See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/222067333

Why Do All Children in Swedish Schools Learn English As a

Foreign Language An Analysis of an Open Question in the
National Evaluation Programme of the Swedish Compul....

Article  in  System · August 1995

DOI: 10.1016/0346-251X(95)98861-M

CITATIONS READS

11 242

1 author:

Joanna Giota
University of Gothenburg
36 PUBLICATIONS   238 CITATIONS   

SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Consequences of individualized teaching practices for students’ motivation to learn and achievement over 50 years – educational reforms
and societal changes View project

THE IMPACTS OF CHANGED LIVING CONDITIONS ON CHILD AND ADOLESCENT MENTAL HEALTH View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Joanna Giota on 12 November 2018.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

 System. Vol. 23. No. 3, pp. 307-324, 1995

~ Pergamon Copyright © 1995 Elsevier Science Ltd.

Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved
0346-251 X,'95 $9.50 + 0.00

WHY DO ALL CHILDREN IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN

ENGLISH AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE?
AN ANALYSIS OF AN OPEN QUESTION IN THE NATIONAL
EVALUATION PROGRAMME OF THE SWEDISH COMPULSORY
COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOL

JOANNA GIOTA

D~artment~EducationandEducationalResearch, Universi~~Gothenbu~,S-43126
MOln~l, Swe~n

The study to be presented here concerns the pupils' views of why all children in Swedish
schools learn English as a foreign language. The pupils' points of view as expressed as
motives for learning English have been categorised. The study is based on a 10%
random sample, consisting of 318 pupils in grade 5 who participated in the evaluation
of English in 1989. In the eight achievement tests given to the pupils, reading
comprehension and vocabulary knowledge, listening comprehension and writing
proficiency were tested. Supplemental information was collected from all participating
pupils (around 3400) by a questionnaire. The pupil questionnaire comprised 31 questions
and tasks. The question which this article is based on was of open type. Three categories
of response to the open question concerning reasons or motives for learning English in
school could be identified, two of which are characterised as qualitatively different from
each other: Integrational and Instrumental Motives. The third group gave in a sense no
motives as to why all children in Sweden learn English in schools: these pupils indicated
that English is taught and learned in schools because a higher authority has so decided
that it must be. The three pupil groups have been analysed in respect of their motivation,
attitude, self-appraisal, use of English outside of school and their knowledge and
skills in the English language. A selection from the results will be presented in the
following.

INTRODUCTION

The behaviourist view that language acquisition among children proceeds via imitation, practice
and positive and negative reinforcement has had a massive influence on foreign language teaching
from the 1950s to the early 1970s. Views of language teaching and learning have in recent
years, however, both nationally and internationally, come more into line with a communicative
-humanistic perspective (Malmberg, 1985). From the communicative point of view, what is
important for children when learning a foreign language is that they are motivated to try to express
themselves linguistically and emotionally in class. By doing that they may come comparatively
to understand how other people think, feel and act. In turn, the humanistic view of language is
built on the understanding that both cognitive and affective elements are simultaneously at play

307
308 JOANNA GIOTA

during language learning (Brown, 1987). Emphasis is placed on the mechanisms which regulate
interaction and relations between individuals and groups in a learning environment. The aim is
to pay due regard in a learning situation to both the pupil's attitudes and reactions to learning
materials and his/her attitudes toward fellow pupils and the teacher.

The communicative-humanistic approach to language shifts the point of emphasis in language

teaching from form to content (Ericsson, 1989). The content of communicative language is
determined by the use. The assumption is that language learning is facilitated best when used in
order to transmit a message in a concrete situation or setting. This demands that the teacher must
pay due respect to individual learners and be aware of the affective factors which influence their
language learning. However, content is concrete only if it has an unambiguous foundation in reality
and is related to the previous knowledge and experiences of the learner. Such content is experienced
as meaningful by the learner, is seen as interesting and stimulates their fantasy and creativity.
Meaningful and interesting content contributes to enhance motivation for learning a foreign
language such as English (Ericsson, op. cit.).

According to Gardner (1985) a specific language motivation exists, the directionality of which
is determined by the learners' specific aims with language learning, their view of language and
their attitudes towards leaming a foreign language. This motivation is what this study aims to provide
a basis of identification for. In summary, the problem definition combines two questions: 1) What
are the motives and aims given by pupils for learning a foreign language? 2) How are these related
to knowledge, skills, attitudes and self-awareness?

KEY CONCEPTS, ASSUMPTIONS, AND RESEARCH CONCERNING LEARNING OF A

FOREIGN LANGUAGE

Motivation and learning

Within behaviourist motivation psychology, motivation is considered to derive from unsatiated
needs and comprises the driving force behind human activity. The unsatiated needs can be of a
physiological kind, as our need to eat, sleep, drink, etc. or may be social in nature, as our need
of love, security and affection, new experiences, praise and responsibility. A motive in this vein
of thought is thus the experience of physical and/or mental imbalance which drives an activity,
a behaviour, in order to satiate the experienced need and redress imbalance (Madsen, 1970).
However, motivation is required for intentional learning to take place, as motivation is fulfilled
at the instant in which behaviour leads to the satiation of an experienced need: such as a reward
in the form of food, praise, money, good grades and so on. Reward is, in the eyes of some
behaviourist motivation psychologists, a component of all learning. This point of view gave rise
to the hypothesis: "Behaviour which has a rewarding effect is reinforced and learned" (Thomdike's
Law of Effect, 1989; Madsen and Egidius, 1974: p. 11). A form of reward is knowledge of
performance, when this enhances the motivation an individual experiences toward an even
greater effort. This understanding has given rise to the following hypothesis: "A successful
effect of a certain reaction leads to the reinforcement of this reaction" (Madsen et aL, op. cit.,
p. 12). Some motivation psychologists feel, therefore, that motivation and reward (or reinforcement
as it is also called) are the necessary enabling conditions for learning events.
 WHY DO ALL CHILDREN IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 309

The behaviourist position has been the subject of extensive criticism. Some of this criticism has
been directed from cognitivist points of departure. According to the cognitivist view it is in the
interests of the learner and his/her positive emotional attitude toward a learning task that are most
fundamental in learning situations. It is the desire to learn (motivation) that determines the
outcome of learning. At the same time, motivation is not an external process presenting
opportunities to the teacher to motivate on a temporary basis, driving pupils to achieve. Motivation
is an inner process activated by the learner him- or herself (Bruner, 1971). According to the
cognitivist Bruner, children are born with learning motives, the most important of these being the
will to learn and attain knowledge for its own sake. As the child examines his/her surroundings
and begins to understand his/her situation through acts and activity, he/she becomes driven by
interest and curiosity; an inner motivation or compulsion. Inner motivation is characterised by a
desire to learn through "the act of discovery", which implies that the pupil examines alternatives
and tests his or her ideas. A form of activity in schools which departs along this trajectory is called
self directed learning or "learner autonomy" (Holec, 1988).

Learning a foreign language

The first language children usually learn is that spoken by their parents, the mother tongue. Children
develop the language of their immediate surroundings automatically in accordance with their
physiological capabilities. The language of the young infant develops as a form of communication
intended to awaken the interest of others in the immediate environment. On the basis of influence
from within his/her environment the child then successively begins to develop a more correct and
goal-directed language (Skutnabb-Kangas, 1981). According to Chomsky (1965) this takes place
via imitation of adult speech and/or through an unintentional linguistic analysis which involves
him/her testing out language through the positing of language hypotheses, rejecting and/or
keeping these, correcting previous ideas and so forth. On this basis the child and involved others
are more concerned about what is being said, the message content of a speech act, than whether
it is formally structured. The mother tongue is thus intimately a part of a social context, and this
context is considered fundamentally important for language acquisition on the part of the infant
(Skutnabb-Kangas, op. cir.). In the acquisition of a foreign language, some form of formal
language teaching is usually involved. A foreign language is, in contrast to other languages, a
language which is not used as a day to day vehicle of communication. Foreign languages are thus
not acquired on an automatic basis.

Information about foreign languages and cultures is transmitted on a day to day basis through TV
and video media. However, researchers contend that the linguistic influence of these media
components, in terms of language learning at least, is relatively small. The indication, they
claim, is that things which are heard many times over need not always lead to linguistically active
responses, particularly where there are no specific feedback demands. Passive listening does not,
in other words, always lead to language acquisition. According to Krashen (1981) it is important
in a learning perspective to distinguish between concept input and concept uptake. Input has to
do with being exposed to a language without a need for direct engagement. Active processing must
be forthcoming in order for input to become uptake, and motivation for such processing usually
comes on the basis of demands either externally or internally formed; one is required to respond
to the input in some way. In other words there is a significant distinction between coming into
contact with a foreign language through the media and being taught that language.
310 JOANNA GIOTA

Motivation and foreign languages

According to Bruner (1971) children have a fundamental desire to develop and learn. They are
naturally curious, eager to learn and enthusiastic, and, therefore, happy when learning anything
new. Children find testing out the unknown enjoyable and accordingly experiment readily with
a new language and sounds. The primary source of motivation behind foreign language learning
should, in line with this, be the use of an entirely new means of communication of sounds, content
and feeling. Foreign language teaching should, in line with Bruner's theory, depart from bringing
the child to a position of insight about foreign languages being a form of communication for millions
of people and not just being something found in school text-books. This position of insight
elevates the child's motivational capacity with respect to the language as a means of communication
even for them (Ericsson, 1989).

Gardner and Lambert (1972) were interested in the motives behind pupil foreign language
learning in school. They found two different kinds of motivation hidden behind their learning,
an instrumental and an integrative motivation. Instrumental motivation coalesced with career
orientation and the co-option of language studies as a means of attainment. Integrative motivation
coincided with pupil general interest in and desire to know and master a new language, and to
undertake its native speakers and their culture. According to Gardner (1985) a specific language
motivation exists and can be expressed as a type of equation: "Motivation = Effort + Desire to
achieve a goal + Attitudes". The component of effort comprises different elements such as the
desire to satisfy (a) parent(s) or a teacher, a desire to get a good grade, good study habits, social
influence, examination influence and external rewards. The component of attitude is described
as;
An evaluative reaction to some referent or attitude object, inferred on the basis of an individual's beliefs or opinions
about the referent... The accumulated evidence in the area of second language acquisition indicates that attitudes
are related to behaviour, though not necessarily directly. (Gardner, op. cit., p. 9).

Attitudes are the point of departure for the middle component of the equation, the desire to achieve
a goal. The particular perspectives associated with this component (instrumental counter
integrational) control the development of motivation and its directionality, and also determine when
it will come into force.

It has been shown that when people are exposed to new problems and/or new learning materials
they make use of different learning strategies or cognitive styles (Brown, 1987). A cognitive style
is a field independent approach to thinking. Pupils who are characterised as field independent in
this way are analytically focused and find it easy to distinguish parts and details from the entity
they are part of. In other words, these pupils would find it easy to identify the components of a
language and their internal relations and abstract principles, and find it easier than their peers to
structure, abstract and generalise from it. Field dependent pupils on the other hand find a holistic
identification easier but have difficulty distinguishing components and relations within an entity.
These pupils work with ease with a language in a concrete situation but have difficulty when it
comes to relating to it as an abstract system. Field dependent pupils are socially extrovert and have
a great capacity for empathy. According to Ericsson (1989) children today are seen to tend
toward field independence, partly because of school influences.

English in Sweden
Modem Sweden is a multi-cultural country and many children growing up in Sweden meet
children with other first languages than Swedish on a day to day basis. In fact children from over
 WHY DO ALL CHILDREN IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 311

140 different language backgrounds are currently represented in Swedish schools (Ericsson, op.
cit.). Foreign languages can also be heard on a daily basis through the mass media, particularly
television; and, as media technology advances so do the demands on Swedish speakers to be able
to understand foreign languages without the aid of sub-titles, at least if they are to assimilate the
"new" media output. The currently dominating media language is American English. Moreover,
the need for communicative competence in foreign languages has also advanced in tune with
increasing geographic mobility amongst Swedish speakers, for instance the increase in foreign
travel and the developing opportunities for overseas commerce and salaried occupation. Sweden
is no longer an isolated Nordic trading partner but a country with a broad network of international
trade and production relations. Finally, English is an international language with a broad
geographic range. Thus, understanding the English language brings great advantages in many
different contexts.

The National Curriculum

This section outlines National Curriculum motivations for the teaching of English in Swedish
schools. The present National Curriculum (Lgr 80) is part of a chain of curriculum guidelines
produced by educationalists and the state to survey the development of teaching content in the
country's compulsory comprehensive schools (Lgr 62, Lgr 69, Lgr 80). The language teaching
directives evident in this chain of guidelines depart from the assumption that human language
abilities comprise four components: reading ability, writing ability, listening comprehension
and speaking competence. The order of presentation of these basic abilities reflects the order of
priority placed on them in the Latin grammar school tradition where grammar-translation methods
were predominant (Ericsson, op. cit.). In conjunction with increasing internalization in Swedish
society, the emphasis in language learning has been shifted from reading and writing skills to oral
communicative ability. The over-riding aims and purposes of English language teaching in
Swedish schools are presented in Lgr 80 as

Through the teaching of English pupils are intended to develop such skills as will enable them:
- - T o understand spoken English
- - T o communicate orally in English
- - T o read and understand different kinds of text
- - T o be able to write communicatively in simple form

Teaching in English will lead to pupils:

--Wanting and daring to use English

--43aining a familiarity with and interest for daily life and production, social conditions and culture in English
speaking countries
--Becoming more aware of the importance of English in international contact between people from different parts
of the globe.

The teaching of English is founded on five fundamental comerstones in the order of priority: hearing-
speaking, reading, writing, use of resources and social and cultural orientation. With respect to
the first priority area of listening and speaking the following recommendations are given:

At first hand pupils ought to learn the kinds of vocabulary they will need in order to express themselves in different
speech contexts. Studies in English grammar should serve the practical purpose of allowing pupils to express
themselves correctly in English. (Lgr 80, pp. 77-78).
3 !2 JOANNA GIOTA

From the formulations contained in Lgr 80 it becomes clear that the teaching of English ought
to depart from aiming to encourage pupils to want to use English, and should set out to counteract
the development of a fear of use. The implications of this are that language teaching should be
so construed as to allow individual pupils the possibility to develop their own way of acquiring
and using the English language. This in its turn implies that teaching materials have to be seen
as meaningful by pupils, meaningful materials being those which are directly relatable to prior
experiences and knowledge ("language content should reflect the age and experiences of pupils"
Lgr 80, p. 76), or which can in some other way prompt engagement and the development of
intrinsic motivation. When learning materials are experienced as meaningful they lead to the
establishment of truly developmental learning (Ericsson, 1990). Developmental learning is
learning of a kind which is founded on the establishment of balance with respect to internal
compulsion (Bergsten, 1978). Lgr 80 thus indirectly invokes an image of language learning
based on invoking each individual pupil's desire to learn. At the same time, pupils are seen as
active and responsible persons capable of "discussing and taking a perspective on things they see
and hear" (Lgr 80, p. 77) and who are fully capable of taking responsibility for their own learning
(learner autonomy: see Holec, 1988).

A further important aspect of teaching knowledge and skills in English which shines through the
formulations of aims and purposes in Lgr 80 can be summarized as the development of
communicative competence. The concept of communicative approach here is seen to align with
Dell Hymes' (1967) vision and implies something far broader than simply expressing oneself
grammatically correctly. Rather, what is intended is a language competence which allows a
person to express themselves adequately, by using "the right language" for any given social situation
(1971). In order for communication to proceed as effectively as possible, even aspects such as
intonation need to work optimally. By intonation Dell Hymes means emotional expression, such
that a communicated message expresses to the recipient the levels of enthusiasm and/or disinterest,
honesty, etc. intended by the mediator,

METHOD

The National Evaluation Program of the Swedish school system

The point of departure in the National Evaluation Program is the present curriculum (Lgr 80) and
the aim of the evaluation is to get a view, as comprehensive as possible, of the school system in
Sweden. Included in the National Evaluation Program is a recurrent assessment of pupils'
knowledge, skills and attitudes. The first round of this assessment was conducted in the spring
of 1989. It comprized assessment of pupils in grade 2 (9 years old) and grade 5 (12 years) in the
compulsory school (for the assessments of students at higher levels in the school system see the
article by Mats Oscarson in this issue of the journal). The data collected in 1989 included all school
subjects (Swedish, Art, Music, Mathematics, English, Natural Sciences and Social and Civic
Studies), except for physical education, taught in the grades mentioned above. The collection was
made in a 3% sample of classes, stratified according to size of schools. The number of pupils in
each sample was around 3400 (197 classes in grade 2 and 164 classes in grade 5). All classes (pupils)
in the samples participated in every part of the assessment (see also Balke, 1991a. In English).
 WHY DO ALL CHILDREN 1N SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 313

Evaluation of English in the compulsory school

The data in the present article derive from the evaluation of English in grade 5. The goals for English
teaching emphasised in the curriculum from 1980 (Lgr 80) are based on the concept of
communicative competence. The pupils are to be trained to handle a functional language for
communication in authentic settings. The spoken language is to dominate the teaching and it is
important to encourage the pupils to use their own English even if mistakes are made. These goals
are quite different from those expressed in the two previous curricula, published in 1961 and in
1968, where teaching should be aimed more at linguistic elements and grammar. In order to get
information about how the goals expressed in the present curriculum are implemented in the
classroom, a questionnaire was given to the teachers (Balke, 199 lb. In English). One purpose of
the teacher questionnaire was to make it possible to relate pupils' knowledge, skills and attitudes
to the type of teaching to which they have been exposed (Balke et al., 1990a; Balke, 1990b. In
Swedish).

Pupil questionnaire
Pupils' skills and knowledge in, and attitudes towards English in school were assessed by 8
standardised tests and a questionnaire. The pupil questionnaire comprised 30 questions and tasks
of closed type (see the sections below. Balke, 1990b) and 1 question of open type. The present
article has been developed around the categorisation of responses to the open question. In
summary, the data to be analysed here are derived from the assessment of English in grade 5 and
consist of results from 318 pupils. The sample is randomly selected from the total number of pupils
with complete data, i.e. results on both the pupil questionnaire and of all the tests (n = 3162).
A selection from the questionnaire results will be presented below. The aim with this is the provision
of an image of the English language situation of the pupils in the article sample.

RESULTS

Summary of questionnaire results

English outside of school/activity--environment (15 questions). The questions in this group
concern how often and in which contexts pupils meet English outside of school. The answers indicate
that few of the pupils have visited an English speaking country (16%). Slightly fewer than 1/6
of them have done so for vacation purposes and their stay has been for less than four weeks. Free-
time English language activities amongst pupils are spread across the range of hearing-speaking
reading and writing. Most frequent however are hearing activities in conjunction with watching
television and listening to music. Less prominent activities are writing letters, reading comics and
books and speaking English with a member of the family or an English speaking person. Nearly
all pupils feel their parents speak good English. 30% indicated the belief that their parents used
English in their work. Most pupils felt their parents were able (89%) to help them with their
homework. The same proportion indicated they obtained such help often or occasionally.

English in school~self-assessment--motivation (11 questions). The questions in this group concern

how often and in which ways pupils meet English in school. Most of the pupils indicated that they
receive English homework once a week, 1/4 of them indicated this to occur in conjunction with
every English lesson. With regard to speaking English during lessons, 60% of the pupils indicate
this to be in short sentence form, 30% felt they spoke quite a lot whilst 10% indicated they spoke
314 JOANNA GIOTA

very little if at all. With regard to their teacher, half of the pupils indicated that the teacher spoke
in English almost all the time during lessons, and 12% said the teacher spoke in English all the
time during lessons. About 80% of the pupils indicated that they felt the teacher saw English as
an important subject, whilst the rest answered "don't know", on this issue. These answers can be
compared to those concerning the question as to whether pupils thought their teacher enjoyed
teaching English, where 60% answered "don't know" to this question.

English outside of school~self-assessment--motivation (5 questions). Four of the questions in this

group ask the pupils to make a self-appraisal, whilst the remaining questions ask the pupils to give
their motives for using and learning English. After some time in English classes almost all pupils
feel they understand and speak English in class well or quite well. Half of the pupils feel that they
could be able also to speak a little English outside of school, but would still feel uncertain in a
group of only English speakers. Almost all the pupils feel that English is important for Swedes
to know. About 80% of them feel they will have use of their knowledge of English in work and
leisure in the future. Speaking English seems in their eyes to be seen as the most important element
of English outside of school contexts, with the ability to understand spoken English coming in
second place, followed by reading and writing abilities.

English in school~self-assessment--motivation (11 questions). The questions in this group concern

the pupils' appraisals of the English they meet in school and their motives for learning the
subject. With respect to prior knowledge about 1/3 of the pupils indicated that they felt they could
only understand a few isolated words and phrases in English before starting English lessons at
school. At present almost 80% however feel they understand most or all of what their teacher says
in English. Almost 80% of the pupils enjoy speaking English during lessons whilst the remainder
indicated uncertainty. About 80% indicate the belief that the teacher feels they are good at
English and almost as many (77%) also feel this themselves. Two thirds of the pupils had felt that
learning English in school would be difficult, yet all of them indicated also the feeling that it would
be fun. At present, 70% of the pupils actually feel English is fun to learn. Finally, the last
question of closed type on the questionnaire: "Where do you feel you have learned most of the
English you know?" was answered by "mainly in school" by 55% of the pupils and "almost totally
in school" by 30% of the pupils. Only 15% of the pupils felt they had learned as much English
outside of school as in school.

Categorizing the open question

The last question on the questionnaire (the only open question) asked the pupils to give their
own reasons for why all pupils in Swedish schools have to learn English. The answers provided
have been grouped into three categories on the basis of their content. They comprize category 1:
"English as an international (or world) language", category 2: "English is of personal value" and
category 3: "English as obligatory content".

English as a world language (Pupil group 1). Two hundred and one pupils indicated that English
is compulsory in Swedish schools because it is a world language. Meanings of the concept of world
language for the pupils are expressed in their comments:

"--English is a world language. This means that everyone can speak to everyone else and understand each other
even though they come from different countries."
"--Because English is spoken in so many different countries we need to speak English in order to communicate."
"--Everyone needs to speak English so they can speak to foreign peoples."
 WHY DO ALL CHILDREN IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 315

"--It is a language used generally in the world. So everybody can speak to each other."
"--All children in different countries learn English at school. So everyone can understand everyone else to some
extent."
"--Because its a world language. And children can make friends everywhere with the help of English."

English as personal value (Pupil group 2). Ninety-four pupils indicated that pupils learn English
in school because it will be useful to them. The meaning of the concept of useful emerges in the
following comments:

"--It is important when you look for a job."

"----Toget a good job. You need English for almost every kind of work."
"--Because you need it to get a job as a doctor."
"--In case you want a profession that has English as its main language."
"--Because when they get older and get a job with an English customer, or a job as a charter holiday courier."
"---Because you need it in an education."
"--It's part of our education and it can be good to have good grades."
"--To get better grades."

English as obligatory content (Pupil group 3). Twenty-three pupils indicated that English is learned
because an authority has so decided that it must be.

"--Because some authority has decided it."

"--So we get one more school subject."
"--Because the rules say that everyone has to."
"--Because they can learn the language. I don't know why just English."
"--Don't know."

Differences between the pupil groups

As can be seen, pupils differ on the basis of the content of their answers to the open question. In
the following section, comparisons are made between the results on other parts of the questionnaire
shown by pupils identified as "belonging" to one or other category.

Expectations andprior knowledge. Pupils seen as belonging to the third category indicate to a
greater extent than other pupils the belief that English would be a difficult subject. Pupils allotted
to group 2 in comparison to group 1, seem to be more inclined to expect that English would be
easy or very easy to learn. All pupils seem equally to expect that learning English would be fun.
If we compare these responses to what the pupils indicate their current feelings to be, it would
seem that the subject has been easier than expected, but also rather less fun than anticipated. The
disappointment at this level seems to be greatest for category 1 pupils. An original 11% indicated
the belief that English would be boring before they began to learn English. This can be contrasted
with the 31% who now indicate that it has been. With respect to prior knowledge, that is, prior
to English lessons starting at school, category 3 pupils indicate more often than pupils from other
groups that they could only understand the odd word or phrase in English, or nothing at all. Pupils
from category 1 indicated to a greater extent than category 2 pupils the feeling that they could
understand and express themselves in simple sentences before starting English lessons at school.
If we compare these answers with those forthcoming after they have studied English for a while,
we can see that about 70% category 1 and 2 pupils indicate that they understand and express
themselves well in English. This is to be contrasted with the 35% of category 3 pupils that make
this indication (the difference is significant, p < 0.0). The conclusions to be made in this section,
316 JOANNA GIOTA

are firstly that all groups have found English both easier and more boring than anticipated and
that with respect to both prior and current knowledge in English, category 3 pupils are less endowed
than their peers.

Pupils'current understanding of English. Half of all pupils indicate that they feel capable of speaking
some English with a group of English speakers, but would nevertheless feel uncertain if placed
in such a context. The proportion of uncertain pupils is higher in category 3 than in the other
categories. At the same time pupils from category 1 seem more self-assured about their ability
to speak English with English speakers. In response to the question: "How much do you understand
when your teacher speaks English in the classroom?", both category 1 and 2 pupils indicate to a
greater degree than category 3 pupils that they understand most of what is said. The proportion
of pupils who indicate that they say very little or nothing during lessons is greater in category 3
than in the other categories (the difference is significant between categories 2 and 3, p < 0.09).
In conclusion we can say that the proportion of pupils who feel comfortable speaking English in
an English speaking group is higher for category 1 and 2 than for 3, whilst the proportion of reluctant
and non-speakers in English lessons is significantly higher amongst category 3 pupils.

Understanding of classroom work and teacher role. With regard to the question: "How well do
pupils know their homework by next lesson time?" pupils belonging to category 2 indicate to a
greater extent than their peers that they usually know this well. With regard to the question: "How
much English does your teacher speak during lessons?", pupils from category 2 indicate to a greater
extent than other pupils that the teacher does this all or most of the time. To the questions
concerning whether the teacher enjoys teaching English and thinks the subject is important, pupils
from categories 1 and 2 responded "yes" in both instances more often than did category 3 pupils,
who tended to respond with a "don't know" answer. We can thus conclude, firstly, that the proportion
of pupils unsure about how well they know their homework is greater in categories 1 and 3 than 2,
secondly that category 2 pupils seem to feel teachers speak more English in lessons than the other
pupils do, and finally that category 3 pupils are more uncertain than others regarding whether or
not the teacher feels English is an important subject and enjoys teaching it.

Self-assessment. The proportion of pupils who indicated that their teacher evaluated them as fairly
poor at English was higher in category 2 than 1. In comparison with the other 2 groups, a
somewhat larger proportion of pupils in category 3 seemed to believe that their teacher evaluated
them as fairly good or very good at English (the difference is significant between category 3 and
2 pupils, p < 0.06). To the question: "How good do you think you are in English?" both category
1 and 2 pupils tended to indicate that they felt they were better than their teacher evaluated them
to be, whilst category 3 pupils tended to rate themselves as lower than the teacher did.

English outside of school. The out of school English language related activities of pupils indicated
that category 1 and 2 pupils seem to be more "involved" with English out of school than category
3 pupils do. On the other hand, the proportion of pupils who hear English on TV, video, Sky Channel
or at the cinema is higher in category 3 than in other categories (significant difference, p < 0.09).
The proportion of pupils who indicated that they indulge in English language activities outside
of school is higher in category 1 than category 2. Thirteen per cent of category 1 pupils indicate
that they speak English to a member of their family regularly as compared to 5% from category
2. Pupils classified as category 2 pupils listen more to song lyrics in English than other pupils.
 WHY DO ALL CHILDREN IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 317

In general, more pupils from categories 1 and 2 than 3 indicate the feeling that it is very important
for Swedes to be competent in English. The proportion indicating a feeling that they will have
use of English in their coming occupations (work) is greatest in group 2. Eighty-five per cent of
all pupils feel they have "spare-time" use of English.

The proportion of pupils who indicate that it is less important to be able to read and write English
is greatest in category 3. Pupils from category 2 indicate spare-time reading as important to a greater
extent than the other pupils. Pupils from category 2 also indicate to a greater extent than others
that being able to write English is important. Pupils from category 1 indicate that it is important
to speak English outside of school during one's spare time. The last batch of questions on the
questionnaire concern the views pupils have concerning their parents' abilities in English, and
the kind of help pupils feel they get from parents with their English homework. In summary, we
can see that pupils from category 3 indicate that there is no-one to help them with English
homework and that thus they get little or no help from parents, to a far greater extent than other
pupils do (the difference is significant between categories 1 and 3, p < 0.07). Regarding whether
or not they think their parents use English at work, the proportion answering no to this question
is greater for category 3 pupils. Pupils from this category also indicate to a greater extent than
other pupils that their parents speak English poorly. In response to question: "Where do you feel
you have learned most of your English?", category 1 and 2 pupils indicate that this has been in
school. Category 3 pupils indicate that they have learned everything in school (significant
difference, p < 0.0).

The pupils' test results. The construction of the achievement tests given to all pupils participating
in the evaluation of English (n = 3400) is based on the goals in the present curriculum (Lgr 80).
Four of the eight tests are tests of reading comprehension and vocabulary. The tests comprize a
matching task, a crossword, two word choice tests and a multiple choice test, which set out to test
pupils on their ability to understand written English, either by providing an individual word to
fit a sentence or through individual word recognition. Two tests were used to test listening
comprehension, whilst one test was concerned with testing creative writing on the basis of the
assessed comprehensibility of a written letter produced by the pupils. A test of speaking proficiency
could only be tested in a subsample (for more detailed presentation of the tests see B alke, 1991 a,
199 l b, in English). However, on the last step the focus of the present study has been on differences
in performance on the eight achievement tests, mentioned above, by pupils grouped according
to the 3 categories of response to the open question. In summary, the results of the data analysis
show that pupils who have been grouped as giving category 3 responses receive consistently lower
scores on all tests than do other pupils.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The aim of this article was to present the differences in attitude a number of pupils had shown to
English, and to discuss these in relation to their learning and performance in the English language.
On the basis of an analysis of responses to an open question concerning the reasons why English
is learned by all pupils in Swedish schools, two clearly different types of answer could be
discerned. Even indicators for what kind of content might be important for these different pupils
could be identified.
318 JOANNA GIOTA

The communicatively en-motivated pupil group 1

The first way of answering indicated motivations toward learning English of a practical-functional
character. The pupils indicated that they were driven by a desire to communicate in the language.
The characteristics of this group are thus formed by their insight into the importance of the English
language as a means of communication and a desire to use English to these ends. From the answers
given to the question we can also conclude that the communicative desires expressed by the pupils
extend beyond their immediate environment and indicate some tendencies towards a kind of
universalism. With universalism in this context is meant that the pupils pay due respect to the totality
of the language situation rather than just to their own immediate benefits from knowing the language.

Communicative goals cannot be fulfilled unless the pupils are given the possibility to use the
knowledge and skills they have acquired (particularly oral) in "life-like" situations, such as:
"speaking English with a Russian who can speak English so that we can understand each other".
In a situation of this kind a communicatively oriented pupil is driven by a communicative desire
to make him- or herself understood in such a way that a message, a message content, thoughts
or opinions can be passed on to another person or group. In order for this to be accomplished an
adequate vocabulary is needed: i.e. a vocabulary sufficiently large and specific for the culturally
significant setting (Hymes, 1971) of the communicative situation. This means that the pupil, as
well as being able to express him- or herself grammatically correctly must also understand what
Hymes (op. cit.) has called the social dimensions of the language. That is, the values, feelings and
nuances behind the words expressed and a familiarity with their significances for different social
groups. Communicative goals can thus not be assumed to be fulfilled until pupils have developed
an adequate communicative competence (op. cit.) not dissimilar to that used in the mother tongue
language. However, it would seem reasonable for pupils with communicative aims to value
language content higher than language structure. From this point of view, being able to communicate
a message could be more meaningful and interesting for these pupils than expressing the message
correctly in a formal sense. But, this is not the same thing as saying that language structure should
be ignored, but rather that an understanding for language content (functions) and the grammatical
structures which convey this (notions) should be acquired in combination with each other and should
not be dealt with as separate language entities (the functional-notional approach: see Malmberg,
1985).

The desire to learn English in order to make contact with other speakers of it is a concrete aim
which can be fulfilled in the here and now. This may indicate that the pupils who have this kind
of directionality learn the language by setting linguistic messages in a concrete context, implicating,
in turn, that pupils with concrete aims are likely to be more context dependent as learners
(Brown, 1987). In summary, language teaching which does not set out to communicate a concrete
language content, in this case of communicative character, would in most probability dis-favour
this kind of pupil.

The instrumentally en-motivated pupil group 2

The second way of answering the open question demonstrated tendencies of formalism. The pupils
indicated a desire to learn English toward some kind of instrumentalist and future oriented end,
not unusually in relation to occupational/professional/continuing educational goals. Moreover, pupils
in group 2 seem to have answered the question with a point of departure in an image of an ideal
future: "we will need English in the future" or "it will be useful to know in our life after school".
 WHY DO ALL CHILDREN IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 319

However, an idealistic image of the future has two main functions, the creation of threat and
possibility. The creation of threat has a disciplining function which pushes a pupil to work hard
towards a set of established goals. A positive possibility enhances the pupil's motivation at the
same time, as the future is seen to embrace a number of sorts of possible reward such as "good
grades" or "a good job". Moreover, pupils responding in the "English as personal value" way seem
to be characterisable as career oriented. At first hand, they seem set on using language studies as
a means to reach a "respected" position in the labour market: "Because you need it to get a job
as a doctor" or "You need English in all the good jobs." Some of them were focused on using
the skills and knowledge they developed in English in order to obtain good grades to be used for
gaining access to further education: "You need English in the other schools after this". The
pupils' responses in this category can also be seen as somewhat ego-centric: "I think that it is
important to study English because I really want to go to England on a language trip" and "I think
that it is important to study English to be able to use it as an adult".

An aim which develops around the intention of obtaining a respected position in the labour market,
or a place on a programme of higher education on the basis of a collection of good grades, is deemed
instrumentalist (Gardner, 1985). In this sense, it seems that the pupils responding to the open question
"in category 2" ways may have an instrumental outlook on language. One characteristic of such
a point of view is that it often leads to surface knowledge in language learning, as the adopted
approach to study is often somewhat mechanical, that is, lacks a solid foundation of content in
the lived previous language experience of the learner, and is not therefore always meaningful.
Moreover, pupils who are at first hand focused on acquiring basic theoretical knowledge in a
particular language to be used in an instrumental way may be more context independent as
learners. Pupils with a tendency toward context independence generally seem to find the transfer
of knowledge across contexts easier (Brown, 1987), for instance in transferring knowledge
gleaned from out of school use of English to school learning contexts and vice-versa. In summary,
language teaching of the kind which places priority on language form rather than content would
also likely favour context independent and analytical pupils who are capable of building correct
use of language around systematically learning rules of grammar.

Summary
At this point I would like to emphasise however, that although the denoted categories of pupil
are motivated differently towards their studies, and have in a sense a different study focus, it is
having some kind of focus that is primarily important. Being focused emphasises the search for
some kind of meaning in and through study, as it helps the learner to activate interests and the
desire to work in order to fulfil immediate and distant aims. Pupils who indicated a communicative
tendency toward their language learning, a desire to learn the language in order to be able to
communicate with other speakers of it and understand their culture, are driven according to Gardner
and Lambert (1972) by an integrative motivation. Behind more instrumental aims is found, on
the other hand, instrumental motivation as defined by Gardner's (1985) motivation equation. The
differences between these two kinds of motivation lie within their respective locations. The
location of integrative motivation is "within" the pupil him- or herself. This contrasts with the
forces behind instrumental motivation which are, derivatively at least, essentially external to the
self. However, external motivational forces can be played upon and developed or controlled by
a teacher in a direct way. For example, teachers can give praise to pupils, or reprimand them, and
in this way play upon their desire to be seen as better than their peers. Indeed, the power of teacher
320 JOANNA GIOTA

over pupil is strong in this sense, as he or she can use external stimuli such as threats of good or
bad grades and the future promise of accordingly good or bad jobs, high and low pay etc., to get
them to invest in their studies. Pupils who are instrumentally focused may thus to a greater extent
than other pupils tend toward learning things which have meaning for others than themselves,
particularly the teacher and their parents.

The un-motivated pupil group 3

A third classification of pupil responses to the open question, concerning why all pupils learn English
in school, indicates that English is learned because an authority has so decided that it must be.
As mentioned before, if a learner understands the meaning behind what is to be learned and how
the skills and knowledge he or she has acquired can be of use "here-and-now" or in the future,
then he or she will also be more motivated in trying to learn more of this. Pupils responding to
the open question with an answer bringing into focus something "outside" themselves, in this case
an authority, have been regarded as of having no insight into the possible advantages of knowing
the language, and thus as un-motivated to learn English. This conclusion is based on answers such
as "We learn English because some authority has decided that we have to, s o . . . " or "I don't know
why we learn just English" or "So we can have one more subject on the schedule!" Moreover,
pupils identified as responding "in category 3" ways demonstrate a negative predisposition
toward learning English in school, a subject which they do not see as meaningful/useful. From
this point of view, pupil group 3 may experience the subject as "constraint". From another point
of view, this negative attitude towards learning English, might also be traced to their understanding
of their performance in English in school. This group have performed consistently less well than
other pupils on the 8 achievement tests and could therefore be termed a "weak pupil group" (Hansen,
1990). The "weak pupils" are defined by Balke (1990b) as:

Pupils whose performance in all three component areas of reading comprehension/vocabulary, auditory
comprehension and creative writing lie in the lower quartile and are thereafter consistently weak performers. . . .
In terms of knowledge this definition implies that by the end of fifth grade these pupils have not achieved what
an average pupil would be expected to have achieved in English by the end of fourth grade" (Balke, op. cit.)

According to Skehan (1989) pupils who perform well experience personal success and this
motivates them to learn more. Pupils who perform less well lose their motivation to learn and their
desire to work. At this point I would like to emphasise however, that although the pupil group 3
are "weak" in terms of knowledge, their performance is not so low, in relation to pupils' classified
as group 1 and 2 respondents to the open question. Therefore, pupils classified as responding in
category 3 terms, do not necessarily distinguish themselves because of their lower than average
performance on the tests, but of their negative attitudes towards learning English, by giving no
personal motives for learning English and their use of English out of school.

English in school
Pupils classified as category 1 respondents have shown a tendency to be better prepared for the
school subject than other pupils. Group 3 pupils seem to be the antithesis of this. Whilst other groups,
after a short time of school studies in English, indicate that they feel they understand and
communicate quite well in the language, group 3 pupils feel they are less capable than their peers
in these respects and indicate to a greater extent than their peers an uncertainty about their
abilities to function in an English speaking context. The tendency toward a difference in pre-
knowledge seems after a short time with the subject in school to develop into a genuine difference
 WHY DO ALL CHILDRENIN SWEDISHSCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 321

between group 3 and the other two groups. Group 3 pupils, after 2 years of school English, performed
less well in tests of comprehension and communication than other pupils and their self-assessment
was low. Low self-assessment may be a source of limited motivation and greater uncertainty with
respect to using and learning English according to Brown (1987), who has shown self-confidence
and a positive view of one's own capabilities as central factors in the learning of a foreign
language. Category 3 pupils indicate that they feel they understand less of what is said to them
in English by their teacher than other pupils do. Greatest self-confidence in using English in life-
like settings seems to be felt by category 1 pupils. This can be interpreted to imply that this group
of communicatively focused pupils feel they are as able to assimilate English language teaching
in school as instrumentally focused group 2 pupils are. Communicatively focused pupils seem
to enjoy lessons less however. InstrumentaUy focused pupils indicate that homework is given more
often and that the teacher speaks in English all the time during lessons. This group of pupils also
indicate that they feel they know their homework well.

Hansen (1990) indicated in her study that the more the teacher spoke English during lessons the
greater were the positive effects for "good" pupils. For the less able pupils on the other hand the
effects of more English from the teacher side were negative. Less able pupils felt enhanced insecurity
and uncertainty when English only was spoken by teachers during lessons (Hansen, op. cit.). In
this study, where teachers seem to talk a lot during lessons pupils classified as category 1 and 2
respondents indicate they still have time to speak in the remaining classroom time. These pupils
seem to have a positive appreciation of their own abilities. Pupils classified as category 3
respondents indicated however that when a large part of lesson talk was teacher dominated they
didn't understand so well what their teacher said in English and had little or no time to speak
themselves. We could therefore conclude that if the teacher spoke both less and less in English
during lessons this would favour the pupils who otherwise perform less well. Hansen (op. cit.)
indicates that "the teacher ought to speak less English during lessons with weaker p u p i l s . . , as
a means of accommodation to their needs" (p. 53).

The above tentative conclusions are also supportable by the evidence which shows that pupils giving
category 1 and 2 responses generally felt they were better in English than their teachers' indicated
them to be, whilst the other pupils (group 3) felt the reverse to be the case: they felt that they were
weaker than their teachers indicated them to be. These signs may be corresponding with the
opportunities pupils feel are open to them in lessons. Group 1 and 2 pupils gain the opportunities
they need and are capable of exploiting in order to speak and express themselves in English during
English lessons. Krashen (1981) feels that in order to be able to "make good" language content
pupils must first understand its central implications, find it meaningful and then acquire the language
structures which would allow them to communicate it. In order to obtain a linguistic meaning a
recipient must have a necessary level of language competence:

A necessary condition for language acquisition to occur is that the acquirer understands (via hearing or reading)
input language that contains structure a bit beyond his or her current level of competence. In terms of the natural
order, if an acquirer is at stage or level i, the input he or she understands should contain i+l (Krashen, op. cit.).

One could here conclude that the content of language communicated by a teacher in the classroom
is aimed at first hand at "the most able" pupils whilst the less able are not able to make good this
input (Hansen, op. cit.). As the pupils who have responded with category 1 and 2 answers are
generally also shown to be better performers in English than those responding with category 3
322 JOANNA GIOTA

answers, this line of reasoning can be applied to this current study, i.e. that the lines of
communication between teachers and group 3 pupils are poor. This idea would also be supplemented
by findings from the questionnaire which showed that group 3 pupils were very uncertain with
respect to their judgements of whether or not their teacher enjoyed teaching English and/or felt
the subject to be an important one.

English outside of school

The levels of activity of pupils during lessons in English at school can be compared to those
demonstrated in out of school activities. Pupils from group 1 indicated the highest levels of out
of school activity in or with English. These pupils indicate firstly that they often speak English
with a member of their family, secondly that they play TV- and computer-games in English and
thirdly engage in role-play in English, to a greater extent than do other pupil groups. The above
gives some support to the previously developed idea that group 1 pupils are context dependent,
i.e. social exocentrics who have a strong capability for empathy, are creative, have imagination
and are personally secure. However, as they are also less satisfied by English lessons than their
peers, we could see the two attitudes implying that these pupils obtain inadequate stimulus in English
in school. In other words, although group 1 pupils assimilate English language teaching, it still
seems so that this teaching fails to fully stimulate their inner motivation such that they are forced
to compensate this during out of school activities. The pupils grouped as category 3 respondents
had the lowest out of school activity rating, even though they seem to hear English on TV more
often than their peers. As a large proportion of these pupils also perform less well in English than
other pupils, there is room to consider the possibility that they understand much less of the English
they hear than do other pupils. In other words, although this group hears a lot of English it could
well be that this is most often in a passive context. Hansen (op. cit.) indicates the plausibility of
this interpretation. She shows that even though weaker performers may listen to a lot of English
on TV etc., this is not to be classified as an English language activity as such, as it seems they
concentrate on the electronic images of the TV monitor and not the language content of the
accompanying dialogue. Listening to English is a school activity according to her weaker pupils.
For this group English seems to be dichotomised into a school English and a non-school English
in terms of their occurrences. That English is itself an entity which can be transferred, used and
developed in both in and out of school contexts does not seem to be self-evident for this category
of pupil. Hansen's indications seem applicable even to the findings reported in this study
regarding group 3 pupils. That pupils classified as responding in category 3 ways make clearer
distinctions between school and non-school English than their peers is apparent in responses to
the question: "Where do you feel you have learned most of your English?". These responses point
to the possibility that group 1 and 2 pupils may tend to see English as an entity to a greater extent
than those of group 3, in that they more often point to the uses one has for English in both contexts.
This being the case, group 1 and 2 pupils are likely to transfer knowledge across contexts more
readily than group 3 pupils. However, all pupils have indicated a belief that English will be of
use to them as adults, either in leisure contexts, occupational contexts or both. Pupils classed as
category 2 respondents emphasised more readily than other pupils the occupational relation. These
outcomes support earlier hypotheses regarding the directionality of motivation and can be seen
as validating the responses to the open question.

Being able to understand and speak English out of school is seen as less important by pupils
classified as category 3 respondents. Some of these pupils see being able to read English out of
 WHY DO ALL CHILDREN IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS LEARN ENGLISH? 323

school as more important. We have earlier noted that these pupils may engage in a lot of passive
free-time listening to English and that this is not viewed by them as an English language activity.
This would seem to fit in well with their answers concerning the level of importance of
understanding spoken English in outside school contexts. Pupils classified as category 2
respondents were the pupils who tended to emphasise the need to understand and write English
in out of school contexts whilst pupils categorized as category 1 respondents emphasised the need
to speak. Even these findings seem to fit well with earlier ones concerning motivation. This again
should corroborate those findings and the categorization of responses. It should finally be pointed
out that the communicative-functional language perspective, which has been attributed to pupils
assigned to group 1 is that which best befits the view of language advanced in the current
National Curriculum, whilst that advanced as appropriate for group 2 pupils is more in line with
previous curriculum points of departure on language teaching. Pupils assigned to group 3 showed
no real views of curriculum relevance in these senses and also comprised pupils who showed
tendencies toward performing less well on standard tests in the subject. These pupils also showed
little spontaneity toward using English. However, it must be pointed out that the number of pupils
placed in this category was small, and that thus its comparability to the other categories generated
from the study should not be over-stressed.

A further development of this report could be centred on a similarly focused investigation of a

larger pupil group, where statistical survey methods could also be combined with other data
production strategies.

However, a new data collection will be made in connection with a particular investigation among
pupils in grade 6, involved in a longitudinal study, to be described below, in March 1995. In this
study, a questionnaire is given to the pupils, containing questions of closed type about their attitudes
to school, their spare time interests and plans for further education and work. The last question
on the questionnaire asks the pupils to give their own reasons for: "Why do all children in
Sweden have to go to school?". The question will be analysed in a similar way as the question
presented in this article. However, in order to make it possible to relate the pupils' knowledge
(assessed by 3 standardized achievement tests: Swedish, Mathematics and English), skills
(assessed by intelligence tests: verbal, spatial and reasoning) and attitudes to school to, among
other things, the type of teaching to which they have been exposed a questionnaire is given to their
teachers. Finally, a third questionnaire is given to the parents of the pupils.

EVALUATION THROUGH FOLLOW-UP: A LONGITUDINAL SWEDISH PROJECT

This project originates from two big Swedish longitudinal projects called The Individual Statistics
Project (ISP) and Evaluation Through Follow-up (UGU). ISP started in 1961 and UGU in the late
1970s. In close co-operation with Statistics Sweden the projects have collected data from six
nationally representative cohorts: 1961 (12,000 pupils in grade 6), 1966 (10,500 pupils in grade
6), 1980 (9000 pupils in grade 6), 1982 (9000 pupils in grade 3, followed-up in grade 6), 1987
(4500 pupils in grade 3, followed-up in grade 6) and 1992 (10,000 pupils in grade 3, followed
up in grade 6 in March 1995). The general aim of the project is a continuous evaluation of the
Swedish school system. More specifically the main purposes are:

1. To make possible follow-up studies of large and nationally representative samples of pupils
 324 JOANNA GIOTA

and to ascertain in what way geographic, social and psychological factors affect the choice of
education and occupation and to discover what changes the Swedish education reforms have caused
in these respects.

2. To provide a basis for studies concerning the importance of various environmental factors for
change in intelligence, both within a cohort of pupils tested at different ages and between
different cohorts tested at the same age-level.

3. To supply data for investigations concerning the relations between different types of demographic
or psychological factors and educational achievement.

REFERENCES

BALKE, G., HELLEKANT, J. and NIHLI~N, C. (1990a) Utv~irdering av engelska i &rskurs 5. Bakgrund till och
konstruktion av materialet i engelska inom den nationella utvarderingen av grundskolan. G6tesborg: Publikationer fr~n
institutionen f6r pedagogik, G6teborgs universitet.
BALKE, G. (1990b) Engelska i &rskurs 5. Resultatfrdn insamlingen inom den nationella utviirderingen av grundskolan.
Gotesborg: Publikationer fr~n institutionen fOr pedagogik, G6teborgs universitet.
BALKE, G. (1991 a) Multilevel Factor Analysis for Proficiency in English as a Foreign Language. Paper presented at
the symposium "Multilevel Factor Analysis: Applications to Education" at the annual meeting of the American Educational
Research Association, Chicago, April 3-7, 1991.
BALKE, G. (1991b) Evaluation of the Teaching of English in the Compulsory School in Sweden. Paper presented at the
fourth European Conference for Research on Learning and Instruction, Turku, August 24-28, 1991.
BERGSTEN, B. (1978) Vilja liira i skolan: om)~rutsiittningarJ~r ett meningsfullt skolarbete. Stockholm: W. & W-serien.
BROWN, H. D. (1987) Principles of Language Learning and Teaching, 2nd edn. New Jersey: Prentice Hall.
BRUNER, J. (1971) Pd viig mot en undervisningsteori. Lund: Esselte studium.
CHOMSKY, N. (1965)Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press.
ERICSSON, R. (1989) Undervisa i sprdk, Sprdkdidaktik och spr&kmetodik. Lund: Studentlitteratur.
GARDNER, R. C. and LAMBERT, W. E. (1959) Motivational variables in second language acquisition. Canadian Journal
of Psychology 13, 266-272.
GARDNER, R. C. and LAMBERT, W. E. (1972) Attitudes and motivation in second language learning. Rowley, Mass.:
Newbury House Publishers.
GARDNER, R. C. (1985) Social psychology and second language learning. The role of attitudes and motivation.
London: Edward Arnold.
HANSEN, M. (1990) Svaga elever i engelska. Delrapport inom den nationella utviirderingen av grundskolan,
&rskurs 5. G6tesborg: Publikationer frhn institutionen fi3rpedagogik, GSteborgs universitet.
HOLEC, H. (1988) Autonomy and Self-directed Learning. Strassburg: Council of Cultural Co-operation, Council of Europe.
HYMES, D. (1967) Models of the interaction of language and social settings. Journal of Social Issues 23 (2), 8-28.
HYMES, D. (1971 ) On Communicative Competence. Philadelphia Press: University of Pennsylvania.
KRASHEN, S. ( 1981) Second Language Acquisition and Second Language Learning. Oxford: Pergamon Press.
MADSEN, K. B. (1970) Motivation. Drivkraften bakom v~ra handlingar. Stockholm: W. & W-serien.
MADSEN, K. B. and EGIDIUS, H. (1974) Inliirning och motivation. Lund: Esselte studium.
MALMBERG, P. (1985) Engelska. Stockholm: Liber.
SI~.EHAN, P. (1989) Individual differences in second-language learning. Great Britain: Athenaeum Press Ltd.
SKLrI'NABB-KANGAS, T. (1981) Tvt~sprdkighet. Lund: LiberL~omedel.

View publication stats