Running Head: HUMAN RIGHTS

Importance of the issue of Human Rights on geopolitics with respect to US-Cuba Case

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Table of Contents

Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 3

Human Right Issue .......................................................................................................................... 4

Human Rights Strategy in the Context of Normalisation ............................................................... 5

Is the United States seeking to subvert the Cuban regime from the bottom up? ............................ 7

Political Prisoners...................................................................................................................... 10

Trafficking in Persons ............................................................................................................... 11

Strategic Value of Cuba ................................................................................................................ 11

Conclusion .................................................................................................................................... 15
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Introduction

Between 1960 and 2014, three key assumptions were made in the United States-Cuba

agreement that showed mistaken over time: most Cubans hated the Castro government that a

well-organised restriction had an important basic support for eradicating it, and that the

combination of political isolation and economic pressure will catalyse the difference in rule. The

embargo in the United States and the relevant separation agreements prevail in their upcoming

goals of depriving the Cuban people and separating them from the world. However, they failed

plainly to achieve their key goals without shifting the rule and urging it to change (Sullivan,

2017, p.467 ).

According to President Obama, a system based on moderate economic progress and a

patient involvement in the Cuban government may not offer “adequate purity of indignation.”

Also it will not convey the system of democracy to the majority of Cuba in the medium term, if

the normalisations adopted with China and Vietnam give some kind of signal. However, this

commitment will continue to improve the lives of Cuban residents, and otherwise it will be an

excellent opportunity to achieve a result based on voting at a democratic outcome than a relapse

in a failed isolation scheme (Sullivan, 2017, p.467 ).

Regardless of the political events in Havana, Cuba’s economic potential and its

geopolitical essence make normalisation a hard intrigue for the United States. Improving

relations with Cuba and facilitating its reintegration into the global network will give the United

States an important economic accomplice and in time, perhaps even a partner (Sullivan, 2017,

p.467 ).
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Human Right Issue

Improving dismal human rights situations in Cuba continues to be an important goal of

the United States agreement. Given the remarkable quality of these problems in local US

legislative affairs, noticeable improvements are likely to add a smoother and more productive

process to the normalisation. I believe that the human rights agreement concluded by the United

States in Cuba should move forward in accordance with the general strategy of the Obama

administration, which provides for a transition from a policy aimed at overthrowing the Cuban

government to a policy that works with it to achieve progressive improvements, however

concrete developments solid in conditions of human rights (LeoGrande, 1997, p.211).

According to the documentation of the Cuban Commission for Human Rights and

National Reconciliation, the Cuban free human rights association, the number of cases of self-

assertion in custody increased from 6424 in 2013 to 8899 in 2014. Cuban legislation takes into

account up to four years of people who, in any case, committed a crime if they are considered to

correspond to the meaning of “potential dangerousness”. Progress with regard to short-term

detentions and the abandonment of long-term imprisonment, combined with the huge arrival of

political prisoners in result of the global pressure, has dramatically reduced the number of

arrested political prisoners (LeoGrande, 1997, p.211). Recently, fifty-three have been dismissed

as an important aspect of the December 2014 agreement to restore conciliation with the United

States. However, human rights organisations report that many political prisoners are still there.

Prison conditions are considered cruel with broken offices, poor sanitary conditions and the lack

of satisfactory rehabilitation considerations for prisoners. Universal and local human rights

groups were denied access to prisons (Roy, 2000, p.75).

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Free articulation and access to data are still essential in Cuba, and the government strictly

controls all traditional media. It is estimated that only five percent of the Cuban population have

access to the Internet due to low penetration, huge costs and restrictions on the use of housing. In

addition, association freedom is strictly controlled, and human rights and other groups of an

autonomous common society face constant provocation and being denied the legal recognition

(Roy, 2000, p.75).

I believe that Castro's ubiquity has wound down as economic conditions in Cuba have not

improved however despite everything it appreciates wide support. The larger population of

Cubans appears to be set up to confide in Castro to develop them. The Castro regime has

furnished them with all inclusive instruction and therapeutic consideration. What's more, in spite

of deficiencies, Cubans will in general be preferred housed over the majority of residents in most

neighboring nations. It is the reality that Cuban approaches, particularly its external strategy,

have changed. The Cuban administration's expectation of consulting with the U.S. is one factor

that realize its changes.

Human Rights Strategy in the Context of Normalisation

While the requirement to improve human rights conditions in Cuba is limited, the goal of

a long-term strategy for change of regime (as seen from Helms-Burton and other executive acts)

is impossible, given that restriction groups are still minimised due to the combination of abuse

strategy, and propaganda of regime that actually makes such groups stooges of the United States

government. The lack of a real base of opposition control in Cuba raises doubts about existing

projects that contribute to the changes of regime, which have sown doubts between the two

countries and achieved little else (Pujol, 2012, p.62). The US must recognise that the promotion
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of human rights, holding as it should be, must be accomplished through the current Cuban

government. This new methodology involves putting pressure on the Cuban government to

improve human rights conditions, combined with the consolation that we are not trying to

eliminate the regime. Moreover, this implies a reduction in open debate about democratisation

(to the extent possible, given the local political scales of the United States), which only

undermines the important trust that guarantees the acquiescence of the Cuban government to the

demands of the United States to improve human rights. Neglecting important changes in rhetoric

and strategy that indicate a net increase in the goals of regime changes will only strengthen the

position of supporters in the Cuban government, which is contrary to normalisation (Roy, 2000,

p.75).

Cuba's lawful framework limits common and political rights, for example, the freedoms

of get together, religion, and articulation. Resident resistance is viewed as associated with a more

extensive scheme against Cuban expert. Accordingly, moves made to constrain political

similarity—including torment, detainment, and detainment—are supported dependent on a

security method of reasoning. In 2003, Castro charged and captured seventy-five genius human

rights protesters as a component of a bigger crackdown on common society. Economic and

social rights are additionally constrained by government control. While Cuba is focused on

training and free social insurance for all natives, its arrangements confine scholarly freedom and

labor rights. The government likewise controls all methods for generation and allows just a

single labor association, which actualizes its destinations. Because of these rights infringement,

different nations just as multilateral and nongovernmental associations have stood up on

conditions in Cuba. The U.S. ban was connected as a result to the Castro regime, however the

worldwide network generally restricts these approvals. Global acknowledgment of Cuba's

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circumstance is portrayed by an interest for law based legitimate change that would permit

Cuban natives the happiness regarding fundamental human freedoms.

Is the United States seeking to subvert the Cuban regime from the bottom up?

The two countries still have different differences on key issues such as the complete

abolition of the sanctions bill and the return of the Guantanamo base. It is difficult to make

breakthroughs. In the long run, the dual "structural contradictions" between the US and Cuba

have determined that the normalisation of relations between the two countries will be full of ups

and downs (Pujol, 2012, p.62).

From March 20 to 22, US President Barack Obama visited Cuba and became the first US

president to visit socialist Cuba. During the three days and two nights, Obama attended non-stop

activities - visiting Havana's Old City, meeting with Cuban leader Raul Castro, attending

bilateral economic and trade cooperation forums, watching baseball friendly matches, etc. in

Havana. At the Grand Theatre, Obama delivered a warm speech, saying that the visit "buried the

last remnants of the Cold War in the Western Hemisphere", indicating that the two countries

have transcended the barriers of history and ideology and created a "new era" of bilateral

relations. The visit has received high attention and positive evaluation from the international

community, and its historical significance is mainly reflected in the following two aspects.

First, the normalisation of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba has

basically been completed. Since the announcement of the normalisation of relations between the

United States and Cuba in December 2014, the two countries have had frequent contacts at the

diplomatic level and the relationship has progressed rapidly. In April last year, the leaders of the

two countries had already reached a historic meeting at the Summit of the Americas. In July, the
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two countries announced the resumption of diplomatic relations and mutual establishment of

embassies (Pujol, 2012, p.62). In August, Kerry became the first US Secretary of State to visit

Cuba in 70 years. The state visit not only pushed the relationship between the United States and

Cuba to a historic high point, but also had the meaning of "qualitative", which marked that the

various steps of normalising diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba had been

completed, and the process of exchanges between the two countries was difficult (Pujol, 2012,

p.62).

Second, the United States and Cuba have established the basic framework for the

development of relations. Obama’s visit has a strong “delegation” of the delegation, including

five cabinet members, 23 members of parliament, many entrepreneurs and members of the

Tampa Bay Rays baseball team. The meaning is self-evident. In the three areas of political

contact, economic and trade cooperation and humanities exchange, the new type of relationship

will be “layout and planning”. The leaders of the two sides conducted an open and honest

dialogue and reached a cooperation intention in the fields of economy, trade, medical care,

education, agriculture and law enforcement. The baseball friendly match has the meaning of

"small ball to promote the big ball". The goodwill was fully released to each other and the

"diplomatic dividend" was released to the social level (Feinberg, 2011, p.73).

After this visit, will the relationship between the United States and Cuba enter a new

stage of rapid development? This should not be too optimistic. Although the United States and

the United States have achieved normalisation at the diplomatic level, the two countries are still

far apart from the overall normalisation of relations. In the short-term, the two countries still

have different differences on key issues such as the complete abolition of the sanctions bill and

the return of the Guantanamo base. It is difficult to make breakthroughs. In the long run, the dual
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"structural contradictions" between the US and Cuba have determined that the normalisation of

relations between the two countries will be full. Bumpy, the road ahead is long (Trotta, 2014,

p.56).

The first layer of "structural contradictions" comes from the contradiction between "the

United States pursues hegemony" and "Cuba defends sovereign independence." There is a saying

in Latin America, "We are too far from God and too close to the United States." The Cuban

people who have lived for a long time in the shadow of US sanctions are most aware of the

meaning of this sentence. Although the United States has claimed to abandon the "Monroe

Doctrine", it has always regarded Latin America as its "backyard" in its actions. It has interfered

with the internal affairs of Latin America through various channels and tried to suppress the anti-

American sentiment in the region. The sanctions in Venezuela are typical cases. Cuba’s

sovereign independence was exchanged between the older generation of revolutionaries and

people with lofty ideals such as Field Castro and Che Guevara through arduous struggles (Trotta,

2014, p.56). They have deep-rooted resistance and vigilance against American hegemonism. It is

also because of this spirit of resistance that the Cuban regime has survived tenaciously in the

United States and has become the "flag-bearer" of the left-wing forces in Latin America, playing

a unique role in geopolitics. The purpose of Cuba’s normalisation of relations is to create a good

international environment for economic development and better defend national sovereignty and

independence. Cuba will neither "fall to the United States" nor throw the banner of anti-

hegemony. As Fidel Castro said: "Obama has encouraged us to forget history, but Cuba will not

forget the United States' half-century sanctions. We will not forget the Pig Bay incident. Cuba

will not give up the glory and rights of sovereign states (Birnbaum, 2016, p.13). ”
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The second layer of "structural contradictions" comes from the differences in polity and

ideology between the two countries. While taking the road of reform and opening up, Cuba

firmly defends the foundation of socialism, while the United States spares no effort to promote

its own values. It is full of "arrogance" and "prejudice" against the Cuban regime and wants to

promote Cuba's "discoloration" through contact policies. The confrontation between the two

countries in this field is extremely sharp. At present, the United States’ “Cuban Adjustment

Law” and “Dry and Wet Feet Policy” still encourage illegal immigrants from Cuba. The first

generation of Cuban immigrants with strong ideological colors has become an important force

that cannot be ignored in American politics. The presidential candidate is strongly dissatisfied

with Obama’s “ignoring the human rights situation in Cuba” (Birnbaum, 2016, p.13).

Obama has repeatedly argued that “the motivation for advancing the easing of the

relationship between the United States and Cuba is to change a way to influence the political

process in Cuba.” During this visit, Obama’s performance that was "willing to promote

American value" insisted on meeting Cuban dissidents, and had a tit-for-tat argument when he

met with Raul. He used high-profile historical speeches to promote American values and

criticised the human rights situation in Cuba in disguise. The Cuban government’s concern that

Cuba’s request for the closure of the anti-Ancient political propaganda station has been

categorically rejected has made the Cuban government very dissatisfied. This is also a matter of

concern for many Cubans. “The United States is seeking to subvert the Cuban regime from the

bottom up (Birnbaum, 2016, p.13).”

Political Prisoners
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In October 2018, the State Department's U.S. Mission to the United Nations propelled a

battle to point out the predicament of Cuba's "evaluated 130 political detainees." Secretary of

State Mike Pompeo composed an open letter to Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodriguez in

December 2018, requesting a substantive clarification for the proceeded with confinement of

eight explicit political detainees and a clarification of the charges and proof against different

people held as political detainees.

Trafficking in Persons

Commitment between U.S. furthermore, Cuban authorities on anti-trafficking issues have

rised in recent years. In January 2017, U.S. authorities met with Cuban government officials to

examine reciprocal endeavors to address human trafficking. Subsequently, in January 2017, the

United States and Cuba marked an expansive reminder of comprehension on law requirement

participation in which the two nations expressed their expectation to collaborate on the

counteractive action, prohibition, observing, and arraignment of transnational or genuine

violations, incorporating dealing in persons. In February 2018, the State Department and the

Department of Homeland Security facilitated gatherings in Washington, DC, with Cuban

authorities on endeavors to battle trafficking in persons.

Strategic Value of Cuba

The evidence goes back to a Louisiana Purchase completion made by Thomas Jefferson

president in year 1803. The Louisiana territory was claimed by Spain for majority of its history,

till it was brought to France before a couple of years Napoleon sold out to the US to support war

funding with the British. Louisiana was seen by Jefferson as significant to the national security
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of America in two manners: First at the time the population of the United States was primarily

located at east of Appalachians in long running from “New England to the border of Georgia-

Florida”. To the invasion with the little possibility to retreat it was highly vulnerable, as it

became apparent in 1812 war. Secondly it was dreamed by Jefferson that America was

prospering around ranchers who owned their property, living as businessmen and not as servants.

The rich land of Louisiana, which is in migrants’ hand to the US, will create the wealth, which

will form an state and provide the basic depth for its verification (Hoffmann, 2004, p.91).

Louisiana is very important because of its mobility structure, which will allow farmers in

the Midwest to transport their produce to the Mississippi River in New Orleans. Where the grain

will be replaced by ships and shipped to Europe. This kind of garin will make possible the

British Industrial Revolution, because the import of a large amount of livelihood allows British

shepherds to work in urban enterprises (Hoffmann, 2004, p.91).

To make it work, the United States wants to control the Ohio-Missouri-Mississippi

marine complex (counting several different creeks), the Gulf of Mexico, and Atlantic waste and

Cuba, still between Florida and Cuba and between Mexico. Given the likelihood that the

inventory network can fail at any time, global results, especially for the United States, will be

generous. New Orleans remains the largest major seaport in the United States, still delivering

food to Europe and supplying steel for production in the United States (Slater, 1997, p.631).

For the Spaniards, the territory of Louisiana is a shield for the US invasion of Mexico and

its rich silver mines, which provide an important part of Spanish wealth. Although Louisiana is

in the hands of Americans, but these basic things become collateral damage. From the US

perspective, concerns about Spain Spain have increased the likelihood of resistance to US trade.
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Since Yucatan, Cuba and Florida are in the hands of the Spaniards, the Spaniards can prohibit the

promotion of the product in Mississippi (Maingot, 2018, p.25).

Former President Andrew Jackson plays an important role in Jefferson’s strategy. In

general, he continued his war against the Seminole Indians in Florida and seised the area by the

standards of Seminols and Spaniards. In 1814, he defended the British attacks in New Orleans.

When he became president, he saw that Mexico, which is currently being taken from Spain,

stated that there was a significant risk to all US efforts.

However, Spain and Cuba are still the United States of the thistle limit Yucatan Peninsula

and Florida Straits. Although the Spaniards have the opportunity to choose the US trade route,

even when they are in a weak state, the British are the most Americans to stand out. In the

Bahamas near Cuba, the British, many of whom are in conflict in the United States, can trap

Cuba and create an almost flawless bar that undermines the American economy (Slater, 1997,

p.55). The British rely on American food, and it is impossible to decide that they will try to

control the supply of the Midwest to ensure their own economic security. Decades later, the

British authorities fear civil war.

Cuba is the key. In the hands of foreign hostile forces, it is as strong as Mississippi and

New Orleans. The absence of the Spaniards scares the United States. Any incredible European

power, the Germans or the British after 1871, can easily separate the Spaniards and Cuba. In

addition, the United States failed in the innovative naval forces and will not be able to adapt.

Cuban fishing has become the main method of the United States (Askari, 2003, p.54).

Due to this acquisition, a tour of New Orleans-Atlantic was confirmed. Until the advent

of Fidel Castro, the United States retained a convincing command of Cuba. In any case, the

United States remains on the brink of Cuba’s security. The island can not destroy the supply line
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without the participation of others. In any case, in the hands of the forces of major threats, Cuba

can become the basis for downing the United States (Askari, 2003, p.54).

Although these norms contradict Cuba (and the United States) in all comprehensive

human rights standards recognised in universal treaties, such as the International Covenant on

Civil and Political Rights, they are still subject to global monitoring of state conduct on these

issues. Therefore, Cuba, like the United States, has a comprehensive registry. It recognises

United Nations mechanisms such as the universal periodic review (universal periodic review), in

which States carefully and freely analyse human rights reports of others and provide

development recommendations (Askari, 2003, p.54). The interest rate on it is 100%, and Cuba,

like the United States, is fully bound by friendly commentators and the state in the investigation.

Cuba even recognises that more than 66% of the proposals put forward by different countries to

improve their human rights practices, although 33% of the proposals are considered less effective

and have proposals for organised activities. By adopting these mechanisms, Cuba recognises the

global character of its reputation in the field of human rights. Like any other country in the

United States and the world, researchers say that the sovereignty of “humanisation” is

understood. Therefore, there is some understanding between the two countries.

Cuba is no stranger to the human rights of the United Nations in many ways. For

example, he has a good track record in transferring economic and social rights, and Cubans

happily call it one of the key achievements of the revolution. It not only fulfills its

responsibilities at the local level, but also extends this right to all inhabitants, but Cuba remains

the leader in economic and social rights at all stages of the United Nations. For example, most of

the fifteen goals that Cuba set for the UN Human Rights Council in 2015 have reached this level.

For example, it is estimated that the Human Development Index of the United Nations
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Development Program, Cuba has made significant progress in transferring the general rights to

health and education (Kaplan, 2005, p.831).

On the other hand, Cuba has lost its visibility in terms of compliance with various

obligations with respect to global labor standards, despite the existence of a broad language

guarantee of the constitutional rights of experts. In January 2016, Cuba supported ninety

exhibitions of the International Labor Organisation (ILO), including eight of eight major

exhibitions, the last of which was confirmed in September 2015, so it continues to attract

international labor associations. In contrast, the United States has just approved fourteen

programs and two of the eight major conventions, the last of which was in February 2001. This

figure shows a clear difference in the legal commitment of all governments to the project. Labor

reference systems, however, the behavior and strategies of the two countries are also very

different. Through its registration with the International Labor Organisation, Cuba filed 16

complaints of freedom of access, which was registered in 2003 and ended in 2006 with an

assessment advisory group, saying that it regrets that the Cuban government did not achieve

more offers (Kaplan, 2005, p.831).

The objection is that Cuba recognises the hostile status of a single authority and union

(rejected) controlled by industry associations, including the seizure and harassment of union

members, the lack of rights to strike or the general regime, and the unification of state-owned

operators with autonomous industries. This case is only a precedent, indicating that there is great

tension between the closed political framework of Cuba and its commitment to all inclusive labor

rights (Hoffmann, 2004, p.91).

Conclusion
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The United States can strengthen the Cuban people through its own security procedures,

but they should not punish the entire population with intermediary services such as a ban. Given

the historical background of the confrontational situation and excessive expansion, the United

States is in a subtle position, so they must understand the power of Cuba and hope that Cuba will

reaffirm its respect for universal labor, universal and political labor standards. Similarly, the

United States can continue to improve its human rights image. For example, the United States

may receive concessions and agree to visit places of detention in the United States to conduct

investigations around the world, including conditions in Guantanamo Bay.

The United States and Cuba, after some time, can appreciate a more favorable reciprocal

relationship, because Cuba fully understands its autonomy as a sovereign state responsible for its

people. However, achievements are not guaranteed. With the inevitable changes in power in two

countries (in the United States in 2017 and in Cuba in 2018), a conscious exchange between

equal sovereign states is definitely not the inevitable result. This will require unanimity and

shared responsibility through negotiations between the two states, which will be held by leaders

who can consolidate progress and maintain structure.

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