806 BAY ÜLGEN
al-Bayd: āwı̄; Islamic religious scholar and judge. Born in
Bayd: āD, near the city of Shiraz in Persia, al-Bayd: āwı̄ was edu-
cated in the religious sciences in Baghdad and spent most of
his life following in his father’s footsteps in Shiraz as the chief
justice of the province of Fārs. He belonged to the ShāfıE ı̄
legal school (madhhab) and was a follower of the tradition
of al-AshEarı̄ in theology. He wrote some twenty works on
various subjects, including jurisprudence, law, grammar, the-
ology, and the QurDanic sciences. While all of these works
were written in Arabic, he also produced a world history in
his native Persian.
Al-Bayd: āwı̄’s fame and reputation rest mainly upon his
commentary (tafsı̄r) on the QurDān, titled Anwār al-tanzı̄l
wa-asrār al-ta Dwı̄l (The lights of the revelation and the secrets
of the interpretation). This work examines the QurDān phrase
by phrase in an attempt to present, concisely yet comprehen-
sibly, the conclusions of earlier commentators in such a way
as to express al-Bayd: āwı̄’s own understanding of the ortho-
dox Sunnı̄ interpretation of the QurDān in his time. His main
sources of interpretational information are the famous phi-
losopher and QurDanic commentator Fakhr al-Dı̄n al-Rāzı̄
(d. 1209) and the MuEtazilı̄ theologian al-Zamakhsharı̄
(d. 1144). The latter author was clearly more important for
al-Bayd: āwı̄, whose commentary may be viewed to a great ex-
tent as a simplified summary of his predecessor’s work, con-
densing what was found to be most essential in grammar,
meaning, and textual variants. Omitted most of the time, al-
though sometimes overlooked and allowed to remain, are
statements that reflect al-Zamakhsharı̄’s rationalist theologi-
cal views. For example, in interpreting sūrah 3:8, “Our Lord,
make not our hearts to swerve, after that thou hast guided
us,” al-Zamakhsharı̄ takes “make not our hearts to swerve”
to mean “do not withhold your grace from us after having
already granted it to us,” with the emphasis placed upon the
notion of God’s grace coming after man has acted to deserve
it. Al-Bayd: āwı̄ rejects this free-will, rationalist position, sub-
stituting the interpretation that since God does lead people
astray, they must pray to God for the divine gift of guidance
and grace.
Because of its concise nature, al-Bayd: āwı̄’s commentary
has proved valuable over the centuries for quick reference,
although certainly not for full analysis. For this reason it has
been widely read in the Muslim world and has attracted a
large number of supercommentaries, and soon after Europe-
ans made learned contacts with Islam it became the best-
known QurDān commentary in the West. Representing what
is best described as the consolidation of traditionalism in the
field of QurDanic interpretation, al-Bayd: āwı̄’s tafsı̄r has been
the basic textbook for all students of the subject in East and
West alike.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anwār al-tanzı̄l wa-asrār al-ta Dwı̄l has been edited and published
numerous times both in the Islamic world and in Europe; the
standard edition of the Arabic text is that edited by H. O.
Fleischer (Leipzig, 1846–1848). Sections of the work are
available in English translation, although they are often not
completely understandable without at least some knowledge
of Arabic. The commentary on sūrah 12, the story of Joseph,
has appeared twice in translation, by Eric F. F. Bishop and
Mohamed Kaddal in “The Light of Inspiration and the Secrets
of Interpretation,” Chrestomathia Baidawiana: Translation of
Surat Yusuf with Baidawi’s Commentary (Glasgow, 1957) and
by A. F. L. Beeston in Baid: āwı̄’s Commentary on Sūrah 12
of the Qur Dān (Oxford, 1963). The commentary on sūrah 3
was translated by D. S. Margoliouth in Chrestomathia Bai-
dawiana: The Commentary of El-Baidāwı̄ on Sura III (Lon-
don, 1894). The best place to start in order to experience
al-Bayd: āwı̄’s commentary in English is probably Kenneth
Cragg’s The Mind of the Qur Dān: Chapters in Reflection (Lon-
don, 1973), which includes the commentary on sūrah 112.
All of these works also provide some basic overview of
al-Bayd: āwı̄ and his significance. A number of articles by
Lutpi Ibrahim have appeared on al-Bayd: āwı̄ and his theolog-
ical relationship to al-Zamakhsharı̄: “Al-Bayd: āwı̄’s Life and
Works,” Islamic Studies (Karachi) 18 (1979): 311–321; “The
Concept of Divine Justice According to al-Zamakhsharı̄ and
al-Bayd: āwı̄,” Hamdard Islamicus 3 (1980): 3–17; “The Rela-
tion of Reason and Revelation in the Theology of
al-Zamakhsharı̄ and al-Baid: āwı̄,” Islamic Culture 54 (1980):
63–74; “The Concept of Ih: bāt: and Takfı̄r According to
az-Zamakhsharı̄ and al-Bayd: āwı̄,” Die Welt des Orient 11
(1980): 117–121; and “The Questions of the Superiority of
Angels and Prophets between az-Zamakhsharı̄ and
al-Bayd: āwı̄,” Arabica 28 (1981): 65–75.
ANDREW RIPPIN (1987)
BAY ÜLGEN SEE ÜLGEN
BEARS. Bears are a significant presence in the religious
lives of various peoples in the Americas, Europe, and Asia.
For thousands of years bears and humans have lived within
the same habitat and competed for the same foods but not
without encounters leading to one killing the other. Thus it
has long been in the best interest of each species to give the
other a wide berth of space.
By maintaining a safe distance from the brown bear, the
Cahuilla people of California allowed these bears greater
presence in their religious lives. Ironically by avoiding physi-
cal closeness, the Cahuilla brought the grizzly religiously
nearer, such that an encounter with the bear incited a con-
frontation with ancestors, supernatural powers, and wisdom.
The Cahuilla believed their safety relied on an ability to con-
verse with the big bear, which they called “great-
grandfather,” and so they talked to the bear in a soothing
tone, asking it to recognize their peaceful intentions. They
also believed that after death some people would be reborn
as great bears.
However, this example does not encapsulate the diversi-
ty of the bear’s religious presence to many peoples through-
out the world. In fact bear is a generalized term that does not
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION

account for differences between the eight species of bears in
the world. Nor does it take into account habitat diversity that
can influence behavior differences—based on variations in
climate, availability of foods, and landscape—between bears
of the same species. Indeed a bear’s symbolic meaning to hu-
mans living alongside it is influenced both by species diversi-
ty and habitat diversity. Whereas this may initially seem
more appropriate for ecology than religion, those who seek
an adequate understanding of the religious significance of
bears must first account for the type of bear and the aspects
of this bear’s habitat. They must also account for the reli-
gious aspects of the people sharing the bear’s habitat. Thus
not only the physical and biological characteristics of the bear
itself but also the characteristics of the bear’s habitat and the
characteristics of a culture’s experiences with the bear are pri-
mary for adequately determining the bear’s symbolic mean-
ing. Consequently these same aspects are also essential for
identifying common religious themes that can be cross-
culturally attributed to bears.
SPECIES DIVERSITY AND RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE. There
are eight species of bears in the world. They are the American
black bear, the Asiatic black bear, the brown bear, the giant
panda, the polar bear, the sloth bear, the spectacled bear, and
the sun bear.
The Asiatic black bear is also known as a moon bear.
It inhabits China, Tibet, southern Russia, Afghanistan, Paki-
stan, Indochina, and southern Japan. It has been identified
as a “helping spirit” for some shamans of Asia, such as the
Ostyaks, who sought to acquire health and strength as well
as the power to heal and give strength to others. But perhaps
more than other bears, the Asiatic black bear plays an impor-
tant role in traditional medicine. It is first mentioned in a
pharmaceutical report written in China in the fifth century.
Bear paw soup was reputed to confer health; the bear’s gall-
bladder, dried and crushed into a fine powder, is supposed
to treat heart disease, headaches, and abdominal pain. There
is also evidence that bear meat gave people strength. But the
Asiatic black bear’s greatest significance is as a symbol of re-
birth. As a hibernator, which disappears in midwinter and
reappears every spring, it has often been a symbol of immor-
tality, particularly in prehistoric cultures, because every
spring the bear is reborn. It is also believed that the bear de-
rives its immortal powers from the eternal cycles of the
moon. Ironically though it is called “moon bear” because of
the white, yellow, or orange crescent on its chest, there are
similarities between the moon bear’s name and the birth-
rebirth symbolism of the lunar cycle.
The American black bear, populating much of North
America, has symbolic and ceremonial importance to such
cultures as the Ojibwa and the Cherokee. But in identifying
the black bear in a religious context, one will note conflicting
descriptions of this species among various peoples. This is be-
cause the American black bear varies widely in size and color,
and it can therefore be confusing to those who are unaware
of these variations. In fact black bears native to the Floridian
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION
BEARS 807
wetlands are about half the size of the salmon-feeding black
bears of British Columbia and therefore pose different de-
grees of reverential fear to the people living near them. And
because the bears in Florida hibernate much less (if at all
some years), there are disparities in how much this bear
cross-culturally symbolizes rebirth.
In addition to size variations, the black bear is not al-
ways black. It also appears as cinnamon, chocolate, light
blond, grayish-blue, and even white. In various native myths,
particularly those originating in the northwestern United
States and Canada, there are references to “black,” “brown,”
“glacier,” “blue,” and “white” bears. Such reports of a “gla-
cier” or “white” bear, as is witnessed in the study of the
Kwakiutl, Tlingit, Kitasoo, and Gitgaát peoples, may seem
odd because these cultures are not northern enough to regu-
larly encounter the polar bear. Yet these references are really
to black bears. Here the blue bear or “glacier bear” is a black
bear that inhabits central Alaska and the Yukon and once
roamed glaciers that have long since receded. The white bear,
Kermode bear, ghost bear, or spirit bear is only found in
three isolated areas off the coast of British Columbia and
lives so remotely and reclusively that its numbers and origins
are shrouded in mystery that goes as far back as the Kitasoo
and Gitgaát peoples’ cosmologies, which state that these
bears are “white bear people” made by the creator. The story
also says that when the great glaciers retreated northward, the
creator made the spirit bear to remind the people that the
lush rainforest was once white with ice and snow. The cre-
ator then proceeded to set aside an island paradise for these
“white bear people,” where they could live in peace forever,
and on that special island the creator made every tenth bear
white.
Thus considering these variations in color, it seems like-
ly that there are variations in the bears’ religious significance
to native peoples as well. Nevertheless the association of this
bear, like its Asiatic cousin, with strength, magic, good luck,
healing powers, and immortality remains a widely common
theme. In many cases American black bears are also consid-
ered to be ancestors reborn as bear people. This can be wit-
nessed in the Tlingits’ reference to the bear as “my father’s
brother-in-law” and the Lapps’ euphemism for the bear as
“sacred man,” “old man of the mountains,” and “old man
with the fur garment.” This ancestral link naturally gives way
to many indigenous people associating wisdom, respect, and
guidance to bear ancestors, and it is through this link and
the bears’ association (as a hibernator) with birth and rebirth
that some people believe that, upon their death, they will be
reborn as bear people.
The brown bear once extended in North America as far
south as Mexico and also inhabits Russia, northern Japan,
central Asia, and Europe. The Alaskan brown bear, the Kodi-
ak bear, the grizzly bear, the bear of the Ainu people, the
bears integral to Basque celebrations in Spain, the Russian
bears inhabiting the Kamchatka Peninsula, and the extirpat-
ed bears of Mexico, California, and the southwestern United
808 BEARS
States all belong to the same species of brown bear. But varia-
tions in diet throughout the vast range of this species (which
are linked to differences in habitat) have naturally resulted
in variations in the bear’s religious significance.
The giant panda inhabits the forests and bamboo jun-
gles of central China. It was first mentioned in Chinese liter-
ature two thousand years ago and it was often captured and
entombed with emperors in royal mausoleums. The giant
panda is also mentioned in the Shih-King, the Book of Odes,
and is known as beishung, the harmless bear of all bears. The
panda was considered supernatural—partly because of its
black and white markings—to many aboriginals of China,
including the Lolo. Because it feeds on bamboo, the panda
did not directly compete with these peoples and was ritually
hunted only for its powerfully significant pelt. For these peo-
ple donning the panda skin meant becoming the panda and
inheriting its powers. However, unlike other species, pandas
were rarely hunted until Westerners offered money for them.
The polar bear or sea bear is located in the northern re-
gions of Canada, Alaska, Siberian Russia, Greenland, and
Scandinavian Europe. It has long been integral to shamanic
initiations of native peoples in the northern regions. Among
the Ammasilik peoples, the shaman initiate stood for long
hours in a snow hut meditating until he or she apparently
fell dead and remained lifeless for three days and three nights.
During this period some initiates dreamed of a polar bear de-
vouring their flesh until nothing remained but the skeleton.
Because dismemberment and the reduction of the body to
a skeleton were parts of the mystical experience that illustrat-
ed that the initiate had received the gift of shamanic powers,
it can be argued that it was the polar bear, as a guardian spir-
it, that mediated the shamanic gift to the initiate. By with-
drawing to solitude and rejecting one’s body, the spirits
could manifest themselves to the shaman initiate in the form
of a polar bear who dismembered the person’s body until
there was nothing left but the skeleton, resulting in his or
her “death.” Upon his or her death, the way for that person’s
rebirth was revealed. Thus for many northern peoples, the
polar bear symbolizes a real and direct connection with the
beyond—as perhaps the helping spirit that guides the person
through death to the underworld and then serves as the man-
ifestation of rebirth as a shaman.
The sloth bear is known to inhabit Nepal, Sri Lanka,
Bhutan, and Bangladesh, but it is most widespread in the dry
and deciduous forests of India. Living in the tropics, this bear
does not hibernate, and so there is little religious birth-
rebirth significance tied to it. Also known as the lip bear, the
sloth bear’s significance is in its medicinal powers, especially
the magical potency attributed to its penis bone. Despite its
docile name, many local people in jungle areas have attribut-
ed a fear-based reverence and wisdom to the sloth bear, be-
cause, although usually timid and preoccupied with diligent
termite digging, it is known to attack savagely when sur-
prised or sometimes at night when someone gets too close.
The spectacled bear is the largest carnivore in South
America and the second largest mammal. The Andean peo-
ples attributed magical and curative powers to the spectacled
bear. There is evidence that the Incan civilization attributed
the powers of strength, healing, and longevity to the specta-
cled bear. In Venezuela the fat from a ritually hunted bear
is used to heal rheumatic problems, and the bear’s bones are
ground up and mixed with milk and then given to infants
to strengthen them. Often when the Incans killed the bear,
its blood was immediately consumed to help the hunter be-
come bearlike. Even the spectacled bear’s scat (feces) was be-
lieved to carry magical powers. Thus many peasants fed and
continue in the twenty-first century to feed bear droppings
to their cattle with the belief that their animals will become
stronger.
The sun bear or honey bear is about half the size of the
average American black bear. It is the smallest of the eight
bear species and the least known. It inhabits the lowland for-
ests of Southeast Asia from Malaysia and Indonesia westward
as far as India, and it is greatly threatened in southern China,
Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, Borneo, and Vietnam. The sun
bear’s religious significance is in its power to heal (its gall-
bladders are said to heal bruises and broken bones), and
whereas not much is known about this least studied of the
eight bear species, future research on shamanism in this re-
gion may reveal more about the sun bear’s religious signifi-
cance.
HABITAT DIVERSITY AND RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE. Not
only do fluctuations in bear color result in variations in sym-
bolic meaning, but variations in a bear’s habitat may also af-
fect its religious significance. For instance, the diet of the
grizzly in the Rocky Mountains of western North America
consists largely of vegetation. Similar diets can be attributed
to brown bears in Europe and Asia. Yet the diets of brown
bears inhabiting the Pacific coasts include a greater percent-
age of prey, resulting in their larger size and, not surprisingly,
a fiercer reputation. Additionally because of the coastal re-
gion’s milder climate, food sources are generally more abun-
dant, causing a denser population of bears in these regions
as opposed to the mountainous areas. This increases the
chance of an encounter by coastal peoples with brown bears
than by people living inland.
Along the Pacific Coast, big bears dominated the scene
before Europeans arrived. According to the Yokuts, the griz-
zly bear’s ferocious disposition was clearly evident even in
death, when the muscle fibers bristled erect. The fears that
resulted from the sheer presence of such a powerful animal
and the gruesome stories that were passed on describing
human encounters with these great bears resulted in a reli-
gious significance that often emphasized fear, strength, and
bad superstitions. Among the Luiseño the grizzly was a great
avenger of the god Chungichnish; the Luiseño warned that
Chungichnish would ascend to the stars after his death and
send bears down to punish those who were faithless. Likewise
the Pomo believed that faithless people would have to stay
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION

behind after death in the bodies of miserable and tormented
grizzlies, forever roaming the wilderness to be hated and
loathed by all who saw them. The Wintun shared a similar
belief and therefore would not eat big bears for fear of ab-
sorbing lost souls. In fact the Wintun also believed that thun-
der and lightning were destructive twins born of a grizzly
bear woman and that the rippling of the moon’s reflection
on the water was caused by a grizzly who must run eternally
around the lunar orb.
In contrast, the Thompson peoples of British Columbia
considered the birth of twins to be one of the greatest bless-
ings that could come to a tribe, and the children were treated
from birth like royalty and called “grizzly bear children.”
They were considered to have within them courage, healing
powers, and control over the weather—all considered to be
unique magical powers of the great bear. Likewise the Black-
foot in Montana and Alberta also held the grizzly, the “un-
mentionable one,” in reverent esteem. Blackfoot legends at-
tribute to the bear the power to heal wounds and make
warriors wise and brave. In addition various tribes honored
the grizzly bear as their ancestor, as is evidenced by its name
as “chief’s son” by the Cree, “old man” by the Sauk, and
“elder brother” by the Menominee. Whether or not these
people had the nerve to hunt the bear or were afraid of it and
stayed out of its way, the bear appeared to be more like them
than any other animal.
For many people, like various Apache groups and the
Navajo, the brown bear was to be avoided, because they be-
lieved it possessed sinister supernatural powers, and they
thought that contact with the bear, its tracks or feces, or even
a place where it had noticeably been could cause deadly “bear
sickness.” Yet for such people as the Kato, who did not avoid
brown bears and sought them in ritualistic hunts, the hide
became essential for the “bear shaman,” who made war on
the human enemies of their specific tribe. In many Califor-
nian tribes, bear shamans were thought to be invulnerable
or at least to possess the power of returning to life, because
their power was derived from the grizzly bear.
For those people who were brave enough to hunt the
brown bear, there were even fewer tribes who ate them. For
instance, the Yurok would not eat grizzlies simply because
grizzlies ate people. Yet for those few tribes that did feed on
grizzlies, like the Atsugewi, the hunted grizzly was eaten only
if it was known that it had not killed a human. This is proba-
bly because of the bear’s humanlike gestures and its similari-
ties to humans when it is skinned. In fact, many (especially
the Wintun) believed that eating a grizzly was an act of
cannibalism.
Numerous examples like these support the widespread
belief that many peoples considered grizzlies to be ancestors
who were heroes, fierce warriors, bear shamans, or chiefs re-
born as bear people. In fact the Wintun and the Nomlaki
peoples were known to bury some of their dead in grizzly
bear fur with the belief that they would be reborn as bears.
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION
BEARS 809
The Chumash, living near the Valley of the Bears in Califor-
nia, believed that all who died there would become grizzlies.
COMMON THEMES OF RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE. Consider-
ing the eight species of bears in the world, the wide range
of habitat, and the diversity of religious cultures, it is not easy
to generalize the bear’s religious significance. However,
strength, wisdom, courage, the power to heal, and ancestral
kinship seem to be religiously significant characteristics both
among bears of the same species living in different areas and
among all eight species of bears throughout the world. Yet
the symbolism of birth-rebirth and immortality are generally
only traceable to the four hibernating bears: the Asiatic and
American black bears, the brown bear, and the polar bear.
Even more specific are the symbolic variations related to a
bear’s diet, especially if bears had to compete with people for
the same food from the same places, which often resulted in
people regarding bears with intense fear-based reverence and
considering them to be bad omens.
SEE ALSO Ainu Religion; Khanty and Mansi Religion; Lord
of the Animals; Tunguz Religion.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barrett, Samuel Alfred. Pomo Bear Doctors. Berkeley, Calif., 1917.
Brown, David. The Grizzly in the Southwest: Documentary of an
Extinction. Norman, Okla., 1985. Emphasizes the European
influence on the extinction of the brown bear in the Ameri-
can Southwest. However, a few sections discuss the signifi-
cance that the grizzly has to some native people of the South-
west, particularly the Apache, Navajo, and Comanche. In
addition, the reference section includes valuable listings of
archived documentations about the first European encoun-
ters with Native Americans and bears.
Campbell, Joseph. Historical Atlas of World Mythology, vol. 1: The
Way of the Animal Powers. New York, 1983. A popular
source for building parallels between the significance of bears
and the religious lives of various peoples.
Eliade, Mircea. Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Trans-
lated by Willard R. Trask. Princeton, N.J., 1964. This re-
mains a definitive source for understanding basic common-
alities for bear shamanism.
Rockwell, David. Giving Voice to Bear: North American Indian
Myths, Rituals, and Images of the Bear. Niwot, Colo., 1991.
This is an introductory source for myths, rituals, and images
of the bear in North America.
Servheen, Christopher, Stephen Herrero, and Bernard Peyton.
Bears: Status Survey and Conservation Action Plan. Gland,
Switzerland, 1999. A detailed book about the eight different
species of bears. An excellent source for understanding and
identifying which “bears” are most likely being addressed in
religious literature, myths, and folklore.
Shepard, Paul, and Barry Sanders. The Sacred Paw: The Bear in
Nature, Myth, and Literature. New York, 1985. A good
source for reviewing the religious significance of bears, with
recognition of the variations that occur among the different
bear species. Although there are many themes that have since
been updated, this book is most valuable for its reference
index on bear mythology, natural history, and literature. Its