Abbasid Caliphate

ِ ‫ِﻼَﻓﺔ ٱﻟْ َﻌﱠﺒ‬

The Abbasid Caliphate (/əˈbæsɪd/ or /ˈæbəsɪd/ Arabic: ‫ﺎﺳﱠﯿﺔ‬ َ‫ ٱﻟْ ﺨ‬,
al-Khilāfah al-ʿAbbāsīyah) was the third of the Islamic caliphates to
Abbasid Caliphate
succeed the Islamic prophet Muhammad. It was founded by a dynasty ‫ﺎﺳﱠﯿﺔ‬
ِ ‫ْﻌﱠﺒ‬
َ ‫ِﻼ ﻓَﺔ ٱ ﻟ‬
َ‫ٱﻟْﺨ‬
descended from Muhammad's uncle, Abbas ibn Abdul-Muttalib (566–653 750–1258
CE), from whom the dynasty takes its name.[2] They ruled as caliphs for 1261–1517
most of the caliphate from their capital in Baghdad in modern-day Iraq,
after having overthrown the Umayyad Caliphate in the Abbasid Revolution
of 750 CE (132 AH).

The Abbasid Caliphate first centred its government in Kufa, modern-day

Black Standard[1]
Iraq, but in 762 the caliph Al-Mansur founded the city of Baghdad, near the
ancient Sasanian capital city of Ctesiphon. The Abbasid period was marked
by reliance on Persian bureaucrats (notably the Barmakid family) for
governing the territories as well as an increasing inclusion of non-Arab
Muslims in the ummah (national community). Persianate customs were
broadly adopted by the ruling elite, and they began patronage of artists and
scholars.[3] Baghdad became a centre of science, culture, philosophy and
invention in what became known as the Golden Age of Islam.

Despite this initial cooperation, the Abbasids of the late 8th century had Abbasid Caliphate at its greatest extent,
c. 850
alienated both non-Arab mawali (clients)[4] and Iranian bureaucrats.[5]
Status Empire
They were forced to cede authority over al-Andalus (Spain) to the
(750–1258)
Umayyads in 756, Morocco to the Idrisid dynasty in 788, Ifriqiya and Ceremonial
Southern Italy to the Aghlabids in 800, Iran to Saffarid in 861 and Egypt to dynasty based
the Isma'ili-Shia caliphate of the Fatimids in 969.
in Cairo under
the Mamluk
Sultanate
The political power of the caliphs was limited with the rise of the Iranian
(1261–1517)
Buyids and the Seljuq Turks, who captured Baghdad in 945 and 1055,
Capital Kufa
respectively. Although Abbasid leadership over the vast Islamic empire
(750–752)
was gradually reduced to a ceremonial religious function in much of the
Anbar
Caliphate, the dynasty retained control over its Mesopotamian domain. The (752–762)
Abbasids' period of cultural fruition and its (reduced) territorial control Baghdad
ended in 1258 with the sack of Baghdad by the Mongols under Hulagu (762–796, 809–
Khan and the execution of Al-Musta'sim. The Abbasid line of rulers, and 836, 892–1258)

Muslim culture in general, re-centred themselves in the Mamluk capital of Raqqa

(796–809)
Cairo in 1261. Though lacking in political power (with the brief exception
Samarra
of Caliph Al-Musta'in of Cairo), the dynasty continued to claim religious
(836–892)
authority until after the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517.[6]
Cairo
(1261–1517)

Common languages Classical

Contents Arabic (central
administration);
History various regional
languages
 Abbasid Revolution (750–751)
Religion Sunni Islam
Power (752–775)
Abbasid Golden Age (775–861) Government Caliphate
Fracture to autonomous dynasties (861–945) Caliph
Buyid and Seljuq control (945–1118) • 750–754 As-Saffah (first)
Revival of military strength (1118–1258) • 1242–1258 Al-Musta'sim
Mongol invasion (1206–1258) (last Caliph in
Abbasid Caliphate of Cairo (1261–1517) Baghdad)
• 1508–1517 al-Mutawakkil
Culture III (last Caliph in
Islamic Golden Age Cairo)
Science
History
Literature
Philosophy • Established 750
Architecture • Disestablished 1517
Glass and crystal Currency Dinar (gold
Painting coin)
Pottery Dirham (silver
Textiles coin)
Technology Fals (copper
Status of women coin)
Treatment of Jews and Christians
Arabization Preceded by Succeeded by

Military Umayyad Ottoman

Caliphate Empire
Decline of the empire Seljuk
Separatist dynasties and their successors Empire
Dynasties claiming Abbasid descent
Ghurid
Sultanate
See also Fatimid
Footnotes Caliphate
Mamluk
References
Sultanate
Bibliography (Cairo)
External links Saffarid
dynasty
Ziyadid
dynasty
History Tulunid
dynasty
Mongol
Empire
Abbasid Revolution (750–751)
The Abbasid caliphs were Arabs descended from Abbas ibn Abd al- Amir al-Mu'minin (‫)أﻣﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬, Caliph
Muttalib, one of the youngest uncles of Muhammad and of the same Banu (‫)ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ‬
Hashim clan. The Abbasids claimed to be the true successors of Prophet
Muhammad in replacing the Umayyad descendants of Banu Umayya by virtue of their closer bloodline to Muhammad.

The Abbasids also distinguished themselves from the Umayyads by attacking their moral character and administration in general.
According to Ira Lapidus, "The Abbasid revolt was supported largely by Arabs, mainly the aggrieved settlers of Merv with the
addition of the Yemeni faction and their Mawali".[7] The Abbasids also appealed to non-Arab Muslims, known as mawali, who
remained outside the kinship-based society of the Arabs and were perceived as a lower class within the Umayyad empire.
Muhammad ibn 'Ali, a great-grandson of Abbas, began to campaign in Persia for the return of power to the family of Prophet
Muhammad, the Hashimites, during the reign of Umar II.
During the reign of Marwan II, this opposition culminated in the rebellion of Ibrahim the Imam, the fourth in descent from
Abbas. Supported by the province of Khorasan (Eastern Persia), even though the governor opposed them, and the Shia
Arabs,[2][8] he achieved considerable success, but was captured in the year 747 and died, possibly assassinated, in prison.

On 9 June 747 (15 Ramadan AH 129), Abu Muslim, rising from Khorasan, successfully initiated an open revolt against Umayyad
rule, which was carried out under the sign of the Black Standard. Close to 10,000 soldiers were under Abu Muslim's command
when the hostilities officially began in Merv.[9] General Qahtaba followed the fleeing governor Nasr ibn Sayyar west defeating
the Umayyads at the Battle of Gorgan, the Battle of Nahāvand and finally in the Battle of Karbala, all in the year 748.[8]

The quarrel was taken up by Ibrahim's brother Abdallah, known by the

name of Abu al-'Abbas as-Saffah, who defeated the Umayyads in 750 in
the battle near the Great Zab and was subsequently proclaimed
caliph.[10] After this loss, Marwan fled to Egypt, where he was
subsequently assassinated. The remainder of his family, barring one
male, were also eliminated.[8]

Immediately after their victory, As-Saffah sent his forces to Central Asia,
where his forces fought against Tang expansion during the Battle of Folio from the Tarikhnama of Bal'ami
Talas. The noble Iranian family Barmakids, who were instrumental in depicting al-Saffah as he receives pledges
of allegiance in Kufa
building Baghdad, introduced the world's first recorded paper mill in the
city, thus beginning a new era of intellectual rebirth in the Abbasid
domain. As-Saffah focused on putting down numerous rebellions in Syria and Mesopotamia. The Byzantines conducted raids
during these early distractions.[8]

Power (752–775)
The first change the Abbasids, under Al-Mansur, made was to move the
empire's capital from Damascus, in Syria, to Baghdad in Iraq. This was
to both appease as well to be closer to the Persian mawali support base
that existed in this region more influenced by Persian history and culture,
and part of the Persian mawali demand for less Arab dominance in the
empire. Baghdad was established on the Tigris River in 762. A new
position, that of the vizier, was also established to delegate central
authority, and even greater authority was delegated to local emirs.[12]

This eventually meant that many Abbasid caliphs were relegated to a

more ceremonial role than under the Umayyads, as the viziers began to
exert greater influence, and the role of the old Arab aristocracy was The city of Baghdad between 767 and 912
AD. The round plan reflects pre-Islamic
slowly replaced by a Persian bureaucracy.[12] During Al-Mansur's time
Persian urban design.[11]
control of Al-Andalus was lost, and the Shia revolted and were defeated
a year later at the Battle of Bakhamra.[8]

The Abbasids had depended heavily on the support of Persians[2] in their overthrow of the Umayyads. Abu al-'Abbas' successor,
Al-Mansur welcomed non-Arab Muslims to his court. While this helped integrate Arab and Persian cultures, it alienated many of
their Arab supporters, particularly the Khorasanian Arabs who had supported them in their battles against the Umayyads.

These fissures in their support led to immediate problems. The Umayyads, while out of power, were not destroyed. The only
surviving member of the Umayyad royal family, which had been all but annihilated, ultimately made his way to Spain where he
established himself as an independent Emir (Abd ar-Rahman I, 756). In 929, Abd ar-Rahman III assumed the title of Caliph,
establishing Al Andalus from Córdoba as a rival to Baghdad as the legitimate capital of the Islamic Empire.
In 756, the Abbasid Caliph Al-Mansur sent over 4,000 Arab mercenaries
to assist the Chinese Tang dynasty in the An Shi Rebellion against An
Lushan. The Abbasids or "Black Flags," as they were commonly called,
were known in Tang dynasty chronicles as the hēiyī Dàshí, "The Black-
robed Tazi", (黑衣大食) ("Tazi" being a borrowing from Persian Tāzī,
the word for "Arab").[nb 1][nb 2][nb 3][nb 4][nb 5] Al-Rashid sent embassies
to the Chinese Tang dynasty and established good relations with
them.[18][nb 6][nb 7][21][22][23][24][25] After the war, these embassies
remained in China[26][27][28][29][30] with Caliph Harun al-Rashid
establishing an alliance with China.[18] Several embassies from the Battle of Talas, 751
Abbasid Caliphs to the Chinese court have been recorded in the T'ang
Annals, the most important of these being those of Abul Abbas al-Saffah,
the first Abbasid caliph, his successor Abu Jafar, and Harun al-Rashid.

Abbasid Golden Age (775–861)

The Abbasid leadership had to work hard in the last half of the 8th
century (750–800), under several competent caliphs and their viziers to
overcome the political challenges created by the far flung nature of the
empire, and the limited communication across it and usher in the
administrative changes needed to keep order.[31] It was also during this
early period of the dynasty, in particular during the governance of al-
Mansur, Harun al-Rashid, and al-Ma'mun, that the reputation and power
of the dynasty was created.[2]
Harun al-Rashid receiving a delegation sent
Al-Mahdi restarted the fighting with the Byzantines and his sons
by Charlemagne at his court in Baghdad.
continued the conflict until Empress Irene pushed for peace.[8] After Painting by German painter Julius Köckert
several years of peace, Nikephoros I broke the treaty, then fended off (1827–1918), dated 1864. Oil on canvas.
multiple incursions during the first decade of the 9th century. These
attacks pushed into the Taurus Mountains culminating with a victory at
the Battle of Krasos and the massive invasion of 806, led by Rashid himself.[32]

Rashid's navy also proved successful as he took Cyprus. Rashid decided to focus on the rebellion of Rafi ibn al-Layth in
Khorasan and died while there.[32] While the Byzantine Empire was fighting Abbasid rule in Syria and Anatolia, military
operations during this period were minimal, as the caliphate focused on internal matters, its governors exerting greater autonomy
and using their increasing power to make their positions hereditary.[12]

At the same time, the Abbasids faced challenges closer to home. Harun al-Rashid turned on the Barmakids, a Persian family that
had grown significantly in power within the administration of the state and killed most of the family.[33] During the same period,
several factions began either to leave the empire for other lands or to take control of distant parts of the empire away from the
Abbasids. The reign of al-Rashid and his sons were considered to be the apex of the Abbasids.[34]

After Rashid's death, the empire was split by a civil war between the caliph al-Amin and his brother al-Ma'mun who had the
support of Khorasan. This war ended with a two-year siege of Baghdad and the eventual death of al-Amin in 813.[32] Al-Ma'mun
ruled for 20 years of relative calm interspersed with a rebellion supported by the Byzantines in Azerbaijan by the Khurramites.
Al-Ma'mun was also responsible for the creation of an autonomous Khorasan, and the continued repulsing of Byzantine
forays.[32]
Al-Mu'tasim gained power in 833 and his rule marked the end of the
strong caliphs. He strengthened his personal army with Turkish
mercenaries and promptly restarted the war with the Byzantines. His
military excursions were generally successful culminating with a
resounding victory in the Sack of Amorium. His attempt at seizing
Constantinople failed when his fleet was destroyed by a storm.[35] The
Byzantines restarted the fighting by sacking Damietta in Egypt. Al-
Mutawakkil responded by sending his troops into Anatolia again, Gold dinar minted during the reign of al-
sacking and marauding until they were eventually annihilated in 863.[36] Amin (809–813)

Fracture to autonomous dynasties (861–945)

Even by 820, the Samanids had begun the process of exercising
independent authority in Transoxiana and Greater Khorasan, as had the
Twelver-Shia Hamdanids in Northern Syria, and the succeeding Tahirid
and Saffarid dynasties of Iran. The Saffarids, from Khorasan, nearly
seized Baghdad in 876, and the Tulunids took control of most of Syria.
The trend of weakening of the central power and strengthening of the
minor caliphates on the periphery continued.[34]
Map of the fragmented Abbasid empire, with
areas still under direct control of the
An exception was the 10-year period of Al-Mu'tadid's rule (892–902).
Abbasid central government (dark green)
He brought parts of Egypt, Syria, and Khorasan back into the Abbasid's and under autonomous rulers (light green)
control. Especially after the "Anarchy at Samarra" (861–870), the adhering to nominal Abbasid suzerainty,
Abbasid central government was weakened and centrifugal tendencies c. 892
became more prominent in the Caliphate's provinces. By the early 10th
century, the Abbasids almost lost control of Iraq to various amirs, and the
caliph al-Radi was forced to acknowledge their power by creating the position of "Prince of Princes" (amir al-umara).[34]

Al-Mustakfi had a short reign from 944–946, and it was during this period that the Persian faction known as the Buyids from
Daylam swept into power and assumed control over the bureaucracy in Baghdad. According to the history of Miskawayh, they
began distributing iqtas (fiefs in the form of tax farms) to their supporters. This period of localized secular control was to last
nearly 100 years.[2] The loss of Abbasid power to the Buyids would shift as the Seljuks would take over from the Persians.[34]

At the end of the eighth century the Abbasids found they could no longer keep a huge polity larger than that of Rome together
from Baghdad. In 793 the Zaydi-Shia dynasty of Idrisids set up a state from Fez in Morocco, while a family of governors under
the Abbasids became increasingly independent until they founded the Aghlabid Emirate from the 830s. Al-Mu'tasim started the
downward slide by utilizing non-Muslim mercenaries in his personal army. Also during this period officers started assassinating
superiors with whom they disagreed, in particular the caliphs.[2]

By the 870s, Egypt became autonomous under Ahmad ibn Tulun. In the East as well, governors decreased their ties to the center.
The Saffarids of Herat and the Samanids of Bukhara had broken away from the 870s, cultivating a much more Persianate culture
and statecraft. By this time only the central lands of Mesopotamia were under direct Abbasid control, with Palestine and the Hijaz
often managed by the Tulunids. Byzantium, for its part, had begun to push Arab Muslims farther east in Anatolia.

By the 920s, the situation had changed further, as North Africa was lost to the Abbasids. A Shia sect only recognizing the first
five Imams and tracing its roots to Muhammad's daughter Fatima took control of Idrisid and then Aghlabid domains.[34] Called
the Fatimid dynasty, they had advanced to Egypt in 969, establishing their capital near Fustat in Cairo, which they built as a
bastion of Shia learning and politics. By 1000 they had become the chief political and ideological challenge to Sunni Islam in the
form of the Abbasids. By this time the latter state had fragmented into several governorships that, while recognizing caliphal
authority from Baghdad, did mostly as they wanted, fighting with each other. The Caliph himself was under 'protection' of the
Buyid Emirs who possessed all of Iraq and western Iran, and were quietly Shia in their sympathies.

Outside Iraq, all the autonomous provinces slowly took on the characteristic of de facto states with hereditary rulers, armies, and
revenues and operated under only nominal caliph suzerainty, which may not necessarily be reflected by any contribution to the
treasury, such as the Soomro Emirs that had gained control of Sindh and ruled the entire province from their capital of
Mansura.[31] Mahmud of Ghazni took the title of sultan, as opposed to the "amir" that had been in more common usage,
signifying the Ghaznavid Empire's independence from caliphal authority, despite Mahmud's ostentatious displays of Sunni
orthodoxy and ritual submission to the caliph. In the 11th century, the loss of respect for the caliphs continued, as some Islamic
rulers no longer mentioned the caliph's name in the Friday khutba, or struck it off their coinage.[31]

The Isma'ili Fatimid dynasty of Cairo contested the Abbasids for even the titular authority of the Islamic ummah. They
commanded some support in the Shia sections of Baghdad (such as Karkh), although Baghdad was the city most closely
connected to the caliphate, even in the Buyid and Seljuq eras. The Fatimids' green banners contrasted with Abbasids' black, and
the challenge of the Fatimids only ended with their downfall in the 12th century.

Buyid and Seljuq control (945–1118)

Despite the power of the Buyid amirs, the Abbasids retained a highly ritualized court in Baghdad, as described by the Buyid
bureaucrat Hilal al-Sabi', and they retained a certain influence over Baghdad as well as religious life. As Buyid power waned with
the rule of Baha' al-Daula, the caliphate was able to regain some measure of strength. The caliph al-Qadir, for example, led the
ideological struggle against the Shia with writings such as the Baghdad Manifesto. The caliphs kept order in Baghdad itself,
attempting to prevent the outbreak of fitnas in the capital, often contending with the ayyarun'

With the Buyid dynasty on the wane, a vacuum was created that was eventually filled by the dynasty of Oghuz Turks known as
the Seljuqs. By 1055, the Seljuqs had wrested control from the Buyids and Abbasids, and took any remaining temporal power.[2]
When the amir and former slave Basasiri took up the Shia Fatimid banner in Baghdad in, the caliph al-Qa'im was unable to defeat
him without outside help. Toghril Beg, the Seljuq sultan, restored Baghdad to Sunni rule and took Iraq for his dynasty.

Once again, the Abbasids were forced to deal with a military power that they could not match, though the Abbasid caliph
remained the titular head of the Islamic community. The succeeding sultans Alp Arslan and Malikshah, as well as their vizier
Nizam al-Mulk, took up residence in Persia, but held power over the Abbasids in Baghdad. When the dynasty began to weaken in
the 12th century, the Abbasids gained greater independence once again.

Revival of military strength (1118–1258)

While the Caliph al-Mustarshid was the first caliph to build an army capable of meeting a Seljuk army in battle, he was
nonetheless defeated in 1135 and assassinated. The Caliph al-Muqtafi was the first Abbasid Caliph to regain the full military
independence of the Caliphate, with the help of his vizier Ibn Hubayra. After nearly 250 years of subjection to foreign dynasties,
he successfully defended Baghdad against the Seljuqs in the siege of Baghdad (1157), thus securing Iraq for the Abbasids. The
reign of al-Nasir (d. 1225) brought the caliphate back into power throughout Iraq, based in large part on the Sufi futuwwa
organizations that the caliph headed.[34] Al-Mustansir built the Mustansiriya School, in an attempt to eclipse the Seljuq-era
Nizamiyya built by Nizam al-Mulk.

Mongol invasion (1206–1258)

In 1206, Genghis Khan established a powerful dynasty among the Mongols of
central Asia. During the 13th century, this Mongol Empire conquered most of
the Eurasian land mass, including both China in the east and much of the old
Islamic caliphate (as well as Kievan Rus') in the west. Hulagu Khan's destruction
of Baghdad in 1258 is traditionally seen as the approximate end of the Golden
Age.[37] Mongols feared that a supernatural disaster would strike if the blood of
Al-Musta'sim, a direct descendant of Muhammad's uncle Al-'Abbas ibn 'Abd al-
Muttalib,[38] and the last reigning Abbasid caliph in Baghdad, was spilled. The
Shia of Persia stated that no such calamity had happened after the death of
Husayn ibn Ali in the Battle of Kerbala; nevertheless, as a precaution and in
accordance with a Mongol taboo which forbade spilling royal blood, Hulagu had
Al-Musta'sim wrapped in a carpet and trampled to death by horses on 20
Coin of the Abbasids, Baghdad, 1244
February 1258. The Caliph's immediate family was also executed, with the lone
exceptions of his youngest son who was sent to Mongolia, and a daughter who
became a slave in the harem of Hulagu.[39]

Abbasid Caliphate of Cairo (1261–1517)

In the 9th century, the Abbasids created an army loyal only to their caliphate,
composed of non-Arab origin people, known as Mamluks.[40][41][42][43][44] This
force, created in the reign of al-Ma'mun (813–33) and his brother and successor
al-Mu'tasim (833–42), prevented the further disintegration of the empire. The
Mamluk army, though often viewed negatively, both helped and hurt the
caliphate. Early on, it provided the government with a stable force to address
domestic and foreign problems. However, creation of this foreign army and al-
Mu'tasim's transfer of the capital from Baghdad to Samarra created a division
between the caliphate and the peoples they claimed to rule. In addition, the
power of the Mamluks steadily grew until al-Radi (934–41) was constrained to
hand over most of the royal functions to Muhammad ibn Ra'iq.[10] Siege of Baghdad by the Mongols
led by Hulagu Khan in 1258
The Mamluks eventually came to power in Egypt. In 1261, following the
devastation of Baghdad by the Mongols, the Mamluk rulers of Egypt re-
established the Abbasid caliphate in Cairo. The first Abbasid caliph of Cairo was Al-Mustansir. The Abbasid caliphs in Egypt
continued to maintain the presence of authority, but it was confined to religious matters. The Abbasid caliphate of Cairo lasted
until the time of Al-Mutawakkil III, who was taken away as a prisoner by Selim I to Constantinople where he had a ceremonial
role. He died in 1543, following his return to Cairo.

Culture

Islamic Golden Age

The Abbasid historical period lasting to the Mongol conquest of Baghdad in 1258 CE is considered the Islamic Golden Age.[45]
The Islamic Golden Age was inaugurated by the middle of the 8th century by the ascension of the Abbasid Caliphate and the
transfer of the capital from Damascus to Baghdad.[46] The Abbassids were influenced by the Qur'anic injunctions and hadith such
as "the ink of a scholar is more holy than the blood of a martyr" stressing the value of knowledge. During this period the Muslim
world became an intellectual center for science, philosophy, medicine and education as[46] the Abbasids championed the cause of
knowledge and established the House of Wisdom in Baghdad; where both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars sought to translate
and gather all the world's knowledge into Arabic.[46] Many classic works
of antiquity that would otherwise have been lost were translated into
Arabic and Persian and later in turn translated into Turkish, Hebrew and
Latin.[46] During this period the Muslim world was a cauldron of cultures
which collected, synthesized and significantly advanced the knowledge
gained from the Roman, Chinese, Indian, Persian, Egyptian, North African,
Ancient Greek and Medieval Greek civilizations.[46] "In virtually every
field of endeavor—in astronomy, alchemy, mathematics, medicine, optics
and so forth—the Caliphate's scientists were in the forefront of scientific
advance."[47] Manuscript from the Abbasid era

Science
The reigns of Harun al-Rashid (786–809) and his successors fostered an age of
great intellectual achievement. In large part, this was the result of the schismatic
forces that had undermined the Umayyad regime, which relied on the assertion
of the superiority of Arab culture as part of its claim to legitimacy, and the
Abbasids' welcoming of support from non-Arab Muslims. It is well established
that the Abbasid caliphs modeled their administration on that of the
Sassanids.[48] Harun al-Rashid's son, Al-Ma'mun (whose mother was Persian), is
even quoted as saying:

The Persians ruled for a thousand years and did not need us
Arabs even for a day. We have been ruling them for one or two
centuries and cannot do without them for an hour.[49]

A number of medieval thinkers and scientists living under Islamic rule played a
role in transmitting Islamic science to the Christian West. In addition, the period Mustansiriya University in Baghdad
saw the recovery of much of the Alexandrian mathematical, geometric and
astronomical knowledge, such as that of Euclid and Claudius Ptolemy. These
recovered mathematical methods were later enhanced and developed by other Islamic scholars, notably by Persian scientists Al-
Biruni and Abu Nasr Mansur.

Christians (particularly Nestorian Christians) contributed to the Arab Islamic Civilization during the Ummayads and the Abbasids
by translating works of Greek philosophers to Syriac and afterwards to Arabic.[52][53] Nestorians played a prominent role in the
formation of Arab culture,[54] with the Jundishapur school being prominent in the late Sassanid, Umayyad and early Abbasid
periods.[55] Notably, eight generations of the Nestorian Bukhtishu family served as private doctors to caliphs and sultans between
the eighth and eleventh centuries.[56][57]

Algebra was significantly developed by Persian scientist Muhammad ibn Mūsā al-Khwārizmī during this time in his landmark
text, Kitab al-Jabr wa-l-Muqabala, from which the term algebra is derived. He is thus considered to be the father of algebra by
some,[58] although the Greek mathematician Diophantus has also been given this title. The terms algorism and algorithm are
derived from the name of al-Khwarizmi, who was also responsible for introducing the Arabic numerals and Hindu-Arabic
numeral system beyond the Indian subcontinent.

Arab scientist Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen) developed an early scientific method in his Book of Optics (1021). The most important
development of the scientific method was the use of experiments to distinguish between competing scientific theories set within a
generally empirical orientation, which began among Muslim scientists. Ibn al-Haytham's empirical proof of the intromission
 theory of light (that is, that light
rays entered the eyes rather than
being emitted by them) was
particularly important. Alhazen
was significant in the history of
scientific method, particularly
in his approach to
experimentation,[60] and has
been referred to as the "world's
first true scientist".[61]

Medicine in medieval Islam

was an area of science that
advanced particularly during
Ibn al-Haytham, "the father of
Jabir ibn Hayyan, "the father of the Abbasids' reign. During the
Optics.[59]
Chemistry"[50][51] 9th century, Baghdad contained
over 800 doctors, and great
discoveries in the understanding of anatomy and diseases were made. The
clinical distinction between measles and smallpox was described during this time. Famous Persian scientist Ibn Sina (known to
the West as Avicenna) produced treatises and works that summarized the vast amount of knowledge that scientists had
accumulated, and was very influential through his encyclopedias, The Canon of Medicine and The Book of Healing. The work of
him and many others directly influenced the research of European scientists during the Renaissance.

Astronomy in medieval Islam was advanced by Al-Battani, who improved the precision of the measurement of the precession of
the Earth's axis. The corrections made to the geocentric model by al-Battani, Averroes, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, Mo'ayyeduddin Urdi
and Ibn al-Shatir were later incorporated into the Copernican heliocentric model.[62] The astrolabe, though originally developed
by the Greeks, was developed further by Islamic astronomers and engineers, and subsequently brought to medieval Europe.

Muslim alchemists influenced medieval European alchemists, particularly the writings attributed to Jābir ibn Hayyān (Geber). A
number of chemical processes such as distillation techniques were developed in the Muslim world and then spread to Europe.

Literature
The best known fiction from the Islamic world is The Book of One Thousand and One Nights, a collection of fantastical folk
tales, legends and parables compiled primarily during the Abbassid era. The collection is recorded as having originated from an
Arabic translation of a Sassanian era Persian prototype, with likely origins in Indian literary traditions. Stories from Arabic,
Persian, Mesopotamian, and Egyptian folklore and literature were later incorporated. The epic is believed to have taken shape in
the 10th century and reached its final form by the 14th century; the number and type of tales have varied from one manuscript to
another.[63] All Arabian fantasy tales were often called "Arabian Nights" when translated into English, regardless of whether they
appeared in The Book of One Thousand and One Nights.[63] This epic has been influential in the West since it was translated in
the 18th century, first by Antoine Galland.[64] Many imitations were written, especially in France.[65] Various characters from
this epic have themselves become cultural icons in Western culture, such as Aladdin, Sinbad and Ali Baba.

A famous example of Islamic poetry on romance was Layla and Majnun, an originally Arabic story which was further developed
by Iranian, Azerbaijani and other poets in Persian, Azerbaijani, Turkish languages.[66] It is a tragic story of undying love much
like the later Romeo and Juliet.
Arabic poetry reached its greatest height in the Abbasid era, especially before
the loss of central authority and the rise of the Persianate dynasties. Writers like
Abu Tammam and Abu Nuwas were closely connected to the caliphal court in
Baghdad during the early 9th century, while others such as al-Mutanabbi
received their patronage from regional courts.

Philosophy
One of the common definitions for "Islamic philosophy" is "the style of
philosophy produced within the framework of Islamic culture."[67] Islamic
philosophy, in this definition is neither necessarily concerned with religious
issues, nor is exclusively produced by Muslims.[67] Their works on Aristotle was
a key step in the transmission of learning from ancient Greeks to the Islamic
world and the West. They often corrected the philosopher, encouraging a lively
Illustration from More tales from the
debate in the spirit of ijtihad. They also wrote influential original philosophical
Arabian nights (1915)
works, and their thinking was incorporated into Christian philosophy during the
Middle Ages, notably by Thomas Aquinas.

Three speculative thinkers, al-Kindi, al-Farabi, and Avicenna, combined Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism with other ideas
introduced through Islam, and Avicennism was later established as a result. Other influential Abbasid philosophers include al-
Jahiz, and Ibn al-Haytham (Alhacen).

Architecture
As the power shifted from the Umayyads to the Abbasids, the architecture styles
changed also. The Christian styles evolved into a style based more on the
Sasanian Empire utilizing mud bricks and baked bricks with carved stucco.[68]
Another major development was the creation or vast enlargement of cities as
they were turned into the capital of the empire. First, starting with the creation of
Baghdad, starting in 762, which was planned as a walled city with a mosque and
palace in the center. The walls were to have four gates to exit the city. Al-
Mansur, who was responsible for the creation of Baghdad, also planned the city
of Raqqa, along the Euphrates. Finally, in 836, al-Mu'tasim moved the capital to
a new site that he created along the Tigris, called Samarra. This city saw 60
years of work, with race-courses and game preserves to add to the
atmosphere.[68] Due to the dry remote nature of the environment, some of the
palaces built in this era were isolated havens. Al-Ukhaidir Fortress is a fine
example of this type of building which has stables, living quarters, and a
mosque, all surrounding inner courtyards.[68] Other mosques of this era, such as
Zumurrud Khatun Tomb (1200 CE),
the Mosque of Ibn Tulun, in Cairo, and the Great Mosque of Kairouan in Tunisia
in cemetery at Baghdad
while ultimately built during the Umayyad dynasty, it was substantially
renovated in the 9th century. This renovation was so extensive as to ostensibly
be a rebuild, was in the furthest reaches of the Muslim world, in an area that the Aghlabids controlled; however the styles utilized
were mainly of the Abbasids.[69] Mesopotamia only has one surviving mausoleum from this era, in Samarra. This octagonal
dome is the final resting place of al-Muntasir.[70] Other architectural innovations and styles were few, such as the four-centered
arch, and a dome erected on squinches. Unfortunately, much was lost due to the ephemeral nature of the stucco and luster
tiles.[70]
Glass and crystal
The Near East has, since Roman times, been recognized as a center of quality glassware and crystal. 9th century finds from
Samarra show styles similar to Sassanian forms. The types of objects made were bottles, flasks, vases, and cups utilized for
domestic use. Decorations on these domestic items include molded flutes, honeycomb patterns, and inscriptions.[71] Other styles
seen that may not have come from the Sassanians were stamped items. These were typically round stamps, such as medallions or
disks with animals, birds, or Kufic inscriptions. Colored lead glass, typically blue or green, have been found in Nishapur, along
with prismatic perfume bottles. Finally, cut glass may have been the high point of Abbasid glass-working, decorated with floral
and animal designs.[72]

Painting
Early Abbasid painting has not survived in great quantities, and sometimes
harder to differentiate; however Samarra is a good example as it was built by the
Abbasids and abandoned 56 years later. The walls of the principal rooms of the
palace that has been excavated show wall paintings and lively carved stucco
dadoes. The style is obviously adopted with little variation from Sassanian art, as
not only the styles is similar with harems, animals, and dancing people, all
enclosed in scrollwork, but also the garments are Persian.[73] Nishapur had its
own school of painting. Excavations at Nishapur show artwork both
monochrome and polychrome from the 8th and 9th centuries. One famous piece 9th-century harem wall painting
fragments found in Samarra
of art consists of hunting nobles with falcons and on horseback, in full regalia;
the clothing identifies him as Tahirid, which was again, a sub-dynasty of the
Abbasids. Other styles are of vegetation, and fruit in nice colors on a four-foot high dedo.[73]

Pottery
Whereas painting and architecture were not areas of strength for the Abbasid
dynasty, pottery was a different story. The Islamic culture as a whole and the
Abbasid's, in particular, were at the forefront of new ideas and techniques. Some
examples of their work were pieces engraved with decorations and then colored with
yellow-brown, green, and purple glazes. Designs were diverse with geometric
patterns, Kufic lettering, arabesque scrollwork, along with rosettes, animals, birds,
and humans.[74] Abbasid pottery from the 8th and 9th centuries have been found
throughout the region, as far as Cairo. These were generally made with a yellow clay
Bowl with Kufic Inscription, 9th
and fired multiple times with separate glazes to produce metallic luster in shades of
century, Brooklyn Museum
gold, brown, or red. By the 9th century, the potters had mastered their techniques
and their decorative designs could be divided into two styles. The Persian style
would show animals, birds, humans, along with Kufic lettering in gold. Pieces excavated from Samarra exceed in vibrancy and
beauty any from later periods. These predominantly being made for the Caliphs use. Tiles were also made utilizing this same
technique to create both monochromic and polychromic luster tiles.[75]

Textiles
Egypt being a center of the textile industry was part of the Abbasid cultural advancement. Copts were employed in the textile
industry and produced linens and silks. Tinnis was famous for its factories and had over 5,000 looms. Kasab, a fine linen for
turbans and badana for garments of the upper class to name a couple. In a town named Tuna near Tinnis, was made the kiswah for
the kaaba in Mecca. Fine silk was also made in Dabik and Damietta.[76] Of particular interest is the stamped and inscribed
fabrics. Not only did they utilize inks but also liquid gold. Some of the finer pieces were colored in such a manner as to require
six separate stamps to achieve the proper design and color. This technology spread to Europe eventually.[77]

Technology
In technology, the Abbasids adopted papermaking from China.[78] The use of
paper spread from China into the caliphate in the 8th century CE, arriving in al-
Andalus (Islamic Spain) and then the rest of Europe in the 10th century. It was
easier to manufacture than parchment, less likely to crack than papyrus, and
could absorb ink, making it ideal for making records and making copies of the
Qur'an. "Islamic paper makers devised assembly-line methods of hand-copying
manuscripts to turn out editions far larger than any available in Europe for
centuries."[79] It was from the Abbasids that the rest of the world learned to
make paper from linen.[80] The knowledge of gunpowder was also transmitted
from China via the caliphate, where the formulas for pure potassium nitrate and
an explosive gunpowder effect were first developed.[81]

Advances were made in irrigation and farming, using new technology such as
the windmill. Crops such as almonds and citrus fruit were brought to Europe
through al-Andalus, and sugar cultivation was gradually adopted by the
Europeans. Apart from the Nile, Tigris and Euphrates, navigable rivers were
uncommon, so transport by sea was very important. Navigational sciences were
highly developed, making use of a rudimentary sextant (known as a kamal). Illustration showing a water clock
given to Charlemagne by Harun al-
When combined with detailed maps of the period, sailors were able to sail across
Rashid
oceans rather than skirt along the coast. Abbasid sailors were also responsible
for reintroducing large three masted merchant vessels to the Mediterranean. The
name caravel may derive from an earlier Arab ship known as the qārib.[82] Arab merchants dominated trade in the Indian Ocean
until the arrival of the Portuguese in the 16th century. Hormuz was an important center for this trade. There was also a dense
network of trade routes in the Mediterranean, along which Muslim countries traded with each other and with European powers
such as Venice or Genoa. The Silk Road crossing Central Asia passed through Abbasid caliphate between China and Europe.

Engineers in the Abbasid caliphate made a number of innovative industrial uses of

Windmills were among
Abbasid inventions in
technology.[83]
Islamic to Christian Spain, where fulling mills, paper mills, and forge mills were recorded for the first time in Catalonia.[85]
hydropower, and early industrial uses of tidal power, wind power, and petroleum (notably
by distillation into kerosene). The industrial uses of watermills in the Islamic world date
back to the 7th century, while horizontal-wheeled and vertical-wheeled water mills were
both in widespread use since at least the 9th century. By the time of the Crusades, every
province throughout the Islamic world had mills in operation, from al-Andalus and North
Africa to the Middle East and Central Asia. These mills performed a variety of agricultural
and industrial tasks.[78] Abbasid engineers also developed machines (such as pumps)
incorporating crankshafts, employed gears in mills and water-raising machines, and used
dams to provide additional power to watermills and water-raising machines.[84] Such
advances made it possible for many industrial tasks that were previously driven by manual
labour in ancient times to be mechanized and driven by machinery instead in the medieval
Islamic world. It has been argued that the industrial use of waterpower had spread from
A number of industries were generated during the Arab Agricultural Revolution, including early industries for textiles, sugar,
rope-making, matting, silk, and paper. Latin translations of the 12th century passed on knowledge of chemistry and instrument
making in particular.[86] The agricultural and handicraft industries also experienced high levels of growth during this period.[87]

Status of women
In contrast to the earlier era, women in Abbasid society were absent from all arenas of the community's central affairs.[88] While
their Muslim forbearers led men into battle, started rebellions, and played an active role in community life, as demonstrated in the
Hadith literature, Abbasid women were ideally kept in seclusion. Conquests had brought enormous wealth and large numbers of
slaves to the Muslim elite. The majority of the slaves were women and children,[89] many of whom had been dependents or
harem-members of the defeated Sassanian upper classes.[90] In the wake of the conquests an elite man could potentially own a
thousand slaves, and ordinary soldiers could have ten people serving them.[89]

Nabia Abbott, preeminent historian of elite women of the Abbasid Caliphate, describes the lives of harem women as follows.

The choicest women were imprisoned behind heavy curtains and locked doors, the strings and keys of which were
entrusted into the hands of that pitiable creature – the eunuch. As the size of the harem grew, men indulged to
satiety. Satiety within the individual harem meant boredom for the one man and neglect for the many women.
Under these conditions ... satisfaction by perverse and unnatural means crept into society, particularly in its upper
classes.[90]

The marketing of human beings, particularly women, as objects for sexual use meant that elite men owned the vast majority of
women they interacted with, and related to them as would masters to slaves.[91] Being a slave meant relative lack of autonomy
during this time period, and belonging to a harem caused a wife and her children to have little insurance of stability and continued
support due to the volatile politics of harem life.

Elite men expressed in literature the horror they felt for the humiliation and degradation of their daughters and female relatives.
For example, the verses addressed to Hasan ibn al-Firat on the death of his daughter read:

To Abu Hassan I offer condolences.

At times of disaster and catastrophe
God multiplies rewards for the patient.
To be patient in misery
Is equivalent to giving thanks for a gift.
Among the blessings of God undoubtedly
Is the preservation of sons
And the death of daughters.[92]

Even so, courtesans and princesses produced prestigious and important poetry. Enough survives to give us access to women's
historical experiences, and reveals some vivacious and powerful figures, such as the Sufi mystic Raabi'a al-Adwiyya (714–801
CE), the princess and poet 'Ulayya bint al-Mahdi (777–825 CE), and the singing-girls Shāriyah (c. 815–70 CE), Fadl Ashsha'ira
(d. 871 CE) and Arib al-Ma'muniyya (797–890 CE).[93]

Treatment of Jews and Christians

The status and treatment of Jews, Christians, and non-Muslims in the Abbasid Caliphate was a complex and continually changing
issue. Non-Muslims in the Abbasid Caliphate had their own distinction and were called dhimmis.[94] Dhimmis did not have all of
the privileges that Muslims had inside the Abbasid Caliphate and were commonly had to pay a tax for not being a Muslim called
a Jizya. One of the common aspects of the treatment of the dhimmis is that their treatment in the Abbasid Caliphate varied
depending on who the Caliph was at the given time. Some Abbasid rulers like Al-Mutawakkil (822 AD – 861 AD) imposed strict
restrictions on what dhimmi's could wear in public, often yellow garments that distinguished them from Muslims.[95] Other
restrictions al-Mutawakkil imposed included limiting the role of the dhimmis inside of government, seizing dhimmi housing and
making it harder for dhimmis to become educated.[95] Most other Caliphs of the Abbasid Caliphate were not as strict as al-
Mutawakkil though. During the reign of Al-Mansur (714 AD – 775 AD), it was common for Jews and Christians to influence the
overall culture in the Caliphate, specifically in Baghdad. Jews and Christians did this by participating in scholarly work and
Christians even influenced Islamic funeral service traditions.[94]

It was common that laws that were imposed against dhimmis during one caliph's rules were either discarded or not practiced
during future Caliph's reigns. Al-Mansur and al-Mutawakkil both instituted laws that forbid non-Muslims from participating in
public office in the Abbasid Caliphate.[96] Although al-Mansur did not follow his own law very closely, bringing dhimmis back
to the Caliphate's treasury due to the needed expertise of dhimmis in the area of finance.[97] Al-Mutawakkil followed the law
banning dhimmis from public office more seriously though, although soon after al-Mutawakkil's reign many of the laws
concerning dhimmis participating in government positions were completely unobserved or at least less strictly observed in the
Abbasid Caliphate.[95] Even Al-Muqtadir (r. 908 AD – 932 AD) who held a similar stance as former Caliph al-Mutawakkil on
removing non-Muslims from holding public office himself had multiple Christian secretaries, indicating that non-Muslims still
had access to many of the most important figures within the Abbasid Caliphate.[97] Past having a casual association or just being
a secretary to high ranking Islamic members of the Abbasid Caliphate many Caliphs like Al-Mansur would personally appoint
dhimmis to important positions of power like being a collector of revenue.

Jews and Christians may have had a lower overall status compared to Muslims in the Abbasid Caliphate, but dhimmis were often
allowed to hold respectable and even prestigious occupations in some cases. Examples of these occupations would be doctors and
public officeholders. Jews and Christians were also allowed to be rich even if they were taxed for being a dhimmi.[94] Dhimmis
were capable of moving across the social ladder, although this largely depended on the caliph in charge at the time. An indication
as to the social standing of Jews and Christians at the time was their ability to live next to Muslim people. While al-Mansur was
ruling the Abbasid Caliphate it was not uncommon for dhimmis to live in the same neighborhoods that Muslims lived in.[94] One
of the biggest reasons why dhimmis were allowed to hold prestigious jobs and positions in government is that they were generally
important to the well being of the state and were proficient to excellent with the work at hand.[98] Some Muslims in the Caliphate
took offense to the idea that there were dhimmis in public offices who were in a way ruling over them although it was an
Islamicate state, while other Muslims were at time jealous at some dhimmis for having a level of wealth or prestige greater than
other Muslims, even if Muslims were still the majority of the ruling class.[97] In general, Muslims, Jews, and Christians had close
interconnections and relations for the time period that could be at times considered positive at times, especially for Jews in
context to how Jews were being treated in Europe.[94]

Many of the laws and restrictions that were imposed on dhimmis oftentimes resembled other laws that previous states had used to
discriminate against a minority religion, specifically Jewish people. Romans in the fourth century banned Jewish people from
holding public offices banned Roman citizens from converting to Judaism, and oftentimes demoted Jews who were serving in the
Roman military.[99] In direct contrast, there was an event in which two vizier's, Ibn al-Furat and Ali ibn Isa ibn al-Jarrah, argued
about Ibn al-Furat's decision to make a Christian the head of the military, a decision that a previous vizier Abu Muhammad al-
Hasan al-Bazuri had already implemented a similar decision in the past. These laws predated al-Mansur's laws against dhimmi's
and often had similar restrictions, although Roman emperors were often much more strict on imposing these laws unlike many
Caliphs in the Abbasid Caliphate.[100]

Arabization
While the Abbasids originally gained power by exploiting the social inequalities against non-Arabs in the Umayyad Empire,
during Abbasid rule the empire rapidly Arabized, particularly in the Fertile Crescent region (namely Mesopotamia and the
Levant) as had begun under Umayyad rule. As knowledge was shared in the Arabic language throughout the empire, many people
from different nationalities and religions began to speak Arabic in their everyday lives. Resources from other languages began to
be translated into Arabic, and a unique Islamic identity began to form that fused previous cultures with Arab culture, creating a
level of civilization and knowledge that was considered a marvel in Europe at the time.[101]

Military
In Baghdad there were many Abbasid military leaders who were or said they were of Arab descent. However, it is clear that most
of the ranks were of Iranian origin, the vast majority being from Khorasan and Transoxania, not from western Iran or
Azerbaijan.[102] with most of the Khorasani soldiers who brought the Abbasids to power were Arabs.[103]

The standing army of the Muslims in Khurasan was overwhelmingly Arab. The unit organization of the Abbasids was designed
with the goal of ethnic and racial equality among supporters. When Abu Muslim recruited officers along the Silk Road, he
registered them based not on their tribal or ethno-national affiliations but on their current places of residence.[104]

Decline of the empire

Abbasids found themselves at odds with the Shia Muslims, most of whom had supported their war against the Umayyads, since
the Abbasids and the Shias claimed legitimacy by their familial connection to Prophet Muhammad; once in power, the Abbasids
had disavowed any support for Shia beliefs in favor of Sunni Islam. Shortly thereafter, Berber Kharijites set up an independent
state in North Africa in 801. Within 50 years the Idrisids in the Maghreb and Aghlabids of Ifriqiya and a little later the Tulunids
and Ikshidids of Misr were effectively independent in Africa. The Abbasid authority began to deteriorate during the reign of al-
Radi when their Turkic Army generals, who already had de facto independence, stopped paying the Caliphate. Even provinces
close to Baghdad began to seek local dynastic rule. Also, the Abbasids found themselves to often be at conflict with the
Umayyads in Spain. The Abbasid financial position weakened as well, with tax revenues from the Sawād decreasing in the 9th
and 10th centuries.[105]

Separatist dynasties and their successors

The Abbasid Caliphate differed from others in that it did not have the same borders and extent as Islam. Particularly, in the west
of the Caliphate, there were multiple smaller caliphates that existed in relative peace with them.[2] This list represents the
succession of Islamic dynasties that emerged from the fractured Abbasid empire by their general geographic location. Dynasties
often overlap, where a vassal emir revolted from and later conquered his lord. Gaps appear during periods of contest where the
dominating power was unclear. Except for the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt, recognizing a Shia succession through Ali, and the
Andalusian Caliphates of the Umayyads and Almohads, every Muslim dynasty at least acknowledged the nominal suzerainty of
the Abbasids as Caliph and Commander of the Faithful.

Morocco: Idrisids (788–974) → Almoravids (1040–1147) → Almohads (1120–1269) → Marinids (1472–1554) →

Wattasids (1472–1554)
Ifriqiya (modern Tunisia, eastern Algeria and western Libya): Aghlabids (800–909 CE) → Fatimids of Egypt (909–
973 CE) → Zirids (973–1148) → Almohads (1148–1229) → Hafsids (1229–1574)
Egypt and Palestine: Tulunids (868–905 CE) → Ikhshidids (935–969) → Fatimid Caliphate (909–1171) →
Ayyubid dynasty (1171–1250) → Mamluks (1250–1517)
Al-Jazira (modern Syria and northern Iraq): Hamdanids (890–1004 CE) → Marwanids (990–1085) and Uqaylids
(990–1096) → Seljuks (1034–1194) → Mongol Empire and the Ilkhanate (1231–1335)
Southwest Iran: Buyids (934–1055) → Seljuks (1034–1194) → Mongol Empire → Injuids (1335–1357) →
Muzaffarids (1314–1393)
Khorasan (modern Iran, Afghanistan and Turkmenistan): Tahirids (821 -873) → Saffarids (873–903) → Samanids
(903–995) → Ghaznavids (995–1038) → Seljuks (1038–1194) → Ghurids (1011–1215) → Khwarazmians (1077–
1231) → Mongol Empire and the Ilkhanate (1231–1335)
Transoxiana (modern Central Asia): Samanids (819–999) → Karakhanids (840–1212) → Khwarazmians (1077–
1231) → Mongol Empire and the Chagatai Khanate (1225–1687)
Dynasties claiming Abbasid descent
Centuries after the Abbasids' fall, several dynasties have claimed descent from them, as "claiming kinship relation with the
Prophet Muhammad, that is, claiming an affiliation to the "People of the House" or the status of a sayyid or sharif, has arguably
been the most widespread way in Muslim societies of supporting one's moral or material objectives with genealogical
credentials."[106] Such claims of continuity with Muhammad or his Hashemite kin such as the Abbasids foster a sense of
"political viability" for a candidate dynasty, with the intention of "serving an internal audience" (or in other words, gaining
legitimacy in the view of the masses).[106] The final ruler of the Bahawalpur Indian princely state was particularly. In Bahawalpur
and Pakistan and the subcontinent, he was an Arab of the Abbasids and a conquror, a man drawing his wealth from the country
but not part of it. Among the most notable of these dynasties claiming Abbasid descent are the Wadai Empire which ruled parts of
modern-day Sudan, the Bahawalpur (princely state) of India, and the Khanate of Bastak.[107][108][109]

A common trope among Abbasid claimant dynasties is that they are descended from Abbasid princes of Baghdad, "dispersed" by
the Mongol invasion in 1258 CE.[110] These surviving princes would leave Baghdad for a safe haven not controlled by the
Mongols, assimilate to their new societies, and their descendants would grow to establish their own dynasties with their Abbasid
'credentials' centuries later.[111][112] This is highlighted by the origin myth of the Bastak khanate which relates that in 656
AH/1258 CE, the year of the fall of Baghdad, and following the sack of the city, a few surviving members of the Abbasid
dynastic family led by the eldest amongst them, Ismail II son of Hamza son of Ahmed son of Mohamed migrated to Southern
Iran, in the village of Khonj and later to Bastak where their khanate was established in the 17th century CE.[nb 8][114]

Meanwhile, the dynasty Wadai Empire relates a similar origin story from the Abbasids. The Wadais claimed descent from a man
by the name of Salih ibn Abdullah ibn Abbas whose father Abdullah was an Abbasid prince who fled Baghdad for Hijaz upon the
Mongol invasion. He had a son named Salih who would grow to become an "able jurist" and a "very devout man". The Muslim
ulama on pilgrimage in Mecca met him and impressed by his knowledge, invited him to return with him to Sennar. Seeing the
population's deviation from Islam, he "pushed further" until he found the Abu Sinun mountain in Wadai where he converted the
local people to Islam and teachings them its ruling, after which they made him sultan thus beginning the foundations of the Wadai
Empire.[115]

With regards to the Bastak khanate, Shaikh Mohamed Khan Bastaki was the first Abbasid ruler of Bastak to hold the title of
"Khan" after the local people accepted him as a ruler (Persian: ‫ﺧﺎن‬, Arabic: ‫)اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ‬, meaning "ruler" or "king", a title which was
reportedly bestowed upon him by Karim Khan Zand.[116] The title then became that of all the subsequent Abbasid rulers of
Bastak and Jahangiriyeh, and also collectively refers in plural form – i.e., "Khans" (Persian: ‫ – )ﺧﻮاﻧﻴﻦ‬to the descendants of
Shaikh Mohamed Khan Bastaki. The last Abbasid ruler of Bastak and Jahangiriyeh was Mohamed A’zam Khan Baniabbassian
son of Mohamed Reza Khan "Satvat al-Mamalek" Baniabbasi. He authored the book Tarikh-e Jahangiriyeh va Baniabbassian-e
Bastak (1960),[117] in which is recounted the history of the region and the Abbasid family that ruled it. Mohamed A’zam Khan
Baniabbassian died in 1967, a year regarded as marking the end of the Abbasid reign in Bastak.

See also
List of Abbasid caliphs
Category:Governors of the Abbasid Caliphate
List of Sunni Muslim dynasties
Iranian Intermezzo

Footnotes
1. Wade states "Tazi in Persian sources referred to a people in that land, but was later extended to cover Arab
lands. The Persian term was adopted by Tang China (Dàshí :大食) to refer to the Arabs until the 12th century."[13]
2. Marshall Broomhall writes, "With the rise of the Abbasides we enter upon a somewhat different phase of Muslim
history, and approach the period when an important body of Muslim troops entered and settled within the
Chinese Empire. While the Abbasids inaugurated that era of literature and science associated with the Court at
Bagdad, the hitherto predominant Arab element began to give way to the Turks, who soon became the
bodyguard of the Caliphs, 'until in the end the Caliphs became the helpless tools of their rude protectors.' Several
embassies from the Abbaside Caliphs to the Chinese Court are recorded in the T'ang Annals, the most important
of these being those of (A-bo-lo-ba) Abul Abbas, the founder of the new dynasty, that of (A-p'u-cKa-fo) Abu
Giafar, the builder of Bagdad and that of (A-lun) Harun al Raschid, best known, perhaps, in modern days through
the popular work, Arabian Nights. The Abbasides or 'Black Flags,' as they were commonly called, are known in
Chinese history as the Heh-i Ta-shih, 'The Black-robed Arabs.' Five years after the rise of the Abbasides, at a
time when Abu Giafar, the second Caliph, was busy plotting the assassination of his great and able rival Abu
Muslim, who is regarded as "the leading figure of the age" and the de facto founder of the house of Abbas so far
as military prowess is concerned, a terrible rebellion broke out in China. This was in 755, and the leader was a
Turk or Tartar named An Lu-shan. This man, who had gained great favour with the Emperor Hsuan Tsung, and
had been placed at the head of a vast army operating against the Turks and Tartars on the north-west frontier,
ended in proclaiming his independence and declaring war upon his now aged Imperial patron. The Emperor,
driven from his capital, abdicated in favour of his son, Su Tsung (756–763), who at once appealed to the Arabs
for help. The Caliph Abu Giafar, whose army, we are told by Sir William Muir, was fitted throughout with improved
weapons and armour,' responded to this request, and sent a contingent of some 4000 men, who enabled the
Emperor, in 757, to recover his two capitals, Sianfu and Honanfu. These Arab troops, who probably came from
some garrison on the frontiers of Turkestan, never returned to their former camp, but remained in China, where
they married Chinese wives, and thus became, according to common report, the real nucleus of the naturalised
Chinese Mohammedans of to-day. While this story has the support of the official history of the T'ang dynasty,
there is, unfortunately, no authorised statement as to how many troops the Caliph really sent. The statement,
however, is also supported by the Chinese Mohammedan inscriptions and literature. Though the settlement of
this large body of Arabs in China may be accepted as probably the largest and most definite event recorded
concerning the advent of Islam, it is necessary at the same time not to overlook the facts already stated in the
previous chapter, which prove that large numbers of foreigners had entered China prior to this date."[14]
3. Frank Brinkley says, "It would seem, however, that trade occupied the attention of the early Mohammedan
settlers rather than religious propagandism; that while they observed the tenets and practised the rites of their
faith in China, they did not undertake any strenuous campaign against either Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism,
or the State creed, and that they constituted a floating rather than a fixed element of the population, coming and
going between China and the West by the oversea or the overland routes. According to Giles, the true stock of
the present Chinese Mohammedans was a small army of four thousand Arabian soldiers, who, being sent by the
Khaleef Abu Giafar in 755 to aid in putting down a rebellion, were subsequently permitted to settle in China,
where they married native wives. The numbers of this colony received large accessions in the 12th and 13th
centuries during the conquests of Genghis, and ultimately the Mohammedans formed an appreciable element of
the population, having their own mosques and schools, and observing the rites of their religion, but winning few
converts except among the aboriginal tribes, as the Lolos and the Mantsu. Their failure as propagandists is
doubtless due to two causes, first, that, according to the inflexible rule of their creed, the Koran might not be
translated into Chinese or any other foreign language; secondly and chiefly, that their denunciations of idolatry
were as unpalatable to ancestor-worshipping Chinese as were their interdicts against pork and wine. They were
never prevented, however, from practising their faith so long as they obeyed the laws of the land, and the
numerous mosques that exist throughout China prove what a large measure of liberty these professors of a
strange creed enjoyed. One feature of the mosques is noticeable, however: though distinguished by large arches
and by Arabic inscriptions, they are generally constructed and arranged so as to bear some resemblance to
Buddhist temples, and they have tablets carrying the customary ascription of reverence to the Emperor of China
– facts suggesting that their builders were not entirely free from a sense of the inexpediency of differentiating the
evidences of their religion too conspicuously from those of the popular creed. It has been calculated that in the
regions north of the Yangtse the followers of Islam aggregate as many as ten millions, and that eighty thousand
are to be found in one of the towns of Szchuan. On the other hand, just as it has been shown above that
although the Central Government did not in any way interdict or obstruct the tradal operations of foreigners in
early times, the local officials sometimes subjected them to extortion and maltreatment of a grievous and even
unendurable nature, so it appears that while as a matter of State policy, full tolerance was extended to the
Mohammedan creed, its disciples frequently found themselves the victims of such unjust discrimination at the
 hand of local officialdom that they were driven to seek redress in rebellion. That, however, did not occur until the
19th century. There is no evidence that, prior to the time of the Great Manchu Emperor Chienlung (1736–1796),
Mohammedanism presented any deterrent aspect to the Chinese. That renowned ruler, whose conquests carried
his banners to the Pamirs and the Himalayas, did indeed conceive a strong dread of the potentialities of Islamic
fanaticism reinforced by disaffection on the part of the aboriginal tribes among whom the faith had many
adherents. He is said to have entertained at one time the terrible project of eliminating this source of danger in
Shensi and Kansuh by killing every Mussulman found there, but whether he really contemplated an act so foreign
to the general character of his procedure is doubtful. The broad fact is that the Central Government of China has
never persecuted Mohammedans or discriminated against them. They are allowed to present themselves at the
examinations for civil or military appointments, and the successful candidates obtain office as readily as their
Chinese competitors."[15]
4. It states in Moule's book, "though the actual date and circumstances of the introduction of Islam into China
cannot be traced with certainty further back than the 13th century, yet the existence of settlements of foreign
Moslems with their Mosques at Ganfu (Canton) during the T'ang dynasty (618–907) is certain, and later they
spread to Ch'uan-chou and to Kan-p'u, Hangchow, and perhaps to Ningpo and Shanghai. These were not
preaching or proselytising inroads, but commercial enterprises, and in the latter half of the 8th century there were
Moslem troops in Shensi, 3,000 men, under Abu Giafar, coming to support the dethroned Emperor in 756. In the
13th century the influence of individual Muslims was immense, especially that of the Seyyid Edjell Shams ed-Din
Omar, who served the Mongol Khans till his death in Yunnan in 1279. His family still exists in Yunnan, and has
taken a prominent part in Moslem affairs in China. The present Muslim element in China is most numerous in
Yunnan and Kansu; and the most learned Muslims reside chiefly in Ssuch'uan, the majority of their books being
printed in the capital city, Ch'eng-tu. Kansu is perhaps the most dominantly Mohammedan province in China, and
here many different sects are found, and mosques with minarets used by the orthodox muezzin calling to prayer,
and in one place veiled women are met with. These, however, are not Turks or Saracens, but for the most part
pure Chinese. The total Moslem population is probably under 4,000,000, though other statistical estimates,
always uncertain in China, vary from thirty to ten millions; but the figures given here are the most reliable at
present obtainable, and when it is remembered that Islam in China has not been to any great extent a preaching
or propagandist power by force or the sword, it is difficult to understand the survival and existence of such a large
number as that, small, indeed, compared with former estimates, but surely a very large and vigorous
element."[16]
5. In Giles book, he writes "Mahomedans: IEJ Iej. First settled in China in the Year of the Mission, A.D. 628, under
Wahb-Abi-Kabcha a maternal uncle of Mahomet, who was sent with presents to the Emperor. Wahb-Abi-Kabcha
travelled by sea to Cantoa, and thence overland to Si-ngan Fu, the capital, where he was well received. The first
mosque was built at Canton, where, after several restorations, it still exists. Another mosque was erected in 742,
but many of these M. came to China simply as traders, and by and by went back to their own country. The true
stock of the present Chinese Mahomedans was a small army of 4,000 Arabian soldiers sent by the Khaleef Abu
Giafar in 755 to aid in putting down a rebellion. These soldiers had permission to settle in China, where they
married native wives; and three centuries later, with the conquests of Genghis Khan, largo numbers of Arabs
penetrated into the Empire and swelled the Mahomedan community."[17]
6. Giles also writes, "In 789 the Khalifa Harun al Raschid dispatched a mission to China, and there had been one or
two less important missions in the seventh and eighth centuries; but from 879, the date of the Canton massacre,
for more than three centuries to follow, we hear nothing of the Mahometans and their religion. They were not
mentioned in the edict of 845, which proved such a blow to Buddhism and Nestorian Christianity perhaps
because they were less obtrusive in the propagation of their religion, a policy aided by the absence of anything
like a commercial spirit in religious matters."[19]
7. Giles also writes, in the same book, "The first mosque was built at Canton, where, after several restorations, it
may still be seen. The minaret, known as the Bare Pagoda, to distinguish it from a much more ornamental
Buddhist pagoda near by, dates back to 850. There must at that time have been a considerable number of
Mahometans in Canton, thought not so many as might be supposed if reliance could be placed on the figures
given in reference to a massacre which took place in 879. The fact is that most of these Mahometans went to
China simply as traders; they did not intend to settle permanently in the country, and when business permitted,
they returned to their old haunts. About two thousand Mussulman families are still to be found at Canton, and a
similar number at Foochow; descendants, perhaps, of the old sea-borne contingents which began to arrive in the
seventh and eighth centuries. These remnants have nothing to do with the stock from which came the
 comparatively large Mussulman communities now living and practising their religion in the provinces of
Ssŭch'uan, Yünnan, and Kansuh. The origin of the latter was as follows. In A.D. 756 the Khalifa Abu Giafar sent
a small army of three thousand Arab soldiers to aid in putting down a rebellion."[20]
8. For his full genealogy all the way back to Al-Abbas bin Abdulmuttalib, the paternal uncle of the Prophet
Mohamed, please see: Al-Abbasi's book Nader al-Bayan fi Dhikr Ansab Baniabbassian[113]

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External links
"Abbassides, The" (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_New_International_Encyclop%C3%A6dia/Abbassides,_
The). New International Encyclopedia. 1905.
"Abbasid Caliphs" (http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/inourtime/inourtime_20060202.shtml) (streaming
RealAudio), In Our Time, UK: BBC Radio 4, 2 February 2006.
"Abbasid Caliphate" (http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abbasid-caliphate), Encyclopaedia Iranica (http://www.ir
anica.com/) (entry).
"Abbasids" (https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/judaica/ejud_0002_0001_0_00087.html), Judaica, Jewish
virtual library.
"The Abassid Caliphate (758–1258)" (https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/Abassid.html), History,
Jewish virtual library.

— Imperial house —
Abbasid dynasty
Cadet branch of the Quraysh

Caliphate dynasty
750–1258 and 1261–1517
Preceded by Succeeded by
also claimed by Fatimid dynasty in
Umayyad dynasty Ottoman dynasty
909, Umayyad dynasty in 929, and
Ottoman dynasty

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