The trouble is that in advertising,
expounding, and justifying his own knowledge he tends to create
"' He was Basil IT's emissary to the rebel Bardas Skleros in 976 (Skylitzes,
Synopsis historiarum, ed. Thurn, 317), and as patriarchal synkel/os he was the main
"persecutor" of St Symeon the New Theologian; see the Life by Niketas Stethatos,
Vie de Symeon le Nouveau Theologien, ed. I. Hausherr (Rome, 1928), §§74-99, ., Psellos, Chronographia, ed. Renauld, I, 18; cf. M. _Lauxtermann, ·~yzantine
pp. LI-LY!. Poetry and the Paradox of Basil II's Reign', in Magdahno, ed., ByzantiUm m the
" See CCAG, II, 144-50; VIII, 253-5; Dorotheos of Sidon, Carmen astrologicum, Year 1000, 202ff. . 'fy
ed. D. Pingree (Leipzig,1976), 370-1, Xlll-XIV; Hephestio of Thebes, " See the discussion of Psellos in the introduction to this volume; J. D~f . •
Apotelesmaticorum epitomae quattuor, ed. David Pingree, II (Leipzig,1974), VI-IX, 'Hellenic Philosophy in Byzantium and the Lonely ~ission ?f Michael Psellos ·:
XXII; D. Pingree, 'The Horoscope of Constantinople', 310-11, 313. Cf. P. K. Ierodiakonou, ed., Byzantine Philosophy and 1/s Anc~tnt Sources (Oxfo •
Magdalino, 'The Year 1000 in Byzantium' in idem, ed. Byzantium in the Year 2002), 148-51.
1000, 233-70, esp. 261-2. 86 Ibid: see also J. Duffy 'Reactions of Two Byzantine Intellectuals to the _Theory
his own self-contained system, which gives little idea of what w justification for returning to the subject here, although the intrinsic
· on aroun d h'tm. He does not name the "not inconsiderable
gomg as interest of the passage is such that it hardly requires justification.92
group" of astrologers who were active in the 1040s. Only in his
defence of John Italos does he allude to the superior achievements The digression occurs in connection with the death of Robert
of Arab science,88 but he gives no idea of the extent to which its Guiscard. This was foretold, says Anna, in an oracle (XQlJO'!Jh~) by
results were being taken on board by contemporary Byzantine a certain mathematikos called Seth who had a high opinion of his
astrologers and astronomers, as is clear from eleventh-century astrological expertise. He wrote it down on a piece of paper which
treatises and scholia. 89 he sealed and handed to the emperor's men. When Guiscard died,
he instructed them to open the paper. The oracle read as follows: "A
Psellos' remarks on astrology in the Chronographia are a useful great enemy from the west who has stirred up a lot of turmoil will
introduction to the relevant section in the Alexiad of Anna suddenly fall". Everyone was therefore amazed at the man's
Comnena, 90 not only because she had read and admired his work, science, for in this branch of wisdom he had reached the peak of
but also because there are clear similarities that we do not fmd in perfection.
other historians: the passages in question are digressions from the
main narrative, they convey mixed messages, and they involve the The digression that follows then falls into three sections. First,
narrator in the first person, who claims a theoretical knowledge of Anna explains that the "oracular method" is a recent invention,
astrology. Yet once the similarities are noted, the differences are no unknown to the earliest astronomers and astrologers, Plato,
less striking. The mixed feelings that Anna expresses are shared Eudoxos and Manetho; however, they did know about ascendant
with her father Alexios I, and she provides a wealth of concrete signs, cardinal points, planetary positions and all the other vain
information that makes her account incomparably valuable but also things that the inventor of this method bequeathed with it to
highly difficult to interpret without some knowledge of posterity. Secondly, Anna states how she herself learned some
contemporary astrological literature. I attempted to elucidate and astrology not in order to practise it, but to recognise its practitioners
contextualise the passage in a recent article, 91 but the key to a for what they are. She does not want to boast, but she must put it on
definitive solution eluded me because it lay in a text that I record that the sciences flourished under her father, who honoured
discovered when the volume was in press. This is my main philosophers and philosophy, although he somewhat disapproved of
astrology, because it persuaded simple people to have faith in the
stars rather than in God. However, there was no lack of astrologers
during his reign, and the third and final section of the digression is
devoted to describing three who flourished at the time in addition to
the aforementioned Seth: the Alexandrian, whose predictions were
so accurate that Alexios sent him into comfortable exile lest he
corrupt the young; another highly expert Egyptian called
" Michael Psellos, Oratorio minora ed. A. Littlewood (Leipzig 1985) 70-71· cf.
P· M. agd armo, ·'!'h.e Porphyrog~mta
: and the Astrologers: A· Commentary
· · on
Alextad Yl.7.1-7 , m Ch. Dendrmos, J. Harris, E. Harvalia-Crook, J. Herrin, eds.
Porphyrogenita. Essays on the History and Literature of Byzantium and the Latin
:ast m Hono,ur of Julian Chrysostomides (Aldershot, 2003), 15-31, at 27-8.
a
"A. T:hon, l..es textes astronomiques arabes importes Byzance aux Xle et Xile
stedes • tn A. Draelants, A.Tihon, B. van den Abeele, eds. Occident et Proche-
£71ent: Contacts scient.ifiques au temps des Croisades (Tumhout, 2000), 313-24. " I refer readers to the article cited in n. 87 for my translation of the passage and
Anna Comnena, Ale.uad, YI.7, 1-7, ed. Reinsch and Kambylis 181-3. for detailed documented discussion of all points summarised in the following
91
See above, n. 87. ' paragraphs; see also Magdalino, L 'orthodoxie des astrologues.
142 Paul Magdalino Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 143
Historiography (9"'-12'h Centuries)
Eleutherios; and the Athenian Katanankes, who despite his name to his birth in 1040.96 Zebelenos should mean someone from Gabala
never quite got it right. 93 in Syria, known to the Byzantines as Zebel; the town was part of
the Fatimid realm for most of the eleventh century, which could
The author knows astrology in theory but rejects it in practice; 94 her account for the reference to Eleutherios' Egyptian origin.97
hero disapproves of astrologers but allows them to flourish because
he is a patron of learning, a point emphasised elsewhere in the The reliability of Anna's information on the astrologers suggests
A/exiad; astrology is a "vain pursuit", but not because its methods that we should pay close attention to what she says about astrology,
are unscientific-rather, the accurate predictions made by good and notably the mysterious "oracular method" (f.l£8oboc; XQlJO'f.WYv)
astrologers threaten the basis of organised religion. This mixture of perfected by Seth. Earlier translators and commentators assumed
manifest denial and implicit acknowledgement, which goes back, as this was her rather quaint way of saying that astrology in general
we have seen, to Psellos, is also to be found in the letters of Anna's was a recent invention, but such a reading does not make full sense
contemporary and protege, Michael Italikos. 95 It was probably a of her text, even when this has been emended to make a positive
fairly standard safety device employed by Byzantine intellectuals to statement negative. She must be referring to a particular kind of
excuse their occult interests. In Anna's case, however, it can also be astrology that was invented after the standard tools of the
related to the circumstances under which she was writing, in the astrologers trade. I previously concluded that this "oracular
early years of her nephew Manuel I, a great devotee of astrology method" was the political or historical astrology, developed by the
with a flashy reputation for heroism and liberality that was Persians and Arabs, which dealt with the rise and fall of religions,
eclipsing the memory of his grandfather Alexios I. Her point is dynasties and rulers according to major planetary conjunctions. But
clearly that her father did not need to use the services of astrologers, this was before I came across a treatise existing in at least three
but still looked after them as well as the present regime, if not versions in six manuscripts. These versions are variously entitled:
better, and she provides names to prove it.
A. MEeoboc; XQl]O'flWV (MS Paris. gr. 2506, fols.
Apart from the hapless Katanankes, the astrologers she mentions 92v-95v == MS Paris. gr. 2424, fols. 106r-
are known from contemporary sources. Seth is the astrophysicist, !08v).
dietician and translator Symeon Seth. The Alexandrian can be
identified with Theodore Alexandrinos, who specialised in B. ITEQL £x.8eoewc; XQlJOflWV (MS Laurent. gr. 28,
predicting winners at the races in the Hippodrome. As for the other 14, fols. 30r-32v == MS Marc. gr. Z 336, fols.
Egyptian, Eleutherios, I see no reason not to identify him with 163v-165r).
Eleutherios Zebelenos, an astrologer writing in 1079 and referring
The name is presumably a conscious play on the expression xa~· avayxl)V ="of ,. Pace Pingree, he should not be confused with Eleuthe~os of El~ia, the
93
necessity". However, it does seem to have been an existing family name rather fourteenth-century astrologer and copyist of one of the manusc.npts, ~ngell~~s 29,
than one that was specially invented for this individual: J.-C. Cheyne!, Pouvoir et containing his works: Pingree, 'The Horoscope of Constannnople • I06, •dem,
;:ntest~tions a Byzance (963-121 0)(Paris, 1990), 64, 230, 236. . From Astral Omens to Astrology, from Babylon to Bfkiiner, Serle Orientale Roma
A pomt also made by George Tomikes in his funeral oration on Anna, delivered 78 (Rome, 1997), 75-6. b r
in c. 1152; see Georges et Demetrios Tornikes, Lettres et discours, ed. J. Darrouz~s 97
For Zebel see Anna Comnena, Alexiad, XIII. 12, 21, ed. Reinsch and ~am Y 18•
(Paris, 1970), 296-7.
95
420 ; 1.-C. Cheyne!, Sceaux de Ia collection Zacos (Bibliotheque Natwna~ ~e
Michael Italikos, Let/reset discours, ed. P. Gautier (Paris, 1972), nos. 28, 30, 31, France) se rapportant aux provinces orientales de I'Empire by~:antin ( ans,
PP· 184-92, 196-200; Duffy, 'Reactions of Two Byzantine Intellectuals', 9!-4. 200!), 95-7.
144 . e and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 145
Paul Magdalino occult SCienc .
Historiography (9"'-12'" Centunes)
"Edited from the Naples manuscript in CCAG, IV, 146-9. !ralte d'etudes byzantines, I (Paris, 1958), 473; Anna was still writing the Alexiad
".Ed. ~· Tihon, 'Sur l'identite de l'astronome Alim', Archives internationales :n
01
1148: XIII.?, 6, ed. Reinsch and Kambylis, 452.
d hwmre des sciences 39 (1989), 3-21, at 12-20. CCAG, V.I, 115 ; also ed. S. Eustratiades in the introduction to his edition of
Michael Glykas, El<; rdq Wr:ogta<; nf<; eeta<; rga¢nj<; xe,PcV.ata, I (Athens,
Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 147
146 Paul Magdalino Historiography (91h-J2'' Centuries)
reacting against the official vogue for astrology at the court of her portrayed as. t~e. in~e~de~ victim of faile.d conspiracies involving
nephew. Her take on the comet of 1107 sets her apart from the sorcery and illtcit divmatiOn. However, his official image, after as
tenth-century historians, and points the way to the thoroughly during his lifetime, could not be allowed to show any trace of his
negative portrayal of astrology, and other forms of occult enthusiastic patronage of astrology that is well attested in his own
knowledge, which we find in the historians of Manuel's reign: words, as well as by the History of Niketas Choniates. 105 Choniates,
Niketas Choniates, and John Kinnamos. Here, there is no on the other hand, had no need to spare any emperor's reputation;
fascination and little ambivalence. his brief being, rather, to denounce the abuse of imperial power by
the emperors of his day, their treatment of occult science provided
Kinnamos gives the impression that occult science only impinged him with excellent grist for his mill, and he went to work on it with
on imperial politics under Alexios' successors John II (1118-1143) a literary gusto that has left a lasting impression on modern
and Manuel I (1143-1180) when it was used in plots to overthrow perceptions of twelfth-century Byzantium.
the latter. Manuel's chief minister Theodore Styppeiotes is said to
have prophesied, "as if from a tripod", that the emperor's days were Choniates' long account of Manuel's reign contains four passages
numbered and he was due to be replaced by an older, less autocratic that must surely rank among the most eloquent and devastating
ruler who would rule "by reason as in a democracy".103 For this, critiques of both astrology and political misjudgement in any
Styppeiotes was deprived of his tongue as well as his eyes. Later, literature. They show the emperor credulously hanging on the
when Manuel's nephew by marriage, the protostrator Alexios astrologers' pronouncements, and when not making wrong
Axouch, was convicted of plotting to usurp the throne, one of the decisions as a result, at best making himself look ridiculous and
charges brought against him was that he had conspired with a irresponsible. In the first instance, he sends the imperial fleet out to
sorcerer (y6l]~) of Latin origin, a great expert in demonic matters, resounding defeat under a favourable horoscope. 106 In the second,
to prevent the emperor from having children; the sorcerer provided his commander wins a famous victory when he ignores the
him with drugs (<j>aQJ.taXa) for this purpose. 104 emperor's orders to put off the engagement to an astrologically
more auspicious day. 107 In the third scene, we see the emperor at the
Kinnamos may have had so little to say about occult science birth of his son, paying more attention to the astrologer's
because he found it uninteresting or distasteful, and in this he may calculations than his wife's labour pains, and then celebrating the
be compared to a few other Byzantine historians who are bright future mapped out in the newborn's horoscope 108 -an irony
co.mpletely silent on the subject and consequently do not figure in that would not have been lost on Choniates' readers, who knew the
this paper. But his reticence cannot be dissociated from his obvious fate of the unfortunate young Alexios II, murdered before he
purpose in writing. This was to present a glowing biography of reached the age of fifteen by his uncle Andronikos I. Finally, we are
Ma~uel, . and therefore precluded any mention of occult science shown the emperor in his final illness, ignoring the patriarch's
which did not do credit to the late emperor. Manuel could be advice to appoint a proper regency government because the
1906), P· o\,; tr. D. George, 'Manuel! Komnenos and Michael Glycas: A Twelfth- 105
Century ~efence and Refutation of Astrology, Part 2: Manuel I's Defence of The only allusions to astrology in the large body of encomiastic literature
~ Strology , Cultu:e and Cosmos 5 (2001), 30. devoted to Manuel are to be found in the verse petitions of the writer known as
3 '":fanganeios Prodromos': cf. Magdalino, Empire of Manuel, 454; idem, 'Eros the
Kmnamos, Epuome rerum, ed. Meineke, 184-5. The episode is studied in detail
~ 0. Kresten, 'Zu~ Sturz des Theodoros Styppeiotes', JOB 21 (1978), 49-103, Kmg and the King of amours: Some Observations on Hysmine and Hysminias',
s·~~ suggests. that It may have involved Michael Glykas alias the Michael f..OP46(1992), 197-204.
,~ ~Ites convict~ of sorcery according to Choniates; see below, p.156. Chon~ates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 95-6; Magdalino, Empire of Manuel, 5-6.
107
,; Mmnamos, Ep1tome rerum, ed. Meineke, 267-8. Cf. P. Magdalino, The Empire 108
Chomates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 154; Magdalino, Empire of Manuel, 1.
01 anue/1 Komnenos, 1143-1180 (Cambridge, 1993), 218 _9 . Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 169.
148 Paul Magdalino Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 149
Historiography (9'•-12'• Centuries)
115
astrologers have told him he is going to live for another fourteen another offence. A magical figurine was found in his
years full of love affairs and victorious foreign campaigns.109 possession, 116 and he was caught consulting a 'Book of Solomon'
117
Instead of worrying about his son's succession, Manuel worries used to summon up demons. Choniates then narrates the cases of
about the violent, apocalyptic winds forecast by the astrologers,no two other men, Skleros Seth and Michael Silddites, whom Manuel
and busies himself with preparing emergency bunkers and had blinded "for professing astrology in word, but in practice
removing the glass from the palace windows, while his relatives engaging in demonic acts of sorcery". Seth used a love-charm to
and courtiers obsequiously imitate his example. But, Choniates seduce an unmarried girl, while Sikidites cast a spell on a
adds, the patriarch did finally prevail on him to sign a brief boatman,118 and after a disagreement in a bath-house with his fellow
statement renouncing his belief in astrology. m bathers, conjured up demons to drive them out.
On the other hand, Choniates records that Manuel punished other In all these three cases of sorcery, the author does not seem to doubt
forms of occult science. 112 In narrating the condemnation of Alexios that demons were involved, and that the sentences were just;
Axouch, he mentions that sorcery was the main charge, although he indeed, he even implies that they were not harsh enough, since the
dismisses it, along with the whole alleged conspiracy, as completely culprits survived to cause trouble again. Isaac Aaron is said to have
fabricated, and he makes it sound suitably absurd: the enchantment played a sinister role in Andronikos l's reign of terror (1183-
was said to be aimed at making its perpetrator fly invisibly, 1185), by advising the emperor to put his opponents to death, or at
complete with sword, wherever he wanted to go. m Choniates is least to administer punishments much more severe than blinding-
clearly critical of Manuel's unjust and arbitrary behaviour in this which, he pointed out, had obviously not worked in his own case,
affair, which he cites as an example of the tyrannical, paranoid envy having left him free to work mischief with his hands and his tongue.
to which rulers are prone with regard to their pre-eminent Michael Sikidites became a monk and later stirred up a doctrinal
subjects. 114 However, he goes on to point out that justice caught up controversy concerning the Eucharist. Skleros Seth reverted to his
with the main informer against Axouch, Isaac Aaron, who was
himself convicted of sorcery, and sentenced to blinding for this and
115
Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 146-50
116
It was in the form of a man inside a tortoise-shell, with his feet bound and a nail
09
' Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 220-1; Magdalino, Empire of Manuel, 11. through his chest.
110 111
This may indicate that Manuel shared in the Mediterranean-wide apprehension Numerous magical treatises are ascribed to Solomon, and lists of demons of
caused by the prediction that all the planets would conjoin in the sign of Libra in angels for invocation are among their standard features; see e. g. The Testament of
September IJ86; see G. de Callatay, "La grande conjonction de IJ86", in Solomon, ed. C. C. McCown (Leipzig, 1922); A. Delatte, Anecdota Atheniensia, I
Draelants, Tihon, van den Abeele, eds. Occident et Proche Orient, 369-84. If so, (Liege-Paris, 1927), 397ff, 470, 649. Cf. R. P. H. Greenfield, 'Contribution to the
Choniates surely exaggerates the urgency with which the emperor reacted six years Study ofPalaeologan Magic', in Maguire, ed. Byzantine Magic, 127, 129-31; P. A.
in advance of the fateful date. Torijano, Solomon the Esoteric King. From King to Magus, Development of a
Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 221: ltEQL -ri')~ ao-rgovoflia~ ~eaxilv nva
111
Tradition (Leiden, 2002).
118
XUQTfiV VltEffi111fJva-ro ltQO~ ti)v tvav-r(av 061;av !1E8aQJ.W08E[£. The incident is also related in Choniates' theological compendium, the Panoplia
1
" The episodes are discussed by R. Greenfield, 'Sorcery and politics at the Dogmatike (excerpt ed.' van Dieten in the apparatus to the Historia, 148-9), which
Byzantine court in the twelfth century: interpretations of history', in R. Beaton and adds certain details: Sikidites was an imperial secretary, and was standing with a
C. Roueche, eds., The Making of Byzantine History. Studies dedicated to Donald group of people on a terrace of the Great Palace overlooking the Sea.of Marmara.
M. Nicol (Aidershot, 1993), 73-85. He bet them that he could make the boatman stand up and smash all the tiles in his
113
Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 144. cargo; after they agreed, the boatman stood up and reduced the tiles to fragments
"' Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 143; cf. Magdalino, Empire of Manuel, 6- with his oar, while the onlookers were helpless with laughter. He later said that he
7; idem, 'Aspects of Twelfth-Century Byzantine Kaiserkritik' Speculum 58 ?ad seen a huge snake on the tiles, staring at him and menacing him with open
(1983), 32646. ' JBWS.
150 Paul Magdalino occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and lSI
Historiography (9'"-12'" Centuries)
former ways, and turns up in the account of Andronikos' reign as the beginning of September, Andronikos dismissed the oracle as
119
the diviner who foretold the emperor's overthrow. rubbish. However, someone suggested that maybe the prospective
candidate was not Isaac Komnenos in Cyprus but Isaac Angelos in
Andronikos, finding himself threatened on all sides by men, and Constantinople. Andronikos dismissed this suggestion as well, but
abandoned by God whom he had offended by his excesses, resorted Stephen Hagiochristophorites decided to arrest Angelos just to be
to demons in order to learn the future, in the way that Saul had safe, thereby setting in motion a train of events that led to his own
consulted the Witch of Endor. He found that most of the ancient death and the extraordinary fulfilment of the oracle. 122
methods of divination - through sacrifice, the flight of birds, dreams
and utterances (xA.l]bOVLGJ..lOU~)-had gone out of use long ago, The insecurity which caused Andronikos to resort to the occult also
and that only dish-diviners and astrologers were now available. made him overreact to the suspicion that it might be used to
Rejecting astrology as being the more familiar and uncertain in its challenge his own position. Soon after he he became regent for the
predictions, he decided to seek the signs of the future in water. He young Alexios II, a vagrant caught wandering outside his house was
refused to be present at the ritual, and delegated this "foul business accused of sorcery and handed over to the city populace to be
of the night" to his loyal minister Stephen Hagiochristophorites, bumed. 123 Later, as emperor, when he condemned his erstwhile
who engaged the services of Skleros Seth. "By methods which I favourite, Manuel's illegitimate son Alexios, to blinding and
find distasteful to know and speak of, but those who wish can learn imprisonment, he burned one of the latter's secretaries, a certain
about elsewhere", Seth asked who would succeed Andronikos. The Mamalos, at the stake. "In order that the punishment should not
evil spirit answered by tracing in the troubled water the first letters look unjustified, but should involve some previous crime, he burned
of a name-a sigma in the form of a crescent Moon and a iota just certain books along with Mamalos. These supposedly concerned the
before it - which might be resolved as JsaakiosY 0 It thus made the reigns of future emperors, and Mamalos was alleged to have read
divination deliberately tantalising and uncertain, "or, to tell the them to Alexios to incite him to revolt". 124
truth, the night-dwelling demon in its manifold wickedness clouded
in obscurity what it did not know for sure". Andronikos Choniates alludes to such prophecies in the next reign, when he
immediately assumed that the reference was to Isaac Komnenos, says that the patriarch Dositheos used them to influence the
121
the usurper in Cyprus, who had gone there from Isauria (Cilicia). emperor Isaac II Angelos: "gathering, like the demons who inspire
He then ordered the question to be put again, this time asking not dreams, the shapes of future events and certain apparitions from
only who but when. "The partial and earthbound spirit, plopping Solomonic books, he led the emperor not by the nose but by the
and splashing in the water, uttered through enchantments, which it ears". 125 The occult does not otherwise figure in the account of
is not necessary to reveal", that the time would be around the Feast Isaac's first reign (1185-95). However, he is shown consulting
of the Exaltation of the Cross (14 September). Since it was already astrologers after his brief restoration by the forces of the Fourth
Crusade in 1203,126 and in the narrative of the intervening reign,
'" Choniates, Hisroria, ed. van Dieten, 338--41. that of Isaac's brother Alexios III (1195-1203), Choniates clearly
120
Although Choniates does not say so, the response conformed to the influential suggests that this was regular practice. Noting that Alexios, on his
prophecy, which was current in the Byzantine court from Manuel's reign, that the
tmUal letters of the emperors from Alexios I would form a sequence spelling
122
AlMA (b.lood). It is clear ~at Manuel himself believed in this prophecy, since he For a summary of events, see C. M. Brand, Byzantium Confronts the West,
named hts successor Alex10s and feared conspiracies by Alexios Axouch and [~80-12.04 (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), 69ff.
Andromkos; so did Andronikos, who wanted his son John (loannes) to succeed Chomates, Hisroria, ed. van Dieten, 255-6.
124
?,',m. See Choniates, f!istoria.' ~·van Dieten, 146, 169,268,315,318,426. Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 310-2.
125
. He ?ad been appomted mthtary governor of the province by Manuel: Choniates, Ch on~ates,
· Hisroria, ed. van Dieten, 408.
H1stona, ed. van Dieten, 290. 126
Chomates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 558.
152 Paul Magdaiino occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 153
Historiography (9"'- I 2'" Centuries)
132
return from Asia Minor in February 1201, did not go at once to the the division in the church. Elsewhere, he shows a belief that
Blachernae Palace because the moment was unfavourable, he adds strange natural phenomena were portents. 133
the comment: "the emperors of our time scrutinise the position of
the stars even before they walk". 127 As for Alexios' strong-headed Apart from this tacit endorsement of very soft astrology, Choniates
wife, the empress Euphrosyne, in her rage against her opponents, presents an entirely negative image of occult science in twelfth-
"turning to prognostication of the future, she applied herself to century Byzantine society. It is an integral part of his wider picture
unspeakable practices and divination and performed many illicit of a decadent political culture that he paints in order to explain the
things". She cut the snout off the bronze sculpture of the catastrophic weakness of the empire on the eve of the fall of
Kalydonian boar in the Hippodrome, subjected a statue of Hercules Constantinople to the Fourth Crusade in 1204. It is clear from the
to flogging, and mutilated other bronzes. 128 Here we may note that different versions of his text that he added to the picture in the light
Choniates does not refer explicitly to the idea of stoicheiosis, either of that event, intensifying, among other things, his critique of occult
in this instance, or in other passages where he mentions the science. Yet the overall message with regard to occult science
manipulation of statues for political purposes. He simply reports, remained the same: God helps those who help themselves trusting
without suggesting occult practice, that Manuel reversed the in His providence, but Byzantine rulers had forfeited God's favour
positions of two bronze female figures in the Forum of Constantine in large part because they had based their decisions on fallible
so that the one known as the "Roman woman" was standing while human or demonic methods of telling the future.
the "Hungarian woman" lay fallen. 129 Although he says it was on
the advice of the astrologers that Isaac II in 1203 removed the Within this very consistent framework, however, Choniates'
Kalydonian boar to the Palace, in order to check the swinish fury of presentation of the material is far from simple or uniform. To begin
the populace, 130 he presents the mob's destruction of a statue of with, it should be noted that the references to the use of occult
Athena, who seemed to be beckoning to the crusaders, as an act of divination by Andronikos I' s successors, Isaac II, Alexios III and
ignorant credulity. 131 Finally, we should note one passage where Euphrosyne, were added after 1204. In the pre-1204 "b" version of
Choniates refers to occult knowledge without in any way the History, written under Alexios III and perhaps as early as 1197,
characterising it as such. In connection with the doctrinal all reference to astrology and sorcery ends in 1185 with the tyrant
controversy of 1156--7, he mentions an imperial official looking up Andronikos I. This is not surprising where Alexios, the reigning
a brontologion or "thunderbook" while Manuel was at his base emperor, is concerned, but more remarkable as regards his brother
camp at Pelagonia in western Macedonia: the consultation revealed Isaac II, whom Alexios had deposed and whom Choniates criticises
that the violent thunderstorm signified the "fall of wise men". seemingly without inhibition as a vain, vindictive and sybaritic
Choniates clearly echoes contemporary opinion in connecting this incompetent. The fact that astrology and sorcery do not figure in
omen with the deposition of the three deacons who had provoked this critique thus suggests either that Isaac genuinely did not use
them, or that he used them in exactly the same way as his brother.
Either way, Choniates chose to concentrate his attack on the other
111
Choniates. Historia, ed. van Dieten, 530. Choniates goes on to show the
absurdity of the precaution by describing how, when Alexios did finally return to
the Blachemae, severe ground subsidence caused a chasm to open up in his "' Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 21 1. I have not been able to identify the
bedroom. The emperor was unhurt, but others were shaken and a eunuch fell into T,Xact text among the numerous brontologia published in the CCAG.
the chasm and was killed. 3
• He mentions various diosemiai that accompanied the revolt of Alex.ios Branas
:: Choniates, H~stor~a, ed. van Dieten, 519-20; cf. Mango, 'Antique Statuary', 62. m 1187: stars appeared in the daytime, the atmosphere was turbulent, and the
Chomates, Hzstona, ed. van Dieten, 151.
130 Sun's light was dimmed by sunspots (Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 384).
Chon~ates, Histor~a. ed. van Dieten, 558.
131 Later, he remarks on the strange Jack of such signs at the time of the Latin
Chomates, Hzstorza, ed. van Dieten, 558-9.
oonquest of Constantinople (ibid., 586).
154 Paul Magdalino
0 cult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 155
c
Historiography (9 "- 12"Centunes
. )
kind of dependence on the supernatural to which Isaac was prone, astrologers", who remain anonymous except where Choniates
134
namely his excessive reliance on monks. He shows us the names them in other contexts, notably, in the cases of Skleros Seth
emperor soliciting the prayers of holy men instead of taking and Michael Sikidites, for practicing sorcery rather than astrology.
135
resolute action against the rebel Alexios Bran as, consulting the By contrast, these two sorcerers and Isaac Aaron are named as
136
eccentric hermit Basilakios at Raidestos, and basing his flawed convicted malefactors who are rightly punished by Manuel but
policies, or lack of policy, on the prophecies of the Studite monk survive to poison the political life of future reigns. The only
Dositheos who had predicted his accession to the throne and been emperor who turns to sorcery is the tyrant Andronikos, but even he
rewarded accordingly with the patriarchates first of Jerusalem and does so as a last resort, and then with considerable distaste and
then Constantinople. 137 Here it is striking that in the first version of scepticism. Ironically, however, his scepticism is his undoing, for
the History, Dositheos' prophecies appear as spontaneous, he fails to recognise the real threat. His minister has more sense, but
individual oral predictions. Only in the amplified, post-1204 text in taking action precipitates the outcome he tries to avert. Thus the
does Choniates add the sentence presenting them in the far more contrast between astrology under Manuel and sorcery under
sinister guise of demonic apparitions culled from "books of Andronikos is made dramatically complete in the narratives of their
Solomon". respective ends. Manuel, ultimately deceived by astrology,
renounces it at the last, while Andronikos, having rejected astrology
Thus in the original version of his History, Choniates sets his as too commonplace and unreliable, finally turns to sorcery, which
critique of the relationship between occult science and imperial destroys him.
power in the context of the relatively remote reigns of Ma.nuel.l and
Andronikos I. Moreover, his treatment makes an effective, If not The narrative of Andronikos' final, fatal recourse to lecanomancy
explicit, distinction between different types of the occult. The not only underscores his damnation by comparison with Manuel's
consultation of a thunderbook by Manuel's official, and Manuel's deathbed repentance, but fulfils at least two other functions. It
rearrangement of the female statues, are presented as innocent ~d actually shows that the unexpected accession of the next emperor,
even useful actions. Manuel's patronage of astrology. IS ' Isaac II, was both foretold and set in motion by a demonic oracle,
differentiated in many ways from the practice of sorcery by various and was therefore not quite the pure act of divine Providence that
reprobates, including Andronikos I. Astrology is fallible, but lsaac's propaganda portrayed. It also echoes the many examples in
sorcery is demonic. For the political abuse of astrolog_Y, t~e classical historiography and mythology of the nemesis incurred by
emperor takes more responsibility than the "pestilential the hubris of power-blinded potentates who ignore or misinterpret
the oracles concerning them. There may be some reminiscence of
'" It was widely believed that holy men and women had the gift of prophecy, and Roman history, too, in the story of the burning of the unfortunate
prophecies are as integral as miracles to the Lives of saints. However, monks who Mamalos on a fabricated charge of conspiracy involving forbidden
deceive rulers with false predictions are portrayed in a distinctly more nega_uve
light. See, eg., Theophanes Continuatus, on the iconoclast monks who pro~~ed
books. Certainly, this story echoes the episode of Alexios Axouch,
Leo V a long reign (ed. Beker, 26-28); Psellos on the monks who aroused stmtlar unjustly convicted of sorcery under Manuel. Here again, the
expectations in the aged empress Theodora (Psellos, Chrorwgraphia, ed. Ren~ul~. excesses of Andronikos' tyranny are shown to have precedents in
II, 80-1); and John Zonaras on those who predicted that Alexios I would dte lll Manuel's despotic tendencies-or rather in the imperial system of
Jerusalem (loannes Zonaras, Epitome historiarum libri XV/ll, 3 vols., ed. Tb.
Btittner-Wobst, CSHB [Bonn, 1897], III, 760).
which he was the great paradigm in recent history.
"' Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 383.
'"' Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 448-9. Choniates does not call him a monk, Choniates' portrait of Manuel as a credulous devotee of astrology is
but the emperor addresses him as 'Father Basilakios'. a complete contrast to that which we have from Kinnamos and the
"' See P. Magdalino, 'Isaac II, Saladin and Venice', in J. Shepard, ed., The
emperor's other admirers, such as his panegyrist Eustathios of
Expansion of the Orthodox World (Aldershot, forthcoming).
156 Paul Magda!ino Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and
157
Historiography (9"'-12" Centuries)
Thessslonica and the Latin historian William of Tyre, all of whom magic. The former studies the stars as natural, inanimate signs,
vaunt his medical knowledge but give no hint of other scientific while the latter invokes them as living, causative agents.I42
interests. 138 Yet Choniates' portrait is mirrored in the astrological
literature from Manuel's reign: although it is poor in dated For the powers and qualities and temperaments which God has
horoscopes and astrologers' names, it gives the emperor a very high given to the stars and all that proceeds from them are merely
indications. Abuse arises, however, when people address the
profile. He is the dedicatee of a basic introduction to astrology in
stars by invocation, like makers of enchantments;'" it is for this
political verse by John Kamateros, 139 and he is the author of a long, reason that astrologers are called magi, as having turned aside
public defence of astrology in reply to a monk who had denounced from the straight way and inclined towards impiety. This is
astrologers as heretics. 140 Manuel'ss authorship of this work is completely impious and abhorrent ...
indicated not only by its title, but by its reference to Alexios I as
... The stars are merely i~1dicators of the three states of past,
"my majesty's grandfather", and by the trenchant refutation that it
present and future, operatmg naturally and according to their
provoked in turn from Michael Glykas. 141 It is curious that physical properties. What operates naturally is also beneficial
Choniates' mentions neither the emperor's work nor Glykas' and surely not to be rejected. So the stars are not creative, fo;
refutation, since he presumably knew both, and his statement that their bodies are inanimate, unintelligent and without sense
Manuel signed a written renunciation of astrology implies more perception. Thus whoever approaches them in a spirit of
observation does not acquire knowledge from them by question
than a mere agreement not to consult astrologers. But if, as most and answer, like those who make incantations to demons, but
scholars accept, Michael Glykas was none other than Michael knowing the nature of the stars and the temperament that comes
Sikidites, Choniates' silence on the subject of his reply to the from them, and their significant configuration, takes note of
emperor is understandable: he did not want to give any credit to a present and future things.
convicted ex-sorcerer turned exponent of incorrect theology.
It seems reasonable to suppose, therefore, that Choniates'
Choniates' information on the sorcerers punished by Manuel cannot formulation of the charge brought against Seth and Sikidites reflects
be corroborated from any other source, but his statement that Seth the wording that was used in their prosecution to distance the
and Sikidites were charged specifically with practising sorcery emperor and his scientific astrology from the astral magic of the
while professing astrology echoes a major argument in the ~efendants; indeed, it might even suggest that they were prosecuted
emperor's defence of astrology. Here Manuel is at pains to ~n ?rder to make an example of bad astrology. Either way, the
distinguish between legitimate astrological science and illicit astral InCidents as reported by Choniates are symptomatic of Manuel's
effort to get good astrology recognised by the church. Equally, the
138
Kinnamos, Epitome rerum, ed. Meineke, 190; Eustathios, Funeral oration on f~ct that Choniates does not himself adopt Manuel's distinction, but
Manuel, ed. T. L. F. Tafel, Eustathii metropolitae Thessalonicensis opuscula disapproves of astrology as a whole, is symptomatic of the
(Frankfurt-am-Main, 1832), 206; William of Tyre, Willemi Tyrensis Chronicon, emperor's failure to win that recognition. Choniates clearly admired
ed. R. B. C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Medievalis 63-63A
(Tumhout, 1986), 848.
139
Ioannes Kamateros, Eisagoge astronomies, ed. L. Weigl, Ein Kompendium
griechischer Astrologie (Leipzig-Berlin, 1908). 142
140
CCAG . ·
CCAG, V.l, 108-25; ed. Eustratiades, I, !;!;,-ne; intr., tr., and comm. D. "' Ol a' V.!, 112, ed. Eustrallades, o~-oy; my translation.
George, 'Manuel I Komnenos and Michael Glykas: A Twelfth-Century Defence p 26 t otOLXE~!.«mxu nmoilne~. D. George, "Manuel I Komnenos", part 2,
and Refutation of Astrology', Parts 1-2, Culture and Cosmos 5.1-2 (2001), 3-48,
23-46.
tb
IS) translates th.1s as 'those who cast nativities', but as she comments (p. 44, n.
141 wo •1d e example IS not accurate, and in any case it is unlikely that the emperor
CCAG, V.I. 125-40; ed. Eustratiades, I, 476-500; tr. and comm. by D. George,
'Manuel I Komnenos and Michael Glykas', Part 3, Culture and Cosmos 6.1 CO ut condemn a practice that he had followed at the birth of his son. Given the
(2002), 23-43. stor·next and them t"
cherosrs.
. .
f · ·
en ton o mvocation, the reference must be to the ritual of
I .!U
158 Paul Magdalino Occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and
Historiography (9'"-12'" Centuries) 159
44
and respected the patriarch Theodosios/ at whose insistence he The ca?onists, especially Balsamon, are also our major source for
says Manuel signed his deathbed rejection of astrology. Although the existence of other forms of divination in twelfth-ce t
• 1s2 Th . . n ury
this rejection is not independently attested, there is independent ByzantiUm. e1r commentanes on canons 61 and 65 of th
evidence that the ecclesiastical establishment hardened its position. Council in Trullo both .define the general references to divinatio~
The respected contemporary canonist Theodore Balsamon/ 45 the and augury, and explam the specific types of diviners that
most pro-imperial Byzantine commentator on canon law and no . d. h 153 s· are
mentwne m t e canons.
. . mce the commentators use the pres en t
illiterate monk, was completely uncompromising. Not only did he tense through out, It IS not entirely clem:, except where they give
uphold the conciliar canons forbidding the clergy to exercise contemporary examples, whether a practice they describe was still
astrology, but took the most rigorous interpretation of the imperial b~i?g ~allowed. ~heir brief. ~ent_ions of palmistry, Iecanomancy,
legislation against mathematikoi that had been incorporated into the dJVJnatwn from birds, and d1vmatwn from sacrificial victims could
Nomokanon. The canon-law commentator of the previous be based on reading rather than experience. However, their more
generation, John Zonaras, had at least been prepared to allow that detail~d. references to Athinganoi, "cloud-chasers" (vE<j>o&toox·tat)
the prohibition did not apply to astronomy, as opposed to who dlVlned fro~ ~l~ud-shapes, women who divined from grains of
astrology. 146 Balsamon, however, regarded them as inseparable.147 barley, and kntnm, prophetesses who frequented icons and
He argued that of the four mathematical sciences of the quadrivium, churches, suggest that these types were to be encountered in
"the first three (i.e. geometry, arithmetic, and music) are deemed twelfth-century Byzantine society. Balsamon gives a long
lawful to be exercised and taught, but astronomy is forbidden". 148 description of a divination ceremony called a kledon, that was
He concluded that it was dangerous "for an Orthodox Christian to re~ularly performed on 23 June until it was banned by the patriarch
have mathematical books, to teach or be taught what is in them, and Michael III (1170-78). He adds significantly, "May the auguries
quite simply to introduce any discussion concerning the nature or (olrovoaxo:rda~) from ravens and crows and other wild animals
power of the heavenly bodies". 149 This seems an extreme and also .be abol~shed". Altogether, he gives the impression that, much
idiosyncratic position, yet there are indications that astronomy was !o his chagnn, there was a lot of divination on offer, and that it
dropped from the mathematical curriculum in Byzantine schools at mcluded two of the three varieties that according to Choniates had
the end of the twelfth century ,1 50 not to be properly reinstated until
. d c1rc
over a century later, and then only among a very restncte . 1e. 151
Jo~annes, ed. A. Heisenberg, Neue Que/len zur Gesclzichte des lateinsichen
Kazserr.ums und der Kirchenunion, I: Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie
der Wtssenschaften, philosophisch-philologische und historische Klasse, 1922
~;mch, 1922), 28-32. There were obviously exceptions, like the teacher of
144
Choniates, Historia, ed. van Dieten, 241-3,261-2.
'" On Balsamon, see C. Gallagher, Church Law and Church Order in Rome and cu e_Phoros ~Iemmydes; see Nikephoros Blemmydes, Autobiographia sive
Bywnrium (Aidershot, 2002), chapter 5.
146 C r~zc~lum vitae, necnon epistula universalior, ed. J. A. Munitiz, Corpus
Commentary on canon 36 of the council of Laodicaea, ed. G. A. Ralles-I.
Potles, 2:vvwnta uilv IJElmv xailEQc'iJv xav6vwv, 6 vols. (Athens, 1852-5; repr. P hti~tianorum, Series Graeca 13 (Turnhout, 1984), 5-7; tr. J. A. Munitiz A
artzal Accou 1 S · ·1 ·
.
•
n • ptct egmm Sacrum Lovanense, Etudes et documents 48
'
1966), III, 204-5. (Lo
147 th uvam,
Th. 1988) ' 45-8·' cf· C · Co ns tan t'tnt'd es, H'zg her Educatzon
· zn
· Byzanrzum
· ·
111
89~ . lrteenth and Early Fourteemh Cemuries (1204--f:a. 1310) (Nicosia, 1982),
Ibid., 205-6; see also his response to the metropolitan of Philippopolis, Ralles-
Potles, 2:vvwr~ta. IV, 511-9.
,.. lbid.,512.
149
'"th s~~general
. B. Byden, Theodore Metochites' Stoicheiosis astronornike and
1bid., 518.
,.:_ ~ Y Soj Natural Philosophy and Mathematics in Earl)• Palaiologan
1
150
See Nicholas Mesarites on the curriculum of the school attached to the church up:.untzum tudia G L · .
of the Holy Apostles, ed. and tr. G. Downey, 'Nikolaos Mesarites. Description of •, S . ' raeca et alma Gothoburgensm 66 (Goteborg, 2003).
ee m general M Tb F.. "B 1 ·
the Church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople', Transactions of the American to Byzanr .- · ogen, a samon on Magtc: From Roman Secular Law
Philosophical Society, 47 (1957), §§XLU, 894-96, 916-17; and on the education Koukoules ~ ;anon Law', in Maguire, ed., Byzantine Magic, 99-115; P.
of his brother John, Der Epitaphios des Nikolaos Mesarites auf seinen Bruder "'Rail .p v,av:tvc'iJv Bio,; xal floA.mawJ,;, I, part 2, 155-218.
es otles, 2:vvray,ua, II, 443-7,457-60.
r hi
Paul Magdalino occult Science and Imperial Power in Byzantine History and 161
160
Historiography (9~-12'" Centuries)
long become redundant, namely divination from birds, .utterances the extant literature, attributed to Solomon, whose name was more
and dreams. It is true that Balsamon does not mentiOn dream readily associated with books of sorcery-like the one found in
interpretation, but its legal status was unclear since L~o VI, in the Isaac Aaron's possession.
Basilica had dropped it, with ornithoscopy, from the hst of named
forbidd:n practices. 154 The circulation of dream literature is proved This raises the question of the extent to which the prophetic texts
beyond doubt by the fact that the most po~ular manual, ~e were perceived as occult literature at the time and should be
Oneirocriticon of Achmet attracted the attentiOn of two Latm discussed now under the heading of occult science. Kinnamos'
translators in twelfth-century Constantinople, Pascalis Romanus description of the Styppeiotes conspiracy implies that it involved
and Leo Tuscus. 155 In this context, we may note that the Latin oracles concerning the imperial succession. The Mamalos episode
tradition associates Manuel's reign with the translation of the suggests that possession of such oracular texts was a capital
156 offence, and Choniates is clearly of the opinion that belief in
Kyranides and the transmission of alchemical texts: interests that
have left no trace in twelfth-century Greek sources. oracles was, like the recourse to astrology and divination, a failure
to trust in Divine Providence: thus he blames Manuel for paying
It seems, therefore, that Choniates used some rhe~orical attention to the Alpha who would succeed him, according to the
exaggeration in explaining Andronikos' decision to s.earc.h his fate AlMA prophecy, rather than putting his faith in Christ, the Alpha
by lecanomancy. Rhetoric is also manifestly at work m hiS account and Omega. 160 Liudprand of Cremona, in the tenth century,
of the prophecies by which the patriarch Dositheos led Isaac II "by describes the interpretation of the prophetic texts as the business of
the ears". As we have seen, the first version of the History presents astrologers/ 61 and the prophecies themselves were believed to be
these as individual oral oracles, while the sentence added in the depicted in the relief sculptures of Constantinopolitan
amplified version transforms them into monstrous fantasies t~en monuments; 162 as we have seen, the decoding of talismanic statues
from "books of Solomon" Both characterisations are obviOUS was also part of the astrologers' expertise. Liudprand and the Latin
distortions of the material, which can be shown to derive from one tradition enhance the occult flavour of the prophetic texts by calling
or more of the apocalyptic or oracular texts narrating the reigns of them Sibylline books, and this flavour is given added piquancy in
the last emperors in history before the coming of Antichrist and the the Latin translation of the Erythraean Sibyl, said to have been
Last Judgement. 157 These texts circulated under various made via Greek from a Chaldaean original in Manuel's imperial
58 163
pseudonyms, most commonly that of the Prophet Daniel/ and treasury. Yet Choniates, like Theophanes Continuatus and John
159 Zonaras, sometimes reports the fulfilment of political oracles
most famously that of Leo the Wise. Yet they are never, in any of
164
without disapproval or disbelief. The Church never formally
condemned the writing and circulation of apocryphal apocalyptic
prophecies, possibly because it could never be sure, until th.e
outcome proved them false and therefore harmless, that the1r
authors were pseudonymous and that they were not divinely
inspired. To exclude the possibility of such inspiration would have
been to deny to orthodox holy men the gift of prophecy that is such
a standard feature of Byzantine saints' lives; it would also have
been to deprive churchmen of an important psychologic~
advantage over the laity, especially the emperor~. As for the state, It
Maria Papathanassiou
punished political prophecies on an ad hoc bas1s, when they could National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
be construed as treasonable pamphlets announcing the death of the
But ~rophecies,
165
ruling emperor and identifying his successor.
whether written or oral, carrying a Christian apocalyptic message
were hard to condemn under the laws against magic and sorcery.
Prophetic literature is thus a grey area for the study of both the Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous
reality and the reputation of the occult sciences. Byzantine Scholar, Alchemist and
Astrologer
INTRODUCTION
where he collaborated with the emperor Heraclius (610-641) and Stephanos. Moreover, modern criteria used to differentiate between
taught the quadrivium.
2 'science' and 'occult science' (our "scientific principles") are
largely based on quantitative (and therefore measurable) relations
Byzantine sources designate him as ·:gractical philos?pher" and between things or substances and are sharply distinguished from
"philosopher and recumenical ~eache~ most ltkely_ 1~ orde~ to philosophical ideas. On the contrary, in Antiquity the Stoic doctrine
present him as the ideal accomplished mtellectual of his time. Smce of "sympathy" implied unity of the world and interaction between
philosophy, the arts, and technology in the past were not separated its parts; further, it offered a basis for understanding the world both
by clear boundaries in the way they are today, Stephanos' as a whole and as a composite entity made up of various parts with
intellectual profile could be best understood if we paid attention to specific functions that continuously interact with each other.
the interrelations, instead of the dividing lines, among these
disciplines and the various scholarly activities attributed to The role and influence of alchemy and astrology on both state and
individual affairs during the Late Antique and Byzantine period can
be properly understood only by taking into consideration their wider
' H. Usener, 'De Stephano Alexandrino', in Index scholarum quae summis philosophical context. Even so, the attitude of Roman and Byzantine
auspiciis regis augustissimi Guilelmi imperatoris Ger~zaniae in . Universita~e. · emperors towards alchemy and astrology was ambivalent: for
Fridericia Guilelmia Rhenana per menses aestivos anm !880 a dze 21 menszs .,
aprilis publice privatimque habebuntur. Praefatus est Hermannus Usene~ ~e
example, the emperor Diocletian decreed the burning of "books on
Stephana Alexandrino (Bonn, 1881); repr. in idem, Kleine Schriften, III ~~tpZig making gold and silver" in Egypt. 4 Despite such episodes of
and Berlin, 1914), 247-322; Kl. Oehler, Antike Philosophie und byzantmrsches deliberate destruction, a great number of Greek alchemical and
Mittelalter (Munich, 1969), 19, 276; W. Wolska-Conus, 'Stephanos d' Athenes et astrological manuscripts dating from the Byzantine period do
Stephanos d'Alexandrie. Essai d'identification et de biographie', Revue des etu~es survive.5
byzantines 47 (1989), 5-89. On the astronomical association of Stephanos wtth
Heraclius, see most recently A. Tihon, 'Le calcul de Ia date de Paques de
Stephanos-Heraclius', in B. Janssens, B. Roosen and P. Van Deun, eds.,
Philomathestatos. Studies in Greek Patristic and Byzantine Texts Presented to AsTROLOGY AND ALCHEMY IN LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE
Jacques Noret for his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Leuven, Paris, and Dudley, Mass., BYZANTINE PERIOD
2004 ), 625-46.
3 In most MSS, works are attributed to him as follows: ~'te<j>avou ~).e;avliQEOl£
<j>!Aoo6<jlou xat olxouJffiVLXOu lit.liaoxaA.ou (Stephanos the Alexandrian Among all divinatory arts invented by man in order to foretell the
philosopher and recumenical master), ~'tE<j>avou AA.e;avi\QEOl£ <j>!Aoo6<jlou future, astrology was the most sophisticated in terms of the
(Stephanos the Alexandrian philosopher), ~'te<jlavou <jl!Aoo6<j>ou (Stephanos !he philosophical background and astronomical techniques required for
philosopher), ~'te<jlavou AA.e;avbQEOl£ (Stephanos the Alexandrian), ~'te<jlavou casting a horoscope. These techniques were particularly refined in
(Stephanos), 6 ffiuni]J.WJV ~'te<jlaVO£ (Stephanos the scientist), ~'tE<jlCtVOU
<j>!Aoo6<j>ou xal f!EYCtA.ou bt.liaoxaA.ou (Stephanos philosopher and great master), Alexandria, an important and flourishing centre of Greek science-
~'te<j>avou <jl1Aoo6<jlou AA.e;avbQEOl£ (Stephanos the Alexandrian philosopher),
~'te<j>avou f!EYCtA.ou <jl!Aoo6<jlou 'tou AA.e;avbQEOl£ xat xaeoA.Lx~il
Ot.liaoxaA.ou (Stephanos the great Alexandrian philosopher and general master) [tn 'See !he Suda, s. v. ~LOxA.!Jnavo£ and Xr]J.te(a in Suidae Lexicon, ed. A. Adler, 5
MSS Laurent. Plut. 28, 13, fol. 240; Laurent. Plut. 28, 14, fol. 169v. Laurent. Plut. vols. (Leipzig, 1928-38), II, 104-5; IV, 804. This information refers to the
28, 33, fol. 105; Marc. gr. 324, fol. 147v, 231; Marc. gr. 336, fol. 266v; Marc. gr. occup~tion of Alexandria by Diocletian in the year 296/297, brought about by his
335, fol. 25; Mediol. B 38 sup., fol. 49v; Taurin. C, VII, 10 (B, VI, 12), fol. 29; Vat. campwgn to put down the revolt of Lucius Domitius Domitianus. As a result of his
gr. 1056, fols. 193v, 203v, 206; Vat. gr. 1059, fols. 123, 524, 529v; Angelicus 29 Presence in Egypt, Diocletian instituted a number of changes in the local system of
[C. 4,8], fols. 54v, 236v; Vindob. phil. gr. 108, fol. 292v; Vindob. phil. gr. 262, fol. administration and taxation, including monetary and calendrical reforms; he also
15lv; Monacensis 105, fol. 223; Paris. gr. 2419, fol. 72]. On the meaning of these ~~pressed Egypt's privileges (Kieines Pauly, II, s. v. DIOCLETIANUS).
titles attributed to Stephanos, see F. Fuchs, Die hOheren Schulen von ~taloguedes Ma~uscrits Alchimiques Grecs (= CMAG), 8 vols. (Brussels, 1924-
Konstantinopel im Mille/alter (Amsterdam, 1964), 12-16; ODB, s. v. PATRIARCHAL 32
)9,8Catalogus Codtcum Astrologicorum Graecorum (= CCAG), 12 vols. (Brussels,
SCHOOL, PHILOSOPHER. 18 -1953).
166 Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar,
167
Alchemist and Astrologer
especially mathematics and astronomy-and a crossroads of various former regional edicts. ?~ly later did Christian emperors make these
cultures and religions. A considerable number of surviving edicts permanent for rehg1ous reasons. 9
horoscopes6 provide excellent primary source material for
researching the connection between astrology and medicine; indeed, Many well-known astrologers were active during Late Antiquity'o
already in antiquity the combination of the two led to the creation of and a large number of horoscopes cast during this period are
a special discipline, "iatromathematica" (i.e. medical astrology),7 a preserved in papyri and later Byzantine manuscripts. L. G.
fact that enhanced astrology's prestige, widened its influence, and Westerink's detailed study of an ancient commentary on Paul of
may partially explain its survival during the Late Antique and Alexandria's astrological work (ca. 378) 11 reveals favorable
Byzantine periods in spite of the strong polemics against it. 8 conditions for teaching astrology in sixth-century Alexandria.
Westerink showed that the materials of the commentary come from
We also know that throughout the Roman imperial period astrology a series of lectures delivered in Alexandria during May-June of the
was considered the most reliable method of divination. Any year 564 ~ither by Olympiodorus ~r one of his disciples who taught
emperor, therefore, would feel obliged or at least tempted to use it in ma~ematJc~ or astrology. Accordmgly, ~esterink thought it likely
order to uncover future dangers to himself or the empire and to that m the s1xth century astrology could still be an important part of
pacify the excited minds of his opponents by withholding from them the quadrivium and therefore of the whole teaching philosophy
12
the stimulus of astrological predictions, while reserving for himself curriculum. Based on this evidence, Stephanos of Alexandria
the counsel of his court astrologers. It seems quiet likely that (who lived in the late sixth/early seventh century, was invited by
astronomy and astrology were taught at the Athenaeum (an emperor Heraclius to Constantinople, and cast both a personal
institution that in modem terms could be understood as the Roman horoscope for the emperor, as well as a horoscope to predict the
state university) from its beginnings in 134 because its founder, the future of Islam) must have studied astrology in Alexandria.
emperor Hadrian (117-138), was a firm believer in astrology as well
as a practicing expert. On the other hand, from the death of Ceasar Christian emperors were interested in consulting astrologers for both
(44 B.C.) until that of Marcus Aurelius (180 A.D.) at least eight their personal and state affairs. Modifications of the relevant
expulsion decrees were issued against astrologers, all meant as legislation were always possible depending on the circumstances.
temporary measures. For this reason astrologers were allowed to For example, a comparison of laws issued from the eighth to the
stay in Rome as long as they did not practice their art. In the year
294, the emperor Diocletian (284-305) was the first to replace the
9
usual regional ban on astrology with one valid throughout the F: H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics (Philadelphia, 1954; repr.
empire and including all divinatory activities considered dangerous . ~htcago, 1996), 232ff., 247ff., 281.
for the government. His edict had the same temporary character as E..g. Vettms Valens, Critodemus, Antigonus of Nicaea, Palchus, Rhetorius,
Eutocms, and above all Paul of Alexandria; see Paul of Alexandria, Eisagogika;
:emen;~ Ap~telest~a:ica, ed. Ae. Boer (Leipzig, 1958); also Heliodoros [attributed
1.. H~ todort ut dtcttur m Paulum Alexandrinum commentarium, ed. Ae. Boer
~lpZig, 1962). The famous astrologer Hephaestio of Thebes (born on 26
ovember 380) refers to and cites whole passages from the work of earlier
~trologers, ~specially Ptolemy and Dorotheos of Sidon: see Hephaestio of Thebes,
~eugeb.auer
6
0 11 {'elesmattca •. ed. ?·Pingree, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1973 and 1974).
· and H. B. Van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes. Memoirs of the
~mencan Phtloso~hical Society 48 (Philadelphia, 1959). 6- · ~: Westermk, Em astrologtsches Kolleg aus dem Jahre 564', BZ 64 (1971),
Ve~' tde~, The Greek Commentaries on Plato's Phaedo, 1: 0/ympiodorus,
2
Ptolemy, Tetrabtblos, 1.3, ed. and tr. W. G. Waddell (Cambridge, Mass., 1940;
esp. ~~;t,ngen der Koninklijke Nederlandese Akademie 92 (Amsterdam, 1976),
~pr. !964), esp. 30, 32 (text), 31, 33 (translation).
M. Papa~anass~ou, 'latromathematica (medical astrology) in Late Antiquity and
2
the Byzantme pertod' .Medicina nei seco/i 11.2 (1999), 357-76. 2
' Westenn
· k
• 'Bin astrologisches Kolleg aus dern Jahre 564', 6, 18-21.
168
Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 169
Alchemist and Astrologer ;
tl
II
i
tenth century shows that legislators of the Macedonian dynasty were expectation of an answer but, knowing by observation their nature rl
more actively against magic than the !saurian emperors had been. In and hence their temperament, as well as the configuration [of the !
!
its tum, !saurian legislation was more forgiving, when compared planets] which reveals all this, we infer present and future events ·•!•
with the corresponding laws of the sixth-century Codex 17
from there". The emperor distinguishes between astrologers and
:
'
Justinianus. 13 Consequently, it seems possible that the religious those who invoke and talk with the stars and explains that the latter :;
politics of the !saurian dynasty did not destroy astrology and are the reason why astrology is misunderstood and astrologers are
therefore no restoration of it was necessary in later centuries. named magicians. 18
The survival and continuity of astrology in the Byzantine Empire is Consequently, the flourishing of astrology during the reign of later
evident in a long letter of emperor Manuel Komnenos (1143-1180) Byzantine dynasties (the Komnenoi, 19 Angeloi, and Palaiologoi 21)
addressed to a monk of the Pantokrator monastery, in which Manuel and the considerable number of astrological manuscripts belonging
defends astrology. 14 One of the emperor's arguments was that to the private libraries of state and church figures suggests that
Constantine the Great (307-337) after consulting the best astrologer many Byzantine scholars and intellectuals had reconciled their
of his time, Valens, waited fourteen years for the most favorable Christian faith with astrology.
date for the inauguration ('dedicatio') of ConstantinopleY He
concludes: "If Constantine and other pious emperors and prelates The case of alchemy is considerably different because its
had considered astrology as heretical knowledge, they would not 'techniques, closely related to those of the goldsmiths, had many
have used it." He also points out that, contrary to what his applications to the art of jewelry-making and the luxurious
correspondent had claimed, the use of astrology on appropriate decoration of palaces and churches. We are told that Byzantine
occasions is not an expression of impiety because astrology "simply emperors and Arab caliphs competed with each other in displaying
foretells by taking into account the powers, temperaments, and the wealth of their respective states. The report of 'Umara ibn-
qualities of the stars as bestowed on them by God". 16 He further l:lamza (d. 814/815), the ambassador of caliph al-Man~iir (754-775)
explains that "the stars are not a creative cause because their bodies to the Byzantine court, evokes the alchemical interests of emperor
are irrational and insensitive. Therefore, we do not ask them in Constanti~e V ~opronymos (741-775). He reportedly conducted
~o expenments m the ambassador's presence and transmuted lead
13
S. Troianos, 'Zauberei und Giftmischerei in mitte1byzantinischer Zeit', Fest und mto Silver and copper into gold. 21 According to G. E. von
Alltag in Byzanz, in G. Prinzing and D. Simon, eds. (Munich, 1991), 37-51, 184- Grunebaum, these experiments would have excited the caliph's
88, esp. 38: "Aber wie sich aus dem Verg1eich der Gesetzblicher des 8. und 9./!0.
Jh. ergibt, hat sich der Gesetzgeber unter den Makedonen vie! intensiver mit der
11
Bekilmpfung der Zauberei befaBt, a1s unter den Isauriern, deren (Isaurier) CCAG, V.l, 112,22-31
Gesetzbuch eine Verbesserung des Cod. Justinianus im Sinne griiBerer Milde ::CCAG, V.!, 112,6-9. .
ausgibt."
P. Magdalino 'Th p h ·
14
lmperatoris Manuel Comneni et Michael Glycae disputatio, ed. F. Cumont and F. Alexiad VI. 7. 1_7, .
e orp Y~gemta and the Astrologers: A Commentary on
Boll, CCAG, V.1, 108-25 (Manuel's letter) and 125-40 (reply by Michael History and L. ' m C. Dendrm~s et al., eds., Porphyrogenita. Essays on the
~lykas)]. On this dispute see also W. Adler, below, and works cited. Chrysostomid lle~(ure of Byzantium and ~he Latin East in Honour of Julian
Manuel crtes the mformation, which appears in Byzantine chronicles from the
10~ c., that on the fourth day of the "dedicatio" of Constantinople, Constantine the ..cbapters 4 an;s5.( dershot, 2003), 15-31; 1dem, L'Orthodoxie des astrologues,
F. JUrss, 'Johannes K t ·
Great ordered Valens, ~<jl ~oov fUlSl]fUl~Lxoov ~6~e 1tQW'teuovn, to cast th.e Astrologie', BZ 59 (I 966) 2a ranos und der Dialog ~e~ppos oder iiber die
horoscope. of the c1ty and to predict its future (CCAG, V.l, 118, 14--119, 22). ThiS 21
G Stroh . ' 75-84, esp. 282; A. Tthon, m thts volume
was done m the year 5838 from the beginning of the world (330 A. o.), on Monday · mruer "U ar · . ·
elixir' Grneco A' b' m a rbn l:lamza, Constantme V, and the invention of the
II May, in the second hour [of the day] and 26 minutes (MS Vat. gr. 191, fol. 397). ' '" - ra 1ca 4 (1991) 21 ·
16
CCAG, V.l, 112,2-6. de~ griecbischen Alchemie' : --'!; tdem, 'AI-~an~or und die fnlhe Rezeption
W!isenschaften 5 (! 989 ) ' Zeuschrift fUr Gesch1chre der arabisch-islamischen
• 167-77,esp. 172-3,
:-y..·'
170 lexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 171
Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos o{A
Alchemist and Astrologer
22
interest in alchemy. The survival of alchemy in the Byzantine d ~ Jlowing him, K. Krumbacher and K. H. Dannenfeld,
23
Empire in the eighth and later centuries argues against Usener's ~e~tio~ed Stephanos' authorship of the work and viewed it as t~e
opinion that alchemy was "forbidden" and that emperor Heraclius q m osition of a later writer because the tenth-century Arab1c
would not have been interested in it for this reason. Owing to its ~~blfographic compilation Kitab al-Fihrist by ~bn a!- Nadrm refers
philosophical background, alchemy was consistently related to to "Stephanos the older, who translated alchemical and other works
26
philosophical ideas on the composition and structure of matter and for the prince Khiilid ibn-Yazrd (d. 704 A. 0.)." On the other hand;
was understood as "practical philosophy" whereby "practical a number of researchers looked favorably upon Stephanos
philosophers" could achieve the transmutation of matter. authorship, as for example M. Berthelot, E. 0. von Lippmann, I.
Hammer-Jensen, F. Sherwood Taylor, R. Vancourt, A. Lumpe, A. 1.
Festugiere, 0. Neugebauer, and H. Hunger. 27 Yet a third group of
THE ALCHEMICAL WORK modem scholars, including L. G. Westerink, P. Lemerle, E.
Chauvon, H. D. Saffrey, and G. Fowden, agree that the present
Authorship and significance of the work documentation does not allow firm conclusions, a state of affairs
that could definitely be improved with the appearance of critical
According to tradition, Stephanos of Alexandria is the author of the editions publishing all the works that the manuscript tradition
work On the Great and Sacred Art of Making Gold/4 originally occasionally or consistently attributes to Stephanos. 28 W. Wolska-
organized as a series of lectures· (:n:ga!;eLc;). 25 First H. Usener (1880)
redistributed into nine lectures and a short letter to Theodorus; the proposed
22
G. E. von Grunebaum, Der Islam im Mittelalter (ZUrich, 1963), 453, note 76. original division (and its correspondence with the division found in the manuscript
23
See Michael Psellos, Letter on chrysopoeia, ed. J. Bidez, CMAG, VI, 1-47, text tradition and ldeler's edition) is the following: I" Lesson (MSS and Ideler: Lectures
26--42. Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner, IT, 281. D. I and II), Lette~to Theodorus (: Letter to Theodorus and Lecture III), 2"• Lesson (:
Pingree, 'Michael Psellus', Dictionary of Scientific Biography, XI, 182-86. Also Lecture N), 3 mLesson (: Lecture V), 4th Lesson (: Lecture VI), 5th Lesson (:
Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, ed. M. Berthelot and Chr. Ruelle, 3 vols. Lecture VI~. 6 Lesson (: Lecture VIII), 7'" Lesson (: Lecture IX); see M.
(Pari~, 1888), esp. II, 452-9: llegl. "tfJ£ <f>oxguoorcotia£ ~£ fJZtii)..Sev 6 Papatbanassmu, 'Stephanus of Alexandria: On the structure and date of his
oo<j>m"tU"tO£ tv <j>IAoo6<j>otl; XUQLO£ NLXlJ<j>OQO£ 6 BAEj.Lj.LUiil]£ xat l]Uj.LO(elll£ ~chemtcal work', Medicina nei secoli 8.2 (1996), 247-66, esp. 251-7.
"to\J oxorcou "tfl ouvegye(.(;t "to\J rcav"ta €~ oux oV"tmv el£ 1:6 elvm Use?e.r, 'De ~tephano Alexandrino ', 256. K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der
rca~ayay6vto£ XQLO"to\J 1:0\J UAl]8Lvou E>eou i)tuiJv, <)> rcgrneL M~a ei.<; ai.Wva£ BY1.1lnlmt~c.hen_L~teratur (Munich. 1897), 621. K. H. Dannenfeldt, 'Stephanus of
~I.Wvmv· Uj.Li)v. Also ibid., 442-46:'EQj.Ll]VELa "ti'J£ frcLO"tfJfLlJ£ "tfJ£ xguoorco~£ ~lexandna, Dtcttonary ofSciemijic Biography, XIII, 37-38 .
I£QOj.LOvaxou "tO\J Koo,m. In addition, the oldest surviving Greek alchemtcal
. M. Berthelot, Les origines de /'alchimie (Paris 1885) 100 200 E 0 ·
codex, MS Marc. gr. 299 (10'"-11'" century) belonged to Cardinal Bessarion Lippmann E 1 • • • · · - 'on
(1402-72). • • ntstemng und Ausbreitung der Alchemie (Berlin 1919) 104· 1
Hanuner-Jensen 'D" ··1 · • ' • • ·
~tephanos of Alexandria, :Ere¢6.vov JUeS"avoetw_. obtovwvtxov rptJ.oa6¢ov
24
Selskab H" I .' Ie a teste Alchymie ' Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes
' Tisonsk-filologiske Meddelelser 4.2 (Copenhagen 1921) 146 148· F
><atowaax~~v nj<; {try6.J.1J<; xai.leea<; r:txv 11 _.. II eei xevao:rwtia_., ed. J. L. SheiWood aylor 'Th 1 h · ' ' • • ·
~eler, Phystct et medici graeci minores, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1841-42; repr. (1937-8) 116-39 e a c emiCal works _of Stephanus of Alexandria', Ambi.t I
msterdam, 1963), II, 199-247, 23 (= Ideler). Stephanos' text stops on p. 213,6 demiers ~omment~t:~P· ~116-17 ~nd A:nbu: 2 (1938), 38-49; R. Vancourt, "Les
because a gap in the binding of MS Marc. gr. 299 resulted in the loss of the end of d'Alexandrie' (The rLs "II exandrms d Anstote; L'ecole d'Olympiodore. Etienne
the '_YOrk; see H. D. Saffrey, 'Historique et description du manuscrit alchimique de
.,. . se, I e 1941) 30· A J Fest ., La , • .
msmegiste, 4 vols (P . ' • · · ug1core, revelatwn d' Hermes
V_em~e Marctanus Graecus 299', in D. Kahn, S. Matton, eds., Alchimie: art. AIexandnen . ·
und Kaise
ans, 1944) esp I 239f · A L
. ; · : ·• · umpe,
·s tephanos von
htstotre et mythes (Paris and Milan, 1995); for other editions of Stephanos' work, (1973), 150-9 esp 158r-9~e0rac1Nms ' Classtcal and Mediaeval Dissertationes 9
see also F. Sherwood Taylor, 'The alchemical works of Stephanus of Alexandria' Astronomy, 3 'vols. · (Berlin• · eugebauer
) ' A H"Is tory OJ"A nctent
· Mathematical
:;~.three out of nine lectures], Ambix I (1937), 116-39 [lectures I and II] and ~ochsprachliche profaneLir' 1975
d. esp. II, _1050, 1051 n. 53, 54; Hunger, Die
25 IX 2 (1938), 38-49 [Letter to Theodorus and lecture III] L. G. Westerink A eratur er Byzantmer, II, 280.
A detatled study of th e wo rk reveals that the text was ·ongmally
. . · ed in
organiZ
seven lessons, but some time earlier than the date of MS Marc. gr. 299 was
~J62), XXV; idem, Th:o;:;;~u~ Prolegom_ena to
Platonic Philosophy (Amsterdam,
tudesurleCommentaire ast omm~manes on Plato's Phaedo, I, 22; E. Chauvon
ronomique de Stephanos d' Alexandrie' (Memoire d~
l:
172
Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 173
Alchemist and Astrologer
Conus carefully researched the personality and activities f copied between the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries. 31 The On
Stephanos of Alexandria or Stephanos of Athens 29 and pointed o~t the Great and Sacred Art of Making Gold greatly influenced the
that Byzantine historians associate the alchemical, astrological and socalled poet-alchemists (Heliodoros, Theophrastos, Hierotheos and
astronomical activity of Stephanos with the patronage of em~eror Archelaos) as is evident from several passages in their texts. 32 In
Heraclius; we should not overlook this evidence and reject the the Arabic tradition, the name and work of Stephanos (lstafanns) is
possibility that Stephanos ·was active as teacher in Constantinople.lO associated with emperor Heraclius (Hiraql). 33 The Arabic alchemical
corpus attributed to Jabir ibn I:Iayyan cites passages from
Problems of authorship aside, many scholars have misunderstood Stephanos' work or uses analogous terminology without making
34
and underestimated the importance of On the Great and Sacred Art direct reference to the Greek source. As far as alchemy in Latin is
of Making Gold. For example, M. Berthelot considered its scholarly concerned, the Turba philosophorum and Rosinus quote passages
significance to be minor; consequently, he did not include it in his (short phrases or even whole pages) lifted from the Greek
Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs (= CAAG, 1888) and gave alchemical texts that were translated verbatim (through Arabic)
only a brief summary of the subjects treated in it. Modem scholars into Latin, while the author of the Rosarium philosophicum (a mid
have also criticized it negatively on account of its rhetorical style fourteenth-century ompilation) cites nd comments on Stephanos. 35
and the absence of original scientific ideas. However, as In the early modem period, the work of Stephanos is included
commentary on selected passages of earlier alchemical texts, the in Dominicus Pizimentius' 1573 printed edition of Greek
work in fact presented its author with an opportunity to demonstrate !chemists in Latin translation, 36 as well as in later •'\ .,
editions. 37 Last but not least, about one tenth of the books owned by sequence and fashion them into a whole. This, says Stephanos, is
Isaac Newton (1643-1727) were alchemical, while nine out of exactly the research method of the philosopher; it is clearly his own
eighty-four titles recorded in his ~utograph . manuscript De method, too. His intention to unify various philosophical theories
scriptoribus chemicis refer to the Latm translation of works by under the umbrella of a single theory able to account for all
38
Greek alchemists, Stephanos included. phenomena observed in the universe seems very modem. Though
Stephanos promises to clarify everything, he in fact says nothing
Since modem criteria regarding what constitutes 'science' differ that could be clearly and immediately understood. According to L.
greatly from those of the Middle Ages, uncovering the larger G. Westerink, 40 the lack of clarity and logical sequence in
'scientific' principles underlying the work of Stephanos is a combining ideas also characterizes Stephanos' commentary on
41
challenging but necessary task, without which it would be Book III of Aristotle's De anima, an observation that furnishes an
impossible to adequately comprehend the work, intellectual profile, additional argument in favour of Stephanos' authorship of the
39
and activities of Stephanos. alchemical work. Further corroboration for this hypothesis is
supplied by H. Blumenthal's statement that "a curious mixture of
Generally speaking, the loose structure of Stephanos' lectures On Neoplatonic aims and Aristotelian content emerges from Stephanos'
making gold should not be attributed to his penchant for a personal theoria" in his commentary on Book 3 of Aristotle's De anima. 42
rhetorical style. Rather, it is the result of his effort to synthesize
various ideas originating in a wide array of disciplines into a logical
Relations between microcosm, macrocosm and chemical
operations
37 Democritus Abderita, De arte magna, sive de rebus naturalibus, necnon Synesii,
et Pelagii, et Stephani Alexandrini, et Michaelis P selli in eundem commentaria,
Dominico Pizimentio Vibonensi Interprete (Patavii apud Simonem Galignanum, A detailed study of the alchemical work demonstrates that
1573) (the work of Stephanos is found on fols. 23r-61r). Philosophus. Lectio · Stephanos' principles on "practical philosophy" are deeply rooted in
prima :n:eel xevao1Wdar;. Graece et latine cum notis crit. primus ed. Ch. Gf. Neoplatonism and especially Damascius' De principiis. These
Gruner, Jenae 1777, in: J. G. Th. Graesse, Tresor de livres rares et precieux, 8 vols. principles refer to the structure and transformations of matter, the
(Dresden, 1859-69), esp. VI (1865), 492.
38 J. Harrison, The Library of Isaac Newton (Cambridge, 1978), 59. K. Figala, J. One and Many in the world and his theoretical approach to the
Harrison and U. Pezold, 'De Scriptoribus Chemicis: sources for the establishment riddle of the philosophers, 43 i.e. the secret name of the philosophers'
44
of Isaac Newton's (al)chemicallibrary', in P. M. Harman and A. E. Shapiro, eds., stone. Stephanos proves his extensive knowledge of Greek
The investigation of difficult things. Essays on Newton and the history of the exact philosophy and science by using ideas both well-known and new
sciences in honour of D. T. Whiteside (Cambridge, 1992), 135-79, esp. 136-7,
140-141, 166 no. [15], 167 no. [25], 168 no. [36], 169 nos. [46]-[48] and [50]-[51],
171 no. [72]. As an example of Newton's study of Greek alchemical works, I refer "' Westerink, Anonymous Prolegomena to Platonic Philosophy, esp. Introduction,
to his description of a method for refining gold by heating it wit? an~imo~y: XXIV-XXV.
"Newton then attributed that knowledge to the 'Anciens,' in accord wtth hts behef "Published·as the third book of Ioannes Philoponos, In Aristotelis de anima Iibras
that all wisdom was anciently held by at least some wise men", in B. J. T. Dobbs, commentaria, ed. M. Hayduck, Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca XV (Berlin,
The Foundations of Newton's Alchemy (Cambridge, 1975, repr. 1984), 154. But 1897), 446-607.
Newton was right in attributing this method to the 'Ancients' because, as we have " H. ~lumenthal, 'John Philoponus and Stephan us of Alexandria: Two Neoplatonic
shown, MS Paris. gr. 2327, copied in 1478 by Theodoros Pelekanos, includ.es two Christtan Commentators on Aristotle?' D. J. O'Meara, ed., Neoplatonism and
recipes for refining gold and silver by heating them with antimony (Collectw.n des ~hristian Thought (Norfolk and Albany, 1982), 54-63, notes 24~7, esp. 55-56.
anciens alchimistes grecs, ed. Berthelot and Ruelle, II, 333, 28- 334, II), 111 M. ldeler225,9-l4.
44
~apathanassiou, 'N~twv xat aJ..xrnt.ekt', Otironla 16 (1995), 69-78. . and M. Papathanassiou, 'L 'reuvre alchimique de Stephanos d 'Alexandrie: structure
M. Papathanasstou, 'Stephanus of Alexandria: pharmaceuttcal nouons . ~.transfonnations de Ia matiere, unite et pluralite, l'enigme des philosophes', in C.
1
cosmology in his alchemical work', Ambix 37.3 (1990), 121-33 esp. 125ff.;AmbiX ~0.' ed. L'alchimie et ses racines phi/osophiques. La tradition grecque et Ia
38.2 (1991), 112 (addenda). lradl!wn arabe (Paris, 2005), 113-33.
?I :.I
176 Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 177
Alchemist and Astrologer
(i.e. introduced by himself), especially in what he writes regarding key and a separation of the humid from the dry, i.e. a
the relation among various parts of the macrocosm, microcosm, and separation of the souls of copper from the bodies, namely
45
the philosophers' stone. These relations may be outlined as quicksilver.<'
follows:
He goes on to explain the second and third keys:
The secret name of the philosopher's stone comprises nine letters
Earth-dross is united with air-gold through fire-quicksilver, in
forming four syllables (enta
YQUf-Lf.urca exw, 'tE'tQaa\JA.A.a~6~ the same way that black bile is united with yellow bile through
df.11) and, according to Stephanos, corresponds to 'tE'tQaaoo~a blood; this is the second key, the making of a mound
("four bodies", namely the four primary cosmic elements as solid (OLaxwo~) of putrefied [substance], so that the dross is united
bodies: fire-tetrahedron, air-octahedron, water-eicosahedron and with fire-quicksilver through sulfurous [divine] water (8Elov
VOWQ ). Air-gold is united with earth-dross by water in the
earth-cube) and to the alloy of four metals involved in chemical same way that yellow bile is united with black bile through
operations. In Greek medicine, these elements correspond to the phlegm. This is the third key, a union of air with earth, that is a
four humours of the human body (blood, yellow bile, black bile and resolution by putrefaction and boiling, i.e. by the seven
phlegm). Stephanos draws further correspondences between the four conversions (avax6.~t1J'El£), so that it becomes water and all is
united in cinnabar. 48
humors and chemical substances. He explains that
The number seven in the passage quoted above refers to the seven
blood composed of air is warm and humid and is like planets and their metals, as is evident from the correspondence that
quicksilver. Yellow bile composed of fire is warm and dry and
Stephanos draws between the four primary elements and the four
is like copper. Black bile composed of earth is dry and cold and
is like the dross of both [quicksilver and copper]. Phlegm fixed points of the Sun's annual path in the Zodiac which mark the
composed of water is cold and humid and is like the vapours of beginning of the four seasons and their zodiacal signs. These points
a watery solution of gold (i\1\an XQUOQl) which are the souls of are the two equinoxes (vernal and autumnal) and the two solstices
copper. 46 (winter and summer). He names the zodiacal signs "towers" and
thus refers to the sacred art (of making gold) as having twelve
Stephanos uses the word "key" (xl..ds;) to denote the passage from
towers (bwbexanugyos;) and twelve signs (bwbexa~cpbos;) divided
one element to another that has opposite qualities; he gives
in four groups (seasons) of three towers (signs) each: vernal equinox
examples for three of them as follows:
"Ed. Papathanassiou, 3:4: otov 'tO l'tilQ UOQUQYUQO~ tvoil'taL 'tQl UOa'tL Ou't 'ti\>
Fire-quicksilver is united with water through earth-dross like yi'Js, ~youv 'ti\~ OXWQ(a~, WOJ'tEQ 'tO aLfl.Cl tvoii'taL 'tQl $AE'ffl.Cl'tL Olit 'ti\>
blood is united with phlegm through black bile; this is the first )Uia(Vl]s xo>.fJ~. ~·~ EO'tl J'tQW'tl] XAEL> xal XWQlOfLOS 'tWV U'(QWV ex 'tWV
!;~QOlv, lOU'tEO'tt XWQlOfLO£ 'tWV 1JIUXWV 'tOil XaAxoil ex lWV oW!-Il'ltWV, i\'(OUV
tfJs XQUOaQ'(liQOU (corresponds to Ideler 220, 28-33).
" !deter 220, 13-223, 15; 244, 31-245, 12. Also Papathanassiou, 'Stephanus's "Ed. Papathanassiou, 3:6-7: Kal i] yfJ, ~youv fJ oxwQCa, tvoil'taL 'tQl UEQL
Cosmology', 127.
46 XQ~Ocp ~lit toil J't0Qo~ UOQUQYUQOU, i\'(OU i] OXWQ(a tvou'tm 'tQl uoau XQU<J<!l
The English translation follows the Greek text from the forthcoming edition by 6La tfJs U~QaQ'(liQOU. 'hOJ'tEQ i] 1-\EI.mva XOAfJ tvoiltm 'tf1 !;av8fl XOAfl Ola 'tOil
Papathanassiou, 3: 3: 'Ex f1£v UEQO> 1:0 atf!.C! SeQfLOV xat liyQOV EOLX£ tt'1 at)latos, l]tls ta1:t Oeu't€Qa x1..Et, OLaxwoEw~ 'ti\s oeol]mJias. &tws tvw8fl ~
UbQUQ'fUQ<p, UruiQXEl 'fUQ SEQ I-Ii} xat ilyQu· ex M mJQO> i] ~av8i} xol.i} 8EQ¢l OXOOQ(a 'tQl 8e(<p uOa'tl Ola 1:0\l m>Q6s. ijyouv olit 'ti\s uOQaQyiJQOU. Kat 6 ai}Q
xat U'(Qa EOLXE 'tQl xa1..xcp UruiQXOV'tL 8EQI-IC/l xat Sl]Qcp. Kat ex fl£v Jrl'l.> ~
1!£>-awa xo>.i) EoLX£ 'tf1 oxwQ((;t 1:0>v a~J4>w· UJ'tUQXEL yO.Q SlJQU xat 1JIUXQU. Ell
~~~~- tvoil1:m 'tf1 Yfi, i]'(ouv 1:f1 oxwQ(~. ota 1:oil iJOa'tO>, ~'louv 'tOil liyQoil,
-v•"''l ~ !;avei] XOAfJ tvoil'tm 'tfli-I£Aa(vn XOAfl Olit toil <j>Af.'{f!.C!tOs, ~'tlS eo-ct
M Ma't:O> 1:0 <l>l.f.'{f!.C!1JIUXQOv xat U'fQOV i\mxE 'tQl 6.VEQXO~<p Ma'tl XI!" 0<P· tQ(tlj xl..el; i\vwo~ 'tOil UEQO> 1-\E'tU 'tfJS 'lfJ>, ~'fOUV l.uo~s olit 'ti\> o'i]1jJEW>
01tEQ EO'tLV at 1Jiuxat 'tOil xa1..xoil· UJtUQXEL YUQ 1JIUXQOV xat uyQ6V. The
corresponding passage in ldeler 220 18-24 presents significant textual ~at Elp~oew,, 'tOU'tton 1:0>v El'tn't avax6.~t1JIEWV, xat ywoi-\EVlJ> UOWQ xat
differences. ' ' , OUIJ£vwv J'tUV'tWV tv 'tQl UJ.Ul, ~youv yevo~wv tv 'tfl XLvvaP6.QEL
,corresponds to ldeler 221, 2-12).
178 Maria Papathanassiou Stepbanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 179
Alchemist and Astrologer
and signs-towers Aries, Taurus, and Gemini ~orrespond to air; referring to the "body (alloy) of four elements (metals)"
mer solstice and signs Cancer, Leo and V1rgo correspond to (tetQaato£xr.p aooJ.LUtL) Stephanos means the cosmogonic Egg of
~~~ fall equinox and signs _Libra, ~corpio ~nd Sagitt~us Greek philosophy which, according to Orphic doctrine, "is older not
spond to water; winter solstice and s1gns Capncom, Aquanus only than the bird, but is older than anything in the world".st
corre 49
and Pisces correspond to earth. Consequently, this Egg is a dynamic image of the All represented by
the two cosmic revolutions and should be identified with the Stone
St phanos explains that the bodies and colours of the seven planets of the philosophers.
ar: precisely the seven bodies and colours of this composition, the
Stephanos continues by drawing correspondences between the
tetrasomia. In the same manner that the seven planets pass through
the signs of the Zodiac, the seven bodies and colors pass through primary elements on the one hand, and colors and parts of the
(i.e. appear in) the composition made up of the four elements. human body on the other, as follows: Earth corresponds to white
According to Stephanos, the "mysterion of the philosophers" (where and to the part from feet to knees. Water is far-shining (tl]A.avye~)
mysterion is a multi-valent word meaning "mystery, secret", but and translucent (bwvyE~) and corresponds to the part from knees to
also "mystic rite", "an object used in magic rites, talisman" and navel. Fire is yellow (~av8ov) and fiery (bLWtvQOV) and
"symbol") is carried out by means of the sev_en _planets;_ the corresponds to the part from navel to heart. Air is saffron-coloured
philosophers call it the "Egg of the philosophers wh1ch IS not bud by (xeox&be~) and corresponds to the part from heart to neck. 52 Why
a bird" (<jJov t&v <j>LA.oa6<j>wv, O:lt£Q OQVL~ oux EYEVV'Il0£). By
50
does Stephanos omit the head? Because, as is clearly stated in
Plato's Timaeus, "the divine revolutions, which are two, (the gods]
49 Ed. Papathanassiou, 3:9: ~~vay6J.LEVa ouv rra;·w y(vovrm. 1)~1\EKa e.:
bound within a sphere-shaped body, in imitation of the spherical
lEOOaQOL lQICtliUIW<;. "Qme ouv liwliexarrueyo<; urraexouoa TJFV f) WQU form of the All, which body we now call the "head," it being the
lfxVTJ' lQOrrWV tEOOUQOJV ava lQLWV rrilgywv liwliexa!;cplio<; A£YElUL elvm, most divine part and reigning over all the parts within us" (44D).
avaxux1..ouj.ikvt] tel<; rgorra<; oihw<;· ijyouv eagtvfj<;, xgL6<;, tallQO<;, 1)(1\ufiO~ Moreover, "[the gods] planted the mortal kind apart therefrom in
at)Q· 8EQLVfj<;, XUQXLVO<;, Mwv, rrageevo<;, rrlJQ• J.IE'tO~OJQLVfj<;,' !;uy6<;, another chamber of the body, building an isthmus and boundary for
crxogrrL6<;, 'tOl;6'tTJ<;. Mwg· XELJ.IEQLVfj<;, aiy6xegw<;, MQoxoo<;, txeue<;, ~·
liru:Q cruvay6f.I£Va 6f10ll y(vov'taL 'tQorrat 'teooaee<;· eagtvf), 8EQLVTJ, the head and chest by setting between them the neck to the end that
J.LE801UJlQLVfl, XELJ.LEQLvfl, ijyouv 'teooaga O'tOLXEia· UEQO<;, rruQ6<;, Mara<;, yfl<; they might remain apart" (69E). 53
(corresponds to ldeler 221, 2~34). .
"'The phrase is missing from MS Marc. gr. 299 (10"'/11"' century), where there.ts Stephanos says that the head regulates the change of humours in the
a gap in its place; it survives in MS Paris. gr. 2325 (13"' century) and MS_ Pam.
human body exactly as the alternation of seasons regulates the
gr. 2327 (a. 1478); ldeler 222, 10 marks a gap and quotes a somewhat dtfferent
(wrong) sequence of words. The full Greek text reads as follows (ed.
Papathanassiou, 3:10): 'QoautOJ<; rraALV ExEL 'tel OWftU'ta xat 'tel XQWJ.LCllU t!ilV "0. Kern, Orphicorum Fragmenta (Berlin, 1922), 143: (Plutarch, Quaest. Sympos.
ema clOlEQOJV 't(i)V )..eyoJ.Jtvwv rrAaVTJlWV 'tWV au'tWV Elliwv 'tE xat oxTJfi(lroov, II 3,1 p. 636d) ae(ow l;uvct:olOL lOV 'Og<j>txov UoQOV )..6yov, o<; oux OQVLBO<;
liru:Q Elcrt 'tel emu O!OJ.LU'ta xat 'tel XQWJ.LCllU 'tOll au'toll cruv8~J.LUlO<;. ~ fi(Jvov lO cpov arro<jla(vEL J"tQEO~UlEQOV, aHa xa\ ou)..)..a~WV futaoav au~<)>
y(vOV'tUL J.LE'tcl 'tf)v 'tclSLV 'tWV emu amEQOJV. "Qorree yaQ OUlOL ol EJ"tta ~V <irraV~OJV 6iJ.Oll J"tQEO~UYEvEICtV UVU't(8TJOL
amtge<;, ijyouv ol rr)..avij'te<;, el.aegx6f.I£VOL ev wi<; arr1..avtm liwliex~ t<Pii(oi Ed. _Pap~thanassiou, 3: II: 'Ex flkv rrobwv EO>£ ~G>v yovarwv ro til<; yfl<;
xat ESEQX6J.IEVOL <jla(vovmt f1kv ytv6f.1£VOL xat arroytv6f.1£VOL, outOJ<; Kat '_lt01XELO~ Ul"tUQXEL xat ear\ AEUXOV woet XLWV' EX liE lWV yovarwv EW<; roil
tailta ta emu OWJ.LUta xat ta XQWJ.LCl'ta <jlatv6f.1£Va flkv y(vovtm 11,a 011'l>a:l.ou ~o toll Mara<; motxeiov urraexet toll xarox(fl.OU xat Em\ 'tTJAauy€<;
cirroy(vovmt Ev tlji au'tcj> ouv8EJ.LCltL rlji ex reooagwv ormxe(Olv ioxte8EV't~ ~<; x~lli~auy€<; tlji re dliet xat Tfl OewQ((;t· xa\ ex toll OJ.L<jlakoll ~w<; til<; xaelila<;
lith. t!ilv errta acr'ti\Qwv 1:G>v 1..eyofikvwv rr)..avTJ'tG>v xat 1\wlie~a Urr)..av v ~~0 rru.eo<; mmxeiov urraexet wll xaroxlfl.Ou xa\ em\ l;aveov xa\
!;cpli(wv tEAEitUL 'tO tWV <jl!Aoo6<jlwv UlQEXEOta'tOV J.L~O'tTJQLOV, o:; Oto QOV. OJ<; to rrllQ' xat EX til<; xaglila<; EOJ<; lOll auxevo<; ~0 lOll UEQO<;
~EXATJtUL rrag'au'tOi<; ljJov r&v rptJ.oa6rpwv, on_e(! liQv~ ovx eytvv,ae, x~t <; 53 Pl~~iov_umtQXEL xat Eat\ xgoxwlie<; (corresponds to ldeler 222, 12-20).
E<jlaoav, a)..)..' 0 VOll<; tOll rrQO<jlfllOU £<jlwgato, omL<; UJ"tUQXEL, O (Ill; ( E)~[•maeus, tr. R. G. Bury (Cambridge, Mass., 1929; repr. 1981), (440) 98-9,
69
(corresponds to Ideler 221,34-222, 12). 0-81.
ll!O Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 181
Alchemist and Astrologer
change of juices in nature. But the alternation of seasons depends on under the rays of the Sun, is found in the subsequent [Zodiacal
signs]; again the [planet] of Saturn is faintly discernible due to
the Sun's annual motion in the Zodiac (ecliptic); consequently, both the steepness of its height; again the [planet] of Mars is
the head and the Zodiac regulate all changes observed in the human preparing the burning cut; towards these [planets] comes the
body (microcosm) and the world (macrocosm). Finally, Stephanos Moon dressed as a bride [and] takes up the towed ships of the
says that the changes of the four primary elements into one another nine parts; by means [of the Moon] the alloy that is in the
process of mixing itself does so to perfection. 56
and the occurrence of natural phenomena are similar to what takes
place in a chemical apparatus: the cover (<j>avo<;) of the earthen pot
(xu6Qa, A<.Ol'ta<;) looks like the sky that covers the earth; many This passage can be explained as follows: at dawn the Sun is under
changes occur in both the sky and the chemical apparatus as the horizon; "Mercury, under the rays of the Sun, is found in the
54
putrefaction and the dross of metals change by exhalation. subsequent [Zodiacal signs]" means that Mercury is also under the
horizon and is therefore invisible. "Venus attained the Persian dawn
and precedes the rays of the Sun" means that Venus is visible as
An astronomical phenomenon recorded "the morning star" near the eastern horizon at dawn. "Saturn is
faintly discernible due to the steepness of its height" refers to
In revealing the unity of the world, Stephanos related celestial and Saturn's great distance from the Earth according to ancient
terrestrial phenomena to man in various ways. The well-known cosmological models. "Mars is preparing the burning cut" means
correspondence between planets and metals (Sun-gold, Moon-silver, that Mars (understood by astrology as the ruler of Aries and related
Mercury-quicksilver, Venus-copper, Mars-iron, Jupiter-tin, Saturn- to violent activities, weapons, cuts, burns, and the metal iron) is
lead) and the observation of a particular planetary phenomenon at preparing to pass from the last Zodiacal sign, Pisces (a watery sign),
the time that he was writing his alchemical work stimulated his to the first one, Aries (a fiery sign). "The Moon comes dressed as a
imagination and inspired him to include its allegorical description in bride" towards these planets indicates that the Moon is about to
his text. come in conjunction with the Sun (new Moon), a phenomenon
allegorically understood as their marriage, a theogamia.
The following passage, if explained in astronomical terms, can be Consequently, after the full Moon, the Moon is now moving
understood as describing the Constantinopolitan eastern sky near the towards these planets and the Sun, without having yet been in
horizon at dawn and may be used as a clue to aid the identification conjunction with any one of them. As deduced from the author's
of its author and the date of its composition:" poetic account of this particular planetary phenomenon, the order of
the planetary positions from east to west is as follows: Mercury, Sun
(invisible under the horizon), Venus, Saturn, Mars, Moon (visible
Again the [planet] of Venus attained the Persian dawn and above the horizon).
precedes the rays of the Sun; again the [planet] of Mercury,
Ed. Papathanassiou, 7:7: "QonEQ ouv EX wii ouQavoii xaJWQ0£1h6lc; til yfl
54
In the last sentence of the passage the author refers to "the alloy that emperor Heraclius (5 October 610-11 January 641) at
is in the process of mixing itself'; this is the alloy composed of the Constantinople. The lack of any reference to Jupiter in the text
metals that correspond to the planets mentioned earlier according to evidently means that it was not visible.
the Stoic principle of sympathy between all parts of the world, a
principle which underlies the traditional correspondence between According to calculations made on the computer with the program
celestial bodies (planets), terrestrial things (metals, precious and Voyager, during the reign of Heraclius there were 93 cases of great
semi-precious stones, plants, animals etc) and parts of the human assemblies of the Sun, the Moon and four planets, independently of
body. This may be related to the subsequent passage: their order in the sky and their visibility; but only three of those (7
June 617, II March 636, and 19 February 638) fulfill most
The whole operation includes three [bodies/ elements/ metals] astronomical conditions described in the passage. Closer
and displays the tetrasomia [= the four bodies] as a fourth, examination helps eliminate the conjunctions of 636 and 638, since
proceeding in an orderly manner. And they [= the bodies/ the order of the visible planets (as seen successively in increasing
planets] run about to serve the most pure one [= Moon], so that height above the horizon) was Mars, Venus, and Saturn. This
by means of the vigorous [conjunctions?] they spur
sequence is different from the one described in the text (Venus,
[themselves?] on towards the rays of the Sun, so that what
[comes] from something perfect and is perfect be combined Satum, Mars). In addition, in both 636 and 638 Mars was in the
with [other] perfect [things]. 57 Zodiacal sign of Aquarius; especially in February 638, it was very
near the Sun and moving towards Capricorn (retrograde motion),
"The tetrasomia proceeding in an orderly manner" here signifies the i.e. in a direction away from Aries. Consequently, in neither case <'
four planets (apart from the Sun and the Moon) proceeding in order could Mars have been preparing the "burning cut" by entering ...,.
on the Zodiacal zone. The passage means the following: the Moon- Aries. After eliminating the years 636 and 638 from consideration,
silver comes in successive conjunctions with the four planets-metals the astronomical conditions on 7 June 617 deserve closer
of the tetrasomia, changes their colours by transmuting their examination:
substances and leads them towards the Sun as it (the Moon) is
moving towards its conjunction with the Sun; in this way the Moon
leads the four planets to their perfection through union with the Sun- Constantinople, 7 June 617,04.15 am local time (02.15 UT)
gold.
Planet Rising Setting Zodiacal sign
The date of the work
Sun 04:29am 07:32pm 17° 52' Gemini
If this passage really refers to a planetary phenomenon observed. by
Stephanos during the time that he was composing his alchellllCal Mercury 05:32am 08:56pm 04° 33' Cancer
work, one should be able to identify a great assembly of the Sun, the
Venus 03:54am
Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, and Saturn in a relatively narrow part 06:42pm 07° 51' Gemini
of the sky, seen in the eastern sky at dawn during the reign of the
Mars 01:04am 01:00pm 01° 39' Aries
" ldeler 228, 28-32: ... tva lQLWV OVlWV Til~ xa96),.ou EQyao(u~. 'tE'tclQ't11V {Jupiter 11:32 am 12:29am 15° 18' Virgo]
avabell;eL ti}v le"tQaowjUuv ~ab~ouoav ein6.K't(J)~. Kat 1\LUlQt)(OUOL ltQ~
U:rct]Qeo(uv 't'f\~ xa9aQW't6.ll]~. tva b..U 't<ilv e\Jlovouv'twv xev'tf]owmv !tQO~
la~ 'tofl it/J.ou auya~. il=~ lo tx u),.ef.ou 'teAetov leAef.oL~ ouva<j>Bft
184
Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos Of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 185
Alchemist and Astrologer
Saturn 03:21am 05:32pm S banos' lifetime in the early seventh century and the late tenth-
25° 33' Taurus
tef eleventh century, i. e. the date ascribed on the basis of
Moon 03:09am 05:53pm 22° 29' Taurus
;~?ography to MS Marc. gr. 299, the earliest among the
manuscripts that contain the work. We s~ould. therefore ch~ck
whether the astronomical phenomeno~ descn?ed m. the alchemical
If we were at Constantinople on that date and Stephanos invited us work repeated itself at any other time dunng th1s four-century
to admire with him the splendid view of the starry sky, he would period.
first show us Mercury, visible in the twilight as an evening star low
in the west; and next morning early at dawn (4:05 am local time, 24 Let us begin with the celestial phenomenon itself. It i~ true tha~ such
an astronomical phenomenon may occur several times dunng a
minutes before sunrise) in increasing height from the eastern .i
given century because of the participation of the planets Sun, l
horizon he would show us Venus as a morning star very low in the
Mercury and Venus. As Plato says in his Timaeus (380), "and the
east but visible because of its great brightness; a little higher than
Venus Saturn would be in conjunction with the crescent of the Morning Star [i.e. Venus] and the Star called Sacred to Hermes He
wanin~ Moon, and finally red Mars high in the sky. The position of [i. e. God] placed in those circles which move in an orbit equal to
Mars in 1°39' Aries, a fiery Zodiacal sign and the first subsequent to the Sun in Velocity, but endowed with a power contrary thereto;
the vernal equinox, explains why "Mars is preparing the burning whence it is that the Sun and the Star of Hermes and the Morning
cut": Stephanos must have been observing the planets for many days Star regularly overtake and are overtaken by one another". 58 The
Moon joins them every month but the order of its successive
while this particular planetary phenomenon gradually evo~ved. ~ars
was moving straight forward (towards the subsequent zodiacal Sign) conjunctions with them differs from one month to the next. In our
through the last degrees of Pisces before entering Aries on 4 June. case a major differentiation in this "regular" phenomenon appears
Meanwhile, the Moon, after the full Moon of 26 May, would come because of the participation of the planets Mars and Saturn whose
successively into conjunction with Mars (3 June), Saturn (7 June) sidereal periods of revolution around the zodiac are ca. two (1.88)
and Venus (8 June), reaching its next conjunction with the Sun (new years and ca. thirty (29.46) years respectively. 59 This means that we
Moon) on 9 June 617. Stephanos does not mention the 3 June do not see every month an astronomical phenomenon in which all
conjunction of Moon and Mars in Pisces, possibly because he wrote these planets are involved. Moreover, such phenomena are not
this lecture some time after 26 May 26 but before 3 June 617 · always visible, as their visibility depends on the angular distances of
the planets involved in relation to that of the Sun in the Zodiac. But
even if such a phenomenon is visible, there are two opposite regions
The astronomical method explained of the sky in which it may be observed: either in the eastern part of
the sky at dawn (if Mercury or Venus or both are morning stars) or
in the western part of the sky at twilight (if Mercury or Venus or
A legitimate question may arise as far as this method of dating the
both are evening stars). This condition further restricts the
alchemical work of Stephanos is concerned: if the single date
fulfilling all astronomical conditions deduced from the text is fo~nd
"Plato, Timaeus, tr. Bury (380), 79.
by searching only the astronomical phenomena that occurred dunng
"The sidereal period is the time that a planet takes to complete one orbit relative
the forty years of Heraclius' reign, is this not a circular argum~nt to. the fixed stars. The position of a given planet is measured on the ecliptic by
based on the assumption that the alchemical work is a genume usm~ the coordinates of the ecliptic (ecliptic longitude, ecliptic latitude); we
composition by Stephanos? If the attribution of the alchemical work constder the point of the vernal equinox as point zero on the ecliptic. A planet
to Stephanos is false, it could have been written any time between m~es a whole revolution around the zodiac (i.e. the ecliptic) when it returns to the
:I_Dt .w~re it was when we begun observing it, i.e. to the same degree on the
lipttc (t.e. the same ecliptic longitude).
186 Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 187
Maria Papathanassiou
Alchemist and Astrologer
possibilities of when the astronomical phenomenon described in the alchemical work of Stephanos. If our allegorical interpretation of
alchemical text may have occurred. this passage is correct, the only viable celestial phenomenon it could
be describing between the seventh and the eleventh centuries would
Let us now further narrow our search by imposing an even more be the one visible from Constantinople and evolving around 7 June
restrictive requirement: the order of the planets seen in the sky as 617.
compared to that described in the text. By moving continuously, the
six celestial objects mentioned in the astronomical passage (Sun, This piece of evidence becomes particularly intriguing when we
Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Saturn) keep changing their angular also take into consideration the fact that Stephanos of Alexandria is
distances from one another and, in due time, also their order. the author of a very important commentary on Ptolemy's Handy
Though there are many different ways in which we can combine and Tables, in which he gives his own examples explaining the use of
order six different objects, once a particular sequence and location Ptolemy's tables60 for the calculation of solar, lunar and planetary
on the sky relative to one another are required, possibilities become positions, as well as solar and lunar eclipses calculated for the
considerably more limited. The astronomical passage describes a coordinates of Constantinople. 61 The dates of calculated examples in
concentration of the planets except Jupiter in a relatively small part this commentary fall in the years 617-619. 62 his suggests that during
of the sky, forming what in astrological terms is called a great this period Stephanos was in Constantinople and consistently
assembly or great conjunction. For this reason, we may allow an observed and calculated the motion and position of the Sun, the
angular distance of 48 degrees (equal to the greatest elongation of Moon, and the other planets. Had he been not in Constantinople but
Venus from the Sun) for their positions on the ecliptic. The passage Alexandria, he would have used the data of Ptolemy's tables as they
does not explicitly mention in which sign of the Zodiac the whole are given for the geographic latitude of Alexandria without
phenomenon occurred. However, it does provide us with a valuable modifying them for Constantinople's coordinates. It seems that
piece of information, "Mars is preparing the burning cut" which, as Stephanos, while systematically engaged with the observation of
we have seen, indicates the passage of Mars from Pisces (water) to astronomical phenomena for the purposes of his commentary on
Aries (fire). In the passage, Mars rises first and is followed by Ptolemy, was also composing his alchemical work. The particular
Saturn. Therefore, the key in searching for the occurrence of such a planetary phenomenon he observed around the beginning of June
celestial phenomenon in the four centuries after the reign of 617 i~p.ress~d him so much that he decided to include its allegorical
Heraclius is to identify instances when Mars was in the last degree descnptiOn m the alchemical work. By the beginning of the seventh
of Pisces and Saturn a few degrees further in the successive order of
signs. A search in Owen Gingerich, Solar and Planetary Longitudes
:, On Ptolemy's Handy Tables, see Neugebauer, A Historv of Ancient
for the Years -2500 to +2000 by Ten-Day Intervals (Madison, mathematical Astronomy• II • 969-78 • ·
61~
1963) yields thirty-two possible dates (beginning with 672, 674 and • 1ecpavou, !JZYa/-ou <jn/..oa6cj>ou xal i\Ael;av1\Q€W£ 1\Laaacj>T(OL<; €1; oixelrov
ending with 1086, 1088), as Saturn moves ca. two years in each sign ~l!Ob' ELY!Wtwv tfi£ tWV :rtQOXeLQOJV xav6vrov ecj>61\ou toi) 8EOJVO£ in MS Vat
and Mars can overtake him twice in the same or the next sign. These ' mas gr. ~0. Usener edited a few chapters of the work based on f~ur MSS: "C
thirty-two possibilities were further explored by running a computer =~~~tabngen~is_. cuius p_raesto mihi erat apographon Gottingense (cod. ms,
0 codJcis Barocc~am (an Cromwelliani?). U cod. Urbinas gr. 80 chart.
search with the help of the program Voyager, through which oth~r 5
XV ),
Mexru: ~ c?d. Vaticanus gr. 304 chart. s. XV." See Usener, 'De Stephano
P~~~~ters such as the order of the planets on the sky and theJ£ 62 N drino • 289-319 [289-295 commentary, 295-319 text].
VISibility on its eastern part at dawn can be taken into consideration. eugebauer A H' 1 •, A .
Chauvon 'Etu' IS ory OJ nc1~111 Mathematical Astronomy, II, 1045-50. E.
The computer search indicates that none of the conjunctions that M.-cb Hu de. sur le Com~enta1re astronomique de Stephanos d' Alexandrie';
occurred until 1088 A.D. fulfils the astronomical requirements novemb l0. Stephane d _Alexandrie: Calcul de !'eclipse de Solei! du 4
deduced from our reading of the astronomical passage in the Papathanre8SSIOU
. (Mem. de licence, Universite Catholique de Louvain 1987)
'St h ' .
Handtafeln d 'p ep ~os von Alexandreia', Teil I, 2.C. Kommentare zu den
es tolema10s.
188 Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 189
Alchemist and Astrologer
64
The
Ostro ?hanes Contin~atus, ed. I. Bekker, CSHB (Bonn, 1838), 338,10-12. G.
g rsky,· Gesch1chte des byzantinischen Staates ' Handbuch der
~ E.g. Ideler 230, 24: Oihw llij A.ourov v6e~ 11at 'tO xa'/..K6"f..QOJOV til~ AItenum
61 Nike ~WJssensch.aften XII, 1-2, 3rd ed. (Munich, 1963), 77-93.
A<jlQoli(nJS 8eQIJ(Jv ilmlQ.r..eL 'tfl <jluaeL (So you should consider that the copper·
colored body of Venus is warm by nature). comm ~ :s, Patriarch of Constantinople, Short History, §§24-25, ed., tr., and
· · ango, CFHB l3 (Washington, D. C., 1990), 72-5.
'I
190
Maria Papathanassiou Stepbanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 191
Alchemist and Astrologer
Ma'shar. 66 Whether the astrological book (apotelesmatikon) by based on six Byzantine manuscripts dating from the fourteenth to
Stephanos of Alexandria listed in this catalogue is the surviving the sixteenth centuries and containing two types of design for the
Apotelesmatike Pragmateia or a different one can only remain an horoscope. 70 As is the case with the alchemical work, Stephanos'
open question. However, by the tenth century, "Stephanos the authorship of this piece is also considered spurious.
Astrologer" (~1:e<j>avo; 6 f1U8ru..ta'ttx.o;) was recognized as the
authority who had cast a horoscope pertinent to the early Islamic Before discussing the problem any further, let us focus on certain
conquest, as is explicitly mentioned in the De administrando aspects of the text based on Usener's edition. 71 The treatise can be
imperio (Chapter 16).67 The Apotelesmatike Pragmateia by 72
divided into three parts. In the first, the author refers to "the books
Stephanos of Alexandria is also mentioned by the eleventh-twelfth- of ancient wise men books on scientific initiation through ·11
century Byzantine historian Georgios Kedrenos; 68 both passages astronomy" and explains the "introductory method" to them.
have already been identified and discussed by H. Usener. Among other things, he also tries to offer his readers a clear
knowledge "through the eventual and possible configuration of the
In addition to these cursory references in Byzantine historiography, stars" which God gave us to use "like a prophetess." The author
we also have the well-known and much-debated text of the piously points out that all natural phenomena and changes observed
Apotelesmatike Pragmateia, an astrological treatise that includes a in the world as well as all political and social events, even a man's
horoscope of Islam. It has been edited by H. Usener as part of his talents and status in society depend on God. In other words,
article entitled 'De Stephana Alexandrino'. 69 Usener's edition is everything depends on the "will and energy of the Creator, God of
all, to whom alone belongs the creative causality." God uses the
66
CCAG, I, 83ff.: IleQl t<ilv <'m:oxeL~vwv 1totE tv t<i> n:a~at(cp ~$Mwv stars and their motions as simple instruments even though he could
J.!USI']J.!UtLx<ilv xal 111'1 1\LIIo~wv: Ehtev a\Jt<)£ (sc. 6 i\n:oJ.lftcraQ) OtL tit achieve his aims without the stars. The author asserts firmly that
<'m:otE~EcrJ.IU'tLXU ~Lj3~(a ta <'m:oxe(J.!£Va ev t<iJ n:a~at(<p xal J.L~ I\LI\6J.LEVa tLVl "perfect and true knowledge belongs to God, while men, making
El£ avayvwmv ana X(l)~U6J.LEVU elot tailta· To <'m:01:E~EcrJ.!UtLXOV tO~
~te<j>6.vou toil i\~e!;avliQEW£ . . . .
conjectures on the basis of the elements and the stars, in part know
67
Identified by Usener, 'De Stephano Alexandrino', 257 note*: "Constantin. and in part predict." Consequently, both the extent of our knowledge
Porphyrog. c. 16, p. 37 Menes. 'Em]~Sov ol ~aQaxl']vot J.Ll'JVL ~=e~Q(cp tQ('I!l
lvliLXtuilvo£ liex6.'tl'J£ El£ to Mxawv EtO£ 'HQax~ewu, €to£. W!o xro~oo\;
x6crJ.LOu £Q~. vilv bE €crt\ £WO lvliLxtuilVO£ liex6.tl']£ ltEJ.11ttl'J£, W£ dvm ltml ~ ~oucrav ~~ veo<j>avf) xat ii8eov VOJ..1.08ecr(av toil MW6.J.LEO, n:o~M lie xat
tOtE EW£ vilv XQ6VOU£ 1JlJ.L. To bE 8ef16.nov 'tWV aut<ilv ~aQUXI']VWV EyEvEtO al.ka t<il~ J.LEAAovtwv n:goayOQEUoucra. Horoscopes of Islam are also known in
el£ J.Li')Va ~E~QLOV tQ('tl']V, i]~Q<;t ltEJ.11ttTI· El£ 'tOU£ autoU£ xe6voU\; the Ara~1c astrological tradition (friendly communications by Prof. Dr. sc. G.
l'tQWtO£ UQXI'JYO£ t<ilv i\Q6.~wv Mou6.J.LE8 6 xat 1tQO<In)tl'J£ aut<ilV XQI']J.LUtUl<l\; ~trohmruer, Berlin, and Maria Mavroudi).
EXQU'tl']<JE tii£ UQXii£ t<ilv i\Q6.~wv E'tl'J evvea. [=Constantine Poprhyrogennetos,
a Usener, _'De Ste~hano Alexandrino', 289: "In adnotatione critica opusculi
De administrando imperio, ed. and tr. Gv. Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins, CFHB I
potelesmattci h1s hbrorum signis usus sum A Laurent 28 14 quo V Rose
(Washington, D. C., 1967, repr. 1993), 80.:.81]." •
68
Usener, 'De Stephana Alexandrino', 257: "(Cedrenus, Hist., t. I, p. 717,7) tQl ~
~~mplo usus est s. XIV chart.; B Laurent. 28, 13 etC La~ren; 28, 16 exe~pla s.
EtEL (imp. Heraclii) ijyouv t<i> £QAa' <'m:o xtWEW£ x6crJ.LOu, J.Ll'JVL crrnte~Q(Ql Y• con: Y· Roseo conlata; R apographon Valentini Rosei h. e. codices AB(C)
i]~Q<;l e' eytveto 8Ef1{ttLOV t<ilv ~UQUXI']VWV 1t<lQU ~te<j>avou i\~el;avOQEOl\; xv/~entes cf. p. 258; _M Monacensis n. 105 s. XVI; V Vindob. phil. gr. 108 s.
tautm£ xavovumvto£ xeatf)crm, ev toxua ~ E'tl'J ,e·.
ev lie tfi crucrteo<t>n (La ?e .type of design for the horoscope is preserved in the Florentine
Ale:=~ 3and. Munich (M_onacensi~) MSS_ (Usener, 'De Stephano
xal 6.xatacrtacr(q. xat cruJ.L<PoeQ: EtEQ<;t Etl'J V£', W£ elvm ti]v liL<XxQatl']OLV
autwv futacrav euwxoilcrav liucrtuxoucrav E'tl'j tl;e' . . . Mv iiQa xal-.6>\; 'Des h • 21), another type IS drawn m the VIenna (Vindob.) MS (Usener,
tep ano Alexandrino', 322).
€8ef1{ttwev 6 6.crtQov6J.LO, ~te<!Javo,· a.~~· w£ OLJ.IUL ~rntov n:axu ~1-.aOEV
11
E:xetvov." ~ ~::~~~ssi?~· '~tE~av~u. i\Ae~aVIiQE~£ ~OtE~E<JJ.LUtLXt') 1tQUYJ.L<l'tE(a
"'Usener, 'De Stephana Alexandrino', 247-89, 321-22 with two designs of the 107-17 tou IcrMJ.L • Ot E1t!aT1'/J!EI; OTOV EAA1'/VIXO xweo (Athens, 1997),
horoscope; ibid., 266, 17-20: ~te<j>6.vou cp1Aocr6<j>ou i\~e!;avoeeoo\; "Usen~r •
WtotE~(JJ.!UtLXij l'tQUYJ.UltECa l'tQO\; TLf168eov tov autoil J.LUSI']~V. n:g6<!laOLV ' De Stephano Alexandrino', 266, 5-271, 22.
192 Maria Papathanassiou Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 193
Alchemist and Astrologer
and the accuracy of our predictions through the position of the stars demonstrates accurate knowledge of the events that transpired
73
are always restricted and subject to failure. But Stephanos' lectures during the reign of the successive Arab caliphs from the beginning
On making gold prove his great piety as they begin and end with oflslam until the end of the eighth century; from that point on, the
prayers greatly influenced by the works of the early Christian "predictions" are all wrong, which indicates that the work cannot
fathers. have been written at the beginning of the seventh century and must
have been put together, at least in the form that we have it, towards
In the second part74 the author explains for what reason and when he the end of the eighth century. David Pingree has argued that the
cast the horoscope of Islam and proceeds in a general analysis of it author of the Apotelesmatike Pragmateia is well-informed both ! :••
according to known astrological principles. He says that he was iti about the work of Stephanos on Ptolemy's Handy Tables and the "
the school's small garden with his students when he was visited by methods of Sassanian political astrology described in treatises on
Epiphanios, a merchant who had just arrived from Arabia Felix catarchic horoscopes written by Theophilos, son of Thomas, a
(euoa(j.WJV AQa~(a). Upon entering, Epiphanios requested that Maronite Syrian Christian who knew Greek and served as personal
Stephanos order one of his students to suspend the astrolabe and astrologer to caliph al-Mahdi (r. 775-785). 77
find the ascending degree of the ecliptic (<hQoaxomxf]v J.LOtQav),
the planetary positions and the cardinal points of the horoscope, The remainder of the present article will argue that at least the
because of the importance of the news that Epiphanios was about to introduction to the Apotelesmatike Pragmateia does go back to a
report; Stephanos ordered "his Sophronios" to do so. "While genuine astrological work by Stephanos written in the early seventh
Sophronios was busy suspending the astrolabe and calculating the century; and that the time, place, and prosopographical data that
hour, Epiphanios began his narrative" regarding the appearance and frame the narrative around tl.te horoscope of Islam reflect realities
activity of Mul.tammad in ArabiaY Clearly, the numerical data taken about the life, activities, and intellectual circle of Stephanos.
by Sophronios and later studied by Stephanos are meant for a The~fore, the portrait of Stephanos as an astrologer was not newly
catarchic horoscope (xm:aQxf]v), the kind cast at the beginning of fabnc~ted toward~ the end of the eighth century; rather, astrological
an undertaking in order to predict its outcome. This is the reason expertise was attnbuted to him more than a century after his death
why the astrolabe is raised at the very moment when Epiphanios because he was already known as an astrologer during his lifetime.
begins his narrative about the inception of Mul.tammad's movement. ~t but not ~east, .the astronomical data of the horoscope of Islam
The third part includes the predictions about the events that will ~e will be exammed m order to suggest that it might not have been
place "during the dominion of this nation", i.e. the Muslims, both ~n calculated backwards (i.e. by a later forger) but may represent the
general terms, following the characteristics of the planets found m result of a genuine observation of the heavens that took place
each one of the horoscope's houses, and specifically during the exactly when the text says it did, on 1 September 621.
reign of each one of Islam's future caliphs. 76
"Usener, 'De Stephano A1exandrino', 266,5-7; 267, 10-15; 267,24-268, 2; 268 • " D. Pingree 'CI . I . . .
_3
(1989), 227 esasstca und Byzantme Asirology m Sassanian Persia', DOP 43
J,S-20; 270, 25-29; 271, 10-16, 19-21.
75
:ne
Usener, Stephano Alexandrino', 271,23-279, 13.
9
Mine/alter (Zu'. t'~36 • 238 -39. See also G. E. von Grunebaum, Der Islam im
Mathematical Asrtc ' 963 >· 465 n. 58. Neugebauer, A History of Ancient
76
Usener, ,De Stephano A1exandrino', 271, 23-25; 272, 3-13. tronomy, II, 1050.
Usener, De Stephano Alexandrino', 279, 14-289.
194 Maria Papathanassiou Stephano S Of Alexandria·· A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 195
·Alchemist and Astrologer
the Ptolemaic Syntaxeis (in th_e plural) must indic~te not on!~
Relations between the Horoscope of Islam and the alchemical Pt Iemy or's major astronomical work, the Meg!Sie Syntaxis
work (c~mmonly known as the Almagest) but also his astrological one,
the Syntaxis Tetrabiblos. The approach to alchemy seems to be
mostly theoretical, si?ce it _is referred _to as "allegorical"
Two short passages in the first section of the Apotelesmatike
(XTJJ.LEVtLXU~ aAATJYOQL<X~). This calls to mmd both the general
Pragmateia indicate that its author in addressing his students refers
approach of Stephanos' alchemical work and a specific passage in
them to knowledge he had expounded earlier, evidently in other his text, where he analyzes the concept of "allegorical alchemy" by
lectures he must have given. The meaning of these references
distinguishing between "mythical" (flV8txi];) and "mystical and
becomes clearer if we read them in conjunction with the alchemical
hidden" alchemy (f.LVOLLXTJ xal. xgvn:•i] X1'J).I£La). 79 According to
work by Stephanos. In the introductory section to the
him, "mythical alchemy is confused due to the multiplicity of
Apotelesmatike Pragmateia, the author reminds his student
words; but mystical alchemy deals with the universe through
Timotheos and other auditors the content of his lectures and his
deliberation on the creation, so that man who is God-minded and
teaching method:
born-of-God learn through straight work and theological and
mystical rationale. "80
I have elucidated everything I taught you and your fellow-
listeners, my students, by circumscribing it within the limits of The second passage of the Apotelesmatike Pragmateia where its
philosophy and clarifying it through theories [so that it be]
accurate and truthful not through persuasion [wrought] by the author most likely refers to his earlier teachings is as follows:
elegance of words but through natural and unexceptionable
sequence; [I mean] the Platonic method of reasonin~, Not only these and [other] such animals have had such a birth,
Aristotelian physiology, geometric deliberations, arithmetiC
but also many other forms are produced and made by means of
proportions, musical repetitions, (the alchemical allegories and putrefaction according to the differences of species and the
impenetrable processes of thought, the astronomical critical
position of the stars, like the metals, for example gold, silver,
points in human life and the notorious astrological predictions,)
copper, iron, lead, the different stones, and whatever is like
the Ptolemaic ... Syntaxeis and his practical enchantments."
them. Those of us who remember, understand [the process of
their birth] well."
The teaching program described above includes subjects that, in
modem terms, would be labeled as both 'rational' (philosophy,
geometry and arithmetic music and astronomy) and 'irrational'
' , . I
(astrology and alchemy). Astrology is covered both at the pract~ca " Papathanassiou, 'Stephanus of Alexandria: pharmaceutical notions and
~smology',125.
level ("notorious astrological predictions" and "practical
enchantments") and in its theoretical foundation, since reference to Letter to Theodoros, ed. Papathnanassiou, 5: Kat ii;l.;l.o EOltv i) ).LUOtxi) XTJ!lia,
xat Iil-l-o i) !IUO'TLxi) xat xgumf]. Kat i) !!Ev f.I.UOtxi) :rco;\.urc;I.T]O(<;x }.6ywv
~frerat, i) llt f.I.UO'Ttxi) My<p llT]fll.OuQy(a~ x6oJ.!Ov f.I.EOolleilnm, rva 6
"Usener, 'De Stephana Alexandrino', 267, 3-10: oo( ... 1:0i~ ouvaxou01:~~ £ l <jlgoov xat 6 Oeoyevi'J> iivOQffi:rcoc; llt<l ti')~ eu0e(a~ EQyao(a~ xat Oeo;l.oyl.lllv
oou xat Ef!Oi~ <jlOL'tlj1:ai~ ... xat ooa !!Ev urct\lleil;a UJUV, tv<?<; TUlV (a<; ~a IIUottx&v Myffiv J.UlOn. Ideler 208, 28-34.
<jlU..ooo<jl(a~ OQffiV WtoX;\.£(oa~ (X"tQeXi'J TE xat a\jJEUI>EOTUTa TaL~ BEffiQ' ~ Usener, 'De Stephana Alexandrino', 270, 5-10: ou j.L6vov 1)£ tauta xat ta
l)u;}.euxava, OU TCEL6oi }.1\!;EffiV XOf.L\jl61:T]1:0~, <jlUOLXji bE Xal U1)LU~}.!]:ql ~~Ulilta ~cpa lOLUU'tl]V EOXOV ti')v YEvEOLV' a}.}.(( xat iiiJ.a Me'iota 1:WV Eillci>v
axo;\.ouB£c;x, 1:U~ ll;\.a'[(l)VLXa~ t<jlMou~. 1:U~ AQL01:01:E;\.LXU~ <jluOLo;\.oy(ac;, t~<; a afJijleoos y(vetaL xat mmo£T]tat rcQ6c; 1:a~ tci>v yevci>v llta<jloQa~ xat tTJV
YEffif.I.EtQLXU<; TCCQLVO£a<;, 1:U~ UQLOf.I.T]TLXU~ ava;l.oy£a~. TU~ f.LOUO'LX~<;
~va;l.f]\jle'"'._ (tu~ XTJf.LEUtLxac; a;I.}.TJYOQ£a~ xat lluoeuQiltou~ vof]oe~. '~a'
te~Qrri)v B8otv, tb~ let f.I.E'ta;I.Atxa, olov 6 XQUOO~ xat iiQyuQO~ xaJ.x6~
Kata ~ I]Qoc; xat J.161-uflllo~ xat i) <ci>v 1-Lewv 1lw<jloQ6'tl]~ xat ooa towu1:a.
aOtQOVOfll.XOU<; X;\.Lf.LUXtf]Qa<; XUL rco}.u()Qu;\.}.fJwuc; U0"1:QOf.LUvtE£a<;,) <; to toov JJAv ti]v yt\vemv ol EvVOTJOUf.LEVOL tmytyvtboxof.LEv.
llto;l.ef.I.ULxac; ** xat ouvta!;e'"' xat 6Qyavtxuc; auwu f.LUyyave£ac;.
'I 196 Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 197
Maria Papathanassiou
Alchemist and Astrologer
True, the last sentence of the above passage (xul. 'tOU'tlOV ~v t~v Wolska-Conus has already analyzed the appearance of Stephanos of
yevEotV ol tvvol'}adflevot tmytyvwaxowv) could also be Alexandria in the Leimonarion by John Moschos. Let us briefly
translated as "Those of us who understand, know [the process of review her conclusions here: Moschos reports that he and his friend,
their birth] well". Choosing between the two possibilities depends the sophist Sophronios, during their first residence in Alexandria
on how we interpret the verb EVVoeoo; among its various meanings between 581 and 584 attended lectures (:rtQU~EL<;) at the home of
is that of EV8UJlOUJ.LUL (to remember). Therefore, it is likely that the Stephanos, a sophist and philosopher who resided in the building
past tense EVVOTJOUI.I£VOL refers to the author and his students, as complex around the church of the Holy Theotokos of Dorothea,
also follows from the verb EmyLyvwoXOI.I£V. If this is so, the whole built by the orthodox patriarch Eulogios. 84 The medical knowledge
phrase would mean "we saw, learned, understood and now that. Sophronios displays in his collection of seventy miraculous
remember the birth of metals and stones by putrefaction." If indeed healings written ca. 610 is compatible with the teachings of
the author of this passage is Stephanos inviting his students to Stephanos the sophist mentioned by Moschos. It seems that
remember his earlier teachings, the reference to putrefaction should Stephanos, the teacher of Sophronios, is identical with Stephanos of . i' ;.,
be made in his alchemical work. The Apotelesmatike Pragmateia Athens or Stephanos of Alexandria, physician and philosopher, the : lj
. I
only teacher of medicine in Alexandria at that time. 85 After leaving
includes the quoted passage at the end of a long paragraph which h
r~
explains putrefaction (oi')'ljnv) as a natural procedure leading to the Alexandria to settle in Constantinople, Stephanos became a member
birth of various small animals and flowers. The phrase "[they] are of the intimate circle around patriarch Sergios and emperor
produced and made by means of putrefaction" must refer to a Heraclius. 86 . il
technical procedure, as contrasted with the natural procedure ~ \
in the alchemical work. 88 The author of the horoscope of Islam cancer in conjunction with the upper culminating point of the
supposed that Sophronios, the friend of Moschos and patriarch ecliptic in the tenth house. Mars is in 2° Cancer in the tenth house.
Eulogios, had followed Stephanos from Alexandria to Jupiter is in 20°39' and the lot of fortune in 22°9' Capricorn, in
Constantinople and therefore could plausibly be placed in his conjunction with the lower culmination. The descending node of the
teacher's garden in September 621. orbit of the Moon is in 19°50' Aquarius in the fifth house. .
I plan to revisit the much-debated question of the identities of We can immediately comment that while we are given the date of
Stephanos and Sophronios in a later article. For now, I would like to the month, the day of the week, and the hour at which Epiphanios
briefly discuss some technical aspects of the evidence contained in visited Stephanos, no year is mentioned. H. Usener cites a passage
the Apotelesmatike Pragmateia. from Kedrenos' History, according to which Stephanos of
Alexandria cast the horoscope of Islam in the year 6131 from the
beginning of the world, on Thursday 3 September in the twelfth
The data of the horoscope year of the reign of the emperor Heraclius. 91 According to Usener,
this is the year 6130 and not 6131, based on a passage from the De
administrando imperio, a composition from the reign of
Let us now comment on the data of the horoscope of Islam as it is
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (912-959). 92 As for the
found in the text. We will attempt to determine the exact date for
astronomical data of the horoscope, it is obvious that Usener could
which it was cast, as well as compare its data with modern
not check their accuracy.
astronomical calculations. As reported in the text, Epiphanios
visited Stephanos on Tuesday, 5 Thoth according to the Egyptians,
According to 0. Neugebauer and H. B. van Hoesen, the horoscope
in the third hour; at that time the Sun was in 9°5' in Virgo.
was ca~t for 1 September 621, in other words the beginning of the
Applying this to the astrolabe, he found the Ascendant in 20° Libra,
Byzantme year towards the end of which the Hijra occurred (16
the Descendant in 20° Aries, culminated above the horizon 22•
July 622). This deduction is based on the fact that the position of
Cancer and under the horizon 22° Capricorn. 89 Although no other
data of the horoscope is mentioned in the text, more details can be th~ Moo~ on 1 September, which corresponds to 4 Thoth, agrees
found in the design of the horoscope that survives in the Wtth that m the horoscope (while September 3 and 5 of the year 621
manuscripts.90 This data concerns the position of the planets, the do not); regarding the errors in the positions of Venus, Mercury,
nodes of the Moon's orbit and the lot of fortune in the "houses" and the lot of fortune that are found in the manuscripts Neugebauer
calculated according to the ascending and culminating degrees of ~dbvan Hoesen accept that the first two represent a ~isplacement
0
the ecliptic, as follows: f t: data of the planetary positions in another sign in the diagram
~· t e horoscope, while the third one, regarding Mercury is a
The Sun and Mercury are in 9°5' Virgo in the twelfth house. The tttography of the Sun's position. 93 '
7ldeler, 203, 15-24 (on production of voice); 211, 16--25; 220, 13-221, 12; 222, "u
92 sener, 'De Stephano AI d· •
1-~0; 229,17-230,23 (on WlEQf!Ct~LKO!; y6VO!;)' 245 9-12 and 17-20 (the three ., Usener, 'De Stepbano Al:~an dr~no, • 257 note* (passage quoted above, note 67).
quabtles of the soul). ' ' Neugebauer and y an an nno • 257 (passage quoted above, note 68).
: Usener, :De Stepbano Alexandrino', 272, 21-24; 273, 10-15. Stephana Alexandrino' ~o7e3seln, Greek Horoscopes, 158-60. Also Usener, 'De
• ' 0-15. .
Usener, De Stephano Alexandrino', 289, 321-22.
Stephanos of Alexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 201
200 Maria Papathanassiou
Alcbemlst and Astrologer
century or two earlier than the time in which he lived), it would Ascendant 20°07' (20°46' refracted horizon) Libra, Midheaven
have required not only long-winded and laborious calculations 3•38' Cancer. Longitude of the ascending node of the Moon's
2
stretching over several manuscript pages (a procedure that even orbit 24°38' Leo and that of its descending node 24°38' Aquarius
modem researchers of ancient and medieval astronomy had to (according to Neugebauer and Van Hoesen, 23°40' Leo and
follow before the age of computers) but also profound mathematical 23•40' Aquarius).
expertise. It is unlikely that such a master would have perpetrated
the mistakes evident in the text. Let us use modern methods to As far as the visibility of the planets is concerned, Mars, Venus and
reconstruct the heavens as it looked from Constantinople on 1 Saturn were visible in the morning sky, while the Moon and Jupiter
September 621 and see if an alternative explanation for the mistakes were visible in the evening sky. Especially Mercury (app.
is possible. magnitude +1.7) was very low in the west and set down 16 minutes
'-·t
after sunset when the Sun's altitude under the horizon was only '.: ..
The planetary positions as calculated on the computer are as 3°43'. Stars of first apparent magnitude are visible only when the
follows: 94 Sun's altitude under the horizon is equal or greater than 6°;
consequently, Mercury was invisible because the twilight was still
very bright. This suggests that whoever calculated the astronomical
Constantinople, 1 September 621 at 8:55am (06:55 UT)
data for the horoscope of Islam was indeed observing the heavens
on 1 September 621 and, because of Mercury's invisibility, may
Planet Zodiacal sign Rising Passage Setting have t~~ught that Mercury was in exact conjunction \Vith the Sun.
As a result, he did not calculate its position by means of the relevant
Sun 10°51' Virgo 5:31am !2:02pm 06:32pm astronomical tables. This would account for the great difference of
t6• between Mercury's true position on the sky and that which we
Mercury 26°52' Virgo 07:01pm !2:54pm 06:48pm have in the horoscope's chart.
Venus 26°24' Cancer 11:51 pm 07:26am 03:00pm Since the implications of this observation cannot be discussed
within the confines of the present paper, I plan to return to them in a
Mars 03°05' Cancer 01:57am 09:04am 04:10pm future publication.
Moon l1 °08' Capricorn 03:26pm 08:24pm 12:34 am ~ ~ols~a-Conus has already shown, Stephanos of Athens should
"All enttfied with Stephanos of Alexandria. The designation
exandri "d · . .
ind' an oes not indicate that this was his native city· it only
Constantino l
!Cates that in m · h' 1 '
.ovmg IS p ace of residence and activity to
in Ath bp e, he ~hd so from Alexandria. He was most likely born
94
The positions of the Sun, the Moon and the five planets were detennined. 00 the ens, ut the period he t . AI .
the course of . . spen m exandna was decisive for
computer with the astronomical programs VSOP 87 (Variation Seculmre des his litet' hhls studies and his professional future. Already during
Orbites Planetaires) and ELP 2000/85 (Ephemeride Lunaire Parisienne) by Dr. lme e was
Denis Savoie (Planetarium du Palais de Ia decouverte, Paris). The program philosoph . . a repu tabl e an d .,tamous scholar interested in
Voyager ll was used for the calculation of other elements of the horoscope y, med!cme, and science. His written output was both
202 iexandria: A Famous Byzantine Scholar, 203
Maria Papathanassiou Siephanos ofA
Alchemist and Astrologer
variegated and prolific: Wolska-Conus has discussed his authorshi 't ria in order to understand the organization and transmission of
of several works that we know either by title or because they sti~ :o~ledge during a much earlier and very different historical
survive, including his introduction and adaptation of Theon's work period than our own .
. on Ptolemy's Handy Tables and commentaries on Porphyry's
Eisagoge and treatises of the Aristotelian, Hippocratic, and Galenic
corpora. In the conclusions to her admirable essay, Wolska-Conus
deduced that Stephanos' involvement in the doctrinal politics of his
time (unavoidable for a leading philosopher and intellectual) and
the serial transfer of his loyalties between the Chalcedonian,
Monothelite, and Monophysite parties, cost him his reputation in
posterity; regarded as a traitor by all, he was embraced by none.
Wolska-Conus expresses scepticism regarding the reputation of
Stephanos as alchemist and astrologer; mindful that it is recorded in
relatively late Byzantine sources, she is inclined to interpret it as the
posthumous medieval afterglow of his Late Antique stardom, the
brilliance of which became tarnished already during his lifetime.
The main concern of this paper will be with the problems raised by
the reception of ancient alchemy in Byzantium. After a brief
introduction, I will start from the study of a pre-Byzantine author,
Zosimos of Panopolis, and deal with the following questions : How,
from a purely material viewpoint, were Zosimos' writings handed
down during the Byzantine period? Did Byzantine alchemists have
access to his works and did they resort to them? Was Zosimos
known outside the alchemical Corpus; in other words, did Graeco-
Egyptian alchemists exert any kind of influence outside strictly
alchemical circles? When and how was the alchemical Corpus put
together? In a more general way, what evidence do we have,
whether in the Corpus itself or in non-alchemical literature, that
alchemy was practised in Byzantium? Answers (or at least partial
answers) to these questions should help us to understand and define
to some extent the place held by the 'sacred art' in Byzantium.
206 207
Mich~le Mertens Graeco·Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium
It is now usually accepted that alchemy came into being in Graeco- Next a body of texts generally referred to as the 'alchemical
Roman Egypt around the beginning of our era and that it originated Corp~s', handed down by a large number of medieval manuscripts,
3
from the combination of several factors, the most remarkable of among which three principal witnesses can be distinguished:
which are (1) the practices of Egyptian goldsmiths and workers in
metals who experimented with alloys and knew how to dye metals 1. MS Marcianus graecus 299 (M), which, according to its
in order to simulate gold; (2) the theory about the fundamental unity handwriting, probably dates from the end of the tenth or the
of matter, according to which all substances are composed of a beginning of the eleventh century;
primitive matter and owe their specific differences to the presence
of different qualities imposed upon this matter; (3) the idea that the 2. MS Parisinus graecus 2325 (B), of the thirteenth century;
aim of any technique must be the mimesis of nature ; (4) the 4
doctrine of universal sympathy, which held that all elements of the 3. MS Parisinus graecus 2327 (A), copied in 1478.
cosmos are connected by occult links of sympathy and antipathy
which explain all the combinations and separations of the bodies. These three manuscripts differ from one another by the number of
The encounter of these different trends of thought brought about the texts they contain, by the organization of these texts and by their
idea that transmutation ought to be possible, all the more so with state of preservation. Manuscript M is the most beautiful of our
the addition of mystical daydreams influenced by gnostic and alchemical manuscripts; the title of the first piece in it is inscribed
hermetic currents and favoured by the decline of Greek in a pyle, a magnificently decorated frame painted in four colours,
rationalism. 1 and the manuscript contains lavish illustrations; 5 unfortunately, it
was the victim of several accidents: it lost several quires and some
The texts about Graeco-Egyptian alchemy that have come down to of those that remain were inverted by the binder. On the other hand,
us are, in the first place, two collections on papyrus, which date it ~egins with a table of contents which corresponds only partially
back to about 300 A.D. and contain a series of recipes for imitating to Its present content, but which is in fact that of the manuscript
gold, silver, precious stones and purple dye; 2 I will not dwell on · before its various misfortunes. 6 Compared with M, B presents some
'Pem
co i a~s ~our,_ 1·r o~e. takes mto
· account M_S Lauren~an~s graecus 86.16 (L),
~ ed m. 1492, but 11 IS not clear ~hether thts manuscnpt 1s a copy of Paris. gr.
23
d ?, or if both of them are gemelh: see the remarks in the introduction to Zosime
'On the origins and development of Graeco-Egyptian alchemy, see A. J. ; ~anopo/is, Memoires authentiques, ed. M. Mertens. Les alchimistes grecs, IV .I
Festugtere, La rew!lation d'Hermes Trismegiste, I, L'astrologie et les sciences Uan~ 1995), XLII, and C. Viano, 'Olympiodore l'alchimiste et les presocratiques·
edneAolxo.g~hie de !'unite (De arte sacra,§ 18-27)', in D. Kahn and S. Matton.
occultes,_ 2"' ed. (Paris, 1950), 217-40; R. Halleux, Les textes alchimiques,
Typologie des Sources du Moyen Age occidental 32 (Tumhout, 1979), 6()-64; 8• ch<m~e · Art h · · '
Societe d'E d d • .'stmr~ et mythes. Acres du 1" col/oque international de Ia
tdem, 'Alche,Ty'. in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. S. Hornblower and A. mars} )t(Pu •. e I HISiotre de I'Aichimie (Paris, College de France, 14-15-16
Spawforth: 3 rev. ed. (Oxford and New York, 2003), 52-3; ODB s.v. A~Y •o th991 ans-M1lan, L995),95-ISO,esp.L37.
(b~ .0 · P~gree and A. Cutler); C. Viano, 'Alchimistes greco-egyptiens', m n ese I'three manusc np · ts, f rom wh'1ch all the others seem to derive, see Zosime
de Pano
D<ctwn~aJre ~·~ Philosophes, ed. D. Huisman, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1993), 52-5, and sS po IS, ed. Mertens, XXI-XXXVIII
eadem,_ Alchlmle greco-alexandrine', in Dictionnaire critique de /'esorerisme, ed. ee, e.g., 'Cleopatra's gold ak' • M.
~- Semer (Paris, 1998), 52-5. origines de l'alch. . p . m mg ( • fol. L88v), reprod. in M. Berthelot, Les
Both papyri were edited and translated in Papyrus de Leyde. Papyrus de f'l. pl. II). tmte ( ans, 1885), pl. I (= Zosime de Panopolis, ed. Mertens,
~~~~olm. Fragments de recettes, ed. R. Halleux, Les alchimistes grecs, I (Paris, See the convincing demonst · . .
ll\IIIJuscrit alchimi u d ra_tion by H: D. Saffrey, 'H1stonque et description du
q e e Vemse Marctanus Graecus 299', in Alchimie (cited
208 209
Mich~le Mertens Graeco·Bgyptian Alchemy in Byzantium
important omissions; indeed, it looks as if the copyist of B was the further a commentator known as t~e Christian (7'h or 8'h.c.),
more interested in the technical content than in the philosophical (? .), h one called the Anonymous Phtlosopher, perhaps a httle
and anot er · b
and doctrinal texts, and that he organized the materials to make T the same period as Stephanos of Alexandna also e 1ong
them into a workshop handbook. As for A, it encloses a larger later. aloh mica! poems ascribed to Heliodoros, Theophrastos,
four c e d' . . .
collection than the first two manuscripts; it contains a number of . heos and Archelaos · The alchemical
Hierot th tra ttton contmues m
texts that are peculiar to it and whose origin is unknown. Lastly, it .
Byzanttum with Michael Psellos (11 c.) and Kosmas th the Monk
is worth noting that the relations between those three manuscripts (lithe. or Jater) 8 as well as Nikephoros Blemmydes (13 c.).
have not yet been conclusively clarified even though they were
often and widely discussed. 7 ]. THE TRANSMISSION OF ZOSIMOS OF PANOPOLIS' WRITINGS
DURING THE BYZANTINE PERIOD
As far as the content of the Corpus is concerned, it includes
writings of extremely varied periods ranging from the beginning of 1 will deal in the first place with the transmission of the texts and
our era to the fifteenth century, the chronology of which is very discuss as an example the case of Zosimos of Panopolis, whose
difficult to establish. Three levels are usually distinguished. To the manuscript tradition is a beautiful illustration of the difficulties
oldest one belong the works of a Pseudo-Demokritos, as well as a raised by the editing of alchemical texts. Zosimos must have been
long series of quotations or of short treatises placed u~der ~e active about the year 300 A.D.; as for the oldest manuscript that has
names of prestigious authors whether historical or mythtcal like come down to us, it might date from about 1000, which means that
Hermes, Agathodaimon, Isis, Cleopatra, Mary the Jewess, Ostanes, we must cope with a gap of seven centuries of subterranean
Pammenes which seem to have been written between the first and transmission, during which it is difficult to know what was
the third c~ntury. The second coincides with Zosimos of Panopol.is, happening.
who may be said to have raised alchemy to its highest degree; ":'tth
him, alchemy appears as a subtle mixture of techmc~ Going through the three main manuscripts, I have spotted four
preoccupations and mystical religion. The third and last level ts groups of works that can be attributed to Zosimos with a fair degree
made up of the so-called exegetes, the most famous of whom a~ of certainty. They are the Authentic Memoirs, the Chapters to
Synesios (4th c.), Olympiodoros (6'h c.), Stephanos of Alexandna
Eusebia, the Chapters to Theodore, and the Book of Sophe, which,
with the Final Count, makes up the last group. The four groups are
above, note 3), 1-10, esp. 4. J. Letrouit is of the opposed opinion in 'Henn~?s~e not in all the manuscripts, and I will return to this. In fact, locating
et alchimie: contribution a !'etude du Marcianus Graecus 299 (=M); ; . these groups is no easy task, for alchemical manuscripts constitute
C. Gilly and C. van Heertum, eds. Magia, alchimia, scienza dal '400 a/ 7 ~
85
l'injlusso di Ermete Trismegisto (Florence, 2002, 2"" ed. 2005), I, 85-104, esp.. g
large collections in which the authors' texts are interwoven with
7: he curtly rejects Saffrey's analysis, but he does not propose anything. sausfytn one an?ther, contrary to what is generally the case in classical
instead. I wish to thank my anonymous reviewer for bringing the article to my Greek hterature, il) which the works of each writer are preserved in
attention. perfectly distinct manuscripts. The different parts of Zosimos' work
1
See bibliography in Zosime de Panopolis, ed. Mertens, XLIII, n. 96. ~ ~0 not
7
9
See Zosime de Panopo/is, ed. Mertens, XLVIII. ?6-
10 SeeR. Devreesse,lntroduction a /'etude des manuscrits grecs (Paris, 1954~, , II SeeZo.t·
8; cf. J.-M. Mandosio, 'Commentaire a1chimique et commentaire philosophtqu~' "SeeZos;me de Panopolis, ed. Mertens, 141-22, n. 9.
in M.-0. Goulet-Caze, ed. Le commentaire: Entre tradition et innovatio.n. ~c!es ~ me de Panopo/is, ed. Mertens, xux.
col/oque international de 1'/nstitut des traditions textuel/es (Paris et V•lle;uif,22
25 septembre 1999) (Paris, 2000), 481-90, esp. 481, n. I.
212 213
Mich~Ie Mertens Graeco·Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium
The third group of texts covers only a few folios and does not
appear in Parisinus B. In A, it has no general title. According to the
Marcianus however, there is no doubt that it must be attributed to "W'th
1
17 the exception of no. 15.
13 See Saffrey 'Hist · •8 ·
On the problems raised by this work, see Zosime de Panopo/is, ed. Mertens, LIV· of the younge; b thonque • • who thmks that the author in question might be one
LX, 11 A . ro ers of emperor Heraclius.
ctordmg to Saffrey ('H' · •
:• In fact, in this place, the manuscripts have the sign of mercury, not of silver, but same as the ded' tstonque • 8), the author of the preface must be the
tt must be a matter of confusion of signs: cf. Zosime de Panopolis, ed. Mertens, LV, ('Chronologie' 6S)tcatee of Stephan • 1 t
th .
h .
os e ter, w ereas accordmg to Letrouit
n. 141-43. Col)lus must~ im ' .e dtff~~nt ~ersons named Theodore appearing in the
~x~~ the problems raised by this work, see Zosime de Panopo/is, ed. Mertens, LX· perattvely distingmshed from one another.
Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium 215
214 Michele Mertens
19
On the problems raised by these works, see Zosime de Panopolis, ed. Mertens, ".., The study of Zosimos • trad'IliOn
· m · Synac
· and Arabic may perhaps one day
LXV-IX. 1,.,
"""6'tlen us by 'd' · . ' •
"'See, e.g., J.Irigoin, 'Les manuscrits grecs 1931-1960', Lustrum 7 (1962), 70. Preserved in M provt mg mformauon on the states of the text earlier than what is
8
21
On these indirect testimonies, see Zosime de Panopolis, ed. Mertens, LXXXVI-CI. early stages. Marc. Gr. 299; however, to my knowledge, this study is still in its
216 Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium 217
Michele Mertens
works and, if so, from what perspective did they read them? commented on from the commentary. Moreover, numerous
interpolations and additions due to copyists can be detected.
I have just emphasized that Zosimos enjoyed immense prestige Nevertheless, it is possible to see that Olympiodoros aims, in this
among alchemists of the third level who, manifestly, had for him treatise, to show the relation existing, in his view, between
the greatest respect. Four of these late alchemists deserve special presocratic philosophers and our. alchemists. Among other things,
attention: Olympiodoros, Stephanos, the Christian and the Olympiodoros sketches a companson between the doctrines on the
Anonymous Philosopher. unique principle espoused by presocratic philosophers and those
held by the most important alchemists, including Zosimos, on the
Olympiodoros must have lived in Alexandria in the sixth century same subject; his intention is to bring out the view that the
23
A.D. His identification with the homonymous Neoplatonic foundations of alchemy derive from Greek philosophy. 27
philosopher is extremely likely, even if it is not perfectly
established. Olympiodoros is the author of a treatise· preserved as The next century, more particularly the reign of Heraclius, is
part of the Corpus of Greek alchemists 24 which presents itself as a marked by Stephanos of Alexandria, under whose name a series of
commentary on Zosimos' Kat'energeian (According to Action?);25 lectures On the Great and Sacred Art of Making Gold has come
it is, in fact, a collection of quotations from ancient alchemists down to us. 28 In addition, Stephanos of Alexandria is known as a
accompanied by sentences devised by Olympiodoros, among which commentator on Plato and Aristotle and as the author of
one finds extracts from Zosimos. 26 This commentary has a very astronomical works and medical treatises. As is the case with
complicated and discontinuous structure; its analysis is rendered Olympiodoros, the identification of this Stephanos with our
even more difficult by the fact that it was probably meant to be read alchemist, though not absolutely certain, is quite probable. 29
in connection with Zosimos' work, which is lost. The sentences
commented on are arranged in an order which is difficult to follow,
and it is often impossible to distinguish the sentence that is being "See Viano, 'Olympiodore I' Alchimiste', 2158.
"OnStephanos of Alexandria, see particularly the paper ofM. K. Papathanassiou,
';.
'Stephanos of Alexandria as Alchemist and Astrologer' in the present volume. See
23
Only Letrouit ('Chronologie', 56) sets him in the 4'h century. On Olympiodoros, also eadem, 'Stephanus of Alexandria: Pharmaceutical Notions and Cosmology in
see the recent works of C. Viano: (a) 'Olympiodore ]' Alchimiste', in Dictionnaire his Alchemical Work', Ambix 37.3 (1990), 121-33; 38.2 (1991), 112 (Addenda
desphilosophes, ed. D. Huisman, 2"" ed. (Paris, 1993), 2157-59; (b) 'Oiympiodore and corrigenda); eadem, 'Stephanus of Alexandria: On the Structure and Date of
l'alchimiste et les presocratiques' (cited above, note 3), esp. 99-102; (c) 'Quelques his Alchemical Work', Medicina nei secoli 8.2 (1996), 247-66, and Viano
aspects theoriques et methodologiques des commentaires alchimiques greco- 'Quelques aspects theoriques', esp. 458-60. To be seen, too;
alexandrins', in Le commentaire (cited above, note 10), 455-64, esp. 457-58; (d) M. K. Papathanassiou, 'Stephanos von Alexandreia und sein alchemistisches
'Le commentaire d'Olympiodore au livre IV des Meteorologiques d'Aristote', in We~' •. Dissertation Humboldt Univ. (Berlin, 1992), as well as eadem, 'L'reuvre
C. Viano, ed. Aristoteles clzemicus. II N libro dei Meteoro/ogica nella tradizione alc.hunzque de Stephanos d'Alexandrie: structure et transformations de Ia matiere
antica e medieva/e, International Aristotle Studies 1 (Sank! Augustin, 2002), 59- um~e et pluralite, l'enigme des philosophes', in C. Viano, ed. L 'alchimie et se;
79, esp. 76-79. racmes philosophiques. La tradition grecque et Ia tradition arabe (Paris 2005)
113~33. The alchemical works of Stephanos were not included in Collec;ion de;
24
See Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, ed. M. Berthelot and C. E. Ruelle,
3 vols. (Paris, 1888; repr. Osnabrock, 1967), II, 69,12-104,7 (Greek text)= III, an~~ns akhimistes grecs, ed. Berthelot and Ruelle, because they had already been
75-113 (translation). pu shed zn Physici et Medici Graeci minores, ed. J. L. ldeler, II (Berlin, 1842;
25
On the meaning of energeia, see Viano, 'Olympiodore I'Alchimiste', 2158, and ~pr. Amsterdam, 1963), 199-253
'Olympiodore l'alchimiste et Ies presocratiques', 133. On this title see also cdr. Vi.ano, 'Quelques aspects theoriques', 463: "En ce qui conceme Stephanus
Letrouit, 'Chronologie'. 33, who does not believe that Zosimos would have written Ies emteres ~tud • · •
a work entitled Kat'energeian.
Letro . , es s. onentent de plus en plus vers ]'hypothese de J'identite".
26 categ ut~, ai!Chrono.Iogte.', 6?, expresses the opposite opinion and rejects
Among those extracts, one fmds two passages of a work by Zosimos which is at
least partly preserved under the title Final Count: see Zosime de Panopolis, ed.
l'alc~n~ Y any tdentificatton: "II n'y a aucune raison d'attribuer Stephane
a
Mertens, LXVI-VII. queiconunqsteS.. ~ des textes contemporains ou posterieurs transmis sous Je nom d'un
ue tcphane ... " .
...
-..:..,.
I
I. 218 Michele Mertens Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium 219
42
'th the Hippocratic Collection or with Plutarch's
infer that the alchemical Corpus must have had some diffusion · was the case WI • . Zo . I I
. 43 especially since an alchemist hke stmos c ear y
Byzantium between the seventh and eleventh centuries. In ParaIlle LIVes, . h h'
. d'sposal the writings of hts predecessors; owever, t 1s
had at hIS I • • h
oes not seem strong enough to gtve us the ng t to
4. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ALCHEMICAL CORPUS argument d . . d 44 A
stulate the existence of a collectiOn from that time on war s. s
The alchemical Corpus was put together during the Byzantine ror knowing exactly what went on bet.ween the seventh and the
period. The building up of this set raises a number of questions that eleventh century, we are reduced to makmg hypotheses. But several
are worth reviewing briefly. facts should be pointed out:
As far as the date is concerned, all historians of alchemy agree in (a) A wide movement in favour o~ th~ study of alchemy seems ~o
situating it between the seventh and the early eleventh century; 40 the have marked the reign of Heraklews m the seventh century: he 1s
first corpus cannot be earlier than Stephanos, because some indeed the emperor to whom Stephanos of Alexandria dedicated the
quotations from him were introduced into the works of the oldest last of his 'Lectures'; between the second and the third 'Lecture' by
alchemists. 41 Therefore, Stephanos' lifetime must be considered the this author a letter addressed to a certain Theodore was inserted; the
terminus post quem for the constitution of the Corpus; the eleventh poem that serves as a preface to manuscript M is also the work of
century must be regarded as the terminus ante quem, because MS one Theodore. It was then assumed that the first corpus could be
Marc. Gr. 299 includes most of the texts. It is quiet possible that attributed to that Theodore, who may have been Stephanos'
some partial collections were already in existence in antiquity, as disciple. 45 Moreover, the table of contents in manuscript M
mentions three alchemical writings of the emperor Herakleios
himself, writings that must have been in a quire now lost. 46 To this
"' See, e.g., M. Berthelot, Introduction a /'etude de Ia chimie des anciens et du may again be added that the Arabic alchemical tradition has kept
moyen age (Paris, 1889; repr. 1938), 203: "Vers le VII' ou le vm' siecle de notre ~re the memory of Stephanos: the text known under the name of
s'est constituee une premiere collection, qui semble avoir ete formee autour du Morienus relates that prince Khalid ibn Yazid ibn Mu'awiya was
commentaire de Stephan us, avec adjonction des auteurs de !'Ecole Democritaine et
des premiers commentateurs. Cette collection . . . aurait servi il constituer le
initiated into alchemy in Egypt between 675 and 700 by the monk
prototype, duquel derivent Ia vieille liste de Saint-Marc et le manuscrit de Saint-
Marc. Cependant un certain nombre de memo ires d 'auteurs renommes, de recettes
partielles et plusieurs traites techniques n' etaient pas compris dans cette collection.
lis sont entres plus tard dans d'autres collections, fondues avec Ia principale dans
le man~scrit 2325, et depuis, avec des additions plus etendues, dans le manuscrit " ~ee on this subject J. Irigoin, 'Tradition manuscrite et histoire du texte :
2327"; tdem, Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, ed. Berthelot and Ruelle, I, a
iueques probl~mes relatifs Ia Collection hippocratique', Revue d'Histoire des
VI : "Ce Corpus des Alchimistes grecs a ete forme vers Ie vm' ou IX' siecle de ;tes. 3 (1973), 1-13, esp. 8-9, and idem, 'L'Hippocrate du cardinal Bessarion
notre ere, il Constantinople, par des savants byzantins, de l'ordre de Photius et des Stua;~arms ~raec.us 269 [533])', inS. Bernardinello, ed. Miscellanea Marciana di
1
comptlateurs des 53 series de Constantin Porphyrogenete, savants qui nous ont " essarwne1 (Padua, 1976) 161-74 esp 174
~seeJ 1 · · • • · ·
trans~ms s~us des formes analogues les restes de Ia science grecque"; Festugi~re.
La revelatwn, l, 240 : "le Corpus lui-meme des alchimistes grecs a probablement
Ia trad't·. ngom, ·~a formation d'un corpus: un probleme d'histoire des textes dans
1 Ion des V1es parallel
(1982-3) _ es d e PIutarque , . R e~ue d'H1stozre
. . des Textes 12-13 r
ete acheve ilia fin du Vtl' siecle (vers 675-700), peut-etre par Theodoros, disciple " • 1 12,esp. 7. f
de ,Stephanos": cf. !dem, 'Alchymica •, 211; Saffrey, 'Historique', 8: "no us cro~ons Berthelot is an advo 1 0 f th' h
semble av . . ca e
.
ts ypothests: cf. his Introduction 20 1· "Zosirne
qu II (sc. celm qui a rassemble Ia collection de ces textes alchimiques) etrut un
contemporain. de Stephane et du 'Chretien"'; Letrouit, 'Chronologie', 68: "les
textes alchtmtques constituant M ont ete rassembles entre Ia seconde partie du Ix'
otrconstttue v 1 r d , . ' ·
..."; ibid., 287 : "Les' e~s a 10 u m. s~ecle, une sorted 'encyclopectie chimique
collection d'ab rd trrutes des alchtmtstes greco-egyptiens ont ete reunis en
i
I
temps d'Herncli~ , par Zosime au lll' siecle de notre ere, puis vers le vn' siecle, au
a
~~~cle et Ia date de redaction du manuscrit, savoir le x'-xi' siecle".
"CfF ·
8
•
17 ~~: e.g., Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, ed. Berthelot and Ruelle, II, "~ ;stugt~re, cited above, note 40.
e loss, perhaps voluntary, of this quire, see Saffrey, 'Historique', 4.
l fj
tr
.J!,
222 Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium
223
Mich~le Menens
Morienus (Marianos), a pupil of Stephanos of Alexandri 47 collection of the Greek tacticians, the Hermetic Corpus,50 and many
".our alh 'al a. The 51
others, including the Palatine Anthology. The collection offered
. c ernie poems that were transmitted under the names of
Hehodoros, Theophrastos, Hierotheos and Archelaos are als d by manuscript M might represent the first outcome of such an
. peno
to th IS . d . It t here.ore
" o ated
seems undeniable that the sacred activity. Afterwards, later texts as well as collections that had, at the
. d ~
enjoye some. sort of vogue in seventh-century Byzant'mm,. beginning, remained independent also entered this alchemists'
.
c.onsequentI y, tt ts not unreasonable to suggest that this was the corpus. 52 This is how we could explain, in my view, why
time when one or several collections were put together and that th · manuscript A contains a long series of texts that do not appear in
were the m. d'trect source of our main manuscripts. ey the two oldest manuscripts.
53
(b) Another remarkable feature is that the state of preservation of Another piece of information that could help us understand how the
~e texts is extremely variable from one manuscript to the other: for texts were selected and arranged would be to know the identity and
Instance, some complete treatises are found next to abridged works, motives of the compilers. The compilation of some works seems to
extracts, even extracts from extracts, and long commentaries have been commissioned. This could be the case with Zosimos'
enclosing, in the form of quotations, some chapters from an Chapters to Eusebia and to Theodore, Eusebia and Theodore bei!lg
author's work. This seems to indicate that some texts must have in this instance the silent partners of the compilation. Sometimes,
become the victims of several successive reworkings at the hands of we are even under the impression that the compiler did not
48
compilers. The fact that manuscript M contains two differently ill-
tr~ated versions of Zosimos' Authentic Memoirs reveals, in my "'See A. J. Festugiere, 'L'Hennetisme', in idem, Hermetisme et mystique pai'enne
Vtew, both the multiplicity of manipulations and the plurality of (cited abo~, note 8), 28-87, esp. 33, about the Hermetic Corpus: "Le premier
sources of the manuscript. temoignage que nous ayons sur le Corpus actuel est de Psellos au xf siecle. On
peut done conjecturer ou bien que le Corpus a ete compile entre le vf et le XI'
siecle comme d'autres collections analogues (en particulier le Corpus des
(c) Lastly, let us note that contemporary texts, particularly
alchimistes grecs) ou bien qu'il est dO a Psellos lui-meme qui aura voulu sauver
technical recipes,49 were incorporated into these more or less ainsi les restes disperses de Ia litterature hermetique savante". Cf. J.-P. Mahe,
reworked and more or less ancient works, a fact that bears witness Hermes en Haute-Egypte, II (Quebec, 1982), i 9. .
to the liveliness of the Corpus. " On this trend, see Lemerle, Le premier humanisme, 267-300; Idem,
'L'encyclopedisme a Byzance a I'apogee de !'Empire, et particulierement sous
Constantin VII Porphyrogenete', Cahiers d'histoire medievale 9.3 (1966), 596-
In my opinion, these alchemical collections and compilations must 616; A. Dain, 'L'encyclopedisme de Constantin Porphyrogenete', Lettres
be connected with the wide current of encyclopaedic interest which d'Humanire XII(= Bul/Bude 1953.4), 64-81.
~arked t~e ~inth an~ tenth centuries in Byzantium and resulted in "Let us quote, e.g., the letter of Psellos, which opens manuscript A (fol. lr-7r),_ or
he constitutiOn of Innumerable other corpora of the same type: the anonymous and untitled text also handed down by A (fol. 227r-229~), wh.•ch
can be dated to around the 12"' century; on this last text, see A. Cohnet.' ~e
excerpts compiled on the order of Constantine Porphyrogennetos,
Travail des quatre elbnents ou lorsqu'un alchimiste byzantin s'inspire de Jab•~·, m :·
the Geoponika, the Hippocratic Corpus, the Hippiatrica, of I. Draelants, A. Tihon, B. van den Abeele, eds. Occident et Proche-O~•ent:
Contacts scientifiques au temps des Croisades (Actes du colloque de Louvam-la·
"s
de C:C °hn_ th_is subject Ha!ieux, Les textes a/chimiques 65. Cf. idem, 'La reception Neuve, 24 et 25 mars 1997) (Tumhout, 2000), 165-90. ~
256
"Some of those texts are very old for instance, Isis' letter to Horus (A, 0 1·
. n oCCI'dent '•·m R. Rashed, ed. Histoire
1 1 r-
vol 3ac~ uruearabee ' des Sciences arabes,
258r), which can be dated to th; 2"' or 3"' century A.D. (see M. M~~ens: 'Une
h
" c'r' pecLenolog•e, alchimie et sciences de Ia vie (Paris 1997) 143-54, esp. 146.
scene d'initiation alchimique: La Lettre d'lsis cl Horus', Revue de I h1st~1Te des
enseig· · merleLe ' · humanisme byzantin :' Notes' et remarques sur
premier
nement et culture
299· "Cett .
a B · 1971)
Yzance des origines au X' siecle (Pans, '
religions 205 [1988] 3-23) Letrouit 'Chronologie', 82 and 88, dates th•s. work
'· ' ·r tauonof
. e pratique ge e a! >4 Wrongly, in my opinion to the 7"'-8"' centuries on the basis 0 a quo tak
s'emmeJent est b' f. n r e Byzance, des compilations qui s'enchainent
el
Stephanos. This error i~ generated from the fact that Letrouit refuses
10
e
"See below, no=~ ~•te pour decourager Ia recherche des sources".
2 manuscript A into consideration.
224 Michele Mertens Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium 225
58
understand much of the text he was working on, particularly when alchemy. This opuscule nevertheless bears witness to Psellos'
'l: he dealt with descriptions of technical appliances.54 In other familiarity with the subject and shows that he believed in the
'ti instances, the copyist seems to have been himself an alchemist. theoretical possibility of transmutation, a logical consequence he
This is what we can deduce from the examination of manuscript B thought, of the laws governing the four elements. 59 The collectlons
which, as I have already mentioned, looks very much like a of recipes that passed down under the names of Kosmas the Monk60
61
workshop handbook: the copyist dropped the pieces that were too and Nikephoros Blemmydes also sound very academic, not tried
theoretical and did not interest him in favour of technical recipes out.
which could be carried out at once. Similarly, manuscript A, riddled
with spelling mistakes, seems to be the work of a practising On the other hand, several practical recipes and technical treatises
alchemist. 55 As for the lavishly decorated manuscript M, H. D. of Byzantine date can indeed be found among the texts of the
62
Saffrey has voiced the hypothesis that it was made for a high- Corpus; they deal, among other things, with the practices of
ranking person, perhaps even for the imperial library of silversmiths and goldsmiths, the tempering and dyeing of metals,
Byzantium,56 which would explain why M devotes more space to glass-making, the colouring of precious stones, the manufacture of j.;
theoretical treatises. pearls and the making of moulds, and must obviously be connected
with the luxury crafts of the time. 63
Such is the complex tradition of the alchemical texts, which is
due, in my opinion, to the methods of compilation employed by All this bears witness to the fact that alchemy was still cultivated
the Byzantines. in Byzantium.
5. EVIDENCE FROM THE ALCHEMICAL CORPUS FOR THE PRACTICE. 6, SOME GLEANINGS FROM THE NON-ALCHEMICAL LITERATURE
OF ALCHEMY IN BYZANTIUM
If we tum to non-alchemical literature, we also find some
Examining the alchemical Corpus reveals that the Byzantines di.d indications along the same lines. I do not claim to be exhaustive but
not content themselves with commenting on ancient texts. Their simply to present a few pieces of evidence drawn from non-
interest in the sacred art also finds expression in the production of
alchemical writings, whether academic or practical. : Psellos, Letter on chrysopoeia, ed. Bidez, CMAG, VI, 93.
See on this subject J. Grosdidier de Matons, 'Psellos et le monde ·de
For instance, Michael Psellos (ll'h c.) wrote in his youth a letter. On ~irrationnel', Travaux et Memoires 6 (1976), 325-49, esp. 329-30.
how to make gold, which heads manuscript A; 57 but the rec1p~s See CMAG, II, 442,1-446,14. Actually, the text edited by Berthelot and Ruelle
un~er Kosmas' name appears to be composite. It is likely that only §§ 1-3 must be
I {..
included in this letter seem to be extremely academic, therefor.e 1t IS attnbuted to Kosmas; the recipes of §§ 4-8 are hardly altered extracts from
impossible to claim that Psellos devoted himself to the pract1ce of P~llos'.letter, as Bidez showed (CMAG, VI, 16), whereas§§ 9-11 present recipes
f wntten m a much more modem language. I want to express here my deep gratitude
to A. Colinet for drawing my attention to the heterogeneous character of this
\: 54
A brief survey of the specific problems raised by the transmission of the pictur~s treause.
s
of appliances can be found in M. Mertens, 'L'illustration scien~ifique d.~s :
61
ee Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, ed. Berthelot and Ruelle, U,
Corpus alchimique grec', in M. Cacours et al., eds. Formes etfonctwnsde It/lUI~ !52,1-459,9.
dans les traites de contenu scientifique de 1'Antiquire et du Moyen Age. Actps u BSee the technical treatises edited in Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, ed.
co/loque international de Strasbourg (3-4 novembre 2000) (forthcoming). ., erthelot and Ruelle, II, 321-93.
"See on this subject Festugiere, 'Alchymica', 221-5. Cf. C. Delvoye, L'art byzantin (Paris, 1967), 187 (on enamel ~ork): "Les
"'See Saffrey, 'Historique', 2. Is P10gres observes alors dans Ia fabrication des couleurs peuvent etn:llliS en rapport
" Michael Psellos, Letter on chrysopoeia, ed. J. Bidez, CMAG, VI (Brusse ' :vee les experiences de chimie et d'alchimie auxquelles aimaient Aproc6der les
1928), 1-47. onunes de cette ~poque".
226 227
Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy in Byzantium
MicMie Mertens
alch.emical literature; these refer to alchem Anastasios I. He tricked a lot of people and fled to Constantinople,
reahty and seem to me to reflect th I y a~ a contemporary where he swindled many silversmiths. The emperor had him
art' in Byzantine·civilization. e p ace occupied by the 'sacred arrested and exiled to Petra, where he died.
67
There seems to be no extant G k In the late eleventh century, in his poem entitled Dioptra, which is
alchemy before the end of the fift~e or Latin. text mentioning in the form of a dialogue between body and soul, Philip
before that date it must have b I c~ntury, which suggests that Monotropos resorts to a comparison with alchemy: just as an
' een re atJvely marginal.64 '
alchemist changes lead into gold, so Christ will change human It
7~ Z::::';;'~: Muylen?eus (Paris, 1836), 71, ;}· ~f B:issonade, Aeneas Gazaeus Hes. scutum, 122, ed. T. Gaisford, Poetae minores Graeci, II [Leipzig, 18231. 623,
• a eux, op.c1t. · · erthelot, Les origines, 74- 25; cf. Etymologicum Magnum s.v. 6Qeixa>.xo£), X&(fi.WOL£ in Eustathios, Ad A
~,·
229
228 Qraeco-Bgyptian Alchemy in Byzantium
Michele Mertens
· m
The Byzantines showed theu · terest m
. alchemy in different ways: 74 Cf. Berthelot, Introduction, 300 (=Collection des anciens a/cilimistes grecs, ed.
Berthelot and Ruelle, III, 381), "Ia compilation du Chretien a ete faite a l'origine
1. They read the ancient texts, collected them, abridged or en vertu du systeme general sui vi par les Byzantins, du vm' au X' siecle, periode
pendant laquelle ils ont tire des anciens auteurs qu'ils avaient en main des extraits
et resumes .... Ce procede nous a conserve une multitude de debris de vieux
textes ; mais il a concouru a nous faire perdre les ouvrages originaux"; cf. Dain,
25, ed. M. Vander Valk, Eustathii archie i . . . ..
Homeri J/iadem pertinentes III (L .d P scopl Thessa/omcens1s commentam ad 'L'encyclopt\disme' (cited above, note 51), 65: "!'immense travail foumi par
meaning 'enamelled' in Constan~: enp
1979 Constantin Porphyrogenete et son equipe de chercheurs, au lieu d'assurer Ia
), 142, 6, and )(ELf!EU'tO' apparently
Byzantinae, ll, 15, ed. J. J. Reiske C~HBorhyrogennetos, De cerimoniis aulae · conservation des textes anciens, contribua efficacement a leur destruction: le zele
cf. Reiske's commentary,II [Bon~ • ~onn, 1829], 581,9-11, and passim;
183012
the online edition of the Thesau;us L' ' 4-8). Research on )(Uf!EU-/)(eLf!EU- in
qu'on avail mis a resumer eta adapter les textes avail rendu inutile Ia conservation
des originaux"; cf. J. Irigoin, 'Survie et renouveau de Ia litterature antique a
many more occurrences. mguae Graecae (www.tlg.uci.edu) yields Constantinople (IX' siecle)', Cahiers de civilisation medieva/e 5.1 (1962), 287-
71 302, esp. 297: "Ia production de nouvelles reuvres fondees sur les anciennes,
Cf. K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzant' . .
~m Ende des ostriimischen Reiches, 527_ 145;ms~hen
2
L1ter~tur von Justinian bis comme le Lexique de Photius, a contribue a Ia disparition d'ouvrages estimes
See John Kanaboutzes, Ad Principe A' . ed. (Mumch, 1897), § 231. vieillis ou dt\passes; au siecle suivant, Ia constitution de vastes encyclopedies,
Halicarnasensem Commentarius, 13-! 4 , : . r.:."'et Samoth~ac~s in Dionysium comme les extraits d'historiens de Constantin Porphyrogenete, a rendu inutile, aux
12,14, esp. 11,7-9; cf. Letrouit, 'Chronolo :';-e~nerdt(Letpztg,l890),10,26- yeux des contemporains, Ia copie des ouvrages ainsi dt!pouilles". Cf. also
9 G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the Late Pagan Mind
passage and provides a French translation gte ' -7 • who quotes the whole
13 (Cambridge, 1986), 2: "Had it not been for the vogue which alchemy and astrology
See Halleux, ibid., 62, n. 21. On the lnfluen f .
alch~my, see also L'anonyme de Zuretti, ed. A.c~o~· Latm alche~y on Byzantine continued to enjoy in Byzantium (and, indeed, meta-Byzantium), the texts would
(Parts, 2000), XIV. met. Les alchtmistes grecs, X have been lost completely, having no claim to preservation on literary grounds".
230
Michele Menens
The pieces o.f evidenc~ surveyed above indicate that the place held
by alchemy m Byzantme culture was in no way insignificant.
t David Pingree
Brown University
Mashli'allah ibn Atharr, a Persian Jew from Basra (his Persian name
was Yazdan Khwast, his Jewish name Manasse), was one of the
first astrologers to enter the service of the 'Abbasid caliphs in the
middle of the eighth century A.D. 1 He first appears in the historical
record as one of those involved in casting the horoscope for the
founding of Baghdad on 30 July 762. 2 Since he must at that time
have been well established as an astrologer, he probably was born
ca. 720-730. The end of his life can be approximately dated from
his Kitab ft al-qiraniit wa al-adyan wa al-milal (Book on
1
The articles on Masha'allah by David Pingree in Dictionary of Scientific
Biography, IX (New York, 1974), 15~2. and by F. Sezgin, Geschichte des
~rabischen Schri.ftums, VII (Leiden, 1979), 102-08, need to be updated.
D. Pingree, 'The Fragments of the Works of ai-Fazl!rl', Journal of Near Eastern
Studies 29 (1970), 103-23, esp. 104.
~·!~:·
232 t David Pingree The Byzantine Transiations of Masha'allllh on Interrogational Astrology. 233
7
have just seen, came from the East. Greek astrology of several
Conjunctions and Faiths and Religions),3 an astrological history types had been translated into Sanskrit in the second century A.D.;
that he wrote in order to prove that, according to astrology, the by 269 the Indians had transformed Greek catarchic astrology into
rulership of the Islamic countries was destined to be transferred to an interrogational form. 8 Catarchic astrology teaches one how to
the Persians in 815, the sixth year from the conjunction of Jupiter choose the right moment for beginning an undertaking; it would
and Saturn in 809. 4 Since the narrative of Masha'allah's history have been used by Mash a' allah and his associates, for instance, in
begins to stray from reality in the period immediately after this selecting the best moment for founding the city of Baghdad.
conjunction and does not mention that al-Ma'mun succeeded his Interrogational astrology allows one to predict how an action
brother, al-Amin, as caliph in 813, but rather prophesized that the already undertaken or being planned will end up. The prediction is
rulership would be transferred from one house to another in that made from the horoscope cast for the moment at which the client
year, it is likely that Mashii'allah died shortly after 809, though he poses his question to the astrologer. In catarchic astrology you look
continued his history imaginatively down to the horoscope of 928.5 in the future for a time when the horoscope cast for that moment
So we can locate the date of Masha'allah's death in about 810. will guarantee success; in interrogational astrology, the moment for
which the horoscope is cast is determined by when the client gets a
The Arabic original and the Byzantine translation of one of chance to ask the astrologer for an answer. The astrological data
M!isha'allah's texts that I will discuss in this paper between them employed in order to arrive at a prediction in these two forms of
preserve twenty-three horoscopes that can be dated between 12 astrology may be the same, but the rationales for its use must in
June 765 and 17 June 768; these dates perfectly fit our chronology each case be entirely different.
of Masha'allah's life. In many cases these horoscopes provide
answers to queries posed by members of the caliphal court or by The Indians transmitted interrogational astrology, together with
wealthy and aspiring individuals; these fit nicely within the social their version of military astrology. and certain other elements that
stratum that M!ishii'allah is elsewhere associated with. The close they had added to the Greek science, to the Sasanians of Iran in the
connections between the several different texts that will be fifth ~nd sixth centuries. To their resulting mix of Greek and Indian
discussed and their common reliance on Dorotheos, Valens, and astrology (the astrological works of Dorotheos of Sidon, Ptolemy,
Theophilos6 guarantee that they are all basically the work of Vettius Valens, and Varaharnihira, among others, were being read
Mlisha' allah. in Pahlavi),9 the Sasanians added Zoroastrian rnillenarianism to
produce historical astrology in which conjunctions of Saturn ~d
But before we turn to a consideration of the Arabic texts and their Jupiter over the millennia provide a structure for accommodating
0
Greek translations, I should say something about interrogational the histories of religions, dynasties, and individual rulers.'
astrology, since it was not a part of classical Greek science. It and
historical astrology, which was also practiced by Mlishli'alllih as we
3
Published by E. S. Kennedy and David Pingree with an English translation and a
commentary as The Astrological History of Mtisha'alltih (Cambridge, Mass.,
1971).
:Ibid., 112-13, fols. 218-218v. ;D. Pingree, 'The Varieties ofHoroscopy in Historical Perspectives', to appe~.
Ibid., 122-24, fols. 224v-225. The Yavanajtltaka of Sphujidhvaja, ed. D. Pingree, 2 vols., Harvard Onental
•P D· p·~gree, 'Masha'allllh: Greek, Pahlavr, Arabic, and Latin Astrology ' • ~eries 48 (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), chapters 52-72. S .
erspectlves. ara~es et medieva/es sur Ia tradition scientijique et philosophique D. Pingree, From Astral Omens to Astrology. from Babylon to Brkilner, eTie
grecque, Onentalia Lovaniensia Analecta 79 (Leuven and Paris, 1997), 123-36, ~rientale Roma 78 (Rome, 1997), 39-50. ,
esp. 128-31. D. Pingree, 'M«sha'allllh's Zoroastrian Historical Astrology • to appear.
,.·.
234 The Byzantine Translations of Masba'allllh on Interrogational Astrology. 235
t David Pingree
Astrology', International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8 (2001), 3-37, esp. mawris ad scientiam iudiciorum astrorum, Arabtc text an 'd ~ 'on see
13-18.
translations, ed. R. Lemay, 9 vols. (Naples, 1995); for the abn g ~e~~ith the
12
13
lbid., 6-13. Abo Ma'shar, The Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology, T~~e ;
1 ett K.
Ibid., 18-20. Medieval Latin Translation of Adelard of Bath, ed. and tr. · um '
14
See note 6 above.
Yamamoto, and M. Yano (Leiden, 1994).
236 The Byzantine Translations of Masha'alUih on Interrogational Astrology. 237
t David Pingree
Greek, and Latin in the not too distant future. Therefore, I will at
transliteration, taAilA, or with 6l]A.omx6~. but never with this point only describe a bit more fully the fragments of an Arabic
OTJf..LELWtLX6~. The Arabic phrase akthar shahtida, "having more treatise (the original of which has not yet been identified) preserved
witnesses", is a translation of the Classical Greek ex.wv n:A.etovas; in MS Vat. gr. 1056. The beginning of this treatise may have been
A.6you~, where A.6yo<; refers to the relative powers that the planets the chapter on determining the question that the querist is about to
receive from their lordships and positions; the second translator pose to the astrologer; it is found on fols. 48-48v of the Vaticanus.
transfers the Arabic words directly into n:A.dove~ f.IUQtUQ(m, even The answer to this problem is provided by looking at the ninth parts
though in the Classical terminology f.IUQtvg£a refers only to aspect. of the zodiacal signs, which are subdivisions, each 3; long, zoo
One Arabic name for the fourth place in an interrogational invented by the Indians and called by them navam.fas. This word,
horoscope is burj a/- 'ttqiba, "the zodiacal sign of the outcome"; meaning "ninth parts" was translated into Pahlavi as no bahr, a
indeed, in Classical Greek catarchic astrology the fourth place is term transliterated into Arabic as nuhbahr. The Byzantines used a
sometimes said to indicate tijv ex~a.mv. 28 However, 'aqiba can transliteration of the Arabic, usually voun:ax.ga.t. The rules based
also be translated "end", a meaning that our translator chose when on the voun:ax.gat that the Vaticanus provides are followed by a
he wrote to ~<i>6wv toil teA.ovs;. The lunar nodes in Classical horoscopic example too corrupt to be dated; even though this
Greek astrology are called simply 6 Ava~L~a~wv, "the horoscope is interpreted to determine the question of the querist and
Ascending", and 6 Kata~L~a~wv, "the Descending". But Sasanian is directly attributed to Mlishli' alllih, it makes no mention of
astrologers in the late fifth century received from India the notion of noupachrat. What is important is that, at the end of this example by
Ra:hu, a celestial serpent whose head (siras) and tail (ketu) cause Ml!sha:'alllih, we have an explanation of it ascribed to the "wisest
eclipses. In Pahlavi Rlihu himself was called Gozihr, his head sar, 'Paaf]x", whom I mistakenly assumed previously to be connected
and his tail dumb; in Arabic the head and tail are ra's and dhanab with the treatise found in MS Laleli 2122b;30 rather, Rashiq ibn
respectively; our Byzantine translator uses xe<j>a.A. iJ and ouga. In 'Abdalllih al-I:Ia:sib probably commented on Ma:shli'alla:h's treatise
Classical Greek a planet close to the Sun is said to be burned, on interrogational astrology, fragments of which survive only in
xexaufl£vos;. In Arabic, the participle is replaced by a prepositional MS Vat. gr. 1056. In a chapter by Rashiq on determining the
phrase, ft al-il;uirttq, "in combustion". The Arabic phraseology is significant planet (dalrl) in an interrogational horoscope '-a
3
imitated in the Byzantine translation by the words eL~ to XUUJ.Ul chapter in which he quotes from al-KindT as well as from
tou 'HA.£ou. In one passage of the Byzantine translation Venus is Ml!sha:'alla:h-he presents as examples horoscopes that can be dated
said to be gouovd<; et~ to <j>6:J~ auti)s;. The best I can suggest as I June 767 and 10 June 785. This suggests that Ma:shli'alla:h
an explanation of rhousnas is that it is the transliteration of a form composed this treatise in the late 780s,32 a suggestion strengthened
of the Arabic verb rasuna, "to be steady", in which case the Greek by the fact that another chapter of the Byzantine translation of
would mean "Venus is steady in its light".
28
I. The original of the treatise in MS Leiden Or. 891: circa 770.
See, for example, Dorotheos of Sidon's Carmen astrologicum, ed. Pingree, V.20, 2. The original of the fragments in MS Vat. gr. 1056: cin:a 787.
I. 3. The original of the De receptione: cin:a 795.
29
D. Pingree, 'Masha'allah: Greek, Pahlavr, Arabic and Latin Astrology', 128-34. 4, The original of the Kitab masa 'il Mash4'a/lah: cin:a 800.
242 t David Pingree The Byzantine Translations of Masha'allllh on Interrogational Astrology. 243
33
I have mentioned almost all the fragments of his works that are found in Greek
manuscripts: In Arab~c we have just a few incomplete texts (such as the first ~d
fourth treatises mentioned above) and numerous brief citations, while in Latm
nearly two dozen complete works are preserved.
William Adler
North Carolina State University
For the text of Manuel's letter and Glykas' response, see Glykas, E~ rd'
1
WroQ{a' <tf<; 8e{a<; TQaf/Jtf<; "erpd.Aata, ed. s. Eustratiades, 2 vols. (Athens, and
246 William Adler Did the Biblical Patriarchs Practice Astrology? 247
Michael Glykas and Manuel Komnenos I on Seth and Abraham
What followed was a lengthy refutation from Michael Glykas, a THE BffiLICAL PATRIARCHS AND "AsTROLOGY" IN JEWISH
monk probably best known as the author of a universal chronicle. SOURCES OF THE SECOND TEMPLE PERiOD
Among the many contested points is the emperor's assertion that an
angel had revealed astrology to Seth, the son of Adam, and that If scholars are correct in identifying him with the notorious sorcerer
Abraham practiced a divinely sanctioned form of the art that Michael Sikidites, Glykas himself may have dabbled in the occult
4
"apprehended the creator from the creations". 2 Even though arts earlier in his career. At the very least, the subject of astrology
Manuel's reference to Abraham's connection with astrology was interested him deeply. A large part of his chronicle consists of a
only in passing, Glykas had little trouble recognizing its source, commentary on the hexaemeron, in the course of which Glykas
which he accuses the emperor of misrepresenting. Had the emperor writes at length about the legitimate and illegitimate uses of the
disclosed the whole story about Abraham, he writes, it would have celestial sciences. 5 In the same work, he takes up the disputed
become clear that his experience of the one true God, far from question of the contributions of biblical patriarchs to the discovery
validating astrology, led him to repudiate it altogether. As evidence and propagation of these sciences. Both Seth and Enoch, he writes,
of his renunciation of astrology, Glykas reminds Manuel of learned about astronomy through a revelation from the archangel
Abraham's later triumph in Egypt, when "at the time of Abimelech, Ouriel. In order to ensure that it would survive the universal flood,
he went down to Egypt and completely put to shame those who the Sethite line carved this revealed knowledge on a stone
hold such beliefs". 3 monument, which was subsequently discovered and transcribed by
Kainan, one of the descendants of Noah. 6 Abraham was himself a
The contributions of Seth, Abraham, Enoch and other early biblical critical link in the dissemination of astronomy and arithmetic,
patriarchs to the discovery and transmission of the celestial sciences transmitting this learning to the Egyptians, who passed it on in tum
are subjects treated at length in the Byzantine chronicle tradition to the Greeks. But when at the age of 14 he began to learn about the
and the literature of Second Temple Judaism. The emperor's true God of the universe, he repudiated Chaldaean beliefs about the
shorthand appeal to these same traditions and Glykas' ready divinity of the stars. During his subsequent stay in Egypt, Abraham
familiarity with them suggest that by the twelfth century they had "put to shame the sages there and those who believe in nativity. For
become relatively well-known. My interest in the following after he received knowledge of God, he no longer wanted to attend
discussion is to examine their sources and stages of development to stars". 7
and their use in discussions about the origin and legitimacy of
astrology. As his authorities, Michael names Josephus and George the Monk,
the latter the author of a widely known universal chronicle from the
mid-ninth century. From their testimony, Michael concluded that
astronomy, while a perfectly legitimate pursuit originating in a
Alexandria, 1906-!2), I, l;\,'-n:6', 476-500. For an earlier edition of the two revelation from God, had nothing to do with the casting of nativities
documents, see lmperatoris Manuel Comneni et Michael Glycae disputatio, ed. F. or any other doctrines that ascribed sentience or autonomous
Cumont and F. Boll, CCAG, V.I. 108-40. Analysis and English translation of the
two works by D. George, 'Manuel I Komnenos and Michael Glykas: A Twelfth-
agency to the stars. This is the point of his reply to Kyr Alypios
Century Defence and Refutation of Astrology', Culture and Cosmos 5.1 (2001), 3-
48; 5.2 (200 I), 23-51; 6.1 (2002), 23-43. For discussion of the correspondence,
see alsoP. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel 1 Komnenos (Cambridge, 1993), 'Glykas, El, Td' dJWQia,, ed. Eustratiades, I, a·-~·; 0. Kresten, 'Zur Sturz des
3?7.-82_; and idem, L'orthodoxie des astrologues. La science elllre le dogme et Ia Theodoros Styppeiotes' JOB 21 (1978) 90-92· Magdalino, Manuel/ Komnenos.
380. • • •
divlnatwn a Byzance (VIr-XIV" siecles) Realites byzantines 12 (Paris, 2006),
114-26. •
:Michael Glykas, Chronicle, ed.l. Bekker, CSHB (Bonn, 1836), 47.15-55.21.
: Glykas, E~ Td> WroQla>, ed. Eustratiades, I, n:. 23-n:a. 2. Glykas, Chronicle, ed. Bekker, 228.6-13; 242.23-243.12.
Glykas, E~ Td<; UZWQla>, ed. Eustratiades, I, 480.23-24.
7
Glykas, Chronicle, ed. Bekker, 246.7-247.2 .
.::.
248 Did the Biblical Patriarchs Practice Astrology? 249
William Adler
Michael Glykas and Manuel Komnenos I on Seth and Abraham
about the differenc~ bet~een astrono~y and .a~trology. The only about the dangers of Chaldaean wisdom. The important thing is that
branch of the celestial sciences deservmg prohibition, Michael tells Enoch discovered it first.
him, is astrology, a misbegotten discovery of the Chaldaeans. Since
it "misleads the more simple-minded and compels them to attend to A comparison of Josephus' Antiquities and the Book of Jubilees,
nativity and fate", it was wholly despised by the fathers and two works extensively used by the Byzantine chroniclers, will help
unsanctioned by God. 8 Those interested in discerning the mind of illustrate the range of available opinions. Jubilees' views on
God through his creation should thus confine themselves to Chaldaean wisdom correlate well with those of Glykas. While
astronomy, the contemplation of "the placement and movement of crediting Enoch with discovering the signs of heaven, it dissociates
all the heavenly bodies, and their orderly conjunction and his discoveries from Chaldaean wisdom, which it considers
separation". This was a science revealed by God himself. "For the demonic. In its narrative of post-flood history, Jubilees records how
angel stationed among the stars, that is the most divine Ouriel, Kainan, a forefather of the Babylonian nation, found on a rock
descended to Seth and Enoch, and thereupon marked out for them teachings dealing with the observation of the "omens of the Sun and
the seasons, and signs of the stars--this we have heard from ancient Moon and the stars". This was alien wisdom, part of the body of
history."9 occult learning revealed by the fallen angels responsible for the
universal flood. Kainan' s subsequent transcription of this lore was a
Michael's claims notwithstanding, the assorted Jewish writings that grave transgression, which he was ashamed to disclose to Noah. 11
collectively represent his "ancient history" do not always draw such In the ensuing narrative about Abraham's own dealings with
neat distinctions. Like other ancient authors, Jewish writers of the Babylonian wisdom, Jubilees leaves little doubt that after leaving
Hellenistic age use the words astrology and astronomy almost Ur of the Chaldees, the patriarch disowned the investigation of
interchangeably. Nor are they fastidious in discriminating between celestial omens. When he arrived in Harran, he passed one night
the pure astronomical pursuits of the biblical patriarchs and the scouring the heavens for clues about the amount of rainfall in the
tainted practices of the Chaldaeans. In the cosmopolitan and coming year. On further reflection, however, he dismissed the
culturally competitive Hellenistic age, there was too much to be whole exercise as futile. Since the signs of the stars, the Moon and
gained by establishing the indebtedness of Chaldaean and Egyptian the Sun are all in the hands of the Creator, Abraham would now
science to a culture hero of the Bible. Writers of the early direct his mind only to God, the only one who can bring or
Hellenistic period describe this borrowing categorically. A Jewish withhold the rains as he so chooses. 12
or Samaritan writer identified by Eusebios of Caesarea as
Eupolemos and probably dating to the third century BCE states Jubilees, a work originally composed in Hebrew in the first century
without qualification that Abraham discovered both astrology and BCE partly in reaction to Hellenizing reforms in Judea of the
the rest of Chaldaean wisdom. When Abraham subsequently second century, shows an almost xenophobic distrust of foreign
introduced this knowledge to the Egyptians, he informed them that wisdom. 13 Josephus' own account of the contributions of biblical
the original discovery of astrology was actually made long before patriarchs to the celestial sciences is, by comparison, far more
by the biblical patriarch Enoch. 10 There is no fine print here about accommodating to the broader cultural influences of his age. One
the difference between astrology and astronomy, or disclaimers example is his account of the stone and brick monuments erected by
11
Jubilees, 8.3-5, ed. and tr. J. C. VanderKam, 2 .vols., CSCO, Scriptores
: Glykas, E~ Td<; d;ro(!£a<;, ed. Eustratiades, I, 470.7-11. ~ethiopici, 510-11 (Louvain, 1989).
10
G1ykas: E~ Td<; d;ro(!£a<;, ed. Eustratiades, I, 468.7-13. ,: Jubilees, ed. V anderKam, 12.16-20. . , .
6 )~useblos, Praeparatio evangelica 9.17.3-9, ed. K. Mras, GCS 43 (Berlin, 1954- J. C. VanderKam, 'The Origins and Purposes of the Book of Jub1lees • m M.
Albani et al., eds., Studies in the Book of Jubilees (Tilbingen, 1997), 16-22·
250 William Adler Did the Biblical Patriarchs Practice Astrology? 251
Michael Glykas and Manuel Komnenos I on Seth and Abraham
In Jubilees, Abraham is a religious zealot whose repudiation of Malalas' account of the discovery and transmission of the celestial
Chaldaean science is the culmination of other more violent acts sciences constitutes one part of a broader discussion of illustrious
against the customs and beliefs of his fellow countryman. While figures of the remote past who contributed to the evolution and
still in Ur, he wilfully sets fire to a temple, thereby causing the dissemination of universal civilization. In the tradition of universal
death of his own brother and the banishment of his family from historiography to which Malalas belongs, it was common to link
Ur. 17 Abraham' estrangement from the astral religion of the cultural breakthroughs to specific figures from the past, later
Chaldaeans in Josephus' own narrative is less conclusive. His recognized as deities for their achievements. The euhemeristic
Abraham stands somewhere between the model Chaldaean sage on theory that the gods of Greco-Roman paganism were once kings,
the one hand, and a religious reformer on the other. When the heroes and cultural benefactors found a receptive audience among
Babylonian historian Berossus wrote of "a just man and great and Christian universal chroniclers, chiefly because it enabled them to
versed in celestial lore", he was in Josephus' mind obviously historicize legends that would otherwise be consigned to the realm
of. myth and pre-history. Malalas falls in line with the same
rattonalizing approach. On the authority of Diodorus Siculus, he
14
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, ed. B. Niese, F/avii Josephi opera, 4 vols. reports that later generations revered warriors, leaders and those
(Berlin, 1877-82; repr. 1955), 1.68-71.
Who "discovered something of benefit" and "sacrificed to them as if
"See G. J. Reinink, 'Das Land "Seiris" (Sir) und das Yolk der Serer in jildischen
und they were heavenly gods and not mortal men who were born and
~:ristlichen Traditionen', Journal for the Study of Judaism 6 (1975), 72-85.
17
See .M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism (Philadelphia, 1974), I. 242-43. "Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, ed. Niese, 1.158.
19
Jubrlees, ed. VanderKam, 12.1-15.
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, ed. Niese,l.l56-7.
252 Did the Biblical Patriarchs Practice Astrology? 253
William Adler
Michael Glykas and Manuel Komnenos I on Seth and Abraham
Malalas' own description of Nimrod conforms to the conventional the past, Abraham denounced his father, himself an idolater and
~ '
pattern of a deified ancient hero. As tribute to his accomplishments smashed the statues.
as founder of Babylon ruler of Persia, and the first to practice
hunting, the Persians accorded him the post-mortem honours of a George's own version of polytheism on the eve of Abraham's
god, after which he became identified with t~e star Orion. George conversion expands upon the same theme. By the time of Seruch,
extends the list of Nimrod's achievements mto the realm of the he writes, the veneration of mortal over-achievers had evolved into
occult sciences. He is now the first man after the Flood to introduce the making of monuments to honour them. The practices introduced
hunting, magic, astronomy and astrology, and along with it the by Seruch, he says, represented the first institution of the "Hellenic
deification of the stars and the denial of free will and moral agency doctrine" of making images of the gods in human form. Mankind,
to human beings. From Nimrod and the "Magousians", George "unaware of the intention of their forefathers to venerate them as
says, the Greeks subsequently learned "about the casting of their ancestors and as inventors of good things for the sake of
nativities and began to interpret the lives of those who are born in memory and for this reason only, were worshipping them as gods
27
terms of the influence of celestial movement". and were making offerings to them, and not as mortal
men". 31 Abraham's campaign against the idolatry rampant in his
All of this is prefatory to George's report of the religious practices native land and his proclamation of the true God were also a
in Chaldaea on the eve of Abraham's religious reforms. In the crusade against the "Hellenic doctrine" of making images of the
version of Abraham's conversion known to him from Malalas, the gods in human form instituted in the time of his grandfather Seruch.
object of Abraham's censure is the "Hellenic" pr~ctice of
worshipping images of human beings that had beco~e w1despr:ad But George adds another dimension to Abraham's reforms, lacking
from the time of his great-grandfather Seruch. Tins connectJ~n in Malalas. Abraham's revolt against the customs of his nation
between Seruch and idolatry is an old one, found already m targeted both the worship of images of mortal men and the mistaken
Jubilees. 28 The seemingly anachronistic identification of this view that objects in the sky were gods capable of exercising control
practice as "Hellenic" was first introduced in Epiphanios' over human affairs. "Watching all of humanity serving the created
Panarion. According to Epiphanios, the distinguishing feature of order and giving the names of various gods to visible objects and
the stage in history that he calls "Hellenism" was the practice, first worshipping them", George writes, "he would go around each day
established in the time of Seruch, of making carved images ~; in distress, in search of the God who truly exists". In the throes of
despots and sorcerers and paying homage to them as gods. despair and at the still tender age of 14, Abraham received from
Malalas applies the same nomenclature to his own account of God the reward of religious enlightenment. 32
Chaldaean religion in Seruch's time. Seruch was the first to
introduce the "Hellenic" belief of creating statues and monuments ABRAHAM'S DEFEAT OF THE ASTROLOGERS IN EGYPT
to honour as gods those "fighting men, leaders of those who. h~~
done something brave or virtuous in life worth remembenng · The older sources from which George pieced together his narrative
Repelled by the practice of worshipping statues of deified men of of Abraham's conversion and its aftermath do not speak with one
voice about the contribution of Chaldaean science to Abraham's
27
.George the Monk, Chronicon, ed. de Boor, I, 11.1-15. For Nimrod's associati~~
w1th astrology and magic, see also Epiphanios, Panarion, 177.6-8, ed. K. Ho • :Malalas, Chronographia, ed. Thurn, 38.7-11; 41.3-10.
GCS 25 (Leipzig:, 1915); Ps.-Clement, Homilies, 9.4.1-2, ed. B. Rehm and J. , George the Monk, Chronicon, ed. de Boor, I, 57.15-58.4.
Irmscher, GCS 42 (Berlin, 1953). George the Monk, Chronicon, ed. de Boor, I, 93.16-94.12. For the tradition that
28
Jubilees, ed. VanderKam, 11.1-7. Abraham was 14 at the time of his conversion, see Jubilees, ed. VanderKam,
29
Epiphanios, Panarion, ed. HoU, 1.177.12-20. 11.16.
256 William Adler Did the Biblical Patriarchs Practice Astrology? 257
Michael Glykas and Manuel Komnenos I on Seth and Abraham
discovery of the one true God. In Jubilees' decidedly negative view Greeks. In casting Abraham as a conduit of Chaldaean learnin t0
on the subject, prayer, not observation of the stars, is the instrument the Egyptians, Josephus thus left the impression that any misg)'
. h h . tngs
of Abraham's discovery of God. After migrating from Ur and that Abraham mtg t ave pnvately harboured about Chaldaean
arriving in Haran, he completely renounces the practice of scanning learning after his discovery of the one true God did not deter h'
34 tm
the heavens for signs. For Josephus, on the other hand, Abraham's from passing that learning on to others. To forestall any inference
observation of the "course of the Sun and the Moon and all the that his instruction might have included the occult wisdom of the
celestial phenomena" is the instrument of divine knowledge. A Chaldaeans, George appends to Josephus' report about Abraham's
similar characterization of Abraham's conversion is found in the instruction of the Egyptians an amusing episode about Abraham's
Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions, a work of historical fiction from humiliation of the professional astrologers in the Egyptian court.
the second century and pseudonymously attributed to Clement of When Glykas would later charge Manuel with suppressing evidence
Rome. Here, too, Abraham is an "astrologer" who learned from the damaging to his case, this is the story he had in mind. 35
orderly motion of the stars about the creator of universe who
33
regulates everything by his providence. Was Chaldean science a Recognizing Abraham as a Chaldaean adept in the observation of
decisive factor in Abraham's discovery of God? And if so, did he the heavens, Abimelech, the king of Egypt, had asked to receive
continue to practice the science afterwards? For the chroniclers, instruction in astrology and magic. 36 For Abraham, this was an ideal
these were questions still in need of clarification. setting for a public refutation of the whole practice. In response to a
court astrologer's claim that it "is impossible for a man to be killed
George's own treatment of the subject disavows any suggestion that or die contrary to his horoscope", Abraham points out that such a
Abraham's observation of the sky contributed anything of positive belief is grounded in a politically subversive principle: it implicitly
value to his discovery of the God of the universe. Before his undermines the power of a sovereign judge and king to exercise
conversion Abraham, an accomplished astronomer, vainly scoured unfettered authority in matters of life and death. Enraged at this
the heavens searching for evidence of God. But when the ch~ges implicit challenge to his own rule, the Pharaoh confronts the
and mutability of the sky and all the objects in it finally co~v.mced astrologer with a hypothetical case:
him that none of them could be gods, he realized the futility of
seeking for God through the stars or "any other visible things." Suppose I summon one of my subjects and after performing an
investigation of his horoscope for us, you say that he has or
Only when he abandoned the whole search and in despair earnestly
does not have time left to live. If I make it tum out the opposite
sought for God, did God reveal himself. way, have you then not clearly exposed yourself as a liar? For
if you say that he still has time to live, I will immediately order
In the ensuing narrative of Abraham's dealings with the astrologers him to be killed. If, on the other hand, you say that he had no
in Egypt, George further dissociates the patriarch from any residual time remaining except for the present moment, I will release
connection with the astral religion of his homeland. In this case, the
point of departure for his narrative was an ambiguity raised ~y
"Josephus Flavius, Jewish Allliquities, ed. Niese, 1.166-68. Cf. the version of the
Josephus' report about Abraham's triumphs during his sojourn iD Antiquities known to Eusebios, Praeparatio evange/ica, ed. Mras, 9.16.8, which
Egypt. According to Josephus, Abraham demonstrated the errors of ~ates that Abraham instructed the Egyptians in "astrology".
Egyptian customs and introduced them to arithmetic and For a condensed version of the same story, mainly based on George's accoun~
astronomy, both subjects about which the Egyptians had previously ~e also George Kedrenos, Compendium historiarum, 1.53.19-56.8, ed. I. Bekker,
,. SHB (Bonn, 1838-39).
been ignorant. From Egypt, they were then transmitted to the
. G~rge the Monk, Chronicon, ed. de Boor, I, 95.6-96.3. The erroneous
Identification of Abimelech, king of Gerar, with the king of Egypt may have arisen
33
Ps.-Ciement, Recognitions, 1.32, ed. B. Rehm and F. Paschke, GCS 51 (Berlin, from close similarities in Genesis' account of the Pharaoh's and Abimelech's
1965). atiraction to Sarah (cf. Gen. 12:10-20; 20:1-7).
l.;'fl!i"
implications of the notion that the stars determine the course of GLYKAS ON SETH, ABRAHAM AND "ANCffiNT HisTORY"
human existence. Those who profess such teachings, Abraham says,
allow the scoundrel to excuse his actions on the grounds that he was In formulating a plan to refute Manuel's claims about the
forced to do these things by nativity. A belief in an unforeseeing legitimacy of astrology, Glykas evidently decided that the best
and godless destiny, "as if everything happens of its own accord, approach was to challenge the emperor's representation of sources.
with no superintending Lord and master", immunizes the For the most part, this strategy served him well in the debate. But
.
unrepentant sinner from moraI improvement or chastlsement.
. 43
even for a textual critic with the knowledge and demonstrated skills
of Glykas, it was no longer possible to sort out the tangled web of
For George, who later quotes extensively from the Homilies' older traditions about the origins of astrology and astronomy and
44
narrative of Peter's defeat of Simon Magus , Abraham's the contributions of the biblical patriarchs to them. Glykas was
vanquishing of the astrologers and magic.ians ~f Egypt ~as bot? a deeply suspicious of the Book of Jubilees. In his chronicle, he
useful amplification of Josephus and a fittmg c!Jmax to his narrative questions the book's authorship, dismisses its contents as a "joke"
of the patriarch's renunciation of the ancestral customs and beliefs and urges his readers not to read it. 47 But when in the same work he
of his native land. In integrating the story into his own chronicle, attributes the discovery of astronomy to Seth and Enoch and its
45
George seems to have made his own editorial improvements. post-diluvian discovery to a stone monument erected by Seth's
Even so, an inquisitive reader is still left to wonder about the offspring in the land of Seiris and transcribed by Kainan, he could
existence of professional astrologers in Pharaoh's court, if before no longer recognize that this report was itself a fusion of traditions
Abraham's arrival the Egyptians were ignorant of astronomy and from Josephus, Jubilees and the Book of Enoch. 48 Nor does Glykas
arithmetic. 46 express any doubts about the story that he learned from George the
Monk about Abraham's conversion and his subsequent rejection of
astrology. Here again Glykas had no way of knowing that it was a
pastiche cobbled together from Jubilees, Josephus and a later
addition to a work pseudonymously attributed to Clement. As far as
Glykas was concerned, this was part of an accepted body of extra-
biblical traditions about the life of the patriarch that he had received
from a widely read chronicle of the ninth century.
43
George the Monk, Chronicon, ed. de Boor, I, 99.11-100.2. ..
" For George's use of the Homilies of Ps.-Ciement (Ps.-Ciement, Homrlzes, ed. Glykas relished the opportunity to expose Manuel's faulty
Rehm and Irmscher) elsewhere in his chronicle, see, for example, 1.366.\3-367.19 recollection of the facts of Abraham's life as they were known to
(=Hom. 3.38-39); 1.367.20-26 (=Hom. 3.42.4-5); 1.369.2-11 (=Hom. 3.42.7- him from George's chronicle. "I do not know", he writes, "whether
43.1); 1.369.11-370.5 (=Hom. 3.43.4-44.2); 1.370.13-371.9 (=Hom. 55.3-57); the narrative about Abraham will advance your stated purpose. I'm
see also 371.10-12; 371.18-372.7; 372.12-373.3.
" See, for example, 1.96.1-5, where George reports that the Pharaoh asked for afraid that the adage has been borne out: 'We had a dog, and he
instruction from Abraham about "astrology and magic", since he recognized th?t used to help out the wild beasts"'. 49 It is striking, however, that
Abraham was a highly trained Chaldaean. He then adds that "astrology and magtc
originated with the Magousaioi and Persians; for the Persians were called Magog
by the local inhabitants". This statement, virtually identical to a notice that ~ppears 41
earlier in George's chronicle (1.11.9-11), is probably a gloss from George htmself. Michael Glykas, Annales, ed. I. Bekker, CSHB (Bonn, 1836), 206.20-22;
46
Cf. George !he Monk, Chronicon, ed. de Boor, I, 98.20-21, where George•. on 392.18-23.
48
lhe aulhority of Clement, states that Abraham corrected !he Egyptians' false bel!efs See above, p. 3. 000 .
Glykas, E~ <a, a;roela,, ed. Eustratiades, I, 480.14-481.2. On thts adage,_see
49
about "astronomy, astrology and magic". That would suggest !hat !he Egypuans
already knew about astronomy prior to Abraham's arrival. K. Krumbacher, Mittelgriechische Sprichworter, Sitzungsber. Bayer. Akad. Wtss.,
262 William Adler , Did the Biblical Patriarchs Practice Astrology? 263
Michael Glykas and Manuel Komnenos I on Seth and Abraham
Glykas chose not to press his advantage further. In response to earlier sources, there is nothing said about God's revelation of the
Manuel's claim that astrology enabled Abraham to "apprehend the science to Seth through the angel Ouriel. Glykas needed to
Creator from the creations", Glykas, had he wanted to, could have introduce the idea of revelation in order to supply a divine sanction
easily pointed out to the emperor that George's narrative of events for a science whose legitimacy was under question. 54 He does the
actually said nothing of the kind. According to George, the same kind of creative rewriting in his retelling of the story of
patriarch's observation of the heavens was wasted effort, because it Abraham's conversion. After providing in his chronicle a
was not possible to find God "through the stars or any other created reasonably accurate summary of George's account of Abraham's
objects." 50 But instead of calling attention to the discrepancy, conversion, Glykas adds a concluding remark lacking in his
Glykas cedes the point, allowing that Abraham, "a trustworthy predecessor's chronicle, and in fact quite opposed to the sense of
astrologer, originating from the Chaldaeans, ... witnessed the Lord the whole story. Abraham's discovery of the one true God and his
from his creations". 51 All that Glykas insists upon is that Abraham's subsequent trouncing of the Egyptians confirmed, he writes, the
post-conversion behaviour proved that he had subsequently words of the apostle Paul in Romans 1:12: "God's invisible nature
renounced astrology. has since the creation of the world been perceived in created
objects". 55
We should not assume that Glykas gave ground on such a vital
issue simply for the sake of argument. The reason why he could not To justify the practice of astronomy, Glykas often quoted this verse
charge Manuel with distorting the facts was that Glykas himself from the epistle to the Romans. He cites the same verse in the letter
endorsed much the same position, namely that the motion of visible to Alypios and earlier in his chronicle to explain why those of faith
objects in the sky revealed the providential mind that guided them. should not be ignorant of astronomy. 56 But in making this point so
It is worthwhile for believers, he writes in his chronicle, to observe forcefully, Glykas forfeited a weapon in his debate with the
the orderly movement of the heavens, because in this way God emperor. When Manuel had written about Seth receiving astrology
revealed his "ineffable power and wisdom". 52 He makes the same from a divine revelation and Abraham apprehending God through
argument, and in very similar language, in his exposition of the the stars, Glykas could not accuse him of misrepresenting the
purpose of astronomy to Kyr Alypios. What occasioned this treatise tradition, without finding the same accusation hurled back in his
was a question as to whether the study of the stars was a subject face.
that should be avoided altogether. Glykas reassures Alypios that
astronomy, a legitimate and divinely revealed branch of the
celestial sciences, offered real benefits to it practitioners. 53
But in order to carve out room for what was in his view the
legitimate practice of astronomy, Glykas found it necessary to fine-
tune the "ancient history" about Seth and Abraham. In the tradition
about the discovery of astronomy that Glykas had received from
" Glykas, Ei, nl, dJro(!{a,, ed. Eustratiades, I, 468. 9-13; Chron. 228.6-9. The
chronicle of George Synkellos [34.17-19, ed. A. A. Mossbammer(Leipzig, 1984))
Phii.-Hist. Kl. 1893,2.1 (Munich, 1893; repr. Hildesheim, New York, 1984), 105 reports an older Jewish tradition about Ouriel's revelation to Enoch found in the
(74), 125 (88). ~ook of Enoch (72-82). Presumably, Glykas decided to extend this tradition to
:George the M~nk: Chronicon, ed. de Boor, I, 94.10-12. ~elude Seth as well.
52
Glykas, Ei> ra, an:c(!ta,, ed. Eustratiades, I, 480.20.2-1. ,. Olykas,Annales, ed. Bekker, 247.1-2.
, Glykas,Annales, ed. Bekker,48.13-14. Glykas, Annales, ed. Bekker, 48.12-16; Glykas, Ei' Td' cbwQia,, ed.
Glykas, Ei>Td' Ww(!ta,, ed. Eustratiades, I, 468. 13-14. Eustratiades, I, 468.15-16.
...
AnneTihon
Universite Catholique de Louvain
For the Italians, with whom fate has decreed that we should
live together, make little use of Ptolemy in either of the two
266
AnneTihon
Astrological Promenade in Byzantium in the Early 267
palaiologan Period
parts, I mean the theoretical and the practical, but rather put
faith in the modems. 1 1. AT THE COURT OF NICAEA : GEORGE AKROPOLITES
Or again, as Theodore Metochites said, astronomy is concerned If we look back at the court of Nicaea, George Akropolites reports a
with matters treated in the Almagest of Ptolemy, while astrology is discussion that occurred in the presence of the empress Eirene
concerned with the matter treated in the Tetrabiblos. In the latter shortly after the solar eclipse of 3 June 1239. This eclipse was
work, Ptolemy distinguishes the astrology called 'universal' nearly total (magnitude 0.97 at Constantinople, according to
(xa8oA.Lx6v), which concerns entire peoples, regions, cities, from Tavardon). 3 The young man - (aged 21, and so a pupil of
genethlialogy (yEvE8A.wA.oyLx6v), which concerns individuals. The Nikephoros Blemmydes - ) was questioned by the empress Eirene
former includes natural phenomena (such as hurricanes, on the cause of eclipses. He launched enthusiastically into an
earthquakes, or other natural disasters) as well as political events account explaining that the eclipse of the Sun was due to the
such as invasions, wars, death, the overthrow of the sovereign. interposition of the Moon in front of the Sun. A physician of the
court contradicted him and the empress mocked the young man: 4
In the traditional Greek astronomical treatises (following Ptolemy
and Theon) there is generally no interference from astrology, no xett yae ex1>.e('\j)EW£ ytvoflivll£, ftA£ou Tov Kaex!vov
liwliEi>ono£ mel f'wllflfleiav, btEIJtee auTo£ oiJTw
chapters devoted explicitly to the establishment of a themation, or auflflav EV w(£ ~am).e(ou; altfJ1>.8ov (... ), ytQOOTllXE fl£ TI]v
to any other astrological element. 2 During the early Palaeologan Tlj£ ex1>.El'\j)Ew£ alT!av· xat auTO£ fl£v axelflwc; oux elxov
period many Byzantine scientists showed a great interest and a real EQELV-UQ'tl xal yae -rGJv "tf]£ <j>!Aoao<J>ia£ yt'\j)clf.lllV 6Qytwv
competence in the field of mathematical astronomy. But the rraea wu ao<j>ou BAEf.lf.li>liou litliaax6f.!EVO£, Of.IW£ f.l£v-rm
relations maintained by those Byzantine scientists with astrology rrae' au-roil •0 "tO"tE oaov ~v ELXO£ E1tlyYOU£-TytV TE TIJ£
ae1>.ftv11<; errJJtQ6a811mv ab:(av Tf}£ trrUJxlfxaEW£ £J.eyov
were far from simple and obvious. It seems to us of interest to elvm, xal ooxetv f.lllv ex1>.eCrrew -rov ~A.tov, 01ix aA.118t) lit
enquire into this: what was the attitude of scientists vis-a-vis elvm 1ijv ltJ£ <j>auaEw£ a-rte11atv, f.ld1>.1.ov f.l£v"tot Toilw TI]v
astrology at the beginning of the Palaeologan period? Other ae1>.i1v11v rraaxetv, trrav 10 ax!Lxaf.!Un ef.11tean TIJ£ yt)£, lilii
questions will also be asked: did astrological beliefs go hand in To ts i)1>.(ou -ro q,tyyo£ auxetv· trrel M 6 Myo£ em f.litx=ov
rraee-re(veTo, av-rt1>.eye lie -rot£ 1>.eyof!bou; 6 iaTQO£
hand with ignorance of scientific matters? Did they coexist with a Ntx61>.aoc;, avi)e i]xtam f.l€v <j>!Aoao<j>(a£ f.IE"taaxoov, UXQO<;
more advanced level of scientific instruction? Were they part of the liE Tijv olxe(av TEXVllV xat f.ldl.ta-ra TI]v lilii rre(Qa£
Ptolemaic tradition, or the teachings of the followers of Persian ytvwaxof.lllvllv· m'lvu lie oum£ ftyarra-ro ~ ~amA.IIit,
astronomy, or did they have some other origin? axwuae(ou o€ ELXE 'tlf.lytV· trrel youv UVTEA£YEV OUTO£,
au-ro£ 0€ rrMov ea-rwf.1uAA6f.111V, €v T0 f.IE"tasu Twv
Our enquiry, naturally, cannot be exhaustive. One should analyse J.eyof.lllvoov UrrEXUAWE f!£ i) ~aa!Al<; f.IWQOV.
not only all the writings of the numerous intellectuals of the period, For an eclipse occurred when the Sun passed through Cancer,
but also make an inventory of all the astronomical and astrological towards noon, and since in fact it so happened that I had come
manuscripts of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This paper to the Palace( ... ), she asked me about the cause of the eclipse.
I was not myself able to say precisely- for I had barely
will be limited to a small selection of authors and texts: hence our
touched on the mysteries of philosophy, having been taught by
conclusions may not be definitive.
3
For technical data concerning the eclipses, we have used unedited tables made by
1 P. Tavardon, 'Les eclipses de Solei! visibles sur Constantinople 287-1453'. One
rewgy(ou wu Aarr£8ou tx Kurrgou ei<; Ntxll<J>6eov -r6v fQllyoeav, in
should also consult the following: Th. von Oppolzer, Canon der Finsternisse
Nikephoros Gregoras, Byzanrina Historia, ed. L. Schopen, 3 vols. CSHB 38
(Vienna, 1887); J. F. Schroeter, Sonnenfinsternisse von 600 bis 1800 n. Chr.
(Bonn, 1829-55), I, LIX-LX; also in Nikephoros Gregoras, Epistulae, ed. P. A.M.
(Kristiania, 1923); D. J. Schave, Chronology of Eclipses and Comets AD 1-1000
~ne, 2 vols. (Matino, 1982), II, 407.
As~n_omical treatises may include chapters on the horoscope and ~ury St Edmunds, 1984). . .. ·
culmmatlon, but for astronomical purposes. Georgios Akropolites, Opera, ed. A. Heisenberg, revised edition by P. Wirth
(Stuttgart, 1978), 62-3.
268 Astrological Promenade in Byzantium in the Early
AnneTihon 269
Palaiologan Period
16
Before leaving the court of Nicaea, it might be useful to ask what 'black star' between Sun and Moon. Yet was this explanation
the non-scientific explanations of eclipses in the Byzantine ~orld anything but a curiosity? At all events, this theory reappears, in a
were. The young man appeared to be very proud of his scientific slightly different form, in another compilation that was clearly
knowledge, 11 and this should be compared with the level of written by a Christian author: here the eclipse is caused by the
education of an ordinary citizen. Unfortunately, the author does not intervention of "a great star called head and tail". 17 It is hard to say
provide any details of the discussion. The cosmology defended by to what extent such explanations were current in Byzantine circles.
Cosmas Indicopleustes, according to which the world has the fonn
of Moses' Tabernacle, is in poor agreement with the scientific II. GEORGE PACHYMERES
12
explanation of eclipses, in spite of the efforts of Cosmas. A partly Now let us tum to another savant, George Pachymeres (1242-
unpublished text attributed to a certain Peter the Philosopher shows 1307). We owe to him the composition of a manual covering every
that this notion was still defended in the twelfth century: this subject of the quadrivium, clearly intended for the teaching of the
person wrote a letter to the Patriarch Loukas Chrysoberges (1156- sciences: geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, music. 18 This work
1169) regarding astrology and is the author of an astronomical exercised a great influence on later savants, mainly in arithmetic
treatise. 13 Referring to the Bible, the treatise declares that the and music. Manuel Bryennios, Theodore Metochites and Theodore
heaven had the form of a cube, a cover or a vaulted room (the three Meliteniotes all used it, even if they were little inclined to
meaning the same shape) and that the earth had the form of a acknowledge their debt. The astronomical part of the quadrivium of
15
cone. 14 In this setting he succeeded in explaining eclipses. George Pachymeres contains some definitions according to the
However, one does not know whether this cosmology was still astrologers (ol a01:goMaxm): 19 houses, exaltation, decans, etc. But
defended in the thirteenth or fourteenth centuries. the author condemns the astrologers who predict men's destinies
Another explanation is found in astronomical-astrological from their births:
compilations such as the theory attributed to the astrologer Ammon, Tailta tofvuv ta inpro,.una xal toile; ll£Xavouc; t6'lv olxwv
according to which the eclipse is caused by the interposition of a toic; :rtAUV1]0L OUj.IJtAEXOvtE<; a<JtQoA6yot OUVI.O'tWOt tfrv
el!illQJ.1kv1JV xal tijv leyofl£V1Jv yeveatv, xax6'lc; el.ll6tec; xal
l(av f:rttxtvllUvwc; ta t6'lv aotEQWV injl<iljillta tE xal
tOOtetV<iljillta 'tOi<; av8QW:7tot<; JtQOOVEJ!OvtE<;, xal avayxt]<;
e!vm milta QU8J!OU<; toic; av8Q<ilnatc; £1; auti)c; yeveoewc;
11
Metochites later mocks people whose science is limited to knowing Ihe
'tEQatEUOjlEVOI., Ent't'ljQOUvtE<; ael 'tOV <ilQOOXMOV, 6Jtotoc;
E:rtava'tEAAEt [6 ijlwc;], 20 Et't' aya86c; EO'ttV, ELtE <!Jauloc;.
phenomenon of eclipses: "Ces constatations sont des niaiseries et il est facile. de se
rendre compte des faits auxquels elles se rapportent. Peut-etre meme les p01ssoos
le diraient-ils, s'ils etaient doues de voix", quoted by I. Sevcenko, Etudes sur Ia
po/emique entre Theodore Metochite et Nicephore Choumnos (Brussels, 1962), 16
The text is found in particular in MS Monacensis gr. 287, fol. 126r-v (cf. CCAG,
260.
12 VIT, 20; ed. p. 123); MS Oxonimsis Holkhamicus llO, fols. 156v-157. See also
Cosmas lndicopleustes, Topographie Chretienne, !, ed. and tr. Wanda Wolska·
Conus (Paris, 1968), IV, II and 13. On this matter, see W. Wolska-Conus, [A
MS Oxoniensis Se/denianus 16 (= Seldenianus supra 17), fol. 108.
17
MS British Library, Harley 5624, fol. 282v. On this, see Bouche-Leclercq,
Topographie chretienne de Cosmas Indicopleustes: theologie et sciences au VIe
siecle (Paris, 1962), 236. fs'astrol~gie grecque, 122-23. .
13 Georg10s Pachymeres, Quadrivium, ed. P. Tannery, rev. E. Stephanou. Studi e
Published in CCAG, IV, 156-8.
14
Partial edition without the author's name in Anecdota Graeca e codd. T.esti 94 (Citta del Vaticano, 1940).
Ibid., 390ff.
manuscriptis bibliothecae Regiae Parisiensis, ed. J. A. Cramer (Oxford, 1839; 20
The text appears to be defective because the horoscope is lhe point of lhe ecliptic
repr. Hildesheim, 1967), 370--82. The text is found in MS Paris. gr. 3085, fols. Iff;
Ihat rises (on the horizon) at a given moment. The words 6:rtoloc; mavadi.AeL
MS Oxoniensis Seldenianus 16 (= Seldenianus supra 17), fols. 170v-177 (cf.
~CAG, IX.I,p. 72). seem to be a gloss explaining d>Qoox6:rtov and 6 ijlwc; has no sense m Ihe
Anecdota, ed. Cramer, 373. sentence.
272 AnneTihon Astrological Promenade in Byzantium in the Early
7:13
Palaiologan Period
The astronomical calculations of the ephemerides of Trebizond are Outo<; toCvuv 6 oo<jlwtato<; latQ6<;, 6 9elo<; 'I=xQa'tlJ<;,
based on Persian tables, especially the Zrj al- 'Ala'r and the Zfj-i oil f!(>vov ex WU'tl]<; tfj<; (/f)oew<; 1\etxviloov XQlJOLfll]V elvat
llkhtinr. 44 In the margins of the Ephemerides are found quite 'ri}v 'ri}<; clO'tQOVO!lia<; 'tEXVl]V el£ la'tQIXTJV, a'J..)..iJ. xal e;
picturesque astrological predictions. These predictions concern a;\.'J..wv TCOAA<iJV, iht 1\E xal 6 'tOU't(jl xata rcavta frc0f1£VO<;
fUAt]VO<; 6 9UUJWOIO<;, bteti\Tj XU'tCt 'ttV' aya9Tjv tUXt]V xal
every social class: kings, nobles, archons, soldiers, grammarians, UU'tO<; 'tel tfj<; lU'tQIXfj<; rtat1\EU6f1EVO<;, 'tOi<; 'tOU'tWV
merchants, musicians, actors, women, prelates etc. The events ouyyQCtl!flUOIV Ev'tUXWV, xat lOoov OOOV el£ la'tQLXTjv 'tO
predicted are of every sort: meteorology, agriculture, commerce, XQTJOII!OV EX tfj<; XU'tUAfJ'IjiEW<; 'tOJV TCAUVWflEvWV XlvlJOEW<;,
local politics, wars, conspiracies, sicknesses, incursions by rcaQa fiEv •0 TQarce~ouvt(<p exe(v<p iEQEi tlj> f)J!6>v
1\tbaoxa'J..<p orceuoa<; &orcEQ otoea f1Ei!Ct9tJxa.
dangerous animals etc. The ephemerides of 1336 are dedicated to
Constantine Loukites, an official at the court of Trebizond. The Thus the wisest physician, the divine Hippocrates, not only in
author may be Manuel of Trebizond, the teacher of Chrysokokkes. this passage, but also in many others, demonstrates that the
science of astronomy is useful to medicine; likewise does the
It was probably such prophecies that excited the mockery of admirable Galen, who follows him in everything. Since by
Nikephoros Gregoras in the letter to Pepagomenos mentioned some good fortune I, too, have studied medicine and have
above, and perhaps also the criticism of Constantine Akropolites in chanced upon their treatises, I realized what great benefit it is
his letter to Theodora Raoulaina. Andrew Libadinos in his for medicine to understand the movement of the planets and
have studied enthusiastically, as you know, with this priest of
Periegesis 45 also attests that Trebizond was the place where one
Trebizond (i.e. Manuel), my teacher.
would find the best predictions based on astronomical treatises.
There follows a justification of astrology 48 that refers to the Letter
in defence of astrology by the twelfth-century emperor Manuel I
42 46
An Almanac for Trebizond for the year 1336, ed. R. Mercier, CAB Vll See Mercier, 'The Greek Persian Syntaxis'.
47
(Louvain-la-Neuve 1994). in MS Vat. gr. 210, fol. 35r,l. llff.
43 48 Read , . . .
Almanac, ed. Mercier, 159; see J.-B. Delambre, Histoire de /'astronomie Only the very end of the text is edited in H. Usener, Ad h•stonam astrono011ae
ancienne, IT (Paris 1817), 635-37. Such ephemerides, which require demanding symbola', Kleine Schriften III (Leipzig- Berlin, 1914), 323-71: 371. I _read the
~tronomical calculation, will reappear late in the 15th century. text in MS Vat. gr. 210, fols. 34v-35v. I also used an unpublished memmr by Ph.
45
Almanac, ed. Mercier, 17. Dachy, 'La Syntaxe Perse de Georges Chrysococces' (Louvain-la-Neuve, !986),
Almanac, ed. Mercier, 14. chapters 14-16,31-35,43,48.
280 AnneTihon Astrological Promenade in Byzantium in the Early 281
paJaiologan Period
Komnenos. 49 Chrysokokkes' arguments can be summarized as Metochites. In the introduction to his Stoicheiosis (ca. 1316), he
follows: Each creature has its own energy; that of the stars was demonstrates that astronomy is the first among the sciences. He
willed by God. The role of the two luminaries was explained in insists that the scientific pursuit of astronomy (i.e. studying the
Genesis (1,14-16) and the signs handed down there are necessary Almagest) causes no harm to one's Christian faith, at least no more
for life (there follow some meteorological examples). All the stars than the harm caused. by talking
m about it as an uninstructed amateur ,
are creatures of God and, just as the luminaries (Sun and Moon) like his contemporanes do.
have the power to give signs (but not the power to act), the stars
However, he says, concerns may be raised by the astrological part,
have the same power. God could not have created certain things
the one that regards predictions and claims to demonstrate that
empowered with energy and others without. Since the stars are
powers acting in the stars and their aspects are the causes of
without souls and insensible, they received their power and physical
everything happening in the world and human affairs. This is surely
energy by order of the creator. This energy is suited to indicate
unacceptable to Christian faith. However, Metochites defends a
events both present and future in the universe contained within the
natural and reasonable astrology by drawing inspiration from the
celestial sphere.
Tetrabiblos of Ptolemy. We see, he says, that the Sun and Moon
There follows a eulogy to Chrysokokkes' master (the emperor have an influence on nature; so it is reasonable to suppose that the
Manuel of Trebizond) who became patron to the operation of Sun, the Moon, and the planets, in their movement through space
calculating the ephemerides for the whole year, as well as a and their aspects have a great causal power on generated nature: 5t
justification for Chrysokokkes' own undertaking: it is necessary to a'A'A' OlWQ ~v wi! Myou OX01t0£, ~6 fWv ~a£ mpuj>opa£
know how to precisely calculate the positions of the stars and all the ~Mou ~e xal oe'A~VfJ£ xal nilv ii.'A'Awv ameQWV, xat ~a£
elements required for accurate predictions, and he who has xa~a ~O:JtOU£ J.=U~CtOEL£ xat ~OU£ 1tQO£ a'AA~AOU£ A6you£
acquired this knowledge will not only be admired by all, but will, xat OXfJJ.WTLOfWU£, :rto'A'Aijv ~v ouvafUV fxELV xat
~YfJfWVLxijv al~(av ev Wi£ ouOL xat Tfl YfVfJ't'fl cpuoe~
moreover, admire the Creator. If his predictions are incorrect, it is
O.'At]O€mm6v ~€ EO~L xat oij'Aov :Jta~t !;uvO(/clV
not the method that ought to be reproached, but the deficiencies of ~ou'Aoft€v<p· xat ouoev em~~fUOV ev~ei!Oev ~!j) xaO' ~l!fl£
the author. Alternatively, the error may be due to a divine miracle, ~ii£ Oeooe~ELa£ MyJ.Wn ...
for God can change Nature and perform miracles, as He did for But that which was the aim of the discussion, the fact that the
Joshua, or at the time of Christ's passion. Chrysokokkes concludes revolutions of the Sun, the Moon, and other stars, their
by reaffirming that the stars, bodies without soul and insensible, displacements and their mutual relations and configurations
take their power from God. possessed a great power and governing cause in what concerns
beings and generated nature, that is very truthful and evident to
Therefore, by repeating several traditional arguments and using as all who want to understand it, and in no way blameworthy
cover the patronage of emperor Manuel Komnenos, Chrysokokkes according to our Christian religion ...
clearly asserts that his adaptation of the Persian Tables is meant to Thus it is not contrary to Christian doctrine to predict the conditions
serve the purposes of astrology. of events knowing that the stars are in the service of Go~, and th~t
IV. THEODORE METOCHITES their power derives from Divine authority; this argument IS found m
the writings of all Christian astrologers.
In spite of the growing success of Persian astronomy, many eminent
Byzantine scholars remained devoted to Ptolemy's astronomy and On the other hand, to imagine that something that happens by
further reflected on astrology. Such is the case of Theodore chance, whether by a decision, or from free will, is controlled by
49
Manuel I, lmperatoris Manuel Comneni et Michael Glycae disputatio, ed. F. :: Stoicheiosis, I. 5, !Iff. (published in Byden, Theodore Metochites, 465ff.).
Cumontand F. Boll, CCAG, V.l, 108-25. Stoicheiosis, I. 5, 25 (ibid., 471).
282 AnneTihon Astrological Promenade in Byzantium in the Early 283
paiaiologan Period
the stars, is vain and contrary to Christian faith. Therefore, it is astronomy and astrology: a letter to George Pepagomenos, written
reasonable and true to think that everything found under the stars in August 1329;53 a letter to John Chrysoloras, written in August
both the simple and compound bodies, is subject to their natur~ 1330· 54 and a letter to Michael Kaloeidas, written in 1332 or the
' 55
influence. But to predict that one man will be a master and another start of1333.
a slave, or that one woman will be quarrelsome, or the opposite, or In the letter to Pepagomenos, Nikephoros Gregoras mocks the
that one will be at war against his neighbour, or will conclude stupid predictions from the East; he then refutes the predictions
peace, and so on, and that all this results from astral necessity, is coming this time from the South-by which we understand "from
contrary to the Christian faith. Calabria". This is about the violent winds that cause the destruction
Metochites, naturally, combats the idea of "necessity" that underlies of people. Gregoras does not reject the theory that a solar eclipse
the whole of astrology as applied to human affairs, an idea that has associated with the conjunction of Mars and Saturn could produce
always been denied by Christian religion. Further, the stars play a "whirlwinds, the destruction of cities and the uplifting of
role only by Divine Will. His attitude is "reasonable" (a word mountains".
which he frequently employs): since the stars have a physical action Here, one finds again Metochites' idea that celestial movements
on nature, it is not absurd to think that they produce conditions have a causal power on generated nature. What Gregoras criticizes
under which such and such a natural event will be realized. Note in light of his own calculations is the astronomical basis of the
that he does not follow Ptolemy in making the distinction between aforementioned predictions: there will not be a conjunction of
"universal" and "individual" astrology. According to Metochites, Saturn and Mars in the same sign, there will not be an eclipse of the
whatever proceeds from nature is subject, by divine will, to the Sun, and therefore there will not be a storm. Gregoras was very
natural influence of the stars (and he speaks expressly of "cause"); proud of his capacity to calculate eclipses. It seems that he was
everything that depends on free will (marriage, profession, war, responsible for making this sort of exercise fashionable. The
peace treaties, etc), cannot be the result of astral necessity, which calculation of eclipses must have been particularly interesting at
would be absurd and impious to suppose. thanime, given that at the beginning of the fourteenth century there
Unfortunately, Metochites does not give a sufficient number of had been an exceptional series of solar eclipses visible at
precise examples. Thus, he does not explain whether the birth, life, Constantinople. But Gregoras was far from being the only. one
and death of a human being, king or individual, are to be counted capable of calculating them. The following table shows the eclipses
among the natural phenomena subject to the causal influence of the mentioned by Nikephoros Gregoras in his correspondence:
stars. Instead of clear terms, he uses very abstract formulae, such as
"the being" (or "the things"?), "simple bodies", or "composed of
elements". As a result, we cannot be certain what his thinking was
regarding. this point. Ku/tur der Pa/aiologenzeit (Vienna, 1996), 51-63. According ~o Hoh1weg,
Nikephoros Gregoras could be the author of the dialogue Henmppus or De
astro/ogia; see A. Hohlweg, 'Drei anonyme Texte suchen einen Autor',
V. NIKEPHOROS GREGORAS Bv~avnaxa 15 (1995), 13-45. . ed Leone
' Gregoras, Correspondance, ed. Guilland, 73--83; Gregoras, E~rstu1ae, · hav~
3
52
In the writings of Nikephoros Gregoras we find more explicit IT, 134-9. All the passages of Gregoras containing astrononucal elements
material concerning astrology. Three of his letters deal with been checked against the manuscripts. E · tulae ed
4
' Gregoras, Correspondance, ed. Guilland, 135-45; Gregoras. prs ' ·
2 Leo,,ne,II, 164-9. E · 1 e ed
' On. astrology in the work of Gregoras, see A. Hohlweg, 'Astronomic und Gregoras, Correspondance, ed . Gu 1.1land, 147-55; Gregoras, prstu a ' ·
Gcschtchtebetrachtung bei Nikephoros Gregoras', in W. Seibt, ed., Geschichte und Leone, n. 265-70.
284 Astrological Promenade in Byzantium in the Early
AnneTihon 285
paJaiologan Period
Letter Noted by Type Date Magnitude Calculation Letter to 14 May, I" Sun 14May 0.93 Barlaam
Gregoras of at Cple 56 Kaloeidas indiction 1333
eclipse preserved
'· Ibid. "another" Sun 3 March 0.72 Barlaam59
Letter to 131hindiction Moon 5 4.3 digits 1337
Pepagomenos January
5 January
1330
In the letter to John Chrysoloras, composed towards the end of the
summer of 1330, Gregoras made an allusion to the eclipse of 14
13'hindiction Moon 30 June 7.8 digits May 1333 without, however, giving the date. Gregoras invoked the
30 June 1330 order of the emperor not to reveal his predictions. The same letter
indicates that he was jealously protective of his astronomical
Ibid. 13'hindiction Sun 16 July 0.98 Gregoras predictions and afraid that people would steal them to spread them
16 July 1330
+ anon57 around town. Based on his calculations, he said, these ~pie make
predictions for the government, and for individuals. One finds
Letter to Under Sun 19 July 0.97
here a number of well known themes: criticism of stupid
Chrysoloras Theodosius 418
predictions spread everywhere, spies and rivals who steal Gregoras'
II, Sun:
calculations. Did emperor Andronikos III really forbid the spread of
Cancer 24°
astronomical predictions? Though one must never believe
Ibid. Basil the Sun 8 August 0.93 Gregoras' unconfirmed remarks, it is certain that any government
Macedonian 891? would be disturbed by the successful forecast of eclipses that, when
they finally occurred, were accompanied by serious natural
Sun: Leo
disasters. We have already seen that people like George Akropolites
15°
or George Pachymeres did not hesitate to associate solar eclipses
Ibid. 15'h indictior Sun 30 0.56 with the death of an emperor or empress. At Trebizond, the eclipse
next 30 Novem. of 1337 was followed by a popular insurrection, as related in the
November 1331 Chronicle of Michael Panaretos. 61
Gregoras concludes with his profession of faith in astrology:
Ibid. "63 years Sun 25May 1
ago" 1267 Ka(wL mil\' ij,.U:v nav'ttl:rtaoLV Um]y6QEUtm 1\ijkoomv
EXEt6Ev ELVaL 'tOOV EltLyECwv· 1t00~ yaQ; or ~$kov l:uf!EV
58
Ibid. A second ... Sun 14May 0.93 Barlaam
1333
56
See Nicephore Gregoras, Calcul de /'eclipse de Solei/ du 16 juillet 1330,
58
~· J. Mogenet, A. Tihon, R. Royez, A. Berg, CAB 1 (Amsterdam, 1983). Barlaam de Seminara, Traites sur les eclipses de Solei/ de 1333 et /337, ed. J.
. The only po~sible eclipse with the Sun at Leo 15• according to Ptolemy's tables Mogenet and A. Tihon, with D. Donne! (Louvain, 1977).
ts the solar echpse of 8 August 8 891, but it does not fall in the reign of Basil I S91bid.
(867-88~). There was also a solar eclipse on 17 August 882, but hardly visible at 10 Gregoras, Correspondance, ed. Guilland, 142-3; Gregoras, Epistu/ae, ed. Leone,
Constat_ttmople (magnitude: 0.37). The eclipse of 891 is widely attested in 168-9.
Byzantme sources; see Schove, Chronology, 205-207. 61
Mercier, Almanac, 79.
[" . 'I
62 64
Gregoras, Correspondance, ed. Guilland, 142-3· Gregoras Epistulae, ed. Leone, Gregoras specifies that, according to the colour of the eclipse.. terrible
169. • • misfortunes could be foretold. In the Tetrabiblos (II. 10), Ptolemy s~s ~ fact of
6!
Gregoras, Byzantina Historia, IX.14.1, ed. Schopen, II, 460. the colour of eclipses, which must be taken into account in making predtcllons.
,.
I
CONCLUSION
determinations. 1 On the one hand, given this complex overlap, an on headstones in eighth-century Apulia. 3 Some of the notable
author's body of work-or even a single work in itself-frequently compositions of tenth- and eleventh-century Byzantine Southern
defies characterization as either astrological or astronomical. 2 On Italy include the Sefer Yosippon, a Hebrew abridgement of
4
the other hand, as Maimonides' position instantiates, certain Josephus' histories; Shabbetai Donnolo's (c. 913 to c. 982) Sejer
medieval Jewish perspectives distinguished between the two forms hakhmoni, a commentary on the Sefer ye$irah, which is a late-
of heavenly investigation, and treated them, accordingly, as two antique, mystical cosmogony based on the Hebrew alphabet; 5 and
separate pursuits with differently defined religious and cosmic the Chronicle of Ahimaaz, penned by Ahimaaz b. Paltiel in Capua
applications. To be sure, not all Jewish points of view disconnected in the year 1054, recounting his mythical and magical family story,
the two sciences, but the mere fact that some did is sufficient to which stretches back to ninth-century Oria-the hometown of
prove that a retrospective merging of astrology and astronomy Shabbetai Donnolo-and which is frequently cited in the context of
6
poses the same historical and intellectual problems as does an Byzantine-Jewish history. The last two works, the Sefer hakhmoni
anachronistic separation between them. In tracing the contours and and the Chronicle, deal very explicitly with the stars, and crucially,
problems of that distinction between the celestial sciences as it they attribute their study to contemporary Jewish personages. 7
played out in certain Byzantine Jewish texts, a religious outlook Additionally, both texts unambiguously embrace astrology, even as
takes shape as a possible explanation for the apparently paradoxical
fact that the Jews were aware of the potentially occult
characteristics of astrology, even as they overwhelmingly embraced 3
S. Simonsohn, 'The Hebrew Revival aroong Early Medieval Jews', in the Salo
its validity. Wittmayer Baron Jubilee Volume, 3 vols. (Jerusalem, 1974), 857-58; G. I. Ascoli,
lscrizioni inedite o mal note greche, Iarine, ebraiche di antichi sepo/cri giudaci del
Two well known, Hebrew-language, Byzantine-Jewish literary Napolitano (Turin, 1880) (originally published in Atti del IV Congresso
sources of tenth- and eleventh-century Southern Italy engage lnternazionale degli Orientalisti tenuto a Firenze, 1878 [Florence, 18801); and H.
intensely with the celestial sciences, and they provide one possible J. Leon, 'The Jews of Venusia', Jewish Quarterly Review 44 (1954), 284; R.
Bonfil, 'Cultura ebraica e cultura cristiana in !tali a meridionale,', in Tra due mondi
framework for addressing this apparent paradox, in the context of a (Naples, 1996), 17-18.
well defined period and location. Hebrew culture in Byzantine ' The Josippon (Heb.), ed. D. Flusser, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 1980), 2:79--89 in
Southern Italy flourished in this period, the culmination of a shift in particular for the time and place of the publication of the Yosippon.
linguistic orientation first manifest in the increased use of Hebrew ' Sh. Donnolo, Sefer hakhmoni [11 commento di Sabbetai Donnolo su/libro della
creazione], ed. D. Castelli (Florence, 1880), in Sefer ye~irah (Jerusalem, 1965),
121-48. Other notable compositions by Donnolo. Sefer ha-mirqahot, ed. S.
Muntner, in Rabbi Shabbetai Domwlo (Heb.), 2 vols. (Jersusalem, 1949), 1:7-23;
1
Moses Maimonides, Guide for the Perplexed, tr. M. Friedlander, 2"" ed. (New idem, Sefer mazzalot, embedded in z. Frankel, in 'Der Kommentar des R. Joseph
York, 1904), 164-66 and idem, 'Epistle to Yemen' and 'Letter on Astrology', in A Kara zu Job', Monatsschrift for Geschichte zmd Wissenschaft des Judentums 6-7
Maimonides Reader, ed. I. Twersky (New York, 1972), 453-54,467. Compare to (1857-58), 273; 260-62, 348-50. Notable also, on the periphery of the current
the definition of Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, subject, is the eleventh-century lexicon by Nathan b. Yehiel, Arukh shalem [Aruch
1911), 3:24, 27. Helpful commentary on Maimonides' distinction by G. Comp/etum], ed. A. Kohut (Jerusalem, 1970).
6
Freudenthal, 'Maimonides' Stance on Astrology in Context', in Moses All references to The Chronicle of Ahimaaz, ed. and Eng. tr.. M. Salzman (New
Maimonides, ed. F. Rosner and S. S. Kottek (Northvale, NJ and London, 1993), ! ork, 1924). Other important editions: Sefer Yuhasin: libro delle discende?ze,
77-90; H. Kreisel, 'Maimonides' Approach to Astrology' (Heb.), Proceedings of tntrod. and It. tr., C. Colafemmina (Cassano delle Murge, 2001); Megzllat
the Eleventh World Congress of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem, June 22-29, 1993 C/2 Ahimaaz, ed. B. Klar, 2"" ed. (Jerusalem, 1973). J. Starr, The Jews in the Byzantine
(Jerusalem, 1994), 25-32. Empire (Athens, 1939), 149, citing Donnolo, Sefer hakhm01ti, 123; Sharf,
2
Y. T. Langermann, 'Some Astrological Themes in the Thought of Abraharo ibn Donnolo, vii.
In ~ntrast, for exarople, to the wisdom of the stars attributed to ~lexwtde~ ~e
1
Ezra', in I. Twersky and J. Harris, eds. Rabbi Abraham ibn Ezra: Studies in the
Writings of a Twelfth-Century Polymath (Carob ridge, Mass., and London, 1993), Great m the version of the Alexander Romance appended to the Joszppo?, 1.46 ,,'
65-74; G. Freudenthal, 'Maimonides' Stance', 77-84. describing Alexander as accomplished in "every science and the constellauons .. "
294 JoshuaHolo Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 295
they betray a keen awareness of the problem of occult practice II. THE TECHNICAL PROBLEM OF "FUZZY BORDERS"
within Judaism.
Not surprisingly, astronomy and astrology exhibit what Shlomo
At the same time, despite their shared orientation, these texts differ Sela has termed, in other Jewish medieval contexts, "fuzzy
markedly in their expression of two key relationships: that between borders". Sela traces the contours of this relationship in the theory
astrology and the occult and that between astrology and astronomy. and practice of the celestial sciences, by illustrating with technical
This stark variance between the two texts, together with the fact that precision how astronomy and astrology were variously paired and
they nevertheless share a fundamentally positive outlook on distinguished in Jewish medieval texts, depending on scientific
astrology, begs at least two questions about their ability to maintain context and convention. 8 The Hebrew language captures this
orthodox Jewish positions and still to attribute a relatively high complexity, as a partial sampling of medieval usage demonstrates.
degree of moral and factual determinism to the stars. First, how do Some words apply primarily to one science or the other, while other
they reconcile astrology with Judaism's uncompromising claims to words belong to both but with varying application among authors.
God's omnipotence and human free will? And second, given that Hebrew expresses astronomical methods mostly in terms of
both texts do indeed resolve that apparent paradox in very different calculation (/.leshbon). 9 Meanwhile, words linked with interpretation
fashion, is there a single religious framework that we might tend to refer to astrological methods; for example, one understands
attribute to both of them? (mevin) the hidden message of the stars. 10 The act of observation
(l;laz.ot), logically common to both undertakings, appears in
From the starting point of some recent scholarship, a model Abraham bar Hiyya's work in association with "the order, measure,
emerges for understanding Jewish astrology in the context .of
and reckoning" of celestial motions, that is, astronomy, while for
ambivalence. Here, the scientific overlap between astrology, wtth Maimonides, the term has the distinctly negative overtones of
its potential challenge to Jewish doctrine, and astronomy, which
pseudo-science. 11 A related verb, habit, to see, similarly refers, _in
enjoyed elevated religious status as the vehicle for calendatio?,
the Chronicle, to earthly predictions based on celesl!al
causes tension. The two sciences' common ground defies, m
observation. 12
technical terms, a distinction that mirrors the Jewish ideological
one, and as a result, the indeterminacy of that scientific boundary
Hebrew terms for the scientists themselves and the celestial bodies
tests Jewish sensibilities. The problem with this model is that,
they studied also pose similar difficulties. Mos_t pit~~y,
though it applies to the Sefer hakhmoni, it does not apply to the
Maimonides' use of the Talmudic word i${agnin (pl. l${agmmn)
Chronicle of Ahimaaz; the former expresses tension, the latter,
embodies the simultaneity of the overlap of, and distinction
insouciance. A single model that comports well with the view of
both texts cannot, therefore, rely on ambivalence as a defining
8
element. If instead we redefine astrology and astronomy in terms of S Sela 'The Fuzzy Borders between Astronomy and Astrology in the Thought
homily (aggadah) and law (halakhah), respectively, astrology
and Work of Three Twelfth-Century Jewish Intellectuals', Aleph I (2000), 80,94-
recedes to a non-binding conceptual realm that cannot impinge on J~himaaz, 11 (Heb.); Starr, Jews, 208-09. Moses Maimonides, Mishneh Torah,
the more demanding and authoritative category of law. In fact, it ed. T. Preisler (Jerusalem, 1985), Laws of the ~ew Moon, ~ 7 : 24 ·A trology in Late
10
turns out that both of these Southern Italian Hebrew texts invoke- Ahimaaz, 16 (Heb.); K. von Stuckrad, 'Jewtsh and Christian s n-olo is its
perhaps unconsciously-these traditional categories of Jewish Antiquity', Numen 41 (2000), 6, argues ~at the sens; of ~~ thisg~orld.
determination of the quality of time, as well as tts corresposn,,ences ha are• 4-5·
thought, and through them, they can share their embrace of 11 s 1 . . Ab ah m bar Hiyya e1 er sura1 - ••
astrology on terms that also allow for varied approaches to the e a, 'Fuzzy Borders', 90, cttmg r a p do-Science' Aleph I
•
S. Stroumsa, '"Ravings": Maimonides' Concept of seu •
science's occult associations. (2000), 146, 163.
12
Ahimaaz, 16 (Heb.).
2% JoshuaHolo Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 2fJ7
between, astronomers and astrologers. In his exposition of the laws interpretation. From t?e point of view of judicial astrology, any
of calendation, Maimonides uses this term to refer to those whose distinction between Itself and astronomy belies their logical
calculations confirm the calendrical cycle as observed in the phases identity. Conversely, astronomy limits itself to the science of
of the Moon; here, the judgment of the istagninin's study is clearly observation and calculation, and eschews the type and degree of
positive. But he also connects the istagninin to those who attribute interpretation that characterizes astrology. On its own terms
propitiousness to certain times, and in this case, Maimonides astronomy occupies a distinct place, without any reference t~
unambiguously disparages them as celestial diviners (bovrei astrology and not serving as its handmaiden, at which point we can
shamayyim). 13 Also multivalent, words that denote the celestial fairly speak of it as a distinct undertaking. There is, therefore, in
bodies and their groupings may additionally connote the power they addition to fuzzy borders, a prevailing asymmetry between the
exert over this world. 14 Such is the case with the word mazzal (pl. celestial sciences that only further complicates their relationship in
mazzalot), which may mean either star or constellation, and kokhav, technical terms. So it is fitting that Byzantine-Jewish texts from
which includes the concepts of both star and planet. 15 At the lexical Southern Italy should offer a comparably complicated ideological
level, therefore, Hebrew offers ample opportunity for confusion relationship to the sciences.
between the sciences, but also real opportunity for distinction
between them. The latter is panicularly true when the terms are
contextualized, at which point even the only-partial specificity of III. THE IDEOLOGICAL PROBLEM OF FUZZY BORDERS:
the vocabulary may legitimately justify a functional distinction ASTROLOGY AND THE OCCULT
between the two sciences, despite the obligatory commonality of
the sciences themselves and of the words that represent them. 16 Andrew Sharf, in his ·major work on Byzantine-Jewish astrology,
imputes to the Jews the following ideological distinction between
Sela's apt concept of "fuzzy borders" therefore helps to concretize the two sciences: astronomy was mandated by God, and astrology
the problem of understanding astrology in a Jewish context, and it was simply another foreign import with which the Jews had to find
also leaves room for another, complementary view of the problem. a modus vivendi. 18 In other words, the ubiquity of astrology
Unlike natural astrology, which, as per Isidore of Seville, is simply overwhelmed Jewish qualms about it, which were based on its
occupied with sublunar bodies in the same fashion that supralunar implications of an intermediary power in the universe, especially in
bodies fall to astronomy, judicial astrology relates to astronomy on terms of moral predetermination and free will. 19 Though decades
entirely other terms. 17 Judicial astrology is, by its very definition, a prior to Sela's technical argument, Sharf's exposition nevertheless
composite science, one that necessarily relies on raw astronomical echoes it from an ideological perspective. As per Sela, the boundary
data, and then proceeds from that data to offer an earthly between the sciences, though discernible, suffers from a notable
lack of definition, which ultimately bespeaks underlying technical
13
similarity. In corresponding fashion, ideological rejection, which
Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Laws of the New Moon, 2:4, as against Laws on necessarily distilled the judicial astrology out from astronomy •
Idolatry, II :9-10; Sela, 'Fuzzy Borders', 67-80.
14
Donnolo, Sefer hakhmoni, 123a-b; Maimonides, Guide, 164; W. M. Feldman,
merely responded to overwhelming Jewish acceptance of both
Rabbinical Mathematics and Astronomy, 3'' ed. (New York, 1978), 79.
"Maimonides, Guide, 168. 18
A. Sharf, The Universe of Shabbetai Donnolo (New York, 1976), 16-17; ide~,
16
Feldman, Rabbinical Mathematics, 63-79, provides a list of the zodiacal signs, 'Shabbetai Donnolo as Byzantine Jewish Figure', in Jews and Other Minorities m
as does Donnolo, Sefer hakhmoni, 141 a-b. The opposite contexts of these texts Byzantium (Rarnat-Gan, 1995), 171-72. d
render the distinction clear. " A. Marx, "The Correspondence between the Rabbis of Southern France an
17 58
Cf. Isidore, Etymologiae, 3:27, where he defines two categories, astronomy and Maimonides about Astrology' Hebrew Union College An11ual 3 (1926), 354- ·
?S~logy, the latter itself being made up of two components, the natural and the '
To a lesser degree, about the prediction ad' d' arages m H Ben-
of events, as Sa ta !Sp ·
JUdlclal, the latter necessarily building on what we would today call "astronomy." Shammai, 'Saadia's Introduction to Daniel', Aleph 4 (2004), 70-74.
298 JoshuaHolo Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 299
sciences, which conflated or married them as natural truths of a the exception that proves the rule of acceptance. 24 In this vein, it is
larger system. 20 In short, Sharf's description of ambivalence largely particularly telling that the letter from the Proven~al sages to
depends on the tense simultaneity of two of astrology's qualities: 1) Maimonides, which inspired his famous reply known as the "Letter
its association with meritorious astronomy and implied dissociation on Astrology," inquired about the legitimacy of astrology in terms
from the occult, and 2) its distinction from astronomy and of the reliability of its information. The French sages apparently
concomitant association with the occult. took for granted that no legally binding prohibition pre-empted their
25
question.
In general terms, it is not at all clear that astrology necessarily falls
under the heading "occult" from the Jewish perspective, though it In parallel fashion, other speculative realms exhibit similar
undoubtedly may. Consequently, the underlying uncertainty of indeterminacy in Judaism. Even magic, broadly conceived of as the
astrology's occult status opens up the possibility for conflation invocation of supernatural forces, falls under the occult only
between it and, as Sharf points out, unimpeachable astronomy. The sometimes. Many forms of mystical theurgy and wonderworking
astrologer's claim that the stars and planets affect us at a spiritual walk a fine line between the occult and the orthodox, insofar as they
and moral level by its very nature flirts with the occult, if we appear to call on competing deities and forces, but claim to rely
understand occult as embracing two defining elements: esotericism only on God. Depending on his orientation, a given Jewish
and a challenge to traditional Jewish doctrine of God's omnipotence authority may view such magic with horror or approval. The
(by virtue of the apparently competing power of astral Chronicle, for example, condemns transfiguration and resurrection,
determinism). 21 Nevertheless, this flirtation represents a threat-a but it embraces magical travel and astrology. 26 Admittedly, at least
potentiality-that may or may not be realized, so that the occult in Jewish circles, astrology was occasionally guilty-or perceived
status of astrology defies easy determination. 22 Supporting the to be guilty-of association with those less ambiguous activities of
argument of ambivalence, a brief survey of sources on the subject the occult such as the invocation of the divine Name for personal
concludes that the Jewish legal position regarding astrology, from
Late Antiquity through the Middle Ages, was inconclusive. 23 Even 24 Maimonides, Sefer ha-mi$VOt, ed. T. Preisler (Jerusalem, 1985), no. 32, where
Maimonides' halakhic expression against astrology may be read as astrology is defined as the ascription of propitiousness to a given day or hour.
25 Sela, "Queries," 122-23, "If there is foolishness in our questions and the
conclusion of our utterances is silliness ... ", though the sages consider, PP· 224-25,
w On the distinction between astronomy and astrology, for r,he purposes of Maimonides' awaited-for response to be authoritative, as "halakhah give~ to
condemning the latter, the newly published commentary on Daniel by Saadia Moses on Sinai", and they recognize serious halakhic considerations in the orbit of
Gaon, edited by Ben-Shammai, 'Saadia's Introduction to Daniel', 21-22, 68-70; astrology, such as the fear of saying a prayer in vain, 103--D5. But, though these
also of note, ibid., n. 47, is Qirqisani's distinction between astronomy and problems derive from astrology, they do not necessarily inhere in it.
astrology, for the same purposes. 26
Ahimaaz, 65-66 (Eng.), 4-5 (Heb.), on the sin of magical resurrection, as well as
21
E. Urbach, The Sages (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1979), 277-78; Sela, the generally positive quality of Aaron, who "made use of his wonderworkmg
'Queries', 89-190. wisdom, to do very difficult and astonishing things"; 75, 77, on the acceptable use
of the Divine name for magical travel; G. Scholem, Major Trends ~~~ Jewtsh
21
Kreisel, 'Maimonides' Approach', 29.
Mysticism (New York, 1961 ), chap. 4; M. !del, Kabbalah: New Persp~cllv~s (Ne:
23
See the concise survey by Y. Schwartz, 'Jewish Implications of Astrology',
Journal of Halacha and Contemporary Society 16 (1988), 6-23. Also, examples Haven and London 1988) chaps 7-8· M. D. Swartz, Scholastic Magtc (Prmceto •
' ' · ' · ·'M deval
from Abraham ibn Ezra in R. Jospe, 'The Torah and Astrology According to 1996), 18-22. R. Brody The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shapmg o, e 1 b
Abraham Ibn Ezra', Proceedings of the Eleventh World. Congress of Jewish r · Culture (New Haven
Jtwtsh ' and London, 1998)• 144• Cl'tes a famous reference tY
Studies, Jerusalem, June 22-29, 1993 C/2 (Jerusalem, 1994), 17-24; not to Hay Gaon, the leader of Baghdadi Jewry in the first half of the ele~enth ce~twyal, m·o
mention the concerns of the Proven~al rabbis, and their citation of the Geonim .
the credulity .
of Byzantine Jewry m matters magic ·
· al Maimonides 1s unequ1voc
p d 333·
Sherira and Hai, in S. Sela, 'Queries on Astrology Sent from Southern France to h. condemnation of judicial astrology m . h. Guide for the erp1exe , •
IS IS A trOlogy •
Maimonides, Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text, Translation, and Commentary', Mishneh Torah, Laws on Idolatry, 11:9-10; and his famous 'Letter on s '
Aleph 4 (2004), 99-10 I. 463-73.
301
300 Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy
JoshuaHolo
As if buying in to this view, Donnolo gives up on those incredulous Donnolo argues that the real roots of astrology lay close to the
Jewish sages, but remains determined "to learn, to travel and to bosom of Israel, and he thereby attempts to reassure his readership
seek out the wisdom of the Greeks and that of the Muslims, and the that there is nothing about which to feel ambivalent. If astrology-
wisdom of the Babylonians and Indians." In other words, Donnolo lost to the Jews as part of the punishment of their exile-appears
acknowledges that Jewish intellectuals viewed astrology with pagan, it is only because nobody in his generation had apprehended
suspicion; and more than that, he hints that he, too, originally the Jewish Baraita of Samuel as the root of all astral science. 35 So
accepted the fact of astrology's associations with idolatrous Oonnolo defends his research, but in presenting this apology he
peoples, Muslims notwithstanding. 33 both confirms the prior problem of suspicion among his co-
religionists and seems to fear the same attitude among his
In his second expression of ambivalence, Donnolo goes to great readership. As such, Donnolo's introduction to his patently
lengths to correct this perception of astrology as a foreign science. astrological commentary on the Sefer yesirah confirms Sharf's
His method is simply to preempt this ideological challenge, by overall impression of Jewish ambivalence towards to the topic.
reversing the common wisdom regarding astrology's origins. In the
course of his studies abroad, Donnolo recounts that he The Chronicle of Ahimaaz also muses on destiny and the stars, and
also embraces astrology, but, unlike the Sefer hakhmoni, the
Chronicle evinces no tension whatsoever with the occult. Quite the
discovered that those [foreign books] were congruent, in every contrary, it differentiates astrology from other, more explicitly
matter concerning the astral sciences, with the books of the
Jews.... Furthermore, I realized from these books that all
occult pursuits, which the Chronicle openly criticizes. For instance,
science of the stars and constellations is based on the Baraita of whereas Paltiel, a "master of astrology," earns accolades for his
Samuel the Interpreter, and even the books of the gentiles astrological acuity, other figures are chastised for their magical
agree with it. Samuel, however, purposely obfuscated in his indiscretions. 36 An "accursed sorceress" who turned a boy into a
book; so after I finished copying the books, I travelled the
mule is called a "wicked woman." In another example, a young
world in search of gentile sages, knowledgeable in the science
of the stars and constellations, in order to leam from them .... man who cheated death by manipulation of the divine Name is
37
Eventually I found among them one Babylonian sage by the required to confess his sin upon succumbing to death. Hananel,
name of Bagdash ... , all of whose wisdom jibed with the one of the story's other heroes, also missteps in this regard; he
Baraita of Samuel, with all of the books of Israel and with the preserves a body-accidentally revivifying it-by placing the
books of the Greeks and the Macedonians. But [in contrast to
the Baraita of Samuel,] the wisdom of this sage [i.e., Bagdash] divine Name under the corpse's tongue. An angel comes in a dream
was clear and accessible in the extreme. 34 to condemn Hananel's action, asking "why do you vex the Lord
God?" 38 In its attitude toward these occult sciences, the Chronicle
does not present a fine, porous line between them and astrology.
Rather, it seems to confer legitimacy on astrology in direct measure
33
Ibid, " Donnolo, Sefer mazzalot, ·m Frankel, 6 :273·, Parti'allY repr• and tr. in Sharf.
" Ibid. This baraita, or rabbinic tradition extraneous to the canonical Mishnah, is Donnolo, 45, 184 ..
Ailimaaz, 16 (Heb.), 88 (Eng.): 1·~~':> V11' C1'J?OJ. ~ee below f~r fuller~x::~~~:
attributed to Mar Samuel (c. 177-257), student of Judah the Prince (who compiled 36
the Mishnah, c. 220), leading light of the Babylonian academy of Nehardea and of Pal tiel's astrology p 310 n 56 Salzman, m h1s mtrO. to Ahtmaaz,ti2 ' . th
Paltiel as "so exceptlon.ally fa~ored, that his is the most conspicuous •gure
10
eminent legist and astronomer. The Baraita of Samuel is briefly quoted by Sharf, e
Universe, 185, from edition in J. D. Eisenstein, O$ar midrashim (New York, chronicle."
37
1915), 542-47. I infer "purposely" from the gist of the sentence, which implies Ibid., 3-5 (Heb.), 64-66 (Eng.).
that Samuel was being coy in the sensitive matter of mysteries. 38
Ibid., 10 (Heb.), 77 (Eng.).
304 JoshuaHolo Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 305
to its condemnation of unauthorized magic, implying a firm and appointed king over all of these [bodies], to guide them, in
unambiguous boundary between astrology and the occult. goodness and evil. ... " 39
Much of Donnolo's work functions in the overlapping sphere that Nathan, tr. J. Neusner (Atlanta, 1986), 189-90; Hebrew verston: Avot deRabbl
Nathan, ed. S. z. Schechter (Vienna, 1887), chap. 31,91-92. t'
occupies both astrology and astronomy; most notably, perhaps, he " For a full exposition of Donnolo ' s homo Iogy, see A· Sharf• 'Notesh onM'a sec'(tons
relates the so-called "dragon", i.e., the path between the lunar from Shabbetai Donnolo's Sefer hakhmoni' (Heb.), in Jews and Ot er mon"
nodes, to moral values. Donnolo explains that in Byzantium (Ramat-Gan, 1995), 19-34.
42
Donnolo, Sefer hakhmoni, 125a-126b, 127b. acity of
when God created the firmament above us, which is divided "Sharf, Donnolo, 73-93; Genesis Rabbah, 8:3, ex~licitly addre~ses th~.c:: inspire
into seven flrmaments, he also created the "dragon" from water the biblical passage, "Let us make man in our tmage and ~ ~~:~ tradition)
and frre, in the form of a great monster like a great curved ?eretical dualism: "R. Samuel bar N ahman [handed d?wn. t!'e ~e To~. he was
serpent. .. , and he extended it through the fourth celestial level, m the name of R. Yonatan: in the course of M~ses wntmg 'And God said
which is the middle firmament.. .and all the stars, luminescent Writing each day's act [of Creation]. When he arnved .at the ve~e are giving the
bodies and constellations are fixed in it.... Indeed, it is "Let us make man ... ,"' he said, 'Master of the Umverse, w Y
heretics an opportunity to argue?"'
306 JoshuaHolo HebreW Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 307
Here is the explanation for the verse, "Let us make man in our Israelites for the sin of the Golden Calf. In the end, God deferred to
image". After God created the entire universe, the supernal Moses, not only in asking him beforehand but also in subsequently
heavens, the angels, all the ministers of His glory, the land, the
firmament, the waters, the trees, the grasses, the lights, the
honouring His prophet's preference to preserve the Israelites. God
stars, the fish, the sea monsters, the fowl, and the animals that respects, in effect, the extension of His own authority that He
creep in the waters ... [etc.], He took counsel with His holy delegated to us. The health of that relationship relies, however, on
spirit to create man, who would be the appointed guardian and our success in living up to God's aspirations for us.
lord over all the creatures ... to rule over the world, to reign and
oversee all of created heaven and earth, and to praise Him. So,
He said to His [newly-created] universe, "Let us make man in
The correlation between the human body and the universe that
our image, after our likeness. In My image and in your image, created it accounts for our physical and mental makeup and, by
after My likeness and after yours". 44 extension, whether or not we live up to those expectations.
Accordingly,
In this extraordinary argument, Donnolo claims that the created
universe joined God as partner in the creation of human beings, God made for [man] a spherical head, like the firmament of
heaven that is above the firmament of this world. He gave him
with each partner defining one component of our nature and
the upper palate above the mouth, in which the teeth and jaw
abilities. are planted, in the likeness of the firmament of this world,
above us. And just as He separates this firmament that is above
God, the initiator and senior collaborator in the project of man's us between waters- between the upper waters and the lower
creation, defines our position in the universe: waters- so too, does the upper palate of the mouth separate
between the humour of the head and that of the upper digestive
tract, called the stomach. Similarly, just as God rested His holy
Just as God is superior to and rules over man and the entire
presence in the upper heavens, which covered the waters, as it
universe above and below, so too shall man do, as long as he
says in Scripture, "He who roofed the waters with His rafters"
follows his Creator's will. Thus, for example, to our master
(Ps. 104:3), so too, He placed the animated soul, knowledge,
Moses, peace be upon him, the Blessed Creator said regarding
and discernment in the membrane of the brain, which is
the [Golden] Calf, "Allow me, and I will destroy [the Children
wrapped around the brain and its humour. This is evident,
of Israel] .... ""
because if the brain is ruptured, a person will die immediately,
for there resides the life-force .... [Further,] just as God placed
By invoking the divine aspect of our constitution, Donnolo the two lights ... in the heavenly firmament, so too, he put two
illustrates two critical aspects of the divine-human relationship. eyes in man's head. The right eye is like the Sun and the l~ft
First, he explains that human propag·ation into perpetuity is resembles the Moon .... And just as God made the celestial
dragon in the universe and stretched it out over the firmament,
dependent on conformity to God's will. Our success in living up to from east to west, from end to end, as well as the stars and the
the standard of the divine within us can be measured in terms of our constellations and everything in the universe that is branchmg
ability to "use the evil inclination to transform those things from it, so too, He made the spinal cord inside the vertebrae,
normally generated by it into [acts characterized by] the fear of extending from the brain to the pelvis."
God, without sin or offense .... " 46 When we do so we act as the
deputies of God, which is the second charac~eristic of the Here it is the microcosmic analogy of the physical universe to man
relationship as Donnolo sees it. Quoting Deut. 9:14, Donnolo that ~ccounts for the relationship of celestial bodies to our ow?,
. b d. r us 48 This power, m
argues that God needed to confer with Moses before destroying the whtch shapes the power of those o tes ove ·
.. Donnolo, Sefer hakhmoni, 126b. "Ibid., 127b; Sharf, Donno/o, 55, 170-72. "J the universe is full
"Ibid. "Donnolo, Sefer hakhmoni, 127a-b, 129b. From 129b: ust a~·1de among secrets•
.. Ibid., 127b, 129a. of God's glory, as it is written (Jer. 23:24), '"Man cannot
308 Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 309
JoshuaHolo
the form of the celestial dragon, reigns "in the universe like a king story, however, ignores the mystical and presents, rather, a very
on his throne", and below it, a descending hierarchy rules "over the this-worldly picture of astronomical calculation. In an encounter
two bodies of light, the five planets, and over every deed in the with the local archbishop, Hananel finds himself in a
universe, both good and bad". 49 Thence, each part of the body, as
discussion of the calculations that were prescribed for
well as our appetites and inclinations, reflects the motions and detennining the appearance of the new Moon. On the morrow
qualities of celestial bodies. 50 So it is that, by dint of its of that very day there was to be a new Moon, which according
participation in our creation, the physical or celestial universe exerts to Israel's custom, was to be held sacred. [The archbishop]
significant power over us-on the face of it a rather audacious asked [Hananel] in how many hours the new Moon would
appear. R. Hananel answered by naming a certain hour, but he
reading of the creation of man and one that seamlessly interlaces was mistaken. The archbishop disputed his opinion and said,
the observational and the interpretational, like "the warp and weft "If that is your calculation on the appearance of the Moon, you
on 'the weaver's beam"'. 51 are not skilled in calculation". R. Hananel had not given
thought to the time of the appearance of the new Moon, but the
In very different fashion, the Chronicle of Ahimaaz treats judicial archbishop had calculated it and knew; he had cast his net for
R. Hananel, and would have caught him in his snare had not
astrology and astronomy as separate undertakings, with different the God of his salvation come to his aid.
methods, purposes and results. Equally as bold as Donnolo in many
respects, the eleventh-century Chronicle presents side-by-side Still unaware of his error, Hananel takes the archbishop up on a bet,
portraits of the astronomer and astrologer for ready contrast. according to which he agrees to apostatize if proven wrong. Then,
Although the Chronicle, from the social-historical point of view, Hananel goes home, where
poses many challenges inherent to its legendary content, from the
perspective of cultural history it provides an unselfconscious he went over his calculation and found his error, by which he
account of this distinction between the celestial sciences. 52 had failed in his reckoning.... As the time of waxing
approached ... he called, in distress and tears, upon Him that
hears the supplications of His beloved, "0 God, Ruler of the
Two relatives, protagonists of the Chronicle, play the all-but- universe nothing is hidden from You. I have not been
unrelated roles of seer and scientist. The elder of the two, Hananel, presump;uous, but have innocently erred and committed
was the second son of the family patriarch, Amittai, and lived in the folly .... Forgive my error and pardon my wrongdoing.""
latter half of the ninth century. He, like his brothers, looms large in
the Chronicle as a pious wonderworker and learned mystic. One God obligingly intervenes to save Hananel, by shifting the Moon's
phase to vindicate his erroneous calculation and to con~ute t~e
without My seeing him," says the Lord; "Do I not fill both heaven and earth?" says archbishop's correct one. God's intervention notwithstandmg, thts
the Lord.' Thus is the living spirit of man, which is like a microcosm, from his feet anecdote deals in objective, astronomical reality that respects
to his head, from end to end, to the tips of his fingers and toes." Though this .
ne1ther . . nor man, nor does 1t
rehgwn · presume to t·mpinge on matters
appears to be a spiritual comparison, it is in fact a physical comparison of the
universe to man, insofar as both are analogously filled with God's glory. Cf. Sharf, of moral or spiritual orientation.
Donnolo, 31, 52.
. fu d entally from that
•• Donnolo, Sefer hakhmoni, 147b. Hananel's astronomical problem d1ffers n am . "b d
"'!hid., 147a. . 'k H 1 who IS desert e
wh1ch his descendant later faces. Unh e anane ' d Paltt"el
"!hid., 146a, 147b, referring to I Sam. 17:7; Sharf, Donnolo, !83. as a legal expert as well as a mystic,· hIS
· great-gran son
" Historical analysis of the mythological aspect of the Chronicle by R. Bonfil,
'Mito, retorica, storia: saggio sui "rotolo di Ahima' az"', in Tra due mondi (Naples,
19?6), 121-33; and idem, 'Can Medieval Storytelling Help Understanding
Mtdrash? The Story of Paltiel: a Preliminary Study on History and Midrash', in " Ahimaaz, 78-80, 94 (Eng.); 11-12, 19-20 (Heb.), where be feels that the
The Midrashic Imagination, ed. M. Fishbane (Albany, 1993), 228-54. scholars should not defer to him.
310 JoshuaHolo Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 311
engages in lexically-and narratively-marked astrology, and bears be taken off. The first king is John the Greek, the second, the
king of Baghdad, in the north", then the king hastening to
the soubriquet "understander of mysteries", without corresponding, interrupt him said, "You are the third, the king of the south",
explicitly rabbinic credentials. 54 In fact he seems to enjoy a position but [Paltiel] replied to the king, "No, my lord, for I am a Jew;
of privilege expressly distinct from that of the scholars. As his story the third is the king of Spain". But the king said, "You are in
develops, Paltiel's astrological prowess, like the astronomical skill truth the third as I say". Sure enough, in that year Paltiel died."
of his great-grandfather Hananel, comes out in relation to a non-
Jewish leader. 55 In the mid-tenth century of the Chronicle's The patently astrological nature of these accounts requires only
reckoning, al-Mu'izz, the future caliph of Fatimid Egypt, invades brief comment. 58 From the point of view of narrative, the
Southern Italy, including Oria. There he encounters the Chronicle's indeterminacy of interpretation comes through in clear distinction
protagonists, and Paltiel, prominent among them, rises to a position ·from the natural fixedness of Hananel's astronomical calculation.
of trust in al-Mu'izz's entourage. Now the conqueror's advisor, Al-Mu'izz's deputizing of Paltiel is conditional, pending the
Paltiel takes an evening stroll with his master, and gazing at the realization of the latter's prediction. Similarly, the narrator does not
stars they see telegraph Paltiel' s death as predetermined truth in the same way
that he categorically defines Hananel's calculation as error. The
the commander's star consume three stars, not all at one time, protagonists discover the truth and error of Paltiel's respective
but in succession. And al-Mu'izz said to [Paltiel], "What prophesies at the same time as the reader does, whereas Hananel's
meaning do you find in that?" R. Paltiel answered, "Give your
mistake constitutes a narrative fact of the story, established before it
interpretation first." The commander replied, "The stars
represent the three cities Tarentum, Otranto and Bari, that I am even dawns on Hananel himself. The Chronicle grants that the stars
to conquer." R. Paltiel then said, "Not that, my lord; I see have real power, no doubt, but humans interact with that power on
something greater; the first star means ... Sicily, the terms unrelated to those that govern astronomical calculation.
second ... Africa, and the third, Babylonia". Al-Mu'izz at once
embraced him and kissed him, took off his ring and gave it to
Taking the Sefer hakhmoni and the Chronicle of Ahimaaz with their
him, and took an oath saying, "If your words come true, you
shall be master of my house and have authority over my very different understandings of astrology's connections to
kingdom" .56 astronomy and the occult, the thesis of fuzzy borders proves too
limited. The Sefer hakhmoni works within an astrological set of
When al-Mu'izz dies after realizing the prophecy, Paltiel stays on assumptions that directly and seamlessly relies on astronomy; the
as vizier to the new caliph, and together they repeat the evening Chronicle of Ahimaaz only implicitly recognizes the overlap, a?d at
stroll: every tum treats the two sciences as utterly separate undertakm?s.
In parallel fashion, the Sefer hakhmoni engages in astrology with
R. Paltiel and the king were walking in the open and they saw religious ambivalence towards its occult associations-perhaps
three bright stars disappear; in an instant their light had even revealing the author's own misgivings. Meanwhile, the
vanished. R. Paltiel said, "The stars that have been eclipsed
represent three kings who will die this year; and they will soon Chronicle casts no occult shadow on the science of astrology
54
Ahimaaz, 62 (Eng.); 3, 20 (Heb.): nmo )'JI:lS. Benin, 'Jews, Muslims, and
Christians in Byzantine Italy', in Judaism and Islam, Boundaries, "Ibid., 96-97 (Eng.); 21 (Heb.). . h1'b 1't and the
58On the lexical indicators, in the first case the Chromcle uses '
Communications, and Interactions: Essays in Honor of William M. Brinner, ed. B. . d both subject to contextual
~ary, et al. (Lei~en ~d Boston, 2000), 30-31. second .hozim, both referring to visual perception, an . to other
. 1 y For companson
. Fo~ the. considerations of the family tree, see the most recent translation and mterpretation as regards either astronomy or a~tro og · of Maimonides; for
1
h1stoncal mterpretation of Paltiel and al-Mu'izz in C. Colafemmina's introduction usage, see S. Stroumsa, '"Ravings"', 146, 16~, the con~~cal sense. see above,
10
to Sefer yuhasin: libro delle discendenze 31-38 Abraham bar Hiyya's use of the second word 10 the astron
56
Ahimaaz, 88-89 (Eng.); 16-17 (Heb.).' . n.II.
312
JoshuaHolo Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 313
whatsoeve_r. In sum: _if the . ~ommon geographical, linguistic, Halakhah and aggadah, though frequently associated with
chronologiCal and rehg10us ongms of both texts justifies a search particular genres of literature, also function as primordial
for some shared sensibility regarding ASTROLOGY AND epistemological orders of relevance. In this hierarchy, halakhah
ASTRONOMY, WE MUST LOOK ELSEWHERE FOR IT. reigns unchallenged; it is the this-worldly enactment of divine Law
in all its possible permutations, applicable to every eventuality in
life, including, for example: diet, worship, sexual relations, ethical
V. HALAKHAH AND AGGADAH behaviour, and the religious calendar. As Jacob Neusner puts it, "I
assign priority to the Halakhah for the same reason everyone else
We can only surmise a religious worldview that accounts at once who has ever studied Rabbinic Judaism does. The Halakhah defines
for the divergent attitudes of the two texts and their shared the practice of the faith, the norms of conduct, and these bear the
conclusion in favour of astrology. Still, within that limitation, we message, the professions, of the faith as well, embodying belief in
might imagine a radical conceptual break between the celestial concrete behaviour." 60 It spells out, in other words, the Jews'
sciences, instead of attributing religious ambivalence to astrology as specific contractual obligations in their unique covenant with God.
a function of scientifically fuzzy borders between it and astronomy.
Such a break may be drawn along lines that correspond to the Halakhah, therefore, by its very nature enjoys immediate and
border between two deeply engrained modes of Jewish thought compelling relevance, not only as a system of religious values but
known as halakhah (pl. halakhot; binding legal norms of behaviour also as a guide for daily life; and among the various realms of
and ritual) and aggadah (pl. aggadot; non-binding, non-legal, halakhah, none touched upon the lives of individuals and
speculative or homiletical interpretations and literature). Such a communities in the Middle Ages more directly and universally than
heuristic redraws and solidifies the border between the sciences, the measurement of time. In serving this halakhic function as the
beca_use i~ is unconcerned with the technical and ideological metronome of Jewish time, with its myriad implications for social
mamfestat10ns of ambiguity and ambivalence. Halakhah, as organization, the calendar embodied the social and spiritual
correlated to astronomy, is concerned only with calculation as the function of halakhah as a compulsory code of life. Many of the
tool ~or th: measurement of time; aggadah embraces everything divine Commandments are time-bound, in particular the celebration
~lse, mcludmg not only astrology but also astronomy that feeds into of the Sabbath and holidays; their proper observance entails not
It (as opposed astronomy that serves the calculation of time). The only detailed ritual, but also dietary restrictions, such as the Yom
merit_ of this halakhah-aggadah heuristic is that it provides a Kippur fast and abstinence from leaven on Passover. Additionally,
plausible model, in which both the Chronicle's unburdened work and travel are strictly forbidden on holidays, a fact that
embrace of, and the Sefer hakhmoni's ambivalent accession to, directly governed commercial and communal interaction. In
astrology make sense. This, because in either case, astrology-as- addition to these underlying the social and legal concerns, the
aggadah allows significant theological latitude without encroaching Pentateuch, beginning with Creation, clearly describes the c~endar
on the halakhic demands of astronomy. 59 as the existential rhythm of the cosmos, which lends time a
numinous quality. For all these reasons, the calendar eventu~ly
inspired a desire for uniformity among the Jewish people, to whtch
they responded in the ninth century and definitively in th~ tenth,
•• A. Rosenak, 'Aggadah and Halakhah' (Heb.), in A Quest for Ha/akha, ed. A.
Barho~z (Jerusalem, 2003), 286--94; L. Silberman, 'Aggadah and Halakhah', in
with the development of a standardized calendar-one which pre-
~';:Life of the Covenant, ed. J. Ede1heit (Chicago, 1986), 223-34; Y. Nafua, 'On
'Hal~~~ Aggadah'.(Heb.), Derekh ephratah 3 (1993), 183-203; z. Kagan,
d Aggadah. The Paradoxtca1 Connection' (Heb ) Mehkere mishpat "' . • . F urth Series. Category-
18 (2002), 213-18. .• ]. Neusner, Major Trends in Formative JuuaiSm, o
Formation, Literature and Philosophy (Lanham, MD, 2002), 66.
314 Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 315
JoshuaHolo
empted regional halakhic diversity that applied to other matters of Jewish world; the disputants merely challenged one another's
similarly quotidian bearing. 61 determination of the mathematically-defined threshold of the
Jewish New Year. That the prestige and power of the disputants
Jewish leadership, during a long and complicated process, gradually hinged directly on this debate merely reflects its centrality for the
66
replaced direct lunar observation with astronomical calculation, for entire Jewish world, crossing all boundaries of geography or class.
the purpose of determining the lunar cycles and intercalating them Thus, by the tenth century, and the lifetime of Shabbetai Donnolo,
with the solar cycles. 62 In this way, since the fourth century c.E., astronomical calendation under girded the very functionality of
astronomy played an increasing, if controversial, role in Jewish life, so that, despite the patent overlap between the celestial
predetermining the Jewish lunisolar year. 63 And though the precise sciences, medieval Judaism necessarily distinguished between them
mathematical formulae and the applications remained in flux for in terms of the indeterminacy of astrology's occult status, on the
67
some centuries, the principal of calculation based on astronomy one hand, and astronomy's halakhic necessity on the other.
prevailed. 64 The final stage of standardization took the form of a
fierce dispute between Saadia Gaon, the pre-eminent Iraqi The legal and practical implications of astronomically based
authority, and Aaron ben Meir, his Palestinian counterpart, calendation find eloquent and pithy expression in the Karaite-
ultimately settling in favour of the former. 65 The bone of contention, Rabbanite debate. 68 The Rabbanites, the large majority of Jewry and
i.e., the determination of the length of the year A.M. 4682 (C.E. 921- heretofore referred to simply as "Jews", constituted the mainstream
922), utterly presumed both the common principles of astronomical of Judaism and defined themselves by their adherence to both
calculation and the fact of their applicability as Law to the entire Scripture, also called the Written Law, and Talmud, or the Oral
Law. Their opponents, the Karaites, had coalesced in ten_th-century
Palestine into an important dissenting group that reJected the
• 69 bb .
61
S. Stem, Calendar and Community (Oxford, 2001), 232-41. E.g., one of the authority of the Talmud, its adherents and Its ma~ters. Ra_ . amtts
most glaring aspects of lzalakhic diversity, the question of polygyny came to the and Karaites recognized one another as Jews ethmcally, reh~wu~ y,
fore as a legal matter around the tum of the first millennium in the Rhineland but nationally, and linguistically; but the stumbling block of dtffenng
not in Muslim lands. In custom, European Jewry had abandoned polygyny some
time prior. but de jure, only in that period did R. Gersh om, 'Light of the Exile',
religious authority prevented mutual acceptance in many matters of
outlaw it; L. Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages (New York,
1924; repr. 1964), 20-36.
62
Stem, Calendar, 241-75. 66 • f h th century The eminent
63
S. Gandz, Studies in Hebrew Astronomy and Mathematics (New York, 1970), Later stages only ratified the conclusions o t e ten ·. d. t d
.. M · 'd Rabad of Posqu1eres. 1spu e
74, dates the shift to calculation to 359, according to a reference by medieval twelfth-century /zalaklzist and cnt1c of a1mom es, . . f c . (read·
· · h uestwn o ,ore1gn ·
Hebrew astronomer Abraham b. Hiyya, Sefer lza-ibbur, 3:7. Stem, Calendar, 139- questions of astronomy, unafraid of engagmg m t e q d th dar See
. h. the law an e ca1en ·
54; idem, 'Fictitious Calendars: Early Rabbinic Notions of Time, Astronomy and idolatrous) astronomy, in for the sake of establ IS mg . M 1962 ) 264-
Reality', Jewish Quarterly Review 87 (1996), 103-29, examines the dissonance the analysis of I. Twersky, Rabad of Pos~uier~s (Cambndgetlve ·~~for ha·;,i~vot,
between empirically erroneous calculations and the assumptions and claims that 68. Though later, the example of Maimon~des IS also mstru~ 'alculate the years
they reflected reality, demonstrating the difficulties of the undertaking and the positive commandment no. 153: "To sanct1fy the months an. to c (Ex !2·2)·
. · a1 rt as Scripture says · · ·
gradual process of codification into the Middle Ages. and months only by the power of the rabbtniC cou. ·. g the months
64
For the Talmudic evolution of the calendar, see Feldman, Rabbinical 'This month is for you the first of the months; first IS It for you arnon
':!~thematics, 178-210; the Babylonian Talmud itself reflects the problems of of the year"'.
Jtbmg the computed with the observed lunar phases in one of its most famous 6's tern, Calendar, 264-68. . . . wntium (New York and
passages, Rosh Hashanah 24a-25b. Most importantly S Stem Calendar 98 170- 68
For an apt discussion, see Z. Ankon, Karmtes 111 8 yz
75,254. ' . ' ' ' Jerusalem, 1959), ch. 7. 1970 esp. the repr. of the
See P. Birnbaum, ed., Karaite Studies (~ew ~orkW 't' ~of Sa'adiah Gaon'.
65 69
H. Malter, Saadia Gaon (Philadelphia, 1921), 69-88; Stem, Calendar, 264-68;
M.D. C~suto, 'About What Did Saadia Gaon and b. Meir Dispute?"'(Heb.), in classic articles by S. Poznanski, 'The Antt-Karatt~ di~ ~:on' 129-234.
Rav Saadta Gaon, ed. J. L. Fishman (Jerusalem, 1943), 333-64. 89-128, and 'The Karaite Literary Opponents of Sa a '
316 Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 317
JoshuaHolo
.
doctnne, . an d law. 70 One emblematic point of dispute was
practtce This fortuitous document not only captures the halakhic immediacy
the calendar. The Karaites reckoned their calendar based on direct of the calendar, but more trenchantly, places astronomical
observation of the new Moon associated with Passover and the calculation in the forefront of competing claims to orthodoxy.
arrival of agricultural spring in the Land of Israel, in accordance
with ancient practice and the biblical text. 71 Meanwhile the Echoing the irreducible demands of calendrical adherence, the
Rabbanites increasingly, and by the tenth century completely, relied Chronicle of Ahimaaz approaches physical astronomy in a way that
on uniform astronomical calculation of the phases of the Moon and highlights its halakhic function. Lexical and narrative elements of
intercalation with the solar calendar. the story of Hananel reflect both a purely astronomical orientation
and a specific set of legal associations. First of all, the language of
Various primary sources, including a Byzantine letter from the calculation, as opposed to interpretive stargazing, is quite precise,
74
Cairo Genizah, capture the deep rift between the two factions and matches terms that appear in other texts on astronomy.
especially as relates to the ongoing struggle of each side to justif; Second, the story treats a situation in which objective knowledge is
its own calendar. 72 A Hebrew, Rabbanite missive dated to the either right or wrong; that is, a natural set of truths applies to the
eleventh century on paleographic grounds and attributed to cosmos independently of religious claims. More to the point,
Byzantium on the basis of its mention of the Byzantine coin, the adherence to the natural order of time imposes particular strictures
hyperpyron, illustrates the practical and legal implications of this on the Jew, and indeed, the stakes are higher than at first they
longstanding debate. In it, the unnamed author complains of Karaite appear. Hananel brings the quandary of apostasy on himself, insofar
politicking, pointing out that as he accepts the bet, but this self-imposed peril actually sets the
stage for the real crisis, namely, the commission of a sin. Hananel
... the Karaites again fought against us last year. They errs in a matter of law, and he must submit himself to God's mercy,
desecrated the divine festivals, and celebrated the New Year in by means of a formal prayer, "forgive my error and pardon my
the eighth month [i.e., one month late by Rabbanite reckoning],
for they had received letters from Palestine stating that the
wrongdoing". 75
barley-ripening had not yet been seen in Nissan [the appointed
month of Passover], so the Passover had to celebrated in lyyar
Ignoring such legal concerns, astrology as described by both the
[the following month]. A violent enmity developed between us, Sejer hakhmoni and the Chronicle of Ahimaaz falls to the very
and many disputes took place. The Karaites slandered [us,] the different mode of aggadah. Aggadah constitutes 7:n altog~ther
Rabbanites, and [our] congregation was fined almost one looser and less authoritative category than halakhah. Late-antique
thousand dinars hyperpyra. 73 and medieval Talmudic authorities, the primary tradents of ?oth
" h 1 khah can be denved
halakhah and aggadah, agree that no a a .
from aggadot", thereby freeing individuals to a;cept or ~eJect non-
. .. h . · demands And thts freedom
halakh tc tradttlons as t etr consctence · .
correlates to aggadah's great breadth; all lore that falls o~tstde ;~~
70
J. Olszowy-Schlanger, Karaite Marriage Documents from the Cairo Genizah
(Leiden and New York, 1998), 4-7. essential and binding category of halakhah may be satd to
71
Exodus 9:31, 34: 18.
:See L. Nemoy, ~ara~te An_thology (New Haven, 1952), 5, 38.
Cambndge Umversity Library, Taylor-Schechter 20.4. First published by J. . Seta 'Fuzzy Borders'. 72.
Mann, Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature, 2 vols. (Cincinnati,
74 In reference to both Maimonides and Bar Hiyya. see N Moon 17:24.
1931-35), 1:51. Present translation adapted from Starr, Jews, 182-84; Starr reads 82. Specifically. Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Laws of the ew •
1"l1~'K ('YPRNYYR), "Ahimaaz, 78-80 (Eng.); 11-12 (Heb.). . 21 Z2
J. Frenkel, Midrash and Aggadah (Heb.) (Tet-AviVi~-~ ~)Sc· Hai ·Gaon in B. M.
76 9
which does not correspond to un€QmJQa. However, close examination of the
n Pe'ah 2:6, 17a; Ma'aser Sheni 3:9, 51 a; Shabbat · • '
m~uscript clearly reveals the letters ,,~,~·K('YPARPYR), which correspond nicely
With UltllQJtiJQ. Lewin, O$ar ha-Geonim (Jerusalem, 1928-43), 4:59-60.
318 Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 319
JoshuaHolo
under the category of aggadah. 78 Aggadah is also identified heavens, astrology opens a space for ambiguity, ambivalence and
. 82
imprecisely, with the genre of late-antique, rabbinic literatur~ even heterodoxy.
known as Midrash, though Midrash in fact includes both aggadic
and halakhic texts, just as aggadah also peppers the predominantly In stark contrast to astronomy and the halakhic concerns that
halakhic co~us of Talmud. 79 More than merely a literary genre, surround it, aggadah defines the astrology of Donnolo and the
therefore, thts catch-all refers to the affective mode of Jewish Chronicle alike. Donnolo is aware of the fact that his case for the
thinking that is characteristic of legends, homilies, ethical lessons, collaborative generation of man at the hands of God and His created
°
parables, mysticism, etc. 8 Cast thus, astrology is cordoned off and universe risks offending Judaism's core monotheistic sensibilities.
So he tempers his reading with an unobjectionably orthodox
comparatively unmoored as aggadah. It cannot possibly speak to 83
the basic and obligatory considerations of law, and cannot, exposition of God's ultimate power and free will. But in any case,
therefore, inspire any response-either positive or negative-of all of his astrological and cosmological daring never leaves the fold
comparable moment. 81 Aggadah certainly has the capacity to of the established interpretive tools of aggadah. Genesis Rabbah, a
challenge and test orthodoxy by means of risky ideas, but if classical, verse-by-verse, aggadic reading of Genesis compiled as
anything, it functions as a safe context for daring theological early as the fifth century, already addresses the same scriptural
speculation, because once distinguished from halakhah, it cannot problem in similarly bold terms and by means of the same
materially menace it. As an aggadic approach to interpreting the exegetical methods. 84 The rabbis, the interlocutors of th~ text, test
out various interpretations to account for the troubling plural
subject of the Genesis verse, "Let us make man in our image": Th~y
78
ask "With whom did God take counsel? R. Joshua b. Levt srud,
H. L. Strack and G. Sternberger, Introduction to Talmud and Midrash
(Minneapolis, 1996), 237-40.
·with the created heaven and earth did He take counsel"'. The
79
A typical example is Pesiqta Rabbati, ed. R. Ulmer (Atlanta, 1997), 408-19, in continuing exposition then goes in a very different direction f~om
which Creation unfolds in terms of the zodiacal year and each constellation's that of Donnolo, but the exegetical infrastructure of cla~st.cal
characteristics. J. H. Charlesworth, 'Jewish Astrology in the Talmud, rabbinic aggadah obviously underlies his own. Equally exphcttly
Pseudepigrapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and Early Palestinian Synagogues', and directly aggadic is Donnolo's fragmentary, largely
f!arvard Theological Review 70 (1977), 183-88, describes the variety of opinions
m the Talmud. This variety does not, in and of itself, correlate to either halakhah astronomical work, Sejer mazzalot. There he explicat~s the m?uons
~r aggadah, insofar as both leave ample room for disagreement. The difference of the Pleiades and Ursa Minor by means of a mythtcal read~ng ~f
hes m what one does with the disagreement. In matters of halakhah, one cannot Genesis and the book of Job.85 Additionally, Joseph Kara, 10 hts
~imply abstain from opining; a choice must be made regarding the course of action
m fulfilment of the Law. In matters of aggadah, by contrast, one may expatiate, y T L rmann Acceptance and
82 On similar lines to those proposed by · · ange ' · h Thought
challenge, or simply ignore. Charlesworth also briefly discusses a Shabbat 156a-
Devaluation: Nahmanides' Attitude towards Science' • Journ~l ~ ew•~ accepted
0 1
156b where the topic arises in typically aggadic mode. Other well known passages
include Nedarim 32a and Bava Batra 16b. and Philosophy 1/2 (200 I), 223-45. Rabbis variOuslythrejett . a~rejection of
"'There are points at which halakhah and aggadah seem to overlap, see D. Gordis, judicial astrology· Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat I56a, IS e c assic . R bbah
astral powers ov~r the Jews, "Israel has no constellation", but Genesis a .
Scnpture and Halakhah in Parallel Aggadot', Prooftexts 5 (1985): 183-91, even 11 . th t empowers It to grow.
though the categories are generally invoked as fundamentally different. 10:6 attributes to every blade of grass a conste ation . a f th Biblical Flood. see
83 On God's repositioning of the stars to call off the rams 0 e
" Cf. Maimonid~s, who attacked astrology in public and halakhic contexts, in an
I?
effort frame his argument more forcefully and perhaps to hide his secret agenda, Donnolo, Sejer mazza/ot, 2:261-62, and below, n. 85. .
84 Genesis Rabbah 8:3; Strack and Sternberger, lntroductiOI~~
ru;,<:<>rdmg to Freudenthal, Maimonides' Stance', 85, 87. But, even taking his
19
' d be He. brought
0
o JCCUons to astrology at face value as simple rejections of judicial astrology, they
85
Donnolo, Sejer mazza/ot, 7:349: "When the Holy ;::'~ Pl::~es, and the tlood
can do no more than establish astrology as a danger to halakhah or a slippery forth the flood on the earth, He took two stars from b H sought to remove the
slope. Idolatry proper is not identified, wholesale and halakhical/y, with astrology, broke forth on the earth. When the Holy One, Bless1 ~ U~~a Minor and he tiUed
but It does th~~ten t~ le~ to it; see Y. T. Langermann, 'Maimonides' Repudiation waters from the face of the earth, he took two stars roF th treason Ursa Mm<"
of Astrology ,m Mazmomdean Studies (New York, 1991), 2:128-9. in the vacant spaces of the two stars in the Pleiades. or a '
320 JoshuaHolo Hebrew Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 321
commentary on the book of Job (the only extant source for the Sefer knoW that one should not consult Chaldeans [i.e., necromancers or
mazzalot) takes Donnolo's astronomy in precisely this aggadic astrologers]? Because of the Biblical passage (Deut. 23: 13) that
sense, and specifically quotes Genesis Rabbah-in the same section states 'You shall be perfect with the Lord,. your God'". Echoing this
of that midrash where R. Simon avers that "no blade of grass exists attitude, a document from the Cairo Genizah denounces astrology in
except as under its constellation"- in order to interpret, together terms reminiscent of Maimonides, explicitly prohibiting the
with Donnolo, the movements of the Pleiades. 86 In brief, Donnolo practice. 89 Other considerations in the Talmud, however, enter the
explicitly frames his entire cosmology and judicial astrology in debate as though into an aggadic matter, with correspondingly
these standard and familiar aggadic terms, where ambivalence and varied opinions and without the determinative judgments of
theological daring can flourish, without encroaching on the halakhah. Such is the claim of Rava, who argues that "three things
fundaments of Jewish doctrine and law. are dependent, not on merit but on Mazza/ [zodiacal sign]: lifespan,
90
offspring, sustenance".
The Chronicle, in similar fashion, casts Paltiel as the interpretive
astrologer, whose skill profits him, but whose interpretations do not The matter is further complicated, moreover, by the fact that in the
impinge on the realm of divine law. 87 His endeavours as an Palestinian Talmud, which historically enjoyed primacy over its
interpreter of the heavens belong to that broad category of Babylonian counterpart in the context of Roman Jewry, also
aggadah-not in the sense of Donnolo's classical exegesis, but equivocates in the matter of astrology. R. Eliezer b. J~~ob grants
rather in the default sense of aggadah as all that which is not that one should '"neither divine nor augur' (Lev. 19, 26) ·And yet,
halakhah. Paltiel's readings are indeterminate, and the concept of "even divination may convey an accurate omen, especially after
transgression, which befits the breaking of the law, does ,not apply three occurrences of the sign". 91 This indeterminacy only grows, as
to his failure. Unlike Hananel's calculations, Paltiel's interpretive the argument proceeds along a more aggadic path. The ~~udents _of
leeway removes astrology from astronomy's halakhic PURVIEW: R. Hanina go out to cut wood, when an astrologer ( t~trologt~)
declares that they will not survive the excursion. It turns out that his
prediction would have been realized, had the students not a~erted
VI. CONCLUSION · a1ong the way. 92 In sum ' 1f the
the decree by an act of char1ty
Palestinian Talmud passes judgment on astrology, it also gr_ants. the
If the heuristic lens of aggadah offers one model for understanding stars' power-albeit a power subordinated to divinely msp!red
the complexity of astrology's place in both the Sejer hakhmoni and deeds, such as those of loving kindness.
the Chronicle of Ahimaaz, it is not because aggadah and astrology
omy distinguished
are necessarily or exclusively linked. That is to say, in other Further clouding the matter, astrology and astron • .
contexts, legal issues do arise around the topics of prognostication · ther contexts. Such 1s
or elided may serve yet other purposes m o
and the reading of the stars, even if they do so with considerable ' d' M · onides' stance on
the case as argued by Josef Stern, regar mg a1m .
collective ambiguity. 88 Tractate Pesahim, ll3b, asks: "How do we . . ndments that reSISt a
astrology. According to th1s v1ew, comma . . r ht of the
logical rationale "are explained in the Gmde ml ~ ted the
1
1
follows after the Pleiades and demands the two stars back, saying 'Give me my historical context in which the Mosaic Law was egis a '
children, give me my children.' The prooftext comes from Job [38:32]: 'Can you
lea~ Ursa Minor with her sons?'" Donnolo is probably making a pun on nmo, . . The Jew in the Medieral
~h1ch can mean "Will you lead?" but pointed differently, can be read as "Will she ., Joseph b. Judah ibn Aknin, Cure of S1ck Sou~. ~n t' ) 431.
[1.e., Ursa Minor] be consoled?" 1 1999
World, selected and tr. J. R. Marcus, revised ed. (Cmcmna • '
:Ibid., 350, citing Genesis Rabbah, 10:5. "' Mo' ed katan, 28a.
See above, p. 310. " Shabbat 6:9, 8d.
92
"J. Halbronn, Le monde juif et l'astrologie (Milan, 1979), 239. Ibid.
HebreW Astrology in Byzantine Southern Italy 323
322 JoshliaHolo
" J. Stem, The Fall and Rise of Myth in Ritual: Maimonides versus Nahmanides
on the Huqqim, Astrology, and the War against Idolatry', The Journal of Jewish
Thought and Philosophy 6 (1997), 201-03.
"' Even the descriptive, non-computational aspect invoked Jaw, according to
Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Laws on the Foundations of Torah, 3. In this
halakhic work par excellence, Maimonides gives a brief outline of the physical
universe. Though he attributes a quasi-angelic consciousness to the higher celestial
Charlesworth, •Jewish
bodies, he clearly treats the universe in a descriptive manner, without attributing presented by J· · · s on
any judicial power to the bodies; see Langennann, 'Repudiation', 93, argues that " Thus obviating the probl«:m,. as d . concilability of the pos,uon
Maimonides did not intend his condensed cosmology in this section to be Astrology', 199, of the polarization an i1TC
definitive. astrology in the Talmud.
Charles Burnett
The Warburg Institute
1
I am grateful for the help of Aurelie Gribomont, Wolfgang HUbner. Klaus·
Dietrich Fischer, David Juste, Paul Kunitzsch, Emmanuelle Toulet and Hanna
Vorholt.
2
For these translations see F. J. Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrologh~ll
Science in Latin Translation (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1956) -~d L Thomd',~
111
and P. Kibre, A Catalogue of fncipits of Mediaeval Scientific Wmwgs uum. -
ed. (London, 1963 ).
326
Charles Burnett. Late Antique and Medieval Latin T~~slations of 327
Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic
of ~agical texts,. were _established. 3 The impression of the
dommance of Arabtc texts IS enhanced by the bibliography of text A ng these are the Asclepius, being the revelations of Hermes
on astrology and magic provided by the Speculum astronomiaes Tns~:egistus, translated from a lost Greek original probably'b in thef
written in the mid-thirteenth century: 4 the texts listed ru:~· Iate t:ourth century; 6 the De lapidibus .et eorum vmutz ·
us o
· h ·
overwhelmingly Arabic in origin. This picture, however, fails to Damigeron (Evax), concerning the magical powers m erent m
account for the significant Greek contribution to Medieval Latin different stones, translated from a lost Greek so~rce,_ pr?bably m the
astrology and magic-a contribution that has largely been fifth century;' Thessalus, De plantis duodeczm szgms et septem
underestimated and neglected. These Greek sources include both plane tis subiectis (De virtutibus herbarum), . a book on ~he
original texts, and texts that were themselves derived from Arabic medicinal uses of plants assigned to the twelve signs of the zo~tac
sources. Since the Latin translations are often extant in manuscripts and the seven planets, translated in the late fifth ~r early s~xth
considerably older than the extant manuscripts of the Greek source century; 8 and the Preceptum Canonis Ptolomei, a Latm translatiOn,
texts, and sometimes preserve texts that are lost in Greek, their
study is relevant also to Byzantinists. In this article I would like to
' See B. Copenhaver, Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the w~~
present a brief classification of the texts on astrology and magic Asclepius in a New English Translation (Cambndge, 1992), and P. Lucenllm
known to have been translated from Greek into Latin from Late y Perrone Compagni Jtesti e i codici di Ermete nel Medwevo (Florence, 200 I),
Antiquity to the end of the Middle Ages, and to· follow this with 1i-18. For the relati~nship between the 'magic' of the A~clepius and n~edi~v~l
· magic
Hermetic · see C . Burnett • 'The Establishment of Medieval HermetiCism
N y , km
three examples of Latin texts of Greek provenance, which merit
closer study. P. Linehan and J. L. Nelson, eds., The Medieval World (London and ew or •
2001), 111-30. · L l 'd · grecs
The text has been edited by R. Halleux and J. Schamp m es ~P 1 m.re~
7
In discussing Latin translations from Greek, it is dangerous to (Paris 1985) 230-97. For studies see V. Rose, 'Damigeron De la~ldlbus • , e(rme s
•
9 ( 1875) '
471-91· and Pingree, ,The Dif · f us10n
· of Arab'c 1 Magical
. . Texts n. 3f
pretend to be exhaustive. The following list includes, I hope, the
•
above) 59-64. • two books on the magic
For · a1 powers. of fro
mscnbed
th stones o
d half
most significant texts, and their general characteristics. 5 First, there • Greek origin, but extant on 1y m
· Lann
apparently . ·u m e dsecon
· man uscnpts Azareus's
are the translations of the Late Antique and Hellenistic period. of the twelfth century onwards-Techel (Zethel)'s Liber slgl orum an
3 De lapidibus-see ibid., PP· 64-67.
8
. . s in Thessalos von
For the collections of magical texts see D. Pingree, 'The Diffusion of Arabic Edited with other Greek and Latin versiOns, m parallel co1u"'? ' h . am Glan
. . h
Tralles griechisch und lateuusc • e · .- · d H y Friedrich. (Meisen
b · · elfll
g "Herbarum•
Magical Texts in Western Europe', in B. Scarcia Amoretti, ed. La diffusione delle
scienze islamiche nel medio evo europeo (Rome, 1987), 57-102. 1968). For the fifth/sixth-century dating of the vefSIOIIn egemrrnai:tium que quid
. . d' · d tratio necnon et ste arum
'P. Zambelli, The Speculum Astronomiae and its Enigma (Dordrecht, etc., 1992); smgulorum s1gnorum zo Iac~ e~ons . . duzione del testo greco del De
A. Paravicini Bagliano, Le Speculum Astronomiae, une enigme? Enquere sur les possit. .. ", see S. Sconocchia, Problemi di tra . 'b ito a Tessalo di Tralle: i
manuscrits (Turnhout, 2001 ). planris duodecim signis et septem plane/IS sub.ectls an; ~one latina medioevale',
rapporti tra Ia traduzione latina tardo-antlca e Ia .tra ,ut~ 1 e
' For a more complete account of Greek texts on astrology and magic known in
Latin one would have to consider also certain quotations included in Censorious's
. .
Textes medicaux /a/Ins anllques, e · · .
0
d G Sabbah (Samt-c 1e n • 1984 •
) 125-51, and
b. ( anribuito a Tessalo d1
.
idem 'II De plantis duodecim el septem plane/IS S~l .ec IS d' vale' in A. Garzya
Trail~: il testo greco e Ia traduzioni latine tardo-anh~a. e me. IeAIIi d~l /! convegno
De die nata/i, Firmicus Maternus's Mathesis, the Alexander Romance, Pseudo-
Clement's Recognitiones and Pseudo-Galen's De spermate: see C. Burnett, . e ecd otic~
. del. lesti medici grecl. ), 389-406. For the
'Astrolog(, in F. A. C. Mantello and A. G. Rigg, eds., Medieval Latin: An and J. Jouanna, eds., Srona N
internaziona/e (Parigi, 24-26 maggw, 1994! ( ~pesCatalogus 1 1996 rranslationum er
Introduction and Bibliographical Guide (Washington, D. C., 1996), 369-82. Not
considered here are (a) those divinatory sciences that have no astrological content manuscripts, see D. Pingree, 'Thessalus astrol?gus ' m wtin Translations and
(such as physiognomy), (b) the medical tradition of "critical days", in which the commenrariorum: Mediaeval and Renmssahn.ce D C ) vol. 3 1976, 83-
M~n.pla~s ~rucial
a role. A useful table of the major translations from Greek into Commentaries Annotated Lists .
an d G111'de.s (Was mgton, · · • dans les
'La Pivoine
86, and vol. 7, 1992, 330-32, and A. Gnbom?ntB lgica· Bulletin de /'Jnstilllt
' herb1ers
.
Latm IS given m the English version of W. Bersch in's Greek Letters and the Latin
~idd~· Ages, translated by J. C. Frakes (Washington, D. C., 1988), 384-96; astrologiques grecs', Bo/letino de I'Acad~~~ (t~is in~ludes a useful tabular
historique de Beige en Rome 14 (2004), . al h rbals) For a discussion of the
er~ m, however, does not mention a single text that concerns astrology or
magic. comparison of this text and other astrologic T:all ~d Cultural Exchange'. in
context of the work, see I. Moyer, 'Thessalos of es
329
328 Charles Burnett Late Antique and Medieval Latin T~slations of
Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic
probably made in the year beginning 29 August 534, of some A different situation, a couple of centuries later, is indicated by a
canons to the Handy Tables of Ptolemy, one of whose main rsion of Aratus's Phaenomena. Three poetic adaptations of this
purposes was to enable an astrologer to cast horoscopes. 9 These ;~pular poem on the constellations (whic~ includ~ the. descripti~n
works appear to have been made in a context in which Greek was of stars as weather signs) had been made m Classical times, but. m
familiar. All four works employ a Latin that is liberally interspersed the first half of the eight century a verbum e verbo prose translatiOn
was produced by an anonymous author in Fra~ce. This tr~nslation
14
with Greek words, and these words are usually not followed by an
explanation in Latin. The saturation with Greek is greatest in the gives the impression of being merely a transcnpt of the Lat.m w~~d~
Preceptum Canonis Ptolomei, which is almost unintelligible to us written above each word of the Greek text, in a context m w tc
as a result. 10 In Thessalus, Greek words are kept in headings to the Greek was no longer understood and no Greek speaker was
chapters, and many of the terms in the text are left untranslated. 11 In available for consultation.
Damigeron, the dedication letter includes Greek transliterations,12
and all the stones retain their Greek names, without Latin In the mid-twelfth century a group of texts on the magical
explanations. The Asclepius is headed with a Greek title and keeps properties of animals, plants and stones w~s translated, ~robabl~ by
key terms in Greek, such as "huH:" ("matter"), "ousiarkhai" (the Pascalis Romanus working in Constantmople. Pascalts certamly
title of celestial rulers), "ousia" ("essence"), and "heimarmene" translated the Kyr~nides of Hermes and Harpo.kration. in 1169, and
("fate"). This kind of translation method is summed up in the may well have been responsible for the Latm verstons of other
preface of the anonymous, probably late fourth century work, the works in the same genre that appear on the scene at the ~arne
Liber de physiognomonia "Ex tribus auctoribus": "certainly, where time-Alexander Magnus's Liber de septem herbis, the medteval
the translation or interpretation was difficult for me, I put the Greek ... translation of Thessalus's De plantis duodecim sig.nis et septe~
,. . Fl Af · 's CompendiUm aureum.
names and terms themselves." 13 planetis subiectls, and accus ncus . .
One may add to this group of texts Pasc~lis's Lib~r ~hesaun occu~~
(1165) a book on dream interpretation conststmg ~argely
' kd b ks of Artemtdorus and
chapters translated from the Gree ream 00 . . . which
S. Noegel, J. Walker and B. Wheeler, eds., Prayer Magic and the Stars in the 'Achmet' (the Oneirocriticon); the complete Onetrocn~tcon, . .
Ancient and Late Antique World (University Park, Penn., 2003), 39-56. . a! t d from Greek mto Latm m
9
See D. Pingree, 'The Preceptum Canonis Ptolomei', in J. Hamesse and M. is based on Arabic maten • was tran~1a e 16 All these
Fattori, eds., Rencontres de cultures dans Ia phi/osophie medieva/es (Louvain-la- 1176 by another resident of Constantmople, Leo Tuscus.
Neuve and Cassino, 1990), 353-75. The canons have been edited by idem,
Preceptum Canonis Ptolomei, CAB VIII (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1997). The extant . A Re/'quiae
1 (Berlin, 1898), 175-
tables deal only with the movements of the Sun and the Moon. 14 Edited by P. Maass, Commentariorum m ratum • H Le Bourdelles,
10
E.g., Preceptum Canonis, section 2: mecos civitatum et hiperoce earum 306. For the dates and the characteristics of the transla/uo~ sedeans. le Nord de Ia
1 Ia langue anne
computatio (a heading); isemerinam; ortho mecei; section 3: themelios; section 4: L'Aratus Latinus. Etude sur la c~ Irure e . ), esp. 136-47. and the
111 1985
icosapenteeterida etc. France au VIlle siecle (Umverstte de Ltlle S:..brid e 1997), 52-55.
11
I give the column and line numbers of Friedrich's edition corrected from summary in Aratus, Pltaenomena, ed. D. Ktdd (C . /g ' ( 34-44 The works of
"For these texts see Lucentini and Perrone Compagn ~· .testhl,e introduction to his
Sconocchia, Problemi (n. 8 above), followed by the equivalent ;erms in the later
Alexander and Thessalus are menuon
. ed by Pasca ts m
k'
1 Studies in the History o
if
translation of Thessalus in brackets: p. 87, I (heading) Tauri peristereon orthos
(verbena ... ); p. 87,7 epiphoram (malas dispositiones); 92, 12-13 pterygia quoque translation of the Kyranides: see C. H. Has ·~;Z ) 219 . The pseudonymous
7
et sycoses, chalazia (omitted in the later translation); p. 107, 2 rhegmata (rapturas); Mediaeval Science, 2nd ed. (Cambrid~e, ~.assibenis" 'which betrays the Arable
P· 107, 10 anabrosis (comestiones); p. 127,6 catapotia (pillule); p. 258, 3 acopum "Flaccus" describes himself as a puptl of Be Ail these works are edtted by
~~nguentum), etc. , form of the name of Apollonius of Tyan~: BIIIT~:ux Cyran ides (Li~ge and Par1s.
See ed. Halleux and Schamp, 230-231: "allophylis" and "hieratika." L. Delatte in Textes latins et vieuxjranftltS relatl
" "Sane ubi difficilis mihi translatio vel interpretatio fuit graeca ipsa nomina et 1942). . . . Jahrhundert (Leiden. 1998),
12
SO. a posUJ:·"Anonyme latin traite de physiognomonie, ed.' J. Andre (Paris, 1981),
verb "See T. Ricklin Der Traum der Phllosophle ~ B k n Dream /nterpretatum:
00 0
chapter 3, 247-270; and M. Mavroudi, A Byztlnltne
331
330 Charles Burnett Late Antique and Medieval Latin T~a~slations of
Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic
the fifteenth century; 25 and (c) the latromathematicum attributed to redicts the outcome of an illness, and other events, by means of
Hermes Trismegistus and addressed to Ammon, dealing with the ~e number-equivalents of the letters of the client_'s name .and the
diseases caused by the Moon in each of the twelve signs of the days of the Moon. 29 But, in the ~ase of. the Latm .~~~ana (each
zodiac and their cures, translated anonymously before 1489.26 taking the form of predictions and mstruct10ns on activities for each
of the days of the calendar month) and zodiologia (a similar g~nre,
Aside from the preceding translations, which have been listed in based on the position of the Moon in the signs of the zodtac),
roughly chronological order, there is the large and murky field of alth~ugh there are some striking similarities am?ng the e~tant
b~~f a~d untechnical prognostica, including lunaria, zodiologia, Greek selenodromia, no Latin version can be descnbed as a direct
30
d1vmat10n by planetary days, onomantic texts and parapegmata. 21 translation of a Greek version (or vice versa).
Most of these would seem to derive ultimately from Greek
prototypes: Greek words are frequent, and several parallels between The purpose of the remaining part of this article is to in_vestigate
Greek and Latin texts can be adduced. In the case of the onomantic three texts which fall within this last field, the first of which deals
text, the Letter of Petosiris to Nechepso, very similar Greek with choosing activities (including the making of talismans)
analogues are extant. 28 This Letter explains the use of a table that according to the position of the Moon in its "mansions"/' and the
second and third of which are two versions of ultimately the same
"tv.'S Vat. lat. 11423, fols. lr-33v (acephalous; begins "De prima herba Solis quae
Greek parapegma. In no case is there a Greek text that .can be
pan stella vocatur ... "). A. Pazzini provides a detailed introduction to, and an Italian shown to be the origin of the Latin text, but it is my contention that
translation of, the text in Virtu delle erbe secondo i sel/e pianeti: l'erbario detto di
Tolomeo e quelli de altri astrologi (Milan, 1959). Pazzini considers the Latin text
'L'astrologie latine' 128-29. Other Latin onomantic texts dating from the same
to be a translation of a lost Greek text, first written before the eighth/ninth century ' . k al · e g the Sphere ot
:u'd then revised between the thirteenth and fifteenth century (during which time eriod as the Letter of Petosins also have Gree an ogues. · · k .
P · h bl the Sphaera Demo ruon
mformatmn from Arabic alchemy was incorporated): see ibid., 139. The Latin text· Apuleius (or Plato, or Pythagoras), whtc resem es . ., Jahrbuch
has not yet been edited. The work lacks its first folio, but within the text there are edited by A Dieterich in 'Papyrus magica musei LugdunenSIS Batavl ·
· 898) 813 14 and the Tetra~onum
several. apostrophes of Ptolemy to his daughter: foL 9r "Cara filia cognitionem '"r classische Philologie
J" • •
Supplementband
.
16 (I )
• h' -h combmes
' . e1emcn ' t.s o1·
hums ttbt ostendam ... ;" fol. l6v-l7r "Filia dulcissima secretum huius <h>erbe tibi subiectum (also somellmes attnbuted to Pythagoras w tc . · · 130-
. J te 'L'astro 1ogre 1aune •
manif~sto;" fol. 28r "filia dulcissima unica nata ut videas et cognoscas quod sub the Letter of Petosiris and Sphere of Apulems: see us ' d 1·ts Latin
33. The Letter of Petosiris, however, is the most literary of these texts an ·
velamme met cordts te habeo radicatam:" Pazzini, 131. The presence of vernacular f th 0 ther onomanttc texts.
elements and apostrophes of this kind are reminiscent of the Judicia of Ptolemy and Greek versions are closer than those 0 e . h i. engaged in a
29 The Letter of Petosiris uses "monomachu~" for the ~~~:;: ~f ~e divisions of
discussed below. This needs further investigation.
26 11
contest, and the Greek names of the planets; keeps th bl 'tself In the text
See Lucentini and Perrone Campagni, /testi, 53-54. This text is extant in three . . . . h G k letters on the ta e ' .
manuscripts, and was published in Johannes Stadius, Ephemerides novae et the table m Greek, wh1le retrumng t e ree 'kra thanatos megas,
;xactae ab amw 1554 ad annum 1570 (Cologne, 1556), sig a3r-b3v. the Greek is transliterated as "zoe megale, mese zoe, zoe ~\ 29•
'k .. J
meso thanato, thanato mt ro: see us 1e,
'L'astrologte latme •
.
·
. ·v m Fortleben anuker
.
See D. Juste, Les Alchandreana primitifs: Etude sur les plus anciens traites
astrolog1ques latins d'origine arabe (Xe siec/e) (in press).
30 This was the conclusion of Max Forster 10 hts h ?Anglia 67/68 (194-l).
"' The Latin translation is found in manuscripts from the ninth century onwards, Sammellunare im Englischen und. in anderen Volk:~c ;nSvenberg. De /atinsko
and ":as mcorporated into the earliest Latin astrological corpus to include Arabic l-171 (esp. 35-7), which has smce been nuanc d Luna~iastudien (Gothenbutg.
matenal: the Alchandreana: see D. Juste, 'Les Doctrines du Liber Alchandrei', in lunaria (Gothenburg, 1936), 142-52, E. ~tstr:m 'tina Gothenburg. !963). 5-6.
I. Draelants, A. Tihon and B. van den Abeele, eds., Occident et Proche-Orient: 1942), 19-20, E. Svenberg, Lunaria et Zodwlogw La kh <, lunar (Pattensen/Han ..
Contacts s:ientifiques au temps des Croisades (Turnhout, 2000), 277-311 (esp.
and C. Weisser, Studien zum mittelalterlichen Kran e• s
284), and tdem, 'L' Astrologie latine du VIe au Xe siecle' (These de maitrise, 1982), 80-83. . . h's1 Lunaria et Zodiologia
31 Svenberg included a text on the lunar manstons m , (12" c.) fols. 11v-
Brussels, 1997), 127-9 and Plate VII. For transcriptions of a Latin manuscript and 10 82
Latina 45-59 but this text [MS British Library, Ege!' ~. and "nativities", which
several Greek . ve~ions of the text, see E. Riess, 'Nechepsonis et Petosiridis • • 1'th "chotces
fragmen.ta rnagtca , Phi/ologus 6, Supplementband (Gottingen, 1892), 383-87; for 24r], deals only with "nativities" rather than ~ art of the Alchandrean rex I known
the ~~m text see Patrologia Latina, 90, cots 963-6, T. Tolles, 'The Latin are the subjects of the text discussed here. ltts P
l.radttion of the Episto/a Petosirldis', Manuscripta 26 (I 982), 50-60 and Juste, from its incipit as Benedictum (= ch. 18).
334 Late Antique and Medieval Latin T~~slations of 335
Charles Burnett
Greek Texts on Astrology and Magtc
all three texts are based on a Greek Vorlage, and that their study K Copenhagen, MS Kongelige Biblioteket, Gl. Kgl. Sam/.
34
illuminates the processes whereby a Greek text is dressed in Latin. 3499 (15th century). Fols. 92v-95v, DL.
The first two texts accompany each other in the manuscripts and in T Munich, MS Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, elm 18927 (13'h
a Renaissance printed edition. They will be referred to as De Luna century). Fols. 76v-77r, 92v-93v, 97r-98r and 120v-129r, Pseudo-
secundum Aristotilem (= DL) and De temporum mutatione (= DTM) Ptolemy, Iudicia; fols. 129r-129v, DL (breaks off after mansiOn
respectively. The context of these two works is as follows: 12).
H London, MS British Library, Harley 5402 (12'h century). L Peter Liechtenstein, Sacratissime astronomie Ptholomei
Fols. lr-15r, Pseudo-Ptolemy, ludicia, including, on fol. 14v, DTM liber diversarum rerum, printed Venice, 1509. Fols. lr-l~6r,
(after the chapter on "whether you will form a friendship with Pseudo-Ptolemy, Iudicia; fols. 13r-13v, DL; fols. 13v-14r, DTM.
someone," and before the last chapter "whether you will have a
wife whom you love"); fols. 15v-16r, two astrological tables; fols. DL and DTM have both been edited by the present author in o~her
17r-69r, Sahl ibn Bishr's astrological collection; fol. 69r-v, publications. 37 However, these editions have failed to take. mto
astrological and divinatory notes; fols. 70r-104v, a later codex. 32 account the Chantilly manuscript, which provides the most reliable_
readings for both texts, and is the only witness to the second hal~ of
C Chantilly, MS Musee Conde 322 (641) (14'h century). Fols. DL (lunar mansions 15-28). Hence editions based on the Chantilly
121 v-124v, texts from the Alchandreana; fols. 125r-136r, missing; manuscript have been provided in the Appendix.
fols. 137r-138r, DTM; fols. 138r-139r, DL; fol. 139v, the chapter
on the fixed stars from the De utilitatibus astrolabii, fols. 140r-
14lr, Spheres of Pythagoras and Apuleius with an onomantic . . , ar mansions 2-13 into the
34 This manuscript inserts DL's prescnpttons ,or 1un . . d P
alphabet. 33 . . . H
L1ber 1maginum Lunae attnbuted to erme e e ·
siB I nus· see Lucentml an errone
Campagni, I testi, 71.
" Described in J.-M. Millas Vallicrosa, Las tradu_ccwnes
.
o;;0-
·entales en los
202
manuscritos de Ia Biblioteca Catedral de Toledo (Madnd: ~ L )b,
94 2
, Add 10775.
,. . · d · t MS Brlllsh 1 rar). ·
The whole of this imprmt has been cop•e tn ° TM fols 330v-332v).
fols. 298r-329r (for DL see fols. 329r-330v; for D . ~ Albertus Magnus
32 Nicolas Weill-Parot has pointed out that the DIM ts also ctNt Wyll-Parot ·Magie
See Burnett, 'Latin Alphanumerical Notation and Annotation in Italian in the . . . . . see . et ,
Twelfth Century: MS London, British Library, Harley 5402 •, in M. Folkerts and m h.ts Scripta super quattuor l1bros Sententwrun~. Ia magie astrale (Xlle-XVe
R. Lorch, eds., Sic itur ad Astra: Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik und solatre et magie lunaire: le soletl et Ia lune dan
Naturwissenschaften. Festschrift fiir den Arabisten Paul Kunitzsch zum 70.
Geburtstag (Wiesbaden, 2000), 76-90.
33
De utilitatibus astrolabii, c. xvii, in N. Bubnov, Gerberti postea Silvestri II
siocle)', Micrologus 12 (2004), 43-133 (esp. t69-70). k
37
The first text, De Luna secundum Aristotilem (DL), is ultimately "venire") plus the Arabic preposition "bi"_ which_ ~as_ become
based on an Arabic work of which the most complete form is similated into the Arabic name of the mansiOn (as tt ts m Arabtc
described as being the kitab al-makhzan ("the book of what is ~~ript): e.g. "c~m vero descendit.,beltubarii (Ar.: b_i'l-dab_aran), ut
stored/the treasure") of Hermes. This work is included in a text utem descendtt beltarfa (Ar.: bt Harf), cum vadtt belctbe (Ar..
called kittib al-ustuwwaras, which purports to be Aristotle's advice ~i'l-jabha)," etc. The formula "quando descendit be-", in partic~lar,
to Alexander the Great-hence the attribution of this text to is reminiscent of the Arabic "idhii !)alia bi" ("when it alights m"),
Aristotle. 38 DL gives instructions on which talismans to make, and the primary meaning of "!)alia" being to alight from one's. camel
other things to do and avoid doing, and the character of the when one arrives at one's destination. On the only two occaswns on
newborn girl or boy, when the Moon enters each of its 28 lunar which the Arabic names of the lunar mansions do not appear,
mansions. The information on the characters of children in the however, the author uses, respectively, a normal Latin expression
(mansion 3: "Cum hec astra p~rtransit"),_ and, ev_identl~ ... a direct
40
Greek MS Oxoniensis, Cromwell 12, derives from the same Arabic
source. 39 No equivalent has yet been found in Greek for the rest of equivalent in Greek of the Arabtc expressiOn: m_anst?n I 8. Quan_do
the prescriptions in DL-in particular, the making of talismans- vadit stincardiam scorpii" < "Quando vadtt ezs ten kardzan
but there are several reasons for thinking that the Latin text has scorpii". 41 The transliteration of a Greek phrase here wo_uld suggest
been transmitted via Greek rather than directly from Arabic. that an Arabic text has been transmitted via Greek to Latin.
The first feature that one notices is the use of the word "selini" for The Latin of DL is crude, and appears to be written by so~eone
Moon. This is not only Greek (selene) but exhibits Greek who does not know the language very well. This may expl~m th~
vernacular pronunciation. A Byzantine context is suggested by the ·
unidiomatic expressions-"Aristoteles · artt'bus " • "gratia Det
plemor
use of "basileus" (with the Latin accusative ending "basileum") in ubique" "infans aut mulier" (for "boy or girl"), "uxorem non
addition to its Latin equivalent "imperator". It is noticeable, also, tollas," 'etc-and the absence of Latm
· prepost'ftons after words of
that the translator uses, by preference, Latin words of Greek origin motion.
throughout the text: e.g. "astrum" for "star/constellation" instead of
. T'M "th arapegma of Pseudo-
the more usual words "stella", "sidus" or ''constellatio"; "idolum" The De temporum mutatzone (D or eP h. h
. f pegmata w tc
for "talisman/statue" instead of the more usual "imago" or "statua"; Ptolemy") belongs to the Antique genre 0 para ' d the
. . · ~ rm that corre1ate
"angelus" instead of "spiritus"; and "scandalum" for "harm" instead were calendars in eptgraphtc or wntten o • . . .
'th th nsmgs and settmgs
of "impedimentum". These features may suggest that the text is days and months of the civil calendar WI e . t d with
. . . d th weather assocta e
based on a Greek version of the Arabic text, in which the Greek of conspicuous stars, and mdtcate e d d that DTM
cognates of these words may have been used, though one could also these dates.42 In my earlier article I had cone 1u e d by Aetios
.
denved from a lost Greek parapegma th at was also use
ascribe them to a Latin writer's predilection for Greek words, and
the fact that a Latin vocabulary for talismans had not yet been
forged. More striking is the evidence provided by the syntax. .. tra" may imply an alternative
40 Paul Kunitzsch has pointed out to me that hec as "a! naim" ("the
"al th yya") name 1Y · '
name for the Pleiades (usually • ura ' Sternnomenk/amr der
The formula for the Moon entering each of its mansions consists of star/asterism"): cf. P. Kunitzsch, Untersuchungen zur
a verb of motion ("descendere", "vadere", "ire", "pertransire", or Araber (Wiesbaden, 1961), no. 186. . h t ·s found in the manuscripl.
41
This seems to be the most likely explanauon of w ah~ to the following deftnlle
and shows that the preposition in Greek h~s been attac . .
38
_see Burne!'· 'Lunar Astrology. The Varieties of Texts Using Lunar Mansions, article+ noun,just as happens in the ArabiC. h t'cal
1
Astronomy (Berhn elc ..
With EmphaSIS on Jafar Indus', Micrologus 12 (2004), 43-133 (esp. 47-9, and 51). " See 0. Neugebauer, A H1story
· o,·'A n.cient Mal
. f ancient paraptgmata. s·ec L ·
ema
1975), 587-89. For a useful recent discuss~~;, 2003 ), 20--26.
39
See the edition of S. Weinstock in CCAG, llCI (Brussels, 1951), 141-56, and
Burnett, 'Arabic, Greek, and Latin Works on Astrological Magic', 95-96. Taub, Ancient Meterology (London and New
339
338 Late Antique and Medieval Latin T~~slations of
Charles Burnett
Greek Texts on Astrology and Magtc
of Amida (early sixth century) in his Greek medical encyclopedia "the goat-(star)", rather than "aix" = "the goat", and frictos <
the Tetrabiblos, 43 but DTMs immediate Greek source (1) had bee~ briktos for Hydra. The term used throughout the text for
revised to accommodate it to the Byzantine year, which started on 1 esetting"-"ponere" ("to put")-may.
be explained as a calque on
. . " ,
September; 44 and (2) had incorporated an Arabic element: the star the Greek "dunein", whose pnmary meamng IS to put on ,
name "Alferat" (=Pegasus). combined with the vernacular use of derivatives of "ponens" for the
48
West.
That DTM is a translation from Greek is indicated by the fact that
all the star names are Greek. Some Greek star and constellation The unidiomatic Latin of the text suggests that it was writt~n by
names had already been incorporated into Latin texts in the someone who was not well schooled in Latin. This rna~ exp.lam the
Classical period, but DTM includes many more, and the use of expressions like "ut" + the perfect subJ.unchve. for
transliteration used indicates that the Latin author was simply "since/because"; "usque in" for "for" (expressing durah?n of ~~me):
transcribing the Greek words according to their Byzantine " arulum" used as a diminutive of "parum"; "anhcanus for
vernacular pronunciation. 45 Evidence for this vernacular
p
antecanis"; . .
and the random vanatwn of" pomt. " and" ponet" ·
pronunciation is the writing of Greek "e", "ei", "oi" and "u" as "i"
At some stage (either when the text was translated, or afterwards),
(lampetes (?) > lapsidis; pleiades > pliades; protrugeter >
protrigintis; eriphoi > erifi; stakhus > sichis; kuon > cion; hudra > Latin equivalents to the Greek star/constellation names were added.
idre gen.); 46 the writing of "ai" as "e" (aiga (?)>ega; khelai > kele); Some of these show evidence of knowledge of the traditional Lat~n
literature on the constellations, especially of the parapeg~za
10
the vocalization of unvoiced ·consonants (lampetes (?) > lapsidis), . VIII fr hich a phrase- stella
and the dropping of the aspirate (hyades > yades; hippos > ipos). Pliny's Natural H1story, bk X , om w . , .
· · L · ccidit matutma -has
The colloquial nature of the Greek is also possibly indicated by the regia appellata Tuberom 10 pectore eoms o
·d 'fi d 'th the
variants in the star/constellation names, implied by the Latin been quoted. 49 Hence, too, the Pleiades are I enh 1e WI
. h " 1 " In other cases,
transcriptions: lapsidis < lampetes ="the lustrous one", rather than "virgilie" and the Hyades With t e sucu e ·
' b ·d· for the Greek word
Iampros = "the bright (sci!. star)"; 47 esion/egon/exion < aigeion = however, the Latin author seems to e prov1 mg
43
In Burnett, 'A parapegma', an English translation of the corresponding text of . ' Tetrabib/os in the fomls
Aetios (Tetrabiblos, I, 3, ch. 164) is printed opposite the edition of DTM. This Aldebaran), which appears m Pt~lemy s AI gest: Die Synwxis
parapegma was evidently well known in Greek, since a version (again beginning "Lampadias!Larnpauras:" see P. Kumtzsch, Derh l "!ascher Oberliejerrmg
in March), written in colloquial Greek in MS St Petersburg, Academy of Sciences, Mathematica des Claudius Ptolemaus in arablsC • ateml . k II 7 However.
. G d und Gradbezlf e, • · .
XX Aa-8, is printed in CCAG, XII, 109-12, and it was one of the sources of the (Wiesbaden, 1974), 267 and W. HUbner, ra ~ . t 1·n the constellation ot
text in MS Escoria/I.R.l4, printed in CCAG, IX. I, 129-37 (beginning in January). Aetios and the Katowice manuscript are descnbtng a s ar ly for the Pleiades on
See also Lydus, Liber de Ostentis, ed. C. Wachsmuth (Leipzig, 1897) and F. Boll, Leo (Jan. 15), which DTM appears to have substituted wrong
Griechische Ka/ender II. Der Kalender der Quintilier und die Oberliefenmg der 6 Nov. . " . ·" back-formation appears in ,the
Geoponica, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften,
48 E.g. Italian "ponente", Spantsh pontente, a . , rd MS Bodleian. (an.
. ' L 'b rticu/arls (0 x,o ' .
Philos.-hist. Klasse, 1911, I (Heidelberg, 1911). Italtanate Latin of Michael Scot s ' er pa ik )· "a Ievante usque '"
44
I owe. this observation to D. Pingree. In Aetios the paraptgma begins with 19 misc. 555, fol. 2ra, transcribed by Oleg ~osk~r,~10 :;;e·sense of"is calm" (cf.
ponentem." The use of "obscurari" for "kathtstas ~
1
March (t.e. supposedly the Spring equinox). · ) · 1 s exphcable. · ...
45 "serenare" in the Katowice manuscnpt ts es . t rm used for "setnng ·
This does not necessarily suggest dictation, because most non-learned Greek ., · d' t d by the dtfferent e . 1. P
as~logical and magical texts at the time were written down as they were spoken. That this is an insertion is also m tea e d ·m my earlier arttc <• ·
istrans1ate f 1h ·
Thts can be seen from glancing at the apparatus criticus of any volume of the "occidit" rather than "ponit". (The phrase was m I' b Tubero in the breast 0 '
CCAG. 40. The correct translation is: "the star called 'roy a lyustr't" is mentioned in lh<
46 th " ustos P a · ·\
The only exception to this is kele < khelai. Lion sets at dawn"). That Icarus. was e c , Phaenomena: see Bumen. '
~: Cf. "l~padas/-es". in the Katowice and Prague MSS (discussed below). scholia to Germanicus's translatton of Aratus. h
Lampros ts the techmcal description of the "bright star of the Hyades" (= ex Tau, parapegma', 38. I owe the correction to Paul Kumtzsc ·
341
. ue and Medieval Latin Translations of
340 Charles Burnett t
Late An1q . 1
Greek Texts on Astrology and Mag1c
Text I. Chantilly, MS Musie Conde 322 (641), fol. 138r-139r. cupidus masculus; femina similiter. Tauri .viii. gradus minus .ii.
67
septimas.
<De Luna secundum Aristotilem>62
Cum vero descendit belcata, venenum fac, 'et <idola~ .flagra:
Aristotiles plenior artibus dixit: S. <angelos flagita>, non semi~es, u~(orem) non acctptas. S1
masculus fuerit natus, malus ent; femma bona./138v/
Selini clare videtur habere .xx viii. astra per que transgreditur, et
unumquodque astrum stat horis .xxiiii. Propterea sic ordinans, ut <Si> intrat helcana, fac ad amandum atque <idola>, ux.(orem)
6
inferius prospicies, nomina locorum clare nominando mo<n>stravit ' accipe, compara, intra ad regem, semina, viam incipe. St homo
et quicquid in hiis locis contineri ostendit, gratia Dei ubique. 63 ' vel mulier nati fuerint, boni erunt.
Cum autem scire vis in qua harum (?) turrium sit Luna, incipe ab
Ariete dando cuique turri .xiii. minus septimam partem, et ubi 82 . t t 183
. mensis Octubris Stephano, I.e. corona, appare • e es
numerus defecerit, ibi erit Luna. 12 Sexta d1e
nimia mutatio aeris.
. d' e mens is Erifi 84 i e <h>edi, vespertini apparent,8s et tunc
Septima 1 . . ' ..
Text II. Chantilly, MS Musee Conde 322 (641), fol. 137r-138r. fit86 magna turbatio aens.
Vicesima tertia die illius men~is P~iades, i.e. Virgilie, cum Solis
De temporum mutatione13
ortu ponunt, et fit magna turbatw aens.
Ut autem de temporum mutatione particulariter nosse74 verum
desideraveris, 75 regule que iam dicentur ab animo tuo non labantur.
·s Lapsidis, id est lucidus, ponit, et
Sexta die mensis Novembrl
incipit tunc obscurari aer.
Prima die mensis Septembris, Icarus, custos plaustri, apparet cum
Solis ortu, et mutatur aer in .7. horis. Hoc fit inter diem et noctem. Tertia decima87 die eius Lira apparet.
'd est sucule,88 ponunt et mutatur aer
Septima die 76 mensis < >77 vespertinus apparet, et mutatur aer in Vicesima prima dieYad es, I
ventum. crastinum.
. . . . . d < >89 vespertinus apparel et
Quarta78 decima die mensis eiusdem Arcturus, 79 i.e. Septemtrion, VIcesima septlma d1e ems em
Stephanon, id est corona, ponit, et mutatur aer.
apparet cum Solis ortu, et mutatur aer in crastinum.
81
72
This corresponds to Pseudo-Ptolemy, ludicia, <68>, MS H, fol. J4r: "Cum HL add "aeris."
82
autem scire desideras in qua turrium sit Luna, incipito ab Ariete, dando unicuique Stephania H
83
turri .xiii. <minus> .vii. partem et ubi numerus defecerit, ibi est Luna." Comits.
84
73
This title is a later addition in the top margin. ErisiC
"nosceC "apparetC
16
" descideraveris C Comits.
81
76
HL add "eiusdem." C omits.
18
n The parallel passage in Ai!tios indicates that the star "Aix" is the subject. facule L, H omits.
89
18
C omits. Orion should be the subject. din of H.
79 "'"Canis" written above "cinis", which is the rea g
Arturus C.
80
anteHL "Comits.
351
350 . d Medieval Latin Translations of
Charles Burnett LateAnllque an M . ,
~Texts on Astrology and agtc
.. C aret tot
Vicesima prima die Echon, i.e. aquila, apparet, et Esion, id est Quartatoo die mensis Martn ancer app ·
Eridanus, ponet, et erit turbatio aeris post unam diem. 102
. eJ·usdem mensis Piscis Aquilonius.
Octava dJe
93
Vicesima tertia die Ega, i.e. caper, apparet, et mutatur aer.
Nona die eiusdem Orion 103 apparet.
104
Octava decima die <Kele> vespere ponet.
Quarta die mensis lanuarii Delphinus apparet. 106 b .
94
v1.ces1ma
. .
pnma
dJ'e lpos id est equus
·• '
105 <apparel> et est tur allo
Quinta die Cetus vespertinus ponet. aeris.
·e el·usdem equinoc<t>ium fit et erit nimia
Vicesima quinta die Ectos, i.e. aquila, ponet, et stella regia appellata Vicesima quinta dl
107
Tuberoni, in pectore Leonis occidit matutina, et turbatur aer ante turbatio aeris.
tres dies.
'd' . 119
. . . Orion plenus apparel, et fit c al1 1tas m aere.
Prima die Maii Yades, id est sucule, cum Solis ortu appare<n>t, et Die tertia 1u111
mutatur aer usque in .4. horas diei.
Die quarta Prochion, id est Anticanus, apparel, et est mutatio aeris.
111
Quarta die Lira vespere apparet, et mutatur <aer> nimis una die. ·e Cion id est canis, plenus apparel, et fit magna
Octava .X. dl •
Die sexta eiusdem Esion, id est Eridanus, apparet et mutatur aer turbatio aeris ante duos dies.
nirnis. 112
Vicesima .v. die Tetos'2o ponet, et movetur aer ante tres dies.
Die septima cum Solis ortu Pliades cum Esion appare<n>t, et
incipit aer obscurari.
Decima 113 .ix. die eiusdem Lapsidis, id est lucidus, apparet, et Quinta decima die Augusti Lira ponet,l21 et mutatur aer.
122
mutatur aer ante duos dies. . t F 'ctos id est
De/fol. 138r/cima nona <die> Delfinus ponet e n ,
Vicesima 114 .iiii. die Exeon 115 vespertinus ponet, et movetur aer ante Idre pars prior, id est <h>orridus, apparet.
unamdiem. . . ... . · · · 'd st <Antevendemor>, apparel
123
Die .v. eiusdem Ar<c>turus 118 ponet, et mutatur aer in duos dies. . t Martis omnia signa
Notandum est quod cum est annus Saturn! e
Die .ix. vespertinus apparel Delfinus, et mutatur aer usque in .x. mutationis validiora, in ceteris mi[c]tiora.
horas diei.
. fi . 1 bane certissimam
Decima quinta die Orion incipit apparere, et mutatur aer nimis ante Ut autem ratio inveniendi anm .non ~e IC~~ 'Martii quot gradus
1
tres dies. damus regulam. Caute scias in tertia de~1.ma e e~t tribuas sex
· · · t de bus que reman
P1scium et puncta Sol pretenent, e di 'dium faciunt unam
bonis diei et .xv. puncta. Nam duo puncta ~t . nu Libre et sic de
ent tnbUIS .v.
111
horam. Reliqua puncta que reman
aer nimis una die] nimis una die C, aer nimis L.
112
L has wrongly placed this prediction on 18 March.
113
Decisima (sic) C. '" Ariete L.
"'Decima C. '"' Teros L (Aetos or Ketos).
115
C corrects from "Egon." '" apparel L.
116 113
L adds "et fit calliditas (sic)" (cf. July 3). etL.
113
::: C corrects from "mutatur", which is L's reading. Lacuna in C.
124
Arturus C, Arctus L. Lends here.
355
. d Medieval Latin Translations of
354 Charles Burnett
t.are Anttque an . 1
.(Jteek Texts on AstrOlogy and Magtc
ceteris, et ubi numerus defuerit, ibi est caput anni, et [si] planeta .;.!~~·
illius turris habetur dominium totius anni. . xta die Zephirusl31 (Zephuros) flabit,
In Februano se
. . 1132 II Icirosl33 (Oistos) occidit vespere in occidente,
et mdie 2 ste a
Text III. Stelle fixe aerem turbantes in singulis mensibus.
et erit tempestas in aere,
135 (Arktouros) oritur in vespere in
P = Prague, MS Ndrodnf Knihovna Ceske Republiky 1144, ca. etl34 25 die stella Adictiron
1447, fols. 102r-v. oriente,
In the following edition, the Greek names of the stars have been
. y 136 (Hippos= Pegasus),
added in brackets. Italics indicate passages not in Aetios. InMarcio in 18 die mane ontur ste11a pos
· . in septima nocte
que in 23 die apportat magnam tempestatem aens,
jlabit ventus magnus,
Sequuntur stelle fixe aerem turbantes in singulis mensibus
137
et erit initium veris.
et inl50 25 die stella Arctos (Aetos) occidit in mane et'5' post duos
In Mayo in sex to die mane oritur stella Y cos (Aix) que valde
disturbat aerem, dies movet aerem.
et in 28 145 die stella Yrion (Orion) incipit oriri in mane, et tunc duos
'" Aetios: 14.
dies et tres in ante et post disturbat aerem. 147
Prothtios P.
'" Aetios: 19.
"' intempestas S
'"'Somits.
151
S omits.
'" Aetios: 15.
'" The reading in P is unclear. s!F . s
"' S om1ts.
. . th manuscripts). Cf· Fricto ncco
141
Ai!tios: 21. "' Frigid(is) S (the last syllable is unclear m bo
142
S omits. (=Hydra) in a neighbouring context in DTM.
143 156
S omits. The reading in S is unclear. . ts
144
die secunda S "' Histis P (last letter unclear in both manuscnp ).
145
Ai!tios: 25. "' Ai!tios: 14.
359
_ A t'que and Medieval Latin Translations of
358 Charles Burnett J,ateDI ·I
(lreek Texts on Astrology and Magtc
170
• zgt69 die stella Andiares (Orion) oritur in vespere in oriente
. die 18 159 ste11a Macahs
et m . (Stakhus) oritur in mane et mov b't etln d' . .
. . e 1 et stella Stichimos (Stephanos) ca 1t m onente.
aerem duos d1es <m ante>,
In Octobre in die 6 oritur stella Zopherios (Stephanos) in mane et et in die decima stella Hersa (Eriphoi) cadit in mane,
erit valida mutacio aeris,
et in die 21 stella Ycos (Aix) similiter cadit in mane et tempestas et
173
et in die Septima die stella Hyriphy (Eriphoi) oritur 162 in vespere, subversio aeris fit.
159
Aetios: 19.
160
S adds "in."
161
Aetios gives "from the 15th to the 24th day."
162
septima die oritur stella Hiriphi S
163
Aetios: 17. 169 Aetios: 27. ·nated by a neighbouring
164
S omits. 170
Andraris/Andraus p. The Latin word might be ~"t:~7 , 6.
,., aeris mutacio S "Antares" which rises on November 6; cf. CCAG. · '
166 171
S adds "ortum." ChionS
167 172
Pliades S Aetios: 37.
tempestates in alteram diem s
161 113
Pomits.
George Saliba
Columbia University
INTRODUCTION
It was the late Otto Neugabauer who first drew attention to the
possible connections between Arabic and Renaissance astronomy,
!" his now famous appendix to his Exact Sciences in Antiquity.' In
It he remarked that one of the mathematical devices that was used
by Copernicus (d. 1543) to generate linear motion from a
combination of two circular motions had already been discovered
some three hundred years earlier by Na~Ir al-Oin al-Tosr, the
Muslim astronomer who first proposed it as a theorem in 1247 A.D.
It was this same Tilsi who later became the director of the M~i!gha
Observatory, which was founded in 1259 A.D., in the ctty of
Mariigha, in modern-day North West Iran. This observatory, 10
1 207
O. Neugebauer, Exact Sciences in Antiquity (Providence, 1957), 191 - ·
362 Revisiting the Astronomical Contacts Between the World of Islam and 363
George Saliba
Renaissance Europe: The Byzantine connection
n~wn
proposed the theorem now k as at Alamilt where he fi the inclined planes of the lower planets Venus and Mercury
The theorem itself is rathe as the Tilsi Couple. IrS! oscillated up and down as the planets' epicycles moved from the
spheres [Figure 1]. one twi~es::~~~· !\states that if one took two northernmost point to the southernmost point in their yearly
spheres to be internally tangent t . IZe ho the other, and allowed the rotations around the earth as he thought then. In order to allow for
allowed the larger sphere to mo~:a~ oter at one point, and then this oscillation, Ptolemy proposed to attach the diameters of the
any direction while the II ' m p ace, at any speed and . inclined planes to little circles, whose planes were, in turn,
· • sma er spl • m
positioned perpendicular to the ecliptic plane, such that the tip of
~ould l!recti~n, tange~cy
twice the speed in the opposite d' Jere moved, also in place at
oscillate along a straight then the point of the diameter of the inclined plane would move along the
big sphere. me w •ch forms the diameter of the circumference of those little circles, thus forcing the whole plane to
oscillate up and down with respect to the plane of the ecliptic.
What Ptolemy neglected to note is that the same plane that was
forced to move up and down as a result of having its diameter
pegged to a little circle, also had to wobble, due to the motion of the
tip of its diameter along the circumference of a circle, rather than
move up and down along a straight line. This wobbling would in
effect destroy the longitudinal computations which had been
painstakingly determined by Ptolemy in the preceding books of the
Almagest.
In his redaction of Ptolemy's Almagest, called ta/Jrfr al-mi}is(T
[Redaction of the Almagest], Tilsi reserved his most critical, and yet
polite, comment to this very wobbling of Ptolemy's configuration.
After narrating Ptolemy's description of the behavior of the inclined
·~zk.
plane, which was pegged to the little circles that would cause Its
oscillation up and down, Tilsi went on to say: "this kind of talk falls
outside the craft of astronomy [htidhii kalam"" khilrif' .'an . al-
$inil'a]."3 In response ' and in order to preserve the longitudinal
· 1 a
computations, as well as account for a seesawing actiOn a ong
F
tgure I. The full statem
. F 2 G · · Medieval Arabi<
Vat. arab · 3!9 • Courtesyent andBproof
of the 'bJ" of the Tilsi Couple as it appeated in MS . Saliba, 'The Role of the Almagest Comrnentanes m . AI . ·t'
10
I wteca Apostolica Vaticana Astronomy:
A · A Preliminary Survey of TOsr's· Redaction of PtolemY
37 (t987) magesG.
3-20,s repr. ·
rchrves lnternationales d'Histoire des Scrences '. 1h G0 /den Mr
Saliba, A History of Arabic Astronomy: Planetary Theories Durrng e '
In a separat
Tnsr was first .
e publication,
~!Islam (New York, 1994), !43-60. . BN arabe 2485. fol.
proposed I· have de monstrated that this theorem of Nw;tr al-Drn al-Tosr (d. 1274), Ta/lrrr al-mijistr. pans. MS
m a rudi mentary form in 1247 A.D. in
95r.
364 . . . the Astronomical Contacts Between the World of Islam and 365
George Saliba ReVISitmg . .
Renaissance Europe: The Byzantme connectiOn
straight line, TUsi proposed then the rudimentary fonn of hi As far as Copernicus was concerned, he also stressed the simple
8
theorem that accounted for both the longitudinal as well as th thematical feature of the theorem [De Revolutionibus, III.4],
latitudinal motions of the planets. e :~ely, that which produced _oscillatory motion as a result of
Some ten years later, and certainly by 1259/60, the year when the · Jar motions, and used It later on, for example, [De
Marllgha Obs~rvatory was founded, Tiisi came to realize the full ~
Revolutionibus, V.32] for exactly the sai?e purpose m . h"Is
power of h1s new mathematical proposition and the full construction of the Mercury model. Here agam no word was s_atd
implications it could bring to bear on other, related astronomical about the implications of such a theorem for the cosmologtcal
problems. For instance, the theorem could be generalized so that it assumptions of Aristotle. . .
could be used in any instance when linear, and in this case The complete break with the Aristotelian cosmology was not to
oscillatory, motion was to be produced as a result of simple circular e until the work of Newton (1643-1727). who was born a full
00m d .
motions. century after Copernicus's death. But one should not un eresumate
With the full statement of the theorem in terms of spheres, rather the role of such early doubts against Aristotelian cosmology m
than circles, Tiisi went ahead and applied the theorem first to the empowering others to do away with that cosmology altogether.
model of the Moon, where such linear motion was also needed to be
produced by simple circular motions, and ·later on applied it to the CONNECTION WITH RENAISSANCE EUROPE
model of the upper planets, in order to generate the same
phenomenon. From then on, most astronomers who succeeded On the level of the mathematical theorem itself, its first appearance
Tilsi, including Copernicus, were to use this theorem for that very towards the middle of the thirteenth century in widely read and
same purpose. commented upon Arabic texts, and its later appearance some three
Tnsi himself did not address the direct philosophical implications of hundred years later m . such Latm · texts as the writings . of the
this theorem to the Aristotelian cosmological distinction between venerable Copernicus naturally excited much debate smce 1957;
the celestial and the sublunar motions. According to Aristotle, the when the connectiOn . was fi1rst establ"IShed by Neugebauer. .
celestial bodies moved "naturally" in circular motion, and thus Naturally much ink has already been sp1"IIed in attemptmg . to
, . f thi theorem directly or
remained unchanged over time because circular motion had no determine whether Copernicus knew o s . d Th
contraries. Sublunar elements on the other hand moved "naturally" .
through some mtermed1ary . text t hat IS
· yet to be deternune
. h· e
& t Copernican sc o1ars.
in linear motion, and thus exhibited the phenomena of generation latest studied J·udgment of the two ,oremos h .
· 1 · text Mat ema1zca 1
and corruption as a result of linear contrary motions. Generating Swerdlow and Neugebauer, in their no:-" ~ assic . that it "is not
linear motion from circular motion, as Tilsi proposed to do with his Astronomy in Copernicus's De Revoluuombus, c1rumf s h' Muslim
theorem, meant that the Aristotelian distinction regarding the nature whether [Copernicus knew of the resuit o IS
,6
?f motion that pertained to various bodies was at least put in doubt predecessors] but when and how. bl of connections
If not altogether contradicted. But Tilsi did not make any claims in In his usual. methodical attack of the ~ e~ uer must have
that regard. His commentators, however, made sure that this point when looking for evidence of contacts, euge a
was ~~pressly singled out, and went on to discuss the more general
c?nditions (some of them mechanical) where continuous simple . ed De Unon d"E/te tl
Circular motion could produce linear motion.4 Arabic Astronomy •, in R. Morelon et A. Hasnawt, s., .
Poincare (Louvain, 2004 ), 251-68, esp. 2~3f. N Swerdlow. 'Aristotelian
On the wide use of this theorem in La!l_n text~, :ttis;a Amico's HomocentriC
5
4 .
~· Saliba-~d E: S. Kennedy, 'The Spherical Case of the TOsi Couple', Arabic
Sc1ences a,.., Philosophy 1 (1991) 2 · N
Planetary Theory in the Renaissance: G!Ovan;r
1972
) 36-48. . .
Spheres', Journal for the History of Astronomy (. [Astronomy in CoperniCUS s
Po · ad' • 85-91, repr. with minor mistakes m ·
·eUl)av 1 et;z. Vesel eds .. r D ... 6
1e (T h · • ·• na$ r a1· rn ai-Tasr· Philosophe et savant du xme N. M. Swerdlow and 0. Neugebauer, Mathemauca
Sl c e eran, 2000), 105-11. See also G. Salib~, 'Aristotelian Cosmology and De Revolutionibus (New York, 1984), 47.
. 'tin the Astronomical Contacts Between the World of Islam and 367
366
George Saliba Revt~I g Europe: The Byzantine connection
Renrussance
reasoned as follows: Copernicus was a Renaissance man, and TDsi's spherical version of the same couple, also without much
therefore must have been able to read Greek and of course could comment.
read and write Latin. As far as Neugebauer knew then, and as we
now know, none of the Arabic texts in which this theorem was
discussed were translated into Latin. Therefore it remained to
determine if those Arabic texts were ever translated into Greek, the
only other language Copernicus could read, for there is no evidence
that he ever read Arabic. Since the Byzantine civilization continued
to produce Greek astronomical texts, although different in quality
and. sophistication from the earlier classical Greek texts, and since
some of the later Greek Byzantine texts, already surveyed by
Neugebauer in his Studies in Byzantine Astronomical Terminology,'
had already exhibited Islamic influence, both on the technical as
well as the linguistic level of Byzantine Greek, then it stood to
reason that Neugebauer would scour the surviving Byzantine Greek
manuscripts in search ofthis specific connection.
Sure enough, his search gained tremendous importance when he
established beyond doubt the existence of such a Byzantine
manuscript, MS Vat. gr. 211, which included the Greek version of
an astronomical treatise that was composed towards the beginning
of the fourteenth century by a Byzantine astronomer, Gregory
Chioniades, who expressly stated that he had sought the latest h If ff 1 !16r MS Vat.
Figure 2. The TOsi Couple as it appeared on the lowe~ a 0 0 · •
astronomy of his time from Islamic lands, and that he recorded in
gr. 211, Courtesy of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vat1cana
this Byzantine Greek text what he had heard from his masters in the
east. On fol. 116r of the same Vatican manuscript, Chioniades's
text included, among other things, a clear drawing of the TOsi . f t'10n about those
All this kicked off a long search for more m ormah ch These
Couple without much commentary [Figure 2]. · Jved m t e sear ·
connections, and several people were mv? . n astronomy.
But the very existence of the drawing itself allowed Neugebauer to activities produced a renewed interest m Cope~tca ublication of
publish that page 8 by way of directing attention to the possible which, during the following two decades, .led .to t el~er work. the
solution of the riddle regarding the connections between TOsi and .. f C0 pemtcus s ear 1
the editiOn and commentary o to the most
Copernicus through a systematic investigation of the Byzantine I 10 nd later on .
Commentariolus, by Swerd ow, a my embodied m
astronomical texts, especially the later ones, for the clues they could comprehensive study of the mathematical astronbo er 11 In !973,
contain about these connections. The next page of the same . dl nd Neuge au . .
9 the De Revolutiombus by Swer ow a . 0
if the Amencan
manuscript contained an additional drawing directly related to and in the same issue of the Proceedmgs
7
0. Neugebauer, 'Studies in Byzantine Astronomical Terminology', Transactions I ...... Th<Ol'Y·
fC 0 pernicus's Pan-, h
10 1
ff the American Philosophical Society, New Series, 50.2 ( 1960). N. Swerdlow 'The Derivation and First Draft 0 ,.,..• proceedings of '
' . 'th Commen-, •
0. Neugebauer, A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy (New York, 1975) A Translation of the CommentariOius WI _ .
512
flate IX, and Swerdlow and Neugebauer, Mathematical Astronomy, Figure 5. American Philosophical Society 117 (1973), 423 omy ·
11
Swerdlow and Neugebauer, Mathematical Astronomy, Figure 6. Swerdlow and Neugebauer, Mathematical Astron ·
368 .. in the Astronomical Contacts Between the World of Islam and 369
George Saliba
Re~lt gee Europe: The Byzantine connection
Rena~ssan
.·.·.
370 .. in the Astronomical Contacts Between the World of Islam and 371
George Saliba
Revt~tt g Europe: The Byzantine connection
Renrussance
hope that some other Byzantine astronomical manuscript w ld . · t Latin as the medical and philosophical works of
Arabic m o h
then contain a l~ter version of Chioniades's work and includeo~e .
Av1cenna, e
. h returned to Padua around the year 1503 to assume t e
. . d·
proof of the TUsi Couple? . f ed1·c1·ne at the UmversJty there. He apparent1y staye tn
chrur o m . , ..
As the facts now stand, and given the absence of such a later . · t'll he died We also know of Copernicus s viSitS to
that position I . 496
version among the surviving Byzantine manuscripts of b University of Bologna in Italy between the years I
Chioniades's text, all we can conclude is that Copernicus must have :~n~~J, his return to Padua between 1501. and 1.503, and his
gotten the proof directly from some Arabic source as Hartner's · nt of a degree in canon law from the ne1ghbonng
attamme
finding had already indicated. The only discrepancy that has to be
accounted for still, and which was not confronted by Hartner, is the
main difference between the two proofs. That is, in TUsi's Arabic
Proof there is a geometric point which is designated with the Arabic
letter zain and the corresponding point in Copernicus's Latin text is
designated with the letter "F" instead of "Z" as one would have
expected. All the other five points, a, b, g, d, h, have the correct
corresponding Latin phonemes, all designating the very same points
in the proof.
The answer to this problem is very easy to all those who work with
the Arabic orthographic tradition. For anyone who is familiar
enough with Arabic hand-written manuscripts, and who has enough
familiarity with the manner in which medieval writers used the'
Arabic alphabet to designate geometric points, could easily
convince himself that the Arabic letters zain and fa', as they usually
appear in Arabic manuscripts, indeed look very similar, and thus
could very easily be confused [See Figure 4]. Is it then possible
that either Copernicus himself, or someone helping him decipher
the Arabic text, which is more likely, misread the letter zain for its b' manuscripts demonstrating the
Figure 4. Illustrations from several Ara IC • dfi<7'
similarly written counterpart fa' and thus rendered the Arabic "Z' similar representations of the Arabic letters zam an .
with the Latin "F"?
By accepting the viability of this route, a new area of rese~ch
• 15 Could Copernicus have come in
would immediately become relevant, namely, whether Copernicus University of Ferrara, m 150 3· rth rn Italy?
himself could decipher Arabic texts; I do not know of any evidence contact with Andreas while he was i~~o (l;I0-!5Si), the younger
for that, nor that he depended on one of his contemporaries to help We also know of Guiiiaume Pos frequent traveler 10
. ho was also a . t
him with it. However, the latter possibility is not difficu~t. to contemporary of Copernicus, w . f Arabic manuscnp s.
document. We already know of people like the Venetian physician Italy and the Islamic world. Post~I's h~r~o~he Islamic world. has
Andreas Alpagus (d. 1525) who lived in Damascus for an extended which he collected during his vanous tr p an collections of today:
· Europe · · ol
period of his life. There he translated such technical texts frolll apparently survived in the varwus of the benefictanes
. J'b becrune one
In particular, the Vat1can I rary
- - - - - - - - - - - - . I Astronomy, 30...31.
Reform of Ptolemaic Astronomy 3,. revised edition (Beirut, 2001), Bngllsh "Swerdlow and Neugebauer, Mathemat•ca
Introduction, 31-36. ' . J~~
373
. Contacts Between the World of Islam and
372 . . . the Astronomica1 .
George Saliba ReVJSIIing . The Byz.antine connection
Renaissance Europe.
.tn· the intellectual environment in
some of those manuscripts, for among its collections there is the . eems to b e ce rta ·
One thmg s I the corridor extending from Florence to
famous Postel copy of Tnsi' s tadhkira, which is now kept under the northern Italy, a ong b n in close contact with the contemporary
shelf number MS Vat. arab. 319. This work of TOsi includes the Venic.e, seems to ~a~\a~e by then digested all those astronomi.cal
most mature version of the TOsi Couple, full with clear statement of Islanuc world whtc . . ulat'ton for more than two centunes.
d been m ctrc · h
the theorem and the detailed proof that was used by Hartner for the ideas that h a I t find Italian or other Arabtsts w o
comparison with the Copernican proof. Moreover, it appears that Thus, it would not ?e unus~a ~t'es scattered along this northern
. th vartous umverst 1 d
Postel obviously could read Arabic very well, as he has left his own worked m e C . s lived for close to ten years an
handwritten annotations on the margins of this particular Italian corridor where op~rn!CU
manuscript as well as the margins of other Arabic manuscripts that obtained his university trammg. C . s's own works reveals a
'd f om opermcu '
are still extant in various other libraries. In one instance, in the Since the textual evt ence, r . 'cal material the answer
. 'th Arabtc astronomt '
manuscript now kept at the Bibliotbeque Nationale in Paris, BN definite acquamtance WI b ht t'n the context of the
t ts has to e soug .
arabe 2499, which is heavily annotated on the margins by Postel, to the problem o f con a~. can hope that by tracmg the
he even corrected the original Arabic text of the manuscript when it northern Italian universities. One h 'ther lt'ved in Italy or
· t lists w o et
skipped the name of a month in the Hebrew calendar. 16 interests of those earIy onen a . ' d'd and by re-examining the
. .· Coperntcus 1 , d·
Could Copernicus have come in contact with either of those visited its umverstties as . th t are still preserve m
. f Ar b · manuscnpts a ·
gentlemen, or with others like them whose names are still to be huge collections o a IC arth even more compelling
.b · one may une .
determined? Or could he have known their older colleagues who several European l J ranes, 'th Islamic sctence.
n contact WI dd
taught them Arabic in the first place and got them interested in their documentation of Europea h ·ts own uninten e
h can ave 1 . 'fi
journeys to the Islamic world in order to collect the manuscripts? Furthermore, such researc d d I'ght
1
on the sctentJ JC
consequences as It · may shed much nee . e orthern Italy. AII the
Could those collectors of manuscripts then translate them into Latin ·ssance m n · 'fi
as was done by Andreas, or simply add marginal Latin annotations environment of the earIY rena~ ki g the latest sctenU IC
to the Arabic texts as was extensively done by Postel? Could
.
evidence pomts to men
.
°f sctence see n
ld ·n order to Ul
b 'ld their own scten
· ce
th
someone like Leo Africanus, originally al-I:Iasan b. Mui)ammad al- results from the Islarmc wor I h . scientific theories on e
upon them, and not to reconstruct t etbr th n become obsolete.
Wazzlin (1485-1554), who converted to Christianity after his · that had Y e '
capture and who taught Arabic at Bologna, the first Italian basis of ancient Greek sctence '
university visited by Copernicus, have been one of his collaborators
in deciphering Arabic texts?
There are many such people with whom Copernicus could have
come in contact. There are others, from other European cities,
some of them older contemporaries of Copernicus like Andreas and
Leo, who knew Arabic well enough to write their own grammars of
Arabic as was done by Postel and Widmenstatter (1506-57) and
who could have also helped Copernicus decipher such texts. At this
point nothing can be said for certain. But there is enough evidence
to indicate that a deepened research in this area will eventually
prove to be very rewarding.
; ~ee the var~ous annotations on the margins of the MS Vat. arab. 319, an.d the
ans astronoiDlCal MS BN arabe 2499 where Postel even corrects a mistake 1D the
original Arabic text. '
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j
439
438 Index of Proper Names and Important Terms The Occult Sciences in Byzantium
Politics,99 B
Meteorologica, 114,276
Kitilb al-ustuwwatlls, 336
Aristoxenus, 276 Babylon, 31,33,253,254
Baghdad, 32,48,53,61 ,62,80,81 ,91 ,!23,125,132,135,231,233,311
arithmetic,s, 158,194, 247,256,260,271,276
arrheta (os), clQQl]ta(o~). 16-20, 107, 110, 115 Bahya ibn Paquda
The Book of Direction in the Duties of the Heart, 300
Artemidoros, 22
Balaam, 133, see also John the Grammarian
Oneirocritika, 22
BiilTnOs, 329, see also Apollonius ofTyana
Arsenios, monk, 82
art of jewelry-making, 169 Balkh, 238
Artemidoros/Artemidorus, 34,75,78,84,87, Balsamon, 160
Onirocriticon libri, 22,34 Bar Hebraeus, 62
Asclepius, 327 Bar Hiyya, 317
astral religion, 250,256 Bardas, Caesar, 125
astrolabe, 23,192,196,198 Bari, 310
Barlaam of Seminara, 285 89 202 284
astrologer,s, 13,23,26,29,67 ,71,75,89,90,91,93,120,126,132,135-139,141-143, Basil I (867-886), 122,124,125,126,!27,~28,131,138,139,1 ' ,
147,150,151,155-157,161 ,!66 -169,189,193,202,217,231,233,236,238,241'
Basil II (960-1025), 52, !38
245,253,255,256-260,262,270-272,275,278,279,282, 296,300, 321,328 see
Basil of Caesarea, St, 69,272
also'i~trologin, 321
Basil,eparch, 145
astrological (herbals,poem,texts, treatises etc.), 21,25, 44,62,67 ,68,72,80,82,87,
Basilakios, hermit, !54
94, 120,125,127 ,128,!30,132,134,135,138,139,140,141 '145,156, 163,165,166,
Basra, 231
167,169,172,!86,189,190,191 ,192,193,194,202,236, 266,269,270,272,274,276,
Berossus, 250
277,278,281,289,290,292,295,301,303,310,311,319,327
Beziers, 62
astrology, 11,13,19,21,24,26,27,32,36,37, 40,41 ,43,45,48,49,54,55,59-71,73,
bird-seers, 26
74,81,83,87-89,91-94,98,102,120,121,124,126-128,130,132,133,135-144,146,
Blachemae Palace, 152
225 267 268
147,149,150,153-157,161, 165-169,181,189,!93,194, 231-238,240-242,245- Blemmydes, Nikephoros, 24,159,209: ' ;one istula universa/ior, 159
248,251 ,253,254,257-263. 265,266,269-272,27 4,27 5,277,278,280-283,285' Autobiographia sive curriculum v•tae, ~~ !58~68,176,177,178,179,180,182,
body ,ies, 31,99, I 00,101,1 03,106,1~~ ~; ,2; , ' 1 ,280,282,291 ,292,295,296,
289,290,291,293-304,308,310-3.!2,3!5,317-323, 325,326,330,336,341
astronomer,s, 14,23, 45,72,82,137,140,141 ,202,252,256,273,296,361 ,364,366,369 188,206,207,210,212,213,226,227, '
9 1 26 '
astronomical(treatises,etc.), 163,164,165,172,180,183,184,185, !86,187 ,188,193, 303,304,305,307,308,322,364
194,195,198,199,200,201,248,252,266, 270,271,274,276,278,279,283,285,290, Bohemond, 145
292,295,2%,309,311,314,316,317,319,322, 363,364,366,370,372,373 Bologna, 372
astronomy, 27,32,36,42,43,51,62,63,64,65,71 ,86,124,127,135,137,158,166,191, Botaneiates, Nikephoros, 137
194, 200,202' 247,248,25 2,253,254,256,259,260,261 ,262,263. 265,266,271 ,273' books on making gold and Silver, 165
274,275,276,277,279,281 ,283,288,289,291 ,294-298,301,304,308,311 ,312,314, botany,41 ,
315,317-322,337,361,363,365-369,371 Brachamios, 89 . f th tcome 240
astrum, 344 °
burj a/- 'aqiba, the zodiacal sign e ou '
Athenagoras, 99 Branas, Alexios, 153,154
Athinganoi, !59 Bryennios, Joseph, 69,70
Attaleiates, Michael, 122,137 Bryennios, Manuel, 66,27 1
Historia, 137
auguries, olwvooxwtlm, !59 c
augury, 16,26,98
Autolycus, 276
Avicenna, 370 Cairo Genizah, 316,321
Ayynb ibn Al)mad, 234 Cairo, 53,61,62,91
Azareus, 327 Calabria, 283
443
The Occult Sciences in Byzantium
442 Index of Proper Names and Important Tenus
Constans II (64!-668), 75
calendar, 313,314,315,316,317,333,337,372 Constantine Doukas (1057-1078), 127
calendation, 294,296,315,322 Constantine the Great (307-337), 168
Cancer, 178,183,198,199,200,201,267,284 Constantine V Kopronymos (741-775), 74,169
Canabutzes, John/Joannes, 26
Constantine VI (780-797), 75 siP h rogenitus (945-959), 70,76, 122.127.
Capricorn, 178,183,198,200 Constantine VII Porphyrogenneto orp Y '
Capua,293 128,130,131,132, 220,222,223,228,229
Cassius Dio, 120 De administrando imperio, I 90,199
Historia Augusta, 120,121,122,136 De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae, 22
Catalonia, 325,341 Constantine, son of Basil I, 126 24 129 130 131,134,135,136,138,143,151.
celestial diviners, 296, see also i)ovrei shamayyim Constantinople, 14,24,35,109,120,12i\83 184187,188,189,197.200,201,214,
celestial (lore, phenomena, sciences etc.) 26, 246-251,253,262, 291,292,295,297, 153 154 !58 160 161 163,167,168,17 • ' •
300,301,304,305,307,308,312,315,322 219:220:227:229:267:269,274,275,284,288,290.329
Censorious, 326 Constantius II (337-361), 71 8 319 320 336
304 307 31
De die natali, 326 constellation,s, 293,296,30l,302 • / :37o',37t',37Z,373
Chaldaea, 21 ,254 Copernicus, 37,361 ,364,365,366, 36 ' 368
Cha/daean Oracles, 15,17,27,30,31 ,104,105,106,113 Commentario/us, 367
Chaldaean,s, 15,17,27,30,31 ,36,48,104 -108,113,133,139,161,247,248,249,250, De Revolutionibus, 365,367,368
253,254,255,257,260,262,27 8,300,321 copper, 169,!76,!77,!80,!88,195
charms, 12,30 Cordoba, 130
chemical writings, 215,219 Corfu,214
chemistry, 42 Corinth, 90
Chioniades, George, 366,368,370 cosmic, 17,19,20,29,31,36,292
Chloros, Demetrios, 85 cosmological, 32, 364,365 217 305,320,322,365
Choirosphaktes, Leo, 132 cosmology, !6,20,29,!01,!05,1 74 •195 ' '
Choniates, Niketas, 121,122,!35,146,147 cosmos, 20,146,156,206,313,31 7
Historia Nicetae Choniatae! Historia!History, 121,146-162 Council in Troullo, 69,159
Panoplia Dogmatike, 149 Council of Laodicaea, !58 also God and Lord
Chora,66 Creator, !16,191,226,280,28;,306 see
Choumnos, Nikephoros, 270 creator, 246,249,256,258,2 6
Chronicon Pascha/e, 73 Crete, 214
Chrysoberges, Loukas, Patriarch, 270 Critodemus, astrologer, 167
Chrysokokkes, George, 82,274,278,279,280 Crusade, 53,79,140
Persian Syntaxis, 274,279,289 Crusaders, 63
Chrysokokkes, Michael, 26 Cyprus, !50
Chrysoloras, John, 283,285 D
Chrysostom, John St, 24,69,70,98
Homilies, 112
chrysopoeia, 224,225
Damascus, 53,370
Church of the Holy Apostles, 158 Damaskios/Damascius, 113
Cicero, 101 De principiis, 175
De divinatione, 10 I In Philebum, 113
Clement of Alexandria, 98 Damigeron (Evax), 327 . rutibus, 327
Clement of Rome, 256,258,259,261 De /apidibus et eorum vrr
Cleonides, 276 Daniel, 297,298,300
Cleopatra, 73,207,208
daydreams, 206 Ar' totilem. 334,336.344
cloud-chasers, v£$o6LiiJK"tat., !59 De Luna secundum IS
Codex Justinianus, 168
comet,s, 76,79,128,!36,138,145, 267,268,272,273
444
Index of Proper Names and Important Terms The Occult Sciences in Byzantium 445
Demiurge, 103
Demochares, 138 Egypt, 21,31,32,33,57 ,62,73,91 ,119,165,206,221,246,247,255,256,257,258,
Demokritos/Democritus, 16,218,219 260,310
Egyptian,&, 31 ,48,54,56,57 ,247,248,253,256,257,258,259,260,263
demon/daemon,s, 15,17,29,30,31,34,103,105,106.107,108,109,111,113,114124
149,150,151,157 • • Eleutherios of Eleia, 143,238
demonic, 130,131,146,149,153,154,155,249 Eleutherios of Sidon, 239
demonology, 24,30,31,35, 45,64,111 Empedocles, 16
Demophilos, 138 enchantment, 123,148
determinism, 67 England, 62
Deukalion, 87 Enoch, 246,24 7,248,249,261 ,263
Ephemerides, 278,279,280
Diocletian (284-305), 165,166
Epiphanios, merchant, 192,196,198,199
Dionysios of Halicamassos, 26,73,228
Epiphanios, monk, 84
Dionysius the Areopagite, 70
Epiphanios/Epiphanius, 24,254
Diophantus, 276
Physiologos (attributed to), 24,
Arithmetic, 276
Panarion, 254
Dioscorides, 22, 83
epistemology, 20
dish-divining, A£xaVOfL<XV1:E£a, 123,124,129
Eprios, 145
dish-scrutiny, 26
Eratosthenes, 276
divination, fL<lvtLX~ (by earthquakes, planetary days, from birds, sacrificial victims Erythraean Sibyl, 161
grains ofbareley etc.), 11,16,17 ,20,21,23,28,30,37,40,41,43,45,46,54,57,60,67,68, eschatology, 45
69,70,75,81,82,91' 121,124,129,131,133,139,147,150,152,153,159,160,161,332, esoteric antediluvian learning, 250
335
esotericism, 206,298,301
divinatory sciences, 326 Euclid, 276
Divine (authority, Intellect, Power, Will etc.), 103,104,105,106,108,109,110,111, Eudoxos, astrologer, 141
112,113,115,116,212,282 Eulogios, patriarch, 197,~98
diviner,s, 26 Euphrosyne,wife of AleXIOS nr (1195-1205), 152' 153
doctors, 26,28 Eupolemos, 248
Shabbetai Donnolo, 293,297,301-308,315,319,320,322 Europe, 43,47,49,51,55,59
Sejer hakhmoni, 293,294,296,301,303,304,305,306,307,308,311,312,317,320 Eusebia, 212,213,223
Sefer maWJiot, 293,303,319,320 Eusebios of Caesarea, 248,257
Dorotheos of Sidon, 167,233,234, 232,235,236 Praeparatio evangelica, 248,257
Carmen astrologicum, 138,235, 240 Eustathios ofThessslonica, 156
Dositheos, monk, 154 Eutocius, astrologer/astronomer, 167•276
Dositheos, patriarch, 151,160 Exaltation of the Cross, 150 d xa
Doukas, Theodore, 28 extraordinary phenomena, 13, see also para 0
Theodori Ducae epistulae,28
dream interpretation, 21,25,26,32,33,34,35,37 ,45,74,77 ,79,83,84,87,98 F
dream interpreters, 26,37
dream,s, 54,60,61,66,71,76,78,82,83,86,90
drugs, cpclQfL<lXU, 19,146 fatalism, 67
Fatimids, 53
filioque, 83
E Firmicus Matemus
Mathesis, 243, 326
earthquake,s, 125,136, 266,275,276 Flaccus Africus, 329
eclipse,s, 14,70,76,267,268,269,270,272 273 275 276 283 284,285,286,287, Compendium aureum, 329
288,289,290 • • • • • flood, 253,254
Bgg of the philosophers, 178 Florence, 3 72
446
Index of Proper Names and Important Tenns The Occult Sciences in Byzantium 447
folk, 39,42
folk-lore, 39 288,290
Forum of Arcadius, 127 Epistulae, 266,278,283,285,286
Forum of Constantine, !52 Ca/cul de I'eclipse de Solei/ du 16 juillet 1330, 45,284
Fourth Crusade, 151,153 Byzantina Historia, 266,286,288
France, 62,72,325,329,341 Gregory of N azianzus, 289
Gregory of Nyssa, 69,98,272
G H
Gabala, 143 h lakhah 294 300 312 313,317,318,320,321,322
galaktites, 108 h:lakhic, ,298,Z99 .3oo.3!2,313,314,315,317 ,318,319,320,322
Galen, 22,83,279 Hananel, 303,308,309
Gandoubarios, 252 Harpokration, 329
Gaudentius, 276 Harran, 249,256
Gemini, 178,183 Hay Gaon, 299,317
Genesios, 122 heavens 245 249,250,256,257,262
Genesis Rabbah, 319,320 Hebrew: 293:294,295,297,298,300,305,314,316
Genesis, 88,257,280,305, Hecate, 105
genethlialogy, yeve8At.aAOyLx6v, 266 Heliodoros, 167,173,209,222 d . ommentarium (attributed to),
Gengis Khan, 273 Heliodori ut dicitur in Paulum Alexan rmum c
geography, 42,49,55,56 167
geomancy, 21,24,45,98 Hellenes, 133
geometry, 27,28,136,158,194,269,271,276, 269,271,276 Hellenic, 254,255,259
George the Monk, 81,131,133,247,253,254,255,256,257,258,259,260,261,262,263 hepatoscopy, 124 275
Chronicon/Chronikon, 133,253,254,255,257,258,259,260,262 Hephaestio of Thebes, 24,26,235,236 •269 •
George the Synkellos, 215,219,229 Apote/esmatica, 26,138,235 5 126 129 164,167,170,171,172,173,183,
Chronographia, 219 Heraclius!Heracleios, (610-64!), 7 ~j7 ;
8
184,186,189,197,199,202,213,2! 7, ' 19 ' '
Z2l
Z28 see also Hiraql
•
Georgius Monachus Continuatus, 122,132
Ghazan Khan, 273 Heraklion, 214
Giordano Bruno, 29 heresy, 300,305
Glykas, Michael, 245,246,247,248,249,251,253,257,261,262,263 heretics, 245 . , 9,327,331,332,335
Chronicle, 247 Hennes Trismegtstos, 16,10 1' 208 '218 22
E~ Ta, dJW(!ta,, 246,247,248,261,262,263 De triginta sex decanis, 331
Annates, 261,262,263 Hermetica, 327
Gnostic, 17, 206 latromathematicum, 332
God, 34, 75,85,88,101,102,103,104,106,107,109,110,111,112,113,114,115,116, Kirab al-makhzan, 336 .
137,141,150,153,157,168,185,191' 195,246,247,249,251 ,253,255,256,257 ,258, Liber de triginta sex decams, 331
262,263,280,282,286,289,294,297,298,299,303,304,305,306,307,309,313,317' Liber imaginum Lunae, 335
319,321 Hennes,god, 252
gods, 251,254,255,256,259 Hermetic Corpus, 15,223 06
gold, 165,169,172,174,176,177,180,182,195, 206,224,226,227 hennetic(thought, tradition), 17 •29 ' 2
goldmaking, 207 Henneticism, 327
goldsmiths, 169,206,225 Hennetism, 14,208,209,223
gramma, YQ<ljl.f.l.a, Ill hexaemeron, 247
grammarians, 26 hibit, 311
Great Palace, 126,149 , hidden arts, 27
Gregoras, Nikephoros, 45,66,72,75,98,265,266,277,278,283,284,285,286,287, hieratic art, 17,27,3lh. . t 3 209,222
Hierotheos, poet-ale tnus ' 17 '
449
448 Index of Proper Names and Important Tenns TbeOccu1tSciences in Byzantium
Chronicle, 285
Pantale<:m, metropolitan of Synada, 70,126,129 phylacteries, 46
Pankrabos, 120,135 Physio/ogos, 23 see also selenodromion
Pantokrator monastery, 168,245 Pisa, 62
Papyri Graecae Magicae, 113 Pisces,178,181,184,186,287
paradoxa, 13 Pizimentius, Dominicus, 173
parapegma, 332,333,335,337,338,339,340,34l, 343 plttakion, 245
Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai 14 134 planet,s, 21,112,113,169,177,178,180,181,182,183,184,185,186,187,192,198,200,
Parmenides, 16 ' ' 201, 272,278,279,281,296, 327,333,342,363,364, see also kokhav,296
Pascalis Romanus, 84,160,329 Planetary Theory, 365,367
Liber thesauri occulti, 329 Planoudes, Maximos, 82,276
Patria of Constantinople, 129,130,131 Plato, 16,18,112,163,179,217,226,250
Paul of Alexandria, 132,167,276 Crary/us, 112
Eisagogika, 167 Timaeus, 102,103,179,185
Paul, apostle, 263 Phaedo, 167,171
Pe'ah, 317 Theaetetus, 112
Pegasus, 338,340,355 Plato, 333 see also Apuleus or Pythagoras
Pelagonia, 152 Platonists, 102,103,104,107,109
Pep~gomenos, George, 277,278,283,284 Pleiades, 319,3 37,339,356,358
Pers~a, 37,254,273,275,273,275 Plethon, George Gemistos, 17,30,32,33,72
Perstans, 124,129,143,254,260 Manuel d'astronomie, 72
Pesahim, 300,320 Pliny, 339
Pesiqta Rabbati, 318 Natural History, 339
Peter the Philosopher, 270 Plotinus, 102,103,104
Petosiris Enneades, 102,103
Letter, 332,333 Plutarch, 100,112,221
Petra,227 Conjuga/ia praecepta, 100
Pharaoh, 128,257,258,260 De E apud Delphos, 112
pharmacology, 23 pneuma, 1tVeO!J.C!, 100,101,102,103
pharmacy, 40,42 Polyainos, 22
Philebus, 112 polymatheia, 31
Philo Judaeus, 103,104, polytheism, 13,36, 253,255
De specialibus legibus, 103 Porphyry
De opificio mundi, 103 Eisagoge, 202
_De migratione Abrahami, 104 Posidonius, I 00
phtlomatheia, 139 Postel, Guillaume, 371,372
Philopatris, 130 practitioners, 12,28,29
Philoponus, John, 175,276 Preceptum Canonis Ptolomei, 327,328 ISO 154 !66 !89,192,194,233,265,
prediction,s, 123,124,125,130,136,141,1 42• ' ' '
_Treatise on the Astrolabe, 276
268,272,277,278,280,281,283,285,286,287,288,290 6
phtlosophers 1314171820 21 26 32
Proclus, 14,17,20,31,32,103,104,105,ll 3 :~ 26 • ' '
269 27
5' 6
141 164 17 17 19• • • • • • .33,34,51,83,98,1oo,lo7,112,116,134,135,
• • • 7 •202 •214 ,217,331
.•
ph~losophers' stone, 175
In Platonis rem publicam commentam, 103
In Platonis Timaeum commentaria, 103
phtlosophy 13 14 17 18 19 2
68,125,139:14i, 164.i 67: ~iN°· 3 1.33.34,36,42.46,47,49.50.51.54,60,63.67.
170• • 79,194,201,202,268,269
Hypotyposis, 276
Philostratus, 7S De arte hieratica, 104,105
Phokaia, 26 prognostica, 332 .
Ph" Procopius!Prokoptos of Caesarea, 71 ·
op~~BIPUhotius, 81,98,131,133,219 220 227 229 Anecdota, 120
•wt eplstu/ae, 132 ' ' '
Persian Wars, 71
459
458 Index of Proper Names and Important Tenns The Occult Sciences in Byzantium
prophecies, 129,130,137,151,154,160,161 Q
protective (gold table,rings), 46
Psellos, 15,16,17 ,18,19,20,27,28,29,30,31,32,33,34,35, 77,81,90,106,107,114,
quadrivium, 63,76164,167,271,272,276
137,139,142,154,219,223,224,225, 335,341,348
quicksilver,l76,177,180
De Onmifaria Doctrina, 116
Qirqisani, 298
Demonologie, 108
Chronographia, 18,109,121,136,139,140,154
R
Epistula, 108
Leller of Chrysopoeia, 18,1 70
Mereorologie, 108 Rabbi Pal tiel, 310
Theologica,107,ll1,ll5,ll6 Rabad of Posquieres, 315
Orationes hagiographicae!Orat.hag., 108,109,110,114,115,116 Rabbanites, 315,316
Oratorio minora, 106,115 Rabbi Abraham ibn Ezra, 292
Phi/osophica minora, 16,17,18,29,34,107,108,110,111,115,116 Rabbi Eliezer b. Jacob, 321
On the properties ofprecious stones, 16 . Rabbi Hananel, 309,311,317,320
Allegory on the Sphinx, 17 Rabbi Hanina, 321
Praise of Italos, 33 Rabbi Nathan, 305
To his students on the ventriloquist, 30 Avot de Rabbi Nathan, 305
Epitaphius in patriarchem Joannem Xiphilinum, 33 Rabbi Samuel bar Nahman, 305
Pseudo-Chrysostom,69, 70 Rabbi Simon, 320
Pseudo-Ciement!Pseudo-C1ementine, 254,256,258,259,260,326 Rabbi Yonatan, 305
Recognitions!Recognitiones, 256,258,326 Rllhu, 240
Homilies, 254,258,259,260 Raidestos, 154
Pseudo-Demokritos,208 Raitho, 85 'b 241
Pseudo-Galen,326 R ash-1q 1'b n 'Abdallllh al-I:Iast '
De spermate,326 Raoulaina,Theodora, 277 • 278
pseudo-Jabir,86,87 remedies, 42
Book of the Monk,86 rhetoric, 269
Pseudo-Manetho,26 Rhetorius of Egypt, 234
Pseudo-Ptolemy ,334,337,340,341 Rhetorius, astrologer, 167
Judicia, 332,334,335,340,341,348 rhetors, 26
145
Robert Guiscard. 1 41 • (~j _ ),127-129
1
De temporum mutatione, 334,337,343,348
pseudo-science,s,40,43,47 . Romanos I Lekapenos 9 944
Pseudo-Symeon Magistros,81,122,125 ,131,13 2,13 3 Rome,258
Ptolemy, 27,48,82,88,166,167 ,202,233,265,266,268,269,276,279,281,282,284, Rosarium philosophicum, I 73
287,328,331,332,335,339,341,348,363 Rosinus, 173
Almagest/ Megiste Syntaxis,195,266,281,363 Ruczel, Andreas, 342
Tetrabiblos,24,48,266,268,269 ,281,287,331,338,339
Handy Tables,I87 ,193,202,328
s
Syntaxis Tetrabiblos,195
Nomina et virtutes herbarum secretarum septem planetarum, 331 (attributed 98,300 314,315
Sa'adiah Gaon, 297 ,2 '
to) Geography, 23,276
sacrificers, 26 242
Pythagoras,l33,333,334, see also John the Grammarian,133 87
Sagittarius, 17~,269,2 al-Isra 'TIT, astrologer, 236,
Spheres, 334
Sahl ibn Bishr tbn l:l~b~
Samonas, charnberlam.
26
sarnothrake, 26,7 3
samuel. 30
The Occult Sciences in Byzantium 461
460 Index of Proper Names and Important Terms
Chiliades, 73
neei xaraexwv Otai/JIJQWV, 238 z
u Zebel, 143
Zebelenos, Eleutherios, 89,142,143
Umara ibn l;lamza, 169 Zeus, 73,252
Ur, 249,250,256 zrj al- 'Ala'r, 274
utterances, xl.t]bovLOf!OUS, 150 zrj-i Ukhanr, 274;2.78,279
Zoanes, 26
v zodiac, 21 ,144,177:17~,180,185,18;,~~~·i31~~31~~~4;200;241 ,296,305
zodiacal (melothesia, smg,s, etc.), I ' ' ' '
zodiologia, 332
Varahamihira, 233 Zoe, (1042), 109,136
Venice, 60,62,66,372 Zonaras, John, 69,84,122,!54,158,!61
ventriloquist spirit, 1:0 eyyaO"tQ(J.LuOov, 30,31 Epitome historiarum, 154,162
ventriloquist woman, yuv!) eyyaO"tQ(J.LuOos, 30 zoology, 24,41
Venus, 26,62,180,181,182,183,184,185,186,188,198,199,200,201,240,363 zoon, ~<!Jov, 100
Verona, 62 Zoroaster, 16,252
veterinary medicine, 22, see also hippiatrika Zoroastrian,s, 90,233;2.34 . 207 ;l0 8;209;210,211,212,213,214,
Vettius Valens, astrologer, 26,167,168,232,233,234,235,276 Zosimos!Zosimus of Panopohs, 36,66 •113 •205 '
Vettii Va/entis Antiocheni Antho/ogiarum libri novem, 26 215,216,217,218,219,221 ,222,223;2.27~29
Virgin Mary ofBiachernai, 109,110,114,116 Authentic Memoirs, 209,210;2.11 ;2 . . Art of Making Gold and Silver, 212
Virgo, 178,183,198,200 Authentic Writing on the Sacred and Dtvme
VitaBasilii, 122 Book ojSophe (attributed to), 209,214
Chapters to Eusebia, 209;2.12,213,223
Chapters to Theodore, 209,212,213
w Final Count, 209,214,216
Kat'energeian, 216,219
Widmenstatter, 372 Letter Kappa, 214,215
William of Moerbeke, 330 Letter Omega, 210,211,214,215
William ofTyre, historian, 156 Letter on chrysopoeia, 18,139
Wi/lemi Tyrensis Chronicon, 156 Letter Sigma, 214,215 dA I ·'Making Gold,I10,211
Witch of Endor, 30,32 On the Great and Sacre r o,
wonder-working, 18,26,299 On divine Water, 214
On Excellence, 214
X
Xerolophos, 127
Xerxes, 78
Xiphilinos, John, 33,81
y
Yabi11d, 53
Yazdln Khwi!Bt, 231
Ystoria Beale Vlrginis Marie, 84
Index of Manuscripts
Amsterdam, Amstelodamensis Graecus VIE 8,135
Athens, Atheniensis 1493,23
Athos, Karakallou 14,81,130,160
Bologna, Bononiensis 3632,24
Copenhagen, Kongelige Biblioteket, Gl. Kgl. Saml. 3499,335
Escorial, l.R.14,338
Florence, Laurentian us gr. 28, 13,82, 143,164,191
Florence, Laurent. plut. 74, 23,22
Florence, Laurentianus gr. 86.16 (L),207
Istanbul, Laleli 2122b,234,236,237 ,240,241
Katowice, Biblioteka Slqska,342,354
Leiden, Or. 891,235,236,237,238,239,240,241
London, British Library, Add. 10775,335
London, British Library, Egerton 821,333
London, British Library, Harley 5402,334
London, British Library, Harley 5402,334
London, British Library, Harley 5596,24
London, British Library, Harley 5624,271
Madrid, Biblioteca nacional !0053,335
Milan, Ambrosianus B 38 sup.,l64
Milan, Ambrosianus E 16 sup.,23
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, elm 18927,335
Munich, Monacensis gr. 105,164
Munich, Monacensis gr. 287,271
Munich, Monacensis gr. 525,278
Naples, Neapol. gr. II C 33,144
Naples, Neapol. gr. II. C.33,91
Oxford, Baroccianus gr. 131,79
Oxford, Bodleian, Can. misc. 555,339
Oxford, Cromwe/1!2,336,341
Oxford, Holkhamicus 110,271
Oxford, Seldenianus 16,144,270,271
Paris, BN arabe 2485,363
Paris, BN arabe 2499,372
Paris, BN Coislin 349,70
Paris, BN Coislin 77,70
Paris, BN gr. 2315,24
Paris, BN gr. 2325,207
Paris, BN gr. 2419,164
Paris, BN gr. 2424,143
Paris, BN gr. 2506,143
Paris, BN gr. 2509,24,82
Paris, BN gr. 2510,24
Paris, BN gr. 2644,79
Paris, BN gr. 3085,270
468 Index of Manuscripts